Presented to the
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
LIBRARY
by the
ONTARIO LEGISLATIVE
LIBRARY
1980
THE
71433
ATLANTIC MONTHLY
A MAGAZINE OF
Literature, Science, &rt5 ant)
VOLUME CXI
BOSTON AND NEW YOEK
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY COMPANY
Ulitoet^itie $rc£g, CamBtitige
1913
COPYRIGHT, 1912 and 1913,
BY THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY COMPANY.
AP
2
v-Hl
Printed at The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Matt., U. S. A.
CONTENTS
INDEX BY TITLES
Prose
Adrianople, A Correspondent at, Cyril
Campbell 846
Alice and Education, F. B. R. Hellems . . 256
America, The Religion of, William Canon
Barry 469
American Control of the Phillipines, Ber-
nard Moses 585
American Religion, Reasonable Hopes of,
George A. Gordon 824
American Wage-Earner Again, The, . . 286
Amulet, The, Mary Antin 31
Answering of Abiel Kingsbury's Prayers,
The, Virginia Baker 837
Atonement, Josiah Royce 406
Balkan Crisis, The, Roland G. Usher ... 128
Before the Canal is Opened, Arthur Ruhl . 10
Benjamin, Judah P., Gamaliel Bradford, Jr. 795
Book-Publishing and its Present Tenden-
cies, George P. Brett 454
Both Sides of the Servant Question, Annie
Winsor Allen 496
Brains and Buying, Elizabeth C. Billings . 768
Breath of Life, The, John Burroughs , . 546
Capitalistic Government, The Collapse of,
Brooks Adams 433
Censured Saints, The, [Reviews], George
Hodges 506
Chinese Republic, A Plea for the Recogni-
tion of the, Ching Chun Wang ... 42
Christian Unity, Franklin Spencer Spalding 640
Collapse of Capitalistic Government, The,
Brooks Adams 433
Confederate Portraits, Gamaliel Bradford,
Jr.
J. E. B. Stuart . 98
Judah P. Benjamin 795
Confessions of One Behind the Times, The,
An Old Timer 353
Constantinople hi War-Time, H. G. Dwght 443
Correspondent at Adrianople, A, Cyril
Campbell 846
Cost of Modern Sentiment, The, Agnes
Repplier 610
Courts and Legislative Freedom, The,
George W. Alger 345
Dangers of War in Europe, The, Guglielmo
Ferrero 1
De Senectute, Henry Dwight Sedgioick . . 163
Defense of Purism in Speech, A, Leila
Sprague Learned 682
Dickinson, Emily, The Poetry of, Martha
Hale Shackford 93
Down-and-Out, Letters of a . . . . 190, 368
Emotion and Etymology, Yoshio Markino 479
Entertaining the Candidate, Katharine
Baker 277
Epic of the Indian, The, Charles M. Harvey 1 18
Evening at Madame Rachel's, An, Alfred
De Mussel 76
Farmer and Finance, The, Myron T. Her-
rick 170
Guam, The Magic of, Marjorie L. Sewell . 649
Idyllic, Robert M.Gay 566
Indian, The Epic of the, Charles M. Har-
vey ... , 118
Industrial Peace or War, Everett P. Wheeler 532
Insects and Greek Poetry, Lafcadio Hearn . 618
Labor Unions, The Negro and the, Booker
T. Washington 756
Lawyer and Physician: A Contrast, G. M.
Stratton 46
Legislative Freedom, The Courts and,
George W. Alger 345
Lessons of the Wilderness, John Muir . . 81
IV
CONTENTS
Letters of a Down-and-Out . . . 190, 368
Life of Irony, The, Randolph S. Bourne . . 357
Machine-Trainers, The, Gerald Stanley Lee 198
Magic of Guam, The, Marjorie L. Sewell . 649
Magic Shadow-Shapes, Robert M. Gay . . 419
Massey Money, The, Cornelia A. P. Comer 320
Money Trust, The, Alexander D. Noyes . 653
Monroe Doctrine, The : an Obsolete Shib-
boleth, Hiram Bingham 721
Mother City, The, Zephine Humphrey . . 789
Nationalism in Music, Redfern Mason . . 394
Need, The, Zona Gale 744
Negro and the Labor Unions, The, Booker
T. Washington 756
Newest Poets, Two of the,' Robert Shafer . 489
Out of the Wilderness, John Muir ... 266
Passing of a Dynasty, The, Francis E.
Leupp ,t .... 296
Philippines, American Control of the, Ber-
nard Moses 583
Philippines by way of India, The, H.
Fielding-Hall 577
Plea for the Recognition of the Chinese
Republic, A, Ching Chun Wang ... 42
Poetry of Emily Dickinson, The, Martha
Hale Shackford 93
Precision's English, Ellwood Hendrick . . 686
President, The, E. S 289
Public Utilities and Public Policy, Theodore
N.Vail 307
Purism in Speech, A Defense of, Leila
Sprague Learned 682
Real Socialism, Henry Kitchell Webster . . 634
Real Yellow Peril, The, J. 0. P. Bland . . 734
Reasonable Hopes of American Religion,
George A. Gordon 824
Recent Reflections of a Novel-Reader . . 688
Religion of America, The, William Canon
Barry 469
Renton's Mother, Laura Spencer Portor . 596
Science and Mysticism, Havelock Ellis . . 771
Second Death, The, Josiah Royce ... 242
Sense of Smell, The, Ellwood Hendrick . . 332
Servant Question, Both Sides of the, Annie
Winsor Allen 496
Social Order in an American Town, The
Randolph S. Bourne 227
Speech, A Defense of Purism in, Leila
Sprague Learned 682
Stuart, J. E. B., Gamaliel Bradford, Jr. . . 98
Studies in Solitude, Fannie Stearns Davis . 806
Sunrise Prayer-Meeting, The, Rebecca
Frazar 140
Syndicalism and its Philosophy, Ernest
Dimnet 17
Tele-Victorian Age, The, John H. Finley . 539
Three- Arch Rocks Reservation, Dallas Lore
Sharp 338
Turkish Pictures, H. G. Dwight .... 624
Two of the Newest Poets, Robert Shafer . 489
United States versus Pringle, The, Cyrus
Guernsey Pringle 145
Van Cleve and his Friends, Mary S. Watts
53, 208, 378, 516, 668, 812
Vicarious, Edith Ronald Mirrielees . . . 237
Way of Life, The, Lucy Huffaker .... 110
Well-Regulated Family. A, C. F. Tucker
Brooke 556
What Industries are Worth Having? F. W.
Taussig 701
What Shall We Say? David Starr Jordan . 137
When Hannah var Eight Yar Old, Kath-
erine Peabody Girling 786
Why it was W-on-the-Eyes, Margaret
Prescott Montague 462
Wished-for Child, The, Laura Spencer
Portor 178
Yellow Peril, The Real, J. 0. P. Bland . . 734
Zion Church, Elsie Singmaster .... 401
Poetry
Cage, The, Arturo M. Giovannitti . . . 751
Faith, Fannie Stearns Davis 400
In Memoriam, Leo: a Yellow Cat, Margaret
Sherwood 226
Late Return, The, Katharine F. Gerould . 487
O Sleep, Grace Fallow Norton .... 45
Old Man to an Old Madeira, An, S. Weir
Mitchell , .426
'Rest is Silence, The,' Mabel Earle ... 255
Silver River, The, Grace Fallow Nor-
ton 617
Souls, Fannie Stearns Davis 117
To a Motor, Louise Imogen Guiney . . . 531
To an Orchid, Grace Hazard Conkling . . ^337
To the Watcher, Rabindranath Tagore . . 681
Willy Pitcher, George Sterling 811
CONTENTS
INDEX BY AUTHORS
Anonymous
Letters of a Down-and-Out . . . 190, 368
The Confessions of One Behind the Times 353
Recent Reflections of a Novel-Reader . 688
Adams, Brooks, The Collapse of Capitalis-
tic Government 433
Alger, George W., The Courts and Legisla-
tive Freedom 345
Allen, Annie Winsor, Both Sides of the
Servant Question 496
Antin, Mary, The Amulet 31
Baker, Katharine, Entertaining the Candi-
date 277
Baker, Virginia, The Answering of Abiel
Kingsbury's Prayers 837
Barry, William, Canon, The Religion of
America 468
Billings, Elizabeth C., Brains and Buying . 768
Bingham, Hiram, The Monroe Doctrine:
An Obsolete Shibboleth 721
Bland, J.O. P., The Real Yellow Peril . . 734
Bourne, Randolph S.
The Social Order in an American Town . 227
The Life of Irony 357
Bradford, Gamaliel, Jr.
Confederate Portraits;
J. E. B. Stuart 98
Judah P. Benjamin 795
Brett, George P., Book-Publishing and its
Present Tendencies 454
Brooke, C. F. Tucker, A Well-Regulated
Family 556
Burroughs, John, The Breath of Life . . 546
Campbell, Cyril, A Correspondent at Adri-
anople 846
Comer, Cornelia A. P., The Massey Money 320
Conkling, Grace Hazard, To an Orchid . ". 337
Davis, Fannie Stearns
Souls 117
Faith 400
Studies in Solitude 806
De Musset, Alfred, An Evening at Madame
Rachel's 76
Dimnet, Ernest, Syndicalism and its Philo-
sophy 17
Dwight, II. G.
Constantinople in War-Time .... 443
Turkish Pictures . 624
E. S., The President 289
Earle, Mabel, 'The Rest is Silence ' ... 255
Ellis, Havelock, Science and Mysticism . . 771
Ferrero, Guglielmo, The Dangers of War in
Europe 1
Fielding-Hall, H., The Philippines by way
of India 577
Finley, John H., The Tele-\7ictorian Age . 539
Frazar, Rebecca, The Sunrise Prayer-
Meeting 140
Gale, Zona, The Need 744
Gay, Robert M.
Magic Shadow- Shapes 419
Idyllic 566
Gerould, Katharine Fullerton, The Late
Return 487
Giovannitti, Arturo M., The Cage ... 751
Girling, Katherine Peabody, When Hannah
var Eight Yar Old 786
Gordon, George A., Reasonable Hopes of
American Religion 824
Guiney, Louise Imogen, To a Motor . . . 531
Hall, H. Fielding, See Fielding-Hall, H.
Harvey, Charles M., The Epic of the Indian 118
Hearn, Lafcadio, Insects and Greek Poetry 618
Hellems, F. B. R., Alice and Education . . 256
Hendrick, Ellwood
The Sense of Smell 332
Precision's English 686
Herrick, Myron T., The Farmer and
Finance 170
Hodges, George, The Censured Saints,
[Reviews] 506
Huffaker, Lucy, The Way of Life .... 110
Humphrey, Zephine, The Mother City . . 789
Jordan, David Starr, What Shall We Say? . 1 37
Learned, Leila Sprague, A Defense of
Purism in Speech 682
Lee, Gerald Stanley, The Machine-Trainers 198
Leupp, Francis E., The Passing of a
Dynasty 296
Markino, Yoshio, Emotion and Etymology 479
Mason, Redfern, Nationalism in Music . . 394
Mirrielees, Edith Ronald, Vicarious ... 237
Mitchell, S. Weir, An Old Man to an Old
Madeira 426
Montague, Margaret Prescott, Why it was
W-on-the-Eyes 462
Moses, Bernard, American Control of the
Philippines 585
Muir, John.
Lessons of the Wilderness 81
Out of the Wilderness 266
Norton, Grace Fallow
O Sleep 45
The Silver River 617
Noyes, Alexander D., The Money Trust . 653
VI
CONTENTS
Old Timer, An, The Confessions of One
Behind the Times 353
Portor, Laura Spencer
The Wished-for Child 178
Renton's Mother 596
Pringle, Cyrus Guernsey, The United States
versus Pringle 145
Repplier, Agnes, The Cost of Modern Senti-
ment 610
Royce, Josiah
The Second Death 242
Atonement 406
Ruhl, Arthur, Before the Canal is Opened . 10
Sedgwick, Henry Duright, De Senectute . . 163
Sewell, Marjorie L., The Magic of Guam . 649
Shackford, Martha Hale, The Poetry of
Emily Dickinson 93
Shafer, Robert, Two of the Newest Poets 489
Sharp, Dallas Lore, Three-Arch Rocks
Reservation . 338
Sherwood, Margaret, In Memoriam, Leo: a
Yellow Cat 226
Singmaster, Elsie, Zion Church .... 401
Spalding, Franklin Spencer, Christian Unity 640
Sterling, George, Willy Pitcher .... 811
Stratton, G. M., Lawyer and Physician: A
Contrast 46
Taussig, F. W., What Industries are Worth
Having? 701
Usher, Roland, G., The Balkan Crisis . . 128
Vail, Theodore N., Public Utilities and
Public Policy 307
Washington, Booker T., The Negro and the
Labor Unions 756
Watts, Mary S., Van Cleve and his Friends
53, 208, 378, 516, 668, 812
Webster, Henry Kitchell, Real Socialism. A
Story 634
Wheeler, Everett P., Industrial Peace or War 532
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
Best-Dressed Nation, The 428 Monstriferous Empire of Women, The . . 711
Case of the Ministers, The 571 New Year's Gift from the Battlefield, A . 713
Cheerful Workman, The 431
On Adopting One's Parents 280
Dickens Discovery, A 574 On the Gentle Art of Letter-Reading . . 856
Excitement of Writing, The 427 Poetfy of Syndicalism, The 853
Publisher and the Book, The .... 854
From Concord to Syria 284
Rock and the Pool, The 430
Gratitude 718
Great American Poet, A 719 Social Spot Cash 143
Song of Deborah, The 713
Leo to his Mistress 576 St. David Livingstone ,857
Literature and the World-State . . » . 716
Letter-Reading, On the Gentle Art of . . 856 What would Jane say? 282
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
JANUARY, 1913
THE DANGERS OF WAR IN EUROPE
BY GUGLIELMO FERRERO
IF one among the many liberal states-
men and thinkers who, during the first
half of the nineteenth century, suffered
and struggled for the destruction of
the absolutism which ruled the old
world, were to-day permitted to revisit
the earth, what a surprise would be in
store for him!
A permanent peace was the precious
gift promised to the nations by those
writers and philosophers who, during
the century just past, strove to shift
authority from the Court to the Parl-
iament, from the King to the People,
and whose aim it was to subject govern-
ment to supervision by a free press,
and by a strong and enlightened public
opinion. It was a cardinal point of their
philosophy that the wars which deso-
lated Europe during the second half of
the seventeenth century were brought
about by ambitious rulers, jealous
courtiers, and intriguing ministers, the
more inclined to waste the blood and
treasure of the people, since the latter
could not protest, much less struggle.
Therefore, when the day should come
that the people, fitted for self-govern-
ment, should assume the right to over-
see, criticise, and advise the govern-
ment, it was argued that they would
no longer intrust their most vital in-
VOL. in -NO. i
terests to an absolute monarch and an
aristocracy trained to the use of arms,
nor would they allow kings and courts
to squander their blood and treasure to
satisfy royal caprices and a senseless
thirst for glory. War, then, would be-
come more and more rare; for a spirit
of aggression and conquest is not char-
acteristic of free peoples. They would
consent to it only in order to defend
themselves against those nations, still
under the bondage of tyrants, which
were led against their will into offensive
warfare. Liberty, parliamentary insti-
tutions, and peace, these would be the
fruits of a single tree which all Europe
would garner at the same time.
It is now about fifty years since all
the European states, Russia excepted,
came of age and acquired the right to
express their will and criticise the pol-
icy of their governments. For better
or worse, representative institutions,
in one form or another, have taken
root in nearly all the countries of Eu-
rope, and carry forward their work,
even if slowly. Peace, therefore, ac-
cording to the prophecies of the doc-
trinaire liberals of 1848, should reign
throughout Europe by the will and au-
thority of the people and in despite of
bellicose governments and rulers, cease-
lessly in search of adventure, both by
virtue of ancient tradition, and on
THE DANGERS OF WAR IN EUROPE
account of their education and their
inheritance.
Such was the expectation. What
of the realization? On every hand we
see governments and kings struggling
against their people and against pub-
lic opinion. It is the people who are
fired with a desire for war, while their
governments, together with their sov-
ereigns, devoted to the preservation
of peace, resist as long as they can the
pressure of public opinion, even at the
risk of losing that popularity for which
they so eagerly strive.
Last year, Italy gave the world a
singular example of this phenomenon.
It is no secret that the government
and the King were very reluctant to
undertake the conquest of Tripoli. The
difficulty of finding a decent pretext
for declaring war on Turkey; the ex-
pense and manifold dangers of such an
expedition; the solicitude not to dis-
turb the economic and political equi-
librium of internal affairs, attained
after so much labor; the great uncer-
tainty as to the value of the territory
to be conquered, justly gave the govern-
ment pause. It is even said in Rome
that the King defined Tripoli as 'the
dry leaf of Africa.' I am unable to
testify to this, for rumors are always
rife in regard to important matters and
it is impossible to verify them. Certain
it is, however, that even if the phrase
attributed to the King is one that he
never uttered or even dreamed of, the
words remain an eloquent proof of the
existence, in high circles, of hesitation
and misgiving in the face of the re-
sponsibility of such an enterprise. And,
indeed, the Italian government would
have been unworthy of ruling the
destinies of a great nation if it had not
hesitated before the dangers and un-
certainties of an undertaking whose
outcome was problematical. Regard-
less of its own desire, however, the
government was forced to overcome
its hesitation and yield unwillingly to
the pressure brought to bear upon it by
the people.
Those who were in Italy during the
summer of 1911 witnessed the following
extraordinary phenomenon. Within
the space of a few weeks, in the midst
of European peace, a quiet, thrifty,
industrious people, accustomed to the
comforts, conveniences, and safeguards
of modern civilization, a people whose
country had been spared the horrors of
war for forty-five years, and for whom,
therefore, war was as the memory of
some distant historical event, some re-
volution, or famine, — this people sud-
denly burst forth into such a blaze of
militant excitement that the govern-
ment was reduced to choosing between
the alternatives of satisfying it and of
succumbing to it. The war in Tripoli
was made by the people and those
newspapers which were the people's
organs, and so great was their combined
eagerness that the conservative and
monarchical papers even went so far
as to upbraid the King because of his
supposed hesitation and reluctance,
and openly reminded him that nowa-
days the sovereign is but the servant of
the people, and that when the people
demand war he must satisfy them; or,
if he lack courage, why then he may
abdicate!
The Italio-Turkish War in Tripoli
has brought about a great Balkan war.
Bulgaria, Servia, Greece, and Monte-
negro are engaged in a concerted at-
tack upon Turkey. Their armies are
realizing a victorious campaign* At the
moment of writing the European pow-
ers are in a state of great uneasiness.
If the rulers of the four states alone
were the arbiters of the situation Eu-
rope might rest easy. The governments
understand perfectly that the Balkan
war, just now, may let loose such a
storm as to be a great present danger,
whatever its ultimate result, to those
THE DANGERS OF WAR IN EUROPE
smaller states not always on the best
terms with one another. But in Servia,
Greece, Bulgaria, even in Montene-
gro, it is not governments alone, but
parliaments and newspapers, which ex-
press the will of the people. It is the
people who demand war. While the
government hesitated, they accused
it of cowardice, and restively awaited
the order for mobilization. From the
outset their impatience was so great,
and so publicly expressed, that the gov-
ernments dared not oppose it, openly
relying solely upon a temporizing pol-
icy. Throughout Europe it was no se-
cret that these would have to give in
sooner or later.
The most typical case of present-day
conditions is, perhaps, that of the
German Emperor. When William II
ascended the throne, Europe expected
nothing less than to see a new Barba-
rossa burst into the arena of European
politics. Strange legends were current
about him: some said he had sworn
never to drink a glass of champagne
until Champagne should be annexed to
the German Empire; others, that his
one ambition was to cover his name
with glory, and that his warlike as-
pirations were boundless. This was
common talk, and the newspapers of
the day printed it. Twenty-four years
later the Emperor could boast, as he
did not long ago to a French friend of
mine, alluding to the Morocco incident
and the crisis of 1905, 'History will re-
cognize that Europe owes her peace
to me.' And history will, doubtless,
recognize this pacific disposition of his
in the future more than his people do
now. For the past few years the Ger-
man Emperor has not been so popular
as he was during the first ten years of
his reign. The reasons would be too
many to give here, but one is his con-
stant and determined pacific policy.
He has invariably tried to reconcile
himself with France rather than to seek
occasion for another war. On this ac-
count a portion of his people accuse
him of loving peace overmuch and
therefore of following a weak and vacil-
lating policy, letting slip opportunities
which might never present themselves
again.
So in Germany, the sovereign, Ho-
henzollern though he be, loves peace
more than his people, whose criticism
of him is that he will not squander their
blood and treasure, but wishes, at all
costs, to save the one and the other.
ii
Such, more or less accurately, is the
situation in all the European states; a
paradoxical situation, unforeseen, and
full of danger. The international bal-
ance of power, which it must ever be
remembered is, in Europe, the result of
weary centuries of effort and struggle,
may at any moment be threatened by
one of those 'heat-waves' which pass
over nations, and which, even if they
do not bring about a general war, oblige
governments to increase military ex-
penditure to a ruinous extent. What
are the causes of this condition of af-
fairs, and how can it be explained?
The inexperience of a generation
which has never seen a war, and the
innate, inherited tendencies of the pop-
ulace, are certainly among the causes
which underlie this condition. In the
nineteenth century, Europe expected
too much from the progress of demo-
cracy and the natural proclivities of
the masses. As the masses have gradu-
ally acquired consciousness of them-
selves, and gained a certain influence in
the state, it appears clearly that they
are more conservative, more faithful
to tradition, more tenacious of ancient
ways of thought, more like the gener-
ations which preceded them, than the
poets and philosophers and reformers
of the nineteenth century gave them
THE DANGERS OF WAR IN EUROPE
credit for being. Revolutionary ideas,
novel sentiments which are to change
the character of a civilization, spread
more easily in those small aristocracies
which are endowed with broad culture
and accustomed to the world and so-
ciety, than they do among a populace
confined within a narrow circle of ex-
periences, and fearful of doing what its
grandfathers and great-grandfathers
never did. Now in the history of the
world war is as old as man himself;
and peace, a lasting peace, as the nor-
mal condition of the life of a people, is
the painful and recent acquisition of
our modern civilization. War, there-
fore, exercises a morbid fascination on
the imagination of the masses, especial-
ly when they have not had to undergo
its hardships, and have no conception
of the fearful suffering it entails.
In fact, we now see in Europe, that
the Christian and humanitarian edu-
cation of centuries has not succeeded
in eradicating from the masses their
warlike propensities, while a prolong-
ed season of peace, with the omnipres-
ence of newspapers, and the super-
ficial instruction of the elementary
schools, easily deceives the popular im-
agination by representing war under
a romantic aspect, as a kind of national
sport, creating at once entertainment
and glory. One should see with how
much eagerness, interest, and excite-
ment the peasants and artisans and
poorest villagers of Italy read the pa-
pers which describe episodes of the
Tripoli war. What the newspapers re-
late to their readers, day by day, is
not a hurried summary of events, but
a thrilling popular romance or legend.
Conventional it may be, lurid in color,
rough in outline; but never mind: the
imagination of the people must now,
each day, work itself up to a high pitch
of excitement, and cares for neither con-
tradictions nor improbabilities in the
tales it feeds on. It takes delight in this
false image of war, and thus keeps up
its patriotic and warlike fervor. This
state of mind is, of course, keener and
deeper in Italy just now, than among
other European states, because Italy
is fighting; l but among them all are to
be found the germs of this elemental
and romantic love of war.
What is now happening in Europe
proves that a long period of peace may
produce in nations a spirit of impru-
dence and levity which renders them
careless about playing with the dangers
of war. A long peace, the inexperience
of the masses, a literature which falsely
exalts the heroic in war, and exagger-
ates its influence among the populace,
are insufficient in themselves to ex-
plain the warlike impulses of public
opinion in the eyes of the world, but
they afford a partial explanation of
the phenomenon. These movements
are too dangerous, and give rise to too
many complications among the dif-
ferent governments, for us to believe
that they are merely the result of a
deranged public opinion.
Observing at close quarters the pol-
icy of European governments, it is easy
to see that this warlike spirit would
not be so strong and deep in the
masses were it not pertinaciously fos-
tered by the newspapers, and by the
political parties they represent, by the
wealthy classes, and by the nobility,
who have so much influence in Europe,
even where, as in France, they have
lost political power, or in Italy, where
they are losing it. In all the countries
of Europe it is the upper classes, or a
portion of the upper classes (and in this
portion I include the moneyed classes,
the aristocracy, and that part of the
professional class which comes most in
contact with the nobility) who strive
in every way to excite the belligerent
1 Signer Ferrero wrote this essay shortly be-
fore the treaty of peace between Italy and
Turkey. — THE EDITORS.
THE DANGERS OP WAR IN EUROPE
spirit of the artisans, and of the popu-
lace, even at the cost of bringing about
a terrible war, and of forcing the people
into a hostile attitude toward the gov-
ernment and its ruler.
The reason why a portion of the
upper classes have adopted this dan-
gerous and violent policy, — descend-
ing even to the lowest methods of
propaganda, — the reason why this pol-
icy succeeds and finds numerous and
enthusiastic supporters among the
wealthy and the cultured, among busi-
ness men, manufacturers, men of let-
ters, and University professors, who all
help to excite and inflame the masses,
is a deep-seated one. It must be sought
in the great political and social up-
heaval produced in European society
by the spread of democratic and social-
istic ideas among the working classes,
their rapidly increasing ambitions and
demands; and by the spirit of inde-
pendence and criticism which, develop-
ing rapidly, has separated the masses
from the influence and patronage of
the classes, organizing the populace
into parties, and impelling them to a
policy different from the rich man's
policy, and often opposed to it. This
phenomenon is so vital and important
that it needs to be analyzed even if
only in a cursory fashion.
In Europe the political influence and
social prestige of birth and wealth,
while still great, are rapidly diminish-
ing. The fruits of the French Revo-
lution are still ripening. Everywhere
the classes opposed to the aristocracy —
tradespeople, artisans, and peasants
— are organizing and taking an interest
in public affairs. They are learning to
read the papers, and to make use of
their political rights. They are begin-
ning to demand explanations, to dis-
cuss and criticise those various forms
of authority which formerly they blind-
ly obeyed — that of the capital which
employs them in the factories and the
fields, that of the priest who speaks
to them in the name of God, and that
of the government which, in the name
of the king, makes the laws which are
their guaranties of law and order.
Naturally, none of these ancient
forms of authority can any longer
maintain their former position and
privileges. The practices of religious
and monarchical forms are those which
are most deeply affected by this
change in the masses. In eighteenth-
century Europe an atheistic aristo-
cracy ruled over a pious and bigoted
people; now, on the contrary, the
upper classes have become religious
and mystical; while the people, especi-
ally in the cities, neglect the churches
and break away from that religion
which for so many centuries educated
them to respect the aristocracy. Roy-
alty itself imposes little respect, and
no awe, upon the multitude. Even in
Germany the Emperor is constantly
and bitterly criticised by political par-
ties, both in the newspapers and in pub-
lic meetings. He is especially blamed
for still keeping up the appearance of
a real monarch whose will is law, and
who wishes to have the full power of a
genuine authority felt throughout the
state. The kings of Belgium and of
Italy have succeeded in escaping from
the adverse criticism of their people,
but how? By standing aside, by the
great simplicity and modesty of their
habits of life, by the utmost approach-
ability, and by mildness in the exer-
cise of their authority, trying thus to
render acceptable a popular monarchy,
homely and simple, from which eti-
quette is banished, and which does not
disdain to put itself on a level with its
people.
The old-fashioned monarchy, based
on divine right, is trying to become de-
mocratic; and with it the government,
the press, and a large portion of the
cultured world. The common effort of
THE DANGERS OF WAR IN EUROPE
all these factors is to level themselves
down in order to satisfy the aspirations,
prejudices, and desires of the people.
This is a wholly natural tendency be-
cause, in proportion as the lower classes
and the populace crowd into cities and
acquire education and organization,
they become the predominant polit-
ical force. This is the inevitable result
of political liberty, of the spread of edu-
cation and universal or quasi-universal
suffrage. The journals cater to the
public which supports them, for, since
the middle and lower classes are more
numerous than the upper, they form
a more important clientele. It is there-
fore not surprising if in all countries the
greater part of the press should become
the organ of the numerically large class
which supports it, rather than of the
rich and cultivated, but numerically
small aristocracies.
In proportion as suffrage is extend-
ed, and the number of electors in-
creases, elective institutions have to
modify their tactics, and necessarily
end by favoring the greatest numbers.
All over Europe the upper classes have
consented to the extension of the
franchise, in the hope that, through
their own preponderant influence,
they may coerce the increased number
of voters. But, sooner or later, their
calculations have everywhere proved
to be wrong. Under various names par-
ties are forming, or have already been
formed, which, by stirring up the pas-
sions of the masses, or by rousing their
greed, or by means of some promised
advantage, have succeeded in sepa-
rating some portion of the artisan or
laboring classes from the patronage of
the wealthy. Thus by their own sheer
strength of numbers, these parties have
striven to acquire influence with the
government.
Thus the press, parliamentary in-
stitutions, and public opinion, which,
until within the last fifty years, were
almost wholly under the controlling
influence of the aristocracy, are now
rapidly slipping from its control. Nor
does public service, whether in the
higher ranks or the lower, escape a
similar fate. Until within the last fifty
years the chief offices of state, civil or
military, were held with few exceptions
by men in the higher walks of life.
This is no longer the case. On the one
hand, with the growing number of of-
ficials, the aristocracy is unable any
longer to fill the increased number of
positions; on the other hand, with the
increase of wealth in the middle class,
its facilities for study, and its ambition
to rise, there is a rapid increase in the
number of persons who attempt suc-
cessfully to attain the highest places.
All over Europe, even in the most aris-
tocratic states, the official world is
made up from the two opposing ranks;
a method which is often a source of
weakness to the government because
each party brings into the combination
widely differing ideas and a spirit of
rivalry and jealousy.
So, even in Europe, the people are
waking, and democracy is making rapid
strides, to the detriment of the privi-
leged classes which for so many centu-
ries ruled almost unchecked. But these
classes are not going to allow them-
selves to be ousted without a struggle.
Too weak to defend themselves openly,
they are trying to preserve their influ-
ence by arousing in the masses a patri-
otic and warlike spirit. Patriotic en-
thusiasm, the fighting spirit, hatred of
a national enemy, on these the aristo-
cracy have been obliged to fall back.
Their old allies have begun to fail them.
Religion has been weakened, the mon-
archy has become popularized, and the
governments lack the strength to op-
pose the political action of the major-
ity. In order to separate at least a por-
tion of the middle class and populace
from the growing influence of demo-
THE DANGERS OF WAR IN EUROPE
cratic and socialistic ideas, the privi-
leged classes have fallen back upon a
new line of defense.
At this point of my argument the
reader may justly observe that if the
trouble I have described is indeed the
deep-seated cause of such a serious
condition of things, the aristocracy,
by their policy, would deserve to be
stripped of their privileges at the hands
of the lower and middle classes. Un-
der such circumstances, the reader's
sole regret would be that their feathers
should be slowly plucked. By a mean
and egotistical spirit that, for selfish
reasons, seeks to check a social evolu-
tion which, though it impaired their
power, would yet be generally benefi-
cial, are not aristocrats exposing Europe
and its civilization to the risks of a
fearful calamity? Has not the middle
class — which for so many centuries
was content to serve and worship small
and powerful oligarchies — contribu-
ted through its organization, its educa-
tion, and its aspirations after power,
to the moral betterment of the world?
Has not its rise to power aided in the
suppression of abuses, excesses, and
impositions so frequent in the days
when the world was ruled by absolute,
all-powerful governments, subject to
no check or control? Does not demo-
cracy — the pride of our civilization —
consist essentially in the awakening of
the political conscience? Is not our
civilization grander and richer than
the ages which preceded it, just be-
cause each man feels himself to be a
tiny but active atom in the great body
politic? This is a natural train of
thought. But he who so judges this
serious condition cannot have under-
stood it, and runs the risk of giving a
superficial opinion of its meaning.
That the belligerent policy of the
European aristocracy is partially influ-
enced by a selfish dread of losing popu-
larity and power, there can be no doubt.
But if this policy were simply the re-
sult of selfishness it would not be very
dangerous. Its greatest strength and
greatest danger lie in the fact that it
has succeeded in convincing and car-
rying with it those very classes of the
lower and middle order against whose
interests and ambitions it was direct-
ed. Now, one cannot presume too
much either on the blindness or the in-
telligence of men, nor can one believe
that one party is so able and adroit
as to hoodwink another and induce it
to act wholly against its own interests.
One part of the community cannot
move the whole. A minority cannot
move the majority of a great nation,
if side by side with its own interests
it cannot also do battle for interests
which are higher and more universal.
This is precisely what is happening in
Europe, and unless this difficult point
is understood, it is impossible to un-
derstand the present situation.
Let me make my remarks quite clear.
The first effect or result which marks
the accession to power of a new party is
invariably a relaxation of discipline.
Whoever acquires power, whether an
individual, or a class, or a party, wishes
to enjoy it, and the first and most imme-
diate method of enjoying it is to abuse
it. This abuse may take the form of
lax application of the laws generally,
or it may express itself through a dis-
regard of the severer ones. Only as a
result of long practice, and of experi-
ence of the dangers resulting from an
abuse of power, does a governing class
or party gradually learn that it must
willingly, and without attempt at eva-
sion, undergo severe self-discipline;
that it must be the first to set an exam-
ple of obedience to the laws which it
creates.
As institutions, politics, and cus-
toms have become progressively more
democratic, the consequent relaxation
of discipline has become, during the
8
THE DANGERS OF WAR IN EUROPE
last fifteen years, the most conspicu-
ous social phenomenon in Europe.
Everywhere the same spectacle is ex-
hibited. In political parties, in great
public and private undertakings, in
manufacturing, in the church and reli-
gious sects, even in families, the feel-
ing for passive obedience and silent
respect is vanishing. Everybody, down
to the humblest citizen, must discuss,
criticise, advise, argue, refute, and give
his own opinion. Everywhere author-
ity is more and more involved in a
network of customs, laws, rules, and
precedents limiting the power of the
government over the governed.
Now, this critical and democratic at-
titude of mind must not be considered
as an evil in itself. All over the world,
extreme conservatives, who look upon
order and disorder, discipline and the
lack of it, as contrary and incompatible
conditions, are inclined so to regard it.
In this they are wrong. Rightly speak-
ing, in the evolution of a state from
order and discipline to disorder and
anarchy, such as would render life in-
tolerable and progress impossible, the
transitions are all gradual. Each one
of the stages may seem dangerous to
those who compare it to the most
strictly ordered of the stages which
preceded it; but if fairly judged, the
condition of things is, on the contrary,
quite tolerable in itself, and admits of
reasonable adjustment. Its possible
disadvantages are accompanied by
many indirect advantages.
All forms of liberal government give
rise to a certain disorder which is com-
pensated for by increased initiative,
energy, and dignity in the individuals
who live under it, and by the keener,
deeper sense of personal responsibil-
ity which it generates among men.
^ Therefore if Europe, like the United
States, were to live in one great con-
federation, fearing no serious danger
from without, it might, like America,
quietly consider the inevitable draw-
backs of a free government and the
difficulties involved in the gradual
transfer of power from the upper to
the lower classes. In Europe, demo-
cratic disorder is far from being so
great as of itself to threaten a social
calamity, and moreover, with us as well
as in America, the increased liberty of
every class begets an increase of ener-
gy and initiative. But Europe is like a
great camp wherein seven great pow-
ers and a certain number of smaller
ones live side by side, armed to the
teeth, and yet at the same time in
dread of war. Furthermore, in every
state, the sad, universal, constant, al-
most tragic subject of consideration
for serious and thoughtful men is this :
May not this undisciplined, critical
spirit which is spreading among the
people, even though it may legitimate-
ly liberate the energies of a nation,
diminish its military strength, whether
for offense or defense? May not these
democratic ideas weaken a nation in
the face of its rivals? Of course, his-
tory tells us of nations/ racked by
internal convulsions, throwing them-
selves with overwhelming force upon
enemies beyond their border and com-
ing off victorious. Rightly or wrong-
ly, however, the general opinion of
thinking men in Europe is that the
military miracles of the French Revo-
lution are an exception rather than a
rule, and appear only under condi-
tions of extreme danger. Usually, when
a people, torn by anarchy, rushes into
war, it either abuses its victories, or
is itself destroyed. In a word, a peo-
ple may face the trial of war with
greater assurance in direct proportion
as the masses are content to follow the
ruling class without criticism or mur-
mur of discontent. Doubtless, if this
lawless, critical spirit of liberty were
spread equally throughout all coun-
tries it would not cause much anxiety,
THE DANGERS OF WAR IN EUROPE
because the effect would be every-
where identical. But how is it possible
to ascertain whether this be so?
Nowadays, the European states are
scrutinizing one another anxiously; but
lawlessness is not, like merchandise
for export or import, susceptible of
exact appraisal, and its study may be
carried on far more easily in one's own
country than in a distant, foreign
land. In face of the impossibility of
calculating, with any approach to ac-
curacy, whether this evil is as great at
home as it is abroad, the desire grows
in every nation to check its progress
as much as possible. Moreover, since
a patriotic and warlike spirit is a cer-
tain though dangerous specific against
lawlessness, there is an ever-increas-
ing number of people in all classes,
even in the middle class, whose ambi-
tion is checked by such a spirit, — who
work zealously to stimulate it in the
masses, under the firm conviction that
by so doing they are benefiting their
country and increasing its greatness
and its power.
This belligerent state of mind now
agitating Europe is the last phase of
that great struggle which began with
the French Revolution, between con-
servatives and liberals, between the
principle of authority and the idea of
liberty, between the state and demo-
cracy. What the outcome will be is
hard to say. If the time should come
when organized armies should be no
more, but when whole peoples armed
with fearful instruments of destruc-
tion should hurl themselves upon one
another — the very thought of it
would be appalling to us. Yet no less
serious does the possibility appear to
the eyes of many Europeans. They
are fearful lest the democratic and
socialist movement of the middle and
lower classes will continue to progress
swiftly; and lest, as the democratic
movement spreads, there spread with
it the conviction that the discipline of
obedience to constituted authority is
everywhere growing weaker. Europe is
not America. Every European state
has its own traditions of culture, and
its own political and military duties,
which it could not live up to if its con-
stitution were to become as democratic
as that of the United States.
Standing between the alternatives
of war on the one hand, and of lawless-
ness on the other, the European nations
are all equally bewildered, in doubt
which way to turn, while the approach-
ing crisis is all the more serious be-
cause thinking men are giving up poli-
tics for business. This neglect of public
duties by the class which once bore
the entire responsibility is one of the
most regrettable results of industrial
development and universal wealth. I
trust the day may never come when
Europe will be forced to realize that
it would have been better for her if
she were less rich but more wise, if
she were endowed with less machinery
and capital, but with more powerful,
more stable, and more enlightened
governments.
BEFORE THE CANAL IS OPENED
BY ARTHUR RUHL
NEXT year, if all goes well, the Pan-
ama Canal will be opened. The dream
of four centuries will be realized, the
greatest engineering task of our time
accomplished, and the Pacific and At-
lantic made one.
You can see now the great ships mov-
ing through, — flags flying and bands
playing, — where yesterday the lonely
traveler hurried across the treacherous
jungle with a shiver, and looked behind
him for the enemy lurking in every
shadow. You can almost hear the rum-
ble and hum of that mighty spirit —
our tremendous and baffling modern
spirit — which, with all its superficial
hardness and irreverence, works mira-
cles of practical humanity that the old
days never knew or dreamed of.
The gate will open between two hap-
py oceans, new friendliness with our
South American neighbors will begin
to stir, new streams of north and south
trade to flow. But — there will be one
discord in the harmony of the cosmic
lute. The nation nearest to the Canal,
the one, indeed, through whose land it
was built, will not join in the common
song.
There are more poets in Colombia,
perhaps, than in all South America put
together, but none of them will sing of
the steam-shovels or of the triumphs of
modern engineers. The journalists of
Bogota write better Spanish, perhaps,
than do those of Santiago or Buenos
Aires, but they will speak of us only as
the * Hannibal at our Gates/ or the
'Yanki Huns and Vandals.' Colom-
bia is nearer to us in actual miles than
10
any other South American country. In
her cities are people as cultured and
charming as any in Latin America.
She has coffee, sugar, cocoa, rubber,
woods, cattle, minerals, and vast unde-
veloped resources that need our ma-
chinery and capital and creative energy.
Naturally, we should be the best of
friends.
Yet the Canal, far from bringing
Colombia nearer, has only pushed her
farther away. She is more remote than
she was fifty years ago, when a progres-
sive Colombian turned instinctively to
the United States for examples of the
humanity, tolerance, and progress he
would have his countrymen emulate;
more remote than she was when Sant-
iago fell, in our war with Spain, and
the people of Bogota came crowding
about the American legation to cheer
our minister and our flag.
It is a long way from the Isthmus up
to Bogota, and the thrill of achieve-
ment there dies out before it has
crossed the intervening jungles and
mountains. The Colombians do not
feel it at all. They know that the Isth-
mus is still on their coat-of-arms, but
that the Isthmus itself is gone. They
still, so it seems to them, have the
treaty of 1846, according to which the
United States guaranteed Colombia's
sovereignty over the Isthmus, and
agreed that this promise should be
'religiously observed.' They have lost
their sovereignty and the most valu-
able thing, potentially, that they own-
ed, and they hate those responsible, as
only a proud and helpless people can
BEFORE THE CANAL IS OPENED
11
hate those by whom they believe they
have been robbed.
This is a fact which Americans must
face as they consider the possibilities
which the Canal will bring. Whatever
the original rights and wrongs of the
question, this is a matter of present ex-
pediency which stands squarely in front
of us now. The taking of the Isthmus
is just as live an issue to-day in Colom-
bia as it was nine years ago, when the
famous * fifty-mile order' was issued
which prevented Colombia from put-
ting down an uprising in her own terri-
tory, and made possible the recogni-
tion of the independence of Panama.
Scarcely a day — certainly not a week
7- passes in Bogota, in which it is not
made the subject of more or less vir-
ulent editorials and the motive for
misunderstanding and misrepresenting
everything American.
And if it is a live issue for Colombi-
ans, it is no less so for every American
who is trying to grow coffee or to raise
cattle or to work a mine in Colom-
bia, or who would like to venture his
energy and capital and skill in the
country's development. This is a plain
statement of fact, the common know-
ledge of all who have taken the trouble
— as the writer has — to go down to
Colombia and find out what Colom-
bians and Americans living in, or inter-
ested in, Colombia think.
Of course history cannot be turned
back. No sensible person thinks of giv-
ing up the Canal Zone. It is as much
ours now, for all practical purposes, as
if it had originally been a county of
Massachusetts. The real issue is, what,
if anything, is going to be done '-to
remedy the intolerable condition which
now exists between the theoretically
friendly people of the United States
and Colombia — a condition which af-
fects our relations not only with Co-
lombia, but with all Latin America?
From examination of this question,
two influences, which have made up
many people's minds for them, had
better be eliminated at once. It is not
fair to assume that Colombia was right
merely because Mr. Roosevelt — in
such utterances, for instance, as *I
took the Isthmus and let Congress de-
bate'— seemed, to many, wrong. Nor
is it fair to assume that our moral debt
to Colombia — if s,uch existed — has
been somehow wiped out by the bril-
liance of our mechanical achievement
at Panama.
At the time that Colombia lost her
province of Panama, people said — just
as ninety-nine out of a hundred Amer-
icans will say to-day — that it was a
' pretty raw deal.' They said this good-
humoredly, with a smiling shake of the
head, implying their admiration for the
man who 'did things,' and their guess
that, after all, this one was somehow
justified. The rawness of the deal was
so generally admitted, indeed, that
everything — short of granting Colom-
bia's request that the matter be sub-
mitted to The Hague — was done to
neutralize it. Secretary of State Hay,
in his letter to the Colombian minister,
refusing this request, said that our gov-
ernment recognized 'that Colombia
has, as she affirms, suffered an appre-
ciable loss,' — this included not only
the Isthmus itself, but her income of
$250,000 a year from the Panama Rail-
road and the reversionary rights in the
railroad, which was to become her pro-
perty in 1967, — 'and this government
has no desire to increase or accentuate
her misfortunes, but is willing to do
everything in her power to ameliorate
her lot.'
Mr. Root, the next Secretary of
State, was sent on his splendid pil-
grimage of conciliation all the way
round South America. When this em-
bassy of good-will really seemed to
have accomplished something, and our
brilliant successes on the Isthmus were
BEFORE THE CANAL IS OPENED
an added cause for treating Colombia
with the consideration due a weaker
neighbor, through whose misfortune we
had benefited, Mr. Roosevelt, speaking
before the students of the University
of California, made the astounding de-
claration that he had ignored precedent
and simply taken the Isthmus. 'If I
had followed traditional conservative
methods/ he was quoted as saying, 'I
would have submitted a dignified state
paper of probably two hundred pages
to Congress, and the debate on it
would have been going on yet. But I
took the Canal Zone and let Congress
debate: and while the debate goes on
the Canal does also.'
The effect of such a declaration,
carrying all the force of the words
of a chief executive and crystalizing
instantly the vague distrust of the
United States felt throughout the
South American republics, need not be
explained. To the inevitable protests
which this speech brought out, Mr.
Roosevelt replied that the taking of the
Isthmus was 'as free from scandal as
the public acts of Washington or Lin-
coln'; that * every action taken was
carried out in accordance with the
highest, finest, and nicest standards of
public and governmental ethics'; and
that * any man who at any stage has op-
posed or condemned the action taken
in acquiring the right to dig the Canal
has really been the opponent of any
and every effort that could ever have
been made to dig the Canal.'
If there is any one thing true about
the taking of the Isthmus, it is that it
was an act of expediency about which
serious Americans may legitimately
differ. There were other ways in which
the privilege of building a canal might
have been acquired without virtually
breaking a treaty and committing an
act of war. Apart from the cruel dis-
courtesy to a helpless neighbor, the as-
sertion that those who disagreed with
any detail of our government's action
in the matter, were opposed to the
Canal itself, caused many otherwise
cool-headed people simply to throw up
their hands and assume the worst.
While such assumptions are human,
and not unnatural in those who fail to
recall Mr. Roosevelt's way of seeing all
colors as either black or white, they are
scarcely sound. If a lady is trying to
commit a hold-up — and it is Colonel
Roosevelt's contention that Colombia
was trying to hold up the United States
— her moral guilt is not changed by
the fact that she is lame and suffering
from anaemia, and that her victim,
after knocking her down and taking
away her most valuable possession,
concludes by enthusiastically jumping
up and down on her neck.
As a matter of fact, as every one
knows, our government was tried and
exasperated beyond ordinary endur-
ance. The shilly-shallying and ineffi-
ciency, to put it mildly, with which the
negotiations were dragged along by
Colombia would have weakened the
patience of Job, let alone that of an
impetuous altruist like our former Pre-
sident. Civilization, so to speak, was
waiting; a work that would benefit the
whole world was at stake. As grabs go,
this was very mild, indeed; few treaty
violations were ever so justified.
If it is unsound to assume, because
of irrelevant prejudice, that Colombia
is right, it is equally unsound to assume
that the brilliance of our work on the
Isthmus necessarily proves her wrong.
You see that wonderful achievement,
the keen, dependable men, pushing
their work with as loyal a devotion as
if they were soldiers carrying the flag
into the enemy's fire, until the least im-
portant Jamaica negro on the job has
an air of personal pride and enthusiasm
in the work. You see the jungle soft-
ened and made human until little sta-
tions along the railroad seem like pieces
BEFORE THE CANAL IS OPENED
13
of Ohio or California. You catch the
thrill of battle in the very air, and the
thing sweeps you off your feet.
After all, what are the croaks of a
few backward Colombians in the face
of a thing like this? They never would
have built the Canal. The Isthmus
was worth nothing to them. Why
waste time in sentimentality? The end
justifies the means. The idea seems to
be — and it is a new idea for Americans
— that a moral wrong is righted pro-
vided the Gatun locks are built high
enough; that sanitation can wipe out
an unpaid debt; that if our honor has
fallen, the famous steam-shovels of
Bucyrus, Ohio, can shovel it up again.
This idea may be an accepted and,
indeed, respectable one in many parts
of the world. It has not, hitherto, been
the American idea. I believe that very
few Americans who know anything of
their Latin American neighbors, or
know what happened on the Isthmus,
accept it at all. The difficulty here, as
so often in the case of our relations
with South Americans, is that people
do not know.
There is no need of going back here
over the long and complicated story.
Both sides have been set forth with suf-
ficient warmth, and more or less inac-
curacy, in several magazines, and most
of it can be found more fully told —
and without the prejudice — in easily
accessible Senate documents and re-
cords of foreign relations. Briefly, we
wanted to build the Canal and to build
it through the Isthmus. The Spooner
law directed the President to take the
Nicaragua route, if satisfactory ar-
rangements could not be made with
Colombia in *a reasonable time.' And
while it is not necessary to accept Co-
lombia's notion that the Spooner law
was a mere political expedient to drive
her to a bargain, it was generally known
at the time that the President vastly
preferred the Panama route.
Colombia, naturally, wanted the
Canal built, too. She had wanted it for
years and, long before the French un-
dertook it, unsuccessfully tried to get
us to build it. The Hay-Herran Treaty,
apparently embodying her own sugges-
tions of what the treaty should be, was
drawn up and submitted to both gov-
ernments. Our Senate ratified it, the
Colombian Senate rejected it. That
this was injudicious — however it may
have been within Colombia's legal
rights — is generally admitted. Co-
lombians themselves admit it; indeed,
too late to do any good, they gladly
would have passed it.
Mr. Roosevelt asserts that Colombia
was trying to hold us up, and with
characteristic informality describes the
presidents of that country as a * suc-
cession of banditti'; a comment, by
the way, which the Colombians — un-
accustomed to employing, in public
semi-official references about other na-
tions, the colloquialisms used by stump-
speakers toward their opponents in the
heat of political campaigns — accepted
literally, and with complete seriousness.
From this it was but a brief step to the
popular assumption that an American
president had called all Colombians
bandits; so that now, in Bogota, a
charming young lady, pouring tea for
her guests in her own drawing-room,
will be pointed out to you with the iron-
ical comment, 'One of our banditti!*
The Colombians, on their side, say
that the treaty called for an alienation
of territory which was unconstitutional,
and that they could not pass the treaty
without first amending their constitu-
tion.
That the fairly evident determina-
tion of the United States — with its
fabulous riches — to have the Isthmus
at any price, may well have dazzled
some of the Colombian statesmen, no
one acquainted with the occasional
weaknesses of our own boards of alder-
14
BEFORE THE CANAL IS OPENED
men, and even legislatures, would ven-
ture to deny, whatever may have been
the facts. On the other hand, the diffi-
culties in the way of a prompt ratifica-
tion of the treaty were much more than
are realized by those unfamiliar with
Colombian geography and politics, and
the peculiar embarrassments of that
time.
Colombia was staggering up from a
civil war which had cost her nearly a
hundred thousand lives, — in a condi-
tion of weakness and unrest from which
she is just now beginning to get on her
feet. The whole country was like an
irritable, neurotic invalid. It was the
most difficult thing in the world for any
government to take such a vital step as
that of surrendering the sovereignty of
the Isthmus — and that is what per-
petual control practically amounted to
— without furnishing enough political
capital to the opposition to start seri-
ous trouble.
Bogota — which, so far as the gov-
ernment is concerned, is Colombia —
is one of the remotest capitals in the
world. It takes from ten days to a
month for letters to get from the coast
to the capital. News from the outside
world comes only in the briefest round-
about cables, or in foreign newspapers
a month old. That quick, journalistic-
ally intelligent public opinion which
forms over night in a country like ours,
is impossible there. It is a city of poets
and politicians and wordy theorists;
at once slow-moving and punctilious,
and, because of the country's isolation
and weakness, sensitive and proud.
To acquire so valuable a possession
as the Isthmus at such a time was a
task calling for great patience, the
nicest consideration, and understand-
ing sympathy. If an ordinary drummer
wants to sell a steam-pump to a Span-
ish-American, he knows that he must
proceed with a certain courtesy and
formality, which would be unnecessary
at home. With what more than tact,
whatever the incidental irritations,
ought not a power like ours to have
proceeded toward a helpless Latin
neighbor with whom we were on terms
of complete peace, whose sovereignty
on the Isthmus we had guaranteed by
a treaty 'to be religiously observed/
when we desired to acquire the most
valuable thing she owned, and still to
continue her friend.
What actually happened, of course
everybody knows. Even before the
Colombian Senate met to consider the
treaty, Colombia was curtly warned
that no amendments would be per-
mitted. Three days after the treaty had
been rejected the * revolution ' broke out
in Panama. There had been many of
these squabbles before, for the coast
cities have always thought themselves
ill-used by the central government, and
while several other revolts would have
given more ground for recognizing
Panama's independence, the landing of
a few marines had sufficed to keep the
railroad running without serious inter-
ruption.
Whether the squelching of this trou-
ble would have been the few minutes'
work that Colombians believe, there is
no definite means of knowing, inas-
much as the Colombian troops were
not allowed to act. One day before the
uprising, indeed, when nothing had oc-
curred outwardly to change the friend-
ly relations between Colombia and the
United States, President Roosevelt
had issued his ' fifty-mile order ' prohib-
iting the landing of the Colombian
troops, not only on the Canal Zone,
but within fifty miles of Panama. The
troops already within this zone were
not allowed to proceed to Panama, and
on November 6, less than two days
after the rebels issued their proclama-
tion of independence, the President re-
cognized the new republic. A French
citizen interested in the canal com-
BEFORE THE CANAL IS OPENED
15
pany was promptly received as Min-
ister from Panama, and the money that
was to have been paid to Colombia
went to the revolutionists. And at the
same time Colombia lost her annual in-
come of $250,000 from the Panama
Railroad and her reversionary rights in
it, for it was to go to her outright in
1967.
In view of the frank 'I took the
Isthmus,' it is unnecessary to indulge
in academic theorizing over these as-
tonishing events. And there is, indeed,
much to be said by those who willingly
grant that they constituted an act of
war. It was by an act of war that we
acquired Texas, for instance. This gave
us practical ownership of the Zone,
and it is undoubtedly more convenient
to own a man's land than to rent it,
however advantageous the terms.
Measured by the ethical standards ac-
cepted by powerful nations in the fight
for trade and territory, rather than by
those in use in civilized private life, or
by what we like to think is the Amer-
ican spirit of justice and fair play, the
coup d'ttat was a brilliant success.
Even from the point of view of expe-
diency, however, it left something to
be desired. We were able to start the
Canal a little sooner than we could have
done otherwise, and practically to own
the Zone outright. But we made ene-
mies of a people who had hitherto been
our friends, and we aroused a distrust
throughout Latin America. In Co-
lombia itself, — the country nearest to
us and the Canal, — few Americans
would think now of investing their
time or money. The American who ran
the street railroad in Bogota was
forced by a boycott to sell out and
leave the country. On the Magdalena
River boats and in Bogota, a few weeks
since, I met Americans who had come
to examine the country's possibilities,
— cattle-raising (to which the opening
of the Canal ought to give a great
boom), coffee, mining, and so on. They
did not see how they could go ahead at
present. The country has endless pos-
sibilities, its riches have scarcely been
scratched, but no American, without
unusual influence behind him, would
care to risk investment until at least
some sort of entente cordiale is arrived
at.
Nor is it any less practical a mat-
ter for the American already on the
ground. Suppose he owns a coffee
plantation and his workmen get into
trouble — as sometimes happens in
these remote, sparsely-settled neigh-
borhoods — with the workmen of a
neighboring finca. One side knocks
somebody down, somebody pulls a gun,
before you know it there is a fine little
row. In one such case I knew of, the
squabble developed until the peons of
one plantation regularly invaded the
other and so frightened the workmen
there that they left en masse. They had
been brought down from the interior at
considerable expense, and double wages
had to be paid to fill their places.
What chance has this American, or any
American, in any of the hundred
squabbles or contested issues that may
arise, of getting justice?
These are practical matters, — things
that make trouble for ministers and
consuls, scare-head stories for news-
papers, and now and then, in extreme
cases, give cruisers their sailing orders.
They, in themselves, are sufficient
cause for our doing something to rem-
edy the present intolerable situation,
— with the Treaty of 1846, guaran-
teeing Colombia's sovereignty in the
Isthmus, still in force, so far as Co-
lombia is concerned, while as a matter
of concrete fact Panama is now a se-
parate republic and the Canal Zone is
ours.
It is the less concrete — what those
who ignore Latin-American civiliza-
tion will doubtless call the merely senti-
16
BEFORE THE CANAL IS OPENED
mental arguments — that seem to me
strongest and most moving.
The present situation, no doubt, in-
conveniences a few American citizens.
The real bitterness of the thing lies in
the contrast between what might and
ought to be the relations between this
great, free, hopeful, kindly nation of
ours and its struggling neighbor to the
south, and what those relations are.
We might be an inspiration and a help
to Colombia; the different civiliza-
tions, temperaments, and ideals, no"
less than the different material re-
sources, ought to meet and supple-
ment one another; but how shabby and
shameful is the true state of affairs!
Colombia is not, in some ways, a
very pleasant place for Americans to
visit to-day. With whatever personal
courtesy the individual is received —
and it is the same which he will meet
all over South America — it is not an
agreeable awakening to find America
regarded, in the aggregate, much as
the Finns or Persians regard Russia.
America seems very far away, in
that venerable mountain capital, buried
behind hundreds of miles of Andean
walls and tropical rivers, from the sea
and the northern world. Every one, as
the saying goes, is a poet or a politician
in Bogota. There is plenty of time to
read and write, to nourish and refine
a grievance. Into that atmosphere of
repose, of old-fashioned culture and
courtesy, the warmth and kindness and
beauty of our American life scarcely
penetrate. Vaguely, threateningly, out
of the distance, comes the dull roar
of millions of machines, shrieking ex-
press-trains, avid, swarming, irrever-
ent crowds, the hoarse breath of the
* Giant of the North,' as they call us,
— a figure which suddenly took shape
in the phrase, 'I took the Isthmus/
and was heard all up and down the
Latin world.
You pick up your evening paper and
learn that 'the Americans, who have
no ideal except that of the dollar, can-
not understand how a poor people
could be so foolish as not to sell their
sovereignty for ten million dollars.
For, of course, the Yankee nation, wor-
shiping material success, ignorant of
honor/ and so on. Or there is a dis-
patch from Colon that the Americans
are going to buy that city and add it to
the Zone. Panama does not want to
sell, but the United States insists on
buying, and, of course, there's an end
of it. How convenient it would be if
everybody could act in this way, if we
all had money! A man goes to a widow
for instance, and says, * I want to buy
your house.' The widow answers that
she does not wish to sell her house, that
she has lived in it for many years and is
very fond of it. That, of course, makes
no difference to the millionaire. 'Sell
me your house or I'll take it!' says he,
and 'I took the Isthmus!' is quoted
again.
Many of these papers are irrespon-
sible wasps, which would sting their
own kind as relentlessly, did we not of-
fer an easier target. The free press in
Latin America has a venomousness of
which we know little at home — yet it
undoubtedly reflects a bitterness and a
conviction of injustice shared by every
man, woman, and child, so to speak, in
Colombia, who can think at all.
The precise form which any friendly
agreement should take is a matter to be
decided by statesmen, not by reporters.
I am merely stating here a situation
with which the average American does
not concern himself, for the simple rea-
son that generally he is not aware of it.
Undoubtedly many Colombians have
exaggerated notions of the indemnity
which might be paid. To them the
splendid ' States ' look somewhat as the
Twentieth Century Limited might look
to a lame man on foot. A little steam
clipped from that whizzing meteor, a
SYNDICALISM AND ITS PHILOSOPHY
17
few score millions more or less, would
make all the difference in the world to
Colombia, and would never be missed.
They are like one of their country-
men, an old government clerk, who
came to one of our consuls. He had
heard of the millions Rockefeller was
giving away, and had written a long,
ceremonious letter asking that a few
thousands be set aside for him. 'Is
the letter properly written?' he ask-
ed. 'Yes,' replied our consul, 'but I'm
afraid you will never get the money.'
He explained that such sums were
supervised by a committee of steely-
hearted analysts, who scrutinized each
application through a microscope, and
probably would n't be moved by the
casual request of a perfectly healthy,
and somewhat indolent, old gentleman
of Colombia. The old clerk listened
carefully, emitted a slow, sad * Si ? ' and
shuffled away, tearing his letter into
longitudinal strips.
Or, again, if an indemnity were paid
for such concrete losses as that of the
Panama Railroad, it would probably be
desirable to appoint a non-partisan
commission, and perhaps to specify the
purpose for which the money was to be
spent, — a railroad from Bogota down
to the Pacific, for instance, — in order
that the country itself, and not merely
its politicians, might be benefited. The
boundary between Colombia and Pan-
ama is yet to be settled satisfactorily,
— another business of such a treaty, —
and the manner of conducting the whole
negotiation from one side is almost as
important as the matter of it. Certain-
ly here is a case in which we * can afford
to be generous ' — whether we are fol-
lowing mere expediency or a notion,
perhaps archaic, of noblesse oblige. No-
thing might come of our attempt, but
we could at least show our South Amer-
ican neighbors and the world, that
neither time nor the grim necessities of
modern life have changed the American
spirit of justice and fair play.
SYNDICALISM AND ITS PHILOSOPHY
BY ERNEST DIMNET
The French Syndicat, corresponding
as every one knows to the Trade-
Union, is an association resting on
cooperative interests. Nothing is more
familiar, and the legal details varying
with the countries matter little. One is
not generally so clear about the mean-
ing of the word Syndicalism. Some
people take it to denote an industrial
organization, others fear that it may
VOL. in -NO. i
mean a rehandling of society, others
regard it as a synonym of revolution,
or of a dark international conspiracy,
every now and then revealing its exist-
ence in occurrences of an outrageous
character.
The most enlightening introduction
to a question is invariably its histor-
ical perspective, and the philosophy
of Syndicalism is so elemental that it
needs little else than its environment
to appear perfectly perspicuous. That
18
SYNDICALISM AND ITS PHILOSOPHY
French Syndicalism should be chosen
for such an expose, rather than any
other parallel manifestation, ought not
to be thought surprising; physicians
have a charming way of speaking of a
disease fully answering the classical
descriptions as a ' finely characterized
disease/ une belle maladie, and French
Syndicalism, whether one studies it
with sympathy or the reverse, is the
most complete in development and, if
I may so say, the most perfect in tone.
ii
The history of Syndicalism in France
is nothing else than the transformation
of a political into a social question. It
is remarkable that the Revolution of
1789, which had its origin in a litera-
ture as antagonistic to economic as to
political inequality, had no immediate
effects on the situation of the working-
classes.
The Third Estate which, in Sieyes's
famous speech, had so far been nothing,
and should be everything, might well
harp constantly on the rights, griev-
ances, power, and so forth, of the
people; it was not the people. It con-
sisted, as the French parliaments still
consist, of leisured or professional men
whom little else than social distinctions
separated from the aristocracy. Those
men were full, indeed, of Rousseau's
ideas on the bettering of the inferior
orders, but this bettering ought to be
in their own hands, not in those of the
people; and the net result of the Revo-
lution — as it appeared after the tre-
mendous interlude of the Empire —
was a constitution and a parliamentary
system very similar to those of Eng-
land, but a complete ignoring of the
millions whom nobody had yet had the
genius to call — in a phrase charged
with significance and possibilities —
the Fourth Estate. During the years
from 1815 to 1845 the working-classes
were as completely ignored in France as
under Louis XIV; not being electors
they were nil.
The Revolution of 1848 coming after,
or simultaneously with, the works of
the great Socialists, Saint-Simon, Fou-
rier, Proud'hon, Leroux, and having
had for its immediate cause an agi-
tation in the world of labor, with the
characteristic motto, * Every man en-
titled to work/ ought to have changed
this state of affairs. In reality it did
not. Blanqui, who was the brother of
an economist and might have known
better, reaped no other fruit from his
revolutionary efforts than the forma-
tion of a political party, le parti popu-
laire, which the Second Empire was
soon to crush, and which only reap-
peared after fifteen years in the mild,
and once more purely political, form of
a Republican party. The workman
was not taken injto account as a work-
ing man, but as a voting man. His
importance lay in his capacity to sup-
port bourgeois deputies possessed of
democratic ideas.
The Second Empire was a time of
extraordinary prosperity. French com-
merce and industry increased during
those eighteen years in an amazing
proportion; the wages rose accordingly,
and as the influence of France abroad
was also greater than it had been since
1815, one may say that there was gen-
eral happiness in the country. Yet,
with the development of industrialism,
soon appeared the inconveniences in-
herent in it : the feeling — infinitely
less sharp in agricultural communities
— that the master stands apart from
the men; the bondage in which the
machine holds the workman, making it
compulsory for him to answer all its
motions by corresponding action; the
captivity for a certain number of hours
in the cheerless precincts of a factory.
And the atmosphere peculiar to indus-
trial milieus began to make itself felt.
SYNDICALISM AND ITS PHILOSOPHY
19
The legislation had not kept up
with the speedy development of the
mechanical industries. It ignored
strikes; and when the first and very
rare attempts at striking were made,
the authorities found themselves un-
prepared to deal with them. The con-
sequence was that they enforced the
contract binding the men to their em-
ployer and made work compulsory.
It was not until the very last years of
the Second Empire that the right to
strike was recognized legally. In the
mean time, the workmen had not only
developed their class feeling, but they
had founded secret societies called So-
cietfe de Resistance, — half syndicates,
half ramifications [of the Internation-
ale, — which were their first effort to-
ward self-organization. Shortly after,
Karl Marx, inquiring into the moral
conditions created by the modern
economic development, pointed out in
clear language the vital distinction
between the class and the party, and
stated definitely that the class-fight
was the only object that the workmen
could propose to themselves.
Yet many years elapsed before the
proletariat, as it began to be called,
became sufficiently conscious to think
of managing its own affairs. It seems
incredible that in a country where the
Labor vote was already so considerable
it was not until 1884 — fourteen years
after the foundation of the Republic —
that the Syndicates were made legal,
and not until 1901 that a law on Asso-
ciations — that most urgent of instru-
ments in a republic — was passed.
The country was absorbed in mere
politics, mostly of an anti-clerical char-
acter, which I have not the space to
review, but which the reader ought to
bear in mind as the background of
French history between the years 1877
and 1905. Electioneering rhetoric of
the cheapest description was sufficient
to keep the workmen away from their
own interests during the greatest part
of that interval, and when they did be-
gin in earnest to look after themselves
they were so used to politicians that
they could not help seeking their assist-
tance to do their thinking for them.
This period of the history of labor
is called by the Syndicalists of to-day
the democratic era.
in
What the Syndicalists mean by the
Democracy is nothing else than the
action of the Socialist deputies in the
French Chamber. It may be as well
to say at once that — surprising as
it seems at first — they never use the
word without a shade of contempt. It
was about 1885 that M. Jules Guesde
first shocked the country with a popu-
lar expose of the Marxist doctrine, and
the avowed intention to change the
basis of society by substituting coop-
eration for capitalism, and the freedom
of associations for authority. Some
ten years afterward a young deputy,
M. Jean Jaures, who, in a preceding
chamber, had been a moderate Repub-
lican, was returned on a glaringly So-
cialistic ticket, and became the centre
of a then very small Socialist group in
Parliament. His talent as an orator,
his power of assimilating the most
intricate matters, his remarkable tac-
tics as a parliamentary leader, are
well-known and need not be enlarged
upon. His success in his new position
was immediate. Endowed with prodi-
gious activity and energy, he went all
over the country, and addressed large
audiences in all the industrial cities of
France, with such success that in the
Chamber elected in 1902, he and his
friends simply became the regulators
of the government's action.
During the Combes ministry, the
prime minister made everything sub-
servient to the Socialistic opinion and
SYNDICALISM AND ITS PHILOSOPHY
the Socialist vote, and it can safely be
said that during those three years M.
Jaures actually governed France. He
was anti-clerical, and the confiscation
of church property along with the sep-
aration of church and state were ac-
complished; he was an anti-militarist,
and the War and Navy budgets were
most unwisely lightened with the com-
plicity of those two extraordinary
ministers, General Andre and M.
Pelletan; peace and war were in his
hands, — a great deal more than in
those of the Foreign Minister, — and
as his followers as well as his theories
made it imperative for him to be the
champion of peace, peaceful the gov-
ernment was until the apparition of
the Kaiser off the coast of Morocco
on a threatening man-of-war obliged
them to make their choice between the
risk of standing for French dignity at
all costs and the shame of giving up the
Foreign Minister, M. Delcasse. The
influence of M. Jaures, as well as the
gravity of the situation, decided the
matter at once : M. Delcasse was thrown
overboard.
Meanwhile, three of M. Jaures's po-
litical friends, MM. Millerand, Briand,
and Viviani, had acquired so much
influence in the Chamber, and the Soci-
alist group who backed them was re-
garded as so formidable, that the gen-
tlemen mentioned were able, one after
the other, to seek and take office in va-
rious cabinets; and although they were
anathematized by some of their friends
for so doing, their progress was none
the less the Socialist progress.
How is it that this triumph of the
Socialist deputies was looked upon as
no triumph at all by the Socialist
workmen? How is it that the very
name Socialist was gradually dropped
by them, left exclusively to M. Jaures
and his group, and replaced by the
term Syndicalist?
If the reader will look once more
over the Socialist achievements as I
have just described them, he will notice
that they were of a purely political
character. From being an unimport-
ant individual, M. Jaur&s had risen to
the position of a leader, without whom
the hypnotized government dared not
breathe; from being nothing else than
very intelligent Socialists, MM. Mille-
rand, Viviani, and Briand had become
State Ministers, had moved into pal-
aces, and had seemed to think it all
very natural. In the mean time their
notions had undergone a change; they
understood what government means,
and they advocated the loyalty and
order without which no government
can be.
What good did it all do to the pro-
letarians who had elected them ? M.
Jaures promised, year after year, to
draw up * extensive legislative texts,
which would prepare the legal trans-
formation of the capitalist into a social-
ist commonwealth'; but that epic in
articles and clauses never was forth-
coming, and the most urgent measures
— for instance, the Association law,
the Income Tax law, the Weekly Rest
law, the Old-Age Pension law, and
the rest, which were in operation in a
backward monarchy like Prussia, —
could not be passed by the parliament
in which M. Jaures had for years been
cock-of-the-walk.
rv
This state of things could not but
be a great disenchantment for the
workmen; the more so as there was a
great enchantment for them in differ-
ent quarters. The Syndicates, since
the law which had made them legal in
1884, had grown and multiplied. They
had promptly ceased — without wait-
ing for any legal permission — to live
in isolation. The Syndicates of the
same industry in the whole country
SYNDICALISM AND ITS PHILOSOPHY
were bound in federations, some of
which — la FMraiion du Livre, for
instance, and the Mining Federation
— already vied with the most prosper-
ous English unions. In the industrial
districts, the local Syndicates met in
Bourses du Travail, which served at
the same time as information offices,
popular universities, mutual or coop-
erative societies, and the like, and
were of daily use to the workmen.
There were yearly congresses, to which
foreign syndicalists were soon invited,
and which the least effort transformed
into international congresses.
All this had been accomplished by
plain workmen who had seen their
work spread under their hands, and
had not been afraid of their growing
responsibilities. The comparison be-
tween their success and the barren-
ness of their deputies' action was sure
to impose itself sooner or later on
their minds, and to result in the split
I have spoken of. At the same time,
familiar intercourse with sister organ-
izations abroad, just in the years when
the Dreyfus Affair had weakened pa-
triotism to an incredible degree, could
not fail to lower the barriers which
tradition had raised between the work-
men of different languages, and make
more impassable those between the
workmen and the bourgeois and them-
selves; the class feeling which had long
been latent found itself suddenly per-
fect in an almost perfect class-organ-
ization. A class philosophy and a class
literature were on the eve of being
born, in fact, only needed expression;
but before finding expression they
found a living embodiment in the Gen-
eral Labor Confederation.
This famous Confederation Generale
du Travail — generally called for brev-
ity's sake the C. G. T. — was founded
about 1900 by a young man of thirty
who was to die shortly afterwards,
Fernand Pelloutier. Judging from the
admiration of such a man as M. Sorel,
Pelloutier, whom we only know by one
little volume, L'Histoire des Bourses
du Travail, must have been a genius.
At all events this obscure clerk seems
to have been the first to arrive at the
full conception of a radical severance
of the workmen from the rest of soci-
ety, and of a revolutionary organism
whose spirit and working fascinate by
their simplicity.
The C. G. T. is nothing else than a
federation of the federations and of
the Bourses du Travail. Its seat is at
the Paris Bourse du Travail, a large
building just off the Place de la Re-
publique. It has no legal recognition,
and most jurists even contend that its
existence is absolutely illegal and that
it is an abuse to tolerate it in a national
building. Its expenses are borne by
the various federations, and do not ex-
ceed fifty thousand francs — ten thou-
sand dollars — a year. Its members
are the secretaries of the federations,
one of whom is called General Secretary
of the C. G. T. It possesses a weekly
paper, La Voix du Peuple, in close
connection with which is evidently the
daily La Bataille Syndicaliste.
As to its doctrines, they are found
not only in these papers but in a more
scientific organ, Le Mouvement Social-
iste, — to which I shall have to advert
further on, — in a number of pamph-
lets written mostly by the various sec-
retaries, Griffuelhes, Pouget, Pierro
Niel, and others, in the accounts of the
yearly congresses, and, night after
night, in the addresses delivered in the
syndicates, popular universities, and
so forth. What these doctrines — the
doctrines of Pelloutier — amount to is
not difficult to say: they are the plain,
undisguised, and almost invariably
sober, preaching of the class-fight.
The separate existence of the work-
men as a class of pariahs, which under-
lay the concepts of the preceding gen-
SYNDICALISM AND ITS PHILOSOPHY
eration of French Socialists, and which
Marx had once or twice formulated in
his books, is dwelt upon as the one
great fact on which the workmen's at-
tention should be fixed. The proletariat
has its existence apart in every country,
and consequently constitutes on the
globe a separate class, not only com-
pletely independent of the others, but
even free from the traditional restraints
embodied in patriotism. On one side
are 'the masters, that is, the robbers:
on the other are the slaves, the despoil-
ed.' What is, in fact, Capital? How
is it formed? Is it not by constantly
and methodically taking from labor?
Syndicalism is only the recognition
by the workmen of this extraordinary
state of things, on the one hand; and
on the other, recognition of the fact
that their common spoliation is enough
to give them unity.
This, as I said above, was implied
in the works of the great Socialists,
Proud'hon, for instance. But while
the Socialists placed their hopes of
seeing all wrongs righted in the enact-
ment of severe laws tending more and
more to equalize privileges and duties,
the Syndicalists distrust the law and
its supporters quite as much as they do
capital, and wage the same war against
them.
The notion of the state is all very
well theoretically, but in reality what
is the state? Nothing else than the rul-
ing parties, that is to say, politicians.
Wherever there are politicians there is
confusion instead of clarity, and the
confusion is greater in a democracy
like the French Republic than in any
other form of government. In a strict
monarchy of the German or Russian
type the distinction of the classes is
obvious, whereas in a democracy the
fictitious and perfectly farcical equal-
ity of men — considered as citizens
and not as economic values — obscures
it hopelessly.
Parliamentarianism rests on compro-
mises: the Socialist candidate makes
the same promises to his bourgeois
electors that the bourgeois candidate
makes to his Socialist constituents.
Experience shows also that the politi-
cal masters act on exactly the same
principles as industrial masters, and
ought to be treated in the same way.
'I think it very useful,' says M. Sorel,
'to lick the orators of democracy and
the representatives of government/
The so-called social laws on which M.
Jauresand his friends plume themselves
so much are mostly frauds. What are
the Conseils du Travail if not a strata-
gem to put the representatives of the
workmen under the thumb of those
of the capitalists? What are the pro-
spective regulations of strikes if not a
roundabout way to get rid of strikes?
What good will accrue to the people
from the law concerning Old- Age Pen-
sions? The pittance which the work-
man secures for his old days by con-
tributing all his life to the fund is only
a portion of his own money; the rest
remains in the treasury of the state
to support all sorts of institutions, —
an army among the number, — which
are simply directed against him.
The Syndicalists are violently op-
posed not only to wars but to the exist-
ence of an army. The army in their
opinion is the living demonstration of
the paradox of a civilization in which
those who have every advantage do
nothing, and those who bear all the
burdens get no reward. An army is
useful only in two cases: in time of
peace when there is a strike, and then
the proletarians in uniform are em-
ployed against the proletarians in plain
clothes; in time of war, when a few
financiers think it necessary to have
their interests protected by force, and
then again thousands of men are de-
stroyed for a cause not their own, and
even opposed to it. Whatever the
SYNDICALISM AND ITS PHILOSOPHY
workmen do in support of the state is
invariably found ultimately to turn
against them.
What then should they do? Reso-
lutely look upon the classes above them
as enemies and treat them accordingly.
Open warfare being out of the question
so long as only about three hundred
thousand men are connected with the
C. G. T., they must be content for the
present with what is feasible. Their
first duty is to increase their numbers
and strengthen their organization, that
is to say, help in bringing over as many
as they can to the Syndicates. There
is no phrase that the leading Syndical-
ists repeat so often and in such an ear-
nest tone as, * Do the humble and hum-
drum syndicate work.' In fact, the
day on which the whole world of labor
shall be enlisted and disciplined in
syndicates will also be that of its abso-
lute supremacy : overpowering numeri-
cal superiority is insufficient so long as
organization is wanting; but the mo-
ment some sort of unity is given to
numbers, resistance on the part of the
minority becomes impossible.
Syndicates of an aggressive charac-
ter are not the only form of organiza-
tion advocated by the C. G. T. The
workmen are dupes not only when they
work for the bourgeois, but also when
they consume and pay for the goods
manufactured by the capitalists. All
the money they spend foolishly in this
way ought to be devoted to the estab-
lishment of cooperative societies which
must become in time formidable rivals
of their bourgeois competitors. For
the market is, after all, one thing with
the proletariat, and it is only because
so many poor club together that there
are a few rich.
Syndicalists feel convinced that in
the long run — no time can be named,
as everything depends on the rapidity
of the grouping process, and its speed
may accelerate in a catastrophic man-
ner — the cooperative movement will
suffice to reverse the present economic
conditions and bring about the grad-
ual and almost invisible disappearance
of capitalism; but their warlike spirit
is not content with that. Capitalism
ought not only to be undermined, it
ought also to be stormed. The great
hope, the great vision, which haunts
and delights them is that of the final
storming, which they call the Great
Strike. When all the world of labor has
become syndicalist, when there are
no fools left to fight against their own
interest, one fine evening — le grand
soir — a universal strike shall be de-
creed. Next day there will be no bakers
to make bread, no butchers to kill
meat, no colliers to dig up coals, no
railwaymen to take bourgeois about.
In a few days of this awful stagna-
tion, capitalism will realize that gold
in itself is nothing while labor is every-
thing, and the machines1 will be either
made over to, or quietly appropriated
by, the workmen.
This is the dream. The Syndicalists
think it should be made possible, and
openly teach the ways and means. The
Great Strike must be prepared for
by numberless local strikes weaken-
ing capital and strengthening the pro-
letariat. The C. G. T. is a school
for striking, with professional strike-
organizers called delegates by the Syn-
dicalists and grSviculteurs by the news-
papers. The delegate starts strikes
where there is no syndicate, as the
workmen are infallibly compelled to
unite during strikes, and seldom resume
work before making their accidental
union endurable in the shape of a syn-
dicate. Where there are unions, strikes
are made more formidable by coali-
tions and by the pecuniary assistance
which the C. G. T. obtains from the
federations. Striking may take vari-
1 In the Syndicalist terminology all the instru-
ments of production are called machines.
SYNDICALISM AND ITS PHILOSOPHY
ous shapes, which the Syndicalist pub-
lications detail carefully. Boycotting
the industries which refuse to admit
syndicate workmen is one variety of
strike; sabotage is another: it means the
repeated injury to tools and machines,
or the deliberate hindrance of work.
This was practiced on a large scale dur-
ing the railway agitation in 1910, and
it was thanks to it that the hairdressers'
men could dictate terms to apparent-
ly unconquerable masters. In short,
the theory and practice of strikes
seems to have been brought to perfec-
tion by the C. G. T.
As to its effects, you can see them in
issue after issue of the Voix du Peuple.
About thirty per cent of the strikes
seem successful, and they never result
in possible damage for the workmen. In
September, 1911, a large manufacturer
in the north of France stopped work
at an hour's notice, on the mere po-
lite injunction of a C. G. T. delegate.
Fighting would have been impossible.
Such facts will evidently become more
and more numerous as the syndical
organization spreads more widely. The
syndicalist machinery is perfect, and
it requires only initiative enough to
put it in operation everywhere.
This then, is the history of the past
and present of Syndicalism. Before
trying to foresee its future, we should
say a word about the philosophers who
have made it the object of their medi-
tations.
The best known are Lagardelle,
Berth, and, above all, Georges Sorel,
whose productions have appeared chief-
ly in the very intellectual review called
Le Mouvement Socialiste.
It was inevitable that the contribu-
tions of such thinkers — eminently
honest, and one of them powerful —
should influence the most intelligent
Syndicalists, but the common charac-
teristic of these philosophers is that
while they take unbounded interest in
the organization of labor, they firmly
believe in the necessity for it to stand
apart and unsophisticated, and would
gladly be forever unknown to the very
men they are constantly studying. It
would take a great deal more space
than I have to do them justice and
disentangle a somewhat artificial ele-
ment from their fundamental ideas,
but I can indicate a few essential
points.
To begin with — and it is one of
their aspects I regret the most not to
be able to deal with adequately — they
are wonderfully solid in appearance
and tone, but they have not always
been so, and Sorel especially has pass-
ed through a number of intellectual
phases. One was not born in France
with impunity in the days when Renan
and Berthelot were at their height.
The characteristic of that period was
a very unphilosophical belief in science
and an accompanying mistrust of met-
aphysics, resulting in a dangerously
narrow art of thinking, and a complete
lack of anything like an art of living.
All the intellects which grew in that
atmosphere and were not hopelessly
stunted by it have had to struggle to-
ward a broader, more human logic
than that in which they had been edu-
cated, and above all, toward a moral
doctrine that would steady them
through life. This took them years.
Georges Sorel and his friends are
often called Bergsonians, and, in fact,
the former has made a careful study
of Bergson's books and has many
points in common with him; but I
imagine that he would have reached his
chief positions without him and owes
him little more than an occasional
confusing terminology. He spent prac-
tically all his time until he was fifty
doing technical work in a factory, get-
SYNDICALISM AND ITS PHILOSOPHY
ting used to the realities of economics,
and, as he became thus practical and
positive, cleansing his mind from the
thick dust of fallacies it had accumu-
lated since boyhood. Like everybody
else he was full of ideas from outside, of
theories built on inadequate historical
analyses, especially of the tremendous
overgrowth of ideology which the Re-
volution produced.
He gradually came to mistrust and
reconsider all his notions; he went back
to history, chiefly in the footsteps of
Renan, and learned the influence of
pure ideas in the great historical move-
ments, — the transformation of the an-
cient world through Christianity, for
instance, — while he became more and
more convinced of the preeminence of
materialistic influences in the develop-
ment of economics. He noticed that all
the modern French systems of politics
and social philosophy were built on
the notion of progress as conceived by
D'Alembert and the other Encyclopae-
dists : he tested their apparent clarity,
found it wanting, and later gave the
results of his inquiry in a most sug-
gestive little book, Les Illusions du
Progres. All his reading and thinking
brought him to the conclusion that the
logic of social philosophers and politi-
cians was moonshine, misleading in-
ferences with a semblance of solidity
which it took ages to expose, and which
in the mean time stood in the way of
an accurate view of realities. Gener-
alizations were all dangerous; living
facts alone were fruitful, and one could
never be long enough face to face with
them.
The reader must see at once the
relationship between these views and
the Bergsonian intuition, that is, the
effort to understand reality, not by
standing apart from it, but by lending
one's self to its flow.
About the time when Sorel reached
these conclusions he met Fernand
Pelloutier. I have never seen anybody
who laid sufficient stress on the influ-
ence which this meeting must have had
on Sorel. Here was Pelloutier, a young
man of twenty-eight, who had never
lived apart from the world of labor,
had been a stranger to politics, to sys-
tems and theories of any kind, yet had
been sufficiently intelligent — in the
simple and beautiful meaning of this
word — to connect the forces of the
workmen with the living organism of
Syndicalism and could see — rather
than deduce — the far-reaching conse-
quences of its existence: its opposition
to present society; its goal, the Great
Strike; its method, striking and strik-
ing again with the heroism of persever-
ance; and its final success, the substi-
tution of cooperation for capital. The
mind of Pelloutier was in itself a dem-
onstration of the superiority of intui-
tion over systems and deductions.
Another conclusion forced itself. As
Pelloutier was above philosophers, the
world of labor was above the schools of
politicians. Jaures and his friends were
mere logicians, clinging like leeches
to a reality which had its life apart
from them; they played nowadays the
part which the Encyclopaedists had
played before the Revolution, and
their influence was as baleful. This is
the intellectual origin of Sorel's sym-
pathy with the Syndicalist movement.
This sympathy has another aspect,
corresponding to the moral develop-
ment of the philosopher. As I said
above, Sorel was bred in the determin-
ism of Renan, Taine, and Berthelot,
that is to say, in a distinctly negative
system of ethics. His own nature was
sufficiently noble to keep him above
the materialism which comes too often
in its train. But he was not far ad-
vanced in life before he saw the ter-
rible effects on society of a doctrine
making man the only judge of his own
actions.
SYNDICALISM AND ITS PHILOSOPHY
The generation of M. Sorel — the
men who are now sixty — has been the
prey of all that awaits moral, even
more than intellectual, uncertainty.
The indifference to motives, the igno-
rance of a rule of life, the good-hu-
mored condoning of deliberate in-
dulgence, the skepticism even of the
naturally good, making them almost
ashamed to be good, the complicity of
millions of readers with a host of im-
moral writers, the careless admission
of national decadence consequent on
depopulation and enervation, have all
been rife until a very recent period,
and have all been produced by phil-
osophical doubt succeeding religious
conviction.
The only remedy must be some sort
of intellectual basis, an idea strong
enough not to be undermined by the
low modern infiltrations. M. Sorel
himself needed no personal prop; he
was naturally above compromises. In
default of a philosophy he had charac-
ter. His poet was Corneille; his heroes
were the Catholic saints, or even the
Jansenists, with their purity and obsti-
nacy; his Socialist was Proud 'hon,
because Proud 'hon built society on
love, but the love of one woman; but
neither Proud'honnor the Catholic doc-
trine of sacrifice, nor the idealism of
Corneille, was likely to appeal to the
modern man and transform his materi-
alism. Socialism — the Socialism of
Jaures which he was to treat later on
with such contempt — for a time at-
tracted him, but it was because of its
apparent interest in the humble and
persecuted and its corresponding ap-
parent self-denial. The moment he
found that the Dreyfusist movement
was in reality a conspiracy of greed and
ambition, and that the Socialist doc-
trine rested ultimately on what he calls
a * belly philosophy,' he withdrew.
Here again his acquaintance with
Pelloutier was a.n illumination, The
young clerk had nothing but scorn for
politics and the politicians, he never
gave a thought to the possibility of his
rising above his sphere and becoming a
bourgeois deputy; his life was consumed
in an obscure work of organization
which precluded brilliant speeches, the
empty but pleasant activity of elec-
tioneering, the long periods of rest
after partial success.
Pelloutier knew that he was working
for an ideal which he would never see
realized. Not only was he consumptive
and doomed to speedy death, but, the
object he had been the first to conceive
was beyond the span of even the long-
est life; no man of his generation, or
even of the next, would see the Great
Evening and the Great Strike. All they
could hope was to see the Syndicalists'
net gradually spread in their hands,
and the great Syndicalist weapon —
strike — become more familiar to the
workmen.
But this daily routine was fruitful in
positive results, and these results were
not merely the success of a propaganda.
Pelloutier and Sorel saw that by per-
suading the workmen to band together
with a view to a final and decisive, if
far-away, action, they called forth the
noblest energies latent in the people,
and long extinguished among the bour-
geoisie. Poor laborers gladly gave of
their own for the support of the Syn-
dicates, or joined in strikes which ap-
parently had no immediate interest for
them, out of mere love for their class,
and supported by the hope — perhaps
the mirage — of its final victory. M.
Sorel has often likened this state of
mind to that of the early Christians
when their great hope was the Advent
of Christ and the Establishment of his
Kingdom. But as the primitive church
had lost by becoming protected instead
of persecuted, Sorel realized that, if
ever the syndicates grew rich and pow-
erful they would probably become in-
SYNDICALISM AND ITS PHILOSOPHY
fected with, the faults of power and
wealth — selfishness and indolence —
and lose their original virtue. A long
series of articles in Le Mouvement Soci-
aliste, reprinted since under the title of
Reflexions sur la Violence, was a de-
fense of the warlike virtues called forth
by the pregnant idea of the Great
Strike. Since the days of 1790 when
the French armies marched, full of the
revolutionary ideal, no mass of men
had appeared possessed of such a noble
spirit as the Syndicalists.
This spirit, in Sorel's opinion, was
evidently what mattered the most. In
the same book he confessed openly that
he did not believe in the possibility of
the Great Strike, and looked upon it
as a myth. He treated at great length
of the nature and influence of myths:
they were half ideas, half images, and
as such partook of the power of both
the reason and the imagination, and
imposed themselves on the minds of
even the simplest; but after a time
their purely imaginative aspect lost
its brilliance and they were gradually
forgotten. So the very basis of Syndi-
calism was in one respect only a fasci-
nating illusion.
The frankness of this analysis show-
ed obviously that Sorel was more inter-
ested in Syndicalism than he expected
the Syndicalists to become interested
in him. In other words, he was less a
man of action than a philosopher cu-
rious of the motives of action, and he
no more believed in Syndicalism than
in Christianity : both doctrines attract-
ed him by the purity of their spirit,
by the heroism they entailed, not at all
by their future. After all, he was little
more than a sort of Nietzschean seek-
ing the rarity of an aristocratic atti-
tude where it was likely to be found.
When the present writer first made a
careful inquiry into the philosophy of
Sorel,1 he wondered why such tenden-
1 Vide The Forum, November, 1909.
cies did not turn him toward a political
doctrine widely different from Syndi-
calism in object, but strikingly similar
in spirit. The school known as the
Neo-Royalists had their myth, which
was the restoration of the pre-revolu-
tionary Monarchy; they stood for vio-
lence, and lost no occasion to say that
they would seize the first opportunity
to make a coup d'etat; their intellect-
ual training was practical, historical,
and positivist like his own; finally they
had in common with him a speculat-
ive attachment to Christianity which,
however, left their chief leaders in
religious unbelief. There was in them
all there was in the Syndicalists, and
less chance of losing sight of their aim.
Everything must appeal to him in
those quarters. These previsions have
been confirmed. M. Sorel may not be
more of a Royalist than he was a Syn-
dicalist, but his sympathies have gone
that way, and his name is frequently
mentioned in the Neo-Royalist publica-
tions, as it used to be, and even still is,
every now and then, in the Syndicalist
periodicals. Meanwhile, he superin-
tends the publication of a series for the
defense of higher culture, in which both
his former and his recent tendencies
are easily reconciled.
VI
Little space remains for the last part
of this exposition, in which we ought
not to prophesy, or even to state the
probable destinies of Syndicalism, but
merely to describe its chances as they
appear from the relation between its
present conditions and the evolution
of the public spirit in France.
In 1908, when the postal strike led
men to realize the formidable power of
association, the C. G. T., or at any
rate, the more revolutionary elements
in the C. G. T., seemed to be at their
highest. Nobody who followed that
SYNDICALISM AND ITS PHILOSOPHY
brief drama will ever forget how not
only the government, — which till then
had been uniformly weak, — but even
the Parliament, — so far respected, —
fell at once into insignificance. The
distinction between the Democracy
and the proletariat, on which Sorel
lays so much stress, was made tangible
at a meeting of the strikers at which
the well-known M. Buisson, and a few
other Socialist deputies, had thought
they would be welcomed as usual.
They were simply hooted off the plat-
form, and the meeting was conducted,
as well as the strike itself, by a few
delegates of the C. G. T., among whom
was the famous Pataud. It appeared
clearly, not only that the government
was defenseless against one single syn-
dicate, but that the Socialist members
of the Chamber, who had been so far
a sort of very useful buffer between
the workmen and their political mas-
ters, had been definitely thrown back
among the bourgeoisie. Pataud and
his friends, workmen as they were,
negotiated with the government on
equal terms, and would have dictated
to them if M. Clemenceau, who was
then prime minister, had not cleverly
put them off, or, as they said, taken
them in.
The experience produced a tremen-
dous sensation, to be compared only to
the shock received two or three years
earlier on the dismissal of M. Delcasse
from the Cabinet, and the revelation
of the havoc made in the Army and
Navy by M. Pelletan and General
Andre. The country realized the weak-
ness of parliamentarianism, and knew
that it had been leaning for years on
a woefully broken reed. The Cham-
ber itself lost at once all of the superb
pride which thirty years* absolute pow-
er in a country republican only in ap-
pearance had given it, and declared
itself content with legislating instead
of governing.
Meanwhile the members of the gov-
ernment which had never been trained
to govern were bethinking themselves,
and M. Briand gave the result of their
meditations in a celebrated address at
Lisieux. Modern nations, he said, had
to confront the new fact of association.
Association was the feature of the day,
and could not be disregarded. The
Syndicates, in very few years, had
prospered so that nobody could ignore
them, and the best policy was to give
them their share. What the share was,
he pointed out in general terms, but
sufficiently clearly for anybody to
understand that he was ready to give
them the right to legal possession, and
the right to say something in the de-
bates concerning their professional in-
terests. All this meant the beginning,
or at any rate the dawn, of the decen-
tralization for which the best intel-
lects had prayed so many years, but it
might mean also the preliminaries of
surrender to the C. G. T.
Many people believed this. Day af-
ter day the conservative papers point-
ed out that the strong, united, intel-
ligent government which had been so
long desired, actually existed in France,
but sat at the Bourse du Travail and
not at the Elysee. A combination of
the railwaymen, the postal clerks, and
the electricians would suffice to switch
authority from one place to the other.
No revolution could be easier. The
Syndicalists believed it, too. Their de-
cision turned quickly into arrogance,
and Pataud stopped the electricity in
Paris three or four times in one win-
ter, just as the Negro band-master
stopped the music * for to show his au-
thority.' It is only when one studies
the history of Syndicalism in detail
that the difference between the intim-
idating sobriety of the theories, — as
set forth not only by Sorel or Lagar-
delle, but even by Griffuelhes, — and
the raw violence of inferior Syndical-
SYNDICALISM AND ITS PHILOSOPHY
ists, appears. La Bataille Syndicaliste
is as near mere anarchy as Les Re-
flexions sur la Violence is near true
philosophy.
For some time after the Lisieux
speech the Syndicalists affected to
treat the overtures of M. Briand as
the treachery of a turn-coat, and they
vaunted their anti-patriotism more
openly than ever. But the ringleaders
who harped on this high string were
no more the whole of Syndicalism than
Syndicalism is the whole of the labor
world. A warning came to them first
from Germany, where the C. G. T. was
excluded from the international con-
gresses on account ipf its anti-patriotic
attitude. Then some powerful syndi-
cates, which so far had kept away from
the C. G. T. (the Book Syndicate and
the Miners' Unions among the number),
joined it, but being experienced and
rich, infused wisdom into it. Then it
appeared that if materialism can occa-
sionally nerve itself for a violent action
its natural bent is much more toward
a diminution of effort, and that Briand
had seen the disposition of the Syndi-
cates pretty accurately when he had
come toward them with an olive-
branch at Lisieux. In most workmen
the wish to become a bourgeois lives
more or less dormant. The truth of
this appeared glaringly in the conver-
sjon of no less a person than Pataud,
who, after finding some resistance
among his brethren and some on the
part of the police, gave up agitating,
first for lecturing, and finally for a most
unromantic situation in the champagne
trade. In short, what with excessive
violence on the part of some Syndical-
ists, and a return to balance on the part
of some others, the C. G. T. does not
appear to-day nearly so formidable in
its unity, or so full of belief in the Great
Strike, as it was four years ago.
As these transformations took place
among Syndicalists, another was notice-
able in the public spirit of the French
nation at large. The danger from the
strikes and the danger from Germany
combined to awaken people to the ne-
cessity of a stronger national attitude.
Energy in the resistance both to agita-
tors like Pataud and to browbeaters
abroad, after seeming long impossible,
suddenly became the order of the day.
Anti-militarism, which had been ram-
pant in the last ten years, positively
vanished. Its manifestations are now
confined to the lowest anarchist organs.
In the summer of 1911, when a war
with Germany was regarded as almost
inevitable, the prospect was viewed
without any reluctance, even in indus-
trial districts where a few years ago it
would have caused furious protests.
This decision could not exist without
an accompanying change in the cur-
rent principles. It would take a vol-
ume to describe the rapid modifica-
tion, but it is a fact that the return to a
saner view of authority, of the subor-
dination of the individual to collective
interests, of the necessity of self-sacri-
fice, etcetera, has been so marked as to
nullify the logic of Socialist material-
ism, strong as it might still appear to
crude intellects. The France of to-day
is completely different from the disor-
ganized country which saw the Drey-
fusist disruption, and apparently never
minded; and the change is the more
striking from being especially notice-
able among the rising generation. An
hour's conversation with any intelli-
gent young man belonging to the
classes in which skepticism and dilet-
tantism used to be strongest, leaves no
doubt that a new public spirit has
made its reappearance in a new and
bracing atmosphere.
In these conditions, the element of
disorder inseparable from the motion
of the C. G. T. is not likely to find
favor, even with the average workman.
The fact that all the bandits who, for
30
SYNDICALISM AND ITS PHILOSOPHY
several weeks, scoured the environs of
Paris, waylaying motorists, plunder-
ing banks and massacring police were
either members of the C. G. T., — one
of them even a delegate, — or were
found in possession of Syndicalist liter-
ature, acted as a revelation. The violent
agitators whom Sorel admired so much
seem bound to be thrown back into
the mere anarchical milieus, while the
bulk of Syndicalists will turn more and
more toward Reformism. Meanwhile,
strong governments, gaining where the
now despised Chamber loses, will pro-
bably find themselves in a position to
pass effective legislation about the
Syndicates. The dangers to society
arising from the existence of mortmain
are universally known, and no outcry
will follow their removal. It will seem
incredible to people born and brought
up in a period less troubled than ours
that corporations professedly profes-
sional ever boasted openly about treat-
ing the rest of the world as enemies,
and actually prepared war against it.
In conclusion, we may say that all
that Sorel detested — which is all that
M. Briand hoped for when he delivered
his Lisieux address — is likely to hap-
pen. Nothing can break the impulse
which the Syndicalist movement has
now taken, and nobody with a sense of
fairness can be sorry for it. There will
be more and more syndicates, and it
is inevitable that their development
will in time largely modify the eco-
nomic and — to a certain extent —
the present political conditions. But
the Syndicates, growing in an atmos-
phere very different from that in which
they were born, will also be different.
They will forget the mythical and a£
present violent aspect of their creed;
they will strive after immediate im-
provement; they will be peace-loving
and matter-of-fact.
Sorel says that if it is so, they will
only create a variety of the very un-
interesting bourgeois whom he hates:
materialistic, self-indulgent, and cow-
ardly. But this conclusion is not at all
certain. The transformation in the
public spirit which I mentioned above
may be deep enough to restore idealism
in spite of peace. /The logic of such
movements in Catholic countries in-
variably points to religious renovation.
And what would be Catholicism gal-
vanized once more into a social force
in a society based on authority on the
one hand and on a cooperation organ-
ization on the other? The answer may
be startling, but I think it is inevitable.
Catholicism plus cooperative insti-
tutions— that is, after all, an idealist
spirit united to the most effective means
of social and material improvement —
amounts to a repetition of the mediae-
val experiment coming round in un-
doubtedly favorable conditions. Will
this be? Nobody knows; but I would
not leave the reader with a pessimistic
conclusion when a totally different one
appears more likely. In France, at
least, the crisis in the growth of Syn-
dicalism is over, and the materialism
which made it formidable is speedily
losing its venom.
THE AMULET
BY MARY ANTIN
WHEN Yankel was left a widower, his
pious relatives felt that the Lord had
stretched out his hand to remove an
obstacle from the path of a godly man.
This reflection cast no reproach on the
memory of YankePs wife. No one
spoke of Peshe Frede except with re-
spect and pity. She had been a good
wife — as good as God willed to have
her. During the six years of her mar-
ried life she had never given her hus-
band any cause of complaint save one,
and that was a matter for sorrow ra-
ther than complaint. Peshe Frede had
no children, and what are prosperity
and harmony and mutual devotion to
a childless pair, in a community where
parenthood is the great career? Their
life was like a stage set for a play, but
the characters never came on.
Yankel was away a great deal, look-
ing after his lumber business, and
whenever he came home he found his
house in order, his favorite dishes
steaming in the oven, and Peshe Frede,
trim and smiling, ready to preside over
his comfort. But there was a stillness
in the orderly rooms that loving words
failed to dispel, and Yankel had to
exercise all the arts of kindness to wipe
the guilty look out of Peshe Frede's
eyes.
No doubt it was harder on her, who
had to stay at home with folded
hands; and yet the mothers of Pol-
otzk, while commiserating her barren
lot, said she was greatly to be envied,
because her husband kept her in honor
and kindness and made light of their
common disappointment. When she
died, and the period of mourning was
spent, Yankel's friends began to look
forward to his second marriage, cer-
tain that God would reward him at
last for his unmurmuring patience.
A year passed after his second mar-
riage, and Sorke, the nineteen-year-
old bride, began to droop 'under the
weight of the accumulated silence of
her orderly house. A second year
passed without hope; a third year ran
its empty course. Yankel was thank-
ful to remember that even in his
secret soul he had never thought of di-
vorcing Peshe Frede at the end of ten
years, as by the Jewish law he would
have had a right to do. It was he who
was doomed, and not the wife. He
lavished on Sorke even greater tender-
ness than he had spent on Peshe Frede,
for now he had to atone for, as well as
comfort, the empty heart.
Late on one afternoon in October,
Sorke was sitting by the window, her
head bent over one of those embroid-
ery-frames that had become the sym-
bol of her unwelcome leisure. When
it was too dark to work, she wound
the thread around her needle and
folded her hands in her lap. There
was nothing to see on the street; still
Sorke remained in her place, a vanish-
ing image against the twilight gloom.
Why should she move? There was no-
thing waiting to be done. Chronic in-
ertia had produced in her a weird
power of remaining motionless. Even
31
THE AMULET
her thoughts were paralyzed. The
stillness was like a wall around her.
The irregular sounds that came from
the kitchen brought no suggestion of
current activity; they were the sounds
that had filled her ears from the be-
ginning of time.
Suddenly she jumped up, with a
startled cry. From the empty gloom
outside a face had sprung, a dark,
« bearded, laughing face, close beside
her window. She ran to the door. Her
husband sprang up the steps to meet
her.
'Yankel!' she cried, in a voice half
way between surprise and reproach.
'Sorele!1 I startled you. How are
you, little wife?'
'I did n]t expect you till the end of
the week. How are you, Yankel?'
'Fine! and mighty glad to get home,
after two weeks of knocking about the
dirty villages.'
'Two weeks and three days/ Sorke
soberly corrected. ' You went away on
a Monday morning, and this is Wed-
nesday/
Yankel laughed.
'I forgot that you count the days.
Well, you like to be surprised? But
why are you sitting in the dark? Here;
let 's light the lamp. Let me see if my
little wife is all there/
There was something pathetic in
the interest with which Sorke watched
her husband's trifling activity. She
seemed glad to be caught up in the cur-
rent of his energy. And Yankel, who
had learned by experience the signs of
a lonely woman's moods, put his ten-
der hands on her shoulders and stud-
ied her upturned face in the lamp-
light.
Sorke's eyes had that look of uncon-
scious beseeching that had haunted
him all the years of his married life:
the look of one who has found no an-
swer to the questions of life. Peshe
1 Diminutive of Sorke.
Frede had looked at him that way, and
now Sorke — Sorke, whose eyes were
so merry three years ago.
'You have been lonely, Sorele.
What have you been doing? Tell me
everything while we have tea/
Sorke was glad to be relieved of her
husband's scrutiny. She did not wish
to make him sad on his return. She
called to the housemaid to prepare the
samovar, and herself set out the glass-
es on a tray.
Yankel watched her quiet move-
ments through the open door of their
bedroom, while he removed his heavy
boots and washed the grime of travel
from his face and hands. It seemed
to him she was paler than usual, and
he divined that the bits of neighbor-
hood gossip she repeated in answer to
his questions had no real interest for
her.
'It's good to be at home,' he said, in
his hearty manner, as he stretched his
legs under the table opposite Sorke.
'Are you sure you did n't expect me?
It seems to me you 're all dressed up/
Sorke looked down on her gown,
which was indeed one she seldom wore.
'I had nothing to do, so I dressed
up. Do you remember this dress?'
'Is n't it a new one?'
She smiled.
'Ask a man about clothes! This is
the dress I wore when we visited your
Aunt Rachel, the Passover before we
were married/
'What! three years ago? How did
you keep it so new? You are a very
careful little woman/
'It is n't that. I have so many
dresses that I can't wear them out/
She lifted her head with a movement
strange to her, a sort of subdued im-
patience. 'Yankel, what's the use of
having so many dresses?'
He stared at her. 'I swear by my
beard and earlocks that I'm the only
husband in Polotzk who ever heard
THE AMULET
33
such a speech from his wife. Too
many dresses ! Well, well ! what next ? '
But Sorke would not meet his tone
of raillery. He had surprised her in
the depths of her melancholy, and her
trouble cried out to be recognized.
Loneliness and brooding had unsettled
her nerves. Yankel's cheerful, almost
boisterous, manner jarred her into
something like rebellion.
'Too many dresses, yes, and too
. many things of all sorts. We have so
much of everything, and what's it all
for? I can never get to the bottom of
the linen chest — some of the things
have never been used. The parlor is
fixed up like a furniture store — there
is n't a scratch or stain on anything.
And look at my clothes! I've given
away enough for a poor bride's trous-
seau; I never wear out anything.
What's the use of so many things? I
wish we were poor. At least I 'd have
something to do, then.'
Her tone was almost vehement. Her
color had risen; the beseeching look in
her eyes was burned away by a gleam
of protest.
Yankel watched her in mute sur-
prise. He understood the inner mean-
ing of her frivolous complaint, perhaps
better than she did herself, but he had
become so accustomed to her gentle
patience that he did not at once know
how to meet her sudden outburst.
Sorke waited a moment for him to
speak, then went on, in a quieter man-
ner,—
* Really, Yankel, J think people are
happier when they are n't so well off.
I'd rather do patching and darning
than this everlasting fancy-work.' She
cast a look of distaste at the embroid-
ery-frame in the corner. * I want some-
thing real to do. I don't think you
know how many hours there are in the
day, you're so busy with your affairs
and seeing people and traveling. If I
were n't ashamed, I 'd like to take les-
VOL. in -NO. i
sons on the clavier, or something like
that, to fill up the time.'
'Why don't you?'
Sorke looked her surprise.
'A married woman take lessons?
Everybody would point at me. I'm
supposed to be busy with housekeep-
ing. Busy?' She smiled sadly. * I stay
in bed till I'm lame from lying; I go to
market, I stop wherever two women
have their heads together, I eat my
dinner, I dress myself as for a holi-
day; and it's only noon! Sometimes I
turn the house upside down, — closets
and drawers and everything, — just to
have something to do.' She clasped
her hands pleadingly. * Yankel! I've
asked you a dozen times, I ask you
again : send away the maid, and let me
do the housework. I '11 be happy as a
queen with my arms in the dough-
tub!'
She ended with a little smile, but
Yankel continued to look gravely at
her.
'You might try it for a while,' he
said at length, * but it would n't con-
tent you long.'
Sorke suppressed a sigh. Her hus-
band's words showed her that he knew
her innermost thoughts, still she made
another feeble effort to disguise them.
'I'd like it,' she said, in her normal
tone; but she could not meet his ear-
nest gaze.
Yankel got up and took a few steps
across the room. With his hands in his
pockets, he leaned against a tall chest
opposite the table, and looked so long
at Sorke that she felt oppressed by his
scrutiny.
Her cry for something to do had
gone to his heart like a subtle accusa-
tion. This was his second fruitless
marriage. What atonement had he
made this woman for her empty exist-
ence? No wonder she cried out at last
at the gilded dross with which he had
tried to beguile her.
THE AMULET
' Sorele, I have tried to be good to
you.'
It was all he found to say in self-ex-
cuse, but there was a world of sadness
in his tone. Sorke's heart was struck
with compunction. She went over to
him with penitent haste.
'Yankel,' she said, earnestly, plead-
ingly, * don't look at me like that. You
have been good to me — always, al-
ways. There is n't another husband
like you in Polotzk. Why, all the wo-
men envy me! You must n't mind
my foolish words. Don't you know
that a spoiled wife always has some
complaint? Oh, Yankel! I deserve to
be cudgeled for my silly talk.'
She drew close to him, with one
hand on his cheek. Tears of remorse
were in her eyes. Yankel put his hand
over hers, but did not speak.
'What are you thinking, Yankel?
Won't you forgive me?'
'I'm thinking that I'm a very selfish
man.'
'You selfish!' Sorke laughed. 'Your
worst enemy would n't say that.'
He freed himself from her touch, and
spoke from a little distance.
'Sorke, I ought to set you free to
take another husband.'
'Yankel!'
Gesture and tone expressed her hor-
ror. Yankel put out a hand to her at
once.
'I did n't mean to shock you, Sorele.
I can never make up to you for — for
what you miss. Eight years I lived with
Peshe Frede, may she rest in peace!
and since our marriage three years have
passed. Sorele, you are young and
fresh as a maiden. Why should you be
doomed along with me?'
Sorke dropped to her knees, her full
dress billowing up about her.
' Yankel, I beg you, unless you mean
to divorce me, never say these things
to me again.'
He raised her and held her close.
'You must n't kneel. I '11 never think
of divorce unless you ask for it.' There
came a look into his eyes that made
Sorke hold her breath. 'Sorele, my
wife, I love you.'
At that word, so foreign to the ears
of orthodox Polotzk, Sorke hid her
face. That he should find the word
and she understand it, was a double
miracle. For among the pious Jews of
their time romantic love was unknown,
being constantly anticipated by the
marriage-broker. What Sorke knew of
love and love-making she had learned
from vague rumors emanating from
venturesome circles where forbidden
books were read. In her confusion un-
der her husband's ardor, there was
more than a trace of shame.
'Sorele, Sorele,' repeated Yankel, 'I
love you.'
The wife of three years allowed her-
self to be embraced, with a sense of
yielding to forbidden things. A strange
thrill shot through her body, leaving
her faint and dazed.
' Oh, Yankel!' she whispered, bury-
ing her face on his arm, ' I feel so — so
strange. You are — you make me feel
queer.'
'Do I? Do I?'
He held her away from him and
looked at her steadily, breathing
through dilated nostrils. Her long
lashes swept her flaming cheeks. She
wavered toward him, but he would
not meet her movement. At last, with
a little gasp of emotion, she threw her
arms around his neck. In the void left
by her maternal failure, the exotic flow-
er of love had sprung up, that heathen
love for which there was no name in
the vocabulary of the orthodox.
'Are you happy, Sorele?'
His breath was warm on her neck.
She nestled closer, but did not speak.
'Are you?' he persisted.
'I don't know why I'm happy all of
a sudden.'
THE AMULET
35
She spoke unwillingly, with a sort of
childish pout. He raised her head and
compelled her look.
' You are so beautiful, Sorele. If you
did n't wear a wig, you 'd be like a
bride just before the wedding. Take
it off. You have pretty hair/
His fingers began to fumble with the
hairpins. She caught them playfully.
'Don't, Yankel. Don't look like
that, and don't say such queer things.
What makes you?'
'I don't know, myself. Have I ever
seen you before? You look new to me.'
She laughed like a child. Suddenly
he pressed her closer to him, and kissed
her again and again. The skull-cap
fell from his thick brown curls. He
looked like a youth of twenty.
'My wife, my wife!' he murmured;
and Sorke ceased to struggle.
They were facing each other through
a trembling mist of passion, the man
and wife who had blundered on the
tricks of love neglected by the customs
of their race; and lo! it was only a more
cunning disguise for the ultimate pur-
pose which the conventions of their
world had scarcely masked.
' If God would only grant us a child
now!' whispered Sorke, summing up
in one word both her old and her new
ideas of bliss.
II
A month or so later they were again
sitting close together in the lamplight,
Yankel having just returned from a
short trip. As soon as the door was
shut on the inquisitive housemaid,
they had drawn up their chairs to the
fire, with that new instinct of mutual
approach which was the sign of their
belated love. But Yankel was not
bent on love-making this evening.
With an elation that seemed unwar-
ranted by the prosaic facts he was re-
citing, he was giving Sorke a minute
account of his return journey, and
she, divining from his manner that
he was leading up to some important
revelation, listened with growing cu-
riosity.
'So there we were, six versts from
the railroad station, the wagon in the
ditch on top of the miserable horse,
and the stupid peasant boy with just
sense enough left to scratch his head.
There was no hope now of catching
my train; we could n't raise the horse
without help. After a while my dolt
got his wits together and bethought
himself of a little inn, kept by Jews, on
a branch road half a verst from where
we were spilled. It was the toughest
half-mile I ever walked. The mud was
up to my calves in places, and sticky
as glue. The inn was a rotten shanty,
but there were two men on the place,
and I sent them out to help Stephanka
raise the horse and wagon. I ordered
something to eat while I waited, but,
as I was washing my hands, I saw a
queer creature, neither man nor beast,
climb down from the stove ledge, steal
up to the table, and snatch the loaf
that was laid out for me. The inn-
keeper, a dried-up old woman with a
wry face, caught the creature, beat
him, and took the bread from him.
She explained that he was an idiot
from birth, her only living child, al-
though she had had eight sound, heal-
thy children.'
Sorke shuddered slightly.
'Poor woman!' she murmured.
'It's no wonder she looks like a
witch,' Yankel resumed, 'with such a
history. It turned me just to look at
that monster. He was almost naked,
— dressed in a single tattered shirt, —
hairy all over like a beast, with wild
eyes; and he smelt like a filthy animal.'
'Oc/i, what a horrid creature! Could
he talk?'
'No more than the beasts. He
whined and jabbered when the inn-
36
THE AMULET
keeper beat him, and suddenly he
wrenched himself out of her clutch,
and as she tried to grab him again, she
caught hold of something he wore on a
string around his neck, the string broke,
and the thing was left in her hand. At
that the woman seemed terribly upset,
and wailed and wrung her hands. " It 's
a sign," she moaned, "a bad sign. Some-
thing is going to happen." I asked her
what it was she had torn off the idiot's
neck, and she said it was an amulet he
had worn since he was a baby.'
Yankel interrupted himself to ask a
question.
'Do you believe in amulets, Sorke?'
* Believe in amulets? Of course I do.
All sorts of troubles are cured by amu-
lets, and they bring good luck, every-
body knows. But they're getting rare
now; the rebbes don't do such wonders
as they used to. The people are too
sinful.'
Sorke spoke with the simplicity of
the believer. She came of a family of
devout Hasidim, who believed in mir-
acles as they believed in the Law of
Moses.
'It may be,' said Yankel, in answer
to her remark. 'This amulet, now —
where do you think it came from?'
Sorke shrugged her shoulders.
'Do I know? Tell me all about
it/
'Well, the innkeeper's sister gave it
to the idiot boy when she was dying.
She took it from her own neck and gave
it to him. She thought it might cure
him — make him human.'
'Where did she get it?'
'She had it from the Rebbe of Ka-
dino.'
Sorke jumped in her place.
'From the Rebbe of Kadino!' she
exclaimed, in a reverent undertone.
'An amulet from the Rebbe of Kadino!
Oh, Yankel, if I could only touch it!
What did she have it for? Did the
innkeeper say?'
'It did n't cure the idiot, you see;
the innkeeper said he was never any
different.'
'But the Rebbe gave it for some-
thing different, I suppose. His amu-
lets never failed. If he were living
now, I'd have gone to him long ago.'
Yankel bent close to her.
'What for, Sorele? what for?'
She flushed, and her eyes fell.
'For a cure for barrenness,' she re-
plied in a low voice. 'He helped many
women.'
Yankel stealthily put his hand into
his pocket and drew out a small dark
object, which he gently placed on
Sorke 's lap.
Her hands unclasped themselves,
but remained poised over her lap. She
looked up with a white face.
'The amulet!' she whispered.
Her husband nodded.
'It was given her for barrenness.
She had been married six years with-
out bearing. She made a pilgrimage to
Kadino, got this amulet from the
Rebbe, and within the year she had a
child.'
They looked at each other in a si-
lence heavy with awe. Through the
little dark object lying on Sorke's lap
their prayers were to be answered at
last. The parasite superstition which
had overgrown the noble tree of the
faith of the Ghetto yielded a drop of
honey along with its poisonous sap.
Yankel and Sorke, sharing between
them the token of the sainted Rebbe,
tasted a form of ecstasy that only the
credulous can know.
Presently Sorke began to murmur,
taking up the amulet with reverent
fingers, pressing it to her bosom, to her
lips.
'Oh, God, dear God! why are You
so good to me? A little child — I shall
have a little child! What pious deeds
must I do in return for this? I will feed
the hungry, I will tend the sick, I will
THE AMULET
37
give alms, I will fast and pray. God
has answered my petitions.'
And Yankel spoke as tensely as she.
' I did so want a child, Sorke. I had
got used to wanting — I thought I was
resigned. But lately, since — because
you are so dear to me, I wanted it
more than ever. No matter where I
go, I see your face, and still I miss
something that belongs to you. I can't
explain it; I'm ashamed of it some-
times — a man to be always thinking
of what cannot be! But now, if God
wills — What a happiness, Sorele!'
All that might come with the ripen-
ing months they would owe to the
blessed talisman!
Ill
A month passed, two, three, four
months. They smiled at each other in
undiminished hope. Sorke wore the
amulet round her neck day and night,
except when she made her ritual ablu-
tions. The thing they longed for would
surely come to pass. What if they had
to wait another month, and another?
It was so much more time in which to
make their lives pure and holy. They
had always been counted among the
pious; now they redoubled their acts
of devotion and charity. And always
they knew that the thing they longed
for would come to pass.
And so it did. One day, returning
from an absence of eight weeks, Yankel
was greeted at the gate by a speech-
less, tremulous Sorke, who blushed the
news to him before they had got in-
doors. Shimke, the money-lender, who
lived in the next house on the right, re-
ported in the market-place that she
saw through a crack in the fence how
Yankel snatched up the blushing wife
and carried her like a baby into the
house.
'No wonder/ said the mothers of
Polotzk, when Sorke's news was out,
'no wonder the man went out of his
head at the tidings, after waiting so
long. Sorke, she will be as one new-
born. The poor young thing was worn
almost to a shadow, what with pining
and fasting and running about from
one wise woman to another. There
is n't a remedy she had n't tried. She
was always thinking of the other one,
they say — Peshe Frede, peace be to
her soul ! — who went childless to her
grave. Well, God took pity on her,
and it does one good to think of her
joy.'
The months that followed were the
happiest in Sorke's life. Her husband
surrounded her with all the comforts
that his means could command, and
the matrons of the neigborhood
watched over her and taught her all
their maternal secrets. Yankel en-
gaged a little Gentile girl especially to
wait on her, 'as if she were a queen,'
the women said; and as Sorke's time
drew near, he was unwilling to leave
her side, sometimes letting his business
suffer rather than spend a night away
from home.
'He's afraid the Messiah will be
born in his absence,' the neighbors
laughed, taking note of Yankel's anx-
iety; but the hearts of the fathers were
with him, remembering the time when
they had awaited each his own first-
born; and the prayers of the women
were with his wife, as they recalled the
first fears and shocks and raptures of
motherhood.
One day, finding himself within a
few versts of the neglected inn where
he had come across the magical amulet,
Yankel was moved to go and report
the happy effect of the charm. His
heart was running over with gratitude
to God and benevolence to all the
world. He suddenly felt that he had
not rewarded the woman sufficiently
for the priceless gift of the amulet. He
had paid her ten rubles — a fortune in
38
THE AMULET
her eyes; but what was ten rubles in
return for his blissful expectations?
The old woman was knitting by the
window when Yankel's wagon turned
into the yard. Before he had set a foot
on the ground, she burst through the
door, and ran to meet him with ges-
tures of excitement.
'Oh, Master Jew, Master Jew!' she
cried, grasping his arm with her two
bony hands. 'You have come —
thank God you have come! Every
day since you were here I've sat by
the window watching for you. I did
n't know your name, or where you
came from, so I could n't send you a
message. I hoped I would see that
peasant boy again who upset you in
the ditch, but he did n't come this way
— nobody ever comes this way — it 's
a castaway corner — nothing but an
accident brought you in the first place.
You were lost in the big world, and I
could n't find you.'
Yankel listened to her with amaze-
ment. The words came whistling out
of her toothless mouth like the wind
through a keyhole. Her drawn cheeks
were stained purple with excitement.
'What 's the matter? ' he said, gently
disengaging his arm. 'What did you
want with me, that you sat at the win-
dow, waiting so?'
'The amulet — what have you done
with the amulet?'
Yankel thought she repented of her
bargain.
'You sold it to me for ten rubles. If
that was n't enough, I'll give you
more. That's what I came for to-day.'
'No, no, I don't want more money,'
the woman protested. ' See, I have n't
changed the other bill yet.' She put
her hand into her bosom and pulled
out a rag tied up into a knot. 'Here it
is — I was afraid to touch it. What
have you done with the amulet?'
Her mysterious insistence began to
annoy him.
'It was mine,' he said, with a touch
of impatience, ' and I did what I want-
ed with it. You told me it would cure
barrenness. I gave it to my wife to
wear. We had been married over three
years without a child.'
'And now?'
The woman's voice was thick with
suspense.
'It was with my wife as with your
sister. Thank God, she expects a child.
But what ails you, woman?'
The innkeeper had turned ashy pale.
She clapped her bony hands together
and turned her eyes to heaven.
'God's will be done,' she whispered.
' It 's too late now. May the Lord save
her from all evil.'
Watching her, Yankel felt his heart
contract with apprehension. He grasp-
ed her by the arm, and spoke sternly,
almost fiercely.
'Listen, woman! If you have any-
thing to tell me, out with it. What is
it you're moaning about?'
The innkeeper collected herself.
'The warning, Master Jew — I for-
got to tell you the warning. It was so
long ago — my sister's first child is
himself a father now. I forgot about
the warning, and you went away and I
saw you no more until now.'
Yankel set his teeth and waited for
her to work round to the point.
'The Rebbe said that if it was twins,
one of them would die,' the woman
said, chanting the words like a text of
Scripture; 'if it was a boy, all would
go well; if it was a girl, the mother
might not live to nurse her.'
Yankel turned white under his beard.
'Lord of all!' he cried; 'I gave it to
my Sorke to wear.'
At sight of his terror, the woman
turned comforter.
'You must have faith, Master Jew,'
she said. 'What! have you no faith at
all? It may be a boy, and then all will
be well. My sister — may she rest in
THE AMULET
peace! — was not afraid to put it on,
because she trusted in God/
'Did she know?'
'Sure she did. Am I not telling you
that the Rebbe gave her this warning
with the amulet? She trusted in God,
and He rewarded her. A boy she had
— may all Jewish mothers have the
like. Everything is in God's hands.'
But Yankel could not shake off the
horror that had seized him. ' If it is a
girl, the mother may not live to nurse
her.' The words repeated themselves
in his ear. He climbed back into the
wagon and ordered his man to drive
to the railroad station as fast as he
could. There was a train in an hour.
He could be in Polotzk before midnight.
He could see Sorke — he could assure
himself that she was as well as when
he had left her.
The innkeeper stood in the road and
watched him drive off.
'Don't blame me, Master Jew,' she
called after him. ' I ' ve sat by the win-
dow every day watching for you. And
you must trust in God. It will be a
boy — a boy — a boy! '
Twenty rods or so below the inn,
a wild creature broke through the
thicket by the roadside and ran grin-
ning and gibbering across the road,
right under the horse's nose. It was
the idiot who had worn the amulet be-
fore Sorke. Yankel shuddered and
ordered his man to drive faster. The
country was peopled with hobgoblins.
On every side he saw evil omens.
IV
He did not tell Sorke of his visit to
the inn. He kept his fears to himself,
and his heart grew heavier as the days
went by. He redoubled his attentions
to his wife, — watched over her by day,
and prayed over her by night. In his
inexperience, he saw signs of approach-
ing doom in her growing inactivity
and lassitude, which were, indeed, due
chiefly to the fact that his attentions
left her no opportunity for exertion.
She smiled at him from her easy chair,
chattered gaily of neighborhood events,
or fell into sweet abstraction, her hands
serenely folded in her lap.
One evening, as she sat on the edge
of her bed plaiting her soft black hair
for the night, she watched him arrange
her pillows as solicitously as a nurse
might have done.
'Yankel,' she said, suddenly, 'what
would you do if you woke up some
morning and did n't find me here?
You spend all your time taking care
of me. What would you do without
me?'
He turned pale at her playful words.
His voice was hoarse when he spoke.
'Sorele, don't talk like that! Why
do you have such fancies? I shall al-
ways have you — God grant it. I
could n't live without you, Sorele; it's
a sin to say so, but I could n't.' He
sat down beside her and took her hand.
'My wife, you are dearer to me than
anything else I have, or anything I
ever could have/
Sorke was somewhat awed by his
earnestness, but her playfulness was
not all spent.
'You've forgotten something you're
going to have,' she said, archly, blush-
ing slightly at her thoughts. 'You
would n't give that for other things —
not even for me, perhaps.'
'Sorele, you are more to me than
the child I hope to have.'
She gazed at him with a sort of rev-
erent wonder, then she sighed.
'I don't know why God is so good
to me. I feel as if something must
happen to us; we are too happy.'
Once more superstitious terror
clutched at Yankel's heart. He had
asked too much of God; he might be
called upon to part with a portion of
his riches, that he might learn humil-
40
THE AMULET
ity. He had had more to be thankful
for than most men : a happy boyhood,
with loving parents and good teachers;
a prosperous manhood, and a digni-
fied place in the community. Twice a
pious, well-dowered maid was given
him to wife. Why was he not content?
Why had he asked for what God chose
to withhold? In his love for Sorke it
had been given him to taste of a bliss
he had never dreamed of — whose ex-
istence in the world he had not even
suspected. It was as if for him alone,
of all the men he knew, this exquisite
essence of happiness had been distilled
out of the common elements of life.
And he had asked for more! He had
gone meddling with charms for the
purpose of thwarting God's will. What
if the Almighty, in his divine displeas-
ure, should chastise him through the
thing he valued most of all?
'Sorele, Sorele!' pleaded Yankel,
pressing her hands to his heart, * I beg
of you not to say these things — do not
think them even. Pray with me that
God will spare you, no matter what
else He takes from me. You would be
happy with me, would n't you, even if
there were no child?'
* Why, yes, Yankel, I think I would.
Once I used to be very lonely — I
wanted children, like other women —
but after — lately — Oh, but we'll al-
ways be happy! All of us: you and I
and the baby!'
The neighborhood was apprised
that Sorke's hour had come, when,
early one morning in the autumn, Yan-
kel was seen dashing out of his gate-
way in a state of dishevelment, mak-
ing straight for the quarter where Itke,
the midwife, lived. Half an hour later
he was seen returning, this time in a
droshka, standing up all the way, urg-
ing the isvostchik to drive faster. The
familiar face of the midwife bobbed in
the seat behind him.
The news was flashed from house
to house. The women neglected their
morning tasks, and found excuses to
go visiting from one end of the street
to the other, exchanging opinions and
prophecies as to Sorke 's chances.
* It's a little soon,' it was said in one
circle. * Sorke hadn't reckoned to be
delivered for another week or so.'
' It was a sudden call, as I live,' said
Shimke of the watchful eye. * Yankel
ran out with his sleeves rolled up and
soapsuds in his beard, — did n't have
time to finish washing, — and he was
pale as a cloth. And did you see the
droshka flinging around the corner?
Yankel must have tipped the driver
well. Bobe Itke was so shaken that
she could n't finish buttoning her bod-
ice. I guess Yankel pulled her out of
bed. God be with her in her need!'
Shimke finished, piously though am-
biguously.
'God be with her!' echoed the gos-
sips; and one or two applied a corner
of their kerchiefs to their eyes.
Before noon there was every sign
that Sorke's case was going badly.
Anusha, the little maid, was seen run-
ning on many errands, and to shouted
inquiries she answered only 'Bog zna-
yetr (God knows!) It was observed
that certain vessels, seldom needed by
the sprightly mothers of Polotzk, were
borrowed from a distant quarter. And
then, most ominous of all signs, the
well-known carriage of Dr. Isserson,
the best physician in Polotzk, drew
up before Yankel 's gate, and remained
there for hours. Itke, the experienced
midwife, who had ushered two genera-
tions of babies into Polotzk, despised
the doctors with their fussy, elaborate
ways, and never called them in except
in desperate cases. No wonder that
pious old Zelde, who commanded a
view of the street from her little win-
THE AMULET
41
dow, noticing the arrival of Dr. Isser-
son, dropped her knitting, snatched
up her shawl, and hobbled off to the
synagogue to pray.
To the synagogue repaired also Yan-
kel, driven thither by Itke, who scold-
ed him for being in the way. It was
bad enough to have one man around,
she complained, with an unfriendly
look at the doctor's back; men were no
good except to pray.
And Yankel prayed, and collected
ten men to recite the Psalms with him,
and people passing outside the syna-
gogue heard his voice above the rest;
and the wailing, pleading tones of it
melted every Jewish heart.
One by one the men he had sum-
moned left the synagogue and returned
to their vulgar affairs, but Yankel did
not notice their going. Wrapped in his
praying shawl, he leaned his arms on a
lectern by the window and let his soul
float away from him. He was a fair
scholar, but never before had he open-
ed a sacred book with such overmas-
tering longing to understand. He
longed to lose his fears, to give up his
will. He cried to the God of Israel, not
to secure to him that which he prized,
but to fill him with the faith that
would make his portion acceptable to
him.
* Cast thy burden upon the Lord, and
He shall sustain thee?
YankeFs voice gathered volume as
he chanted, till the Hebrew syllables
echoed in every corner of the empty
synagogue. The long shadows trooped
in, obscuring the polished benches, the
carved pulpit in the centre, the faint
frescoes on the wall. A last sunbeam
slanted down from a little window in
the women's gallery, drew a prismatic
flash from the crystal chandelier,
glinted on the golden fringe of the cur-
tains before the ark, and expired in the
smothering shadows.
' / will abide in Thy tabernacle for-
ever; I will trust in the covert of Thy
wings.9
Yankel's voice had lost the tremor
of passion. His brow was smooth un-
der the shadow of the praying shawl.
He closed his eyes and was silent, only
his body swayed gently with the mel-
ody of the psalm.
The printed page was blurred when
he came to himself with a shock, to find
a small boy plucking him by the arm.
* Reb' Yankel, there 's a Gentile girl
outside wants to speak to you.'
Through the gloom of the empty
synagogue he took six long strides to
the door. Across the yard he flew, the
praying shawl swelling like a sail
around him, his boots clicking on the
paving stones. A small figure was
standing in the street, barefoot, silent,
gray as the dusk. It was Sorke's lit-
tle maid, and her kerchief was pulled
far over her face.
'Anusha!'
Terror and pleading were in his
voice.
* Master, O master! it's a little boy,
and the mistress will be well.'
A PLEA FOR THE RECOGNITION OF THE CHINESE
REPUBLIC
BY CHING CHUN WANG
THE Chinese millions have given the
world the greatest revolution of mod-
ern times in the most civilized manner
known to history. We have emanci-
pated ourselves from the imperial yoke,
not by brute force, but by sheer reason-
ing and unparalleled toleration. With-
in the amazingly short period of four
months, and without shedding over
one hundredth part of the blood that
has been shed in other similar revolu-
tions, we have transformed our im-
mense country from an empire of four
thousand years' standing into a modern
democracy. After having set this new
standard of sanity in revolutions, we
have organized ourselves into the new-
est Republic, following up-to-date pat-
terns. Now we come forward with
hands and hearts open to join the sis-
terhood of nations, and all we ask is
that the world will permit us to join its
company. We are born into the world
as a nation, and we wish to be register-
ed as a part of the world. We ask for
recognition of our Republic because it
is an accomplished fact. Neither our
modesty nor our sense of self-respect
will ever allow us to make another re-
quest if any party can show us that
the Chinese Republic is not a fact.
The recognition of a new nation by
the family of nations should more or
less resemble the announcement or
registration of a newly born child. If
the baby is actually born with the
functions of a human being, it is the
duty of the family and the court, if
42
that court is worth having, to acknow-
ledge the fact. So it should be with the
recognition of a new government.
If it is born and bona fide in exist-
ence, it is incumbent upon the civilized
nations to acknowledge and admit its
birth. Of course, the family of nations,
as the family of some barbarous tribes,
can ignore or even nullify the birth of
a newly born; but I feel that we have
got beyond that stage of' barbarity.
The law of nations, as in the case of the
law of the state, has reached or should
reach such a state of perfection that a
being should not only have the right
to exist after it is born, but also the
right to be born when it is bona fide
conceived. We are thankful that the
United States has taken the initiative
from the beginning of our Revolution in
preventing foreign powers from inter-
fering, thus enabling us to be properly
conceived and born; but since we are
born we must now ask for recognition.
Of course there are certain usages
to be fulfilled in order to be recog-
nized. But China has fulfilled these
requirements long ago. So many un-
deniable evidences exist, and so many
indisputable arguments have already
been produced, in respect to interna-
tional law, that it will be time wasted
to emphasize this point here. Suffice
it to say, that facts and the concur-
rence of best opinion testify that
China deserves recognition. Indeed,
the Chinese people, as well as many
others, would be most happy to know
A PLEA FOR RECOGNITION OF THE CHINESE REPUBLIC 43
in what respect China has not fulfilled
the requirements to deserve recogni-
tion. The only reason we have heard up
to this time is that given by England
and Russia, namely, that China must
make a new treaty to give practical
independence to Tibet and Mongolia
before she can expect recognition from
these two countries. Now let us ask,
how could the making of a new treaty,
or the granting of independence to
Tibet and Mongolia, better qualify
China as a nation? It seems a pity
that such a retrogressive step should
be taken, and that the recognition of
a new government should be made an
excuse for fraudulent bargaining.
China to-day is a nation, and the
Chinese Republic is a fact. If any na-
tion or individual thinks that China
is not a nation and the Chinese Repub-
lic is not a fact, it is their duty to give
us the evidence. Or, if they do not
think that the republican form of
government is good enough for recog-
nition, then they must point out that
they have something better in mind.
As one of the most potent factors to
prevent a nation from recognizing a
new government is the fear of offend-
ing, or the desire to help, t)|e old gov-
ernment, prolonged delay of recogni-
tion of the Chinese Republic may mean
that the Powers hope, or fear, that the
dissolved Manchu Dynasty, with all its
corruption, will reappear. But we
must see that there is no more dynas-
ty left. Even the Prince Regent and
the Dowager Empress have forsaken
it. The Emperor himself has retired
into private life with satisfaction. In
short, the monarchy is dead — abso-
lutely dead. Then they may say that
the dead may be raised from the grave,
as in the story of Jesus of old; but
they must also remember that those
who were raised by Jesus were good,
and not such obnoxious and decom-
posed bones as the Manchu Dynasty.
Another reason given in some quar-
ters for withholding recognition of the
Chinese Republic, is that the govern-
ment of the Republic is called ' provi-
sional.' It is really amusing to see how
people, or even statesmen, sometimes
balk at some single word, which has lit-
tle or no substantial meaning, sacrific-
ing thereby results of universal benefit.
The word * provisional ' was adopted in
Nanking really without much consid-
eration. If anything, it was due to the
modesty of our leaders, who thought
that, during the period of transition
from imperialism to democracy, to call
the government ' provisional ' might be
more becoming, if not more expedient.
To illustrate further that the word * pro-
visional 'has no substantial significance,
we may recall that, during this current
year, this word has become so popular
that it is indiscriminately prefixed to
pretty nearly everything. Thus, people
say ' provisional ' theatre, ' provisional '
restaurant, and even * provisional ' en-
joyment. What should be considered
is the fact, and not the name. A gov-
ernment, although called ' provisional/
may be fully deserving of recognition,
while another government may be call-
ed substantial, solid, or whatever else
you like, and yet far less deserve the
characterization. It certainly seems
rather unfortunate that on account of
the modesty of our leaders in adopting
the word 'provisional' the deserved
recognition should be withheld.
As a Chicago paper said, 'For near-
ly nine months the republican govern-
ment of China has been uncontested.
There is not even a "pretender" to
the throne. There is peace and order,
broadly speaking, throughout China.'
We ask for recognition, because the
other nations have hammered at
our doors and constantly come in
contact with us. We would not ob-
ject to going on without recognition
if the other Powers really wish to
44 A PLEA FOR RECOGNITION OF THE CHINESE REPUBLIC
sever all relations with us. In so far
as our diplomatic and consular officers
in foreign countries, as well as those
officers of foreign nations accredited to
us, are now conducting our interna-
tional affairs much the same as before,
and also in so far as the nations have to
transact business, and are doing it now
with us, just as if we were recognized,
we see no reason why the Powers, espe-
cially the United States, which often
boasts of being the mother and cham-
pion of republicanism, should refrain
from simply declaring and acknow-
ledging what is a fact. Indeed, after
having known how these Powers en-
deavored to induce us to admit them,
and how eager they apparently were
in forcing China to open her doors, we
find it hard to understand why the
same Powers should remain so indiffer-
ent, and even turn a deaf ear to our plea
to join their company, when we have
at last broken loose from the obstacles
which they hated, and opened up not
only our doors but our hearts as well.
Moreover, an early recognition will
help us a good deal to calm the over-
charged suspension of mind, and thus
enable the people to forget the Revo-
lution and to settle down to business.
Like the cheering from the football
bleachers or the applause in the gallery,
there is perhaps nothing substantial in
the recognition, but it is the only thing
that makes a team put in its last ounce
of grit and the actor double his spirit.
After seeing what China has done, we
feel that she deserves at least some
such mild sign of appreciation.
An early recognition will also help
China in her relations with other na-
tions. The recognition itself may not
mean much, but at this critical mo-
ment, when China has the re-making
of herself in hand, and when not every
nation is too glad to see China become
strong and peaceful, every little help
means a good deal. Indeed, a little
help shown us to-day means a thou-
sand times the value of the same help
if it is shown us in a year to come.
We need help and encouragement. We
need help now.
Then the delay of public recogni-
tion always casts a baleful influence
upon the minds of all concerned, and
hence invariably hinders the progress
of a new nation. Therefore, by delay-
ing recognition, you are not only re-
fraining from helping us, but you are
doing a positive injury to our cause.
History tells us that the refusal of re-
cognition has contributed its share in
bringing about the failure of former
revolutions, and has obstructed pro-
gress in China herself. Such delay has
since been lamented. In speaking of
the refusal of the Powers to recognize
the Tai-ping Rebellion, which bears no
comparison to our Revolution of last
year, Dr. W. A. P. Martin, one of the
best American authorities on China,
said several years ago, * Looking back
at this distance of time, with the
light of all subsequent history upon
the events, we are still inclined to ask
whether a different policy might not
have been better. . . . Had the foreign
Powers promptly recognized the Tai-
ping chief on the outbreak of the sec-
ond war, might it not have shortened
a chapter of horrors that dragged on
for fifteen more years, ending in many
other revolts and causing the loss of
fifty millions of human lives. . . . More
than once, when the insurgents were
on the verge of success, the prejudice
of short-sighted diplomats decided
against them, and an opportunity was
lost such as does not occur once in a
thousand years.'
We hope that the nations are not
so prejudiced as to think that our
Revolution is even worse than the
Tai-ping Rebellion, and we also hope
that the regrettable short-sightedness
of the diplomats may not obtain in our
O SLEEP
case, so that posterity may not have to
lament our loss of the present oppor-
tunity, as we lament the lost opportun-
ity of our forefathers of sixty years ago.
Then again, to give the deserved
recognition will be of mutual benefit
by preventing many mutual embar-
rassments. The recent International
Congress of Commerce at Boston, and
the Panama Exposition, are two in-
stances. In both cases the American
people interested, and, so far as we can
see, the American government also,
were anxious to have China partici-
pate. In return, China was glad also
to come. But in the absence of that
official recognition, both parties had to
go at the matter in the most round-
about way conceivable, so as to make
people believe that the one in inviting
the other, and the other in accepting
the invitation, were, at the same time,
having nothing to do with each other.
The round-about red-tape in playing
this make-believe is as amusing as it is
troublesome. Therefore, as a citizen of
a republic, the writer feels we had bet-
ter stop this make-believe and settle
down to business. We sympathize with
all nations concerned in their interna-
tional difficulties, but we also trust that
their difficulties will soon be overcome.
During the past seven months China
has rushed through her great drama
with appalling speed and audacity.
She has run the hardest Marathon
known in history. After reaching her
goal, breathless, she nervously but
confidently looks to the world for the
recognition due to every such runner.
She stretches out her hands to America
first, because she prefers to have her
best friend be the first in giving her
this deserved encouragement. Now,
will America understand the truth?
Will America listen to her plea?
O SLEEP
BY GRACE FALLOW NORTON
TAKE me upon thy breast,
O river of rest.
Draw me down to thy side,
Slow-moving tide.
Carry out beyond reacn
Of song or of speech
This body and soul forespent.
To thy still continent,
Where silence hath his home,
Where I would come,
Bear me now in thy deep
Bosom, Sleep,
O Sleep.
LAWYER AND PHYSICIAN : A CONTRAST
BY G. M. STRATTON
EVERY lawyer when young should be
apprenticed to some good physician,
and should return to him regularly
through life. Then we might hope that
from the neighboring profession of heal-
ing there might enter into him a spirit
never to be wholly quenched by all the
deadening influences of his work.
No fact could well be more surpris-
ing or offer a more delicate psycholog-
ical problem than this, that, within
two professions touching life upon mat-
ters of equal importance, professions of
ancient dignity and learning, and in-
viting to their service men of equal and
rare ability, there should in the same
community be so different a spirit.
Medicine stands in this strange con-
trast to law, that while the public is
clamoring for the lawyers to advance,
the lawyers themselves as a class offer
the chief resistance; the medical profes--
sion constantly outstrips and leads the
public imagination in devices to check
disease. Although much at the start was
due to laymen, the campaign against
tuberculosis, against infant mortality,
against malarial and typhoid fevers, is
largely captained and manned by doc-
tors, who have the hearty support of
the profession as a whole. The public
does not have to drive and drag them
from their satisfaction with methods
which even to the laity are clearly an-
tiquated and perverse. The doctors,
unlike the lawyers, have rather to con-
tend with public efforts to hold them
back. Powerful lobbies and mass-
46
meetings have been known to oppose
the doctors' most reasonable efforts to
refuse the license to the vicious and un-
trained. And many a powerful news-
paper, despite well-known medical
ethics, publishes advertisements upon
whose face are all the signs of a debas-
ing and often criminal quackery. Yet
the impulse of the profession, as a
whole, is sufficiently strong to insure a
remarkable progress in the face, not
only of its own inner enemies, but of this
indifference and opposition from with-
out. Of two Rip Van Winkles awaken-
ing to-day, the physician would find
his old methods as rust-eaten and use-
less as his instruments; the lawyer,
after a few hours with new statutes,
would feel at home in any of our
courts.
In comparing the lawyers with the
physicians one should not lose sight of
the vices in medicine, — its tendency
to sects, its quackery, its blunders in
diagnosis and in treatment, the readi-
ness of some physicians to become
accessory to forms of sexual evil, its
disgracefully inadequate 'colleges' in
many parts of our country. Nor should
we lose sight of the prevalent personal
honor of lawyers, — which is fully as
great, in all likelihood, as that of phys-
icians, — and the inestimable service
rendered the public, not only in the
lawyers' direct professional work, but
also when, as individuals, they labor
outside the strict lines of their profes-
sion. As legislators and high executive
officials, federal and state, the lawyers
almost alone govern us, and we pros-
LAWYER AND PHYSICIAN: A CONTRAST
47
per. To men of the type of Baldwin,
Root, Hughes, and Taft, our society is
in deepest debt. Yet the lawyers as a
body, in the strict work of their profes-
sion, — and it is of the pervading spirit
only that I speak, — face opposite to
the men of medicine. As judges, coun-
sel, advocates, they are of the back-
ward look. Their inertia here becomes
almost our despair.
The parallel in medicine to the legal
spirit lies in the distant past before
that movement which, led by men like
Harvey, Sydenham, and Locke, called
modern medicine into life; at a time
when the medical profession had fin-
ality of tone, looking back to Galen as
to the completion of its work. In the
ways of the lawyer one fancies one
sees the Middle Ages present in the
flesh. In Europe the past is most evi-
dent in the Church and the office of
the Ruler. With us, these seem swept
and garnished, while in our courts
is ancient dust and formalism. One
finds here — not in some hole and cor-
ner of the profession, but in its high
and open places — a willingness to look
at words rather than at substance.
It may be the exception, but it is
no rare exception, here to have great
issues hang upon a turn of phrasing,
where the meaning admits no doubt.
A, who has proved that B has defraud-
ed him of money, is nevertheless re-
fused redress because a supreme court
is not sure but that 'his money/ of
which A complains that he has been
defrauded, may mean the money of
B. An action for murder comes to
naught because the complaint fails to
state that John Smith slain was a hu-
man being.1
Such solemn examining of p's to
see whether one of- them may not be
written q ; of every i lest one may lack
1 This is taken from an actual judgment, not
very long ago, by the California Supreme Court.
See 137 California, 590. — THE ATJTHQII.
its dot, — all this seems to the lay-
man little better than deciding affairs
of state by the look of entrails or by
the behavior within the sacred hen-
coop. The Court of Appeals of New
York nullifying legislative acts di-
rected to the relief of workingmen, —
nullifying them because, it was held,
they violated the constitutional guar-
antee regarding * due process of law,' —
reveals a power to think across empty
spaces, which would have been hailed
as modern and envied in those mediae-
val schools where stout realities were
affirmed or denied because of their sup-
posed relation to distant ideas like
* quiddities' and 'intentions.'
Formalism thus run mad would be
an anomaly in any part of our modern
Occident. It is trebly strange in the
most western of all peoples, in a nation
careless of method, having an eye to
results. Our medical profession would
rush the cup of cold water to the suf-
ferer by help of telephone and taxi-
cab. Our legal profession would get
it to him in the right way if it takes
all summer. The difference in the
temper of the two bodies is at once
so strange and so important practi-
cally, that we must no longer delay our
search for its source and origin.
ii
There is a kinship, which few can
have failed to notice, between the
Lawyer and the Priest. While the
priest has at times been physician, —
as with the Egyptian, the Hindu, and
the mediaeval European, as well as
with the savage, — yet the connection
is more intimate and stubborn between
jurist and ecclesiastic. Civil and canon
law, closely joined at one time in Eu-
rope, have often been quite confused,
as in ancient Palestine. At the dinner
where Jesus denounced the Pharisees
because they tithed mint and cummin
48
LAWYER AND PHYSICIAN: A CONTRAST
and forgot judgment and the love
of God, a lawyer present declared,
amazed, that this attack on the Phari-
sees touched his, the great legal profes-
sion. Jesus accepted his challenge, in
stinging words that some of the laity
to-day would like to see carved on
buildings where lawyers congregate:
* Woe unto you lawyers also ! for ye lade
men with burdens grievous to be borne,
and ye yourselves touch not the bur-
dens with one of your fingers.' And
then he described legal and ecclesias-
tical conservatism so that none need
think it peculiar to any land or age.
The lawyers, Jesus said, were always
ready to stone the prophet, stone him
who proclaimed the dawn of a new day;
but when ancient dust had claimed the
man, the profession would erect to him
a costly monument; the lawyers had no
intercourse with living truth, they kept
from men the key of knowledge.
The lawyer knows that statutes
change, that the law is something which
legislatures can amend; yet the body of
the law stands there immovable, in
part- — where, as with us, the Common
Law prevails — a mere mass of preced-
ent which he is to accept, expound,
and apply. The professional mind in
the presence of such a task works not
unlike that of the priest who would ap-
ply and expound and defend against
misconstruction a body of revealed
truth. And especially is the mind in
the two professions tempted to a like
observance of all minutiae of procedure.
As the ritualist resents innovation in
his ceremonial, resents the estimate of
his rites by mere reason and utility, so
the lawyer shows toward his legal rites
an attachment which brings wonder
and solemnity to laymen. Habituated
to these rites, as he is, they have
become to him inseparable from the
end for which they exist. He ministers
in the Temple of Justice, and ancient
piety long deadened into custom keeps
him from seeing that to his divinity the
new moons and offerings are an ab-
omination until there comes into them
again some regard to the widow and
the fatherless.
For all the difference in their work,
the jurist and the ecclesiastic are thus
schooled in like modes of thought.
When Huxley went forth in the name
of Darwin to smite the embattled bish-
ops, the fray was not so different, how-
ever it may have differed in magnitude
and in genius of leadership, from that
which now, as at all times, society must
wage against its lawyers. There is in
both cases an effort to modernize, to
force living thought into the body; an
effort met by immense inertia, not to
speak of active resistance.
The conservatism of the lawyer
comes thus in part from the contagion
of the law. For the law represents the
stability, the habit, of our social life, as
against creative, reformatory energy.
So we must not deny the value of his
trait. His is the virtue — and the vice
— that lies in habit. Here, as with
each of us personally, habit is indis-
pensable, even though it call forth no
enthusiasm. Though it does not drive
us forward, and too often binds, yet we
should not advance without it, for the
gain once made would slip away.
in
A further cause for the lawyers' tem-
per is found in those influences almost
inseparable from every establishment.
We have no established religion; we
have no established school of medicine.
We have, however, an established Law
Court, with its vast body of minis-
trants. In a country until recently
jealous of governmental action, and
where all possible things were left to
private initiative, we have wisely re-
frained from intrusting to personal en-
terprise the organization and support
LAWYER AND PHYSICIAN: A CONTRAST
49
of courts. Thus we have in the case of
law an establishment; and, further, an
establishment without rival.
The Church of England, the Luther-
an Church in Prussia, must brook com-
petitors. The organization maintain-
ed by government is constantly meas-
ured and spurred on by the work and
spirit of dissenters. The nonconform-
ist, eager and critical, is a gadfly that
will not let the stately body sleep.
Even the school system, which is the
only other establishment in the United
States, — unless we were to include
manufacture, which, under our tariff
laws, is, too, in a measure established,
— the public school sees its own handi-
work and economy set by the side of
private enterprise. The public high
schools must compare their outcome
with that of the great private acad-
emies; the universities of California,
Wisconsin, Michigan must justify
themselves before rivals like Harvard,
Chicago, Stanford. But Law lacks all
such spur of rivalry. We cannot choose
whether we shall bring our complaint
before a government court or before
some college of judges erected by a
Carnegie or a Rockefeller, with its
corps of assistants to obtain evidence
and support the verdict. We thus lack
opportunity to demonstrate how much
better the work might be done. The
establishment, consequently, subject-
ed only to wordy criticism, drones on
its ancient way. It suffers the fate of
any organism that is never called to
energetic struggle. This in addition to
all the pride and deadening satisfac-
tion which is the inner foe of every es-
tablishment.
IV
Yet we must also look to some cause
which we do not share with others.
For our American legal profession, in
its attachment to form at the cost of
substance, outdoes the British, being
VOL. in -NO. i
more conservative, less pliable. Our
criminal trials are notoriously more
cumbrous. And while, as Judge Bald-
win tells us, the prosecution of a crim-
inal is more certain to occur with us
than with the English, because under-
taken at the public expense, yet this
gleam cheers faintly since we know how
far less often we convict; and even
when there is conviction, how preva-
lent is the abuse of appeal. The selec-
tion of our juries is viewed with wonder
from across the water. The English
judge is a more active director of the
trial, checking the advocate, brushing
aside obstructions, driving at the truth.
We began to reform our procedure
earlier than did the English, but the
effort soon spent its force.
This heightened archaism of our
legal system arises in a large measure
from early dread. Fearing the official
oppressor, we have doggedly main-
tained and even strengthened all that
ancient mechanism of law which
seemed to promise a defense of the in-
dividual against governmental power.
Thus we have fortified the court in
order to check the other powers of gov-
ernment. But we have put our hand
upon the judge by having him, in most
of our states, chosen by popular vote.
And when elected he often listens, as
one bereft of wit and power, to the de-
vices of the other officials, the advo-
cates, of his court; he acts in constant
fear of the error into which the court's
own officials are trying to entrap him;
his decisions are subject to almost end-
less review by other courts. And the
jury, as a further check, and as repre-
sentative of the plain and unofficial
people, has been elevated and its selec-
tion refined to technical infinity.
Thus the popular dread of the strong
official arm — until, of late years, we
have come to know the full strength
of the private and corporate arm —
is responsible for some of the very
50
LAWYER AND PHYSICIAN: A CONTRAST
anachronisms of which we complain.
The inbred conservatism of the lawyer
has with us been reinforced by the
doubts and cautions of our people
themselves.
To these inducements toward con-
servatism should be added still an-
other. Almost all our lawyers pass
through the school of advocacy. And
advocacy in its present form is as
though planned to take from the jurist
whatever rounded view he may have
had of his larger social duty, his re-
sponsibility to the man who is not his
client. In theory the attorney is an offi-
cer of the court : his first duty is to the
court and to society. In practice he is,
in most cases, hired by an individual to
serve that individual's need. Too often
he thus becomes in effect a mercenary,
ready to fight on either side, careless of
all larger issues. He becomes habitu-
ated to shifting from himself the higher
forms of obligation. Better that he win
an unjust victory, many a lawyer has
told me, than that he should not main-
tain to the utmost the side he has es-
poused. Not he, but the system and
those who frame the system and the
laws, are accountable for the outcome.
His work is that of a wheel in a mechan-
ism; to win cases when he can, and to
leave to others so to check his effort
that he shall not win unless the weight
of law be with him.
Great men like Lincoln, and many
men less great, cannot so view their
work; they cannot feel themselves re-
leased from their responsibility. But
the rank and file of the profession lose
themselves in the ancient sophism.
They repeat to themselves the high
theory of advocacy and of its power for
justice — a theory based utterly on
fiction, and incapable of working justly
unless the opposing advocates were al-
ways of equal talent. The plain lawyer.
shutting his mind to the larger conse-
quences of his acts, loses vision, and
the profession becomes mechanical,
dehumanized. The man of law who
says, 'My concern is not with justice,
it is with the winning of cases,' has
more temptation and excuse, but his
position is otherwise not unlike that of
a physician who should say, * My duty
ends with the man who pays the fee.
If a neighbor would not suffer from the
infectious substance which I remove,
let him and his own hired doctor look
to that.'
Advocacy sharpens intellect at the
expense of character. It is almost the
worst of schools. It trains to ingenuity
and concealment. Hourly the man is
engaged in a work whose success de-
pends to some extent upon a warped
judgment; upon seeing both sides in
some degree, but in confining his con-
victions, if possible, to the one side. If
he can bring himself to believe in the
partial, the strength of his appeal then
has the strength of ten. Advocacy calls
from the buried depths of the mind the
unsympathetic, the contentious, pow-
ers — for which the public interest has
some place, but a place daily lessening.
There is thus a certain inducement to
relax the social bond, to view the par-
ticular rather than the general good.
And consequently devotion to the com-
mon interest, which is so important for
advance, here meets a serious check.
Paid advocacy thus joins with those
other inducements which I have named
to account for the lawyers' and the
law's delay.
VI
The readier response, the leadership,
which the medical profession shows,
is not merely apparent and due to the
lagging of the lawyers. There are
special conditions favorable to free
movement.
And first of tjiese is the dependence
LAWYER AND PHYSICIAN: A CONTRAST
51
of medicine upon natural science, from
whose advance some motion must in-
evitably be caught. The knowledge of
the bodily life and of its disturbances
has been steadily increasing since the
revival of learning. Discoveries like
that of Harvey have been encouraged
and supplemented by instrumental in-
vention. The microscope, the stetho-
scope, the clinical thermometer, the
centrifuge, the radiograph, have each
given an added impetus to medical
studies, and have helped to bind medi-
cine closer to science by making the
judgment of the physician surer and
more exact; while the various pro-
ducts of germ-culture, coming as they
have with many chemical discoveries,
have put into the hands of the physi-
cian means like those which surgery
has found in its great discoveries of
anaesthesia and of the methods of anti-
sepsis and asepsis. The men of medi-
cine have thus come to look daily for
some new light; there has grown in
them a habit of expectancy and of put-
ting to instant use the fresh offerings
of science and of technical invention.
They have, during the later centu-
ries, and especially during the later
decades, been so frequently given the
effective means of advance, that ad-
vance has become the second nature of
the profession. The alliance of medi-
cine with natural science is thus close
and inevitable. And to the scientific
progress of the age we must attribute
much of the alertness that is so signally
present among the doctors.
A second cause of the physicians'
spirit of progress, in contrast with the
conservatism of the bar, is that the im-
mediate end and object of medicine is
not in conflict with other great social
ends. The doctor does not need to heal
one man at the cost of health to an-
other. The lawyer, in extending the
boundary of one man's right, too often
must contract another's. His is a work
of adjusting claims in conflict. What-
ever he does affects the interests of
other men and is scrutinized and re-
sisted by them. The individual lawyer
is not free to put into operation some
entirely new principle whose value he
may perceive; he is not free to experi-
ment effectively, as is the scientist and
the physician. The counselor must fit
his judgment into the usages of his
society. The advocate is met and
checked by the opposing advocate and
by the judge. And the judge's judg-
ment, in turn, must be approved by
other judges. Not until he sits upon
the supreme bench may the judge be
freely inventive and independent, and
even then he has his fellow judges; and
he has reached this eminence only after
a schooling and a drill that should for-
ever quiet all love of the fresh and
creative.
The doctor, too, works within a sys-
tem; he, too, must consult and is held
in check at many points by public and
professional habits of thought. But he
is, after all, infinitely freer to pre-
scribe and to operate, infinitely freer to
attempt some promising uncertainty,
to accept and apply some daring scien-
tific assurance. His work is relatively
personal, and admits of his flashing
forth that spark of creative genius
which is in each human being. The
lawyer's work is social and collective
and methodically organized, and can-
not be remodeled by every eager mind.
The very eagerness of the mind is thus
damped and discouraged, and finally
forever killed.
The work of the medical profession
thus offers a graver responsibility be-
cause offering more freedom to the in-
dividual practitioner; while with the
lawyer individual responsibility — al-
though present in many ways, in that a
betrayal or a mistaken judgment may
bring ruin to others — is limited by
the very limits of his freedom; he must
LAWYER AND PHYSICIAN: A CONTRAST
merely apply principles in whose mak-
ing or discovery he can, as he keeps to
his immediate work, have but the
slightest part.
Medicine, traditionally less honor-
able than law, and less closely knit into
social and governmental institutions,
thus is far freer of limb.
VII
If my account is right, the responsi-
bility for this inconvenient contrast
rests with the laity as well as with the
profession. Each side must be brought
to see wherein it can help to make the
work more responsive to refreshed
ideas. Yet the leadership in such a
movement must come from the profes-
sion itself. For the lawyers alone can
fully understand their system, purge
it, amputate if need be. The laity can
only hold up to them a glass, tell them
how sick and sluggish their system is,
how much they need the physician.
In this way the laity can at least
aim to disturb their complacency, to
make them constantly aware of the
great distance between their accom-
plishment and what society maintains
them for and rightly expects. The legal
profession knows, yet it needs daily to
be told, that it is not here for its own
sake nor merely for the law. As the
physician is to keep his eye fixed upon
health and not upon some mere sys-
tem of medicine, so the lawyer, looking
beyond law, must recognize in him-
self a minister of justice, to live and
grow with the growth of that great
ideal.
The principle of justice is not like a
Platonic idea, eternally changeless; it is
a living energy in the mind, expressing
itself in changing form, as does the idea
of beauty. The lawyer, too attentive
to mere law, — a chalky deposit of
this living force, — catches the fixity,
the definiteness, and loses sight of the
vitality of justice. He should know its
formal utterance in the past; but he
should be ready day by day to bring it
to a more perfect expression.
Sir Thomas More, while giving phys-
icians high honor in his Utopia, would
admit no lawyers. We need not go so
far. A kindly and penetrating auto-
crat in our country would merely abol-
ish their graver abuses. He would
watch the doctors at their work, notice
in their ways something more urbane,
more spiritualized than is found among
the men of law. To his imagination the
law court and the hospital would re-
veal a common purpose — to care for
disorder, to hear and answer com-
plaint. But how different is the man-
ner of the surgeons with their attend-
ant nurses intent upon their operation,
from that of the lawyers and their
clerks at their task of removing from
the human system some festering
wrong! The expense of time, the bur-
dening preliminaries, the gathering
dust and smoke, the variety of finesse,
perhaps even of outrageous imputation
or open insult — one wonders how a
great profession can tolerate such
methods for a day. They smack of var-
nished pugilism rather than of an in-
telligent desire to apply to human
misery the spiritual, indeed divine,
idea of justice. There in the surgery,
the white-gowned doctors and the
nurses, dealing with a problem dis-
tinctly physical, seem to represent and
symbolize the refinement, the intelli-
gence, the silent mastery, the perfect
cooperation, which lies at the heart of
all that is truly civilized.
Our autocrat, noticing this, would
compel his lawyers secretly to watch
the group; and those in whom, after
long watching, no spirit of emulation
was awakened he would take from the
law and set to other tasks.
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
BY MARY S. WATTS
SYNOPSIS OF DECEMBER INSTALLMENT
Joshua Van Cleve, who was a successful busi-
nessman in Ohio during the middle decades of
the last century, died about 1870, leaving his
widow and family a handsome fortune. In less
than twenty years, however, they contrived to
squander almost all of it in divers foolish ways;
so that when his grandson. Van Cleve Kendrick,
who had been growing up in the meanwhile,
reached the age of eighteen, he found that he
himself would have to be the main support of the
family, namely: his grandmother, his aunt, Mrs.
Lucas, and her daughter Evelyn, and his uncle,
Major Stanton Van Cleve. The boy went to
work accordingly, and after various experiences,
finally got a position with the National Loan &
Savings Bank in Cincinnati. This city was also
the home of Van Cleve's closest friend, Bob Gil-
bert. Bob, hi contrast to Van Cleve, had had a
rather unfortunate career at college, during the
two or three years previous to this, falling into
bad company and being at length obliged to
return home without finishing the course. He
went to work in a broker's office, with one of
his college acquaintances, a young man named
Philip Cortwright; and it was at about this point
that the story opened.
CHAPTER IV
THE MAN OF THE HOUSE
MR. GEBHARDT of the National
Loan and Savings Bank had first come
into contact with the Van Cleve family
on the occasion of one of their numer-
ous transfers of property, or some other
of those varied financial operations in
which they were almost constantly en-
gaged before young Kendrick put his
unwelcome hand to the helm. As the
banker was a busy man, daily attend-
ing to a great many affairs and seeing
a great many people, it was rather odd
that he should still retain, in common
with everybody else who had ever met
them, a distinct, even vivid, recollection
of every member of the family; but so
he did, and he had no difficulty in * plac-
ing' Van Cleve when the latter came
hunting for a job. The young man,
who made this move, as he had made
every other that directly concerned
himself, without informing his people,
much less consulting them, approached
Mr. Gebhardt quite unsupported. It
would not have occurred to him to
speak of his family, even had he been
aware that the banker knew them, or
anything about them. And it was with
measurable surprise that, upon giving
his name, he observed Mr. Gebhardt to
consider a moment and then heard him
say, 'Van Cleve? There were some
Van Cleves shareholders in the old
Cincinnati, Paducah, and Wheeling
Packet Company that failed here about
ten or fifteen years ago. I remember
meeting them at the time when we
made an effort to get some of the heavi-
est owners together and see what could
be done. Any relation?'
Van explained.
* Indeed, you don't say so? Yes,
those were the peoplel I remember
them all very well. Your grandmother
was a very fine-looking woman at that
time, Mr. Kendrick. Is she still living?
Ah! Your uncle was a general in the
Confederate Army, I think. No? Ah!
You're all living here now, you say?
Well, now — what has been your previ-
ous business experience, I should like to
ask?' And a few days thereafter, Mr.
53
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
Gebhardt, happening to meet Major
Van Cleve on the street, not only re-
cognized him at once, but stopped and
spoke very pleasantly, referring to the
new recruit at the National Loan.
* Ah, yes, so I understood from Van,'
said Major Stanton, affably, nodding
at the other with a humorously wry
smile. He spoke confidentially. ' The
fact is, Mr. Gebhardt, Van Cleve
does n't really need to work. We want-
ed him to go to college, but nothing
would satisfy him but trying a business
career first. It distresses the ladies, my
mother and sister, a good deal. But I
say to them, "Why, it's his whim —
for the Lord's sake let the boy try it!
Most people would be glad to see a
young man's natural wildness take this
turn. I tell you, it might be a damn
sight worse!"
Major Van Cleve had never uttered
an oath in his mother's presence in his
life, and it was now some years since
the family resources had permitted his
having more than a couple of dollars of
spending-money in his pockets at one
time — all of which did not prevent his
making these statements with a per-
fectly clear conscience. He had a ro-
mantic imagination, and the priceless
gift of believing the romances he im-
agined. Mr. Gebhardt, if he felt some
doubts, was still, perhaps unconscious-
ly, impressed by the fact that the mili-
tary gentleman's appearance support-
ed, gave a sort of color and atmosphere
to, his large talk; he did not seem to
be in the least poor or pinched. The
Van Cleves had the secret of that; they
contrived, on next to nothing, and al-
most without effort, to look fashion-
able, opulent, and leisurely, — all ex-
cepting Van Cleve himelf.
'Your nephew seemed to me a
bright, practical young fellow,' the
banker remarked; 'he gave the impres-
sion of wanting money and being will-
ing to work hard for it.'
'Oh, yes, yes, that's very character-
istic,' said Major Van Cleve, indulg-
ently. 'Van Cleve reminds me con-
stantly of a story my father used to
tell which he had heard from his fa-
ther, who was a very successful attor-
ney in New York City in the old days,
seventy-five years ago, or thereabout,
you know. He went out one morning
to stick up a sign on his office door-
post, "Boy Wanted." While he was
doing it, he felt a tug at his coat-tails,
and, turning round, there was a rag-
ged, barefoot urchin of twelve or so.
"Please, sir, you don't need that sign
no more." "Don't I?" says my
grandfather, astonished, "why, I want
a boy!" "No, sir, you don't, not no
more. I'm the boy!" Now that was
exactly like Van Cleve. He'd have
done that very thing. And that boy,
Mr. Gebhardt,' the Major concluded
with suitable weight and emphasis,
'that boy was John Jacob Astor! '
Mr. Gebhardt, after a barely per-
ceptible pause, received the anecdote
with such cordial appreciation that
Stanton's opinion of his parts and per-
sonality rose several degrees.
The National Loan and Savings was
not a large institution, though reputed
very solid. It was housed in an old-
fashioned brick building on one of the
streets up toward the Canal, among
similarly plain, work-a-day surround-
ings; and its depositors, as Van Cleve
found out soon after his entrance, were
mostly laboring folk. They came in
there in streams the first of the month,
and on Saturdays, when the bank was
kept open till nine o'clock at night to
accommodate them with their pay en-
velopes. Van, from behind the brass
netting of the bookkeeper's cage in
the rear, could see them filing up;
and being an observant youth, before
long could identify them all — young
women stenographers; young men
clerks like himself; market-gardeners;
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
55
master carpenters and bricklayers;
thrifty servant-girls in feathers and
cheap furs, but with always a fraction
of the week's wages in their showy
imitation-leather purses; nice old Ger-
man women with black shawls, and
mysterious little black-lidded baskets,
and clean, brave old faces under their
bonnets of black straw and bugles.
The half-dozen directors themselves
were drawn from these ranks — old Mr.
Burgstaller, the retired toy merchant
who looked like Santa Claus's twin
brother himself; old Mr. O'Rourke,
now also retired, but who had for years
conducted the grain and feed store on
Wayland Street opposite the market-
house — these were of them. They all
had such an air of age and experience
that Van Cleve might have lost heart
to observe from example how long was
the way he had to travel; but the young
man was not of that temperament.
'Lord, if I thought I'd have to wait
till I was seventy to get to be a bank
director, I'd quit right here!' he said
to himself scornfully. And he noticed
with approval that the president of
the National Loan was much younger
than any of his advisers; Mr. Geb-
hardt could not have been more than
fifty.
He was a self-made man, and as such
commanded Mr. Kendrick's highest
respect; whether he altogether and al-
ways liked his employer, the young fel-
low was not quite certain; Van was
slow to form a liking for anybody. ' Mr
Gebhardt is all right — only I don't
know that I much fancy all that glad-
hand business,' he would reflect when,
as sometimes happened, he saw the
president come forth and circulate
among his depositors, let us say, on one
of those busy and crowded Saturdays,
in a genial, informal way, conversing
with many of them in the tongue of the
Fatherland, and displaying a hearty
personal interest, which Van Cleve, for
the soul of him, could not believe to
be always very deep or very sincere.
'After all, he's got to stand in with
these people. Their little dabs of
money are what he 's founded his bank
on. He knows more about getting along
with 'em than I do; and being a good
mixer is a kind of an asset in this
business/ he would argue to himself
shrewdly. However, Van did not make
the mistake, as might have been ex-
pected, of attempting to be a 'good
mixer ' himself; he knew that he had no
talent that way.
Mr. Gebhardt, on his side, extended
that paternal sympathy of his to Van
Cleve the same as to the others, whe-
ther influenced or not by the fact that
the young man undeniably did do the
work assigned him remarkably well,
and exhibited in all things an iron in-
tegrity. There were no sons in the
Gebhardt household, only a tribe of
pretty, fair-haired girls, with a pretty,
fair-haired mother, looking like a sister
to the rest, who used to come down to
the bank in any one of several hand-
some family vehicles with their dash-
ing team of bays, and carry the father
off in a whirlwind of chattering and
laughter and caresses. Van Cleve had
met them — indeed, Mrs. Gebhardt
and Natalie, who was the oldest, and
the only one 'out,' had a calling ac-
quaintance with the ladies of Van's
family; but as Mr. Kendrick took not
the slightest interest in young women
and never put himself out for anything
but the most perfunctory civilities, it
is not surprising that they should recip-
rocate whole-heartedly. On the con-
trary, they were quite enthusiastic
about Bob Gilbert. Robert and his
friend met nowadays not infrequently
in a business way; and Mr. Gebhardt,
having come across the professor's son
once or twice, had the curiosity to ask
somebody what that young Gilbert
was doing. The man he inquired of,
56
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
who happened to be Mr. Max Stein-
berger, laughed.
* Looks like I ought to know/ he
said; 'why, he's with us. He's got the
job young Van Cleve — no, that 's not
his name — I mean the young fellow
you took on up at your over-the-Rhine
dollar-shop — we ' ve got Gilbert in his
place.'
'Is he any good?'
'Good enough. How's yours?'
Gebhardt, who was never known to
utter an unkind or uncharitable crit-
icism of any one, commended Van
Cleve warmly.
'You did a little better on the deal
than Leo and myself, I guess,' said the
other, hearing him; and they fell to
talking about the proposed bond issue
and promptly forgot both boys. But
one day a while later, Mr. Gebhardt
took occasion to ask his junior book-
' keeper what was the real reason he
had wanted to leave the brokers.
'I somehow suspected at the time
that you were n't dissatisfied wholly on
account of the salary,' he said.
'Well, Mr. Gebhardt, I thought I
was worth more,' said Van, obstinately
reticent. Then he looked up and, meet-
ing his employer's eye, thawed a little.
'No, I didn't like it,' he confessed.
'Too much spend and too much souse,'
said he, succinctly.
'What, Steinberger and Leo Hirsch?
Why, I'm surprised to hear you say
that! I had no idea — '
' I mean the — the office force — the
office in general,' Van Cleve explained
hastily and not too clearly; 'I don't
mean Mr. Steinberger or Mr. Hirsch
themselves. They've got the money
to play the races and all the rest of it,
all they choose, as far as that goes.
And, of course, they both take a drink
now and then; but I was n't talking
about them. They're Germans, any-
how, and could hold a barrel, either
one of 'em, without its feazing them — '
And at this point Mr. Kendrick,
abruptly remembering the nationality
of the gentleman he was addressing,
halted in a fine beet-red confusion. But
Gebhardt only laughed ; he liked — or
seemed to like — the young man's
bluntness.
All this while, how were his elders
supporting Van's persistent 'whim' of
making his own living and incidentally
a not inconsiderable part of theirs, to
which they had yielded so painfully in
the first place? Why, they were sup-
porting it with the most astonishing pa-
tience! Van sat at the end of the table
and carved the meat nowadays; he
read the paper over his coffee-cup of a
morning while his uncle meekly got
through breakfast without that literary
entertainment; he took his hat and
slammed the hall door behind him and
went off down-town to the office with
his peers; the family accounts were
submitted to him; the women came to
him for their money; the servants were
trained to regard his tastes. 'Mrs.
Van Cleef she say, "Marta, Mr. Ken-
drick, he don't like those biscuit," shust
like she'd say, "Marta, der Herr Gott,
He don't like those biscuit," ' their Ger-
man maid remarked acutely. These
were a few of the straws showing what
way the wind blew.
The young fellow knew very well
that he was the strongest member, in
truth, the only strong member, of the
family; he put it, privately, in his prac-
tical and literal way, that he was the
only one who had ever earned a cent,
or displayed a particle of common sense
about either saving or spending it; yet
he took no great credit to himself on
that account. Van Cleve could not,
for the life of him, have understood
how any man in the same circumstances
could have acted otherwise. He had
to take care of them — Grandma and
Uncle Stan and all of them, did n't
he? By Jove, he — why, he had to,
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
57
you know! There was n't any getting
round that. They could n't do any-
thing for themselves; while, as to him,
work did n't worry him any. He had
to work, anyhow, did n't he? Do you
suppose anybody was going to give
him his living and a good time for no-
thing? Not much!
The family got used to his queer,
youthful maturity; they got used to the
idea of his being steady and successful
as if it were the most everyday thing in
the world for a young man to be steady
and successful; they got used to being
dependent on him, and Van Cleve, on
his own side, got used to it, too. He
directed the disposition of what little
money they had left from the original
inheritance, and added his own to it,
and kept the old strong box, with 'J.
VAN CLEVE' on the top of it, in his
closet in his own room and carried the
keys unquestioned.
Mrs. Van Cleve sometimes said
with a sigh that he reminded her of
his grandfather; but as the late Joshua
had been a spry, dry little man with
a hard jaw, and as bald as a turnip
at less than twenty-five years of age,
she could not have discerned much
physical resemblance. By a coincidence
the likeness most struck her about
the first of the month when the bills
came round: Van Cleve did not al-
ways see all of them, — does any lady
ever show the man of the house all her
bills? — and perhaps the grandmother
recalled the days when she had quak-
ingly presented the milliners' and dress-
makers' statements to her Joshua (who,
nevertheless, was reasonably liberal to
his family), or, dreadful to relate,
smuggled them out of his sight and
knowledge. Times were altered, and
she and Mrs. Lucas were both of them
good, upright, self-denying women
who passed by the most enticing shop-
windows and bargain-counters reso-
lutely, and turned and mended and cut
over their clothes and remodeled their
old hats, and made hash for Monday
dinner out of Sunday's joint with the
utmost gallantry and cheerfulness.
As has been hinted, they clashed seri-
ously with Van Cleve only when the
question arose of one of those indis-
putably wise, well-considered, and pro-
fitable changes which everybody in the
house, except Van himself, was eter-
nally planning.
'That Elmhurst Place house is only
thirty-seven and a half a month —
only two dollars and a half more than
this — the rent's practically the same,'
his aunt argued about six months after
their enthusiastic installation at No. 8
Summit Avenue; 'and no comparison
between the houses — no comparison !
It 's just exactly what we were hunting
for last summer when we had to take
this. Of course it was rented then, —
Elmhurst Place is so desirable. And
that 's why I 'm so anxious to speak for
it at once, before anybody else snaps it
up. I'd better see the agent to-day,
hadn't I, Van?' She looked at her
nephew with an odd mingling of per-
suasion and command; Van Cleve, the
women said to one another, was so
hard to manage at times; it was 50 hard
to make him understand. Now he
swallowed the last of his coffee and
folded up his napkin with a maddening
deliberation before answering.
'No, I think not, Aunt Myra. I
think we'd better not move. That
two-dollars-and-a-half difference in the
rent just about pays the water-rate.
It's not quite the same thing, you see.
Besides, it would cost a lot to move.
What's the matter with this house,
anyhow? You liked it well enough at
first.'
All three ladies gave a gentle scream
of consternation. 'Why, Van! This
house ! Why, you know we just took it
because we had to go somewhere — !'
'And we did n't know what a state
58
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
it was in — that awful pink-and-green-
and-blue wall-paper on the back bed-
room — !'
'I'm afraid the place will fall down
over our heads before we can get out of
it ! Three of the door-knobs and I don't
know how many window-catches are
all loose and waggly — !' Everybody
began to declaim vigorously, if without
much sequence; it was really impossi-
ble to think immediately of all the rea-
sons against living a minute longer in
this unspeakable house.
'Oh, I guess they'll fix those things
for us. It 's not going to fall down right
off, anyhow; we'd better stay and give
it another chance,' said Van Cleve
placidly, returning to his paper.
'Well, but ever since those horrid
people moved next door, the tone of this
neighborhood has lowered so — that 's
my main objection to staying here/
Mrs. Van Cleve remonstrated; 'the
woman had a shawl airing out of one of
the upstairs back windows yesterday
morning. Think of it ! A great, coarse,
red shawl hanging right in the window!
I ' ve never lived next door to anything
quite so common as that before ! '
Van, behind the newspaper, study-
ing the market reports, gave no sign of
having heard her. 'He's Joshua all
over!' the grandmother said inwardly,
divided between exasperation and a
kind of pride; 'he used to sit just that
way and not answer me, lime and
again ! ' She was silent a little, perhaps
thinking of old days ; but the others per-
severed with reproachful vehemence.
'We could take that money, that
sixty-five dollars we got from the old
farm the other day, and use it for the
moving, so it would n't cost you any-
thing, Van Cleve,' said Evelyn, who
had a talent for this style of argu-
ment. 'I'm sure it is n't healthy here.
There's a great big damp spot in one
corner of the yard whenever it rains.
I 'm going to speak to the doctor about
it. Mother ought n't to stay in a hu-
mid atmosphere; her nerves will give
out. It takes ever so much nervous
energy to stand the colds she has, and
of course the low quality of the air here
must bring them on.'
'Never mind me, Evelyn; never
mind me — I '11 soon be well — my cold
isn't anything,' cried out Mrs. Lucas;
though, indeed, a sudden wild terror
started in her large, beautiful dark eyes;
she was very easily frightened about
herself and her state of health, and the
merest suggestion of any need for doc-
tors sent before her mind in dismally
dramatic procession a dozen appalling
pictures of suffering, decline, death-
agonies, the hearse, the coffin, the
ghastly open grave! She began with a
note of almost frenzied appeal in her
voice.
'Van dear, do put down that paper
and listen. I think it's more impor-
tant than you realize for us to get
away from this house and neighbor-
hood, and it will be money well spent to
move. You're just as fine and strong
and splendid as you can be, Van, — you
know we all know that, — you 're a
dear, noble fellow,' said Mrs. Lucas,
stirred by a real and generous emo-
tion, her sweet, hysterical voice break-
ing a little; she was sincerely fond of
the young man; 'but you don't realize
how young you are; you have n't had
the experience I've had. You're not so
well able to judge as I am. I think it 's
our duty to move. We all think so, and
two heads are better than one, you
know, Van.'
'Depends on the heads,' said Van
Cleve, flippantly, unmoved by these
powerful representations which, as was
provokingly apparent, he was not even
going to answer. Instead, he got up,
taking out his pipe, and went over to
the mantel for a match.
' I wish — I wish you would n't do
that, Van,' said Mrs. Joshua, distress-
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
fully; ' I promised your dear mother for
you that you would n't touch tobacco
or liquor before you were twenty-five.
It was a sacred promise, Van.'
Van Cleve looked down at her, hu-
morous and forbearing; he stuffed the
tobacco down into the bowl. 'Oh,
bosh, Grandma!' he said with profane
cheerfulness; and stooped and kissed
the old lady's cheek, and walked off
unimpressed. He was guiltless of diplo-
macy; but, strangely and illogically
enough, at this speech and the rough,
boyish caress, Mrs. Van Cleve surrend-
ered without terms, struck her colors,
and went over to his side incontinently.
'Well, I dare say Van's right about
it, Myra,' she said as the door closed
behind him. * There's no real reason
why we should move. And anyhow
Van Cleve ought to have the say —
he 's taking care of us all — he 's the
best boy that ever lived ! ' Her old face
trembled momentarily.
* Oh, of course ! Van Cleve is always
t right!' Evelyn proclaimed satirically;
she remained alone to fight the battle
with the older lady, for Mrs. Lucas
had already dashed into the hall after
her nephew, who was in the act of put-
ting on his overcoat.
* Van,' she said tensely, stopping him
with one arm in the sleeve, * I want you
to let me telephone about that Elm-
hurst Place house and get the refusal of
it for a day, anyhow — just for to-day,
Van, so that you can see it.' Her voice
rose: 'I want you to let me do that.
You don't know anything about the
house. If you could see it, I know you'd
think differently. It 's so much nearer
the art school, for one thing. Evelyn
wouldn't have near so far to walk.
She 's not strong, you know, Van Cleve;
and I'm afraid of that long walk for
her. I 'm afraid it takes her strength so
that she can't do her work properly.
The other day when she came in her
hands were perfectly numb with the
cold; you must have noticed it at
dinner — !'
'Well, they weren't so numb but
that she could work her knife and fork
all right,' said Van, with a brutal grin;
'when they get too bad for that, I'll
begin to worry!' And then, seeing the
look of outrage on his aunt's face, he
added hastily, and with earnest kind-
ness, 'Now look here, Aunt Myra, you
know you're just feeling a little rest-
less, that's all that's the matter. You
often feel that way, you know. This
house is all right. Now don't let's talk
any more about this, will you? You
know we can't afford to move around.
And if any extra money comes in, like
that from the farm last week, we ought
to save it. We can't go spending it on
foolishness. Now let's try to be satis-
fied and stay here. I '11 see if I can't get
them to change that wall-paper you
hate so,' added poor Van, unconscious-
ly pathetic in his efforts to appease her.
'Restless!' ejaculated Mrs. Lucas, in-
dignantly. 'Oh, well, I suppose it's use-
less for me to talk. I might die in this
horrid damp hole and Evelyn be hope-
lessly crippled for life from that walk,
and you would still insist that we were
just whimsical and restless — / ' But
Van Cleve was gone.
Mrs. Lucas returned to her domestic
rounds in abysmally low spirits. Her
cold was getting steadily worse — she
could feel it growing on her ! The air of
the house was positively saturated with
moisture — particularly in the back
bedroom with that pink-blue-green
abomination on the walls. It would be
her fate to die here; she knew it, she
was convinced of it ! And the Elmhurst
Place house did have such a beautiful
bay-window in the hall, and two hard-
wood floors downstairs! She was ill in
bed when Van Cleve came home that
evening. Evelyn rushed up and down
from the sick-room with tragically
repressed grief; Major Stanton sat
60
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
around in corners out of the way, look-
ing more uncomfortable than alarmed ;
Mrs. Van Cleve poured the coffee in
reproving silence. And when the doc-
tor reported that it looked as if Mrs.
Lucas might be going to have grippe,
Van Cleve felt like an assassin. It was
in vain the unlucky youth told himself
that his aunt might have had grippe
anywhere, in any house, and that even
if he had consented to their moving to
Elmhurst Place the very next day, it
could hardly have spared her this at-
tack. He felt wretchedly that her ill-
ness was all his fault — everything was
all his fault — everybody was being
made sick and uncomfortable and un-
happy by Van Cleve Kendrick and his
mean desire to save a little money!
The next time anybody went to call
on the Van Cleves, they had moved.
They had been over on Elmhurst Place
for a month, and just loved it, they de-
clared.
Evelyn said that her mother had
been on the verge of a dreadful attack
of influenza, but they got her away from
that polluted air on Summit Avenue
just in time, and she began to mend at
once. To be sure this was only two
squares off, but there was the most
amazing difference in the atmosphere,
— her mother's case proved it, — and
really that other house had got to be
perfectly awful, you know.
CHAPTER V
MOSTLY IDLE TALK
That there was really something a
little unusual about the Van Cleves —
always excepting young Kendrick, as I
have repeatedly stated — is shown by
the fact that, in two or three years,
more or less, they had become as firmly
established socially as if they had lived
here all their lives, without anybody
ever hinting that they were trying to
'get in,' or 'sniffing* derogatorily, as
people did about that unfortunate
Jameson girl. The Van Cleve women
were of a very different stamp. The
single thing in the way of their popu-
larity was that it was not easy to tell of
these ladies who their friends were, since
they changed almost as often as they
changed houses; one day they would be
embracing people with a warm passage
of Christian names and terms of en-
dearment — and the next news you
had, they had ceased to speak to So-
and-So! Yet they were not without
some sound and stable attachments,
as for the Gilberts, for instance, with
whom they never had any grave falling-
out. This, however, may have been
partly because of Van Cleve, who, be-
sides being not nearly so quick to make
new friends nor so violently enthusias-
tic about them, was very much more
steadfast to the old ones. But at one
time Miss Lucas was running over to
the Warwick Lane house every day.
She painted a portrait of Lorrie — an
amazing water-color portrait wherein
Lorrie appeared with a wide, fixed
stare goggling at you out of a jungle
of chocolate- tin ted hair. Mrs. Lucas
pronounced it marvelously accurate;
Lorrie herself laughed and said she
supposed you never really knew what
you looked like to other people, and
were always surprised and disappointed
to find out. Bob remarked ruthlessly
that those eyes reminded him of two
buckeyes in a pan of milk. Van Cleve,
upon the work of art being paraded
before him, was silent — unwisely, as
it turned out, for the severest criticism
could not have roused Evelyn or her
mother more.
'Well? Well? Are n't you going to
say anything?' demanded the artist,
tartly.
'Why, it — it looks something like
her,' said Van, feebly.
In fact, the thing did have a sort of
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
61
ghostly resemblance to Lorrie. But
what portrait-painter wants to be
told that his creation 'looks like' the
original?
'It was intended to look like her,'
Evelyn said with fine scorn. 'But I
did n't expect that you'd think it was
good. No need to ask you!'
'That's so, Evie. If I don't say any-
thing you get mad, and if I do you get
mad, so there does n't seem to be much
need of your asking me, sure enough,'
said Van Cleve, with his unshakable
good humor that the women found so
hard to 'put up with,' as they them-
selves sometimes complained to one
another.
'Of course, you don't think any pic-
ture of her could be good enough,'
flashed out Evelyn, jerking the draw-
ing-board back into its corner. 'We all
know what you think about Lorrie
Gilbert, Van.' She gave him a savagely
significant glance.
'I know you get excited and say a
lot of things you don't mean some-
times,' Van retorted, coloring, how-
ever, with temper, — or could it have
been some other feeling?
' The idea ! She 's at least a year older
than you are — at least I And she 's en-
gaged to that Mr. Cortwright, any-
how— or as good as engaged!' the
young lady pursued, and had the satis-
faction of seeing, or fancying she saw,
her cousin wince. 'That's what every-
body says.'
'I don't know what you're talking
about — I don't know anything about
Miss Gilbert's affairs,' Van Cleve stut-
tered, turning redder than ever.
He was fairly routed, and got up and
stalked out of the house, followed by
her inquisitive mockery. Once outside,
he said something much stronger — a
distressingly strong word of one sylla-
ble did Mr. Kendrick utter; and he
pulled his hat down over his brows
with a morose gesture as he tramped
away, without his pleasant whistle for
once.
It must have been after this that
there occurred one of those intervals of
coolness toward the other family on
the part of the Van Cleve ladies which
people were accustomed to witness.
The Gilberts themselves were quite
unconscious of it; they were not look-
ing out for slights or indifference, and
did not know how to quarrel with any-
body. But Evelyn's visits ceased for a
while, and perhaps Van Cleve himself
did not go to the Professor's house in
the evenings so often. Mrs. Lucas con-
fided to those who were in high favor
just then that she was rather glad of it;
she did n't want to be uncharitable,
but she could not honestly say that she
thought Bob 's a good influence for Van
Cleve.
An old friend of mine, Mr. J. B. B.
Taylor, happened to pass through the
city at the time on his large orbit of
travel and inspection, — he has some-
thing to do with civil engineering and a
concrete construction company, — and
I recall a little talk we had on this very
subject. Mr. Taylor has met the Van
Cleves; he has met everybody. He
goes about the universe lunching with
crowned heads and eke with dock-
laborers; he builds bridges in Uganda
and railroads to Muncie. J. B. knows
the manners of so many men and their
cities that it is, on the whole, not sur-
prising that he should, at some time
or other, have fallen in with the Van
Cleve family, who themselves have al-
ways been active travelers. Once be-
fore when he was here, I introduced him
to Robert Gilbert, and that friend of
his, that young Cortwright who was at
that date a recent addition to our so-
ciety. Mr. Taylor did not seem to be
particularly favorably impressed with
either young gentleman, I regret to
state. However, this time, as usual, he
asked about everybody; and I report-
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
ed some observations regarding Van
Cleve's people which caused J. B. al-
ternately to smile broadly and wicked-
ly, and anon to grunt, 'Humph!' in a
profound manner.
When I had finished, — 'Well/ said
he, 'that Kendrick boy is something
of a boy, I judge — considerable of a
boy. The fact is, Gebhardt spoke to
me about him, just in the ordinary
course of conversation, you know —
but when he found I knew something
of the young man, why, he warmed up
and said some very nice things. It
seems they gave Kendrick a raise at
the National Loan the other day; they
think a good deal of him. From what
I hear he's the getting-ahead kind —
one of these longheaded, hard-working
fellows that knows he can't pick any
money off of trees, and expects to
buckle down and make it. That's a
pretty good spirit for these days with
all this get-rich-quick feeling in the air.
And, speaking of that, I 've got an im-
pression that our friend Gebhardt him-
self is a little given that way — toward
experimenting on the get-rich-quick
lines, I mean. He's a visionary fellow;
I wouldn't trust his judgment very
far.' And here J. B., evidently feeling
that he had allowed himself to run into
some indiscretion, abruptly changed
topics. ' What 's become of those other
young fellows? That pin-headed mash-
er— you know — What was his name?
And the other boy?'
I informed him that Mr. Cortwright
was still here, in business; I was not
certain how successful, but he seemed
to have money enough; he was consid-
ered very handsome, and — er — well,
a little inclined to be — er — sporty —
you know; and he was still something
of a 'masher,' to use Mr. Taylor's own
elegant phrase. In fact, at one time
or another, Mr. Cortwright had been
sentimentally attentive to every girl in
society, but here latterly he had settled
down on Miss Gilbert, and people in
general thought this would be a go, at
last.
'Well, I'm glad she is n't my daugh-
ter,' J. B. commented briefly. 'Gilbert,
you say? That was that boy's name, I
remember now. Is he round still?'
' Yes, it 's the same family. Yes, he 's
here and working. He's been a little
wild; they say now he's drinking. I
don't know how true it is — may be
nothing but gossip,' said I, not with-
out reluctance. I liked Bob Gilbert.
I never met anybody that did n't like
him. But, with the most charitable
disposition in the world, I still should
have been obliged to acknowledge that
one never heard anything creditable
about -Bob; whereas report concerning
his friend, that young Mr. Kendrick
(nobody thought of him as a boy any
longer), justified all that J. B. had
said.
How much truth was there in the ru-
mors that had been circulating some-
what as above reported for the last
year or so? To begin with, those sharp
hints leveled by Miss Lucas at her
cousin, — how near the mark did they
come? Van Cleve had first met Lorrie
Gilbert years before when he was no-
thing but a big, gangling boy chum of
her brother's, and she, although so
nearly his own age, already a grown-up
young lady. In that far-off time Van
looked upon her with both shyness and
indifference. Asked if he thought her
pretty or bright, he would have replied
that he did n't know — he had n't
thought about her at all — he did n't
care for girls, and never stayed around
where they were, if he could help it. As
it happened — indeed, have we not
seen it happen under our own eyes? —
he did not have much chance to im-
prove or outgrow his deplorable tastes,
for that summer was the end of Van
Cleve's play-time, and really the end of
his boyhood.
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
63
As he grew older, it became his
habit of mind to regard marriage, for
a man in his position, as sheer in-
sanity, and falling in love as only
a milder form of the same affliction.
Both must be postponed until he ar-
rived at the locality which he called to
himself Easy Street. In some vast, in-
definite future, when he felt himself
* pretty well fixed,' and when he could
get Grandma and the rest of them com-
fortably settled somewhere or some-
how, so that they would not be quite
so much on his mind — in the future
when Van planned that all this should
happen, he sometimes rather diffident-
ly speculated about a home for himself
and Somebody. His prospective wife
was so far a delicious myth; notwith-
standing the fact that she was to have
brown hair with gold lights in it, hair
that waved a little nicely, and big
brown eyes, and a fair complexion with
a good deal of color in it, and a short
nose, straight, but set on so that you
were not quite certain whether it did
not tilt upward ever so slightly; and
she would have a very pleasant laugh,
and a pretty round waist, and — and,
in short, anybody in whom Van Cleve
had confided would have recognized,
by the time he got through, a sur-
prisingly good likeness of Miss Lorrie
Gilbert.
The young man did not suspect it
himself. When he went to the house,
he thought in all honesty it was to see
Bob. He took a meal there at least
once in the week; Mrs. Gilbert was so
used to him she sometimes called him
'son* forgetfully; Lorrie and he sat on
the porch summer evenings, or by the
sitting-room hearth in winter, so com-
pletely at home together that they
could be silent when, and as long as,
they chose, unembarrassed; it was
* Lorrie* and 'Van' as a matter of
course, and the girl openly regarded
him with almost the same feeling as
she did her brother, save that she lis-
tened and deferred to him far more.
Only when Cortwright's name was
brought up, or that debonair gentle-
man came to call, which he was begin-
ning to do with ominous frequency, did
the two other young people feel any
constraint.
Lorrie, in her third or fourth sea-
son, had seen something of the world,
and been not undesired by young men;
her novitiate was over. Neverthe-
less, she had a way of blushing and
brightening at Cortwright's appear-
ance which to any experienced onlook-
er would have been full of meaning.
Van Cleve, at least, saw it with a dull
pain of resentment. He told himself
that he never had liked Cortwright. *I
saw enough of him down at Stein-
berger's; you can't fool me about that
sort of fellow! But, hang it, I believe
girls like for a man to have the name of
being fast,' Van used to think angrily;
'you see so many nice, good women
married to 'em. It's not so smart to
booze and bum, and chase around after
women and horses — I can't see what
any decent woman is thinking of. I
suppose there is n't a man on earth
but that 's done some things he's
ashamed of — but Cortwright! Why,
he is n't fit to touch Lome's skirt!'
Of course there was nothing personal
in this, Van Cleve was convinced; no,
merely on principle, simply and solely
in behalf of abstract morality, did Mr.
Kendrick disapprove of Mr. Cort-
wright. To have told him he was jeal-
ous would have been to invite a right-
eous indignation. In the meanwhile,
whenever Cortwright chanced to call
at the same time, his arrival was the
signal for a sudden fall in the social
barometer. It was not Cortwright's
fault; he was always gay, courteous,
ready with a joke, a story, a turn at the
piano, anything to make the evening
go off well, inimitably good-looking
64
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
and at ease; in becoming contrast to
Van Cleve, who would sit grumpily
smoking or grumpily un-smoking, an-
swering in curt and disagreeably plain
words, and, after making a wet blanket
of himself generally, would get up and
go off in pointed hurry. I fear Mr. Ken-
drick was not poignantly regretted on
these occasions.
'You seem to take life so seriously,
Kendrick. Don't you believe in people
having a good time as they go along?'
Cortwright once asked him. Cort-
wright, on his side, met Van Cleve
with unvarying good temper and civil-
ity — for which, you may believe me,
poor Van liked him none the better.
* Nobody but a prig objects to people
having fun/ he retorted, scowling; 'if
I 'm serious, it 's because I 'm built that
way, I suppose. But I never thought it
any of my business what other people
do/ He looked hard at the other.
'That's lucky for the rest of us,'
Cortwright said with his easy laugh;
'you've got such a severe eye. Has n't
he got a severe eye, Miss Jameson?'
And upon this, while the young lady
was still looking sideways at him under
her lashes, and smiling just enough to
show a charming dimple in the corner of
her mouth, Van unceremoniously took
himself off. He ' had n't much use '
(to quote him again) for Miss Paula
Jameson, either, and often wished
impatiently that she would stop her
everlasting running to the Gilberts'.
As for that derogatory tittle-tattle
about Bob Gilbert, sad to admit, it
was not without foundation. People
were beginning to shake their heads
over him, and to tell one another that
it was too bad! They said that there
was nothing really wrong with the
young fellow, there was n't any real
harm in him, only — it was probably
not all his fault; the way boys are
brought up has a good deal to do with
it; Professor Gilbert was a fine man,
a splendid scholar, and all that, but he
had no control whatever over his son,
and never had had! Of course, Mrs.
Gilbert and Lorrie could do nothing
with Bob — two women, both of them
too devoted to him to see where he was
going. That his destination was the
one popularly known as 'the dogs,'
everybody was prophesying. Too bad!
Van Cleve, who knew all about
Bob's failings, who had very likely
known about them long before they
became public talk, never had any-
thing to say on the subject. He would
not condemn his friend, but neither
would he take the other's part. He
would say nothing at all. There was a
hard streak in the young man; he was
genuinely fond of Bob, yet he avoided
his company these days, took care
never to be seen on the street with him,
got out of his way, and kept out of his
way, whenever it was possible. 'I can't
have him coming round here smelling
like a distillery and asking for me. It
would queer me for good with some of
these solid men,' Van thought; 'I can't
risk it. And what good would it do him
for me to hang on to Bob, anyhow? I
can't tell him anything but what he
knows already; he's got plenty of
sense, if he'll only use it. But if a
man 's going to make a fool of himself,
he 's going to make a fool of himself, so
what's the use?'
Perhaps he did not fully convince
himself by these arguments; but in fact
there was no longer much need for him
to put his theories in practice. Robert
was drifting naturally into his own
class of idlers and ne'er-do-weels, and
young Kendrick had less and less occa-
sion to dodge his compromising com-
pany, they saw each other so seldom,
except at the house. Sometimes, even
when at home, Bob was not visible; he
had had one of his wretched headaches
all day, so that he was obliged to keep
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
65
his room, Mrs. Gilbert would report, so
guilelessly that Van Cleve, in spite of
his cultivated coldness, winced with
pity and a vicarious shame. He no-
ticed that she was looking a great deal
older nowadays; there had been a time
when you could scarcely tell her back
from Lome's if you happened to be
walking behind her on the street — it
was different now. And when it came to
Professor Gilbert, it sounded perfectly
natural to call him an old gentleman,
although he had not yet reached the
sixties; he was thinner and bonier
than ever, and wrinkled and bent like
Father Time himself. He, at any rate,
understood the headaches, Van Cleve
would think, regretfully reading the
older man's haggard and weary eyes;
and Van wondered, with a recoil so
strong that it surprised himself, if the
poor father had ever had to go out at
night and hunt for Bob — bring him
home — get him to bed and sobered
up — eh, you know? Good Lord, that
was pretty bad — pretty bad !
These offices Van Cleve had per-
formed himself once at least. He was
much more irritated than scandalized
— in the beginning of the adventure,
that is — to find Bob drunk and cling-
ing to the lamp-post, in the starry win-
ter cold, on his own way home at two
o'clock in the morning. What was the
notably steady youth, Mr. Kendrick,
doing out of his bed at that hour?
Have no fear, ladies and gentlemen ! In
the pursuance of his career of industry
and virtue, he had been to the weekly
meeting of the Central Avenue Build-
ing and Loan Association, in which he
held the position of secretary. The pro-
ceedings closing about eleven o'clock,
Mr. Kendrick had allowed himself a
single chaste mug of musty ale, and a
game of pool (a quarter apiece, loser
pays for the table), in the company of
some of his fellow officials; and when
he started home, an hour or so later,
VOL. Ill -NO. 1
there was a block on the Central-Ave-
nue-and- John-Street line. Van Cleve
waited for his Elmhill car within the
triangular portico of a, corner drug
store, where stood another similarly
belated gentleman; and they smoked
in silence, shrugging and stamping to
keep warm. Van remembered after-
wards how a carriage had rolled by;
how he glanced up mechanically as it
passed into the contracted illumina-
tion of the arc-light, and saw the occu-
pants. He stared; a monosyllabic ex-
clamation was jerked out of him by
stark surprise. * Humph!' he ejaculat-
ed unconsciously. The wayfarer who
shared the vestibule thought his own
attention was being challenged, and
obligingly responded. * Peach girl,
was n't she?' he said; and further vol-
unteered, 'That hair was a ten-blow,
though. Fellow likes it that way, I
guess.' Van Cleve grunted non-com-
mittally, and they lapsed again into
silence. Van could never forget this
trivial bit of talk; he had a photo-
graphic impression of the whole inci-
dent.
The car came at last; and Kendrick
got on and paid his fare and rode to his
own corner, pondering, part of the time,
with a sour smile. ' None of my affair,
I suppose,' was the sum of his reflec-
tions. He swung himself off the rear
step at Durham Street (they moved to
Durham Street in the autumn of '96, 1
believe) and, turning toward home, on
the next corner, casually observed a
hatless individual sustaining himself
with difficulty against the post across
the way. 'There's a drunk,' Van
thought; and then something about the
figure drew him to look again with a
foreboding interest. He stood still to
watch it. There appeared a night-
watchman from one of the neighboring
apartment buildings and entered into
altercation with it. Van crossed the
street quickly and went up to them.
66
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
*G' wan now, I don't want to run
yuh in,' the night-watchman was say-
ing benevolently; 'yuh gotta git a
move on, that's all. Yuh can't stay
aroun' here, see? Don't yuh know
where yuh b'long?'
'Hello, Bob!' said Van Cleve.
The other stared at him fishily. Bob
reeked to heaven; his clothing exhibit-
ed signs of a recent acquaintance with
that classic resort of the drunkard, the
gutter; his hat had fallen off, and his
face showed grimy and discolored in
the lamplight. He smiled vacuously.
"LoP he said at last thickly; "s ol'
Van Cleve! 'Lo, Van, ol' top, how 's
shings?'
'Party a friend o' yourn?' inquired
the night-watchman.
'Yes, I know him,' said the young
man, surveying Robert disgustedly.
'Know where he lives?' the night-
watchman suggested; 'I been tryin' to
git it out o' him. I had n't otter leave
m' job, or I 'd took him to his home,
'f he's got any.'
'It's all right. I'll attend to him,'
said Van Cleve, shortly. He got hold
of Bob by the arm. 'Here, I'm going
to take you home, Bob,' he said. 'Look
out, you'll fall. That's not your hat.
Here, don't you try to get it, I'll get
it-
The night-watchman, however, had
already captured it out of a pool of
half-frozen slush; he rammed out the
dents in the crown with his fist, gave it
a wipe with a bandanna, and put it
back with some nicety on the head of
its owner.
'All right now, sport!' said he, fall-
ing back a step; and then shook his
head to observe Van Cleve's manner
with the drunken man. 'Careful,
mister! Yuh wanter handle 'em real
easy,' he warned, as Van Cleve started
to march the other away; 'they're
kinder hard to manage, if they git
soured at yuh, y' know!'
'I'm not drunk — s'pose you shink
I'm drunk!' said Bob, indignantly.
He held back. 'I do' wanna g' home
yet, Van — not yet. Dammit, Van,
can't y' unnerstan', ol' fellow? I do'
wanna go home shee Lorrie — ' All at
once he began to blubber feebly. 'Lor-
rie 's bes' girl ever was — bes' sister —
ain't she bes' sister ever was, Van ? '
' You ' ve got to go home, you know,
Bob,' said Van Cleve, urging him
along; 'come on, now. It's all right;
Lorrie won't know. We '11 get in with-
out her knowing — I hope to God ! ' he
added to himself wretchedly. He had
seen men drunk before; had laughed at
them many times on the stage and else-
where; had probably once in his life,
himself, taken quite as much strong
drink as was good for him, like more
than one temperate and sensible young
man. So now he was not shocked; Bob
was Bob, and, whatever he did, im-
mutably his friend; but an impatient
anger and distress overwhelmed Van
Cleve at the thought of Lorrie. He got
Bob home somehow; it was a sorry but,
after all, not so very difficult a task.
The unlucky young fellow's natural
gentleness and tractability survived
even in this degrading defeat. Wine
in, truth out; but that enemy could
bring nothing brutal or obscene to the
surface of Bob's mind; its shallow wa-
ters were at least clear. Van got him
home somehow, protesting, plaintively
apologetic, spasmodically gay, and got
him up into the porch with as little
scuffling and noise as was possible.
The house was dark. 'They're all
asleep ! ' Van thought in relief; and suc-
ceeded in keeping Bob quiet while he
went through his pockets for his night-
key. Before he could find it, however,
a little light gleamed over the transom,
the door opened almost soundlessly,
and Lorrie stood there.
She had a glass hand-lamp and held
it up, gazing around it into the dark;
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
67
she seemed unnaturally tall in a white
wrapper that drew into folds about her
feet; her long, dark hair divided in two
wide braids lay smoothly on either side
of her face and down over her breast.
The young man was reminded start-
lingly of some painting or image of a
madonna he had once seen, long ago.
'Is it you, Bob?' Lorrie said in a
whisper; * won't you try not to wake
Mother — Van Cleve ! 9 Even in her
surprise, she governed her voice.
* I ' ve brought him home, Lorrie — I
- — I found him on the street,' said Van,
hanging his head. But after her first
exclamation, the girl scarcely seemed
to take account of him. Her eyes
passed over Van Cleve and fell anx-
iously on her brother, huddled on the
old, rickety porch-seat; she came a step
out of the doorway, shivering as the
cold struck her, and clutching together
her light draperies.
* Thank you — I — I'm glad it was
you, Van,' she said brokenly, yet with
a self-control that astonished the
young man; he looked at her, touched
and reverent, as she went on with the
same painful strength: 'I'm glad it
was you — but won't you — won't you
please go away now? I can take care of
him now he 's home. I can't go out and
find him — I just have to wait —
that 's really the — the worst of it, you
know. And I don't want Mother to
know. If you '11 just go away now, Van
Cleve, I can manage him. I'm afraid
you — you might make some noise, and
wake them up — you 're not used to it,
you know,' said poor Lorrie, simply.
* I 'm not going away, and you 're not
going to take care of him,' said Van
Cleve in his harshest manner — though
he, too, tried to speak under his breath.
He put her aside, and took Bob by the
shoulder. 'Stand up, Bob; you know
you can stand up if you try,' he com-
manded savagely.
'Don' you tush my sister!' said Bob
in his thick accent. The fancied of-
fense to Lorrie roused him in an extra-
ordinary fashion; he shook off the
other's grasp, and got upon his feet un-
aided. 'You shan't talk that way to
Lorrie, I don't care if it is you, Van ! ' he
said quite distinctly; and then equally
unaccountably slipped back to his
former state. 'Leggo me! Whash do-
in'? G' upstairs m'self,' he asserted,
mumbling, hiccoughing, wavering. Van
Cleve seized and steadied him; the
lamp cast a shaking light over them,
and over Lorrie's white face and cold,
trembling hands; it was a piece of cheap
and squalid tragedy.
'Please, Van Cleve, I can take care
of him, truly — ' she began again, im-
ploringly.
'You shall not!' said Van roughly.
She obeyed him this time, meekly
following with the light while Van
Cleve propped, pushed, and dragged
the other upstairs to his own room, got
some of his clothes off, and deposited
him in the bed, where he lay quite
stupid now, and erelong sleeping nois-
ily. His two guardians went cautiously
down again. The Gilbert family dog
had come to look on, head on one side,
wrinkling its honest brow in uncompre-
hending doggish curiosity and anxi-
ety; it sniffed at Van's hand inquir-
ingly, recognized him, and retired sat-
isfied to its nightly bivouac across the
threshold of Mrs. Gilbert's bedroom.
Lorrie stood with her lamp at the door
to light the young man's way out.
'What is it? Is that you, Lorrie?
Are you sick? What is the matter? '
Mrs. Gilbert waked up suddenly and
called. It was a miracle she had not
waked sooner. Van Cleve looked at
Lorrie, utterly disconcerted.
'Nothing at all, Mother; nothing's
the matter,' she called back pleasantly
and composedly. 'Dingo seemed to
want to get out, and then when I let
him out, he began to scratch and whine
68
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
and make such a fuss, I had to get up
and let him in again.'
* Oh, I thought — that is— ' Mrs.
Gilbert paused; there was a moment of
blank silence — it was singularly, curi-
ously, blank and silent. 'I thought I
heard somebody on the stairs — I must
have been dreaming/ said Mrs. Gilbert
with a kind of hurried distinctness and
emphasis. 'Never mind me, dearie —
I would have waked anyhow — ' Her
voice ceased suddenly.
'She does n't know, Van — you see
she does n't know,' Lorrie whispered;
it was an appeal.
Van Cleve heard the two women
lying to each other with wonder and
pity. As he looked at Lorrie, on a
sudden, for the first time, he saw her
face quiver. She put up her hands to
hide it, and leaned against the wall,
sobbing — but still noiselessly. Van
Cleve felt desperately that he would
give his right hand, he would give a
year out of his life, to take her to him
and comfort her — but what comfort
would she get from him ? To go away
and leave her in peace was the greatest
kindness he could do her! He lingered
an instant, helplessly, dumb; even
without the risk of detection, he would
have been at a loss what to say; so
they parted at last without a word.
CHAPTER VI
TREATS OF SUNDRY AFFAIRS OF THE
HEART
Although the skeleton in the Gil-
bert family closet was by way of being
uncloseted nowadays, was indeed rat-
tling its joints and stalking abroad in
the full glare of noonday to the horror
of all temperate and well-behaved per-
sons, there was at least one who re-
mained unaffected by the spectacle.
The young lady whom people generally
referred to as 'that Jameson girl,' or
'that little Paula Jameson,' must have
known as much about Bob's miserable
failing as anybody; but, drunk or sober,
good or bad, weak or strong, it was ap-
parently all one to her. She continued
to make what the other girls vowed
was a 'dead set' at the young man. It
was impossible to believe, according to
them, that she haunted the house so
persistently out of fondness for Lorrie.
Everybody knew (they said) that she
had begun her attentions to Bob's sis-
ter long ago in the hope of 'getting-in';
and Lorrie was so dear and sweet she
never had the heart to get rid of her, to
say nothing of the fact that that would
have been a job, because Paula was too
thick-skinned to take a hint or feel any
ordinary rebuff. But now! — it was
plain to be seen that she was after Bob.
And she would probably get him, too,
— he was a good deal taken with her.
Mercy, nobody else wanted him; still,
it was rather a pity, he was so nice
when — when he was all right, you
know. The family were all so nice, and
Lorrie was lovely, and they would hate
such a connection, though of course
they would stand it on Bob's account.
What was it that was the matter
with Miss Jameson, then? Merely her
manners? Our society is not snob-
bish; doubtless there were people in it
no brighter or better-bred than Paula
Jameson, and certainly not nearly so
pretty; but it would not swallow her;
it would have none of her or her mo-
ther. Yet they were really inoffensive
creatures.
Mrs. Jameson was a large, vivid,
extraordinarily corseted and high-
heeled lady, about forty-five years of
age, with the same kind of auburn
hair as her daughter's, invariably ar-
ranged in the latest fashion, or even a
little in advance of the latest fashion;
and with a fondness for perfumery and
for entire toilets in shades of purple,
— parasols, gloves, silk stockings, suede
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
69
shoes, all elaborately matched, where-
with she might frequently be seen upon
the streets, bearing herself with a kind
of languid chic — the word she herself
would have used. She was a widow;
and the late Mr. Jameson — Levi B.
Jameson, Plumbers' Supplies, Sewer-
Pipe, Metal Roofing, etc. — having
got together a reasonable fortune in his
time, she and Paula were very comfort-
ably off, or would have been, if the taste
for purple costumes, and similar tastes
in which Paula also had been trained,
had not kept them in perpetual hot
water, spending and retrenching with
an equal thriftlessness. They lived at
* private' hotels or fashionable board-
ing-houses here and there, and went to
the theatre a great deal; idling through
the rest of their time in shopping, or
having their hands manicured and hair
dressed, or giving the French bulldog
his bath, or yawning over the last lurid
novel, with a box of chocolate-drops, in
the rocking-chairs of the roof-garden or
lounge.
Their circle of acquaintances was
not large; Mrs. Jameson had no social
traditions or aspirations, no hobbies,
no recreations, no aim in life at all,
except to be the best-dressed woman in
any assembly, to keep her weight down
to a hundred and thirty-five pounds,
and never to miss her tri-weekly * fa-
cial* at the beauty parlors she patron-
ized. Paula had never seen her mother
do anything, had never known her to
be interested in anything, but the above
subjects, although, to do her justice,
Mrs. Jameson was fond of her daughter
and gave almost as much attention to
Paula's wardrobe and figure and com-
plexion as to her own. It was not
strange that the girl could conceive of
no different or more elevated existence;
that is a rare character, the sages tell
us, that can be superior to environ-
ment, and Paula was not a rare charac-
ter; she was not especially endowed in
any way, except physically. She had
been curled, scented, arrayed in slip-
pers too tight, and sashes too wide, and
hats too big, like a little show-window
puppet, ever since she could remember;
had been kissed and petted and ad-
mired by other hotel-dwelling women,
and noticed and flattered by men, until
it was natural that the pretty red-gold
head should be occupied with Paula's
self, with her beauty and her 'style,'
and, above all, her irresistible attrac-
tion for every trousered human being
she saw, to the exclusion of all else.
Why not? She was attractive. She
had no talents or accomplishments; but
she had been to two or three of the
most select and fashionable schools;
she spent infinite pains on her dress,
with charming results; she could not
talk at all, but she could always look,
as Bob Gilbert himself had said; she
was very pliable and good-tempered,
ready to laugh at any joke she could
understand, and to enter into any plan;
what more could have been asked of
her, or why should she not have been
satisfied with herself?
Why little Miss Paula should have
taken the fancy she apparently did to
the Professor's daughter, it was for a
long while impossible for the latter to
guess. Lorrie was too humane to throw
her off, which, besides, as the other girls
hinted, was no easy matter; and Miss
Gilbert grew finally to feel a sort of ma-
ternal fondness and a certain responsi-
bility for the childish, pretty young
creature, even after the other had in-
genuously and quite unconsciously re-
vealed the secret of her devotion. ' It 's
so nice for you having a brother — a
grown-up one, I mean — like Bob, is
n't it? There 're always such a lot of
men coming to the house all the time
— so nice ! You have ever so many
more men than any of the other girls.
It's just lovely here — there's always
somebody \' she said one day, and won-
70
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
dered why Lorrie, after a moment's
meditative pause, looking at her oddly
the while, suddenly broke into a lit-
tle laugh; all her face twinkled; she
laughed and laughed.
* What's funny? What's the joke?'
demanded Paula, lazily interested; she
picked up a hand-glass, and moved
closer to the window.
'"The people that walked in dark-
ness have seen a great light!'" said
Lorrie, profanely, reducing her expres-
sion to one of prodigious gravity on the
instant; and Paula at the bureau, pains-
takingly examining a minute speck on
the right side of her chin, which she
dreaded might be the beginning of a
pimple, did not attempt to follow her
friend's abrupt changes of mood. Be-
sides, Lorrie, like nearly everybody
else, was forever making speeches which
Paula found it too fatiguing even to
pretend to understand.
'Of course all the men are n't nice;
but it 's nice to have them come to call
on you, anyhow.' — Thus Miss Jame-
son.— 'I'd feel awfully if I never had
a caller. There's a girl at the Alt/
(the young lady's abbreviation of the
Altamont, that being the name of the
caravanserai which sheltered the Jame-
sons at the moment) 'that I don't be-
lieve has ever had a bit of attention
in her life — not the least little tiny
scrap ! I 'd feel awfully in her place,
wouldn't you? Momma — I mean
Mama — Mama says any girl that
has n't had a proposal before she 's
twenty is a. freak. I said to her, "Well,
that lets me out! I'm safe, anyhow!"
Momma — Mama — simply screamed;
she 's been telling everybody in the ho-
tel. I don't care. It's true, you know.
I'm going on twenty-three, and I've
had four — I mean not counting college
boys when you 're away in the summer,
and all that. I never count them,
though lots of girls do. I don't care for
boys — I'd rather have men. One of
mine has stacks of money; he's in the
shoe business in Springfield, Massachu-
setts, and used to come around and
stop at the Alt. regularly four times a
year, getting up trade at the stores,
you know. He don't come any more,
though, since I turned him down. I
don't think the shoe business would be
very stylish, somehow, do you? It
would n't be like saying your husband
was president of a bank, or something.
He did give me lovely things, though.'
She sighed reminiscently. 'He gave
me my silver toilet-set — all except
those two big cologne bottles, with the
silver deposit on cut glass. Another
man gave me those. I priced them
afterwards at Dormer's and they 're fif-
teen dollars apiece. Is n't it funny how
men just love to spend money on you?
I had a fellow once that gave me the
cutest little watch — one of the real
little ones not any bigger than that,
you know, dark blue enamel with pearls
all over it, and a little flure-de-lee pin
to match — too cute for anything. I '11
show it to you some time when you 're
over. I wish you'd come over; you al-
ways say you will, and then you never
do.'
'You don't mean to say you took
those men's presents?' ejaculated Lor-
rie, ungrammatically.
'Why, yes. Why? Would n't you
have? They're lovely things — they're
all real, you know, the pearls on the
watch and everything. I would n't
have 'em a minute if they were n't. I
hate anything common. But would n't
you have taken them? The men were
simply gone about me, you know, just
crazy.9
'Mother wouldn't have let me,'
Lorrie stammered, trying, in her quick
humanity, to make some explanation
that might not hurt the other's feel-
ings. But Paula looked at her with no
feeling more pronounced than surprise.
'I should think you'd take 'em, and
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
71
just not tell her,' she remarked; 'you
can always say you saved up and
bought 'em out of your own money, or
some girl in Seattle or somewhere 'way
off sent 'em to you. Momma don't
know about all my things. I like to
have presents from men. I can't see
that there 's any harm in it.' A curious
hardness came into her face; she eyed
the older girl with something like cun-
ning, an expression as uncanny on
Paula's soft, dimpled features as it
would have been on a five-year-old
baby's. 'Didn't anybody ever give
you anything?'
'No,' said Lorrie, shortly, annoyed.
'Pooh, you just won't tell. I think
you might me, though — I would n't
give you away. You've had ever so
many men awfully gone on you, every-
body says. I love to hear them talk
and go on that soft way, don't you? I
think you might tell me. There 'sV.C.
K. — you know who I mean — you
needn't pretend you don't.'
'V. C. K.? Oh!' said Lorrie, crim-
soning; 'please don't say things like
that, Paula. He's just Bob's friend.
It does n't seem fair to a man to — to
talk like that. Even if it were true, it
sounds — it sounds ' — She stopped,
hampered for words the other could
understand without offense; she could
not say to Paula that it sounded cheap
and common. 'I would n't do it, if I
were you,' Lorrie said finally.
'Seems to me there's a lot of things
you won't do,' Paula said suspiciously.
' Everybody knows it — about Van
Kendrick, I mean. He comes here to
see you. He is n't such a tremendously
good friend of Bob's; they don't go
around together nearly as much as
they used to.'
Lorrie did not answer; her face
clouded unhappily.
' Well, if he has n't ever come right
out and asked you, I suppose it's be-
cause of his family,' suggested Paula,
comfortingly, misreading the other's
silence and look of trouble; 'I suppose
he thinks he can't afford to get married.
I don't like him much, anyhow. He's
always so — so — well, so grumpy and
grouchy, you know. He always shoots
right by you on the street, and just
grabs off his hat and jabs it on again as
if he was afraid for his life to stop and
speak for fear he 'd have to ask you to
go to lunch with him or pay your car-
fare or something. He never does offer
to take a person anywhere, to the
theatre or anything. He's awfully
stingy. Oh, I don't suppose he's that
way with you. But I just hope you
won't take him, Lorrie.'
' I told you there was n't any ques-
tion of that,' said Lorrie, not too amia-
bly. She was tired of listening to all
this dull, distasteful stuff. If she was
not at all in love with Van Cleve Ken-
drick, she still thought him a deal
above Miss Jameson's criticism.
Paula only shrugged, and turned her
attention to her finger-nails. After a
while she said, without raising her eyes,
' Mr. Cortwright 's getting to come
pretty often, too, is n't he?'
'Not any more than anybody else,'
said Lorrie; and now she, too, kept her
eyes down.
'I thought he seemed to be here
every time I happen to come over —
in the evenings, you know,' said Paula,
who indeed ' happened ' to come over in
the evenings two or three times a week
with striking regularity. There crept
into her eyes that same look of baby-
ish sharpness that had showed there a
while before. 'I noticed it because two
or three times he's taken me home,'
she said explanatorily.
'Yes?' said Lorrie, engrossed in her
embroidery.
'Why, yes, don't you remember? It
was when Bob was out or sick, so he
could n't,' said Paula, more explana-
torily still. She went on quickly with a
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
good deal of emphasis, 'I just said to
myself, " Well, if I 'd known you were
going to be here, I'd have stayed
home!" You know I don't like Mr.
Cortwright, either, Lorrie — I don't
like him a little bit!' She paused,
slightly out of breath, glancing narrow-
ly into her companion's face; but Lor-
rie's eyes were still lowered, and at the
moment she was matching two skeins
of pink floss with elaborate care, so
that if Paula had counted on these
statements making some visible im-
pression, she was disappointed. 'I just
hate him!' she announced vigorously.
4 Oh, poor Mr. Cortwright!' said
Lorrie, with a kind of absent-minded
laugh, deciding on the deeper shade at
last.
The other girl scrutinized her silent-
ly. 'Do you like him?' she suddenly
demanded.
* Oh, yes. He 's always been very nice
to Bob, you know,' said Lorrie, main-
taining her light tone, but furious in-
wardly to feel the red coming into her
cheeks. It was ridiculous to be drag-
ging in Bob this way to account for
every man that came to the house; she
began to laugh, a little nervously.
Paula looked at her again uncertain-
ly. 'Well, / hate him!' she repeated;
* I ' ve never even asked him in when we
got to the Alt., or asked him to call, or
anything.' Again Paula considered, or,
at least, had the appearance of consid-
ering, though it would have been hard
to believe that any operation of so
much consequence was going on behind
that lovely, inanimate mask. 'He don't
like me, either — Mr. Cortwright just
hates me, I know it,' she said, eyeing
Lorrie expectantly. 'He just took me
home those times because he had to.'
Lorrie made an inarticulate sound of
dissent, and went on with her fancy-
work assiduously.
'Does he ever say anything to you
about me?' asked Paula,
' Why, yes — no — I don't know —
sometimes — I suppose we talk about
everybody once in a while — ' said
Lorrie, rather confusedly. Mr. Cort-
wright had not been over compliment-
ary in his references to Miss Jameson.
But the latter, who candidly liked to
stand in the limelight and the centre of
the stage, and in general would rather
have heard that she had been severely
reviewed, even lacerated, by the gos-
sips, than that they had passed her
over with no notice at all, nevertheless
looked not disturbed at the neglect
Lorrie implied.
'Mr. Cortwright don't like me,' she
insisted again.
According to legend, two pairs of
ears should have been burning pretty
smartly while the above conversation
went on; we may imagine that the first
gentleman under discussion, could he
have overheard Miss Jameson, would
have dismissed her estimate of his char-
acter easily enough. Van Cleve was
not of a temper to be much ruffled by
the accusation of stinginess and rude-
ness. Very likely it was near the truth;
and he himself might have explained
that he did n't have any time for at-
tentions to girls, and his money came
too hard to be spent plentifully. He
had a use for every dollar; and, by
Something-quite-strong, if that young
lady had ever made a dollar, she'd
think differently! Also he would have
said — with a red face — that that
was all rot about himself and Miss
Gilbert.
As for Cortwright, the fact is, ' poor
Paula' had hit upon the truth itself in
those last remarks of hers, for he had
confessed as much to Lorrie! The girl
bored him to death, he had said with
great plainness and energy. Pretty,
of course, but there was absolutely
nothing to her! He did wish she 'd give
up this running after Bob, and let the
house alone. He, too, spoke of the
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
73
times he had been obliged to take her
home — he could n't get out of it, you
know — did n't want to be rude, but
really — ! He was lightly and humor-
ously eloquent on the subject of Miss
Jameson.
* I think you are a little hard on poor
Paula,' Lorrie remonstrated, coming
to the defense more out of sex-loyalty
than from any feeling for the other
girl. *You ought to make allowances
for the way she 's been brought up. It 's
pathetic when you stop to think about
it. No real home, and no real mother — '
* What I No mother? Oh, come now,
Miss Gilbert, you surely know Mrs.
Jameson, don't you? You've seen her,
anyway? Ah, I see, that's it! You do
know Mrs. Jameson!' said the gentle-
man, meaningly, with a lazy laugh.
* I did n't mean to say that — I
did n't say that exactly. I meant her
mother does n't — is n't — well, she 's
not like some mothers, you know,' said
Lorrie, lamely, between her habitual
desire to be charitable, and a strong
disapproval of Mrs. Jameson.
Cortwright understood her and
laughed again. 'Mrs. Jameson isn't
much like your kind of mother,' he
said; and added, 'there aren't many
like you among the daughters, either,
for that matter,' with the faintly ca-
ressing emphasis of which he had the
secret.
It made Lorrie's face grow warm
even in the dark, as they sat on the
porch of a midsummer night. They
were sitting in their customary posi-
tions: that is, Lorrie leaning back
against the pillar, with her white skirts
flowing down, and her small, capa-
ble hands for once idle in her lap;
and Cortwright, on the step below,
bending towards her in one of those
cavalier attitudes into which he fell
more or less unaffectedly; he was nat-
urally graceful in his movements; and
the sword and mantle of the Cavalier
day would have set upon him as suit-
ably as its light and swaggering morals.
Sometimes his hand or foot touched
hers accidentally — or tentatively; but
as to any of the sentimental advances
which he was reported to practice, the
young man seldom attempted them
with Lorrie Gilbert. The fellow that
tried to kiss her would get his, he some-
times thought, in his profanely modern
speech; and was startled to feel a thrill
of anger, resentment, jealous desire,
dart through him at this purely specu-
lative person's act. He was beginning
to be much more in earnest than he
had ever dreamed of being; certainly
than he had ever been before with any
of the women he had encountered
throughout his easy, conquering, not
too scrupulous, career. Also he was
perfectly well aware that rumor brack-
eted their two names; and let it go un-
denied, keeping silence, but smiling in
a style calculated to support the talk,
if anything. In reality, it at once flat-
tered and disconcerted him; he was not
sure that he was so much in earnest as
all that, he said to himself, half-com-
placent and half-alarmed. The very
candor of Lorrie's liking at once defeat-
ed and spurred him on. And now, as he
sat beside her, sensing, as often before,
to his own wonder and enchantment,
an ineffable comfort, restfulness, and
content, physical, spiritual, he did not
know which, in her presence and near-
ness, a sudden small anxiety overtook
him.
'I imagine Miss Jameson tells you
all about her love-affairs — what he
said and what she said, and all the rest
of it,' he said; 'she's had a good many,
probably.'
' Oh, yes,' said Lorrie, indulgently;
and she laughed.
Cortwright was relieved at her tone
and laughter. ' After all, it would be
a pretty good thing if Bob fell in love
with her. It would do him good to get
74
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
his mind set on some girl, I believe/
he said, in a kind, elder-brother fashion
that touched Lorrie deeply.
* That's what I've often thought,'
she said impulsively; * that's what I've
often longed for. Mother and I — we
can't do much — he 's too used to us —
a man does n't seem to care much what
his mother and sisters think about him.
He knows they're going to love him,
anyhow. But if Bob would only get to
caring for some girl — Paula or any-
body — if he 'd only — instead of — '
Lome's voice failed; all the pain and
worry of these past few months when
things, already so bad, seemed to be
getting so much worse, suddenly knot-
ted together in her throat. She turned
her face away, sternly resolved to con-
trol herself. 'I'm getting silly and
hysterical, laughing one minute and
wanting to cry the next!' she thought,
impatiently. Indeed, she had been
under a hard strain for some time now.
The man, who knew well enough
what the trouble was, looked at her
and then down, a little shamed, a little
humbled. Bob's misbehavior surely
could not be laid to his door; but a
sharp regret stung him. 'Men don't
deserve to have sisters and mothers
and — and wives!' he declared huskily,
not conscious of the irrelevance of the
words until they were out; and both of
them were awkwardly silent an in-
stant. Cortwright looked into her face
again, and saw that the brown eyes
shone suspiciously in the moonlight, as
with unshed tears. He gave an ex-
clamation.
'Don't do that, Lorrie, don't! I — I
mean, don't worry about Bob so!' he
stammered, moved by a genuine, self-
forgetful sympathy and pity. He took
her hand; he kept on with reassuring
and comforting words. ' Bob 's all right
— he's going to come out all right.
He'll get over this running around,
you know, and — er — and coming in
late at night, and — er — and all that.
Why, there 're lots of fellows worse
than Bob—'
'I know that, Mr. Cortwright, but
that does n't make it any easier,' said
Lorrie, brokenly; she swallowed hard,
and went on without looking at him,
'I'm sure Bob would n't — would n't
do anything wrong, even when he 's —
when he 's that way, you know. But it 's
been so long now it seems as if maybe
he never would get over it. That 's what
frightens me. It began when he was
only a little boy; he used to drink the
peach-brandy. Sometimes he drank it
all up. When I found out, I never told
Mother, and I never said a word to him.
I 'd go and fill the jug up with syrup. I
suppose it was wrong, but I — I did n't
know any better. To this day, I don't
know whether Mother knows or not. I
would just as lief stick the carving-
knife into her as ask — or tell her. She
might think it was her fault because of
having the peach-brandy around, you
see — ' She drew her hand away
quickly; she was frightened at her own
loss of self-control, frightened at her
sudden longing to cry her troubles out
on the young man's shoulder.
' Oh, don't get to thinking things like
that. That's morbid, that's foolish!'
Cortwright urged, honestly moved;
and none the less because the peach-
brandy episode seemed to him an
ordinary boyish crime, fit only to be
laughed at; its very littleness touched
him. 'It is n't anybody's fault. Near-
ly all men have some kind of a time
like this. Bob will come around all
right. Why, he's a fine fellow, a splen-
did fellow — he's going to be all
right -
He felt with a strange tangle of emo-
tions,— surprise, conceit, satisfaction,
and something as near to real tender-
ness as he could entertain, — that this
sad business about Bob brought Lorrie
and himself closer together than a year
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
of visits and attentions and frank,
pleasant intimacies had been able to do.
And now, as always when he was with
her, Lorrie unwittingly called out all
that was best in him. He was very gen-
tle, governing his impulses in honest re-
spect, made a great many fine forcible
promises to 'look after Bob,' to 'see if
he could n't do something with Bob,'
to 'get Bob to straighten up,' and so
forth; and went away from her at last
in a very noble, protecting, ardent,
and exalted state of mind, highly unus-
ual and agreeable. He was resolved
to straighten up, not only Robert, but
Philip Cortwright, too. For such a girl,
a man ought to be willing to do any-
thing ! He would cut out that other af-
fair altogether; it would begin to tire
him pretty soon, anyhow; he would go
on the water-wagon himself, drop the
ponies, marry Lorrie, and settle down !
And doubtless Lorrie went upstairs
to her room soothed and sustained and
full of trust in him; doubtless, too, she
blushed to face herself in the glass when
she thought of certain passages, cer-
tain intonations of 'his' voice, certain
expressions in 'his' eyes; and combed
out and braided her long, thick, waving
crop of brown hair in a pensive mood
which had nothing to do with that
unfortunate Robert; and maybe sat
awhile by the window with her chin
propped on her hands, staring and star-
gazing and dreaming, while the family
snored unromantically all about her,
before she slipped into her own little
bed.
At the same time, not many squares
away, another acquaintance of ours
may have been indulging in a very
similar style of meditation, and survey-
ing what she could of the night and
stars from the window of her bedroom
— a stuffy hotel bedroom that com-
manded a much better view of the rear
roofs and fire-escapes and the windows
of other stuffy bedrooms than of any-
thing celestial. The young lady, in a
heavily embroidered lavender crape
kimono somewhat too roomy for her, —
it is part of her mother's wardrobe, in
fact, — has been stealthily reading and
re-reading a number of little notes re-
ceived with sundry boxes of candy, or
perhaps with those other more costly
'presents' for which she has a weak-
ness; she has by heart every word of
those notes. They are 'soft' and sug-
ary enough even for her taste, and
fascinatingly seasoned besides with
hints of mystery, secrecy, and caution.
This affair quite puts in the shade the
honest gentleman of the shoe business
and others who have been vulgarly
plain and above-board about their ad-
miration and their hopes! It has pro-
gressed from chance meetings at first
to meetings that were not by any
means chance, on her part at any rate,
later; and now to risky little appoint-
ments, delightful stolen moments, sub-
tly planned encounters — exactly like
a play! Indeed, was there ever a finer
figure for a matinee hero seen on any
stage than the individual signing him-
self hers, Phil?
(To be continued.)
AN EVENING AT MADAME RACHEL'S
A NEWLY DISCOVERED LETTER OF ALFRED DE MUSSET
Although the letter bears no date and its envelope has been lost, it is still possible to fix the
evening precisely; it was May 29, 1839. From this date the relations between the poet and the
young tragedienne became most friendly. — THE EDITOBS.
MY very best thanks, honored Ma-
dame and dear Godmother, for the
letter of the amiable Paolita [Pauline
Garcia] which you sent to me. This
letter is both interesting and charm-
ing, but you, who never miss an oppor-
tunity to show those whom you love
best some beautiful little attention,
deserve the greatest praise. You are
the only human being whom I have
found to be so constituted.
A charitable act always finds its re-
ward, and, thanks to your Desdemona
letter, I shall now regale you with a
supper at Madame Rachel's, which
will amuse you, providing we are still
of the same opinion, and still share the
same admiration for the divine artist.
My little adventure is solely intended
for you, because 'the noble child' de-
tests indiscretions, and then also be-
because so much stupid talk and gossip
circulate since I have been going to see
her, that I have decided not even to
mention it when I have been to see her
at the Theatre Frangais.
The evening here referred to she
played Tancrede, and I went in the
intermission to see her, to pay her a
compliment about her charming cos-
tume. In the fifth act she read her
letter with an expression which was
especially sincere and touching. She
told me herself that she had cried at
this moment, and was so moved that
she was afraid she might not be able
16
to continue to speak. At ten o'clock,
after the close of the theatre, we met
by accident in the Colonnades of the
Palais Royal. She was walking arm-
in-arm with Felix Bonnaire, attended
by a crowd of young people, among
whom were Mademoiselle Rebut,
Mademoiselle Dubois, of the Conserv-
atory, and a few others. I bow to her;
she says to me, 'Come with us.'
Here we are at her house; Bonnaire
excuses himself as best he can, an-
noyed and furious about the meeting.
Rachel smiles at his deplorable de-
parture. We enter, we sit down. Each
of the young ladies beside her friend,
and I next to the dear Fanfan. After
some conversation Rachel notices that
she has forgotten her rings and brace-
lets in the theatre. She sends her
servant-girl to fetch them. There's
no girl here now to prepare supper!
But Rachel rises, changes her dress,
and goes into the kitchen. After a
quarter of an hour she reenters, in
house-dress and cap, beautiful as an
angel, and holds in her hand a plate
with three beefsteaks which she has
just fried. She puts the plate in the
middle of the table and says, 'I hope
it will taste good to you.' Then she
goes into the kitchen again and re-
turns with a soup-bowl of boiling bouil-
lon in the one hand and in the other a
dish of spinach. That is the supper!
No plates, no spoons, because the serv-
AN EVENING AT MADAME RACHEL'S
77
ant girl has taken the keys with her.
Rachel opens the sideboard, finds a
bowl of salad, takes the wooden fork,
eventually discovers a plate, and be-
gins to eat alone.
'In the kitchen,' says Mamma, who
is hungry, 'are the pewter knives and
forks.'
Rachel rises, fetches them, and dis-
tributes them among those present.
Now the following conversation takes
place, in which you will notice that I
have not changed anything.
The Mother: Dear Rachel, the beef-
steaks are too well done.
Rachel: You are right; they are as
hard as stone. Formerly, when I still did
the housekeeping, I certainly cooked
much better. I am poorer now for for-
getting about it. There is nothing to
be done about it, and for that matter
I have learned something else instead.
Don't you eat, Sarah? (To her sister).
Sarah: No; I do not eat with pewter
knives and forks.
Rachel: Ah, just listen to that!
Since I have bought from my savings
a dozen silver knives and forks you
cannot touch pewter any more. I sup-
pose when I become richer you will
have to have a liveried lackey behind
your chair and one before. (Pointing
to her fork.) I shall never part with
these old knives and forks. They have
done us service for too long. Is n't it
so, Mamma?
The Mother (with her mouth full):
She is a perfect child!
Rachel (turning to me) : Think of it,
when I was playing in the Theatre
Moliere I had only two pairs of stock-
ings, and every morning — (Here the
sister Sarah begins to speak German
in order to prevent her sister from say-
ing any more) .
Rachel (continuing): Stop talking
your German. That is no shame at all.
Yes, I only had two pairs of stockings,
and in order to be able to appear at
night I had to wash one pair every
morning. They hung in my room on a
string while I wore the others.
7 : And you did the housekeeping?
Rachel : I got up every morning at
six o'clock, and at eight o'clock all the
beds were made. Then I went to the
Halles and bought the food.
7: And did n't you let a little profit
go into your own pocket?
Rachel: No, I was a very honest
cook, was n't I, Mamma?
The Mother (continuing to eat):
Yes, that's true.
Rachel: Only once I was a thief for
a whole month. If I bought anything
for four sous I charged five, and if I
paid ten I charged twelve. At the end
of the month I found that I was in
possession of three francs.
/ (severely) : And what did you do
with those three francs, Mademoi-
selle?
The Mother (who sees that Rachel
is silent): Monsieur de Musset, she
bought the works of Moliere for that
money.
7: Really?
Rachel: Why, yes, certainly. I had
Corneille and Racine, and so I had to
have Moliere, and I bought him for
three francs; then I confessed all my
sins. Why does Mademoiselle Rebut
go? Good-night, Mademoiselle!
The largest part of the dull people
follow the example of Mademoiselle
Rebut. The servant-girl returns with
the forgotten rings and bracelets.
They are put on the table. The two
bracelets are magnificent, worth at
least four to five thousand francs. In
addition to them there is a most costly
golden tiara. All this is lying any-
where about the table, betwixt and be-
tween the salad, the pewter spoons,
and the spinach.
The idea of keeping house, attending
to the kitchen, making beds, and of all
the cares of a poverty-stricken house-
78
AN EVENING AT MADAME RACHEL'S
hold, sets me thinking, and I look at
Rachel's hands, secretly fearing that
they are ugly or ruined. They are
graceful, dainty, white, and full, the
fingers tapering. In reality, hands of
a princess.
Sarah, who is not eating, does not
cease scolding in German. It must be
remarked that, on this certain day, in
the forenoon, she had been up to some
pranks, which, according to her mo-
ther's opinion, had gone a bit too far,
and it was only owing to the urgent
interference of her sister that she had
been forgiven and had been allowed to
retain her place at the table.
Rachel (answering to her German
scolding) : Leave me in peace, I want
to speak about my youth. I remem-
ber that one day I wanted to make
punch in one of these pewter spoons.
I held the spoon over the light, and it
melted in my hand. By the way,
Sophie, give me the kirsch; we will
make some punch. Ouf ... I have
done; I have eaten enough. (The cook
brings a bottle) .
The Mother: Sophie is mistaken.
That is a bottle of absinthe.
7: Give me a drop.
Rachel: Oh, how glad I would be if
you would take something with us.
The Mother: Absinthe is supposed
to be very healthy.
7: Not at all. It is unhealthy and
detestable.
Sarah: Why do you want to drink
some, then?
7: In order to be able to say that I
have partaken of your hospitality.
Rachel: I want to drink also. (She
pours out absinthe into a tumbler and
drinks. A silver bowl is brought to
her, in which she puts sugar and
kirsch; then she lights her punch, and
lets it flame up.) I love this blue
flame.
7: It is much prettier if there is no
candle burning.
Rachel: Sophie, take the candles
away.
The Mother : What ideas you have !
Nothing of the kind shall be done.
Rachel: It is unbearable . . . Par-
don, me, Mamma, you dear good one
. . . (She embraces her) . But I would
like to have Sophie take the candles
away.
A gentleman takes both candles and
puts them under the table — twilight
effect. The mother, who in the light
of the flames from the punch appears
now green, now blue, fixes her eyes
upon me, and watches every one of my
movements. The candles are brought
up again.
A Flatterer: Mademoiselle Rebut did
not look well this evening.
7: You demand a great deal. I
think she is very pretty.
A second Flatterer: She lacks esprit.
Rachel: Why do you talk like that?
She is not stupid, like many others,
and besides, she has a good heart.
Leave her in peace. I do not want my
colleagues to be talked about in this
manner.
The punch is ready. Rachel fills the
glasses, and distributes them. The re-
mainder of the punch she pours into a
soup plate and begins to eat it with a
spoon. Then she takes my cane, pulls
out the dagger which is in it, and com-
mences to pick her teeth with the point
of it.
Now there is an end to this gossip
and this childish talk. A word is suffi-
cient to change the whole atmosphere
of the evening, and what follows is
consecrated with the power of art.
7: When you read the letter this
evening you were very much moved.
Rachel: Yes, I felt as if something
were breaking within me, and in spite
of all I do not like that play [Tan-
crbde] very much. It is untrue.
7: You prefer the plays of Corneille
and Racine?
AN EVENING AT MADAME RACHEL'S
79
Rachel: I like Corneille well enough,
although he is flat occasionally, and
sometimes too pompous. All that is
not truth.
7: Eh, eh! Mademoiselle, slowly,
slowly!
Rachel: For instance, see, when, in
Horace, Sabine says, 'One can change
the lover, not the husband' — Well, I
don't like that; that is common.
I: At least you will admit that that
is true.
Rachel: Yes, but is it worthy of Cor-
neille? There I prefer Racine. I adore
him. Everything that he says is so
beautiful, so true, so noble!
I: As we are just speaking about
Racine, do you remember that some
time ago you received an anonymous
letter in which some hints were given
to you in reference to the last scene of
Mithridate?
Rachel: Certainly. I followed the
advice, and since then I have a tremen-
dous amount of applause in this scene.
Do you know the person who wrote me
that?
/: Very well. It is a woman who is
the happy possessor of the most bril-
liant mind and the smallest foot in
Paris. Which r61e are you studying
now?
Rachel : This summer we shall play
Maria Stuart, and then Polyeucte and
may be —
I: What?
Rachel (beating the table with her
fist): Listen, I want to play Phedre.
It is said that I am too young, that I
am too thin, and a hundred other stu-
pidities of that kind. But I answer, it
is the most beautiful part by Racine,
and I shall play it.
Sarah : That would probably not
be right, Rachel.
Rachel: Leave me in peace! They
think I am too young, the part is not
appropriate. By Heaven, when I was
playing Roxane I said quite differ-
ent things, and what do I care about
that? And if they say that I am too
thin, then I consider that a stupidity.
A woman who is filled with a crim-
inal love, and who would rather die
than submit to it, a woman who is con-
suming herself in the fire of her passion,
of her tears, such a woman cannot have
a bosom like the Paradol; that would
be absurd. I have read the part ten
times within the last eight days. I do
not know how I am going to play it,
but I can tell you this : I feel the part.
The papers can write what they please.
They will not spoil it for me. They do
not know what to bring up against me,
in order to harm me instead of helping
and encouraging me ; but if there is no
other way out of it I shall play it to only
four persons. (Turning to me.) Yes,
I have read many candid and conscien-
tious criticisms, and I know of nothing
better, nothing more useful, but there
are many people who are using their
pen in order to lie, in order to destroy.
They are worse than thieves and mur-
derers. They kill the intellect with
pin-pricks. Really, if I could I would
poison them!
The Mother : Dear child, you never
stop talking; you are making yourself
tired. You were on your feet at six
o'clock this morning; I don't know
what was the matter with you. You 've
been gossiping all day. And then you
played this evening. You will make
yourself sick.
Rachel (full of liveliness): No, let
me be. I tell you, no. I call this life.
(Turning to me) Shall I fetch the book?
We will read the play together.
I: There is no need of such a ques-
tion. You cannot make me a pleas-
ant er suggestion.
Sarah : But, dear Rachel, it is half
past eleven.
Rachel: Who hinders you from go-
ing to sleep?
Sarah actually goes to bed; Rachel
80
AN EVENING AT MADAME RACHEL'S
rises and goes out, and on returning
holds in her hand the volume of Ra-
cine. Her expression and her walk
have something festive and sacred. She
walks like a priestess who, carrying
the holy vessels, approaches the altar.
She sits down next to me, and snuffs
the candle; the mother falls asleep
smilingly.
Rachel (opens the book with spe-
cial reverence and leans over it) : How
I love this man ! When I put my nose
into this book I could forget to eat and
to drink for two days and two nights.
Rachel and I begin to read Phddre.
The book lies open between us on the
table. All the others go away. Rachel
bows to each one as they depart, with
a slight nod of the head, and continues
in her reading. At first she reads in a
monotonous tone, as if it were a litany;
by and by she becomes more animated;
we exchange our ideas and our obser-
vations about each passage. Finally
she arrives at the explanation. She
stretches out her right arm on her
table, resting it on her elbow, the fore-
head in her left hand. She lets herself
be carried away by the contents of the
passage; at the same time she speaks
in a half-lowered voice. Suddenly her
eyes flash, the genius of Racine lights
up her features, she pales, she blushes.
Never have I seen anything more beau-
tiful, anything more moving; nor did
she ever make such a deep impression
on me in the theatre.
So the time passes until half past
twelve. The father returns from the
opera, where he had seen La Nathan
appear for the first time in La Juive.
No sooner had he sat down than he
ordered his daughter in brusque words
to stop her declamation. Rachel closes
the book and says, —
'It is revolting. I am going to buy
myself a light, and will read alone in
bed/
I looked at her; big tears filled her
eyes.
It was really shocking to see such a
creature treated in this way. I rose to
go, filled with admiration, respect, and
sympathy.
Having reached home, I hurry to
put down the details of this memor-
able evening for you with the faithful-
ness of a stenographer, in the expecta-
tion that you will keep it, and that one
day it will be found.
LESSONS OF THE WILDERNESS
BY JOHN MUIR
EXCEPTING Sundays we boys had
only two days of the year to our-
selves, the 4th of July and the 1st of
January. Sundays were less than half
our own, on account of Bible lessons,
Sunday-school lessons, and church ser-
vices; all the others were labor-days,
rain or shine, cold or warm. No won-
der then that our two holidays were
precious, and that it was not easy to
decide what to do with them. They
were usually spent on the highest rocky
hill in the neighborhood, called the Ob-
servatory; in visiting our boy friends
on adjacent farms to hunt, fish, wres-
tle, and play games; in reading some
new favorite book we had managed to
borrow or buy; or in making models of
machines I had invented.
One of our July days was spent with
two Scotch boys of our own age, hunt-
ing redwing blackbirds then busy in
the cornfields. Our party had only
one single-barreled shot-gun, which, as
the oldest, and perhaps because I was
thought to be the best shot, I had
the honor of carrying. We marched
through the corn without getting sight
of a single redwing, but just as we
reached the far side of the field a red-
headed woodpecker flew up and the
Lawson boys cried, 'Shoot him! shoot
him! he is just as bad as a blackbird.
He eats corn!'
This memorable woodpecker alight-
1 Earlier chapters of John Muir's autobio-
graphy have been published in the November and
December issues of the Atlantic, — THE EDITORS.
VOL. in -NO. 1
ed in the top of a white oak tree about
fifty feet high. I fired from a position
almost immediately beneath him and
he fell straight down at my feet. When
I picked him up and was admiring his
plumage he moved his legs slightly and
I said, 'Poor bird, he's no deed yet and
we '11 hae to kill him to put him oot o'
pain,' — sincerely pitying him, after we
had taken pleasure in shooting him. I
had seen servant-girls wringing chick-
ens' necks, so with desperate humanity
I took the limp unfortunate by the head,
swung him around three or four times,
thinking I was wringing his neck, and
then threw him hard on the ground to
quench the last possible spark of life
and make quick death doubly sure.
But to our astonishment the moment
he struck the ground he gave a cry of
alarm and flew right straight up like a
rejoicing lark into the top of the same
tree, and perhaps to the same branch
he had fallen from, and began to ad-
just his ruffled feathers, nodding and
chirping and looking down at us as if
wondering what in the bird world we
had been doing to him. This, of course,
banished all thought of killing, so far
as that revived woodpecker was con-
cerned, no matter how many ears of
corn he might spoil, and we all heart-
ily congratulated him on his wonder-
ful, triumphant resurrection from three
kinds of death, — shooting, neck- wring-
ing, and destructive concussion. I sup-
pose only one pellet had touched him,
glancing on his head.
We saw very little of the owlish,
serious-looking coons, and no wonder,
81
LESSONS OF THE WILDERNESS
since they lie hidden nearly all day in
hollow trees, and we never had time to
hunt them. We often heard their curi-
ous, quavering, whining cries on still
evenings, but only once succeeded in
tracing an unfortunate family through
our cornfield to their den in a big oak
and catching them all. One of our
neighbors, Mr. McRath, a Highland
Scotchman, caught one and made a
pet of it.
So far as I know, all wild creatures
keep themselves clean. Birds, it seems
to me, take more pains to bathe and
dress themselves than any other ani-
mals. Even ducks, though living so
much in water, dip and scatter cleans-
ing showers over their backs, and
shake and preen their feathers as care-
fully as land birds. Watching small
singers taking their morning baths is
very interesting, particularly when the
weather is cold. Alighting in a shallow
pool, they oftentimes show a sort of
dread of dipping into it, like children
hesitating about taking a plunge, as if
they were subject to the same kind of
shock, and this makes it easy for us
to sympathize with the little feathered
people.
Occasionally I have seen from my
study window red-headed linnets bath-
ing in dew when water elsewhere was
scarce. A large Monterey cypress with
broad branches and innumerable leaves
on which the dew lodges in still nights
made a favorite bathing-place. Alight-
ing gently, as if afraid to waste the
dew, they would pause, and fidget as
they do before beginning to plash in
pools; then dip and scatter the drops
in showers and get as thorough a bath
as they would in a pool. I have also
seen the same kind of baths taken by
birds on the boughs of silver firs on
the edge of a glacier meadow, but no-
where have I seen the dewdrops so
abundant as on the Monterey cypress ;
and the picture made by the quivering
wings and irised dew was memorably
beautiful. Children, too, make fine
pictures plashing and crowing in their
little tubs. How widely different from
wallowing pigs, bathing with great
show of comfort, and rubbing them-
selves dry against rough-barked trees!
Some of our own species seem fairly
to dread the touch of water. When
the necessity of absolute cleanliness
by means of frequent baths was being
preached by a friend who had been
reading Comb's Physiology, in which
he had learned something of the won-
ders of the skin, with its millions of
pores that had to be kept open for
health, one of our neighbors remark-
ed, 'Oh! that's unnatural. It's well
enough to wash in a tub maybe once
or twice in a year, but not to be pad-
dling in the water all the time like a
frog in a spring-hole.' Another neigh-
bor, who prided himself on his know-
ledge of big words, said, with great sol-
emnity, * I never can believe that man
is amphibious!'
It seemed very wonderful to us that
the wild animals could keep themselves
warm and strong in winter when the
temperature was far below zero. Fee-
ble-looking rabbits scudded away over
the snow, lithe and elastic, as if glory-
ing in the frosty sparkling weather and
sure of their dinners. I have seen gray
squirrels dragging ears of corn, about as
heavy as themselves, out of their field
through loose snow and up a tree, bal-
ancing them on limbs and eating in
comfort with their dry electric tails
spread airily over their backs. Once I
saw a fine hardy fellow go into a knot-
hole. Thrusting in my hand, I caught
him and dragged him out. As soon as
he guessed what I was up to, he took
the end of my thumb in his mouth and
sunk his teeth right through it, but I
gripped him hard by the neck, carried
him home, and shut him up in a box
that contained about half a bushel of
LESSONS OF THE WILDERNESS
83
hazel and hickory nuts, hoping that
he would not be too much frightened
and discouraged to eat, while thus im-
prisoned, after the rough handling he
had suffered.
I soon learned, however, that sym-
pathy in this direction was wasted;
for no sooner did I pop him in than
he fell to with right hearty appetite,
gnawing and munching the nuts as if
he had gathered them himself and
were very hungry that day. Therefore,
after allowing time enough for a good
square meal, I made haste to get him
out of the nut-box and shut him up in
a spare bedroom, in which father had
hung a lot of selected ears of Indian
corn for seed. They were hung up by
the husks on cords stretched across
from side to side of the room. The
squirrel managed to jump from the
top of one of the bed-posts to the cord,
cut off an ear, and let it drop to the
floor. He then jumped down, got a
good grip of the heavy ear, carried it
to the top of one of the slippery, pol-
ished bed-posts, seated himself com-
fortably, and, holding it balanced, de-
liberately pried out one kernel at a
time with his long chisel teeth, ate the
soft, sweet germ, and dropped the hard
part of the kernel. In this masterly
way, working at high speed, he demol-
ished several ears a day, and with a
good warm bed in a box made himself
at home and grew fat. Then, natur-
ally, I suppose, free romping in the
snow and tree-tops with companions
came to mind. Anyhow he began to
look for a way of escape. Of course, he
first tried the window, but found that
his teeth made no impression on the
glass. Next he tried the sash and
gnawed the wood off level with the
glass; then father happened to come
upstairs and discovered the mischief
that was being done to his seed-corn
and window, and immediately ordered
him out of the house.
Before the arrival of farmers in the
Wisconsin woods the small ground
squirrels, called * gophers,' lived chief-
ly on the seeds of wild grasses and
weeds; but after the country was clear-
ed and ploughed, no feasting animal
fell to more heartily on the farmer's
wheat and corn. Increasing rapidly in
numbers and knowledge, they became
very destructive, particularly in the
spring when the corn was planted, for
they learned to trace the rows and dig
up and eat the three or four seeds in
each hill about as fast as the poor farm-
ers could cover them. And, unless
great pains were taken to diminish the
numbers of the cunning little robbers,
the fields had to be planted two or
three times over, and even then large
gaps in the rows would be found. The
loss of the grain they consumed after
it was ripe, together with the winter
stores laid up in their burrows, amount-
ed to little as compared with the loss
of the seed on which the whole crop
depended.
One evening about sundown, when
my father sent me out with the shot-
gun to hunt them in a stubble field, I
learned something curious and inter-
esting in connection with these mischie-
vous gophers, though just then they
were doing no harm. As I strolled
through the stubble, watching for a
chance for a shot, a shrike flew past
me, and alighted on an open spot at the
mouth of a burrow about thirty yards
ahead of me. Curious to see what he
was up to, I stood still to watch him.
He looked down the gopher-hole in a
listening attitude, then looked back at
me to see if I was coming, looked down
again and listened, and looked back at
me. I stood perfectly still, and he kept
twitching his tail, seeming uneasy and
doubtful about venturing to do the sav-
age job that I soon learned he had in
his mind. Finally, encouraged by my
keeping so still, to my astonishment
84
LESSONS OF THE WILDERNESS
he suddenly vanished in the gopher-
hole.
A bird going down a deep narrow
hole in the ground like a ferret or a
weasel seemed very strange, and I
thought it would be a fine thing to run
forward, clap my hand over the hole,
and have the fun of imprisoning him
and seeing what he would do when he
tried to get out. So I ran forward, but
stopped when I got within a dozen or
fifteen yards of the hole, thinking it
might, perhaps, be more interesting, to
wait and see what would naturally
happen without my interference. While
I stood there looking and listening, I
heard a great disturbance going on in
the burrow, a mixed lot of keen squeak-
ing, shrieking, distressful cries, telling
that down in the dark something terri-
ble was being done.
Then suddenly out popped a half-
grown gopher, four and a half or five
inches long, and, without stopping a sin-
gle moment to choose a way of escape,
ran screaming through the stubble
straight away from its home, quickly
followed by another and another, until
some half dozen were driven out, all
of them crying and running in different
directions, as if at this dreadful time
* home, sweet home ' was the most dan-
gerous and least desirable of all places
in the wide world. Then out came the
shrike, flew above the runaway gopher
children, and, diving on them, killed
them one after another with blows at
the back of the skull. He then seized
one of them, dragged it to the top of a
small clod, so as to be able to get a
start, and laboriously made out to fly
with it about ten or fifteen yards, when
he alighted to rest. Then he dragged
it to the top of another clod and flew
with it about the same distance, repeat-
ing this hard work over and over again,
until he managed to get one of the
gophers on to the top of a log fence.
How much he ate of his hard- won prey,
or what he did with the others, I can't
tell, for by this time the sun was down,
and I had to hurry home to my chores.
ii
At first, wheat, corn, and potatoes
were the principal crops we raised;
wheat especially. But in four or five
years the soil was so exhausted that
only five or six bushels an acre, even
in the better fields, were obtained, al-
though when first ploughed twenty and
twenty-five bushels were about the
ordinary yield. More attention was
then paid to corn, but without ferti-
lizers the corn crop also became very
meagre. At last it was discovered that
English clover would grow on even
the exhausted fields, and that when
ploughed under and planted with corn,
or even wheat, wonderful crops were
raised. This caused a complete change
in farming methods : the farmers raised
fertilizing clover, planted corn, and fed
the crop to cattle and hogs.
In summer the chores were grinding
scythes, feeding the animals, chopping
stove-wood, and carrying water up the
hill from the spring on the edge of the
meadow, and so forth. Then break-
fast, and to the harvest or hayfield.
I was foolishly ambitious to be first in
mowing and cradling, and, by the time
I was sixteen, led all the hired men.
An hour was allowed at noon, and then
more chores. We stayed in the field
until dark; then supper, and still more
chores, family worship, and to bed;
making altogether a hard, sweaty day
of about sixteen or seventeen hourso
Think of that, ye blessed eight-hour-
day laborers!
In winter, father came to the foot of
the stairs and called us at six o'clock
to feed the horses and cattle, grind
axes, bring in wood, and do any other
chores required; then breakfast, and
out to work in the mealy, frosty snow
LESSONS OF THE WILDERNESS
85
by daybreak, chopping, fencing, and
so forth. So in general our winter work
was about as restless and trying as that
of the long-day summer. No matter
what the weather, there was always
something to do. During heavy rain-
or snow-storms we worked in the barn,
shelling corn, fanning wheat, thrash-
ing with the flail, making axe-handles,
ox-yokes, mending things, or sorting
sprouting potatoes in the cellar.
No pains were taken to diminish or
in any way soften the natural hard-
ships of this pioneer farm-life; nor did
any of the Europeans seem to know
how to find reasonable ease and com-
fort if they would. The very best oak
and hickory fuel was embarrassingly
abundant and cost nothing but cut-
ting and common sense; but instead of
hauling great heart-cheering loads of
it for wide, open, all-welcoming, cli-
mate-changing, beauty-making, God-
like ingle-fires, it was hauled with
weary, heart-breaking industry into
fences and waste places, to get it out
of the way of the plough, and out of
the way of doing good.
The only fire for the whole house
was the kitchen stove, with a fire-
box about eighteen inches long and
eight inches wide and deep, — scant
space for three or four small sticks,
around which, in hard zero weather,
all the family of ten persons shivered,
and beneath which, in the morning,
we found our socks and coarse soggy
boots frozen solid. We were not allow-
ed to start even this despicable little
fire in its black box to thaw them.
No, we had to squeeze our throbbing,
aching, chilblained feet into them,
causing greater pain than toothache,
and hurry out to chores. Fortunately
the miserable chilblain pain began to
abate as soon as the temperature of
our feet approached the freezing-point,
enabling us, in spite of hard work and
hard frost, to enjoy the winter beauty,
• — the wonderful radiance of the snow
when it was starry with crystals, and
the dawns and the sunsets and white
noons, and the cheery enlivening com-
pany of the brave chickadees and nut-
hatches.
The winter stars far surpassed those
of our stormy Scotland in brightness,
and we gazed and gazed as though we
had never seen stars before. Often-
times the heavens were made still more
glorious by auroras, the long lance
rays, called 'Merry Dancers' in Scot-
land, streaming with startling tremu-
lous motion to the zenith. Usually the
electric auroral light is white or pale
yellow, but in the third or fourth of our
Wisconsin winters there was a mag-
nificently colored aurora that was seen
and admired over nearly all the conti-
nent. The whole sky was draped in
graceful purple and crimson folds glo-
rious beyond description. Father call-
ed us out into the yard in front of the
house where we had a wide view, cry-
ing, 'Come! Come, mother! Come,
bairns! and see the glory of God. All
the sky is clad in a robe of red light.
Look straight up to the crown where
the folds are gathered. Hush and won-
der and adore, for surely this is the
clothing of the Lord Himself, and per-
haps He will even now appear look-
ing down from his high heaven.' This
celestial show was far more glorious
than anything we had ever yet beheld,
and throughout that wonderful winter
hardly anything else was spoken of.
We even enjoyed the snow-storms;
the thronging crystals, like daisies, com-
ing down separate and distinct, were
very different from the tufted flakes
we enjoyed so much in Scotland, when
we ran into the midst of the slow-fall-
ing, feathery throng shouting with en-
thusiasm, ' Jennie 's plucking her doos
[doves]! Jennie 's plucking her doos! '
Nature has many ways of thinning
and pruning and trimming her forests
86
LESSONS OF THE WILDERNESS
— lightning strokes, heavy snow, and
storm-winds to shatter and blow down
whole trees here and there, or break off
branches as required. The results of
these methods I have observed in dif-
ferent forests, but only once have I
seen pruning by rain. The rain froze
on the trees as it fell, and the ice grew
so thick and heavy that many of them
lost a third or more of their branches.
The view of the woods when the storm
had passed and the sun shone forth
was something never to be forgotten.
Every twig and branch and rugged
trunk was encased in pure crystal ice,
and each oak and hickory and willow
became a fairy crystal palace. Such
dazzling brilliance, such effects of white
light and irised light, glowing and flash-
ing, I had never seen, nor have I since.
This sudden change of the leafless
woods to glowing silver was, like the
great aurora, spoken of for years, and
is one of the most beautiful of the
many pictures that enrich my life. And
besides the great shows there were
thousands of others, even in the cold-
est weather, manifesting the utmost
fineness and tenderness of beauty, and
affording noble compensation for hard-
ship and pain.
in
Although in the spring of 1849 there
was no other settler within a radius of
four miles of our Fountain Lake farm,
in three or four years almost every
quarter-section of government land
was taken up, mostly by enthusiastic
home-seekers from Great Britain, with
only here and there Yankee families
from adjacent states, who had come
drifting indefinitely westward in cov-
ered wagons, seeking their fortunes
like winged seeds; all alike striking
root and gripping the glacial drift-soil
as naturally as oak and hickory trees;
happy and hopeful, establishing homes,
and making wider and wider fields in
the hospitable wilderness. The axe and
plough were kept very busy; cattle,
horses, sheep, and pigs multiplied;
barns and corn-cribs were filled up, and
man and beast were well fed ; a school-
house was built which was used also
for a church, and in a very short time
the new country began to look like an
old one.
Comparatively few of the first set-
tlers suffered from serious accidents.
One of the neighbors had a finger shot
off, and on a bitter, frosty night, had
to be taken to a surgeon in Portage, in
a sled drawn by slow, plodding oxen,
to have the shattered stump dressed.
Another fell from his wagon and was
killed by the wheel passing over his
body. An acre of ground was reserved
and fenced for graves, and soon con-
sumption came to fill it. One of the
saddest instances was that of a Scotch
family from Edinburgh, consisting of
a father, son, and daughter, who set-
tled on eighty acres of land within half
a mile of our place. The daughter died
of consumption the third year after
their arrival, the son one or two years
later, and at last the father followed
his two children, completely wiping out
the entire family. Thus sadly ended
bright hopes and dreams of a happy
home in rich and free America.
Another neighbor, I remember, after
a lingering illness, died of the same dis-
ease in midwinter, and his funeral was
attended by the neighbors, in sleighs,
during a driving snow-storm when the
thermometer was fifteen or twenty de-
grees below zero.
One of the saddest deaths from other
causes than consumption was that of a
poor feeble-minded man whose brother,
a sturdy blacksmith and preacher, and
so forth, was a very hard taskmaster.
Poor half-witted Charlie was kept
steadily at work — although he was not
able to do much, for his body was about
LESSONS OF THE WILDERNESS
87
as feeble as his mind. He never could
be taught the right use of an axe, and
when he was set to chopping down
trees for fire-wood, he feebly hacked
and chipped round and round them,
sometimes spending several days in
nibbling down a tree that a beaver
might have gnawed down in half the
time. Occasionally, when he had an
extra large tree to chop, he would go
home and report that the tree was too
tough and strong for him, and that he
could never make it fall. Then his bro-
ther, calling him a useless creature,
would fell it with a few well-directed
strokes, and leave Charlie to nibble
away at it for weeks trying to make it
into stove- wood.
The brawny blacksmith-minister
punished his feeble brother without any
show of mercy for every trivial offense
or mistake or pathetic little short-
coming. All the neighbors pitied him
— especially the women, who never
missed an opportunity to give him
kind words, cookies, and pie; above all
they bestowed natural sympathy on
the poor imbecile as if he were an un-
fortunate motherless child. In partic-
ular, his nearest neighbors, Scotch
Highlanders, warmly welcomed him to
their home and never wearied in do-
ing everything that tender sympathy
could suggest. To those friends he ran
away at every opportunity. But, after
years of suffering from overwork and
punishment, his feeble health failed,
and he told his Scotch friends one day
that he was not able to work any more
or do anything that his brother wanted
him to do, that he was beaten every
day, and that he had come to thank
them for their kindness and bid them
good-bye, for he was going to drown
himself in Muir's lake.
* Oh, Charlie! Charlie!' they cried,
'you must n't talk that way. Cheer
up! You will soon be stronger. We
all love you. Cheer up! Cheer up!
And always come here whenever you
need anything.' >j
'Oh, no! my friends,' he pathetically
replied, 'I know you love me, but I
can't cheer up any more. My heart's
gone, and I want to die.'
Next day, when Mr. Anderson, a
carpenter whose house was on the west
shore of our lake, was going to a spring,
he saw a man wade out through the
rushes and lily-pads and throw himself
forward into deep water. This was
poor Charlie. Fortunately Mr. Ander-
son had a skiff close by and, as the dis-
tance was not great, he reached the
broken-hearted imbecile in time to
save his life, and after trying to cheer
him took him home to his brother.
But even this terrible proof of despair
failed to soften the latter. He seemed
to regard the attempt at suicide sim-
ply as a crime calculated to bring the
reproach of the neighbors upon him.
One morning, after receiving another
beating, Charlie was set to work chop-
ping fire-wood in front of the house,
and after feebly swinging his axe a few
times he pitched forward on his face
and died on the wood-pile. The un-
natural brother then walked over to
the neighbor who had saved Charlie
from drowning, and, after talking on
ordinary affairs, crops, the weather,
and so forth, said in a careless tone, ' I
have a little job of carpenter work for
you, Mr. Anderson.' 'What is it, Mr.
?' 'I want you to make a coffin/
'A coffin!' said the startled carpenter.
'Who is dead?' 'Charlie,' he coolly
replied.
All the neighbors were in tears over
the poor child-man's fate. But, strange
to say, in all that excessively law-abid-
ing neighborhood, nobody was bold
enough or kind enough to break the
blacksmith's jaw.
The mixed lot of settlers around us
offered a favorable field for observa-
tion of the different kinds of people of
88
LESSONS OF THE WILDERNESS
our own race. We were swift to note
the way they behaved, the differences
in their religion and morals, and in
their ways of drawing a living from
the same kind of soil under the same
general conditions; how they protect-
ed themselves from the weather; how
they were influenced by new doctrines
and old ones seen in new lights, in
preaching, lecturing, debating, bring-
ing up their children, and so forth, and
how they regarded the Indians, those
first settlers and owners of the ground
that was being made into farms.
I well remember my father's discuss-
ing with a Scotch neighbor, a Mr.
George Mair, the Indian question, as
to the rightful ownership of the soil.
Mr. Mair remarked one day that it was
pitiful to see how the unfortunate In-
dians, children of Nature, living on the
natural products of the soil, hunting,
fishing, and even cultivating small
cornfields on the most fertile spots,
were now being robbed of their lands,
and pushed ruthlessly back into nar-
rower and narrower limits by alien
races who were cutting off their means
of livelihood. Father replied that
surely it could never have been the in-
tention of God to allow Indians to rove
and hunt over so fertile a country, and
hold it forever in unproductive wild-
ness, while Scotch and Irish and Eng-
lish farmers could put it to so much
better use. Where an Indian required
thousands of acres for his family, these
acres, in the hands of industrious God-
fearing farmers, would support ten or a
hundred times more people in a far
worthier manner, while at the same
time helping to spread the gospel.
Mr. Mair urged that such farming as
our first immigrants were practicing
was in many ways rude and full of the
mistakes of ignorance; yet rude as it
was, and ill-tilled as were most of our
Wisconsin farms by unskillful inex-
perienced settlers, who had been mer-
chants and mechanics and servants in
the old countries, how would we like to
have specially trained and educated
farmers drive us out of our homes and
farms, such as they were, making use
of the same argument, that God could
never have intended such ignorant, un-
profitable, devastating farmers as we
were to occupy land upon which
scientific farmers could raise five or ten
times as much per acre as we did?
No, my father retorted, the Lord in-
tended that we should be driven out by
those who could make a right worthy
use of the soil. And I well remember
thinking that Mr. Mair had the better
side of the argument.
IV
I was put to the plough at the age of
twelve, when my head reached but lit-
tle above the handles, and for many
years I had to do the greater part of
the ploughing. It was hard work for
so small a boy: nevertheless, as good
ploughing was exacted from me as if
I were a man, and very soon I had
become a good ploughman, or rather
plough-boy; none could draw a straight-
er furrow. For the first few years the
work was particularly hard on account
of the tree-stumps that had to be
dodged. Later the stumps were all dug
and chopped out to make way for the
McCormick reaper, and because I
proved to be the best chopper and
stump-digger, I had nearly all of it to
myself. It was dull hard work in the
dog-days after harvest, digging and
leaning over on my knees all day,
chopping out those tough oak and
hickory stumps deep down below the
crowns of the big roots. Some, though
fortunately not many, were two feet
or more in diameter.
And, being the eldest boy, the great-
er part of all the other hard work of the
farm quite naturally fell on me. I had
LESSONS OF THE WILDERNESS
89
to split rails for long lines of zigzag
fences. The trees that were tall enough
and straight enough to afford one or
two logs ten feet long were used for
rails, the others, too knotty or cross-
grained, were disposed of in log and
cord- wood fences. Making rails was
hard work, and required no little skill.
I used to cut and split a hundred a day
from our short knotty oak timber,
swinging the axe and heavy mallet,
often with sore hands, from early
morning to night. Father was not suc-
cessful as a rail-splitter. After trying
the work with me a day or two, he in
despair left it all to me. I rather liked
it, for I was proud of my skill, and
tried to believe that I was as tough as
the timber I mauled, though this and
other heavy jobs stopped my growth
and earned for me the title, 'Runt of
the family.'
In those early days, before the great
labor-saving machines came to our
help, almost everything connected with
wheat-raising abounded in trying work,
— sowing, cradling in the long sweaty
dog-days, raking and binding, stack-
ing, thrashing, — and it often seemed
to me that our fierce, over-industrious
way of getting the grain from the
ground was closely connected with
grave-digging. The staff of life, natur-
ally beautiful, oftentimes suggested
the grave-digger's spade. Men and
boys, and in those days even women
and girls, were cut down while cutting
the wheat. The fat folk grew lean and
the lean leaner, while the rosy cheeks,
brought from Scotland and other cool
countries across the sea, soon faded to
yellow, like the wheat. We were all
made slaves through the vice of over-
industry.
The same was in great part true
in making hay to keep the cattle and
horses through the long winters. We
were called in the morning at four
o'clock and seldom got to bed before
nine, making a broiling, seething day,
seventeen hours long, loaded with heavy
work, while I was only a small stunted
boy; and a few years later my brothers
David and Daniel, and my older sis-
ters, had to endure about as much as I
did. In the harvest dog-days and dog-
nights and dog-mornings, when we
arose from our clammy beds, our cot-
ton shirts clung to our backs as wet
with sweat as the bathing-suits of
swimmers, and remained so all the
long sweltering days. In mowing and
cradling, the most exhausting of all the
farm-work, I made matters worse by
foolish ambition in keeping ahead of
the hired men.
Never a warning word was spoken of
the dangers of overwork. On the con-
trary, even when sick, we were held to
our tasks as long as we could stand.
Once in harvest-time I had the mumps
and was unable to swallow any food
except milk, but this was not allowed
to make any difference, while I stag-
gered with weakness, and sometimes
fell headlong among the sheaves. Only
once was I allowed to leave the harvest-
field — when I was stricken down with
pneumonia. I lay gasping for weeks,
but the Scotch are hard to kill and I
pulled through. No physician was
called, for father was an enthusiast and
always said and believed that God and
hard work were by far the best doctors.
None of our neighbors were so exces-
sively industrious as father; though
nearly all of the Scotch, English, and
Irish worked too hard, trying to make
good homes and to lay up money
enough for comfortable independence.
Excepting small garden-patches, few of
them had owned land in the old coun-
try. Here their craving land-hunger
was satisfied, and they were naturally
proud of their farms and tried to keep
them as neat and clean and well-tilled
as gardens. To accomplish this with-
out the means for hiring help was im-
90
LESSONS OF THE WILDERNESS
possible. Flowers were planted about
the neatly-kept log or frame houses;
barn-yards, granaries, and so forth,
were kept in about as neat order as the
homes, and the fences and corn-rows
were rigidly straight. But every uncut
weed distressed them; so also did every
ungathered ear of grain, and all that
was lost by birds and gophers; and this
over-carefulness bred endless work and
worry.
As for money, for many a year there
was precious little of it in the country
for anybody. Eggs sold at six cents a
dozen in trade, and five-cent calico was
exchanged at twenty-five cents a yard.
Wheat brought fifty cents a bushel in
trade. To get cash for it before the
Portage Railway was built it had to
be hauled to Milwaukee, a hundred
miles away. On the other hand, food
was abundant, — eggs, chickens, pigs,
cattle, wheat, corn, potatoes, garden
vegetables of the best, and wonderful
melons, as luxuries. No other wild
country I have ever known extended a
kinder welcome to poor immigrants.
Arriving in the spring, a log house
could be built, a few acres ploughed,
the virgin sod planted with corn, po-
tatoes, and so forth, and enough raised
to keep a family comfortably the very
first year; and wild hay for cows and
oxen grew in abundance on the numer-
ous meadows. The American settlers
were wisely content with smaller fields
and less of everything, kept indoors
during excessively hot or cold weather,
rested when tired, went off fishing and
hunting at the most favorable times
and seasons of the day and year, gath-
ered nuts and berries, and, in general,
tranquilly accepted all the good things
the fertile wilderness offered.
After eight years of this dreary work
of clearing the Fountain Lake farm,
fencing it, and getting it in perfect or-
der, a frame house built, and the ne-
cessary outbuildings for the cattle and
horses, — after all this had been vic-
toriously accomplished, and we had
made out to escape with life, — father
bought a half-section of wild land about
four or five miles to the eastward and
began all over again to clear and fence
and break up other fields for a new
farm, doubling all the stunting, heart-
breaking chopping, grubbing, stump-
digging, rail-splitting, fence-building,
barn-building, house-building, and the
rest.
By this time I had learned to run the
breaking plough; most of them were
very large, turning furrows from eight-
een inches to two feet wide, and were
drawn by four or five yoke of oxen.
These big ploughs were used only for
the first ploughing, in breaking up the
wild sod woven into a tough mass
chiefly by the cordlike roots of perennial
grasses and reinforced by the tap-roots
of oak and hickory bushes, called
'grubs/ some of which were more than
a century old and four or five inches
in diameter. In the hardest ploughing
on the most difficult ground the grubs
were said to be as thick as the hair on
a dog's back. If in good trim, the
plough cut through and turned over
these grubs as if the century-old wood
were soft like the flesh of carrots and
turnips; but if not in good trim, the
grubs promptly tossed the plough out
of the ground. A stout Highland Scot,
our neighbor, whose plough was in
bad order and who did not know how
to trim it, was vainly trying to keep it
in the ground by main strength, and
his son, who was driving and merrily
whipping up the cattle, would cry en-
couragingly, 'Haud her in, fayther!
Haud her in!' 'But hoo i' the deil
can I haud her in when she'll no stop
in?' his perspiring father would reply,
gasping for breath after each word.
LESSONS OF THE WILDERNESS
91
On the contrary, when in perfect
trim, with the share and coulter sharp,
the plough, instead of shying at every
grub and jumping out, ran straight
ahead, without need of steering or
holding, and gripped the ground so
firmly that it could hardly be thrown
out at the end of the furrow.
Our breaker turned a furrow two
feet wide, and on our best land held so
firm a grip that, at the end of the field,
my brother, who was driving the oxen,
had to come to my assistance in throw-
ing it over on its side to be drawn
around the end of the landing; and it
was all I could do to set it up again.
But I learned to keep that plough in
such trim that after I got started on
a new furrow I used to ride on the
cross-bar between the handles, with
my feet resting comfortably on the
beam, without having to steady or
steer it in any way until it reached the
other end, unless we had to go around
a stump, for it sawed through the big-
gest grubs without flinching.
The growth of these grubs was in-
teresting to me. When an acorn or
hickory nut had sent up its first sea-
son's sprout, a few inches long, it was
burned off in the autumn grass-fires;
but the root continued to hold on to
life, formed a callous over the wound,
and sent up one or more shoots the
next spring. Next autumn these new
shoots were burned off, but the root
and calloused head, about level with
the surface of the ground, continued
to grow and send up more new shoots;
and so on, almost every year, until the
trees were very old, probably far more
than a century, while the tops, which
would naturally have become tall,
broad-headed trees, were only mere
sprouts, seldom more than two years
old. Thus the ground was kept open
like a prairie, with only five or six trees
to the acre, which had escaped the fire
by having the good fortune to grow on a
bare spot at the door of a fox or bad-
ger den, or between straggling grass-
tufts wide apart on the poorest sandy
soil. The uniformly rich soil of the
Illinois and Wisconsin prairies pro-
duced so close and tall a growth of
grasses for fires that no tree could live
on it. Had there been no fires, these
fine prairie-spots, so marked a feature
of the country, would have been cov-
ered by the heaviest forests. As soon
as the oak openings in our neighbor-
hood were settled, and the farmers pre-
vented from running grass-fires, the
grubs grew up into trees, and formed
tall thickets so dense that it was diffi-
cult to walk through them, and every
trace of the sunny * openings ' vanished.
We called our second farm Hickory
Hill, from its many fine hickory trees,
and the long gentle slope leading up
to it. Compared with Fountain Lake
farm it lay high and dry. The land was
better, but it had no living water, no
spring or stream or meadow or lake.
A well ninety feet deep had to be dug,
all except the first ten feet or so, in fine-
grained sandstone. When the sand-
stone was struck, my father, on the ad-
vice of a man who had worked in mines,
tried to blast the rock; but, from lack
of skill, the blasting went on very
slowly, and father decided to have me
do all the work with mason's chisels, a
long hard job with a good deal of dan-
ger in it. I had to sit cramped in a
space about three feet in diameter, and
wearily chip, chip, with heavy ham-
mer and chisels, from early morning
until dark, day after day, for weeks
and months. In the morning, Father
and David lowered me in a wooden
bucket by a windlass, hauled up what
chips were left from the night before,
then went away to the farm-work and
left me until noon, when they hoist-
ed me out for dinner. After dinner I
was promptly lowered again, the fore-
noon's accumulation of chips hoisted
LESSONS OF THE WILDERNESS
out of the way, and I was left until
night.
One morning, after the dreary bore
was about eighty feet deep, my life was
all but lost in deadly choke-damp, —
carbonic acid gas that had settled at
the bottom during the night. Instead
of clearing away the chips as usual
when I was lowered to the bottom, I
swayed back and forth and began to
sink under the poison. Father, alarm-
ed that I did not make any noise,
shouted, * What's keeping you so
still? ' to which he got no reply. Just
as I was settling down against the side
of the wall I happened to catch a
glimpse of a branch of a bur-oak tree
which leaned out over the mouth of the
shaft. This suddenly awakened me,
and, to father's excited shouting, I fee-
bly murmured, 'Take me out.' But
when he began to hoist he found I was
not in the bucket, and in wild alarm
shouted, 'Get in! Get in the bucket
and hold on! Hold on!' Somehow I
managed to get into the bucket, and
that is all I remembered until I was
dragged out, violently gasping for
breath.
One of our near neighbors, a stone-
mason and miner by the name of Wil-
liam Duncan, came to see me, and,
after hearing the particulars of the ac-
cident, he solemnly said, 'Weel! John-
nie, it's God's mercy that you're alive.
Many a companion of mine have I
seen dead with choke-damp, but none
that I ever saw or heard of was so near
to death in it as you were and escaped
without help.' Mr. Duncan taught
father to throw water down the shaft
to absorb the gas, and also to drop a
bundle of brush or hay attached to a
light rope, dropping it again and again
to carry down pure air and stir up the
poison. When, after a day or two, I
had recovered from the shock, father
lowered me again to my work, after
taking the precaution to test the air
with a candle and stir it up well with
a brush and hay-bundle. The weary
hammer and chisel-clipping went on
as before, only more slowly, until nine-
ty feet down, when at last I struck a
fine hearty gush of water. Constant
dropping wears away stone. So does
the constant chipping, while at the
same time wearing away the chipper.
Father never spent an hour in that
well. He trusted me to sink it straight
and plumb, and I did, and built a fine
covered top over it, and swung two
iron-bound buckets in it from which
we all drank for many a day.
[There will be a further installment
of John Muir's autobiography in the
February number.]
THE POETRY OF EMILY DICKINSON
BY MARTHA HALE SHACKFORD
NOT long ago a distinguished critic,
reviewing Father Tabb's poetry, re-
marked, * At his most obvious affinity,
Emily Dickinson, I can only glance.
It seems to me that he contains in far
finer form pretty much everything that
is valuable in her thought.' Are we
thus to lose the fine significance of po-
etic individuality? A poet is unique,
incomparable, and to make these com-
parisons between poets is to ignore
the primary laws of criticism, which
seeks to discover the essential individ-
uality of writers, not their chance re-
semblances. It is as futile as it is
unjust to parallel Father Tabb's work
with Emily Dickinson's: his is full of
quiet reverie, hers has a sharp stabbing
quality which disturbs and overthrows
the spiritual ease of the reader. Emily
Dickinson is one of our most original
writers, a force destined to endure in
American letters.
There is no doubt that critics are jus-
tified in complaining that her work is
often cryptic in thought and unmelodi-
ous in expression. Almost all her poems
are written in short measures, in which
the effect of curt brevity is increased
by her verbal penuriousness. Compres-
sion and epigrammatical ambush are
her aids; she proceeds, without prepara-
tion or apology, by sudden, sharp zig-
zags. What intelligence a reader has
must be exercised in the poetic game of
hare-and-hounds, where ellipses, inver-
sions, and unexpected climaxes mislead
those who pursue sweet reasonable-
ness. Nothing, for instance, could seem
less poetical than this masterpiece
of unspeakable sounds and chaotic
rhymes: —
COCOON
Drab habitation of whom?
Tabernacle or tomb,
Or dome of worm,
Or porch of gnome,
Or some elf's catacomb.
If all her poems were of this sort there
would be nothing more to say; but such
poems are exceptions. Because we hap-
pen to possess full records of her varying
poetic moods, published, not with the
purpose of selecting her most artistic
work, but with the intention of reveal-
ing very significant human documents,
we are not justified in singling out a
few bizarre poems and subjecting these
to skeptical scrutiny. The poems taken
in their entirety are a surprising and
impressive revelation of poetic attitude
and of poetic method in registering
spiritual experiences. To the general
reader many of the poems seem unin-
spired, imperfect, crude, while to the
student of the psychology of literary
art they offer most stimulating mate-
rial for examination, because they en-
able one to penetrate into poetic ori-
gins, into radical, creative energy.
However, it is not with the body of her
collected poems but with the selected,
representative work that the general
reader is concerned. Assuredly we do
not judge an artist by his worst, but by
his best, productions; we endeavor to
find the highest level of his power and
thus to discover the typical significance
of his work.
To gratify the aesthetic sense was
93
94
THE POETRY OF EMILY DICKINSON
never Emily Dickinson's desire; she
despised the poppy and mandragora of
felicitous phrases which lull the spirit
to apathy and emphasize art for art's
sake. Poetry to her was the expression
of vital meanings, the transfer of pas-
sionate feeling and of deep conviction.
Her work is essentially lyric; it lacks
the slow, retreating harmonies of epic
measures, it does not seek to present
leisurely details of any sort; its pur-
pose is to objectify the swiftly-passing
moments and to give them poignant
expression.
Lyric melody finds many forms in
her work. Her repressed and austere
verses, inexpansive as they are, have
persistent appeal. Slow, serene move-
ment gives enduring beauty to these
elegiac stanzas : —
Let down the bars, O Death!
The tired flocks come in
Whose bleating ceases to repeat.
Whose wandering is done.
Thine is the stillest night,
Thine the securest fold;
Too near thou art for seeking thee,
Too tender to be told.
The opposite trait of buoyant alertness
is illustrated in the cadences of the
often-quoted lines on the humming-
bird:—
A route of evanescence
With a revolving wheel;
A resonance of emerald,
A rush of cochineal.
Between these two margins come many
wistful, pleading, or triumphant notes.
The essential qualities of her music are
simplicity and quivering responsive-
ness to emotional moods. Idea and ex-
pression are so indissolubly fused in her
work that no analysis of her style and
manner can be attempted without real-
izing that every one of her phrases, her
changing rhythms, is a direct reflection
of her personality. The objective med-
ium is entirely conformable to the inner
life, a life of peculiarly dynamic force
which agitates, arouses, spurs the
reader.
The secret of Emily Dickinson's way-
ward power seems to lie in three special
characteristics, the first of which is her
intensity of spiritual experience. Hers
is the record of a soul endowed with
unceasing activity in a world not ma-
terial, but one where concrete facts are
the cherished revelation of divine sig-
nificances. Inquisitive always, alert to
the inner truths of life, impatient of the
brief destinies of convention, she iso-
lated herself from the petty demands
of social amenity. A sort of tireless,
probing energy of mental action ab-
sorbed her, yet there is little specula-
tion of a purely philosophical sort in her
poetry. Her stubborn beliefs, learned
in childhood, persisted to the end, —
her conviction that life is beauty, that
love explains grief, and that immortal-
ity endures. The quality of her writing
is profoundly stirring, because it be-
trays, not the intellectual pioneer, but
the acutely observant woman, whose
capacity for feeling was profound. The
still, small voice of tragic revelation
one hears in these compressed lines : —
PARTING
My life closed twice before its close;
It yet remains to see
If Immortality unveil
A third event to me,
So huge, so hopeless to conceive,
As these that twice befell.
Parting is all we know of heaven,
And all we need of hell.
For sheer, grim, unrelieved expression
of emotional truth there are few pass-
ages which can surpass the personal
experience revealed in the following
poem : —
Pain has an element of blank;
It cannot recollect
When it began, or if there were
A day when it was not.
THE POETRY OF EMILY DICKINSON
95
It has no future but itself,
Its infinite realms contain
Its past, enlightened to perceive
New periods of pain.
Her absorption in the world of feel-
ing found some relief in associations
with nature; yet although she loved
nature and wrote many nature lyrics,
her interpretations are always more or
less swayed by her own state of being.
The colors, the fragrances, the forms of
the material world, meant to her a di-
vine symbolism; but the spectacle of
nature had in her eyes a more fugitive
glory, a lesser consolation, than it had
for Wordsworth and other true lovers
of the earth.
Brilliant and beautiful transcripts
of bird-life and of flower-life appear
among her poems, although there is
in some cases a childish fancifulness
that disappoints the reader. Among
the touches of unforgettable vividness
there are : —
These are the days when skies put on
The old, old sophistries of June, —
A blue and gold mistake;
and
Nature rarer uses yellow
Than another hue;
Leaves she all of that for sunsets, —
Prodigal of blue,
Spending scarlet like a woman,
Yellow she affords
Only scantly and selectly,
Like a lover's words.
Never has any poet described the
haunting magic of autumnal days with
such fine perception of beauty as
marks the opening stanzas of 'My
Cricket' :-
Farther in summer than the birds,
Pathetic from the grass,
A minor nation celebrates
Its unobtrusive mass.
No ordinance is seen,
So gradual the grace,
A pensive custom it becomes,
Enlarging loneliness.
Most effective, however, are those
poems where she describes not mere
external beauty, but, rather, the effect
of nature upon a sensitive observer : —
There 's a certain slant of light,
On winter afternoons,
That oppresses, like the weight
Of cathedral tunes.
Heavenly hurt it gives us;
We can find no scar,
But internal difference
Where the meanings are.
None may teach it anything,
'T is the seal, despair, —
An imperial affliction
Sent us of the air.
When it comes, the landscape listens,
Shadows hold their breath;
When it goes, 't is like the distance
On the look of death.
It is essentially in the world of spirit-
ual forces that her depth of poetic
originality is shown. Others may de-
scribe nature, but few can describe life
as she does. Human nature, the experi-
ences of the world of souls, was her
special study, to which she brought, in
addition to that quality of intensity,
a second characteristic, — keen sensi-
tiveness to irony and paradox. Near-
ly all her perceptions are tinged with
penetrating sense of the contrasts in
human vicissitude. Controlled, alert,
expectant, aware of the perpetual com-
promise between clay and spirit, she
accepted the inscrutable truths of life
in a fashion which reveals how humor
and pathos contend in her. It is this
which gives her style those sudden
turns and that startling imagery. Hu-
mor is not, perhaps, a characteristic
associated with pure lyric poetry, and
yet Emily Dickinson's transcendental
humor is one of the deep sources of her
supremacy. Both in thought and in
expression she gains her piercing qual-
ity, her undeniable spiritual thrust, by
this gift, stimulating, mystifying, but
96
THE POETRY OF EMILY DICKINSON
forever inspiring her readers to a pro-
found conception of high destinies.
The most apparent instances of this
keen, shrewd delight in challenging
convention, in the effort to establish,
through contrast, reconcilement of the
earthly and the eternal, are to be found
in her imagery. Although her similes
and metaphors may be devoid of lan-
guid aesthetic elegance, they are quiver-
ing to express living ideas, and so they
come surprisingly close to what we are
fond of calling the commonplace. She
reverses the usual, she hitches her star
to a wagon, transfixing homely daily
phrases for poetic purposes. Such an
audacity has seldom invaded poetry
with a desire to tell immortal truths
through the medium of a deep senti-
ment for old habitual things. It is true
that we permit this liberty to the great-
est poets, Shakespeare, Keats, Words-
worth, and some others; but in Amer-
ica our poets have been sharply charged
not to offend in this respect. Here
tradition still animates many critics in
the belief that real poetry must have
exalted phraseology.
The poem already quoted, 'Let
down the bars, O Death!' has its own
rustic vividness of association. Even
more homely is the domestic suggestion
wherewith the poet sets forth an eter-
nally, profoundly significant fact: —
The trying on the utmost,
The morning it is new,
Is terribler than wearing it
A whole existence through.
Surely such a commonplace comparison
gives startling vividness to the innate
idea. Many are the poetic uses she
makes of practical everyday life : —
The soul should always stand ajar;
and
The only secret people keep
Is Immortality;
and
and
and
Such dimity convictions,
A horror so refined,
Of freckled human nature,
Of Deity ashamed;
And kingdoms, like the orchard,
Flit russetly away;
If I could n't thank you,
Being just asleep,
You will know I 'm trying
With my granite lip.
More significantly, however, than in
these epithets and figures, irony and
paradox appear in those analyses of
truth where she reveals the deep note
of tragic idealism : —
Not one of all the purple host
Who took the flag to-day
Can tell the definition,
So clear, of victory,
As he, defeated, dying,
On whose forbidden ear
The distant strains of triumph
Break, agonized and clear;
and
Essential oils are wrung;
The attar from the rose
Is not expressed by suns alone,
It is the gift of screws.
She took delight in piquing thp curi-
osity, and often her love of mysterious
challenging symbolism led her to the
borderland of obscurity. No other of
her poems has, perhaps, such a union
of playfulness and of terrible comment
upon the thwarted aspirations of a suf-
fering soul as has this : —
I asked no other thing,
No other was denied.
I offered Being for it;
The mighty merchant smiled.
Brazil? He twirled a button,
Without a glance my way:
' But, madam, is there nothing else
That we can show to-day? '
Since life seemed, to her, seldom to
move along wholly simple and direct
ways, she delighted to accentuate the
fact that out of apparent contradic-
THE POETRY OF EMILY DICKINSON 97
tions and discords are wrought the pie consent. Her creed was expressed
subtlest harmonies : — in these stanzas : —
and
and
To learn the transport by the pain,
As blind men learn the sun;
Sufficient troth that we shall rise —
Deposed, at length, the grave —
To that new marriage, justified
Through Calvaries of Love;
The lightning that preceded it
Struck no one but myself,
But I would not exchange the bolt
For all the rest of life.
The expectation of finding in her
work some quick, perverse, illuminat-
ing comment upon eternal truths cer-
tainly keeps a reader's interest from
flagging, but passionate intensity and
fine irony do not fully explain Emily
Dickinson's significance. There is a
third characteristic trait, a dauntless
courage in accepting life. Existence,
to her, was a momentous experience,
and she let no promises of a future
life deter her from feeling the throbs
of this one. No false comfort released
her from dismay at present anguish.
An energy of pain and joy swept her
soul, but did not leave any residue of
bitterness or of sharp innuendo against
the ways of the Almighty. Grief was
a faith, not a disaster. She made no
effort to smother the recollections of
old companionship by that species of
spiritual death to which so many peo-
VOL. in- NO. i
They say that 'time assuages,' —
Time never did assuage;
An actual suffering strengthens,
As sinews do, with age.
Time is a test of trouble,
But not a remedy.
If such it prove, it proves too
There was no malady.
The willingness to look with clear
directness at the spectacle of life is ob-
servable everywhere in her work. Pas-
sionate fortitude was hers, and this is
the greatest contribution her poetry
makes to the reading world. It is .not
expressed precisely in single poems, but
rather is present in all, as key and in-
terpretation of her meditative scru-
tiny. Without elaborate philosophy,
yet with irresistible ways of expression,
Emily Dickinson's poems have true
lyric appeal, because they make ab-
stractions, such as love, hope, loneli-
ness, death, and immortality, seem
near and intimate and faithful. She
looked at existence with a vision so ex-
alted and secure that the reader is long
dominated by that very excess of spir-
itual conviction. A poet in the deeper
mystic qualities of feeling rather than
in the external merit of precise rhymes
and flawless art, Emily Dickinson's
place is among those whose gifts are
Too intrinsic for renown.
J. E. B. STUART
BY GAMALIEL BRADFORD, JR.
STUART was a fighter by nature.
His distinguishing characteristics as a
West Pointer in the early fifties were
remembered by Fitzhugh Lee as ' a
strict attendance to his military du-
ties, an erect, soldierly bearing, an im-
mediate and almost thankful accept-
ance of a challenge from any cadet
to fight, who might in any way feel
himself aggrieved.' The tendency, if
not inherited, did not lack paternal
encouragement; for the elder Stuart
writes to his son, in regard to one of
these combats : * I did not consider you
so much to blame. An insult should be
resented under all circumstances/ The
young cadet also showed himself to be
a fearless and an exceptionally skillful
horseman.
These qualities served him well in
the Indian warfare to which he was im-
mediately transferred from West Point.
His recklessness in taking chances was
only equaled by his ingenuity in pulling
through. One of his superiors writes,
* Lieutenant Stuart was brave and gal-
lant, always prompt in execution of
orders and reckless of danger and ex-
posure. I considered him at that time
one of the most promising young offi-
cers in the United States Army.'
Later, Stuart took a prominent part
in the capture of John Brown. He him-
self wrote an account of the matter at
the time for the newspapers, simply to
explain and justify Lee's conduct. He
also wrote a letter to his mother, with
a characteristic description of his own
doings: *I approached the door in the
presence of perhaps two thousand spec-
tators, and told Mr. Smith that I had
a communication for him from Colonel
Lee. He opened the door about four
inches, and placed his body against
the crack, with a cocked carbine in his
hand; hence his remark after his cap-
ture that he could have wiped me out
like a mosquito .... When Smith
first came to the door I recognized old
Ossawatomie Brown, who had given us
so much trouble in Kansas. No one
present but myself could have per-
formed that service. I got his bowie-
knife from his person, and have it yet.'
From the very beginning of the war
Stuart maintained this fighting reputa-
tion. He would attack anything, any-
where, and the men who served under
him had to do the same; what is more,
and marks the born leader, he made
them wish to do the same. * Ho wean I
eat, sleep, or rest in peace without you
upon the outpost?' wrote Joseph John-
ston; and a noble enemy, who had been
a personal friend, Sedgwick, is report-
ed to have said that Stuart was 'the
greatest cavalry officer ever foaled in
America.'
Danger he met with more than stolid
indifference, a sort of furious bravado,
thrusting himself into it with manifest
pleasure, and holding back, when he
did hold back, with a sigh. And some
men's luck! Johnston was wounded
a dozen times, was always getting
wounded. Yet Stuart, probably far
more exposed, was wounded only once,
in earlier life, among the Indians; in
the war not at all until the end. His
clothes were pierced again and again.
J. E. B. STUART
99
According to that fable-mongering
Prussian, Von Borcke, the general had
half of his mustache cut off by a bullet
* as neatly as it could have been done
by the hand of an experienced barber.'
Yet nothing ever drew blood till the
shot which was mortal. Such an im-
munity naturally encouraged the sort
of fatalism not unusual with great sol-
diers, and Stuart once said of the prox-
imity of his enemies : ' You might have
shot a marble at them — but I am not
afraid of any ball aimed at me.'
In this spirit he got into scores of
difficult places — and got out again.
Sometimes it was by quick action and
a mad rush, as when he left his hat and
a few officers behind him. Sometimes
it was by stealth and secrecy, as when
he hid his whole command all night
within a few hundred yards of the
marching enemy. 'And nothing now
remained but to watch and wait and
keep quiet. Quiet? Yes, the men kept
very quiet, for they realized that even
Stuart never before had them in so
tight a place. But many times did we
fear that we were betrayed by the
weary, hungry, headstrong mules of
the ordnance train. Men were sta-
tioned at the head of every team; but,
in spite of all precautions, a discord-
ant bray would every now and then
fill the air. Never was the voice of a
mule so harsh!'
The men who had watched and tried
and tested him on such occasions as
these knew what he was and gave
him their trust. He asked nothing of
them that he would not do himself.
Therefore they did what he asked of
them. Scheibert says that 'he won
their confidence and inspired them by
his whole bearing and personality, by
his kindling speech, his flashing eye,
and his cheerfulness, which no reverse
could overcome.' Stuart himself de-
scribes his followers' enthusiastic loy-
alty with a naivete as winning as it is
characteristic. 'There was something
of the sublime in the implicit confi-
dence and unquestioning trust of the
rank and file in a leader guiding them
straight, apparently, into" the very
jaws of the enemy, every step appear-
ing to them to diminish the very faint-
est hope of extrication.' Yet he asked
this trust, and they gave it simply on
the strength of his word. 'You are
about to engage in an enterprise which,
to ensure success, imperatively de-
mands at your hands coolness, deci-
sion, and bravery, implicit obedience
to orders without question or cavil,
and the strictest order and sobriety on
the march and in the bivouac. The
destination and extent of this expedi-
tion had better be kept to myself than
known to you.'
The men loved him also because,
when the strain was removed, he put
on no airs, pretense, or remoteness of
superiority, but treated them as man
to man. 'He was the most approach-
able of major-generals, and jested with
the private soldiers of his command as
jovially as though he had been one of
themselves. The men were perfectly
unconstrained in his presence, and
treated him more as if he were the
chief huntsman of a hunting party
than as a major-general.' His officers
also loved him, and not only trusted
him for war, but enjoyed his com-
pany in peace. He was constantly on
the watch to do them kindnesses, and
would frolic with them — marbles,
snowballs, quoits, what-not? — like a
boy with boys.
And Stuart loved his men as they
loved him, did not regard them as
mere food for cannon, to be used and
abused and forgotten. There is some-
thing almost pathetic in his neglect
of self in praising them. 'The horse-
man who, at his officer's bidding, with-
out question, leaps into unexplored
darkness, knowing nothing except that
100
J. E. B. STUART
there is danger ahead, possesses the
highest attribute of the patriot sol-
dier. It is a great source of pride to me
to command a division of such men.'
Careless of his own danger always, he
was far more thoughtful of those
about him. In the last battle he was
peculiarly reckless, and Major Mc-
Clellan noticed that the general kept
sending him with messages to General
Anderson. 'At last the thought oc-
curred to me that he was endeavoring
to shield me from danger. I said to
him, " General, my horse is weary. You
are exposing yourself, and you are
alone. Please let me remain with you."
He smiled at me kindly, but bade me
go to General Anderson with another
message.'
Any reflection on his command
aroused him at once to its defense.
* There seems to be a growing ten-
dency to abuse and underrate the
services of that arm of the service
[cavalry] by a few officers of infantry,
among whom I regret to find General
Trimble. Troops should be taught to
take pride in other branches of the
service than their own.'
It is very rare that Stuart has any
occasion to address himself directly to
the authorities at Richmond. Fight-
ing, not writing, was his business. But
when he feels that his men and horses
are being starved unnecessarily, he
bestirs himself, and sends Seddon a
letter which is as interesting for ner-
vous and vigorous expression as for
the character of the writer. * I beg to
urge that in no case should persons
not connected with the army, and who
are amply compensated for all that
is taken, be allowed more subsistence
per day than the noble veterans who
are periling their lives in the cause and,
at every sacrifice, are enduring hard-
ship and exposure in the ranks.'
And the general's care and enthu-
siasm for his officers was as great as for
the privates. It is charming to see how
earnestly and how specifically he com-
mends them in every report. Partic-
ularly, he is anxious to impress upon
Lee that no family considerations
should prevent the merited advance-
ment of Lee's own son and nephew.
Even on his death-bed one of his last
wishes was that his faithful followers
should have his horses, and he allotted
them thoughtfully according to each
officer's need.
The general did not allow his feelings
to interfere with subordination, how-
ever. His discipline 'was as firm as
could be with such men as composed
the cavalry of General Lee's army,'
writes Judge Garnet t. 'He never tol-
erated nor overlooked disobedience of
orders.' Even his favorites, Mosby
and Fitz Lee, come in for reproof when
needed. Of the latter's failure to ar-
rive at Raccoon Ford when expected,
he writes, 'By this failure to comply
with instructions, not only the move-
ment of the cavalry across the Rapi-
dan was postponed a day, but a fine
opportunity was lost to overhaul a
body of the enemy's cavalry on a
predatory excursion far beyond their
lines.' His tendency to severity in re-
gard to a certain subordinate calls
forth one of Lee's gently tactful cau-
tions: 'I am perfectly willing to trans-
fer him to Paxton's brigade, if he de-
sires it; but if he does not, I know of
no act of his to justify my doing so.
Do not let your judgment be warped.'
There were officers with whom Stuart
could not get along, for instance,
'Grumble Jones,' who perhaps could
get along with no one. Yet, after Stu-
art's death, Jones said of him, 'By G — ,
Martin! You know I had little love
for Stuart, and he had just as little for
me; but that is the greatest loss that
army has ever sustained, except the
death of Jackson.'
From these various considerations
J. E. B. STUART
101
it will be surmised that Stuart was no
mere reckless swordsman, no Rupert,
good with sabre, furious in onset,
beyond that signifying nothing. He
knew the spirit of the antique maxim,
'Be bold, and evermore be bold; be not
too bold.' He had learned the hardest
lesson and the essential corrective for
such a temperament, self-control. To
me there is an immense pathos in his
quiet, almost plaintive, explanation to
Lee on one occasion: 'The command-
ing general will, I am sure, appreciate
how hard it was to desist from the un-
dertaking, but to any one on the spot
there could be but one opinion — its
impossibility. I gave it up.' On the
other hand, no one knew better that
in some cases perfect prudence and
splendid boldness are one and the
same thing. To use again his own
words: 'Although the expedition was
prosecuted further than was contem-
plated in your instructions, I feel as-
sured that the considerations which
actuated me will convince you that I
did not depart from their spirit, and
that the bold development in the sub-
sequent direction of the march was
the quintessence of prudence/ Lee al-
ways used the right words. In one of
his reports he says of Stuart, 'I take
occasion to express to the Department
my sense of the boldness, judgment,
and prudence he displayed in its exe-
cution.' (The italics are mine.)
But one may have self-control with-
out commanding intelligence. Fre-
mantle's description of Stuart's move-
ments does not suggest much of the
latter quality. 'He seems to roam
over the country at his own discre-
tion, and always gives a good account
of himself, turning up at the right mo-
ment; and hitherto he has not got him-
self into any serious trouble.' Later,
more studious observers do not take
quite the same view. One should read
the whole of the Prussian colonel,
Scheibert's, account of Stuart's thor-
ough planning, his careful calcula-
tion, his exact methods of procedure.
'Before Stuart undertook any move-
ment, he spared nothing in the way of
preparation which might make it suc-
ceed. He informed himself as exactly
as possible by scouts and spies, him-
self reconnoitred with his staff, often
far beyond the outposts, had his engi-
neer officers constantly fill out and im-
prove the rather inadequate maps and
ascertain the practicability of roads,
fords, etc. In short, he omitted no pre-
caution and spared no pains or effort
to secure the best possible results for
such undertakings as he planned;
therefore he was in the saddle almost
as long again as his men.' Similar tes-
timony can be gathered incidentally
everywhere in Stuart's letters and re-
ports, proving that he was no chance
roamer, but went where he planned to
go, and came back when he intended.
For instance, he writes of the Peninsu-
lar operations, 'It is proper to remark
here that the commanding general
had, on the occasion of my late expedi-
tion to the Pamunkey, imparted to me
his design of bringing Jackson down
upon the enemy's right flank and rear,
and directed that I should examine the
country with reference to its practi-
cability for such a movement. I there-
fore had studied the features of the
country very thoroughly, and knew ex-
actly how to conform my movements
to Jackson's route.'
On the strength of these larger mili-
tary qualities it has sometimes been
contended that Stuart should have had
an even more responsible command
than fell to him, and that Lee should
have retained him at the head of Jack-
son's corps after Jackson's death. Cer-
tainly Lee can have expressed no higher
opinion of any one. 'A more zealous,
ardent, brave, and devoted soldier than
Stuart the Confederacy cannot have.'
102
J. E. B. STUART
Johnston called him ' calm, firm, acute,
active, and enterprising; I know no
one more competent than he to esti-
mate occurrences at their true value/
Longstreet, hitting Jackson as well as
praising Stuart, said, 'His death was
possibly a greater loss to the Confed-
erate army than that of the swift-mov-
ing Stonewall Jackson.' Among for-
eign authorities, Scheibert tells us that
'General von Schmidt, the regenera-
tor of our [Prussian] cavalry tactics,
has told me that Stuart was the model
cavalry leader of this century, and has
questioned me very often about his
mode of fighting/ And Captain Bat-
tine thinks that he should have had
Jackson's place. Finally, Alexander,
sanest of Confederate writers, expresses
the same view strongly and definitely:
'I always thought it an injustice to
Stuart, and a loss to the army, that he
was not from that moment continued
in command of Jackson's corps. He had
won the right to it. I believe he had
all of Jackson's genius and dash and
originality, without that eccentricity of
character which sometimes led to dis-
appointment. . . . Jackson's spirit and
inspiration were uneven. Stuart, how-
ever, possessed the rare quality of be-
ing always equal to himself at his very
best.9
This is magnificent praise, coming
from such a source. Nevertheless, I
find it hard to question Lee's judg-
ment. There was nothing in the world
to prevent his giving Stuart the posi-
tion, if he thought him qualified. It
is not absolutely certain how Stuart
would have carried independent com-
mand. I can hardly imagine Davis
writing of Jackson as he did of Stuart :
'The letter of General Hill painfully
impresses me with that which has be-
fore been indicated — a want of vigi-
lance and intelligent observation on
the part of General Stuart.' Major
Bigelow, who knows the battle of
Chancellorsville as well as any one
living, does not judge Stuart's action
so favorably as Alexander. And Cooke,
who adored Stuart and served con-
stantly under him, says, 'At Chancel-
lorsville, when he succeeded Jackson,
the troops, although quite enthusias-
tic about him, complained that he led
them too recklessly against artillery;
and it is hard for those who knew the
man to believe that, as an army com-
mander, he would have consented to
a strictly defensive campaign. Fight-
ing was a necessity of his blood, and
the slow movements of infantry did
not suit his genius.'
May it not be, also, that Lee
thought Stuart indispensable where
he was, and believed that it would be
as difficult to replace him as Jackson?
Most of Stuart's correspondence has
perished and we are obliged to gather
its tenor from letters written to him,
which is much like listening to a one-
sided conversation over the telephone.
From one of Lee's letters, however, it
is fairly evident that neither he nor
Stuart himself had seriously considered
the latter's taking Jackson's place. Lee
writes, 'I am obliged to you for your
views as to the successor of the great
and good Jackson. Unless God in his
mercy will raise us up one, I do not
know what we shall do. I agree with
you on the subject, and have so ex-
pressed myself.'
In any event, what his countrymen
will always remember of Stuart is the
fighting figure, the glory of battle, the
sudden and tumultuous fury of charge
and onset.
And what above all distinguishes
him in this is his splendid joy in it.
Others fought with clenched fist and
set teeth, rejoicing perhaps, but with
deadly determination of lip and brow.
He laughed and sang. His blue eye
sparkled and his white teeth gleamed.
To others it was the valley of the
J. E. B. STUART
103
shadow of death. To him it was a
picnic and a pleasure party.
He views everything on its pic-
turesque side, catches the theatrical
detail which turns terror and death
into a scenic surprise. 'My arrival
could not have been more fortunately
timed, for, arriving after dark, the
ponderous march, with the rolling
artillery, must have impressed the ene-
my's cavalry, watching their rear,
with the idea of an immense army
about to cut off their retreat.' He
rushes gayly into battle, singing, 'Old
Joe Hooker, won't you come out of
the Wilderness?' or his favorite of
favorites, ' If you want to have a good
time, jine the cavalry.' When he is
riding off, as it were into the mouth
of hell, his adjutant asks, how long,
and he answers, as Touchstone might,
with a bit of old ballad, 'It may be
for years and it may be for ever.' His
clear laughter, in the sternest crises,
echoes through dusty war books like
a silver bell. As he sped back from his
raid, the Union troops were close upon
him and the swollen Chickahominy
in front, impassable, it seemed. Stu-
art thought a moment, pulling at his
beard. Then he found the remains of
an old bridge and set his men to re-
build it. ' While the men were at work
upon it, Stuart was lying down on the
bank of the stream, in the gayest hu-
mor I ever saw, laughing at the prank
he had played on McClellan.'
It is needless to enlarge on the effect
of such a temper, such exuberant
confidence and cheerfulness in danger,
on subordinates. It lightened labor,
banished fatigue, warmed chill limbs
and fainting courage. 'My men and
horses are tired, hungry, jaded, but
all right,' was the last dispatch he ever
wrote. So long as he was with them
they were all right. His very voice
was like music, says Fitz Lee, ' like the
silver trumpet of the Archangel.' It
sounded oblivion of everything but
glory. His gayety, his laughter, were
infectious, and turned a raid into a
revel. 'That summer night,' writes
Mosby of the McClellan expedition,
'was a carnival of fun I can never
forget. Nobody thought of danger or
sleep, when champagne bottles were
bursting, and wine was flowing in copi-
ous streams. All had perfect confi-
dence in their leader .... The dis-
cipline of the soldiers for a while gave
way to the wild revelry of Comus.'
And this spirit of adventure, of ro-
mance, of buoyant optimism and
energy, was not reserved merely for
occasions of excitement, was not the
triumphant outcome of glory and suc-
cess. It was constant and unfailing.
To begin with, Stuart had a magni-
ficent physique. 'Nothing seemed
strong enough to break down his pow-
erful organization of mind and body,'
says his biographer; and Mosby: 'Al-
though he had been in the saddle two
days and nights without sleep, he was
as gay as a lark.' When exhaustion
finally overcame him, he would drop
off his horse by the roadside, anywhere,
sleep for an hour, and arise as active
as ever. Universal testimony proves
that he was overcome and disheartened
by no disaster. He would be thought-
ful for a moment, pulling at his beard,
then seize upon the best decision that
presented itself and push on. Dreari-
ness sometimes crushes those who can
well resist actual misfortune. Not
Stuart. ' In the midst of rainstorms,
when everybody was riding along grum
and cowering beneath the flood pour-
ing down, he would trot on, head up,
and singing gayly.'
The list of his personal adventures
and achievements is endless. He
braved capture and death with entire
indifference, trusting in his admirable
horsemanship, which often saved him,
trusting in Providence, trusting in no-
104
J. E. B. STUART
thing at all but his quick wit and strong
arm, curious mainly, perhaps, to see
what would happen. On one occasion
he is said to have captured forty-four
Union soldiers. He was riding abso-
lutely alone and ran into them taking
their ease in a field. Instantly he
chose his course. 'Throw down your
arms or you are all dead men.' They
were green troops and threw them
down, and Stuart marched the whole
squad into camp. When duty forbids
a choice adventure, he sighs, as might
Don Quixote. *A scouting party of
one hundred and fifty lancers had just
passed toward Gettysburg. I regretted
exceedingly that my march did not
admit of the delay necessary to catch
them.'
I have sometimes asked myself how
much of this spirit of romantic adven-
ture, of knight-errantry, as it were, in
Stuart, was conscious. Did he, like
Claverhouse, read Homer and Frois-
sart, and try to realize in modern Vir-
ginia the heroic deeds, still more, the
heroic spirit, of antique chivalry? In
common with all Southerners, he prob-
ably knew the prose and poetry of
Scott, and dreamed of the plume of
Marmion and the lance of Ivanhoe.
He must have felt the weight of his
name also, and believed that James
Stuart might be aptly fitted with val-
orous adventure and knightly deeds
and sudden glory. It is extremely in-
teresting to find him writing to Jack-
son, 'Did you receive the volume of
Napoleon and his maxims I sent you?'
I should like to own that volume. And
in his newspaper account of Brown's
raid he quotes Horace, horribly, but
still Horace, ' Erant fortes ante Aga-
memnona.'
Yet I do not gather that he was
much of a student; he preferred to live
poems rather than to read them. The
spirit of romance, the instinct of the
picturesque, was born in him, and
would out anywhere and everywhere.
Life was a perpetual play, with ever-
shifting scenes, and gay limelight, and
hurrying incident, and passionate cli-
max. Again and again he reminds me
of a boy playing soldiers. His ambi-
tion, his love of glory, was of this or-
der; not a bit the ardent, devouring,
frowning, far-sighted passion of Jack-
son, but a jovial sense of pleasant
things that can be touched and heard
and tasted here, to-day.
He had a childlike, simple vanity
which all his biographers smile at, liked
parade, display, pomp, and gorgeous-
ness, utterly differing in this from Jack-
son, who was too proud, or Lee, who
was too lofty. Stuart rode fine horses,
never was seen on an inferior animal.
He wore fine clothes, — all that his po-
sition justified, perhaps a little more.
Here is Fitz Lee's picture of him : * His
strong figure, his big brown beard, his
piercing, laughing blue eye, the droop-
ing hat and black feather, the "fight-
ing jacket" as he termed it, the tall
cavalry boots, forming one of the most
jubilant and striking figures in the war.'
And Cooke is even more particular:
'His fighting jacket shone with daz-
zling buttons and was covered with
gold braid; his hat was looped up with
a golden star, and decorated with a
black ostrich plume; his fine buff gaunt-
lets reached to the elbow; around his
waist was tied a splendid yellow sash,
and his spurs were of pure gold.'
After this, we appreciate the bio-
grapher's assertion that he was as fond
of colors as a boy or girl; and else-
where we read that he never moved
without his gorgeous red battle-flag,
which often drew the fire of the enemy.
As to the spurs, they were presented
to the general by the ladies of Balti-
more,'and he took great pride in them,
signing himself sometimes in private
letters, K. G. S., Knight of the Gold-
en Spurs.
J. E. B. STUART
105
This last touch is perfectly charac-
teristic, and the Stuart of the pen is
precisely the same as the Stuart of the
sword. He could express himself as
simply as Napoleon: 'Tell General Lee
that all is right. Jackson has not ad-
vanced, but I have; and I am going to
crowd them with artillery/ But usu-
ally he did not. Indeed, the severe
taste of Lee recoiled from his subordi-
nate's fashions of speech. 'The general
deals in the flowery style, as you will
perceive, if you ever see his reports in
detail.' But I love them, they ring and
resound so with the temper of the man;
gorgeous scraps of tawdry rhetoric,
made charming by their riotous sin-
cerity, as with Scott and Dumas. His
* brave men behaved with coolness and
intrepidity in danger, unswerving re-
solution before difficulties, and stood
unappalled before the rushing torrent
of the Chickahominy, with the proba-
bility of an enemy at their heels armed
with the fury of a tigress robbed of
her whelps.' Could anything be worse
from Lee's point of view? But it does
put some ginger into an official report.
Or take this Homeric picture of a
charge, which rushes like a half dozen
stanzas of Chevy Chase: 'Lieutenant
Robbins handling it in the most skill-
ful manner, managed to clear the way
for the march with little delay, and in-
fused by a sudden dash at a picket
such a wholesome terror that it never
paused to take a second look. . . . On,
on dashed Robbins, here skirting a
field, there leaping a fence or ditch,
and clearing the woods beyond.'
When I read these things I cannot
but remember Madame de Sevigne's
fascinating comment on the historical
novels of her day. 'The style of La
Calprenede is detestable in a thousand
ways: long-winded, romantic phrases,
ill-chosen words, I admit it all. I agree
that it is detestable; yet it holds me
like glue. The beauty of the senti-
ments, the violence of the passions,
the grandeur of the events, and the
miraculous success of the hero's re-
doubtable sword — it sweeps me away
as if I were a child.'
And Stuart's was a real sword!
Then, too, — as in Shakespearean
tragedy or modern melodrama, — the
tension, in Stuart's case, is constantly
relieved by hearty, wholesome laugh-
ter, which shook his broad shoulders
and sparkled in his blue eyes. See what
a strange comedy his report makes of
this lurid night-scene, in which another
might have found only shadow and
death. 'It so far succeeded as to get
possession of his [General Bartlett's]
headquarters at one o'clock at night,
the general having saved himself by
precipitate flight in his nether gar-
ments. The headquarters flag was
brought away. No prisoners were at-
tempted to be taken, the party shooting
down every one within reach. Some
horses breaking loose near headquar-
ters ran through an adjacent regiment-
al camp, causing the greatest commo-
tion, 'mid firing and yelling and cries
of "Halt!" "Rally!" mingling in wild
disorder, and ludicrous stampede which
beggars description.' Can't you hear
him laugh?
It must not be concluded from this
that Stuart was cruel in his jesting.
Where gentleness and sympathy were
really called for, all the evidence shows
that no man could give more. But he
believed that the rough places are
made smooth, and the hard places soft,
and the barren places green and smil-
ing, by genial laughter. Who shall say
that he was wrong? Therefore he
would have his jest, with inferior and
superior, with friend and enemy. Even
the sombre Jackson was not spared.
When he had floundered into winter-
quarters oddly decorated, Stuart sug-
gested ' that a drawing of the apartment
should be made, with the race-horses,
106
J. E. B. STUART
gamecocks, and terrier in bold relief,
the picture to be labeled: " View of the
winter-quarters of General Stonewall
Jackson, affording an insight into the
tastes and character of the individual." '
And Jackson enjoyed it.
When it came to his adversaries,
Stuart's fun was unlimited. Everybody
knows his telegraphed complaint to
the United States Commissary Depart-
ment that the mules he had been cap-
turing lately were most unsatisfactory,
and he wished they would provide a
better quality. Even more amusing
is the correspondence that occurred at
Lewinsville. One of Stuart's old com-
rades wrote, addressing him by his
West Point nickname, 'My dear
Beauty, — I am sorry that circum-
stances are such that I can't have the
pleasure of seeing you, although so
near you. Griffin says he would like
to have you dine with him at Willard's
at five o'clock on Saturday next. Keep
your Black Horse off me, if you please.
Yours, etc., Orlando M. Poe.' On the
back of this was penciled in Stuart's
writing: *I have the honor to report
that " circumstances " were such that
they could have seen me if they had
stopped to look behind, and I answered
both at the cannon's mouth. Judging
from his speed, Griffin surely left for
Washington to hurry up that dinner.'
I had an old friend who adored the
most violent melodrama. When the
curtain and his tears had fallen to-
gether, he would sigh and murmur,
* Now let 's have a little of that snare-
drum music.' Such was Stuart. 'It
might almost be said that music was
his passion,' writes Cooke. I doubt,
however, whether he dealt largely in
the fugues of Bach. His favorites, in
the serious order, are said to have
been, 'The dew is on the blossom,' and
4 Sweet Evelina.' But his joy was the
uproarious, 'If you get there before I
do,' or his precious, 'If you want to
have a good time, jine the cavalry.'
He liked to live in the blare of trum-
pets and the crash of cymbals, liked
to have his nerves tingle and his
blood leap to a merry ' hunt's-up ' or a
riotous chorus, liked to have the high
strain of war's melodrama broken by
the sudden crackle of the snare-drum.
His banjo-player, Sweeney, was as near
to him as an aide-de-camp, followed
him everywhere. 'Stuart wrote his
most important correspondence with
the rattle of the gay instrument stun-
ning everybody, and would turn round
from his work, burst into a laugh, and
join uproariously in Sweeney's chorus.'
And dance was as keen a spice to
peril as song and laughter. To fight
all day and dance all night was a good
day's work to this creature of perfect
physique and inexhaustible energy. If
his staff -officers could not keep pace
with him and preferred a little sleep,
the general did not like it at all.
What? Here is — or was — a gay
town, and pretty girls. Just because
we are here to-day, and gone to-mor-
row, shall we not fleet the time care-
lessly, as they did in the golden world ?
And the girls are all got together, and a
ball is organized, and the fun grows
swifter and swifter. Perhaps a fortu-
nate officer picks the prettiest and is
about to stand up with her. Stuart
whispers in his ear that a pressing mes-
sage must be carried, laughs his gay
laugh, and slips into the vacant place.
Then an orderly hurries in, covered
with dust. The enemy are upon us.
'The officers rushed to their weapons
and called for their horses, panic-
stricken fathers and mothers endeav-
ored to collect around them their be-
wildered children, while the young
ladies ran to and fro in most admired
despair. General Stuart maintained
his accustomed coolness and compo-
sure. Our horses were immediately
saddled, and in less than five minutes
J. E. B. STUART
107
we were in rapid gallop to the front.'
Oh, what a life!
You divine that with such a tem-
perament Stuart would love women.
So he did. Not that he let them inter-
fere with duty. He would have heart-
ily accepted the profound doctrine of
Enobarbus in regard to the fair: 'It
were pity to cast them away for no-
thing; yet between them and a great
cause they should be esteemed as no-
thing.' Stuart arrested hundreds of
ladies, says his biographer, and re-
mained inexorable to their petitions.
Cooke's charming account of one of
these arrests should be read in full:
how the fair captives first raved, and
then listened, and then laughed, and
then were charmed by the mellifluous
Sweeney and the persuasive general,
and at last departed with kissed hands
and kindly hearts, leaving Stuart to
explain to his puzzled aide, who in-
quired why he put himself out so much :
* Don't you understand? When those
ladies arrived they were mad enough
with me to bite my head off, and I de-
termined to put them in good-humor
before they left me.'
But Cooke dresses his viands. I
prefer the following glimpse of Stuart
and girls and duty, as it comes unspiced
from the rough-spoken common sol-
dier. * General Lee would come up and
spend hours studying the situation
with his splendid glasses; and the glo-
rious Stuart would dash up, always
with a lady, and a pretty one, too. I
wonder if the girl is yet alive who rode
the General's fine horse and raced
with him to charge our station. When
they had reached the level platform,
and Stuart had left her in care of one
of us and took the other off to one side
and questioned the very sweat out of
him about the enemy's position, he
was General Stuart then; but when
he got back and lifted the beauty
into the saddle and rode off humming
a breezy air ... he was Stuart the
beau.'
And the women liked Stuart. It was
a grand thing to be the first officer in
the Confederate cavalry, with a blue
eye and a fair beard, and all gold, like
Horace's Pyrrha, from hat to spurs.
When he rode singing and laughing
into a little town, by river or seashore,
they flocked to meet him, young and
old, and touched his garments, and
begged his buttons, and kissed his
gloved hands, until he suggested that
his cheeks were available, and then
they kissed those, young and old alike.
They showered him with flowers also,
buried him under nosegays and gar-
lands, till he rode like old god Bacchus
or the Queen of May. What an odd
fashion of making war! And the best
I have met with is, that one day Stu-
art described one of these occurrences
to his great chieftain. 'I had to wear
her garland, till I was out of sight/
apologized the young cavalier. 'Why
are n't you wearing it now?' retorted
Lee. Is n't that admirable? I verily be-
lieve that if any young woman had had
the unimaginable audacity to throw a
garland over Lee, he would have worn
it through the streets of Richmond
itself.
You say, then, this Stuart was dis-
sipated, perhaps, a scapegrace, a rioter,
imitating Rupert and Murat in other
things than great cavalry charges.
That is the curious point. The man
was nothing of the sort. With all his
instinct for revelry, he had no vices; a
very Puritan of laughter. He liked
pretty girls everywhere; but when he
was charged with libertinism, he an-
swered, in the boldness of innocence,
' That person does not live who can say
that I ever did anything improper of
that description'; and he liked his
wife better than any other pretty girl.
He married her when he was twenty-
two years old, and his last wish was
108
J. E. B. STUART
that she might reach him before he
died. His few letters to her that have
been printed are charming in their
playful affection. He adored his child-
ren also; in short, was a pattern of
domesticity. He did, indeed, love his
country more, and telegraphed to his
wife, when she called him to his dy-
ing daughter's bedside, 'My duty to
the country must be performed before
I can give way to the feelings of a
father'; but the child's death was a
cruel blow to him. With his intimates
he constantly referred to her, and when
he himself was dying, he whispered, ' I
shall soon be with my little Flora again.'
' I never saw him touch a card,' writes
one who was very near him, 'and he
never dreamed of uttering an oath
under any provocation, nor would he
permit it at his headquarters.' We
are assured by many that he never
drank, and an explicit statement of his
own on the subject is reported: 'I pro-
mised my mother in my childhood
never to touch ardent spirits, and a
drop has never passed my lips, except
the wine of the communion/
As the last words show, he had re-
ligion as well as morals. He joined the
Methodist Church when he was fif-
teen, later the Episcopal. When he was
twenty-four he sent money home to
his mother to aid in the building of
a church. He carried her Bible with
him always. In his reports religion is
not obtrusive. When it does occur,
it is evidently sincere. 'The Lord of
Hosts was plainly fighting on our side,
and the solid walls of Federal infantry
melted away before the straggling,
but nevertheless determined, onsets
of our infantry columns.' 'Believ-
ing that the hand of God was clear-
ly manifested in the signal deliverance
of my command from danger, and the
crowning success attending it, I as-
cribe to Him the praise, the honor, and
the glory.' He inclined to strictness in
the observance of Sunday. Captain
Colston writes me that when twelve
struck of a Saturday night, Stuart
held up his hand relentlessly and
stopped song and dance in their full
tide, though youth and beauty begged
for just one more. He was equally
scrupulous in the field, though, in his
feeling of injury because the enemy
were not so, I seem to detect his habit-
ual touch of humor. ' The next morning
being the Sabbath, I recognized my
obligation to do no active duty other
than what was absolutely necessary,
and determined, so far as possible, to
devote it to rest. Not so the enemy,
whose guns about 8 A. M. showed that
he would not observe it.'
I have no doubt that Stuart's relig-
ion was inward as well as outward, and
remoulded his heart. But, after all, he
was but little over thirty when he died,
and I love to trace in him the occa-
sional working of the old Adam which
had such lively play in the bosom of
many an officer who was unjustly
blamed or missed some well-deserved
promotion. Stuart's own letters are
too few to afford much insight of this
kind. But here again we get that one-
sided correspondence with Lee which
is so teasingly suggestive. On one
occasion Lee writes, 'The expression,
" appropriated by the Stuart Horse
Artillery," was not taken from a report
of Colonel Baldwin, nor intended in
any objectionable sense, but used for
want of a better phrase, without any
intention on my part of wounding.'
And again, after Chancellors ville: 'As
regards the closing remarks of your
note, I am at a loss to understand
their reference or to know what has
given rise to them. In the manage-
ment of the difficult operations at
Chancellorsville, which you so prompt-
ly undertook, and creditably per-
formed, I saw no errors to correct, nor
has there been a fit opportunity to
J. E. B. STUART
109
commend your conduct. I prefer your
acts to speak for themselves, nor does
your character or reputation require
bolstering up by out-of-place expres-
sions of my opinion.'
But by far the most interesting hu-
man revelation of this kind is one letter
of Stuart's own, written to justify him-
self against some aspersions of General
Trimble. With the right or wrong of
the case we are not concerned. Sim-
ply with the fascinating study of Stu-
art's state of mind. He begins evident-
ly with firm restraint and a Christian
moderation, 'Human memory is frail,
I know.' But the exposure of his
wrongs heats his blood, as he goes on,
and spurs him, though he still endeav-
ors to check himself. 'It is true I am
not in the habit of giving orders, par-
ticularly to my seniors in years, in a
dictatorial and authoritative manner,
and my manner very likely on this
occasion was more suggestive than im-
perative; indeed, I may have been con-
tent to satisfy myself that the dis-
positions which he himself proposed
accorded with my own ideas, without
any blustering show of orders to do
this or that . . . General Trimble
says I did not reach the place until
seven or eight o'clock. I was in plain
view all the time, and rode through,
around, and all about the place, soon
after its capture. General Trimble is
mistaken.' Nay, in his stammering
eagerness to right himself, his phrases,
usually so crisp and clear, stumble and
fall over each other: 'In the face of
General Trimble's positive denial of
sending such a message, "that he
would prefer waiting until daylight,"
or anything like it, while my recollec-
tion is clear that I did receive such a
message, and received it as coming
from General Trimble, yet, as he is so
positive to not having sent such a mes-
sage, or anything like it, I feel bound
to believe that either the message was
misrepresented, or made up, by the
messenger, or that it was a message re-
ceived from General Robertson, whose
sharpshooters had been previously
deployed.'
A real man, you see, like the rest of
us; but a noble one, and lovable. For-
tunate also, in his death as in his life.
For he was not shot down in the early
days, like Jackson and Sidney John-
ston, when it seemed as if his great aid
might have changed destiny. He had
done all a man in his position could do.
When he went, all hope too was going.
He was spared the long, weary days of
Petersburg, spared the bitter cup of
Appomattox, spared the domination of
the conqueror, spared what was per-
haps, worst of all, the harsh words and
reproaches and recrimination, which
flew too hotly where there should have
been nothing but love and silence. He
slept untroubled in his glory, while his
countrymen mourned and Lee ' yearn-
ed for him.' His best epitaph has been
written by a magnanimous opponent:
' Deep in the hearts of all true cavalry-
men, North and South, will ever burn
a sentiment of admiration, mingled
with regret, for this knightly soldier
and generous man.'
THE WAY OF LIFE
BY LUCY HUFFAKER
THERE was a heavy odor in the little
house which quite blighted the soft
spring air as it blew in through the
half-open window. For supper there
had been onions and sausage, and the
fried potatoes had burned. The smells
which had arisen from the kitchen
stove had mingled with the raw, soapy
fumes which gave testimony that
Monday was wash-day in the Black
family. Now the smoking of the kero-
sene lamp on the centre-table seemed
to seal in hermetical fashion the op-
pressive room against the gentle
breeze of the May evening.
The woman, bending over a pair of
trousers which she was patching, stuck
the needle in the cloth, pulled the thim-
ble from her fat, red finger, and rubbed
her hands over her eyes.
4 Bed-time, Billy,' she said to the
nine-year-old boy who was playing with
a picture-puzzle on the other side of
the table.
'Aw, ma, let me stay up, till pa
and the boys get home.'
The woman shook her head.
* I '11 get up in plenty of time to feed
the chickens, anyhow. Honest, I will.'
'You ought to be glad to go to bed,'
the mother sighed in answer. ' I 'd be.
Seems to me I'd be tickled to death if
I could drop into bed without my sup-
per any night.'
' I '11 go if you '11 go, too. I just hate
to go to bed knowing all the rest of you
are up.'
'Me go to bed! Why these trousers
of yours are n't finished yet and I 've
got to mend Tom's shirt and your fa-
110
ther's coat, and then there 's the bread
to set. Much chance I have to go to
bed for a couple of hours, yet! Now
you run along. If you go like a good
boy, you can have a cooky.'
She put the thimble on her finger
and bent over her mending again. She
sewed steadily on until an hour later,
when she heard the buggy drive into
the yard and one of the boys came
running in to ask her if she knew where
the barn lantern was. It was in the
cellar, and there was barely enough oil
to make a dim light while the horse
was being unharnessed. The boys were
sent to bed immediately, with an in-
junction to be quiet so Billy would n't
be awakened. She heard the heavy
tread of her husband in the kitchen as
he hunted for the dipper to get a drink
of water. Then he came into the sit-
ting-room, sat down in a chair, and be-
gan pulling off his shoes. He groaned
as he did it.
'Say, Em,' he said, 'guess who I saw ,
in town to-night?'
'Who?' was the unimaginative re-
sponse.
'You'd never guess in a hundred
years. You'd never guess what she
did, either. She sent you these.' He
drew from his pocket a package and
a sheet of note-paper. The woman
looked at them for a moment, but she
did n't touch them.
'Hurry up, Em,' said the man.
'They won't bite you.'
'But what — ?' she faltered.
'The best way to find out about 'em
is to open 'em.'
THE WAY OF LIFE
111
She opened the package first. It
was a cheap colored print of St. Ce-
cilia at the Organ. It was in a bright
gilt frame. Then she opened the note.
She read it through once, with a little
frown puckering her forehead. Then
more slowly she read it the second
time.
'Minnie Jackson!' she murmured.
' I have n't seen her for nearly ten
years. I don't know when I've thought
about her, even. You read it, Jake?'
'Yes. She did n't seal it.' He wait-
ed a minute, then said, 'I could n't just
make out what it was all about. What
day is this?'
* It 's our birthday — Minnie's and
mine. We used to call ourselves twins,
but she 's a year older than I am. I 've
been so busy all day I never thought
about it. What does Minnie look like? '
'Oh, she looks about the same, I
guess, as the last time she was home.
She's getting fatter, though. Guess
the climate out in California must
agree with her.'
' Is she as fat as I am? '
'Just about, I guess.'
'Did she look as if they were well
off? What kind of a dress did she have
on?'
'I don't know. Good enough, I
guess. I did n't see anything wrong
with it. While she ran into the store
to get this picture and write this note
to you, old Jackson was bragging to
me about how well Elmer had done.
He said Min had married about as well
as any girl round here.'
' Did he say anything about whether
she ever paints any? '
'Paints? Whatever are you talking
about, Em?'
She had bent over her sewing again,
and he could not see her face as she
answered, 'When Minnie and I were
little girls, I reckon we never had any
secrets from each other, at all. I know
I talked about things to her I never
could have told to anybody else. She
was that way with me, too. Well, she
always said she wanted to paint, and
I wanted to play. She was always
copying every picture she saw. I re-
member she did one picture called A
Yard of Roses, from a calendar. It
was so good you could n't have told
the difference. Don't you remember
the time she took the prize at the art
exhibit at the country fair, with a
picture she had copied, called The
Storm? One of the judges said it just
made him shiver to look at it, it was
so real.'
'Come to think of it, I believe I do
recollect something about Min having
queer notions. I know us boys used
to think she was stuck-up. What did
she mean about the vow and about
this picture being of you, by her?'
For a moment there was only the
little click of her thimble against the
needle. Then she said, 'I guess I can't
make it clear to you, Jake. Minnie
always did have her own way of put-
ting things. We had lots of fancies, as
we used to call them. But I suppose
she was thinking about our old dreams.
If they 'd come true, she might have
painted me, sitting like that.'
'It don't look much like you; even
when you was young,' was the reply of
the man, not given to ' fancies ' — ' but
what is it about the vow? '
'I don't know,' said his wife shortly.
It was one of the few lies she had ever
told her husband. Just why, having
told him so much, she could n't tell
him that Minnie Jackson and she had
promised each other that, no matter
what happened, nothing should keep
them from realizing their ambitions,
and that each year they would give a
report to each other on their birthday,
she could not have said. But suddenly
her throat contracted and she could
not see the patch on the coat.
'How this lamp does smoke,' she
112
THE WAY OF LIFE
said, as she brushed her hand over her He let Em have the butter and chicken
eyes.
* Well,' yawned her husband, * I guess
most folks, leastwise most girls, have
silly notions when they're young.
* Who'd ever think to see you now,
that you ever had any such ideas?
Anyhow, they never hurt you any.
You're a good wife for a farmer, Em.
There ain't a better woman anywhere
than you.'
It was one of the few times in all
the years of their marriage that he had
praised her. Jacob Black had never
been one to question life or to marvel
at its wonders. For him, it held no
wonders. The spell of life had caught
him when he was young. He had * fallen
in love' with Emmeline Mead and he
had married her. She had borne him
eight children. Five of them had lived.
If Jacob Black had thought about it
at all, which he did not, he would have
said that was the way life went. One
was young. Then one grew old. When
one was young, one married and prob-
ably there were children. The wing of
romance had brushed him so lightly in
its passing, that at the time it had
brought to him no yearning for an un-
known rapture, no wonder at the mys-
tery of life. After twenty-one years,
if he had given it any thought what-
soever, he would have said that their
marriage 'had turned out well.' Em
had been a good wife; she had risen at
daylight and worked until after dark.
She was n't foolish about money. She
never went to town unless there was
something to take her there. She went
to church, of course, and when it was
* her turn,' she entertained the Ladies'
Aid. Such recreations were to be ex-
pected. Yes, Em had been a good
wife. But then, he had been a good
husband. He never drank. He was
a church member. He always hired a
woman to do the housework, for two
weeks, when there was a new baby.
money.
The clock struck nine.
'I'm going to bed,' he said; 'there 's
lots to do to-morrow. Nearly through
your mending?'
'No. Anyhow, I guess I'll wait up
for John and Victoria to come home.*
'Better not, if you're tired. John
may get in early, but probably Vic
will be mooning along.'
'What?' she cried. 'What do you
mean by that, Jake Black?'
' Say, Em, are you blind ? Can't you
see there's something between her
and Jim? Have n't you noticed that it
is n't John he comes to see now? Have
n't you seen how Vic spruces up nights
when he's coming over?'
The woman dropped her sewing in
her lap. The needle ran into her thumb.
Mechanically, she pulled it out. She
was so intent, looking at him, trying to
grasp his meaning, that she did not
notice the drops of blood which fell on
her mending. When she spoke, it was
with difficulty.
'Oh, Jake, it can't be. It just can't
be.'
'Why can't it?'
' Why, he 's not good enough for Vic-
toria.'
'Not good enough? Why, what's
the matter with Jim? I never heard a
word against him and I ' ve known him
ever since he was a little shaver.
He's steady as can be, and a hard
worker.'
' I know all that. I was n't think-
ing about such things. I was thinking
about — oh, about — other things.'
'Other things? Well, what on earth
is the matter with the other things?
Forman's place is as good as any here-
abouts, and it's clear, and only three
children to be divided among. There 's
money in the bank, too, I'll bet.'
'But Victoria is so young, Jake.
Why, she 's just a girl !'
THE WAY OF LIFE
113
* She's old as you was, when we got
married, Em.'
He went into the kitchen for an-
other drink of water. When he came
through the room, he bent over to pick
up his shoes. 'Say, Em,' he said, 'you
surely don't mean what you've been
saying, do you, about Jim not being
good enough for Vic? 'Cause it ain't
likely that she'll ever get another
chance as good.'
She did not answer. The man look-
ing at her, the man who had lived with
her for more than twenty years, did
not know that a sudden rage against
life was in her heart. He did not know
that the lost dreams of her youth were
crying out in her against the treachery
of life. He did not know that the
blindfold which the years had merci-
fully bound across her eyes had fallen
away, and that she was seeing the ever-
lasting tragedy of the conflict between
dreams and life. He did not know that,
in that moment, she was facing the
supreme sorrow of motherhood in the
knowledge that the beloved child can-
not be spared the disillusions of the
years. He only knew that she was
worried.
'Don't you be giving Vic any of
your queer notions,' he said in a voice
which was almost harsh. Jacob Black
was an easy-going man. But he had
set his heart on seeing his daughter the
wife of Jim Forman. Did not the For-
man farm join his on the southeast?
Until she heard him walking around
in their bedroom overhead, she sewed
on. Then she laid down her work. She
picked up the picture. It was small,
but she held it clutched in both hands,
as though it were heavy. It would not
have mattered to her if she had known
that critics of art scoffed at the pic-
ture. To her it was more than a mas-
terpiece; it was a miracle. Had she
not felt like the pictured saint, when
she had sat at the organ, years ago?
VOL. in -NO. i
She, too, had raised her eyes in just
that way, and if actual roses had not
fallen on the keys, the mystical ones
of hopes too fragile for words, and
beauties only dreamed of, had fallen
all about her. There was a time when
she had played the little organ in
church. How her soul had risen on the
chords which she struck for the Dox-
ology, which always came just before
the benediction! Even after Victoria
was born, she had played the organ
for a time. Then the babies came very
fast, and when one has milking to do
and dishes to wash and one's fingers
are needle-pricked, it is difficult to find
the keys. Also when one works from
daylight until dark, one wants nothing
but rest. There is a sleep too deep for
dreams.
It was years since Emmeline Black
had dreamed except in the terms of her
motherhood. For herself, the dream
had gone. She did not rebel. She ac-
cepted. It was the way of life with
women like her. She would not have
said her life was hard. Jacob Black
had been a good husband to her. Only
a fool, having married a poor farmer,
could expect that the dreams of a ro-
mantic girl would ever come true. Once
she had expected it, of course. That
was when Jacob Black had seemed
as a prince to Emmeline Mead. She
had felt the wing of romance as it
brushed past her. But that was long
ago. She did n't like the routine of her
life. But neither did she hate it. For
herself, it had come to seem the nat-
ural, the expected thing. But for Vic-
toria —
Her dreams had not all gone when
Victoria was born. That first year of
her marriage, it had seemed like play-
ing at being a housekeeper to do the
work for Jacob and herself. She had
loved her garden, and often, just be-
cause she had loved to be with him
and because she loved the smell of the
114
THE WAY OF LIFE
earth and the growing things which
came from it, she had gone into the
fields with her husband. Then when
the year was almost gone, her baby
had been born. She had loved the
other children as they came, and she
had grieved for the girls and the boy
who had died, but Victoria was the
child of her dreams. The other child-
ren had been named for aunts and
uncles and grandfathers, and so had
satisfied family pride. But that first
baby had been named for a queen.
None of the boys cared for music.
They 'took after' the Black family.
But Victoria, so Emmeline felt, be-
longed to her. She had always been
able to 'play by ear,' and her voice
was sweet and true. The butter-and-
egg money for a long time had gone for
music lessons for Victoria. When the
girl was twelve, her mother had begun
a secret fund. Every week she pilfered
a few pennies from her own small in-
come and put them away. Some time,
Victoria was to go to the city and have
lessons from the best teacher there.
For five years she did not purchase a
thing for herself to wear, except now
and then a dress pattern of calico.
That was no real sacrifice to her. The
hard thing was to deny pretty clothes
to Victoria. Then a year of sickness
came. She tried to forget the little
sum of money hidden away. Surely
their father could pay the bills. If she
had spent the butter-and-egg money,
as he had thought she had done, he
would have had to pay them alone.
But when the doctor said that Henry
must be taken to the county-seat for
an operation, there was no thought
of questioning her duty. Her husband
had been surprised and relieved when
she gave him her little hoard. It was
another proof that he had a good wife,
and one who was not foolish about
money.
At last, her sewing was finished. She
went into the kitchen and began to set
the bread. But her thoughts were not
on it. She was thinking of Emmeline
Mead and her dreams, and how they
had failed her. She had expected Vic-
toria Black to redeem those dreams.
And now Victoria was to marry and go
the same hard way toward drab mid-
dle-age. She heard some one step on
the front porch. There was a low mur-
mur of voices for a moment and a lit-
tle half-stifled laugh. Then the door
opened.
'Mother, is that you?' came some-
thing which sounded half- whisper, half-
laugh from the door.
She raised her eyes from the bread-
pan. She smiled. But she could not
speak. It seemed as if the fingers of
some world-large hand had fastened
around her heart. To her Victoria had
always been the most beautiful, the
most wonderful being, on earth. But
she had never seen this Victoria before.
The girl was standing in the door; eyes
shining, lips trembling, her slim young
body swaying as if to some hidden
harmony. Then she leaped across the
kitchen, and threw her strong arms
round her mother.
'I'm so glad you're up and alone!
Oh, mother, I had to see you to-night.
I could n't have gone to bed without
talking to you. I was thinking it was
a blessed thing father always sleeps so
hard, for I could tip-toe in and get you
and he'd never know the difference.'
She stifled a little laugh and went on,
'Come on, outdoors. It is too lovely
to stay inside.' She drew her mother,
who had not yet spoken, through the
door. 'I guess, mother,' she said, as
if suddenly shy when the confines of
the kitchen were left behind for the
star-lighted night, 'that you know
what it is, don't you?'
For answer, Emmeline Black sobbed.
'Don't, mother, don't. You must n't
mind. Just think how near home I'll
THE WAY OF LIFE
115
be. Is n't that something to be glad
about?'
Her mother nodded her head as
she wiped her eyes on her gingham
apron.
'I wondered if you saw it coming?'
the girlish voice went on. 'You never
let on, and the kids never teased me
any. So I thought perhaps you told
'em not to. I have n't felt like being
teased about Jim, someway. It 's been
too wonderful, you know.'
Not until that moment did Emme-
line Black acknowledge the defeat of
her dreams. Wonderful! To love and
be loved by Jim Forman, of whom the
most that could be said was that he
was steady and a hard worker, and
that there were only two other child-
ren to share his father's farm!
'Don't cry, mother,' implored Vic-
toria, ' though I know why you 're do-
ing it. I feel like crying, too, only
something won't let me cry to-night. I
guess I 'm just too happy ever to cry
again.'
Still her mother had not spoken. She
had stopped crying and stood twisting
her apron with nervous fingers.
'Mother,' said Victoria, suddenly,
'you like Jim, don't you?' She said
it as if the possibility of any one's not
liking Jim was preposterous. But,
nevertheless, there was anxiety in her
voice.
Her mother nodded her head.
'Then why are n't you really glad?
I thought you would be, mother.'
There was no resisting that appeal
in Victoria's voice. Never in her life
had she failed her daughter. Was she
to fail her in this hour?
'You seem like a little girl to me,
Victoria,' she found voice to say, at
last. 'I guess all mothers feel like this
when their daughters tell them they
are going to leave them. I reckon I
never understood until just now, why
my mother acted just like she did when
I told her your father and I were going
to be married.'
Victoria laughed joyously. 'I'm
not a little girl. I'm a woman. And,
mother, Jim is so good. He wants to
be married right away. He says he
can't bear to think of waiting. But
he said I was to tell you that if you
could n't spare me for a while, it would
be all right.' There was pride in her
lover's generosity. But deeper than
that was the woman's pride in the
knowledge that he could n't ' bear to
think of waiting.'
' It is n't that I can't spare you,
dear,' said her mother. 'But oh, Vic-
toria, I'd wanted to have you go off
and study to be a fine musician. I've
dreamed of it ever since you were born.'
'But I could n't go even if it was
n't for Jim. Where would we ever get
the money? Anyway, mother, Jim is
going to buy me a piano. What do
you think of that?'
'A piano?'
'Yes. He has been saving money
for it for years. He says I play too
well for an old-fashioned organ. And
on our wedding trip we're going to
Chicago, and we 're going to pick it
out there, and we're going to a con-
cert and to a theatre and to some show
that has music in it.'
In spite of herself, Emmeline Black
was dazzled. In all her life she never
had gone to the city except in her
dreams. Until that far-off day of
magic when Victoria should be a 'fine
musician' she had never hoped to re-
place the squeaky little organ with a
piano.
'He says he has planned it ever
since he loved me, and that has been
nearly always. He says he can just
see me sitting at the piano playing to
him nights when he comes in from
work. I guess, mother, we all have to
have our dreams. And now Jim's and
mine are coming true.'
116
THE WAY OF LIFE
'Have you always dreamed things,
too?' asked her mother. It did not
seem strange to her that she and this
beloved child of hers had never talked
about the things which were in their
hearts until this night. Mothers and
daughters were like that. But there
was a secret jealousy in knowing that
they would not have found the way to
those hidden things if it had not been
for Jim Forman. It was he, and not
she, who had unlocked the secrets of
Victoria's heart.
* Why, yes, of course, mother. Don't
you remember how you used to ask
me what was the matter when I was
a little girl and would go off some-
times by myself and sit and look across
the fields? I did n't know how to tell
you. I did n't know just what it was.
And don't you remember asking me
sometimes if I was sick or if somebody
had hurt my feelings, because you'd
see tears in my eyes? I'd tell you no.
But someway I could n't tell you it
was because the red of the sunset or
the apple trees in blossom or the cres-
cent moon, or whatever it happened
to be, made me feel so queer inside.'
She laughed, but there was a hint of a
sob in her voice. * Is n't it strange,
mother, that we don't seem able to tell
folks any of these things? I could n't
tell you even now, except that I al-
ways had an idea you'd felt just the
same way, yourself. I seemed to know
I got the dreams from you.'
'Hush,' warned her mother. * There's
some one coming. Oh, John, is that
you?'
* Yes . Why don't you two go to bed ? '
answered the boy. 'It's getting late,
and there's a lot to do to-morrow.'
'It is bedtime, I guess,' said his mo-
ther. 'Run along, Victoria. And sweet
dreams.'
She cautioned John and his sister
not to waken the others, as they pre-
pared for bed. She walked into the
house. She tried the clock. Yes, Jake
had wound it. She locked the door.
She folded her mending neatly and
put it away. She placed Minnie Jack-
son's letter in the drawer of the table.
She took the picture of St. Cecilia and
balanced it on the little shelf above
the organ, where had been a china vase
with dried grasses in it. She stood off
and looked at it critically. She de-
cided that was the very place for the
picture. She looked around the room
for a place to put the vase, and made
room for it on top of the little pine book-
case. She walked to the table and hunt-
ed in the drawer until she found pen
and ink and a piece of ruled paper.
'Dear Minnie,' she wrote in her
cramped, old-fashioned hand, 'I was
so glad to get your note and the pic-
ture. I want to thank you for it. Can't
you come out right away and spend
the day with me? I have so much to
tell you, and I want that you should
tell me all about yourself, too. You
see I'm keeping the vow, just as you
did, although we had forgotten it for
so long. Is n't it strange, Minnie,
about things? Here I'd thought for
years that my dreams were gone. And
now it seems Victoria had them, all the
time. It's a secret yet, but I want to
tell you, and I know she won't mind,
that Victoria is going to be married.
You know Jim Forman, don't you?
Anyway, you knew Cy Forman and
Milly Davis, and he 's their eldest child.
I hope Victoria can keep the dreams
for herself better than I did. Perhaps
she can. She's going to have things
easier than I have, I hope. But if she
can't, surely she can keep them until
she has a child to give them to, just as
I gave mine to her. I never thought
of it before, but it seems to me to-night
that perhaps that is the surest way
there is of having our dreams last. I
don't see how I 'm going to stand it to
see my girl growing fat and tired and
SOULS 117
old from hard work, like I've done, know it now. Come out soon, Minnie.
But there is another side to it. You're We'll have so much to talk about, and
a mother, too, Minnie, so I guess I I want that you and Victoria should
don't need to tell you that all the know each other.'
music and all the pictures in the world She folded the paper and slipped it
would n't make up to me, now, for my into an envelope which she addressed
children. We did n't know that when and stamped. Then she blew out the
we had our " fancies," did we? But we light.
SOULS
BY FANNIE STEARNS DAVIS
MY Soul goes clad in gorgeous things,
Scarlet and gold and blue;
And at her shoulders sudden wings
Like long flames flicker through.
And she is swallow-fleet, and free
From mortal bonds and bars:
She laughs, because Eternity
Blossoms for her with stars!
Oh, folk who scorn my stiff gray gown,
My dull and foolish face, —
Can ye not see my Soul flash down,
A singing flame in space?
And, folk whose earth-stained looks I hate,
Why may I not divine
Your Souls, that must be passionate,
Shining and swift, as mine? —
THE EPIC OF THE INDIAN
BY CHARLES M. HARVEY
'THE Census Office is of the opinion
that the present enumeration will be
the last one to be taken of the Indians
in their present status. It is believed
that before the time arrives for making
the next count of the country's inhab-
itants a very large percentage of those
now holding tribal relations will have
become citizens, and will no longer be
regarded as Indians, except in a racial
or historical sense.'
These are the words of the Honor-
able E. Dana Durand, Director of the
Census, in a note to the writer of this
article. This means that before 1920
practically all of the tribal organiza-
tions will have dissolved, except in so
far as some of them may be continued
for social or historical purposes; com-
munal holdings of property will have
given way to individual ownership,
and the red men will have merged
themselves into the mass of the coun-
try's voting population. In the march
from savagery to citizenship the Indian
has traveled a long road, with many
windings and turnings, and with many
halts by the way; but at last the end
seems to be in sight. Let us glance over
the course, learn something of the men
who traversed it, and get a glimpse of
some of its principal landmarks.
'In order to win the friendship of
that people ... I presented some of
them with red caps and some strings of
glass beads, which they placed around
their necks, and with other trifles of
118
insignificant worth which delighted
them, and by which we got a wonderful
hold on their affections. They after-
ward came to the boats of the vessels
swimming, bringing us parrots, cotton
thread in balls, and spears, and many
other things, which they bartered for
others we gave them, as glass beads
and little bells. Finally they received
everything and gave whatever they
had with good-will.'
This is an entry in Columbus 's jour-
nal describing the natives of that mem-
ber of the Bahama group on which he
made his first landing in the New
World. We call it Watlings Island. As
he was looking for Asia, and supposed
the island to be an outpost of the East
Indies, he called the natives Indians, a
name which was afterward extended to
all the original denizens of the Western
Hemisphere.
But the aborigines who were met by
the first white men to reach the main-
land of the present United States —
all of whom belonged to the country
under whose flag Columbus sailed —
were of a more robust breed, morally as
well as physically, than were those who
greeted the Great Admiral at the New
World's gateway. Kind and generous
at the outset, but ready to strike back
when ill-treated, were the Indians who
were encountered by Ponce de Leon,
when he sailed northward from our
present Porto Rico, in 1513, landed at
a point near St. Augustine, and called
the country Florida, on account of its
abundant vegetation. He died a few
years later from the effects of a wound
THE EPIC OF THE INDIAN
119
dealt by one of his red assailants. Like
characteristics marked those met by
Narvaez, who entered Florida in 1527
at the head of a large expedition, and
was drowned near the mouth of the
Mississippi; a few of his men, after
wandering as captives throughout
Louisiana and Texas, and braving
many hardships and perils, reaching
Culiacan, on the west coast of Mexico,
in 1536.
De Soto, who began, in 1539, to
traverse the country from Florida to
Arkansas and Missouri, with a great
army, witnesses to these same traits.
He was buried at midnight in the Mis-
sissippi, so as to keep his body out of
the hands of his red foes; and his fol-
lowers, reduced to a mere remnant,
fled down the Mississippi, pursued for
many miles by his enemies in canoes
and on land, reaching safety in Panuco,
Mexico, in 1543. And Coronado and
his soldiers, in their foray between
1540 and 1542, which carried them
from the Gulf of California up to
within sight of the Missouri River in
Kansas, give us a similar picture of the
red man. De Soto and Coronado were
here two thirds of a century before the
advent of the Jamestown colony, the
first permanent settlement of English-
speaking people on the American con-
tinent, and antedated by two years
Champlain's arrival at Quebec with
the earliest French colony on this side
of the Atlantic, which persisted.
Why was it that the Spaniards were
the first white men with whom the
American aborigines on the Atlantic
seaboard and the Pacific slope came
in contact? Because in the sixteenth
century Spain had a little of the pre-
eminence among the nations of the
world which belonged to Rome in the
third and fourth. Those were the spa-
cious times of Charles V. The Isthmus
of Panama, across which the United
States government is building its in-
ter-oceanic waterway, was discovered
and penetrated in 1513 by
stout Cortez, when with eagle eyes
He stared at the Pacific — and all his men
Looked at each other with a wild surmise —
Silent upon a peak in Darien.
But it was Balboa, another Span-
iard, and not Cortez, who was there.
Keats was writing poetry, not history.
Under Magellan, in 1519, a Spanish
fleet passed through the straits since
called by his name at the lower end of
South America, entered the Pacific,
and touched at the Philippines, where
Magellan was killed in a conflict with
the natives. By way of the Indian
Ocean and the Cape of Good Hope,
a part of his followers reached their
starting-point. They were the first to
sail round the globe. Those were days
when Spain blazed paths for the na-
tions across the world's seas.
England and France attempted to
plant colonies in North America in the
sixteenth century: the English under
Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir Walter
Raleigh, and the French under Cartier
and others; but all their projects failed.
Spain had the continent to herself until
England appeared at Jamestown in
1607, France at Quebec in 1608, Hol-
land on Manhattan Island in 1613,
and Sweden on the Delaware in 1638.
The settlements of the Swedes were
captured by the Dutch in 1655, and
the Dutch colonies were absorbed by
the English in 1664. Thus, early in the
European occupation of spots on this
continent, the Indians came in contact
with five distinct families of the white
race.
ii
And what a diversity of names, and
in some cases of traits and customs,
was possessed by the tribes or clans
whom the first whites encountered in
the territory of the present United
States! There were the Wampanoags,
120
THE EPIC OF THE INDIAN
Pequots, and Narragansetts in New
England and the Middle States; the
Powhatans in Virginia; the Creeks in
Georgia; the Seminoles in Florida; the
Chickasaws, Choctaws, and Natchez
along the Gulf coast for a few hundred
miles inland ; the Apaches, Comanches,
and Navajoes in Texas, New Mexico,
and Arizona; with the Missouris, Paw-
nees, Osages, Sioux, Crows, Winneba-
goes, Chippewas, and Blackfeet, farther
to the north and northwest. And far
more formidable, both as friends and
as enemies, than any of those tribes,
were the Iroquois, or Five Nations
(the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas,
Cayugas, and Senecas), who occupied
the whole of northern New York, from
Lake Champlain to Lake Erie. We
need not wonder that the numbers of
the aborigines were placed far too high
by the earlier writers. Here are some
of the reasons therefor : —
The first hunters, explorers, mis-
sionaries, and traders journeyed by
way of the sea-coast, the rivers, and
the lakes, along which the Indians were
most numerous.
In their incursions into the interior
of the country the whites attracted the
Indians through curiosity, and thought
they were equally numerous elsewhere;
but vast stretches of forest and prairie
were absolutely untenanted, except for
short times each year when visited by
hunting-parties.
During the year, war and the chase
often took the same bands of Indians
to several points far removed from
each other. The whites thought these
were different tribes.
Many tribes were called by different
names by the Spaniards, the English,
and the French, and among some tribes
the names varied at different places
and times.
The area needed to support a per-
son by hunting, supplemented by the
crude cultivation of the soil, was many
times as great as would be required
under modern agricultural and indus-
trial conditions.
Obviously the estimates of fifteen or
twenty millions for the Indians living
three or four centuries ago in the ter-
ritory comprised in the present United
States were far too large. While war,
hunger, and the perils of the chase
undoubtedly brought the mortality
among the red men to a high figure, it
seems safe to say that less than one mil-
lion were here when Columbus landed
in the Western Hemisphere. The pre-
sent number is less than a third of that
figure, and the absence of war and the
advent of improved hygienic condi-
tions are bringing a steady increase
among them. Nevertheless, they were
numerous and courageous enough to
have made it exceedingly difficult, had
they so desired, for the whites to obtain
a foothold on this continent. In most
cases, however, in the beginning, they
lent the whites a helping hand.
With all their boasted superiority in
civilization and adaptability to alien
and changing conditions, how helpless
the whites must have seemed to the
aborigines ! They were few in numbers
and feeble in equipment and supplies.
Especially to the Pilgrims at Plymouth,
on their arrival at the beginning of a
long and severe winter, the outlook
was to the last degree hostile. Corn was
native to America. Without it early
settlers could hardly have maintained
themselves. The Indians furnished
Raleigh's colonists at Roanoke with
corn, also with fish and fruits. Their
short career would have been shorter
had not the red men gone to their res-
cue and warded off starvation.
Not only did the Powhatans supply
Captain John Smith and his James-
town associates with corn, but they
showed them how to cultivate it.
Under the Indian supervision forty
acres of it were planted, and famine was
THE EPIC OF THE INDIAN
121
averted. The Narragansetts rendered
a like service to Bradford and his Ply-
mouth brethren, and with rude nets
caught alewives for them with which to
fertilize the ground. In the densely
wooded regions, where it was impos-
sible to make clearings in time to raise
a crop, the red men taught the whites
how to girdle the trees with fire, thus
killing the foliage and letting in the
sunshine. They showed the settlers
how to dry corn so as to utilize it on
long journeys, thus removing a serious
obstacle to travel in the wilderness.
The early English, Dutch, and French
visitors to this continent marveled at
the serviceableness of the canoes, some
of which were large enough to hold a
dozen men, and light enough to be
carried on the shoulders of two or three
at the portages bet ween different water-
courses, or in going around rapids. The
Indians told the white men how to
make them. The'snow-shoes by which
the Indians traversed great distances,
and without which, for mouths at a
time each year, hunting or travel would
have been impossible, were a revelation
to the whites, but they were taught
how to make and use them. Years be-
fore the heliograph was invented white
men saw the Indians of the plains, —
Sioux, Pawnees, Apaches, and others,
— first by some crude surface and after-
ward by pieces of looking-glass, send
signal flashes many miles.
All these things the Indians did for
the whites. They did more. By keep-
ing their treaty promises they show-
ed an example to their new neighbors
which, unhappily, the latter often for-
got. They were in the Stone Age of
development when first met, but they
adapted themselves to their new envi-
ronment with much skill; indeed, the
whites in their own Stone Age were not
more adaptive than these red men.
Cupidity and a desire to enlist them
as allies against other white or red men
induced Spaniards, English, Dutch, and
French to sell firearms to the Indians,
and in their use they soon became as
proficient as the whites. The horses
introduced by Cortez in Mexico, by
Coronado in California and other parts
of the Southwest, and by De Soto and
others in the southern end of the Mis-
sissippi Valley, were the progenitors
of the vast droves of mustangs which
were seen by hunters, trappers, and
explorers in the Far West a century ago
and later, and from which many of the
domestic animals descended. In util-
izing them the Indians, especially the
Comanches, Apaches, Pawnees, Sioux,
and Blackfeet, quickly surpassed the
Spaniards.
In the wars which reddened the an-
nals of the frontier in our march from
the Connecticut and the James to the
Columbia and the Sacramento, the In-
dians proved themselves to be far more
effective fighters than any other mem-
bers of the * inferior races ' encountered
by white men elsewhere in the world.
By a significant circumstance, the red
men of the territory comprised in the
present United States were much more
capable warriors than were those in
Canada, Mexico, or South America.
And by their wars the Indians rendered
a better service to the whites than they
intended, and than the whites dreamed.
The British colonists were thereby pre-
vented from scattering through the
wilderness as the French had done in
Canada and the Spaniards in Mexico;
they were compelled to frame the ma-
chinery of self-government, they im-
bibed a military spirit which enabled
them to aid in defeating the French
in Canada when the struggle between
the two countries came, and thus a
desire for independence was aroused
which asserted itself against England
as soon as the French were driven out.
Many of the followers of Putnam, Pres-
cott, and Stark, who held Bunker Hill
THE EPIC OF THE INDIAN
against Gage's veterans, were the de-
scendants of the men who fought
Metacomet and Canonchet. Campbell,
Shelby, Sevier, and the rest of the Caro-
linians, Georgians, Tennesseeans, and
Kentuckians, when at King's Moun-
tain they were crushing Cornwallis's
fierce fighters under Ferguson, were
applying the lessons which they had
learned in battling with Creeks, Chero-
kees, and Shawnees.
in
'The Empire State, as you love to
call it,' said Peter Wilson, a Cayuga
chief, at a meeting of the New York
Historical Society in 1847, 'was once
laced by our trails from Albany to Buf-
falo. Your roads still traverse the same
lines of communication which bound
one part of the Long House to the
other. Have we, the first holders of
this prosperous region, no longer a
share in your history? Glad were your
fathers to sit down upon the threshold
of the Long House. Had our fathers
spurned you from it when the French
were thundering at the opposite gate to
get a passage through and drive you
into the sea, whatever has been the fate
of other Indians, the Iroquois might
still have been a nation, and I, in-
stead of pleading here for the privilege
of living within your borders — might
still have a country.'
This was no vain boast. The con-
federation for which the Cayuga chief
spoke had a vast influence in shaping
the affairs of that part of the continent
comprised in the present United States.
The service of the Iroquois to the An-
glo-Saxon race began when Champlain,
the Governor of Canada, as an ally of
the Hurons and Ottawas, defeated the
Mohawks, in 1609, on the banks of the
lake which has since then borne his
name. This turned the confederation
to the side of the Dutch and the Eng-
lish, the successive occupants of New
York, and prevented the French from
getting control of the valleys of the
Mohawk and the Hudson, from cutting
the then feeble English settlements in
two, and from capturing each section,
the New England and the Southern, in
detail.
For generations the Iroquois held the
upper waters of the Mohawk, Dela-
ware, and Susquehanna. They shut the
French out of the Ohio Valley for a
century, giving the English on the
Atlantic an opportunity to strengthen
themselves there and build up settle-
ments which contained several times
as many inhabitants as the French
colonies in Canada and on the lower
Mississippi. And when, at last, they
began to permit some of the French to
enter the coveted region and make a
fight for control of the Forks of the
Ohio, the English had gained sufficient
power to battle valiantly against them,
and at last to drive them out.
With home rule for each tribe, and
with a central council composed of
delegates from all of them, the Five
Nations had a federal scheme centuries
before the Philadelphia Convention of
1787 framed one for the United States.
Centuries before the formation of the
triple alliance of Germany, Austria-
Hungary, and Italy, the Iroquois had a
quintuple alliance, which was made
sextuple in 1715, when the Tuscaroras
entered the league. Before Geneva
conferences or Hague courts were ever
dreamed of, these tribes settled dis-
putes between themselves amicably.
At the time of the advent of the whites
on this continent the Iroquois, as over-
lords of the tribes extending from Lake
Champlain to the Mississippi, and from
the great lakes to the Savannah, ruled
over a larger empire than Rome in the
days of Trajan.
Through the whole wilderness of
North America the Indians blazed
THE EPIC OF THE INDIAN
paths for the whites. They led Cham-
plain and his associates through the
Canadian forests and along its rivers
and lakes; piloted Joliet and Mar-
quette down the Wisconsin into the
Mississippi, and along the latter to the
mouth of the Arkansas; and guided La
Salle by way of the Illinois and the
Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico, at
which point that explorer 'took pos-
session ' of all the lands drained by that
river and its tributaries for Louis XIV.
Not only did the course of empire
through New York, Pennsylvania, and
Ohio lie along the red men's trails, but
Boone, Harrod, Sevier, Robertson, and
the rest of the pioneers of Kentucky
and Tennessee followed paths laid out
by the aborigines. A Shoshone girl,
Sacajawea, led Lewis and Clark over
the Rocky Mountains and through the
perils beyond, and saved their expedi-
tion from disaster, a service which was
commemorated by a statue to her at
the St. Louis World's Fair of 1904, and
by memorials in Portland, Oregon, and
other places in the Trans-Mississippi
region.
Moreover, the Indian's social im-
portance long ago projected itself into
politics. At the bidding of the East,
Monroe and every other President on-
ward, to and including Tyler, had a
hand in an endeavor to create a great
preserve for the red men along the
western border of Arkansas, Missouri,
and Iowa, which would have closed the
overland route to Oregon to settlers,
and thus have given England a free
hand in her effort to gain undisputed
possession of all the region west of the
Rocky Mountains and north of Mex-
ico's territory of New Mexico and Cali-
fornia. Thus the United States would
have been shut out of the locality com-
prised in the present states of Ore-
gon, Washington, and Idaho, and part
of the western border of Montana and
Wyoming.
Stephen A. Douglas told this to his
Boswell, James Madison Cutts, in
1854. This, indeed, was a manifesta-
tion of the Eastern states' old jealousy
of the growth of the West, which was
first voiced in a conspicuous way by
Josiah Quincy of Massachusetts in the
House of Representatives in 1811,
when he opposed the creation of the
State of Louisiana, and when he said
that he heard that six states would, at
some time in the future, be established
west of the Mississippi, and that the
mouth of the Ohio would be east of the
geographical centre of the contem-
plated empire. Douglas said that he
halted this conspiracy by his bill for
the organization of the territory of
Nebraska, first introduced in Congress
by him in 1844, in the latter part of
Tyler's presidency, and kept by him
constantly at the front until it passed
ten years later. As enacted in 1854,
however, it provided for two territories,
Kansas and Nebraska, instead of one.
Thus the Indian innocently had a
hand in inciting one of the most fateful
measures ever passed by Congress. By
repealing the Missouri Compromise of
1820, the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854
gave slavery an equal opportunity
with freedom to gain possession of a
region from which slavery had been
excluded by the Missouri adjustment.
At this breach of a compact which was
intended by its framers to be perma-
nent, a wave of indignation and alarm
swept through the free states, which
split the Whig party on Mason and
Dixon's Line, and sent most of the
friends of freedom — a majority of the
Northern Whigs, many of the anti-
slavery Democrats, nearly all the
Northern Know-Nothings, and all the
Abolitionists and Free-Soilers — into
the coalition which became the Repub-
lican party. The triumph of that party
in 1860 sent eleven Southern states into
secession, and precipitated the Civil
124
THE EPIC OF THE INDIAN
War, which destroyed slavery and, in-
cidentally, thrust upon the country
race-issues which embarrass us to this
day.
IV
Moreover, in the country's social
and political life of to-day the red man
is a factor of some importance. Exclu-
sive of those in Alaska, there were
243,534 Indians in the United States in
1890, 270,544 in 1900, and 304,950 in
1910. These figures are furnished by
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
and, except for 1900, are larger than
those given out by the Director of the
Census. The figures given here are
those of the Census Bureau, supple-
mented by enumerations made by
representatives of the Indian Office.
According to the count made by the
Indian Office the number of Indians in
the country at the end of 1911 was
323,783, distributed as follows: —
Alabama
909
Louisiana
780
North Dakota
8,253
Arizona
39,216
Maine
892
Ohio
127
Arkansas
460
Maryland
55
Oklahoma
117,247
California
16,371
Massachusetts
688
Oregon
6,403
Colorado
841
Michigan
7,519
Rhode Island
284
Connecticut
152
Minnesota
10,711
South Carolina
331
Delaware
5
Mississippi
1,253
South Dakota
20,352
District of Columbia
68
Missouri
313
Tennessee
216
Florida
446
Montana
10,814
Texas
702
Georgia
95
Nebraska
3,809
Utah
3,123
Idaho
3,791
Nevada
5,240
Vermont
26
Illinois
188
New Hampshire
34
Virginia
539
Indiana
279
New Jersey
168
Washington
10,997
Iowa
369
New Mexico
21,121
West Virginia
36
Kansas
1,309
New York
6,046
Wisconsin
11,428
Kentucky
234
North Carolina
7,851
Wyoming
1,692
Contrary to the popular notion, the
Indian race is not dying out, though
part of the gain shown here, especially
that of 1911 over 1910, is probably
due to the more complete and accur-
ate enumeration made in recent years.
The full-bloods are diminishing, but
the mixed breeds are increasing rap-
idly. Nor have all the Indians aban-
doned the [Atlantic seaboard. Maine
and other states give a few hundred
to New England; the 6,046 in New
York, principally remnants of the Iro-
quois, represent the large number of
these, and of the Algonquins, who once
occupied the region covered by the old
Middle States; while North Carolina
has more than two thirds of those left
in the South. Nine tenths of all the
Indians are west of the Mississippi,
Oklahoma holding more of them than
any other community. Of the 117,247
in that State, 101,287 belong to the
Five Civilized Tribes. These include,
however, 23,345 freedmen, the slaves of
the era preceding the adoption of the
Thirteenth Amendment, and their de-
scendants, and 2,582 whites who have
married into the tribes. These 101,287
distribute themselves as follows: —
Cherokees, 41,701; Choctaws, 26,762;
Creeks, 18,717; Chickasaws, 10,984;
Seminoles, 3,123.
As used here, the term * civilized '
means precisely what it professes to
mean. For two generations preceding
1907, when they became merged in the
general mass of the country's citizen-
ship, each of these tribes had its own
legislature, executive and judiciary,
THE EPIC OF THE INDIAN
125
and governed itself wth comparatively
little interference from Washington.
Its members had farms, mines, mills,
mercantile houses, schools, churches,
and banks, and engaged in most of
the employments in vogue in the white
communities of their region. These
tribes occupied, and still occupy, that
part of the present State of Oklahoma
which was formerly called the Indian
Territory.
Some advances in their social status
have also been made by more than half
of the remaining 203,000 Indians. Over
25,000 of their children attend the
government, missionary, and contract
schools. To its wards the government
is a liberal and considerate guardian.
In recent times its appropriations for
Indian schools have averaged nearly
$4,000,000 annually. For various pur-
poses Uncle Sam's expenditures on
Indian account, from Washington's in-
auguration in 1789 to the middle of
President Taft's term in 1911, aggre-
gated $520,000,000.
Much of the education which the
Indian pupils receive in the govern-
ment schools is practical, comprising
farming, fruit- and stock-raising and
the elemental trades for the boys, and
cooking, sewing, nursing, and launder-
ing for the girls. Especial attention is
given to agriculture. Experts are em-
ployed on the reservations to teach the
most approved methods of cultivation
of the soil, and experiment farms have
been established to discover the crops
which can be raised most advanta-
geously in the various localities. To
stimulate the interest of the pupils, old
and young, they are encouraged to
hold agricultural fairs, where live stock
and produce are exhibited.
Hundreds of Indians are working on
the government's irrigation schemes.
Railroads are offering employment to
boys who are learning trades, or who
show any inclination for mechanics.
Cooperation between the Bureau of
Indian Affairs and private corporations
is enabling our wards to improve their
economic condition, and to meet the
demands of civilization. In many di-
rections, opportunity stretches out its
hands to the red man and starts him on
the road toward social independence.
The progress of the Indian in the
past quarter-century, especially since
the enactment of the Dawes Severalty
Law in 1887, which gave individual
ownership of lands to such of them as
sought it, and were prepared for it,
who thereby virtually became citizens,
has been greater than any other peo-
ple ever made in the same length of
time in the world's history.
'My people want to live as in the
days that are gone, before the pale-
faces took from us the lands that were
ours. We don't want schools or school-
teachers. We want to be let alone to
live as we wish, to roam free without
the white man always being there to
tell us what we must do and what we
will not be allowed to do.'
It was the plaint of an aged Hopi
chief from the reservation of his tribe
in far-off Arizona, uttered in the White
House, inveighing against the new or-
der which the white man brought. It
was a plea for the resurrection of the
dead past — of a past which began to
die before this old sachem had reached
middle life, and which would be infin-
itely more difficult to revive than it
would be to bring back the vast herds
of buffalo which stretched across the
landscape from the Missouri to the
Sacramento and from the Red River of
Arkansas to the Red River of the
North, in the days when the old chief
was young.
Except in a few spots, the blanket
Indian has vanished. He is almost
126
THE EPIC OF THE INDIAN
as rare a sight to-day in Muskogee
or Vinita as he would be in Albany
or Hartford. In proportion to the num-
ber of inhabitants there are very near-
ly as many pianos and automobiles in
the towns of the old Cherokee nation
in the present State of Oklahoma as
there are in those of Vermont or Dela-
ware. The only Indians who are in the
old, free, nomadic condition which the
Hopi warrior would restore are about
two hundred Seminoles in the Florida
Everglades and the big cypress mo-
rass. These Indians are as independ-
ent of the white man, and almost as
isolated from him, as were their fore-
fathers when Ponce de Leon and De
So to landed in their neighborhood.
They are neither citizens nor wards of
the United States, nor do they hold
any relation to their old associates who
were transferred by the government to
the west side of the Mississippi two
thirds of a century ago, and who be-
came one of the Five Civilized Tribes
of the present State of Oklahoma.
A better representative of the red
men of to-day than is the old Hopi
chief is the grandson of Sitting Bull, —
the Sitting Bull who assisted in the
slaying of Ciister and his three hun-
dred, — who tells his brethren that
their need is 'more religion and less
fire-water.' He is a product of the gov-
ernment's schools, such as Carlisle and
Haskell, which bring members of many
tribes together, and place them in as-
sociation with whites, compelling them
to look beyond their reservations and
their clans, and holding out to them
the goal of citizenship.
For reasons which may be easily
guessed, the Indian fits well into the
new order. On the whole, reputable
fiction and the drama have treated him
with tolerable fairness. They have
never made him an object of derision,
as they have representatives of other
ethnic types, including the Caucasian.
Always fearless, generally dignified,
sometimes vindictive, as he is por-
trayed in books and on the stage, he is
never made contemptible. Unlike the
Negro, he is never subservient or ob-
sequious. Assailed as he was until re-
cent times by the slings and arrows of
outrageous fortune, he has always suc-
cessfully resisted the thraldom which
overwhelmed white men for many cen-
turies in earlier ages and in other coun-
tries, and which held the blacks in
servitude in our land within the re-
collection of millions of men still liv-
ing. He has never been a slave. In his
contact with the whites in our time he
arouses no prejudice. The superior race
which refuses to associate on terms
of equality with men of black, brown,
or yellow skins, raises no social barrier
against the red man.
The average Indian is under no ne-
cessity of asking concessions from his
Caucasian associates or rivals in the
ordinary pursuits. 'Big Chief Bender
of the Philadelphia Athletics, wear-
ers of the blue ribbon of the baseball
arena; Meyer, the Seneca catcher of
the New York 'Giants,' Thorpe, Burd,
Arcase, and others of the Carlisle foot-
ball team, are at the head of their re-
spective professions. They have beaten
hosts of whites at the white man's
games. Harvard's football team, com-
posed of a race which has millions to
draw upon, was one of the great white
schools which, in the season of 1911,
went down before the Carlisle players,
whose recruiting field is narrow in
comparison. In the Olympic games at
Stockholm, in July, 1912, Thorpe and
Sockalexis carried off prizes in compe-
tition with the best men in their par-
ticular field whom Europe and Amer-
ica could muster. As the winner of the
pentathlon and the decathlon, Thorpe
was acclaimed the greatest of the
world's all-round athletes.
Probably these triumphs would not
THE EPIC OF THE INDIAN
127
bring much pride to the Hopi chief just
mentioned. Nor would he have been
especially pleased at a recent scene at
the Ohio state capital in which his
race figured. There, on the annivers-
ary of the discovery of America, Octo-
ber 12, 1911, in a city named for the
discoverer, gathered representatives,
women as well as men, of a hundred
tribes of the people upon whom Colum-
bus's geographical mistake fastened
the designation of Indians. They met
to form the American Indian Associa-
tion. Appropriately , too, their meeting-
place was the campus of the Ohio State
University, for most of them, of both
sexes, were graduates of government
schools of the higher education or of
white institutions of learning. Among
them were lawyers, physicians, jour-
nalists, bankers, educators, merchants,
clergymen, agriculturists, and partici-
pants in almost all the other important
activities. They met to form the Amer-
ican Indian Association, the purpose of
which is to advance the interests of the
race and, while aiming to preserve its
best distinctive traits, to bring it into
harmony with its new environment,
and fit it for the role it will have to play
in American citizenship. Appropri-
ately, too, the Governor of Ohio, the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and
other public officers, took part in the
exercises.
Two months later, this time in
Washington, D. C., there was a similar
assemblage, for the same general ob-
jects, with the added purpose of bring-
ing the red men into political associa-
tion. Delegates of both sexes were
there, representing thirty-four tribes,
scattered through more than a dozen
states, and they formed the Brother-
hood of North American Indians.
After a lapse of centuries, descendants
of the race which established the Fed-
eration of the Iroquois, will participate
as voters in another federal scheme.
This time they are to be partners of
their former enemies, to be on terms of
equality with them, and to work for
similar objects. United, with their new
weapon, the ballot, the Indians could
hold the balance in elections in Okla-
homa, Montana, the Dakotas, Idaho,
New Mexico, Arizona, and Nevada.
Probably fifty thousand Indian ballots
were cast for president in 1912.
The Indian is entering politics. He
has already entered. Since 1907 he
has cast thousands of votes in every
election in Oklahoma. Members of the
race are in the legislature of that state,
and also in Congress. The latter in-
clude Senator Robert L. Owen and
Representative Charles D. Carter of
Oklahoma, the former of Cherokee
blood and the latter Chickasaw; and
Senator Charles Curtis of Kansas, one
of whose recent ancestors belonged to
the Kaw tribe.
At the summit of an ancient burial-
mound in the township of Otsego, New
York, is a marble slab on which is
written : —
White man, greetings. We near whose bones you
stand were Iroquois.
The wide land which now is yours was ours.
Friendly hands have given back to us enough for
a tomb.
But the red man is taking his re-
venge. At home and abroad, in ro-
mance and drama, he is held to be the
distinctive American. He is the one
man among us who is not called upon
to place a hyphen in his title. To-day,
as in the past, and in many tongues,
The Last of the Mohicans and the rest of
Cooper's forest tales are read. Puccini,
DeMille, Hartley, Nevin, Mary Hun-
ter Austin, and the rest of the writers of
operas and plays who aim to extract
the flavor of our soil, are compelled to
call upon him. The Girl of the Golden
West, Poia, Strongheart, The Arrow-
Maker, and other productions which
deal with him, are presented on the
128
THE BALKAN CRISIS
stage of two continents. He is the
asset which saves the country from the
imputation of vulgar newness. Even if
we attempted to, we could not rid our-
selves of him. As the world appraises
us, the Indian is the dominant feature
of American artistic life, an insepa-
rable adjunct in its histrionic proper-
ties, the Niagara of America's aesthetic
landscape.
THE BALKAN CRISIS
BY ROLAND G. USHER
THE great area of mountain, table-
land, and river valley stretching from
the Black and JSgean seas on the east,
to the Adriatic on the west, and extend-
ing from the Mediterranean north to
the crest of the Tyrolese and Transyl-
vanian Alps, has long been loosely
designated, from historical and politi-
cal, rather than from geographical rea-
sons, by the single name, the Balkans;
literally, the mountain gaps. It in-
cludes the present independent states,
Rumania, Bulgaria, Servia, and Mon-
tenegro, the Balkans par excellence,
with which belong, geographically or
racially, Greece, European Turkey,
and the Austrian provinces of Dal-
matia, Croatia, Bosnia, and Herzego-
vina.
A greater variety of people is scarce-
ly to be found in Europe. The Slavs
are racially in the majority; the ortho-
dox Greek Christians outnumber the
numerous other creeds; and the vast
bulk of the superficial area is thinly
sprinkled with mountaineers, superb in
physique, dense in their ignorance of
the rudiments of education, fierce in
their opposition to the pressure of or-
derly, centralized administration. The
heterogeneous population is descended
from the remnants of the vast disor-
derly hordes which poured into Europe
from Asia Minor and the Steppes of
Russia, between the third and the
sixteenth centuries: fragments of the
tribes conquered by the Huns and the
Goths during their devastating pass-
age; sections of the invaders too weak
to keep up with the main body; people
driven out of the Byzantine Empire by
the Ottoman invasions; fragments of
the advance-guard of various expedi-
tions who outstripped the main body
and then, upon its retreat, were left
behind. In development and intelli-
gence, the people include such ex-
tremes as the scarcely civilized hillmen
of Montenegro; the stolid, inert Bul-
garian peasantry; and the alert, cap-
able, cultivated citizens of Sofia and
Athens. An American correspondent
tells of a bootblack who introduced
him to his uncle, the Prime Minister of
Bulgaria, and adds that neither uncle
nor nephew seemed aware of any dif-
ference in social status. By grazing,
and by a rude agriculture, these diverse
peoples supported themselves for cen-
turies and, in the main, still do so.
Poverty-stricken (until lately), individ-
ually and collectively, isolated (until
lately) from the world and from each
other by the difficulties of communica-
THE BALKAN CRISIS
129
tion, they became inevitably narrow,
bigoted, fiercely partisan, unprogres-
sive, certainly in no way fitted to in-
fluence the affairs of Europe.
Yet, as certainly, since the days of
imperial Rome, no European state has
been more often the subject of anxious
inquiry; for those mountain valleys are
the keys of Europe. Here where na-
ture has built her fortresses, East has
met West, the invaded has met the
invader. In these great defiles are the
natural roads between Asia and central
and western Europe, long since trod-
den hard by Roman and Barbarian,
Crusader and Infidel, Hapsburg and
Ottoman. The Balkans control the
whole lower half of the rich Danube
Valley, whose economic value is as
patent to-day as it was to the numer-
ous invaders of Europe who recruited
their strength in its fair fields. The
Balkans also control the western coast
of the Black Sea and some of its finest
natural harbors. Along this coast runs
the road from Russia to Constanti-
nople; down through the Danube Val-
ley, across the mountains, and through
Adrianople, runs the great highway
from the Rhine and Danube valleys to
Constantinople and the East; around
to the West, through Albania and Dal-
matia, is the perfectly practical road,
used long ago by the Visigoths, con-
necting Constantinople with Trieste,
Venice, and the Valley of the Po. The
Balkans, in fact, control Constantino-
ple, the only gateway between Europe
and Asia Minor, the junction of trade
routes and military roads thousands
of years old.
The Balkans have always been buf-
fer states. Augustus there erected his
barriers against the barbarian hordes;
there Alaric and his horsemen broke
the Roman legionaries at Adrianople,
and from the mountain fastnesses
assailed the Western Empire; there the
Byzantine Empire made its last long
VOL. in - NO. i
stand ; and there, after the fall of Con-
stantinople, Christian Europe held the
advancing Turks at bay. With the
decline of the Ottoman power and the
strengthening of the Hapsburg power,
in the seventeenth and eighteenth cen-
turies, the danger of the Mohammedan
conquest of Christendom passed, and
the Balkans lost significance for a
while in the eyes of Europe. But to the
Balkans themselves, the continued
pressure of the Turk was not merely a
menace: it was a curse; their sufferings
were rendered a thousandfold keener
by the knowledge that their oppressor
was an infidel. The racial antipathy of
the Occidental for the Oriental, the
fierce religious hatred of the Christian
for the Mohammedan, are motives
actuating the Balkan peoples to a
degree inconceivable in America; and
no less violently do they control the
children of the men who battered the
gates of Vienna and beached their
galleys on the shores of Rhodes and
Malta. This war is a gigantic blood
feud, a racial struggle, a crusade. The
skirmishes have been hand-to-hand
fights, and, even in pitched battles,
Bulgarian regiments have thrown
away their guns and rushed upon the
Turks, knife in hand, in a frenzied lust
for blood. The outrages upon the Mace-
donian Christians, which were the os-
tensible cause of the war, only intensi-
fied this fanatical antipathy, handed
down from father to son. There can be
no doubt that to the soldiers themselves
the fierce desire to flesh their steel in
an enemy's body outweighs every other
motive.
If the strategic position of the Bal-
kans has been a curse, by involving
them in the meshes of the struggle
between Europe and Asia, it has also
proved a blessing, for, undoubtedly,
they owe to outside pressure such
nominal political unity as they have
individually possessed. In fact, the
130
THE BALKAN CRISIS
existence of a common oppressor, the
inevitability of military rule, and its
equally inevitable abuses, have given
these varied peoples, widely sundered
by race and creed, the vigorous bond
of a common hatred. The virulence of
that hatred has rendered their mutual
animosities and jealousies powerless to
separate them.
Their strategic situation has also
involved them deeply in the dynastic
and international ambitions and rival-
ries of Europe. From the international
point of view, the entire present war,
from its causes and its battles to the
treaty of peace, is but a single battle in
the great war between rival coalitions
for the domination of Europe and the
control of the known world. 'The
agony of European Turkey has begun,'
said one of the keenest and best in-
formed German editors in a recent in-
terview, * and the question whether the
Balkans politically and economically
shall belong to an alliance or confeder-
ation of states under Russian influ-
ence and dependency, or remain open
to Germanic expansion, will be as a
matter of life or death to Germanic
growth, influence, and life, and be
finally answered and decided by the
sword.' That is the real meaning of the
Balkan Crisis.
This phase of the Balkan question is
the result of the internal development,
and ambition for further expansion, of
Russia, Austria, and Prussia. The
objective of all three has long been a
substantial share of the trade with the
East which England has pretty thor-
oughly monopolized. In the suprem-
acy of the English navy, and in the
resulting control of the Atlantic and
Mediterranean, they have seen the
secret of her success and wealth. She
grew rich, as Venice and Genoa had
grown rich in the Middle Ages, car-
rying the eastern goods between the
termini of the caravan routes and
northern Europe. She then dug, with
French assistance, the Suez Canal,
creating a new water-route to India;
she fortified it by a great fleet, by the
possession of Egypt and the strategic
points of the Mediterranean, while the
French settled in Morocco and Algiers.
Obviously, a contest for the suprem-
acy of the Mediterranean became an
indispensable prerequisite to the con-
trol of this trade, and could not even
be attempted by Austria or Russia
without ports and battleships.
Access to the Mediterranean became,
therefore, the cardinal feature of the
policy of expansion, which both long
since initiated, and neither could reach
the sea save through the Balkans. Rus-
sia must possess at least the Black
Sea, Constantinople, and the Straits;
Austria needed at least the strip of land
through which ran the road to Trieste
and Venice, and, to protect that, must
hold Servia, Montenegro, and Albania.
The interests of Russia and Austria
were, however, highly antagonistic.
Constantinople, Adrianople, and the
Danube Valley made the gateway to
Vienna through which the Turk had so
often marched, and Austria could not
permit it to fall into the hands of her
eastern rival. On the other hand, Rus-
sia could not allow the western Balkans
to fall into Austria's hands for fear that
empire might secure the eastern Bal-
kans as well, or, at least, attack Russia
on the flank on her own march to Con-
stantinople. Nor did either power wish
to divide the eastern Mediterranean
with the other. Under such circum-
stances it was more than natural that
the Balkan States conceived a terror of
both, and vastly preferred subjection
to the Turk to ' freedom ' at the hands
of such friends.
England and France, who already
controlled the Mediterranean, were
anxious to thwart both these plans at
all costs, and were therefore eager to
THE BALKAN CRISIS
131
secure the Balkans and Constantinople
themselves, a step to which Russia and
Austria could not possibly consent. In
fact, the Balkans and Turkey were
such important districts that none of
the great Powers could conceive of
their possession by any one strong
enough to use them for offense. They
agreed, therefore, to keep the Turk
alive so that he might hold what every
one wanted, and what no one else could
be allowed to have. Turkey's weakness
was its only right to live. England and
France, prevented by their distance
from the scene of dispute from using
the territory for their own aggrand-
izement, were allowed by the others
to assume the direction of Turkey,
and, in course of time, the present
Balkan States were allowed to become
independent of Turkey because their
determination to govern themselves
could not be longer repressed without
the existence of an army at the very
place in all Europe where every one
least wished for one. Ever since the
liberation of the states, the Slavs and
Greeks left under Turkish rule, have,
with the aid of their independent neigh-
bors, actively agitated the question of
their own independence of Turkey, but
this the Powers have always refused to
grant, for fear that their loss might
weaken Turkey too much, or possibly
add too substantially to the strength
of one of the rival powers.
Then the whole situation was
changed1 by the birth of the vast
schemes dubbed, for want of a better
name, Pan-Germanism. Bismarck had
a vision of a Germano-Turkish state,
extending from the North Sea to the
Persian Gulf, and including in its fed-
erated bond Germany, Austria, Hun-
gary, the Balkan States, and Turkey.
Once this great alliance was perfected,
what would not be possible? Persia,
Egypt, Arabia were weak, and, once
captured, the keys to the East would
be in Germany's hands: India would
fall, the British Empire become a
thing of the past, and Germany, once
more as in the Middle Ages, would be
empress of the world. With the con-
trol of the high road of commerce from
Hamburg to Constantinople by rail,
with the Baghdad Railroad to connect
Constantinople with the Persian Gulf,
the trade of the East could be brought
to Europe by a more expeditious route
than the sea route through Suez, and
Germany and her allies would be able
to break the English monopoly of In-
dian wares.
To Prussia and Austria, therefore,
the Balkans are vital. To keep Russia
out of Constantinople, to prevent her
from securing a monopoly of the Black
Sea, is absolutely essential to the execu-
tion of the Germanic plan, and cannot
be insured without the firm control of
both the Balkans and Constantinople.
To contest England's naval supremacy
in the Mediterranean, an Austrian
naval base must be maintained in the
Adriatic and, if possible, at Salonica in
the ^Egean; and in turn to defend such
positions Austria must have control of
the western Balkans, which flank not
only the Adriatic, but her only road to
both seas. To secure and protect a
great trade route by rail from the Per-
sian Gulf to Berlin and Hamburg,
nearly one third of whose length lies in
the defiles of the Balkans, effective
possession of the eastern Balkans is
indispensable. The success of Pan-
Germanism depends entirely upon the
feasibility of securing and maintaining
complete control of the Balkans and of
Turkey.
Conversely, the defense of Russia,
England, and France depends upon the
Balkans. Whoever else takes posses-
sion of them, the Triple Alliance must
be kept out. There, too, is the best
opportunity for placing a permanent
obstacle in the way of the execution of
132
THE BALKAN CRISIS
the German plans. Strangely enough,
the Tripolitan War was begun by Italy
as an ally of England and France : she
was to receive Tripoli as the price of
leaving the Triple Alliance, of joining
her fleet to the French fleet, and of thus
placing the naval forces of Austria
hopelessly in the minority in the Medi-
terranean. The failure of England and
France 'peacefully' to deliver Tripoli,
the necessity of waging an expensive
war to obtain it, caused her to return
to her old allies and to carry Tripoli
with her. England, counting on Italy's
assistance, had removed most of her
Mediterranean fleet to the North Sea;
the French fleet had not yet concen-
trated at Toulon; the Italian and Aus-
trian fleets combined were too nearly
the equal of the available French and
English fleets, and the situation was
elsewhere too dangerous for the latter
to risk actual interference. Without
resistance, the Triple Alliance secured
undisputed control of the Adriatic, a
naval base in Africa from which to
threaten the steamship lines to Suez, a
military base from which to assail
either Egypt or Tunis, and the tem-
porary possession of nearly every
strategic point in the eastern Mediter-
ranean save the Straits and Constan-
tinople. In addition, they actually
landed in Tripoli a fully equipped
army, and fortified the chief strategic
points. The outbreak of the Balkan
War then enabled them to extort from
the unwilling Turks the peaceful ces-
sion of Tripoli, which Germany had
pledged herself to obtain.
Needless to add, this result dealt
England the heaviest blow she had
received since 1798. It has been always
said that Nelson's victory at Aboukir
saved the English control of the Medi-
terranean. Had he lost the battle, the
result could scarcely have been so dis-
astrous as the passing of Tripoli into
the undisputed control of the Triple
Alliance. For the first time since the
loss of Minorca in 1756, England, with
her undisputed predominance unques-
tionably gone, was really in danger of
losing actual control of the Mediter-
ranean. Should Austria now succeed in
executing any one of her schemes for
the reconstruction of the Balkans, Bis-
marck's great vision would be within
measurable distance of completion,
the condition of England and France
would be indeed desperate, and Rus-
sia's chances of realizing her ambitions
in the south would surely have to be
postponed at least half a century. For
Austria plans to secure complete con-
trol of the Adriatic either, as she would
like best, by annexing Servia, Monte-
negro, and Albania to her own terri-
tory, or by the formation of a Slav
Monarchy out of those three states,
the Croatian provinces, Bosnia, and
Herzegovina, which would assume to
Austria proper the same relation as
Hungary and make of the Dual a
Triple Monarchy. Macedonia, taking
that territory in the broadest sense,
would then be easily obtained; and
from the great port of Salonica, as a
base, the Austrian fleet would control
the ^Egean, and render the possession
of Constantinople and the Straits of
little value to Russia, should she per-
form the highly improbable feat of
taking them after Austria had been
thus strengthened.
These schemes and the recent events1
which seem to make their achievement
possible have destroyed the conditions
upon which the existence of Turkey
depended; a power which even minor
powers can defeat is no longer desired
by England and France at Constanti-
nople. The creation in its place of an
independent confederation of Balkan
states, hating Austria for racial and
religious reasons, suspicious of Russia
1 This paper was sent to press on November
18. — THE EDITORS.
THE BALKAN CRISIS
133
for political reasons, naturally bound
to England and France by strong fi-
nancial ties, is, from the point of view
of England and France, the most favor-
able solution, and even from the point
of view of Russia such an outcome
would be a vast improvement on the
past situation.
These same events have also re-
moved the chief objection that England
and France had to the possession of
the Balkans and of Constantinople by
Russia herself. If they must have a
rival in the Black Sea, better a thou-
sand times a rival whose navy has yet
to be built, and whose imminent peril
in northern Europe makes their aid as
vital to her in the Baltic as hers is to
them in the Balkans. Indeed, the mere
possession of the Balkans by Russia
would be a permanent guarantee of the
failure of Bismarck's scheme, and would
do more than any other one thing to
render Morocco, India, and even Eng-
land itself, safe from aggression. With
Russia in Poland, in Galicia, and in
Servia, Berlin and Vienna would be in
deadly peril in flank and rear, Trieste
could be taken, the Adriatic con-
quered, Italy isolated, Tripoli an-
nexed by England and France, and a
stronger hold secured on the Mediter-
ranean and Africa than ever before.
The key which might open the door of
the East might also effectively lock it.
The Powers, therefore, permitted
the Balkan States to destroy Turkey
because they all hoped to benefit indi-
rectly by the partition of the Turkish
Empire. It is highly probable that the
Balkan States were secretly assured of
support by both coalitions, and well
knew, therefore, that success in the
war was a foregone conclusion. The
moment, too, was opportune in the
opinion of both coalitions. The Triple
Alliance saw in it the first steps toward
the ultimate consummation of their
control of the Balkans, the lever by
which Tripoli, Macedonia, and Albania
could be pried from the clutches of the
reluctant Turk, the surest method of
obtaining more effective control of
Asia Minor. Not only was there much
to gain by action, but much might be
lost by waiting till the English had
altered their naval dispositions in the
Mediterranean, till the Baghdad Rail-
road and the Persian Gulf had been
outflanked by the Trans-Persian Rail-
road, till the opening of the Panama
Canal had made the English possession
of Suez relatively less essential, and,
above all, till the death of Franz
Joseph should produce such internal
dissensions in Austria-Hungary as to
render the Dual Monarchy helpless for
a decade. The joy at the prospect of
war was not less great in London,
Paris, and St. Petersburg. The wished-
for coup d'Stat which should destroy
the German plans was actually in
progress in the creation of a confeder-
ation of really independent Balkan
states. Should the Sultan actually be
expelled from Europe, England could
then offer him a refuge in Egypt, or, if
he preferred to remain in Asia Minor,
she might secure the establishment in
Egypt or Morocco of a new Khalifate
to rule the Mohammedans in Africa
and Asia, and thus end for good and all
the dangers of a holy war in the Eng-
lish and French territories.
In the Balkans themselves, however,
joy was literally unconfined. A glorious
opportunity was theirs to strike off all
the shackles binding them to all the
Powers. Such an opportunity would
certainly never return. They feared
Austria most, Russia next, and Eng-
land and France least. While the
Turk was the Sick Man of Europe,
maintained in desuetude, while the
Powers were interested in the Balkan
States merely to keep them out of one
another's hands, Balkan independence
was very real, and the rule of Turkey
134
THE BALKAN CRISIS
over their brethren in the Turkish
Empire was too inefficient to be bur-
densome. But the spectacle was terri-
fying in the extreme of the organiza-
tion in Turkey by German hands of a
strong centralized administration with
a large and efficient army, trained,
financed, and officered by Germany
and Austria, and directed to the fur-
therance of the latter's interests. Such
a Turkey would be a neighbor and
ruler of a different stamp. The very
excellence and justice of the adminis-
tration which the new regime proposed
to institute would remove the casus
belli, the gravamina of Macedonia and
Albania. Should many men of the
stamp of Hussein Kiazim Bey be ap-
pointed, and should they use elsewhere
the vigor he displayed as Vali of Sal-
onica in punishing the Turkish gen-
darmerie for the commission of crimes
and atrocities, the most apparent and
telling evidences of Turkish misrule
would disappear.
Moreover, an alliance with Austria
and Germany, however favorable the
constitutional or diplomatic relations
might be, would mean to the Balkan
States the surrender of their own inde-
pendence and the acceptance of dicta-
tion from Berlin or Vienna of a policy
made in the interests of the latter. The
economic benefits looked distant and
nebulous: the rich trade of the East
would hardly stop at their doors to
afford them profit. The positive dis-
advantages in time of peace were cer-
tain: the coalition would make them
its fortress for defense and offense. In
time of war the disadvantages would
be even greater, for the battles would
be fought within their borders. If they
were ever to achieve liberty, they must
strike before Turkey became more
efficient, and before one or the other
coalition took possession of them by
main force.
So far as Turkey was concerned,
there was little effective resistance to
be expected from a state torn by inter-
nal dissensions between the Old and
the Young Turks. With the revolu-
tionary Party of Union and Progress
actively opposing the ministry, with a
strong belief in foreign capitals and
chancelleries that the new regime was
no better than the old, with the new
Turkish army effectively marooned in
Tripoli, and the Italian fleet holding
the ^Egean, the chances of success for
the Balkans were at the maximum.
The probability of European inter-
ference with the beginning and prose-
cution of the war they knew to be
slight, for they clearly saw what each
side hoped to gain from their efforts.
That each group of great powers de-
pended upon their cooperation for the
furtherance of its own interests, made
it not unlikely that a really strong con-
federation of Balkan States, if not
actually able to exact its own price
from either side, would for some years
at least be able to play off one party
against the other, and so afford an
opportunity for the consolidation of its
own union, and the development of the
immediate advantages of victory to
such an extent that armed interference
would become a serious matter for any
coalition, however strong. They well
know that the country itself is a nat-
ural fortress, already improved by all
the devices of modern fortification; that
their armies contain more than half
a million men, natural soldiers, well
equipped by their * friends" money,
and well instructed by their * friends' '
officers in all the multifold strategical
and tactical advantages of their coun-
try.
Such men, fighting for independ-
ence, ought to be able to hold such a
country even against Austria or Rus-
sia. If they cannot win it, with Turkey
weak and disorganized, with Austria
and Russia determined to thwart each
THE BALKAN CRISIS
135
other's ambitions, they never can
maintain their independence. This is
their greatest, and perhaps their only
opportunity. While the Powers, there-
fore, complacently watched the strug-
gle with Turkey, each confident that
the Balkans were fighting in their
interest, the Balkans were actually
fighting for their own independence of
the Powers themselves. Moreover, by
beginning a campaign, which they
knew would be short, in the late au-
tumn, they practically insured them-
selves six months in which to take ad-
vantage of their victory; for the severe
Balkan winter, already upon them, will
make any effective armed interposition
by either Austria or Russia exceedingly
difficult, if not impossible.
The position of the confederates dic-
tated the strategy of the war. The
Servians and Montenegrins were to
begin the war in the west, partly in
hope of drawing the Turkish forces
thither and so weakening the main
army, partly because it was their duty
to overrun Albania and be in position
to attack Macedonia on the flank at
the moment when the Greeks delivered
an assault in force from the front. The
two, thus victorious, would together
overrun Thrace and fall upon the rear
of the main Turkish army if the Bul-
garian assault upon Adrianople had
not yet succeeded, or on its flank in
case the Turk had been driven back on
Constantinople. Whichever won first
would be immediately in a most advan-
tageous position to assist her allies
whether they were victorious or de-
feated. Rumania remained inactive, to
be ready to defend the rear from pos-
sible attacks from Austria or Russia.
The rapidity with which these com-
bined attacks were delivered prevented
the concentration of the Turkish army
at any point, and also made its provi-
sioning and administration exceedingly
difficult. The astounding vigor and
ability of the Bulgarians enabled them
to drive the disorganized and hungry
Turks into Constantinople before the
western and southern movements were
finished, and have rendered the com-
plete overthrow of the Turkish power
in Europe merely a question of time.
The confederates intend to treat
only with Turkey; they deny the right
of the powers to interfere; they are
themselves agreed upon the settlement;
and hold possession of everything the
Powers want, with armies aggregating
at least half a million men, flushed with
victory, and entrenched in a natural
fortress. If the plans of the allies suc-
ceed, the King of Greece is to be presi-
dent of a federation composed of the
independent states of Bulgaria, Ru-
mania, Servia, Greece, and Montene-
gro. Crete, the JSgean Islands, and the
greater part of Macedonia will be an-
nexed to Greece; most of Thrace to Bul-
garia; Albania to Servia. The rest of
European Turkey, including Salonica,
presents the most difficult problem.
Needless to say, these arrangements
will be very disagreeable to Austria
and Italy, who desire to erect Alba-
nia and probably Macedonia into king-
doms, with Austrian or Italian prin-
ces as kings. The Balkan States point
out that these districts are merely geo-
graphical expressions, — the people
possessing unity neither of race nor
creed, and lacking even a common
language, — and insist that nothing
but trouble for themselves and their
neighbors can result from granting
them autonomy. This does not weigh
heavily with the Triple Alliance, the
members of which are anxious, if they
cannot avert the settlement, to pro-
vide for its prompt failure. England
and France, and probably Russia, seem
to be in favor of strengthening the ex-
isting states, and decry the * ungener-
ous ' policy of snatching from them the
fruits of victory.
136
THE BALKAN CRISIS
The really vital difficulty lies in the
existence of Constantinople. The Bal-
kans will insist upon the removal of the
seat of Turkish government across the
Straits; the Powers will hardly consent
to anything less than the neutraliza-
tion of Constantinople and the Straits.
In any case, armed interference is
highly improbable. The strength of
the confederation in men and re-
sources, the approach of winter, the
nature of the ground where the battles
would be fought, the antagonistic
interests of the coalitions, will in all
probability prevent more than a show
of force by either Austria or Russia.
The lack of money might bring the
Balkans to terms, were it not practi-
cally certain that England and France
will finance them. Whether or not
foreseen and inspired by those two
nations, the war has resulted in giving
back to them the strategic position in
the Mediterranean, lost through the
conquest of Tripoli by the Triple Alli-
ance. Moreover, they have won it
without vitally increasing their own
dangers from Russia. The latter will
be entirely satisfied with freedom of
passage to arid from the Black Sea, and
will create there, with their entire ap-
proval, a strong fleet which will be-
come a factor in future movements in
the Mediterranean. At the moment of
writing, the Balkan War is a victory
for the Triple Entente over the Triple
Alliance.
As an outcome of the struggle it is
hard to foresee anything short of de-
struction for Turkey in Europe. With
the loss of Albania and Macedonia,
there will be little left except the dis-
trict immediately around Constanti-
nople, which, though containing the
vast majority of the Turks on the
northern side of the Bosphorus, has a
numerous and hostile Greek element in
the population. There is not, and never
has been, any racial or religious basis
for a Turkish state in Europe. The
Turks belong in Asia Minor. The abil-
ity of the Turk to stand in either place
without support is doubtful. Adminis-
trative decentralization has fostered
dishonesty, disobedience, and corrup-
tion so long as to make them almost
racial traits, which render the Turk
poor material for the independent self-
government so eagerly desired by the
Young Turks. And this very attempt
at administrative centralization and
honest government rouses the subject
peoples and offends the Powers. Only
because the Turk was hopelessly inef-
ficient and submissive was he allowed
to exist at all. The work of the Com-
mittee of Union and Progress, whose
ideal is the exclusion of foreigners from
Turkey, settled its ultimate fate. Like
Persia and Egypt, Turkey must be
governed in the interests of Europe and
not in its own. Whatever happens, the
Turk will be again reduced to ineffi-
ciency and subserviency.
WHAT SHALL WE SAY?
BY DAVID STARR JORDAN
WHAT shall we say as to ' free ships '
and the Panama Canal? If our nation
has agreed to treat all ships alike, in-
cluding our own, let us stand by that
agreement. Of violation of treaties we
have been more than once accused. If
we know what we have promised, let us
stand by it, even though it seems
strange that we cannot * throw our
money to the birds' while every other
nation is free to do it.
But why * throw our money to the
birds ' ? Do * the birds ' require it or ap-
preciate it ? What claim have coastwise
steamships of the United States to use
our canal at the expense of the Ameri-
can people? But these are 'our ships/
we say. Since when have they become
'our ships'? Have the New York and
London capitalists who own them ever
turned them over to us? Have they
ever agreed to divide their profits with
those who make great profits possible?
The great enemy of democracy is priv-
ilege. To grant any sort of concession,
having money value, without a cor-
responding return, is * privilege/ The
granting of privilege in the past has
been the source of most of the great
body of political evils from which the
civilized world suffers to-day.
While declaiming against privilege,
even while exalting its curtailment as
the greatest of national issues to-day,
we start new privileges without hesita-
tion. We throw into the hands of an
unknown group of men, to become
sooner or later a shipping trust, a vast
unknown and increasing sum of money,
extorted by indirect taxation from the
people of this country. No account-
ing is asked from them; no returns for
our generosity. We give them yearly,
to begin with, as much as an Amer-
ican laborer can earn in twelve thou-
sand years; in other words, we place at
their service, and at our own expense,
twelve thousand of our workingmen.
From our tax-roll we pass over to them
the payments each year of thirty thou-
sand families. And all because these
are 'our ships.' 'Our ships'; we have
here the primal fallacy of privilege, a
fallacy dominant the world over, the
leading agent in the impending bank-
ruptcy of this spendthrift world.
In Europe and America, taxes have
doubled in the last fifteen years, and
half of this extra tax has gone to build
up 'our ships,' 'our bankers,' 'our com-
merce,' 'our manufactures,' 'our pro-
moters,' 'our defense,' in nation after
nation, while 'the man lowest down,'
who bears the brunt of this taxation, is
never called on to share its benefits.
The ships that bear our flag in order to
go through our canal at our expense are
not ' our ships.' By the very fact of free
tolls, we know them for the ships of our
enemy; for the arch-enemy of demo-
cracy is privilege.
ii
As teachers of private and to some
extent of public morals, what shall we
say to the gigantic parade on the Hud-
son of miles on miles of war vessels on
137
138
WHAT SHALL WE SAY?
their way from the tax bureau to the
junk-shop?
Let us look on this mighty array of
ships, splendidly equipped and manned
by able and worthy men, the whole
never to be needed, and never under
any conceivable circumstances to be
other than a burden and a danger to
the nation which displays it.
We are told that a purpose of this
pageant of the ships is to * popularize
the navy/ This may mean to get us
used to it, and to paying for it — which
is the chief function of the people in
these great affairs. Or it may mean to
work upon the public imagination so
that we may fill the vacancies in the
corps of sailors and marines who * glare
at us through their absences.'
By all means let us popularize the
navy. It is our navy; we have paid for
it; and it is for the people to do what
they please with it. 'For, after all, this
is the people's country.' And perhaps
we could bring it nearer to our hearts
and thoughts if we should paint on the
white side of each ship, its cost in tax-
es, in the blood and sweat of working-
men, in the anguish of * the man lowest
down.'
There is the good ship North Dakota,
for example. Her cost is almost exact-
ly the year's earning of the prosperous
state for which she is named. The fine
dreadnoughts who fear nothing while
the nation is in its senses, and in war
nothing but a torpedo-boat or an aero-
bomb,— it would please the working-
man to know that his wages for twenty
thousand years would purchase a ship
of this kind, and that the wages of six-
teen hundred of his fellows each year
would keep it trim and afloat. As the
procession moves by, he will see ships
that have cost as much as the universi-
ties of Cornell or Yale or Princeton or
Wisconsin, and almost as much as Har-
vard or Columbia, and on the flag-ship
at the last these figures might be sum-
med up, the whole costing as much as
an American workman would earn, per-
haps, in two million years, a European
workman in four million, and an Asiatic
in eight million; as much, let us say, as
all the churches, ministers, and priests
in the Christian world have cost in half
a century. These figures may not be
all correct. It would require an expert
statistician to make them so. But it
would be worth while.
If all this is needed to insure the
peace it endangers, by all means let us
have it. There is no cost which we can-
not afford to pay, if honorable peace is
at stake. But let us be convinced that
peace is really at stake, and that this
is the means to secure it. There are
some who think that Christian fellow-
ship, the demands of commerce, and a
civil tongue in a foreign office, do more
for a nation's peace than any show of
force.
'Man,' observes Bernard Shaw, 'is
the only animal that esteems itself
rich in proportion to the number and
voracity of its parasites.'
in
What shall we say, as lovers of peace,
in face of the Balkan War? Is it true
that while Serbs are Serbs, and Greeks
are Greeks, and Turks are Turks, 'it
must needs be that offenses come ' ? Is
it not true that while Turks rule aliens
for the money to be extorted, there can
be no peace between them and their
subjects or their neighbors?
It is not necessary for us to answer
these questions. They belong to his-
tory rather than to morals. The pro-
gress of events will take our answer
from our lips. The problem comes to
us too late for any act of ours to be ef-
fective. The stage was set, the actors
chosen long before our day and genera-
tion. Our part is to strive for peace:
first, to do away with causes for war;
WHAT SHALL WE SAY?
139
second, to lead people to look to war as
the last, and not the first, remedy for na-
tional wrongs or national disagree-
ments. Most wars have their origin in
the evil passions of men, and no war
could take place if both sides were sin-
cerely desirous of honorable peace.
No doubt, the Balkan situation
could have been controlled for peace
by the * concert of powers ' in Europe,
were it not that no such concert exists.
The instruments are out of tune and
time. So long as foreign offices are
alike controlled by the interests of great
exploiting and competing corporations,
they can never stand for good morals
and good order. If they could, the
Turkish rule of violence would have
ceased long ago.
Those who fight against war cannot
expect to do away with it in a year or
a century, especially when it is urged
on by five hundred years of crime and
discord. The roots of the Balkan strug-
gle lie back in the Middle Ages, and
along mediaeval lines the fight is likely
to be conducted. 'The right to rule
without the duty to protect' is the
bane of all Oriental imperialism. Mean-
while, our own task is to help to moder-
ernize the life of the world; to raise,
through democracy, the estimate of
the value of men's lives; to continue,
through our day, the enduring revolt
of civilization against * obsolete forms
of servitude, tyranny, and waste/
The immediate purpose of the Peace
Movement is, through public opinion
and through international law, to exalt
order above violence, and to take war
out of the foreground of the * interna-
tional mind' in the event of disputes
between races and nations. No move-
ment forward can succeed all at once.
Evil habit and false education have
left the idea of war and glory too deep-
ly ingrained. Men, law-abiding and
patient, willing to hear both sides,
have never yet been in the majority.
Yet their influence steadily grows in
weight. The influence of science and
arts, of international fellowship, of
common business interests, small busi-
ness as well as great, are leading the
people of the world to better and bet-
ter understanding. Left alone, civi-
lized people would never make war.
They have no outside grievances they
wish to submit to the arbitrament of
wholesale murder. To make them pre-
pare for war they must be scared, not
led. Were it not for the exaggeration,
by interested parties, of trade jealous-
ies and diplomatic intrigues, few peo-
ple would ever think of going to war.
The workingmen of Europe suffer
from tax-exhaustion. The fear of war
is kept before them to divert them
from their own sad plight. This diver-
sion leaves their plight still sadder.
The bread-riot in all its phases is the
sign of over-taxation, of governmental
disregard of the lives and earnings of
the common man. Anarchism is the
expression that the idle and reckless
give to the feelings of those who are
still law-abiding.
The Peace Movement must stand
against oppression and waste. It must
do its part in removing grievances, na-
tional and international. It must give
its council in favor of peace and order,
and it must help to educate men to be-
lieve that the nation which guarantees
to its young men personal justice and
personal opportunity, has a greater
glory than that which sends forth its
youth to slaughter.
THE SUNRISE PRAYER MEETING
BY REBECCA FRAZAR
IN
-field we do not watch the
Old Year out. We do not dance him
out unless we are very young and fool-
ish. For we know that promptly at
6.45 A.M., if not earlier, we shall be
shaken and shouted out of warm dreams
by our elders, to make ourselves ready
in haste, and go and pray the New
Year in.
The elders were shaken out of their
young sleep so many bitter mornings,
and their elders before them, that it is
a wonder there is no hereditary apti-
tude among the dwellers in field
to waken at 6.45 A.M. on every New
Year's Day. But the law of heredity
passes on only a strict, and sometimes
unreasoning, sense of obligation. We
know that we must go to the Sunrise
Prayer Meeting though a blizzard be
whirling down from the hills, smother-
ing the sidewalks, and tearing the trol-
ley-wires. We must go to the Sunrise
Prayer Meeting even if we be the poor,
the sick, the afflicted, or all three at
once, so long as it is physically possible;
we must go certainly if we are only full
of sleep and loath to tumble breathless
out into the keen dusky cold before
the sun rises, while the church-bell
tolls and the streets begin to be filled
with hurrying shapes. For young and
old, rich and poor, glad and sorry,
are all making what haste they may to
the gray church on the Square, to pray
the New Year in.
The church, still in its Christmas
dress of laurel-wreaths and pine-
boughs, seems very old and mellow,
from shadowy rafter and good Gothic
140
arch to the last humble pew under the
gallery. Lit as for a vesper service,
warm, yet touched by the thin gray
light and air of winter dawn, it receives,
with a sort of special dignity and sober
complacence, the silent people who
overcrowd its pews. It does not ask
them to-day whether they be Ortho-
dox or Unitarian, Methodist or Bap-
tist, black or white, alien or of the old
proud stock of the city's and the
church's elect. Every seat is taken
long before the organ begins to grum-
ble and whisper; and while the bell still
tolls in the tower above, and the ush-
ers go lightly up and down, hunting a
place here and there for some unaccus-
tomed or over-sleeping late arrival, it
seems good to those who come here
year after year to sit quietly for a little
in the solemn, cheerful, crowded hush.
Up in the high rafters, old memories
glimmer out and fade. There are one's
own Sunrise and New Year thoughts
to think before the minister in charge
gives out the first hymn, and the con-
gregation stands to sing, —
' While with ceaseless course the sun
Hasted through the former year,' —
or 'My faith looks up to Thee,' or
'God moves in a mysterious way.'
Then the minister, standing humbly
at the foot of the high pulpit, reads
somewhat from the Scriptures: the
great Faith chapter from the Hebrews,
it may be. And all the people repeat
together, with the reverence of child-
ren, the Twenty-third Psalm. There is
another old, well-beloved hymn; the
THE SUNRISE PRAYER MEETING
141
minister prays and speaks a moment,
quietly, and the * meeting is open/
Who will first be moved by the Spir-
it? There is never long to wait. A
voice is lifted: there is much decent
craning of necks and straining of ears.
— Is it old Deacon Robinson? — or
Professor Downey? — or the new Bap-
tist minister? — or some layman less
seasoned in public speech and prayer?
A little pleased and interested murmur
stirs the congregation. It is Deacon
Robinson: his silvery head gleams
above the front pews, and his sweet,
quavering voice gathers power and as-
surance as he tells how he has been
mercifully permitted to attend the
Sunrise Prayer Meeting every year
but one since he was a boy, 'more 'n
eighty-five year ago,' — and how he
has always found help and grace there,
and how the Lord has always showed
him the way and has answered his
prayers. For, as he says, 'When I was
seventy year old, I asked the Lord to
let me live to be eighty. And so He
did. And when I got to be eighty, I
asked Him to let me live to be ninety.
And He did that, too. And now I'm
asking Him to be a hundred. But,
after all, I 'm not very partik'ler about
it.'
Then, perhaps, it is indeed the new
Baptist minister; or the pastor of the
little colored church, a man whose
dark skin and humble place cannot
keep him from often saying the keen-
est word and offering up the bravest
petition. But they are not all clergy-
men and deacons whom the Spirit
moves. Men prominent in the profes-
sions and industries of the city; young
men, who have gritted their teeth and
vowed, humorous above their earnest-
ness, to make their maiden speech or
die in the attempt, are on their feet.
They are not glib with the well-round-
ed terms of conventional exhortation
and prayer, but they speak quickly of
the needs of the churches and the city,
as eager for the honor of the future as
the old men for the past.
Sometimes two voices are upraised
at once. One brother prays the other
down, as it were, until the more timid
or more magnanimous gives in and
takes his seat. Favorite hymns and
poems are quoted, quaint anecdotes
are told; yet always there is an under-
current deep and strong of reverence,
of mystery; a recognition of the past
and the present and the future, and
of that which makes them one.
In a moment, it seems, the hour is
passed, the last hymn is sung, the bene-
diction is spoken. Another hush: and
then all over the church there is a ris-
ing murmur, of 'Happy New Year!'
' Happy New Year! ' as each one turns
with a handshake to his nearest likely
neighbor. And if there are many who
find it hard to give and take the greet-
ing lightly, they are too proud or too
strong to let the shadow cross their
faces, and the widow under her veil
passes the wish with as true a grace
as the woman whose stalwart husband,
on his annual pilgrimage between
church-walls, walks, half-sheepishly
smiling, beside her and her flock of
children.
Crowding a little, for the young ones
must be off to school and the busy
ones to the shops and offices, the con-
gregation throngs out into the street.
The * Happy New Years ' grow louder
and more merry, as friends draw to-
gether, while sleighs and automobiles
fill, and the frosty Square has sud-
denly become gay with chatter and
jingling and light. For while field
prayed in the church, the sun has risen
beyond the bare white and purple hills
that shoulder up at the broad street-
end, and the little city has wakened
to another day and another year of
unknown sorrow and joy, failure and
attainment.
142
THE SUNRISE PRAYER MEETING
It is a curious old custom, handed
down without a break from the days
when the church was only a white
meeting-house on the village green,
and when most of the good people
came jingling from far over the snow-
bound hills to their Sunrise Meeting.
Newcomers in field may not at first
understand why it is like no other rite
in the whole civic and religious calen-
dar. Yet let them once bow in the
quiet church, sing the old, marching,
faithful hymns, hear the odd or no-
ble words of reminiscence and hope
and thanksgiving and intercession; let
them exchange their 'Happy New
Years ' in the church porch and pass
out into the gay shining street; and
they will feel somehow that the hour
has whispered of a thing seldom re-
vealed, — the hidden, hoping, believ-
ing, and worshiping heart of a city.
They will feel that, for once, an ideal
faith has been frankly and simply re-
cognized as the ancient and future
glory of the community. However
smug, however foolish and covetous
and earthy the little city may often
seem to be, the Sunrise Prayer Meet-
ing still reassures those who know and
love it that the old desire after heaven-
ly things is not dead, though it must
soon learn to speak a new and brisker
tongue, and to wear a strangely mod-
ern garb.
For, indeed, some day there will be
no more like Deacon Robinson, with
his child-like trust and quaint old-time
petitions. Yet it seems that the dwell-
ers in field will not easily forsake
the assembling of themselves together
on the first day of the year, to think
long thoughts of such things as are
true and comely and of good report, for
themselves and for their city, and to
sing with voices half-tremulous, yet
proud and confident, —
Rise, my soul, and stretch thy wings,
Thy better portion trace:
Rise from transitory things
Toward Heav'n, thy native place.
Sun and moon and stars decay,
Time shall soon this earth remove.
Rise, my soul, and haste away
To seats prepared above.
Rivers to the ocean run,
Nor stay in all their course;
Fire ascending seeks the sun;
Both speed them to their source.
So my soul, derived from God,
Pants to view His glorious face;
Upward tends to His abode,
To rest in His embrace.
And it is worth waking early and
shivering out in the dark to feel that
the friends and neighbors with whom
the year-long we traffic in stupid mor-
tal cares and follies are singing such
words with us, and thinking hard of
them, and more than half- believing
them, for even one hour: that the
secret heart of the city, for once un-
ashamed, is somehow praying the New
Year in, as the sun comes up over the
hills.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
SOCIAL SPOT CASH
SUPPOSE you bid me come to your
house to dinner, and suppose I accept,
and, feeling that I shall repay you by
feeding you at some future time, I give
myself no concern over my obligation
to you on that occasion. Let us suppose
that I count my duty done by being
properly clothed and punctual. You
have asked others to be present with
whom you are on pleasant terms, and
you are anxious that they think well of
you. I have no tongue for small talk
and can't bother about trifles; you are
giving the dinner-party and are sup-
posed to know what you want. If you
want me, you must take me as I am;
I '11 come and behave properly — by
which you are to understand that I
shall not get drunk or mess my food;
you must n't expect more. So I pro-
ceed to spoil your dinner-party by not
doing anything. I'm tired, anyway, —
or at least I think I am, — and by my
dull and boorish bearing I make every
one near me uncomfortable. Those
new neighbors whom you have at your
house for the first time are very inter-
esting people; it is a good and illumin-
ating thing to know them; but after
that disagreeable evening with me they
are calmly but firmly resolved that
your house is a place to avoid. The
professor whom you have always
wanted to know better, now in town on
consultation, was fortunately able to
be present; he said he would be very
glad to come; but he was not glad when
he went away. You see, I was there,
and I made talk impossible; my heavy,
uninterested silence killed all joy. I
satisfy my previous consciousness by
saying to myself that I was not inter-
ested in the subjects under discussion,
and I give you credit for having fed me
well. Then, having given you a social
black-eye, I make things what I call
even by inviting you to spoil a second
and otherwise good evening by boring
yourself with me.
It is clear that in behaving in the
manner just described I have made an
error; and the error is one frequently
made. The purpose of this writing is
to discover, if possible, what the nature
of this error is, and to find an expres-
sion for it that we may all understand;
not only you who have suffered by it,
but I who, to keep myself in the char-
acter, must call myself the * innocent'
cause of it.
The answer is neither involved nor
far to seek. Social intercourse is com-
merce, in a way. We must pay for
what we get, but general welfare and
comity require that we pay spot cash.
We can't pay in money because that is
not current social coin. If the conven-
tions did not bar the way and make it
an insult, it would be far better for
you if, on the unhappy night when I
spoiled your party, I had taken out my
pocket-book and laid down upon the
table the cost of the food and drink
and service. You would have been rid
of me so much sooner, and you would
not have been called upon to endure
the second evening with me. But if
money — dollars and cents — is not
current social coin, neither are food
and drink; although in this respect
convention lags far-and-away-behind.
Convention does not forbid me to do
the very thing that I have assumed to
do : to eat your food to-day and take a
143
144
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
long credit, paying you back in kind,
next week or next month. In point of
fact, that is not paying you back at
all, as we have seen.
The only way that I can possibly re-
pay you is to make my presence worth
while, and an advantage to you. The
debt should be paid before I leave your
threshold, and I must have intelligence
enough to know how to pay it. By a
miscalculation of the sort you made
when you invited me in the first in-
stance, you may have asked some one
to come whom you thought to be a
brilliant talker, and who turns out on
this occasion to be one of those dreadful
creatures who prove the wisdom of all
misanthropy by combating everybody
and everything, and grating upon the
nerves of every mortal soul present. If
I cannot quiet him or draw his breezi-
ness upon me alone so that others have
an opportunity to breathe and talk, it
behooves me to sit still and be good.
They also serve who only sit still and
are good. But 'good' means, in the
circle, a part of whatever good fellow-
ship is available.
When you open your house to your
friends you do a brave and a gracious
thing. You show yourself, your train-
ing, the measure of your culture, and
the things of which you are ashamed.
Your intimate self is made visible. You
may put on airs for your own satisfac-
tion, but you know and I know that
anybody can see through them. Your
house is yourself, or your wife's self;
and surely there is no cause for shame
in admitting that hers is the master
mind when the day's work is over and
you are at home. This is true of so
many men of the very best sort that it
will do you no harm to admit it. And
it will do you no good to deny it.
Suppose a clumsy maid spills a plate
of soup. If clothes are damaged it is
mortifying, and it may mean that
some work must be done to the floor
to repair the injury; otherwise it is
not a serious occurrence. But if I or
any other of your guests offends any
one, then harm is done, for which you
are in a way responsible, and which
rubbing and scrubbing will not repair.
So the responsibility of every guest is
a heavy one. You have bidden them
come inside the line of your defenses,
and your social reputation is in their
hands. No matter how great your ef-
fort or expense, every one should then
and there pay back in the coin of
agreeable good fellowship, as nearly as
he can, in full for all value received.
Social reciprocity, the idea that if
you feed me I must feed you, or if you
entertain me I must entertain you, is
born of social inefficiency. Who the
first lady of fashion or quality was who
devised the present system of food ex-
changes as the fulfillment of social
amenities, we shall never know; but it
is a fair guess that her lord married her
solely for her money. Or if the custom
became current by common consent,
then the custom itself is a severe in-
dictment of dullness against that part
of society which is known as fashion-
able because it furnishes the example
which the rest of the world accepts and
emulates.
There is no such thing as a deferred
social credit; the only real payment is
in spot cash.
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
FEBRUARY, 1913
THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
THE RECORD OF A QUAKER CONSCIENCE
On July 13, 1863, Cyrus Guernsey Pringle, in company with two fellow Quakers of Charlotte,
Vermont, was drafted for service in the Union Army. Through religious scruples, the conscripts
refused under any considerations to bear arms, and although, in the case of Pringle, a well-to-do
uncle offered to pay the price of a substitute, the Quaker's ardent conscience would not permit
him to tempt another to commit in his place the sin which he believed to be against the Word of God.
Mr. Pringle died not long ago, and his diary, interesting alike as a study of character and as the
record of an extraordinary experience, may now be given to the public. — THE EDITORS.
AT Burlington, Vt., on the 13th of
the seventh month, 1863, 1 was drafted.
Pleasant are my recollections of the
14th. Much of that rainy day I spent
in my chamber, as yet unaware of my
fate; in writing and reading and in re-
flecting to compose my mind for any
event. The day and the exercise, by
the blessing of the Father, brought me
precious reconciliation to the will of
Providence.
With ardent zeal for our Faith and
the cause of our peaceable principles;
and almost disgusted at the lukewarm-
ness and unfaithfulness of very many
who profess these; and considering how
heavily slight crosses bore upon their
shoulders, I felt to say, 'Here am I
Father for thy service. As thou will.'
May I trust it was He who called me
and sent me forth with the consolation :
'My grace is sufficient for thee.' Deep-
ly have I felt many times since that I
am nothing without the companionship
of the Spirit.
I was to report on the 27th. Then,
loyal to our country, W. L. D. and I
VOL. in -NO. 2
appeared before the Provost Marshal
with a statement of our cases. We were
ordered for a hearing on the 29th. On
the afternoon of that day W. L. D. was
rejected upon examination of the Sur-
geon, but my case not coming up, he
remained with me, — much to my
strength and comfort. Sweet was his
converse and long to be remembered,
as we lay together that warm summer
night on the straw of the barracks. By
his encouragement much was my mind
strengthened; my desires for a pure
life, and my resolutions for good. In
him and those of whom he spoke I
saw the abstract beauty of Quakerism.
On the next morning came I. M. D.
to support me and plead my case be-
fore the Board of Enrollment. On the
day after, the 31st, I came before the
Board. Respectfully those men listen-
ed to the exposition of our principles;
and, on our representing that we look-
ed for some relief from the President,
the marshal released me for twenty
days. Meanwhile appeared L. M. M.
and was likewise, by the kindness of
146
THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
the marshal, though they had received
instructions from the Provost Marshal
General to show such claims no par-
tiality, released to appear on the 20th
day of the eighth month.
All these days we were urged by our
acquaintances to pay our commuta-
tion money; by some through well-
meant kindness and sympathy; by
others through interest in the war; and
by others still through a belief they en-
tertained it was our duty. But we con-
fess a higher duty than that to coun-
try; and, asking no military protection
of our Government and grateful for
none, deny any obligation to support
so unlawful a system, as we hold a
war to be even when waged in oppo-
sition to an evil and oppressive power
and ostensibly in defense of liberty, vir-
tue, and free institutions; and, though
touched by the kind interest of friends,
we could not relieve their distress by a
means we held even more sinful than
that of serving ourselves, as by sup-
plying money to hire a substitute we
would, not only be responsible for the
result, but be the agents in bringing
others into evil. So looking to our Fa-
ther alone for help, and remembering
that * Whoso loseth his life for my sake
shall find it; but whoso saveth it shall
lose it,' we presented ourselves again
before the Board, as we had promised
to do when released. Being offered four
days more of time, we accepted it as
affording opportunity to visit our
friends; and moreover as there would
be more probability of meeting P. D.
at Rutland.
Sweet was the comfort and sympathy
of our friends as we visited them.
There was a deep comfort, as we left
them, in the thought that so many
pure and pious people follow us with
their love and prayers. Appearing fin-
ally before the marshal on the 24th,
suits and uniforms were selected for
us, and we were called upon to give
receipts for them. L. M. M. was on
his guard, and, being first called upon,
declared he could not do so, as that
would imply acceptance. Failing to
come to any agreement, the matter
was postponed till next morning, when
we certified to the fact that the articles
were 'with us.' Here I must make re-
cord of the kindness of the marshal,
Rolla Gleason, who treated us with re-
spect and kindness. He had spoken
with respect of our Society; had given
me furloughs to the amount of twenty-
four days, when the marshal at Rut-
land considered himself restricted by
his oath and duty to six days; and here
appeared in person to prevent any
harsh treatment of us by his sergeants;
and though much against his inclina-
tions, assisted in putting on the uni-
form with his own hands. We bade
him Farewell with grateful feelings and
expressions of fear that we should not
fall into as tender hands again; and
amid the rain in the early morning, as
the town clock tolled the hour of seven,
we were driven amongst the flock that
was going forth to the slaughter, down
the street and into the cars for Brattle-
boro. Dark was the day with murk
and cloud and rain; and, as we rolled
down through the narrow vales of east-
ern Vermont, somewhat of the shadow
crept into our hearts and filled them
with dark apprehensions of evil fortune
ahead; of long, hopeless trials; of abuse
from inferior officers; of contempt from
common soldiers; of patient endurance
(or an attempt at this), unto an end
seen only by the eye of a strong faith.
Herded into a car by ourselves, we
conscripts, substitutes, and the rest,
through the greater part of the day,
swept over the fertile meadows along
the banks of the White River and the
Connecticut, through pleasant scenes
that had little of delight for us. At
Woodstock we were joined by the con-
scripts from the 1st District, — alto-
THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
147
gether an inferior company from those
before with us, who were honest yeo-
men from the northern and mountain-
ous towns, while these were many of
them substitutes from the cities.
At Brattleboro we were marched up
to the camp; our knapsacks and per-
sons searched; and any articles of citi-
zen's dress taken from us; and then
shut up in a rough board building un-
der a guard. Here the prospect was
dreary, and I felt some lack of confid-
ence in our Father's arm, though but
two days before I wrote to my dear
friend, E.M.H.,—
I go to-morrow where the din
Of war is in the sulphurous air.
I go the Prince of Peace to serve,
His cross of suffering to bear.
BRATTLEBORO, 26^, Sth month, 1863.
— Twenty-five or thirty caged lions
roam lazily to and fro through this
building hour after hour through the
day. On every side without, sentries
pace their slow beat, bearing loaded
muskets. Men are ranging through the
grounds or hanging in synods about
the doors of the different buildings,
apparently without a purpose. Aimless
is military life, except betimes its aim
is deadly. Idle life blends with violent
death-struggles till the man is unmade
a man; and henceforth there is little
of manhood about him. Of a man he
is made a Soldier, which is a man-de-
stroying'machine in two senses, — a
thing for the prosecuting or repelling
an invasion like the block of stone in
the fortress or the plate of iron on the
side of the Monitor. They are alike.
I have tried in vain to define a differ-
ence, and I see only this. The iron-clad
with its gun is the bigger soldier: the
more formidable in attack, the less li-
able to destruction in a given time; the
block the most capable of resistance;
both are equally obedient to officers.
Or the more perfect is the soldier, the
more nearly he approaches these in
this respect.
Three times a day we are marched out
to the mess houses for our rations. In
our hands we carry a tin plate, whereon
we bring back a piece of bread (sour
and tough most likely), and a cup.
Morning and noon a piece of meat,
antique betimes, bears company with
the bread. They who wish it receive
in their cups two sorts of decoctions : in
the morning burnt bread, or peas per-
haps, steeped in water with some sac-
charine substance added (I dare not
affirm it to be sugar) . At night steeped
tea extended by some other herbs pro-
bably and its pungency and acridity
assuaged by the saccharine principle
aforementioned. On this we have so
far subsisted and, save some nauseat-
ing, comfortably. As we go out and re-
turn, on right and left and in front and
rear go bayonets. Some substitutes
heretofore have escaped and we are not
to be neglected in our attendants.
Hard beds are healthy, but I query can-
not the result be defeated by the de-
gree ? Our mattresses are boards. Only
the slight elasticity of our thin blan-
kets breaks the fall of our flesh and
bones thereon. Oh! now I praise the
discipline I have received from un-
carpeted floors through warm summer
nights of my boyhood.
The building resounds with petty
talk; jokes and laughter and swearing.
Something more than that. Many of
the caged lions are engaged with cards,
and money changes hands freely. Some
of the caged lions read,, and some sleep,
and so the weary day goes by.
L. M. M. and I addressed the fol-
lowing letter to Governor Holbrook and
hired a corporal to forward it to him.
BRATTLEBORO, VT., ZGth, 8th month, 1863.
FREDERICK HOLBROOK,
Governor of Vermont: —
We» the undersigned members of
148
THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
the Society of Friends, beg leave to re-
present to thee, that we were lately
drafted in the 3d Dist. of Vermont,
have been forced into the army and
reached the camp near this town yester-
day.
That in the language of the elders of
our New York Yearly Meeting, 'We
love our country and acknowledge with
gratitude to our Heavenly Father the
many blessings we have been favored
with under the government; and can
feel no sympathy with any who seek
its overthrow.'
But that, true to well-known prin-
ciples of our society, we cannot vio-
late our religious convictions either by
complying with military requisitions
or by the equivalents of this compli-
ance, — the furnishing of a substitute
or payment of commutation money.
That, therefore, we are brought into
suffering and exposed to insult and
contempt from those who have us in
charge, as well as to the penalties of
insubordination, though liberty of con-
science is denied us by the Constitution
of Vermont as well as that of the United
States.
Therefore, we beg of thee as Gover-
nor of our State any assistance thou
may be able to render, should it be no
more than the influence of thy position
interceding in our behalf.
Truly Thy Friend,
CYRUS G. PRINGLE.
P. S. — We are informed we are to
be sent to the vicinity of Boston to-
morrow.'
%lth. — On board train to Boston.
The long afternoon of yesterday passed
slowly away. This morning passed by,
— the time of our stay in Brattleboro,
and we neither saw nor heard anything
of our Governor. We suppose he could
not or would not help us. So as we go
down to our trial we have no arm to
lean upon among all men; but why
dost thou complain, oh, my Soul?
Seek thou that faith that will prove a
buckler to thy breast, and gain for thee
the protection of an arm mightier than
the arms of all men.
%8th. CAMP VERMONT: LONG ISLAND,
BOSTON HARBOR. — In the early morn-
ing damp and cool we marched down
off the heights of Brattleboro to take
train for this place. Once in the car
the dashing young cavalry officer, who
had us in charge, gave notice he had
placed men through the cars, with
loaded revolvers, who had orders to
shoot any person attempting to es-
cape, or jump from the window, and
that any one would be shot if he
even put his head out of the window.
Down the beautiful valley of the Con-
necticut, all through its broad inter-
vales, heavy with its crops of corn or
tobacco, or shaven smooth by the
summer harvest; over the hard and
stony counties of northern Massachu-
setts, through its suburbs and under
the shadow of Bunker Hill Monument
we come into the City of Boston, * the
Hub of the Universe.' Out through
street after street we were marched
double guarded to the wharves, where
we took a small steamer for the island
some six miles out in the harbor. A cir-
cumstance connected with this march
is worth mentioning for its singularity:
at the head of this company, like con-
victs (and feeling very much like such),
through the City of Boston walked,
with heavy hearts and down-cast eyes,
two Quakers.
Here on this dry and pleasant island
in the midst of the beautiful Massachu-
setts Bay, we have the liberty of the
camp, the privilege of air and sunshine
and hay beds to sleep upon. So we
went to bed last night with somewhat
of gladness elevating our depressed
spirits.
Here are many troops gathering
THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
149
daily from all the New England States
except Connecticut and Rhode Island.
Their white tents are dotting the green
slopes and hill-tops of the island and
spreading wider and wider. This is the
flow of military tide here just now. The
ebb went out to sea in the shape of a
great shipload just as we came in, and
another load will be sent before many
days. All is war here. We are sur-
rounded by the pomp and circum-
stance of war, and enveloped in the
cloud thereof. The cloud settles down
over the minds and souls of all; they
cannot see beyond, nor do they try;
but with the clearer eye of Christian
faith I try to look beyond all this error
unto Truth and Holiness immaculate:
and thanks to our Father, I am favored
with glimpses that are sweet consola-
tion amid this darkness.
This is one gratification: the men
with us give us their sympathy. They
seem to look upon us tenderly and piti-
fully, and their expressions of kind
wishes are warm. Although we are re-
lieved from duty and from drill, and
may lie in our tents during rain and at
night, we have heard of no complaint.
This is the more worthy of note as
there are so few in our little (Vermont)
camp. Each man comes on guard half
the days. It would probably be other-
wise were their hearts in the service;
but I have yet to find the man in any
of these camps or at any service who
does not wish himself at home. Substi-
tutes say if they knew all they know
now before leaving home they would
not have enlisted; and they have been
but a week from their homes and
have endured no hardships. Yesterday
L. M. M. and I appeared before the
Captain commanding this camp with
a statement of our cases. He listened
to us respectfully and promised to refer
us to the General commanding here,
General Devens; and in the mean time
released us from duty. In a short time
afterward he passed us in our tent,
asking our names. We have not heard
from him, but do not drill or stand
guard; so, we suppose, his release was
confirmed. At that interview a young
lieutenant sneeringly told us he thought
we had better throw away our scruples
and fight in the service of the country;
and as we told the Captain we could
neither accept pay, he laughed mock-
ingly, and said he would not stay here
for $13.00 per month. He gets more
than a hundred, I suppose.
How beautiful seems the world on
this glorious morning here by the sea-
side! Eastward and toward the sun,
fair green isles with outlines of pure
beauty are scattered over the blue bay.
Along the far line of the mainland
white hamlets and towns glisten in the
morning sun; countless tiny waves
dance in the wind that comes off shore
and sparkle sunward like myriads of
gems. Up the fair vault, flecked by
scarcely a cloud, rolls the sun in glory.
Though fair be the earth, it has come
to be tainted and marred by him who
was meant to be its crowning glory.
Behind me on this island are crowded
vile and wicked men, the murmur of
whose ribaldry riseth continually like
the smoke and fumes of a lower world.
Oh! Father of Mercies, forgive the hard
heartlessness and blindness and scarlet
sins of my fellows, my brothers.
PRISON EXPERIENCES FOR CONSCIENCE'
SAKE - OUR PRISON
., 8th month, 1863. IN GUARD
HOUSE. — Yesterday morning L. M.
M. and I were called upon to do fatigue
duty. The day before we were asked to
do some cleaning about camp and to
bring water. We wished to be obliging,
to appear willing to bear a hand toward
that which would promote our own and
our fellows' health and convenience;
but as we worked we did not feel easy.
Suspecting we had beeen assigned to
150
TilK IMTKO STATES T
PR1NGLE
such work, the more we discussed
in our minds the subject, the more
clearly the right way seemed opened
to us; and we separately came to the
judgment that we must not conform
to this requirement. So when the ser-
geant bade us * Police the streets/ we
asked him if he had received instruc-
tions with regard to us, and he replied
we had been assigned to * Fatigue
Duty.' L. M. M. answered him that
we could not obey. He left us immedi-
ately for the Major (Jarvis of Wea-
thersfield, Vt.), He came back and
ordered us to the Major's tent. The
latter met us outside and inquired con-
cerning the complaint he had heard of
us. Upon our statement of our position,
he apparently undertook to argue our
whimsies, as he probably looked upon
our principles, out of our heads. We
replied to his points as we had ability;
but he soon turned to bullying us
rather than arguing with us, and
would hardly let us proceed with a
whole sentence. * I make some preten-
sion to religion myself/ he said; and
quoted the Old Testament freely in
support of war. Our terms were, sub-
mission or the guard-house. We re-
plied we could not obey.
This island was formerly occupied
by a company, who carried on the
large farm it comprises and opened a
great hotel as a summer resort.
The subjects of all misdemeanors,
grave and small, are here confined.
Those who have deserted or attempted
it ; those who have insulted officers and
those guilty of theft, fighting, drunk-
enness, etc. In twos/, as in the camps,
there are traces yet of manhood and of
the Divine Spark, but some are aban-
doned, dissolute. There are many here
among the substitutes who were actors
in the late New York riots. They show
unmistakably the characteristics and
sentiments of those rioters, and, especi-
ally, hatred to the blacks drafted and
about camp, and exhibit this in foul
and profane jeers heaped upon these
unoffending men at every opportunity.
In justice to the blacks I must say they
are superior to the whites in all their
behavior.
Slst . p. M. — Several of us were a lit-
tle time ago called out one by one to
answer inquiries with regard to our of-
fenses. We replied we could not com-
ply with military requisitions. P. D.,
being last, was asked if he would die
first, and replied promptly but mildly,
Yes.
Here we are in prison in our own land
for no crimes, no offense to God nor
man; nay, more: we are here for obey-
ing the commands of the Son of God
and the influences of his Holy Spirit.
I must look for patience in this dark
day. I am troubled too much and ex-
cited and perplexed.
I*/., 9th month. — Oh, the horrors of
the past night — I never before experi-
enced such sensations and fears; and
never did I feel so clearly that I had
nothing but the hand of our Father to
shield me from evil. Last night we three
lay down together on the floor of a lower
room of which we had taken possession.
The others were above. We had but
one blanket between us and the floor,
and one over us. The other one we had
lent to a wretched deserter who had
skulked into our room for JT/I>/, being
without anything of his own. We had
during the day gained the respect of
the fellows, and they seemed disposed
to let us occupy our room in peace, I
cannot say in quiet, for these caged
beasts are restless, and the resonant
boards of this old building speak of
bedlam. The thin board partitions,
the light door fastened only by a pine
stick thrust into a wooden loop on the
casing, seemed small protection in case
of assault ; but we lay down to sleep in
quiet trust. But we had scarcely fallen
THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
151
asleep before we were awakened by the
demoniac bowlings and yelling of a
man just brought into the next room,
and allowed the liberty of the whole
house. He was drunk, and further
seemed to be laboring under delirium
tremens. He crashed about furiously,
and all the more after the guard
tramped heavily in and bound him
with handcuffs, and chain and ball.
Again and again they left, only to
return to quiet him by threats or by
crushing him down to the floor and
gagging him. In a couple of hours he
became quiet and we got considerable
sleep.
In the morning the fellow came
into our room apologizing for the in-
trusion. He appeared a smart, fine-
looking young man, restless and un-
easy. P. D. has a way of disposing of
intruders that is quite effectual. I
have not entirely disposed of some mis-
givings with respect to the legitimacy
of his use of the means, so he com-
menced reading aloud in the Bible.
The fellow was impatient and noisy,
but he soon settled down on the floor
beside him. As he listened and talked
with us the recollections of his father's
house and his innocent childhood were
awakened. He was the child of pious
parents, taught in Sabbath School and
under pure home influences till thir-
teen. Then he was drawn into bad
company, soon after leaving home for
the sea; and, since then, has served in
the army and navy, — in the army in
Wilson's and Hawkins's [brigades]. His
was the old story of the total subjection
of moral power and thralldom to evil
habits and associates. He would get
drunk, whenever it was in his power.
It was wrong; but he could not help it.
Though he was awakened and recol-
lected his parents looking long and in
vain for his return, he soon returned to
camp, to his wallowing in the mire, and
I fear to his path to certain perdition.
3d. [9th month.] — A Massachusetts
major, the officer of the day, in his in-
spection of the guard-house came into
our room to-day. We were lying on the
floor engaged in reading and writing.
He was apparently surprised at this
and inquired the name of our books;
and finding the Bible and Thomas &
Kempis's Imitation of Christy observed
that they were good books. I cannot
say if he knew we were Friends, but he
asked us why we were in here.
Like all officers he proceeded to rea-
son with. us, and to advise us to serve,
presenting no comfort if we still per-
sisted in our course. He informed us of
a young Friend, Edward W. Holway
of Sandwich, Mass., having been yes-
terday under punishment in the camp
by his orders, who was to-day doing
service about camp. He said he was
not going to put his Quaker in the
guard-house, but was going to bring
him to work by punishment. We were
filled with deep sympathy for him and
desired to cheer him by kind words
as well as by the knowledge of our sim-
ilar situation. We obtained permission
of the Major to write to him a letter
open to his inspection. 'You may be
sure,' said E. W. H. to us at W., 'the
Major did not allow it to leave his
hands.'
This forenoon the Lieutenant of the
Day came in and acted the same
part, though he was not so cool, and
left expressing the hope, if we would
not serve our country like men, that
God would curse us. Oh, the trials
from these officers! One after another
comes in to relieve himself upon us.
Finding us firm and not lacking in
words, they usually fly into a passion
and end by bullying us. How can we
reason with such men? They are ut-
terly unable to comprehend the pure
Christianity and spirituality of our
principles. They have long stiffened
their necks in their own strength. They
152
THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
have stopped their ears to the voice of
the Spirit, and hardened their hearts
to his influences. They see no duty
higher than that to country. What
shall we receive at their hands?
This Major tells us we will not be
tried here. Then we are to be sent into
the field, and there who will deliver us
but God? Ah, I have nursed in my
heart a hope that I may be spared to
return home. Must I cast it out and
have no desire, but to do the will of my
Master. It were better, even so. O,
Lord, Thy will be done. Grant I may
make it my chief delight and render
true submission thereto.
Yesterday a little service was re-
quired of our dear L. M. M., but he in-
sisted he could not comply. A sergeant
and two privates were engaged. They
coaxed and threatened him by turns,
and with a determination not to be
baffled took him out to perform it.
Though guns were loaded he still stood
firm and was soon brought back. We
are happy here in guard-house, — too
happy, too much at ease. We should
see more of the Comforter, — feel more
strength, — if the trial were fiercer; but
this is well. This is a trial of strength
of patience.
6th. [9th month.] — Yesterday we
had officers again for visitors. Major
J. B. Gould, 13th Massachusetts, came
in with the determination of persuad-
ing us to consent to be transferred to
the hospital here, he being the Pro-
vost Marshal of the island and hav-
ing the power to make the transfer.
He is different in being and bear-
ing from those who have been here
before. His motives were apparently
those of pure kindness, and his de-
meanor was that of a gentleman.
Though he talked with us more than
an hour, he lost no part of his self-con-
trol or good humor. So by his eloquence
and kindness he made more impression
upon us than any before. As Congre-
gationalist he well knew the courts of
the temple, but the Holy of Holies he
had never seen, and knew nothing of its
secrets. He understood expediency;
but is not the man to * lay down his life
for my sake/ He is sincere and seems
to think what Major Gould believes
cannot be far from right. After his
attempt we remained as firm as ever.
We must expect all means will be tried
upon us, and no less persuasion than
threats.
AT THE HOSPITAL, 7th. [9th month.]
— Yesterday morning came to us
Major Gould again, informing us that
he had come to take us out of that
dirty place, as he could not see such
respectable men lying there, and was
going to take us up to the hospital.
We assured him we could not serve
there, and asked him if he would not
bring us back when we had there de-
clared our purpose. He would not re-
ply directly; but brought us here and
left us. When the surgeon knew our
determination, he was for haling us
back at once; what he wanted, he said,
was willing men. We sat on the sward
without the hospital tents till nearly
noon, for some one to take us back;
when we were ordered to move into the
tents and quarters assigned us in the
mess-room. The Major must have in-
terposed, demonstrating his kindness
by his resolution that we should oc-
cupy and enjoy the pleasanter quarters
of the hospital, certainly if serving; but
none the less so if we declined. Later in
the day L. M. M. and P. D. were sit-
ting without, when he passed them and,
laughing heartily, declared they were
the strangest prisoners of war he ever
saw. He stopped some time to talk
with them and when they came in they
declared him a kind and honest man.
If we interpret aright his conduct,
this dangerous trial is over, and we
THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
153
have escaped the perplexities that his
kindness and determination threw
about us.
13th. — Last night we received a
letter from Henry Dickinson, stating
that the President, though sympathiz-
ing with those in our situation, felt
bound by the Conscription Act, and
felt liberty, in view of his oath to exe-
cute the laws, to do no more than de-
tail us from active service to hospital
duty, or to the charge of the colored
refugees. For more than a week have
we lain here, refusing to engage in
hospital service; shall we retrace the
steps of the past week? Or shall we go
South as overseers of the blacks on the
confiscated estates of the rebels, to act
under military commanders and to re-
port to such? What would become of
our testimony and our determination
to preserve ourselves clear of the guilt
of this war?
P.S. We have written back to Henry
Dickinson that we cannot purchase
life at cost of peace of soul.
I4>th. — We have been exceeding sor-
rowful since receiving advice — as we
must call it — from H. D. to enter the
hospital service or some similar situa-
tion. We did not look for that from him.
It is not what our Friends sent us out
for; nor is it what we came for. We shall
feel desolate and dreary in our posi-
tion, unless supported and cheered by
the words of those who have at heart
our best interests more than regard for
our personal welfare. We walk as we
feel guided by Best Wisdom. Oh, may
we run and not err in the high path of
Holiness.
16th. — Yesterday a son-in-law of
N. B. of Lynn came to see us. He was
going to get passes for one or two of the
Lynn Friends, that they might come
over to see us to-day. He informed
us that the sentiment of the Friends
hereabouts was that we might enter
the hospital without compromising our
principles; and he produced a letter
from W. W. to S. B. to the same effect.
W. W. expressed his opinion that we
might do so without doing it in lieu
of other service. How can we evade a
fact? Does not the government both
demand and accept it as in lieu of other
service. Oh, the cruelest blow of all
comes from our friends.
17th. — Although this trial was
brought upon us by our friends, their
intentions were well meant. Their re-
gard for our personal welfare and safe-
ty too much absorbs the zeal they
should possess for the maintenance of
the principle of the peaceableness of
our Master's kingdom. An unfaithful-
ness to this through meekness and tim-
idity seems manifest, — too great a de-
sire to avoid suffering at some sacrifice
of principle, perhaps, — too little of
placing of Faith and confidence upon
the Rock of Eternal Truth.
Our friends at home, with W. D. at
their head, support us; and yesterday,
at the opportune moment, just as we
were most distressed by the solicita-
tions of our visitors, kind and cheering
words of Truth were sent us through
dear C. M. P., whose love rushes out to
us warm and living and just from an
overflowing fountain.
I must record another work of kind
attention shown us by Major Gould.
Before we embarked, he came to us for
a friendly visit. As we passed him on
our way to the wharf he bade us Fare-
well and expressed a hope we should
not have so hard a time as we feared.
And after we were aboard the steamer,
as the result of his interference on our
behalf, we must believe, we were sin-
gled out from the midst of the prison-
ers, among whom we had been placed
previous to coming aboard, and allowed
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THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
the liberty of the vessel. By this are
we saved much suffering, as the other
prisoners were kept under close guard
in a corner on the outside of the boat.
FOREST CITY UP THE POTOMAC.
%%nd. [9th month.] — It was near noon,
yesterday, when we turned in from
sea between Cape Charles and Henry;
and, running thence down across the
mouth of Chesapeake Bay, alongside
Old Point Comfort, dropped anchor off
Fortress Monroe. The scene around us
was one of beauty, though many of its
adornments were the results and means
of wrong. The sunshine was brighter,
the verdure greener to our eyes weary
of the sea, and the calm was milder and
more grateful that we had so long
tossed in the storm.
The anchor was soon drawn up again
and the Forest City steamed up the
James River toward Newport News,
and turning to the left between the
low, pine-grown banks, passed Norfolk
to leave the New Hampshire detach-
ment at Portsmouth.
Coming back to Fortress Monroe,
some freight was landed; and in the
calm clear light of the moon, we swung
away from shore and dropping down
the mouth of the river, rounded Old
Point, and, going up the Chesapeake,
entered the Potomac in the night-
time.
OFF SHORE, ALEXANDRIA. %3d. —
Here we anchored last night after the
main detachment was landed, and the
Vermont and Masschusetts men re-
mained on board another night. We
hear we are to go right to the field,
where active operations are going on.
This seems hard. We have not till now
given up the hope that we were not to
go out into Virginia with the rest of
the men, but were to be kept here at
Washington. Fierce, indeed, are our
trials. I am not discouraged entirely;
but I am weak from want of food which
I can eat, and from sickness. I do not
know how I am going to live in such
way, or get to the front.
P.S. We have just landed; and I
had the liberty to buy a pie of a
woman hawking such things, that has
strengthened me wonderfully.
CAMP NEAR CULPEPER. %5th. — My
distress is too great for words; but
I must overcome my disinclination to
write, or this record will remain unfin-
ished. So, with aching head and heart,
I proceed.
Yesterday morning we were roused
early for breakfast and for preparation
for starting. After marching out of the
barracks, we were first taken to the
armory, where each man received a
gun and its equipments and a piece of
tent. We stood in line, waiting for our
turn with apprehensions of coming
trouble. Though we had felt free to
keep with those among whom we had
been placed, we could not consent to
carry a gun, even though we did not
intend to use it; and, from our pre-
vious experience, we knew it would go
harder with us, if we took the first step
in the wrong direction, though it might
seem an unimportant one, and an easy
and not very wrong way to avoid diffi-
culty. So we felt decided we must de-
cline receiving the guns. In the hurry
and bustle of equipping a detachment
of soldiers, one attempting to explain
a position and the grounds therefor so
peculiar as ours to junior, petty officers,
possessing liberally the characteristics
of these: pride, vanity, conceit, and an
arbitrary spirit, impatience, profanity,
and contempt for holy things, must
needs find the opportunity a very fav-
orable one.
We succeeded in giving these young
officers a slight idea of what we were;
and endeavored to answer their ques-
tions of why we did not pay our com-
THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
155
mutation, and avail ourselves of that
provision made expressly for such; of
why we had come as far as that place,
etc. We realized then the unpleasant
results of that practice, that had been
employed with us by the successive
officers into whose hands we had fallen,
— of shirking any responsibility, and
of passing us on to the next officer
above.
A council was soon holden to decide
what to do with us. One proposed to
place us under arrest, a sentiment we
rather hoped might prevail, as it might
prevent our being sent on to the front;
but another, in some spite and im-
patience, insisted, as it was their duty
to supply a gun to every man and for-
ward him, that the guns should be put
upon us, and we be made to carry
them. Accordingly the equipment
was buckled about us, and the straps
of the guns being loosened, they were
thrust over our heads and hung upon
our shoulders. In this way we were
urged forward through the streets of
Alexandria; and, having been put upon
a long train of dirt cars, were started
for Culpeper. We came over a long
stretch of desolated and deserted coun-
try, through battlefields of previous
summers, and through many camps
now lively with the work of this present
campaign. Seeing, for the first time,
a country made dreary by the war-
blight, a country once adorned with
graves and green pastures and mead-
ows and fields of waving grain, and
happy with a thousand homes, now
laid with the ground, one realizes as he
can in no other way something of the
ruin that lies in the trail of a war. But
upon these fields of Virginia, once so
fair, there rests a two-fold blight, first
that of slavery, now that of war. When
one contrasts the face of this country
with the smiling hillsides and vales of
New England, he sees stamped upon it
in characters so marked, none but a
blind man can fail to read, the great
irrefutable arguments against slavery
and against war, too; and must be fill-
ed with loathing for these twin relics
of barbarism, so awful in the potency
of their consequences that they can
change even the face of the country.
Through the heat of this long ride,
we felt our total lack of water and the
meagreness of our supply of food. Our
thirst became so oppressive as we were
marched here from Culpeper, some
four miles with scarcely a halt to rest,
under our heavy loads, and through
the heat and deep dust of the road,
that we drank water and dipped in the
brooks we passed, though it was dis-
colored with the soap the soldiers had
used in washing. The guns interfered
with our walking, and, slipping down,
dragged with painful weight upon our
shoulders. Poor P. D. fell out from
exhaustion and did not come in till we
had been some little time at the camp.
We were taken to the 4th Vermont
regiment and soon apportioned to com-
panies. Though we waited upon the
officer commanding the company in
which we were placed, and endeavored
to explain our situation, we were re-
quired immediately after to be present
at inspection of arms. We declined,
but an attempt was made to force us to
obedience, first, by the officers of the
company, then, by those of the regi-
ment; but, failing to exact obedience of
us, we were ordered by the colonel to
be tied, and, if we made outcry, to be
gagged also, and to be kept so till he
gave orders for our release. After two
or three hours we were relieved and
left under guard; lying down on the
ground in the open air, and covering
ourselves with our blankets, we soon
fell asleep from exhaustion, and the
fatigue of the day.
This morning the officers told us we
must yield. We must obey and serve.
We were threatened great seventies
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THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
and even death. We seem perfectly at
the mercy of the military power, and,
more, in the hands of the inferior
officers, who, from their being far re-
moved from Washington, feel less re-
straint from those Regulations of the
Army, which are for the protection of
privates from personal abuse.
%6th. [9th month.] — Yesterday my
mind was much agitated: doubts and
fears and forebodings seized me. I was
alone, seeking a resting-place and find-
ing none. It seemed as if God had for-
saken me in this dark hour; and the
Tempter whispered, that after all I
might be only the victim of a delusion.
My prayers for faith and strength
seemed all in vain.
But this morning I enjoy peace, and
feel as though I could face anything.
Though I am as a lamb in the sham-
bles, yet do I cry, * Thy will be done/
and can indeed say, —
Passive to His holy will
Trust I in my Master still
Even though he slay me.
I mind me of the anxiety of our dear
friends about home, and of their pray-
ers for us.
Oh, praise be to the Lord for the
peace and love and resignation that
has filled my soul to-day! Oh, the
passing beauty of holiness! There is
a holy life that is above fear; it is a close
communion with Christ. I pray for
this continually but am not free from
the shadow and the tempter. There is
ever present with us the thought that
perhaps we shall serve the Lord the
most effectually by our death, and de-
sire, if that be the service He requires
of us, that we may be ready and re-
signed.
REGIMENTAL HOSPITAL, 4th Ver-
mont. Z9th. [9th month.] — On the
evening of the 26th the Colonel came
to us apologizing for the roughness
with which he treated us at first, which
was, as he insisted, through ignorance
of our real character and position. He
told us if we persisted in our course,
death would probably follow; though
at another time he confessed to P. D.
that this would only be the extreme
sentence of court-martial.
He urged us to go into the hospital,
stating that this course was advised
by Friends about New York. We were
too well aware of such a fact to make
any denial, though it was a subject of
surprise to us that he should be in-
formed of it. He pleaded with us long
and earnestly, urging us with many
promises of indulgence and favor and
attentions we found afterwards to be
untrue. He gave us till the next morn-
ing to consider the question and report
our decision. In our discussion of the
subject among ourselves, we were very
much perplexed. If all his statements
concerning the ground taken by our So-
ciety were true, we seemed to be liable,
if we persisted in the course which
alone seemed to us to be in accord-
ance with Truth, to be exposed to the
charge of over-zeal and fanaticism even
among our own brethren. Regarding
the work to be done in hospital as one
of mercy and benevolence, we asked
if we had any right to refuse its per-
formance; and questioned whether we
could do more good by endeavoring
to bear to the end a clear testimony
against war, than by laboring by word
and deed among the needy in the hos-
pitals and camps. We saw around us a
rich field for usefulness in which there
were scarce any laborers, and toward
whose work our hands had often
started involuntarily and unbidden.
At last we consented to a trial, at least
till we could make inquiries concern-
ing the Colonel's allegations, and ask
the counsel of our friends, reserving
the privilege of returning to our former
position.
THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
157
At first a great load seemed rolled
away from us; we rejoiced in the pro-
spect of life again. But soon there pre-
vailed a feeling of condemnation, as
though we had sold our Master. And
that first day was one of the bitterest
I ever experienced. It was a time of
stern conflict of soul. The voice that
seemed to say, 'Follow me,' as I sought
guidance the night before, kept plead-
ing with me, convincing of sin, till I
knew of a truth my feet had strayed
from His path. The Scriptures, which
the day before I could scarcely open
without finding words of strength and
comfort, seemed closed against me, till
after a severe struggle alone in the
wood to which I had retired, I con-
sented to give up and retrace my steps
in faith. But it was too late. L. M. M.
wishing to make a fair, honest trial,
we were brought here — P. D. being
already here unwell. We feel we are err-
ing; but scarce anything is required of
us and we wait to hear from Friends.
Of these days of going down into
sin, I wish to make little mention. I
would that my record of such degrada-
tion be brief. We wish to come to an
understanding with our friends and the
Society before we move; but it does not
seem that we can repress the upheav-
ings of Truth in our hearts. We are
bruised by sin.
It is with pleasure I record we have
just waited upon the Colonel with an
explanation of our distress of mind, re-
questing him to proceed with court-
martial. We were kindly and tenderly
received. 'If you want a trial I can
give it to you/ he answered. The bri-
gade has just marched out to join with
the division for inspection. After that
we are to have attention to our case.
P.M. There is particular cause for
congratulation in the consideration
that we took this step this morning,
when now we receive a letter from H.
D. charging us to faithfulness.
When lately I have seen dear L. M.
M. in the thoroughness and patience of
his trial to perform service in hospital,
his uneasiness and the intensity of his
struggle as manifested by his silence
and disposition to avoid the company
of his friends, and seen him fail and
declare to us, 'I cannot stay here/ I
have received a new proof, and to me a
strong one, because it is from the ex-
perimental knowledge of an honest
man, that no Friend, who is really such,
desiring to keep himself clear of com-
plicity with this system of war and to
bear a perfect testimony against it, can
lawfully perform service in the hospi-
tals of the Army in lieu of bearing arms.
10th. mo., 3d. — To-day dawned fair
and our Camp is dry again. I was ask-
ed to clean the gun I brought, and de-
clining, was tied some two hours upon
the ground.
6th. AT WASHINGTON. — At first,
after being informed of our declining
to serve in his hospital, Colonel Foster
did not appear altered in his kind re-
gard for us. But his spleen soon be-
came evident. At the time we asked
for a trial by court-martial, and it was
his duty to place us under arrest and
proceed with the preferring of his
charges against us. For a while he seem-
ed to hesitate and consult his inferior
officers, and among them his Chap-
lain. The result of the conference was
our being ordered into our companies,
that, separated, and with the force of
the officers of a company bearing upon
us, we might the more likely be sub-
dued. Yet the Colonel assured L. M.
M., interceding in my behalf, when the
lieutenant commanding my company
threatened force upon me, that he
should not allow any personal injury.
When we marched next day I was com-
pelled to bear a gun and equipments.
My associates were more fortunate,
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THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
for, being asked if they would carry
their guns, declined and saw no more
trouble from them. The captain of the
company in which P. D. was placed
told him he did not believe he was ugly
about it, and that he could only put
him under arrest and prefer charges
against him. He accordingly was taken
under guard, where he lay till we left
for here.
The next morning the men were busy
in burnishing their arms. When I
looked toward the one I had borne,
yellow with rust, I trembled in the
weakness of the flesh at the trial I felt
impending over me. Before the Colonel
was up I knocked at his tent, but was
told he was asleep, though, through
the opening, I saw him lying gazing at
me. Although I felt I should gain no re-
lief from him, I applied again soon af-
ter. He admitted me and, lying on his
bed, inquired with cold heartlessness
what I wanted. I stated to him, that I
could never consent to serve, and, be-
ing under the war-power, was resigned
to suffer instead all the just penalties
of the law. I begged of him release
from the attempts by violence to com-
pel my obedience and service, and a
trial, though likely to be made by those
having no sympathy with me, yet pro-
bably in a manner comformable to law.
He replied that he had shown us all
the favor he should; that he had, now,
turned us over to the military power
and was going to let that take its
course; that is, henceforth we were to
be at the mercy of the inferior officers,
without appeal to law, justice, or
mercy. He said he had placed us in a
pleasant position, against which we
could have no reasonable objection,
and that we had failed to perform our
agreement. He wished to deny that
our consent was only temporary and
conditional. He declared, furthermore,
his belief, that a man who would not
fight for his country did not deserve to
live. I was glad to withdraw from his
presence as soon as I could.
I went back to my tent and laid
down for a season of retirement, en-
deavoring to gain resignation to any
event. I dreaded torture and desired
strength of flesh and spirit. My trial
soon came. The lieutenant called me
out, and pointing to the gun that lay
near by, asked if I was going to clean
it. I replied to him, that I could not
comply with military requisitions, and
felt resigned to the consequences. 'I
do not ask about your feelings; I want
to know if you are going to clean that
gun.' *I cannot do it,' was my answer.
He went away, saying, 'Very well,'
and I crawled into the tent again. Two
sergeants soon called for me, and tak-
ing me a little aside, bid me lie down
on my back, and stretching my limbs
apart tied cords to my wrists and an-
kles and these to four stakes driven in
the ground somewhat in the form of
anX.
I was very quiet in my mind as I lay
there on the ground [soaked] with the
rain of the previous day, exposed to
the heat of the sun, and suffering keen-
ly from the cords binding my wrists
and straining my muscles. And, if I
dared the presumption, I should say
that I caught a glimpse of heavenly
pity. I wept, not so much from my
own suffering as from sorrow that such
things should be in our own country,
where Justice and Freedom and Lib-
erty of Conscience have been the an-
nual boast of Fourth-of-July orators so
many years. It seemed that our fore-
fathers in the faith had wrought and
suffered in vain, when the privileges
they so dearly bought were so soon set
aside. And I was sad, that one en-
deavoring to follow our dear Master
should be so generally regarded as a
despicable and stubborn culprit.
After something like an hour had
passed, the lieutenant came with his
THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
159
orderly to ask me if I was ready to
clean the gun. I replied to the order-
ly asking the question, that it could
but give me pain to be asked or re-
quired to do anything I believed
wrong. He repeated it to the lieuten-
ant just behind him, who advanced and
addressed me. I was favored to im-
prove the opportunity to say to him a
few things I wished. He said little; and,
when I had finished, he withdrew with
the others who had gathered around.
About the end of another hour his or-
derly came and released me.
I arose and sat on the ground. I did
not rise to go away. I had not where
to go, nothing to do. As I sat there my
heart swelled with joy from above. The
consolation and sweet fruit of tribula-
tion patiently endured. But I also
grieved, that the world was so far gone
astray, so cruel and blind. It seemed
as if the gospel of Christ had never been
preached upon earth, and the beautiful
example of his life had been utterly
lost sight of.
Some of the men came about me,
advising me to yield, and among them
one of those who had tied me down,
telling me what I had already suffered
was nothing to what I must yet suffer
unless I yielded; that human flesh
could not endure what they would put
upon me. I wondered if it could be
that they could force me to obedience
by torture, and examined myself
closely to see if they had advanced
as yet one step toward the accom-
plishment of their purposes. Though
weaker in body, I believed I found my-
self, through divine strength, as firm
in my resolution to maintain my alle-
giance to my Master.
The relaxation of my nerves and
muscles after having been so tensely
strained left me that afternoon so weak
that I could hardly walk or perform
any mental exertion.
I had not yet eaten the mean
and scanty breakfast I had prepared,
when I was ordered to pack up my
things and report myself at the lieu-
tenant's tent. I was accustomed to
such orders and complied, little moved.
The lieutenant received me politely
with, * Good-morning, Mr. Pringle,'
and desiring me to be seated, proceeded
with the writing with which he was en-
gaged. I sat down in some wonder-
ment and sought to be quiet and pre-
pared for any event.
4 You are ordered to report to Wash-
ington,' said he; 'I do not know what it
is for.' I assured him that neither did
I know. We were gathered before the
Major's tent for preparation for de-
parture. The regimental officers were
there manifesting surprise and chagrin;
for they could not but show both as
they looked upon us, whom the day be-
fore they were threatening to crush into
submission, and attempting also to ex-
ecute their threats that morning, stand-
ing out of their power and under orders
from one superior to their Major Com-
manding E. M. As the bird uncaged,
so were our hearts that morning. Short
and uncertain at first were the flights of
Hope. As the slave many times before
us, leaving his yoke behind him, turned
from the plantations of Virginia and
set his face toward the far North, so we
from out a grasp as close and as abun-
dant in suffering and severity, and
from without the line of bayonets that
had so many weeks surrounded us,
turned our backs upon -the camp of the
4th Vermont and took our way over
the turnpike that ran through the
tented fields of Culpeper.
At the War Office we were soon ad-
mitted to an audience with the Adjutant
General, Colonel Townsend, whom we
found to be a very fine man, mild and
kind. He referred our cases to the Sec-
retary of War, Stanton, by whom we
were ordered to report for service to
Surgeon General Hammond. Here we
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THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
met Isaac Newton, Commissioner of
Agriculture, waiting for our arrival, and
James Austin of Nantucket, expecting
his son, Charles L.Austin, and Edward
W. Hoi way of Sandwich, Mass., con-
scripted Friends like ourselves, and
ordered here from the 22nd Massachu-
setts.
We understand it is through the in-
fluence of Isaac Newton that Friends
have been able to approach the heads
of Government in our behalf and to
prevail with them to so great an extent.
He explained to us the circumstance in
which we are placed. That the Secre-
tary of War and President sympa-
thized with Friends in their present
suffering, and would grant them full
release, but that they felt themselves
bound by their oaths that they would
execute the laws, to carry out to its full
extent the Conscription Act. That
there appeared but one door of relief
open, — that was to parole us and
allow us to go home, but subject to
their call again ostensibly, though this
they neither wished nor proposed to
do. That the fact of Friends in the
Army and refusing service had at-
tracted public attention so that it was
not expedient to parole us at present.
That, therefore, we were to be sent to
one of the hospitals for a short time,
where it was hoped and expressly re-
quested that we would consent to re-
main quiet and acquiesce, if possible,
in whatever might be required of us.
That our work there would be quite
free from objection, being for the direct
relief of the sick; and that there he
would release none for active service
in the field, as the nurses were hired
civilians.
These requirements being so much
less objectionable than we had feared,
we felt relief, and consented to them.
I. N. went with us himself to the Sur-
geon General's office, where he pro-
cured peculiar favors for us: that we
should be sent to a hospital in the city,
where he could see us often; and that
orders should be given that nothing
should interfere with our comfort, or
our enjoyment of our consciences.
Thence we were sent to Medical
Purveyor Abbot, who assigned us to
the best hospital in the city, the
Douglas Hospital.
The next day after our coming here
I. N. and James Austin came to add to
our number E. W. H. and C. S. L., so
now there are five of us instead of
three. We are pleasantly situated in a
room by ourselves in the upper or
fourth story, and are enjoying our ad-
vantages of good quarters and tolerable
food as no one can except he has been
deprived of them.
[IQth month] 8^. — To-day we have
a pass to go out to see the city.
9th. — We all went, thinking to do
the whole city in a day, but before the
time of our passes expired, we were
glad to drag ourselves back to the rest
and quiet of D. H. During the day we
called upon our friend I. N. in the
Patent Office. When he came to see us
on the 7th, he stated he had called upon
the President that afternoon to request
him to release us and let us go home to
our friends. The President promised
to consider it over-night. Accordingly
yesterday morning, as I. N. told us, he
waited upon him again. He found
there a woman in the greatest distress.
Her son, only a boy of fifteen years and
four months, having been enticed into
the Army, had deserted and been sen-
tenced to be shot the next day. As the
clerks were telling her, the President
was in the War Office and could not
be seen, nor did they think he could
attend to her case that day. I. N.
found her almost wild with grief. * Do
not despair, my good woman,' said he,
* I guess the President can be seen after
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161
a bit.' He soon presented her case to
the President, who exclaimed at once,
'That must not be, I must look into
that case, before they shoot that boy ' ;
and telegraphed at once to have the
order suspended.
I. N. judged it was not a fit time to
urge our case. We feel we can afford
to wait, that a life may be saved. But
we long for release. We do not feel
easy to remain here.
llth. — To-day we attended meet-
ing held in the house of a Friend, Asa
Arnold, living near here. There were
but four persons beside ourselves. E.
W. H. and C. S. A. showed their copy
of the charges about to have been pre-
ferred against them in court-martial
before they left their regiment, to a
lawyer who attended the meeting. He
laughed at the Specification of Mut-
iny, declaring such a charge could not
have been lawfully sustained against
them.
The experiences of our new friends
were similar to ours, except they fell
among officers who usually showed
them favor and rejoiced with them in
their release.
13th. — L. M. M. had quite an ad-
venture yesterday. He being fireman
with another was in the furnace room
among three or four others, when the
officer of the day, one of the surgeons,
passed around on inspection. 'Stand
up/ he ordered them, wishing to be
saluted. The others arose; but by no
means L. The order was repeated for
his benefit, but he sat with his cap on,
telling the surgeon he had supposed he
was excused from such things as he was
one of the Friends. Thereat the officer
flew at him, exclaiming, he would take
the Quaker out of him. He snatched
off his cap and seizing him by the col-
lar tried to raise him to his feet; but
finding his strength insufficient and
VOL. Ill -NO. 2
that L. was not to be frightened, he
changed his purpose in his wrath and
calling for the corporal of the guard
had him taken to the guard-house.
This was about eleven A. M. and he lay
there till about six P.M., when the
surgeon in charge, arriving home and
hearing of it, ordered the officer of the
day to go and take him out, telling him
never to put another man into the
guard-house while he was in charge
here without consulting him. The man-
ner of his release was very satisfactory
to us, and we waited for this rather
than effect it by our own efforts. We
are all getting uneasy about remaining
here, and if our release do not come
soon, we feel we must intercede with
the authorities, even if the alternative
be imprisonment.
The privations I have endured since
leaving home, the great tax upon my
nervous strength, and my mind as well,
since I have had charge of our exten-
sive correspondence, are beginning to
tell upon my health and I long for rest.
%Qth. We begin to feel we shall have
to decline service as heretofore, unless
our position is changed. I shall not say
but we submit too much in not declin-
ing at once, but it has seemed most pru-
dent at least to make suit with Govern-
ment rather than provoke the hostility
of their subalterns. We were ordered
here with little understanding of the
true state of things as they really exist
here; and were advised by Friends to
come and make no objections, being
assured it was but for a very brief time
and only a matter of form. It might
not have been wrong; but as we find
we do too much fill the places of sol-
diers (L. M. M.'s fellow fireman has
just left for the field, and I am to take
his place, for instance), and are clearly
doing military service, we are continu-
ally oppressed by a sense of guilt, that
makes our struggles earnest.
162
THE UNITED STATES VERSUS PRINGLE
%lst. — I. N. has not called yet; our
situation is becoming almost intoler-
able. I query if patience is justified un-
der the circumstances. My distress of
mind may be enhanced by my feeble
condition of health, for to-day I am con-
fined to my bed, almost too weak to get
downstairs. This is owing to exposure
after being heated over the furnaces.
%6th. — Though a week has gone by,
and my cold has left me, I find I am no
better, and that I am reduced very low
in strength and flesh by the sickness
and pain I am experiencing. Yet I still
persist in going below once a day. The
food I am able to get is not such as is
proper.
llth mo., 5th. — I spend most of my
time on my bed, much of it alone. And
very precious to me is the nearness I am
favored to attain to unto the Master.
Notwithstanding my situation and
state, I am happy in the enjoyment of
His consolations. Lately my confidence
has been strong, and I think I begin to
feel that our patience is soon to be re-
warded with relief; insomuch that a
little while ago, when dear P. D. was
almost overcome with snow, I felt bold
to comfort him with the assurance of
my belief, that it would not be long so.
My mind is too weak to allow of my
reading much; and, though I enjoy the
company of my companions a part of
the time, especially in the evening, I
am much alone; which affords me
abundant time for meditation and wait-
ing upon God. The fruits of this are
sweet, and a recompense for affliction.
6th. — Last evening E. W. H. saw
I. N. particularly on my behalf, I sup-
pose. He left at once for the President.
This morning he called to inform us of
his interview at the White House. The
President was moved to sympathy in
my behalf, when I. N. gave him a let-
ter from one of our Friends in New
York. After its perusal he exclaimed
to our friend, 'I want you to go and
tell Stanton, that it is my wish all those
young men be sent home at once/ He
was on his way to the Secretary this
morning as he called.
Later. I. N. has just called again
informing us in joy that we are free.
At the War Office he was urging the
Secretary to consent to our paroles,
when the President entered. * It is my
urgent wish,' said he. The Secretary
yielded; the order was given, and we
were released. What we had waited
for so many weeks was accomplished
in a few moments by a Providential
ordering of circumstances.
7th. — I. N. came again last even-
ing bringing our paroles. The pre-
liminary arrangements are being made,
and we are to start this afternoon for
New York.
Note. Rising from my sick-bed to
undertake this journey, which lasted
through the night, its fatigues overcame
me, and upon my arrival in New York
I was seized with delirium from which
I only recovered after many weeks,
through the mercy and favor of Him,
who in all this trial had been our guide
and strength and comfort.
DE SENECTUTE
BY HENRY DWIGHT SEDGWICK
CATO MAJOR, a man of fifty.
j I Students at Harvard College.
Cato: Welcome, Scipio; your father
and I were friends before you were
born. And a hearty welcome to you,
too, Lselius; all your family I esteem
my kinsmen. Is this the holiday sea-
son, or how comes it that you have at
this time shuffled off the coil of acad-
emic life?
Scipio: We have a few free days now
according to the liberal usage of our
college, and we have come, relying up-
on your kinship with Lselius, and your
friendship for my father, to ask you
some questions.
Cato: I had thought that seniors of
Harvard College were more disposed
to answer questions than to ask them;
but I am truly glad that you have come,
and as best I can, I will endeavor to
satisfy your curiosity.
Lcelius: We have been disputing, sir,
in the interim between academic stud-
ies, as to the value of life; whether, tak-
ing it all in all, life should be regarded
as a good thing or not. We are agreed
that, so far as Youth is concerned, life
is well worth the living, but we are
doubtful whether, if Old Age be put
into the same balance with Youth, the
whole will outweigh the good of never
having lived.
Scipio: You see that we have really
come to ask you about Old Age, for as
to Youth, that we know of ourselves.
Cato: About Old Age! Naturally that
has been the subject of my meditations,
and I will gladly impart my conclu-
sions, such as they are.
Scipio: Thank you very much. I re-
gret to say that we are obliged to take
the next train back to town, so our
time is all too short.
Cato: We have half an hour. I will
waste no time in prologue. And I shall
begin by asking Scipio's pardon, for I
shall flatly contradict his assumption
that the young have a knowledge of
Youth.
Scipio: Of course we beg you to let
neither our youth nor our opinions
hamper the free expression of your
views.
Lcdius : We are all attention, sir.
Cato: In the first place, my young
friends, Age has one great pleasure
which Youth (in spite of its own rash
assumption of knowledge) does not
have, and that is a true appreciation
and enjoyment of Youth.
You who are young know nothing of
Youth. You merely live it. You run,
you jump, you wrestle, you row, you
play football, you use your muscles,
without any consciousness of the won-
derful machinery set in motion. You
do not perceive the beauty of Youth,
the light in its eye, the coming and
going of color in its cheek, the ease
and grace of its movements. Nor do
you appreciate the emotions of Youth.
You are contented or discontented,
merry or sad, hopeful or downcast; but
whatever that feeling is, you are wholly
163
164
DE SENECTUTE
absorbed in it, you are not able to
consider it objectively, nor to realize
how marvelous and interesting are the
flood and ebb of youthful passion.
In fact, the young despise Youth;
they are impatient to hurry on and
join the ranks of that more respectable
and respected body, their immediate
seniors. The toddling urchin wishes
that he were old enough to be the in-
teresting schoolboy across the way,
who starts unwillingly to school; the
school-boy, as he whistles on his tedious
path, wishes that he were a freshman,
so splendid in his knowledge, his inde-
pendence, his possessions, so familiar
with strange oaths, so gloriously fra-
grant of tobacco. The freshman would
be a sophomore. You seniors wish to
be out in the great world, elbowing
your way among your fellow men, busy
with what seem to you the realities of
life. Youth feels that it is always stand-
ing outside the door of a most delect-
able future.
Appreciation of Youth is part of the
domain of art. There is no virtuoso like
the old man who has learned to see the
manifold beauties of Youth, the charm
of motion, the grace of carriage, the
glory of innocence, the fascination of
passion. The world of art created by
the hand of man has nothing that can
challenge comparison with the master-
pieces of Youth. No man, in Jiis own
boyhood, ever had as much pleasure
from running across the lawn, as he gets
from seeing his sons run on that very
spot; no laughter of his own was ever
half so sweet to his ears as the laugh-
ter of his little girl. No man in his
youth ever understood the significance
of the saying, * Of such is the Kingdom
of Heaven.' You may smile conde-
scendingly, young men, but in truth
the appreciation of Youth is a privilege
and possession of Old Age.
Lcelius: I did but smile in sympathy.
Scipio: If I understand you aright,
Cato, Youth is a drama, in which the
actors are all absorbed in their parts,
while Age is the audience.
Cato: You conceive my meaning.
The play is worthy for the gods to
watch, — it out-Shakespeares Shake-
speare.
ii
Cato: The second great acquisition
that comes to Old Age is the mellowing
and ripening of life.
As I look back across the years I can
see that I and my friends were all what
are called individualists. We were all
absorbed in self, just as you young men
are. We went through our romantic
period in which self, with a feather in
its cap and a red waistcoat, strutted
over the stage. It monopolized the
theatre; everybody else — parents,
brothers, sisters, uncles, aunts, cousins,
schoolmates — were supernumeraries,
whose business was to look on while
the hero recited his lines. With atten-
tion concentrated all on self, the youth
is shy of all other youths, of everybody
whose insolent egotism may wish to
push its way upon his stage and inter-
rupt his monologue. The I of Youth
insists upon its exclusive right to emo-
tion, upon its right to knowledge of the
world at first-hand, upon its right to
repeat the follies of its father, of its
father's father, of all its ancestors.
Youth, bewildered by the excitement
of self-consciousness, can hardly see
beyond the boundaries of self.
Youth is raw and suspicious. It
looks askance at its neighbors, is indif-
ferent to their lot, and delights in soli-
tude, because solitude is favorable to
egotism. The young are ashamed of
their humanity. Boys regard the mass
of boys as if they were of a different
species; they fight shy of any general
society among themselves; they form
cliques. The smallest clique is the most
honorable. And sacredly enshrined in
DE SENECTUTE
165
the very centre of the inner ring
stands the Palladium of self. You,
Scipio, do not associate with Gaius
or Balbus, though they are the best
scholars in your class; nor do you,
Lselius, frequent any but the Claudii.
From the vantage-ground, as you
think, of exclusiveness, you look down
upon your fellows herded in larger
groups. You turn up your aristocratic
noses at the vulgarity of joy in com-
monalty spread. Your judgments are
narrow, your prejudices broad; you
are distrustful and conservative; you
are wayward and crotchety; you are
all for precedent, or all for license. You
rejoice in foolish divisions, your coun-
try, your native province, your college,
your club, your way of doing things;
you despise all others, and all their
ways. A boy represents the babyhood
of the race; in him is incarnate the
spirit of contempt for Barbarians.
Age is a reaction from the restive
individualism of Youth. It recognizes
the human inability to stand alone; it
perceives that the individual is a bit
broken from the human mass, that our
ragged edges still maintain the pattern
of the break, and are ready to fit into the
general mass again. The Old Man no
longer dwells on the differences between
one human creature and his fellows; he
reflects upon their common qualities.
He finds no solace in isolation; he re-
joices in community. Youth is su-
premely conscious of its own sensitive-
ness, its own palate, its own comfort,
it is full of individual appetite and
greed; but Age is conscious of human-
ity, of a universal sensitiveness, of
palates untouched by delicacies, of
bodies uncared for, of souls uncom-
forted, and its queasy stomach cannot
bear to be helped tenfold, a hundred-
fold, a thousandfold, while fellow mem-
bers of the indivisible body human
sicken from want.
Age perceives a thousand bonds
where Youth sees discord. Age sets
store by the common good of life, it
conceives of our common humanity as
the mere right to share, and of pleas-
ure as sharing; it considers humanity
partly as an enlargement of self, partly
as a refuge from self; it lightly passes
over the differences of speech, of ac-
cent, of clothes, of ways and customs,
which to boys like you, taken with the
outward aspect of the world, seem to
erect such insuperable barriers between
them and their fellows. To Old Age
the sutures of humanity, that to the
youthful eye gape so wide, are all
grown together, the several parts are
merged into one whole.
Of all pleasures, none is so satisfying
as the full enjoyment of our common
humanity. It loosens the swaddling
clothes that wrap us round; it alone
gives us freedom. No doubt this is
partly due to the nearer approach of
death; the chill of night causes the pil-
grim to draw nearer his fellows and
warm himself at the kindly warmth of
human fellowship. But be the cause
what it may, the enjoyment of human-
ity is a taste that grows with man's
growth; it is a part of the ripening of
life, and comes quickest to those who
ripen in the sun of happiness.
There is another element in this pro-
cess of mellowing with age. Old Age is
intensely aware of the delicacy of this
human instrument, on which fate can
play all stops of joy and pain; it feels
an infinite concern before the vast sum
of human sentience; it sees in human-
ity the harvest of all the tillage of the
past; it ponders over the long stretch
of toil, cruelty, suffering, bewilderment,
and terror, of unnumbered generations,
back through recorded time, back
through the ages that paleontologists
dimly discern, back through the first
stirrings of organic life. All along the
path life flickers up but to be quenched
by death. In contemplation of this
166
DE SENECTUTE
funeral march the Old Man nuzzles to
the breast of humanity, and longs for
more and more intimate human com-
munion. To him humanity is not a
mere collection of individual units, but
a mighty organism, animated by a com-
mon consciousness, proceeding onward
to some far-off end, with whose destiny
his own is inseparably joined.
in
Lcelius: What do you say to the phys-
ical weakness of Old Age? Surely the
lack of physical vigor is a disadvantage.
Cato: It is true, Laelius, that Old
Age fences in a man's activities. We
old men are no longer free to roam and
amuse, or bore, ourselves with random
interests. Our bounds are set. But
with the diminishing of space comes
what may well be a more than corre-
sponding intensity of interest. The
need of boundlessness is one of the illu-
sions of youth; it is a consequence of
youth's instability, of its unwillingness
to hold its attention fixed. The tether
of Old Age obliges us to fix our atten-
tion; and no matter on what our at-
tention is fixed, we can find there con-
centrated the essential truths of the
universe. The adjectives great and
small are not God's words; they mark
our inability to throw aside our ego-
ism even for a moment.
The Japanese general who has slain
his tens of thousands on the plains of
Manchuria, squats on his hams and
contemplates the infinite beauties in
the iris, as the sunshine flatters it, or the
breeze bellies out the wrinkled petals
of its corolla. Its purple deepens, its
white emulates the radiance of morn-
ing, its velvet texture outdoes the royal
couch of fairyland, its pistil displays
all the marvel of maternity, its labo-
rious root performs its appointed task
with the faithfulness of ministering
angels. The armies of Russia and
Japan could not tell as much concern-
ing the history of the universe as does
this solitary iris. A garden that will
hold a lilac bush, a patch of mignonette,
'a dozen hollyhocks, or a few peonies,
is enough to occupy a Diocletian. A
square yard of vetch will reveal the
most profound secrets of our destiny;
the fermentation of a cup of wine dis-
closes enough to make a man famous
for centuries; the disease of a silkworm
will determine the well-being of a king-
dom; the denizens in a drop of blood
cause half the sufferings of humanity.
The achievements of modern science
merely confirm the intuitions of Old
Age. Littleness is as full of interest as
bigness.
Youth has a longing for Sinai heights,
for the virgin tops of the Himalayas,
and the company of deep-breathing
mountaineers; this is because he can-
not see the wonder in common things.
Blindly impatient with what he has,
blindly discontented with what is
about him, he postulates the beautiful,
the real, the true, in the unattainable.
But Old Age delights in what is near
at hand, it sees that nothing is cut off
from the poetry of the universe, that
the littlest things throb with the same
spirit that animates our hearts, that
the word common is a mere subterfuge
of ignorance.
Lodius : If I conceive your meaning
aright, Cato, Old Age is, through
greater understanding, nearer the truth
than Youth.
Cato: Yes, Age understands that
such revelation as may be vouchsafed
to man concerning the working of the
will of the Gods needs not be sought on
MountSinai, but in whatever spot man
is. Earth, the waters, the air, and all
the starry space, are waiting to com-
municate the secrets of the Gods to the
understanding of man. Many secrets
they will reveal; and many, perhaps,
they will never disclose.
DE SENECTUTE
167
IV
Scipio: Excuse me, Cato, but are
you not, in substance, claiming the ad-
vantages of religion, and is not religion
as open to Youth as to Old Age?
Cato: By no means, Scipio; Old Age
is more religious than Youth. I do not
speak of the emotional crises that come
upon young men and young women in
early youth; those crises seem too
closely related to physical growth and
development to be religious in the
same sense in which Old Age is reli-
gious. That the emotional crises of
Youth may bear as truthful witness to
the realities of the universe as the tem-
perate religion of Old Age, I do not
deny. The God that Youth sees by
the light of its emotional fires may be
the real God, but that image of God is
transitory, it appears in fire and too
often disappears in smoke. The image
of God that appears to Old Age is a
more abiding image; it reveals itself
to experience and to reason instead of
to the sudden and brief conviction of
vision. Old Age finds God more in its
own image, calm, infinitely patient, not
revealed merely by the vibrant intens-
ity of passion, but in the familiar and
the commonplace. To Old Age the
common things of life declare the glory
of God.
Common things affect different
minds differently; yet to most minds
certain familiar phenomena stand out
conspicuous as matter for reflection.
Most extraordinary of all common
things is human love. Throughout the
universe of the stellar sky and the uni-
verse of the infinitely little, so far as we
can see, there is perpetual movement,
change, readjustment; everywhere are
velocities, potencies, forces pushing
other forces, forces holding other forces
in check, energies in furious career,
energies in dead-lock, but always,
everywhere, energy in travail. And,
apart from our animal life, the whole
machinery whirls along without a
throb of emotion, without a touch of
affection. Why should not men have
been mechanical, swept into being and
borne onward, by the same energies,
in the same iron-bound way? Even if
consciousness, unfolding out of the
potential chaos that preceded man, was
able to wheedle an existence from Ne-
cessity, why was it expedient to add
love? Would not mechanical means
serve the determined ends of human
life, and impel us to this action and to
that, without the need of human affec-
tion? Human affection is surely a very
curious and interesting device.
And if the world must be peopled,
and the brute law of propagation be
adopted in a universe of chemistry and
physics, why was it necessary to cover
it with visions of 'love and of honor
that cannot die,' and to render the
common man for the moment worthy
of an infinite destiny?
Then there is also the perplexity of
beauty. Why to creatures whose every
footstep is determined by the propul-
sions of the past, should a flower, a tuft
of grass, a passing cloud, a bare tree
that lifts the tracery of its branches
against a sunset sky, cause such de-
light? Descended from an ancestry
that needed no lure of beautiful sight
or of pleasant sound to induce it to live
its appointed life, why should mankind
become so capriciously sensitive?
Or consider human happiness. Here,
for example, I live, in this little cottage
that seems to have alighted, like a bird,
on the slope of this gentle hill. Red and
white peonies grow before the door,
enriching the air with their fragrance.
They charm both me and the bees. In
yonder bush beside the door a chipping-
sparrow sits upon her nest; and in the
swinging branch of the elm tree over-
head two orioles rear their brood, and
as they flash by, their golden colors
168
DE SENECTUTE
delight the human beings that watch
them. Look over that stone wall, and
mark how its flat line gives an incom-
parable effect to the landscape. See
our New England fields dotted with
New England elms; and far beyond
see those white-sailed schooners scud
before the boisterous wind. The farm-
er's boy, who fetches milk and eggs,
left me that nosegay of wild flowers.
Look! Look! See how the whiteness of
that cloud glorifies the blue of the sky.
Is it not strange that all these things,
that go about their own business,
should, by the way, perform a work of
supererogation and give us so much
unnecessary pleasure?
The young do not see or do not heed
these common things; they are busy
with their own emotions. Youth is a
time of tyrannical demands upon the
universe. It expects a perpetual ban-
quet of happiness, and at the first dis-
illusion charges the universe with false-
hood and ingratitude. It no sooner
discovers that all creation is not hur-
rying to gratify its impulses, than it
cries out that all creation is a hideous
thing. It arraigns the universe; it
draws up an indictment of countless
crimes. The long past becomes one
bloody tragedy. Dragons of the prime
rend one another, creature preys upon
creature, all things live at the expense
of others, and death is the one reality.
All the records of the earth tell a tale of
bloody, bestial cruelty. The globe is
growing cold; man shall perish utterly,
all his high hopes, all his good deeds,
all his prayers, all his love, shall be-
come as if they had never been. And
Youth, because the universe for a mo-
ment seems to neglect it, in a Prome-
thean ecstasy defies the powers that
be.
But Old Age, rendered wiser by the
mellowing years, concerns itself less
with the records of paleontology and
the uttermost parts of the universe,
than with matters at closer range and
more within its comprehension. It
fixes its eye less on death than on life.
It considers the phenomena of love, of
beauty, of happiness, and the factors
that have wrought them, and its
thoughts " trace back the long, long
sequence of causes that lie behind each
contributing factor; they follow them
back through recorded time, back
through the ages of primitive man,
through the dim times of the first stir-
rings of organic life, through vast geo-
logical periods, back to chaos and old
night. They follow each contributory
factor out through the universe, to the
uttermost reaches of space, beyond the
boundaries of perception; and every-
where they find those contributory
causes steadily proceeding on their
several ways through the vast stretches
of space and time, and combining with
other factors from other dark recesses
of the unknown, in order, at last, to
produce love, beauty, happinesfe, for
such as you and me. Consider, you
young men, who pass these miracles
by as lightly as you breathe, this
marvelous privilege of life, the infin-
ite toil and patience that has made it
what it is, and then, if you dare, call
the power that animates the universe
cruel.
Sdpio: I perceive, Cato, that you
believe in a God, a God in sympathy
with man, and I grant — Lselius, too,
will grant — that such a belief, if a
characteristic of Old Age, does indeed
give Old Age one great advantage over
Youth.
Cato: No, I cannot claim that a belief
in God is a necessary accompaniment
of Old Age, but I think that Old Age
is far more likely than Youth to dwell
upon the considerations that fit in with
such a belief.
To Youth all the energy of the uni-
DE SENECTUTE
169
verse is inexplicable, the things we be-
hold are the products of blind forces;
but to Old Age the essential element
in the universe is the potential charac-
ter of its infinitely little constituent
parts. Out of the dust came the human
eye, up from the happy combination of
the nervous system came the human
mind, and with the passage of time has
come the new organic whole, human-
ity. Do not these phenomena hint at a
divine element in the potential ener-
gies of the universe? What is all this
motion and turmoil, all the ceaseless
turnings and tossings of creation, but
restless discontent and an endeavor to
produce a higher order? Our human
love, beauty, and happiness are less to
be explained by what has gone before
than by what is to come. You cannot
explain the first streaks of dawn by
the darkness of the night. All the
processes of change — gases, vapors,
germs, human souls — are the per-
turbations of aspiration. This vibrant
universe is struggling in the throes of
birth. As out of the dust has come the
human soul, so out of the universe
shall come a divine soul. God is to be
the last fruits of creation. Out of chaos
He is evolving.
You would laugh at me, Scipio, if it
were not for your good manners. Wait
and learn. Belief in deity is, in a meas-
ure, the privilege of us old men. Age
has lost the physical powers of Youth,
and no one will dispute that the loss is
great, but that loss predisposes men
to the acceptance of religious beliefs.
Physical powers, of themselves, imply
an excessive belief in the physical uni-
verse; muscles and nerves, in contact
with unyielding things, exaggerate the
importance of the physical world.
Throughout the period of physical
vigor the material world is a matter of
prime consequence; but to an old man
the physical world loses its tyrannical
authority. The world of thought and
the world of affection rise up and sur-
pass in interest the physical world. In
these worlds the presence of God is
more clearly discernible than in the
material world; but if He is in them,
He will surely come into the material
world.
Even now, here and there, his glory is
visible. A mother, at least, cannot be-
lieve that the throbs of her heart over
her sick child are of no greater signi-
ficance than the dropping of water or
the formation of a crystal. The pre-
sence of deity has reached her heart;
in course of time, it will also reach the
water and the crystal. If matter of
itself has produced the passion of hu-
man love, it surely may be said, with-
out presumption, to be charged with
potential divinity.
Old Age cares less and less for the
physical world; it lives more and more
in the worlds of thought and of affec-
tion. It does not envy Youth, that
lives so bound and confined by things
physical. But you have been very
patient. Make my compliments to
your families, and perhaps in part to
Harvard College, on your good man-
ners, and remember when you, too,
shall be old, to have the same gentle
patience with Youth that you now
have with Old Age.
Scipio: Thank you, Cato. If we are
not convinced, we desire to be.
Lodius: Yes, indeed, we now doubt
that those whom the Gods love die
young.
Cato: You must hurry or you will
miss your train. Good-bye.
THE FARMER AND FINANCE
BY MYRON T. HERRICK
THE importance of agriculture as an
economic and social factor is not a
newly discovered fact. As long ago as
1859, in a speech before the Wisconsin
Agricultural Society, Abraham Lin-
coln said, 'Population must increase
rapidly, more rapidly than in former
times, and ere long the most valuable
of all arts will be the art of deriving a
comfortable subsistence from the small-
est area of soil. No community whose
every member possesses this art can
ever be the victim of oppression in any
of its forms. Such community will be
alike independent of crowned kings,
money kings, and land kings/
Unfortunately, perhaps, the truth
contained in Lincoln's words was not
sufficiently well-appreciated to modify
the course of the economic develop-
ment of the country. Nations, like
individuals, are accustomed to regard
lightly those things that are easily
acquired. Conditions in this country
always have been so favorable to agri-
culture that it has been accepted as an
industry needing little encouragement.
On the other hand, manufacturing and
commerce did not seem to possess the
inherent qualities of self-development,
and, as a result, the economic policy
of the country has been consciously
framed to build up these industries, —
not exactly at the expense of agricult-
ure, but at least with the consequence
of diverting the attention of the people
from the danger of neglecting farming
interests. Consequently, the industry
of cultivating the soil has been left to
develop along the lines of least re-
170
sistance, — that of seizing temporary
profits, without regard to future possi-
bilities. The complaisant indifference
with which agricultural development
has been regarded, has had its logical
result. Agriculture has failed to pro-
gress with anywhere near the rapidity
with which the population of the coun-
try and the demand for food-products
have increased.
From 1900 to 1910 the population
of the United States increased twenty-
one per cent; during the same period
the number of farms increased only
ten and five tenths per cent; which
indicates that, in the ten years, rural
population increased about one-half as
much as the total population. In 1909
the per-capita production of cereals
was only forty-nine and one tenth
bushels; in 1899 it was fifty-eight and
four tenths, — a decrease of nine bush-
els per head in ten years. Between
1899 and 1909 the aggregate produc-
tion of cereals increased only one and
seven tenths per cent, but their market
value was higher by seventy-nine and
eight tenths per cent in 1909 than in
1899, — the increase in price being
forty-seven times the increase in quan-
tity. In 1900 there was one farm for
every thirteen and two tenths persons ;
in 1910 there was one farm for every
fourteen and five tenths persons. On
the average, therefore, each farm now
has to furnish food for more than one
more person than in 1900. In 1900,
there were five and five tenths acres of
improved farm land per capita of popu-
lation; by 1910 the per-capita improved
THE FARMER AND FINANCE
171
acreage had declined to five and two
tenths acres.
These figures make it clear why the
exports of food-stuffs in crude condi-
tion, and food animals, have decreased
from $227,300,000, or 16.59 per cent
of the total exports, for the fiscal year
of 1900, to $99,900,000, or only 4.6 per
cent of the total for the fiscal year of
1912; and why similar imports have
increased from $68,700,000 in 1900, to
$180,120,000 in 1912. Of course the
splendid crops of this year will, for
the time being, alter the tendency of
imports of food-stuffs to increase and
of exports to decrease, but unfortu-
nately experience indicates that an-
other bumper crop is not likely for
several years. Regardless of other in-
fluences the increasing disparity be-
tween the supply of and demand for
food-stuffs, as shown by the foregoing
data, would seem almost to furnish an
adequate explanation of the fact that
on October 1, 1912, Bradstreet's index
number of prices made a new high
record of $9.4515.
Surprising as it may seem, it is with-
in the last few years that the people of
the United States have recognized the
danger that lies in the increasing prices
of food. The uneasiness with which the
rise in the prices of necessities is now
regarded is amply justified, for if there
is a further considerable advance, a
lowering of the standard of living of a
great number of the American people,
with its certain inimical consequences
to the quality of our citizenship, is
bound to occur. It is largely the ap-
prehension of this possibility that has
impelled the national government, the
states, various associations and indi-
viduals, to undertake the promotion
of scientific farming, to the end that
the output of the farms of this country
may be raised to a maximum consist-
ent with economic production and the
conservation of the vital qualities of
the soil. Educational activity of this
sort is excellent and necessary, and
should, if possible, be continued with
greater enthusiasm. However, agricult-
ure is similar to other industries in
that knowledge alone is not sufficient
for success. Like those engaged in
other kinds of business, farmers must
have capital, in addition to knowledge
and skill, and it is highly important
that they obtain the capital they need
on terms consistent with their credit.
What is being done to promote bet-
ter farming, through education and the
establishment of land- and agricultural-
credit institutions, is due to the great
importance of the industry, and not to
any lack of intelligence on the part of
the farmers themselves. There is no
more reason to assume that farmers
are incapable of, or indifferent to, pro-
gress than there is to assume that
bankers are deficient because they
operate under a faulty and inadequate
banking system. The farmers of the
United States are the intellectual su-
periors of the farmers in any other
country in the world, and, with equal
facilities, they will set the pace in sci-
entific agriculture.
A superficial knowledge of agricult-
ural conditions in the United States is
all that is necessary to understand that
the particular pressing need of Amer-
ican farmers is financial machinery
whereby the potential credit that they
possess in abundance can be made
negotiable. There is in this country a
serious lack of financial institutions
suited to supply farmers with funds.
In this respect the United States is the
most backward of any of the important
nations of the world, and, consequent-
ly, it is safe to say that this is the prime
reason why this country is so far be-
hind many other countries in the per-
acre production of food-stuffs. The
average yield of grain in the United
States is about fifty per cent less than
172
THE FARMER AND FINANCE
it is on the continent of Europe, and
the average per-acre yield of potatoes is
not more than thirty per cent of what it
is in Germany. The most striking and
important difference between farming
conditions here and in many European
countries, is that there farmers can
readily obtain the funds they need,
whereas in this country agricultural
financing is difficult and costly.
In its capital requirements, farming
is not unlike other industries, and it
is like other industries in that unless
these capital requirements are sup-
plied, progress will be slow and dubi-
ous. Like the merchant and the manu-
facturer, the farmer needs funds : first,
for the purchase of property and for its
permanent improvement; and second,
for temporary purposes, — such as
financing crops. These two general
divisions of agricultural capital re-
quirements should be preserved in the
nature of the loans that are made to
secure funds. Each of these two divi-
sions can and should support its own
credit, known respectively as land
credit and agricultural credit. For the
purpose of buying land and making
permanent improvements, farmers
should be able to make mortgage loans
which have a long time to run, and
which they can gradually repay by
small yearly installments. Money in-
vested in land or permanent improve-
ments becomes fixed capital, and the
proportion of a farmer's income that
can be attributed to this sort of cap-
ital is so limited that it is illogical and
unreasonable to expect the money so
invested to be repaid except after a
considerable period of years. The
maximum length of a farm loan in this
country is from three to five years, and,
at the end of that time, it may or may
not be possible to secure a renewal. As
a rule, a farm-mortgage loan here has
a very restricted market, and, conse-
quently, the borrower frequently is
obliged to pay an unreasonable rate of
interest, and to submit to burdensome
conditions from which the nature of
the security he has to offer entitles him
to be exempt.
Until some way is provided by which
farm mortgages can be made the basis
of a long-time security, with the mark-
etable qualities of a railroad or indus-
trial bond, and which can be sold at
a price very nearly determined by the
soundness of the security, the farmers
of this country will continue to be
burdened by the terms they must ac-
cept in making mortgage loans. That
it is possible to create a security of
this sort is shown by the success of
the mortgage-loan companies and asso-
ciations of foreign countries, whose
obligations sell on a basis as favorable
as that of bonds of the most successful
railroad and industrial corporations.
The farmers of the United States have
as good a claim to cheap money as have
railroad and industrial corporations,
because farm land constitutes as good
security as a railroad or a factory. The
marvelous and rapid development of
the railroads of the country, to a very
large extent, is due to the low cost at
which they have been able to obtain
vast sums of money for purposes of
development. There is absolutely no
reason why just as cheap money should
not be similarly available for the accel-
eration of agricultural development.
For the financing of temporary cap-
ital requirements, the personal credit of
farmers should be made available. A
farmer should not be obliged to mort-
gage his land to obtain funds to operate
his property. As in the case of mort-
gage loans, the facilities in this country
for making negotiable the personal
credit of farmers are inadequate.
There is no reason why the industrious,
capable farmer should not be able to
borrow on his personal obligation as
easily as does the merchant. A few
THE FARMER AND FINANCE
173
American farmers do a banking busi-
ness on a scale sufficiently large to
make them desirable clients of local,
state, and national banks, but, for the
great majority, it is exceedingly diffi-
cult, if not impossible, to secure the
personal credit accommodation they
need, and to which their responsibility
entitles them.
The success of foreign rural cooper-
ative banking associations in reducing
the rate of interest on loans to farmers,
and the almost negligible amount that
has been lost through the operations
of these associations, clearly indicates
that the high rate of interest that farm-
ers in this country must pay, is due,
not to any inherent weakness in their
credit, but to the lack of properly or-
ganized facilities for making their credit
negotiable. The lack of agricultural
banking facilities is a tremendous hard-
ship for the farmers. It means that
they are laboring under a handicap
which those engaged in no other kind
of industry have to bear. Under pre-
sent arrangements, farmers are paying
two, two and a half, and three per cent
more for money than they should.
Upon the enormous amount of bor-
rowed funds that the farmers of this
country are obliged to employ, the
excessive interest amounts to a sum so
large that if it could be saved and ex-
pended in increasing the productivity
of our farms, it would do much toward
solving the problem of inadequate
crops.
Fortunately, in the attempt to estab-
lish banking facilities for the farmers of
the United States, it is not necessary to
work in the dark. Many of the farm-
credit institutions of other countries
are established on principles so broad
and sound that, with some modifica-
tions, they can be adapted to conditions
in this country. It is important, there-
fore, to know all we can of foreign land-
and agricultural-credit institutions.
Germany is, perhaps, the country
where agriculture is the most thor-
oughly and most intelligently organ-
ized. There are organizations in Ger-
many for the purpose of supplying
farmers with capital, and organizations
for carrying on nearly all of the opera-
tions connected with the cultivation of
the soil — all owned and managed by
the farmers themselves. These organ-
izations have revolutionized agricult-
ural conditions in Germany. They
not only have been the means of im-
mensely increasing the productivity of
the farms, but have also wonderfully
improved the economic and social
status of the farmers themselves. The
first kind of agricultural cooperative
organization started in Germany was
for credit or banking purposes, and the
entire fabric of agricultural cooperation
in Germany now rests on its elaborate
and efficient system of credit societies.
Consequently it is reasonable to assume
that these credit societies are respon-
sible for the advanced condition of
agriculture. Agricultural credit in Ger-
many is based on the principles of self-
help and cooperation.
In those European countries where
land- and agricultural-credit facilities
are the most complete, as a rule, long-
time mortgage loans and short-time
personal loans are made by different
institutions organized along different
lines. Of the two kinds of credit insti-
tutions, perhaps the most successful
and efficient are the Raiffeisen banks
in Germany and the Credit Foncier in
France. These two institutions differ
in many essential particulars. A Raif-
feisen bank is a mutual association, the
Credit Foncier is an incorporated com-
pany; the Raiffeisen banks loan for the
most part on personal obligations, the
Credit Foncier on first mortgages; the
Raiffeisen banks secure most of their
funds through the deposits of the farm-
ers themselves, the Credit Foncier,
174
THE FARMER AND FINANCE
through the debenture bonds that it
issues, obtains funds for its loans from
the conservative investors of all classes.
It is because of these and other charac-
teristic differences, and by reason of
the wonderful success of these two in-
stitutions, that a knowledge of how
the Raiffeisen banks and the Credit
Foncier operate, and what they have
accomplished, is peculiarly illuminat-
ing and profitable. Each of these two
types of credit organizations possesses
many features well adapted for sys-
tems of farm-credit institutions in this
country.
The Raiffeisen banking system was
founded by Frederick William Raiffei-
sen primarily for the purpose of freeing
small farmers from the exactions of
usurers. Raiffeisen knew nothing of
finance, but he did understand the
needs of those who, under the most dis-
couraging circumstances, were bravely
trying to gain a living from the soil —
a class among whom credit was the
particular and essential thing lacking.
Sir Horace Plunkett, who has done so
much for the agricultural development
of Ireland, has said that the establish-
ment of the Raiffeisen banks was sec-
ond in economic importance only to
the discovery of steam.
The Raiffeisen banking system is
based on the principle of combining
borrowers, to the end that by associa-
tion they may secure credit facilities
which, as individuals, it would be im-
possible for them to obtain. The fun-
damental provisions of the Raiffeisen
banks, as contemplated by Herr Raif-
feisen, were those of gratuitous manage-
ment, unlimited liability of members,
and a strictly local field of operation.
For the most part the Raiffeisen banks
adhere to those provisions. The mem-
bership of the banks is made up al-
most exclusively of farmers. In 1909
the number of members for each bank
averaged 92. In the beginning the
Raiffeisen banks had no capital stock,
but in 1876 a law was passed which
made it necessary for them to issue
shares of stock. The value of the shares
was fixed at what was little more than
a nominal amount. In 1909 the aver-
age paid-up capital per member was
only 19 marks. The dividends that the
Raiffeisen banks can pay are strictly
limited — in no event can they exceed
the rate of interest charged on loans.
In 1909 these banks made a net profit
in excess of 7,000,000 marks, but of this
only 13 per cent was paid out in divi-
dends — the balance being passed to
the credit of the reserve fund. Because
of the nature of its business the sphere
of operation of each bank is very lim-
ited. It is necessary for the members
to know each other, and to know for
what purpose each loan is made, and
to see that the money is so used. The
Raiffeisen banks have done much to
encourage thrift, because they have
supplied a new incentive for saving.
Inasmuch as the successful manage-
ment of these banks requires a keen
sense of responsibility on the part of
the individual members, their moral
effect is very considerable. Through
their membership in the Raiffeisen
banks many German farmers have be-
come familiar with the nature and uses
of credit and have acquired a know-
ledge of business. Altogether, these
small rural banks have much improved
the financial position and the moral
and intellectual calibre of their mem-
bers.
Because of its small size and restrict-
ed field of operation, the management
of a Raiffeisen bank is very simple and
inexpensive. In 1909, the average cost
of management per bank was only 638
marks. The funds that the banks have
to loan to their members are made up
of the proceeds of the sale of capital
stock, the reserve accumulated from
profits, deposits, — both savings and
THE FARMER AND FINANCE
175
current account, — and loans from the
central cooperative banks, from other
banks, and from individuals. In 1909,
88 per cent of these funds consisted of
the deposits of the farmers themselves.
The size of the average deposit is about
$370.
The loans which these banks make
are either on current account — a
form of over-draft often used by Eu-
ropean banks — or for fixed periods.
There is a tendency to extend the prac-
tice of making loans on current ac-
count, as that seems to be the form
best suited for members. As a rule the
loans made by the RaifFeisen banks are
for a short period — usually for one
year, with a maximum of five. For the
most part the loans are granted on the
personal obligations of the borrowers,
to which usually is added the guaranty
of one or two associate members. Occa-
sionally loans are secured by deposit of
collateral, or by mortgages. The aver-
age loan of the Raiffeisen banks in Ger-
many is about $150. As the small size
of the average loan indicates, the Raif-
feisen banks primarily are institutions
for supplying credit accommodations
to the small landowner.
The RaifFeisen banking system in
Germany now comprises about 15,000
local banks, with a membership of ap-
proximately 2,000,000. These banks
are now doing a yearly aggregate busi-
ness of about $1,500,000,000. The local
Raiffeisen banks are grouped under 35
provincial banks, which, in turn, are
affiliated with two general central co-
operative banks. The local banks bor-
row money from the provincial banks,
when required, and also loan to them
their surplus funds. The provincial
central banks are cooperative societies,
with limited liability, and they occupy
much the same position to ward the local
rural banks that the latter do toward
their members. Their working capital
is made up of the paid-up shares of their
members (the local banks), of the de-
posits of the local banks, and of loans
from other banks. By means of these
provincial and central cooperative
banks, agricultural credit in those parts
of Germany where these banks operate
possesses the element of fluidity in
a remarkable degree — moving from
those localities where it is not needed
to those where it is needed. Altogether
the RaifFeisen banks of Germany make
up a wonderfully efficient organiza-
tion, which, by supplying an enormous
amount of agricultural credit, has rev-
olutionized farming in Germany.
Up to the middle of the last century,
France was almost entirely lacking in
land- and agricultural-credit facilities.
As a result of much agitation there was
passed in 1852 a law providing for land-
mortgage banks, and under this the
Credit Foncier was organized. Because
of the success of the Landschaften in
Germany, many of the principles and
methods of these associations were in-
corporated in the French law. The
Credit Foncier is unlike the Landschaft-
en in the very important particular that
it is an incorporated company, not a
cooperative association. The Credit
Foncier has a capital of 200,000,000
francs and operates under the super-
vision of the state. In the beginning
(1852) the government granted the
Credit Foncier a subsidy of 10,000,000
francs, in order to help it make loans
at a rate advantageous for that time.
The subsidy was not renewed, and the
state does not now intervene, except
occasionally, to exercise control. The
Credit Foncier possesses many special
privileges, pertaining to the issuance
of bonds and to its loans, that give it
a practical, if not a legal monopoly of
the kind of business in which it is
engaged.
The purposes of the Credit Foncier
are: —
1. Lending money to landowners,
176
THE FARMER AND FINANCE
counties, communes, and public serv-
ices.
2. Creating and negotiating mort-
gage bonds, or, more properly, deben-
tures, to a value which cannot exceed
the amount of the sums due from its
borrowers.
3. As a necessary accessory to its
principal business, the Credit Foncier
has the right to carry on ordinary
banking operations, within well-defined
limits, and, in that connection, it is
permitted to receive deposits; but the
aggregate of deposits must not exceed
100,000,000 francs.
A large part of the funds received
on deposit is employed in discounting
commercial bills, on condition that
they have two signatures and do not
run over three months. The shares of
the Credit Foncier, which are dealt
in on the Bourse, are issued at five
hundred francs, and any one can own
them. The stock now receives six per
cent dividends, and sells for about
750 francs a share. The government
appoints the governor and two sub-
governors, who, by virtue of their office
are members of the Council of Admin-
istration. There must also be three
treasurers-general — state officials —
among the 23 members of the Council
of Administration. These treasurers
are appointed by the general assem-
bly of the company, but before pre-
senting their names to the assembly it
is customary to obtain the approval of
the Minister of Finance. The general
assembly represents all the stockhold-
ers, and is composed of the two hun-
dred who own the largest amount of
stock. These stockholders meet once
each year to ratify the accounts, vote
the dividend, and dispose of such other
business as may properly be presented
to them. The general assembly elects
a Council of Administration of 23
members. The governor has a right to
veto the acts of both the general as-
sembly and the Council, but there are
only a very few instances on record of
his having used this power. The Coun-
cil of Administration meets once each
week, and, among other things, passes
upon all loans.
The two principal kinds of loans
made by the Credit Foncier are mort-
gage loans and communal loans, and its
total outstanding loans now amount to
about 4,000,000,000 francs. So far as
this country is concerned, that part of
its operations covering the making of
mortgage loans to landowners is of the
greatest interest. Our municipalities
now have a broad and steady market
for their securities.
The Credit Foncier makes loans to
landowners on the following terms : —
1. Short- time loans, without amorti-
zation, for a period of from one to nine
years.
2. Long time loans, with annual
amortization, for a period of from ten
to seventy-five years.
The rate of interest on these loans is
4.30 per cent at the present time, and
the rate is the same for all kinds of
property. The rate charged on a loan
must not exceed the rate at which
money is obtained from the sale of
bonds by more than six tenths of one
per cent. Loans are made only on first-
mortgage security, and the amount of
the loan cannot exceed one half of the
value of the property, except that loans
on wine and timber lands must not
exceed one third of their value. When
the loan is made for a short period, the
borrower pays each year only the
amount of interest due, and the prin-
cipal sum must be paid in full at the
end of the term of the loan — from one
to nine years. Long-time loans are
amortized; that is they are gradually
paid by means of an annuity, which
includes the interest and a small frac-
tion of the principal. As a rule, the
borrower himself fixes the length of
THE FARMER AND FINANCE
177
time that the loan is to run. The amor-
tization extends over the whole period
of the loan, so that the total of the
interest and capital amount is repaid
from a constant yearly annuity. Con-
sequently, the cost of amortization
depends on the length of the loan, and
on the rate of interest. On a loan run-
ning for seventy-five years at 4.30 per
cent interest, the annuity — including
interest and amortization — is at the
rate of 4.48 per cent per annum. The
borrower has the right to pay the
principal of the loan at any time, and
to profit by the amortization already
made. He can also make partial pay-
ments and thereby reduce the amount
of the annuity.
The bonds issued by the Credit
Foncier have no fixed maturity, but
are called for payment by lot. Each
payment of bonds must be of such an
amount that the bonds remaining in
circulation do not exceed the balance
of the principal owed upon the hypoth-
ecated loans. If the government ap-
proves, there can be added to the bonds
called for payment certain prizes and
premiums. The funds received from
the usual amortization, or anticipated
payments, must be used to amortize or
redeem bonds, or to make new loans.
In general the bonds bear 3 per cent on
the nominal capital, and the total cost
of recent loans to the company, includ-
ing interest, prizes, and premiums, is
about 3.60 per cent. The bonds are
sold by public subscription, and may
be paid for in installments. About
every three years the company issues
bonds sufficient to yield from 300,000,-
000 to 350,000,000 francs. The bonds
are subscribed for by people of small
means, and usually remain in their
hands; consequently the quotations of
the bonds show little fluctuation —
less than French railway bonds. The
company always keeps a few bonds on
hand for sale, but the bulk of them
VOL. in -NO. 2
are disposed of by public subscrip-
tion.
The Credit Foncier has departed
from its original purpose to the extent
that at the present time a very large
part of its loans are made on urban real
estate. However, this is simply an
incident, and does not reflect on the
applicability of the principles on which
the Credit Foncier is founded, to an
institution confining its operations to
loans on rural land.
In view of the wonderful success of
the Credit Foncier and kindred insti-
tutions, it is hard to understand why
the principle of debenture bonds, se-
cured by long-time real-estate loans,
payable by amortization, should not,
long ago, have been put in practice in
this country. The business of loaning
money on farm mortgages in the Unit-
ed States is still carried on in a prim-
itive way. We are still making farm-
mortgage loans for such short periods
that frequent renewals — often very
embarrassing to debtors — are inevi-
table. The existence of facilities where-
by farm-mortgage loans could be made
for long terms — say fifty years or
more, with provision for easy payment
by amortization — would be a wonder-
ful boon to American farmers, and a
decided stimulant to the development
of efficient, scientific farming.
Neither the RaifFeisen banks nor the
Credit Foncier involve strange finan-
cial principles. In this country, the
splendid record of the mutual savings
banks proves that cooperation can be
safely and wisely applied in banking.
We are familiar with the principle of
debenture bonds, and we know some-
thing of the principle of amortization.
Of course, it is impossible to pick up
any of the foreign farm-credit systems,
out of its social setting, and say, off-
hand, that it would be as successful in
this country. The history and success,
as well as the details of organization, of
178
THE WISHED-FOR CHILD
every one of the foreign farm-credit
systems have been very largely de-
termined by the temperament, the
social and economic status of the peo-
ple, and by the conditions of climate
and soil of the country in which they
are situated. Consequently in working
out the plans of agricultural- and land-
credit systems for this country, we
must be cautious in our adherence to
foreign models. We must remember
that the value and success of every in-
stitution depends upon its being in
harmony with its environment.
The importance of adequate credit
facilities for our farmers is beginning
to be keenly appreciated. The Amer-
ican Bankers Association, the South-
ern Commercial Congress, and other
organizations, are doing splendid pio-
neer work by agitating the need of an
agricultural banking system, and by
disseminating information as to what
has been accomplished abroad.
The establishment of agricultural-
and land-credit systems in this coun-
try is not a political question; it is
an economic question of the gravest
import — the proper solution of which
demands a patriotic national purpose
and constructive ability of a high
order.
THE WISHED-FOR CHILD1
BY LAURA SPENCER PORTOR
SHE made a place for me beside her
on the moss.
'You see it will comfort me to talk
it over. I have never talked of it with
Marie. But if the good God takes me
first, I should like her to know. You
will tell her. She will let you know,
even if you are far away, that I am
gone; and then, you will either come
and tell her, or you will write her.
'I need not begin at the beginning;
you know — for Marie will have told
you — that once I was as straight and
tall as Marie — even a little taller;
would you think it? Then there came
1 'The Wished-For Child' is in the main a
true story. Names and some of the lesser cir-
cumstances have been altered, but the chief facts
remain as they were told to the writer by one to
whom the leading character of the story related
them. — THE AUTHOR.
the accident. After that, not only my
body was bent, but my dreams also.'
She turned her misshapen shoulders
a little toward me.
'You see, up to that time I had
dreams of being a mother. I do not
mean that I was promised in marriage.
But there was one who had loved me a
little and whom I loved. Some day I
would have been his wife, — it must
have been so; and some day I would
be the mother of children. Well, after
the accident, he went away to Paris.
They tell me he became a great man in
the milk trade there. There was never
any more thought of marriage; and
when I dreamed of children, it was
of the children I could never have.
One does not talk of suffering like
that; it goes into the days somehow.
And then, by-and-by, it passes into that
THE WISHED-FOR CHILD
179
strange thing that belongs to all of us
— Hope.
'God is a great Rich Man, made-
moiselle, there is no disputing that;
and we are his children; and we each
believe, secretly, that for us there is an
inheritance, the inheritance of happi-
ness, could we but find it. For, some-
times, it is buried away like treasure;
but it is there for us, could we but find
it. And it is the hope of this that keeps
us alive. Not bread and bodily com-
forts. Bread and fire are but symbols.
So I sought and hoped and wondered
where now, — now that I might never
have children of my own, — where now
the treasure of my happiness was to
be found.
'Just then, Marie, who was young
and tall, had a lover, Jean Marie; a
man not of her station — quite above
her. She had always hands and a face
and a little quiet air to attract the well-
born. Jean Marie was the son of a rich
carriage-maker. He was a student in
the college at St. Gene vie ve, and he
lived with his old uncle on the road to
Bragin, the road that runs from St.
Gene vie ve past our house. He always
stopped to have a word with her at
twilight, when he came by on his way
home, with his books. She spoke to me
none at all about him; but one needs
not to be told such things. At this time
I never touched her hand after twilight
that her fingers were not cold.
'When his studies were over and he,
with the rest of the students, was to get
his diploma, she dressed herself in her
white dress. I had helped her to make
it. We began making it at the time of
the apple-blossoms, and neither of us
said why we made it, though we both
knew. And I tied about her waist a
blue ribbon I had that had belonged
to our mother. She went not like the
rest, by the road, but a way all her own
across the fields, to watch him go by
in the long procession of students, She
told me, a long time afterward, that
by-and-by he came and spoke to her
and held her two hands in gladness for
a moment, while the rich and well-
dressed ladies looked on; and that he
laughed and was gay and sunny; and
that he gave her a spray of pink lark-
spur. His mother had brought him a
big bunch of it for his graduation, as
though he had been a girl.
'That evening he came to the gate
to tell her that he was going away to
Paris, to study more; to be an apothe-
cary. And then, he kissed her. I saw
it myself; I could not help it. He said
nothing to her about coming back; but
I never doubted that he would. Marie
was beautiful. In the white dress, with
my mother's blue ribbon about her
waist, and the pink larkspur in her
hair, she was already a bride, a man's
wife, the mother of a man's children,
— any man who had eyes to see. So
I never doubted.
'Well, I had found the way to my
treasure at last, and to the happiness I
longed for. " Marie and he will marry,"
I said. "They will have children. It
is there that I shall find happiness. I
shall feel the arms of those children
about my neck. It is I who shall help
them, guide them, teach them, rear
them, — I who am wiser, wiser than
Marie. Marie is too yielding, too
gentle. She has always been so. She
herself is dependent on me. One child,
perhaps, will need me, one at least,
more than the rest. So you see I plan-
ned for a child, oh, definitely planned
for it ! — And I began to borrow books
from the library of old Philippe — for
I said, "If I read, Jean Marie will
have more respect for me, — he who
is learned. Marie's beauty will satisfy
him; but he will only weary of having
me about unless I am clever and can be
of help." So I studied a little of what
an apothecary would study; and I
studied the poets. "The poets," I said,
180
THE WISHED-FOR CHILD
"give dignity to the mind. The child
will lean on me more if I know some
poetry."
' If, at any time, doubt came to me,
I had only to remember that Marie,
from I do not know where, had pro-
cured some seed of the larkspur, that
following spring; and great clumps of it
grew by the little kitchen path, after
that. That was proof enough. We
both pretended that it had no meaning,
whereas to both of us, — well, such
silences are but courtesies between
sisters who love each other.
'So I knitted a pair of white silk
stockings for her, and made her a set of
underwear from linen; only a little at
a time.
'It was not until two years after,
that she spoke of this. Her face had
grown more slender and had a beauty
that reminded you of ten o'clock in the
little church. You know how the light
shines then, back of the altar, pale
and waiting and sad. It was not until
then that she asked me what I was
doing.
'"I am knitting stockings for you,
Marie," I said, "for when you are a
bride."
'"I think it is of no use," she said;
"I think he will not come back."
'But we waited, she and I, for him
to come. Eight years. Have you ever
waited eight years for anything? At
the end of the eight years Marie was
not the same. She was beautiful, but
with the beauty that loss and longing
and waiting carve out. I knew she
might have reconciled herself at last to
giving up Jean Marie, — though there
was no other to take his place, — but I
knew that she, too, had dreamed of
having little children; and that is a
longing that one cannot relinquish.
'I was not far wrong. One spring
night, when the lilacs were in bloom,
and she and I sat in the little stone
doorway, she raised her arms a mo-
ment, — a gesture of despair, — then
dropped them straight and heavy in
her lap and clasped her hands.
'"Zephine, Zephine! I am tall and
I am a woman — but God has not
given it to me to be the mother of a
child."
"'And I am bent and a woman," I
answered quickly, and perhaps harshly,
"and He has not given it to me either,
nor will."
'At that she was all penitence and
chided herself. But I soothed her. "It
is not your hand that can hurt me,
little sister," I said; "it is the hand of
God that has been heavy on me. And
for eight years I, too, have waited for
your happiness to come to you, not
just for your sake, but for my own.
For is not my happiness all bound up
in yours? Have I not dreamed — oh,
more than you, I think — of loving
your children? I had meant that you
should bear me one, one more mine
than the rest, and you should give it to
me who can bear none of my own."
!"And, oh, they should have been
yours, all," she said, very still and
white, "and one in particular. If God
had given me that joy it would have
been great enough, full great enough
for two."
'So we sat a long while, mademoi-
selle. We were two women, without so
much as the hope of a child. It was not
our custom to talk together. We are
silent by nature.
'I did not go to bed at once. I went
instead into the garden to the little
arbor near the gate. From there I
could see her moving about upstairs
in her little room with the low ceiling.
Then very soon she put out the light.
After that she sat by the window. I
do not know how long she remained
there.
'But Jean Marie never came, ma-
demoiselle. Life is like that. You
may wait all day with your face turned
THE WISHED-FOR CHILD
181
down a dusty road, and all the while
the horseman is riding only farther
away. While she prayed so hard, per-
haps he was strolling down one of the
streets of Paris, singing a little tune, as
I think men do; or maybe stopping to
pat a dog. And did he guess all the
while that he carried Marie's heart in
his hand, and that in turning his face
down that street instead of up the
dusty road to Bragin, he was taking all
motherhood away from her?
'No, mademoiselle. Life is like that.
I knew the road to Marie's life well and
I knew none would pass her way.
Since Jean Marie had turned his face
to Paris not one had come past; not one
who had stopped. Yet I prayed that
night as I sat in the little arbor, — and
as I saw her sitting in the dark window,
— I prayed God to send her mother-
hood.
'I do not remember how long I
prayed. I remember, though, the odor
of the lilacs and then, in the midst
of my praying, I remember hearing
horses' hoofs on the road. I waited for
them to go past as all things else did,
but they stopped. Then I heard the
clank of a sword and spurs and a few
words; I saw the light of a small lan-
tern. Then I saw two men dismount;
they were in uniform. One of them
swung back the gate and almost
brushed against me.
* " What have we here ! " He held up
his lantern and looked at me. "We
want lodging and are of no mind to go
farther. Will you give us a bed, my
sister?"
'I suppose I looked frightened. I
think I was.
'"If your horses can go no farther,
you shall not go without a bed," I said.
'The face of the other soldier, more
tired and eager, appeared now over the
shoulder of the first.
"My friend's horse here has gone
lame. We are sick of hunger. You will
take us in? Besides the gold we can
give, God finds ways to reward. You
will take us in?"
'Only it was hardly a question, more
like an agreement.
'We stood a moment, the three of us,
in a little circle of light made by the
lantern. I led the way. They follow-
ed, the big horses coming in singly,
.through the little gate, one limping
badly.
'They followed me around the path.
Once, as the lame horse stopped, one
of the soldiers gave him a cut, and he
threw his head in the air and swerved,
tramping on the larkspur.
:"Have a care!" I said. "Be more
gentle. Those are flowers that you
crush."
'For this speech the horse got an-
other cut that brought him back in the
middle of the path.
"'There is the stable," I said;
"make your horses comfortable and
come back, and you shall have food
and a bed."
'I watched them go around the
house. Then I entered and hurried up
to Marie's room. She was standing
facing the door in her nightdress, look-
ing like the Virgin, and expecting me.
'"They are two soldiers," I said,
"who ask a bed and food; the horse of
one of them is lame."
She began putting on her clothes,
and binding up her hair. In a few
moments the men were back again. I
set them chairs in the kitchen and laid
the table. I had a cheese and some
plum comfits, and plenty of bread.
There was a yellow pitcher for milk.
When Marie entered, both men looked
at her; she just nodded to them once,
and took up the pitcher and carried it
to the shed to fill it. When she brought
it back I had the supper nearly ready.
One of the men got up and dragged
his chair after him to the table, but
the other one, the more tired, the more
182
THE WISHED-FOR CHILD
deliberate, still sat, his eyes openly
watching Marie.
'"Come, you of the hungry face,"
the other called out to him; and then
he came, too, and they both scraped
their chairs, and shuffled their feet
about under the table, and served
themselves, and bent down with their
mouths to their plates, like hungry
men, neither of them looking up once,
— save the hungry-faced one, when
Marie refilled his milk cup for him.
Then he straightened back, and kept
his hand on the mug, and looked at her,
a long, bold look.
'I went to fix a bed in the lower
chamber. When I returned, the hun-
gry-faced one had his arm over the
back of the chair, like a satisfied man,
and was eating no more, but talking to
Marie. I do not know what about.
' I led the way with my candle. As
the two followed me Marie shrank a
little against the door, to let them pass
by, and the hungry-faced one bowed to
her as he went past, and paused, oh,
the fraction of a little moment close to
her, and his uniform touched her skirt;
then he glanced at me who held the
door open, an indifferent glance, and
went on.
'They liked the little room well
enough, — it is pretty and white, —
and the gayer of the two fell to pulling
off his boots at once.
;"God make a good bargain of this
for you, sister," he said, cheerfully.
"The bon Dieu is a good one to lend
to. I do not doubt He will pay you
with usury."
'So I left them, and Marie and I
cleared away the supper, and went to
bed. The talk we had had before they
came — only an hour before — seemed a
very long time gone. I could not go to
sleep at first. It was like a great adven-
ture, — oh, a great adventure, I assure
you, in the little quiet house; the two
tired men sleeping below. I could hear
them snore as I lay in my bed. I make
no doubt Marie lay awake too, think-
ing of Jean Marie, and perhaps still
praying for him to return.
'The rest that I have to tell you is a
thing difficult to tell. The soldiers
went on their way in the morning, but
it was not the last time that we saw
them. The hungry-faced one, at least,
came again. He was in command of
some road-menders who were rebuild-
ing, about three miles away, a bridge
and a part of the road to Paris, where
the rains had harmed it. He came
again and still again. He had a way of
twirling a little string in his fingers. It
was not lovable, but you watched it;
and other little ways that you re-
marked and remembered and won-
dered over; and something masterful,
though I cannot remember where it
lay, nor what it was.
'I always made him welcome. If in
time he could take the place of the one
who was gone! I thought of it, and
thought if it. Once I made bold to
mention this to Marie, and she looked
at me thin, and thoughtful.
"You do not know/ she said; "Jean
Marie is as diamond, this one is as jade.
Jean Marie is as gold, this one is as
iron."
;"But, Marie, if you could love him.
You and I have need of more than each
other. What will it be for us to grow
old together. We have need of some
one else. Besides, you have need of
motherhood. It is the lot of woman.
We have both need of a child."
' "You do not know," she said again,
quietly and sadly. "That kind has no
wish to marry any woman. Jean Marie
went away; and, not loving me enough,
he will not come back; but this one will
keep coming again, and again, and
again."
* " Eh bien ? " I said, a little impatient
of her quietness.
, '"Until " — she shrank and turned
THE WISHED-FOR CHILD
183
away her face a little. — "He will some
day make his wish plain. He is a
hungry-faced man."
'At that, my brain seemed to spin;
and my thoughts were like fire. That
night it seems as though I .must have
prayed nearly all the night. I made no
bones of it. I prayed frank and direct
— for God knew my thoughts at any
rate — I prayed frank and direct that
even without wedlock, He would put a
little child in our lives. We needed it;
needed it; I told God that.
'One day when it was time for the
soldier to come again, it chanced to be
time also for me to borrow the but-
cher's donkey — as I always did at a
certain season — and the little cart, to
go to Bragin, as was my custom, to sell
cabbages, or whatever we had to sell.
Lunch I would have, with coffee, at the
little inn at Bouvet, but the black
bread, and cheese, and a red apple,
Marie put in my basket, as usual, for
my supper, for I could not return until
well into the night.
'As I drove my miles, I came at
last, as I knew I should, to the road-
menders.
'The men scarcely glanced at me,
but went on with their work. The
soldier was ahead, keeping an eye on
them. When I came to him he raised
his cap and smiled, a crooked smile,
with very white teeth showing.
'"Where are you going, sister?"
' " I am going all the way to Bragin,"
I said.
!"A long distance," he said, his eyes
on me in their own bold manner.
'"Yes," I answered.
'"You will not be back by night-
fall."
"Not until long after moon-rise," I
said, my heart going hard. Then sud-
denly I made bold and feared nothing.
"Marie is there," I said; "go and have
supper and satisfy your hunger. There
is bread and milk and honey and a pot
of cheese." I said this last over my
shoulder; then I drove on, not daring
to look back.
' When I got home there was no light
in the little house. Had he come? It
was white, white moonlight, made-
moiselle, warm and white, with cool
shadows. I cannot tell you how still
it was. Perhaps it was not so still;
perhaps some of the stillness was in
myself. But it seemed as though the
world had stopped.
'I went softly around by the stable.
I heard the quick click of a bit, as
when a horse tosses its head. We had
no horse of our own. Then suddenly, in
all the stillness and moonlight, I saw
her coming from the fields, and the
soldier with her. I shrank back in the
shadow and waited. I noticed that
when his hand lifted the kitchen latch
and let her and himself in, she went
before him as though he were no longer
a guest, but master in the place. A
moment later there was the flare of a
match in the kitchen. I could see from
where I stood that it was the soldier,
not she, who lighted .the candle. Still a
moment later and he came out again,
went to the stable, and led his horse
out. When he was not far from me,
and was near to the kitchen, I stepped
out.
"You are not going?" I said.
'"Good-day, sister. Yes, — I must
go to-night; my regiment leaves for
Algiers to-morrow."
'I left them alone a moment, but
I think they said no farewell. When I
got back, he was busy adjusting his
saddle-girth; and she was standing
beside the larkspur, with a white face.
'He did not come again, mademoi-
selle. I think she knew that he would
not. Little by little, as the days went,
and she grew white and stricken, I had
all I could do to bring her into any
notice of me, or of the common things
of life. She never needed to tell me her
184
THE WISHED-FOR CHILD
secret. Had I not planned — Was it
not more my secret; more mine than
hers? She would sit by the hour with
no word. I guessed that she had a great
fear of God, and that she remembered,
with fear, too, the one gone to Paris.
'One day, when I could endure her
silence no longer, I said, "Marie,
Marie, my little sister! Did not God
put your great longing in you and
mine in me? Has He not fashioned us?
Shall we be afraid to trust what He
will do with us, and with these longings
of ours?"
'She did not answer, but only
looked at me thin and startled, like a
deer that faces the fear of death.
'"There is one thing," I said, "that
is clear between you and God and me.
However else we may have sinned, —
though I do not think it sin, — we
have committed no sin against the
unborn. The child that shall be ours
is a wished-for child, an enfant voulu.
There are women who sin in thought
against the unborn, who do not desire
little children; who are dismayed,
angry, bitter, when they find them-
selves possessed of the gift of God.
But, oh, ours is better born, better
born, Marie. It is a wished-for child,
an enfant voulu. Think, Marie, of the
ways of God. God knows. Need we
teach Him? Is He so dull and we so
wise? Are we his elders? Shall we set
laws round about his laws, and limits
on those longings He has implanted?
Shall we try to stifle a fire that He with
his breath has kindled in us? Shall we
give excuses into his hands for his
intentions?"
'She laid her head in my lap sud-
denly and wept. After that she be-
lieved me to be very wise, and very
familiar with God's ways, and full of
knowledge concerning Him.
'From then on, the responsibility
seemed to me mine wholly; and the sin,
if it was sin, was mine, too, not hers.
But I knew in my own wise heart that
it was no sin. I exulted in God and in
my own daring, though, out of respect
for her more fearing nature, I said no
more. But I waited and saw the young
moon wax, and bloom full, and darken,
like a flower that grows and blooms
and fades and disappears, a dark seed
in the dark of night, for a new moon to
grow. Little by little, the long time
was got over and God brought the
waiting to an end. I used to lie in my
bed, staring awake, when I lay down to
rest, wondering what it must be like to
be like Marie in the little room across
the hall, with life and death on either
side of the bed, and the gift of God
trembling and crying against your
heart.
' It was I who was with her. It was I
who saw the child first. I do not know
where the child's father was, — in a
hot barracks, playing cards by the
light of a smoky lantern in Algiers,
perhaps, — never guessing. It did not
matter. The child seemed not his but
hers; not hers but mine.
'You have wondered why I am
more educated than Marie, — why
I even know about Helen of Troy and
Raphael and Monsieur Thiers. Well, I
had read some, studied some, before;
but now I read more and more, to be
the better fitted to be wise toward the
child that was ours. I sent to Paris for
some books.
'I wish you could have seen Marie
when the wonder was all new, all new
and radiant and full of glory like the
creche on Christmas morning. There
was such a light about her face that I
went away from her many a time in
those first days, to go down on my
knees. For I began to know now that
there was indeed some sin, after all,
that I had not suspected. For I knew
that it must be a sin, surely, that any
human hand should dare to create such
glory — the hand of one like me, least
THE WISHED-FOR CHILD
185
of all, to whom God had so expressly
forbidden that joy. I cannot explain to
you. It was as though in the darkness
I had defied God and had said, "Let
there be light," — and there was light;
and I was dazzled and afraid of it.
'Yet this was only in moments, in
big moments; for the rest there was the
comfort, the piercing comfort of the
little cry in the dark in the midst of the
night.
"The days went by. I grew more
content as I grew more used to the
presence of the child. If we were shut
apart now from our kind, and if the
butcher's wife would not speak to us —
what did it matter! We had the better
treasure. The law and society are
made by man, but the longing of a wo-
man was put in her heart long ago
when God fashioned her. I told myself
this and I told myself, too, that God
would never have fulfilled my wish if it
had been wrong. God had denied me
to be a mother, that is true; He had
bent and twisted me with suffering.
But shall you tell me God does not
know what He is about? I was bent
into a gnarled root with no hope of
blossom of my own, but Marie was the
branch and the child was the flower,
and the flower was mine, after all. It
could never be quite said that I had
not tasted motherhood.
* It was almost before I knew it that
the child was three years old, with
gold hair and little gentle ways. They
were the happiest days of my life, the
kind of days the Virgin must have had
when the Christ Child was little, before
all the trouble began. Only now and
then a great dread came to me lest, as a
punishment, some ill should befall the
child.
'One evening I was in the kitchen
and Marie was in the little front door-
yard to get the coolness. The child was
on my lap and I was reading. Pre-
sently I turned the lamp low, lifted the
child, and went out into the cool, also,
into the little arbor. It was so, often,
that the child and I sat apart from
Marie, and she from us. One must have
one's own thoughts, and sometimes the
stars to one's self.
'The child was soon asleep on my
arm. It was starlight, and the trees
and the lilac bushes made big dark
shadows; soft, as shadows are in the
light of the stars.
'Suddenly, I heard the sound of a
horse's hoofs approaching on the road,
then their pause at the gate. A mo-
ment later I heard the gate click and a
step on the gravel. My heart stood
still. No one visited us now. It was a
man's step. It was like the night long
ago, — like something that had hap-
pened before.
'All at once, like a stroke out of
darkness I knew. I knew that the
soldier had cared for her, after all, in
his own fashion, and had returned to
her. The child was not mine, then,
after all; not hers and mine, and mostly
mine. It was rightly his. If he cared
for her enough to come back, he would
care for the child, too, — in some
strange fashion, — as men do. They
like to possess things. That is why
they like children of their own.
'I could see that Marie had already
risen. I could not tell whether she was
alarmed or expectant. Perhaps she had
cared, too. I could see his figure in the
dim starlight come up the walk. I
could see that he stopped before her
and looked into her face. Then I
heard him say, —
'"Is this Marie?"
'She did not answer; only put her
hand on her breast. He repeated the
question, —
'"Is this Marie?"
'Then her voice, —
'"Yes, it is I. Why do you ask?"
'"Have you nothing to say to me?
186
THE WISHED-FOR CHILD
I have come back to you, because I
could not forget you."
* Then her voice — in the same even,
almost monotonous, tone : —
"Why should you think I do not
know you. I have prayed, often, that
you would come back."
'This, too, was like another flash of
lightning — heat lightning, that left
everything darker. Not only had the
soldier come back, but she had longed
for him to come back; yes, longed for
him, as I had not dreamed she would.
The child was, indeed, not mine, but
theirs, quite theirs.
'I knew, I had heard said, that the
very bearing of the physical pain will
make a woman care for the father of
her child — though she may not have
cared before. It is God's way, it seems.
It is such power that God has given to
motherhood — that it may, like Him-
self, work miracles, from left to right as
it goes. She had not borne this child
for me, though that had been her first
intent. She cared now for the child's
father. Their whole world and the
child seemed suddenly struck apart
from mine. His coming back changed
everything. I had lost the child, not by
illness, as I had so often dreaded, not
by death, but by the mere beat of hoofs
on the Bragin road, and the click of a
gate in the starlight, such little things
as I would never have suspected.
'Then I heard him speaking: —
'"Will you come to the light?"
There was a patch of candlelight falling
from within through an open window;
falling across the grass, the little shell-
path, and over the larkspur. "I want
to see you. I want to see how you have
changed since I have been gone."
'I could just see that he stretched
out his hand to her and led her over to
where the light fell. She stepped into
the soft glow. Her back was toward
me.
'Then, from the shadow, he, too,
stepped into the light and looked down
into her face. I bent forward and
looked. I saw the whole thing now. I
saw that the face of this man looking
into hers was not the hungry face that
I supposed it to be. It was lit with
another feeling — oh, another feeling
— and — it was the face, not of the
soldier, not of the soldier. It was the
face of Jean Marie, of Jean Marie.
'In the moment that he looked at
her, my world fell apart. I was dazed,
yet I knew. I saw. Everything was
clear. What followed was flashed on
my mind, before either of them spoke;
like lightning that flashes fast, the
thunder lagging after. But I had to
listen. Then I heard him say, —
'"Oh, my well-beloved!"
' She answered him nothing, nothing
at all; just stood there allowing him to
search her face for the old, lost girlhood.
' By the look in his face I knew he had
found it, to his own satisfaction. He
had found it; for, with a little quick
motion, he took her hands.
'Then, like the older man he had
grown to be, he bent and folded her to
him and kissed her long, straight on the
lips. It was like Marie to submit and
speak afterwards, if he would have let
her speak. But he spoke, himself,
rapidly, urgently, kissing her between
the rapid words.
'"I have seen the women of Paris;
but always beyond them, at their very
shoulders, I saw you in your white
dress," — he kissed her at the mem-
ory,— "and the white stockings," —
he kissed her again and laughed, — " for
I even noticed those, — and the blue
ribbon, and the larkspur. Have you
still got the dress?" holding away from
her a little to look at her.
'She nodded.
'"Yes; in a drawer upstairs, where
now and again I take it out and look at
it."
'He kissed her, and hurried on.
THE WISHED-FOR CHILD
187
'"And when I drank wine at little
tables on the faubourg, and saw those
small-mouthed women, with their high
heels and their great over-sized hats
and when I talked with them, — do
you know what I said? I said to my-
self, ' These women are amusing for a
time, if you like, for a time, Jean Marie,
but la! la! good God! one knows well
what city women with painted cheeks
are! How a man may have them or
leave them; and how other men have
had them and left them before.' And
then I would think of you, — you in
your white dress and the blue ribbon,
— you, you all untouched, by any
man, — you, Marie, — you ! "
'I could see that she pushed herself
away from him a little, though he still
had his way with her and his arms
about her. Then, elated, I think, by her
silence, remembering all the shyness
and quietness of her, he drew her to
him again like something lost and
found and rejoiced over. He kissed her
once, twice, then held her, looking
down at her, — then kissed her again.
They seemed to be wholly one, the way
a man and woman should be.
'When she finally had pushed her-
self gently free, I saw her brush her
hair, which he had disordered, back
from her eyes.
'" You are mistaken," she said. Her
voice sounded still and quiet like a part
of the night.
'"How?" he said.
"I am not what you think me."
'The short glory was over now,
almost over. The great trouble had
begun to touch him, too.
"Will you tell me what you mean?
You said you had prayed for me to
return. Is it so?" He was puzzled.
'She nodded. "Yes."
'"You are not married, then?"
There was a kind of quiet horror in his
voice.
'She shook her head.
He looked immensely relieved. He
made a motion to take her to him
again; but paused to think.
'"You have not of late changed in
your feeling for me?"
'She shook her head.
' " You care for me," he urged. " You
have always cared. You are not mar-
ried. What have we then to fear?
Come; out with it! It is some duty —
some fancied duty — to your crippled
sister. Bah!" He tossed his head in
quick contempt of such a reason. "I
have always thought there would be
doubtless some foolish devotion to her;
yes, I have, positively. But because
she will never marry — does it mean,
bon Dieu, that you and I must have
spoiled lives and unfulfilled hopes?"
'Yes, he said just that.
'Then, — it was like Marie to speak
with such directness, and unlike, I
think, every other woman in the world.
'"I have had a child," she said
simply.
' He recoiled from her — a slow
movement, a very slow movement —
as though he had come suddenly, yet
in time, on something horrible and
unbelievable. Then he said just one
word, —
"Tow/"
'It seemed a long time before he
spoke; a long time that she stood there.
When he put his next question it was
that of a man, and full, as a man's
questions are, of curiosity and jeal-
ousy.
'"And the man? You were in love
with him?"
'She shook her head again, and he
recoiled from her a very little bit more.
' It seemed again a long time. When
he spoke his voice was that of a man
who has passed through the worst of
sorrow, the voice of a man not sorrow-
ful but indignant; indignant not only
with one woman, but with all woman-
kind.
188
THE WISHED-FOR CHILD
' " Do you know, loose woman, what
you have shattered ? All my belief, all
of it ! Through everything, everything,
when every ideal was failing me, when
I myself was not pure, — and could
count on no one, — I said, "But Marie,
Marie is pure! " The painted women of
the boulevard, one expects not more of
them. One would not have them other-
wise. They were not meant to be more
than puppets to play with; never to be
the mother of men's children. But you,
you — !" He paused, and began again.
"Do you know what it is to rob a man
like that? Do you know what you
steal, you women? Bah I" Returned
away, unable to go on.
* She just stood there, Marie did, with
one hand on her breast. She made no
defense, — none at all.
* I cannot recall, now, how it all hap-
pened. I only know that by-and-by
Jean Marie was gone. I heard the gate
click after him. I only know that by-
and-by I saw Marie enter the house.
'Then, despite all these numbing
blows that had fallen, my brain began
to work again. I think I have a good
brain. Something must be done.
'I rose and laid the child down
quickly, on the floor of the arbor, —
than I ran — ran through the night.
'By cutting across the little path
and across the little patch of grass, one
comes to the field and across that to the
road, beyond the bend. If I ran I could
get there before Jean Marie. I felt the
dew wet on my shoes and I ran on. I
fell once flat on my two hands in the
little ditch, but I got up and ran on. I
was faourdie -*- lost in my mind, per-
haps. Presently, I found I had gone
too much to the right and had come to
the wall, where, instead, I should have
come to the opening. I ran along be-
side the wall; but I was losing time. I
could hear the horse's hoofs coming,
coming, coming at a great gallop. Be-
yond the poplars I could see the road
still at a little distance. I almost fell.
I recovered myself and ran. I came
at last to the opening and stumbled
through it. Jean Marie was coming
rapidly toward me. I ran forward,
holding up my hands; but I was only
a shadow in the darkness, no doubt.
I would have called, but my voice
was gone. If only I could be near when
he passed by! I stumbled at last into
the very ditch close by the road. His
horse's hoofs almost touched me. They
thundered past. The dust flew in my
face. I was within two feet of Jean
Marie, within two feet of him. Had I
been tall instead of bent, I could even
have snatched at his bridle.
'He did not note. The last hope I
had was riding with him away from
me, swiftly away from me, in a fury,
and with a beating of hoofs. Then,
with a great effort, I raised myself in
the ditch, flung my hands in the air,
and cried, "Jean Marie! Jean Marie!
Comeback!"
' It may be that the beat of the hoofs
drowned the sound. I do not know. It
may be that he thought it was Marie,
and would not turn. I called again, but
the horse galloped on. The galloping
of the horse grew fainter. It was begin-
ning to be a long way off. Then, pre-
sently, in a little while more, it was
gone, lost in the night.
'I do not know, rightly, how I got
back to the house. I do not know,
rightly, how any of the moments hap-
pened after that — except that by-and-
by I entered the arbor and took up the
child again, as one takes up a burden.
It was the first time in the world that
she had felt heavy to me. She slept
soundly. I carried her upstairs and
placed her in my room as I often did.
Marie must have been already in bed,
I thought. Her light was out and her
door partly open, as she always left it.
Far into the night it seemed to me that
I must go to her and talk to her of this
THE WISHED-FOR CHILD
189
fearful thing. I got up softly. When I
got to my door — I looked across the
hall. Her door was closed. It was
enough — neither she nor God wished
to talk about this thing. I returned to
my bed. I had the child I had wished
for, by my side. So we remained all
that night.
'No, mademoiselle. I have never
spoken to her about it, have never told
her that I know. You see, it is this
way: I have thought much and deep-
ly, and I know that life is bearable
so long as one is serving others, and
above all so long as one is serving them
better than they suspect. It is that
that puts some little glory into life, —
to give to those we love always a little
more than is required; to serve them
covertly better than they guess.
'If I told Marie that I knew about
the coming-back of Jean Marie, it
would be like robbing her of something
more. As it is she can watch me often,
with the child in my arms, and she can
think, "It was for Zephine's happiness
that all this was suffered. If she is
happy it is worth while. She must
never, never know that I suffer." And
so, you see, she will have a new service
to render and to make life worth the
living. I shall be like another child, for
whom she has suffered pangs of the
flesh and spirit.
Even when she sits at dusk, near
the larkspurs, thinking of Jean Marie,
this thought will give her strength. She
will see me coming down the path with
the child, and she will be glad at sight
of me. For it is not those who sac-
rifice themselves for us that we most
love, but always, always, those for
whom we sacrifice ourselves. That is
the true motherhood, and it is Marie
who has it. You see I have not sacri-
ficed myself; not at all. I am no true
mother, and that is as God intended it,
— but she is; she is.'
'Your own silence is a sacrifice, too,
perhaps/ I ventured.
She shook her head and smiled.
'Some day, I want you to tell her;
, that is, if I should die first. In that case
I want her to know. But if she goes
first I shall leave it to God : He will take
a moment aside some time to explain it
to her. He could do it in a few words.
As it is, she sits often at night there
by the larkspur, with the candle-light
from within falling in a patch across
the flowers as it did that night, — and
I know that she sees Jean Marie's face
and remembers the kisses that he gave
her in the starlight; but she says
nothing.
' Not long ago I saw her take out the
white dress and the white silk stock-
ings and the blue ribbon. She wrapped
them in a sheet and put them all away,
up in the attic, in a trunk containing
things that belong to my dead mother
— a trunk that we never open/
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
The following letters, written without thought of publication, are selected from a correspondence
which still continues. The author is a young man who, soon after leaving Harvard College, started
life with excellent prospects, and early in his career achieved marked material success. While still in
the earliest thirties, he was making an income of $25,000 a year in a wholesale commission business;
he was married, apparently happy, the father of two children, and, in the current phrase, 'fixed for
life.' Then misfortunes came. He lost his position and his money, and at thirty-five, stripped of
everything he possessed, he went, without money, friends, or references, to try a new start in the
West. The following letters, practically unchanged except for the alteration and omission of names,
take up his story at this point. — THE EDITORS.
COSMOPOLIS, WASHINGTON,
March 28, 1912.
DEAR :
I landed in Seattle with three dol-
lars and a half, thoroughly dirty, and
without any baggage except a tin box
of cigarettes. As the cheapest lodging
in sight, I spent about a week in a
Turkish Bath (basement of Tourist
Hotel) , my shirt studs and cuff buttons
bought food for a while, while the hot
room made a most excellent drying
room after I had done my washing, —
underclothes and socks. I never before
wore one shirt for so many days, but as
I did n't haVe any money I could not
buy another.
During this time I did my best to get
something to do in the coal business, in
which I have had experience, but with
one exception, the S. & W. Co., who
run a mine at Renton, some eight miles
from Seattle, and the Pacific Coal Com-
pany (a subsidiary of the Harriman
system), I did not get any sort of a bite.
Both of these will not materialize until
fall at the earliest. I went to every
concern in the business, but no one
seemed to desire my undoubtedly very
valuable services. Also I went to every
wholesale concern in Seattle, handling
machinery, etc., but from these I did
not get a smell. I presume my appear-
190
ance was somewhat against me as my
suit of clothes looked pretty tough.
I tried everything I could think of,
but all I could find was one night's
work as a stevedore on S.S. Governor.
Even that work is very hard to obtain.
I went night after night; from 400 to
500 men would be on hand and only
from 60 to 75 would be taken. I tried
all the concerns dealing in fish, but dis-
covered they take no one excepting
Swedes or Finns.
I went to every Alaskan concern
that has a Seattle office, all with no
success.
The nights in the Turkish Bath were
interesting, had I the power of descrip-
tion. A bunch of prize fighters boxed
and were rubbed down there. Two of
them were pretty decent sort of chaps.
I acted as second for one in a fight that
he won. If anybody in the crowd
spotted me in the towel- waving second,
he kept quiet.
I lived at the Turkish Bath until I
ran into a chap named Jones, that I
used to know at home. He ran a hotel
in Springfield and one in Greenfield.
He, I found, was almost as destitute
as I, but he did have four dollars, that
looked like a small fortune. He had
been working as a deckhand on a tug-
boat but he got in a row with the Swede
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
191
mate and was fired. We moved from
the Bath to a dump called the Hotel
Rainer, one of those places that have
(to me) the most disagreeable smell in
the world: that of poverty. We stayed
there for about a week, paying 75 cents
a day for the room. We answered news-
paper advertisements and followed up
every clue we could think of to get
work. I always thought I had sufficient
brain to earn my living with it, but it
was n't possible to get anything to do
in Seattle. So, in desperation, Jones
and I went to an employment office
and signed on for a job in the lumber
mill of Grey's Harbor Commercial Co.,
located at Cosmopolis, which is about
100 miles south of Seattle.
Being entirely without proper clothes
for a colder place, I went to a chap
named Weeks that B had written
would give me help as a last resort, and
from him obtained the following : —
One dress-suit case
One flannel shirt
One pair underdrawers
Last night Hotel Rainer
Fee, employment agency
Cash
$ .85
.89
.39
.75
2.00
1.00
$5.88
The object of the dress-suit case (you
can imagine what kind it is for 85
cents) was that to get your fare ad-
vanced from Seattle to Cosmopolis one
had to have baggage. As Jones's be-
longings consisted of a comb, one extra
pair of shoes, and a second union suit,
the dress-suit case really was quite im-
portant. To get this large sum out of
Mr. Weeks was like pulling teeth, al-
though B had written me that he
(Weeks) would advance me what funds
I needed. Weeks was about as blood-
less as a turnip.
However, we left Seattle a week ago
at five P.M. and arrived at Cosmopolis
at ten-fifteen. A man met us at the
station and led us to a boarding-house.
Being very tired, I went to bed at once,
where I stayed for perhaps thirty min-
utes, then I arose and spent the balance
of the night on the ground outside of
the house. Bed-bugs. The mill whistle
blew at six and we went to the mess-
house for breakfast. The food was and
is surprisingly good. Of course, as they
feed over 400 at once, they throw it at
you, but the place is clean and not at
all bad, excepting the coffee, which is
awful. Then we went to work.
If you work with your hands from
7 to 12 and from 1 to 6, handling 4X8s,
three things happen : plenty of splin-
ters in your fingers, a very, very lame
back, and a devil of an appetite. I did
this sort of work Tuesday, Wednes-
day, and Thursday. In the mean time
I discovered the remuneration was
$26 a month and food; from this you
have to subtract $5 a month for a room
and $1 for the doctor: so, as the em-
ployment agency in Seattle had ad-
vanced the railroad fare, from March
19 to April 19 I stood as follows (also
Jones) : —
$26.00
9.95
$16.05
In the mean time, what the night at
stevedoring had not done to my clothes,
the three days in the mill here had
(en passant, the Company keep your
baggage until you have earned the
price of the railroad fare) . So at four,
Thursday afternoon, I was really fairly
blue, and then the first glimmer of
sunshine, since I left Boston, came to
the front. Kelley, the boss, came to
me, in a hurry, and said, 'The I. W. W.
are outside; are you willing to take
a chance?' As far as I can figure, the
I. W. W. or, as they call themselves,
The Industrial Workers of the World,
is a labor organization that has no
standing whatsoever in the eastern and
central American Unions. (I under-
March 19 to April 19
Carfare $3.95
Room 5.00
Doctor 1.00
192
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
scored American, because in the entire
outfit there is not one in ten who can
speak English.)
PRINCE RUPERT, B. C., April 4.
Being a jump of 650 miles north of
Cosmopolis, which I will explain later.
I was so damn tired of the lumber
business I was willing to take a chance
at anything, so I said, 'Yes,' and we
beat it to the outside of the mill. There
were about 300 I. W. W.'s just across
the track, and after hooting and jeer-
ing, about twenty started to run across
the track and into the mill grounds.
The manager, who was lined up with
about 15 other brave defenders, yelled,
'Stab them.' Allen, the sub-foreman,
made a beautiful tackle on the extreme
end of the enemy's line and I followed
suit. My I. W. W.'s head struck the
inside rail and after he hit he lay still.
It had been so long since I'd played
football I was considerable shook up
myself, but some one hopped up and
tried to kick me in the head; this made
me sore, so, arising, I biffed a man in
the left eye and he my right. Then the
enemy retreated, and until the whistle
blew at six, spent their time in yelling
and making speeches. These were
somewhat difficult to understand as
the spouters used very indifferent Eng-
lish, but the purport was that $26 per
month, less deductions, was too little.
To this I thoroughly agreed, but when
the sheriff came around and offered me
$5 a day to act as a guard, I decided it
was plenty. Jones also became a night
defender, so for a week we walked the
streets and through the mill, when it
was decided we were no longer re-
quired. Then I agreed with the strik-
ers once again, and we decided to quit.
We had just money enough to get
here; which was on Wednesday the
3d. Our landing was not particularly
cheerful: snowing very hard and our
total cash resources just one American
penny. I had walked the streets of
Cosmopolis so vigorously that I wore a
hole completely through my right shoe
and the snow was wet. In fact, as I
write, both feet are as wet as they can
be. The steamship agents in Seattle
told us we would secure work within
five minutes of getting off the boat, but
we did n't and have n't yet, though we
have a half promise of being shipped
Saturday noon to the most eastern
construction camp of the Grand Trunk
Pacific, a matter of 190 miles.
A remark many men have made to
me I remember well: 'Any man who
really desires employment can readily
obtain it.' Well, if anybody ever says
such a thing to you, please reply that
I say, 'It's a Damn Lie.' I went yes-
terday and to-day to 28 offices, stores
and docks, and asked for any kind of
work, and could n't get it, and Jones
did the same. Also we went 26 hours
without food, and you take it from me
it's a mighty unpleasant thing to do.
This morning I walked up to a perfect
stranger and said, 'Give me a dol-
lar.' (I did n't say, I want to borrow,
but Give.) He gave. Jones and I
had a drink apiece, 25 cents' worth
of food, and now at this writing have
exactly ten cents for coffee and dough-
nuts for breakfast. In other words,
just 50 cents* worth of food in a day
and a half. We have a bed, but remun-
eration for the hotel man is extremely
hazy.
Now as to your letter. I also will
never forget the fishing trips which,
while not very productive of fish, were
certainly most enjoyable occasions.
It 's curious how certain unimportant
occurrences stick in one's memory while
later much more important ones are
entirely forgotten. I remember dis-
tinctly the first two years I fished
with your father that I was greatly dis-
tressed to see how little interest you
showed in the game. That first year,
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
193
my son, was just twenty-five years ago.
A good deal has happened since then.
With the rest of your letter I don't
agree. I guess it 's true that they don't
come back, and I guess I 'm down-and-
out for all time. I 'm a sight, trousers
torn and a week or ten days of beard
which, I regret to say, is turning quite
gray, giving me the appearance of a
venerable old bum. I don't know when
you will receive this effusion because I
don't know when I will be able to buy
envelope and stamp, but when I do I '11
mail it. It seems hardly possible for
one to seriously speak of the cost of a
postage stamp, but I 'm in dead earnest.
Some drop for one who has held the
rather important positions that I did,
such a short time ago.
If it was n't for that confounded will
I guess I 'd try the long swim to China.
It's months since I heard whether my
kiddies were dead or alive.
Well, Old Fellow, if later there is
anything to communicate I'll send it
along.
CAMP 59, GRAND TRUNK PACIFIC,
April 8, 1912.
To resume the story of my life:
Shortly after I stopped writing you on
Thursday last, I received a telephone
message from the head stevedore of
G. T. P. to report at midnight to dis-
charge coal on S.S. Princess Ena.
This was unexpected luck as Jones and
I had seen him every time a ship was
due. She actually docked at one in the
morning, and when her aft-hold hatch-
covers were taken off I immediately
knew why the regular crew of steve-
dores had shied on the job. Hot coal.
You would not know what you were
up against, but it was an old story to
me. Ten of us went into the lower hold
and started loading the tubs. At two,
an hour after we started, Jones fell
over, and about twenty minutes later
two others. Gas from the coal. Three
VOL. in -NO. 2
of us stuck it out to the end, ten-
thirty Friday morning, whereupon I
created quite a scene. On calling for
our pay, 9^ hours at 35 cents an hour, we
were told by the paymaster to call be~
tween three and four in the afternoon :
I fainted and fell flat on my face in the
snow. The fact was I was awfully
hungry, my last meal having been on
Thursday noon. The ten cents I men-
tioned I gave to Jones when he keeled
over. Besides I was pretty dizzy from
the fumes. I felt like a damn fool when
I got up, and got out of sight as quick-
ly as possible.
When I reached our dump, I found
Jones in bed, but he had saved my ten
cents, only having spent his own; so I
had coffee and doughnuts and went to
bed. I ached so that I did n't sleep
much, and also I strained my back, but
we were at the paymaster's at three,
and Jones collected 35 cents and I
$3.35. Whereupon we were reckless,
— we ate $1.10 worth of steak and
coffee.
Saturday morning we were much
cast down when the shipping agent
(for men), who had half promised us a
job, said no. We followed him around
all morning (so did about 75 others),
and finally he turned to a chap called
Mac and said, 'Can you use the lads?'
Mac looked us over and allowed he
could. So at one we started and arrived
at our destination at five. Four hours
going 59 miles, hardly fast and furious.
A firm of contractors are putting in a
steel bridge with concrete piers, abut-
ments, etc., about 200 men on the job.
After supper in the mess-house we ap-
proached the office guiltily. We knew
we should have brought blankets with
us, but after handing the Prince Ru-
pert landlord the entire privy purse we
still owed him $1.
After Jones had almost cried, the
storeman handed each a perfectly good
cotton blanket at $3.25 each, and we
194
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
went to the bridge bunk-house. (Five
in all, with different names.)
This house has only white men.
(Whites evidently means Canadians,
Americans, Englishmen, and Germans.)
No bugs, thank God! and straw mat-
tresses.
I hope, if yesterday was fine, that
you and your wife walked from Massa-
chusetts Avenue to Arlington Street,
via Commonwealth Avenue. If so you
probably saw some stunning sights.
Boston, with the exception of Philadel-
phia and Los Angeles, has, I think, the
best-looking women on the continent.
But though I worked the entire day
with pick and shovel, I certainly saw
a more stunning. We are on the Skeena
River, a sizable stream, mountains on
both sides as bold as I ever saw and in-
finitely more beautiful than the Rock-
ies. Of course, this effect may have been
heightened by a beautiful day, bright
sun, and no wind. We are engaged
in bridging the second perfect-looking
fly-fishing stream I have ever seen
(the other being Grand Lake Stream,
in Maine), though I presume that
when the snow begins to melt it will be
a torrent.
This morning the same old snow and
rain. Wet to the skin, of course. How
I would like a pair of shoes, sweater,
and oil-coat. If I had those then I
would get a fly-rod and get some trout.
(They look very much like landlocked
salmon.) But as the prices they charge
in the store are frightful (at least 100
per cent extra), it will be a week before
I can get even the boots.
It was so wet this noon the company
stopped work. This I did not like, as I
could n't have been wetter if in the
river, and you are charged with your
meals whether you work or not. The
remuneration is as follows. Wages $3
for 10-hour day, less 90 cents for meals,
$1 per month for doctor and $1 for hos-
pital.
I hope that this very lengthy epistle
will not bore you; it has at least helped
me to pass some weary moments. Also
I hope you can read it (the Camp 59
part). I am in my bunk (only one
table, used by card-players) using the
celebrated Weeks Dress-Suit Case for
a back.
The surroundings are not at all bad.
Forty-odd men listening to a phono-
graph. If they were not so afraid of
poisonous fresh air and would n't spit
every second on the floor, I would be
satisfied.
As our present job will probably last
not over two weeks,
Address,
Prince Rupert, B. C.
H. D. P.
CAMP No. 59,
GRAND TRUNK PACIFIC RY. BRITISH COLUMBIA,
April 15, 1912.
My DEAR :
For some days I have meant to write
you, but the present life I am leading
makes it difficult to do anything ex-
cept work and sleep.
I am with the pick-and-shovel gang,
which work, I take it, takes the least
intelligence of any known. We are
called at six, breakfast at six-thirty,
work at seven until noon, then again
from one until six. The bunk-house I
sleep in is so dimly lighted it is almost
impossible to see to use a pencil, the
one table being used nightly by four
confirmed whist-players.
The work is not over-hard, but it is
fearfully monotonous and uninterest-
ing, but I must say the workman's
view of life is novel and gives one quite
a different idea of the world. Some-
where about two hundred men are on
this job, putting in concrete piers for a
bridge, and also somewhat turning the
course of the Skeena River (a stream
about the size of the Kennebec). We
have a babel of language, Canadians,
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
195
Americans, Russians, Finns, Poles,
Italians, etc., etc. The food is good
and so far our bunk-house is free from
vermin, but the one next to us is in-
fested with both bed-bugs and lice, and
we expect a visitation any day
Wages in this country are a good
deal of a delusion and a snare; I am re-
ceiving three dollars a day which is, of
course, nearly double what I would get
in the East for similar work, but living
is very expensive. Twenty-five cents
for a ten-cent tin of Lucky Strike, nine
dollars for a pair of shoes not worth
over four, two dollars and a half for
dollar overalls, etc., etc. For food,
the contractors, Johnson, Carey, and
Helmars, charge 90 cents a day, which,
of course, one pays whether one works
or not; and, of course, there is no Sun-
day here, as the work goes on seven
days a week.
I object, as a workman, to a ten-
hour day; it is too long, as a man should
have a little daylight in which to shave,
wash his clothes, etc. In fact, I believe
if the work stopped here at five in the
afternoon, or a nine-hour day, as much
would be accomplished, as the last
hour distinctly drags, and every man is
hoping for the whistle every minute.
I am really writing this letter on ac-
count of my son John. When you re-
ceive it, I will be thirty-six years old,
working with my hands, with no pro-
spect of improving my condition. Of
course, there are chances for the man
with a little money. I think with a
thousand dollars one who knew the
retail coal business could build up a
very pretty tonnage in Prince Rupert,
which bids fair to grow as fast as
Vancouver, as it will be the western
terminus of this railway. Without ex-
ception it has the finest harbor I ever
saw, eight miles of landlocked water
surrounded by high mountains, a hun-
dred feet in depth right up to the shore.
Then the fish are here in almost incon-
ceivable numbers, also great mineral
wealth and much timber; but all this is
for the capitalist and not for the work-
ing-man.
There is, however, a demand for
skilled labor. For instance, carpenters
receive 45 cents an hour and engineers
(donkeys) 50 cents. As I in all proba-
bility will never see John again, I sug-
gest you confer with my wife, with the
view of letting John put in a few weeks
in the summer learning some trade, so
that if the worst comes to worst he
would have something to fall back
upon, and not find himself in the pre-
dicament I am in at present.
The chance to write this letter came
through rather a nasty accident. The
anchor-line on one of the bridge der-
ricks broke about eleven this morning
and the whole shooting-match pretty
nearly went in the river. After dinner
two other chaps and myself climbed
out on the end (about forty feet above
ground) to pass a line, when the leg
fell. Both my companions were killed,
one instantly, the other dying in about
an hour. The bodies are lying at my
feet, covered up with some meal-sacks.
A good horse is worth $500, but a man
nothing, in this country. When I felt
the timbers going I jumped outwards
and landed in the river, reaching shore
some two hundred yards downstream
in an eddy. As all the clothes I have
were on my back, and I have no credit
at the store, I am taking the afternoon
off to dry out.
If any one dies or any new ones
arrive in the family I would like to be
advised. As the work I am on will
not last over ten days at the outside,
General Delivery, Prince Rupert, Brit-
ish Columbia, is my surest address.
Will you please mail this letter to
, as he seems to take some interest
in my wanderings.
Yours,
H. D. P.
196
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
PRINCE RUPERT, B. C. April 19, 1912.
DEAR ,
I am here as a witness in the Coro-
ner's inquest, held to determine the
cause of the death of the two men who
were killed. No new news. I've been
pressing my nose against the * Gent's
Furnishing Stores,' wishing I had the
price of an $18 suit.
Have called on all the Civil and
Mining engineers, with the hope of
getting on some surveying party, but
without success.
The future does not look very rosy
as I write.
As ever,
H. D. P.
P.S. The harbor here is the most
wonderful I ever saw or dreamed of.
SEELEY, B. C., G. T. P. R., May 7, 1912.
DEAR ,
After the Coroner's inquest I went
back to camp. There I stayed until
yesterday morning, working on rock
and gravel, and only left on account
of the vermin, which were something
awful. I got covered with lice and
fleas, and, as they were general in the
bunk-house, bathing was only a tem-
porary relief. I begged the superin-
tendent for sufficient lumber to build
a shack of my own, but was answered
by, * Stay in the bunk-house or get out ' ;
so I got. Follows a diary of my days.
Monday, May 6. — Started up river
at eight this A.M. Followed the grade
of the new road (steam) as it seemed
to be better hiking than on the wagon
road, which was very wet. Passed
twenty or twenty-five Italian laborers
who seemed to be rather poor walkers,
and then caught up to a more nonde-
script bunch. Four of them in all, one
a Dominion Government policeman
whose chief duties, apparently, are to
stop the sale of liquor to the Indians;
another a railroad contractor by the
name of Corrigan, an Irishman who
looked fifty, and who told me he was
seventy-three years old. He said he
had spent the past winter in Southern
California and that he had been drunk
for four months. As he was feeling ex-
ceedingly feeble, I guess, perhaps, he
had. The third was a prospector, a
man of fifty-five, who has spent twenty-
five years in this country or north. I
envied him his ability in carrying stuff
on his back. His pack weighed about
a hundred pounds, yet he only stopped
to rest three times on our morning
journey, a distance of fourteen miles.
My own, which only weighs forty
pounds, seemed fearfully heavy when
we reached Seeley at noon. The fourth
chap was a youngster who was looking
for a chance to get on some survey.
After dinner I hiked on alone for
New Hazelton, which is the head-
quarters of Messrs. Farrington, Weeks,
and Stone, the contractors, who are
building the railroad through B. C. for
G. T. P. Arrived at four-thirty, pretty
well played-out. Had a sponge bath in
a hand-basin and changed my under-
clothes and socks. Then went out and
bought a pair of trousers and a shirt.
Hated like the devil to spend the
money, but it seemed rather necessary.
Had no trousers, having worn out the
only ones I owned, and my second
flannel shirt disappeared a week ago.
If I could get my hands on the man
that stole it there would be a near mur-
der. On reading the last sentence over
it might appear that I went almost
naked, while as a matter of fact I have
a pair of overalls.
Went to bed at seven-thirty, and, at
once, I was reminded of an illustration
in an old edition of Mark Twain's
Roughing It. The cut depicted Brig-
ham Young's bedroom, seventy beds
for his wives. Mark goes on to say
the bedroom was a failure because all
the wives breathed in and out at the
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
197
same time, and the pressure blew the
walls down. My bedroom was an un-
finished loft with some thirty-odd cots
in it. I woke in the night and the snor-
ing was strenuous.
Tuesday, May 7. — Twelve years
ago to-day I left Boston for Washing-
ton to be married. My prospects at
that time seemed to be bright and se-
cure, but as the late lamented Dan
Daly used to say, 'Now look at the
damn thing.'
Went to F. W. & S. offices at nine,
and to my disgust found that Mr.
Stratton, the general superintendent,
had left a short time before for Seeley,
and as he was the man I must see to se-
cure any sort of a position, I packed up
and hiked back to Seeley. Arrived at
Seeley at twelve, had a bite and caught
Mr. S., a gruff and short Irishman of
fifty, on the steamer. He listened to
me for five minutes and then said,
'You see Pat Maloney and say I said
to take you on.' On inquiry I found
that Mr. Maloney is chief auditor of the
company; nobody seems to know his
whereabouts, but he is somewhere up
the line, — he may be here to-morrow
and may not be for a week. I hope it 's
to-morrow as the exchequer is running
extremely low. As I write I have a
pay check for $4.70, and $4.50 in
cash. Meals are 50 cents each, and a
bed $1.
Seeley is the last landing-place on
the Skeena River for the G. T. P., as
the river goes directly north from here,
while the railroad is to go east. Sup-
plies, of course, are very expensive.
They come from Vancouver to Prince
Rupert by water, Prince Rupert to
Van Arsdal by rail, and from Van Ars-
dal to Seeley by river steamers which
are stern-wheelers and small copies of
the freighters one sees on the Missis-
sippi.
These towns are amusing: Seeley has
eleven board buildings and about
twenty tents, and New Hazelton per-
haps thirty frame buildings and as
many tents, yet if you look at the real-
estate advertisements in the Vancouver
newspapers you might imagine both
places were about ready for street cars.
New Hazelton, however, boasts of a
branch of the Union Bank of Canada,
which is at least picturesque, as it is a
very fine log cabin.
In time a good deal of silver will
come out of this country, but up to the
present the lack of transportation has
precluded any shipments of ore. Min-
eral wealth, timber, and magnificent
scenery complete the entire resources
of the region, and the scenery is n't
much of a help to the working-man.
Here endeth the present writing.
[The remaining * Letters of a Down-
and-Out ' will be published in March.]
THE MACHINE-TRAINERS
BY GERALD STANLEY LEE
I WENT to the Durbar the other
night (in kinemacolor) and saw the
King and Queen through India. I had
found my way, with hundreds of others,
into a gallery of the Scala Theatre, and,
out of that big, still rim of watchful
darkness where I sat, I saw — there
must have been thousands of them —
crowds of camels running.
And crowds of elephants went
swinging past. I watched them like a
boy; like a boy standing on the edge of
a thousand years and looking off at a
world. It was stately and strange and
like far music to sit quite still and
watch civilizations swinging past.
Then, suddenly, it became near and
human, the spirit of playgrounds and
of shouting and boyish laughter ran
through it. And we watched the ele-
phants naked and untrimmed, lolling
down to the lake, and lying down to be
scrubbed in it, with comfortable, low
snortings and slow rolling in the water,
and the men standing by, all the while,
like little play nurses, and tending
them — their big bungling babies at
the bath. A few minutes later we
watched the same elephants, hundreds
of them, their mighty toilets made,
pacing slowly past, swinging their
gorgeous trappings in our eyes, rolling
their huge hoodahs at us, and, all the
time, still those little funny dots of
men beside them, moving them silently,
moving them invisibly, as by a spirit,
as by a kind of awful wireless — those
great engines of the flesh! I shall never
198
forget it or live without it, that slow
pantomime of those mighty, silent
Eastern nations; their religions, their
philosophies, their wills, their souls,
moving their elephants past; the long
panorama of it, of their little, awful,
human wills; all those little black, help-
less looking slits of Human Will astride
those mighty necks!
I have the same feeling when I see
Count Zeppelin with his air-ship, or
Grahame- White at Hendon, riding his
vast cosmic pigeon up the sky; and it
is the same feeling I have with the
locomotives — those unconscious, for-
bidding, coldly obedient, terrible fel-
lows! Have I not lain awake and lis-
tened to them storming through the
night, heard them out there, ahead,
working our wills on the blackness, on
the thick night, on the stars, on space,
and on time, while we slept?
My main feeling at the Durbar,
while I watched those splendid beasts,
the crowds of camels, the crowds of
elephants, all being driven along by
the little faint, dreamy, sleepy-look-
ing people, was, * Why don't their ele-
phants turn around on them and chase
them?'
I kept thinking at first that they
would, almost any minute.
Our elephants chase us, most of us.
Who has not seen locomotives come
quietly out of their round-houses in
New York and begin chasing people;
chasing whole towns, tearing along
with them, making everybody hurry
whether or no; speeding up and order-
ing around by the clock great cities,
THE MACHINE-TRAINERS
199
everybody alike, the rich and the poor,
the just and the unjust, for hundreds of
miles around? In the same way I have
seen, hundreds of times, motor-cars
turning around on their owners and
chasing them, chasing them fairly out
of their lives. And hundreds of thou-
sands of little wood and rubber Things
with nickel bells whirring may be seen
ordering around people — who pay
them for it — in any city of our mod-
ern world.
Now and then one comes on a man
who keeps a telephone who is a gentle-
man with it, and who keeps it in its
place, but not often.
There are certain questions to be
asked, and to be settled, in any civiliza-
tion that would be called great.
First. Do the elephants chase the
men in it? Second. And if — as in our
western civilization — the men have
made their own elephants, why should
they be chased by them?
There are some of us who have won-
dered a little at the comparative infe-
riority of organ music. We have come
to the conclusion that, perhaps, organ
music is inferior because it has been
largely composed by organists, by men
who sit at organ machines many hours
a day, and who have let their organ
machines, with all their stops and pe-
dals, and with all their stop-and-pedal
mindedness, select out of their minds
the tones that organs can do best —
the music that machines like.
Wagner has come to be recognized
as a great and original composer for a
machine age, because he would not let
his imagination be cowed by the mere
technical limitations, the narrowmind-
edness of brass horns, wooden flutes,
and catgut; he made up his mind that
he would not sing violins. He made
violins sing him.
Perhaps this is the whole secret of
art in a machine civilization. Perhaps
a machine civilization is capable of a
greater art than has ever been dreamed
of in the world before, the moment it
stops being chased by its elephants.
The question of letting the crowd be
beautiful in our world of machines and
crowds, to-day, turns on our producing
Machine-Trainers .
Men possessed by watches in their
vest pockets cannot be inspired; men
possessed by churches or by religion-
machines, cannot be prophets; men
possessed by school-machines cannot
be educators.
The reason that we find the poet, or
at least the minor poet, discouraged in
a machine age, probably is because
there is nothing a minor poet can do in
it. Why should nightingales, poppies,
and dells expect, in a main trial of
strength, to compete with machines?
And why should human beings running
for their souls in a race with locomo-
tives expect to keep very long from
losing them?
The reason that most people are dis-
couraged about machinery to-day is
because this is what they think a ma-
chine civilization is. They whine at
the machines. They blame the locomo-
tive.
A better way for a man to do would
be to stop blaming the locomotive and
stop running along out of breath be-
side it, and get up into the cab.
This is the whole issue of art in our
modern civilization — getting up into
the cab.
First come the Machine-Trainers, or
poets who can tame engines. Then the
other poets. In the mean time, the less
we hear about nightingales and poppies
and dells and love and above, the
better. Poetry must make a few iron-
handed, gentle-hearted, mighty men
next. It is because we demand and ex-
pect the beautiful that we say that
poetry must make men next.
The elephants have been running
around in the garden long enough.
200
THE MACHINE-TRAINERS
ii
There are people who say that ma-
chines cannot be beautiful and cannot
make for beauty because machines are
dead.
I would agree with them if I thought
that machines were dead.
I have watched in spirit, hundreds
of years, the machines grow out of Man
like nails, like vast antennae, a kind of
enormous, more unconscious sub-body.
They are apparently of less lively and
less sensitive tissue than tongues or
eyes or flesh; and, like all bones, they
do not renew, of course, as often or as
rapidly as flesh. But the difference be-
tween live and dead machines is quite
as grave and quite as important as the
difference between live and dead men.
The generally accepted idea of a live
thing is that it is a thing that keeps
dying and being born again every min-
ute; it is seen to be alive by its respon-
siveness to the spirit, to the intelligence
that created it, and that keeps re-creat-
ing it. I have known thousands of fac-
tories, and every factory I have known
that is really strong or efficient has
scales like a snake, and casts off its old
self. All the people in it, and all the
iron and wood in it, month by month,
are being renewed and shedding them-
selves. Any live factory can always be
seen moulting year after year. A live
spirit goes all through the machinery,
a kind of nervous tissue of invention,
of thought.
We already speak of live and dead
iron, of live and dead engines or half-
dead and half-sick engines, and we have
learned that there is such a thing as
tired steel. What people do to steel
makes a difference to it. Steel is sensi-
tive to people. My human spirit grows
my arm and moves it and guides it and
expresses itself in it; keeps re-creating
it and destroying it; and daily my soul
keeps rubbing out and writing in new
lines upon my face; and in the same
way my typewriter, in a slow, more
stolid fashion, responds to my spirit,
too. Two men changing typewriters
or motor-cars are, though more subtly,
like two men changing boots. Sewing-
machines, pianos, and fiddles grow in-
timate with the people who use them,
and they come to express those par-
ticular people, and the ways in which
they are different from others. A
brown-eyed typewriter makes her ma-
chine move differently every day from a
blue-eyed one. Typewriting machines
never like to have their people take the
liberty of lending them. Steel bars and
wooden levers all have little manner-
isms, little expressions, small souls of
their ow'n, habits of people that they
have lived with, which have grasped
the little wood and iron levers of their
wills, and made them what they are.
It is somewhere in the region of this
fact that we are going to discover the
great determining secret of modern
life, of the mastery of man over his
machines. Man at the present mo-
ment, with all his new machines about
him, is engaged in becoming as self-con-
trolled, as self-expressive, with his new
machines, with his wireless telegraph
arms, and his railway legs, as he is with
his flesh-and-blood ones. The force in
man that is doing this is the spiritual
genius in him that created the machine,
the genius of imperious and implacable
self-expression, of glorious self-asser-
tion in matter, the genius for being hu-
man, for being spiritual, and for over-
flowing everything he touches, and
everything he uses, with his own will,
and with the ideals and desires of his
soul. The Dutchman has expressed
himself in Dutch architecture and in
Dutch art, the American has expressed
himself in the motor-car, the English-
man has expressed himself, has carved
his will and his poetry, upon the hills,
and made his landscape a masterpiece
THE MACHINE-TRAINERS
201
by a great nation. He has made his
walls and winding roads, his rivers, his
very tree-tops, express his deep, silent
joy in the earth. So the great, fresh,
young nations to-day, with a kind of
new stern gladness, implacableness, and
hope, have appointed to their souls
expression through machinery. Our
engines and our radium shall cry to
God. Our wheels sing in the sun!
Machinery is our new art-form. A
man expresses himself first in his hands
and feet, then in his clothes, and then
in his rooms or in his house, and then
on the ground about him; the very hills
grow like him, and the ground in the
fields becomes his countenance, and
now, last and furthest of all, requiring
the liveliest and noblest grasp of his
soul, the finest circulation of will, of
all, he begins expressing himself in the
vast machines, in his three-thousand-
mile railways, his vast, cold-looking
looms, and dull steel hammers. With
telescopes for Mars-eyes for his spirit,
he walks up the skies; he express-
es his soul in deep and dark mines,
and in mighty foundries melting and
remoulding the world. He is making
these things intimate, sensitive and
colossal expressions of his soul. They
have become the subconscious body,
the abysmal, semi-infinite body of the
man, sacred as the body of the man is
sacred, and as full of light or darkness.
So I have seen the machines go
swinging through the world. Like arch-
angels, like demons, they mount up our
desires on the mountains. We do as we
will with them. We build Winchester
Cathedral all over again, on water. We
dive down with our steel wheels and
nose for knowledge, like a great fish,
along the bottom of the sea. We beat
up our wills through the air. We fling
up, with our religion, with our faith,
our bodies on the clouds. We fly rev-
erently and strangely, our hearts all
still and happy, in the face of God!
in
The whole process of machine-
invention is itself the most colossal
spiritual achievement of history. The
bare idea we have had of unraveling all
creation, and of doing it up again to
express our own souls, — the idea of
subduing matter, of making our ideals
get their way with matter, with radium,
ether, antiseptics, — is itself a religion,
a poetry, a ritual, a cry to heaven. The
supreme spiritual adventure of the
world has become this task that man
has set himself, of breaking down and
casting away forever the idea that there
is such a thing as matter belonging to
Matter — matter that keeps on in a
dead, stupid way, just being matter.
The idea that matter is not all alive with
our souls, with our desires and prayers,
with hope, terror, worship, with the
little terrible wills of men, and the spirit
of God, is already irreligious to us. Is
not every cubic inch of iron (the cold-
est blooded scientist admits it) like a
kind of little temple, its million million
little atoms in it going round and
round and round, dancing before the
Lord?
And why should an Oxford man be
afraid of a cubic inch of iron, or afraid
of becoming like it?
I daily thank God that I have been
allowed to belong to this generation.
I have looked at last a little cubic inch
of iron out of countenance! I can sit
and watch it, the little cubic inch of
iron, in its still coldness, in all its little
funny play-deadness, and laugh! I
know that to a telescope or a god, or to
me, to us, the little cubic inch of iron
is all alive inside; that it is whirling
with will, that it is sensitive in a rather
dead-looking, but lively, cosmic way,
sensitive like another kind of more
slowly quivering flesh, sensitive to
moons and to stars and to heat and
cold, to time and space, and to human
202
THE MACHINE-TRAINERS
souls. It is singing every minute, low
and strange, night and day, in its little
grim blackness, of the glory of things.
I am filled with the same feeling, the
same sense of kinship, of triumphant
companionship, when I go out among
them, and watch the majestic family
of the machines, of the engines, those
mighty Innocents, those new, awful
sons of God, going abroad through all
the world, looking back at us when we
have made them, unblinking and with-
out sin!
Like rain and sunshine, like chem-
icals, and like all the other innocent,
godlike things, and like waves of water
and waves of air, rainbows, starlight,
they say what we make them say.
They are alive with the life that is in
us.
The first element of power in a man
— in getting control of his life in our
modern era — is the having spirit
enough to know what matter is like.
The Machine-Trainer is the man who
sees what the machines are like. He is
the man who conceives of iron and
wood machines, in his daily habit of
thought, as alive. He has discovered
ways in which he can produce an im-
pression upon iron and wood with his
desires, and with his will. He goes
about making iron and wood machines
do live things.
It is never the machines that are
dead.
It is only mechanical-minded men
that are dead.
IV
The fate of civilization is not going
to be determined by people who are
morbidly like machines, on the one
hand, or by people who are morbidly
unmechanical, on the other.
People in a machine civilization who
try to live without being automatic
and mechanical-minded part of the
time, and in some things, — people who
try to make everything they do artis-
tic and self-expressive and hand-made,
who attend to all their own thoughts
and finish off all their actions by
hand themselves, soon wish they were
dead.
People who do everything they do
mechanically, or by machinery, are
dead already.
It is bad enough for those of us who
are trying to live our lives ourselves,
real true hand-made individual lives,
to have to fight all these machines
about us trying daily to roar and roll
us down into humdrum and nothing-
ness, without having to fight besides
all these dear people we have about
us, too, who have turned machines,
even one's own flesh and blood. Does
not one see them, — see them every-
where, — one's own flesh and blood,
going about like stone-crushers, road-
rollers, lifts, and lawn-mowers?
Between the morbidly mechanical
people and the morbidly unmechan-
ical people, modern civilization hangs
in the balance.
There must be some way of being
just mechanical enough, and at the
right time and right place, and of being
just unmechanical enough, at the right
time and right place. And there must
be some way in which men can be me-
chanical and unmechanical at will.
The fate of civilization turns on men
who recognize the nature of machin-
ery, who make machines serve them,
who add the machines to their souls,
like telephones and wireless telegraph,
or to their bodies, like radium and rail-
roads, and who know when and when
not, and how and how not, to use them
— who are so used to using machines
quietly, powerfully, that they do not
let the machines outwit them and un-
man them.
Who are these men?
How do they do it?
They are the Machine-Trainers.
THE MACHINE-TRAINERS
They are the men who understand
people-machines, who understand iron-
machines, and who understand how to
make people-machines and iron-ma-
chines run softly together.
There was a time, once, in the old,
simple, individual days, when dry-
goods stores could be human. They
expressed in a quiet, easy way the souls
of the people who owned them.
When machinery was invented, and
when organization was invented, ma-
chines of people — dry-goods stores —
became vast selling-machines.
We then faced the problem of mak-
ing a dry-goods store with twenty-five
hundred clerks in it as human as a
dry-goods store with fifteen.
This problem has been essentially,
and in principle, solved. At least we
know it is about to be solved. We are
ready to admit — most of us — that
it is practicable for a department store
to be human. Everything the man
at the top does expresses his human
nature and his personality — to his
clerks. His clerks become twenty-five
hundred more of him in miniature.
What is more, the very stuff in which
the clerks in department stores work
— the thing that passes through their
hands — is human, and everything
about it is human, or can be made
human; and all the while vast currents
of human beings, huge Mississippis of
human feeling, flow past the clerks —
thousands and thousands of souls a
day — and pour over their souls, mak-
ing them and keeping them human.
The stream clears itself.
But what can we say about human
beings in a mine, about the practica-
bility of keeping human twenty-five
hundred men in a hole in the ground?
And how can a mine-owner reach down
to the men in the hole, make himself
felt, as a human being, on the bottom
floor of the hole in the ground?
In a department store, the employer
expresses himself and his clerks through
every one of the other twenty-five
hundred; they mingle, and stir their
souls and hopes and fears together,
and he expresses himself to all of them
through them all. But in a mine —
two men work all alone down in a dark
hole in the ground. Thousands of other
men, all in dark holes, are near by,
with nothing but the dull sound of
picks to come between. In thousands
of other holes men work, each man
with his helper, all alone. The utmost
the helper can do is to grow like the man
he works with or like his own pick —
or like the coal he chips out or like
the black hole. The utmost the man
he works with can do, in the way of
being human, is with his helper.
In a factory, for the most part, the
only way, during working hours, that
an employer can express himself and his
humanness to his workman, is through
the steel machine the workman works
with — through its being a new, good,
fair machine, or a poor one. He can
only smile and frown at him with steel,
be good to him in wheels and levers,
or now and then, perhaps, through a
foreman pacing down the aisles.
The question the modern business
man in a factory has to face is very
largely this : * I have acres of machines
all roaring my will at my men. I have
leather belts, printed rules, white
steam, pistons, roar, air, water, and fire,
and silence, to express myself to my
workmen in. I have long, monotonous
swings and sweeps of cold steel, buckets
of melted iron, strips of wood; bells,
whistles, clocks — to express myself,
to express my human spirit to my
men. Is there any possible way in
which my factory, with its machines,
can be made as human and expressive
of the human as a department store?
204
THE MACHINE-TRAINERS
This is the question that our machine
civilization has set itself to answer.
All the men with good, honest, work-
ing imaginations — the geniuses and
freemen of the world — are setting
themselves the task of answering it.
Some say, machines are on the necks
of the men. We will take the machines
away.
Others say, we will make our men as
good as our machines. We will make
our inventions in men catch up with
our inventions in machines.
We naturally turn to the employer
first, as having the first chance. What
is there an employer can do, to draw
out the latent force in the men — evoke
the divine, incalculable passion sleep-
ing beneath — in the machine- walled
minds, the padlocked wills, the dull,
unmined desires of men? How can he
touch and wake the solar-plexus of
labor?
If an employer desires to get into the
inner substance of the most common
type of workman, — be an artist with
him, express himself with him, and
change the nature of that substance,
give it a different color or light or
movement, so that he will work three
times as fast, ten times as cheerfully
and healthfully, and with his whole
body, soul, and spirit, — how is he
going to do it?
Most employers wish they could do
this. If they could persuade their men
to believe in them, to begin to be
willing to work with them instead
of against them, they would do it.
What form of language is there —
whether of words or actions — that an
employer can use to make the men
who work nine hours a day for him,
and to whom he has to express himself
across acres of machines, believe in him
and understand him?
The modern employer finds himself
set sternly face to face, every day of
his life, with this question. All civiliza-
tion seems crowding up, day by day;
seems standing outside his office door
as he goes in and as he goes out, and
asking him, now with despair, now
with a kind of grim, implacable hope,
* Do you believe, or do you not believe,
that a factory can be made as human
as a department store?'
This question is going to be answer-
ed first by men who know what iron
machines really are, and what they
are really for, and how they work; who
know what people-machines really are,
and what they are really for, and how
they work. They will base all they
do upon certain resemblances and cer-
tain differences between people and
machines.
They will work the machines of iron
according to the laws of iron.
They will work the machines of men
according to the laws of human nature.
There are certain human feelings,
enthusiasms, and general principles,
concerning the natural working rela-
tion between men and machines, that
it may be well to consider as a basis
for a possible solution.
What are our machines, after all?
How are the machines like us? And on
what theory of their relation can ma-
chines and men expect in a world like
this to work softly together? These
are the questions that men are going
to answer next. In the mean time I
venture to believe that no man who is
morose to-day about the machines, or
who is afraid of machines in our civiliza-
tion, — because they are machines, —
is likely to be able to do much to save
the men in it.
VI
Every man has, according to the
scientists, a place in the small of his
back which might be called roughly,
perhaps, the soul of his body. All the
little streets of the senses or avenues
of knowledge, the spiritual conduits
THE MACHINE-TRAINERS
205
through which he lives in this world,
meet in this little mighty brain in the
small of a man's back.
About nine hundred millions of his
grandfathers apparently make their
headquarters in this little place in the
small of his back.
It is in this one little modest unno-
ticed place that he is supposed to keep
his race-consciousness, his subcon-
scious memory of a whole human race;
and it is here that the desires and the
delights and labors of thousands of
years of other people are turned off and
turned on in him. This is the brain
that has been given to every man for
the heavy, everyday hard work of liv-
ing. The other brain, the one with
which he does his thinking, and which
is kept in an honored place up in the
cupola of his being, is a comparatively
light- working organ, merely his own
private personal brain, a conscious,
small, and supposably controllable af-
fair. He holds on to his own particular
identity with it. The great lower brain
in the small of his back is merely lent
to him, as it were, out of eternity —
while he goes by.
It is like a great engine, which he has
been allowed the use of as long as he
can keep it connected up properly with
his cerebral arrangements.
This appears to be mainly what the
cerebral brain is for, this keeping the
man connected up. It acts as a kind of
stop-cock for one's infinity, for screw-
ing on or screwing off one's vast race-
consciousness, one's all-humanityness,
all those unsounded deeps or reservoirs
of human energy, of hope and memory,
of love, of passionate thought, of earth-
ly and heavenly desire, that are lent
to each of us, as we slip softly by for
seventy years or so, by a whole human
race.
A human being is a kind of factory.
The engine and the works and all the
various machines are kept in the base-
ment, and he sends down orders to
them from time to time, and they do
the work which has been conceived up
in headquarters. He expects the works
down below to keep on doing these
things without his taking any particu-
lar notice of them, while he occupies
his mind, as the competent head of a
factory should, with the things that
are new and different and special, and
that his mind alone can do; the things
which, at least in their present initial
formative or creative stage, no ma-
chines as yet have been developed to
do, and which can only be worked out
by the man up in the headquarters,
himself, personally, by the handiwork
of his own thought.
The more a human being develops,
the more delicate, sensitive, strong,
and efficient, the more spirit-informed,
once for all, the machines in the base-
ment are. As he grows, the various
subconscious arrangements for dis-
criminating, assimilating, classifying
material, for pumping up power, light,
and heat to headquarters, all of which
can be turned on at will, grow more
masterful every year. They are found
all slaving away for him, dimly, down
in the dark, while he sleeps. They hand
him up, in his very dreams, new and
strange powers to live and to know
with.
The men who have been most de-
veloped of all, in this regard, civiliza-
tion has always selected and set aside
from the others. It calls these men, in
their generation, men of genius.
Ordinary men do not try to compete
with men of genius.
The reason that people set the genius
to one side, and do not try to compete
with him, is that he has more and bet-
ter machinery than they have. It is
always the first thing one notices about
a man of genius — the incredible num-
ber of things that he manages to get
done for him; apparently, the things
206
THE MACHINE-TRAINERS
that he never takes any time off, like
the rest of us, to do himself. The
subconscious, automatic, mechanical
equipment of his senses; the extraordin-
ary intelligence and refinement of his
body; the way his senses keep his spirit
informed automatically and convey
outer knowledge to him; the power he
has, in return, of informing this outer
knowledge with his spirit, with his will,
with his choices, once for all, so that he
is always able afterwards to rely on his
senses to work out things beautifully
for him, quite by themselves, and to
hand up to him, when he wants them,
rare, deep, unconscious knowledge, —
all the things he wants to use for what
his soul is doing at the moment, — it is
these that make the man of genius
what he is. He has a larger and better
factory than others, and has developed
a huge subconscious service in mind
and body. Having all these things
done for him he is naturally more free
than others, and has more vision and
more originality, his spirit is swung
free to build new worlds, to take walks
with God, until at last we come to look
upon him — upon the man of genius
— a little superstitiously. We look
up every little while from doing the
things that he gets done for him by
his subconscious machinery, and we
wonder at him; we wonder at the
strange, the mighty feats he does, at
his thousand-league boots, at his ap-
parent everywhereness. His songs and
joys, sometimes his very sorrows, look
miraculous.
And yet it is all merely because he
has a factory, a great automatic equip-
ment, a thousand-employee sense-per-
ception, down in the basement of his
being, doing things for him that the
rest of us do, or think we are obliged to
do, ourselves, and give up all of our
time to. He is not held back as we are;
he moves freely. So he dives under the
sea familiarly, or takes peeps at the
farther side of the stars; or he flies in
the air, or he builds unspeakable rail-
roads, or thinks out ships or sea-cities,
or he builds books, or he builds little,
new, still undreamed-of worlds out of
chemistry; or he unravels history out'of
rocks, or plants new cities and mighty
states without seeming to try; or, per-
haps, he proceeds quietly to be inter-
ested in men, in all these little funny
dots of men about him; and out of the
earth and sky, out of the same old
earth and sky that everybody else has
had, he makes new kinds and new sizes
of men with a thought, like some
mighty, serene child playing with dolls.
It is generally supposed that the
man of genius rules history and dic-
tates the ideals and activities of the
next generation; writes out the specifi-
cations for the joys and sorrows of a
world, and lays the ground-plan of na-
tions, because he has an inspired mind.
It is really because he has an inspired
body, a body that has received its
orders once for all from his spirit. We
should never wonder that everything
a genius does has that vivid and strange
reality if we realized what his body is
doing for him, how he has a body
which is at work automatically drink-
ing up the earth into everything he
thinks, drinking up practicability, art,
and technique for him into everything
he sees, and everything he hopes and
desires. And every year he keeps on
adding a new body; keeps on handing
down to his basement new sets, every
day, of finer and yet finer things to do
automatically.
The great spiritual genius becomes
great by economizing his conscious-
ness in one direction, and letting it
fare forth in another. He converts
his old inspirations into his new ma-
chines. He converts heat into power
and power into light, and comes to live
at last — as almost any man of genius
can be partly seen living — in a kind
THE MACHINE-TRAINERS
207
of transfigured or lighted-up body. The
poet transmutes his subconscious or
machine-body into words, and the art-
ist transmutes his into color or sound,
or into carved stone. The engineer
transmutes his subconscious body into
long buildings, into aisles of windows,
into stories of thoughtful machines.
Every great spiritual and imaginative
genius is seen — sooner or later — to
be the transmuted genius of some
man's body. The things in Leonardo
da Vinci that his unconscious, high-
spirited, automatic senses gathered to-
gether for him, piled up in his mind for
him and handed over to him for the use
of his soul, would have made a genius
out of anybody. It is not as if he had
to work out every day all the old de-
tails of being a genius, himself.
The miracles he seems to work are
all made possible to him because of his
thousand-man-power, his deep subcon-
scious body, his tremendous factory of
sensuous machinery. It is as if he had
practically a thousand men all working
for him, for dear life, down in his base-
ment, and the things that he can get
these men to attend to for him give
him a start with which none of the rest
of us could ever hope to compete. We
call him inspired, because he is more
mechanical than we are, and because his
real spiritual life begins where our lives
leave off.
So the poets who have filled the
world with glory and beauty, have been
free to do it because they have had
more perfect, more healthful, and im-
proved subconscious senses handing up
wonder to them than the rest of us
have.
And so the engineers, living as they
always live, with that fierce, silent,
implacable curiosity of theirs, woven
through their bodies and through their
senses and through their souls, have
tagged the Creator's footsteps under
the earth, and along the sky, every now
and then throwing up new little
worlds to Him like his worlds, saying,
'Look, O God, look at this I9 — the en-
gineers whose poetry is too deep to
look poetic have all done what they
have done because the unconscious
and automatic gifts of their senses, of
the powers of their observation, have
swung their souls free, have given them
long, still reaches of thought, and vast
new orbits of desire, like gods.
All the great men of the world have
always had machinery.
Now everybody is having it. The
power to get little things, innumerable,
omnipresent, forever-and-ever things,
tiny just-so things, done for us auto-
matically, so that we can go on to our
inspirations, is no longer to-day the
special prerogative of men of genius.
It is for all of us. Machinery is the
stored-up spirit, the old saved-up in-
spiration of the world turned on for
every man. And as the greatness of a
man lies in his command over machin-
ery, in his power to free his soul by
making his body work for him, the
greatness of a civilization lies in its
getting machines to do its work. The
more of our living we can learn to do
to-day automatically, the more in-
spired and creative and godlike and
unmechanical our civilization becomes.
Machinery is the subconscious mind
of the world.
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
BY MARY S. WATTS
[In the late sixties of the last century, Joshua
Van Cleve, a well-to-do Ohio business man, died,
leaving a widow with three grown children, two
daughters and a son, and a handsome fortune.
Shortly afterwards the daughters married, be-
coming, respectively, Mrs. Kendrick and Mrs.
Lucas; and each had a child. One of these latter
was a boy, Van Cleve Kendrick. Van Cleve's
parents both died when he was a baby; and by
the time he grew up, his grandfather's estate
had been almost entirely dissipated, so that, at
eighteen years of age, the young fellow found
himself practically the only support of the fam-
ily, which now consisted of his grandmother,
his aunt, who was a widow, with her daughter
Evelyn, and his uncle, Major Stanton Van
Cleve, a broken-down ex-officer of the Civil
War. Van Cleve accordingly went to work, and
after sundry experiences, secured a position with
the National Loan and Savings Bank of Cincin-
nati, Ohio.
CHAPTER VII
t
THE INDUSTRIOUS APPRENTICE
'THE rolling stone gathers no moss,'
and 'The setting hen never gets fat,'
are two worthy old proverbs not less
true, it would seem, for being diamet-
rically contradictory; and liable, like
most proverbs, to excite the retort that
everything depends on the individual.
For instance, there was Van Cleve
Kendrick, after some five years at the
bank, as solid a fixture as its marble
steps or safe-deposit vaults, the very
reverse of a rolling stone; yet no supine
and starveling setting hen, for all that.
On the contrary, the young fellow was
considered unusually active, shrewd,
self-reliant, and capable; his integrity
was above question; his ability such as
208
It was at this time, that is, as nearly as I recol-
lect, about 1892 or 1893, that I first met Van Cleve
and his people, who had just come to Cincinnati
to live. Van must have been twenty-one or so.
They had friends here who introduced them,
Professor Gilbert of our university and his fam-
ily. There were two young Gilberts, a boy and
girl of Van Cleve's own age. Bob Gilbert had not
had a very promising career so far; he was rather
wild at college, and got to drinking and into other
bad habits, after he came home. At this time he
had a position with a firm of brokers where a
college chum of his, a Mr. Cortwright, was also
employed. Nobody knew much about Phil Cort-
wright, who was not a native Cincinnatian; he
was a very good-looking young man, inclined to
be fast, we understood, and in the habit of mak-
ing love violently to every girl he met. He was be-
ginning now to be quite devoted to Lorrie Gilbert;
and Van Cleve Kendrick disliked him heartily
— from which we drew our own conclusions.]
to put him * right in line for promotion,'
according to what people heard. In-
deed, the president of the National
Loan, Mr. Gebhardt himself, was the
original source of this rumor. He was
an enthusiastic man, a big, blond, fine-
looking man with the heavy beard and
roving, distant blue eyes of a Viking,
and when he came out with one of his
strong encomiums about 'my young
friendt Van Cleef Kendrick,' in his
deep and melodious bass voice, with the
faint German accent which he always
betrayed in moments of earnestness
or excitement, the effect was very im-
pressive and convincing.
At twenty-seven years of age, Mr.
Kendrick held eight shares in the Na-
tional, on which he had paid a third
of what he had borrowed to buy them;
he had six hundred dollars laid by;
he was drawing a salary of twenty-
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
209
three hundred a year, and making
a little 'on the side,' in the manage-
ment of various small savings and
bits of real estate for half a dozen or
more of those same honest hucksters,
seamstresses, dairymen, and so on,
whom he had used to watch coming in
with their deposits Saturday nights; he
had put his cousin Evelyn through the
Art School, and given her an extra
twelvemonth of study in New York;
he had been supporting a family for
years, if not in luxury, certainly in
ordinary comfort.
At twenty-seven, also, Van's hair
was thinning a little on the temples,
there was a hard line at the corner of
his flat, straight mouth, another be-
tween his eyebrows. Since he began
to work, he had seldom had, and never
asked for, a vacation, even of a week,
even of a day. There he stuck at his
desk, or at and about kindred desks
and offices, cool, steady, briefly civil,
ageing before his time, an edifying
example of American thrift and in-
dustry — yet I know one person, at
least, to whom there was something
not far from pathetic in the spectacle.
Youth's a stuff that can't endure; and
what was Van Cleve doing with his?
What was he doing with these beauti-
ful, unreturning days, and what, what
would he be doing at sixty or seventy-
five? He was providing against that
very time ! * It 's a bad thing to be old,'
he used to say in his dry and cold way.
His manner may have inspired confi-
dence and respect, but it was never
gracious. 'It's a bad thing to be old,'
said Joshua Van Cleve's grandson;
'but it's the worst thing that can hap-
pen to be poor and old!'
The young man, with all his harsh-
ness, took care not to betray any such
opinion to his family, all of whom, set-
ting aside Evelyn, were well under way
in years; if old age would not find them
in poverty, that was owing solely to
VOL. in -NO. 2
Van Cleve's own efforts, — a fact,
however, of which he never would have
dreamed of reminding them, even if he
himself had fully realized it. He was of
the temper to work hard and direct his
affairs with economy and prudence,
without any need or incentive what-
ever; and it was with a kind of satirical
patience that he received, or rather
endured, the devotion and admiration
of his domestic circle. 'Why, Grand-
ma, you've got me down fine, have
n't you? And of course you're a pret-
ty good judge of men at your time of
life and with all your experience!' he
would say, in reply to the old lady's
half- tearful eulogies; 'I'm a hero and a
saint, and the biggest thing on top of
the ground. You say so, and you ought
to know. My services to the bank are
invaluable; I don't believe they could
find more than forty or fifty bright
young men to fill my place, in case — '
'Oh, don't talk that way, Van! ' cried
his Aunt Myra, aghast at this sugges-
tion; 'if you should lose your posi-
tion— !' Her eyes roved wildly over
the pretty, comfortable room; in a
trice she saw it a garret, a hovel, an
almshouse, and herself and Evelyn
starving in rags!
'You — you don't think they're
going to discharge you, do you, Van
Cleve?' she said, trembling.
'Why, not that I know of. I guess
I'll stay with the job a while yet,' said
Van, amused, reading her easily, per-
haps somewhat contemptuously. He
knew his aunt to be a sincerely good
woman, and he supposed that all good
women contrived to be not at all self-
indulgent, yet thoroughly selfish, after
her fashion. 'Don't fly off the handle
that way,' he said; ' I '11 always manage
to take care of you somehow or other,
Aunt Myra.'
' Well, I hope / count for something ,'
interposed Evelyn, haughtily; 'I ex-
pect to do something with my brush. I
210
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
think I've shown there's something in
me already, for that matter, getting a
picture in the Women's Art League
Exhibit with that awfully critical jury
that refused some of the most famous
artists in Ohio — '
'All right, Rosa Bonheur, you get
busy "with your brush" and stave off
the poor house when the time comes,
will you? In the meanwhile I may as
well keep on working,' said Van Cleve,
cutting her short with the good-humor-
ed indifference his cousin found so ex-
asperating. Many a genius has suffered
thus from a lack of appreciation in the
family; and I fear Evelyn was no fonder
of Van Cleve because he had contrib-
uted to her artistic education with un-
hesitating liberality, perhaps at the
cost of some scrimping and self-denial ;
nor did she like him any the better for
having forgotten all about these sacri-
fices, or for holding them of no mo-
ment. Yet she was not ungrateful; all
that she wanted was for him to take
her seriously — and he refused to take
her seriously. It was obvious that he
left her and her talents and her achieve-
ments out of his reckoning altogether.
'All you think about is money, Van
Cleve Kendrick!' she burst out angri-
ly; 'that's the only standard you've
got. If I sold a picture for seventy-five
or a hundred dollars, you'd believe I
could paint — you 'd think I was worth
while I9
' You bet I would ! ' Van Cleve agreed
heartily, if somewhat absently; he had
got out his fountain-pen and, sitting
at the little old-fashioned black- walnut
desk in the corner of the dining-room,
was running over the monthly bills
which Mrs. Lucas always collected
and bestowed in a certain old Jap-
anese lacquer box, to await pay-day.
' Ought n't there to be a bill here from
Doctor McCrea ? ' said Van, looking up ;
'he generally sends it at the half year.'
No one answered immediately; and
to his surprise Van Cleve detected a
conscious glance pass among the three
women. His grandmother spoke at
last. 'Evelyn has arranged about that
bill,' she said proudly and, at the same
time, rather timidly; 'it was forty-five
dollars, and Evelyn went to see the
doctor and arranged to pay it herself.'
Van Cleve turned his light gray eyes
on the girl. 'How?' he asked. 'How
are you going to pay it?' He looked
interested. 'Did you save it up your-
self Evie? By George, that's pretty
good!'
'Never mind, Van dearest, we did
n't want to bother you with it; we
were n't going to say a word to you
about it,' his aunt cried out, in a hectic
excitement. 'You're always so splen-
did and honorable, we knew you 'd pay
the doctor and go without a new spring
suit — and you ought to have a spring
suit, you said so yourself the other
day. And we could n't bear to have you
disappointed; it's a perfect shame the
way you deny yourself all the time,
and you have all of us hanging around
your neck like millstones.' Her eyes
filled up; she almost sobbed the next
words. 'So Evelyn thought out a
p-plan, and she went to see the doctor,
and — you tell him, Evie — Oh, Van,
she is the noblest girl!'
' I simply suggested that I could pay
him with a picture, Van,' said Evelyn,
not without complacency. ' I told him
that I had three that had been exhib-
ited and very highly spoken of, and he
could have his choice. You know any
one of them is worth ever so much
more than his bill, Van,' said Evelyn,
earnestly; 'but of course I did n't tell
him that in so many words. Only I
thought it was n't any harm to let him
know that they were very valuable,
and that he was n't getting cheated.
He said he did n't know much about
pictures. So I just told him in a general
sort of way, you know, what I would
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
211
ask for these, and I could see he was
perfectly astonished and very much
impressed. I'm going to send the pic-
tures over to-morrow for him to pick
out. It's that View of Paradise Park
by Moonlight, and Over the Rhine,
and that lovely Bend in the River,
Fort Thomas — '
'Have you got his bill?' interrupted
the other; and, the document being
produced, Van Cleve silently folded it
away in his letter-case, alongside the
rest, with an expression that somehow
disconcerted the little assembly.
* I think you 'd better give up this —
this arrangement, Evelyn,' he said un-
emotionally. 'I'll send the doctor a
check to-day. I 'd rather you did n't
pay any bills that way.'
'Why, Van, why not?' Evelyn pro-
tested; 'oh, of course, I see ! You think
my paintings are n't worth forty-five
dollars. You think they are n't worth
anything. You don't realize that my
pictures are just the same as money.'
'Maybe so. You could n't pay the
butcher with 'em,' said Van Cleve —
a remark that momentarily silenced
argument. He rose, the three women
staring at him, hurt, angry, bewildered.
'Now look here, Evelyn,' he said, not
unkindly, 'you're not to do anything
like this again, you understand me?
I'm not saying anything against your
pictures; they may be worth all you
claim. But they are n't the same as
money, not by a long sight. I look after
a little piece of property for a man
that's a marble-cutter over here on
Gilbert Avenue; what would you think
if he offered to pay me with a statue of
Psyche, hey? Now I know you want
to help me, but that's not the way to
do it — to go and bunko somebody
into taking one of your pictures in
return for his work that he 's trying to
make his living by. Sell your picture
first, and do what you want with the
money — '
'Stop, Van Cleve! Don't you see
you're breaking her heart!' Mrs. Lu-
cas screamed, starting to her feet and
rushing to throw her arms around her
daughter; both of them were sobbing
vehemently. 'How can you talk so?
How can you be so brutal?' She faced
him in tragic indignation. ' If it had
been any other man, anybody but you,
Van Cleve, I'd say he ought to be
horsewhipped I '
'Don't, Mother darling, don't! Now
she '11 have one of her heart attacks —
Van, how could you — ! ' proclaimed
Evelyn in her turn. Mrs. Van Cleve
ran for the smelling-salts; the maid
whirled in from the kitchen; there was
a terrifying to-do; in the midst of it,
the young man, who was not unfamil-
iar with this sort of scene, made his es-
cape. He was so little moved by the
distress he left behind that he even
grinned to himself as he took his way
down town, thinking, ' I 'd like to have
seen McCrea's face when Evie handed
him that gold brick!' Apart from per-
formances of this nature, which were
likely to be annoying, Mr. Van Cleve
attached scarcely any importance to
what women said and did; all women,
he supposed, were hysterical fools —
ahem ! — well, not that exactly, but
ill-balanced and excitable and reason-
less — all but one, that is. Van had
seen enough of Lorrie Gilbert to know
that she, at least, could control her-
self, and act to good purpose when
need arose.
He thought about Lorrie a good deal
these days, tried to put her out of his
mind, and found it returning to her
again and again with a commingled
pain and pleasure which he now at last
understood. As usual he was ruthless-
ly clear-eyed and clear-headed about
it, ruthlessly plain-spoken with him-
self. He knew that he was nothing to
Lorrie; she had never encouraged him;
if Van Cleve had ever assumed a defi-
212
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
nitely lover-like attitude, she would
have denied him with real distress and
regretted keenly the lost friend; and,
besides, she was credibly reported en-
gaged to another man. Van worked
harder than this other man, and he
made as much money; if not so orna-
mental to the community, he was a
deal more useful; he was the good ap-
prentice and the worthy steward; but
he could not marry. Even had Lorrie
been as much in love with him as he
with her, he could not have asked her
to marry him. His sense of duty and
his hard pride would have restrained
him.
* I 'm not going to ask any girl to live
with my family — I'm not going to
put that on her, and I'm not going to
ask her to "wait for me," either,' was
his idea; 'I don't want anybody taking
a chance on me. What would that be,
anyhow, but hinting to her to hang on
till some of my people died off and left
me a little freer? Not for me! When
I'm making ten thousand a year will
be time enough for marrying. Lorrie '11
be a grandmother by that time, most
likely! Oh, well!' he sometimes fin-
ished with a touch of his harsh fun.
Mr. Kendrick did not lack a gift of
philosophy; and it was equally char-
acteristic that he never for an instant
doubted he would some day make
that ten thousand a year and much
more.
In the meanwhile, life was not unin-
teresting even to a hopeless lover — a
lover, that is, with as hard a head and
as stanch a digestion as this hero's.
This very day, when Van caught the
next down-going car, he found its crowd-
ed passengers reading the latest news
from the insurrection in that neigh-
boring West Indian island of which we
were beginning to hear so much in
those days, and conclamantly airing
their views on the subject. 'DooM OF
HAVANA SEALED! GENERAL GOMEZ
CAPTURES THE WATERWORKS!' one
man read out of the paper. 'That set-
tles it, boys! ' he announced with much
solemnity; ' the Spanish '11 have to give
up now. They can't get any washing
done!' And everybody laughed, and
another remarked that he had never
understood the Spanish were very
strong on laundry-work, anyhow. Van
Cleve, clinging to his strap, listened
inattentively; this kind of talk was
rife that winter — had been going
the rounds, indeed, for the past year.
Maceo — Weyler — McKinley — con-
centration camps — filibusters — the
* Commodore ' expedition — do we not
all of us remember it?
Mr. Kendrick was among those who
were against intervention — when he
thought about Cuba's troubles at all,
which was seldom. Of late he had
been giving a stricter attention than
ever, if that were possible, to the Na-
tional Loan's affairs. He thought they
were in danger of * going to sleep' at
that institution, to use his own words,
notwithstanding the fact that to out-
siders, at least, it seemed to be prosper-
ing greatly. The simple old building
itself had recently been remodeled at
a handsome cost; you might see the
plain citizens who were its patrons sur-
veying with awe the new marble stairs,
the figures of ' Commerce ' and * Indus-
try* in the triangular brow above
the doors, and the bronze tablets
set into the corner-stone with the mys-
tifying legend A.D. MDCCCXCVI.
Van Cleve did not wholly approve of
the changes, being by nature severely
opposed to any sort of show; but he
could not deny that the bank took in
a number of fresh accounts about that
time which may have been due in large
part to the increased majesty and sol-
idity of its appearance. Still Van was
critical; he had not been with the Loan
and Savings all these years for nothing,
and he had gone a long way since his
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
213
early days in the office, when he had
felt an unquestioning respect for his
elders and a readiness to learn of
them.
'This bank is Julius Gebhardt,' he
used to say to himself shrewdly; 'he is
the National Loan and Savings, body
and bones, hide, horns, and tallow.
Every one of the directors is a back
number. They keep on electing them-
selves over and over again, and when
they come trailing in here Monday
mornings it looks like an overflow meet-
ing from the Old Men's Home. I '11 bet
they do just what Gebhardt says, and
half the time they don't know what
he's saying. Of course he's used to it,
but it's a pretty big responsibility for
one man. He knows the banking busi-
ness as well as the next man, I suppose,
but nobody's infallible.' If he had
owned a few more shares, say twenty
instead of eight, Van was confident he
would be on the board, and what was
more, would probably be cashier in
place of Schlactman, who was in ill
health, and talked of moving to Col-
orado. In fact, Mr. Gebhardt had
hinted as much, in his big, warm-
hearted, almost fatherly, way. He
liked Van Cleve and did not hesitate
to show it. The cashier's salary was
three thousand. 'I'd have a use for
it,' Van thought, with a grim smile.
The family had lately been showing
signs of their perennially recurrent rest-
lessness, which Van recognized from
ancient acquaintance. Once in a long
while it crossed Van Cleve's mind that
he might some day surprise them by
putting his foot down on all this foolish-
ness; but the time never came. He al-
ways had too much to do, and too many
things on his mind, to burden himself
further by futile attempts at argu-
ment with his household; it was easier
and infinitely more peaceful to let
them have their own way. As for dis-
cussing his plans and prospects with
them, or confiding to them all that
about the bank and the president and
his methods, and Van's own opinions,
the young man never dreamed of such
a thing. They could not have under-
stood a word of it; they were devoted
to him heart and soul, but they could
not speak his language, or live in his
world. The Office and the Street were
his real home, and under his own roof
he had companions, but no compan-
ionship.
He had forgotten all about the morn-
ing's disturbance by dinner-time, when
he reached home; and was only re-
minded of it by finding the house as
yet unlighted, in a kind of symbolic
gloom, and everybody tiptoeing about
in an impressive anxiety. * Mother
has been very ill, Van Cleve,' Evelyn
told him with a species of reproachful
resignation; 'it has been an unusually
sharp seizure. Doctor McCrea could
n't understand this attack at all, and
kept saying she must have had some
nervous shock. But of course we did
n't tell him about this morning,' said
Evelyn, magnanimously. 'It does n't
make any difference about me. Van,
but I hope you won't be so cruel again
to poor Mother, who only wanted to
help you and give you a pleasure.'
'Well, that's so; I'm sorry about
that,' said Van, troubled; ' I forgot how
easy Aunt Myra gets sick. But you
know, Evelyn, I can't have you doing
things like that, if only for the looks
of the thing. These doctors all keep a
pretty good line on who can pay them
and who can't; they've got to. Doctor
McCrea knew I could afford that bill;
it was n't exorbitant • — '
'Doctor McCrea was very much dis-
appointed!9 his cousin interrupted tri-
umphantly. 'I explained to him in a
tactful way, so as not to put you in
a bad light, and he said, "Oh, don't
I get any picture, then?" and I could
see he did n't like it at all, though he
214
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
gave a kind of queer laugh. I could n't
say anything, of course.'
Van Cleve grunted, but was other-
wise silent, after the exasperating fash-
ion he had of allowing Evelyn the last
word, and the peculiar barrenness of
victory.
* And there's something else, Van —
something you ought to know. The
doctor says that Mother — ' She was
beginning importantly; but was check-
ed by a look from her grandmother.
* Dinner's ready, and we'd better
wait till afterward to tell Van Cleve
about that,' interrupted the old lady,
hastily, remembering other days and
the late Joshua. It was always advis-
able to feed a man first. And accord-
ingly after the meal, during which
everybody was painstakingly amiable
and lively, she herself reintroduced the
subject.
'The doctor thinks that your Aunt
Myra ought to be in a different cli-
mate, Van Cleve. I have been think-
ing it myself for some time, and when
I spoke of it this morning, he said
at once that I was right, and that a
change was good for everybody. He
said if she could go away for a while,
it would undoubtedly make her feel
better—'
'Then I explained with perfect frank-
ness, because that is always best,' Eve-
lyn interrupted; * that we could n't take
trips South and all that sort of thing,
which I could see he was about to
suggest. "Oh, Doctor McCrea," I said,
"we can't be running off on jaunts
that way just for pleasure. We have
to make a permanent move. And,
besides, we've been here for seven
years now, and I think Mother ought
to get out of it for good. The Ohio
Valley climate never has agreed with
her, and now she is fairly saturated
with it, and you can see she 's losing
ground every day." He said, "Oh, I
think you exaggerate "; but of course,
you know, he said that just to soothe
me and keep me from being fright-
ened — '
'You mean to say you want to get
up and leave here — you want me to
quit my job, and look for another
somewhere else,' said Van Cleve, un-
moved as usual.
'But if it's a question of Mother's
health, Van Cleve—'
'You can always get something to
do — you 're not appreciated in the
bank, anyhow. You could get Mr. Geb-
hardt to transfer you to some other
bank; they do things like that all the
time, don't they? Mr. Gebhardt thinks
so highly of you, he 'd do anything for
you, Van — you could go anywhere on
his recommendation,' cried Mrs. Van
Cleve.
'Where d' ye want to go now?' said
Van Cleve, coming to the point with
his disconcerting directness.
Evelyn began eagerly, 'Why, I
thought at once of New York. I could
look after Mother, and still go on with
my professional career. It would be
an ideal arrangement — '
' I never heard New York talked up
much for a health resort,' said Van
Cleve.
' Well, a health resort is n't what she
needs, you know. It's the complete
change that would be so beneficial.
Doctor McCrea was enthusiastic; he
said it could n't possibly do her any
harm, and would probably be just as
good for her as anywhere. And you
know New York is so interesting, Van.
I loved it when I was studying there.
I have such clever, stimulating, excep-
tional friends. The change in the social
atmosphere alone would brace Mother
right up, I know — '
' New York is a wonderful city,' said
Major Van Cleve; 'I remember Gen-
eral Grant making that very remark to
me once when we were walking up
Fifth Avenue; we were both of us just
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
215
back from the War, but it was before
he had been elected to the Presidency.
He turned to me and said, "Well,
Mage," — that was his nickname for
me, — " New York is a marvelous place,
is n't it?" Rather odd that he should
have died and been buried there after-
ward, I always thought.'
Van Cleve let them talk; he was not
angry or out of patience; he was only
sourly amused. This was Van's day
— a fair sample of all his days. Peo-
ple who happened to be pretty well
acquainted with the family used to re-
peat around a saying of Bob Gilbert's
that always brought a laugh from the
men, whatever the women thought of
it. I suppose it was really dreadfully
coarse. "S shame!' says Bob, who was
about three parts drunk, with tearful
vehemence; * 's shame zose Van Cleves.
Kept Van's nose grindstone years —
always will keep it — 's shame. Know
what they all need? Spankin' — hie
— ol' lady an' all of 'em — need spank-
in' — reiterated Bob with dark and
frowning emphasis. 'Goo* spankin'!'
CHAPTER VIII
IN WHICH WE GIVE A DOG A BAD NAME
I DO not remember whether it is
recorded that the Industrious Appren-
tice ever took the Idle Apprentice
aside, and pointed out to him the folly
of his ways, scolded him heartily, and
pleaded with him to reform. A man
must have a tolerably good conceit of
himself who will undertake to direct
another man how to live, even though
this other may be as notoriously in
need of direction as was Robert Gil-
bert. Van Cleve hesitated and shrank
before the task. He told himself that
he had too stiff a job doing his own
duty, to be qualified to preach theirs
to other people. Was he his brother's
keeper, anyhow? It was impatience
and indignation that roused him to
hunt Bob out and lecture him, at last.
Van thought the world was too kind,
too stupidly kind, to this culprit; it
liked him too well; it was ruinously
soft-hearted; it kept on giving him a
chance when it should have brought
him up with a round turn! And all this
in the face of the strange fact that
Robert himself asked no quarter; he
never offered any excuses; he was the
most amiably unashamed and unre-
pentant sinner on earth, and the most
incurably sanguine. * Never mind, Van
old man, don't worry yourself so over
me. I hate to see you so worried!' he
said affectionately, when the sober Mr.
Kendrick had painfully got through
with his exhortations. 'I'm going to
come out all right, you see if I don't.
I'll get out even, don't you worry.'
'You're always saying that, Bob,'
said Van Cleve, glumly; 'you know
very well you can't keep up this gait
and come out anywhere but behind.
You're ruining your health, and spoil-
ing your chances, and making your
people unhappy. You 've got plenty of
sense, Bob, and I can't see why — '
'Well, I'm glad you'll allow me that
much, anyhow!' said Bob, with the ut-
most good temper. He met his friend's
severe gaze with one full of amusement,
insuperable -nonchalance, honest affec-
tion. 'You're not much of a preacher,
Van; your heart's not in it. You don't
really want to reform the bad little boy
and make him a good little boy, and
have him sign the pledge and all that,
in the interest of virtue and respecta-
bility — not a bit of it, you time-
serving old utilitarian, you! You
only—'
' Oh, good, bad — that 's not what
I'm talking about!' interrupted Van
Cleve, with a movement of irritation;
' I don't want you to make an everlast-
ing fool of yourself, that 's all ! All this
drinking and having a good time with
216
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
the boys, what does it amount to?
Can't you see there's nothing in it?
You can't keep on with that all your
life. Why, why — damn it, Bob,
there's nothing in it! Can't you see
that?'
* There! Did n't I say that was the
way you felt!' Bob stated, grinning.
He made an extravagant display of
surprise. 'Why, Van Cleve, it looks to
me as if you were trying to get me to
settle down and work like yourself!
And I used to think you had a sense of
humor! Now Phil Cortwright says — '
'Oh, cut it out!' said Van, scowling.
'All right, just as you say,' the other
retorted tolerantly.
* I 'm only talking because I — be-
cause I — I think a lot of you, you
know, Bob,' said Van Cleve, looking
down, chewing hard at the end of his
cigar, mortally abashed by this senti-
mental admission.
The sight moved Bob as no amount
of arguing or hectoring could have done.
'Why, of course I know that, Van!'
he cried. The moisture sprang into
his eyes; he wiped them unaffectedly.
'Why, I know that, my dear old fellow!
You 're all right — everything you say
is pretty near right, I guess,' he said
incoherently. He pulled himself to-
gether and went on with more steadi-
ness, even earnestness — for him.
* You see, Van Cleve, I ' ve got a differ-
ent way of looking at it from you. I
believe in — in — well, I believe a
man's life's his own to do what he
wants with, so long as he does n't harm
anybody else. Well, then / don't harm
anybody else, do I? Suppose I do —
well — lush some off and on, and —
and all that, you know — all the other
things you say — why, it does n't hurt
anybody but me, does it? If I'm will-
ing to take the consequences, why, it
does n't need to worry you any. I don't
ask anybody to suffer for it but myself.
Then where 's the harm? I'm not re-
sponsible for any one else, and nobody
else needs to feel responsible for me.
That's the way I look at it.'
'Do the family look at it that way,
too?' Van Cleve asked.
'The family? Oh, well, they — of
course they think more or less as you
do, and the rest of the representative
citizens,' said Bob, smiling, but for the
first time a little restive under his
friend's eye. 'Hang it, you goody-good
people don't know how funny and in-
consistent you are!' he burst out in
a sort of good-natured impatience.
'There 're plenty of respectable old
skinflints walking around town this
minute that gouge and grind and pile
up the dollars and do more mischief in
a day than I can in a year, and because
they pass the plate in church, and go
home to bed with the chickens, and
never drink anything stronger than
cold tea, you hold 'em up to me for
models — '
'I wasn't holding up any models.
You're dodging, Bob,' said the other,
gloomily.
But Bob had returned to his thesis.
'Of course I don't mean to keep it up
all my life, as you were saying. I can
stop whenever I want to — when I get
tired of it. In the meanwhile I'm not
hurting anybody but myself, and I'm
not hurting myself anything to speak
of. And I'll pay that score myself,' he
repeated, rather grandiloquently.
' I don't know whether a man can do
that or not,' said Van Cleve; 'pay for
himself, I mean. Looks to me some-
times as if everybody got assessed for
him all around.'
Robert had left Messrs. Steinberger
& Hirsch some while before this date,
those gentlemen having, in fact, inti-
mated that his services were no longer
required. Even their not unduly ex-
alted standards were too high for the
young man, it seemed.
The next news was that young Gil-
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
217
bert had got a berth on the Record-
World, which was a penny sheet that
used to come out in six or eight suc-
cessive editions of an afternoon, with
detonating head-lines, every smallest
event decorated with the most lurid
purple patch conceivable. For a while
the young man was quite faithful to his
duties, perhaps finding in the haste and
tension of the work almost enough of
the false excitement he seemed to
crave. As invariably happened, every-
body in this new world liked him; they
liked him even after they, too, had
begun to shake their heads over him —
even when they, too, had to * speak to*
him. In the end, like all the rest of the
friends he was constantly making and
constantly disappointing, they also
acknowledged that Bob was indeed
4 no good/ He had some fine, warm-
blooded virtues; he was loyal, gener-
ous, and humane; he was curiously
clean-minded and simple with all his
gross self-indulgence. But — they
agreed sorrowfully — he was not over-
clever; he could not be depended on for
half an hour; he did not know the
meaning of duty and ambition; put
him to the test, in short, and you
would find Bob Gilbert pretty nearly
worthless.
The family accepted the unhappy
fact with a plain and prosaic dignity,
as do almost all families. No doubt
they got used to it in the course of
time; and, of course, the Professor and
his wife had realized the truth from the
first, even when Lorrie was doing her
best to shield them from it. Van Cleve
told her so in his hard, matter-of-fact
way. 'It's no use, Lorrie,' he said;
'you can't keep this thing about Bob
dark. Your mother's probably known
all along. I should n't wonder if she
thought she was keeping it from you
all the while you thought you were
keeping it from her. I don't know why
women make believe that way. It
does n't do any good. Might as well
look at things square in the face/
* You don't understand — men can't
understand,' said Lorrie, sadly; 'why,
Mother and I can't talk about it, even
now, to each other. We keep on pre-
tending. Why, you yourself have never
talked about it like this before, and yet
you knew, you must have known about
Bob for two or three years, even if you
did n't know before that. Is that why
you have n't — you have n't been with
him so much?'
'Well, Bob's never around where I
am, you know,' said Van Cleve, a little
lamely; it was not easy to explain his
position to Bob's sister. ' I 'm busy —
I have n't any time to hunt him up.
I'm sorry, but — '
'But you'll have to let Bob go?'
Lorrie finished for him, unable to keep
the bitterness out of her voice. ' I 'm
sorry, too, Van. You're one of the
people that can do the most with him
— that he pays the most attention to.
If his own friends give him up — But
I dare say you are right. You can't
sacrifice your own interests — you
have yourself to think about and your
own future, and you can't be burden-
ed with Bob.'
'Yes, I've got to think about myself
— I'm always thinking about myself,'
Van Cleve agreed with her dryly. Her
words- stung him to the quick; he was
conscious of a certain truth underlying
their unkindness and unfairness. He
was constantly thinking about Van
Cleve Kendrick's affairs and prospects
— he was thinking about himself, but
surely, surely not wholly for himself!
That very morning Evelyn and his
aunt had begun again with their New
York plan. They had written to a
dozen friends and fellow students,
wonderfully able, astute persons, and
got all manner of reports, figures, and
estimates pointing unanimously to the
fact that it was incalculably cheaper
218
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
and healthier to live in New York than
anywhere else on the face of this globe!
Two hundred would move them beau-
tifully — * You know we 're very good
managers, Van dearest.' 'Two hun-
dred, hey? You must think I get my
money from the pump!' he had said in
vain jocularity. Now a sudden melan-
choly invaded the young man; what
was he but a money-making machine?
he thought dispiritedly. Even Lorrie
believed that that was all he cared for
— even Lorrie!
As for Lorrie herself, did she know
how she hurt him? She was a tender-
hearted, good woman, and shrank from
inflicting pain on anybody; but even
a tender-hearted, good woman may
sometimes take advantage of her posi-
tion to visit some of her own unhap-
piness on another's head. And Lorrie
would have been more than a mortal
girl not to have suspected her power
over the young fellow. At any rate,
swift contrition and a desire to make
amends took hold of her.
'That sounded horrid, but I did n't
mean it that way, you know,' she said
hastily and penitently; 'it's only that
I do wish — you have such an influence
over Bob — if he was only out of that
— that atmosphere he 's got into — if
he was with people like you — '
'Oh, influence /' Van broke in harsh-
ly; 'I tell you, Lorrie, this talk about
"unfortunate surroundings" and "bad
influence" and "good influence"
makes me very tired. Any fellow that 's
too weak-kneed to resist "evil influ-
ence" is too weak-kneed to be bol-
stered up much by good ones. Not you
nor I nor the Almighty can make a
man go crooked any more than we can
make him go straight; he's got to do it
himself. " I got into bad company " —
"I wasn't directed right"— "No-
body looked after me." — Pooh! that's
the old eternal incessant yawp of folly
and feebleness and guilt — you don't
want to begin excusing Bob that way.
Of course, I know you will forgive him,
and keep on forgiving him, no matter
what he does — '
'And what kind of a sister would I
be, if I didn't?' cried Lorrie with a
great deal of spirit. 'I don't at all be-
lieve what you say, Van. People are
different. We can't all be pillars of
strength. Mr. Cortwright says — ' She
stopped short. ' Well ? ' she said sharp-
ly; for Mr. Kendrick's countenance
had assumed an extremely forbidding
and unpleasant expression at the
sound of that name.
'Bob started quoting Cortwright at
me, too,' he said acridly. 'That's
where he's got his precious theories
about irresponsibility, and all the rest
of it. I recognized the brand.'
'Oh! Then you don't think Mr.
Cortwright is the proper sort of friend
for Bob to have, is that it ? ' said Lorrie,
in an ominous calm.
'Well, I don't, Lorrie, since you ask
me. I think that association has been
the worst thing in the world for a fellow
of Bob's disposition,' said Van Cleve;
and he was honest and disinterested
in saying it. 'I believe Cortwright's
influence — '
'I thought you said just now that
influence had nothing to do with it,'
said Lorrie. And Van Cleve had no
answer, alas! His own words con-
founded him. He was sure he was
right — right in his theory, right about
the facts; but no juggling would fit the
two together!
The interview ended rather stiffly on
both sides. Lorrie went upstairs after
the young man had left, with a fire-red
spot on each cheek. 'The idea of his
hinting that about Philip!' she thought
with an anger no criticism of herself
could have aroused; 'Phil never says a
word about him. And he's tried and
tried, and done his best for Bob. What
did Van Cleve Kendrick ever do, I'd
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
219
like to know? He's ashamed of the
way he's abandoned Bob, that's all
— he's ashamed and — and jealous,
that's what made him talk that way!'
And that was all Mr. Kendrick got
for his interference. It would have
darkened his skies enough to know
that he had offended Lorrie or hurt her;
but not long after a piece of news de-
scended upon him like another blight
— news which, by the way, was al-
ready common property, and seemed
to have traveled around to everybody
before reaching him, who was secret-
ly the most concerned. It had a
paragraph all to itself in next Sunday
morning's Society Jottings: 'The en-
gagement is announced of Miss Laura
Gilbert, daughter of Professor and Mrs.
Gilbert, who has been a great favor-
ite ever since she made her bow to so-
ciety, two or three seasons ago, to Mr.
Philip Cortwright. Mr. Cortwright is
a Eureka College man, a member of the
old Cortwright family of Kentucky,'
etcetera, etcetera.
Van Cleve heard the announcement
silently, with as indifferent a face as he
could manage. ' I chose a good time to
tell her I did n't approve of Cortwright
— tactful and opportune in me, was n't
it?' he remarked inwardly, with savage
irony. The next time he saw her there
were others about, and a good deal of
joking allusion going on, and it would
undoubtedly have been the proper
moment for Mr. Kendrick to tender
his compliments on the happy event;
but, in point of fact, he did nothing
of the kind; he kept silence — and it
may be Miss Gilbert liked him just as
well for saying nothing and looking
morose; she was only human, after all.
In truth, Lorrie was human enough
to be very happy these days, in spite
of the skeleton in the family closet. It
would be hard for a girl yet in her
twenties, engaged to be married to a
very handsome, devoted, popular (or,
at least, well-known) young fellow,
with whom she is quite openly and
genuinely in love — it would be a hard
matter, I say, for any girl to be seri-
ously unhappy in these circumstances.
Of course, they were not to be married
for a while yet — Philip's business. It
was understood that perhaps next year
— her mother's wedding-day had been
the tenth of June; if Lorrie should be
married next year, the tenth of June,
eighteen-ninety-nine, it would be thirty
years to the day, after her mother —
remarkable fact! That would be the
last year of the century, too — another
remarkable fact!
'No, it won't be the last year. Nine-
teen hundred's the last year,' said
Cortwright, laughing. He recited the
hundred-pennies-in-a-dollar argument
which people were making use of to
convince one another on this often dis-
puted point. 'Why, you wise, practical
little person, who would have thought
you would have had to have that ex-
plained to you?' he said fondly. It
pleased him singularly to catch her
tripping; he liked to feel even so trivial
a superiority, for there were many mo-
ments, when, secure as he was in his
own conceit, he was a little afraid, a
little abashed, in the presence of this
girl whom he was to marry; sometimes
he wished uncomfortably that Lorrie
were not quite so good! 'Why won't
you let me kiss you?' he once said to
her aggrievedly, in the first hours of
their betrothal. 'You belong to me
now. I would n't be a man if I did n't
want to. Most girls like it — I mean I
always supposed they did — I always
understood so. How can you be so —
so cold?' He put an arm around her,
at once masterful and beseeching.
'Please, Lorrie! You know you really
like — want me to — ' he murmured
with lips very close.
'You can kiss me, but not — not my
neck, that way,' said Lorrie, backing
220
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
off, turning scarlet, troubled rather
than angry. *I — I don't like to have
you kiss my neck — ' for indeed it was
some such intimate caress which he
had already attempted that had led to
this scene. The young woman shrank
from it undefinably; she shrank from
the act and from the look in her lover's
eyes.
Cortwright obeyed, resenting what
he called inwardly her prudery, even
while clearly conscious that it was
precisely that quality about her which
most strongly attracted him. She
was n't cheap, he thought, with an
exultant thrill; and naturally coveted
her the more.
This news of Lorrie Gilbert's engage-
ment created only a mild stir socially,
having been expected any time these
two or three years. Lorrie might have
done better, doubtless — she had never
lacked attention from men, some of
whom had been better off in the world-
ly way, and perhaps more 'settled'
than Mr. Cortwright. But it looked as
if he was very much in love with Lorrie,
and certainly she was over head and
ears in love with him. People in gen-
eral were glad to hear anything pleas-
ant connected with the poor Gilberts,
who had had so much that was sad
and discreditable to endure from that
ne'er-do-well, Robert. It had got to
the pass that their friends seldom even
mentioned Robert nowadays. The
girls whom he used to know, who came
to see Lorrie and gave her engagement
luncheons and engagement presents of
little silver candlesticks and orna-
mental spoons and after-dinner coffee-
cups, who were already planning linen-
showers, and chattering to her about
the lovely four-room suites in the new
apartment buildings, those girls never
asked after Bob. They never invited
him to their homes any more; they
contrived not to see him on the street.
How could they? He had got to look-
ing so seedy and run-down and dissi-
pated, they said. Nobody would want
to be seen with him — nobody could
afford to be seen with him! It was a
universal taboo, excepting on the part
of Miss Paula Jameson, whom Bob
continued to visit in his ostracism
more often than ever before. At the
moment, however, he was deprived
even of that resource, for Paula went
to Palm Beach with her mother in
March; conceivably, Robert was the
only person who missed her. The
young lady had never counted at all,
socially; she had no friends, and heard
from and wrote to nobody, not even
Lorrie. * She 's got such hotel manners ! '
was a criticism I once overheard from
some other young lady; 'and the way
she simply fastened herself on to
Lorrie Gilbert! I suppose she found
she could n't get in, after all, because
she does n't stick to Lorrie so much
now, but it used to be, really — !'
CHAPTER IX
REMEMBER THE MAINE!
That winter all the world of our
town, as of a hundred other towns all
over the country, went about its busi-
ness and pleasure as usual without the
slightest suspicion that a tremendous
national event was going to take place,
though this will doubtless seem to our
descendants to have been abundantly
foreshadowed. The world was bring-
ing its daughters 'out' at dances and
dinners and teas, and going to its clubs
and Symphony concerts, and com-
plaining about its servants and the
high cost of living, even as it does to-
day. Every morning the world got up
and read in its newspaper about Zola
and Dreyfus with a kind of indignant
amusement; it read about the last mur-
der, the last divorce, the last serum
discovery and Edison invention; and,
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
perhaps, wondered indifferently if these
mechanical piano-players and motor-
vehicles they were experimenting with
would ever be of any practical value!
It also read that the Spanish minis-
ter, whose name it considered unpro-
nounceable and therefore outlandish,
had resigned, following some unpleas-
antness at Washington, — 'Dupuy de
Lome, gone home, no more to roam!'
the comic editor facetiously chanted, —
and that a bomb had exploded in the
Hotel Inglaterra in the city of Havana,
and another bomb in the mayor's
office; and that one of our big battle-
ships had been sent down there to pro-
tect American interests.
Then came the morning of the 16th
of February with some appalling news.
Bob Gilbert's paper, being an after-
noon one, did not get that * scoop ' ; but
it made a gallant effort and came out
at noon with mighty head-lines and
exclamation points, with columns of
information or misinformation, with
pictures of the unfortunate vessel, her
captain and officers, and complete
details about the Maine's size, 'dis-
placement,' * armament,' cost, and pre-
vious career. Bob himself fell into the
wildest state of excitement; it kept
him sober for a week! To be sure, he
was not the only one who lost his head
and fumed and fretted and girded at
the Administration, and denounced
the investigations as cowardly and
farcical delays. Within a week of the
disaster there were militia companies
drilling furiously all over the State,
and all over every other state in the
Union; there were fiery speeches on
the floor of every legislature; and at a
big public banquet, while the temper
of the Administration still seemed to be
for peace, the Assistant Secretary of
the Navy got up and made a speech of
such strength and significance that
everybody present nudged his neigh-
bor, and one gentleman went so far as
to say to the presiding genius of the
gathering, * Mr. Hanna, may we please
fight Spain now?' So, at any rate, the
newspapers reported.
Mr. Van Cleve Kendrick, so far as
was known, made but one comment on
the situation. ' I guess we can't get out
of it without a fight; and if we do have
war, wheat ought to jump some,' he
said; and studied the market reports
and gave closer attention to business
than ever, these days. The news that
troops of the regular army had actually
been ordered to Key West, that some
millions of dollars had been voted for
'defense,' that the Oregon had started
for Cape Horn and Atlantic waters,
that the Vizcaya had anchored off
Manhattan Island (to the terror of
the unprotected Manhattanese!); the
talk about the Philippines, with conse-
quent searchings of the map, and about
the Pacific Squadron; the withdrawal
of the United States consul from Ha-
vana, and of Mr. Woodford from the
Embassy at Madrid — all this news
and all the heroic excitement of the
times affected Van Cleve not in the
least.
The young man was not unpatri-
otic; he had as much pride and spirit as
any of his fellows, and, it cannot be
doubted, heard the songs and speeches,
and saw the massed soldiery under the
banner of his country, with an honor-
able stirring of the heart. But what-
ever befell, — and, like the rest of us,
he had a hearty belief in the power of
our arms and an unshakable expecta-
tion of success, — Van must still stay
at home and make a living for himself
and those dependent on him. He was
in odd contrast to that time-honored
warrior, Major Stanton, who, if his age
and state of health had not prohibited
it, as he was careful to assure every-
body, would have been the first to offer
himself to the Cause. 'It's hard for us
— hard ! We old fellows that went out
222
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
for the Union in sixty-one — hard to
be shelved now!' he would say with a
magnificent break in his voice, and
wagging the grizzled whiskers sadly.
It was an impressive spectacle, and
Major Van Cleve was very popular on
all political-military occasions, where,
indeed, he cut an admirable figure, and
exercised handsomely his fine gift of
eloquence.
Van Cleve's family, by the way,
were going to New York to live. The
news created an interest in their set of
acquaintances hardly second to that
roused by the international complica-
tions. They had a dozen reasons for
going, any one of them unanswerable :
Mrs. Lucas's health, the possibility
of much greater economy in living, a
wider sphere for Evelyn, and a thor-
oughly artistic atmosphere — they re-
cited all these arguments with their
customary fervor and certainty. It
developed that Van Cleve was not
intending to move with them; they
explained that he could n't give up his
position here, of course; but equally,
of course, they would n't be so selfish
as to walk off and leave him without
knowing that he was perfectly com-
fortable; and accordingly a wonderful,
ideal, Elysian boarding-house had been
discovered where they kept such a
table, and he would have such a room,
so large, light, and sunny!
Van had made no comment on these
arrangements; the women, indeed,
wondered and were aggrieved at his
unsympathetic silence; it was true
that he gave them ungrudgingly what-
ever money they asked for, — and in
fairness it must be said they asked for
as little as possible, — but he paid no
heed to their explanations, he took no
interest in the plans they made either
for themselves or for his own comfort.
He would not even go to look at the
matchless boarding-house. 'Why, I
suppose it 's all right, if you say so —
it'll be just as good as home,' he said,
cheerfully indifferent.
* Van Cleve, how can you say such a
thing? As if any place could be the
same as your own home!9 they ex-
claimed in reproachful chorus; nor
could they at all understand why he
laughed. They said to each other that
Van Cleve was getting more and more
wrapped up in his affairs — it would
end by making him hard and selfish —
he might even become miserly!
It is strange to think that such small
doings as these can go on side by side
with the great stirring business of the
nation on the edge of war, and receive
within their own circle quite as much
attention. People did not cease to be
interested in spring wardrobes and
summer trips, in weddings and new
houses and house-cleaning and the
Musical Festival; everybody, I repeat,
thought and talked as much as ever
about these things that month of April,
as if nothing of moment had been go-
ing forward. And on there at Wash-
ington, the debate about arbitration
and intervention rumbled on, and the
Senate recognized Cuba, and the Pre-
sident called out the troops, and the
Ultimatum was issued and forestalled;
and that energetic Assistant Secretary
of the Navy resigned and set about
forming his regiment of Rough Riders.
The last did really touch us closer, for
here and there we heard of some pro-
spective recruit or aspirant for that
body, — somebody's cousin or brother,
some young fellow at Harvard or
ranching it out West. One of the ru-
mors credited that young Cortwright,
— Phil Cortwright that was with Stein-
berger & Hirsch, — Lorrie Gilbert's
Mr. Cortwright, with ambitions in
that direction. Nobody was surprised
to hear it; he was a dashing sort of
fellow and would make a first-rate
cavalryman — any man that came out
of Kentucky could ride and shoot, for
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
223
that matter. Cortwright could pro-
bably get a commission with ease; at
any rate, he was going to Washington
to make a try for it, everybody pre-
sently understood.
Lorrie, looking a little pale, but
sweetly resolute and cheerful, con-
firmed the report. 'Yes. He's going.
He thinks he ought to; he wants to do
his duty/ she said, with a beautiful
pride in her hero; she had no concep-
tion of the tinsel and spot-light allure-
ments this martial drama held out for
him, as for nine tenths of the other
young fellows; and, for the matter of
that, when this brave, eager, self-
centred restlessness overtakes a man,
is there a woman on earth who can hold
him? 'I'd go myself — with the Red
Cross, you know — if Mother thought
she could get along without me. But
she wants me here, and there will be
plenty of women that can go/ said
Lorrie, who never had to explain to
anybody that she wanted to do her
duty. 'Bob's going, too — not with
the army — his paper's sending him.
He's quite wild about it,' she told
people. They were liable to remark to
one another afterwards that Bob would
be no great loss whatever became of
him, but the way those things gener-
ally turned out, a fellow like Bob came
through it all scot-free without a
scratch or a day's sickness, while any
number of fine, useful men succumbed
to the hardships or the enemies'
bullets!
Robert, however, showed a disposi-
tion to straighten up, under all the ex-
citement, queerly enough; he took him-
self with gratifying seriousness in the
capacity of war-correspondent to the
Record-World, and was too absorbed
in preparations for the campaigning
to spare any time to his former dis-
reputable company and diversions.
In the beginning, with some idea of
enlisting, he had gone and got him-
self examined at the recruiting station
for the regular army. 'Those are the
fellows that are sure to go, you know,'
he said cannily; and he came away a
little chopfallen at being rejected by
the doctor and sergeant. 'Said my
teeth were defective! Did you ever
hear of anything so fine-drawn as
that?' he told Van Cleve in a comical
indignation.
'Teeth, hey?' said Van Cleve, look-
ing the other over with his shrewd,
hard, gray eyes; 'they must make a
pretty searching examination.'
'Oh, yes, you have to strip, of
course. They measure you and test
your lungs, and you have to come up to
some standard they've got. The doc-
tor said I was a little too light — too
thin for my height, you know; but I
don't think that would have made any
trouble. I told him I'd make it my
business to get heavier, and he kind of
laughed. He asked me how long I'd
had this cough, too — it 's nothing but
a cold I ' ve had off and on this winter
— and I noticed him thumping around
my chest; that shows you how particu-
lar they are. That's all right, too; I'm
not kicking about that. They've got
to have sound men physically in
the army. But teeth — piffle!' Robert
ejaculated disgustedly. 'Well, as long
as I'm going, anyhow, for the paper,
I've got the laugh on 'em. But to be
with the army itself would be more
fun.'
Van Cleve listened to him with an
extraordinary inward movement of
affection and pity; there were times
when he felt old enough to be Bob's
father. 'Well, you want to fatten up
and — and get rid of your cold so as to
be in first-class shape, because it's
bound to be a good deal like hard work
part of the time, anyhow,' he advised
Robert. But when they had parted, he
shook his head over the teeth episode.
' I should n't wonder if they said that
224
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
to every poor devil they reject, rather
than tell him right out what the matter
is with him,' he opined sagely; and
wondered if the humanity of doctors
was not sometimes ill-judged. It did
not need a doctor's experience to see at
a glance what sort of a fellow Bob was :
the pace he went was beginning to tell
on him; and even if he behaved him-
self, he was not of the type wanted in
the United States Army.
Bob's mother and sister, who had
awaited the verdict in terror, were too
much relieved to sympathize with him;
his position was likely to be exciting
and hazardous enough, anyhow, they
thought. Mrs. Gilbert was never seen
to shed a tear, or heard to utter a word
in opposition; but she used to follow
him to the door whenever he left the
house, and watch him every step of
the road, if he went no farther than
the corner or across the street. When
he was at home, she would be forever
visiting his room on slight errands,
even slipping in like a small, gentle,
noiseless ghost at any hour of the night
to look at him while he slept, as she
had when he was a little boy in his crib,
years ago. All the things he liked to
eat were, constantly on the table; and
the mother even went so far as to rout
out a photograph of Paula Jameson in
a striking pose, like a variety actress, a
photograph that Mrs. Gilbert cordially
detested, and restore it to the place on
Bob's bureau whence she had removed
it in a temper six months before. 'I
want him to remember everything
pleasantly,' she said to Lorrie.
Robert himself was quite unconscious
or unobservant of these efforts, though
he was kind after his fashion. 'Don't
you worry, Moms, correspondents never
get hurt. They don't have to stand up
to be fired at, you know — they can
run like rabbits, when they get scared,
and nobody blames 'em,' he said, in a
laughing but sincere attempt to reas-
sure her. * There's no Roman soldier,
nor boy- stood - on - the - burning - deck
about me. I'll bet the first volley I
hear I '11 establish a new world's record
for the running high jump. I'll land
somewhere in the next county, and I
won't get back till New Year's!'
'No, you won't run, Bob; you'd
never run away in the wide world!*
cried his mother, flushing all over her
pretty, faded face; -and though she
joined in the laugh against herself, the
flush remained. The Virginia woman
remembered the Shenandoah and the
guns of Chancellorsville. It was with
faces of resolute calm that she and his
sister kissed the young man good-by
the morning he started for Tampa and
'the front'; his father wrung his hand;
the little boys of the neighborhood
hung around, and scrabbled for the
honor of carrying his suit-case; Mrs.
Gilbert watched him down the street
for the last time; and he swung on to
the rear platform of the trolley-car,
and his figure lessened in the distance,
waving his new Panama hat. Down at
the Louisville and Nashville station,
here was Van Cleve Kendrick, that
stoic and cynic and temperance lec-
turer, with a box of cigars and some
kind of wonderful confection in leather
and nickel-plate, combining a knife,
fork, spoon, cup, flask, and goodness
knows what else, for camp use! He
thrust the gifts confusedly upon Bob
while they bade each other good-by. —
'Well, so long, Van!' — 'Here's luck,
Bob!' — It was a simple ceremony.
The train-shed was crowded with
a great rush of arriving and departing
travelers, not a few military-looking
gentlemen with military-looking lug-
gage among them, for these were war-
times. On Bob's own train, there were
a score of newspaper men bent on sim-
ilar business — jolly fellows all; his
kind, gay, boyish face shone on Van
Cleve from the midst of them; the
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
225
train pulled out; and Van walked off to
the office, perhaps envying them a
little.
In the meanwhile, Lome's Mr. Cort-
wright got his appointment, according
to his confident expectation, and came
back to her in high spirits. He had seen
and had interviews with the President
and the Secretary of War; he was
to 'report for duty' at such and such
a place, on such and such a date; he
was planning his baggage; he had
his photograph taken in uniform for
Lorrie; the girls used to see it standing
on her dressing-table, looking more
than ever reckless and handsome, and
said to one another that it was a pity
he had n't always br on in the army, it
seemed to suit him so well somehow,
he appeared to so much advantage as a
military man. Some of her friends may
have even envied Lorrie her romantic
position; and, in truth, I am not sure
that, in spite of her miserable moments
of apprehension for him, these last
few weeks may not have been the hap-
piest Lorrie had ever spent with her
lover.
He had never been so devoted, so
thoughtful and tender; and when the
dreaded time of parting came, spoke to
her in a fashion that became him well,
gravely and manfully. * You 're a deal
too good for me, my dear; it makes me
ashamed to see you care so much,' he
said, with real humility; the depth of
her feeling, for the first time revealed,
surprised and touched and a little awed
Philip. 'I — I almost wish you did n't
care so much, ' he stammered nervous-
ly; and he did not offer to kiss her neck
now, but, instead, took her hand and
laid it against his lips with something
like reverence. * I wish — I wish — !'
He was silent, looking down in a swift,
passing, useless pain and shame and
regret. After all, he told himself, he
was n't much worse than the next man
— men could n't help some things —
and anyhow that life was all over and
done with forever for him now — no
use bewailing the spilled milk — the
thing was to live straight from this on,
and be worthy of this splendid girl.
Lorrie and he would be married —
they would have children — ! He
kissed her and held her close in hon-
est pride and tenderness.
' I 'm not going to be silly any more
— I did n't mean to be silly at all —
only I c-could n't quite help it,' said
Lorrie, bravely, swallowing the rest of
her sobs, and raising her head from his
shoulder. 'And you may not be in any
battles, anyway! ' she added, so naively
hopeful that Cortwright laughed aloud.
'That's right, little woman. I'm
going to come back all right,' he said
gayly; 'but when it's over, I believe
I'll stay in the army; I could get into
the regulars, I think. A lot of the
volunteer officers did after the Civil
War, didn't they? I'll stay in the
army and end up a major-general.
That'll be better than pegging along
with old Leo Hirsch, hey? Give me one
more kiss, Mrs. Major-General!'
He went off buoyantly, with his
head up and a free step, in his familiar,
carelessly graceful style; and Lorrie,
standing on the steps, looked after him,
strained her eyes after him, as every
woman has looked and strained her
eyes some time in her life after some
man since this world began its journey
through the stars. It happened to be a
Sunday morning, the first of May, very
leafy, green, fresh, and warm; people
were coming home from church, and
children skipping on the pavements.
Lorrie thought she would remember it
to her last hour.
(To be continued.)
VOL. in -NO. 2
IN MEMORIAM
Leo: A Yellow Cat
BY MARGARET SHERWOOD
IF, to your twilight land of dream, —
Persephone, Persephone,
Drifting with all your shadow host, —
Dim sunlight comes with sudden gleam,
And you lift veiled eyes to see
Slip past a little golden ghost,
That wakes a sense of springing flowers,
Of nesting birds, and lambs new-born,
Of spring astir in quickening hours,
And young blades of Demeter's corn;
For joy of that sweet glimpse of sun,
O goddess of unnumbered dead,
Give one soft touch, — if only one, —
To that uplifted, pleading head!
Whisper some kindly word, to bless
A wistful soul who understands
That life is but one long caress
Of gentle words and gentle hands.
THE SOCIAL ORDER IN AN AMERICAN TOWN
BY RANDOLPH S. BOURNE
AN American town, large enough to
contain a fairly complete representa-
tion of the different classes and types
of people and social organizations, and
yet not so large that individualities are
submerged in the general mass, or the
lines between the classes blurred and
made indistinct, is a real epitome of
American life. And the best and most
typical qualities are to be found in sub-
urban towns. In a town situated near
a large city where it can draw nourish-
ment from the city's life and constant-
ly react to it, and yet having a history
and tradition of its own so that it does
not become a mere colorless reflection
of that other, one gets the real flavor
of American life, and an insight into
the way in which its fabric is woven.
If a modern writer wishes to win an
imperishable name as a historian, he
has only to write an exhaustive mono-
graph on the life of such a town, —
what kind of people live there, how
they make their living, what are the
social cliques, what the children are
being taught in the schools, what the
preachers are preaching from the pul-
pit, what the local political issues are,
who form the ruling class, and how
the local political machine is made up,
what the newspapers and the leaders
and the different classes think about
things, what magazines and books the
people read, how the people amuse
themselves, even how they dress and
what their houses look like, — in short,
all those obvious things that we never
think of mentioning; things that we
would give much to know about our
ancestors, but that we get only by the
most laborious research, and then only
in unsatisfactory fragments.
The writer who did this would
not only have produced a complete
sketch of American civilization in this
year of 1913, but he would have given
his contemporaries something serious
and important to think about. We
should then see ourselves for the first
time in the glass, not in the touched-up
portraits or hideous caricatures which
now pass muster for what we know of
ourselves. I shall not be foolish enough
to attempt any such broad survey as
this; but certain of the more obvious
features of the social life of a suburban
town where I used to spend my sum-
mers have tempted me to try to un-
ravel its social psychology, and study
the classes of people who live there and
the influences and ideals that sway
them as classes, — in short, the way
they are typical of American life.
The 'lure of the city' is a fact fa-
miliar enough in our social introspec-
tions, but its dramatic quality never
grows stale. This contest between the
city and the country that has been go-
ing on for fifty years has left the coun-
try moribund, and made the city cha-
otic. The country has been stripped of
its traditions, and the city has grown
so fast that it has not had time to form
any. The suburban town is a sort of
last stronghold of Americanism. It is
the only place, at least in the East,
where life has a real richness and
depth. But it is on the firing-line; it has
to struggle valiantly for its soul. The
227
THE SOCIAL ORDER IN AN AMERICAN TOWN
city cuts a wider and wider swath, and
the suburbs are stretching in an ever-
widening circle from all our cities. The
vortex of the city, even the smaller city,
is so powerful that it sucks in the hard-
iest and sometimes the most distant
towns, and strips them of all their in-
dividuality and personal charm. The
city swamps its neighbors, turns them
into mere aggregations of expression-
less streets lined with box-like houses
or shanties of stores, and degrades their
pleasant meadows into parks and sites.
These suburban annexes cease to have
a life of their own, and become simply
sleeping-places for commuters. The
populations are so transient that the
towns seem almost to be rebuilt and
repopulated every ten years. And the
only alternative to this state of affairs
seems to be oblivion, stagnation, and
slow decay.
When one does come, therefore, into
a town which is near enough to a city
to be stimulated by it, and yet which
has been able to retain its old houses
and streets, its old families, its old
green, and its stone church, its mead-
ow-land still stretching long fingers
straight into the heart of the town, one
breathes a new air. Here is America, —
what it used to be, and what one wants
to keep it. One strikes root in such a
place, gets connected with something
vital, begins to blot out the feeling of
homelessness and sordidness that one
has after a protracted journey through
the dreary city outskirts and ram-
shackle towns and unkempt country
that make up so much of our Eastern
scenery.
In the East, between the pull of the
city and the inundation of foreign im-
migration, we feel the slipping-away of
the American ways more keenly. An
Eastern town must be unusually tena-
cious to maintain itself against the cur-
rents, but it is for that reason all the
more worthy of intensive study; for the
forces and divisions and outlines in its
social life are seen with the greater dis-
tinctness. Class lines that in other
parts of the country, although very
real, are softened and blurred, are seen
here in clearer light. All the colors are
much brighter and, for that very rea-
son, the picture can be plainly seen and
understood.
One cannot live long in a town like
the one of which I speak, without feel-
ing that the people are graded into
very distinct social levels. It is a com-
mon enough saying that there are no
classes in America, and this, of course,
is true if by * class ' is meant some rigid
caste based on arbitrary distinctions of
race or birth or wealth. But if all that
is meant by class is a grading of social
and economic superiority and inferior-
ity, with definite groupings and levels
of social favor, then such a town has
classes, and America has classes. And
these distinctions are important; for
they influence the actions and ideas
and ideals of the people in countless
ways and form a necessary background
for any real understanding of their
life.
Lowest in the social scale is, of course,
the factory class. The town has long
been an important manufacturing cen-
tre, and it is possible to see here almost
a history of industrialism in America.
There is the old type of mill, now rap-
idly dying out, and only preserved in
favored industries by a beneficent tariff.
There is a woolen mill which is the
most beautiful example of paternal feu-
dalism that can be found. The present
owner inherited it from his father, who
had inherited it from his. He lives in a
big house overlooking the mill-pond,
and personally visits the office every
day. The mill employs hundreds of
men, women, and children, and one
would say that they were fortunate to
be so singularly free from absentee cap-
italism. The owner is one of the most
THE SOCIAL ORDER IN AN AMERICAN TOWN
229
respected men in the community, head
of the board of education, president of
the local bank. And yet to an outsider
it does not seem as if his employees
are one whit better off than if they
were working for a soulless corpora-
tion. The hours are the maximum al-
lowed by law, the ages of the children
the minimum, and there is much night
work.
One who has had ideas of the so-
lution of social problems by the de-
veloping of more brotherhood between
employer and employee is rudely unde-
ceived by the most cursory glance at
an institution such as this. The em-
ployees of the mill are typical. There
are little, dried-up men who have
worked there for fifty years, — their
sons and daughters joining them as
fast as they grew up, — steady, self-re-
specting men who have perhaps saved
enough to buy a little cottage near the
mill. Then there are the younger men
and women, mostly drifters, who stay
in a factory until they are ' laid off' in a
season of depression, and then move
about until they find work somewhere
else. Lastly there is the horde of Ital-
ian and Polish boys and girls, 'be-
grimed, chattering children who pour
out of the mill-gates at night when the
whistle blows, and whom one hears
running past again in the morning be-
fore seven, always hurrying, always
chattering.
The town can already boast a Pol-
ish quarter and an Italian quarter, the
former somehow infinitely the superior
in prosperity and attractiveness, and
apparently possessing a vigorous com-
munity life of its own. The Italian
quarter is typical enough of the strug-
gles of too many of our immigrants. It
can hardly be possible that these peo-
ple have left anything worse in the
old country than this collection of in-
describable hovels, most of them built
by the owners, this network of un-
paved streets and small gardens and
ashes and filth; and the suffering in
that mild native climate of theirs must
have been far less than it is here.
The town has given them a school
and a chapel, but their fearful squalor,
apparent to every man who walks
about the town, has not seemed to dis-
tress their American neighbors in the
least. The attitude of the latter is
typical. They are filled with an almost
childlike faith in the temporary nature
of this misery. These people are in
America now, you are told, and will
soon be making money and building
themselves comfortable homes. Mean-
while all that can be done is to sur-
round them with the amenities of civ-
ilization, and wait.
The most impressive thing about the
working class, on the whole, is the pro-
found oblivion of the rest of the popu-
lation to them. They form a very con-
siderable proportion of the population,
and yet it would be difficult to find any
way in which they really count in the
life of the town. The other classes have
definite social institutions which bind
them together, and give them not only
recreation but influence. This work-
ing class has nothing of the kind. For
amusements in their hours of leisure
they go to the neighboring city; an oc-
casional employees' ball and a small
Socialist local make up practically all
of the institutional life of the people.
The town thus seems to have a whole
class living in it, but not of it, quite
apart and detached from the currents
of its life.
The psychology of this working class
is different from that of the other
classes. The prevailing tone is apathy.
There is no discontent or envy of the
well-to-do, but neither is there that
restless eagerness to better their posi-
tion, and that confidence in their
ultimate prosperity, which the Ameri-
can spirit is supposed to instil into a
230
THE SOCIAL ORDER IN AN AMERICAN TOWN
man. Men in the trades seem to have
this spirit, but it is noticeably absent
from the factory class. Even the immi-
grants seem quickly to lose that flush
of hope and ambition with which they
arrive in this country. The factory
routine seems to get into their very
souls, so that their whole life settles
down to a monotonous drudgery with-
out a look forward or backward. They
are chiefly concerned in holding their
jobs, and escaping the horrors of un-
employment — in making both ends
meet. Beyond this there is little hori-
zon for day-dreaming and ambition.
Life to them is a constant facing of
naked realities, and an actual * econ-
omy/ or management, of resources, not
an effort to impress themselves on their
neighbors, and to conform to the ways
of those about them. This deep-seated
divergence in standards and interests
from the rest of American life may or
may not be important, for the factory
class is thus far politically negligible;
but it is interesting, and well calculated
to suggest many unpleasant things to
American minds.
The rest of the people, while they
comprise two distinct classes, are much
more homogeneous. They touch each
other at all points that make for the
broader life of the town, and diverge
only on aspects of manners and social
qualifications. There is first the ruling
class, in this case really hereditary,
consisting of the direct descendants of
the early settlers, and of the men who
built the old church in 1789. The old
church has been the stronghold of their
power; it preceded the town, and gave
the old families a political preeminence
which, until very recently, has never
been seriously questioned. These fami-
lies still own much of the land of the
town, and their power and influence
shows itself in a thousand ways. Their
members are elders and trustees of the
old church, officers of the banks, honor-
ary members of committees for patri-
otic celebrations. No local enterprise
can be started without their assent and
approbation. They are not all rich
men, by any means, but they are all
surrounded by the indefinable glamour
of prestige. They are the town, one
somehow feels. They rule as all aris-
tocracies do, by divine right. They are
the safe men, the responsible men.
Their opinions of people and things
percolate down through the rest of the
people. Their frown is sufficient to
choke off a local enterprise; a word
from them will quench the strongest of
enthusiasms for a new idea or pro-
gramme or project. It is their interest
that determines town policy in the last
resort. New schools, parks, fire-houses,
municipal ownership, — all these ques-
tions are settled finally according to the
effect they will have on the pockets and
interests of this ruling class.
And yet, strange to say, their activ-
ity is seldom direct. They work rather
through that great indispensable mid-
dle class that makes up the third di-
vision of the townspeople. It is hard to
define what separates these from the
ruling class. Many of the families have
lived in the town for many years; many
of them are wealthy; many of them
have profitable businesses. And yet it
is true that in most of the affairs of the
town, this class seems to act as the
agents of the ruling class. The mem-
bers of this class are the real backbone
of the town's life. They organize the
board of trade, "boom" the town, in-
augurate and carry through the cele-
brations, do the political campaigning
and organizing, and in general keep
the civic machinery running. But little
of what they do seems to be carried
through on their own prestige. It is
always with the advice and consent of
the bigger men. This is the curious
irony of aristocracies the world over,
— that they can wield the ultimate
THE SOCIAL ORDER IN AN AMERICAN TOWN
231
power without bearing any of the re-
sponsibility, or doing any of the actual
work. The ruling class in this town no
longer assumes even political responsi-
bility. The town committee is com-
posed of members of the middle class,
and all the political workers and
henchmen throughout the town are
equally plebeian. Those good people
who lament that politics are corrupt
because the 'best men* will not enter
public life, forget that this ruling class
is behind everything that is done, and
is getting its political work done at an
extremely cheap rate. If the real rulers
had any serious objection to the way
things are run, they would soon enough
be in politics. They remain out because
their interests are well taken care of;
another class bears for them all the
burden and strife of the day.
The difference between the ruling
class and the middle class in our com-
munity, though apparently so intangi-
ble, shows itself in a dozen different
ways. There is a distinct line of cleavage
in social matters, in church matters, in
recreation and business. * Society/ of
course, in the community is synony-
mous with the ruling class. An. infal-
lible instinct guides the managers of
receptions and balls, and the lines are
as jealously guarded as if there were
actual barriers of nobility erected. The
ladies have their literary clubs, where
quiet, but none the less effective, cam-
paigns are waged against the admission
of undesirable plebeians. The young
people ape their elders in everything.
The epithet used by 'society' for those
who are excluded from its privileges is
* ordinary' or * common'; the term is at
once an explanation and an excuse for
the exclusion.
The middle class, on their part, have
their own society, and their own ex-
clusions. Their social functions, how-
ever, have the virtue of being less
formal and less secular. The nucleus
of their social life is the church, and
it is curious to observe how closely
church lines follow these social lines.
The aristocracy is centred in the old
church, stanchly Presbyterian. Its
temporal and spiritual affairs are in
these aristocratic hands as absolutely
as they were in the hands of the great-
grandfathers who f built the church.
There is, of course, a strong admixture
of the middle class, but little can zeal
and hard work do to win for them a
seat at the councils. Their strongholds
are the Baptist and Methodist church-
es, and it is the few members of the
ruling class who happen to belong to
those confessions who are the governed
and disfranchised. The church means
much more to these middle-class peo-
ple than it does to the aristocracy.
The services are conducted with great-
er ardor, and attended with much
more regularity. The class of * ordi-
nary' people that support them have
not reached the degree of sophistica-
tion that makes them ashamed of the
hearty church-going of their ancestors.
There is a Catholic church, but it con-
fines its ministrations strictly to the
working class. Nothing is known of
it by the members of the other classes,
and any entrance of its priest into
public affairs is looked upon with the
deepest suspicion.
In business matters the line be-
tween the two classes is equally sharp.
The members of the ruling class hold,
as a rule, business positions of consid-
erable importance in the neighboring
city, while the middle class is largely
engaged in local trade, or in smaller po-
sitions in the city. There is a certain
slight social stigma that attaches itself
to a young man who takes up work in
town, and the city is thus the goal of
all the socially ambitious. There is a
distinct prejudice, also, on the part of
the ruling class against anything that
savors of mechanical labor, and this is
232
THE SOCIAL ORDER IN AN AMERICAN TOWN
another point of divergence from the
middle class, who are less squeamish.
It would be unjust to imply that the
ruling class is not industrious. There
are no idle rich in the town, and the dif-
ferences between the classes are differ-
ences of taste and business position, and
not in the least of industry and ability.
Lastly, the two classes diverge in the
way they amuse themselves. To the
outsider it looks as if the middle class
contrived to have a better time of it
than the aristocracy. The most strik-
ing institution of the former is the
lodge, — Masons and Odd Fellows and
Elks and Woodmen. The class mem-
bership of these fraternal organizations
is very evident. Of all the institutions
of the town, the lodge is the most de-
finitely middle-class. No member of
the ruling class or the factory class can
be found within the ranks. On the
other hand, inclusion in the * Assembly '
dances is the badge of aristocracy. The
ruling class has only a near-by country
club to compensate it for its exclusion
from the lodges, and its native con-
servatism and thrift permit its giv-
ing to this club only a grudging and
half-hearted patronage. In compari-
son with the busy social, political, and
church life of the middle class, that of
the aristocracy appears almost tame
and uninteresting. Their natural cau-
tion, prudence, and reserve, and the
constant sense of their position in the
community, have kept them almost as
poorly provided with social institutions
as the factory class itself.
Thus these two classes live side by
side in the town, strangely alike, yet
strangely different, constantly reacting
upon each other, each incomplete with-
out the other. The ruling class is much
more dependent, of course, on the mid-
dle class than the middle class is on it.
For it draws its sustenance only from
the inferiority of the middle class.
Without that middle class, the spice
and joy of aristocracy would be ab-
sent. The factory class is too utterly
alien, indeed is hardly aware of the ex-
istence of an aristocracy, and could
not, at its best, even serve and fortify
and supplement the ruling class as does
that class which the latter affects to
despise as * ordinary.'
In quiet times the two classes seem
almost merged into one, but let some
knotty local issue arise, and the di-
vergence is clearly seen. There is a
certain amount of class jealousy exhib-
ited at such times, and while it rarely
affects the political field, it is apt to
play havoc in the affairs of a church.
That is why church politics are so care-
fully shunned; they have such fearful
potentialities of trouble, and trouble
that does not confine itself to the
church, but reaches out into every
aspect of town life. Religion is a very
real thing in an American town, and
a middle class that will take dicta-
tion in political matters from the * best
men' of the community will bitterly
resent any attempt to force its church
into action of which it does not ap-
prove, or which it is afraid it will not
be able to lead. Proposals for church
union, for civic organizations of men's
clubs, or for organized charity socie-
ties are fruitful causes of hard feelings
and jealousies. It is hard to preach
Christian unity in a town where a
church is not only a religious body but
the stronghold of a social class. The
classes must evidently be merged be-
fore the churches can be.
Politically there is not this sensitive-
ness between the two classes. It is the
presence of a foreign element that cre-
ates local issues, or it is the injection of
religious personalities into a campaign.
In suburban towns the dramatic politi-
cal contests are not between the settled
classes in the town, but between the
old residents and the new, between the
natives and the commuters. And since
THE SOCIAL ORDER IN AN AMERICAN TOWN
233
the commuter is simply an aggravated
type of the modern nomadic American,
the political fight in this town that I
am speaking of may be fairly typical of
a struggle that is going on with more
or less virulence all over the land. In
some ways the commuter is the most
assimilable of all Americans. He is
indeed far more fortunate than he de-
serves to be, for it is he who destroys
the personality of a town. Passing
lightly from suburb to suburb, sinking
no roots, and moving his household
gods without a trace of compunction
and regret, this aimless drifter is the
deadliest foe to the cultivation of that
ripening love of surroundings that gives
quality to a place, and quality, too, to
the individual life. This element of
the population depersonalizes Amer-
ican life by not giving it a chance to
take root and grow. When it becomes
strong enough it begins to play havoc
with the politics of a town. For the
commuters have permeated all the
classes, and when they begin to take an
interest in the local issues, party and
class lines are slashed into pieces. It is
the perennially dramatic contest be-
tween the old and the new, and it makes
an issue that is really momentous for
the future of the town. For the shifting
of power means the decay of a tradi-
tion, and however self-centred and de-
stitute of real public spirit may have
been the rule of the aristocracy, no
lover of his town wishes to see things
turned over to a loose herd of tempo-
rary residents.
In the towns surrounding our town,
political control has long since passed
out of the hands of the old leaders into
those of the commuters, and the com-
munities have paid the penalty in the
loss of their distinctive note and charm.
In my town, also, it looks as if the fate
of the ruling class were irretrievably
sealed. They have recently alienated
their middle-class following by a pro-
posal to annex the town to the neigh-
boring city, the argument being that
annexation must come some time, and
that it might as well be now, before all
is lost. But this measure has called out
all the latent patriotism of the people,
and it will undoubtedly be defeated at
the polls.
These later developments have
brought out much that is typical of
American life, for this contest has
betrayed the incorrigible un-social-
mindedness of the ruling class, the
most thoroughly American of all. In
spite of their pride in their station in
the community, these men, living on
the lands of their great-great-grand-
fathers, with ancestries stretching back
to the early settlements, seem to have
no sentiment for their community as a
community. There is plenty of senti-
ment for their own class and their own
lands, but none for the town. Since
they are no longer at the helm, the
town is to them almost as if it were
not. They are sincerely puzzled and
pained at the indignant outcry against
the merging of the town with a corrupt,
machine-ridden city. They say it will
be good for the town to be known as a
part of the city. It will raise the value
of real estate, and they cannot see the
exquisite naivete which is lent to this
argument by the fact that they them-
selves own most of the real estate in
the town. This argument seems to
have had weight, however, for the pa-
triotic pride which the average land-
less American feels in the increase in
real-estate values in his community
seems to be quite undisturbed by any
consideration of the increased tribute
that he must pay for the indulgence of
that sentiment.
The social spirit of this ruling class
seems to consist in the delusion that its
own personal interests are identical with
those of the community at large. Some
such philosophy animates, I suppose,
234
THE SOCIAL ORDER IN AN AMERICAN TOWN
many of the large corporate and finan-
cial American bodies to-day.
The direct result of this annexation
contest in my town has been a disil-
lusionment of the middle class. The
hearty admiration for the 'best men'
has turned into disgust at the meagre-
ness of their local patriotism. The rul-
ing class could keep its power only so
long as nothing came to try it. But
the heart of the people is in the right
place; they admire the great ones of
the ruling class because they attribute
to them virtues which they do not pos-
sess; they admire the successful man
because they think he is brave and
generous and big, when really he may
be only mean and grasping. They are
beginning to remind one another that
the leading men have never done any-
thing for the town. Any one of half a
dozen could endow a Young Men's
Christian Association, or some similar
institution, which the town needs.
Only recently did the town obtain a
library, and then not through any exer-
tion of the citizens, but as a windfall
from an industrial princeling who had
been born in the town, but had never
lived there since his childhood.
There is something in the old nota-
bles of a town like this that wins al-
most a grudging admiration. Their
self-respect is so stolid, their individu-
alism so incorrigible, their lack of sen-
sitiveness to the social appeal so over-
whelming. In command of the board of
education, they kept school facilities at
the lowest possible point for years, until
an iconoclastic superintendent aroused
public sentiment and forced the erec-
tion of new buildings. The ruling class
in command of the old church does
nothing to extend its work beyond the
traditional services and societies, al-
though there is crying need for social
work among the foreign population of
the town. And since this ruling class
exercises all the spiritual initiative of
the town, none of the other churches or
societies stir out of the beaten paths
or try any hazardous reforms or risky
innovations.
This spiritual initiative is not a
thing that is lightly lost. I have not
meant to imply that the disillusion-
ment of the middle class was likely to
be permanent. On the contrary, even
if political control does pass out of the
hands of both classes into those of
newcomers, the latter will soon be
brought under the spell. Wealth and
social position will still lead the town.
Even though discontent puts political
power completely into the hands of the
newcomers, they will find themselves
unable to make headway against the
ideals and prejudices of the ruling class.
The neighboring towns have lost their
personality because they have lost their
ruling class, or because the ruling class
has been in too hopeless a minority to
maintain its influence. Where it can
retain its hold on property and in
church affairs, it will continue, though
defeated, to be the salt of the earth;
its tone will permeate the life of the
town. That prevailing tone is, of
course, conservative.
The town has been, as I have said,
on the firing-line, in constant danger
from capture by the commuter ele-
ment, and consequently the ruling class
has been thrown even more strongly
on the defensive than is usual. This
has shown itself in a distrust of the
younger men; their entrance into
church and political life has been de-
precated, through fear that hot-head-
edness and an impatience with dila-
tory methods might lead them to take
rash steps that would betray the whole
class to the enemy.
Another of the prevailing ideas
(typically American) is that the ruling
class is ipso facto competent to lead in
every department of the town's life. A
wealthy manufacturer is elected head
THE SOCIAL ORDER IN AN AMERICAN TOWN
235
of the board of education, a coal-
merchant is chairman of the library
committee, and so forth. There is no
specialization of functions in the rul-
ing class. And this comprehensive
scope of activities is acquiesced in by
the middle class; indeed is regarded
almost as axiomatic. The expert has
no opportunity of influencing his fel-
low-citizens. What can he know in
comparison with a man who has lived
all his life along the town green and
who owns forty houses?
The third dominant ideal is Puritan-
ism. It must be confessed that among
the ruling class this is more of an ideal
than a rule of life. The town is so near
the city that it catches a good deal of
the sophistication of the latter. In the
ruling class, Puritanism is kept more
for public use than for private. Yet it
is always correct, even though it is a
little uneasy at times, as if it were half
ashamed of itself. A candidate for of-
fice must have exceptional qualifica-
tions if he is to counterbalance the dis-
advantages of not being a church-goer
and a Protestant. It is necessary to
'keep the Sabbath* with considerable
strictness. Dances and parties on Sat-
urday night must end promptly at
twelve. If Sunday golf and tennis-play-
ing occur among the ruling class, they
are discreetly hidden from public gaze.
The Presbyterian and Episcopalian
ministers direct their philippics against
these forms of vice. In the churches of
the middle class, the world, the flesh,
and the devil appear in the guise of
dances and the theatres of the neigh-
boring city. Both classes think very
highly, however, of punctilious be-
havior. The need of maintaining the
tone of the community, therefore, pre-
vents the urban sophistication from
sinking in very deep.
The most striking form in which
Puritanism asserts itself is in the an-
nual contest with the saloon. The sub-
ject of licenses is a thorny question in
local politics, and much good casuistry
is expended in explaining the position
of the ruling class in the matter. Re-
ligiously the saloon is anathema, but
practically it is an established institu-
tion, and therefore entitled to all that
respect which our ruling class pays to
what is. Prohibition is unthinkable;
diminution of the number of licenses is
an attack on property rights. Moral
sentiment can only be rightfully ex-
pended, therefore, on the maintenance
of the existing number. It is surprising
what a wave of moral fervor will sweep
over the town at such a crisis. The
existence of eighteen saloons seems to
every one, churchman and infidel alike,
as tolerable and natural: the presence
of nineteen would constitute an inex-
piable communal sin against the Al-
mighty. The pulpits thunder, the town
committee is besieged with letters and
beset with * personal influence/ peti-
tions are drawn up, a mass-meeting is
held, the moral crisis spoken of, and
all good men are called upon to rally
to preserve the civic righteousness of
the community.
This perennial moral excitement and
indulgence illustrate excellently well
the American zest for * moral issues.'
Philosophers tell us that an emphasis
on strictly moral solutions of political
and economic problems argues a rela-
tively primitive state of civilization,
— in other words, that the only valid
solution of a problem is a scientific
solution. But even to the wisest of
the ruling class of the town it seems
never to have occurred that the saloons
might be regulated on some basis of a
minimum legitimate demand, and of
their being situated in those sections
of the town where they will be least
troublesome.
This Puritanism of the ruling class,
then, supported and even forced by the
middle class, is not a reasonable ideal,
236
THE SOCIAL ORDER IN AN AMERICAN TOWN
but simply an hereditary one. A ruling
class follows the line of smallest resis-
tance. The prestige of the 'man of
property' gives him an oracular valid-
ity that nothing can shake. The ef-
forts of the other classes will only be
against the current. The middle class
gets carried along with the aristocracy,
furnishing power, but no initiative,
while the factory class sleeps out its
dreamless sleep, untouched, and with-
out influence. The latter class is cer-
tainly not touched by the Puritanism
of the town; it is little touched by the
education.
The High School is practically a class
institution; a very small percentage of
the school children continue their edu-
cation so far. Neither is the culture of
the town, as a whole, particularly im-
pressive. The university man may well
feel that he has been wandering about
among the moonbeams, so few of the
modern points of view and interests
have seeped down into the intellectual
life of the town. The annual course of
lectures, managed by representatives of
the ruling class, carefully side-tracks all
the deeper questions of the time; min-
isters on patriotic subjects, naturalists
and travelers, readers of popular plays,
make up the list of speakers. The
library caters to an overwhelming de-
mand for recent fiction. A woman's
club discusses unfatiguing literary
subjects. A quiet censorship is exer-
cised over the public library. Anything
that suggests the revolutionary or the
obscene is sternly banned. It is con-
sidered better to err on the side of pru-
dence. To an outsider the culture of
the town seems at times to evince an
almost unnecessary anxiety to avoid
the controversial and the stimulating.
So long as life is smooth and unper-
turbed, the people do not care whether
it is particularly deep or not. And
they are content to leave all contro-
versial questions in the hands of their
'best men.'
Shall we be un-American enough
to criticize them? Is our national
attitude toward our ruling class very
different from the attitude in this little
town? Just as the ruling class in the
town is the converging point for all
the currents in town life, so is the rul-
ing class in America the converging
point for our national life. Only by
understanding it and all its workings,
shall we understand our country. One
can begin by understanding that little
cross-section of American life, the
suburban town.
VICARIOUS
BY EDITH RONALD MIRRIELEES
THERE were three professors — as-
sociate and full — in the Department
of Modern History. There was also an
office-boy. His printed title was De-
partment Assistant, but his duties were
less dignified than his title.
Each of the professors had his priv-
ate office opening from the main office.
The assistant had a desk in the main
office with the telephone close beside it.
He answered the telephone and took
messages over it, he assorted roll-cards
and made out class-books and hunted
through the files for records of former
students. In the intervals of his occu-
pation he crammed sedulously from ill-
printed source-books, in preparation for
the work of various advanced courses
in history. And now and then, between
the two kinds of labor, he lifted down
the receiver of the telephone from
its hook and, very softly, held over it
converse quite unrelated to historical
research.
It was, unfortunately, the bachelor
professor who first discovered the rea-
son for this diversion. He took his in-
formation straight to the head of de-
partment and launched it in the form
of a question.
* It was Hawke of Illinois who recom-
mended Barker to us, was n't it?'
'Not Hawke; Holland. He said that
he had found him so earnest — '
'Did he say he'd found him mar-
ried?' asked the bachelor professor.
He answered the question himself.
'Very likely Holland did n't know. It
may have come off this summer. What
do we pay him, by the way?'
'It amounts to about forty-five dol-
lars a month,' the head of department
calculated. 'Are you sure, McFar-
land? I supposed he'd be engaged, —
all graduate students are, — but for
anything more than that — '
' I met the lady in the office just now,
looking for her husband. Well, of
course he has private means or he
could n't have done it.'
'Ought n't to have done it,' the head
of department corrected him. 'You
can get a marriage license, McFarland,
for considerably less than forty-five
dollars.'
'And pay your bills with it after-
wards ? ' the bachelor professor retorted.
He went out across the main office
to his own quarters. The assistant had
not yet come in. The bachelor profes-
sor stopped for an instant beside his
desk and went on, laughing. Among
the litter of papers at the back of the
desk was visible the head of a purple
pansy.
He saw the pansy later in the assist-
ant's buttonhole and commented on it.
The assistant reddened to his crisp,
fair forelock.
'My — Mrs. Barker left it for me.
We've a bed of them at the house
where we have our rooms/
'And said it without shame,' the
bachelor professor reported to his col-
leagues. 'Seemed to expect me to take
an interest in her.'
'I do not know that it would have
compromised you to take an interest/
commented the head of department.
He spoke with irritation. 'It was out-
237
238
VICARIOUS
side of my province but I — I question-
ed Mr. Barker. It seems he has a little
money laid up from working in sum-
mer. And with that and the hope of
holding his position here till such time
as he gets his degree — '
'So that 's why he's so abominably
conscientious/ the bachelor professor
interpolated. 'Well, commend me to
wives ! Next time I see her, I shall con-
gratulate her/
Next time he saw her, however, he
only bowed and hurried through the
office with a distinct and amused sensa-
tion of being in the way. It was at the
end of a working-day, and the assistant
and his wife were departing on some
evidently planned expedition, an ob-
trusive box bespeaking lunch, a bundle
of wraps promising late return.
'And on forty-five a month!' the
bachelor professor wondered. He stop-
ped to chat beside the assistant's desk
next day, with a real humility of spirit,
to obscure his curiosity.
But the assistant was not shy of
gratifying curiosity. All the office
knew presently of his expedients; how
he earned the rental of their two rooms
by taking care of furnace and lawn
— 'No more than I'd do if I lived
in a house of my own'; how he had
engaged to sell books in the Christmas
vacation.
'Much as my room-mate used to
plan/ the bachelor professor admit-
ted. 'He worked his way through col-
lege. But to do it handicapped by a
wife!'
They had occasional glimpses of the
wife for a time. Then no more glimpses,
but still the chance appearance of pur-
ple pansies on the assistant's desk.
He wore one daily, too. The bache-
lor professor found himself wondering
whether the giver raised them in pots,
to have a constant supply; or whether,
on an assistant's stipend, she dared to
patronize hot-houses.
'She'll get over it, either way/ he
prophesied to himself. ' It 's all very
well for a year or two. After that, I
notice they don't pay much attention
to aesthetics/
As the frosts came on, he was con-
sciously observant of the symbolic
flower. There came a day in Decem-
ber when it was visibly drooping; then
a second day when only a dead wisp
of it hung limply to the thread of his
coat.
'I thought they'd get down to a
bread-and-butter basis/ the bachelor
professor rejoiced to the head of de-
partment. 'I tell you, Callend, it's
a justification of bachelorhood. If
the pansies won't outlast the first
winter — '
'It's a justification of poor work,
apparently/ said the head of depart-
ment. 'He's forgotten my syllabus
sheets/ He opened the door. 'There
was to be a syllabus from the type-
writer this morning, Mr. Barker. If
you have it there — '
'I — I forgot to stop for it/ said the
assistant. He reached for his hat. 'It
won't take me ten minutes to get it.
Only — if the telephone should ring
— ' He was turning the hat round and
round between his fingers. The set
crease of his smile was like a scar
across his face. ' I 'm expecting a mes-
sage. That is, — we — The doctor
said—'
'Not — sick?' said the bachelor pro-
fessor under his breath.
But the head of department was
himself a man of family. He had the
assistant by the shoulders.
'Go home, man!' he was command-
ing. 'Go home, and don't come back
till it's a week old!'
He must have followed his command
with inquiries, with further injunc-
tions, for for five days the assistant
disappeared from his desk. In the in-
terval three professors of modern his-
VICARIOUS
239
tory carried their own syllabus sheets,
kept their own roll-books — two of
them self-consciously, with an air of
furtive understanding, the third with
irritation and obvious injury.
'I never asked any man to discom-
mode himself for me,' the manner of
the bachelor professor announced ag-
gressively as he made his occasional
journeys to the neglected telephone.
He was careful to evince no undue in-
terest when the assistant returned, but
he could not ignore the little hum of
felicitation which filled the outer of-
fice. 'A boy,' he learned through the
medium of the Professor of the Far
East. 'Weighed eight pounds/
The Professor of the Far East had
himself a son, — a late addition to his
married happiness, — and had become
since its arrival, so the bachelor pro-
fessor noted, 'a regular old woman.'
He stopped often beside the assistant's
desk to compare notes on unmanly
topics, his wife called on the assistant's
wife, and there was an interchange of
advices between them.
It was through the medium of the
wives that there filtered into general
department knowledge certain facts
concerning the assistant's household
— that Mrs. Barker was 'no manager/
that the baby was inclined to be deli-
cate, that the assistant himself had
duties not included in the curriculum.
'Though he does not neglect his
work,' the head of department pointed
out. 'Sometimes I almost wish he
would. When I recollect how a child
breaks into your time — '
'And he ought to know,' the bache-
lor professor reminded himself. 'Mrs.
Callend would give him chance enough
to find out.' He went over to the as-
sistant's desk. 'If you're crowded,
Mr. Barker,' he suggested, ' don't trou-
ble with that list of references for next
week. If you want to let them go over
till after Commencement — '
'Why, thank you, Dr. McFarland,'
said the assistant, gratefully. He
looked up with a smile so brilliant that
it was obviously false. 'I shall have
time enough, I think. In fact, I was
just telling Professor Helmer that I 'm
rather looking for something to fill in
my evenings — typewriting or tutor-
ing or something of the kind. If you
should hear of anything — '
'Idiot!' said the bachelor profes-
sor, inside his own office. 'Idiot! And
yet you can't offer to help him out
— not while he keeps up a front like
that!'
He was surer than ever of the impos-
sibility when, next day, the assistant
knocked at his office door. If the as-
sistant's smile had been brilliant the
day before, it was glittering tinsel now.
His bearing was almost offensively
jaunty.
'May I trouble you a moment, Dr.
McFarland? About those references,
if you are quite sure it would n't in-
convenience you — You see, I was
interrupted last night — '
'Something wrong at home?' said
the bachelor professor.
The smile wavered, came back rein-
forced.
'The boy was n't quite himself. He
seemed to have a little cold — '
The telephone rang and he hurried
to answer it. All the office could hear
his quick replies — an anguish of mono-
syllables.
'Yes? What? Yes. Two degrees?
Yes, I'll be right home."
He was back at his post in the after-
noon. The Professor of the Far East
clapped him jocularly on the shoulder
and spoke of his baby's first cold.
'Called a doctor every time he
sneezed. Two hundred and thirty dol-
lars I paid out last winter for a baby
that never was sick at all.'
' Mine 's sick,' said the assistant, with
his haunted smile. ' He 's got fever.' „
240
VICARIOUS
He was late in his arrival next morn-
ing. The bachelor professor, stopping
with an inquiry, was answered before
he spoke by the elaborate indifference
of the father's manner.
'No; I don't know that I can call
him better. Some little thing wrong
about his teeth. They 're going to op-
erate — '
'What!' cried the bachelor profes-
sor.
' — Going to operate this afternoon.
They're to telegraph me — '
The bachelor professor crossed the
room to the office of the head of de-
partment. He stopped beside the desk
as he had stopped beside the assistant's
desk, and scowled down at its occu-
pant.
'Callend, young Barker's no busi-
ness to be here to-day. His baby — '
' I spoke with Mr. Barker as I came
in/ said the head of department. He
looked up under gray brows. * There
seems to be nothing he could do if he
were at the hospital. I did not sug-
gest his going. You see, McFarland,
you ' ve never been under a strain of this
kind—'
'No; thank the Lord!' said the
bachelor professor.
'And, perhaps, you underestimate
the value of occupation. One thing,
though. If you could somehow suggest
to Helmer that he talk less to Mr.
Barker about his baby — '
'He'll be dumb, then,' commented
the colleague of Helmer sourly.
Matters grew worse as the morning
went on. The bachelor professor had
an engagement for luncheon. He tele-
phoned his regrets at eleven; returning
from the telephone to his own quarters,
he was fiercely irritated to observe
that the head of department was still
in his office.
'And with his door open,' he noted.
He shut his own door with unneces-
sary emphasis.
But the assistant seemed to observe
neither the closed door nor the open
one. He went about his duties, smiling
valiantly — smiling while he distrib-
uted History 9 syllabus sheets to the
class in History 7; smiling while his
unsteady fingers shook ink over the
bachelor professor's immaculate roll-
book. Just after noon the Professor
of the Far East burst in on his col-
leagues.
'Find an errand for him somewhere,'
he demanded. ' I can't work while he 's
around. I keep on thinking all the
while, " What if it were my boy? "
'What if it were, indeed!' said the
head of department, a little flatly.
He gathered up some loose sheets off
his desk. 'Mr. Barker, will you take
these over to the typewriter? Don't
hurry; if you want to stay out in the
air—'
The assistant rose unreadily. 'Thank
you. I'll be right back, though. If
there should be any word — '
He was gone before the sentence
was finished.
From the head of department's win-
dow they watched him hurry across the
lawn.
' He '11 be back, certainly, if he keeps
up that pace,' the bachelor professor
commented. 'But whatever is to hap-
pen will happen while he's gone, none
the less.'
He wandered about the room, pluck-
ing at the books and papers. Present-
ly, at a sound, he stopped and looked
into the outer office. 'See there?' he
demanded, with a kind of triumph.
A small boy stood in the office. He
held a yellow envelope between his fin-
gers. For an instant all three waited,
staring at him; then the head of de-
partment went forward, took the en-
velope, and signed the necessary re-
ceipt. He came back, balancing it.
'I don't know — There's hardly
time to send it after him.'
VICARIOUS
241
'Lay it on his desk,' the Professor
of the Far East suggested.
'And for decency's sake, shut the
door. Don't let him feel we're spying
on him,' the bachelor professor in-
sisted.
But the head of department hesi-
tated, his hand on the knob.
'I think I'll leave it open, McFar-
land. If it should be — the worst news
— However, there 's no need for three
of us. If you two have other things on
hand—'
* You've a one-thirty class yourself,
have n't you?' the bachelor professor
inquired. He resumed his pacing.
They heard the assistant on the
stairs presently. They heard him hurry
into the room; stop; drag his way to-
ward the desk. There was a noise of
tearing paper, the crackle of the sheet
spread large; then, unmistakably, a
sob.
'Oh, my God, if it was Harold!' said
the Professor of the Far East, under his
breath.
It was a long minute before the as-
sistant stirred. When he did, he came
toward the threshold, and the head of
department went forward to meet him
— haltingly.
VOL. Ill - NO. 2
' Mr. Barker — there 's not much I
can say. My own oldest boy — '
'I just heard,' said the assistant.
He held out the paper.
The bachelor professor leaned for-
ward and plucked the yellow sheet
from his fingers. There were four
words in the message. He took them
in at a glance.
'Tooth through. Temperature nor-
mal.'
'Callend,' said the bachelor profes-
sor gently, 'you've still time to make
that one-thirty class if you wish to
make it. I think I'll get back to work
myself, too.'
Inside his own quarters he stood
still, looking down at the paper.
'And when they're sick,' he ana-
lyzed, 'when they're sick, you're in
torment. And when they're well, you
dare n't rejoice for fear they '11 fall sick
again. And yet you could n't per-
suade any one of them it was n't worth
while — not even on forty-five dol-
lars a month. There's something —
something I miss — Well, thank the
Lord, the Department of Modern His-
tory at least can resume operations.
The assistant's baby has safely cut a
tooth.'
THE SECOND DEATH
BY JOSIAH ROYCE
IN Matthew Arnold's essay on 'St.
Paul and Protestanism,' there is a well-
known passage from which I may quote
a few words to serve as a text for the
present essay.- These words express
what many would call a typical mod-
ern view of an ancient problem.
In this essay, just before the words
which I shall quote, Matthew Arnold
has been speaking of the relation be-
tween Paul's moral experiences and
their religious interpretation, as the
Apostle formulates it in the Epistle to
the Romans. Referring to a somewhat
earlier stage of his own argument, Ar-
nold here says, 'We left Paul in col-
lision with a fact of human nature, but
in itself a sterile fact, a fact upon which
it is possible to dwell too long, although
Puritanism, thinking this impossible,
has remained intensely absorbed in the
contemplation of it, and, indeed, has
never properly got beyond it, — the
sense of sin. Sin/ continues Matthew
Arnold, ' is not a monster to be mused
on, but an impotence to be got rid of.
All thinking about it, beyond what is
indispensable for the firm effort to get
rid of it, is waste of energy and waste
of time. We then enter that element
of morbid and subjective brooding,
in which so many have perished. This
sense of sin, however, it is also possible
to have not strongly enough to beget
the firm effort to get rid of it; and the
Greeks, with all their great gifts, had
this sense not strongly enough; its
242
strength in the Hebrew people is one of
this people's mainsprings. And no He-
brew prophet or psalmist felt what sin
was more powerfully than Paul.' In
the sequel, Arnold shows how Paul's
experience of the spiritual influence of
Jesus enabled the Apostle to solve his
own problem of sin without falling into
that dangerous brooding which Arnold
attributes to the typical Puritan spirit.
As a result, Arnold identifies his own
view of sin with that of Paul, and coun-
sels us to judge the whole matter in the
same way.
We have here nothing to do with the
correctness of Matthew Arnold's criti-
cism of Protestantism; and also nothing
to say, at the present moment, about
the adequacy of Arnold's interpreta-
tion either of Paul or of Jesus. But we
are concerned with that characteris-
tically modern view of the problem of
sin which Arnold so clearly states in
the words just quoted. What consti-
tutes the moral burden of the indi-
vidual man — what holds him back
from salvation — may be described
in terms of his natural heritage, — his
inborn defect of character, — or in
terms of his training, — or, finally, in
terms of whatever he has voluntarily
done which has been knowingly un-
righteous.
In the present essay I am not in-
tending to deal with man's original de-
fects of moral nature, nor yet with the
faults which his training, through its
social vicissitudes, may have bred in
him. I am to consider that which we
call, in the stricter sense, sin. Whether
THE SECOND DEATH
243
correctly or incorrectly, a man often
views certain of his deeds as in some
specially intimate sense his own, and
may also believe that, among these
his own deeds, some have been willfully
counter to what he believes to be right.
Such wrongful deeds a man may regard
as his own sins. He may decline to
plead ignorance, or bad training, or un-
controllable defect of temper, or over-
whelming temptation, as the ground
and excuse for just these deeds. Before
the forum of his own conscience he
may say, * That deed was the result of
my own moral choice, and was my sin.'
For the time being I shall not pre-
suppose, for the purpose of this argu-
ment, any philosophical theory about
free will. I shall not assert that, as a
fact, there is any genuinely free will
whatever. At the moment, I shall pro-
visionally accept only so much of the
verdict of common sense as any man
accepts when he says, 'That was my
own voluntary deed, and was knowing-
ly and willfully sinful.' Hereupon I
shall ask: Is Matthew Arnold's opin-
ion correct with regard to the way in
which the fact and the sense of sin
ought to be viewed by a man who be-
lieves that he has, by what he calls his
own 'free act and deed,' sinned? Is
Arnold's opinion sound and adequate,
when he says, ' Sin is not a monster to
be mused on, but an impotence to be
got rid of. All thinking about it, be-
yond what is indispensable for the firm
effort to get rid of it, is waste of energy
and waste of time — a brooding in
which so many have perished.* Arnold
praises Paul for having taken sin seri-
ously enough to get rid of it, but also
praises him for not having brooded
over sin except to the degree that was
'indispensable to the effort to get rid
of it.' Excessive brooding over sin is,
in Arnold's opinion, an evil character-
istic of Puritanism. Is Arnold right in
his definition of what constitutes ex-
cess in thinking about sin? Is he right
when he says, 'Sin is an impotence to
be got rid of?
'Get rid of your sin,' says Mat-
thew Arnold. Paul did so. He did so
through what he called a loving union
with the spirit of Christ. As he ex-
pressed the matter, he ' died ' to sin. He
' lived ' henceforth to the righteousness
of his Master and of the Christian
community. So far as sin is concerned,
is not this version heartily acceptable
to the modern mind? Is it not sensible,
simple, and in spirit strictly normal,
as well as moral and religious? Does it
not dispose, once for all, both of the
religious and of the practical aspect of
the problem of sin?
I cannot better state the task of this
essay than by taking the opportun-
ity, which Arnold's clearness of speech
gives me, to begin the study of our
question in the light of so favorite a
modern opinion.
ii
It would not be useful for us to con-
sider any further, in this place, Paul's
own actual doctrine about such sin as
an individual thinks to have been due
to his own voluntary and personal
deed. Paul's view regarding the nature
of original sin involves other questions
than the one which is at present before
us. We speak here not of original sin,
but of knowing and voluntary evil-
doing. Paul's idea of salvation from
original sin through grace and through
loving union with the spirit of the Mas-
ter, is inseparable from his special
opinions regarding the church as the
body of Christ, and regarding the su-
pernatural existence of the risen Christ
as the spirit of the church. These
matters also are not now before us.
The same may be said of Paul's views
concerning the forgiveness of our vol-
untary sins. For, in Paul's mind, the
whole doctrine of the sins which the
244
THE SECOND DEATH
individual has knowingly and willfully
committed, is further complicated by
the Apostle's teachings about predes-
tination. And for an inquiry into those
teachings there is, in this essay, nei-
ther space nor motive. Manifold and
impressive though Paul's dealings with
the problem of sin are, we shall there-
fore do well, upon this occasion, to ap-
proach the doctrine of the voluntary
sins of the individual from another side
than the one which Paul most empha-
sizes. Let us turn to aspects of the
Christian tradition about willful sin
for which Paul is not mainly respons-
ible.
We all know, in any case, that Ar-
nold's own views about the sense and
the thought of sin are not the views
which have been prevalent in the past
history of Christianity. And Arnold's
hostility to the Puritan spirit carries
him too far when he seems to attribute
to Puritanism the principal responsi-
bility for having made the fact and the
sense of sin so prominent as it has been
in Christian thought. Long before
Puritanism, mediaeval Christianity had
its own meditations concerning sin.
Others than Puritans have brooded
too much over their sins. And not all
Puritans have cultivated the thought
of sin with a morbid intensity.
I have no space for a history of the
Christian doctrine of willful sin. But,
by way of preparation for my princi-
pal argument, I shall next call to mind
a few of the more familiar Christian
beliefs concerning the perils and the
results of voluntary sin, without caring
at the moment whether these beliefs
are mediaeval, or Puritan, or not.
Thereafter, I shall try to translate the
sense of these traditional beliefs into
terms which seem to me to be worthy
of the serious consideration of the mod-
ern man. After this restatement and
interpretation of the Christian doc-
trine, — not of original sin, but of the
voluntary sin of the individual, — we
shall have new means of seeing whether
Arnold is justified in declaring that no
thought about sin is wise except such
thought as is indispensable for arous-
ing the effort 'to get rid of sin.'
in
Countless efforts have been made to
sum up in a few words the spirit of the
ethical teaching of Jesus. I make no
new effort, I contribute no novel word
or insight, when I now venture to say,
simply in passing, that the religion of
the founder, as preserved in the say-
ings, is a religion of Whole-Hearted-
ness. The voluntary good deed is one
which, whatever its outward expression
may be, carries with it the whole heart
of love, both to God and to the neigh-
bor. The special act — whether it be
giving the cup of cold water, or whe-
ther it be the martyr's heroism in con-
fessing the name of Jesus in presence
of the persecutor — matters less than
the inward spirit. The Master gives
no elaborate code to be applied to each
new situation. The whole heart de-
voted to the cause of the Kingdom of
Heaven, — this is what is needed.
On the other hand, whatever willful
deed does not spring from love of God
and man, and especially whatever deed
breaks with the instinctive dictates of
whole-hearted love, is sin. And sin
means alienation from the Kingdom
and from the Father; and hence, in the
end, means destruction. Here the au-
gust severity of the teaching is fully
manifested. But from this destruction
there is indeed an escape. It is the es-
cape by the road of repentance. That
is the only road which is emphatically
and repeatedly insisted upon in the
sayings of Jesus, as we have them.
But this repentance must include a
whole-hearted willingness to forgive
those who trespass against us. Thus
THE SECOND DEATH
245
repentance means a return both to the
Father and to the whole-hearted life
of love. Another name for this whole-
heartedness, in action as well as in re-
pentance, is faith. For the true lover
of God instinctively believes the word
of the Son of Man who teaches these
things, and is sure that the Kingdom
of God will come.
But, like the rest of the reported
sayings of Jesus, this simple and august
doctrine of the peril of sin, and of the
way of escape through repentance,
comes to us with many indications
that some further and fuller revelation
of its meaning is yet to follow. Jesus
appears in the Gospel reports as himself
formally announcing to individuals
that their sins are forgiven. The escape
from sin is therefore not always wholly
due to the repentant sinner's own
initiative. Assistance is needed. And
Jesus appears in the records as assist-
ing. He assists, not only as the teacher
who announces the Kingdom, but as
the one who has * power to forgive sins.'
Here again I simply follow the well-
known records. I am no judge as to
what sayings are authentic.
I am sure, however, that it was but
an inevitable development of the orig-
inal teaching of the founder, and of
these early reports about his authority
to forgive, when the Christian com-
munity later conceived that salvation
from personal and voluntary sin had
become possible through the work
which the departed Lord had done
while on earth. How Christ saved from
sin became, hereupon, a problem. But
that he saved from sin, and that he
somehow did so through what he won
for men by his death, became a cen-
tral constituent of the later Christian
tradition.
A corollary of this central teaching
was a further opinion which tradition
also emphasized, and, for centuries,
emphasized the more, the further the
Apostolic age receded into the past.
This further opinion was, that the
willful sinner is powerless to return to
a whole-hearted union with God
through any deed of his own. He could
not 'get rid of sin,' either by means
of repentance or otherwise, unless the
work of Christ had prepared the way.
This, in sum, was long the common tra-
dition of the Christian world. How the
saving work of Christ became, or could
be made, efficacious for obtaining the
forgiveness of the willful sin of an in-
dividual, — this question, as we well
know, received momentous and con-
flicting answers as the Christian Church
grew, differentiated, and went through
its various experiences of heresy, of
schism, and of the learned interpreta-
tion of its faith. Here, again, the de-
tails of the history of dogma, and the
practice of the church and of its sects
in dealing with the forgiveness of sins,
concern us not at all.
We need, however, to remind our-
selves, at this point, of one further as-
pect of the tradition about willful sin.
That sin, if unforgiven, leads to
'death,' was a thought which Judaism
had inherited from the religion of the
prophets of Israel. It was a grave
thought, simple in its origin, essential
to the ethical development of the faith
of Israel, and capable of vast develop-
ment in the light both of experience
and of imagination. Because of the
later growth of the doctrine of the
future life, the word ' death ' came to
mean, for the Christian mind, what it
could not yet have meant for the early
prophets of Israel. And, in conse-
quence, Christian tradition gradually
developed a teaching that the divinely
ordained penalty of unforgiven sin —
the doom of the willful sinner — is a
'second death,' an essentially endless
penalty. The Apocalypse imagina-
tively pictures this doom. When the
church came to define its faith as to
246
THE SECOND DEATH
the future life, it developed a well-
known group of opinions concerning
this endless penalty of sin. In its out-
lines this group of opinions is familiar
even to all children who have learned
anything of the faith of the fathers. An
essentially analogous group of opinions
is found in various religions that are
not Christian. In its origin this group
of opinions goes back to the very
beginnings of those forms of ethical
religion whose history is at all closely
parallel to the history of Judaism or of
Christianity. The motives which are
here in question lie deeply rooted in
human nature; but I have no right and
no space to attempt to analyze them
here. It is enough for my purpose to
state that the idea of the endless pen-
alty of unforgiven sin is by no means
peculiar to Puritanism; and that it is
certainly an idea which, for those who
accept it with any hearty faith, very
easily leads to many thoughts about
sin which tend to exceed the strictly
artistic measure which Matthew Ar-
nold assigns as the only fitting one for
all such thoughts.
To think of a supposed * endless pen-
alty5 as a certain doom for all unfor-
given sin, may not lead to morbid
brooding. For the man who begins
such thoughts may be sedately sure
that he is no sinner. Or again, although
he confesses himself a sinner, he may
be pleasantly convinced that forgive-
ness is readily and surely attainable, at
least for himself. And, as we shall soon
see, there are still other reasons why
no morbid thought need be connected
with the idea of endless penalty. But
no doubt such a doctrine of endless pen-
alty tends to awaken thoughts which
have a less modern seeming, and which
involve a less sure confidence in one's
personal power to 'get rid of sin' than
Matthew Arnold's words, as we have
cited them, convey. If, without any
attempt to dwell further, either upon
the history or the complications of the
traditional Christian doctrine of the
willful sin of the individual, we reduce
that doctrine to its simplest terms, it
consists of two theses, both of which
have had a vast and tragic influence
upon the fortunes of Christian civiliza-
tion. The theses are these. First: By
no deed of his own, unaided by the
supernatural consequences of the work
of Christ, can the willful sinner win
forgiveness. Second : The penalty of un-
forgiven sin is the endless second death.
IV
The contrast between these two tra-
ditional theses and the modern spirit
seems manifest enough, even if we do
not make use of Matthew Arnold's
definition of the reasonable attitude
toward sin. The old faith held that
the very essence of its revelation con-
cerning righteousness was bound up
with its conception of the consequences
of unforgiven sin. On the other hand,
if the education of the human race
has taught us any coherent lesson, it
has taught us to respect the right of a
rational being to be judged by moral
standards which he himself can see to
be reasonable. Hence the moral dignity
of the modern idea of man seems to de-
pend upon declining to regard as just
and righteous any penalty which is
supposed to be inflicted by the merely
arbitrary will of any supernatural
power. The just penalty of sin, to the
modern mind, must therefore be the
penalty, whatever it is, which the en-
lightened sinner, if fully awake to the
nature of his deed, and rational in his
estimate of his deed, would voluntar-
ily inflict upon himself. And how can
one better express that penalty than
by following the spirit of Matthew
Arnold's advice : * Get rid of your sin ' ?
This advice, to be sure, has its own de-
liberate sternness. For 'the firm effort
THE SECOND DEATH
247
to get rid of sin/ may involve long
labor and deep grief. But * endless
penalty/ a * second death/ — what
ethically tolerable meaning can a mod-
ern mind attach to these words?
Is not, then, the chasm between the
modern ethical view and the ancient
faith, at this point, simply impassable?
Have the two not parted company al-
together, both in letter and, still more,
in their inmost spirit?
To this question some representa-
tives of modern liberal Christianity
would at once reply that, as I have al-
ready pointed out, the early Gospel
tradition does not attribute to Jesus
himself the more hopeless aspects of the
doctrine of sin, as the later tradition
was led to define them. Jesus, accord-
ing to the reports of his teaching in the
Gospels, does indeed more than once
use a doctrine of the endless penalty of
unforgiven sin, — a doctrine with which
a portion of the Judaism of his day was
more or less familiar. In well-known
parables he speaks of the torments of
another world. And, in general, he
deals with willful sin unsparingly. But
he seems to leave the door of repent-
ance always open. The Father waits
for the Prodigal Son's return. And the
Prodigal Son returns of his own will.
We hear nothing in the parables about
his being unable effectively to repent
unless some supernatural plan of sal-
vation has first been worked out for
him. Is it not possible, then, to recon-
cile the Christian spirit and the modern
man by simply returning to the Christ-
ianity of the parables? So, in our day,
many assert.
I do not believe that the parables,
in the form in which we possess them,
present to us any complete view of the
essence of the Christian doctrine of sin,
or of the sinner's way of escape. I do
not believe that they were intended
by the Master to do so. Our reports of
the founder's teachings about sin indi-
cate that these teachings were intend-
ed to receive a further interpretation
and supplement. Our real problem
is whether the interpretation and sup-
plement which later Christian tradi-
tion gave, through its doctrine of sin,
and of the endless penalty of sin, was,
despite its tragedy, its mythical set-
ting, and its arbitrariness, a teaching
whose ethical spirit we can still accept
or, at least, understand. Is the later
teaching, in any sense, a just devel-
opment of the underlying meaning
of the parables? Does any deeper idea
inform the traditional doctrine that
the willful sinner is powerless to save
himself from a just and endless penalty
through any repentance, or through any
new deed, of his own?
As I undertake to answer these ques-
tions, let me ask the reader to bear in
mind one general historical considera-
tion. Christianity, even in its most
imaginative and in its most tragic
teachings, has always been under the
influence of very profound ethical mo-
tives, — the motives which already in-
spired the prophets of Israel. The
founder's doctrine of the Kingdom, as
we now possess that doctrine, was an
outline of an ethical religion. It was
also a prologue to a religion that was yet
to be more fully revealed, or at least
explained. This, as I suppose, was the
founder's personal intention.
When the early church sought to
express its own spirit, it was never
knowingly false, it was often most flu-
ently, yet faithfully, true, to the deep-
er meaning of the founder. Its ex-
pressions were borrowed from many
sources. Its imagination was construct-
ive of many novelties. Only its deep-
er spirit was marvelously steadfast.
Even when, in its darker moods, its
imagination dwelt upon the problem
of sin, it saw far more than it was
able to express in acceptable formulas.
Its imagery was often of local, or of
248
THE SECOND DEATH
heathen, or even of primitive, origin.
But the truth is that the imagery, ren-
dered edifying and teachable, often
bears, and invites, an interpretation
whose message is neither local nor prim-
itive. Such an interpretation, I believe,
to be possible in case of the doctrine of
sin and of its penalty; and to my own
interpretation I must now invite at-
tention.
There is one not infrequent thought
about sin upon which Matthew Ar-
nold's rule would surely permit us to
dwell; for it is a thought which helps
us, if not wholly * to get rid of sin/ still,
in advance of decisive action, to fore-
stall some temptations to sin which we
might otherwise find too insistent for
our safety. It is the thought which
many a man expresses when he says, of
some imagined act, If I were to do that,
I should be false to all that I hold most
dear; I should throw away my honor;
I should violate the fidelity that is to
me the very essence of my moral inter-
est in my existence. The thought thus
expressed may be sometimes merely
conventional; but it may also be very
earnest and heartfelt. Every man who
has a moral code which he accepts, not
merely as the customary and, to him,
opaque or senseless verdict of his tribe
or of his caste, but as his own chosen,
personal ideal of life, has the power to
formulate what for him would seem
(to borrow the religious phraseology)
his 'sin against the Holy Ghost,' —
his own morally 'impossible* choice,
so far as he can now predetermine what
he really means to do. Different men,
no doubt, have different exemplary
sins in mind when they use such words.
Their various codes may be expressions
of quite different and largely accidental
social traditions; their diverse exam-
ples of what, for each of them, would be
his own instance of the unpardonable
sin, may be the outcome of the tabus
of whatever social order you please.
I care for the moment not at all for the
objective ethical correctness of any one
man's definition of his own moral code.
And I am certainly here formulating
no ethical code of my own. I am simply
pointing out that, when a man becomes
conscious of his own rule of life, of his
own ideal of what makes his voluntary
life worth while, he tends to arrange his
ideas of right and wrong acts so that,
for him at least, some acts, when he
contemplates the bare possibility of
doing them himself, appear to him to be
acts such that they would involve for
him a kind of moral suicide, — a de-
liberate wrecking of what makes life,
for himself, morally worth while.
One common-sense way of express-
ing such an individual judgment upon
these extreme acts of wrongdoing, is
to say, If I were to do that of my own
free will, I could thereafter never for-
give myself.
Now, in case a man thinks of his own
possible actions in this way, he need
not be morbidly brooding over sins of
which it is well not to think too much.
He may be simply surveying his plan
of life in a resolute way, and deciding,
as well as he can, where he stands,
what his leading ideas are, and what
makes his voluntary life, from his
own point of view, worth living. Such
thoughts tend to clear our moral air,
if only we think them in terms of our
own personal ideals, and do not, as is
too often the case, apply them solely
to render more dramatic our judg-
ments about our neighbors.
VI
In order to be able to formulate
such thoughts, one must have an
'ideal,' even if one cannot state it in
an abstract form. One must think of
one's voluntary life in terms of fidelity
THE SECOND DEATH
249
to some such * ideal,' or set of ideals.
One must regard one's self as a creature
with a purpose in living. One must
have what they call a * mission ' in one's
own world. And so, whether one uses
philosophical theories or religious be-
liefs, or does not use them, one must,
when one speaks thus, actually have
some sort of spiritual realm in which,
as one believes, one's moral life is
lived, a realm to whose total order, as
one supposes, one could be false if one
chose.
One's mission, one's business, must
ideally extend, in some fashion, to the
very boundaries of this spiritual realm,
so that, if one actually chose to com-
mit one's supposed unpardonable sin,
one could exist in this entire realm only
as, in some sense and degree, an out-
cast, — estranged, so far as that one
unpardonable fault estranged one,
from one's own chosen moral hearth
and fireside. At least this is how one
resolves, in advance of decisive ac-
tion, to view the matter, in case one
has the precious privilege of being able
to make such resolves. And I say that
so to find one's self resolving, is to find
not weakness and brooding, but reso-
luteness and clearness. Life seems
simply blurred and dim if one can no-
where find in it such sharp moral out-
lines. And if one becomes conscious of
such sharp outlines, one is not saying,
Behold me, the infallible judge of
moral values for all mankind. Behold
me with the absolute moral code pre-
cisely worked out. For one is so far
making no laws for one's neighbors.
One is accepting no merely traditional
tabus. One is simply making up one's
mind so as to give a more coherent
sense to one's choices. The penalty of
not being able to make such resolves
regarding what would be one's own
unpardonable sin, is simply the penalty
of flabbiness and irresoluteness. To
remain unaware of what we propose to
do, never helps us to live. To be aware
of our coherent plan, to have a moral
world and a business that, in ideal, ex-
tends to the very boundaries of this
world, and to view one's life, or any
part of it, as an expression of one's own
personal will, is to assert one's genuine
freedom, and is not to accept any ex-
ternal bondage. But it is also to bind
one's self, in all the clearness of a calm
resolve. It is to view certain at least
abstractly possible deeds as moral
catastrophes, as creators of chaos, as
deeds whereby the self, if it chose
them, would, at least in so far, banish
itself from its own country.
To be able to view life in this way, to
resolve thus deliberately what genuine
and thorough-going sin would mean
for one's own vision, requires a certain
maturity. Not all ordinary misdeeds
are in question when one thinks of the
unpardonable sin. Blunders of all sorts
fill one's childhood and youth. What
Paul conceived as our original sin may
have expressed itself for years in deeds
that our social order condemns, and
that our later life deeply deplores. And
yet, in all this maze of past evil-doing
and of folly, we may have been, so far,
either helpless victims of our nature
and of our training, or blind followers
of false gods. What Paul calls sin may
have * abounded.' And yet, as we look
back, we may now judge that all this
was merely a means whereby, hence-
forth, 'grace may more abound.' We
may have learned to say, — it may be
wise, and even our actual duty to say,
— I will not brood over these which
were either my ignorant or my helpless
sins. I will henceforth firmly and simply
resolve 'to get rid of them.' That is
for me the best. Bygones are bygones.
Remorse is a waste of time. These
* confusions of a wasted youth,' must
be henceforth simply ignored. That is
the way of cheer. It is also the way of
true righteousness. I can live wisely
250
THE SECOND DEATH
only in case I forget my former follies,
except in so far as a memory of these
follies helps me not to repeat them.
One may only the more insist upon
this cheering doctrine of Lethe and
forgiveness for the past, and of 'grace
abounding' for the future, when there
come into one's life those happenings
which Paul viewed as a new birth,
and as a * dying to sin.' These ' work-
ings of grace,' if they occur to us, may
transform our 'old man' of inherited
defect, of social waywardness, of con-
tentiousness, and of narrow hatred for
our neighbors and for 'the law,' into
the 'new life.' It is a new life to us be-
cause we now seem to have found our
own cause, and have learned to love
our sense of intimate companionship
with the universe. Now, for the first
time, we have found a life that seems
to us to have transparent sense, unity
of aim, and an abiding and sustaining
inspiration about it.
If this result has taken place, then,
whatever our cause, or our moral opin-
ions, or our religion, may be, we shall
tend to rejoice with Paul that we have
now ' died ' to the old life of ignorance
and of evil- working distractions. Here-
upon we may be ready to say, with
him, and joyously, 'There is no con-
demnation' for us who are ready to
walk after what we now take to be
'the spirit.' The past is dead. Grace
has served us. Forgiveness covers the
evil deeds that were gone. For those
deeds, as we now see, were not done
by our awakened selves. They were
not our own 'free acts' at all. They
were the workings of what Paul called
'the flesh.' 'Grace' has blotted them
out.
I am still speaking not of any one
faith about the grace that saves, or
about the ideal of life. Let a man find
his salvation as it may happen to him
to find it. But the main point that I
have further to insist upon is this:
Whenever and however we have be-
come morally mature enough to get
life all colored through and through by
what seems to us a genuinely illumin-
ating moral faith, so that it seems to
us as if, in every deed, we could serve,
despite our weakness, our one highest
cause, and be faithful to all our moral
world at every moment, — then this
inspiration has to be paid for. The
abundance of grace means, henceforth,
a new gravity of life. For we have now
to face the further fact that, if we have
thus won vast ideals, and a will that is
now inspired to serve them, we can
imagine ourselves becoming false to this
our own will, to this which gives our
life its genuine value. We can imag-
ine ourselves breaking faith with our
own world- wide cause and inspiration.
One who has found his cause, if he
has a will of his own, can become a
conscious and deliberate traitor. One
who has found his loyalty is indeed, at
first, under the obsession of the new
spirit of grace. But if, henceforth, he
lives with a will of his own, he can, by a
willful closing of his eyes to the light,
become disloyal. Our actual voluntary
life does not bear out any theory as to
the fatally predestined perseverance
of the saints. For our voluntary life
seems to us as if it were free either to
persevere or not to persevere. The
more precious the light that has seem-
ed to come to me, the deeper is the
disgrace to which, in my own eyes, I
can condemn myself, if I voluntarily
become false to this light. Now, it is
indeed not well to brood over such
chances of falsity. But it is manly to
face the fact that they are present.
In all this statement, I have presup-
posed no philosophical theory of free-
will, and have not assumed the truth
of any one ethical code or doctrine. I
have been speaking simply in terms of
moral experience, and have been point-
ing out how the world seems to a man
THE SECOND DEATH
251
who reaches sufficient moral maturity
to possess, even if but for a season,
a pervasive and practically coherent
ideal of life, and to value himself as a
possible servant of his cause, but a
servant whose freedom to choose is still
his own.
What I point out is that, if a man
has won practically a free and conscious
view of what his honor requires of him,
the reverse side of this view is also pre-
sent. This reverse side takes the form
of knowing what, for this man himself,
it would mean to be willfully false to
his honor. One who knows that he
freely serves his cause, knows that he
could, if he chose, become a traitor.
And if indeed he freely serves his cause,
he knows whether or no he could for-
give himself if he willfully became a
traitor. Whoever, through grace, has
found the beloved of his life, and now
freely lives the life of love, knows that
he could, if he chose, betray his be-
loved. And he knows what estimate
his own free choice now requires him to
put upon such betrayal. Choose your
cause, your beloved, and your moral
ideal, as you please. What I now point
out is that so to choose is to imply your
power to define what, for you, would
be the unpardonable sin if you com-
mitted it. This unpardonable sin would
be betrayal.
VII
So far I have discussed the moral
possibility of treason. We seem to be
free. Therefore, it seems to us as if trea-
son were possible. But now, do any of
us ever actually thus betray our own
chosen cause? Do we ever actually
turn traitor to our own flag, — to the
flag that we have sworn to serve, —
after taking our oath, not as unto men,
but as unto ourselves and our cause?
Do any of us ever really commit that
which, in our own eyes, is the unpar-
donable sin?
Here, again, let every one of us" judge
for himself. And let him also judge
rather himself than his neighbor. For
we are here considering not customary
codes, or outward seeming, but how
a man who knows his ideal and knows
his own will finds that his inward
deed appears to himself. Still, apart
from all evil-speaking, the common ex-
perience of mankind seems to show that
such actual and deliberate sin against
the light, such conscious and willful
treason, occasionally takes place. So
far as we know of such treason at all,
or reasonably believe in its existence,
it appears to us to be, on the whole,
the worst evil with which man afflicts
his fellows and his social order in this
distracted world of human doings. The
blindness and the naive cruelty of
crude passion, the strife and hatred
with which the natural social order is
filled, often seem to us mild when we
compare them with the spiritual harm
that follows the intentional betrayal of
great causes once fully accepted, but
then willfully forsaken, by those to
whom they have been intrusted. 'If
the light that is in thee be darkness,
how great is that darkness.' This is
the word which seems especially fitted
for the traitor's own case; for he has
seen the great light. The realm of the
spirit has been graciously opened to
him. He has willingly entered. He has
chosen to serve. And then he has
closed his eyes; and, by his own free
choice, a darkness, far worse than that
of man's primal savagery, has come
upon him. And the social world, the
unity of brotherhood, the beloved life
which he has betrayed, — how desolate
he has left what was fairest in it! He
has brought back again to its primal
chaos the fair order of those who
trusted and who lived and loved to-
gether in one spirit.
But we are here little concerned with
what others think of the traitor, if such
252
THE SECOND DEATH
traitor there be. We are interested in
what (if the light against which he has
sinned returns to him) the traitor is
henceforth to think of himself. Arnold
would say, Let him think of his sin,
— that is, in this case, of his treason,
— only in so far as is indispensable
to the 'firm resolve to get rid of it.'
We ask whether Arnold's rule seems
any longer quite adequate to meet
the situation. Of course I am not vent-
uring to assign to the supposed trai-
tor any penalties except those which his
own will really intends to assign to
him. I am not acting in the least as his
providence. I am leaving him quite
free to decide his own fate. I am cer-
tainly not counseling him to feel any
particular kind or degree of the mere
emotion called remorse. For all that I
now shall say, he is quite free, if that is
his desire, to forget his treason once for
all, and to begin business afresh with a
new moral ideal, or with no ideal at all,
as he may choose.
What I ask is simply this : // he re-
sumes his former position of knowing
and choosing an ideal, if he also re-
members what ideal he formerly chose,
and what and how and how deliber-
ately he betrayed, and knows himself
for what he is, what does he judge re-
garding the now inevitable and endless
consequences of his deed? And what
answer will he now make to Matthew
Arnold's kind advice, 'Get rid of your
sin '? He need not answer in a brood-
ing way. He need be no Puritan. He
may remain as cheerful in his pass-
ing feelings as you please. He may
quite calmly rehearse the facts. He
may decline to shed any tear, either of
repentance or of terror. My only hy-
pothesis is that he sees the facts as
they are and confesses, however coolly
and dispassionately, the moral value
which, as a matter of simple coherence
of view and opinion, he now assigns to
himself.
VIII
He will answer Matthew Arnold's
advice, as I think, thus : Get rid of my
sin? How can I get rid of it? It is
done. It is past. It is as irrevocable
as the Archaean geological period, or as
the collision of stellar masses, the light
of whose result we saw here on earth
a few years ago, in the constellation
Perseus. I am the one who, at such
a time, with such a light of the spirit
shining before me, with my eyes thus
and thus open to my business and to the
moral universe, first, so far as I could
freely act at all, freely closed my eyes,
and then committed what my own will
had already defined to be my unpar-
donable sin. So far as in me lay, in all
my weakness, but yet with all the wit
and the strength that just then were
mine, I was a traitor. That fact, that
event, that deed, is irrevocable. The
fact that I am the one who then did
thus and so, not ignorantly, but know-
ingly, — that fact will outlast the ages.
That fact is as endless as time. And, in
so far as I continue to value myself as
a being whose life is coherent in its
meaning, this fact that then and there
I was a traitor, will always constitute
a genuine penalty, — my own penalty,
a penalty that no god assigns to me, but
that I, simply because I am myself,
and take an interest in knowing my-
self, assign to myself, precisely in so
far as, and whenever, I am awake to the
meaning of my own life. I can never
undo that deed. If I ever say, I have
undone that deed, I shall be both a
fool and a liar. Counsel me, if you will,
to forget that deed. Counsel me to do
good deeds without number to set
over against that treason. Counsel me
to be cheerful, and to despise Puritan-
ism. Counsel me to plunge into Lethe.
All such counsel may be, in its way and
time, good. Only do not counsel me
'to get rid of just that sin. That, so
THE SECOND DEATH
253
far as the real facts are concerned, can-
not be done. For I am, and to the
end of endless time shall remain, the
doer of that willfully traitorous deed.
Whatever other value I may get, that
value I retain forever. My guilt is as
enduring as time.
But hereupon a bystander will nat-
urally invite our supposed traitor to
repent, and to repent thoroughly, of his
treason. The traitor, now cool and
reasonable once more, can only apply
to his own case Fitzgerald's word in
the stanza from Omar Khayyam: —
The moving finger writes, and having writ.
Moves on: nor all your piety nor wit
Can lure it back to cancel half a line
Nor all your tears wash out a word of it.
These very familiar lines are sometimes
viewed as oriental fatalism. But they
are, in fact, fully applicable to the
freest of deeds when once that deed is
done.
We need not further pursue any sup-
posed colloquy between the traitor and
those who comment upon the situation.
The simple fact is that each deed is ipso
facto irrevocable; that our hypotheti-
cal traitor, in his own deed, has been
false to whatever light he then and
there had, and to whatever ideal he
then viewed as his highest good. Here-
upon, no new deed, however good or
however faithful, and however much of
worthy consequences it introduces into
the future life of the traitor, or of his
world, can annul the fact that the one
traitorous deed was actually done. No
question as to whether the traitor,
when he first chose the cause which he
later betrayed, was then ethically cor-
rect in his choice, aids us to estimate
just the one matter which is here in
question, — namely, the value of the
traitor as the doer of that one traitor-
ous deed. For his treason consists not
in his blunders in the choice of his
cause, but in his sinning against such
light as he then and there had. The
question is, furthermore, not one as to
his general moral character, apart from
this one act of treason. To condemn at
one stroke the whole man for the one
deed is, of course, absurd. But it is the
one deed which is now in question.
This man may also be the doer of
countless good deeds. But our present
question is solely as to his value as the
doer of that one traitorous deed. This
value he has through his own irrevoc-
able choice. Whatever other values
his other deeds may give him, this one
value remains, never to be removed.
By no deed of his own can he ever es-
cape from that penalty which consists
in his having introduced into the moral
world the one evil which was, at the
time, as great an evil as he could, then,
of his own will, introduce.
In brief, by his own deed of treason,
the traitor has consigned himself —
not indeed his whole self, but his self as
the doer of this deed — to what one
may call the hell of the irrevocable. All
deeds are indeed irrevocable. But only
the traitorous sin against the light is
such that, in advance, the traitor's own
free acceptance of a cause has stamp-
ed it with the character of being what
his own will had defined as his own
unpardonable sin. Whatever else the
traitor may hereafter do, — however
much he may later become, and remain,
through his life, in this cr any other
world, a saint, the fact will remain:
there was a moment when he freely
did whatever he could to wreck the
cause that he had sworn to serve. The
traitor can henceforth do nothing that
will give to himself, precisely in so far
as he was the doer of that one deed, any
character which is essentially different
from the one determined by his trea-
son.
The hell of the irrevocable : all of us
know what it is to come to the border
of it when we contemplate our own
past mistakes or mischances. But we
254
THE SECOND DEATH
can enter it and dwell there only when
the fact, 'This deed is irrevocable,' is
combined with the further fact, 'This
deed is one that, unless I call treason
my good, and moral suicide my life, I
cannot forgive myself for having done.'
Now to use these expressions is not
to condemn the traitor, or any one else,
to endless emotional horrors of remorse,
or to any sensuous pangs of penalty
or grief, or to any one set of emotions
whatever. It is simply to say, If I
morally value myself at all, it remains
for me a genuine and irrevocable evil
in my world, that ever I was, even if
for but that one moment, and in that
one deed, with all my mind and my
soul and my heart and my strength, a
traitor. And if I ever had any cause,
and then betrayed it, — such an evil
not only was my deed, but such an evil
forever remains, so far as that one deed
was done, the only value that I can at-
tribute to myself precisely as the doer
of that deed at that time.
What the pungency of the odors,
what the remorseful griefs, of the hell
of the irrevocable may be, for a given
individual, we need not attempt to de-
termine, and I have not the least right
or desire to imagine. Certainly re-
morse is a poor companion for an act-
ive life; and I do not counsel any one,
traitor or not traitor, to cultivate re-
morse. Our question is not one about
one's feelings, but about one's genuine
value as a moral agent. Certainly for-
getfulness is often useful when one
looks forward to new deeds. I do not
counsel any one uselessly to dwell upon
the past. Still the fact remains, that
the more I come to the large and co-
herent views of my life and of its mean-
ing, the more will the fact that, by my
own traitorous deed, I have banished
myself to the hell of the irrevocable,
appear to me both a vast and a grave
fact in my world. I shall learn, if I
wisely grow into new life, neither to be
crushed by any sort of facing of that
fact, nor to brood unduly over its ever-
lasting presence as a fact in my life.
But so long as I remain awake to the
real values of my life, and to the coher-
ence of my meaning, I shall know that
while no god shuts me, or could pos-
sibly shut me, if he would, into this
hell, it is my own will to say that, for
this treason, just in so far as I willfully
and knowingly committed this trea-
son, I shall permit none of the gods to
forgive me. For it is my precious priv-
ilege to assert my own reasonable will,
by freely accepting my place in the hell
of the irrevocable, and by never for-
giving myself for this sin against the
light.
If any new deed can assign to just
that one traitorous deed of mine any
essentially novel and reconciling mean-
ing, that new deed will in any case
certainly not be mine. I can do good
deeds in future; but I cannot revoke
my individual past deed. If it ever
comes to appear as anything but what
I myself then and there made it, that
change will be due to no deed of mine.
Nothing that I myself can do will ever
really reconcile me to my own deed, so
far as it was that treason.
This, then, as I suppose, is the essen-
tial meaning which underlies the tra-
ditional doctrine of the endless penalty
of willful sin. This deeper meaning is
that, quite apart from the judgment of
any of the gods, and wholly in accord-
ance with the true rational will of the
one who has done the deed of betrayal,
the guilt of a free act of betrayal is as
enduring as time. This doctrine so in-
terpreted is, I insist, not cheerless. It
is simply resolute. It is the word of
one who is ready to say to himself,
Such was my deed, and I did it. No
repentance, no pardoning power can
deprive us of the duty and — as I
repeat — the precious privilege of say-
ing that of our own deed.
THE REST IS SILENCE'
BY MABEL EARLE
(Horatio speaks.)
BEYOND these ancient walls of Elsinore
A shrouding mist is folded on the snow.
(Here by the battlements he leans no more,
Watching the guard below.)
League after league along the cliff the gray
Wide water darkens with the darkening west.
(O troubled soul, by what uncharted way
Hast thou gone forth to rest?)
Within, the shadows creep across the walls,
Through the long corridors as dusk grows dim.
(The echoing vastness of the vaulted halls
To-night is full of him.)
A gust of wind steals shuddering down the floor
Where once he paced his hours of heart-wrung watch.
(It may be that his foot is at the door,
His hand upon the latch.)
'The rest is silence/ — Ah, my liege, my prince!
Though storm-winds sweep the seas, and cannon roar,
Silence is on thy lips, and ever since
Silence in Elsinore!
ALICE AND EDUCATION
BY F. B. R. HELLEMS
*"!F there's no meaning in it, that
saves a world of trouble, as we need n't
try to find any." ! Unfortunately this
sage declaration of the King of Hearts,
uttered when he was examining the
cryptic anonymous document intro-
duced at the historic trial, represents
only too accurately the attitude of
most readers of Lewis Carroll. They
prefer to follow the fantastic adven-
tures and marvelous wanderings of
Alice in a mood of otiose enjoyment,
untroubled by any glimmer of wonder
whether the careless and happy feet of
childhood might not lead them to some
glorious kingdom. But the true spirit,
in which we ought to read, breathes in
the peremptory monarch's later declar-
ation. '"And yet I don't know," he
went on, spreading out the verses on
his knee and looking at them with one
eye. "I seem to see some meaning
in them after all." ' Then he proceeds
with laudable energy to search for reli-
able evidence beneath the meaningless
surface.
This inspiring example has been con-
stantly before me in the preparation of
the present paper, which is the out-
come of a long and painstaking exam-
ination of the two masterpieces per-
vaded by the personality of Alice,
undertaken in the belief that under the
winsome mask of delicious mockery
would be found many serious and abid-
ing truths. And I may state forthwith
that my study soon led irresistibly to
the conclusion that these apparently
256
frivolous fables were really an allegory
of education.
Of a general tendency to symbolic
presentation we have very definite and
unescapable examples in many of
Professor Dodgson's recognized works.
The Hunting of the Snark, published in
1876, is accepted by every intelligent
commentator as an allegory. It is true
that the poem is rather bewildering,
and students are not all agreed as to
the exact hidden meaning, although
there is a preponderance of opinion
that 'The Pursuit of Fame' is the real
subject cloaked by this whimsical
verse. Again, both parts of Sylvie and
Bruno give unmistakable evidence of
this same tendency; for beneath all the
drollery is a manifest effort to com-
municate profound theological dogma.
Moreover, his inherent incapacity to
separate the serious from the lighter
vein is seen most strikingly in Euclid
and His Modern Rivals (1879). Here-
in Professor Dodgson made a profound
and valuable contribution to Euclidean
geometry; but it was thrown into dra-
matic form, and, despite the advice of
all his friends, contained so much ap-
parent levity, so many clutching jokes,
that most readers refused to take it
seriously.
Space forbids my adducing further
arguments of this type; but I am sure
that with the foregoing I may count
upon the sympathetic toleration of my
readers, if not upon their unhesitating
acquiescence. For their complete con-
viction I must await the ineluctable
collusiveness of specific passages and
ALICE AND EDUCATION
257
interpretations to which we shall turn
in a moment.
I have no desire to blink the fact
that Professor Dodgson formally de-
nies that our two books are anything
more than they appear on the surface.
But no carefully trained investigator
will be deceived by this threadbare
device, which is as old as literature
itself, and was particularly in vogue
about the time these volumes were
given to the world. The example of
Kingsley is enough. Water-Babies ap-
peared in 1863, two years before Alice
in Wonderland; and the reverend
author goes out of his way to declare
that the tale has no moral whatsoever.
But nobody is deceived. We all know
that Mrs. Bedonebyasyoudid repre-
sents the old dispensation, and Mrs.
Doasyouwouldbedoneby the new, while
tiny Tom is nothing less than the hu-
man soul.
But in whatever sense we take Tom
(I always find pleasure in thinking
that he and Alice might have been
playmates), it is clear that
The dream-child moving through a land
Of wonders wild and new,
is simply the human race in its search,
ever eager and ever puzzled, for educa-
tion and educational methods.
ii
With this unavoidable clearing of
the ground, I feel that we may now
turn to a few of the anticipations that
impart to these allegories their real
value. In my more ambitious study,
which I plan to make as nearly exhaust-
ive as the nature of the subject will
permit, I hope to expound Professor
Dodgson's system as a unified and
philosophic whole, and to place him in
a niche of honor a little below Plato,
but well above such pedagogical celeb-
rities as Comenius and Herbert Spen-
cer. In the mean time, I must limit
VOL. Ill -NO. 2
myself to a few of those esoteric cogita-
tions that are obviously relevant to the
stage of educational evolution repre-
sented by the twentieth century, which
William Morris prophesied might well
prove to be the Century of Education.
From the many tempting themes we
may select first, * The Play Element in
the Development of the Child.'
We all know the history of the move-
ment. Long prior to the proud and
grand doctrine of onto-phylogenetic
parallelism, and to the invaluable Teu-
tonic researches on the play of beast
and man, we find Rousseau hinting
that we must employ the superabun-
dant energy of childhood. From Rous-
seau it was but a step to the epoch-
making conclusion of Froebel, who
fixed upon the restlessness of children
as the most potent utilizable factor in
their education. From this seed sprang
the kindergarten. If their restless act-
ivity was to be turned to account,
the children would have to play; and
from the kindergarten the play-element
spread upward and outward until we
have reached our present superb devo-
tion to a theory which declares that
the child must never do what he dis-
likes or does not understand, and that
whatever is hard is to be shunned. We
must not only utilize the play-impulse,
but magnify it.
This stage was clearly anticipated
by the chapter on the Lobster Quad-
rille. In order to emphasize the im-
portance attached thereto by Professor
Dodgson I would point out not only that
it occupies one fourteenth of the whole
Wonderland volume, but also that the
author employs a very effective device
to quicken our attention; for in the
preceding chapter, just as our interest
in the subject of lessons was keyed to
the highest pitch, the Gryphon inter-
rupted in a very decided tone with in-
structions to the Mock Turtle to Hell
her something about the games.'
258
ALICE AND EDUCATION
The Lobster Quadrille itself is evi-
dently intended to represent a kinder-
garten game that shall entertain the
child, improve his knowledge of living
creatures, develop the imagination,
and bring him to unity with himself, —
quite as Froebel demanded. As a mat-
ter of pedagogical method, one ob-
serves instantly that the Mock Turtle,
after vividly describing a part of the
dance, proposed that he and the Gry-
phon should do the first figure. No
mere verbal presentation for him.
Then, just as in a well-regulated kinder-
garten, the two creatures executed the
interesting movements, while one of
them sang, and both waved their fore-
arms to mark the time.
With reference to the song itself,
which begins, '"Will you walk a little
faster," said a whiting to a snail,' and
could be quoted by any of my readers,
I would merely point out that the
rhythm is strongly marked, so as to be
caught easily by the childish ear; that
there is enough repetition to avoid
fatiguing the delicate organisms; and
that, while many of the thoughts are
familiar, there is just enough novelty
to stimulate curiosity and thereby
insure mental growth. It may be con-
fidently asserted that the most cap-
tious of my readers will feel the superi-
ority of this poetry — for it is poetry
— to such favorite songs as, * My heart
is God's little garden,' or, 'The grass-
hopper green had a game of tag with
some crickets that lived near by.'
In passing, we should not neglect the
reference to the doctrine of immortal-
ity, the comforting assurance of a life
hereafter, not formally obtruded, but
gently and graciously intimated in that
always attractive phrase, ' the other
shore.' The sterling moralist in Profes-
sor Dodgson is never thrust upon our
notice; but he is never quite absent.
At the conclusion of the song, the
Gryphon and Mock Turtle skillfully
utilized the interest and curiosity now
aroused to impart some valuable in-
formation as to marine life. I must not
quote the passage, but everybody will
remember how the Gryphon explained
to Alice that the whiting was so-called
because it did the boots and shoes un-
der the sea, where they obviously must
be done with whiting; and that the
shoes were made of soles and eels.
Later on, still with due attention to
method, Alice was herself made to re-
peat a verse, but, like some children,
being dimly and half-resentfully aware
that she was being taught, she became
so confused that the voice of the slug-
gard turned into the voice of the lob-
ster. (It has always been suspected
that the prominence of the lobster
throughout the chapter has some
special meaning.) Eventually she sat
down with her face in her hands, won-
dering if anything would ever happen
in a natural way again.
If it should appear to any teacher
that Professor Dodgson goes rather far
in the importance assigned to play and
the principles of ease and pleasantness
in juvenile training, I would suggest
that he represents a natural reaction
from the formalism then in vogue; and
that in particular he is striving to re-
fute a passage in Water-Babies, which
had appeared two years before, and
was being widely quoted with strong
approval. Tom had been playing
with lobsters (again that symbolic
crustacean) and other aquatic creat-
ures, and had asked to go home with
Ellie on Sunday. To his request, the
fairy, Mrs. Bedonebyasyoudid, replies,
* Those who go there, must go first
where they do not like, and do what
they do not like, and help somebody
they do not like.' It is no wonder that
such a progressive intellect and tender
heart as Professor Dodgson was driven
to an extreme in his protests against
this benighted and barbarous mediae-
ALICE AND EDUCATION
259
valism. It is no wonder that we still
follow in his gentle footsteps.
From a consideration of the play-
element, we have a natural transition
to Nature Study. The Alice books
not only advocate this pursuit, but
breathe about it the charming aura of
novelty. I have not been able to de-
termine how directly Professor Dodg-
son is indebted to Pestalozzi; for, as
a matter of fact, even later students
have failed to attach due importance
to that educator's substantial service
in this field, when he was working at
Stanz. But without Pestalozzi, or any
other one thinker, this beneficent step
of pedagogical evolution was bound to
be taken. We could not see children
confined forever in mud- walled prisons.
Liberation was inevitable. And who
can fail to recognize the tremendous
gain when, as one of Mr. Punch's
young men has felicitously voiced the
change, —
We gave up Euclid and rule of three
And nature-studied the bumble-bee.
It was only to be expected that our
educational Lynceus should grasp the
uttermost possibilities of this emanci-
pating movement. It is no accident
that one of the first stopping-places of
Alice after passing through the looking-
glass, was the ' Garden of Live Flowers.'
Nor is it merely by hap that she enters
into such close communion with these
children of Proserpina that she can
actually share their thoughts. Would
that every child in America might
learn the lesson !
* " 0 Tiger-lily," said Alice, " I wish
you could talk."
' "We can talk," said the Tiger-lily,
"when there's anybody worth talking
to.'"
There is the secret. Furthermore,
like all really profound teachers, as
distinguished from those who merely
seem profound, he shuns the senti-
mental fallacy of over-idealizing. The
flowers have personalities; they are not
merely uniform entities of angelic tem-
perament. The regal Rose and the
lowly Daisy alike will have their joke,
declaring that the tree will take care of
them, for it says 'Bough-wough,' and
can bark in time of danger. The im-
perial Tiger-lily loses her temper at the
garrulous smaller flowers; while the
Violet and the Rose are distinctly rude
to Alice, the former snarling out in a
severe tone, ' It 's my opinion you never
think at all,' and the latter exclaim-
ing, with even more startling asperity,
'I never saw anybody that looked
stupider.' This same insistence on the
unfriendly possibilities of nature may
be marked in the scene in Maeterlinck's
Blue Bird, where the trees are repre-
sented as frankly hostile to mankind.
And both teachers are right in refusing
to darken knowledge with half-truths.
Even more inspiring than the won-
derful live flowers are the looking-glass
insects. We must learn the fauna as
well as the flora. Beginning with the
Horse-fly we pass to the Rocking-horse-
fly; and the importance of drawing for
children is driven home by Sir John
Tenniel's copy from life of that do-
mestic insect, to which I have often
compared the curious stick-insects of
Ceylon. The Snapdragon-fly, with the
Bread-and-butter-fly, must likewise
appeal to the budding sense of child-
hood, if only the opportunity is given.
But here again our teacher will not
have us neglect the final, bitter truth.
If the Bread-and-butter-fly cannot
find its proper food it must die. * "But
that must happen often," remarked
Alice thoughtfully.' (Children will
think if we only let them.) '"It al-
ways happens," said the Gnat.' Na-
ture, that is the universal creator, is
also the universal destroyer.
Just a little later comes a real diffi-
culty. The Gnat, you will remember,
having made a very silly pun, 'sighed
260
ALICE AND EDUCATION
deeply, while two large tears came roll-
ing down its cheeks.' '"You shouldn't
make jokes," Alice said, "if it makes
you so unhappy." ' One of my Parisian
correspondents will have it that the
Gnat was unhappy simply because the
pun was so bad; but I am inclined to
believe, with a fellow investigator at
Berlin, that the incident is hinting once
more at the idea that all living things
feel joy and grief, even as mankind.
Life is one. From the lowest forms of
protozoa to the godlike genius who
passes beyond the flaming battlements
of the world to storm their secrets from
the stars, life is one.
However, from this tangle, we are
carried to the idyllic scene where Alice
and the Fawn converse together. They
have forgotten their different worlds,
have forgotten their very selves, in this
moment of complete understanding. I
could quote passage after passage deal-
ing with the theme of nature-study, but
here, I think, is the supreme lesson;
and I prefer to bid farewell to this sub-
ject with the picture of our gentle
heroine gazing wistfully into the great
soulful eyes of this creature of the wild.
It is the burgeoning genius of the race
learning to read, with love, the manu-
script of God.
But the more advanced educational
thought of to-day is so completely in
accord with the above deductions from
my master's teaching, that there is no
occasion to carry the discussion further.
I had planned to continue this part
of my paper with a number of other
anticipations of our modern theories
and practice, including: The Abuse of
Memory (cf. Alice and the White
Queen and King) ; Shortening the Peri-
od of Formal Study (cf. the Gryphon's
explanation of lesson as that which
lessens from day to day) ; Self-Expres-
sion and Vocational Activity (cf. the
Cook); Methods in Education (cf.
Tweedledum and Tweedledee) ; Devel-
oping the Imagination (passim) ; The
Emotions in Education (cf. The Wal-
rus and the Carpenter); and many
others. Then, with the light shed by
these general discussions, I had hoped
to consider the curricula of primary
and secondary schools, and to move
from them to the college and univer-
sity.
in
However, I must omit all the inter-
vening stages in order to take up one
or two of his anticipations of the pro-
blems of higher education ; for herein,
I think, we shall find some of his most
pointed and pertinent reflections.
Among these fundamental questions
are The Elective System and Original
Research; and inasmuch as the former
offers an instance of our author's pass-
ing even beyond our position at the
beginning of the twentieth century, we
may give it prior consideration.
Nobody has failed to observe the
triumphant progress of the elective
system. It came to many as a glorious
ennobling emancipation from the old
hide-bound curriculum. To others it
seemed to offer the possibility of de-
veloping breadth of horizon without
exacting depth of thought. It increased
the number of students in many insti-
stutions, thereby encouraging state
legislatures or generous private bene-
factors to open the flood-gates of the
golden life-giving stream. It evoked
reams of debate, always earnest, and
often bitter. But somehow the con-
troversy has been softened, until even
the most earnest partisan ought to be
able to read with keen enjoyment
Professor Dodgson's inimitable de-
scription of the elective system, under
the guise of the Caucus Race. If a few
of my readers have hitherto questioned
my interpretations, I look for their
instant agreement on this point. If our
author was not writing of the elective
ALICE AND EDUCATION
261
system, he was writing of nothing seri-
ous whatever. On this I am willing to
stake my exegetical reputation.
It will be remembered that they
formed a damp and queer-looking
party on the bank of the pool. 'There
was a Duck, and a Dodo, a Lory and
an Eaglet, and several other curious
creatures.' The Lory, with his assump-
tion of superiority, and the Mouse, with
his technical aridity, may well repre-
sent the older curriculum. They have
nothing to offer that promises imme-
diate results. But the Dodo proceeds
to move for the adoption of more ener-
getic remedies, and, notwithstanding
the protests against his long words,
he carries the day. His solution comes
in the proposal for a Caucus race; and
with truly commendable pedagogical
instinct he declares that the best way
to explain it is to do it.
, ' First it marked out a race-course, in
a sort of circle ("the exact shape
does n't matter," it said), and then all
the party were placed along the course,
here and there. There was no "One,
two, three, and away," but they began
running when they liked, and left off
when they liked, so that it was not easy
to know when the race was over. How-
ever, when they had been running half-
an-hour or so, and were quite dry again,
the Dodo suddenly called out, "The
race is over!" and they all crowded
round it, panting, and asking, "But
who has won?"
'This question the Dodo could not
answer without a great deal of thought,
and it sat for a long time with one fin-
ger pressed upon its forehead (the posi-
tion in which you usually see Shakes-
speare, in the pictures of him), while
the rest waited in silence. At last the
Dodo said, "Everybody has won, and
all must have prizes."
'"But who is to give the prizes?"
quite a chorus of voices asked.
'"Why, she, of course," said the
Dodo, pointing to Alice with one finger;
and the whole party at once crowded
round her, calling out in a confused
way, "Prizes! Prizes!"'
So the colleges and universities, like
Alice, having no idea what to do, put
their hands in their pockets and took
out a number of diplomas. These,
after being tied with the beautiful and
sentimental college colors, were dis-
tributed as prizes, and it always
'turned out that there was one apiece
all round.'
There can be no doubt, however, that
my revered teacher disapproved of the
elective system. His own training had
been quite the reverse; and he explic-
itly states that, 'Alice thought the
whole thing very absurd; but they all
looked so grave that she did not dare to
laugh.' Accordingly, despite the emi-
nence of the most distinguished spon-
sor of the elective system, despite the
brilliance and number of its advocates,
I can only declare in favor of a group
system. Malo err are cum Platone quam
cum istis vera s entire.
'There is nothing more beautiful
than a key, as long as we do not know
what it opens.' Readers of Maeterlinck
will recognize the suggestive avowal of
Aglavaine, which I have borrowed to
apply to the thrill of the student when
he is introduced by the professor to
original research. Only a master sym-
bolist, like Maeterlinck, has a right to
attempt to utter in prose our profound
emotion, when
We felt a grand and beautiful fear,
For we knew a marvelous thought drew near.
Organized work in original investiga-
tion by students in our American uni-
versities may be said to date from the
foundation of Johns Hopkins. Before
that event, research was largely a mat-
ter of individual initiative and pursuit,
while facilities for the publication of
original articles were inadequate. In
an article on 'Three Decades of the
262
ALICE AND EDUCATION
American University/ I have already
paid generous tribute to the solid, pio-
neer services rendered by that institu-
tion. In the last forty years, however,
the spirit of investigation has poured
through a million channels. It has
been of incalculable benefit ; but by its
side there has spread a keenness of con-
tention for the recognition of the inves-
tigator's service that is dangerously
near to being unphilosophical. Indeed,
the proverbial odium theologicum could
scarcely exhibit greater acerbity than
the rivalry of fellow specialists about
priority of discovery, accuracy of ob-
servation, or interpretation of minu-
tiae. The struggle never ends; but
occasionally a truce is patched up,
with public assurances of good-will and
private confidence of complete victory
on both sides. Inevitably there has
sprung up a certain distrust on the part
of the more aggressive Philistines, al-
though the world at large is generally
content with a smiling, tolerant, more
or less disdainful, aloofness. All of these
phases were manifestly before Profes-
sor Dodgson's mind when he was com-
posing under the caption, * It 's my own
Invention.'
Turning first to inventive originality
and investigation, we are attracted at
once by the eager, active persistence of
the White Knight. This chevalier of
education has the unusual spirit that
can delight in discovery or invention
purely for its own sake, without de-
spising practical results. To word the
thought in Huxley's matchless phrase-
ology, he can enjoy a sail over the
illimitable ocean of the unknowable,
without begrudging to applied science
its utilization of the flotsam and
jetsam.
As examples of the utilitarian aspect,
we have his painful elaboration of the
beehive and the mouse-trap, which he
has hung to his saddle, in case any bees
or mice should come near; and the ank-
lets round the horse's feet, to guard
against the biting of sharks. Equally
humane and practical are some of the
other results of his investigations, such
as the plan for preventing one's hair
from falling out, or the discovery that
the great art of riding is to keep your
balance properly. Nor should we fail
to note that his heart is never daunted
by the skepticism of Alice.
But even finer, more professorial,
more like Thales, is the unsullied, ob-
livious, self-effacing devotion to unre-
warded research, the final joy of the
seeker.
:"How can you go on talking so
quietly, head downwards?" Alice
asked, as she dragged him out by his
feet, and laid him in a heap on the
bank.
'"What does it matter where my
body happens to be?" he said. "My
mind goes on working all the same.'"
Then he described his invention of a
new pudding, and Alice, like the dis-
trustful Philistine, raised the query as
to its practicability. This evokes the
superb rejoinder, uttered with bowed
head and lowered voice, —
'"I don't believe that pudding ever
was cooked. In fact, I don't believe
that pudding ever will be cooked. And
yet it was a very clever pudding to
invent.'"
The famous retort of Pasteur to the
shoddy French nobility, when he de-
clared that the spirit of science was
above thoughts of personal gain, was
no finer than this hushed self-revela-
tion, coming straight from the heart.
Herewith, the remaining points of
this topic may be promptly dismissed.
We have seen that the comments of
Alice represent both the carping Phil-
istine and the uncomprehending pub-
lic. It only remains for us to notice
that the bickerings of researchful
enthusiasts are depicted both by the
quarrel between the two White Knights
ALICE AND EDUCATION
263
over the ownership of the helmet, and
by the bout between the Red Knight
and the first White Knight when they
come upon Alice. Indeed, the choice
of knights for the leading personse of
this instructive drama hints at the
same tendency, although it is doubt-
less intended also to suggest the chiv-
alrous devotion of the true investi-
gator.
The next question would naturally
have been The Study of the Classics
in our Colleges, to which a new inter-
est has been given by the agitation at
Amherst. Both sides of the contro-
versy are represented in our volume, an
excellent starting-point being offered
by the different impressions of the
Classical Master we receive from the
Gryphon and the Mock Turtle. The
former maintained that he was an old
crab, whereas the latter asserted that
he taught Laughing and Grief. Assur-
edly the Turtle's phrase has in mind
the strong humanistic tendency of
classical studies, while the Gryphon's
vigorous but contemptuous designation
intimates a belief that such studies lead
to * progress backwards,' if I may be-
come indebted to Mr. Cable's lovable
schoolmaster.
Omitting this and many other top-
ics, I may tarry a moment on Professor
Dodgson's surprising references to
philosophy; and it must not be taken
as an admission either of slothfulness
or incapacity, if I confess that a few
details are not quite clear to me. De-
spite the fact that a Kantian discussion
of time is placed on the lips of the Mad
Hatter; despite the fact that the same
problem, together with the non-exist-
ence of space and the unsubstantiality
of matter, is suggested by the cake that
must be served first and cut after-
wards, I am nevertheless convinced
that the household of the Duchess
must represent the penetralia contain-
ing the ultimate arcana.
That noble personage herself prob-
ably symbolizes the older, more purely
metaphysical schools. This is indi-
cated by her dignified vocabulary and
stately copious presentation, as well as
by her contempt for lower mathema-
tics, and for mere human affections.
The latter aspects are perceived at
once in the dialogue following Alice's
uncertainty whether the period re-
quired for the earth to revolve on its
axis might be twenty-four hours or
twelve; for the Duchess exclaims im-
patiently that she never could abide
figures, and begins that most unfeel-
ing of all lullabies: * Speak roughly
to your little boy and beat him when
he sneezes.' Furthermore, that titled
lady's subsequent treatment of her off-
spring corresponds very closely to what
is recorded of two or three famous
representatives of the metaphysical
school. This behavior of hers cannot
be explained, much less justified, on
any other basis.
The former aspects, the character-
istic vocabulary and presentation, are
so unmistakably set forth in the follow-
ing passage that I merely transcribe it.
* " It 's a mineral, I think," said Alice,
in support of her contention that mus-
tard was not a bird.
'" Of course it is," said the Duchess,
"there's a large mustard-mine near
here. And the moral of that is — 'The
more there is of mine, the less there is
of yours."
'"Oh, I know!" exclaimed Alice,
who had not attended to this last re-
mark. "It's a vegetable. It doesn't
look like one, but it is."
"I quite agree with you," said the
Duchess; "and the moral of that is —
' Be what you would seem to be ' — or,
if you'd like it put more simply —
'Never imagine yourself not to be
otherwise than what it might appear to
others that what you were or might
have been was not otherwise than
ALICE AND EDUCATION
what you had been would have ap-
peared to them to be otherwise.' "
'"I think I should understand that
better," Alice said very politely, "if I
had it written down; but I can't quite
follow it as you say it."
4 "That's nothing to what I could
say if I chose," the Duchess replied, in
a pleased tone.'
The Cheshire Cat, on the other hand,
most probably anticipates the more
optimistic development of pragma-
tism; and I hope I may be forgiven the
personal intrusion, if I point out that
I was the first writer to emphasize the
lightly mentioned fact that the cat is
part of the household of the Duchess and,
therefore, must be interpreted philosoph-
ically.
That it pictures optimism in some
form is incontrovertible. The insist-
ence that the comfort-giving grin ap-
pears before the body of the animal,
and remains after the latter's vanish-
ing, can only be explained by reference
to a philosophy that will have all well
with the world regardless of dishar-
monies and defects in the system of
things; a philosophy, as is suggested
by a clever French litterateur, that
strives to erect a world temple with
such a beautiful fagade that it shall
hide the bitter disappointment of man-
kind within the sanctum. And if we
are dealing with some form of optim-
ism, I can only conclude that it is the
more hopeful and vigorous phase of
pragmatism.
The most pertinent, I might almost
say, the most unanswerable, passage in
favor of this pragmatic interpretation
is the following: —
"Would you tell me, please, which
way I ought to go from here?"
'"That depends a good deal on
where you want to get to," said the
Cat.
'"I don't much care where — " said
Alice.
"Then it doesn't much matter
which way you go," said the Cat.
— so long as I get somewhere,"
Alice added as an explanation.
:"Oh, you're sure to do that," said
the Cat, "if you only walk long
enough."'
None of my readers can fail to recog-
nize the essentials of pragmatism in
this passage. There is the crucial re-
cognition that philosophy must be con-
nected with actual needs; that it must
deal with actual conditions; that it
must appreciate human limitations.
Indications of the same trend are to be
seen in the Cat's vivid interest in the
baby that turned into a pig, as well as
in his friendly converse with Alice at
the croquet party.
One argument, suggested to me by
a conservative, philosophical friend, I
shrink from introducing; but, inasmuch
as he insists that it is finally conclusive,
I indulge his fancy. You will remember
that when the King and Queen order
the beheading of the Cat, there springs
up an argument as to whether you can
cut off a head when there is no body to
cut it off from. Then, at the critical
moment of the inquisition, the Cat's
head begins to fade away and soon
entirely disappears. My colleague
maintains most stoutly that this can
only represent pragmatism before a
searching examination at the hands of
an expert dialectician. If he is right, I
could set down as final the explanation
I have proposed. But in any event the
evidence is very strong, and until some
other student shall propose a more
satisfactory theory, we may continue
to regard the Cheshire Cat as a sym-
bol of the more optimistic phases of
pragmatism.
IV
Topic after topic crowds upon me
like imprisoned birds fluttering toward
the door of their cage; but I must leave
ALICE AND EDUCATION
265
them all unreleased save one. In both
volumes the master leaves the supreme
lesson until the end, and in both vol-
umes the lesson is the same. He would
have us remember in all education that
human creatures are the one thing
really important. We spin our theories
and weave them into the fabric of a
system; but the child and the man are
above systems and theories. Bergson
has rendered a genuine service by his
insistence that life is self-developing
and self-comprehending. On ultimate
metaphysical analysis, life is the uni-
verse discovering itself and creating
itself; it is at once natura naturans and
natura naturata. Ever and ever it
works and plays with the visible and
invisible world, to find its highest ex-
pression in man. And for this highest
manifestation, who shall make a final
system of education? But our puny
systematizers will have at least a day
for their schematic panaceas, not real-
izing how soon they must cease to be,
when mankind, half-smiling, half-an-
gry, bids them go. And this truth, the
eternal lesson, the final message, is
delivered to us in redoubled clarity.
At the close of the Wonderland volume
our heroine declares, '"Who cares for
you? You are nothing but a pack of
cards." ' Likewise, at the climax of the
Looking-Glass allegory, she breaks up
the fantastic banquet : ' One good pull,
and plates, dishes, guests, and candles
come crashing down together in a
heap on the floor.'
So has it fared, so will it ever fare
with all systems and theories of educa-
tion that place their faith in methods
or mechanism, and would raise them-
selves above human nature. Eventu-
ally the children of men will eat bread
and butter instead of dream-cakes; will
shake the Red Queen into a compan-
ionable kitten; will come back from
Wonderland to the simple natural life
of healthful human beings.
Here, with reluctance and no little
difficulty, I check my eager pen. As I
review the paper, I am painfully aware
that it is both incomplete and frag-
mentary. I can only pray that my
readers will view the disjecta membra
with mercy, and wait with patience for
my authoritative and exhaustive treat-
ment. Howbeit, even this popular pre-
sentation in simple form may have
served to establish the contention with
which I began. Nor can I quite resign
the hope that, as a result of my efforts,
many lovers of Professor Dodgson will
read him with enlarged understanding
as well as with enhanced pleasure.
If it shall appear to the more prac-
tical-minded critics of my paper that I
have occasionally discovered a hidden
meaning where none existed, I can
only point out that in such recondite
matters, making constant demands on
the creative imagination, a pioneer is
bound to go astray at times. But he
must persist in his task, strengthening
himself with the encouragement of
mighty souls like Schiller, whose words
seem almost prophetic in the closeness
of their application: Wage du zu irren
und zu trdumen: Hoher Sinn liegt oft
in kind'schem Spiel. My sole aim has
been the discovery of the truth; and
if I have ever doubted that under some
astounding detail of this childish alle-
gory there lay an ultimate lesson, I
have always been saved from disheart-
enment by the comforting assurance
of our author himself: —
'"I can't tell you now what the
moral of that is," said the metaphys-
ical Duchess, "but I shall remember
presently."
'"Perhaps it hasn't one," Alice
ventured to remark.
"'Tut, tut, child," said the Duchess,
"everything's got a moral, if only you
can find it."'
OUT OF THE WILDERNESS
BY JOHN MUIR
I LEARNED arithmetic in Scotland
without understanding any of it, al-
though I had the rules by heart. But
when I was about fifteen or sixteen
years of age I began to grow hungry
for real knowledge, and persuaded fa-
ther, who was willing enough to have
me study provided my farm work was
kept up, to buy me a higher arithme-
tic. Beginning at the beginning, in one
summer,! easily finished it, without as-
sistance, in the short intervals between
the end of dinner and the afternoon
start for the harvest and hay-fields, ac-
complishing more without a teacher in
a few scraps of time, than in years in
school before my mind was ready for
such work. Then in succession I took
up algebra, geometry, and trigonome-
try, and made some little progress in
each, and reviewed grammar. I was
fond of reading, but father brought
only a few religious books from Scot-
land.
Fortunately, several of our neigh-
bors brought a dozen or two of all
sorts of books, which I borrowed and
read, keeping all of them except the
religious ones carefully hidden from
father's eye. Among these were Scott's
novels, which, like all other novels, were
strictly forbidden, but devoured with
glorious pleasure in secret. Father was
easily persuaded to buy Josephus's
Wars of the Jews, and D'Aubigne's
History of the Reformation, and I tried
hard to get him to buy Plutarch's
1 Former chapters from John Muir's life have
appeared in the past three issues of the Atlan-
tic.— THE EDITORS.
266
Lives, which, as I told him, everybody,
even religious people, praised as a grand
good book; but he would have nothing
to do with the old pagan until the
graham bread and anti-flesh doctrines
came suddenly into our backwoods
neighborhood, making a stir something
like phrenology and spirit-rappings,
which were mysterious in their attacks
as influenza. He then thought it pos-
sible that Plutarch might be turned to
account on the food question by re-
vealing what those old Greeks and
Romans ate to make them strong; so
at last we gained our glorious Plutarch.
Dick's Christian Philosophy, which I
borrowed from a neighbor, I thought
I might venture to read in the open,
trusting that the word 'Christian'
would be proof against its cautious con-
demnation. But father balked at the
word 'Philosophy,' and quoted from
the Bible a verse which spoke of 'phi-
losophy falsely so-called.' I then ven-
tured to speak in defense of the book,
arguing that we could not do without
at least a little of the most useful kinds
of philosophy.
'Yes, we can,' he said, with enthusi-
asm, ' the Bible is the only book human
beings can possible require throughout
all the journey from earth to heaven.'
'But how,' I contended, 'can we find
the way to heaven without the Bible,
and how after we grow old can we
read the Bible without a little helpful
science? Just think, father, you can-
not read your Bible without spectacles,
and millions of others are in the same
fix; and spectacles cannot be made
OUT OF THE WILDERNESS
267
without some knowledge of the science
of optics/
'Oh,' he replied, perceiving the drift
of the argument, ' there will always be
plenty of worldly people to make spec-
tacles.'
To this I stubbornly replied with a
quotation from the Bible with refer-
ence to the time coming when ' all shall
know the Lord from the least even to
the greatest/ and then who will make
the spectacles? But he still objected to
my reading that book, called me a con-
tumacious quibbler too fond of dispu-
tation, and ordered me to return it to
the accommodating owner. I managed,
however, to read it later.
On the food question father insisted
that those who argued for a vegeta-
ble diet were in the right, because our
teeth showed plainly that they were
made with reference to fruit and grain,
and not for flesh like those of dogs
and wolves and tigers. He therefore
promptly adopted a vegetable diet, and
requested mother to make the bread
from graham flour instead of bolted
flour. Mother put both kinds on the
table, and meat also, to let all the fam-
ily take their choice; and while father
was insisting on the foolishness of eat-
ing flesh, I came to her help by calling
his attention to the passage in the
Bible which told the story of Elijah the
Prophet, who, when he was pursued by
enemies who wanted to take his life,
was hidden by the Lord by the brook
Cherith, and fed by ravens; and surely
the Lord knew what was good to eat,
whether bread or meat. And on what,
I asked, did the Lord feed Elijah? On
vegetables or graham bread? No, he
directed the ravens to feed his prophet
on flesh. The Bible being the sole rule,
father at once acknowledged that he
was mistaken. The Lord never would
have sent flesh to Elijah by the ravens
if graham bread were better.
I remember as a great and sudden
discovery that the poetry of the Bible,
Shakespeare, and Milton was a source of
inspiring, exhilarating, uplifting pleas-
ure and I became anxious to know all
the poets, and saved up small sums to
buy as many of their books as possible.
Within three or four years I was the
proucl possessor of parts of Shake-
speare's, Milton's, Cowper's, Henry
Kirk White's, Campbell's, and Aken-
side's works, and quite a number of
others seldom read nowadays. I think
it was in my fifteenth year that I began
to relish good literature with enthusi-
asm, and smack my lips over favorite
lines; but there was desperately little
time for reading, even in the, winter
evenings — only a few stolen minutes
now and then.
Father's strict rule was, straight to
bed immediately after family wor-
ship, which in winter was usually over
by eight o'clock. I was in the habit
of lingering in the kitchen with a
book and candle after the rest of the
family had retired, and considered my-
self fortunate if I got five minutes
reading before father noticed the light
and ordered me to bed; an order that,
of course, I immediately obeyed. But
night after night I tried to steal min-
utes in the same lingering way; and
how keenly precious those minutes
were, few nowadays can know. Father
failed, perhaps, two or three times in
a whole winter to notice my light for
nearly ten minutes, magnificent golden
blocks of time, long to be remembered
like holidays or geological periods. One
evening when I was reading Church
History father was particularly irrita-
ble and called out with hope-killing
emphasis, * John, go to bed ! Must I give
you a separate order every night to get
you to go to bed ? Now, I will have no
irregularity in the family; you must go
when the rest go, and without my hav-
ing to tell you.' Then, as an after-
thought, as if judging that his words
268
OUT OF THE WILDERNESS
and tone of voice were too severe for so
pardonable an offense, he unwarily
added, 'If you will read, get up in the
morning and read. You may get up in
the morning as early as you like.'
That night I went to bed wishing
with all my heart and soul that some-
body or something might call me out
of sleep to avail myself of this won-
derful indulgence; and next morning,
to my joyful surprise, I awoke before
father called me. A boy sleeps soundly
after working all day in the snowy
woods, but that frosty morning I sprang
out of bed as if called by a trumpet
blast, rushed downstairs scarce feeling
my chilblains, enormously eager to see
how much time I had won ; and, when I
held up my candle to a little clock that
stood on a bracket in the kitchen, I
found that it was only one o'clock. I
had gained five hours, almost half a
day! 'Five hours to myself!' I said,
'five huge, solid hours!' I can hardly
think of any other event in my life, any
discovery I ever made that gave birth
to joy so transportingly glorious as the
possession of these five frosty hours.
In the glad tumultuous excitement
of so much suddenly acquired time-
wealth I hardly knew what to do with
it. I first thought of going on with my
reading, but the zero weather would
make a fire necessary, and it occurred
to me that father might object to the
cost of firewood that took time to chop.
Therefore I prudently decided to go
down cellar, where I at least would find
a tolerable temperature very little be-
low the freezing point, for the walls
were banked up in the fall to keep the
potatoes from freezing. There were a
few tools in a corner of the cellar, a
vise, a few files, a hammer, and so
forth, that father had brought from
Scotland, but no saw excepting a
coarse, crooked one that was unfit for
sawing dry hickory or oak. So I made
a fine-tooth saw suitable for my work
out of a strip of steel that had formed
part of an old-fashioned corset, that
cut the hardest wood smoothly. I also
made my own brad-awls and punches,
a pair of compasses, and so forth, out
of wire and old files, and went to work
on a model of a self-setting sawmill
I had invented.
Next morning I managed joyfully to
get up at the same gloriously early
hour. My cellar workshop was imme-
diately under father's bed and the filing
and tapping in making cog-wheels, jour-
nals, cams, and so forth, must no doubt
have annoyed him; but with the per-
mission he had granted, in his mind,
and doubtless hoping that I would soon
tire of getting up at one o'clock, he
impatiently waited about two weeks
before saying a word. I did not vary
more than five minutes from one
o'clock all winter, nor did I feel any
bad effects whatever, nor did I think at
all about the subject as to whether so
little sleep might be in any way injur-
ious; it was a grand triumph of will
power over cold and common comfort
and work-weariness in abruptly cut-
ting down my ten hours' allowance of
sleep to five. I simply felt that I was
rich beyond anything I could have
dreamed of or hoped for. I was far
more than happy. Like Tam-o'-Shan-
ter, I was 'glorious, O'er a' the ills of
life victorious.'
Father, as was customary in Scot-
land, gave thanks and asked a blessing
before meals, not merely as a matter of
form and decent Christian manners,
for he regarded food as a gift derived
directly from the hands of the Father in
heaven. Therefore every meal was to
him a sacrament requiring conduct and
attitude of mind not unlike that befit-
ting the Lord's supper. No idle word
was allowed to be spoken at our table,
much less any laughing or fun or story-
telling. When we were at the breakfast-
table, about two weeks after the great
OUT OF THE WILDERNESS
269
golden time-discovery, father cleared
his throat, preliminary, as we all knew,
to saying something considered impor-
tant. I feared that it was to be on the
subject of my early rising, and, dreaded
the withdrawal of the permission he
had granted on account of the noise I
made, but still hoping that, as he had
given his word that I might get up as
early as I wished, he would as a Scotch-
man stand to it, even though it was
given in an unguarded moment and
taken in a sense unreasonably far-
reaching. The solemn sacramental si-
lence was broken by the dreaded ques-
tion, —
'John, what time is it when you get
up in the morning?'
* About one o'clock/ I replied in a
low, meek, guilty tone of voice.
'And what kind of a time is that,
getting up in the middle of the night
and disturbing the whole family?'
I simply reminded him of the permis-
sion he had freely granted me to get up
as early as I wished.
'I know it,' he said, in an almost
agonizing tone of voice; 'I know I gave
you that miserable permission, but I
never imagined that you would get up
in the middle of the night.'
To this I cautiously made no reply,
but continued to listen for the heaven-
ly one-o'clock call, and it never failed.
After completing my self-setting saw-
mill I dammed one of the streams in the
meadow and put the mill in operation.
This invention was speedily followed
by a lot of others, — water-wheels,
curious door-locks and latches, ther-
mometers, hygrometers, pyrometers,
clocks, a barometer, an automatic con-
trivance for feeding the horses at any
required hour, a lamp-lighter and fire-
lighter, an early- or-late-rising machine,
and so forth.
After the sawmill was proved and
discharged from my mind, I happened
to think it would be a fine thing to
make a timekeeper which would tell
the day of the week and the day of the
month, as well as strike like a common
clock and point out the hours; also to
have an attachment whereby it could
be connected with a bedstead to set me
on my feet at any hour in the morning;
also to start fires, light lamps, and so
forth. I had learned the time laws of
the pendulum from a book, but with
this exception I knew nothing of time-
keepers, for I had never seen the inside
of any sort of clock or watch. After
long brooding, the novel clock was at
length completed in my mind, and was
tried and found to be durable, and to
work well and look well, before I had
begun to build it in wood. I carried
small parts of it in my pocket to
whittle at when I was out at work on
the farm, using every spare or stolen
moment within reach without father's
knowing anything about it.
In the middle of summer, when har-
vesting was in progress, the novel
time-machine was nearly completed.
It was hidden upstairs in a spare bed-
room where some tools were kept. I
did the making and mending on the
farm; but one day at noon, when I
happened to be away, father went up-
stairs for a hammer or something and
discovered the mysterious machine
back of the bedstead. My sister Mar-
garet saw him on his knees examining
it, and at the first opportunity whis-
pered in my ear, 'John, fayther saw
that thing you're making upstairs.'
None of the family knew what I was
doing, but they knew very well that all
such work was frowned on by father,
and kindly warned me of any danger
that threatened my plans. The fine in-
vention seemed doomed to destruction
before its time-ticking commenced, al-
though I had carried it so long in my
mind that I thought it handsome, and
like the nest of Burns's wee mousie it
had cost me mony a weary whittling
270
OUT OF THE WILDERNESS
nibble. When we were at dinner sev-
eral days after the sad discovery, father
began to clear his throat, and I feared
the doom of martyrdom was about to
be pronounced on my grand clock.
'John,' he inquired, 'what is that
thing you are making upstairs?'
I replied in desperation that I did n't
know what to call it.
'What! You mean to say you don't
know what you are trying to do?'
'Oh, yes,' I said, 'I know very well
what I am doing.'
'What then is the thing for?'
'It's for a lot of things,' I replied,
'but getting people up early in the
morning is one of the main things it is
intended for; therefore, it might per-
haps be called an early-rising ma-
chine.'
After getting up so extravagantly
early, to make a machine for getting up
perhaps still earlier seemed so ridicu-
lous that he very nearly laughed. But
after controlling himself, and getting
command of a sufficiently solemn face
and voice, he said severely, ' Do you not
think it is very wrong to waste your
time on such nonsense?'
'No,' I said meekly, 'I don't think
I 'm doing any wrong.'
'Well,' he replied, 'I assure you I do;
and if you were only half as zealous in
the study of religion as you are in con-
triving and whittling these useless,
nonsensical things, it would be infinite-
ly better for you. I want you to be like
Paul, who said that he desired to know
nothing among men but Christ and
Him crucified.'
To this I made no reply, gloomily
believing my fine machine was to be
burned, but still taking what comfort I
could in realizing that anyhow I had
enjoyed inventing and making it.
After a few days, finding that no-
thing more was to be said, and that
father, after all, had not had the heart
to destroy it, all necessity for secrecy
being ended, I finished it in the half-
hours that we had at noon, and set it
in the parlor between two chairs, hung
moraine boulders, that had come from
the direction of Lake Superior, on it
for weights, and set it running. We
were then hauling grain into the barn.
Father at this period devoted himself
entirely to the Bible and did no farm
work whatever. The clock had a good
loud tick and when he heard it strike,
one of my sisters told me that he left
his study, went to the parlor, got down
on his knees, and carefully examined
the machinery, which was all in plain
sight, not being inclosed in a case.
This he did repeatedly, and evidently
seemed a little proud of my ability to
invent and whittle such a thing, though
careful to give no encouragement for
anything more of the kind in future.
But somehow it seemed impossible to
stop. Inventing and whittling faster
than ever, I made another hickory
clock, shaped like a scythe to symbolize
the scythe of Fat her Time. The pendu-
lum is a bunch of arrows symbolizing
the flight of time. It hangs on a leafless
mossy oak snag showing the effect of
time, and on the snath is written, 'All
flesh is grass.' This, especially the in-
scription, rather pleased father, and of
course mother and all my sisters and
brothers admired it. Like the first, it
indicates the days of the week and
month, starts fires and beds at any
given hour and minute, and though
made more than fifty years ago, is still
a good timekeeper.
My mind still running on clocks, I
invented a big one like a town clock,
with four dials, with the time figures so
large they could be read by all our im-
mediate neighbors as well as ourselves
when at work in the fields, and on the
side next the house the days of the
week and month were indicated. It
was to be placed on the peak of the
barn roof. But just as it was all but
OUT OF THE WILDERNESS
271
finished father stopped me, saying that
it would bring too many people around
the barn. I then asked permission to
put it on the top of a black oak tree
near the house. Studying the larger
main branches I thought I could secure
a sufficiently rigid foundation for it,
while the trimmed sprays and leaves
would conceal the angles of the cabin
required to shelter the works from the
weather, and the two-second pendu-
lum, fourteen feet long, could be snug-
ly incased on the side of the trunk.
Nothing about the grand, useful time-
keeper, I argued, would disfigure the
tree, for it would look something like a
big hawk's nest. * But that,5 he object-
ed, 'would draw still bigger, bothersome
trampling crowds about the place, for
who ever heard of anything so queer as
a big clock on the top of a tree.' So I
had to lay aside its big wheels and cams
and rest content with the pleasure of
inventing it, and looking at it in my
mind and listening to the deep, solemn
throbbing of its long two-second pen-
dulum, with its two old axes back to
back for the bob.
One of my inventions was a large
thermometer made of an iron rod,
about three feet long and five-eighths
of an inch in diameter, that had formed
part of a wagon-box. The expansion
and contraction of this rod was multi-
plied by a series of levers made of strips
of hoop-iron. The pressure of the rod
against the levers was kept constant
by a small counterweight, so that the
slightest change in the length of the rod
was instantly shown on a dial about
three feet wide, multiplied about
thirty-two thousand times. The zero
point was gained by packing the rod
in wet snow. The scale was so large
that the big black hand on the white
painted dial could be seen distinctly,
and the temperature read, while we
were ploughing in the field below the
house. The extremes of heat and cold
caused the hand to make several rev-
olutions. The number of these revolu-
tions was indicated on a small dial
marked on the larger one. This ther-
mometer was fastened on the side of
the house, and was so sensitive that
when any one approached it within
four or five feet the heat radiated from
the observer's body caused the hand
of the dial to move so fast that the
motion was plainly visible, and when he
stepped back, the hand moved slowly
back to its normal position. It was re-
garded as a great wonder by the neigh-
bors, and even by my own all-Bible
father.
Talking over plans with me one day,
a friendly neighbor said, 'Now, John,
if you wish to get into a machine-shop,
just take some of your inventions to
the state fair, and you may be sure
that as soon as they are seen they will
open the door of any shop in the coun-
try for you. You will be welcomed
everywhere.' And when I doubtingly
asked if people would care to look at
things made of wood, he said, 'Made
of wood ! Made of wood ! What does it
matter what they're made of when
they are so out-and-out original.
There's nothing else like them in the
world. That is what will attract atten-
tion, and besides they 're mighty hand-
some things anyway to come from the
backwoods.' So I was encouraged to
leave home and go at his direction to
the state fair when it was being held
in Madison.
When I told father that I was about
to leave home, and inquired whether,
if I should happen to be in need of
money, he would send me a little, he
said, 'No. Depend entirely on your-
self.' Good advice, I suppose, but sure-
ly needlessly severe for a bashful home-
loving boy who had worked so hard. I
had the gold sovereign that my grand-
father had given me when I left Scot-
land, and a few dollars, perhaps ten,
OUT OF THE WILDERNESS
that I had made by raising a few bush-
els of grain on a little patch of sandy,
abandoned ground. So when I left
home to try the world I had only fif-
teen dollars in my pocket.
Strange to say, father carefully
taught us to consider ourselves very
poor worms of the dust, conceived in
sin, and so forth, and devoutly believed
that quenching every spark of pride
and self-confidence was a sacred duty,
without realizing that in so doing he
might, at the same time, be quenching
everything else. Praise he considered
most venomous, and tried to assure me
that when I was fairly out in the wick-
ed world, making my own way, I would
soon learn that, although I might have
thought him a hard taskmaster at
times, strangers were far harder. On
the contrary, I found no lack of kind-
ness and sympathy. All the baggage I
carried was a package made up of the
two clocks and a small thermometer
made of a piece of old washboard, all
three tied together, with no covering
or case of any sort, the whole looking
like one very complicated machine.
The aching parting from mother and
my sisters was of course hard to bear.
Father let David drive me down to
Pardeeville, a place I had never before
seen, though it is only nine miles south
of the Hickory Hill farm. When we
arrived at the village tavern it seemed
deserted. Not a single person was in
sight. I set my clock baggage on the
rickety platform. David said good-bye
and started for home, leaving me alone
in the world. The grinding noise made
by the wagon in turning short brought
out the landlord, and the first thing
that caught his eye was my strange
bundle. Then he looked at me and
said, * Hello, young man, what's this?'
'Machines,' I said, 'for keeping time
and getting up in the morning, and so
forth.'
'Well! Well! That 's a mighty queer
get-up. You must be a Down-East
Yankee. Where did you get the pat-
tern for such a thing?'
'In my head,' I said.
Some one down the street happened
to notice the landlord looking intently
at something and came up to see what
it was. Three or four people in that lit-
tle village formed an attractive crowd,
and in fifteen or twenty minutes the
greater part of the population of Par-
deeville stood gazing in a circle around
my strange hickory belongings. I kept
outside of the circle to avoid being
seen, and had the advantage of hear-
ing the remarks without being embar-
rassed.
I stayed overnight at this little tav-
ern, waiting for a train. In the morning
I went to the station, and set my bun-
dle on the platform. Along came the
thundering train, a glorious sight; the
first train I had ever waited for.
When the conductor saw my queer
baggage, he cried, 'Hello! What have
we here? '
'Inventions for keeping time, early
rising, and so forth. May I take them
into the car with me?'
'You can take them where you like,'
he replied, 'but you had better give
them to the baggage-master. If you
take them into the car they will draw a
crowd and might get broken.'
So I gave them to the baggage-mas-
ter, and made haste to ask the conduc-
tor whether I might ride on the engine.
He good-naturedly said, 'Yes, it's the
right place for you. Run ahead, and
tell the engineer what I say.' But the
engineer bluntly refused to let me on,
saying, ' It don't matter what the con-
ductor told you. / say you can't ride
on my engine.'
By this time the conductor, standing
ready to start his train, was watching
to see what luck I had, and when he
saw me returning came ahead to meet
me.
OUT OF THE WILDERNESS
273
'The engineer won't let me on,' I re-
ported.
* Won't he?' said the kind conductor.
'Oh, I guess he will. You come down
with me.' And so he actually took the
time and patience to walk the length of
that long train to get me on to the
engine.
'Charlie,' said he, addressing the
engineer, 'don't you ever take a pas-
senger?'
'Very seldom,' he replied.
'Anyhow, I wish you would take this
young man on. He has the strangest
machines in the baggage car I ever saw
in my life. I believe he could make
a locomotive. He wants to see the
engine running. Let him on.' Then,
in a low whisper, he told me to jump
on, which I did gladly, the engineer
offering neither encouragement nor
objection.
As soon as the train was started the
engineer asked what the 'strange
thing' the conductor spoke of really
was.
'Only inventions for keeping time,
getting folks up in the morning, and so
forth,' I hastily replied; and before he
could ask any more questions I asked
permission to go outside of the cab to
see the machinery. This he kindly
granted, adding, ' Be careful not to fall
off, and when you hear me whistling
for a station you come back, because if
it is reported against me to the super-
intendent that I allow boys to run all
over my engine, I might lose my job.'
Assuring him that I would come back
promptly, I went out and walked along
the footboard on the side of the boiler,
watching the magnificent machine
rushing through the landscape as if
glorying in its strength like a living
creature. While seated on the cow-
catcher platform I seemed to be fairly
flying, and the wonderful display of
power and motion was enchanting.
This was the first time I had ever been
VOL. 111 -NO. 2
on a train, much less a locomotive,
since I had left Scotland. When I got
to Madison I thanked the kind conduc-
tor and engineer for my glorious ride,
inquired the way to the fair, shoul-
dered my inventions, and walked to
the fair-ground.
When I applied for an admission
ticket at a window by the gate I told
the agent that I had something to ex-
hibit.
'What is it?' he inquired.
'Well, here it is. Look at it.'
When he craned his neck through
the window and got a glimpse of my
bundle he cried excitedly, 'Oh! you
don't need a ticket — come right in.'
When I inquired of the agent where
such things as mine should be exhibit-
ed, he said, 'You see that building up
on the hill with a big flag on it? That's
the Fine Arts Hall and it's just the
place for your wonderful invention.'
So I went up to the Fine Arts Hall
and looked in, wondering if they would
allow wooden things in so fine a place.
I was met at the door by a dignified
gentleman who greeted me kindly and
said, 'Young man, what have we got
here?'
'Two clocks and a thermometer/ I
replied.
'Did you make these? They look
wonderfully beautiful and novel and
must I think prove the most interesting
feature of the fair.'
'Where shall I place them?' I in-
quired.
'Just look around, young man, and
choose the place you like best, whether
it is occupied or not. You can have
your pick of all the building, and a car-
penter to make the necessary shelving
and assist you in every way possible!'
So I quickly had a shelf made large
enough for all of them, went out on the
hill and picked up some glacial boulders
of the right size for weights, and in fif-
teen or twenty minutes the clocks were
274
OUT OF THE WILDERNESS
running. They seemed to attract more
attention than anything else in the hall.
I got lots of praise from the crowd and
the newspaper reporters. The local
press reports were copied into the East-
ern papers. It was considered wonder-
ful that a boy on a farm had been able
to invent and make such things, and al-
most every spectator foretold good for-
tune. But I had been so lectured by my
father to avoid praise, above all things,
that I was afraid to read those kind
newspaper notices, and never clipped
out or preserved any of them, just
glanced at them, and turned away my
eyes from beholding vanity, and so
forth. They gave me a prize of ten or
fifteen dollars, and a diploma for won-
derful things not down in the list of
exhibits.
Many years later, after I had written
articles and books, I received a letter
from the gentleman who had charge of
the Fine Arts Hall. He proved to have
been the Professor of English Litera-
ture in the University of Wisconsin at
this fair-time, and long afterward he
sent me clippings of reports of his lec-
tures. He had a lecture on me, discuss-
ing style, and so forth, and telling how
well he remembered my arrival at the
hall in my shirt sleeves with those me-
chanical wonders on my shoulder, and
so forth, and so forth. These inventions,
though of little importance, opened all
doors for me, and made marks that have
lasted many years, simply because they
were original and promising.
I was looking around in the mean
time to find out where I should go to
seek my fortune. An inventor at the
fair, by the name of Wiard, was exhib-
iting an ice-boat he had invented to run
on the upper Mississippi from Prairie
du Chien to St. Paul during the winter
months, explaining how useful it would
be thus to make a highway of the river
while it was closed to ordinary naviga-
tion by ice. After he saw my inven-
tions, he offered me a place in his foun-
dry and machine-shop in Prairie du
Chien, and promised to assist me all he
could. So I made up my mind to accept
his offer and rode with him to Prairie
du Chien in his ice-boat, which was
mounted on a flat car. I soon found,
however, that he was seldom at home,
and that I was not likely to learn much
at his small shop. I found a place
where I could work for my board and
devote my spare hours to mechanical
drawing, geometry, and physics. Mak-
ing but little headway, however, al-
though the Pelton family for whom I
worked were very kind, I made up my
mind after a few months' stay in
Prairie du Chien to return to Madison,
hoping that in some way I might be
able to gain an education.
At Madison I raised a few dollars by
making and selling a few of those bed-
steads that set the sleepers on their
feet in the morning — inserting in the
footboard the works of an ordinary
clock that could be bought for a dollar.
I also made a few dollars addressing
circulars in an insurance office, while
at the same time I was paying my
board by taking care of a pair of horses
and going errands. This is of no great
interest except that I was thus earning
my bread while hoping that something
might turn up that would enable me to
make money enough to enter the state
university. This was my ambition,
and it never wavered, no matter what I
was doing. No university it seemed to
me could be more admirably situated,
and as I sauntered about it, charmed
with its fine lawns and trees and beau-
tiful lakes, and saw the students going
and coming with their books, and oc-
casionally practicing with a theodolite
in measuring distances, I thought that
if I could only join them it would be the
greatest joy of life. I was desperately
hungry and thirsty for knowledge and
willing to endure anything to get it.
OUT OF THE WILDERNESS
275
One day I chanced to meet a student
who had noticed my inventions at the
fair and now recognized me. And
when I said, 'You are fortunate fel-
lows to be allowed to study in this
beautiful place; I wish I could join you,'
— 'Well, why don't you?' he asked.
' I have n't money enough,' I said. ' Oh,
as to money,' he reassuringly explain-
ed, 'very little is required. I presume
you're able to enter the Freshman
class, and you can board yourself, as
quite a number of us do, at a cost of
about a dollar a week. The baker and
milkman come every day. You can
live on bread and milk.' 'Well,' I
thought, ' maybe I have money enough
for at least one beginning term.' Any-
how I could n't help trying.
With fear and trembling, overladen
with ignorance, I called on Professor
Stirling, the dean of the faculty, who
was then acting president, presented
my case, told him how far I had got on
with my studies at home, and that I
had n't been to school since leaving
Scotland at the age of eleven years
(excepting one short term of a couple
of months at a district school), because
I could not be spared from the farm
work. After hearing my story the kind
professor welcomed me to the glorious
university — next, it seemed to me, to
the Kingdom of Heaven. After a few
weeks in the preparatory department,
I entered the Freshman class. In Latin
I found that one of the books in use I
had already studied in Scotland. So
after an interruption of a dozen years I
began my Latin over again where I had
left off; and strange to say, most of it
came back to me, especially the gram-
mar which I had committed to memory
at the Dunbar Grammar School.
During the four years that I was in
the university I earned enough in the
harvest-fields during the long summer
vacations to carry me through the bal-
ance of each year, working very hard,
cutting with a cradle four acres of
wheat a day, and helping to put it in
the shock. But having to buy books
and paying I think thirty-two dollars
a year for instruction, and occasionally
buying acids and retorts, glass tubing,
bell-glasses, flasks, and so forth, I had
to cut down expenses for board now
and then to half a dollar a week.
One winter I taught school ten miles
north of Madison, earning much-need-
ed money at the rate of twenty dollars
a month, 'boarding round,' and keep-
ing up my university work by study-
ing at night. As I was not then well
enough off to own a watch, I used one
of my hickory clocks, not only for keep-
ing time, but for starting the school-fire
in the cold mornings, and regulating
class times. I carried it out on my
shoulder to the old log schoolhouse, and
set it to work on a little shelf nailed to
one of the knotty, bulging logs. The
winter was very cold, and I had to go
to the schoolhouse and start the fire
about eight o'clock, to warm it before
the arrival of the scholars. This was a
rather trying job, and one that my
clock might easily be made to do.
Therefore, after supper one evening, I
told the head of the family with whom
I was boarding that if he would give me
a candle I would go back to the school-
house and make arrangements for light-
ing the fire at eight o'clock, without
my having to be present until time to
open the school at nine. He said, ' Oh,
young man, you have some curious
things in the school-room, but I don't
think you can do that.' I said, 'Oh,
yes! It's easy'; and in hardly more
than an hour the simple job was com-
pleted.
I had only to place a teaspoonful
of powdered chlorate of potash and
sugar on the stove hearth near a few
shavings and kindlings, and at the re-
quired time make the clock, through a
simple arrangement, touch the inflam-
276
OUT OF THE WILDERNESS
mable mixture with a drop of sulphuric
acid. Every evening after school was
dismissed I shoveled out what was left
of the fire into the snow, put in a little
kindling, filled up the big box-stove
with heavy oak wood, placed the light-
ing arrangement on the hearth, and set
the clock to drop the acid at the hour
of eight; all this requiring only a few
minutes.
The first morning after I had made
this simple arrangement I invited the
doubting farmer to watch the old squat
schoolhouse from a window that over-
looked it, to see if a good smoke did not
rise from the stovepipe. Sure enough,
on the minute, he saw a tall column
curling gracefully up through the
frosty air; but, instead of congratulat-
ing me on my success, he solemnly
shook his head and said in a hollow,
lugubrious voice, * Young man, you
will be setting fire to the schoolhouse/
All winter long that faithful clock-fire
never failed, and by the time I got to
the schoolhouse the stove was usually
red-hot.
At the beginning of the long summer
vacations I returned to the Hickory
Hill farm to earn the means in the har-
vest-fields to continue my university
course, walking all the way to save rail-
road fares. And although I cradled
four acres of wheat a day, I made the
long hard sweaty day's work still long-
er and harder by keeping up my study
of plants. At the noon hour I collected
a large handful, put them in water to
keep them fresh, and after supper got
to work on them, and sat up till after
midnight, analyzing and classifying,
thus leaving only four hours for sleep;
and by the end of the first year after
taking up botany I knew the principal
flowering plants of the region.
I received my first lesson in botany
from a student by the name of Gris-
wold who is now county judge of the
county of Waukesha, Wisconsin. In
the university he was often laughed at
on account of his anxiety to instruct
others, and his frequently saying with
fine emphasis, * Imparting instruction
is my greatest enjoyment/
Nevertheless I still indulged my
love of mechanical inventions. I in-
vented a desk in which the books I had
to study were arranged in order at the
beginning of each term. I also made a
bed which set me on my feet every
morning at the hour determined on,
and in dark winter mornings just as
the bed set me on the floor it lighted
a lamp. Then, after the minutes al-
lowed for dressing had elapsed, a click
was heard and the first book to be stud-
ied was pushed up from a rack below
the top of the desk, thrown open, and
allowed to remain there the number of
minutes required. Then the machinery
closed the book and allowed it to drop
back into its stall; then moved the rack
forward and threw up the next in order,
and so on, all the day being divided ac-
cording to the times of recitation, and
the time required and allotted to each
study. Besides this, I thought it would
be a fine thing in the summer-time
when the sun rose early, to dispense
with the clock-controlled bed-machin-
ery, and make use of sunbeams in-
stead. This I did simply by taking a
lens out of my small spy-glass, fixing it
on a frame on the sill of my bedroom
window, and pointing it to the sunrise;
the sunbeams focused on a thread
burned it through, allowing the bed-
machinery to put me on my feet. When
I wished to get up at any given time
after sunrise I had only to turn the
pivoted frame that held the lens the
requisite number of degrees or minutes.
Thus I took Emerson's advice and
hitched my dumping-wagon bed to a
star.
Although I was four years at the
university, I did not take the regular
course of studies, but instead picked
ENTERTAINING THE CANDIDATE
277
out what I thought would be most
useful to me, particularly chemistry,
which opened a new world, and mathe-
matics and physics, a little Greek and
Latin, botany and geology. I was far
from satisfied with what I had learned,
and should have stayed longer. Any-
how I wandered away on a glorious
botanical and geological excursion,
which has lasted nearly fifty years and
is not yet completed, always happy
and free, poor and rich, without
thought of a diploma or of making a
name, urged on and on through endless
inspiring Godful beauty.
From the top of a hill on the north
side of Lake Mendota I gained a last
wistful lingering view of the beauti-
ful university grounds and buildings
where I had spent so many hungry and
happy and hopeful days. There with
streaming eyes I bade my blessed
Alma Mater farewell. But I was only
leaving one university for another,
the Wisconsin University for the Uni-
versity of the Wilderness.
(The End.)
ENTERTAINING THE CANDIDATE
BY KATHARINE BAKER
BAG in hand, brother stops in for
fifteen minutes, from campaigning, to
get some clean shirts. He says the
candidate will be in town day after
to-morrow. Do we want him to come
here, or shall he go to a hotel?
We want him, of course. But we de-
precate the brevity of this notice. Also
the cook and chambermaid are new,
and remarkably inexpert. Brother,
however, declines to feel any concern.
His confidence in our power to cope
with emergencies is flattering if exas-
perating.
There is nothing in the markets at
this time of year. Guests have a malig-
nant facility in choosing such times.
We scour the country for forty miles in
search of green vegetables. We confide
in the fishmonger, who grieves sym-
pathetically over the 'phone, because
all crabs are now cold-storage, and
he'd be deceiving us if he said other-
wise.
Still we are determined to have
luncheon prepared in the house. Last
time the august judge dined with us we
summoned a caterer from a hundred
miles away, and though the caterer's
food was good, it was late. We love
promptness, and we are going to have
it. Ladies knew all about efficiency
long before Mr. Frederick Taylor. Only
they could n't teach it to servants,
and he would find he could n't either.
But every mistress of a house knows
how to make short cuts, and is expert
at * record production' in emergencies.
The casual brother says there will be
one or two dozen people at luncheon.
He will telephone us fifteen minutes
before they arrive. Yes, really, that's
the best he can do.
So we prepare for one or two dozen
278
ENTERTAINING THE CANDIDATE
people, and they must sit down to
luncheon because men hate a buffet
meal. We struggle with the problem,
how many chickens are required for
twelve or twenty-four people? The
answer, however, is really obvious.
Enough for twenty-four will be enough
for twelve.
Day after to-morrow arrives. The
gardener comes in to lay hearth-fires
and carry tables. We get out china and
silver. We make salad and rolls, fruit-
cup and cake. We guide the cook's fal-
tering steps over the critical moments
of soup and chicken. We do the oysters
in our own particular way, which we
fancy inimitable. We arrange bushels
of flowers in bowls, vases, and baskets,
and set them on mantels, tables, book-
cases, everywhere that a flower can
find a footing. The chauffeur comes in
proudly with the flower-holder from
the limousine, and we fill it in honor of
the distinguished guest.
Then we go outside to see that the
approach to the house is satisfactory.
The bland old gardener points to the
ivy-covered wall, and says with inno-
cent joy,* it, ain't that ivory
the prettiest thing you ever saw in
your life? ' And we can't deny that the
lawn looks well, with ivy, and cosmos,
and innumerable chrysanthemums.
The cook and chambermaid will
have to help wait on the table. The
chambermaid, who is what the butler
contemptuously calls 'an educated
nigger,' and so knows nothing useful,
announces that she has no white uni-
form. All she has is a cold in her head.
We give her a blouse and skirt, wonder-
ing why Providence does n't eliminate
the unfit.
We run upstairs to put on our cost-
liest shoes and stockings, and our most
perishable gown. The leisurely brother
gets us on the wire to say that there
will be twenty guests in ten minutes.
Descending, we reset the tables to
seat twenty guests, light the wood-
fires, toss together twenty mint-juleps,
and a few over for luck, repeat our
clear instructions to the goggling
chambermaid, desperately implore the
butler to see that she keeps on the job,
drop a last touch of flavoring in the
soup, and are sitting by the fire with an
air of childish gayety and carelessness
when the train of motor-cars draws up
to the door.
Here is the judge, courteous and
authoritative. Here is his assiduous
suite. The room fills with faces well
known in every country that an illus-
trated newspaper can penetrate. From
the Golden Gate and the Rio Grande,
from New York and Alabama, these
men have come together, intent on
wresting to themselves the control of
the Western Hemisphere. Now they are
a sort of highly respectable guerillas.
To-morrow, very likely, they will be
awe-inspiring magnates.
Theoretically we are impressed.
Actually they have mannerisms, and
some of them wear spectacles. We
reflect that the triumvirs very likely
had mannerisms, too, and Antony him-
self might have been glad to own spec-
tacles. We try to feel reverence for the
high calling of these men. We hope
they'll like our luncheon.
The butler brings in the juleps and
we maintain a detached look, as though
those juleps were just a happy thought
of the butler himself, and we were as
much surprised as anybody. The judge
won't have one, but most everybody
else will. The newspaper men look love
and gratitude at the butler.
That earnest youth is the judge's
secretary. The huge, iron-gray man
expects to be a governor after Novem-
ber fifth, if dreams come true. The
amiable old gentleman who never
leaves the judge's side, has come two
thousand miles out of pure political
enthusiasm, to protect the candidate
ENTERTAINING THE CANDIDATE
279
from assassins. He can do it, too, we
conclude, when we look past his smil-
ing mouth into his steely eyes.
Here is the campaign manager, busi-
ness man and man-of-the- world.
This pretty little newspaper-woman
from Utah implores us to get an utter-
ance on suffrage from the judge. Just a
word. It will save him thousands of
votes. Well, she's a dear little thing,
but we can't take advantage of our
guest.
Luncheon is announced. Brother,
slightly apologetic, murmurs that there
are twenty-three. Entirely unforeseen.
He babbles incoherently.
But it's all right. We women won't
come to the table. Voting and eating
and things like that are better left to
the men anyway. Why should women
want to do either, when they have
fathers and brothers to do it for them?
We can sit in the gallery and watch.
It's very nice for us. And exclusive.
Nothing promiscuous. Yes, go on.
We '11 wait.
Whoever is listening to our conver-
sation professes heartbreak at our de-
cision, and edges toward the rapidly
filling dining-room.
We sit down to play lady of leisure,
in various affected attitudes. We are
not going near the kitchen again. The
luncheon is simple. Everything is per-
fectly arranged. The servants can do
it all. It's mere machine work.
From afar we observe the soup van-
ishing. Then one by one we stammer,
— * The mayonnaise — ' — * I wonder
if the rolls are hot — ' — * Cook's
coffee is impossible, ' — fade silently up
the front stair, and scurry down the
kitchen-way.
We cover the perishable gown with a
huge white apron, we send up a fervent
prayer for the costly shoes, and go
where we are needed most.
We save the day for good coffee.
With the precision of a juggler we
rescue plates from the chambermaid,
who is overcome by this introduction
to the great world and dawdles con-
templatively through the pantry door.
Charmed with our proficiency, she
stands by our side, and watches us
clear a shelf of china in the twinkling of
an eye. If she could find a stool, she
would sit at our feet, making motion
studies. But she could n't find it if it
were already there. She could n't find
anything. We order her back to the
dining-room, where she takes up a
strategic position by the window, from
which she can idly survey the mob out-
side, and the hungry men within.
The last coffee-cup has passed
through the doorway. Cigars and
matches are circulating in the butler's
capable hands. No more need for us.
We shed the enveloping aprons, dis-
appear from the kitchen, and mate-
rialize again, elegantly useless, in the
drawing-room. Nobody can say that
luncheon was n't hot and promptly
served.
Chairs begin to clatter. They are
rising from the table. A brass band
outside bursts into being.
Brother had foretold that band to
us, and we had expressed vivid doubts.
He said it would cost eighty dollars.
Now eighty dollars in itself is a re-
spectable sum, a sum capable even of
exerting some mild fascination, but
eighty dollars viewed in relation to a
band becomes merely ludicrous.
We said an eighty-dollar band was
a thing innately impossible, like free-
trade, or a dachshund. Brother at-
tested that the next best grade «f band
would demand eight hundred. We just-
ly caviled at eight hundred. We inquir-
ed, Why any band? Brother claimed
that it would make a cheerful noise,
and we yielded.
So at this moment the band begins
to make a noise. We perceive at once
that the price was accurately gauged.
280
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
It is unquestionably an eighty-dollar
band. We begin to believe in dachs-
hunds.
To these supposedly cheerful strains
the gentlemen stream into the drawing-
room. They beam repletely. They tell
us what a fine luncheon it was. They
are eloquent about it. All the condi-
tions of their entertainment were ideal,
they would have us believe. They im-
ply that we are mighty lucky, in that
our men can provide us with such a
luxurious existence. They smile with
majestic benignity at these fair, but
frivolous, pensioners on masculine
bounty. American women are petted,
helpless dolls, anyway. Foreigners have
said so. They clasp our useless hands in
fervent farewells. They proceed in state
to the waiting cars. They hope we
will follow them to the meeting. Oh,
yes, we will come, though incapable
of apprehending the high problems of
government.
Led by the honest band, surrounded
by flags, followed by cheers, they dis-
appear in magnificent procession. Now
we may straggle to the dining-room
and eat cold though matchless oysters,
tepid chicken, and in general whatever
there is any left of.
The chambermaid has broken a
lovely old Minton plate. We are glad
we did n't use the coffee-cups that were
made in France for Dolly Madison. She
would have enjoyed wrecking those.
We hurry, because we don't want to
miss the meeting altogether. We think
enviously of the men. In our secret
souls, we'd like to campaign. We love
to talk better than anything else in the
world, and we could make nice speech-
es, too. But we must do the oysters
and the odd jobs, and keep the hearth-
fires going, like responsible vestal vir-
gins. It 's woman's sphere. Man gave
it to her because he did n't want it
himself.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
ON ADOPTING ONE S PARENTS
IT is strange how persistently one is
dogged and tracked down by one's
dreams. A dream is the toughest of
living things. I myself have been
hounded through life by an ideal. As
an infant I burned with a spirit of
adoption, expansive, indiscriminate,im-
personal; while I was still of years to
be myself coddled and kissed, curled,
cribbed, scoured, and spanked, I im-
aged myself the mother of an orphan
asylum. Still uncertain in speech, I
lisped lullabies to armfuls of babies, of
every size, sex, and condition. The
babies were delivered at my door by
packet, singly and by the dozen, in all
degrees of filth, abuse, and emacia-
tion. Vigorously I tubbed them, fed
them, bedded them, patted them, or
paddywhacked them, just as my ma-
ternal conscience demanded. Oh, it
was a brave institution, that orphan
asylum of mine; it solaced my waking
hours, and at night I fell asleep suck-
ing the thumb of philanthropy.
The orphan asylum lasted into my
teens, and then it contracted, restrict-
ed itself in the sex and number to be
admitted; but the spirit of things was
much the same; for he was to be lonely
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
281
and abused, world-worn and weary,
and twenty-nine or thirty perhaps.
Gladly would he seek refuge for his
battered head on the wise and wifely
bosom of sixteen. But he did n't. The
brisk little years came trudging along,
and they carried him and my sixteenth
birthday far and far away, but still the
world, for all of me, was unadopted.
Then the orphan asylum came sneak-
ing back again, but this time it was
only one, — one baby. Why could not
I, I asked myself, when the days of
my spinsterhood should be grown less
busy, pick up a bit of a boy- or girl-
thing, and run off with it, and have it
for my own, somewhere in the house
where Joy lives?
Then, while I dreamed of these
things, I heard a little noise outside,
and there at my door sat two waifs and
strays whom fate and fortune had
tossed and buffeted until they were
forespent. I lifted up the hat of the
one, and I undid the blessed bonnet-
strings of the other, and lo, it was my
parents; and here was my orphan asy-
lum at last, fallen on my very doorstep!
Only consider how much better for-
tune had done for me than I should
have done for myself! How much bet-
ter than adopting an unlimited orphan
asylum, a stray foundling, or a spouse
'so outwearied, so foredone,' as the one
previously mentioned, was it to find
myself in a twinkling the proud pos-
sessor of a lusty brace of parents be-
tween whom and the world I stand as
natural protector! Here is adoption
enough for me. My orphan asylum,
my foundling, my husband, might have
been to me for shame and undoing.
The asylum might have gone on a mu-
tiny; the foundling might have broken
out all over in hereditary tendencies; for
the choice flowers of English speech in
which I should have sought to instruct
its infant tongue, the vicious suckling
might have returned me profanity and
spontaneous billingsgate; it might too
have been vulgar, tending to sneak into
corners and chew gum. These are not
things I have reason to expect of my
parents. As for a man, — a living, eat-
ing, smoking man, — I need not en-
large on the temerity of a woman who
would voluntarily adopt into a well-
regulated heart a totally unexplored
husband.
No; if a woman will adopt, parents
are the best material for the purpose.
They will not be insubordinate; from
the days when from the vantage of my
high chair I clamored sharply with my
spoon for attention, and received it,
have they not been carefully trained
in the docility befitting all good Amer-
ican parents? Nor, being in their safe
and sober sixties, are they likely to
blossom into naughtinesses, large or
small, so that the folk will shoot out
their lorgnettes at me, sneering, ' Pray
is this the best you can do in the
way of imparting a bringing-up?' —
And how much better than an adopted
husband are an adopted father and
mother! They will not go about tap-
ping cigar ashes over my maidenly pre-
judices; they will tread gingerly and
not make a horrid mess of my very best
emotions. Yes; to all ladies about to
adopt, I recommend parents.
I warn you, however, that you must
go about your adopting pretty cau-
tiously. It is never the desire of the
genuinely adoptive to inspire awe, still
less gratitude. The parent becomes
shy under adoption ; at first he recoiled
from my fire that warmed him, and
she held back from my board that fed
her. They flagrantly declared that
they wanted to go home, — their own
home, the home that was n't there.
But I held on to them, affirming that I
had caught them, fair prey in a fair
chase, and never, never would I let
them escape into any little old den in a
great waste world that they might have
282
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
the bad taste to prefer. At this they
sulked, courteously, resignedly. Worst
of all, they looked at me with the
strange eyes with which one regards
that alien to all men, a benefactor. The
adopter must be patient, — waiting,
showing slowly how shabby it is of par-
ents, when their children give them
bread, to give them in return that
stone, gratitude.
Thus, after a while, the parents will
find themselves growing warm and
well-fed and cosy and comfortable, and
they will begin to put forth little shoots
of sprightliness and glee. Instead of
concealing their shabby feet under
petticoats and desks and tables, out
will come the tattered seam and worn
sole, and, 'Shoe me, child!' the par-
ent will cry. Or, when one goes trip-
ping and comes home again, the parents
will come swarming about one's pock-
ets and one's portmanteau demanding,
'What have you brought me, daugh-
ter?' These are the things the adopter
was waiting and watching for, and
wanting.
Thus my dreams have come true,
my ideal has found me. In the streets
and on the trolleys of the world I am no
longer a stranger. * Allow me, sir, my
turn at the car-strap, none of your
airs with me, if you please; despite pet-
ticoats, I, too, am a family man. I am
none of your lonely ones; I, also, be-
long to a latch-key, have mouths to
feed, have little ones at home.' At the
sound of my key they will fly down the
stairs, fall upon and welcome me in to
my hearth and my slippers, and to-
gether in the fire-glow, the parents and
I shall have our glorious topsy-turvy
Children's Hour.
You, sir, who elbow me going busi-
nessward, are you plotting surprises
for birthdays and Christmas Days and
holidays and other days? So, too, I.
Sometimes a pretty little check comes
in, not too small nor yet so big as to
be serious. Then I scamper over the
house until I find him. The rascal
knows what's coming. We regard the
check right-side up first, then over I
flip it on its face and write, * Pay to the
order of ,' and by that time down
he is and deep he is, among those pre-
cious book-catalogues previously anno-
tated, noting wantonly, like the pro-
digal father heaven made him.
Do you, sir, in your pride and fat-
ness, marshal your brood to the thea-
tre? So I, mine. And do the eyes of
your brood, that is young, glow and
brighten, twinkle or grow dim, as you
watch, half so prettily as do those of
my brood, that is old? Can you, you
commonplace, sober-going fathers and
mothers of families obtained by the
ordinary conventions of nature, know
the fine, aromatic flavor of my fun?
What exhilaration have you known
like my pride of saying, * Whist you,
there, parents out in the cold world,
in here quick, where it is warm, where
I am! in, away from that bogey, Old
Age, who will catch you if he can, —
and who will catch me, too, before the
time, if I don't have you to be young
for!'
WHAT WOULD JANE SAY?
WAS it not Jane Austen, most scrup-
ulous and also most aristocratic of
artists, who dared to reply to the
Prince Regent's request for an histor-
ical novel, that she did not feel it possi-
ble to undertake work outside the lim-
its of her own observation? Disloyal,
and yet most loyal, Jane! who said
much of forms and respect, whose
heads of families are ' looked up to ' by
circle upon circle of kinsmen and neigh-
bors, who said less than little of Art and
Structure and Theme, but who could,
upon occasion, daintily and distinctly
make her choice between deferences,
and follow the voice of her artistic con-
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
283
science. Why is there not more of Jane
with us? with us who make and buy
many editions of her and write essays
upon her, deliver lectures upon her,
construct synopses of her, and wring
the withers of the undergraduate by
sternly bidding him note that, at his
age, Miss Austen had finished Pride
and Prejudice.
It is good for criticism that it be per-
sonal and intimate. Why, for instance,
when even I wish to go over to the
majority and write a short story, why
do not I overhaul my bedside copy of
Jane and make note of that one most
golden precept, to remain within the
limits of my own observation? Suffice
that I do not. Video meliora proboque,
deteriora sequor. I rise from a diet of
Italian vermicelli and cold Slav, or
from long observation of those patient
jewelers whom Thackeray uncon-
sciously immortalized as Messrs. How-
ell and James of Bond Street, and I go
out in search of a situation. Or rather,
I combine shop-worn bits in that lit-
erary bargain-counter, my mind. And
I picture to myself a man, a man of
some forty years, pacing his bachelor
chambers, looking out ever and anon
into a dull, wintry, London street, and
returning toward his bookcases by a
desk littered with the pads, the proof-
sheets, the marked volumes of the pro-
fessional writer. He sits down and
draws to him paper and the letter he
has to answer, which, with the privilege
of my class, I read over his shoulder.
From a woman, of course, and a wo-
man of dignity, though loving. 'Do
not,' she writes, 'make the unavoidable
harder for us both. We have both seen
it clearly, planned for it. Father's need
does not grow less, and we must still
put away the thought of futures.'
And now, nothing being further
from me than the male mind, or the
male mind working under such circum-
stances, I have decided that a short
story can be constructed out of his
answer. For would not the manufac-
ture of that answer enable me to dis-
play Method, Subtlety, Technique?
could not I, by taking much thought,
create for posterity the picture of a
very mean mind of literary ability
trying to wound a woman's heart.?
Could not I, by showing the various
stages of that letter, the evolutions of
the brain contriving it, succeed in in-
geniously building up, by implication,
two human characters and their mu-
tual past? By implication only, — no
vulgar direct narrative.
Opportunity is here abundant for the
management of that much-prized thing,
to be spoken of only with respectful
capitals, — Suggestive Detail. My hero,
my subject rather, reaches a point in
his composition where the chill fear
strikes him that a dexterous turn of
phrase, colored rich with reminiscence
of some older artist, and yet his own,
which flows from his pen, has been used
by him recently. Accursed human trick
of repetition ! He searches his memory
for evidence to convict or clear himself.
Unfortunately the rough draft of that
other letter was not kept as usual, and
a temporary illness had prevented its
harvesting into the note-book. But the
matter is serious, since the two women
are friends. Women, one knows, are
not of stern stuff; the stricter mascu-
line code of honor does not prevail
among them. Letters have been
shown, letters may yet be shown. —
Thus would I suggest, subtly, as one
perceives, and stiffening the too-fluid
movement of my narrative by allusion
and echo from older literature. And
my final phrase, that was long ago de-
cided upon. The letter dispatched, the
door closing upon the silent servant,
who goes out into the storm with the
perfected work in his hand, the writer
should fling himself with a sigh of sat-
isfaction upon the fireside couch, and
284
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
take down a volume of Meredith with
a sense of intellectual kinship.
What would Jane say? I think I
hear an echo, — * outside the limits of
my own observation.' And yet, indig-
nant, I demand, What would Jane
write about in my place? Would Jane
go out into the kitchen and gather the
romantic material which flourishes
there hot and hot while I do rechauffes
in the study? The cook is thirty-five,
short-tempered but sunshiny; she has
been divorced, and her one child lies
buried far away in a prairie state; her
husband, after drunken threats and
wearisome prayers for forgiveness, has
at length gone his solitary road; the
absurdly opportune * lover of my child-
hood/ with no money saved in the
past, no prospect of work in the future,
and a very large black cigar in his
mouth in the present, has appeared.
And my cook, regardless of these many
tenses, is trustfully featherstitching her
middle-aged trousseau without heed to
the angry contempt of all the old la-
dies in the neighborhood. It is a Mary
Wilkins idyl of New England fidelity,
an Esther Waters of Chicago.
And yet again, — What would Jane
say? Are these my observations? Be-
cause my cook lives in my kitchen, is
she therefore my raw material? Do not
I see, alas ! that in thinking of her I put
her in her literary class, that I have an
obsession of literature and no experi-
ences? Who shall cleanse me from
these masses of vicarious and super-
incumbent knowledge and give me to
find myself?
Well may I guess that no word of
reply would be Jane's. In whatever
nook she sits sewing, she only smiles.
FROM CONCORD TO SYRIA
WHAT have I brought with me from
the Paradise of the New World, you
ask. What have I gained in the coun-
try of gold and iron, of freedom and
trusts? How much have I accumu-
lated in the land of plenty and profu-
sion — how big a draft do I present at
the Imperial Ottoman Bank? Ah, yes!
These are pertinent questions, my
neighbor. I went to America with a
lean purse; I came back, alas ! not purse-
ful but purseless. Do not conclude
from this, however, that I am poor.
On the contrary, I deposit in many
banks, including the Bank of Wisdom;
and my credit is good in many king-
doms, including the Kingdom of the
Soul. And of a truth, the more I draw
on my accounts, no matter how big the
sum, the bigger my balance becomes.
This is, indeed, a miracle of the Soul —
a paradox not defined or described in
the illustrated catalogues of market-
men.
His best companions, innocence and health:
And his best riches, ignorance of wealth.
I come back to my native country
with no ulterior political or maleficent
purpose. I am not here to undermine
the tottering throne of his Eminence
the Patriarch; nor to rival his Excel-
lency the Pasha in his political jobbery
and his eclat ; nor to supersede any deco-
rated chic Bey in office; nor to erect a
filature near that of my rich neighbor;
nor ,to apply for a franchise to estab-
lish a trolley-car system in the Leba-
nons. * Blameless and harmless, the
sons of God.' And I share with them at
least the last attribute, Excellencies,
and worthy Signiors. I return to my
native mountains on a little — • er —
private business, — only, perhaps, to
see the cyclamens of the season again.
And I have brought with me from the
Eldorado across the Atlantic a pair of
walking shoes and three books pub-
lished respectively in Philadelphia,
Boston, and New York. The good Gray
Poet, the Sage of Concord, and the
Recluse of Walden are my only compan-
ions in this grand congt. Whitman and
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
285
Emerson and Thoreau are come to pay
you a visit, my beloved Syria.
But who are these strangers? I am
asked. Why do they come so late?
What is their mission to Syria, that is
to say, their design upon her? Ah, dear
Mother, my companions are neither
missionaries, nor travelers, nor philan-
thropists. They come not to shed tears
with you — like the paid mourners of
antiquity; they come not to gaze at
your ruins and rob you of the remnants
of your temples and your gods; they
come not to pity your poverty and
trim the sacred ragged edges of the
garment of your glory. My compan-
ions knew and loved you long before
you became the helpless victim of cor-
morant hierarchs and decorated ob-
scurants and rogues. Not that they
ever visited you in the flesh; but
clothed in the supernal and eternal
mystery of genius, they continue to live
and journey in the world of the human
spirit, even like your ancient cedars,
even like your sacred legends.
With a little digression I shall en-
deavor to make my companions better
known to you. The elecampane, that
most peculiar of perennial herbs, is not
a stranger to your roads and fields. Its
odor is strong, acrid, penetrating; the
slightest touch of it has an immediate
and enduring effect. When you ap-
proach it, you must, willy-nilly, carry
away with you some token of its love.
And one of its idiosyncrasies is that it
only blooms when the hills and fields
are shorn of every other variety of
flower. It is the message of spring to
autumn — the billet doux, as it were,
of May to September. It bursts with
beautiful yellow flowers, to console the
almost flower less season. And when
all the bushes and herbs of the Leba-
non coppices and fields are glorying in
their fragrance and beauty, the ele-
campane waves its mucilaginous and
wilted branches in perfect self-satisfac-
tion. But when Nature withholds her
favors from these wild daughters of
spring, the flowering of the elecampane
begins in good earnest. Ay, the life
beautiful is not denied even this bold
and ungainly plant, which is ubiqui-
tous in these hills. On the waysides,
in the fields, on the high ridges, in the
pine forests, over terraces and under
grapevines, it grows and glories in its
abundance, and in its pungent gener-
osity. Ah, how it fans and flatters the
thistle; how it nestles round the lilies in
the valley; how it spreads itself beneath
the grapevines; how it waves its pen-
nant of self-satisfaction on yonder
height! Here, beneath an oak or a
pine, it stands erect in its arrogance;
there, it is bending over the humble
crocus, or sheltering the delicate and
graceful cyclamen.
Whitman is the elecampane in the
field of poetry.
The furze, on the other hand, is the
idol of your heaths and copses. This
plant, of course, is not without its
thorn. But its smooth and tender stem,
its frail and fragrant yellow blossoms,
— those soft, wee shells of amber, —
the profusion and the symmetry of its
bushes, the delicacy of its tone of mys-
tery, all tend to emphasize its attract-
ive and inviting charms. A furze-bush
in full bloom is the crowning glory of
your heaths and copses, thickly over-
grown. In the wadis below one seldom
meets with the furze; it only abounds
on the hill-tops, among gray cliffs and
crannied rocks and boulders, where
even the ferns and poppies feel at
home. And a little rest on one of these
smooth, fern-spread rock-couches, un-
der the cool and shady arbor of furze-
bushes, in their delicate fragrance of
mystery, is ineffable delight to a pil-
grim soul. Here, indeed, is a happy
image of Transcendentalism. Here is
Emerson for me, — a furze-bush in full
bloom.
THE AMERICAN WAGE-EARNER AGAIN
Now let me go down the valley to
introduce to you the third of my com-
panions, the stern and unique Thoreau.
You are no doubt acquainted with the
terebinth and the nenuphar. They are
very rare in your valleys and forests.
The terebinth is mantled in a vague and
mystic charm; its little heart-shaped
pods, filled with gum and incense, be-
speak an esoteric beauty. Not that
Thoreau ever dealt in incense. What
he had of it, he kept for his own beatific
self.
Yes, the terebinth is a symbol of the
moralist in Thoreau. And the nenu-
phar, with its delicate and cream-col-
ored blossoms, — the choicest in your
dells and dales, — is a symbol of the
poet. The first represents for me the
vigorous and ruthless thinker; the
second, the singer, sweet and quaint.
For does not the terebinth stand alone
in a pine grove, or beneath some
mighty ridge, or over some high and
terribly abrupt precipice? And so, too,
the nenuphar. The terebinth, more-
over, can bear fruits of poetry. Graft
upon it a pistachio and it will give forth
those delicious and aesthetic nuts, —
those little emeralds in golden shells, —
so rare outside of Asia.
These, then, are my companions,
dear Mother. The terebinth and the
nenuphar of your valleys — Thoreau.
The flowering furze-bush on your hill-
tops with a smooth and mighty boulder
for its throne — Emerson. The acrid
elecampane in your fields, on your way-
sides, in your vineyards — Whitman.
And if the symbol does not fit the
subject, or the subject is not at ease in
the symbol, the fault is not mine; for
my American walking shoes are new,
and my Oriental eyes are old. But those
who slip on the way, believe me, often
see deeper than those who do not.
THE AMERICAN WAGE-EARNER AGAIN
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
November 14, 1912.
To THE EDITOR OF THE ATLANTIC.
Sir, — In the September number
of the Atlantic Monthly there was an
article by W. Jett Lauck, headed *A
Real Myth/
Mr. Lauck is well-informed about
immigration matters and the various
nationalities employed in the textile
and other mills.
It is true that the native American
wage-earner has largely disappeared
from the textile and other mills, and
that his place has been taken by for-
eigners of various nationalities. The
American has not been driven out, and
is not non-existent. He is in demand,
and employed on railroads and in many
other occupations.
Mr. Lauck says : * It is apparent that
our wage-earners are not getting their
proper share of tariff benefits, and that
their compensation might be greatly
increased without any serious injury
to profits or to industry. The rates
paid to workers, in the iron and steel,
paper and news-print, and the cotton,
woolen, and worsted goods industries,
for example, might be doubled, and
still leave large profits to be divided by
THE AMERICAN WAGE-EARNER AGAIN
287
the manufacturer and the wholesale
and retail merchants.'
This statement is entirely erroneous
as regards the textile industries. I know
this perfectly well from my connection
with various textile manufacturing
mills. Doubling wages would not only
destroy all profits, but would make a
large annual deficit. The foreign wage-
earners in these mills are certainly
securing their share of protection from
the tariff, and the wages received, low,
perhaps, compared with some of the
more arduous and skilled employments,
suffice to draw thousands of them to
this country from Europe, where the
wages are very much less, while they
are such here as enable them to send
large amounts of money abroad annu-
ally. Their method of living in many
cases is very objectionable, but it is
not under the control of the corpora-
tions employing them, and is either
such as they are used to abroad or is
adopted as a means of saving money
for remittance home.
It is not true that the recent mechan-
ical inventions have rendered skilled
operatives unnecessary. Neither is it
true that the labor unions have been
disrupted, or that they are not in a
position to demand advance in wages.
The Tariff Board secured costs of
goods made in American mills, as their
books and accounts were freely shown,
but they had much less opportunity
for getting the actual wages paid in
England, and still less on the continent
of Europe. It was not very important
that they should get the actual costs
on foreign goods, because the deter-
mining cause of competitive importa-
tions is the price of the goods in foreign
markets. The cost of American goods,
as stated by the Tariff Board, was the
cost at the mill, and did not take into
account heavy charges for deprecia-
tion, taxes, interest, general expenses,
and selling-costs. The high rate of duty
on worsted goods is largely caused by
exorbitant duties on raw wool, a charge
from which all manufacturing nations
of Europe are free.
Mr. Lauck also says the tariff pro-
tects the manufacturer by imposing re-
strictions upon commodities, and thus
enables him to control local markets
and prices. This is certainly not a cor-
rect statement, and in all textile indus-
tries there is most intense competition.
Yours very truly,
ARTHUR T. LYMAN.
December 11, 1912.
To THE EDITOR OF THE ATLANTIC.
Sir, — My comment upon Mr. Ly-
man's letter is as follows: —
1. Mr. Lyman states that the Amer-
ican wage-earner has been displaced in
textile establishments but that he has
gone into better occupations. There is
no evidence to support this statement,
and, although numerous attempts have
been made to follow out these race-
substitutions, none have been success-
ful. The native American may have
gone into more highly remunerative
work, but all the data which I have
been able to obtain indicate that
Americans have not found more lucra-
tive employment. My contention is,
however, that, if immigration had been
restricted, the original employees in
textile establishments would have re-
mained, and would have had their
wages greatly increased without inter-
fering with the profits of the mill-own-
er, provided, of course, the protective
tariff remained in force.
2. Mr. Lyman's contention that
textile workers in New England are
now receiving their share of protection
from the tariff is erroneous. By com-
paring the British Board of Trade Re-
ports on Cost of Living in American
Cities with the Tariff Board Reports
on Wages, Mr. Lyman will find that
288
THE AMERICAN WAGE-EARNER AGAIN
the English cotton-mill operatives' real
wages exceed those of the cotton-mill
operatives in New England. Any one
who is acquainted with living condi-
tions among the operatives in Lanca-
shire, England, will, I think, freely
admit that they are much better than
those prevailing among the operatives
in Fall River, Lowell, Lawrence, and
Manchester. The English woolen and
worsted workers in Yorkshire are re-
latively in a worse condition because of
the lack of organization among these
classes of operatives in England.
3. Mr. Lyman's claim that immi-
grant workers send money to their
home countries is true. They are en-
abled to do this, however, not because
of any benefits which they receive
from the tariff, but because of their
exceedingly low standards of living,
which enable them to save.
4. It is true, in general, as Mr. Ly-
man states, that textile manufacturers
are not responsible for the presence of
the immigrant in New England, and
his bad living conditions. It seems to
me equally true, however, that it is
sham and hypocrisy for the manufac-
turers, who know these conditions, to
make an appeal for protective tariff
legislation in the name of the American
wage-earner, who appears in the ratio
of about 1 to 10 among their employees.
5. Mr. Lyman's contention that re-
cent immigration has not disrupted
trade unions is erroneous. Until the
past year, there were no active labor
organizations in any of the mill centres
in New England except Fall River, and
there were only four weak unions there.
Recently there has been activity in or-
ganizing in an attempt to offset the
Industrial Workers of the World.
6. Of course, I did not mean to say
that mechanical inventions had made
skilled operatives * absolutely unneces-
sary,' but, as compared with former
years, * unnecessary.' This proposition
seems to me to be self-evident. Mr.
Lyman's acknowledgment of the class
of operatives in New England is a
demonstration of this fact.
7. Mr. Lyman states that wages and
prices were not ascertained by the
Tariff Board in England. It so hap-
pened that I represented the Tariff
Board in England and, along with an-
other agent of the Board, for several
months collected prices and labor and
other cost in detail. These costs and
prices were published in the Board's
report in a form arranged for compar-
ison with American costs and prices.
They constitute unanswerable proof
that the New England textile operative
is not receiving benefits to correspond
with our present customs-duties.
8. Mr. Lyman objects strongly to
my statement that wages could be
* doubled ' in the textile industries with-
out injuring profits. My contention
was based on the assumption that the
manufacturer secured the tariff boun-
ty. In cotton-goods manufacturing, the
jobber and converter probably secure
the benefit from the tariff, and the
mill profits would not permit a radical
increase in wages. In woolens and
worsteds, conditions are similar, but
wages could more easily be raised, be-
cause a large combination controls the
selling, as well as the manufacturing,
of a considerable number of cloths. If
any mill or mills control the domestic
output for a given fabric, or should
combine to do so, my contention would
hold good. In any event, the benefits
of the tariff are not being received by
the operatives, and, if the object of the
protective system is to help the wage-
earner, and if this purpose was carried
out, the wages of the operatives could
still be greatly increased, and reason-
able profits would remain to the manu-
facturer and the jobber.
Faithfully yours,
W. JETT LAUCK.
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
MARCH, 1913
THE PRESIDENT
THERE have been twenty-seven Pre-
sidents before him, but no one of them
has brought to the White House so
rounded an achievement of ambition
as Mr. Wilson. Some have sought
power with a more passionate eager-
ness; others have been as covetous of
opportunity; others still have been
more eager to enforce their creeds of
morals and of politics. No one but Mr.
Wilson has felt that the Presidency
marked for him the perfecting of a per-
sonal ideal. For, before his eyes, there
has steadily remained a single goal to-
ward which the serious man should
strain if he would reach the fullness of
his powers — the ideal of the student
merged into the man of great affairs.
To be scholar and statesman, too, is in-
deed to achieve the whole of education.
Men shrug their shoulders and say
that Mr. Wilson is ambitious. It is a
patent charge. Mr. Wilson is passion-
ately ambitious. Yet why should we
be hypercritical, in men, of that essen-
tial quality we so ardently instill into
our boys? Ambition is not the thing,
but what lies behind it; and, as his
critics do not realize, it is not to pos-
sess, but to become, that has been Mr.
Wilson's dearest hope. To him his elec-
tion is the symbol that the scholar has
attained his largest opportunity.
I press the point because it will be
found, I think, a key to Mr. Wilson's
whole career. From boyhood his mind
was scholarly, but while his childhood's
VOL. in - NO. s
friends were bent on growing up to be
carpenters or generalissimos, this boy
dreamed steadily of a political career.
From the first printing-press he ever
owned or borrowed, he struck off
his cards: * Thomas Woodrow Wilson,
United States Senator from Virginia';
and when the proprieties of advancing
years constrained him to a more im-
personal expression of his ambition, he
continually wrote and taught that he
was the most sagacious scholar who
oftenest left his study for the market-
place, and that the wisest politician was
he whose hours were oftenest passed in
studious places.
Apt scholars find great teachers.
Early in life Mr. Wilson chose his with
the confidence of natural kinship. All
alike were scholars and all men of af-
fairs— a noble roster to which he refers
with esteem and gratitude. There were
John Stuart Mill, who had hammered
out his theories in the House of Com-
mons; Morley, famous in statecraft,
and prince of biographers in our time;
De Tocqueville, who learned his wis-
dom among men; the worldly-wise au-
thors of the Federalist ; the inimitable
Bagehot, who drew his knowledge from
the counting-house and the working
machine of the British Constitution;
and 'an arrow's flight beyond them
all,' Burke, who ploughed his philoso-
phy with experience and reaped ex-
perience from his philosophy. A dif-
ferent school is theirs from the closet
290
THE PRESIDENT
theories of Montesquieu, of Spencer, of
Rousseau, and of Hume, differing by
half a world; and at this school, where
theory is squared to the unbending
practices of men, Mr. Wilson has been
a life-long student.
If a man means to be a scholar and
a politician, too, he had best begin by
being a scholar. With Mr. Wilson this
was the natural road. He became a pro-
fessor by virtue of inheritance, a strong
intellectual bent, and a certain elusive
reticence, even now discernible in him,
which made retirement congenial. He
enjoyed the life. An insatiate reader,
he loved to teach young men and to
light their torches from his own. There
is about him a kind of austere enthusi-
asm which warmed young dry-as-dusts
into life, and gave to their more elegant
contemporaries a first taste for serious
things. It was solely to raise the intel-
lectual standard of the students that
President Wilson first introduced into
Princeton those thoroughgoing reforms
in education which, by a kind of fatal-
istic stride, led him far beyond his ear-
lier purpose and brought the college to
the brink of democratic revolution.
Is it not Sir Walter Scott who says
that, even from a chapter of the Good
Book, he could scarcely learn more of
life and living than from the talk of a
chance driver, in the breezy compan-
ionship of the box-seat? This is the
sentiment of one who dearly loves his
fellow men. A like passion for ac-
quaintance often stirs Mr. Wilson. Yet
it is not the * touch of nature* which
lures him on, but the steady, eager
search for some unhackneyed point of
view, some fresh check or stimulus to
his own social and political creed, some
new opportunity of putting theories
to the test. 'If you know what you
are looking for/ he says in a charac-
teristic passage, 'and are not expect-
ing to find it advertised in the newspa-
pers, but lying somewhere beneath the
surface of things, the dullest fool may
often help you to its discovery.5
This same thought has evidently
lodged in Mr. Wilson's mind through-
out the presidential campaign. To
a hundred audiences he has preached
the strange doctrine that wisdom lies
in a multitude of counselors. While he
is President, he declares, the bankers
shall not dictate the regulation of the
currency, nor shall the manufacturers
prescribe the tariff, but he will ask the
opinion of men of all sorts and all con-
ditions. So far as he is humanly able,
an entire people, through him, shall
have access to their government.
It is an old idea of democracy this,
that the chief should be the personal
representative of each member of the
tribe. It is so old that it has become
fresh and new again. Whether the
idea can be practically carried out, on
the vast stage of the United States, can
only be surmised. In the smaller field
of New Jersey, however, it has been
surprisingly successful. There, for two
years, Governor Wilson has sat, with
doors wide open. There he has wel-
comed all men; only none might have
an audience beyond the range of other
ears. In such a chamber the whisper-
ings of the agents of ' business govern-
ment ' echo terribly ; only matters which
bear to be uttered in the presence of
witnesses can be transacted there.
In England, where the university is
the training school of public life, Mr.
Wilson's career might seem natural
enough. Here in the United States
one may say with confidence that it
would have been impossible even a
dozen years ago. A democracy must be
disciplined before the expert is toler-
ated. It has been the American custom
to select as a presidential candidate
some state governor, more on account
of the advertisement the position has
given him than for the sake of the
training which it implies. The amateur,
THE PRESIDENT
291
not the professional, is the habitual
choice of universal suffrage. No great
lawyer, if we except Lincoln (selected
for very different reasons) , has ever been
elected President. Taft, the trained
administrator, was elected on another
man's record. Indeed, if we pass over
Grant, the soldier, no man truly emi-
nent in a profession has been elected,
from the earliest days of the Republic,
until this teacher of boys was called to
teach men. In a nation whose creed
it has been till very lately that a ' smart '
man may turn his hand to anything, the
other name for professional is 'theo-
rist'; and old men can remember no
campaign in which the cry of ' theorist '
has not been as deadly a weapon as the
arsenal affords. Those who desired
change because they had knowledge
were sometimes called * visionaries,'
sometimes * dreamers,' but 'theorists'
was the good old constant word. Civil-
Service reformers were ' benevolent '
theorists, tariff reformers 'pernicious'
ones. The most practical President of
our generation found it necessary to
back each measure of reform with the
emphatic assurance that he was no
theorist. And of all theorists the most
theoretic is the college professor.
Mr. Wilson himself tells a story
characteristic of the position of learn-
ing in a democracy. Two men sat in
his audience, and it seemed they liked
his speech. 'Smart man,' said one.
'He talks sense.' — 'Sounds so,' said
the other; ' but what gets me is how a
sensible man can stay cooped up in a
college for twenty-five years.' There
is little exaggeration here. Most people
thought thus until little more than a
decade ago. Then trouble taught them
just as it had taught them in the grim
days of the sixties. There was a stir
of discontent in the land. America was
no longer an easy place to live in. Her
vast resources began to contract before
the mighty increase of population. It
often took more than a strong body to
make a living. Strikes and lockouts
grew in frequency. Socialism, looked
upon as a senile disease of the old
world, began its ominous spread. Big
business was hiring its political partners
in the open market. Clearly govern-
ment was a more difficult art than peo-
ple thought. Criticism from abroad we
came to accept with unheard-of meek-
ness. Vocational training sprang up
in the schools. Specialization became a
familiar word, and ' Jack-of-all-Trades '
ceased to be an ideal for boys to live
up to. American medicine began to
work miracles of discovery which
touched the national imagination with
a sense of the infinite value of scientific
methods. The universities, under the
leadership of Wisconsin, began to sup-
ply experts for public service. Long-
er terms of office in governmental posi-
tions set new standards of efficiency.
The digging of the Canal at Panama
was a gigantic advertisement for the
expert way of doing things. And now
the final tribute of democracy to the
professional ideal is the election of a
Professor of Politics to the Presidency
of the United States.
' Mr. Wilson has schooled himself to
a wide knowledge of affairs. But an
expert in business, using the word in
the narrower sense, he can never be.
Like violin-playing and domestic econ-
omy, the ways of business must be
learned when one is young. Moreover,
in the United States, the business of
making money has become so highly
specialized a pursuit that all Mr. Wil-
son's prejudice against the exclusive
and ungenerous in mind has been roused
against it. The myopia of business
makes him distrustful of its wisdom.
Constantly, as he endeavors to orient
his theories to the facts, his speculative
cast of mind, though it may enable
him to grasp the broad principles of
business, suffers the methods to elude
292
THE PRESIDENT
him. Moreover, Mr. Wilson, as his
father before him, has always been a
poor man, and in his household, success
has never been reckoned at a cash
value. With lack of interest, aptitude,
and experience, it is small wonder that
Mr. Wilson does not gauge the closeness
of the bond between a nation's busi-
ness and its contentment. No man of
business inclination could have sat for
years on the Carnegie board, awarding
pensions according to fixed methods,
and then have himself applied for a
pension obviously at variance with the
rules. It is an odd gap in Mr. Wilson's
equipment, and one which he seems
unconscious of. There is no phrase he
more often uses than the practical re-
frain, 'Now let's to business.'
Mr. Wilson was born a Presbyterian.
His father was a Presbyterian minister,
and the Woodrows, his mother's peo-
ple, were Presbyterian to the core. He
himself is an elder of the church, and the
Scotch in him accentuates that seem-
liness which is so salient a character-
istic. His devotion to the church is
not conventional. Intellectually, he
respects it as the central pillar of an
orderly world. Spiritually, he enjoys its
silent conduits of communion with his*
fellows, and the opportunity it gives
for serious reflection. It was natural
for him to join, at Princeton, the poorer
Second Church instead of swelling the
assured success of the First. Where
he was needed, there he went.
The Kirk has made more of the stuff
we call character than many of her
gentler sisters; and although beneath
her moulding hand that stuff often
takes angular and ungracious shapes,
we have learned to admire and respect
it. Mr. Wilson is not without the dour
in his composition. There is about him
that rigidity, part diffidence, part dig-
nity, which, though it prove a barrier
to intimacy and death to good-fellow-
ship, may yet be the salvation of a
President. He is not an agreeable man
to ask favors of. He has not the solid
companionableness of Mr. Cleveland.
He lacks the persuasive charm of Mr.
McKinley, and the pleasant chuckle
of Mr. Taft. His wit is a less human
substitute for humor. He is too im-
personal for sentiment except for deep
things, and too self-conscious to find
the straight path to another's heart.
All this is very far from saying that
Mr. Wilson is unattractive. On the
contrary, the fine air of distinction sits
naturally upon him. Excepting Jeffer-
son and Lincoln, we have not had an-
other President who, by some right,
human or divine, is, like Mr. Wilson,
an artist. He knows that form, and
form only, can give immortality to
truth. ' Be an artist,' so he wrote some
years ago, 'or prepare for oblivion';
and this duty of being an artist has
been a main business of his life. How
excellent is his attainment! His His-
tory, written under compulsion and in
haste, does him scant justice. But his
Congressional Government, his essays,
best of all, his speeches, show his full
powers. His language, unmindful of the
effort it has cost, flows with easy free-
dom to the very outline of his thought.
And that thought is never obvious. In
argument he never storms an adver-
sary's position, but enfilades it. He
makes diversions in the rear, or ad-
vances from some unexpected quarter.
He has not the sententious solemnity of
Mr. Cleveland's periods, or the prop-
terea quods of Mr. Taft's foolscapped
phrase. Still less has he in common
with the pitchforkings of Mr. Roose-
velt's utterance. He has more temper
in his steel than any of them; but his
blade is delicate, and there is rough
work to be done.
Much faith comes from listening to
Mr. Wilson. He talks quietly, as be-
comes a professor, but he talks ear-
nestly and with a beautiful accuracy.
THE PRESIDENT
293
His argument is clear. He has no
tricks of manner or of gesture, but at
times his voice sinks as he speaks of
some principle of democracy as of a
holy thing. There is in his speech no
venom of personal allusion, no veneer
of smartness, no line spoken for ap-
plause, and very few diversions to re-
lieve the strain of thought. I have heard
him remark that he should talk for an
hour; then, taking his cue from the last
speaker, start on his impromptu speech;
pass in review the prime issues of the
campaign, and, precisely as the minute-
hand regained the hour, close the argu-
ment by leading logically to his start-
ing-point. I have heard him quote
Burke as his master, and discourse
on high levels of the philosophy of
Democratic Government; and looking
at the workingmen round about me,
I have seen them listening with un-
deviating attention as they wrinkled
their foreheads in some supreme intel-
lectual effort, and I have gone away
saying to myself, 'The story of Athens
may be true after all. Such things are
possible in a democracy.'
There are other elements besides
mastery of speech which enter into
Mr. Wilson's power over his audiences.
For those audiences, as representative
of the great mass of people, he feels a
natural sympathy and liking, power-
fully reinforced by his reasoned convic-
tion of the wisdom of government by
the people. The orderliness of his men-
tal processes makes one imagine him
a kind of intellectual mechanism, work-
ing according to some preconceived
plan. The reality is widely different.
Mr. Wilson is a very human person,
detached from his fellows partly by
shyness, partly by a native austerity,
partly by a dutiful conception of life
alien to most of us; a man who, seldom
able to chat intimately with a friend,
thanks God for one friend, at least, who
will always chat intimately with him,
and goes off cycling by himself with
Elia crammed into his pocket; a punc-
tilious man, who finds in the conven-
tions a refuge from current intimacies
of speech and manner; a soberly ambi-
tious man, disliking the superfluities
of intercourse; a man devoted to the
cultivation of his talents and to the ex-
pansion of his energies, fitting himself
unceasingly to be the instrument of
effective service.
A man who wears this habit leads a
lonely life. Mr. Wilson makes few con-
fidences, finding on the platform a pri-
vacy which would be denied him in the
drawing-room or the club. Unwilling
to spend himself in the commerce of
friendship, he wins men's affections
more rarely than their admiration or
esteem. In dealing with others it is to
the head rather than to the heart that
he appeals, forgetting that to the heart
the broader channel runs. Likewise,
his judgment of men takes most ac-
count of their mental abilities. He
likes men because they are able; but,
unlike more than one of his predeces-
sors, he does not think them able be-
cause he likes them. In ordinary con-
versation there is, perhaps, too strong
a savor of logic in his discourse. * Avoid
disputation,' advised the solidest of
Americans; but this maxim Mr. Wilson
has never learned. Dialectics he loves.
An unruly pride of opinion makes him
overprize their worth, and often fol-
low his advantage to the bitter end.
It is sometimes wiser to lose an argu-
ment and win a friend.
I have said that Mr. Wilson likes
the people. In the narrower sense, too,
he is a Democrat. Virginian born, the
winds of Monticello rocked his cradle.
His credo has elements of the historic
Democratic faith; yet by virtue of his
speculative imagination and his sensi-
tiveness of the wide drift of affairs, he
is not in any true sense a partisan.
With him the bonds of party form no
294
THE PRESIDENT
such nexus as that which Mr. Roosevelt
hated so passionately to sever. A shrewd
leader, high in Democratic councils,
said to me during the campaign : * Mr.
Wilson's speeches are all right, but the
reason we party spellbinders have to
work nights and Sundays, is because
the Governor forgets there are other
folks besides the Independents who
are going to vote for him. Our duty is
to call nightly on the names of Andy
Jackson and the "Historic Party."'
This is sound criticism. Mr. Wilson
believes in party government, but in
party government as a means to a
larger end. Years ago, when he was
fighting the Second Battle of Prince-
ton, he made a famous Declaration of
the faith which he has carried through
the halls of the university into the
wider campus of the United States.
'The great voice of America,' he
said, 'does not come from the seats of
learning. It comes in a murmur from
the hills and woods and farms and fac-
tories and the mills, rolling and gain-
ing volume until it comes to us from
the homes of common men. Do these
murmurs echo in the corridors of the
universities? I have not heard them.
The universities would make men for-
get their common origins, forget their
universal sympathies, and join a class
— and no class can ever serve Amer-
ica. I have dedicated every power
there is within me to bring the colleges
that I have anything to do with to an
absolutely democratic regeneration in
spirit, and I shall not be satisfied until
America shall know that the men in the
colleges are saturated with the same
thought, the same sympathy, that
pulses through the whole great body
politic.' This is a larger faith than the
Democracy has yet dared to confess.
If, in the calendar of virtue, there is
one special Presidential excellence, it
is courage, and Mr. Wilson is courage-
ous. Cautious and considered as his
manner is, there is within him that
flash of insight by whose light he can
leap through the dark to his decision.
Fresh in our remembrance are the early
days of the Convention in Baltimore.
It was the tip in every buzzing circle
that Mr. Bryan's active support was
dynamite. With every regard to the
proprieties he was to be decently, de-
ferentially, definitively interred in po-
litical oblivion. It was then that Mr.
Bryan addressed to' each candidate a
telegram demanding his attitude in
regard to the support of Wall Street.
It was a ticklish question, and, except
one, every answer was equivocal. On
his own initiative, without time for
reflection, Mr. Wilson replied with un-
compromising frankness; and thanks
to the satiric twist which makes Fate's
actions interesting, it was this telegram
which made Mr. Wilson, rather than
his more prudent rivals, a candidate
for the Presidency.
This courage of Mr. Wilson is de-
serving of still greater credit because
his armor against the world has more
than one weak joint. He is a sensitive
man, with none of the toughened fibre
of the veteran politician, nor that ex-
uberant joy of living which makes each
blow received lend zest to the buffet
given in return. Not that he lacks
fighting blood (there is too much of the
Covenanter in him for that), or obsti-
nacy, prime heritage of the Scots; but
to him fighting, like the rest of life, is
a serious thing. It is stuff to try the
soul's strength on, not to enjoy as a
fillip to good digestion. He is wary of
entrance to a quarrel, and sometimes
in his newspaper interviews one is sen-
sible of a tactful answer when a blunt
one would have served his purpose
with finality. Yet, well within the war-
rant of the facts, Mr. Wilson's bio-
grapher can say that since Mr. Cleve-
land's time no other man in public life
has, on occasion, spoken his full mind
THE PRESIDENT
295
with a rounder accent or a sublimer
disregard of obvious consequence.
At the beginning of this paper I set
forth Mr. Wilson's aversion from the-
ory as theory unsquared with the world.
It is this very distrust of abstraction
which makes him so deliberate about
coming to a decision. A philosopher
and not a scientist, his approach to a
problem is from the general to the
specific. To him, Tightness of attitude
toward a question is far more signifi-
cant than the method of treating the
question itself. Last summer the pub-
lic was surprised at his Letter of Ac-
ceptance. To many it seemed evasive,
to most of us it was indefinite; but be-
cause it outlined so neatly his state of
mind, it seemed to Mr. Wilson precise
almost to the point of particularity.
The public was wrong, and Mr. Wilson
was right. The important thing for the
public was to know the quality of
the candidate's mind, and his attitude
toward the trend of the times. The
important thing for the candidate was
that the public should trust his judg-
ment, that it should extort few pro-
mises, and let him come, hands free,
to his great opportunity.
And now Mr. Wilson's opportunity
is here. Even those of us who cannot
discern a * crisis ' in every campaign, or
— when our friends think differently
— call every issue 'moral/ feel that
this is a time of hesitation in the affairs
of the Republic. The ship of state has
turbine engines, but the rules she sails
under were drawn for clipper ships.
The conservative dreads change be-
cause it is change, and by the same
token the radical loves it. Between the
two is a vast multitude of puzzled, ear-
nest men, each out of step with the
next. It is a national misfortune that,
in the last campaign, the shadow of a
great personality fell athwart an im-
pressive movement of protest, and hid it
from the sight of men who would have
liked to judge it fairly. Nor must we
forget that a substantial, perhaps an
overwhelming, majority of Americans
believe that among the hodge-podge
of suggestions heaped high on the Pro-
gressive platform (that curious blend-
ing of autocracy and brotherly love, of
tariff bounty and Christian charity),
are to be found the aspirations of a
race. As to whether these aspirations
can be attained through politics, peo-
ple differ; but the influence of the Pre-
sident to make men think and, when
they think, to shape their thoughts
and lead them a little further on the
illimitable road cannot be doubted.
Is it fanciful to believe that at a
time when politics is coming more
nearly to express the moral purpose of
a nation, the people may have faith in
a man whose deepest purpose has been
stirred by poetry? Never, perhaps, has
Mr. Wilson held a friend so near his
heart as he has held Wordsworth, and
it was Wordsworth who called poetry
'the impassioned expression which is
the countenance of all science/ 'It is,'
he said, ' the breath of the finer spirit
of knowledge/ 'Poets/ said Shelley,
'are the mirrors of the gigantic shad-
ows which futurity casts upon the pre-
sent/ More than this, through the ages,
poetry has been the defender and in-
spirer of liberty, the resolute believer
that men can perform the impossible.
Who shall say that Gladstone owed
nothing to the poetry of the Testa-
ment, or Lincoln to his much-thumbed
Shakespeare? In the companionship
of poets, Mr. Wilson has learned to
think high thoughts. Will he write
them on golden tables in the poetry of
deeds well done?
Rise, ladies and gentlemen, Demo-
crats, Republicans, Progressives. The
Atlantic gives you 'The President of
the United States/
E.S.
THE PASSING OF A DYNASTY
BY FRANCIS E. LEUPP
To the mind of one whose boyish
interest in politics began with the first
national campaign in which the Repub-
lican party of our day took part, and
who saw President Taft renominated
last June, the approach of the fourth
of March, 1913, brings food for reflec-
tion. It marks the passing of a dynas-
ty divided into five reigns or epochs,
which, for convenience, we may desig-
nate the moral, the martial, the finan-
cial, the economic, and the political
stages in the history of the party now
about to enter the shadows. It was a
long procession from the daring Path-
finder of 1856 to the Law's High Priest
of 1912; but the rulers who came be-
tween, each preparing the way for his
successor, were types of the ever-
changing spirit of the times; and the
melting of one phase of that spirit into
another, though moving the country
one degree further on the dial of a
great revolution, was so gradual that
few observers realized its significance
when it occurred.
With two brief interruptions, the
Republican party has maintained its
supremacy for fifty- two years. This
period has compassed two actual and
several potential wars; the liberation of
four million bondmen; the opening of
an inland empire to development and
home-building; the establishment of
domestic industries on a scale of which
preceding generations had never dream-
ed; the crystallization of a union of
mutually jealous states into a superb
national unit, the master-force of a
whole hemisphere; the elevation of the
government's credit from, perhaps, the
poorest to the proudest place on the
international scale. In every change
thus wrought, the Republican party
has been the party of advance. It has
been more effectively organized and
more ably led than any other. Sub-
stantially everything it has set its hand
to do it has done, including the prompt
suppression of minor mutinies in its
own ranks. We may not soon look upon
its like again.
The story of every party of progress
in the United States has been the
same. Borne into power by a wave of
popular enthusiasm for a noble ideal,
it has fulfilled its special mission, and
then, presuming too far upon its
strength, has discovered that its vital
essence has been spent and cannot be
recalled. This was the case with the
Federalist party, to which we owe the
Constitution. It came into being in
response to a general demand for a
stronger central authority than the
Confederation afforded. Having equip-
ped the young republic with the com-
plete machinery of government and
an efficient body of law, the party
fell into temptation, and turned its
thoughts to the perpetuation of its own
power. Its ill-judged measures proved
that it had lost touch with public sen-
timent, and its leaders made matters
worse by quarreling among themselves.
Hence its collapse, after thirty years of
great activity, was neither unexpected
nor deplored.
THE PASSING OF A DYNASTY
297
Meanwhile, a new aspiration had
taken shadowy shape in the minds of
a multitude of citizens — an ideal of
nationalism. The Federalist party had
built up a government; now the Whigs
set to work to build up a people. They
undertook to make the rest of the world
recognize the distinctive character of
every thing American; to bind our whole
body politic together for the promotion
of the general welfare demanded in the
preamble to the Constitution; to raise
an impost tariff wall for the protection
of domestic industries against foreign
competition; and to initiate a system
of internal improvements which should
make this country independent of all
others. In spite of their radical pro-
gramme, their methods were concilia-
tory. Needing help from the South,
they not only kept their hands, as a
party, off Negro slavery, but tried to
spread the notion that, when every-
body could be induced to ignore that
question, it would settle itself. Such
a half-hearted policy satisfied no one;
and, as the" Federalist party had been
killed by overreaching, so the Whig
party, in its turn, was killed by cow-
ardice.
Inheriting all that was progressive
in the Federalist and Whig parties,
and warned by the blunders of both,
the Republican party came to the fore.
The more aggressive foes of slavery,
banding together under Birney or Gid-
dings, Hale or Smith, according to the
angle from which each had studied
the 'peculiar institution/ had played a
conspicuous part in three Presidential
campaigns. They had defeated Clay
in 1844, dictated terms to Van Buren
in 1848, and dealt the Whig party its
death-blow in 1852. They represented
a public sentiment which, by the time
the crisis was reached in the Kansas-
Nebraska controversy, could be satis-
fied with nothing short of a new party
all its own. Accordingly, in 1856, they
effected a formal organization and
nominated a Republican presidential
ticket, on a platform whose central
plank proclaimed the right and duty
of the Federal government to prohibit
slavery everywhere in its jurisdiction;
while the supporting planks — demands
for a government-aided transconti-
nental railroad and a scheme of river
and harbor improvements at the ex-
pense of the whole people — were
carefully adjusted so as to throw all
the emphasis on this. A project for
a protective tariff, though appealing
strongly to many of the founders, was
passed over for the time being, as con-
veying a suggestion of private advan-
tage which might seem discordant with
the larger ideals of the party.
There was nothing cocksure in their
prognostications; some of the sturdi-
est of the anti-slavery champions, like
Seward and Chase, while believing in
the ultimate triumph of their cause,
had so little faith in the preparedness
of their generation that they refused
to let themselves be considered as
candidates. Of the political commit-
ments of Fremont, whose name was
placed at the head of the ticket, not
much was known to the great body of
delegates. They recognized him as, in
the better sense, a soldier of fortune,
with his favorite home in the saddle, a
love of adventure in his heart, unswerv-
ing devotion to the religion of human
freedom, and genuinely patriotic in-
stincts. He had traversed parts of the
West which others had pronounced
impenetrable; he had been largely in-
strumental in saving California to the
Union; and he had been driven out of
the army by official tyranny. Could
any candidate have been more fitting
for a party which claimed God as the
author of its mission, and which needed
a leader with the genius and the cour-
age to hew a path for it through a hos-
tile political thicket?
THE PASSING OF A DYNASTY
Fremont's failure at the polls was
not disheartening. His 114 electoral
votes made a creditable showing
against the 174 of Buchanan, who had
not only the whole South to draw on,
but next to the largest state in the
Union for his home; and the new party
opened its second National Conven-
tion, in 1860, full of life and hope. The
Democrats of both the Douglas and
the Breckinridge wings, and the Con-
stitutional Union party, had made
their bids for popular favor, with vari-
ants of the theory that to do nothing
was to do right. The Republican plat-
form boldly denounced any attempts
to extend slavery as unconstitutional;
rebuked all threats of disunion as
treason; and insisted on homestead
and naturalization laws which it knew
would increase the Free-Soil vote. It
also repeated the call of four years
before, for river and harbor improve-
ments and a transcontinental railroad,
and proposed such an adjustment of
the revenue duties on imports 'as to
encourage the industrial development
of the whole country.' Electing Abra-
ham Lincoln with this programme, the
party entered on the first stage of its
half-century's rule.
It was not till the Civil War was half
over that Lincoln saw his way clear,
as a measure of military necessity, to
proclaim the freedom of the slaves.
Meanwhile, though even loyal Demo-
crats in the North were supporting
him, as * administration men,' the ex-
tremist wing of his own party had
been trying to stir up trouble for him
because he was too slow and gentle in
his methods. Their agitation bore fruit
in a National Convention which nom-
inated Fremont as a Radical Repub-
lican to oppose his reelection in 1864.
But Fremont soon discovered that the
movement was ill-timed, and withdrew
in the midst of the campaign; and thus
ended the first Republican mutiny.
The Democrats having mounted a
war candidate on a peace platform,
Lincoln carried all but three of the
loyal states. His victory took much of
the heart out of the secession move-
ment, and with spring came the sur-
render at Appomattox and the end of
active hostilities, leading up to the
tragic climax of the assassination. In
the three years which followed, the
Republican party again split into fac-
tions; and the impeachment trial of
Johnson, with its margin of one vote
for acquittal, exposed a situation which,
had the Democrats been shrewd enough
to take advantage of it, might have
turned the tide of history. But they
blundered again, and allowed the
reigning dynasty to suppress another
mutiny and enter upon the second
stage of its career.
The Republican party had broken
the slave power at the cost of a great
war. What was more natural, then,
.than that it should select for its can-
didate in 1868 the man most closely
identified with the success of the
Union arms? In the field, Grant had
overcome all resistance by his firmness
and persistency; yet these traits, on
the strength of which he was elected,
drew upon him most of the criticism
to which he was subjected as President,
when he brought them into play for
the support of the carpet-bag govern-
ments in the Southern States. His
effort to annex Santo Domingo aroused
the ire of Sumner, Greeley, Schurz, and
several other Republican leaders, who
resolved that he must be prevented
from serving a second term, even if his
defeat meant the destruction of their
party.
The malcontent element put up a
Liberal Republican ticket with Greeley
at its head, on a platform devoted
chiefly to denunciation of the admin-
istration. The Democrats, believing
that, with so wide a split in the Re-
THE PASSING OF A DYNASTY
299
publican ranks, they had more to
hope from finesse than from any inde-
pendent appeal to time-worn preju-
dices, adopted Greeley and his plat-
form bodily. But the war-spirit which
had pervaded the Republican cam-
paign of 1868 came out even stronger,
if possible, in that of 1872. Parades of
Union veterans were an impressive
feature, and a favorite device of the
cartoonists was to depict Grant in the
uniform of a soldier, defending the
Constitution against a new rebellion.
Greeley and his Liberal associates
were held up to obloquy as Northern
men who, after urging the expenditure
of blood and treasure without stint to
free the slaves, crush treason, and save
the Union, now proposed tossing the
fruits of all this sacrifice into the laps
of the conspirators who had made it
necessary. It was soon obvious that,
though secession was dead, the martial
sentiment of the North was not.
Grant carried all but six states, and
Greeley died of a broken heart soon
after his defeat.
Interpreting his reelection as an
expression of unqualified approval,
Grant intensified, in his second term,
some of the characteristics which, in
his first, had driven the Liberals to
revolt. His administration became
more and more like a monarchical
reign. The Credit Mobilier and Whis-
key Ring scandals were coincident
with a money stringency, caused partly
by the emergency financiering of the
war-times, and partly by a later spurt
in railroad building; and the elections
of 1874 threw the House of Repre-
sentatives into Democratic control for
the first time since 1860.
Not only were the people tiring of the
'mailed hand' at Washington, but a
new problem had risen with which it ap-
peared that a civilian in touch with the
business world would be best able to
cope. This was the question of protect-
ing the public credit. The greenback,
which, early in the war era, had driven
gold and silver into hiding and placed
a premium on them, was the only
money the people handled in their
daily exchanges. Wages of labor were
measured in the depreciated currency;
even the pensions of the Union veter-
ans were paid in it. The holders of
government bonds, however, were
receiving their semi-annual interest in
gold, and this disparity caused wide
complaint. A Greenback party was
organized, headed by demagogues and
doctrinaires who clamored for an un-
limited issue of paper currency by the
government, the abolition of bank-
notes as incidental thereto, and the
payment of the national debt, princi-
pal and interest, in paper. The obliga-
tion to redeem the bonds in gold was
purely moral, but every educated citi-
zen knew that the credit of the gov-
ernment would fall to zero if, having
demanded gold for its bonds in a crisis
when gold must be had at any cost, it
should resort to a technicality to es-
cape buying them back in the same
medium. Grant had killed one vicious
inflation measure with his veto, and
had signed an act, sponsored by John
Sherman, promising to redeem green-
backs in coin on and after the first of
January, 1879. All these conditions
combined to bring about the nomina-
tion, in 1876, of Sherman's candidate,
Hayes.
Whether the process by which Hayes
was seated had any constitutional
warrant, does not concern us here.
Suffice it that a specially created tri-
bunal awarded the Presidency to him,
and that he had the courage to take it
in the face of a great crisis. Realizing
the part his administration must play
as a bridge between two epochs, he
had announced his purpose to serve
only four years. Although he had
been a volunteer officer in the Civil
300
THE PASSING OF A DYNASTY
War, he was committed to the sub-
ordination of the military to the civil
authority in time of peace, and one of
his first acts as President was to with-
draw the troops from the Southern
capitals where they had been bolster-
ing up the carpet-bag governments.
He made Sherman his Secretary of the
Treasury, and gave him a free hand in
battling with the forces of financial
dishonor. Between them, the pair re-
pulsed every attempt to repeal the pro-
vision for specie payments, and car-
ried it into successful operation; but
neither dissuasion nor veto availed to
prevent the enactment of the Bland
silver law, which was destined to in-
jure American credit seriously, not-
withstanding the general faith of the
world in the aims and judgment of the
Administration.
In the Congressional elections of
1878, the issue everywhere was between
honest money and some cheap make-
shift proposed by the Democrats or
Greenbackers. The result at the polls,
largely due to the splendid work of
Garfield on the stump, did not restore
Republican supremacy in Congress,
but made sure the inability of the in-
flationists to force any repudiatory
legislation into the statute-book. This
was why, after wasting thirty-five
ballots on two avowed and stubborn
candidates, the Republican National
Convention of 1880 turned so readily
to Garfield as a 'dark horse' on the
thirty-sixth. The Democrats repeated
their error of 1864 by nominating a
soldier candidate who was personally
above criticism, but was wholly out of
sympathy with the tendencies of their
party.
Both Garfield and Hancock had
served as general officers in the Union
army, so the war issue had lost its
vitality. The Southern States were
reconstructed. The Greenback issue
had been smothered by the resump-
tion of specie payments. For a slogan
to move the popular heart and swell
the campaign fund, therefore, the Re-
publicans had to fall back upon the
protective tariff. The Democrats fur-
nished the needed ammunition, their
platform demanding a tariff for reve-
nue only, and their candidate pro-
nouncing the tariff question a mere
'local issue/ For three months the
Republicans rent the air with warnings
of the disasters sure to follow if the
pillars of the protection temple were
pulled from under it; and the great
producing interests which they did
not lay under contribution before
election day might have been counted
on the fingers of one hand. They won
by an insignificant plurality of the
popular vote, but carried enough states
to save the Presidency. And thus the
party entered upon the fourth, or eco-
nomic, stage of its history.
Garfield 's career as President was
cut short by assassination, and through
most of the term for which he was
chosen, Vice-President Arthur filled his
place. The Republicans, admonished
by the narrowness of their margin at
the polls, began to suspect that there
might be a real demand for some mod-
ification of the tariff, and did a little
feeble revising on their own account.
But, weakened by fresh factional quar-
rels, they lost the House of Represent-
atives again in 1882, and the Presiden-
cy in 1884.
Cleveland's inauguration opened the
first interregnum. But the Democratic
majority in the House divided on the
tariff, the radical wing insisting on a
more arbitrary cut in duties than the
conservative wing was willing to con-
cede. The President compelled a truce
between them by devoting his third
annual message exclusively to the
tariff, and making recommendations
which, while terrifying to the timid
members, left the party, as a whole,
THE PASSING OF A DYNASTY
301
no alternative but to support him; the
House passed a bill embodying his
views, and the National Convention of
1888 nominated him for a second term.
The Republicans nominated Harrison
as a strict protectionist, and the cam-
paign was fought through on the tariff
issue alone. For the third time in the
history of the republic, a Democratic
candidate who had received a larger
popular vote than his chief competitor
was defeated on the electoral ballot.
Broadly interpreted, this meant that,
albeit more voters were friendly than
unfriendly to tariff reform, the protec-
tive policy was still well intrenched in
the rich manufacturing states.
The first session of Congress after
Harrison's inauguration passed the
McKinley Tariff. Again the Republi-
cans discovered that they had traded
too heavily on past successes, for the
elections immediately following swept
them out of power in the House. The
National Conventions of 1892 renom-
inated Harrison and Cleveland respec-
tively, and once more the tariff issue
came uppermost. The Democrats won,
and the new Congress passed the Wil-
son-Gorman Tariff Act, which the Pre-
sident refused to sign because it belied
the promises on which the party had
been restored to power. It became a
law without his signature, and proved
more unpopular than the McKinley
Tariff. Meanwhile, a financial panic
had occurred, for which each party
blamed the other, but whose political
consequences were visited on the Demo-
crats, pursuant to the rule which holds
the party in power accountable for
everything that goes wrong. All this,
together with Cleveland's unyielding
hostility to silver inflation in every
form, stirred up the radicals in his own
party, and encouraged their union with
the People's party, an organization
born of the tariff and currency contro-
versies, which had gathered into its
platforms all the economic heresies,
and into its personnel all the human
driftwood, that could find lodgment
nowhere else.
At the Democratic National Con-
vention of 1896, the extremists routed
the conservatives and nominated Bryan
for President, on a platform defiant-
ly demanding the free and unlimited
coinage of silver. The Republicans
took up the challenge by nominating
McKinley and declaring for the ' exist-
ing gold standard.' Both parties had
something to say of the tariff, but that
topic was hardly heard of in the cam-
paign, so intense was the feeling in
business circles about the threatened
debasement of the coinage. McKinley
came out of the contest with a clear
majority over all, and the silver ghost
was laid, apparently forever. The Ding-
ley Tariff promptly superseded the Wil-
son-Gorman Tariff; and the Spanish
War, which came on immediately after-
ward, aroused enough patriotic fervor
to assure the reelection of the Presi-
dent who had directed it. His assassina-
tion threw the responsibilities of the
Presidency upon Vice-President Roose-
velt, whose administration for the un-
expired term led to his election as
President in his own right by the unpre-
cedented plurality of two and one-half
million votes. There had been no con-
spicuous issue in the campaign of 1900
other than the question of letting well
enough alone; and in 1904 the personal-
ities of the respective candidates —
Roosevelt's having captured the popu-
lar imagination, while Parker's was
rather colorless — drove every other
consideration into the background. It
was during this period that the last, or
political, epoch of the Republican dy-
nasty was ushered in.
It was plain, as the year 1908 ap-
proached, that the chief thought of the
Republican party, like that of the
Federalist party in 1816,andof the Whig
302
THE PASSING OF A DYNASTY
party in 1848, was self-perpetuation.
No such clear, vital issues were in sight
as the abolition of slavery, a civil war,
reconstruction, the public credit, or a
permanent economic policy. The gener-
ation of strong men who had built up
the party, and the generation directly
following who loved it for their fathers'
sake, had left the centre of the stage.
To the mass of the voters Republican-
ism was only a name, and an era of de-
liberation was everywhere giving place
to an era of hurry. Roosevelt, throwing
the whole weight of his own popularity
into the scale, succeeded in electing
Taft to the Presidency, on a platform
largely given to glorifying the party
for its past achievements, but vastly
more explicit than that of 1904 in
pointing out the methods whereby its
work would continue to be carried on.
The swing from a platform of historic
review to one of specific pledges was
proof of the party's realization that its
vitality was on the wane. It also, in a
way, tied the Taft administration fast
to plans which it had had no actual
hand in framing.
The record of that administration is
still too fresh to need more than the
most general rehearsal. President Taft,
with an interpretative conscience train-
ed on the bench, undertook to carry
out literally the promises made in his
behalf. Against the advice of every
skilled politician in his circle he call-
ed Congress together at once to revise
the tariff, and procured a law which,
however unsatisfactory, was the best
he could wrest from a body elected by
the same people that had made him
President. Later, when the Democrats
had obtained control of the House, he
vetoed tariff act after tariff act passed
in disregard of the protective standard
fixed by his platform. He recommended
currency legislation after the Monetary
Commission had made its report, and
had his trouble for his pains. In the
face of a storm of angry abuse, he en-
forced the anti-trust law to the letter.
He negotiated arbitration treaties,
only to have them rendered nugatory
by the Senate. Whithersoever he turn-
ed, his efforts to carry out the pledges
of his platform were baffled or crip-
pled by forces beyond his control, yet
he was held by his critics to as strict
account as if he had ignored the peo-
ple's mandate instead of strictly obey-
ing it. When he stood for reelection,
he was met with insult in the campaign,
and was defeated at the polls by a
heavy vote.
Half the commentators set this down
as a personal rebuke to President Taft.
Why? Because he had followed instruc-
tions too literally? Yet had he treated
them less seriously he would have been
assailed for negligence. In truth, he
was between the upper and the nether
mill-stones : the voting public, impatient
of delays in changes it had vaguely ex-
pected, resolved to empty the high
places and fill them with new men, and
Taft was made a scapegoat only be-
cause he chanced to be the most con-
spicuous figure in the party in power.
Doubtless any other man in his posi-
tion would have met a like fate when
the time was ripe for an upheaval; for
the swing of the political pendulum is
as inexorable as the order of economic
evolution, even though we may not
always recognize the signs that pre-
cede it.
ii
Will the dynasty just driven into
exile ever be restored? The reader who
has followed me thus far will under-
stand why my judgment answers, No.
The dynasties which preceded it went
to pieces when they had reached the
stage which the Republican dynasty
reached during the last ten years. The
attempt last autumn to rally its ebbing
strength by raising the Protection war-
THE PASSING OF A DYNASTY
303
cry of thirty years ago was a pathetic
confession that its course had been
run. The sequel bore out the symp-
tom: the result at the polls was not a
mere repulse, it was a collapse. The
party had started as a product of the
times. It had maintained its suprem-
acy by keeping abreast of the times.
Now the party and the times had part-
ed company; the times were forging
ahead, the party had dropped back a
whole generation. Its platform of 1912,
though strong enough as measured by
the standards of 1880 or 1892, was
weak as compared with its correspond-
ing utterance in 1908, for the adverse
elections intervening had frightened its
programme-f ramers .
It is the fashion, in some quarters,
to attribute the fate of the Republican
party to the tyranny of 'the bosses/
The outcry against bosses is entirely
natural; but to charge to them all the
ills which befall a party is to confound
cause and phenomena. Bossism is to
a party what gout is to a human being,
an outgrowth of undue self-indulgence.
Until a party becomes highly prosper-
ous it does not suffer from bossism, for
there is no surfeit of the food on which
bosses grow great. With prosperity,
moreover, comes a lethargic condition
of mind and conscience; the ordinary
members of a party, after its early
struggles are past and repeated vic-
tories have made it over-confident, fall
into a habit of thinking that Providence
is going to look after everything pretty
well, whether the individual voter pays
any attention to it or not; and thus
not only is the way made easy for the
bosses, but power is practically thrust
upon them.
No party can be killed by the bosses
without the tacit cooperation of the
bulk of its membership. If it could be,
the Republican party would have died
many years ago, when its Conklings
and its Blaines, its Camerons and
its Chandlers, were ruling their baro-
nies, writing their decrees into national
platforms, and combining on candi-
dates or dividing spoil. Yet, by com-
mon consent, that was the golden age
of the Republican dynasty, and the
overthrow of these chieftains left the
party a prey to its enemies. The fact
is that no important battle, where the
contending forces are at all well-match-
ed, is ever won by an army in which
every soldier fights as he pleases. Com-
pact organization, direction from some
central point, and discipline in the
ranks, are essential to successful ac-
tion by large bodies. When a party is
young, its chief man is known as a
leader; when the leader, instead of ad-
vising, assumes to command, he is hail-
ed as a general; but when the general
undertakes to enforce his commands
by rewards and penalties, he becomes
a boss. It is a graduated transition
from one extreme to the other, not a
leap; and nobody notices it till some
restless subaltern, punished for mu-
tiny, shouts out his protests.
Is the Democratic party in power for
a long period? That seems improbable.
Peril lurks in its unwieldy strength.
With both the executive and the legis-
lative branches of the government in
its hands, it alone will be held respon-
sible for the conduct of public business;
and the proceedings of the Baltimore
Convention revealed the existence of
factional divisions which can hardly be
healed by any form of compromise.
Another peril lies in the commitment
of the party to the one-term idea, for it
notifies all the fellow partisans of a
president, who competed with him for
the nomination, that they must begin
at once to cultivate popularity even
at the expense of quarreling with him,
if they would try for better luck in the
next convention. For example, Presi-
dent Cleveland's first administration,
though abounding in mistakes due to
304
THE PASSING OF A DYNASTY
his own and his party's inexperience,
led naturally up to his renomination in
1888 and 1892; but, once seated for
what was known to be his final term,
all the vials of personal envy and fac-
tional malice were poured upon him.
His party was broken in twain; and
the larger fragment, usurping leader-
ship in the next campaign, went down
in a disaster whose effects it has taken
sixteen years to repair.
Whether history is soon to repeat it-
self, depends less on Mr. Wilson's atti-
tude than on the willingness of all his
Democratic rivals to work unselfishly
with him for the larger good of the
whole party. But human nature is —
human nature.
And as to the Progressive party?
With those observers who believe its
remarkable record at the polls due en-
tirely to its magnetic leader, I cannot
agree. All men of very positive traits
inspire intense enmities as well as de-
voted friendships; and, unique figure
as he is, wide and enthusiastic as is his
following, Mr. Roosevelt's candidacy
appears to have repelled about as many
wavering votes as it attracted. The
party he founded, with its catch-all
creed and its energetic combing of high-
ways and hedges for recruits, might
have fared as well under some other
leader of high repute and winning per-
sonality. Its demands, whether wise
or unwise, plain or indefinite in detail,
recognized the era of unrest through
which the world is passing, and catered
boldly to the spirit thereof. It did not
win, partly because, while promising all
things to all men, it allowed the What
utterly to obscure the How. Still, we
must not make too much of that: a
like complaint was lodged by many of
the Abolitionists against the Republi-
can party at its beginning. Probably
not half the delegates who nominated
Fremont were able to forecast the
means whereby the slave power was to
be overcome. They had to wait until
a greater than Fremont had appeared
and taken command, and the passions
of their opponents had provided an
opening; for even Lincoln, had there
been no Civil War, might not have
found a way.
The early steps of the mother party,
and those of her offspring, suggest some
parallels, but quite as many contrasts.
Both parties were heralded as express-
ing the highest hopes of humanity in
things political. Both were baptized
in a flood of quasi-religious zeal, with
a free paraphrasing of Holy Writ and
a loud voicing of the emotions of the
hour in outbursts of prayer and praise.
Both welcomed into their infant circle
all sorts and conditions of men. A
Cameron and a Hoar foregathered in
1856 with much enthusiasm; and in
1912 the stalwart bass of a Flinn and
the gentle treble of an Addams blended
in the militant war-song, * Onward,
Christian soldiers!' But the Republi-
can party owed its origin to no accident
of politics. It was not organized for the
special purpose of beating somebody
it did n't like; its chief component was
not a branch of the Whig party which
had been worsted in a contest for con-
trol; it did not adopt its leader first
and its chart of action later. It was a
union of elements which, after years
of patient argument, stirring appeal
and earnest deliberation, had concluded
that an independent movement offered
them their only hope of achieving the
aims they had cherished so long. The
leader was naturally evolved from the
movement, whose chief promoters had
other men in mind when they began
their work. Above all, the Republican
platform of 1856 was a model of digni-
fied simplicity, in vivid contrast with
the omnium-gatherum quality of the
Progressive platform of 1912, and, in-
deed, with the overloaded and diffuse
platforms on which the older party has
THE PASSING OF A DYNASTY
305
placed some of its candidates in recent
years.
Still, whatever faults we may find
in the Progressive party's first activi-
ties, and whatever weaknesses we may
suspect in its structure or its doctrines,
let us not forget that every movement
which stirs men's hearts, though it
may not accomplish a tithe of what
was expected of it, leaves its mark as a
leavener of its age. Luther did not drive
the Pope to recant, nor did Hahne-
mann revolutionize the medical practice
of the world; but each accomplished
a modification of existing conditions of
which posterity is reaping the benefit.
Even the People's party, over whose
turbulent but brief career we some-
times laugh good-naturedly, left our
conceptions of statecraft a little differ-
ent from what they had been, as wit-
ness a Republican President's recent
interest in a land-loan plan which will
do for the farm something akin to the
service the national banks are doing
for the factory.
in
It may still be too early to make such
forecasts, but the omens now visible
seem to me to point toward a reunion
between the more active remnant of
the Republican party and the Progress-
ive seceders. Mr. Taft is no longer an
issue between them, and out with him
have gone a number of prominent Re-
publicans who stood by him for their
party's sake. Most of these men are
too old to recover their former emi-
nence, even if they wished to and if
the way were otherwise clear. History
shows that third parties cannot hold
a permanent place in our political
arena; hence, one or the other of the
two parties of Republican ancestry,
now separated by about a half-million
votes in an aggregate of seven millions,
must presently absorb its rival and be-
VOL. Ill -NO, 3
come the recognized antagonist of the
Democratic party. Which will it be?
What has each to offer as a basis of
combination? The Republican rem-
nant has the prestige of a long-honored
name; the seceding body has the mod-
ern ideals, the vigorous blood, and the
eloquent testimony of the election re-
turns to its ability to quicken the popu-
lar pulse. All the accepting of new pro-
jects must be done by the Republicans;
the most that can be asked of the Pro-
gressives is that they shall hold in abey-
ance a few of the most radical features
of their programme, and make some of
the others more explicit. In any at-
tempt at reunion, therefore, the greater
advantage lies on the side of the Pro-
gressives, even though they might be
compelled to advertise their parentage
by attaching the family name to their
own and calling the union the Progress-
ive-Republican party.
Whatever title may be chosen, the
Progressives are bound to insist on so
complete a reconstruction of personnel
and policies that the Republican party
under which our generation has grown
up will be known no more among men.
The dynasty whose long and brilliant
rule transformed the country, took its
start in a revolt against the subordina-
tion of human rights to statute law.
The evolutionary cycle traced in these
pages has brought around a situation
which, to the minds of an ever-increas-
ing body of people, must ere long be
faced in the same way. The question
of 'industrial justice,' whether it be a
live moral issue or only an emotional
fad, is, from the Progressive point of
view, as vital as was that of Negro slav-
ery a half-century ago. At any rate,
it is one which will never be disposed
of by mere bulls or by blinking. The
popular interest it is exciting must be
either satisfied by concessions or dis-
pelled by a successful campaign of eco-
nomic education.
306
THE PASSING OF A DYNASTY
To the argument that most of the
suffering in the world is due to those
inequalities in natural human equip-
ment for which there is no cure short
of destroying our present race and
founding a new one, the answer is
patent, What cannot be cured can at
least be ameliorated. To the argument
that the Federal power, under the Con-
stitution, does not extend to such mat-
ters, the prompt response is, If the
'general-welfare* clause of the Pre-
amble can be stretched to cover our
protective system; if we are able to
maintain a Federal quarantine in spite
of local political boundaries; if the free-
dom of interstate commerce can be
used to nullify the police powers of a
state respecting the liquor traffic, or
to split aggregations of private capital
into fragments with an anti-trust stat-
ute; if any product of human labor,
from a box of phosphorus matches to a
state bank note, can be taxed out of
existence at the option of Congress,
why must we assume that 'construct-
ive statesmanship ' may not yet evolve,
and judicial 'interpretations' ratify,
a mode of readjusting some of the re-
lations of employer and employed in
our industries generally? If this cannot
be done under the Constitution as it
reads to-day, what is to prevent such
an amendment of the Constitution as
has been undertaken with regard to an
income tax, which few conservatives
were willing, twenty years ago, to ac-
cept as among the possibilities?
An individualist by inheritance and
training, and a believer in human com-
petition as the salt of civilization, I
have no purpose of pleading the insur-
gent cause; but neither can I be blind
to what is going on about me. Philo-
sophic sympathy and prophetic com-
mon sense are as little related as cant
and logic. It seems to me that the
problem before the temperate-minded
people of this country is, whether the
spirit of the times, now moving straight
toward a socialistic system, can be
harnessed and controlled so as to ac-
complish the ends demanded without
wrecking the republic. Its solution may
depend largely on whether we have
among us, unrecognized as yet, an-
other Lincoln, true of heart, clear of
vision, calm of judgment, and as firm
of hand when it is necessary to curb
a passing madness as when the forces
of reason must be helped to conquer
fresh ground.
PUBLIC UTILITIES AND PUBLIC POLICY
BY THEODORE N. VAIL
THERE are so many points common
to all utilities and service companies
that it is difficult to differentiate their
relations to the public. The under-
standing of the relations, or mutual
obligations, toward each other, and of
the mutual dependence upon each
other, of the public and the corpora-
tion, has so radically changed within
the recent past, that any discussion
which did not also take into considera-
tion the causes influencing and under-
lying these changes would be futile.
We shall first try to establish a few
fundamental principles common to all.
1. There are but few utilities which
have no alternative or substitute. The
alternative or substitute will generally
have been less convenient, comfortable,
or efficacious, and, consequently, less
desirable to the user or consumer; but,
in the absence of a better, it answered
the purpose and was cheaper, and at
the time was regarded as the ultimate
possibility in the way of comfort, con-
venience, and luxury. An instance is
lighting: electric light has gas as an
alternative, gas has burning oils, burn-
ing oils have candles. While, for a
given amount of light, the alternative
may be more expensive, yet as it was
used there was large economy and it
was entirely satisfactory.
2. No utility can sell its service or
its commodity at a price greater than
its value, in comfort or convenience, if
not in actual money, to the purchaser
or consumer; and the price and qual-
ity of service or commodity must be
so regulated that enough can be sold
to produce net revenue sufficient to
pay a fair return upon the cost of the
plant, and of the organization and
establishing of the business.
3. Net revenue can be produced in
two ways; by a large percentage of
profit on a small business, or a small
percentage of profit on a large business.
Population, potential business, social
and business conditions, generally de-
cide which course will be followed; but
with a large population with large
potentialities, the experience of all
industrial and utility enterprises has
been that it adds to the permanency
and undisturbed enjoyment of a busi-
ness,' as well as to the profits, if the
prices are put at such a point as will
create a maximum consumption at a
small percentage of profit.
4. Uniform rates for public service
must lead to a combination covering
a large and diversified territory. No
utility is so situated that the same
unit of service can be delivered at the
same cost over all sections, nor are
there in the same system of utilities
any two sections in which service can
be produced or delivered at the same
cost, if each section is charged with its
proportion of all costs.
Uniform rates are based on average
costs and must be as excessive and un-
reasonable under certain conditions as
they are inadequate and ridiculous un-
der other conditions. When both sets
of conditions are under one operation
307
308
PUBLIC UTILITIES AND PUBLIC POLICY
or in one combination, the average
applies, and it is a benefit in that it
gives equal facilities to all at reason-
able prices. When, however, one utility
or combination has all the favorable
conditions while the other has all the
unfavorable, — or if a so-called com-
petitor should be allowed to supply
under the favorable conditions and
avoid the unfavorable ones, — rank
injustice is done in the one case, while
undue benefits are granted in the
other. In the one case there are great
profits and large dividends; in the
other bankruptcy and receiverships,
for which the only remedy would be
rates for service varied according to
conditions, or a combination of all con-
ditions under one operating combina-
tion. As an instance, — a gas com-
pany could furnish gas to a limited
part of the community it serves at a
price which would not pay cost of dis-
tribution in other sections.
A trunk line of railroad, if it did not
have to support its distributing and
collecting branches, could be run at a
profit at rates which would not pay the
crews of the trains on the branch lines.
There are, to-day, railroad systems,
through rich, well-settled, highly devel-
oped sections, which are enormously
profitable, while others in less prosper-
ous, or less fully developed, sections
of the same states are in a receiver's
hands because of uniform rates. The
average cost of one system is less than
the uniform rate, while the average cost
of the other system is higher. A uni-
form rate is an advantage to the com-
munity as a whole, in that it gives to
all equal facilities, as near as may be, at
a uniform cost; it is equitable in that
the highly developed centres are de-
pendent on the country as a whole, and,
therefore, should contribute toward
this policy of equal facilities at uniform
cost; but it is inequitable if, without
remedy, any utility is obliged to fur-
nish service below cost at uniform rates
established on an average cost which in-
cludes utilities more favorably located.
The inevitable conclusion is, there-
fore, that if uniform rates are to pre-
vail in any utility system, that system
must tend to combination and to a
single system or monopoly, if you
please, if a highly developed, highly
efficient, and progressive utility is to be
maintained.
5. Where competition in any field
is carried on at a reasonable profit it
may be the result of agreement ex-
pressed or implied, or it may be that
observation or experience of the cost,
and destruction of aggressive compe-
tition, lead to the exercise of a reason-
able restraint in the method and efforts
of all to increase business and maintain
profits. So long as business is above
normal or is even normal, it is easy for
competitors to maintain prices or to
observe agreements; but when business
is sub-normal and hard to obtain,
while at the same time expenses are
constant, charges are continuous, and
business at or below cost is better than
none, no agreement or understanding,
expressed or implied, without penalty,
will be long observed.
6. Competition, so-called, in any
enterprises carried on at unreasonable
profits is, without question, always the
result of some understanding or agree-
ment implied or expressed. Unreason-
able profits are bound sooner or later
to introduce new conditions and new
competitors in any field, whether sta-
tionary or growing. It is this that has
given rise to the belief in the great vir-
tues of competition.
Competition is induced by many
causes: by a desire to meet and share
ah increasing demand for, or con-
sumption of, any commodity or serv-
ice at normal profits; or to obtain a
share of a business in which profits are
very attractive and tempting; or to
PUBLIC UTILITIES AND PUBLIC POLICY
309
share in an increasing business with
excessive profits. The object may be to
create a permanent, continuing, and
profitable business, and to obtain, at
reasonable prices, a fair share of the
going or growing business; or to create
by destructive and aggressive tactics
such a situation as will force a settle-
ment by purchase, combination, or an
understanding of some kind, with an
established business; or to promote a
business upon the reputation and suc-
cess of others and sell it to innocent
investors upon misleading statements,
either willful or mistaken.
The vicious acts associated with
aggressive competition are responsible
for much, if not all, of the present antag-
onism in the public mind to business,
particularly to large business. These
vices are the necessary accompaniment
of the methods of destructive competi-
tion. The reason for the public's en-
couragement of such competition lies
in the belief that from it they will de-
rive some benefit. In the long run, how-
ever, the public as a whole has never
benefited by destructive competition.
No business can be conducted per-
manently without some margin over
and above the operating expenses,
which must include ample mainte-
nance of its plant at the highest * going-
concern' standard; while any business
can be conducted for an indefinite
period, at an apparent profit, at the
cost of its plant or its capital deprecia-
tion, so long as they last, and after that
for some time on receivers' certificates.
There may be a temporary benefit to
the consumer from unprofitable prices,
but in the end prices must necessarily
be restored or increased to recoup the
losses of the cut prices, and to pay the
charges on capital invested in unne-
cessary duplication, if such capital is
not to be absolutely lost to the investor.
It must not be forgotten that, in
competition of this kind, whether in
the field of industrials or of utilities,
the start is with small business and
between small businesses ; the big com-
bination or the big business is a com-
bination for offensive and defensive
purposes, and is to be likened to the sur-
vival of the strongest, if not the fittest.
Business and production must be on a
large scale commensurate with the con-
sumption and the new methods of pro-
duction, which to produce at all must
produce by the thousands. Large busi-
ness or large production means a large
aggregate profit from a small percent-
age of profit, while small business or
small production must mean large
percentage of profit or small and un-
satisfactory compensation to the pro-
ducer, or both. There is not one act,
good or bad, wrong or right, that is
charged to big business, that did not
originate with, and does not still exist,
in small business; while big business
has one weakness inherent in its con-
dition which small business has not,
and that is notoriety and publicity.
Big business is in the glare of sunlight
while the smaller business is more or
less in the shade. Big business is more
impersonal as to its proprietorship or
its ownership, or is centred about a few
of those prominently connected with
it; while its widespread body of small
proprietors or partners — that is, the
shareholders — have no association
with it in the minds of the public, and,
as a rule, are indifferent to all that is
going on so long as dividends are main-
tained.
The settlements of competitive wars
always affect the public unfavorably,
not only toward the ones engaged, but
toward all other industrial or utility
enterprises. When prices are restored,
even to a normal and reasonable basis,
they are in constant contrast with the
cut price of competitive war, and the
consumer is constantly reminded of the
differences and resents them; why, it is
310
PUBLIC UTILITIES AND PUBLIC POLICY
hard to say, for there is no reason why
the public should suspect that some
individuals of the public engage in this
aggressive competition for any other
than a selfish purpose, or for any other
benefit than their own; nor is there any
reason why it should be expected that
these disastrous competitions would be
carried on beyond the point which the
competitors believed best for their own
interests, or beyond the point where
the purpose of the competition has
been accomplished.
When those engaged in the competi-
tive warfare end it with profit, that
profit is more or less flaunted in the
faces of the public and is a constant
offense; on the other hand, the losses
made in the unsuccessful competitions
are soon forgotten. If the losses of the
unsuccessful promoters of enterprises,
worthy and unworthy, or of competi-
tive wars, or the losses made by specu-
lators and gamblers, were as much
talked about and as well known, or as
much in evidence, as the occasional
gains, the speculator or undesirable
promoter would find fewer contributors
or followers, and competition would
be confined to rational and commend-
able ends, and governed by a decent
self-restraint; or, if those who did bene-
fit temporarily by aggressive competi-
tion also felt the resultant losses, there
would be less encouragement of that
kind of competition, and a better feel-
ing on the part of the public toward
those industries or utilities which were
trying to operate a business in a leg-
itimate manner and at a reasonable
profit.
Another popular belief is that it is due
to competition that prices and charges
have been permanently reduced. Com-
petition may have been a slight
stimulant, but permanently reduced
prices are brought about by the pro-
tection which encourages the inventor
to create and develop labor-and-time-
saving machines and new and im-
proved methods and devices; by the
desire to gain the profits which reward
the study of the wishes, needs, com-
forts, and luxuries of the world, for the
purpose of bettering the existing ones
or creating new ones; by the initiative
and enterprise which introduced the
improved processes and methods; by
the introduction of machinery oper-
ated by ordinary labor at high wages,
to take the place of highly skilled labor
at comparatively low wages; by the
great increase in the number of pur-
chasers or consumers, and by the in-
crease in the average purchasing power
of each individual; by the development
of markets of such magnitude that
large sums could be devoted to the
introduction of machinery, processes,
and methods which cut producing-cost
and enabled a large aggregate profit to
be realized on large production and
large scales at low prices and small per-
centage of profit. Whether the con-
sumers created the producers or the
producers the consumers, whether the
developing market produced the im-
provements which increased produc-
tion or whether the improvements
produced the market, is difficult to
determine, but one thing is sure —
that the business organization of any
community is so dependent upon the
community that sooner or later any
effect, whether for good or for bad, is
bound to be felt over the whole.
ii
It must be admitted that regulation
and control by commission has become
a permanent feature of our economic
policy, particularly as to utilities. That
being so, it is essential for the well-
being of the community that such regu-
lation and control should be effective,
equitable, acceptable to the public, and
final. There must be absolute confi-
PUBLIC UTILITIES AND PUBLIC POLICY
311
dence on the part of the public in its
constituted commissions, and the util-
ities must have confidence in their fair
intent and equity. To deserve this con-
fidence, the members of the commis-
sions must be of high order, free from
prejudice or political favoritism or bias;
and not only competent, but determ-
ined to render their decisions on the
showing of facts without regard to
popular clamor on the one side or cor-
porate pressure on the other. To get
all this, there must be permanency and
lapse of time sufficient to enable an ac-
cumulation of practice, experience, and
precedent, and a thorough cooperation
between the public, the commissions,
and the corporations, with confidence,
deference, and dependence, and abso-
lute frankness on every side.
Corporations should be allowed free-
dom from undue restraint or restriction
on operations, so long as good service is
rendered at reasonable prices — prices
which will allow the best wages for
the best service, provide for the main-
tenance, depreciation, and reconstruc-
tion of the plant, pay all fixed charges
and a fair return on the investment,
and a profit commensurate to the risk
and chances peculiar to, and the ability
required to establish and operate, the
undertaking. If discussions of unsup-
ported assertions and biased and mis-
leading statements and distorted facts,
no matter where made or by whom, are
to prejudice the public or force the
commissions to resort to expedients,
indirect methods, half-way measures,
or to evasions in the performance of
their duties, the old conditions of trick
and stratagem and ' anything-is-fair-in-
war' methods to gain personal ends
will soon be restored in worse shape
than before.
It will take time and much self-
restraint on the part of all concerned
tq bring this happy result about; and
while it is being accomplished and the
readjustment is taking place, the pub-
lic should not in their impatient desire
to. get quick results allow the destruc-
tion or deterioration of those hereto-
fore thriving enterprises which have
done, and are doing, so much for the
public development, even if for a time
some inequalities or irregularities due
to the changing conditions continue.
The fact that some corporations have
not as yet quite got on to the new order
of things, together with the fact that
the public, fully realizing its power,
has not as yet learned that proper re-
strictions, regulation, and control, can
secure all that is wanted, or all that is
to be desired, and all that can be got,
or that conservation is better than
destruction, is largely the cause of the
present unsettled and unsatisfactory
conditions. The relations between the
public and the corporations have not
fully adjusted themselves to that nicety
of balance which is possible, and which
will give each of them all that either is
entitled to, or could get, while at the
same time preserving the prosperity
and the rights of each.
This desired and happy consumma-
tion of the struggle, for it is a struggle,
will only come with education, with
the realization, on the part of the pub-
lic, of the fact that economic and nat-
ural laws are above all statutory laws
and cannot be disregarded if good re-
sults are to be obtained; that the pro-
sperity of all results from general indi-
vidual prosperity; that prosperous and
solvent communities can only exist
where they are served by prosperous
and solvent utilities; and on the part
of the corporation, that permanent
success not only can be, but can only be
obtained through equitable and legiti-
mate efforts and procedure.
If, under these conditions rightfully
administered, this country cannot se-
cure and maintain the most sufficient,
efficient, and effective service of all
312
PUBLIC UTILITIES AND PUBLIC POLICY
utilities, there must be something in-
herently wrong in government regula-
tion and control; and if government
cannot effectively regulate and control
through its commissions and its laws,
then how much less effectively could it
operate through government officials.
Competition — excepting that kind
which is rather * participation ' than
'competition/ and operates under
agreement as to prices or territory;
that kind which provides for the exten-
sion or development of the country,
and is conducted on the principle of
maintaining high quality and fair
prices — can only exist where there are
abuses, either in the way of unreason-
able profits or of excessive capitaliza-
tion; and where control and regulation
are effective, these abuses cannot exist
or continue. Consequently competi-
tion and control and regulation do not
go together, and if a mistaken public
opinion demands competition in estab-
lished fields of 'sufficient' and 'effi-
cient ' service given under control and
regulation, the result will be duplica-
tion of plant, for which the general
public must sooner or later pay either
in the loss of capital invested, or in
higher charges necessary to pay re-
turns on the capital invested in the
duplicated plant. The losers, as we
said above, may not lose to the same
individuals, but whatever is lost to
individuals is lost to society and sooner
or later affects the individual.
in
All utilities are dependent not only
upon the public for support, in that
they must have customers for their
service, but upon the public good-will
and favor, in that, from the public or
its representatives, they must have
franchises or permits under which they
can operate. The old and proper idea
of franchise put the public on the basis
of a partner, in a partnership between
the public, the capital, the invention
or utility, and the individual. The
public furnished consumption and, of
course, the license to serve or the fran-
chise to furnish something that it, the
public, presumably wanted. The in-
dividual furnished the initiative, the
energy, and managing ability; the cap-
ital employed was essential to develop-
ment and installation; the invention or
utility was something which to be suc-
cessful must be of some public benefit.
The intent or theory was that each
should get its fair share of the bene-
fits : the promoters and inventors, upon
whose initiative, enterprise, and risk,
something of great public benefit was
introduced, profits in money; the pub-
lic, something to their material advan-
tage, in comfort or well-being. If this
condition could have been established
and maintained in a well-balanced rela-
tion to each of the partners, the present
state of mind on the part of the public
toward utilities would never have
existed.
As pertinent to and having a direct
bearing on questions of franchise, at-
tention is called to the following facts :
1. At the beginning, every public
utility or public service was started
as an improvement upon something,
some method, or some practice — and
was a luxury. The greater the real
benefit, or the greater the service, of
the utility to the public, the quicker
its adoption and the more rapid its
assimilation into the daily habits and
life of the people. The quickness with
which it changed from a luxury or con-
venience to a necessity was a direct
measure of its advantage to the com-
munity; while at the same time, and
in the same proportion, the chances of
competition increased, created, as it
were, by the desire of those who always
depend on the enterprise of others for
their initiative to secure a share of the
PUBLIC UTILITIES AND PUBLIC POLICY
313
material advantages, to reap where
others have sown.
2. The public have received through
utilities as much benefit in money,
and in comfort, convenience, and well-
being — if these could be measured in
money — as the inventors and pro-
moters have received in profits; while
the enhancement of values, or the un-
earned increment, caused by the intro-
duction of utilities has far exceeded all
the profits from all the utilities, allow-
ing them to be as great as the most
liberal estimates of the restrictionists
would have them. The money profits
from these enterprises are concentra-
ted on one individual or on a group,
while the intangible values of comfort
and well-being and convenience, and
the unearned increment, attach to the
general public and are lost in, or min-
gled with, general conditions; there-
fore one attracts continued attention
and causes envy, while the other is tak-
en as a matter of right.
The increase in population, the wide
distribution of wealth, not only cre-
ated tremendous possibilities in old
established but dormant utilities, but
created a great demand for new ones.
Promoters of new enterprises and spec-
ulators in old enterprises became act-
ive. Franchises were in demand on any
terms and conditions. Promises were
made which no one expected to fulfill
or was expected to fulfill, and enter-
prises were launched which the pro-
moters knew, or should have known,
would not pay. The partners in these
enterprises, other than the public, in
their eagerness to realize profits in
advance of the actual development,
and in their eagerness to capitalize
prospects and hopes, and even unwar-
ranted promises, in advance of estab-
lishing any public benefits, took ad-
vantage of this, and more attention was
paid to speculative combinations, pro-
motions, and dealings than to the wants
and service of the public. This soon
produced a feeling on the part of the
public furnishing the permit to serve,
on the one hand, and the consumers
who afforded the profit, on the other
hand, that the other partners were get-
ting more than their share and getting
it first, and that in some way they had
been giving away or sacrificing some-
thing of great value.
The methods employed in these
transactions, the acts performed, and
the results sought for and obtained,
were no different from those employed
in all speculative and in many com-
petitive businesses, — no worse, no
better, — but there was a difference : the
utility must get a permit or franchise,
which the industrial does not need; the
public as a body politic has also a
control over the plant installation and
operation of public service and public
utilities, which it does not possess
over industrials. This association be-
tween the public as consumer, and
the public which gave the franchise,
apparently did not occur to the other
partners.
The fact that the same public were
masters of the situation, in that they
constituted the body politic, did not
find any lodgment in the minds of those
who controlled utilities; nor did the
public, on its part, fully realize this
relation and its power until the realiza-
tion was forced upon it by an aroused
and indignant public opinion seeking
for redress and protection. Regarding
only the existing conditions, forgetting
and disregarding what the conditions
were before the utilities were intro-
duced, forgetting that there was ever
any initial enterprise or risk in the in-
troduction of these utilities or in the
operation of these franchises, disre-
garding the benefits following the in-
troduction of these utilities, the public
mind furnished a ready field for biased
and selfish opinion. Luxuries were fast
314
PUBLIC UTILITIES AND PUBLIC POLICY
becoming necessities; ridiculously low
prices, made for services rendered in the
heat of competitive war, developed a
tendency in the public to demand the
impossible in the way of permanent
rates and prices; and a desire began to
develop to get all possible for as little
as possible. In this frame of mind the
public awakened to a realization of its
great strength, through the right of
regulation and control, through the
control of franchise without which any
utility plant already established was
useless and worthless, and through its
power as a body politic, a power which,
if uncontrolled by sober common sense,
or used without discrimination, would
destroy every utility, and in the de-
struction would also involve both the
prosperity and well-being of the com-
munity.
Public prosperity is largely depend-
ent upon good service of all kinds, not
only within but without. The inter-
connecting interests of individuals
within a community, and of communi-
ties with one another, is like an endless
chain, each link or unit depending on
the strength and reliability of the
whole, and the effective worth of the
whole depending on each link. Good
or bad movements in economic matters
do not produce immediate effects, but
because the effects are not immediate
they are none the less certain to come.
If the causes which have produced
prosperity are ignored, if economic
laws are disregarded, and experiments
in new ideas are enforced without trial,
the resulting trouble will again, as it
has in the past, cause unfortunate
results, which will in time bring about
reform, but the damage and destruc-
tion done will never be restored.
Unless the public is reasonable in
the use of its new-found power, and
exercises it justly and equitably, but
rigidly and consistently, all remaining
confidence will be destroyed, and pro-
sperity will cease; for, unless utilities
can be invested in with certainty and
security, investment will cease, and
growth and development must surely
be checked. These utilities, and those
dependent upon them, are by far the
largest purchasers and consumers of
the products of the earth and the fac-
tory; and a very large proportion of
this consumption is due to normal or
above-normal activity in the improve-
ment, extension, and development of
these utilities, and to the greater act-
ivity in every line of industry or
production which accompanies these
activities. Activity of extension and
development means full consumption
of all products and commodities, good
wages, and full employment for all.
Sub-normal, normal, or above-normal
activity means the difference between
shops half filled with work, full of work,
or worked over-time.
Production is governed by the de-
mands of consumption; large sums of
money are spent annually by produc-
ers to obtain new markets, enlarge old
ones, and even to obtain the customers
of their rivals. A greater market can
be made at less cost by a slight change
of policy in some directions toward
some utilities. A little liberality in
treatment, a little let-up in restric-
tions, when accompanied by demand
for increased facilities, will make a tre-
mendous difference in the activity in
improvement, extension, and develop-
ment, and in the accompanying pur-
chasing power, direct and indirect, of
the public utility and service corpora-
tions and those dependent upon them.
Do not think that, because at the
moment we have a spurt in the business
conditions, we are out of trouble. This
spurt, if one may so call it, is the result
of the bad conditions, and is but a
symptom which foretells worse condi-
tions unless guarded against.
The present conditions are due to
PUBLIC UTILITIES AND PUBLIC POLICY
315
many causes — curtailed production in
the past, exhausted stocks of all kinds
of manufactured commodities or goods,
accumulation of purchasing ability on
the part of the primary producer, be-
cause of good crops and good prices,
and the steady normal development of
the country, which has overtaken the
over-expansion of a few years ago in
all lines of industry.
Unless timely precaution is taken,
there will be the same congestion, the
same inability on the part of all util-
ities, particularly transportation, to
meet the current demands made upon
them, and the same direct and indirect
losses because of delay or the extra
cost to provide against delay, the same
premium for immediate delivery, and
the same vexations because conditions
are such that what is wanted cannot
be got when it is wanted.
Under rational and effective control
and regulation there can be no danger
to the public.
Governments are established for the
conservation of individual and public
interest, and the protection of individ-
ual and public rights. Wise, equitable,
rational regulation and control come
well within these duties, and well with-
in the capability of rightly and hon-
estly organized government.
Big crops and abundant money are
of no benefit unless there is full con-
sumption of the one and good demand
for the other, and it is only through
activity that these can come.
IV
The relation of the telephone system
to the public is unique in that there is
no other public utility or public service
which occupies quite the same personal
relation to the public that the tele-
phone does; and in this country the
relationship has acquired additional
importance as a public necessity owing
to the development of the service, the
use made of it, and the dependence
upon it by the public in its business
and social relations.
This importance is not only in the
local exchange service, but in the de-
pendence upon a quick and reliable
service to all points within speaking
radius. This dependence is not a mere
accident or development, nor is it
merely incidental to the service; it is
the result of a thoroughly considered
endeavor to create a business by first
providing dependable facilities.
In the early days of the telephone,
one of the sub-officials of a company
made a protest against the expenditure
of a considerable sum in improving
and rebuilding a certain inferior toll-
line connecting adjacent towns, on the
ground that the business was not suffi-
cient to support the existing line. The
answer to his protest was that it could
not be expected that business would be
developed upon unreliable and ineffi-
cient facilities and service; that unless
telephone service could be depended
upon at all times, it would only be
used in an emergency or as a last re-
sort; therefore it was necessary that
efficiency and reliability should be
established before large business could
be expected : that the only question to
be considered before establishing serv-
ice was — whether there was a popula-
tion with a potential business.
This is the policy which controlled
the development of the Bell Telephone
system in America, and is the reason
for its present development.
The telephone system, however, has
not been created without its setbacks,
its faults, and its grievous mistakes;
and if the experience and knowledge
obtained from those mistakes is ingraft-
ed in the present policy of the Bell
system, and they are not repeated,
too much emphasis should not be laid
upon those ancient and abandoned
316
PUBLIC UTILITIES AND PUBLIC POLICY
faults, and the memory should not be
too much exercised to recall them from
oblivion.
As one reason, but no excuse, for
those mistakes, it must be remembered
that the telephone was born in an era
when it was generally thought that
corporations were masters of the pub-
lic. It is not at all likely from the
present attitude of the public that that
mistake will ever be repeated.
The telephone was born when it was
the popular idea that an electrician
was the man who put up the electric
call-bells, when electrical engineers, as
at present understood, did not exist;
and, except in the workshops of a few
self-developed working electricians of
ingenuity and imagination, working on
its practical application to industrial
development, the science of electricity
was studied only in college labora-
tories; and there, as a rule, for purely
scientific purposes.
Patents were still held in respect by
the general public, if not by the spec-
ulative promoter and inf ringer; and
the inventor of something new and use-
ful was still regarded as the world's
benefactor, and as entitled to some
acknowledgment; and if he did not
get it during the life of his patent, it
was sometimes extended.
Never in the same period of the his-
tory of the world has there been such
development of any branch of science
as there has been in electricity in the
less than four decades in which elec-
trical communication, and the indus-
trial application of electricity, have
been brought from a period of almost
nothingness to the development of
1912; from a period of conjecture and
theory to that of an exact science; from
the experimental stage to be one of the
great industrial forces in the world,
perhaps the greatest.
When the telephone was first intro-
duced, the plant was simple, compara-
tively inexpensive, and corresponding-
ly inefficient in comparison to what it
is now; but wonderful beyond compre-
hension or comparison to what had
been. The apparatus consisted of
modifications and adaptations of ap-
paratus designed for other purposes;
all the equipment and plant for ex-
change purposes had to be invented
and developed. The first use of the
telephone was on private lines con-
necting two establishments, or gener-
ally the office and factory of the same
establishment, the idea of the exchange
being adapted from the connecting of
telegraph lines together at a central
office to put different stations into
direct communication with each other.
The telephone exchange was of slow
growth, and difficult to exploit at first;
there was nothing known in public
service to use as an illustration, and in
itself it was difficult of demonstration
because the only possible demonstra-
tion was by itself, before itself existed;
until a number of people were con-
nected with an exchange, there could
be no service.
The advantages, though slowly ap-
preciated at first, brought a faster
growth than any one anticipated, and
both advantages and growth have
probably gone far beyond the most
optimistic estimates of any, excepting
possibly a few, who were regarded as
dreamy enthusiasts. When the advan-
tage of the telephone service was once
recognized it became surrounded by a
halo, and many of those who were en-
gaged in its development were literally
carried off their practical business feet,
and lost their business heads. Most of
the promoters in the field were young
men who were working on enthusiasm
instead of capital, and with that pecul-
iar energy which only comes to those
who dream dreams. This condition
existed until decay, depreciation, ob-
solescence confronted the operating
PUBLIC UTILITIES AND PUBLIC POLICY
317
companies, with no provision or re-
serve to prevent them. Decaying, de-
preciated plant, central-office equip-
ment and apparatus, and subscribers'
stations of every conceivable pattern
and kind were the rule. Conversation
was interfered with by the extraneous
noises on the single wire which formed
the then telephone circuit and which,
like the antenna of the wireless tele-
graph, caught every electrical disturb-
ance in the air, from that caused by the
aurora borealis to that caused by the
electric car and telegraph currents.
Meanwhile, the development of the art
had been steadily and rapidly progress-
ing, and in many central-office switch-
boards there was 'junk' at one end,
and at the other the latest improve-
ment known. Can it be wondered at
that the service left much to be desired,
and that the public was anything but
satisfied?
Just about the time when many of
the local companies found themselves
in a position where reconstruction of
plant, or destruction of business, was
facing them, and no provision made for
it, came that unprecedented period
of almost unheralded cumulative pro-
sperity throughout the country. The
Western farmer who had been strug-
gling with the low prices of over-pro-
duction and undeveloped consumption,
found that consumption had overtaken
production, and that favorable sea-
sons and large demands made good
markets for his produce and filled his
pockets with money. Industrial work-
ers found full employment at full
wages and still indulged in some of the
reasonable economies of life. Those
people who in the not far-past days of
overdue interest and notes and mort-
gages looked upon banks as places to
avoid, or upon rapidly diminishing
deposits in savings-banks with dread
of the future, found themselves with
abundant and ready money. What a
field for the promoter, and what an ad-
vantage was taken of it! Thousands,
millions, even hundreds of millions, of
these accumulations and savings went
into all sorts of industrial and pub-
lic-service and utility schemes. Com-
peting gas-companies, water-works,
interurban railroads, local tramways,
telephone enterprises, were inaugurat-
ed in great numbers.
The old Bell telephone companies,
or those of them with capital all issued
and no reserves, and with an anti-
quated plant which required all the
earnings for current expenses and ever-
increasing maintenance and current
repairs, found themselves opposed by
new up-to-date plants giving a service
which could not be given by the old
plants, and at prices which only a new
plant paying no attention to deprecia-
tion or depreciation reserves could give
even temporarily; prices which were
not intended to be the basis of a per-
manent and continuing business, but
were made on any basis that would get
franchises and subscribers and thus
enable the promoters to sell securities.
What wonder if, in some localities,
the Bell service and the Bell companies
became a by-word and an offense.
It would have been a bad day for
the Bell interests but for the courage
and optimism of the then head of the
system, who came in at about the time
when everything was at its worst.
Recognizing the conditions, and also
the cure for, and the necessities of, the
conditions, he procured and poured
millions upon millions of money into
these local companies, rehabilitating
and reorganizing them, creating a new
system by rebuilding and newly build-
ing exchanges and connecting them by
thousands of miles of toll and long-dis-
tance lines. The result was that the
Bell system was once more in a posi-
tion not only to give as good service as
could be given, but to give a universal
318
PUBLIC UTILITIES AND PUBLIC POLICY
service such as could not be given by
any other system and was not at-
tempted by the independents. While
this was being done the opposition
plants were beginning to learn that
maintenance, reconstruction, obsoles-
cence were not negligible quantities,
and the investing public that the
promises and prophecies upon which
their money had been obtained were
wrong and misleading; and also it was
demonstrated that while isolated ex-
changes, operated and controlled inde-
pendently, could give good local serv-
ice, they could not satisfy the public
as against a system which made each
exchange, in fact each telephone sta-
tion, the centre of a system over which
conversation could be had in every di-
rection to the, utmost talking distance.
Had the opposition or independent
telephone movement taken a lesson
from the mistakes of the Bell and pro-
fited by its experience and adopted
its policy of intercommunication, the
story might be different from what it is,
but the opportunity has passed, never
to return. Yet the lessons to be learned
from this experience have as yet not
been thoroughly assimilated or appre-
ciated by the public, and this history
is given to show what underlies what-
ever differences there are between the
public and the operating telephone
companies.
The telephone service may still be
called an undeveloped service. Be-
cause the instruments at the subscrib-
ers* stations are not materially or
noticeably changed from time to time,
is no indication that the art is at a
standstill. Probably the actual trans-
mitter and receiver are about as highly
developed as they ever will be; but
the mechanism of the central office, the
appliances to get rid of extraneous
troubles — in these days of high po-
tentials in electric currents in trans-
mission, transportation, and the in-
dustrial arts, to say nothing of the
wireless ! — are continually changing,
so much so that one familiar with the
art five years ago would find a field
almost unknown to him and newly de-
veloped to-day. Hundreds of the bright-
est minds devoted to research, develop-
ment, and improvement, are steadily
and constantly eliminating some fault,
improving some method or process,
overcoming some obstacle to good ser-
vice. There is a continuous evolution
in a field with a limitless horizon, but
the evolution is so steady and constant
as to be almost unnoticed. To realize
it, one has only to compare the actual
service and the radius of communica-
tion with what actually existed ten
years ago, and that is impossible to the
most impartial.
The public, however, has begun to
appreciate and believe that the tele-
phone service is a * natural monopoly';
that any telephone exchange must give
universal service — from every ex-
change and every subscriber as a centre
in every direction to the farthest talk-
ing limits; that one telephone system
is sufficient, and more than one a nui-
sance; that a telephone conversation
cannot be transferred from one system
to another and therefore that every
one desiring service must be connected
with the same system; that the tele-
phone service as carried on by the Bell
system is one of that class which has
no alternative and no substitute. The
vital interest of the public in the serv-
ice must also be recognized, and what-
ever is necessary to insure to the pub-
lic full and complete service must be
done, and done in such a way as will
bring * efficient' and 'sufficient' service
within the reach of the whole public
having any possible use for it.
The telephone service as now under-
stood and demanded, in this country,
depends on uniform development of
all sections, and close and sufficient
PUBLIC UTILITIES AND PUBLIC POLICY
319
connection, with uniform operation,
under common control, between them.
The question of the profitableness of
each separate unit of the system, whe-
ther exchange or connecting lines, can-
not be considered. The system must
be considered as a whole, administered
and developed as a whole, and as a
whole it must yield proper return, re-
gardless of the returns of this or that
locality so long as the development of
the locality is of advantage to the
system as a whole.
This is a source of both weakness
and strength to the Bell system. The
weakness lies in the fact that an oppo-
sition exchange can locate itself in the
congested centre of business and, at a
low rate, give a purely local service,
within that section, at a price which the
system giving universal service over ex-
tended areas, profitable and unprofit-
able, cannot meet. To those who want
a purely limited service in some sec-
tions, this appeals. There are but few
in such sections who do not want more
than a limited local service, and conse-
quently if they have the purely local
service they must also have the service
of the more extended system. This is
the source of strength to the Bell sys-
tem, which carried it through those
days of reconstruction in the face of
the vigorous independent movement.
The practice of the Bell system is
founded on the following statement
of policy: To develop the possibilities
of the service and to give the best
possible service: to anticipate all the
reasonable demands of the public as
to service, either as to quality, quan-
tity or extent; to distribute the charges
for such service in such a manner as
will make it possible for every one to
be connected who will add to the value
of the service to others ; to collect gross
revenue only sufficient to pay a fair
dividend on the capital invested, after
paying the fairest possible wages for
the best service, after providing suffi-
ciently for the maintenance and recon-
struction of the plant, whether from
decay or depreciation or from obsoles-
cence. This is best shown by the dis-
tribution of the gross earnings of the
Bell system.
The average gross earnings in 1911,
per exchange station, for exchange ser-
vice, toll, and long-distance service,
was $39.83, just under $40; of this 50
per cent, or $20, was paid for salary and
wages; 5 per cent, or $2, was paid for
taxes; 20 per cent, or $8, for mainte-
nance and miscellaneous; 6 per cent, or
$2.40, was set aside for depreciation
and obsolescence reserves; 19 per cent,
or $7.60, for dividends, interest, etc.
The average cost of the plant per ex-
change station for 1911 was $141, that
is, the average returns upon plant cost
were 5.4 per cent; or about the return
which can be secured from first-class
investments with ample security.
In conclusion, in this short discus-
sion an attempt has been made to give
what appears to be the proper solution
of the telephone service, and to show
what a telephone system should be.
The question is, how best can the ideal
be obtained? There seems to be no
question, judging from experience, that
the present way — private manage-
ment and ownership, subordinated to
public interests and under rational con-
trol and regulation by national, state,
or municipal bodies — is the best.
THE MASSEY MONEY
BY CORNELIA A. P. COMER
'I HAVE sent for Judge Fordham to
talk to me about my will, Mayannah.
He comes at three.'
'Is that so, Mother Dreer?'
At this response, which seemed to
her slipshod and perfunctory, Mrs.
Dreer, lying high among her pillows,
fairly glared at her son's widow. She
detected an almost professional quality
in Mayannah's irritating amiability.
In her point-lace cap and quilted
silk bed-jacket, the high-nosed old
woman looked masterful and import-
ant still, in spite of years and mortal
illness. There was a red spot in the
middle of either wasted cheek, and her
deep-set black eyes were glowing with
an excitement which even this fateful
occasion hardly warranted. She sent
for Judge Fordham frequently, but
never before had she looked like this.
Mayannah Dreer, who was crochet-
ing by the window, counted ten stitches
apathetically. To live with Jane Dreer
meant learning to restrain one's tongue
three hundred and sixty-five days a
year, and Mayannah had lived with
her ten years. Now, at thirty, she
looked like a pink azalea that has lost
its first freshness; her cheeks were
somewhat pale, and the submission and
steadiness in her clear gray eyes total-
ly denied the rebellious exuberance
of her waving, red-gold hair. Mayan-
nah's father was George Wetherbe, of
old stock run to seed, but her mother
was pretty Katy Curran from a farm
far back in the hills. Thus Mayannah
320
was burdened with the perplexing in-
heritance of a New England brain and
an Irish heart.
'I guess you'd like to know what
I'm going to do with my money.'
* Just as you please,' said Mayannah,
indifferently.
The gray head shook with vexation.
' Mayannah Dreer, you make me tired,
pretending it's nothing to you how I
make my will! I tell you, there is n't
anybody who don't want money —
and you just as much as the rest, even
if butter won't melt in your mealy
mouth!'
'If you go on that way, you'll get
all tired out before Judge Fordham
comes,' said Mayannah, counting more
stitches.
This was undeniable, so Jane Dreer
relaxed her tension a little, for she had
much to say before the lawyer came,
and she knew it.
'The Massey money!' she said.
'And all of it in my hands, for me to
say where it goes ! Time was I used to
think the Massey money a little better
than any other money on earth. But
that was before it came to me. Grand-
sire Nahum Massey and Temperance,
his wife, they got the first considerable
amount of it together, by littles and by
littles. But they got it. That's the
main thing.'
Mayannah glanced up, interested.
Often as the Massey money had been
used as a weapon of offense against her
own insignificance during the patient
years she had been her mother-in-law's
companion, this was the first time she
THE MASSEY MONEY
321
had heard anything about the genesis
of the snug little fortune that loomed
large in Mrs. Dreer's eyes.
'Then I should think your father
and your uncle Newton and your aunt
Eliza would have had as much of it as
your uncle Jabez,' she observed. 'But
I thought your money came from Ja-
bez Massey.'
'It did. Father was n't one to hold
on to what he had ; Jabez was one to
make more. Families run like that — a
streak o' fat and a streak o' lean.
Uncle Newt held on to his fairly well.
It's the remains of Newton's money
the Varian girl is living on. She's his
only grandchild.'
Mayannah, considering for a minute
the various branches of the family she
had married into, remembered that
Jane Dreer herself was one of three
children.
'How did all your uncle Jabez's
money happen to come to you, Mother
Dreer?' she asked idly, hardly expect-
ing an answer. She was acquainted
with the village legend which said
that Jane Dreer came down like the As-
syrian on the old home during Jabez
Massey 's last illness; that she shut him
off from kindred and acquaintance,
nursed him, cursed him, bulldozed
him, until, as a result of really excel-
lent care, combined with really skill-
ful browbeating, he had made her his
heir; 'in view of a private compact
between us, and in acknowledgment of
her faithful services in my behalf ' ran
his last testament, as anybody might
read in the probate office, were they
curious enough. Fordhampton people
wondered vastly over that 'private
compact,' but for twenty years Jane
Dreer had gone her triumphant, silent,
self-determined way. Thus her answer
now quite petrified Mayannah.
'It did n't just happen,' returned the
elder woman grimly. 'As for how I got
it, that's what I'm going to tell you
VOL. in -NO. s
right now. I promised Jabez Massey
three things, and the first was, that
before I died, I'd find somebody to
tell it to. It might as well be you.'
There was contempt and impatience
in her voice.
'I don't know as I wish to hear it,'
returned Mayannah quickly, ' not if —
if it's anything against you.'
'Against me! Against me! I'd like
to know when it was ever against any-
body to know the buttered side of
bread! Jabez Massey didn't hold it
against me, I can tell you! Uncle Jabez
.was a smart man; he knew the world,
and he knew folks. And he was sick
almost unto death, up here in this old
house in Vermont that his grandfather
built, when I heard about it from
'Gusta Burden and came on from Illi-
nois to take care of him. " Your uncle
Jabez is n't long for this world,"
'Gusta wrote me, " and if you don't look
after him, I expect Mary Varian will
come up from New York with her little
girl. She's the same kin to Jabez that
you are."
'At first I did n't see how I could
leave my husband and Harold. Harold
was thirteen then, and into everything.
Jim Dreer was working in Peoria, and
I had all I could do to manage on his
wages, let alone paying a housekeeper.
Providentially, his sister's husband
died the week before, and she did n't
know what on earth to do, for there
was n't but four thousand life insur-
ance, and the house was mortgaged.
So I planned it all out for her — how
she was to pay off the mortgage with a
thousand of the insurance, put the rest
out at eight per cent, rent the house,
and come look after Jim and Harold.
I offered her two dollars a week to do it.
I'd have had to pay a girl three, but
I considered my planning was worth
something. You see it gave her an
income she could save money on, put
it all together.'
THE MASSEY MONEY
'How did you know somebody else
would n't be taking care of Uncle Jabez
by the time you got here?' demanded
Mayannah, drinking in these details.
'I didn't — but one has to leave
something to the Lord. It will be
twenty-one years the tenth of October
since I came. There were no through
trains up this way then. I came up
from the junction on a mixed freight.
It looked so lonely all the way that I
was heart-sick — that old reservoir
with the stumps sticking up out of the
black water, and the mountains all
dark with firs, and just a few yellow
maples here and there to light them up.
The old house looked desolate, too.
Just scraggly chrysanthemums and
rain-soaked asters up the front walk,
and fallen leaves everywhere. I opened
the front door and went in as if I
belonged — but my heart was in my
mouth. The downstairs rooms were
all dirt and disorder. You could write
your name on all that old mahogany.
I put down my bag and walked up-
stairs. At the top I heard somebody
calling from the south-east chamber,
so I went along, as bold as brass,
pushed open the door, and went in.
* There sat Uncle Jabez in a black
skull-cap and flowered dressing-gown,
in a rocker by the fireplace, looking
the image of distress. Yet there was
always something about him, and even
about the things he said and the way
he said them — I don't know what to
call it but style, though that 's a ridicu-
lous word to use about a twisted old
man in a flowered bed-gown. He'd
had rheumatic fever, and it had left
him with a very bad heart, and so
twisted he could hardly hobble. Hi
Newton used to come, night and morn-
ing, to get him up and back to bed,
and his wife looked in twice a day
and cooked and fussed around a little.
There was bread and milk for his dinner
on a dusty table beside him, and a log
smouldered in the corner of the fire-
place.
'"Well, Uncle Jabez," said I, "how
do you do? I'm afraid by the way
things look, you don't do very well."
'He looked at me hard, and finally
his mouth screwed into a side-ways
grin. You 'd call it sardonic if he 'd been
a man in a book.
:"Ah, it is my dear niece, Jane
Dreer!" said he. "How do you do,
Jane? — Now I wonder when Mary
Varian will be up? About next week
or the week after, I should say. Mary
was always a little slow. But where
the carcass is, there will the eagles be
gathered together."
"I'm glad you can still quote
Scripture, Uncle Jabez," said I. "It's
often a greater relief to the feelings
than profanity." With that I got down
on my knees in front of the fire and
fixed the charred stick for a back-log,
with some chips and paper and small
sticks in front. "As for Mary Varian,"
I went on, "I doubt if you will need
her now I am here. I have come on
from Illinois on purpose to take care of
you."
'Just then the sticks burst into a
flame. Uncle Jabez looked at it. "If
that Newton woman lived to be a
thousand, she could n't learn to make
a fire," he said.
'"Some folks can't," said I, dust-
ing the table by his elbow with my
handkerchief. "Wouldn't you rather
have pop-robin and hot buttered toast
for your lunch instead of that cold
bread and milk?"
'He shut his eyes and groaned. "Oh,
the flesh-pots! The flesh-pots! At
my age to be in bondage to the flesh-
pots!"
'"Isn't it premature," said I, "to
be worrying about flesh-pots when I
offer you a little gruel? Uncle Jabez,
you know this is no way for a man of
your means and your state of health
THE MASSEY MONEY
323
to live. It is n't right and decent; now
is it?"
'He groaned again and looked into
the fire, which had begun to snap quite
lively. "Candidly, Jane, it isn't," he
allowed at last.
'"Very well. Then we're perfectly
agreed," said I. " If I stay here, there '11
be some comfort in the place. Do you
suppose the Newton woman would
help me give this house one good clean-
ing? And can her husband be hired to
rake up leaves?"
'That was all the words we ever had
about it. I just settled down and got
the house to running, and made him as
comfortable as he could be made. I
did n't spend more money than I had
to, because it hurt him so to see it go,
but I used what was needful. For all
he was so close, Jabez knew what was
fitting.
'When I had been here a couple of
weeks, along came a letter from Mary
Varian in New York to her dear uncle
Jabez. She said 'Gusta Burden had
written her of his illness some weeks
before (the same time she wrote me,
I'll warrant you! That was like
'Gusta to stir us both up and then sit
back to see what would come of it), and
she had been trying to plan it so as to
get up to Fordhampton to see him, but
she hated to interrupt Rowena's term
at school, and there was no one to
leave her with. However, they could
come at Christmas, and if dear uncle
Jabez thought it best for his comfort,
they might remain, for blood was
thicker than water, and she felt for
him in his illness and isolation.
'I wrote straight back and told her
she need n't worry; Uncle Jabez's hands
were too swollen to write, but he
was n't suffering from isolation in the
least. I was right there, and meant to
stay. And the doctor thought excite-
ment was n't good for him, so he would
have to decline her kind offer of a visit.
' When I took the letter in for Jabez
to read before I sent it, he grinned
that side-ways grin and said, "Come,
Jane, what do you think you are going
to do, keeping Mary Varian and her
girl away from me? Why should n't I
see my affectionate relatives? I no-
tice you don't encourage the neighbors
to come in very much, either. Going to
get me under your thumb, eh? And
then dictate my last will and testa-
ment. That's a little too raw for a per-
son of your intelligence, Jane."
'That made me angry. "Let's have
this thing out," said I. "Then we'll
both feel better and know where we
stand. — Uncle Jabez, in the Lord's
own time, you'll have to leave the
Massey money and the Massey house.
You ' ve got to leave them to somebody,
and I suppose it will be to some of your
kin. When you get done with them, I
want them — and I am willing to earn
them, which is more than any of the
rest would do. Now — look at all of
us. Take your own generation first:
your brother Newton is dead; my
father is dead; your sister Eliza is in
the Old Ladies' Home, and very com-
fortable she is. Her only living son has
lost the use of his faculties and the
state supports him as well as he needs
to be supported. Mary Varian and her
little girl have Newton's money and
manage to make it do. Mary is a worthy
enough woman, but she is crazy about
the city. She thinks her flat is better
than the house of her fathers; you'll
never get her away for long from shop-
windows and bargain-counters.
'"Then, there's my own family.
Brother Joseph is a drunkard and
wastrel, though he had ability to begin
with. Sister Delia married a Canuck.
He took her out to Winnipeg, where
they are doing well, and have as much
money as they ought to have. Neither
they nor their children would care
anything about the old Massey house
324
THE MASSEY MONEY
in Fordhampton. If it was theirs, it
would be sold to the first comer, and
the money would buy more Manitoba
land. If that 's what you want, I have
nothing to say, for what I want is
different. My idea is to live in the
place where my people have lived —
and live like a lady. I'm a Massey,
and I guess if anybody could put life
into this old place, I could."
'"Ah? And where does your family
come into your plans?" he inquired,
with that condescending air he knew
how to put on.
'"Jim Dreer could manage the
quarry and the farm. My son should
go to Cambridge and come back here to
take up Judge Fordham's law practice.
The back-country needs young men
more than the towns."
' "Kind of a sickly boy, is n't he?"
sneered Uncle Jabez. It was the only
thing he ever said that showed he had
heard about us, or thought of us. -
' My heart stood still, for I had never
let on, even to myself, that Harold was
n't as strong as other boys.
'"No!" I said. "All he needs is to
live up here in the hills to be as strong
as they make them. He 's a good boy
and his heart is set already on going to
college. — Yes, I 'm free to say I want
your money, Uncle Jabez, and I want
your house!"
"You are a shrewd woman, Jane
Dreer," he said, "a shrewd woman."
With that he sat looking in the fire for
half an hour, not saying a word. And I
went on with my sewing.
"So you want to live like a lady,
Jane?" he brought out finally. "That's
the gist of the matter, is n't it?"
4 "Yes," I said; "it is."
'"It's a fine old word," said he.
"Time was I thought it almost a sacred
word. What is your notion of living
like a lady, Jane? How would you go
about it, now?"
'"I want my carriage and pair,"
said I, "not a piano-box buggy and a
utility horse. I want linen and silver
befitting this house. Servants enough
to care for it properly. To go to Europe
at my pleasure. And to entertain. I
want to bring guests from hither and
yon, to show this town the Masseys
are n't dead nor dying. I want Harold
to fetch young people home, pretty
girls and fine young men. I want lights
and music and gayety, delicate food,
and the open door. That 's how I want
to live," said I. "I'm Temperance
Massey 's granddaughter, and they say
I'm her living image. I want to do
these things in her house with her
money, and do 'em right."
'"The open door! "said he. "May-
be it 's more your inheritance than you
know. Do you happen to be aware,
Jane Dreer, how Nahum and Temper-
ance Massey got their money together
at the first?"
'"Why, no, I don't know as I do."
"Keeping tavern down in Connecti-
cut and selling rum, tobacco, and mo-
lasses. Jonathan and I were quite big
boys when the old place came to father,
and we moved back here to fix it up and
to ruffle it with the Fordhams and the
Vyses. Rum, tobacco, and molasses,"
he said, "and feeding the wayfarer.
Plenty of other fortunes started just
that way. Money is money, Jane. It
is n't an air-plant. Mostly its roots
strike down into the dirt. And that's
all right — only don't put on airs," he
said. "It behooves us all to remember
the pit whence we were digged."
'I won't deny I was taken aback.
I'd always said a good deal about
being a Massey. The Fordhams and
the Vyses coined their money from
their brains. "You've added to it," I
said finally.
'"Oh, yes, I've added to it, but not
in such very ladylike ways, either.
I've screwed and pinched and ground
my neighbors like other men."
THE MASSEY MONEY
325
'"If it's clean enough for you, it's
clean enough for me," I told him.
'With that, something came upon
him. He pulled himself up out of his
chair and began to hobble up and down
the room, hitching himself along. He
was n't thinking of me any longer, or
talking to me. There was an agony
in his face, and a kind of disgust, as if
life had been one long affront to some-
thing far within him, not yet dead. I
just don't know how to express it. It
was so different from anything I knew
of him before.
'"O God, if I had had a child to be
my heir!" he said. "Yet if I had, he
might have been altogether such an
one as I! Thank God I did not have a
child ! " he cried, and tottered back to
where he had been sitting.
He was quiet a long time before he
came back to me and my concerns.
'"I knew a lady once. She was n't
much like you, Jane Dreer. Her child-
ren, now, — perhaps, — if on? could
find them — But I am old — it is too
late. She was gentle and tender and
simple — anyhow I thought so. Brave,
too — Sometimes I've thought I'd
like to have a lady like her have the
spending of the Massey money. But
they all have died, I guess. I will leave
you the money if you will find me such
an heir, Jane Dreer!"
'"Jabez, I want the money, and I'll
do 'most anything to get it, but I tell
you squarely, if you give it to me, it 's
likely I shall give it to my son and to
his children if he marries as he ought.
I don't want you to make any mistake
about what I mean to do."
'He laughed, short and sharp. "I
know the Dreers," he said. "Fair to
look at, but short-lived, feeble folk.
Your child will leave no children for
your heirs, Jane!"
' How I hated him for that, but it
was true!
'"When you come to die, you must
pick and choose as I am doing. I lay
it on you that you find me a lady for
your heir!"
"Your notion of a lady, now, —
what is it, Jabez?"
He tottered to his feet again and lift-
ed his hands to heaven. His face was
terrible. I seemed to see something
hard and avaricious tearing its way up
from the bottom of his soul, as though
it were an evil spirit going out of him.
' "One whom the dollar does n't domi-
nate, by God!" he cried, and fell back
in his chair.
' When he spoke again, he was quite
himself. "This is a very edifying con-
versation of ours, Jane Dreer," says he.
"It is a pity it should be entirely lost
to a greedy world. Can you remember
what we have been saying?"
' "Every word of it," said I. And as
you can see, I have.
'"Then see you pass it on," he told
me. "As for the Massey money, you
must pay a price for it. I don't mean,
merely, taking care of me in my dotage,
and seeing I don't, at the last, will it
away to somebody else. Doubtless you
will do that, and do it competently.
There is an honest streak as well as a
grasping one in you, Jane. But you
must pay a higher price than that, and
in a different coin. I lay it on you,
Jane," and he bent forward as he
spoke, dragging his words as if they
weighed a ton, his sharp old eyes
boring into mine like gimlets all the
while. " I lay it on you, Jane, that from
this hour you watch yourself until you
see what the Massey money does with
you. When you come to your end of
days, tell some one, whom you will,
what it has been to you and done to
you. Tell them the very truth! It is
just common money, like that of other
men, no. better, not much worse — but
I have seen it work. I watched my
father and my mother. I watched my
brothers and my sister. Most of all I
326
THE MASSEY MONEY
watched — myself," said he. "No use
to tell you what I've seen — no use!
But I lay it on you that you watch
and see."
4 "All right," said I. "You can't
scare me that way, Uncle Jabez. For
forty years I've watched what pinch-
ing poverty has done to me. I don't
know as riches can do worse!"
"You are a Massey fast enough,"
he said, "and in the long run the
Massey s are not fooled. As well you
as another."
'So he made his will next day,
though he lived for a year afterward.
And he gave the money all to me.'
Jane Dreer was white and tired as
she finished. Mayannah dropped her
work exclaiming distressfully, —
'What am I thinking of! You have
n't had your milk or your nap, and it's
long past the time.'
'I'll have them now. I need all the
strength I can get to finish this/ the
elder woman said wearily.
n
It was one thing for Jane Dreer to
tell the story of her audacious contest
with Jabez Massey, but quite another
to relate the adventures of her spirit in
contact with the Massey money. In
her eyes, the former tale reflected small
discredit upon herself. She had con-
quered Jabez by telling him the truth;
while he lived, she had tended him with
conscience; since his death she had
spent his money handsomely. All this
was as it should be. But to pluck out of
the abyss of her own nature the hidden
things she had learned from life, to
spread them in the light of day, — how
was she to bring herself to that? Yet
she had promised, and to Jane Dreer a
promise was a promise. .
Bitterness surged up in her heart
against the younger woman because
Mayannah was her appointed auditor.
She had never loved the girl. Resent-
ing her son's marriage with an inten-
sity that must be measured by her
pride and her ambition, she yet clung
to his widow as her only link on earth
with Harold's life.
Mayannah had dropped without
audible protest into the position where
Harold's mother placed her. She was
companion, helper, sometimes nurse;
at other times the lay figure upon
which Jane Dreer draped the ultra-
fashionable garments she herself might
not wear. Mayannah looked well in her
clothes; her voice was gentle; though
sometimes abstracted, and, in Mrs.
Dreer's eyes, mopy, she had flashes of
the Celtic gayety. People liked May-
annah.
The two traveled not a little; they
had a winter shelter in North Carolina;
they invited many traveling-acquaint-
ances and winter friends to the old
house in Fordhampton during the sum-
mer months. Mrs. Dreer had a clear-
cut notion of the kind of social impor-
tance that was easily within her reach;
she lived for that and achieved it.
Mayannah helped her by being pretty
and well-dressed, and, when not in her
apathetic mood, displaying that lively
Irish interest in everything human
which really goes further, and in more
different directions, than any other
social qualification on earth. But all
that was over now.
Jane Dreer very simply attributed
her daughter-in-law's adherence and
patience to familiar motives. Of course,
Mayannah wanted the Massey money
in her turn, and would put up with
whatever was necessary to get it. True,
she had a little income of her own
which Jane had given to Harold and
Harold to his wife, but what was eleven
hundred dollars a year? Sometimes
Jane's conscience pricked her, for she
knew perfectly well that she did not
mean to give Mayannah much more.
THE MASSEY MONEY
327
If the Massey money were Mayannah's
price for these submissive years, she
would be cheated of her wage.
Refreshed by food and sleep, the
woman took up her recital. The flush
in her cheeks and the glow in her eyes
had died down; her mouth was set in
a hard line; she pulled the bed-jacket
away from her dark, bony throat, and
ordered the window by her bedside
raised.
'Jabez told me to watch myself,'
she began harshly. 'So I did. I hated
to. But I felt it would n't be honest if
I did n't. I had a fine time fixing up
the house. It tasted every bit as good
as I thought it would. I'm not going
back on that for a minute. The money
was a pleasure. But I began to see it
made me more critical. With no real
worries, I fussed about little things.
My heart was set that my family
should live up to the money and the
house. I'd always been well enough
satisfied with Jim Dreer before. He
was a pleasant-tempered, well-meaning
man, a good deal like Harold, but with
not a particle of style. The way he
looked in evening clothes was a dis-
tress to me, and when it came to a tall
hat, I could have cried at the way it
did n't become him. Maybe you think
these are little things, but I was bent
on having everything according. I'll
not deny I came to snapping at Jim
when he was dressed up; he got so he
hated the sight of his good clothes and
used to make excuses to get up to the
farm for a week at a time to get away
from them and me. I even went so far
as to wish the Lord had provided me
with a husband who would fit better
into our new circumstances.
'The second winter we lived here,
he took pneumonia and died. I made
him dress when he did n't want to, one
night when we went out to dine, and
he forgot his muffler. It was a bitter
night and he took a cold on his lungs.
Of course, he had no business to forget
the muffler — still, after he was dead,
I could n't forget I 'd insisted on his
wearing those clothes. You don't
get rid of such things. They stick in
your mind for all time. But I had
Harold left.'
At the name, Mayannah stirred soft-
ly and sat a little straighter, looking
across the room at Mrs. Dreer with
level eyes that seemed to remember
and to warn. But it never occurred to
the elder woman that Harold belonged
to Mayannah as much as to herself.
In any case, she must say what she had
to say.
'Harold was a lot of comfort to me
after his father died. It broke me up
for a long while, and I did n't try to do
anything but get through the days.
Harold was so thoughtful — you know
how he was. For all it gave my heart
a twist every time I thought of the
way Jim died, those were my happiest
years. It was all right until I began to
plan again. But of course I had to get
ambitious for Harold. It just seemed
to me I'd die if he did n't do this and
be that. But his health broke down and
it took him five years to go through
college. Maybe that was n't a bitter
pill for me to swallow! No honors, no
athletics, not many young people com-
ing home with him. For, after he grad-
uated, he was n't well; he did n't want
young folks here; he did n't want to
travel; it tired him to dance. All he
could do was to mope around and read,
and go down and call on you.'
'Yes!' breathed Mayannah to her-
self, her big eyes swimming with mem-
ories.
Jane Dreer did not notice. She push-
ed on relentlessly, —
' He was the heir. That was the way
I looked at it. It was all to come into
his hands, to rest on his shoulders.
The scrimping and saving of three
generations was all for him. So the
328
THE MASSEY MONEY
money was just another reason for his
being splendid and fine and competent
— the things he could n't be, poor
boy! Perhaps I loved him more for it
— but it cut deep, just the same. To
have him feeble! To have other boys
out-do him ! Then, to have him hang-
ing around you! I used to remember
how your grandfather, old Pat Curran,
looked driving down from Windy Hill
to the cheese factory, with his cob-pipe
in his mouth, and his raw-boned old
white horse balking and starting and
rattling the milk-cans. Christopher
Wetherbe, your other grandfather,
came of good stock if you went far
enough back; but they used to say in
his dotage that he went into other peo-
ple's cellars and took pork from their
barrels. I don't know if it was true.
— No, Harold never came up to my
notions. I wanted him to do and be
so much! I'd have given my heart's
blood, I guess, to see him marry Fran-
ces Fordham. But he chose to marry
you!'
Mayannah, rigid in every muscle,
yet lifted her head as if it held a coro-
net.
'Yes,' she echoed, in a voice Jane
Dreer would have done well to note,
'he chose to marry me!'
'Yes! And he did it behind my
back! Took the property I'd made
over to him for spending-money and
married you secretly on that! And
then came those hemorrhages, and I
had to forgive him. We all went to
Asheville — and that was the end.
' So — you see the things the money
did to me those first ten years. It added
bitterness to my married life, and to
my motherhood, and to my mourning.
I'll not deny it. And it has torn my
heart to pieces to tell you about it. I
hope Jabez Massey is satisfied!
'And yet the money is a good, and
I 'm glad I ' ve had it. I '11 not go back
on that. Only it does n't seem to me
I've got the worth of it as I ought.
Maybe everybody feels that way.'
She stopped abruptly. Candor seem-
ed to demand more, but she did not
know how to express her conscious-
ness of that obscure, progressive change
in her spirit, as fundamental as the
physical hardening of the arteries, and
as irretrievable. So, when she con-
tinued, it was to say, —
'I don't know as I've much to tell
about the last ten years. You've been
with me all the time. You've seen for
yourself. Though he did n't say so, I
know Jabez Massey thought there was
a miserly microbe in the Massey blood
that was bound to develop in all of us.
But so far as I can see, it has n't. I
like money, but no better than I did
before.
'Since Harold died, we've gone up
and down, and to and fro, entertain-
ing here, being entertained there. It 's
what I wanted to do, and I ' ve done it.
One reason I kept at it so long, I was
looking for the woman Jabez Massey
wanted for his heir. I 'm not very sen-
timental, but, I said, since everything
has gone so ill with me, I '11 find Jabez
his lady if I can. I've looked at 'em
north and south, east and west, here
and abroad. I have n't found the right
one yet. That's flat.
'These women we know are all like
you and me, Mayannah, cumberers
of the ground! It used to make me
furious some nights in those Southern
hotels, the way you could hear 'em
spatting on the cold cream all down the
corridor, from room to room. And yet
there's no harm in cold cream. It's
only that the women are all so fat and
idle and pampered, and never thinking
of a thing except to spend. I came to
spending too late, I suppose. I can't
help thinking with Jabez that there
must be other things to a lady, though
I don't claim there's been much else
for twenty years to me. I can look back
THE MASSEY MONEY
and see how I had the money and I
spent it, but it never made me really
rich. I've been an idle, discontented,
luxury-loving old woman, restless, and
craving I don't know what. If any-
body's been the better for my being
alive since Harold died, I don't know
who it is.
*I suppose you want the Massey
money as much as I did, and plan as
I did what fine things you are going
to do with it. You're no worse than
I am, but you're younger. There's
some chance for you. — What do
you care about now but clothes and
gadding? To be sure I asked that from
you and asked nothing else. I won't
say I have n't been at fault, letting you
sit around like a tame cat, waiting for
my shoes. But they are n't coming to
you, Mayannah Dreer. I tell you, you
are n't Jabez Massey's lady and the
money will not go to you!'
Jane Dreer's insistent, almost angry,
utterance ceased at last. She had said
it all, bluntly enough, but it was fin-
ished. She looked at the silent figure
across the room for a response, and as
she looked, Mayannah literally flashed
to her feet. Jane Dreer had such a
sense of sudden coruscation that she
rubbed her eyes. Her daughter-in-law
stood in the centre of the room, tall,
pale, suddenly beautiful in the splen-
dor of wrath. Mrs. Dreer was as-
tounded. Mayannah was transformed
before her into a woman whom Jane
did not know and had never known.
Jane Dreer's Mayannah was a slim,
docile, old-young girl. This was a
woman in her flower. There was matu-
rity, motherliness even, in her bearing,
but there was judgment in her eyes.
* Mother Dreer,' said this Mayannah,
swiftly, ' there are a few things I simply
have to tell you if I die for it. I am
tired of turning the other cheek. It 's
true I Ve lived with you for the last ten
years, and you ' ve grown more discon-
tented every year. / can tell you what
the money has done for you, — it has
blinded you to the very thing you are
trying to find! You will never find a
lady while you look for her with Jane
Dreer's eyes! I know a dozen women
like the one you have been hunting.
So do you, but, don't you see, they
can't show that side of themselves to
you. You don't call it out, and you
can't see it when it shows itself. It has
got to be in you before you can know
it is in them! — And that is Gospel
truth, and it is the worst thing the
Massey money has done for you. Why,
you would n't know heaven itself if
you saw it with those eyes!
'It's true I do want the Massey
money, and I 'm going to tell you why.
It was Harold's plan. That year in
Asheville, Harold said to me over and
over, "Mayannah, stay with mother if
you can. You'll be unhappy, for her
tongue is sharp, but she is just and
honest — and she has no one left but
you. Don't leave her all alone. When
she is done with the old place and the
money, I hope she will leave them to
you. I used to think," he said, "how
beautiful it would be to see you walk-
ing under those old elms with a child
of ours on either side. Now, that can
never be. But there's a world full of
other people's children! If you could
find two or three you liked, Mayannah,
and give them an old-fashioned bring-
ing-up in the old place, playing with
dandelions in the grass, wading in the
brook, coasting down the hill, romping
in the attic! It's just the house for
that. It has never been alive since we
lived there, but it would come alive
again if it had children in it. And you
are just the woman!" — He knew I
would never marry again, for he knew
too well what we were to each other.
So that was his plan for me, and that is
why I have stayed with you. A tame
cat, indeed! — I guess I would have
330
THE MASSEY MONEY
tried to live in hell if Harold had asked
me to!'
Jane Dreer, white and trembling,
leaned forward from her pillows and
shook a shriveled finger in the air.
'Mayannah Dreer, go to your room
and stay there until I send for you. Do
you think I'll take such words from
you?'
The younger woman turned proudly
to the door, but, as she opened it, she
flung back one sentence more, hot
from her Irish heart.
'My grandfather is dead, Heaven
rest his soul! If he did steal pork, I
hope it was because he was hungry and
not because he was a miser!'
Then, dazed and blind with the ex-
cess of her own feeling, she moved
across the hall to her room. The wrath
that had sustained her was passing as
swiftly as it had come. Stumbling
and sobbing, she fell before her writ-
ing-table and faced a picture there. It
showed a hollow-cheeked, dark-eyed
youth with a gentle, ineffective face.
But, such as it was, it was the shrine
of Mayannah's heart.
*O Harold — Harold, forgive me.
I've spoiled it all. Your beautiful plan
can never come true! She might have
changed her mind before — but never,
now! — Oh, my terrible temper! How
could I let it spoil your plan ! '
She dropped her head and sobbed
her soul out hopelessly before the faded
photograph of the commonplace young
man.
Ill
*I never thought Mayannah had it
in her to stand up to me like that!'
Across the hall, Jane Dreer lay pant-
ing on her pillows, but her grim old
face was glowing with a new and strange
excitement. She looked exultant, al-
most joyous. She was seeing clearly;
she was feeling keenly, and she knew
these things for the ultimate good they
are. It was not true that she could no
longer see the finer realities of char-
acter. She was cleared of that accusa-
tion in the moment of its making. Had
Mayannah's flesh dissolved and left
her white-hot spirit standing there,
Jane could hardly have had a more
startling revelation of her inner self.
The elder woman lay very still,
taking in the wonder of it. This was
Mayannah, wife of her son, the May-
annah Harold had chosen and adored.
These were the thoughts that had
nourished her during ten years of tread-
ing up and down another's stairs.
This passionate acceptance of the
denials of her life, this passionate hope
for the fulfillment of another's dream,
had been her meat and drink. She had
kept these things hidden safely from
sight; she had lived continually in the
land of the heart, and only this once
had its glow shone from her face. —
Or, was it that only this once did Jane
Dreer possess the seeing eyes? No mat-
ter which. Once was enough.
There was a tap at the door and a
maid entered.
'Judge Fordham is waiting, Mrs.
Dreer/
'Show him up, Alice.'
While the old man slowly climbed the
stair, Jane Dreer held short but suffi-
cient counsel with herself. When the
impressive, white-haired gentleman had
greeted her, he spread out his papers
on her bedside table with a patience
born of long experience in composing
wills for Mrs. Dreer.
'And what is it to-day, Jane?' he
inquired. 'Am I to draft a will in favor
of the Old Ladies' Home, or have you
decided on the series of scholarships
at the women's colleges — or, have
you, perhaps, found the individual heir
you have been looking for?'
Jane Dreer smiled. The smile lit
her face curiously, her lawyer noted,
as if a light had fallen on it from afar.
THE MASSEY MONEY
331
He had never seen her look so chas-
tened, yet so keen.
*I am making my last will to-day,
Judge/ she said, with faint but suffi-
cient emphasis upon the adjective. * I
will dictate my words to you as I wish
them to stand. If there are legal for-
malities that I omit, you can insert
them afterward. Take your pen and
write!'
Astonished, he obeyed her.
Jane's excitement and her sudden
insight met and mingled; they precipi-
tated themselves into words with the
miraculous precision of some chemical
reaction. Stirred to the core of her
being, she dictated swiftly, and without
faltering, that strange, almost lyric,
testament which was to stand as her
recognition of so much that her life
had ignored; as her one possible amende
to her son and her son's wife. Truly,
she was a Massey. And, in the long
run, the Massey s were not fooled. Old
Jabez knew.
/, Jane Dreer of the village of Ford-
hampton, being sound of mind and solv-
ent of estate, but brought face to face
with my end of days, do solemnly make
and declare this my last will and testa-
ment : —
/ give and bequeath all property,
both real and personal, of which I may
die possessed, to Mayannah Dreer, once
wife, now widow, of my son.
And this I do in fulfillment of a
private compact between myself and
Jabez Massey, whose heir I was, to the
effect that his wealth should pass into a
"lady's" hands. I have searched this
land and Europe for such an one as he
described to me, but my eyes were holden,
for I found not one among the people who
fed me at their tables and broke bread at
mine.
At last I saw the woman I was seek-
ing, sitting at my hearth. I have despised
her parentage, but her heart is higher than
my heart. She is gentle, simple, and ten-
der; she is fearless, patient, warm of
heart. She knows neither guile nor greed.
She was the wife of my son, and she wor-
shiped him. To whom should I give this
wealth if not to her ? It cannot curse her,
for she is beyond the domination of the
dollar. It may not bless her, for it has
not blessed me. Yet if it is a burden to
her spirit, what does it matter ? She is
one who can bear burdens. She has borne
with me for ten long years. She shall
stand in my shoes and sit in my seat and
do with my goods as she wills. The place
that has known me will know one more
gentle than I. I, departing, bless her,
and all that I leave in her hands. —
Even so, Lord Jesus, come quickly! In
the name of Christ, Amen 1
THE SENSE OF SMELL
BY ELL WOOD HENDRICK
IT is remarkable how intimate the
sense of smell is, how much it tells us,
and how largely it affects consciousness
on the one hand, and how we scorn
consideration of it on the other. It is
the Cinderella of our organs of sense.
Whether it was some sainted anchorite,
or other enthusiast of imagination and
influence, who found the use of the hu-
man nose to be dangerous to the soul,
we do not know, but in some way or
other the conscious exercise of the nose
became taboo, and this has entered
into the folk-ways. It has ceased to be
a sin, but it remains an impolite sub-
ject.
The Arabs in their days of glory were
not ashamed of their noses, and they
planted scented gardens, wonderfully
devised, so that he who walked through
them, or whiled away an hour there,
might rejoice in a cultured delight in
odor. They were so arranged that at the
entrance the olfactory sense would be
struck by a pervading and strong smell,
not necessarily of a pleasant nature.
From this the path would lead gradu-
ally through less coarse fragrances to
those more delicate until, at the end,
there would be reached an odor of ex-
quisite quality which only the cultured
nose could appreciate.
Now, by the grace of editorial sanc-
tion, let us cast aside convention and
talk about it. Every one of us has his
or her own odor, as distinct and per-
sonal as are our countenances. Every
dog knows this and, unless his olfactory
organs are atrophied, he makes good
use of it. We constantly exude products
332
of metabolism, and in the composition
of these products we all differ. Not only
do we differ from each other, but in no
individual are these products constant.
No chemical laboratory is equipped to
distinguish these minute differences,
and, so far as the writer is aware, the
subject is still unstudied — except by
dogs. They, with their highly developed
olfactory organs, are impelled by curios-
ity to confirm their vision when they
meet their master, and they make a
long and searching nose investigation
of him, clearly with a view to finding
out more than their eyes will tell them.
We note, too, that dogs which follow
the scent closely are likely occasion-
ally to go into a mephitic debauch with
a decayed fish or any other substance
of similar pungency, to * clean their
scent.' That, after filling the nostrils
with agony of that sort, they should
find them in better working order is
an idea that does not seem reasonable,
and yet the method is probably a good
one, for the same reason that the Arabs
planted flowers of pungent and coarse
odor at the entrances to their scented
gardens.
The theory of smell as given is very
vague; there is a presumable impact of
particles upon the sensitive regions of
the nose which, in some way, is supposed
to stimulate nerve-reaction. Good work
has been done, but not enough; and
enough will not be done until there ob-
tains a lively and wholesome curiosity
about it.
On the other hand, consider what
illuminating researches are available
THE SENSE OF SMELL
333
in regard to sound and light! As an
instance of the comparative attention
devoted to these subjects, one has but
to open a book of reference such as,
for instance, the Encyclopaedia Britan-
nica. In the last edition of this work
over twenty-two pages are devoted to
sound, sixteen to light, and but a page
and a half to smell.
Just think what we owe to our eyes
and ears! Through them we gain nearly
all of our knowledge. They are trained
so that by them we read books and
hear speeches, we note anger, deceit,
joy, love; by sight and hearing we try
to guess faithfulness and malice; in
fact, through these two senses we draw
the substance of our information. And
yet we are said to have five senses.
Neither touch nor hearing nor sight is
within the scope of this paper, and taste
is a limited sense, alive only to sweet,
sour, bitter, and a few simple nerve-
reactions. Owing to the taboo of smell
we have credited to taste most of those
olfactory processes which we have cul-
tivated. It is the smell of good food
that we enjoy while we are eating it;
it is the bouquet of a wine that gives
it its merit. We call it the taste, but it
is chiefly the smell. It is nearly im-
possible, for instance, to distinguish
between what we call the taste of cin-
namon and that of cloves if we hold
our noses.
So here is this organ, equipped for
the acquisition of knowledge, as com-
plex as the human eye, entering into
the most active part of the brain, and
we, marveling at the wonderful ad-
vances of human knowledge, neglect
it, scorn it, politely deny that there
even is such a thing as an individual
odor to ourselves and our friends. We
remain more ignorant than a dog about
it. And yet, despite all this neglect,
it is always active. This must be true,
else it would not be such an aid to
memory as it is.
I remember once, long ago, I em-
ployed a chemist to make a certain
product that he had worked out in a
factory under my charge. He demon-
strated it in the laboratory and then
proceeded, in the works, to prepare a
few hundred pounds in some tanks
and apparatus at hand. At this point
it developed that the process was in
conflict with certain patents, and that
we could not continue without infring-
ing upon rights of others that were al-
ready established. So the whole thing
was given up and that was an end
of it.
At the time I was intensely engaged
in other problems, and aside from oc-
casionally visiting the chemist while
at work, I had but little to do with it.
Shortly after that the works passed
into other hands and I quitted the
practice of chemistry and went into
business. Ten years elapsed, during
which time I had been out of practice
and wholly out of the thought of the
process in question. Then I was in-
formed that a chemical manufacturer
was anxious to see me in regard to some
patent litigation in which he was en-
gaged. I feared I could not help him;
I said I had forgotten everything I
knew, but that if he wanted to see
me I should be glad to meet him. He
explained his problem and asked me
about that process. I could not re-
member a thing. He suggested that
we go through his factory, which we
did. * Hello,' I said; 'here is some
(3 naphthol! What lovely figures it
makes ! ' And I dipped my fingers into
the water in which it was in suspension
and stirred it around, watching the
shining scales. Then I removed my
hand and smelled of my fingers. In an
instant I shouted, 'Now I remember
that process!' and proceeded to relate
it to him in detail, ft naphthol had
been one of the materials used in it.
If, when you went to school as a
THE SENSE OF SMELL
child, you carried a tin lunch-box which
often contained, let us say, some ginger-
bread and sandwiches and perhaps an
apple, it is worth while to take a sniff
at such a box again, now. It is surpris-
ing how this simple experiment may
recall the patter of long-forgotten feet
and the memory of childish voices that
startle over the long lapse of years.
These flashes of memory aided by
smell are wonderful. Through smell we
achieve a sense of the past; the secret
members of the mind are roused to life
and memory. What a pity that we
waste this talent!
Again, how often it occurs that we
see a friend or acquaintance and ex-
claim, 'How strange! I was thinking
of you less than a minute ago.' In point
of fact we have probably smelled him.
Smell may also be the reason why we
like some people and dislike others. I
may want to introduce some one to you
because you have many interests in
common and may tell each other things
you both want to know. But as soon
as you meet you will have none of him;
you know he is honest, of good repute,
and admirable in a thousand ways, but
as for you, you are in great distress
when he is around, and you are glad
when he goes away. If you are of kind-
ly disposition and fair-minded, you are
probably annoyed with yourself for
your prejudice; if you are a bumptious
brother and selfish, you probably at-
tribute some imaginary vice or evil to
him by way of excusing yourself. In
both instances it may be that you do not
like the smell of him, although you do
not know it. You see, we are so igno-
rant in our noses — more ignorant than
savages or even animals; we are very
low in the scale of intelligence in this
respect, and we respond to the olfac-
tory reactions unconsciously. Notwith-
standing our crass ignorance, the noses
are still there, and we all really do
produce odors despite our frequent
bathing. Varnishing the skin to close
the openings of the sweat glands would
be the only way to put a stop to in-
dividuality of odor, and this has never
been recommended as an aid to clean-
liness or to health.
Let us suppose the subject were not
taboo and the good old Saxon word,
stink, which bears about the same rela-
tion 'to odor that noise does to sound,
were not almost unprintable — and
suppose we really used our noses with
consciousness and diligence. There
would be Americas to discover, and
life would be marvelously augmented!
Of course, as soon as we begin to con-
sider the subject we find ourselves
wholly at sea. There are no standards.
Out of the awful chaos in which we
wallow we can possibly find a few
intimations, but we cannot 'put them
down as rules. Thus it would seem
that, in watching the order of nature,
the olfactory phenomena of creation
or reproduction seem to be agreeable
and hence desirable, and those of dis-
solution are likely to be disagreeable.
So the flowers which precede the seed-
time of plants are likely to produce in
the nose a sense of pleasure. They
attract bees and insects which are use-
ful to the continuance of the species, but
they attract us also, and the cause of
our attraction is presumably the same.
Ben Jonson, when he sang to his mis-
tress of the rosy wreath which she sent
him, that * it grows and smells, I swear,
not of itself, but thee,' knew what he
was writing. It may be, indeed it is
probable, that the close relation of
smell to sex phenomena is what caused
the taboo. But there is a spirit abroad
nowadays to search the truth, with the
growing belief that it is well for hu-
manity to adjust itself to the demands
of that spirit. The search for the truth,
we are beginning to think, is a whole-
some occupation.
That the phenomena of disintegra-
THE SENSE OF SMELL
335
tion are unpleasant we know too well;
in fact, we more than know it; we have
made a convention of it. We almost
blush in passing a barnyard, we are
shocked at the coarseness of the Ger-
mans who say 'kuenstliche Duenger'
for artificial fertilizers, and I have
heard a skunk referred to as a * little-
black-and-white animal,' to avoid the
inelegance of calling his odor to mind.
Oh, we are exquisite! There 's no doubt
of that, even if we are vastly ignorant.
Refinements of this sort are of weight
in aiding us to make vain distinctions
between ourselves and those people
whom we regard as vulgar and com-
mon, but they do not aid us in the
search for wisdom.
Now, many of the processes of dis-
integration are unpleasant and they
serve as warnings, but the best of us
does not put his handkerchief to his
eyes if he sees an unpleasant sight, or
stop his ears and run away if he hears a
cry of pain. The best of us listens to
hear where the trouble is, and hastens
to help if he can. But when we smell a
disagreeable odor we usually get up
and run away. It is all we know how to
do. And every unpleasant odor is by
no means a sign of danger or even of
organic disintegration. Some entirely
harmless products are dreadful be-
yond description in their odor, and, on
the other hand, the aroma of prussic
acid and a number of other virulent
poisons is delightful.
But the field is far wider than these
qualifications of pleasantness and un-
pleasantness, and we shall only baffle
research if we wed ourselves to empir-
ical rules before they have been tested
out.
Sir William Ramsay, whose ever-
young enthusiasm leads him into so
many of the secret gardens of nature,
has found a relation between odor and
molecular weight, and J. B. Haycraft
has pointed out what appears to be a
cousinship of odors that accords with
the periodic law; another notes that
odorous substances seem to be readily
oxidized, and Tyndall showed that
many odorous vapors have a consider-
able power of absorbing heat. Some
work has been done in German,
French, and Italian laboratories to
discover the nature of the phenomenon
of smell, but very little that is definite
has been brought out; only here and
there a few facts; and nobody seems
to want to know them.
And yet the scientific possibilities
are very fascinating, even if they are
bewildering. For instance, it appears
that the sensitive region of either nos-
tril is provided with a great number of
olfactory nerve-cells embedded in the
epithelium. The olfactory cells are also
connected by nerves which extend to
the brain. Well, what happens when we
smell anything? The olfactory nerve-
cells are surrounded by a liquid. What
is the nature of that liquid? Do the
particles which we assume to be the
cause of olfactory phenomena dissolve
in it? If they do — and here we pray
thee, oh, great Arrhenius, come help
us ! — does dissociation take place, and
are there smell ions? That is, do frac-
tions of the molecules of those bodies
that give odor dissociate themselves
from the rest and ride in an electric
stream to the nerves? What do they
do when they get there?
Let us try again. The ends of the
nerves must be covered with some sort
of a membrane. Here is where osmo-
sis may come in.
Osmosis is the gentle art
Whereby, as you should know,
A substance side-steps to the place
Where it would like to go.
Somehow it would seem that the
particles that produce the sensation
of smell must get through those mem-
branes at the ends of the nerves. If
they do not get through, themselves,
336
THE SENSE OF SMELL
they must project, something through;
it cannot be a simple tapping, gentle
tapping, at the nose's door. That might
produce sound or heat or even light,
but can it produce smell? Let us agree
that the process may be an osmotic
one and that the particles glide through
softly, gently; and, without claiming
that it has any special bearing upon
the subject, let us remember that a
healthy dog's nose is cold.
Having guessed that smell may be
caused by an impact of smell ions upon
the nerve termini, and having guessed
again that the process may be an os-
motic one, we may be troubled anew
with the question as to that liquid
that we think covers the termini of the
olfactory nerves. Is it a colloidal solu-
tion? Now I begin to grow comfort-
able because I confess frankly that
concerning colloids I am vastly unin-
formed; and in ignorance is easy guess-
ing. The content of nerves is colloidal,
and it is fair to presume that this
liquid is. All of those albuminous phys-
iological products are. So, if the liquid
covering the nerve-ends is a colloidal
solution, — meaning not a true solu-
tion in the usual sense, but indicating
particles in suspension so minute that
the whole behaves like a solution, —
let us assume that the substances pro-
ducing odor enter into this state, and
so we may proceed to call the process
colloidal. It may be both colloidal and
osmotic, it may be — but we shall do
better to call for help.
We. are sorely in need of research
along the olfactory line. We are still
questioning as to the nature of elec-
tricity and what it is, but good men
are working over it. With the phenome-
non of smell we are still mediaeval. No-
body knows, and many talk big. There
is little progress to be made by vapid
guessing outside of laboratories. But
those of us who are inactive in research
may be of use if we are only frank and
talk about it enough to get it out of the
taboo under which it has rested for a
thousand years. Then, if we maintain
a simple curiosity such as animates
children and great men, there will come
from laboratories one fact after another
which has not been known before.
Then, some day, some one with the
Vision will arise and arrange the facts
in their real order and so, suddenly,
there will stand revealed the Truth!
Thus, with the sense of smell added to
the intelligent use of mankind, life will
be greater and larger, and the bounda-
ries of human knowledge will be moved
back a span, and human understand-
ing will take one more great step in
advance toward the Infinite.
To return to the dog, he seems to
know and to recognize certain emo-
tions through his nose. He seems to
recognize fear, and to have all sorts of
fun with it. He appears also to recog-
nize good- will, — although not always,
as many of us can testify, — and he
seems to know anger. Now, we know
that nerve-reactions have at least a
chemical accompaniment. Metabolism
is often inhibited, the whole digestive
process is frequently upset, and there
is a fair possibility that the sweat
glands are so modified by emotions
that their processes are indicative of
emotional reactions. The trained nose
might recognize this. If we could only
advance along this line until we could
recognize anger and fear, and possibly
even deceit, consider in what measure
life would be augmented! It seems a
far cry to imagine, in a court of law, the
witness testifying with two or three
good smellers sitting close by, to note
his sweat-reactions; but it would be no
more absurd than some of our courts
to-day, with their far more mislead-
ing entanglements of legal procedure.
We talk of the value of publicity in
regard to corporate affairs, but we have
only for a minute to consider what an
TO AN ORCHID 337
aid to morals trained noses would be would reek to the ceiling of worry as
by way of effecting publicity in the soon as he made his first false entry,
family. The mere suggestion unlocks and if the specific odors of anger and
the door to the trouble parlor; but then, deceit were discovered so that they
no one would try to lock it if he and might be known immediately, we — but
his household were proficient in the art this is not a theological discourse and
of smelling. The defaulting cashier its purpose is not to describe Paradise.
TO AN ORCHID
BY GRACE HAZARD CONKLING
MOON-HORNED orchid in the oak,
Uttering thee, what spirit spoke?
Thou who hearest patiently
Humble patois of the bee,
Hast thou anything to tell
Of the angel Israfel?
Who would murmur half aloud
Word of wind or star or cloud,
If thy beauty were a throat
For his far ethereal note?
He by whom thou wert designed
Kin of cloud and star and wind?
Mystic flower, could 'st thou say
If the little children play
Much with Mozart where he dreams
Daylong by the heavenly streams?
Does he tire of asphodel ?
And with Keats, oh, is it well?
VOL. Ill -NO. 3
THREE-ARCH ROCKS RESERVATION
BY DALLAS LORE SHARP
, THE fog was lifting. The thick, wet
drift that had threatened us on Tilla-
mook Bar stood clear of the shoulder-
ing sea to the westward, and in toward
shore, like an upper sea, hung at the
fir-girt middles of the mountains, as
level and as gray as the sea below.
There was no breeze. The long, smooth
swell of the Pacific swung under us and
in, until it whitened at the base of three
dark rocks that lay in our course, and
that now began to take on form out of
the foggy distance. Gulls were flying
over us; lines of black cormorants and
crowds of murres were winging past
toward the rocks; but we were still too
far away from the looming piles to see
that the gray of their walls was the
gray of uncounted colonies of nesting
birds, colonies that covered the craggy
steeps as the green firs clothed the
slopes of the Coast Range mountains,
up to the hanging fog.
As we steamed on nearer, the sound
of the surf about the rocks became
audible; the birds in the air grew more
numerous, their cries now faintly
mingling with the sound of the sea.
The hole in the Middle Rock, a mere
fleck of foam at first, widened rapidly
into an arching tunnel through which
our boat might have run; the sea be-
gan to break before us over half-sunk-
en ledges; and soon upon us fell the
damp shadows of Three-Arch Rocks,
for now we were looking far up at their
sides, at the sea-birds in their guano-
gray rookeries, — gulls, cormorants,
guillemots, puffins, murres, — incrust-
ing the ragged walls from tide-line to
333
pinnacle, as the crowding barnacles
incrusted the bases from the tide-line
down.
We were not approaching without
protest, for the birds were coming off
to meet us, more and more the nearer
we drew, wheeling and clacking over-
head in a constantly thickening cloud
of lowering wings and tongues. We
rounded the Outer Rock and headed
slowly in toward the yawning hole of
Middle Rock as into some mighty cave,
so sheer and shadowy rose the walls
above us, so like to cavern thunder was
the throbbing of the surf through the
hollow arches, was the flapping and
screaming of the birds against the high-
circling walls, was the deep menacing
grumble of the sea-lions, as through
the muffle of surf and sea-fowl, herd
after herd lumbered bellowing into the
foam.
It was a strange, wild scene. Hardly
a mile from the Oregon coast, but cut
off by breaker and bar from the abrupt,
uninhabited shore, the three rocks of
the Reservation, each pierced with its
resounding arch, heaved their heavy
shoulders from the waves straight up,
huge, towering, till our little steamer
coasted their dripping sides like some
puffing pigmy. They were sea rocks, of
no part or lot with the dry land, their
beryl basins wave-scooped, and set
with purple star-fish, with green and
pink anemones, and beaded many deep
with mussels of amethyst and jet, a
glitter in the water's overflow; and
just above the jeweled basins, like
fabled beasts of old, lay the sea-lions,
THREE-ARCH ROCKS RESERVATION
339
lumpish, uncouth forms, flippered, re-
versed in shape, with throats like the
caves of ^Eolus, hollow, hoarse, discord-
ant; and higher up, on every jutting
bench and shelf, in every weathered rift,
over every jog of the ragged cliffs, to
their bladed backs and pointed peaks,
swarmed the sea-birds, web-footed,
amphibious, wave-shaped, with stormy
voices given them by the winds that
sweep in from the sea. And their num-
bers were the numbers of the sea.
Crude, crowded, weltering, such life
could never have been brought forth
and nurtured by the dry land; her
breasts had withered at the birth.
Only the bowels of the wide, wet sea
could breed these heaps, these cones of
life that rose volcanic from the waves,
their craters clouded by the smoke of
wings, their belted bases rumbling
with a multi-throated thunder. The
air was dank with the must of a closed
room, — closed for an seon past, —
no breath of the land, no odor of herb,
no scent of fresh soil; but the raw,
rank smells of rookery and den, saline,
kelpy, fetid; the stench of fish and
bedded guano; and pools of reeking
ammonia where the lion herds lay
sleeping on the lower rocks in the sun.
A boat's keel was beneath me, but as
I stood out on the pointed prow, barely
above the water, and found myself
thrust forward without will or effort
among the crags and caverns, among
the shadowy walls, the damps, the
smells, the sounds; among the bellow-
ing beasts in the churning waters about
me, and into the storm of wings and
tongues in the whirling air above me,
I passed from the things I had known,
and the time and the earth of man,
into a period of the past, elemental,
primordial, monstrous.
I had not known what to expect, be-
cause, never having seen Three-Arch
Rocks, I could not know what my
friend Finley meant when he said to
me, * Come out to the Pacific Coast, and
I will take you back to your cave-days ;
I will show you life as it was lived at
the beginning of the world.' I had left
my Hingham garden with its wood-
chuck, for the coast of Oregon, a jour-
ney that might have been compassed
by steam, that might have been meas-
ured in mere miles, had it stopped
short of Three-Arch Rocks Reserva-
tion, which lay seaward off the shore.
Instead of miles, it was zones, ages,
worlds that were traveled as I passed
into this haunt of wild sea-bird and
beast. And I found myself saying
over to myself, * Thou madest him to
have dominion over the work of thy
hands, Thou hast put all things under
his feet ' — as if the words had never
before been uttered in human ears
and could not yet be understood.
For here was no man-dominion; here
the trampling feet had never passed.
Here was the primeval world, the fresh
and unaffrighted morning of the Fifth
Day. Then, as the brute in me shook
itself and growled back at the brute
about me, something touched my arm,
and I turned to find the Warden of the
Rocks at my side, — God, as it were,
seeing again everything that He had
made, everything that man had un-
made, and saying again with a new
and a larger meaning, 'Have domin-
ion over the fowl of the air, and over
the fish of the sea, and over whatso-
ever passeth through the paths of the
seas.'
And here at my side, by act of Con-
gress, stood that Dominion, the Federal
Warden, the collective, spiritual man,
badged and armed to protect forever
against the individual brute man, the
wild life of these three rocks and the
waters adjacent.
But did I fully understand the Why?
Did I wholly comprehend the meaning
and the value of such a sanctuary for
wild life? I turned to the Warden with
340
THREE-ARCH ROCKS RESERVATION
the question. That honest official paus-
ed a moment, then slowly answered
that he'd be hanged if he knew why.
He did n't see any good in such protec-
tion, his salary notwithstanding. He
had caught a cormorant (one from the
Rocks) not long since, that had forty-
nine young salmon in its maw; and as
for the sea-lions, they were an unmiti-
gated nuisance, each one of them de-
stroying (so it had been reckoned) five
hundred pounds of fish every day.
Now the Warden's findings are open
to question, because there are good
reasons for the cormorant's catch being
other than salmon fry; still I have no
proof of error in his figures. I will ac-
cept them just now, — the five hun-
dred pounds of fish a day for the sea-
lion, and the forty-nine salmon fry of
the cormorant (they would easily total,
four years later, on their way up the
Columbia to the canneries, a half ton),
— accepting this fearful loss of Chinook
salmon then as real, is there any answer
to my question, Why? Any good and
sufficient reason for setting aside such
a reservation as Three- Arch Rocks? for
myself protecting the wild life of these
barren rocks against myself?
No, perhaps not, — not if this de-
struction means the utter loss of the
salmon as an industry and as an article
of food. But there is an adequate and
a paying catch of salmon being taken
in the Columbia this year, in spite of
the lions and the cormorants, as there
will be again next year, for the state
hatcheries have liberated over seven
millions of young salmon this summer
and sent them safely down the Colum-
bia to the sea. No, perhaps not, — no
good and sufficient reason for such pro-
tection were I an Astoria fisherman
with the sea-lions pursuing the salmon
into my nets (as occasionally they do),
instead of a teacher of literature in
Boston on the other side of the world.
It is easy in Boston to believe in sea-
lions in Astoria. It is hard anywhere
not to believe in canned salmon. Yet,
as sure as the sun shines, and the moon,
there are some things utterly without
an equivalent in canned salmon.
Among these things are Three-Arch
Rocks and Malheur Lake and Klamath
Lake Reservations in Oregon, and the
scores of other bird and animal re-
serves created by Congress all the way
from the coast of Maine, across the
states, and over-seas to the Hawaian
Islands. They were set aside only
yesterday; the sportsman, the pelt
hunter, the plume hunter, the pot hunt-
er, and in some instances the legitimate
fisherman and farmer, ordered off to
make room for the beast and the bird.
Small wonder if there is some grum-
bling, some law-breaking, some failure
to understand. But that will pass.
In to-day's news, cabled from Copen-
hagen, I read, —
'Americans of Danish descent have
purchased a tract of 300 acres of typ-
ical and virgin Danish heather land-
scape, which is to be preserved for all
ages to come as a national park. The
wonderful, picturesque Danish heath,
which for ages has furnished inspiration
to national artists and poets, has been
disappearing fast before the onslaught
of the thrifty Danish farmers, who are
bringing every available square inch
of Denmark's soil under cultivation.
One day it dawned upon the Danish
people that soon there would be nothing
left of this typical landscape, and while
the good people of Denmark were dis-
cussing ways and means of preserving
this virgin soil, Americans of Danish
descent had already had a representa-
tive on the spot who had bought up
from a number of small landowners
the 300-acre tract known as Rebild
Bakkar [Rebild Hills], considered the
most beautiful part of the heath, be-
sides having historical associations
dating hundreds of years back.'
THREE-ARCH ROCKS RESERVATION
341
I am sending the cablegram to the
Warden of Three-Arch Rocks and to
the Astoria Fisherman, and to myself,
underscoring these lines, —
'The wonderful, picturesque Danish
heath, which for ages has furnished
inspiration to national artists and poets,
has been disappearing fast before the
onslaught of the thrifty Danish farm-
ers, who are bringing every available
square inch of Denmark's soil under
cultivation.'
Three hundred acres of inspiration
to artists and poets (and to common
people, too), or three hundred acres
more of vegetables, — which will Den-
mark have?
Now, I have a field pf vegetables. I
was born and brought up in a field of
vegetables — in the sweet-potato and
cabbage fields of southern New Jersey.
To this day I love — with my heart
and with my hoe — a row of stone-
mason cabbages; but there are cab-
bages on both sides of the road all the
way home, not fewer cabbages this
year, but more, and ever more and
more, with less and ever less and less
of the virgin heather in between.
The heather is for inspiration, for
pictures and poems; the cabbages are
for cold-slaw and sauerkraut. Have
any complained of our lack of cold-
slaw and sauerkraut? No. Have any
watched, as they who watch for the
morning, for the coming of our great
painter and poet? Yea, and they still
watch.
Cold-slaw and sauerkraut and canned
salmon let us have; but let us also have
the inspiration of the virgin heath, and
the occasional restoration to our prim-
itive, elemental, animal selves, in a re-
turning now and then to the clangor
and confusion of wild life on Three-
Arch Rocks. The body feeds on cab-
bage. The spirit is sustained by heath-
er. Denmark has fifteen thousand
square miles devoted to her body, and
has saved three hundred acres for her
soul! What have we saved?
I have not convinced the Warden,
doubtless; but if I have encouraged
him to perform his duty, then that is
something. And well he knows the need
for his guard. The sea was without a
sail when we steamed in toward the
Rocks. We had scarcely landed, how-
ever, when a boat hove in sight, and
bearing down upon us, dropped anchor
within rifle-range of the lion herds,
the men on board pulling their guns
for an hour's sport!
'Thou hast put all things under his
feet'; and the feet have overrun and
trampled down all things except in the
few scattered spots where the trespass
sign and the Warden are keeping them
off. I have been following these feet
over the last-left miles of wild Cana-
dian prairie, over a road so new that
I could still see crossing it the faint,
grass-grown trails of the buffalo. I
followed the feet on over the Coast
Range Mountains, through the last-
remaining miles of first-growth timber,
where the giant bolles, felled for the
road, lay untrimmed and still green
beside the way — a straight, steel-
bordered way, for swift, steel-shod feet
that shake the mountain and the prairie
in their passing, and leave behind
them down the trail the bones of herds
and forests, the ripped sod, the barbed
wire, the shacks that curse the whole
horizon, the heaps of gutted tins, and
rags, and scrap — unburied offal, flung
from the shanty doors with rose-slip
and grain of wheat, to blossom later in
the wilderness and make it to rejoice.
Only it will not be the wilderness
then, or the solitary place; it will not
be prairie or forest. The fir tree will
never follow the rose, nor the buffalo-
grass the great gasoline tractor. I have
seen the last of the unploughed prairies,
the last of the virgin forests. It was
only six weeks ago that I passed through
342
THREE-ARCH ROCKS RESERVATION
the mountain forest, and to-day, as
I am writing, those age-old trees are
falling as the summer grass falls across
the blade of the mower.
This, I know, must needs be. All
of this was implied, delegated, in the
command, 'Be fruitful and multiply,
and replenish the earth and subdue it.'
No, not all of this needs to be; nor
ought to be.
'O River,' said Mary,
* Why will you not stay,
And tell me the things
That you see on your way.
'Oh! why must you hurry,
The day is so long;
Pray, rest a short time
And sing me a song.'
'My child,' said the River,
'If I stay with you,
Why, what will the grasses
And sweet flowers do?
'The mills must be turned;
Ships taken to sea;
And the news of the day
Must be carried by me/
The river is right, though the child
can hardly understand; and the child,
too, is right, — will the river ever un-
derstand? The mills of men must be
turned, their ships must be taken to
sea, but the child, the eternal child,
must be told a story, must be sung a
song. For what does a child know of
mills? It cannot live by wheaten bread
alone.
The river is turning my mill, for I
(a part of me) and my children (a part
of them) need bread; but the heart of
me, the soul of me, the eternal child of
me and of my children, craves some-
thing that the harnessed river cannot
grind for us, something that only the
wild, free river can tell to us under the
fir trees, at its far-off headwaters, can
sing to us as its clear cascades leap
laughing down from pool to boulder,
in its distant mountain home.
The river is turning my mill. I must
grind and the river must help me grind.
But I must play too, and be told a
story and be sung a song. Am I not a
child? and do I not owe the child some-
thing? Must I put the child in the
mill to grind? There are children in
our mills, — little children, yes, and
big children; young children, and old
children, — more old children than
young; grinding, grinding, grinding as
our dank, dark rivers go turning on, too
hurried now to tell a story, too thick-
tongued to sing a song.
Here was still the story and the song,
here on Three-Arch Rocks; a story as
naked as birth and death; a song as
savage as the sea, —
Birth, birth and death!
Wing and claw and beak;
Death, death and birth!
From crowded cave to peak.
These were the Isles of Life. Here, in
these rocky caverns, life was conceived
and brought forth, life as crude and
raw and elemental as the rock itself.
It covered every crag. I clutched it in
my hands; I crushed it under my feet;
it was thick in the air about me. My
narrow path up the face of the rock
was a succession of sea-bird rookeries,
of crowded eggs, and huddled young,
hairy or naked or wet from the shell.
Every time my fingers felt for a crack
overhead they touched something warm
that rolled or squirmed; every time
my feet moved under me, for a hold,
they pushed in among top-shaped
eggs that turned on the shelf or went
over far below; and whenever I hugged
the pushing wall I must bear off from
a mass of squealing, struggling, shape-
less things, just hatched. And down
upon me, as rookery after rookery of
old birds whirred in fright from their
ledges, fell crashing eggs and unfledged
young, that the greedy gulls devoured
ere they touched the sea.
An alarmed wing-beat, the excited
THREE-ARCH ROCKS RESERVATION
343
turn of a webbed foot, and the murre's
single egg or its single young was sent
over the edge, so narrow was the foot-
ing for Life, so yawning the pit below.
But up out of the churning waters, up
from crag to crag, clambers Life, by
beak, by claw, falling, clinging, climb-
ing, with the odds forever favoring
Death, with Life forever finding wings.
I was mid-way in my climb, at a bad
turn, edging inch by inch along, my
face hard-pressed to the face of the
cliff, my fingers gripping a slight seam
overhead, my feet feeling blindly at the
brink beneath, when there came up to
me, small and smothered, the wash of
the waves, — the voice of space and
nothingness and void, the call of the
chasm out of which I was so hardly
climbing. A cold hand clasped me
from behind.
With an impulse as instinctive as the
unfledged murre's, I flattened against
the toppling rock, fingers and feet, el-
bows, knees, and chin clinging desper-
ately to the narrow chance, — a fall-
ing fragment of shale, a gust of wind,
the wing-stroke of a frightened bird,
enough to break the hold and swing
me out over the water, washing faint
and far below. A long breath, and I
was climbing again.
We were on the Outer Rock, our
only possible ascent taking us up the
sheer south face. With the exception
of an occasional western gull's and
pigeon guillemot's nest, these steep
sides were occupied entirely by the
California murres, — penguin-shaped
birds about the size of a wild duck,
chocolate-brown above, with white
breasts, that literally covered the sides
of the three great Rocks wherever they
could find a hold. If a million meant
anything, I should say there were a
million murres nesting on this Outer
Rock; not nesting either, for the egg is
laid upon the bare ledge, as you might
place it upon a mantel, a single sharp-
pointed egg, as large as a turkey's, and
just as many of them on the ledge as
there is standing-room for the birds.
The murre broods her egg by standing
straight up over it, her short legs, by
dint of stretching, allowing her to
straddle the big egg, her short tail
propping her securely from behind.
On, up along the narrow back, or
blade, of the Rock, and over the peak,
were the well-spaced nests of the brand t
cormorants, nests the size of an ordi-
nary straw hat, made of sea-grass and
the yellow-flowered sulphur-weed that
grew in a dense mat over the north
slope of the top, each nest holding four
long, dirty, blue eggs or as many black,
shivering young; and in the low sul-
phur-weed, all along the roof-like slope
of the top, built the gulls and the
tufted puffins; and, with the burrowing
puffins, often in the same holes, were
found the stormy petrels; while down
below them, as up above them, — all
around the rock rim that dropped sheer
to the sea, — stood the cormorants,
black, silent, statuesque; and every-
where were nests and eggs and young,
and everywhere were flying, crying
birds — above, about, and far below
me, a whirling, whirring vortex of wings
that had caught me in its funnel.
So thick was the air with wings, so
clangorous with harsh tongues, that
I had not seen the fog moving in, or
noticed that the gray wind of the morn-
ing had begun to growl about the crags.
It was late, and the night that I had
intended to spend on the summit would
be dark and stormy, would be too wet
and wild for watching, where one must
hold on with his hands so close to the
edge, or slip and go over.
I had hoped to wrap up in my blank-
ket and, in the dark of the night, listen
for the return of the petrels, the Kaed-
ing petrels, that built all over the top.
The earthy, north slope of the top is
honeycombed with their burrows, yet
S44
THREE-ARCH ROCKS RESERVATION
never a petrel is seen about the
rock. I had dug out the brooding bird
and its single white egg during the
afternoon, but I knew that I must
wait until after dark if I would hear
the winnowing of the wings and the
chittering of the voices as the mate
in the burrow gave greeting and place
to the mate that had been all day, and
all night, at sea. But the cold driving
fog, and the drizzle that was setting
in, made a night on the top impos-
sible; so we got over the rim and by
rope down along the south face of the
cliff, up which we had climbed, to a
small shelf under an overhanging ledge
about forty feet above the waves. Here,
protected from the north-west wind,
and from much of the rain, we rolled
up in our blankets, while night crept
down upon us and out over the sea.
It was a gray, ghostly night of dusk
and mist that swam round and round
the crags and through the wakeful
caverns in endless undulations, coiling
its laving folds over the sunken ledges,
and warping with slow, sucking sounds
its mouthing tentacles round and
through the rocks. Or was it only the
wash of its waves? only the gray of the
mist and the drip of the rain? Or was
it the return of the waters? the re-
solving of firmament and rock back
through the void of night into the flux
of tluTsea?
It was a long night of small, distinct,
yet multitudinous sounds. The con-
fusion caused by our descent among
the birds soon subsided; the large col-
ony of murres close by our heads re-
turned to their rookery; and with the
rain and thickening dark there spread
everywhere the quiet of a low mur-
murous quacking. Sleep was settling
over the rookeries.
Down in the water below us rose the
bulk of a sea-lion, an old lone bull,
whose den we had invaded. He, too,
was coming back to his bed for the
night. He rose and sank in the half
light, blinking dully at the cask and
other things that we had left below us
on the ledge belonging to him. Then
he slowly clambered out and hitched
up toward his bed. My own bed was
just above his, so close that I could
hear him blow, could see the scars on
his small head, and a long open gash
on his side. We were very near.
I drew back from the edge, pulled
the blanket and sail-cloth over me,
and turned my face up to the slanting
rain. Two young gulls that had hid-
den from us in a cranny came down
and nestled quite close to my head,
their parents, one after the other, perch-
ing an instant on the rock just out of
reach, and all through the night call-
ing to them with a soft nasal quack to
still their alarm. In the murre colony
overhead there was a constant stir of
feet and a soft, low talk; and overall
the Rock, through all the darkened air,
there was the silent coming and going
of wings, shadow-wings of the stormy
petrel, some of them, that came win-
nowing in from afar on the sea.
The drizzle thickened; the night
lengthened. I listened to the wings
about me, to the murmur among the
birds above me, to the stir of the sea
beneath me, to the breathing of the
sleeping men beside me; to the pulse of
the life enfolding me, of which I was
part and heart; and under my body I
felt a narrow shelf of rock dividing the
waters from the waters. The drizzle
thickened; the night lengthened; and
— darkness was upon the face of the
deep.
THE COURTS AND LEGISLATIVE FREEDOM
BY GEORGE W. ALGER
TWENTY-FIVE to fifty years ago there
were time-honored phrases which were
applied by lawyers with more or less
popular approval to the American
judiciary. The courts were the * Palla-
dium of our liberties/ the * Guardians
of the Ark of the Covenant.' To-day
the public attitude has largely changed,
These phrases are no longer current.
The people are dissatisfied with the
guardians, and in some quarters there
is dissatisfaction with the ark itself.
The popular magazines are full of art-
icles upon judicial aggression, judicial
oligarchies, and the lucubrations of
ingenious laymen, who, unconstrained
by any embarrassment through know-
ledge of law or of the functions or
powers of the judiciary, cheerfully lay
at the doors of the courts all the ills of
our body politic. The legislatures and
constitutional conventions are debat-
ing proposals for the recall of judges,
and the bar associations are adding to
the general confusion by sweepingly
denouncing, as demagogic attacks up-
on the courts, all proposals of change
except certain excellent, though tardy,
measures of procedure-reform eman-
ating from themselves. The platform
of one political party advocates a sim-
plification of the method of impeach-
ment. Between indiscriminate attack
and unreasoning defense, the courts
suffer both from their enemies and,
if possible, still more from their friends;
and sober-minded citizens are left with-
out light or leading.
What is the fundamental cause arous-
ing this tumult of conflicting charges,
this spirit of bitterness, these recrim-
inations and attacks? At bottom, the
difficulty will be found to be in a
change in the attitude of the people,
not toward the courts themselves, but
toward law-making bodies; and the
desire to readjust, in an essential par-
ticular, constitutional power as be-
tween the courts and the law-making
bodies, by the only feasible method
which our complicated system affords
— direct application of public opinion.
To attempt to analyze the process
of this change would be difficult, and
no broad generalization can be made
which would not appear in some quar-
ter to be glaringly inaccurate. For one
thing, there has been in our country,
in recent years, a decided growth in
actual democracy. Despite occasional
flashes of its ancient power, govern-
ment by political oligarchies, boss-rule,
is slowly losing ground. Invisible gov-
ernment is giving way to visible gov-
ernment of a better type. Again, we
have passed industrially from individ-
ualism to collectivism, and our law has
not yet adapted itself to the transi-
tion. A condition of interdependence,
socially and industrially, requires re-
cognition and regulation by law. Sena-
tor Root has, with great felicity, ex-
pressed this in a recent address. He
says, —
* Instead of the give-and-take of free
individual contract, the tremendous
power of organization has combined
great aggregations of capital in enor-
mous industrial establishments, work-
ing through vast agencies of commerce,
345
346
THE COURTS AND LEGISLATIVE FREEDOM
and employing great masses of men in
movements of production and trans-
portation and trade, so great in the
mass, that each individual concerned in
them is quite helpless by himself. The
relations between the employer and
the employed, between the owners of
aggregated capital and the unit of or-
ganized labor, between the small pro-
ducer, the small trader, the consumer,
and the great transporting and manu-
facturing and distributing agencies, all
present new questions, for the solution
of which the old reliance upon the free
action of individual wills appears quite
inadequate. And, in many directions,
the intervention of that organized con-
trol which we call government seems
necessary to produce the same result
of justice and right conduct which ob-
tained through the attrition of individ-
uals before the new conditions arose.' 1
There is beneath all a spirit of rest-
lessness in the people not to be over-
come by soporifics or reactionary fore-
bodings, a dissatisfaction with things
as they are, and a demand upon law-
making bodies for greater service in
harmonizing law to the requirements of
a changed industrial order. To meet
these new conditions new measures
are required. They must proceed from
law-makers. In response to that de-
mand in the states and in the nation,
long-neglected subjects of legislation
are receiving attention. With this
growing interest in such matters the
law-maker, and those interested in
legislation upon these topics, find in
certain fundamental parts of the work
of legislation a conflict of power be-
tween the law-maker and the courts.
Such a conflict is more or less essen-
tial in any system of checks and bal-
ances like ours. With us it has, in fact,
always existed, but just now the force
1 Judicial Decisions and Public Feeling. An
address before the New York State Bar Associa-
tion, January 19, 1912.
of public opinion is more largely on the
side of the law-maker and those whom
he represents in the demand for legis-
lation, than it was in the days when
he was generally discredited and dis-
trusted, and when he was less the re-
presentative of the people and more
the tool of a boss-ridden party system.
The sphere of power of the law-maker,
under our present system of checks and
balances, as interpreted by our courts,
is the arc of a pendulum, which has the
phrase 'due process of law' at both
extremities. How wide the pendulum
may swing depends upon how far the
courts consider it lawful that the legis-
lature should go before coming in con-
flict with the phrase.
It will be said at once that this state-
ment is incorrect because every state
constitution, as well as the Constitu-
tion of the nation, has a multitude of
limitations upon legislative action, and
the provision that property shall not
be taken without due process of law is
only one of them. This criticism is not
without merit. But the due-process
clause is the principal example of these
broad general expressions current in
our Constitution which, not placed
there by the courts, are nevertheless
to be construed and given a meaning
and a force as limitations of legislative
and executive power. This provision
is the great stumbling-block of the law-
maker because it is not defined except
in vague generalities by the courts,
and is not readily susceptible of de-
finition.
For illustration, take a subject with
which a dozen American states are
now struggling, and on which there
is an aroused public opinion, — indus-
trial accidents. A workmen's compen-
sation act is under legislative consid-
eration. A bill is drawn recognizing,
as in Europe, that such accidents are
an inevitable part of modern industry
and are chargeable justly upon the in-
THE COURTS AND LEGISLATIVE FREEDOM
347
dustry itself, and providing for com-
pulsory compensation by the employer
for all accidents occurring in his plant,
irrespective of whether they are oc-
casioned by his fault. Does it take
property without due process of law?
The law- maker looks to see what 'due
process* is declared to mean by the
courts. What does he learn? He learns
first that the words are equivalent to
* the law of the land ' as used in Magna
Charta. This is historically interesting,
but to him of no practical value. He
then learns, if he looks a little further,
that what he has tried to find out by
judicial decision, the courts themselves
have refused to define, except in terms
which afford no practical help, saying
that these words are incapable of accu-
rate definition, and that it is wiser to
ascertain their intent and application
'by the gradual process of judicial in-
clusion and exclusion, as the cases pre-
sented for decision shall require, with
the reasoning upon which such deci-
sions may be founded.'
'It must be confessed,' says the
United States Supreme Court, 'that
the constitutional meaning and value
of the phrase "due process of law" re-
mains to-day without that satisfactory
precision of definition which judicial
decisions have given to nearly all the
other guaranties of personal rights
found in the constitutions of the several
states and of the United States.'
The courts say, in substance, to the
law-maker, 'We can give you no rule
or definition for this thing which shall
enable you to know what due pro-
cess of law is before you legislate, but
if you pass some law and afterwards
it is questioned in court, we can then
tell by application of this indefinable
thing, by our process of inclusion and
exclusion, whether the particular law
is void or not, as taking property with-
out due process of law.'
When a law has been enacted and is
being tested in court, the brief of the
lawyer who attacks it is usually full of
illustrations of other statutes more or
less like it, which courts have held to
be bad, as taking property without due
process of law. The brief of the lawyer
in favor of the law is based on those
cases, if any he can find, in which more
or less similar statutes have been de-
clared valid, and with these cases he
has generally an argument that this
particular kind of a statute which he
desires to uphold is what he calls a valid
exercise of the police power.
Now, the legislator is interested in
both of these things. If he cannot know
in advance what is due process of law
which tells him what he must not do, he
will be quite safe about his statute-
making if he can know what is the
scope of the police power which tells
him what he can do. Upon searching
among court decisions for a definition
of this police power, so-called, he finds
there is no concrete definition of it. It
also is incapable of definition. The
courts do, of course, describe it. In a
thousand decisions it is referred to as
the power of the law-making body ' to
promote the health, peace, morals,
education, and good order of the people
by the enactment of reasonable regu-
lations for that purpose.'
But since it is incapable of exact de-
finition and there are no certain rules
governing it, the courts again say that
the question whether a law is a valid
exercise of the police power must be
determined by testing the individual
statute by application. 'With regard
to the police power, as elsewhere in the
law, lines are pricked out by the grad-
ual approach and contact of decisions
on the opposing sides.' The courts
will examine the statute. If they find
that, in their judgment, the legislature
adopted it in the exercise of a reason-
able discretion, based upon sufficient
facts, they will hold that the law is a
348
THE COURTS AND LEGISLATIVE FREEDOM
valid exercise of the police power. To
forbid barbers to work on Sunday is
reasonable. To forbid women to work
at night is unreasonable. So the first
law is a valid exercise of the police
power, and the second takes liberty
and property without due process of
law.
In the meanwhile, what becomes of
the law-maker? He is endeavoring to
respond to the demands of the people
for legislation on questions which,
without any constitutional puzzles in-
jected into them, are in themselves
difficult in the extreme. New condi-
tions need new remedies. He devises
the new remedy. He introduces it as
a bill, which contains some limitations
upon the conduct of some class or body.
It is debated in committee. It is
amended to meet objections. It is de-
bated in the two houses. It is passed.
It is examined by the governor and his
advisers. It becomes law. Then it goes
to the court and if three out of five
men, greatly learned in law, applying
the judicial mystery of due process of
law, decide that the thing attempted
is, as they see it, not a reasonable exer-
cise of the discretion of the legislature
in imposing the restraint or regulation
proposed, the wisdom of two branches
of the legislature and of the governor
is overcome. The law is not a law.
The thing which the courts in these
decisions are dealing with is that pro-
cess of adjustment, inevitable in law
as in life, between the rights and liber-
ties of the individual and the rights
and necessities of society. The police
power, so-called, is in law the branch
which expresses the expanding needs
of society, and through which society's
demands upon the individual are made.
Society asserts, by legislation based
upon police power, the necessities of
social coordination for the develop-
ment of the state. The individual —
or more often some one pretending to
act in his interest — resists, through
the due-process clause, the encroach-
ments of society upon 'natural' right.
The problem thrust upon the courts
is the duty of harmonizing — without
set rules or chart or compass — the re-
lations of man, the individual, to the
society to which he must belong. Plato
declared that he was ready to follow
as a god any man who knew how to
combine in his conduct the law of the
one and the law of the many. How in-
finitely more difficult the task of pre-
scribing such conduct, not for one's self
only, but for the one and the many of a
complex state! It is the most difficult
of tasks. It is imposed upon no other
courts than ours in the world. The
duty which Milton took upon himself
in his epic, of justifying the ways of
God to man, is in our time only paral-
leled by the duty of American courts
of justifying the ways of society to
man and of man to society.
The theory of procedure in this pro-
cess of justification, to be sure, is sim-
ple. Show us — say the courts — a
necessity of society so great as to re-
quire the subordination of the personal
rights of the individual to the greater
demands of the aggregation of individ-
uals composing the whole, and we will
sustain the law which causes that sub-
ordination. Show us a case where, for
an alleged social need, but having no
just cause or basis, or real social re-
quirement, the rights of the individual
are threatened with arbitrary destruc-
tion, and we will in turn protect the
individual from such a law by declaring
that his life, liberty, or property can-
not be taken without due process of
law.
The essential conflicts between the
courts and the legislatures on these sub-
jects are over questions of fact. The
legislature says, for example, We have
found as a fact a social necessity for
limiting the hours of labor of bakers.
THE COURTS AND LEGISLATIVE FREEDOM
349
We have examined into the condition
of their work and find that their wel-
fare, and thereby the welfare of society,
requires such limitations. The Su-
preme Court of the United States says
that there are no reasonable grounds
for believing that such social necessity
exists, and it finds the law to be uncon-
stitutional in taking away the baker's
liberty.
As to the hours of women in laun-
dries and men in mines, the court ap-
proves the legislative finding of social
fact, declaring these to be cases where
the legislature has adjudged that a
limitation is necessary for the preserv-
ation of the health of such employees;
and there are reasonable grounds for
believing that such determination is
sustained by the facts. The question
in each case is whether the legislature
has adopted the statute in the exer-
cise of a reasonable discretion, or whe-
ther its action is a mere excuse for an
unjust discrimination or the oppression
or spoliation of a particular class.
The opportunity for conflict between
the legislature and the courts on ques-
tions of social fact is apparent. In this
conflict, public opinion finds itself more
and more on the side of the legislature.
This shift in public opinion does not
come because the majority of people
are convinced that legislators are wiser
than courts or less prone to make mis-
takes, but is born of a more general
realization of the fact that, so far as
law can effect them, solutions of in-
dustrial and economic questions are ne-
cessarily legislative ones, and that to
deny the legislator the power to make
mistakes is also to deny him the power
to remedy or correct evils which can
receive correction only through legis-
lation. Underlying a great part of the
current discussion of the judiciary,
and as a main basis for the nostrum
entitled the recall of judges, is this mat-
ter of the potential domination of the
legislative idea of reasonableness by
the judicial idea of reasonableness.
The conservative deprecates and
deplores the irritation and impatience
thus engendered and manifested to-
ward the courts. As a process of ad-
justment of such difficulties he repeats
the time-honored argument that the
true remedy is to meet these conflicts,
one by one, with the cumbrous, diffi-
cult, and dilatory procedure of piece-
meal constitutional amendment. The
suggestion that the situation can be
met in any other fashion or by any
change of attitude of the courts them-
selves, he regards as sheer demagogy.
What the conservative refuses to see,
in his resistance to the new forces in
public opinion, is that the more pro-
gressive or radical influences in our
society are themselves endeavoring to
accomplish an essential conservative
reform through this insistence upon the
recognition by the courts of the need
of greater legislative freedom. They
are endeavoring to find a modus vivendi
in our Constitution for an ancient and
time-honored clause which, upon the
conservative's own logic, they should
seek to repeal.
It is essential that we should see the
true nature of this conflict, and the
alternative which it affords. We must
do one of two things : either determine
to continue our courts in their present
position of harmonizers between the
individual and society, and thereby
continue in form and theory their pre-
sent power over legislation, looking to
the courts themselves for such prac-
tical modification of their exercise of
that power as shall give a necessary
leeway to legislation; or, what has not
yet been suggested, we must abolish
vague constitutional limitations, and
decide that an impracticable and un-
workable power of the courts over
legislatures should be removed by a
repeal of the clause or clauses of the
350
THE COURTS AND LEGISLATIVE FREEDOM
Constitution forming the basis for its
existence.
As a conservative, as well as a prac-
tical people, we are trying the first
of these alternatives. Without chang-
ing the theory of judicial power in any
fundamental way, we are seeking to
have it practically so applied by the
courts as to enlarge the province of
legislation. We are endeavoring to ac-
complish this largely by a severe crit-
icism of those judicial decisions which
interfere with what many now recog-
nize as an essential part of legislative
freedom.
We are asking to have the courts
themselves recognize an extension of
the ordinary domain of legislative pow-
er, that is, the domain in which the
law-maker may enact his statute with-
out being obliged to claim justification
for what he enacts in any special plea
of social necessity, — the police power.
The extent of this common field of
legislation depends largely upon the
breadth of action permitted by the
courts in their definition of due process
of law. One definition of the test for
due process, in the constitutional sense
of the term, has been laid down by
many decisions of the courts.
* We must examine the Constitution
itself to see whether this process be in
conflict with any of its provisions. If
not found to be so, we must look to
those settled usages and modes of pro-
cedure existing in the common and
statute law of England before the emi-
gration of our ancestors, and which are
shown not to have been unsuited to
their civil and political condition by
having been acted on by them after
the settlement of this country.'
More briefly they describe it as *a
conformity with the ancient and cus-
tomary laws of the English people.'
If the basis for determining whether
we can do certain things legally in the
twentieth century is to be found by as-
certaining whether they could legally
have been done in England at or prior
to the fourth day of July, 1776, the
problem of grasping new conditions in
new ways by new laws is made infin-
itely difficult. The touchstone for pro-
gress then becomes not solely the needs
of the present, but the extent to which
these needs can be met by the applica-
tion of historical precedents of the past.
Nations are incapable of growth in any
such fashion, by any such method.
It is doubtless true that, historically,
due process of law, as understood and
applied in England from the days of
Magna Charta to the time when we
adopted our Constitution, contained
far fewer limitations upon executive
and legislative powers than those
which have been construed into it by
American courts in the past hundred
years. But it is the method of progress
which is important. No man can run
forward freely while continually look-
ing backward.
There is, however, another view of
due process consistent with national
growth. As the Supreme Court of the
United States has said, —
'The Constitution of the United
States was ordained, it is true, by de-
scendants of Englishmen who inherited
the traditions of English law and his-
tory, but it was made for an undefined
and expanding future, and for a people
gathered, and to be gathered, from
many nations and many tongues, and
while we take just pride in the principles
and institutions of the common law, we
are not to forget that in lands where
other systems of jurisprudence prevail,
the ideas and processes of civil justice
are also not unknown. . . . There is
nothing in Magna Charta rightly con-
strued as a broad charter of public
right and law which ought to exclude
the best ideas of all systems and of
every age, and as it was the character-
istic principle of the common law to
THE COURTS AND LEGISLATIVE FREEDOM
351
draw its inspiration from every foun-
tain of justice, we are not to assume
that the sources of its supply have
been exhausted. On the contrary, we
should expect that the new and various
experiences of our own situation and
system will mould and shape it into
new and not less useful form.'
The theories of due process of law:
the narrow one, which makes its touch-
stone history and the settled usages
and modes of procedure used in Eng-
land prior to our independence, and
the broad one, which sets aside all such
limitations and gives the phrase the ex-
pansive power by which there may be
created in America law not only for the
descendants of Englishmen, but for a
people gathered from many nations
and many tongues, represent an actual,
but not yet freely recognized, conflict
between the courts themselves.
The expansionist and the contrac-
tionist notions of due process of law are
expressed in many judicial decisions.
They conflict at times in the decisions
of the same courts. Both cannot live.
The permanence of our constitutions
in their present form depends upon
the establishment of a broad doctrine
which permits a free exercise of all the
essential attributes of legislative power.
What may be called the expansion-
ist theory is to-day rapidly gaining
ground. The notion that the courts
form an adamantine barrier to pro-
gress is false. They do not bow to
every fitful breath of change. Some
judges move more slowly than others,
to be sure, in adapting the law to the
settled will of the people. But to that
will they do conform. What is taking
place is a slow but sure change, un-
der the pressure of formulated public
opinion, in the character and scope
of the constitutional limitation of due
process of law. Even when found by
many most alarming, the movement
from which this pressure conies is es-
sentially a conservative one. Nowhere
has there been, from any respected
source, the suggestion that the whole
framework of our constitutional sys-
tem should be destroyed or that the
power of the courts to annul acts
which contravene the clause should
itself be destroyed. This in itself is a
tribute to the courts. If the people
were satisfied that the power to declare
laws unconstitutional under the due-
process clause had been in the main
detrimental to their best interests,
that its continuance was necessarily or
essentially a menace to the progress
of the nation, the reform movement
would have a different programme.
'No,' said the old farmer; *I don't
want a divorce, what I want is a leetle
more freedom on lodge nights.'
The people do not desire to abolish
the ancient landmarks. There is as
yet no expressed desire on the part of
any group or party to take from the
courts the power to test legislation by
ascertaining whether it conforms to na-
tural and inherent principles of justice;
or the power to forbid that one man's
rights or property shall be taken for
the benefit of another, or for the bene-
fit of the state, without compensation;
or that any man should be condemned
in his person or property without an
opportunity of being heard in his own
defense.
No other country in the world per-
mits its courts to test or to approve
or condemn legislation by the appli-
cation of any vague concept such as
* natural and inherent principles of
justice,' or by the interpretation of
phrases incapable of approximately
exact meaning which law-makers can
know in advance. In theory at least,
the continuance of a constitutional
system for governing ninety millions
of people on such a basis involves peril,
if not disaster. 'Yes,' said an English
barrister to me some months ago,
352
THE COURTS AND LEGISLATIVE FREEDOM
* things are pretty bad with us just
now. A lot of this Lloyd George legis-
lation is stuff and nonsense, too. Of
course Parliament had to do some-
thing, though; and with us, to be sure,
it has a pretty free hand; but/ he added
cheerfully, 'if we were tied up with
your Constitution we should be having
a civil war.'
A civil war is too remote a prospect
to arouse in an American much sense
of alarm. Our natural resources are
still vast. The field of individual op-
portunity, though narrowing, is still
large. The sense of any impending
peril which requires a fundamental re-
vision in our system of government,
our theory of national life, is still
unfelt. We do realize the need of a
change in the theory of legislative
power which shall give the law-maker
more freedom. Some of us are aroused
to this need by problems of labor, the
Lawrence strike, the McNamara and
Haywood affairs; some by problems of
capital, by the trust investigations;
while the high cost of living has influ-
enced the unthinking mass. The re-
sult is a desire to readjust the position
of the courts in the general system of
our government.
The recall of judges is in small meas-
ure due to a desire to get rid of judges,
but more largely to a desire to remind
them, by its crude potentialities, of
their duties to society as well as to the
individual. The misnamed recall of de-
cisions is an entirely different and less
objectionable proposition having the
same general end in view; a plan under
which due process of law in its final
analysis is to be determined by the peo-
ple who put the words in the Constitu-
tion for the judges to follow, and who
put the judges in their places to inter-
pret these words. Instead of attempt-
ing to terrorize the judge by the threat
of personal punishment through the
recall, instead of repealing the due-pro-
cess clause, instead of adopting amend-
ments to our constitutions, necessarily
broad and general, and conferring
large and possibly dangerous powers
on legislators in advance of legislation,
it proposes to refer to the people a
specific law, with the "due-process"
objections of the courts to its constitu-
tionality! Whatever the practical dif-
ficulties might be in its operation, its
theory is not radical but conservative.
It proposes that the question whether
a measure is due process of law shall
be tested by the judgment of the legis-
latures and the courts and, when they
disagree, by the sober judgment of the
people, who created both.
Ohio, in her constitutional conven-
tion, has submitted to the people, and
they have adopted with general ap-
proval, the proposition that no law
shall be declared unconstitutional un-
less five out of six of the judges of her
supreme court concur.
Other proposals with like objects are
made. The debates over them pro-
duce charges and countercharges. The
forces of reaction, the perpetual min-
ority, which in all ages has believed
in the continuance of things as they
are, the conservatives who see, as they
believe, the threatened destruction of
the safeguards of freedom, the still
larger class which believes that the
American people are as yet only par-
tially capable of self-government, find
themselves arrayed in defense of a
theory of judicial power which is out of
harmony with the new programme of
democracy.
This programme has for its initial
purpose the more direct participation
of the people in their own government,
and in the selection of their representa-
tives, and in a more direct sense of
responsibility by those representatives
to the people. Its first period is still
one in which questions to be debated
are largely matters of machinery. The
THE CONFESSIONS OF ONE BEHIND THE TIMES 353
direct primary, the presidential pre-
ference primary, the initiative, the re-
ferendum, the recall, the direct elec-
tion of United States senators, are not
ends of democracy, they are the means
by which democracy seeks to express
itself. How it shall express itself is
another matter. The part of this pro-
gramme which affects the courts is that
which seeks to bring them in line with
this movement by compelling them
to recognize a shift in the balance
of power, a necessary change in their
relation to a system which must depend
for its strength, its efficiency, and its
growth upon the power to create,
and not upon the power to complicate
or prevent.
The Ark of the Constitution is not
to be destroyed, the priests are not to
be driven from the temple of justice.
But the Ark exists not for the priests
and the Levites, but for an expanding
nation. Its safe place is not a temple,
but the hearts of a people whom it
guides, protects, and serves.
THE CONFESSIONS OF ONE BEHIND THE TIMES
BY AN OLD-TIMER
I AM engaged upon a book. Having
by this statement discouraged all read-
ers save the very boldest, I venture to
confide to them, not its subject, but its
causes, so far as I may do so without
betraying the secrets of my guild; for
every trade has its dark corner, sought
out by investigating committees and
muck-raking magazines, and the busi-
ness of university professor must, like
all others, protect its arcana from un-
sympathetic scrutiny. The investiga-
tion has, in fact, already begun, and
a few in our ranks are too familiar with
such terms in the science of academic
mensuration as * research-units/ and
* ratio of professor-power to assistant-
professor-power/ These new ideas im-
press me a good deal, I confess, es-
pecially when I hear one of my pupils
of a few years ago demonstrating to us
his teachers just what blunders we
made in his training. As I walk home,
deep in scientific and pedagogic de-
VOL. in -NO, 3
spondency, I feel that he is right, and
that the results produced by my teach-
ers in me are vastly superior to what I
and my colleagues have accomplished
in him.
I find myself, in short, an old-fash-
ioned person, not quickly adaptable to
the times in which I live; and though
I have been so duly chastened by my
juniors as only rarely and in secret to
reveal myself as Silaiidator temporis acti,
still it is difficult or impossible for me
to reach the flying goal of being up-to-
date.
When the elective system was de-
scending upon us, as some one has
said, 'like the great sheet let down out
of heaven ' (and with equally varied and
tempting contents), I was just begin-
ning in my classes to substitute for the
dogmatic memoriter methods, in which
I had been nurtured, a set of attract-
ively arranged inductive nibbles at the
great cake of knowledge. Again (if I
354 THE CONFESSIONS OF ONE BEHIND THE TIMES
may abruptly change metaphors, like
horses, in mid-stream), when I had
barely climbed from the straight and
narrow way of prescribed studies to
the broad open plateau of unlimited
election and was rather helplessly try-
ing, among its confused and recrossing
cart-paths, to find where the real via
salutis lay, I was puzzled to find what
had become of my more progressive
colleagues, whose advice and example
had lured me to these heights. After
considerable search I found that they
were apparently dispersed in a series
of curious little natural pockets or
recesses, perfectly self-sufficient and
completely separated one from another,
and each, for its own denizens, as easy
of access and as difficult of egress as
Avernus itself.
As I looked from above, from my
broad but somewhat chilly plateau,
there I could see them, each like a
monk in his cell, and each dipping
his pen in the newly patented ink
of productive scholarship or applying
his already practiced lips to the blow-
pipe of original research. I tried to call
to one or two of them from where I
stood, telling them how pleasant I
had hoped it would be to ramble with
them over the open country. They
replied politely but briefly, saying
that for me, a philosopher, it might be
permissible to stray at large, but for
them scholarship must be henceforth
not broad but deep. One of them, in
reply to a question of mine, admitted
that he felt at times a little lonely,
and that he had thought of tunneling
through to the valley of his nearest
neighbor, but he doubted whether he
would have time in leisure moments
to get there, without doing injustice
to his research, and he also doubted
whether his neighbor would, or even
could, meet him halfway.
So I left my former colleagues and
began to search over the plateau for my
present pupils; but somehow most of
them had fallen into the hollows and
could n't get out, and the few I could
finally gather around me seemed to
have their attention much distracted,
like my own, by the extent of the land-
scape and its horizon. Now and then
they would run off to one side, when-
ever we approached a hollow, to see
what their comrades in it were doing.
Not a few in this process fell over the
edge and were lost. I thought of the
old days when we all, teachers and pu-
pils alike, walked on the one straight
road in the valley, with fewer views
along the way, but with many pleasant
salutations and conversations as we
met and passed one another, and we
all were fondly hoping that the same
road would lead us somewhere at last.
But enough of metaphor, lest it de-
generate into allegory, which is alike
unscholarly and out-of-date.
A few years ago, an acquaintance
disclosed to me that the only sure road
to academic preferment (if that be the
proper term — the English ecclesias-
tical term 'living' has, naturally, no
analogue in the American college) was
to publish. 'Publish what?' said I in-
nocently. ' Pages; no matter what,' said
he, in a whisper, with a glance to see
that no one could overhear. Who would
not be impressed by wisdom so unself-
ishly and courageously imparted? But
I am always a little slow in acting upon
advice, and for some time I let matters
slide. I did write one or two little notes
for learned reviews on more or less
technical and unimportant subjects,
but I had been trained when a boy to
say a thing in as few words as possible
(a defect which I am fast outgrowing),
and the few ideas which nature had
bestowed upon me did n't fill many
pages. Clearly this method would n't
do.
After a little it occurred to me that
the problem might be solved in one
THE CONFESSIONS OF ONE BEHIND THE TIMES 355
of two ways: either by increasing the
number of ideas to an article, or by
increasing the number of words to an
idea; and, pausing to study the writ-
ings of some of my colleagues, who, I
understood, were considered promis-
ing scholars in their respective fields,
I soon discovered that the latter was
the approved method. My examination
of their works taught me other valu-
able points in technique, such as the
use of thick paper to make a bulky
volume, the dignity of wide margins
and large type, and the insertion of
lengthy quotations and of columns of
statistics, not too closely printed. Then,
too, I noted the effect of full tables of
contents, in which one tells what he will
discuss on each separate page; and of
equally full indexes, telling what he has
discussed on each separate page; these
two features resembling the water-
tight compartments at the bow and
stern of an ocean steamship, designed
to protect the vital but frail part be-
tween. But often, when I looked with-
in, what was my surprise to find that,
in spite of such elaborate protective
arrangements, the cargo had apparent-
ly been jettisoned, or else that the ship
had put to sea with nothing on board
but sand-ballast. This was a little
startling to me with my inherited re-
spect for the dignity and importance
of our merchant marine. Yet nil ad-
mirari, as Horace says — but I forgot
for the moment that one of the habits
I have been trying to unlearn is that of
extemporaneous and unverified quot-
ation, especially from the Bible or
from the classics, which I find in par-
ticularly bad form at present.
While making confessions may I also
make another? When a boy, I was
taught proper restraint in the use of
the first personal pronoun, but I had
never been forbidden its use entirely.
My models nowadays, I find, do other-
wise. Why, Stubbs, my learned col-
league in history, told me the other
day that he made a regular practice, in
order to secure proper objectivity in
his voluminous work, of avoiding the
pronoun 'I*. *I find it hard/ he said,
'even now always to remember, but I
have secured the services of a grad-
uate student who runs over my manu-
script and makes these substitutions:
for " I " he writes, " the critical student
of history"; for "my," "the historical
investigator's"; and for "me," "the
candid historian." It really,' he con-
tinued, 'has had a most bracing effect
upon my style.' The next day he sent
me a copy, fresh from the press, of his
Life and Letters of William Murray,
First Settler in Murrayville, Oklahoma.
Edited, with a Critical Introduction, by
Roderick Stubbs, Ph.D., and I began to
find myself a convert to the denatured
style which it so beautifully illustrates.
But I was still without a subject for
my magnum opus. The census re-
ports, such an unfailing resource for
some of my friends in other lines of
work, seemed to contain little that
could be brought to bear upon phil-
osophy. I look back now with regret
upon the supineness with which we
philosophers, of my generation and
those before it, have allowed the rich
statistical fields of the natural sciences
and psychology and economics and
education and sociology to slip, one by
one, out of our proprietorship. What
would some of us not give for a tithe
of those opportunities for counting
and tabulating that have fallen now to
other fingers than ours! Because we
cannot each be a James or a Bergson,
must we be excluded from productiv-
ity, and must we grope in vain for
some little theme proportionate to our
powers?
I thought of writing some popular
articles or books in my own field, but
of course that was only in a moment of
weakness, for I knew well enough how
356 THE CONFESSIONS OF ONE BEHIND THE TIMES
they would be received. So, like the
farmer's daughter back from a board-
ing-school, too highly educated to live
at home, and too unsophisticated to
live anywhere else, I felt myself some-
thing of a failure. At this juncture a
kind friend said to me, * Why not do
some translating?' From that seed
has grown my present work. For even
a translation, if it be big and of some
book too abstruse for the dreaded
popular reader, may not be without
an academic grace of its own. The
personality (or lack of personality) of
the translator is easily concealed, and
bulk may be attained without any of
the pains that accompany the birth of
an idea or the anxieties that attend
its rearing. In short, translation is like
the adopting of a well-developed child,
whose chief defects may plausibly be
ascribed to heredity, and for whose
virtues the adopting parents may, some
day, obtain a little credit. Not only
that, but one good translation deserves
another, and so long as industrious
Germans, with or without ideas, con-
tinue their amazing productivity, so
long my pen need never rust from
disuse.
But one cloud, the size of a man's
hand, has lately appeared upon my
horizon. Can it be that another change
is impending, and that I, on the hill,
well in the rear, see it more clearly than
some of the foremost fighters in the
valleys? A visitant has recently come
to our shores from no less a centre of
light than Berlin (a name not lightly
to be taken upon any lips), with the
pronouncement that one thing still is
lacking in our educational fabric;
namely, that quality in the German
professor known as Personlichkeit.
Far be it from me, though a professed
translator, to weaken by inadequate
translation that resonant word. Rather
let me watch its magic effect upon my
contemporaries. How sudden, Friend
Stubbs, may be the reversal of your
most prized scholarly habits and ideals
if the aroma of Personlichkeit must be
made to exhale both from your pre-
sence and from your carefully desic-
cated and depersonalized volumes!
And young Whitaker, our efficiency
expert, who will tell you the cost to
the university of each sheet of paper
used therein (except such university
stationery as he impartially employs
for his private correspondence), that
emotionless manipulator of the ma-
chinery which is gradually being im-
posed upon us — is Whitaker, I say,
suddenly to pause in his productive
processes and clothe himself with Per-
sonlichkeit as with a garment? And
will my other colleagues — yes, and
shall I myself — some day be strutting
about in our respective Personlich-
keiten, as unfamiliar at first to one an-
other, and even to ourselves, as in that
motley garb of academic dignity in
which we disport ourselves on Com-
mencement Day? But my place, as I
said before, has ever been in the rear of
great movements; therefore I must
back to my translating (of which I
should have been able, according to
tables furnished me by Whitaker, to
do seven and three sixteenths pages
in the time wasted over these lines),
and again leave to others the brunt
of first contact with the new order.
THE LIFE OF IRONY
BY RANDOLPH S. BOURNE
I COULD never, until recently, divest
myself of the haunting feeling that be-
ing ironical had something to do with
the entering of the iron into one's soul.
I thought I knew what irony was, and I
admired it immensely. I could not be-
lieve that there was something metallic
and bitter about it. Yet this sinister
connotation of a clanging, rasping
meanness of spirit, which I am sure it
has still in many people's minds, clung
about it, until one happy day my dic-
tionary told me that the iron had never
entered into the soul at all, but the soul
into the iron (St. Jerome had read the
psalm wrong), and that irony was
Greek, with all the free, happy play of
the Greek spirit about it, letting in
fresh air and light into others' minds
and our own. It was to the Greek an
incomparable method of intercourse,
the rub of mind against mind by the
simple use of simulated ignorance, and
the adoption, without committing one's
self, of another's point of view. Not
until I read the Socrates of Plato did I
fully appreciate that this irony, — this
pleasant challenging of the world, this
insistent judging of experience, this
sense of vivid contrasts and incongrui-
ties, of comic juxtapositions, of flaring
brilliancies, and no less heartbreaking
impossibilities, of all the little parts of
one's world being constantly set off
against each other, and made intelligi-
ble only by being translated into and
defined in each other's terms, — that
this was a life, and a life of beauty,
that one might suddenly discover one's
self living it all unawares. And if one
could judge one's own feeble reflection,
it was a life that had no room for iron
within its soul.
We should speak not of the Socratic
method, but of the Socratic life. For
irony is a life rather than a method. A
life cannot be taken off and put on
again at will; a method can. To be
sure, some people talk of life exactly as
if it were some portable commodity, or
some exchangeable garment. We must
live, they cry, as if they were about
to begin. And perhaps they are. Only
some of us would rather die than live
that puny life that they can adopt and
cover themselves with. Irony is too
rich and precious a thing to be capable
of such transmission. The ironist is
born and not made. This critical atti-
tude toward life, this delicious sense
of contrasts that we call irony, is not a
pose or an amusement. It is something
that colors every idea and every feeling
of the man who is so happy as to be en-
dowed with it.
Most people will tell you, I suppose,
that the religious conviction of salva-
tion is the only permanently satisfying
coloring of life. In the splendid iron-
ists, however, one sees a sweeter, more
flexible and human principle of life,
adequate, without the buttress of su-
pernatural belief, to nourish and forti-
fy the spirit. In the classic ironist of all
time, irony shows an inherent nobility;
a nobility that all ages have compared
favorably with the Christian ideal.
Lacking the spur of religious emotion,
357
358
THE LIFE OF IRONY
the sweetness of irony may be more
difficult to maintain than the mood of
belief. But may it not for that very
reason be judged superior, for is it not
written, 'He that endureth unto the
end shall be saved'?
It is not easy to explain the quality
of that richest and most satisfying
background of life. It lies, I think, in a
vivid and intense feeling of aliveness
which it gives. Experience comes to
the ironist in little darts or spurts, with
the added sense of contrast. Most men,
I am afraid, see each bit of personal ex-
perience as a unit, strung more or less
loosely on a string of other mildly re-
lated bits. But the man with the iron-
ical temperament is forced constantly
to compare and contrast his experi-
ence with what was, or what might
be, or what ought to be, and it is the
shocks of these comparisons and con-
trasts that make up his inner life. He
thinks he leads a richer life, because he
feels not only the individual bits but
the contrasts besides, in all their vari-
ous shadings and tints. To this sense of
impingement of facts upon life is due
a large part of this vividness of irony;
and the rest is due to the alertness of
the ironical mind. The ironist is al-
ways critically awake. He is always
judging, and watching with inexhaust-
ible interest, in order that he may
judge. Now irony, in its best sense, is an
exquisite sense of proportion, a sort of
spiritual tact in judging the values and
significances of experience. This sense
of being spiritually alive, which cease-
less criticism of the world we live in
gives us, combined with the sense of
power which free and untrammeled
judging produces in us, is the back-
ground of irony. And it should be a
means to the truest goodness.
Socrates made one mistake, — know-
ledge is not goodness. But it is a step
toward judging, and good judgment is
the true goodness. For it is on judg-
ment impelled by desire that we act.
The clearer and cleaner our judgments
then, the more definite and correlated
ouractions. And the great value of
these judgments of irony is that they
are not artificial but spring naturally
out of life. Irony, the science of com-
parative experience, compares things
not with an established standard but
with each other, and the values that
slowly emerge from the process, values
that emerge from one's own vivid re-
actions, are constantly revised, correct-
ed, and refined by that same sense of
contrast. The ironic life is a life keenly
alert, keenly sensitive, reacting prompt-
ly with feelings of liking or dislike to
each bit of experience, letting none of
it pass without interpretation and as-
similation, a life full and satisfying, —
indeed a rival of the religious life.
The life of irony has the virtues of
the religious life without its defects. It
expresses the aggressive virtues without
the quiescence of resignation. For the
ironist has the courageous spirit, the
sympathetic heart, and the understand-
ing mind, and can give them full play,
unhampered by the searching intro-
spection of the religious mind that
often weakens rather than ennobles
and fortifies. He is at one with the re-
ligious man in that he hates apathy and
stagnation, for they mean death. But
he is superior in that he attacks apathy
of intellect and personality as well as
apathy of emotion. He has a great
conviction of the significance of all
life, the lack of which conviction is the
most saddening feature of the religious
temperament. The religious man pre-
tends that every aspect of life has
meaning for him, but in practice he
constantly minimizes the noisier and
vivider elements. He is essentially an
aristocrat in his interpretation of
values, while the ironist is incorrigibly
a democrat.
Religion gives a man an intimacy
THE LIFE OF IRONY
359
with a few selected and rarified virtues
and moods, while irony makes him a
friend of the poor and lowly among
spiritual things. When the religious
man is healing and helping, it is at the
expense of his spiritual comfort; he
must tear himself away from his com-
panions, and go out grimly and sacri-
ficingly into the struggle. The ironist,
living his days among the humbler
things, feels no such severe call to serv-
ice. And yet the ironist, since he has
no citadel of truth to defend, is really
the more adventurous. Life, not fixed
in predestined formulas, or measurable
by fixed, immutable standards, is fluid,
rich, and exciting. To the ironist it is
both discovery and creation. His cour-
age seeks out the obscure places of
human personality, and his sympathy
and understanding create new inter-
ests and enthusiasms in the other minds
upon which they play. And these new
interests in turn react upon his own life,
discovering unexpected vistas there,
and creating new insight into the
world that he lives in. That demo-
cratic, sympathetic outlook upon the
feelings and thoughts and actions of
men and women is the life of irony.
That life is expressed in the social
intercourse of ourselves with others.
The daily fabric of the life of irony is
woven out of our critical communings
with ourselves and the personalities of
our friends, and the people with whom
we come in contact. The ironist, by
adopting another's point of view and
making it his own, in order to carry light
and air into it, literally puts himself in
the other man's place. Irony is thus the
truest sympathy. It is no cheap way
of ridiculing an opponent by putting on
his clothes and making fun of him.
The ironist has no opponent, but only
a friend. And in his irony he is helping
that friend to reveal himself. That half-
seriousness, that solemn treatment of
the trivial and trivial treatment of the
solemn, which is the pattern of the
ironist's talk, is but his way of exhib-
iting the unexpected contrasts and
shadings that he sees to be requisite to
the keenest understanding of the situa-
tion. The ironist borrows and ex-
changes and appropriates ideas and
gives them a new setting in juxtaposi-
tion with others, but he never bur-
lesques or caricatures or exaggerates
them. If an idea is absurd, the slightest
change of environment will show that
absurdity.
The mere transference of an idea to
another's mouth will bring to light all
its hidden meaninglessness. It needs
no extraneous aid. If an idea is hollow,
it will show itself cowering against the
intellectual background of the ironist
like the puny, shivering thing it is.
If a point of view cannot bear being
adopted by another person, if it is not
hardy enough to be transplanted, it has
little right to exist at all. This world
is no hothouse for ideas and attitudes.
Too many outworn ideas are skulking
in dark retreats, sequestered from the
light; every man has great, sunless
stretches in his soul where base preju-
dices lurk and flourish. On these the
white light of irony is needed to play.
And it delights the ironist to watch
them shrivel and decay under that
light.
The little tabooed regions of well-
bred people, the * things we never men-
tion,' the basic biases and assumptions
that underlie the lives and thinking
of every class and profession, our sec-
ond-hand dogmas and phrases, — all
these live and thrive because they have
never been transplanted, or heard
from the lips of another. The dictum
that * the only requisites for success are
honesty and merit,' which we applaud
so frantically from the lips of the suc-
cessful, becomes a ghastly irony in the
mouth of an unemployed workingman.
There would be a frightful mortality of
360
THE LIFE OF IRONY
points of view could we have a perfect-
ly free exchange such as this. Irony is
just this temporary borrowing and
lending. Many of our cherished ideals
would lose half their validity were they
put bodily into the mouths of the less
fortunate. But if irony destroys some
ideals it builds up others. It tests
ideals by their social validity, by their
general interchangeability among all
sorts of people and the world, but if it
leaves the foundations of many in a
shaky condition, and renders more sim-
ply provisional, those that it does leave
standing are imperishably founded in
the common democratic experience of
all men.
To the ironist it seems that the irony
is not in the speaking, but in the things
themselves. He is a poor ironist who
would consciously distort, or attempt
to make another's idea appear in any
light except its own. Absurdity is an
intrinsic quality of so many things that
they only have to be touched to reveal
it. The deadliest way to annihilate the
unoriginal and the insincere is to let it
speak for itself. Irony is this letting
things speak for themselves and hang
themselves by their own rope. Only, it
repeats the words after the speaker,
and adjusts the rope. It is the com-
manding touch of a comprehending per-
sonality that dissolves the seemingly
tough husk of the idea.
The ironical method might be com-
pared to the acid that develops a photo-
graphic plate. It does not distort the
image, but merely brings clearly to the
light all that was implicit in the plate
before. And if it brings the picture to
the light with values reversed, so does
irony revel in a paradox, which is sim-
ply a photographic negative of the
truth, truth with the values reversed.
But turn the negative ever so slightly
so that the light falls upon it, and the
perfect picture appears in all its true
values and beauty. Irony, we may
say then, is the photography of the
soul. The picture goes through certain
changes in the hands of the ironist,
but without these changes the truth
would be simply a blank, unmeaning
surface. The photograph is a synonym
for deadly accuracy. Similarly the
ironist insists always on seeing things
as they are. He is a realist, whom the
grim satisfaction of seeing the truth
compensates for any sordidness that
it may bring along with it. Things as
they are, thrown against the back-
ground of things as they ought to be,
— this is the ironist's vision. I should
like to feel that the vision of the relig-
ious man is not too often things as they
are, thrown against the background of
things as they ought not to be.
The ironist is the only man who
makes any serious attempt to distin-
guish between fresh and second-hand
experience. Our minds are so unfortu-
nately arranged that all sorts of belief
can be accepted and propagated quite
independently of any rational or even
experiential basis at all. Nature does
not seem to care very much whether
our ideas are true or not, so long as we
get on through life safely enough. And
it is surprising on what an enormous
amount of error we can get along com-
fortably. We cannot be wrong on
every point or we should cease to live,
but so long as we are empirically right
in our habits, the truth or falsity of our
ideas seems to have little effect upon
our comfort. We are born into a world
that is an inexhaustible store of ready-
made ideas, stored up in tradition, in
books, and in every medium of com-
munication between our minds and
others. All we have to do is to accept
this predigested nourishment, and ask
no questions. We could live a whole
life without ever making a really in-
dividual response, without providing
ourselves, out of our own experience,
with any of the material that our minds
THE LIFE OF IRONY
361
work on. Many of us seem to be just
this kind of spiritual parasites. We
may learn and absorb and grow, up to
a certain point. But eventually some-
thing captures us: we become incased
in a suit of armor, and invulnerable to
our own experience. We have lost the
faculty of being surprised. It is this in-
casing that the ironist fears, and it is
the ironical method that he finds the
best for preventing it. Irony keeps the
waters in motion, so that the ice never
has a chance to form. The cut-and-
dried life is easy to form because it has
no sense of contrast; everything comes
to one on its own terms, vouching for
itself, and is accepted or rejected on its
own good looks, and not because of
its fitness and place in the scheme
of things.
This is the courage and this the sym-
pathy of irony. Have they not a beauty
of their own comparable in excellence
with the paler glow of religious virtue?
And the understanding of the ironist,
although aggressive and challenging,
has its justification, too. For he is mad
to understand the world, to get to the
bottom of other personalities. That is
the reason for his constant classifica-
tion. The ironist is the most dogmatic
of persons. To understand you he
must grasp you firmly, or he must pin
you down definitely; if he accidentally
nails you fast to a dogma that you in-
dignantly repudiate, you must blame
his enthusiasm and not his method.
Dogmatism is rarely popular, and the
ironist, of course, suffers. It hurts peo-
ple's eyes to see a strong light, and the
pleasant mist-land of ideas is much
more emotionally warming than the
clear, sunny region of transmissible
phrases. How the average person
wriggles and squirms under these
piercing attempts to corner his person-
ality! 'Tell me what you mean!' or
'What do you see in it?' are the fatal
questions that the ironist puts, and
who shall censure him if he does dis-
play the least trace of malicious delight
as he watches the half-formed baby
ideas struggle toward the light, or
scurry around frantically to find some
decent costume in which they may ap-
pear in public?
The judgments of the ironist are
often discounted as being too sweep-
ing. But he has a valid defense. Lack
of classification is annihilation of
thought. Even the newest philosophy
will admit that classification is a neces-
sary evil. Concepts are indispensable,
— and yet each concept falsifies. The
ironist must have as large a stock as
possible, but he must have a stock.
And even the unjust classification is
marvelously effective. The ironist's
name for his opponent is a challenge to
him. The more sweeping it is, the more
stimulus it gives the latter to repel the
charge. He must explain just how he
is unique and individual in his attitude.
And in this explanation he reveals and
discovers all that the ironist wishes to
know about him. A handful of epi-
thets is thus the ammunition of the
ironist. He must call things by what
seem to him to be their right names.
In a sense, the ironist assumes the
prisoner to be guilty until he proves
himself innocent; but it is always in
order that justice may be done, and
that he may come to learn the prison-
er's soul and all the wondrous things
that are contained there.
ii
It is this passion for comprehension
that explains the ironist's apparently
scandalous propensity to publicity.
Nothing seems to him too sacred to
touch, nothing too holy for him to
become witty about. There are no
doors locked to him, there is nothing
that can make good any claim of re-
sistance to scrutiny. His free-and-easy
THE LIFE OF IRONY
manner of including everything within
the sweep of his vision, is but his recog-
nition, however, of the fact that no-
thing is really so serious as we think it
is, and nothing quite so petty. The
ironist will descend in a moment from
a discussion of religion to a squabble
over a card-game, and he will defend
himself with the reflection that religion
is, after all, a human thing, and must
be discussed in the light of every-day
living ; and that the card-game is an
integral part of life, reveals the person-
alities of the players, — and his own
to himself, — and, being worthy of his
interest, is worthy of his enthusiasm.
The ironist is apt to test things by their
interest as much as by their nobility,
and if he sees the incongruous and in-
flated in the lofty, so he sees the signi-
ficant in the trivial and raises it from
its low degree. Many a mighty impos-
tor does he put down from his seat.
The ironist is the great intellectual
democrat, in whose presence and be-
fore whose law all ideas and attitudes
stand equal. In his world there is
no privileged caste, no aristocracy of
sentiments to be reverenced, or segre-
gated systems of interests to be ta-
booed. Nothing human is alien to the
ironist; the whole world is thrown
open, naked, to the play of his judg-
ment.
In the eyes of its detractors, irony
has all the vices of democracy. Its
publicity seems mere vulgarity, its free
hospitality seems to shock all ideas of
moral worth. The ironist is but a
scoffer, they say, with weapon leveled
eternally at all that is good and true
and sacred. The adoption of another's
point of view seems little better than
malicious dissimulation, — the repe-
tition of others' words, an elaborate
mockery; the ironist's eager interest
seems a mere impudence or a lack of
finer instincts; his interest in the triv-
ial, the last confession of a mean spirit;
and his love of classifying, a proof of
his poverty of imaginative resource.
Irony, in other words, is thought to be
synonymous with cynicism. But the
ironist is no cynic. His is a kindly, not
a sour, interest in human motives. He
wants to find out how the human
machine runs, not to prove that it is a
worthless, broken-down affair. He ac-
cepts it as it comes, and if he finds it
curiously feeble and futile in places,
blame not him, but the nature of things.
He finds enough rich compensation in
the unexpected charm that he con-
stantly finds himself eliciting. The
ironist sees life steadily, and sees it
whole; the cynic only a distorted frag-
ment.
If the ironist is not a cynic, neither is
he merely a dealer in satire, burlesque,
and ridicule. Irony may be the raw
material, innocent in itself, but capable
of being put to evil uses. But it in-
volves neither the malice of satire, nor
the horse-play of burlesque, nor the
stab of ridicule. Irony is infinitely
finer, and more delicate and imper-
sonal. The satirist is always personal
and concrete, but the ironist deals with
general principles and broad aspects
of human nature. It cannot be too
much emphasized that the function of
the ironist is not to make fun of people,
but to give their souls an airing. The
ironist is a judge on the bench, giving
men a public hearing. He is not an
aggressive spirit who goes about seek-
ing whom he may devour, or a spiritual
lawyer who courts litigation, but the
judge before whom file all the facts of
his experience: the people he meets;
the opinions he hears or reads; his own
attitudes and prepossessions. If any
are convicted they are self-convicted.
The judge himself is passive, merciful,
lenient. There is judgment, but no
punishment. Or rather, the trial itself
is the punishment.
Now, satire is all that irony is not.
THE LIFE OF IRONY
363
The satirist is the aggressive lawyer,
fastening upon particular people and
particular qualities. But irony is no
more personal than the sun that sends
his flaming darts into the world. The
satirist is a purely practical man, with
a business instinct, bent on the main
chance and the definite object. He is
often brutal, and always overbearing;
the ironist never. Irony may wound
from the very fineness and delicacy of
its attack, but the wounding is inci-
dental. The sole purpose of the satirist
and the burlesquer is to wound; and
they test their success by the deepness
of the wound. But irony tests its own
by the amount of generous light and
air it has set flowing through an idea
or a personality, and the broad signi-
ficance it has revealed in neglected
things.
If irony is not brutal, neither is it
merely critical and destructive. The
world has some reason, it is true, to
complain against the rather supercili-
ous judiciousness of the ironist. * Who
are you to judge us?' it cries. The
world does not like to feel the scrutiniz-
ing eyes of the ironist as he sits back in
his chair; does not like to feel that the
ironist is simply studying it and amus-
ing himself at its expense. It is uneasy,
and acts sometimes as if it did not
have a perfectly clear conscience. To
this uncomfortableness the ironist can
retort, ' What is it that you are afraid
to have known about you?' If the
judgment amuses him, so much the
worse for the world. But if the idea of
the ironist as judge implies that his
attitude is wholly detached, wholly
objective, it is an unfortunate meta-
phor. For he is as much part and par-
cel of the human show as any of the
people he studies. The world is no
stage, with the ironist as audience. His
own personal reactions with the people
about him form all the stuff of his
thoughts and judgments. He has a
personal interest in the case; his own
personality is inextricably mingled in
the stream of impressions that flows
past him. If the ironist is destructive,
it is his own world that he is destroy-
ing; if he is critical, it is his own world
that he is criticizing. And his irony is
his critique of life.
This is the defense of the ironist
against the charge that he has a purely
aesthetic attitude toward life. Too
often, perhaps, the sparkling clarity of
his thought, the play of his humor, the
easy sense of superiority and intellect-
ual command that he carries off, make
his irony appear as rather the aesthetic
nourishment of his life than an active
way of doing and being. His rather
detached air makes him seem to view
people as means, not ends, in them-
selves. With this delight in the vivid
and poignant, he is prone to see pic-
turesqueness in the sordid, and tolerate
evils that he should condemn. For all
his interests and activity, it is said that
he does n't really care. But this aes-
thetic taint to his irony is really only
skin-deep.
The ironist is ironical, not because
he does not care, but because he cares
too much. He is feeling the profound-
est depths of the world's great beating,
laboring heart, and his playful attitude
toward the grim and sordid is a neces-
sary relief from the tension of too much
caring. It is his salvation from unut-
terable despair. The terrible urgency
of the reality of poverty and misery
and exploitation would be too strong
upon him. Only irony can give him a
sense of proportion, and make his life
fruitful and resolute. It can give him
a temporary escape, a slight moment-
ary reconciliation, a chance to draw a
deep breath of resolve, before plunging
into the fight. It is not a palliative so
much as a perspective.
This is the only justification of the
aesthetic attitude, that, if taken pro-
364
THE LIFE OF IRONY
visionally, it sweetens and fortifies. It
is only deadly when adopted as abso-
lute. The kind of aesthetic irony that
Pater and Omar display is a paralyzed,
half-seeing, half-caring reflection on
life, — a tame, domesticated irony,
with its wings cut, an irony that fur-
nishes a justification and a command
to inaction. It is the result, not of
exquisitely refined feelings, but of
social anaesthesia. Their irony, cut off
from the great world of men and
women and boys and girls and their
intricate interweavings and jostlings
and incongruities, turns pale and
sickly and numb. The ironist has no
right to see beauty in things unless he
really cares. The aesthetic sense is
harmless only when it is both ironical
and social.
in
Irony is thus a cure for both optim-
ism and pessimism. Nothing is so re-
volting to the ironist as the smiling
optimist, who testifies, in his fatuous
heedlessness, to the desirability of this
best of all possible worlds. But the
ironist has always an incorrigible pro-
pensity to see the other side. The
hopeless maladjustment of too many
people to their world, of their bondage
in the iron fetters of circumstance,
all this is too glaring for the ironist's
placidity. When he examines the beau-
tiful picture, too often the best turns
worst to him. But if optimism is im-
possible to the ironist, so is pessimism.
The ironist may have a secret respect
for the pessimist, — he at least has felt
the bitter tang of life, and has really
cared, — but he feels that the pessi-
mist lacks. For if the optimist is blind,
the pessimist is hypnotized. He is ab-
normally suggestible to evil. But clear-
sighted irony sees that the world is too
big and multifarious to be evil at heart.
Something beautiful and joyous lurks
even in the most hapless, — a child's
laugh in a dreary street, a smile on the
face of a weary woman. It is this sav-
ing quality of irony that both optimist
and pessimist miss. And since plain
common sense tells us that things are
never quite so bad or quite so good as
they seem, the ironist carries convic-
tion into the hearts of men in their
best moments.
The ironist is a person who counts in
the world. He has all sorts of unex-
pected effects on both the people he
goes with and himself. His is an in-
sistent personality; he is as trouble-
some as a missionary. And he is a
missionary; for, his own purpose being
a comprehension of his fellows' souls,
he makes them conscious of their own
souls. He is a hard man; he will take
nothing on reputation; he will guaran-
tee for himself the qualities of things.
He will not accept the vouchers of the
world that a man is wise, or clever, or
sincere, behind the impenetrable veil
of his face. He must probe until he
elicits the evidence of personality, un-
til he gets at the peculiar quality which
distinguishes that individual soul. For
the ironist is, after all, a connoisseur
in personality, and if his conversation
partakes too often of the character of
cross-examination, it is only as a lover
of the beautiful, a possessor of taste,
that he inquires. He does not want to
see people squirm, but he does want to
see whether they are alive or not. If
he pricks too hard, it is not from mal-
ice, but merely from error in his esti-
mation of the toughness of their skins.
What people are inside is the most in-
teresting question in the world to the
ironist. And, in finding out, he stirs
them up. Many a petty, doubting
spirit does he challenge and bully into
a sort of self-respect. And many a bag-
of-wind does he puncture. But his
most useful function is this of stimu-
lating thought and action. The ironist
forces his friends to move their rusty
THE LIFE OF IRONY
365
limbs and unhinge the creaking doors
of their minds.
The world needs more ironists. Shut
up with one's own thoughts, one loses
the glow of life that comes from frank
exchange of ideas with many kinds of
people. Too many minds are stuffy,
dusty rooms into which the windows
have never been opened, — minds heavy
with their own crotchets, cluttered up
with untested theories and conflicting
sympathies that have never got related
in any social way. The ironist blows
them all helter-skelter, sweeps away the
dust, and sets everything in its proper
place again. Your solid, self-respectful
mind, the ironist confesses he can do
little with : it is not of his world. He
comes to freshen and tone up the stale
minds. The ironist is the great purger
and cleanser of life. Irony is a sort of
spiritual massage, rubbing the souls of
men. It may seem rough to some ten-
der souls, but it does not sear or scar
them. The strong arm of the ironist
restores the circulation, and drives
away ansemia.
On the ironist himself the effect of
irony is even more invigorating. We
can never really understand ourselves
without at least a touch of irony. The
interpretation of human nature with-
out is a simple matter in comparison
with the comprehension of that complex
of elations and disgusts, inhibitions,
and curious irrational impulses, that we
call ourselves. It is not true that by ex-
amining ourselves and coming to an
understanding of the way we behave,
we understand other people, but that
by the contrasts and little revelations
of our friends we learn to interpret our-
selves. Introspection is no match for
irony as a guide. The most illuminat-
ing experience that we can have is a
sudden realization that had we been in
the other person's place we should have
acted precisely as he did. To the iron-
ist this is no mere intellectual convic-
tion, that, after all, none of us are per-
fect, but a vivid emotional experience,
which has knit him with that other
person in one moment in a bond of
sympathy that could have been ac-
quired in no other way. Those minds
that lack the touch of irony are too
little flexible, or too heavily buttressed
with self-esteem to make this sudden
change of attitudes. The ironist, one
might almost say, gets his brotherhood
intuitively, and feels the sympathy and
the oneness in truth before he thinks
them.
The ironist is the only man who
really gets outside of himself. What
he does for other people, — that is,
picking out a little piece of their souls
and holding it up for their inspection,
— he does for himself. He gets thus an
objective view of his own spirit. The
unhealthy indoor brooding of intro-
spection is artificial and unproductive,
because it has no perspective or con-
trast. But the ironist, with his constant
outdoor look, sees his own foibles and
humiliations in the light of those of
other people. He acquires a more tol-
erant, half-amused, half-earnest atti-
tude toward himself. His self-respect
is nourished by the knowledge that
whatever things discreditable and fool-
ish and worthless he has done, he has
seen them approximated by others, and
yet his esteem is kept safely pruned
down by the recurring evidence that
nothing he has is unique. He is poised
in life, ready to soar or to walk as the
occasion demands. He is pivoted,
susceptible to every stimulus, and yet
chained so that he can not be flung
off into space by his own centrifugal
force.
Irony has the same sweetening and
freshening effect on one's own life that
it does on the lives of those who come
in contact with it. It gives one a com-
mand of one's resources. The ironist
practices a perfect economy of mate-
THE LIFE OF IRONY
rial. For he must utilize his wealth
constantly, and over and over again, in
various shapes and shadings. He may
be poor in actual material, but, out of
the contrast and arrangement of that
slender store, he is able, like a kaleido-
scope, to make a multifarious variety
of wonderful patterns. His current
coin is, so to speak, kept bright by
constant exchange. He is infinitely
richer than your opulent but miserly
minds that hoard up facts, and are
impotent from the very plethora of
their accumulations.
Irony is essential to any real hon-
esty. For dishonesty is, at bottom,
simply an attempt to save somebody's
face. But the ironist does not want
any faces saved, neither his own nor
those of other people. To save faces
is to sophisticate human nature, to
falsify the facts, and miss a delicious
contrast, an illuminating revelation of
how people act. So the ironist is the
only perfectly honest man. But he
suffers for it by acquiring a reputation
for impudence. His willingness to bear
the consequences of his own acts, his
quiet insistence that others shall bear
consequences, seem like mere shame-
lessness, a lack of delicate feeling for
* situations.' But, accustomed as he is
to range freely and know no fear nor
favor, he despises this reserve as a
species of timidity or even hypocrisy.
It is an irony itself that the one tem-
perament that can be said really to
appreciate human nature, in the sense
of understanding it rightly, should be
called impudent, and it is another that
it should be denounced as monstrously
egotistical. The ironical mind is the
only truly modest mind, for its point
of view is ever outside itself. If it calls
attention to itself, it is only as another
of those fascinating human creatures
that pass ever by with their bewilder-
ing, alluring ways. If it talks about
itself, it is only as a third person in
whom all the talkers are supposed to be
eagerly interested. In this sense the
ironist has lost his egoism completely.
He has rubbed out the line that separ-
ates his personality from the rest of
the world.
The ironist must take people very
seriously, to spend so much time over
them. He must be both serious and
sincere, or he would not persist in his
irony and expose himself to so much
misunderstanding. And since it is not
how people treat him, but simply how
they act, that furnishes the basis for
his appreciation, the ironist finds it
easy to forgive. He has a way of letting
the individual offense slide, in favor of
a deeper principle. In the act of being
grossly misrepresented, he can feel a
pang of exasperated delight that peo-
ple should be so dense; in the act of be-
ing taken in, he can feel the cleverness
of it all. He becomes, for the moment,
his own enemy; and we can always for-
give ourselves. Even while being insult-
ed or outraged or ignored, he can feel,
* After all, this is what life is! This is
the way we poor human creatures be-
have! ' The ironist is thus, in a sense,
vicarious human nature. Through that
deep, anticipatory sympathy, he is
kept clean from hate or scorn.
The ironist, therefore, has a valid
defense against all the charges of bru-
tality and triviality and irreverence
that the religious man is prone to bring
against him. He can care more deeply
about things because he can see so
much more widely; and he can take
life very seriously because it interests
him so intensely; and he can feel its
poignancy and its flux more keenly be-
cause he delivers himself up bravely to
its swirling, many-hued current. The
inner peace of religion seems gained
only at the expense of the reality of
living. A life such as the life of irony,
lived fully and joyously, cannot be
peaceful; it cannot even be happy, in
THE LIFE OF IRONY
367
the sense of calm content and satisfac-
tion. But it can be better than either
— it can be wise, and it can be fruit-
ful. And it can be good, in a way that
the life of inner peace cannot. For
the life of irony, having no reserve
and weaving itself out of the flux of ex-
perience rather than out of eternal
values, has the broad, honest sympa-
thy of democracy that is impossible to
any temperament with the aristocratic
taint. One advantage the religious
life has is a salvation in another world
to which it can withdraw. The life
of irony has laid up few treasures in.
heaven, but many in this world. Hav-
ing gained so much it has much to lose.
But its glory is that it can lose nothing
unless it lose all.
To shafts of fortune and blows of
friends or enemies, then, the ironist is
almost impregnable. He knows how to
parry each thrust and prepare for every
emergency. Even if the arrows reach
him, all the poison has been sucked out
of them by his clear, resolute under-
standing of their significance. There is
but one weak spot in his armor, but one
disaster that he fears more almost than
the loss of his life, — a shrinkage of his
environment, a running dry of experi-
ence. He fears to be cut off from
friends and crowds and human faces
and speech and books, for he demands
to be ceaselessly fed. Like a modern
city, he is totally dependent on a
steady flow of supplies from the out-
side world, and will be in danger of
starvation if the lines of communica-
tion are interrupted. Without people
and opinions for his mind to play on,
his irony withers and faints. He has
not the faculty of brooding; he cannot
mine the depths of his own soul, and
bring forth, after labor, mighty nuggets
of thought.
The flow and swirl of things is his
compelling interest. His thoughts are
reactions, immediate and vivid, to his
daily experience. Some deep, uncon-
scious brooding must go on, to pro-
duce that happy precision of judgment
of his; but it is not voluntary. He
is conscious only of the shifting light
and play of life; his world is dynam-
ic, energetic, changing. He lives in a
world of relations, and he must have
a whole store of things to be related.
He has lost himself completely in this
world he lives in. His ironical inter-
pretation of the world is his life, and
this world is his nourishment. Take
away this environmental world and
you have slain his soul. He is in-
vulnerable to everything except that
deprivation.
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
[An earlier installment of these letters was
printed in the Atlantic for February, with a note
which explained that they are genuine letters writ-
ten without thought of publication. The writer
is a young man in the thirties, who, having
achieved very considerable financial success, met
with misfortunes, and stripped of money, wife,
and children, went West to make a new start. —
THE EDITORS.]
Wednesday, May 8.
From Mr. Malone, not Maloney,
this morning I secured the job of time-
keeper at Camp 26 A. He and I walk
up to-morrow. This has been a day
of idleness, devoted chiefly to talking
with the different men sitting around
the so-called hotel. Men here have
been pretty much all over the world,
the greater part in search of gold. A
few have struck it, but like most gam-
bling money, they blew it in in short
order. Had a nap this afternoon and
caught cold.
Thursday, May 9.
Left Seeley with Mr. Malone at
eight o'clock. It seemed good to be
walking without a pack. Mine I left at
the warehouse, and it will reach camp
by the first freight team that goes in to
our camp. Reached New Hazel ton
about ten, and after a few moments in
the general office started once more up
river, this time the Buckley, a branch
of the Skeena, the Skeena going north
by north-east, while the Buckley fol-
lows an easterly direction. Walked
steadily until noon, reaching Duncan
Ross's camp just at dinner-time. He is
working on the longest tunnel on the
road.
Resuming our mush at one, reached
Camp 26 A at three o'clock, and as
I had developed a bird of a headache,
I for one was glad the trip was over.
368
Camp 26A is not very large, only
fifty-odd men being on the job; it's a
cut-and-fill proposition. The old time-
keeper was overjoyed to see me; it
seems he is captain of the New Hazel-
ton baseball team and that they play
Old Hazelton on Sunday. About two
hours finished my instructions, and as
. the books are quite simple I do not an-
ticipate any great trouble with the
work.
Friday, May 10.
Spent the day in checking up my
predecessor's work. Had an old-fash-
ioned headache in the night which
I thought would kill me. Coffee every
half hour is keeping me going, and,
by the way, is the best that I've had
since I was in New York. The cook is
a good one, but has n't a great deal to
work with. Of course, the further
from the base of supplies, the simpler
the food must be. It's beef, potatoes,
coffee, and tea three times a day, and
very little besides.
Saturday, May 11.
Married twelve years ago to-day.
'Tempus fugit.J
Have completely checked up my ac-
counts. Everything O.K. except cash,
which is 50 cents short. Looked over
the job carefully. It reminds me a good
deal of coal-mining.
It's a great relief to get a decent
place to sleep. The office, occupied by
the Foreman and myself, is a small
(15 X 15) log cabin, but clean, with two
very decent bunks, and one gets some
air at night. A camp stove in the mid-
dle of the room gives a welcome glow in
the morning as, though it is very warm
in the middle of the day, ice still forms
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
369
at night. Mosquitoes awful. I would
swear some of them have an over-all
spread of wings of at least an inch and
a half.
Sunday, May 12.
Spent a large part of the day in
making shelves, etc., for my store
stock. I have most everything for sale
that a country store sells. Prices are
something terrible; four candles for
25 cents, cake of soap 25 cents, towel
$1, ordinary working shoes $8, socks
75 cents, three envelopes for 10 cents.
Also built myself an armchair, in
which I sit as I write. First armchair
I've sat in for seven weeks.
Monday, May 13.
Walked to Camp 26 this morning to
get my pack which the teamster had
left there by mistake. It is a walk of
about two miles, with magnificent
scenery and, way below my trail, the
Buckley River flowing by swiftly. It is
* White Water' for miles, and above,
the Cascades covered with snow. Very
hot sun before I arrived back at camp.
Shaved (needed it), and after dinner
had a grand clean-up. Bath, clean
clothes, and a hair-cut by the black-
smith.
On my tally (about three-thirty) I
was a man out. Finally discovered
that I had counted three Russian
brothers as two. The three of them
look identically alike.
To go back to the hair-cut, I needed
it, as it was in early March when I had
the last. I looked a good deal like the
late Joe Jefferson when he played Rip
Van Winkle. It 's getting pretty gray,
and my eyesight is not what it was.
Another sign I notice of increasing
years is that I do not require near the
sleep that I did.
I 'm very much afraid of our water-
supply, which comes from a small
stream out of a swamp that our 'fill' is
crossing. It's full of wrigglers. The
VOL. Ill -NO. 3
Foreman with scorn has granted my
request for men to dig a well. Don't
like well water, but think that the
chances of typhoid are less with that
than with swamp water.
Tuesday, May 14.
Aside from my routine duties I have
done a number of odd jobs to-day.
Burned up a large amount of garbage
which was much too near the office and
the cook-house; collected this with a
rake that I constructed. Had the Bull
Cook (man-of-all-work) carry off about
4,000,000 empty tin cans. Mended the
cook's assembling table, and in the
afternoon made a window in the back
of the office, which was badly needed,
both for light and ventilation. As the
logs are about a foot and a half through,
it was quite a job getting an auger
through so I could use a saw. (No key-
saw in camp.)
Number 30, a man who went to New
Hazelton on Sunday, came in to-night
with a pair of slippers that I had or-
dered. It surely is a change for the
better to get boots off at night.
Wednesday, May 15.
The fine weather continues, but it
has been excessively warm the last two
days; of course, only in the middle of
the day.
In addition to the routine work, I
to-day finished up the well. I think it
will be a great improvement over the
present water-supply. It would rather
seem as though from here out my
life would be passive and rather in the
role of spectator. Well, at any rate,
I went at a fast and furious pace from
1898 to 1912. What a lot of work I
did crowd in during those years! The
— — king of New England seemed to
be in sight, and now I 'm a petty clerk
in the wilds of British Columbia.
Truly, it's a funny old world, but as
a rule the sporting expression, 'They
370
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
never come back/ I fancy, is a true
one. I don't suppose I ever will.
I think I '11 have to write an essay on
sheets. With the exception of two
nights in Prince Rupert I've gone
without for almost two months, while
I've slept in underclothes for three.
Then again, washing one's own clothes
is an awful chore. I 'd rather do a hard
day's work than tackle the Oil Can
(the universal washing-tub of British
Columbia being a ten-gallon Imperial
Oil Company's — Canadian branch of
Standard — can) . It raises the devil
with the hands for hard work.
I presume the world wags much as
usual, but we don't know it. Days
since I've seen a newspaper. I wish I
had a Dog.
Thursday, May 16.
I'm tired to-night as I have had a
long day. Up at 5.30 and it is now 9.30.
(Plenty of light to write.) Books and
checking up the men take but part of
my day, so I have made a self-closing
screen door, finished a drain for the
cook-house, and washed and darned all
my clothes. To-morrow I plan to dig
a hole in the swamp for a bath-tub.
Mr. Ward, Assistant General Super-
intendent for Farrington, Weeks &
Stone, rode in at dinner-time to-day.
He reported forest fires as serious be-
low us.
Friday, May 17.
Another day gone. A change in the
weather, cooler and showery. The
snow on the mountains is going very
fast. Regular work and a skylight that
lifts for ventilation for the cook-house,
is the record for the day. Punch, a fox
terrier, who belongs to Camp 26, is a
visitor; am told he stays two or three
days. He is quite welcome. At the
moment he occupies my new chair,
drawn up in front of the camp stove,
while I write on the side of my bunk.
One surely is in the wilderness in this
country; it seems a million miles from
the corner of Boylston and Tremont
Streets.
Saturday, May 18.
Rained hard in the night. Camp has
several bad leaks. Mr. Malone here
this A.M., also the Chief Engineer of
G. T. P. (on tour of inspection)
dropped in for dinner. Very blue and
lonesome this afternoon, caused no
doubt by a severe cold that makes me
feel mean all over.
Since March 11, 1910, I have seen
my wife and son but once. I wonder
when I '11 see them again ? In a year or
never. I wish I had some one to talk
with. Have about exhausted the
mental possibilities of the Foreman.
Sunday, May 19.
I believe it 's Sunday, but it 's almost
a guess as we do not boast a calendar.
Of course, keeping books, particularly
Payroll Book, I always know the date,
but one day in the week is like another
in a railroad camp.
Nothing of interest. Feel mean and
blue, with plenty of cold. Used up my
entire supply of handkerchiefs.
I have the promise of a puppy from
Camp 26. His father is Punch, the
fox terrier that visited us. His mother
is an Irish terrier. Will not bring him
down until we get some condensed milk
as he is not old enough for meat.
It's curious how the laboring-man
drifts in this country. There are forty-
one of us in camp to-day, and since
I Ve been there about fifteen have left,
and about as many more gone to
work.
Monday, May 20.
Overcast and raw. Fire in the stove
makes the office cabin comfortable. My
slippers are a great comfort. Guess
they were a good investment, even if
they did cost two days' pay.
I wonder what the bunch [a
group that used to meet in the
Hotel in Boston] are doing to-day?
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
371
Sent a man to the Seeley Hospital
yesterday afternoon. Think he had
one broken bone in his right fore-
arm.
Telephone-line man has just gone
out after a five-minute chat. He is full
of trouble, owing to the recent forest
fires. It must be inconvenient for the
head office in Hazelton not to be able
to get their various camps.
Neuritis still bothering. Had a bath
in a swamp-hole this afternoon. Blue
and homesick for Beantown to-night.
Gives one a funny feeling to go to bed
night after night in broad daylight.
Tuesday, May 21.
Uneventful day. Heard by phone
that Seeley Warehouse had tinned
milk. This means in three days' time
we shall have milk for oatmeal and
coffee. It will be welcome as usual,
as the camp has had none for six
weeks. Have ordered a tent, thinking
we (the Foreman and I) would be
more comfortable than in our cabin.
The middle of the days is very warm,
it must get close to 90° in the sun, and
the cabin, having a tar-paper roof, gets
oppressive. The nights, however, are
still cool. We have a fire morning and
evening.
Wednesday, May 22.
Walked up to Camp 26 this morning
to get detonators which the Seeley
Warehouse failed to send us. We use
about a hundred a day in the Gumbo
(wet clay and dirt that is harder to
break up with dynamite than rock).
McCloud, the timekeeper, gave me
my dog. I have named him Tony the
Second.
Very warm this noon. The snow
now only reaches a third of the way
down the side of the mountains; the
river, of course, is very high. It makes
a constant roar as it passes through
the canyon. Had I a camera I could
get some wonderful pictures.
Thursday, May 23.
One day is much like another; war
between nations, earthquakes, and
famines might take place without our
having any knowledge of them. It is
peaceful and restful, but not highly
exciting. Called the hospital at See-
ley to find out how Doheny, the man
hurt here, was getting on. The doc-
tor reported a compound fracture, also
paid me quite a compliment on my
splints.
Tony the Second is quite amusing,
and helps to pass some idle moments.
Am anxious, of course, to go fishing,
but am afraid that if I did it would be
the moment that some superior officer
dropped in to see how our work was
getting on.
Friday, May 24.
Had two G. T. P. engineers and
Mr. West for dinner. Busy all day
putting up a tent for White and my-
self, thinking it would be more com-
fortable than the log cabin. Though it
is 18 x 20 I am afraid it will be small,
with bricks, stove, and all the com-
missary stuff. They have quite a
stunt in this country: i.e., the lower
edge of the wall of the tents is three
or four feet off the ground, the space in
between being boarded up. This, of
course, gives more air and head-room.
As I write it is ten minutes before
nine, yet the sun is still shining.
Though the scene is grand as it sinks
behind the snow-covered mountains,
it, in my opinion, does not compare
with the setting sun behind old Marble-
head seen from the Neck.
H. D. P.
June 7, 1912.
DEAR : —
Your very nice letter of May 22
reached me on Tuesday last. . . .
In many ways life with me at pre-
sent is perfect; as you may remember,
I always had a fondness for carpenter-
372
LETTERS OP A DOWN-AND-OUT
ing and camping, and, as I am doing
both at the present time, I presume I
should be content.
I am sitting in the office tent, which
I consider extremely comfortable (as
every bit of it, with exception of putting
up the ridge-pole, is my work). Two
good bunks, one for the Foreman, and a
mattress, a camp stove, big window,
easy-chairs (I have built such an im-
provement on the Morris chair that,
with the design, the Paine Furniture
Company would wax wealthy on it
alone). Desk, shelves for books and
papers, and, on my right, shelves ex-
tending the extreme length of the tent
(it is 20 X 16) for the commissary stuff.
I keep what is practically a country
store. Sell dynamite, sewing-thread,
tobacco, quinine, shoes, writing-paper,
postage-stamps, crowbars, etc., etc.
We were in a log cabin which was
within ten feet of the kitchen door of
the cook-house, which, of course, meant
the flies were awful. As I have the
window screened and a screen door and
a good tight board floor, we are quite
free from insects, but outside the black
flies and mosquitoes are awful.
The balance of the camp is about
half and half: cook-house, storehouse,
and two bunk-houses made of logs;
while the stable and the other two
bunk-houses are made of canvas.
The weather is truly wonderful, not
over an hour continuous rain during the
month I've been here; perhaps a trifle
too warm in the middle of the day, but
cool enough for two heavy blankets at
night. The scenery (which is the only
free thing in the country) magnificent;
as I look up from the paper and
through the door, three mountains with
snow extending perhaps a third of the
way down, are directly in my vision.
These belong to the Cascade Range,
this camp being a considerable distance
west of the Rocky Mountains.
The railroad grade follows the Buck-
ley River, which is for mile after mile
the fastest kind of fast water. I have
been speculating whether or not one
could run it in a canoe. If one did, it
would be at the rate of a mile in two
minutes.
The food is good, though you get the
same thing day after day: beef and
potatoes three times a day. (We use
2,000 Ibs. of beef a week.) Apple pie
for dinner and supper, while we have
bacon and hot cakes every morning for
breakfast.
The job is a cut-and-fill; the fill is
simple, but the cut is going through
what is known as Gumbo, a wet blue
clay full of small round boulders from
the size of a baseball to a football. It is
quite impossible to pick the stuff to
pieces, so it is shoot, shoot all the time,
which, of course, makes slow work.
There is nothing about the work that
I have not done while coal-mining;
so I have strongly recommended to
the Assistant General Superintendent
(visits us about once a week) , that he
make me foreman on a similar job; but
to this writing, Messrs. Farrington,
Weeks & Stone have not acted on my
suggestion. Incidentally, F. W. & S.
ought to make an awful killing on the
G. T. P. work through B. C. The total
contract is something over a hundred
million, and they should net at least
20 per cent.
Camp foremen get one hundred and
twenty-five dollars a month, which is
a great improvement on the time-
keeper's sixty, so I want to be a fore-
man; I may be a trifle weak on shoot-
ing Gumbo, but I can give a lot of
them cards and spades on track and
dump-cars. The steel is supposed to
reach us by September, but, in my
opinion, we won't have our job done
before the first of October.
Outside of timekeeping and book-
keeping (the first trial balance I have
taken in ten years came out O. K. The
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
373
next, I suppose, will take a week), I
have, as already stated, fixed the office
tent, built two wells (one with an over-
flow is my bath-tub), put two glass
skylights in the cook-house roof, built
a new meat-house, repaired cars, and,
as the blacksmith went off on a drunk,
shod the mules.
I make a very long day; breakfast is
at 6.15 and, as it does not get dark until
10.30, I generally do not turn in until
that time.
For the first time, yesterday, I took
a couple of hours off. The fact is, I had
made a fishing-rod, butt and second
joint of white birch, and the tip of
willow, used small copper wire for my
rings, and, of course, lashings to fasten
the joints. I went or rather dropped
down to the Buckley (it 's some 500 feet
below us in a canyon), took 22, between
three o'clock and five, that weighed
from a half to three pounds. The men
called them salmon trout; they were
shaped more like a land-locked salmon
than a square- tail, but had red spots;
very good eating.
We have (in the cut) gone through
a seam of mother or bastard coal. I
have no doubt that a true seam is in
the near vicinity, but it means money
to look for it.
We are, of course, very much 'in the
woods.' F. W. & S. have a telephone
line connecting their camps with head-
quarters in Seeley and New Hazelton,
but as for news of the outside world,
we get none. I have not seen a news-
paper since I ' ve been here, but never-
theless presume the Boston National
Baseball Team is leading (?) the
League.
In spite of the glowing advertise-
ments, I consider the land worthless
except for its timber; frost most every
night, which puts it on the bum for
farming, so no land for mine. From
present indications, will be here till
work is done and stay with F. W. & S.
if they have a job for me at that
time. As ever,
H. D. P.
July 10, 1912.
DEAR : —
Here is a letter I will call 'The Time-
keeper's Day's Watch.' It gives an
average day.
The puppy bit my ear; I growled at
him but he kept on, so I rolled over and
looked at my watch : five minutes after
five. As I had to get up anyway in a
a few minutes, I rolled out of my blank-
ets and made my toilet in about four
minutes. If one in a moment of weak-
ness lets a puppy on his bed one has to
pay the penalty, and that is let him
sleep on the foot of the bed forever
afterwards. The night cook (who also
gets breakfast) gave me a cup of coffee,
then out on the grade I went. First
looked at the shovel score-board: 745
cars, a very good night's run; then I
went to the cut, where I found they
had taken out 184 cars; pretty good
all around. Bosses reported three men
only stopped work at midnight. The
getting-up gong had already rung when
I was once more back in camp, and
the men were tumbling out of the tents
and bunk-houses. Pretty frowsy-look-
ing lot they were, but cold water helped.
At six I took my customary station be-
side the entrance of the mess-house,
the cook rang the gong, and the men
filed in.
My tent was quite comfortable when
I went in, as I had lit the fire on getting
up. Fancy a fire in the middle of July;
but the ground was white with frost.
To the mess-house for breakfast, and
pretty good it was, too: oatmeal and
cream (condensed), beefsteak, fried po-
tatoes, tea and coffee, bread, jam, and
that invariable breakfast adjunct (to
railroad work), hot cakes. This morn-
ing, for a wonder, no one tried to go past
me who was not working in the camp.
374
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
As a rule there are three or four every
morning, stragglers going up or down
the line. All of them have a delightful
habit of trying to eat on the company;
they know perfectly well they should
go to the office and buy meal-tickets
(fifty cents apiece), but they all try to
eat for nothing. The most effervescent
cursing is answered by a smile and * Me
no understand/
After breakfast quite a few came in
to make purchases from the commis-
sary; mostly tobacco, which sells for
three times as much as in the East.
For instance, Bull Durham, a great
favorite, at fifteen against five cents.
Four men of the night crew wanted
their time, so I cast up their accounts,
subtracting their board, commissary
account, and medical fees, made out
their time-checks, and took their re-
ceipts. Next, the men's time for the
night-shift went on the time book.
Then the sales of the day before. After
perhaps a half hour's work on the books,
the cook came for the daily supplies.
From the storehouse he took 200 pounds
potatoes, 200 pounds white flour, a case
of corn, 3 of tomatoes, 2 of milk, 2 of
peas, and 80 pounds of cheese, 24 tins
of jam, 4 boxes of macaroni, a box of
prunes, figs, and dried apples. Then
from the meat-house, one hind quarter
of beef. Quite a lot of stuff, but it takes
a lot of grub to feed 175 men. In the
next hour and a half while working on
last month's cook-house report, I went
to the supply storehouse five different
times — for waste oil, track spikes, and
axe and saw and shovels. Also an-
swered the telephone five times. Each
trip meant a separate entry in the day
book, as all supplies and materials are
carried in separate ledger accounts,
debited when received, and credited
when used. (Trial Balance for July
showed a total on either side of well
over $200,000).
I looked at my watch — ten o'clock.
I should have been out on the work a
half-hour ago. Checking up 175 men
with an average of 15 new faces a day
is quite an undertaking : one has to train
the mind to remember faces, on the
second, and in any event the third sight.
Our work extending over a mile, it
takes an hour and a quarter to go over
and find all the men. To-day all hands,
excepting four, were out; on my return
to camp I hunted these up. Three were
sick; these I dosed with quinine; and
the other one was laying-off. The men
(it seems as though we had at least one
representative of every nationality
under the sun) are like children about
medicine, but, owing to successfully
putting a man's broken forearm in
splints last May, I've quite a reputa-
tion as a doctor. My two remedies are
quinine and plenty of black pills.
This being done I made up two loads
of freight for our wagons. Our base of
supplies is at Seeley, sixteen miles down
river and at the head of steamboat
navigation. Owing to the poor roads
a load for four horses is 4800 to 5000
pounds. A little of everything in the
10,000 pounds, from 60 per cent dyna-
mite to smoking tobacco, from canned
tomatoes to Perry Davis's Pain-Killer.
Dinner-time caught three strangers
at the door, and I explained that Mr.
Farrington (he is, I believe, rated at
$40,000) needed fifty cents from each
of them in the worst sort of way. Then
a brisk sale of commissary goods, up to
one o'clock, when the men again went
out. Right after one, had to go to the
powder-house and check out powder for
the powder boss. The material we are
taking out requires constant shooting.
Then the cook came; he had forgot-
ten two things he wanted for the night
cook. Then a fifteen minute conversa-
tion on the telephone with the General
Superintendent, who wanted some de-
tailed information.
Next, my one luxury of the day:
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
375
walked down river three quarters of a
mile where our pump (water for shovel)
is located. The pump-man, owing to
my tears, has rigged up a very good
shower-bath. I started as hot as I could
stand it and ended with the water di-
rectly from the spring. On the way
back took the time for the afternoon.
Just four when I was once more in my
office; got in a solid hour of work on
reports when the interruptions started.
The night men began coming in, buy-
ing tobacco, snuff (up to this my know-
ledge of snuff was so limited I had sup-
posed it was wholly a habit of the past;
I sell fifty pounds a month), socks,
etc., etc. And then, mirabile dictu, two
Sisters of Charity appeared, escorted
by Duncan Ross (big tunnel camp).
They, it seems, are collecting money
for an Orphan Home in New West-
minster, a suburb of Vancouver. They
showed me a list of the boys in the
Home, and one is named Henry D. P.
I had already given them a dollar, now
gave them another, with, the request
that they buy some little toy for Henry.
I entertained them while the men ate
supper; as soon as they were through,
I, accompanied by the nuns, 'Bally-
hooed ' through camp for them. We did
pretty well, I think: collected $57.25.
I arranged over the telephone for them
to pass the night at Camp 26, but as
four G. T. P. Railway engineers (civil)
were spending the night there, they had
no spare blankets, so I rolled up four
and with the nuns' modest baggage
as the balance of a pack, we started
to mush (i. e. walk with a pack), turn-
ing them over to John McCloud, and
after three or four God-blessings started
back.
Found the cook had saved me a bit
to eat (it was after nine) , which was wel-
come. After eating, once more out on
the grade, taking the time, then back
to the office; as a rule finish up work
by daylight, but after ten have to use
a light. Made up the daily report
(much detail) and then to bed, ten
after eleven. Nothing to do until to-
morrow.
CAMP 26A, August 18, 1912.
MY DEAR : —
. . . Now a bit about myself. I am
more or less contented with my lot;
I am almost literally out-of-doors all
the time (have n't worn, in fact don't
own, a hat for three months) — a good
bed, and plenty of good plain food. Feel
very fit, due no doubt to good air, lots
of sleep, a moderate amount of exercise,
and no rum. But as far as attaining
money or position, I can't see it. As
a matter of fact, neither exists in the
country.
Railroad contracting, like every-
thing else nowadays, is on an enor-
mous scale, and it takes tremendous
capital to butt into the game. F. W.
& S. are supposed to be worth $50,-
000,000, and quite a bit of it must be
in use here in B. C. To show you the
magnitude of their business, I am told
on unquestionable authority that they
cleaned up over $1,000,000 on the first
100 miles of the G. T. P. (Prince Ru-
pert East), and that the whole job will
net them in the vicinity of $20,000,000.
Now, considering the fact that mem-
bers of the firm have inspected the
work but twice in six months, you would
think their headmen on the job would
be high-price men, but they are not.
Mr. , their financial man, and Mr.
, the General Superintendent, get
but $6000 a year. There are numer-
ous sub-contractors below and above
us, but they seem to be all uncles,
cousins, and aunts of members of the
firm, and the see to it that they
make but a living. You see, one of the
principal sources of income to F. W.
& S. are supplies, from pins to dyna-
mite, potatoes to steam-shovels; and
as they operate all over the world, they
do a grocery business that would make
376
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
S. S. Pierce green with envy; and all
sub-contractors bind themselves to
take all supplies from them. Of course,
very often, they could not possibly
get them elsewhere. If it seems that a
sub is making too much money, up goes
the price of all the stuff going in to him.
So you can see that a decent job with
F. W. & S., and sub-contracting, are
not inviting.
Outside of building the railroad, there
is mighty little. The country from either
an agricultural standpoint or lumbering
is n't worth a tinker's damn, in spite of
what you read. We have had frosts so
heavy for the past three nights that
nothing like, for instance, potatoes,
could possibly stand. There does seem
to be a lot of Galena hereabouts, but
it takes money to go prospecting; if
I had the price I would take a whack
at it next year sure. But it would cost
$2000 to make the trip I have in mind,
way north of the Peace River. To a
$75 a month clerk, $2000 is a fortune;
perhaps you would like to grub-stake
such an expedition. The remaining
chance is the fish business (when the
road is through, Prince Rupert ought
to ship large quantities of cod, salmon,
and halibut East).
I don't dare to return either to semi-
or full civilization without a job in
sight or some money. The few dollars
I've earned would barely buy me a
suit of clothes. (I have n't even a coat
to my name.) If I had a few dollars I
believe I would try it, but, of course,
it 's out of the question to-day, and yet
as this job will be (for me) through
by October 1st at the latest, and as
F. W. & S. may not have anything for
me, I may be driven to it.
When I started on this line I wrote,
contented; of course I fully realize that
a man going on to thirty-seven should
be at about his best, and if I either had
ability, or have any left, it is being
wasted here in the woods; but, having
studied the situation from every angle,
I can't see any way out. I don't want
to go hungry again and to be frank I 'm
afraid to tackle town-life again with-
out either the above-mentioned job or
money to get along on until something
turns up.
Am on a * writing basis' with
now. My son J is at B and
has caught his first fish. Were I there
to show him how, and teach him to
swim!
As ever, old fellow,
H. D. P.
P. S. Am catching you on the gray
hairs pretty fast.
August 24, 1912.
MY DEAR : —
Your very nice letter of the 8th
reached me yesterday. Yes, I agree,
my life for fifteen years or thereabouts
has been very much out of the ordi-
nary. What a lot of work, play, dis-
sipation, pleasure, and so forth, I've
crowded into the time since I left
Boston on 'the good ship Hopedale'
to Timekeeper for F. W. & S., Camp
26A, British Columbia. Of late I have
wondered just how * cracked' I am.
Presume more rather than less, but you
see I've been through some pretty
tough experiences and they have left
marks and effects.
I have been very blue and lonely the
past week. It 's rather hard not to ever
see one's son and little daughter and to
be completely cut off from every one
you know.
It does seem an awful waste to lead
the life I am leading now, if I have
it left in me to do things again. As I
wrote you a few days ago, I can't see
much ahead, and yet, for the reasons
I've explained, I really don't care to
make a move. However, another thirty
days will see the job (Camp 26A) done,
and then if F. W. & S. have nothing to
offer I'll have to do something. . . .
LETTERS OF A DOWN-AND-OUT
377
As I have cut my right thumb just
where you hold pen or pencil, this must
be a short note.
As ever,
H. D. P.
Saturday, September 20, 1912.
DEAR : —
Life with me goes on about the same;
our work is so near through, our camp
has dwindled down to sixty men; the
steel is only thirteen miles below us
now and, when the wind is fair, we can
hear the locomotive. This I rather re-
sent, as it means civilization and that
is something which, without clothes
and position, I positively dread.
After a spell of bad weather we are
now enjoying the most beautiful In-
dian summer that I have ever seen.
The weather is glorious beyond words;
nights sharp, but warm enough from
8.30 till 5 in the afternoon to go with-
out a coat (that is, down to a flannel
shirt). The foliage is very fine and its
background, the snow-covered moun-
tain, marvelous.
F. W. & S. have made no sign that
they wish my valuable services? After
this job is over, if they don't, I plan to
mush (i. e., walk or hike) through the
mountains to Fort George which, from
present indications, should in time be-
come quite a town. Eventually, the
C. P. R., the C. U. R., and the S. T. R.
will reach it. If we do not have too
much snow it should prove a wonder-
ful trip. Will go very light; two blank-
ets, bacon, flour, coffee, and a rifle. (Of
course a few flies for trout.)
Besides Tony Christo del Monte
Monks, Jerry, a dog ex Camp 26, has
adopted me. He is a most interesting
beast; from Pete Seymour, a Siwash In-
dian, from whom I buy salmon (3 cents
a Ib. delivered, dressed in camp, the
only cheap thing in the country), I have
learned his history. As is the custom,
his mother was tied out in the woods
when in heat two falls ago; the timber
wolves roaming about found her and,
after paying their respects, were shot
by Pete. It seems that if they were
not shot or driven off they would ulti-
mately kill her. Curious!
Jerry is now about a year and a half
old and must weigh about 150 pounds.
He looks more like a wolf than a dog,
and is the queerest combination of
bravery and timidity possible. He will
tackle a bear in a minute, but if some-
thing drops behind him he will put his
tail between his legs and run like the
veriest cur. Very, very difficult to ob-
tain his confidence, but once obtained
he is my shadow; even when at table
he insists upon having his head in my
lap. He looks so like a wolf a short dis-
tance away, I am greatly afraid some
prospector will shoot him.
His sleep is most incredibly light, a
field-mouse will bring him to his feet
in a second and, unlike a dog, when on
his feet, he is wide awake. He won't
play with any one except me, and not
with me if there is any one in sight.
Some weeks ago I used a curry-comb
on him, and now a regular morning per-
formance is his going to the stable and
barking for me to come. And the most
curious sound: it is not like a regular
dog's bark at all! For a week past we
have had a band of wolves around
camp and Jerry evidently has spent
three or four nights with them. Their
nightly howling is evidently too much
for him to stand. Apparently he wants
to get out with the bunch. As ever,
H. D. P.
[The Atlantic has no further inform-
ation concerning the writer of these
letters beyond the bare fact that he
has acquired a steady position.]
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
BY MARY S. WATTS
CHAPTER X
MRS. AND MISS JAMESON AT HOME
THAT date of the first of May, eight-
een-ninety-eight, was to be a much
more memorable one even than poor
Lorrie, restlessly following her sweet-
heart on his journey, through all the
wan watches of the night, dreamed.
For, by dawn of the next day, when he
and many another girl's sweetheart, and
hundreds of husbands and brothers be-
sides, were long miles to the south, or
already down there on the Gulf, there
went blazing through the country the
tidings of the battle in Manila harbor.
The newspapers screamed jubilantly,
and for once acceptably; a generation
may not witness more than one such
event. Old Glory flapped triumphant-
ly from a thousand flag-staffs, fireworks
roared and bonfires flamed. Remem-
ber the Maine! No danger, they'd re-
member it now fast enough! *I can't
help feeling sorry for poor old Spain ! '
Bob Gilbert wrote from Tampa, to the
touched amusement of the family; that
was like Bob, they thought fondly, like
his good-nature, his pliant humanity.
The young man was, for a while, very
diligent about writing; Lorrie has a
bundle of his war letters locked away
in a drawer this minute. They have
got to looking worn and dust-soiled in
these ten years, and I suppose they are
not written in a very high literary
style, being merely the headlong scrib-
bling, full of fun and nonsense and
spirit, you might expect from Bob. It
378
had been a toilsome trip, he wrote;
everything disarranged or 'congested'
by the army trains, nothing running
anywhere on schedule time, all kinds of
delays, eat whenever you got a chance,
and sleep if you dared! Tampa, of
course, was chockful; he was bunking
with some other newspaper men in the
office of the Daily Mail, corner of
Twiggs Street (address him there).
They slept on the floor. Tell Moms not
to worry; he had a blanket, and there
was a place where they could wash up,
and it was too roasting hot for anybody
to catch cold; his cough was almost
gone. As for Florida — give him little
old Ohio! The tropic scenery did n't
come up to specifications. For one
thing, the palms were a fizzle. Instead
of being a nice, tall, smooth, tapering
trunk like a porch column, they were
all swelled out in the middle like an
Adam's apple on a giraffe — 'I
would n't give one of our buckeyes for
the whole outfit of palms in Florida!
. . . Everything down here is Plant's
or Flagler's; they own the State be-
tween them. You ought to see the
Tampa Bay Hotel, the one Plant spent
so many millions on. It looks like
Aladdin's Palace done in cake or butter
or something, like the models of the
World's Fair buildings the chef at the
Queen City Club made one New Year's,
don't you remember, Lorrie? All the
high chief muck-a-mucks are staying
there, and have their offices and head-
quarters; I saw Lawton and Roosevelt
together. . . .'
During succeeding days, the corre-
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
379
spondence fell off; but that was only
natural, considering the progress of
the events which Robert had been de-
tailed to watch. Even Lome's other
letters, which had been at first of a daily
regularity, gradually ceased to come,
although Lieutenant Cortwright must
have had time to spare, for he had com-
plained bitterly of the state of inaction
in which the army was being kept,
while the navy was * right on the job/
and 'something happening every day';
and he railed at the Administration,
and prophesied disastrous failure for a
campaign conducted with so notable
a lack of spirit and 'push.' Lorrie
thought with a kind of adoring and
delighted terror how brave and reckless
and altogether demigod-like her hero
was.
It was her brother's opinion, too,
that the navy was getting all the best
of it. 'They landed some marines at a
place on the coast somewhere, called
Cienfuegos, and had a fight — don't
know how much of a one. It 's the talk
here that the troops are to be embark-
ed to-morrow — everybody perfectly
crazy to go, of course, but only the
regulars and the 70th New York, and
perhaps some of ours to be taken. The
censorship is something fierce; not half
that goes on gets in the papers; he just
blue-pencils it, you know. The Porter
brought in another prize-ship this
morning, I heard. That must make
about the twentieth; I've lost count.
Wish I was a midshipmite or a bo'sun
tight, or a somebody with a cheerily,
my lads, yo ho! This prize business is
as easy as rolling off a log. Saw Cort
again yesterday. Nothing doing in his
regiment,' Bob wrote, in one of the
last letters they had from him.
Spring flowered abundantly; the
noisy, joyous-fearful days went by
with new wild reports for almost every
hour of them. The State troops began
to be more and more restless and ag-
grieved at Chattanooga and the other
points of concentration. Nothing ma-
terial seemed to be happening in Cuba.
The Oregon arrived happily and joined
the blockading squadron; more prizes
were pounced upon and victoriously
herded in. On the other hand, the
Spanish men-of-war and the torpedo
flotilla, about which such dire misgiv-
ings had been aroused in the beginning,
vanished from the face of the waters!
And 'Quo Vadis hades Cadiz navies?'
blithely inquired the comic journalist,
as much to the fore as ever. To the
ordinary layman and non-combatant,
the host of American gentlemen of
letters, short-story writers, long-story
writers, magazine contributors, and
newspaper correspondents, appeared to
be the strongest and most active force
at this moment menacing Cuba.
Notwithstanding their presence and
efforts, it was June before the location
of the unlucky ' Cadiz navies ' was as-
certained to be the harbor of Santiago.
Towards the end of the month Lorrie
got a letter from her brother — the
first in two or three weeks — written
from Key West, in the wildest spirits.
Bob had been cruising on one of the
press boats, the Milton D. Bowers, right
off the coast of Cuba — right among
the Fleet! He had been too busy to
write — sorry! — but tell Moms he
had not yet been in the slightest dan-
ger, and was n't likely to be unless he
deliberately went after it, and you
might trust little Percival not to do
that. And he could n't tell them where
to address their letters, he had no idea
where he might be within a few hours;
better send to the Tampa address, as
heretofore.
Lorrie read the letter to her mother,
both of them smiling and interested
and uneasy as they sat in the side
porch in the summer morning under
the honeysuckle vine, which was all
fragrant and thick with bloom; and old
380
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
Dingo spread out peaceably in the
patch of sunlight at their feet, stirred
and cocked up his good brown head
and ears as she finished. 'I believe he
knows we were reading something
from Bob/ said Lorrie. She spoke to
the dog. 'Yes, you're right, it's Bob's
letter. Look, Dingo, Bob's letter!'
Dingo growled again amicably, and
rose, wagging; and a shadow came
across the plot of sunshine. Mrs. Gil-
bert gave a jump and exclamation; she
was nervous these days, and the unex-
pected appearance of a visitor startled
her unduly. * Why, Paula ! ' she ejacu-
lated the next moment; * where did you
drop from? Why, we did n't even know
you were in town! Why, Paula! You
came stealing up like a little ghost.
When did you get back? Did you have
a nice time?'
* It was in the paper Sunday, Mother,
didn't you see it?' cried Lorrie; and
sprang up and would have kissed the
other, but that Paula, who, after her
sudden arrival had stood for a second
quite motionless, staring abstractedly
at both of them, now stooped or turned
aside, and dropped down into the near-
est chair, without making any move-
ment to return the salute. Lorrie was
still standing almost awkwardly, in
her surprise. One might have said that
the girl had intentionally evaded her.
Paula was arrayed in her familiar style
of over-ornamentation, the pale-blue
fabric of her dress all but obscured
by embroidery and cascading laces;
through the sheer folds of the waist
there was visible yet more embroidery,
threaded with pink ribbons, delicately
enticing. Her hat was a cloud of flow-
ers, butterflies, rhinestone buckles,
chiffon rosettes; she had correct white
silk gloves, correct white canvas shoes;
enough must have been spent on the
toilette, one would have supposed, to
make even Paula supremely happy, but
she did not look happy. Her Dresden-
china face wore a fretful and tired ex-
pression, oddly out of place on it.
* We got back Saturday; they did n't
get the right day in the paper,' she said,
in a wearily complaining voice; 'and
they said we'd been in Atlantic City
ever since we left Palm Beach, and we
had n't at all. We were in Atlantic
City, but we ' ve been in New York for
four weeks. I wish we had n't come
home. I did n't want to come home.
There is n't anybody here I want to
see. Is n't it horrid and hot? Oh, I am
so tired!'
Lorrie and her mother — of whose
greeting and extended hand Miss
Jameson had taken no notice — sur-
veyed her in a momentary silence, each
thinking the same thought with a cer-
tain compassion, namely, that the poor
child had never been taught any man-
ners, and not being clever or observ-
ant, or perhaps fine-natured enough,
to acquire them of herself, the lack
would show more and more as she got
older. The pause, brief as it was, star-
tled her self-consciousness.
'What's the matter? What are you
both looking at me that way for?
Don't I look all right? Do I — don't I
— Is there anything the matter with
me?' she demanded sharply, darting
a glance full of suspicion from one to
the other, and straightened her figure
with an effort; she had allowed herself
to droop heavily in the Professor's wide,
rough, old splint-bottomed chair. And
she began to make nervous, fluttering
gestures about her hair and flowery hat
and laces and ribbons. 'Do tell me if I
don't look right anywhere!' she en-
treated,
'Your dress is all right, my dear; it's
so pretty we could n't help staring at it,
that's all. And your hat is on straight,
don't worry!' said Mrs. Gilbert, hast-
ily, a good deal amused at this char-
acteristic anxiety. 'But you do look
tired, Paula,' she added, in a kind
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
381
concern; 'you must have been doing
too much.'
' Oh, no — that is, maybe I have, I
guess — but I '11 — I '11 be all right in a
little,' Paula said, fingering her dress
mechanically; 'it 's only being tired that
makes me look this way — '
'Traveling around so much is really
hard work,' suggested Lorrie, sympa-
thetically.
'Yes, that's it. I hate to look ugly,
though. Do you think I'm getting
fat?' She turned her eyes to Lorrie,
with so tragic an inquiry that the older
girl, kind-hearted as she was, could
hardly keep back her laugh; fat was
the utter abhorrence, the abominable
thing, the secret enemy and terror of
the Jamesons, mother and daughter.
'Why, no, Paula, you're not a bit
fatter,' Lorrie made haste to assure
her; 'that is, just a little, maybe;
you're always nice and round and no
bones showing, you know. But I think
you're thinner in the face, if anything.'
In fact, Paula's small, regular features
did look rather pinched, and she was
unnaturally sallow.
'I'm tired,' she repeated, prodding
at a crack in the porch floor with the
ferule of her expensive lingerie parasol.
'I did n't want to come back to this old
town, anyhow,' said Paula, jabbing at
the floor petulantly. She raised her
head with an abrupt motion; her face
suddenly flushed, all but her tightly
drawn lips, which kept an unwhole-
some lead color. For the instant she
was almost homely; it was startling.
'Lorrie,' she said, in a high, accusing
tone. ' I never knew you were engaged.
I never knew until I got a copy of our
paper and saw it in the "Jottings,"
when we were in Atlantic City; I never
knew. When did it happen? It did
n't say when it happened. Did it hap-
pen before I went away?' She leaned
forward; her eyes and her whole face
burned.
'Why — why — I — I don't know
— ' stammered Lorrie, taken aback at
the other's fevered interest. 'I don't
remember whether you were still at
home or not.'
'Well, anyhow, you know when it
happened, I should hope. You know
when he asked you,' said Paula, with
a violent impatience. Lorrie and her
mother felt the same inward recoil; for
the first time Paula seemed to them
actually coarse. Her shrill voice was
coarse; her eager, persistent curiosity
was coarse. 'When was it?' she reit-
erated imperatively.
'In — in the winter — it was some
time in the winter,' said Lorrie, at last,
with difficulty.
' Oh ! ' Paula relapsed into the chair
with a movement of her shoulder indi-
cating open disbelief. ' I don't see why
you don't want to talk about it.' And,
after a second of angry silence, she
burst out, vehemently reproachful,
'Why did n't you tell me, Lorrie? You
knew you were going to be engaged to
him. You knew you were going to say
yes the minute he asked you. You
knew he'd ask you; you had it all fixed
up, you know you did. Why didn't
you tell me? I think you're mean —
you — you — it was n't fair. You
ought to have told me at the very first.
I think you 're a mean old thing, Lorrie
Gilbert—!'
She choked off, her lips working, her
eyes fastened on Lorrie with an un-
imaginable fierceness. It was plain to
the other two women that Paula had
brooded herself into a fury over this
silly grievance, like the spoiled child
she was; she might have been funny,
but for the fact that there is always
something a little dreadful about the
anger of a fool.
' I did n't think you 'd care so much,
Paula,' Lorrie said, kindly setting her-
self to appease the girl; 'and besides, I
did n't tell anybody particularly, you
382
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
know. It was announced so that every-
body would know all at once — '
'Is that your ring? Did he give you
that?' Paula interrupted hoarsely,
thrusting her hand out suddenly and
seizing the other's.
4 Yes/
Paula examined it closely for a min-
ute. 'I guess it's a real diamond,' she
said at length, dropping the hand as
unexpectedly as she had snatched it.
All at once, she seemed to have forgot-
ten her complaint; indeed, she was by
nature too amiable or too indolent to
keep herself in such a state of ferment
for any length of time. 'Has every-
body gone away?' she asked. 'To that
old war, I mean? Your brother went,
did n't he?'
* Yes. Bob 's at Key West, now,' said
Lorrie in the vigorously cheerful style
she always adopted in her mother's
presence.
'I heard Mr. Cortwright went, too,'
said Paula, working the parasol-tip
around and around in a knot-hole, in-
tently.
'Yes. Campaigning seems to suit
him. He 's been very well, and enjoying
himself! ' Lome's mother answered this
time; and now it was her turn to as-
sume the artificial confidence. Neither
of them was in the least deceived by
it; but if mothers and daughters should
cease to practice these gallant and ten-
der hypocrisies, what would be the use
of mothers and daughters, or of women
at all?
'Do you know where he is, all the
time? ' Paula asked, worrying the knot-
hole.
'Why, of course. He's at Tampa
with the troops, unless they've been
moved — and nobody knows what they
are going to do from one hour to the
next; but that was the last we heard.'
'He — he writes to you, I suppose?'
'To me?' said Mrs. Gilbert, with a
little indulgent smile; 'I'm afraid, my
dear child, I'm very much afraid he's
never given me a thought! But Lorrie
has been getting a letter every day,
strange to say ! ' She gave her daughter
a look full of affectionate mischief and
fun. Lorrie colored faintly; she wished
Phil would write every day.
'Are you sure all your letters get
to him? How do you address them?'
Paula said next.
'Why, to his regiment, you know.'
'Well, I — I supposed so; I was n't
sure,' Paula said. She abandoned the
porch floor, laid the parasol across her
lap, and began an equally automatic
and earnest fidgeting with the bit of
pompadour ribbon elaborately knotted
on its handle.
'Are you still getting ready to be
married, Lorrie? Mr. Cortwright
might get shot in a fight, you know,'
she said shrilly and distinctly; and
looked up, as the other winced and
paled, with an extraordinary watchful
curiosity. About the speech and man-
ner there was that childish brutality
not unnatural to Paula; it repelled,
partly because one felt the hopelessness
of trying to illuminate her. A child
might mature, might learn, but this
girl, never! There went through Mrs.
Gilbert's mind, even in the midst of her
distress and indignation, a weird fancy
presenting Paula as one of the Psyches,
the Undines, the lovely creatures with-
out a soul that figure in countless old-
world legends. 'She's hardly responsi-
ble!' thought the mother, with a kind
of impatient pity.
'Well, I — I try not to think about
that,' Lorrie said with an effort.
' I don't see how you can help think-
ing about it — I 'm sure / would. I
would n't know whether to go on with
my clothes or not.' She eyed Lorrie
with a return of her morbid interest.
' Don't it make you feel awfully when
you think of the times he's kissed you?
He did kiss you, did n't he?'
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
383
Lorrie sat, turning white and red,
incapable of a word; and it was Mrs.
Gilbert who answered in a cold voice,
stiffening to her very marrow, 'Please
don't, Paula! It's not necessary to talk
about — about things like that.'
' I suppose not. It 's no use, anyhow/
Paula assented dully. There was an-
other silence. ' I wish we had n't come
back!' she burst out again. 'I wish
we'd stayed in Florida. Then we'd
have been right near it — the war, you
know — we 'd have seen them all — all
the soldiers and everything — we 'd
have seen — '
Her face puckered together, she put
up her hands with a frantic movement;
the parasol slid down unheeded. Paula
began to rock herself back and forth,
and the other two women saw, to
their fright and pain, that her slender
shoulders were heaving violently; it
was like seeing a bruised humming-
bird in torments.
'Mercy! Why, Paula — why, what
is the matter? Don't you feel well?
Are you sick? What is it that hurts
you? Tell me where it hurts! Don't
cry that way!' cried out Mrs. Gilbert,
all her anger dissolved in kindness; she
ran to the girl with little soft, purring
ejaculations, and took the pretty,
trivial, bedizened figure into her mater-
nal arms. 'There now, there now! Tell
me what's the matter!'
'Oh, I'm tired — I'm sick — oh, I
wish we'd never come back!' sobbed
Paula, wildly.
Lorrie and her mother exchanged a
glance above the flowered hat; for
goodness' sake! Crying and broken-
hearted this way because she had n't
seen the army! both thought. But
after all, that was just like poor Paula.
They tried to comfort her with much
the same means they might have em-
ployed had she been eight years old;
and Paula sobbed on with long, shud-
dering gasps and moans like a child,
sitting rigid between them, not yielding
to their caresses.
'I'll go back with you — you're not
well enough to go by yourself that long,
hot walk. I'll just go along with you,'
Lorrie assured her, when they had got
her somewhat quieted at last. They
rescued the parasol, and straightened
Paula's frills, and dabbed her face and
eyes with soothing cold water, and
fetched the talcum powder and the
smelling-salts, and, in short, performed
all the hundred and one small offices
women find necessary to such an occa-
sion. ' Maybe it would be better if you
lay down a little while — don't you
think?' they suggested kindly.
'I c-can't lie down in this d-dress,'
said Paula, pitifully; 'it would spoil it.
No, you don't need to come, Lorrie.
You don't need to come with me. I
can go by myself. I don't want you
to come!' She spoke with hysterical
entreaty, looking at the other with
something like fear, almost as strong as
aversion, in her blue eyes, that were
ordinarily blank and beautiful as a
mountain lake.
'Oh, now, don't be a goose!' said
Lorrie in good-natured and sensible
command. 'We can't let you go off
feeling this way. It's no trouble; I
have n't got a thing to do. S-sh, now !
Don't say another word. I'm going!'
Paula submitted as unexpectedly as
she had rebelled, and dragged feebly
down the steps, her arm interlocked
with Lome's, who walked beside, hat-
less, in the unconventional summer
style of our suburbs, erect and firm,
with all her chestnut-colored hair
ruffling and shining in the sun. Lorrie
was not a tall woman or of strong
build, yet, in contrast to her compan-
ion, she produced a surprising effect of
superiority; perhaps it was not wholly
physical; one might have fancied that
a greater dignity of spirit in her had
magically become visible. Mrs. Gilbert
384
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
herself, looking after them, wondered
aloud. 'Why, I didn't realize Lorrie
was so — so — ' she mused, and turned
and went back into the house without
being able to find the proper adjective.
The two girls went on slowly and
silently, the elder in a good deal of
private anxiety, as she noted her
charge's color wane, and her hollow
eyes, and the unwholesome moisture
clinging around her taut lips. In fact,
Paula's strength barely held out for
the journey, and it was with unmeas-
ured relief that Lorrie at length beheld
the sprawling, decorated fagade of the
hotel looming ahead of them. She got
the other up the steps, helped by a
porter who chanced to be passing, and
grasped the situation. Mrs. Jameson,
rather cross at being roused from her
regular morning nap, which formed a
part of the exercises in physical preser-
vation and improvement about which
she was always most systematic, came
to the door of their room, in a flowing
white neglige, embroidered with gar-
lands of lilac, wistaria, and what-not,
by some Gallic artist of the needle,
with lilac-hued ribbons floating and
intermingling with its flounces. Rich
odors accompanied the lady; indeed,
they gushed out of the darkened bed-
room (which was littered with other
ribbons, and wilted flowers, wrapping-
papers, odd slippers, a bath towel or
two, and a pair of pink brocade corsets
draped over the back of a chair) in a
volume Lorrie found almost suffocat-
ing; and Paula, who nevertheless must
have been accustomed to this atmo-
sphere, reeled against her companion.
* Well, I must say, Paula — ' her mo-
ther began, sharply; she checked her-
self at sight of the visitor. 'Oh, Miss
Gilbert! Do excuse my hair, please.
I always put it up on kid curlers this
way, you know. I don't approve of
curling-irons, they're so bad for the
hair — '
'Let me get Paula to the lounge,
please, Mrs. Jameson; she's not feeling
very well,' Lorrie interrupted her ruth-
lessly; she had to push the surprised
woman aside to enter.
' I 'd like a drink of water,' said Paula,
in a vague, distant whisper.
Mrs. Jameson stood stupefied and
entirely useless as Lorrie briskly, and
largely by main strength, got her
daughter to the sofa, opened her dress,
threw up the window, ran and came
back with a tumbler of ice- water and a
fan — all in five seconds, and with an
ease, noiselessness, and certainty of
movement such as Mrs. Jameson had
never witnessed in her life. 'Why,
why — what is it? What's the matter
with Paula?' she repeated two or three
times, trailing ineffectually up and
down in Lorrie's wake. She stopped by
the sofa. 'Are you sick, Paula?'
'I'm afraid it's this heat,' said Lor-
rie, kneeling and fanning swiftly. ' Just
sip the water, Paula, just a little at a
time. That 's right — yes, you can swal-
low it — see ! — that 's right . It 's bet-
ter for you a little at a time. Now
lie down flat. No, let me take away
the cushion, Mrs. Jameson; she'll feel
better with her head low.'
'Is it the heat, Paula?' asked her
mother, helplessly. ' Do you think it 's
the heat? I don't know what to do
for a heat-stroke. What's best, Miss
Gilbert?'
' I think she 'd better have a doctor,'
said Lorrie; 'there's one in the hotel,
is n't there? I'll get him — ' She was
on her feet with the words.
'No, no, I don't want him, I don't
want any doctor!' said Paula, faintly,
struggling upright with wild eyes. She
clutched desperately at Lorrie's skirts.
'I won't have the doctor, Lorrie; I
won't, I won't I ' She began a kind of
weak screaming.
* He 's old school — the one in the
hotel is — and we ' ve always been
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
homoeopathic — the medicine is so
much easier to take — ' Mrs. Jameson
explained feebly.
Lorrie looked at her, at the sick girl
crying and writhing on the sofa, at
the hot, untidy, perfumed room, with
a sudden overmastering repugnance;
the next instant she chided herself
sternly for it.
* I '11 get any other doctor you want,
Mrs. Jameson,' she compelled herself
to say with gentleness; 'Paula must
have somebody — you can see that for
yourself.'
4 Well, Doctor Booth — ' Mrs. Jame-
son said, hesitating.
She was interrupted by Paula's high-
pitched wailing. 'No, don't — oh,
don't — oh, please don't ! ' She beat the
air with her hands. 'I'll tell — I'll
tell — oh, please — ! '
Lorrie sped down the hall — the
hysterical screeches sinking to hysteri-
cal chokings and mutterings within the
room behind her. She planned quickly.
Doctor Booth's office, fortunately, was
only about half a dozen squares away;
he could reach the hotel in a few min-
utes; but if he was not in, she would
call up the next nearest — who would
that be? — Doctor Livingston — he
was 'old school,' but pooh! what differ-
ence did that make? It was getting on
toward noon, not a very good hour to
go in search of doctors. She debated
whether she had not better take it on
herself to telephone for a trained nurse,
too, since it was plain that that foolish,
scared woman in the lavender embroid-
eries would be absolutely of no account
in a sick-room, and Paula might be
going to be seriously ill for some time.
Lorrie associated Florida with malarial
germs, and New York and Atlantic
City with incautious eating and drink-
ing; poor water — typhoid — over-
fatigue — all the alarmist reports of the
day crowded into her mind. And then
the sound of her own name, distract-
VOL. Ill -NO. 2
edly called, arrested her with her finger
on the button to summon the elevator.
'Miss Gilbert! Miss Gilbert! '
Mrs. Jameson rushed up, gasping;
her face was ash-color — the fine lines
and crows'-feet in it showed merci-
lessly; but she had forgotten all about
them, she forgot her kid curlers and
her neglige, even with the elevator-man
imminent in his cab. She ran and
grasped the front of Lorrie's white
shirtwaist with trembling hands, on
which all sorts of rings and jewels
glittered keenly. 'Don't get the doc-
tor!' she managed to get out in a
strangled whisper. 'For God's sake,
don't ! That is, — if you could get one
— no, no, don't!' She paused breath-
lessly, in a tortured indecision, terrible
to see on her doll-featured 'face.
Lorrie stood, sorely perplexed, gen-
uinely alarmed. 'But, Mrs. Jameson
— !' she began to protest.
'Is there a doctor here that nobody
knows — that nobody ever has — that
is n't anybody's doctor?' demanded the
older woman, holding her fiercely. ' If
you did know of one — '
' Why, no — how could I — why,
what for — why — ' Lorrie was utterly
bewildered.
'No, no, don't call anybody, then!'
reiterated Mrs. Jameson, releasing her.
'I don't want anybody, do you hear?
I won't have anybody. I'm her mo-
ther, and I don't want any doctor for
her, and it 's none of your business, do
you hear me? ' she said with stifled vio-
lence. She thrust her face almost into
Lorrie's. 'Don't you dare — !' All at
once she became a beldame, a vulgar
fury, a disheveled hag before whom
the young woman shrank in some
feeling not far from terror.
Lorrie went home, a little shaken by
the morning's experiences; very likely
she was already somewhat overstrain-
ed by these recent trying weeks. 'Mo-
ther,' she said, gravely, as the two
386
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
ladies sat down to their luncheon, 'I'm
afraid I've been doing that poor Mrs.
Jameson an awful injustice all this
while. She is very much fonder of
Paula than I thought — just as fond as
other mothers are of their children —
just like you ! Of course she did n't act
the way you would if I were suddenly
taken sick, but she 's just as frightened
and anxious. Why, do you know,
when she finally did realize that Paula
was sick, she — why, she was just like
a crazy woman!'
CHAPTER XI
IN WHICH WE PACK OUR VALISES
During all this time, the unimpres-
sionable Mr. Kendrick worked along
according to his habit, as has been
recited, paying only a passing atten-
tion to the history-making in progress
around him. Van himself was making,
not history, but what was much better
worth while, from his point of view,
Money — yes, Money with a capital
letter. The Good Apprentice pros-
pered, for once, as all good appren-
tices should. He was shrewd, he was
cool, he was just, he was unfathomably
patient; and without question his whole
heart was in the work. Mr. Kendrick
had nowhere else to bestow it; so that
steady and reliable organ beat, presum-
ably, only for himself.
It is true he was very good to his
family, indulging their whims as far as
he was able, supplying their wants
with the utmost liberality, and rarely
inquiring how they disposed of the
funds which he poured into that ap-
parently bottomless hopper. * They 're
mighty good women — all of 'em, even
Uncle Stan; he's about the same as a
woman,' Van used to reflect humor-
ously; 'good and kind, and I guess
they've got as much sense as most
women that are n't nearly so nice,
either, by jiminy!' Saying which he
would methodically file away their
letters asking for money, or acknow-
ledging the receipt of it, in the drawer
he used for that purpose. In time there
got to be a stack of these documents.
... * Dearest Van : Your noble, gener-
ous, splendid check came this morning.
You dear old fellow, I 'm so afraid you
went without something yourself, to
provide us. What would we not all give
to take this burden off of you! But
never mind, Van darling, some day it
will all be made up to you, that is my
devout belief/
Van Cleve used to skim through
this part with a highly irreverent inat-
tention ; he knew from experience that
toward page three the ladies would
finally come to the point, 'get down
to business"; that is, divulge the
amount they wanted. He had all their
letters tied up in packets, year by year,
and labeled in his neat, square hand-
writing: 'M. V. C. Lucas 5/1/98,
$75. Answd. 5/22/98: 'E. Lucas
7/15/02, $50,' and so on. 'Don't they
ever write to you about anything but
money?' was once asked of him. 'Oh,
yes. But that's the only important
thing.'
Being now a bachelor at large upon
the world, the young gentleman some-
times forsook his boarding-house of an
evening and made a call, or recreated
himself at the theatre or at the club,
which he had recently found he was
able to join; indeed, this last was prob-
ably his most favored resort, for, ex-
cept with other men, Van had no great
social gift. I fear Mr. Kendrick was
not at all a ladies' man. They appeared
to him mostly as pretty, decorative
creatures, sharing doubtless the funny
and occasionally irritating forcible-
feeblenesses of his own womenkind. It
was a matter of increasing wonder to
him that any man should voluntarily
elect to spend his life with one of them.
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
387
'Well, it would n't be all roses for any
girl that had to live with me ! ' he some-
times retorted upon himself, satirically
honest. Van never admitted, even in
this privacy, that there was always an
exception lurking in the back of his
mind. There was one girl — heigh-ho!
He believed he could have lived with
her and made her happy.
It was to her house that he went in
the hot summer night of the day of
Paula's ill-starred visit there. Van
Cleve, too, had had a letter from Bob,
and found no difficulty in persuading
himself that it would be a kindness to
take it over for the family to read. So
Mr. Kendrick left his fellow boarders
on the porch, with their rocking-chairs
and their fans, and journeyed over to
Warwick Lane in the face of an omi-
nous cloudbank all along the western
horizon, intermittently streaked and
splashed with lightning. Lorrie was
sitting, as usual, on the Gilbert front
steps, alone in the sultry dusk; all the
front steps up and down the little sub-
urban street were thus decorated at
this hour, and you might hear the
young people's laughter, and a banjo
twanging here and there; everybody
had n't gone to the war. As he came
up the walk, Van, through a lamplit
square of window, could perceive the
Professor bending over a sheaf of writ-
ing — examination papers, very likely
— and Mrs. Gilbert darning a stocking
on the other side of the table; the two
tired gray heads showed distinctly.
The family had also heard from Rob-
ert, Van Cleve learned, and his own
news was of no later date. He and
Lorrie agreed that the trip seemed to
be doing Bob good, and he was getting
a lot of fun out of it, anyhow; his let-
ters were so happy. *I don't believe
it 's the — the sort of fun that will harm
him, either, do you, Van ? ' the girl asked
earnestly. ' Of course there 're all kinds
of men in an army — a camp like that;
but they must be mostly all right, or
they could n't stay in the army.'
* They 're under pretty strict disci-
pline — the regulars, that is, I believe/
said Van Cleve, trying to be diploma-
tic. * Anyhow, it suits Bob better than
anything he has ever tried. He was
crazy to go, and it would n't have done
any good to have kept him at home.'
During and since the excitement,
Lorrie and Van had tacitly agreed to
forget their differences over Bob — to
bury the hatchet. The old friendly con-
fidence was restored; and if another
person's name would be forever crop-
ping up, Van Cleve realized, with a
twinge, that this was natural and in-
evitable. Her lover was constantly in
Lorrie's mind, and it was right and
proper that he should be; then how
could she help talking about him?
* That's what I tell Mother, but she
can't help worrying, you know,' said
Lorrie, answering his last speech. *I
wish Bob could be more with — with
Mr. Cortwright, but they don't seem
to have seen much of each other.
The camp's perfectly huge, they say,
swarming with men. And then Philip
— Mr. Cortwright — must be on duty
a great part of his time,' the girl added,
with a note of pride; 'he said in one
of his letters he would n't have much
chance to look after Bob.'
Van Cleve, who still kept to his ideas
— doubtless unfair and prejudiced
ones — about the benefit Robert might
receive from an association with this
gentleman, did not reply for a moment.
Then he spoke, overlooking Mr. Cort-
wright. *I suppose if we could be there
at Tampa or Key West and see it, we 'd
laugh at the notion of finding or look-
ing out for anybody. It must be an
awful mix-up,' he said wisely.
There was a pause while the thunder
began to rumble overhead.
' Do you suppose cannon sounds like
that?' Lorrie said.
388
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
'Don't know. I've a notion it's
shorter and boomier, somehow — not
quite so much like a lot of empty hogs-
heads rolling downstairs,' Van sug-
gested. 'Your mother was near some
of the battlefields in the Civil War,
was n't she? She must know what sort
of noise the guns make/
'Yes, but I don't like to ask her. I
think it pains her to be reminded of
it.'
They glanced at the open window.
' How old your father and mother are
beginning to look, Lorrie,' Van said,
involuntarily; the knowledge came to
him with an unwelcome shock.
'Do you think so?' she said, trou-
bled; 'they have n't been well, either
of them; and Bob's never out of their
minds for one instant, you know. It
does seem as if we 'd had so many up-
setting things happen lately; and when
people get older, they can't stand them
so well. Now, to-day Paula Jame-
son— ' Lorrie gave him some descrip-
tion of the girl's seizure. 'I hope it's
nothing serious, but it certainly was
enough to frighten anybody to see it
— it was so sudden,' she concluded.
'Mother's been what she calls " as ner-
vous as a witch " all day. I 'm glad she
did n't have to have anything to do
with Mrs. Jameson, anyhow. Van, it
was awful ! That poor thing was com-
pletely frightened out of what little
sense she has — Is that somebody com-
ing in?'
The visitor was Mrs. Jameson, walk-
ing fast. 'Gracious! Suppose she heard
me! I hope I was n't speaking very
loud!' Lorrie ejaculated inwardly,
panic-struck; and greeted the other in
a fluster that made Van Cleve smile in
the dark.
'Why — why — good evening, Mrs.
Jameson. A — er — how is Paula?'
And then, as the girl's mother came
up and stood breathing hurriedly and
excitedly, without a word, Lorrie add-
ed in quick alarm, 'She's not worse?
She's not going to be very sick? What
is it? A — a fever? Not a fever, I
hope?'
Mrs. Jameson spoke at last in a
hasty, fluttering voice, catching herself
and swallowing at every other word.
'No, it's not that — she's better —
that is, she — she'll be better — I
don't know — Who 's that ? ' she cried
out shrilly, and darted a step forward,
peering into the shadow where Van
Cleve sat. 'Is that your brother? Is
that you, Bob Gilbert?'
'Why no, Bob's not home — he's
gone away — he 's with the troops
down in Florida — did n't Paula tell
you?' Lorrie explained, a good deal
startled, as Van Cleve got to his feet
and came into the light, himself some-
what surprised. Mrs. Jameson fell
back unsteadily and stared at him.
'It's Mr. Kendrick, Van Cleve Kend-
rick, you know. Why, I was sure you
knew Van Cleve,' said Lorrie. 'Paula
knows him.' And she asked again,
unconvinced, 'Is Paula better? Can't
I do something for her?'
'Oh, I've met Miss Jameson lots of
times — ' Van was saying, a little em-
barrassed.
'Oh, yes, yes — I — I beg your
pardon, Mr. Kendrick, of course — I
could n't see who it was — I beg your
pardon — ' Mrs. Jameson said in a
manner that so laboriously parodied
her accustomed artificial graces that
the others observed it with a kind of
incredulity. She put up a hand to her
bare throat, as if to help the control of
her voice. 'I — I thought for a minute
your brother might have come back,
and — and I wanted to see him on
business — a — a little business,' she
said to Lorrie.
' I 'm sorry Bob 's not home — ' Lor-
rie stammered, confounded by this
statement; 'I can give you his last ad-
dress, though, but we're not sure where
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
389
he'll be — ' she was going on to say,
when Mrs. Jameson cut her short with
a sudden wild ejaculation and gesture;
she threw out both hands as if she rent
and tore away some bond, resigned
some struggle, with a need stronger
than herself. 'It don't make any dif-
ference!' she said loud and harshly;
* where 's his father? I want to see his
father. Is he here?'
* Father?1 repeated Lorrie, blankly.
The request was stranger, if that could
be, than the first. Professor Gilbert
had never met, had never even seen,
Mrs. Jameson in his life; it was impos-
sible to imagine their having a single
interest in common, a single thought or
feeling. "Father? Why yes, he's here
— he's in the house. Do you want —
I mean, shall I call him — I mean,
won't you come in?'
* I want to see your father,' said Mrs.
Jameson again, vehemently. 'Ls that
him in there? That gray-headed man? '
She advanced into the full light, show-
ing a face and figure in uncanny dis-
order; she had a black lace dress and
black hat flung on anyhow; tag-ends
of lavender ribbon and white edging
stuck out inappropriately about the
corsage; the plumes of her hat swept
and bobbed and dipped over her big
white neck and shoulders, that showed
fleshily under the figured net draperies;
and wisps of her red hair blew or hung
stringily out of curl about her.
The two young people looked at her
almost appalled; for terror and misery
stared out of the woman's eyes, and
walked in this slattern finery, on those
pinched, French-heeled slippers. 'The
poor thing has gone out of her head,
sure enough! Paula must be going to
die!' both of them thought. For an
instant they stood helpless, not know-
ing what to do or say.
'I want to see your father,' said Mrs.
Jameson, moving toward the door,
still with that air of having thrown
down all barriers. She turned quickly.
'You'd better go away!' she said, her
glance comprehending them both.
'Why don't you go away? I want to
see him by himself.'
'But Mrs. Jameson, Father can't —
he does n't — he won't know who you
are — just wait a minute — only a
minute, won't you?' Lorrie expostu-
lated, trying to gather up her own wits,
and to speak soothingly and with com-
posure. * Had n't you better sit down
here, and — and let me get you some-
thing? You — you're nervous, you
know. Can't you tell me what it is?
Is it something about Paula? Tell me,
won't you?'
Mrs. Jameson shook off her hands.
'Let me alone!' she said savagely; and
thrust them both aside and went into
the house. Lorrie and Van Cleve hesi-
tated behind her, each questioning the
other's face.
'That's just the way she was to-day
when she found how sick poor Paula
was!' whispered the girl. Uncon-
sciously she laid a hand on his arm.
'Mercy, I'm glad you're here, Van!
What do you suppose is the matter?
She acts as if she might do anything I
And yet she said something about
Paula's being better.'
'Oh, she's just frightened, I guess/
said Van Cleve, reassuringly. Mrs.
Jameson's manner reminded him of
his aunt's when that lady reached a
high pitch of excitement. 'You'll find
there's nothing much wrong,' said the
young man, wagging his head knowing-
ly, as he followed her. The storm was
rising noisily, clapping the doors, and
sending the Professor's papers scurry-
ing all about the room. There came a
dash of rain.
'Lorrie! Van! Better run and close
the windows!' Mrs. Gilbert called out.
She dropped her work and ran to the
door. 'Come in, children, both of
you ! Is there somebody else out there ?
390
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
I thought I heard somebody — Mrs.
Jameson ! '
The other shouldered past without
heeding her. 'Is that Bob Gilbert's
father? Are you his father?' she de-
manded.
Professor Gilbert, who had been
gathering sheets of foolscap from un-
der the fender where they had blown
and lodged, straightened up, smooth-
ing them in his hands, and turned
around. He pushed up his glasses and
green shade to survey her amazedly.
'My name is Gilbert, madam,' he
said, recovering; and made a little cour-
teous, old-fashioned gesture of apology.
'Er — who is it, if you please?'
'It's Mrs. Jameson, Sam — you
know — Paula Jameson's mother —
you know Paula,' Mrs. Gilbert inter-
posed hastily. 'My husband, Profes-
sor Gilbert, Mrs. Jameson,' she added,
conventionally, notwithstanding her
surprise; she supposed that the other
had run in for a refuge from the rain.
And — 'Won't you sit down?' said
the hospitable little lady, seeking to
put the guest at her ease. Still Mrs.
Jameson did not move or speak; and
in the silence, Lorrie's mother sudden-
ly sensed impending calamity. 'How
is Paula? Is she — ? It 's not serious ? '
she asked quickly. Her eyes searched
the other mother's face, and whatever
she divined there, stark horror all at
once laid hold of her. 'Merciful Hea-
ven, is n't she going to — to get well?
She — she's not going to — to — '
She could not finish.
Mrs. Jameson glanced at her impa-
tiently. She made a movement toward
the Professor, then checked herself,
as it seemed unwillingly, and looked
around on the others. 'I said for all
of you to go away.' Then, as nobody
moved immediately, in the common be-
wilderment, she threw out both hands
again in a paroxysm of impotent an-
ger. 'My God, won't anybody listen
to me?' she screamed out violently,
and stamped the floor; 'I know I'm
acting queer — I know it as well as
you do ! But I 'm not crazy — not
yet, anyhow!' And with this outburst
she seemed on a sudden to repossess
herself! It was as if some unimagin-
able flood of desperate emotion had
deluged and devastated her soul and
rushed on, leaving her to the ultimate
calm — the calm of defeat. She went
up to Professor Gilbert and spoke
steadily. 'I have come aBout your
son. I mean the one that 's called Bob.
I want you to send for him to come
back. He's got to come back here! '
'Bob? You mean Bob?' said the
father, uncomprehendingly; 'you want
him to come back? But madam, I —
I don't understand. What is the mat-
ter? Why—?'
'Because he's ruined my girl —
that's why!' said Mrs. Jameson; and
as Professor Gilbert moved, with an
inarticulate sound, she repeated the
words.
There was a speechless moment.
Outside the storm roared past and
shook the four corners of the house;
but for the people in the Gilbert sitting-
room, silence engulfed the universe.
Mrs. Jameson stood haggardly in the
midst of them, her hand clutching at
her throat; she was spent utterly and
could feel and think no further. For
that matter, thought was beyond the
others, too; nobody was thinking; their
minds stood still, clogged with formless
protest. Van Cleve, who more than any
one present had the habit of self-mas-
tery, was the first to recognize that
Mrs. Jameson was not insane; she was
most tragically sane, and she believed
herself to be telling the truth. It might
be monstrous — it was monstrous
— but it explained and justified her.
After another chaotic instant, Lorrie
came to the same realization; strangely
enough, her first coherent thought in
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
391
that flash of miserable illumination,
was not of her brother, not of Bob's
guilt or innocence, but of Paula. Lor-
rie understood now; sick horror and
pity surged over her.
Mrs. Gilbert spoke, grasping at her
first definite idea; it was more like an
impulse uttered than a thought. 'My
son never did that thing. Our Bob
never did that/ she said.
'Will you send for him?' said the
other mother.
'Mrs. Jameson/ said the Professor,
collecting himself; 'I — I cannot be-
lieve — I do not mean that I doubt
you — I mean I — I — ' He stopped;
then made another effort. 'I trust you
will not misunderstand me — I trust
you will bear with me when I say I
can't believe — I don't believe my son
would so wrong — ' He had to stop
again.
'Would Paula lie about it? What
for?' said Mrs. Jameson.
The rest looked at one another, grop-
ing for an answer. Suddenly Mrs. Gil-
bert became aware that her daughter
and a young man were in the room —
a young unmarried man and woman.
'You ought n't to be here, Lorrie —
you and Van, ' she said distressfully.
Van Cleve obediently turned to the
door, in a turmoil of shame and sym-
pathy; but Bob's father interposed
quickly. 'Van Cleve — Van! Don't
go! You're Bob's friend — don't go!'
'Oh, Mother, it does n't make any
difference — nothing makes any differ-
ence except whether this is true or not.
That's all that matters!' said Lorrie.
They looked at her. It was so. No-
thing mattered but the truth. The
kindly, well-meant screens and shams
of daily intercourse were all abolished;
there they stood, men and women, with
their wretched knowledge, like people
around a corpse.
'Did she — did Paula tell you
so?' Mrs. Gilbert asked, unconsciously
clenching her hands together. 'Did she
say it — it was Bob?'
'Yes. I made her tell me. She did
n't want to, but I made her. Will you
send for him?'
Mrs. Gilbert put out a hand blindly,
and caught hold of a table and clung
to it, trembling. It was that little
old table with the decanter of peach-
brandy, and the thing rocked over
now, struck against the wall, and went
smashing unregarded to the floor, and
the heavy, gummy liquor splashed
and ran down over the wall in a thick
stream. That was like the stain on the
family honor: it would never come off.
*I cannot believe it/ Professor Gil-
bert said again. 'Bob has been wild
— he has been wild, but he — he — '
Torturing doubt appeared on his face;
his eyes sought Van Cleve's in unhap-
py appeal. 'Van Cleve, you've al-
ways been his friend — you know him
better than anybody — much better
than I. I've never known how to —
to do right with Bob/ said the father,
humbly. 'Do you believe it?'
The young man hung his head; he,
too, had been thinking that Bob was
wild, was weak. 'All that talk about
never harming anybody but himself,
what does that amount to? If a fellow
lets go of himself one way, he 's bound
to let go of himself other ways/ he
thought, gloomily. 'But if he did do
this, by God, I know it was n't all
Bob's fault! ' Aloud, he could only say
huskily, 'Mr. Gilbert, I don't want to
believe it.' The words sounded as hard
as his hard face looked, yet they were
uttered with real suffering.
'Are you going to send for him?' said
Mrs. Jameson.
There was another unhappy silence;
they could hear the water rustling
along the gutter and down-spout at the
corner of the porch; the storm had
come, and burst, and passed since they
had been in this room, and not one of
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
them had noticed it; and it was not yet
ten minutes!
Mrs. Gilbert at last spoke, raising
her head. 'Bob shall come back, Mrs.
Jameson/ she said, firmly and clearly.
'He must come back. If he — if they
have done wrong, it will be righted.
Young people don't always seem to
know — they don't mean to be wicked,
they're just foolish — '
She paused, fighting for self-con-
trol; and before their mental vision
there rose the picture of the pretty,
little, soft, silly girl, the reckless, good-
natured, self-indulgent young man. It
was sad, it was shameful; but was it so
very strange, was it wholly their fault?
'Why were n't you taking better care
of your daughter, woman?' the one
mother wanted to cry out. 'And why
did n't you put better principles into
your son, Ellen Gilbert?' conscience
inquired sternly. 'It shall be made
right — Bob shall make it right — we
want it as much as you do,' Mrs. Gil-
bert began again. She turned to her
husband with a fevered eagerness.
'We'll telegraph him — can't we tele-
graph? I mean to-night — now — at
once; can't we?'
'If — if we knew where he is,' said
the Professor, in helplessness. He took
off the eye-shade and spectacles which
he had been wearing all this while, and
laid them down under the lamp with
nervous and shaky movements; on a
sudden, he seemed to have become an
old man — old and infirm. 'Let me
think — I have to think a little,' he
said, brushing a hand across his eyes.
Lorrie went to her mother's side,
with an anxious look into her face,
and picked up Mrs. Gilbert's hand
and began to stroke it gently. 'Bob
would n't come anyhow for a telegram,
Mother. How could you tell him what
was the matter?' she said quietly.
'What could we say in a telegram, or
even a letter? Never mind, Mother
dear, one of us will go and find him and
bring him home. Nevermind!'
'I was thinking of that,' said her
father, with his drawn brows. 'I —
could I see you at the bank to-morrow,
VanCleve?'
'No, no, you don't need to. I have
money — I have plenty of money — I
can get more!' Mrs. Jameson cried in-
coherently; her woman's mind rushed
forward to an understanding while Van
Cleve was yet wondering what the
Professor meant to do, or wanted at
the bank. She snatched out an ornate
purse of gilded and wrought leather,
with chains and trinkets dangling from
it, and tried to force it on him. 'See,
there's plenty — take it all — take it!
I 've got more — I can get more — it 's
my own money, you know. Don't
wait for any banks, or letters, or any-
thing! You 've got to get him here soon
— please don't wait ! ' Suddenly her
features quivered; she dropped all the
money at his feet and shrank back,
covering her face, and a heavy sob
shook her.
The two men were inexpressibly
touched by the sight, by the pitiful of-
fering — and the two women, strange
as it would seem, not at all. Yet they
were both good, tender-hearted wo-
men. Lorrie stooped and painstaking-
ly recovered the bills and silver and
pennies that had scattered in every
direction.
'We don't want this, Mrs. Jame-
son,' she said coldly, returning it.
The other gazed at her, affrightedly,
through her tears. 'I did n't m-mean
any harm!' Paula's mother quavered.
'I'm sorry to m-make trouble. I'm
going to take Paula away somewhere,
so nobody will know about it, but I
c-couldn't help — ' She broke down
again. Her brief flame of courage and
resolution had burned out; she could
only plead and whimper weakly now.
'If you could manage it with your
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
393
bank people, Van? I don't know much
about business methods. I have never
been obliged to — to raise money hur-
riedly before,' said Professor Gilbert,
in a pathetic anxiety; 'my — my
personal note — ?'
* That's all right, Mr. Gilbert,' Van
Cleve said, inordinately relieved at the
introduction of this safe, commonplace,
familiar subject; he felt as if his feet
were on solid ground at last. 'I'll get
the money for you, any amount you
say — I '11 fix all that— '
* You can't go, Father,' Lorrie inter-
rupted. 'You can't get away now.
You'd have to explain — '
Her father's glance turned to the
examination papers. 'I don't know — '
he murmured; 'I could make an ar-
rangement, I think — '
*I will go,' said Lorrie.
Her father and mother stared at her,
startled. Mrs. Jameson, crumpled into
a chair, ceased her moaning to gaze up
at the girl in awed admiration and
wonder. That a woman could speak or
act with any sort of promptness, en-
ergy, or decision, coolly as if it was her
habit, seemed to Paula's mother some-
thing abnormal; she did not like Lorrie
and was afraid of her, yet trusted her
devoutly. It was Van Cleve who began
to protest.
'Why, Lorrie, you can't do that!
You can't go running around trying to
hunt up Bob. You have n't any idea
what sort of places you might — that
is, he might — you don't know what
you 're talking about. It 's no place for
women — '
'How about the nurses?' said Lor-
rie; 'Miss Rodgers — you know; at
Christ's? — Miss Rodgers is going.
She's going this week. She spoke to
me the other day about it, because
she'd heard I had said I'd like to go
with the Red Cross. I could go with
her.'
' You can't ! It 's insane — ! '
'Van's right, Lorrie; you oughtn't
to think of going,' said Mrs. Gilbert,
in alarm.
' Mother, you know Bob would listen
to me — he 'd pay more attention to
me than to anybody else. I can do
more with Bob than anybody else —
more than you or father — '
'That's true,' said Professor Gilbert,
with a kind of groan.
'Lorrie, don't talk that way — as if
Bob had to be made ! ' said her mother,
tremulously; 'Bob will do right, as
soon — as soon as he knows. I know
he will. Bob's not bad. He may have
been wild — ever so many young men
are — but he 's always done right in the
end, or — or tried to. You know he
has,' said the poor mother, breaking
down, at last, in her turn; 'you ought
n't to talk that way about him — your
own brother — and everybody's so
against him, anyhow — ! '
It was late when Van Cleve went out
and called a carriage and put Mrs.
Jameson into it to take her home — a
silent and dreary journey, although
the poor woman herself would proba-
bly have talked eagerly, in the relief
and reaction of the moment, if she had
had the slightest encouragement. 'Do
you think Miss — Miss Lorrie ought
to go that way by herself? Do you
think she really will, Mr. Kendrick?'
she asked him timidly. 'I'd be afraid
of my life. I don't see how she dares.
She's very unusual, isn't she?' Mrs.
Jameson added, remembering that she
had heard something about the young
man's devotion in that quarter, and
with some idea of making herself
agreeable.
To her dismay, he scowled. 'Miss
Gilbert won't be by herself,' he said
briefly.
'I know. That Miss Rodgers — that
nurse, of course — ' said Mrs. Jameson,
hastily, perturbed.
394
NATIONALISM IN MUSIC
Van Cleve made no comment, glow-
ering silently out of the carriage win-
dow at the night-scene of shining wet
pavements, tracked with lights, and
the hurrying trolley-cars with their
soaked curtains pulled tight. After a
while, Mrs. Jameson ventured again,
even more nervously than before, —
* Mr. Kendrick, you — you won't
tell anybody?'
'Tell anybody?' echoed Van Cleve,
not understanding.
* About us — about Paula — about
this evening?' faltered Mrs. Jameson,
leaning forward and clutching at his
knee, in her anxiety. ' You won't tell? '
'No, I won't tell,' said the young
man, recoiling throughout his whole
being. What was the woman made of?
Or what, in Heaven's name, did she
think he was made of?
'I'm ever so much obliged. You're
doing a great deal for us. I'm awfully
obliged,' said Mrs. Jameson, weakly,
conscious of a certain inadequacy
about these phrases; but her pinch-
beck vocabulary afforded nothing bet-
ter. Van Cleve left her at her hotel,
and paid the cabman, and went off
home. He went upstairs to his board-
ing-house room, and got a traveling-
bag out of the closet.
(To be continued.)
NATIONALISM IN MUSIC
BY REDFERN MASON
NATIONAL music, if such a thing
there be, is a form of art the very men-
tion of which causes many excellent
people to shudder. It offends their
musical ideal, which is that of pure
sonority unperplexed by the sugges-
tion of anything outside of its own
beauty. The confusion of tongues can-
not reach it; it dwells far from the clash
of races. According to this view, to
stamp music with national character-
istics is to reduce it from the proud
position of being the one language
which all can understand to a speech
split up into a hundred dialects, some
of them as incomprehensible to the
generality of mankind as pigeon-Eng-
lish. Here and there, one of these ideal-
ists will grant to folk-song national
flavor, just as there may be dialect
poetry, or flowers may develop traits
peculiar to the part of the world in
which they are found. But that the
peculiarities of folk-song are to be met
with in the music of the masters, or,
if found, would become its dignity, this
they deny, firm in the conviction that
the fluctuating qualities of race and
nationality cannot be expressed in an
art so pure and abstract as music.
On the other hand, it is pointed out
that our generation, has not lacked
composers who chose to write in what
they deemed their national idiom —
Liszt as a Hungarian, Grieg as a Nor-
wegian, Moussorgsky as a Russian.
Believers in the nationalism of song
assert that the best work of the masters
is national, and, in support of this
view they point to the resemblance —
a resemblance which they declare not
to be accidental — borne by the best
NATIONALISM IN MUSIC
395
melody of the great composers to the
folk-music of their native land. In this
resemblance they see a fitness based
on the inherent dignity of national
character; for a folk-song in its best
form is the people's praise of love and
heroism, their hatred of tyranny, their
reaching out after the divine.
When Napoleon forbade, under pen-
alty of death, the playing of the 'Ranz
des Vaches ' in the hearing of his Swiss
soldiers, lest they should desert, as they
had often done, sometimes in whole
companies, he was bearing testimony
to the existence of something in this
mountain music that had a meaning
for the Switzers which it possessed for
no one else. Was the charm merely
a sentimental memory, or had some
quality allied to the genius of the race
insinuated itself into the notes? On
this point hinges the whole question
of national music, whether by that
term we mean the song of the folk or
the compositions of the professional
musician. Mountain melody has a
character of its own. The bold skips
and arpeggios of Styrian song may
be paralleled, in significantly different
melodic texture, in the songs of Nor-
way and the Scotch Highlands. More-
over, strains inspired by the hills have
a richness of harmonic suggestion, the
reason for which we must seek in the
echoes of cliff and hollow.
The emotion aroused in the Swiss sol-
diers by the * Ranz des Vaches ' has its
explanation in some deep-seated kin-
ship between the melody and the scene
which called it into being. To say this
is merely to assert the existence of an
analogy between the physical character
of a country and its music. The songs
of Britanny recall certain mist-drench-
ed pages of Pierre Loti; the airs of
southern France, on the other hand,
are languid with the fragrance of the
honeysuckle. Compare the Breton
hymn, * Ar Barados,' with the Southern
song of ' Magali.' Germany has * wood-
notes wild' that suggest the sombre
beauty of the Black Forest, notes that
were well known to Karl Maria von
Weber. Musicians, like painters, draw
their inspiration from the land in which
they dwell, and the image of the old
home^vill slip into their compositions
much as the wood-clad hills of Um-
bria slip into the Biblical backgrounds
of Perugino.
Playing over Redskin melodies on
the piano, people have sometimes been
struck by their apparently Celtic char-
acter. Now, if Celt may be confounded
with Indian, music as an index of na-
tional character is grotesquely decep-
tive. The confusion of types, however,
is to be attributed, not to the similar-
ity of melodies, but to the imperfec-
tions and limitations of our system of
notation. The music of the Indians is
largely based on a scale of five whole
tones — our major scale with the half-
tones left out. Celtic music has like-
wise a pentatonic basis. A purely theo-
retical examination would leave the
impression that Celtic and Indian
music used the same notes, were built
of the same material, and therefore,
apart from considerations of contour
and rhythm, might be expected to
sound much alike. But it is only neces-
sary to hear Indian chanting and com-
pare it with an Irish song sung * in the
Irish way,' or a coronach played by
a Scotch piper, to be convinced that
between the music of the American
Indians and that of the Celtic peoples
there is a wide gulf.
Our system of notation has this
capital defect, that it obliterates tonal
peculiarities. In many countries the
diatonic scale is subtly modified. As
interpreted by the piano, that scale is
neither the * scale of nature' nor the
scale of any primitive people, but a
succession of sounds arbitrarily modi-
fied so that the instrument may be
396
NATIONALISM IN MUSIC
played in all the keys — an impossibil-
ity if it were strictly in tune.
The pianistic scale differs markedly
from that of the Celts, with the re-
sult that Irish melodies lose much of
their flavor when played in it. Julien
Tiersot discovered that the Arabs use
a scale analogous to our own, composed
of tones and half-tones; but the pitch
of certain notes differs from that of the
corresponding degrees in the scale of
northern Europe. To represent these
shades of difference on a keyed instru-
ment is impossible; our system of
notation treats them as non-existent.
Yet they are of the very essence of na-
tional song. Take the analogous sub-
ject of language. No matter how well
a Frenchman or a German may speak
English, a hundred fine shades of dif-
ference in pronunciation and intonation
will declare him a foreigner. So it is in
music, and the grave objection to our
habit of deferring to the piano as the
form of musical expression is that, un-
like the violin or 'cello, it is incapable
of any speech but its own narrow and
individuality-destroying vernacular.
Between a notation that misrepre-
sents, and instruments that pervert, na-
tional idiom, if it had not in itself some-
thing imperishable, would be lost. The
only conclusive way in which this vexed
question of tonality in national music
can be settled, as matters stand, is by
the comparison of phonographic re-
cords. Such a test would probably show
that German, Celtic, Arab, and Red-
skin music are based on as many vari-
ations of the universal diatonic as there
are peoples. If races had not an intona-
tion peculiar to themselves, the chant
of an Indian would often resemble a
Scotch or an Irish tune. It does so on
paper, but hardly in practice.
We can learn something of a man's
character by observing his walk. The
sailor's gait tells its own story; so does
the tread of the ploughman. The move-
ment of music is equally significant.
Every race has some rhythm which it
prefers to others. When the composer
thinks of classic Italy, his muse may
fittingly chose the lilt of the Pastorale,
the measure to which it is not unphilo-
sophic to imagine the Sicilian shepherds
dancing while Theocritus ruminated
on his idyls. Nor has it perished with
the years. Bach and Handel loved it.
When we are moved to tears by 'He
shall feed his flock,' or uplifted heaven-
high by the Shepherds' Music from the
Christmas Oratorio, our thanks are
due not only to the composers, but to
the rustics of Italy who enriched music
with this beautiful rhythm. How dif-
ferent is the merrymaking in the Pas-
toral Symphony. Here the humor is
robust, uproarious even; the Austrian
peasants have no aversion to getting
tipsy. The change is not merely one of
scene, but of temperament. Beethoven
loved to watch the villagers at their
revels and, like Goethe, he has left us
a picture of the Teuton in holiday
humor that men will relish as long as
they love art. Here the dance is a
waltz, footed with a bacchanalian zest.
Mozart's Germans dance as though
they wanted to be Italians. His min-
uets are own cousins to the measures
of Padre Martini. Occasionally, how-
ever, when the grace of God is stronger
than the fashion of the day, he slips
into a Teuton mood. A Haydn sym-
phony would be incomplete without
some page in which elegance is re-
deemed from formality by humor bor-
rowed from the life of the people. Why
is it that so many composers — French,
German, Polish — have written works
avowedly in the Spanish spirit? It is
because of the allure of the bolero, the
fascination of the jota. Carmen, the
work of a Parisian, is a series of tab-
leaux painted in the hues of Spanish
romance.
Even scholasticism may be given a
NATIONALISM IN MUSIC
397
national turn. A canon by Rameau is
apt to be as gracefully French as one
of his rondos. Apart from the exercise
of greater contrapuntal freedom, the
polyphony of Bach differs from that
of Palestrina by virtue of some quality
which enters into the shape and articu-
lation of the melody. The work of these
great musicians differs in the same way
that Diirer's Song of the Chosen differs
from Raphael's Disputa. One is the
expression of Gothic rapture, the other
is the mystic ecstasy of the Latin; one
suggests the * Gloria in excelsis ' of the
B minor Mass, the other may be com-
pared with the 'Et vitam venturi sae-
culi' of the Missa Papse Marcelli.
Because for a century and a half Ger-
many has had a preponderating voice
in the shaping of the destinies of music,
her scholars sometimes mistake their
idiom for the speech of humanity. So
successful have they been in imposing
this view on the world at large, that
composers have hardly dared to sing
with the accent nature gave them. It
needed all Liszt's encouragement to
stiffen Grieg in his resolution to be his
own Norse self, and not an imitation
German. One of his German critics
wrote that he had 'stuck in the fjord'
and could not get out of it. These men
had come to think that music which did
not realize their ideal of what music
ought to be, must be bad music. They
forgot, or did not realize, that their
own greatest composers were militantly
national; not invariably so, of course,
for it is not every day that a man is
allowed to be the spokesman of his
race and there are dull pages in Bee-
thoven, in Wagner; but when they are
at their best their music is the voice of
the Fatherland. I hear the unconvert-
ed absolutist exclaim, ' Lay your fin-
gers on the traits that declare "Casta
diva" Italian, Schubert's "Aufenthalt"
German, and Gounod's "Quand tu
chantes" French.' I reply to this ob-
jection, 'Tell me by what token you
recognize a German face or know a
girl for Irish before she has opened
her lips.' To ask for precise definition
of all the things that go to make men
or art national, is as reasonable as it
would be for parents to exact of their
child a detailed analysis of the charms
of the well-beloved. It is demanding
the reduction of the mystery of person-
ality to terms of Euclidean precision.
The great masters prove their appre-
ciation of the force of the race-spirit
by their occasional use of a foreign
idiom. Bach did not disdain to copy
Vivaldi and develop an Italian manner.
The Italianism of Handel is so marked
that, in listening to Corelli, we some-
times seem to have come upon an
early Handelian masterpiece. Mozart's
arias betray the influence of southern
cantilena at every turn, and, when
Wagner wishes to express rapture, he
makes Brunhilde sing fioritures a la
Bellini. Yet, in spite of their occa-
sional use of some foreign mode of ex-
pression, the master composers touch
their highest point when they sing their
native strains. Beethoven departed
from the Teutonic idiom less than any
other of the Viennese trinity. He is a
true German; the virtue of his music
belongs to the German folk. It is the
glorified echo of songs sung by men
whose ancestors listened to the Minne-
singers and grew large-eyed in wonder
at tales of the haunted Rhine. Turn to
the opening movement of the Seventh
Symphony, to the Allegro Vivace which
follows the introduction. In no music
is Beethoven more solidly himself.
How quickly the spell asserts itself.
The rhythm takes possession of you;
it dominates you, gliding off eventually,
when the sound of the instruments has
ceased and the mind is left to itself,
into folk-strains like the old 'Grand-
father's Dance' or the genial 'Es ritten
drei Reiter zum Thore hinaus,' while
398
NATIONALISM IN MUSIC
the heart gratefully confesses that the
master musician wrote — not in a vein
of impersonal classicism but in the
heart-speech of the German folk. When
he wants to picture the fraternizing of
humanity, he weds Schiller's poem to
an air so gloriously German that it
seems as if the spirit of the Fatherland
had sought embodiment in a song and
chosen Beethoven to compose it. The
canon which he wrote for his friend
Maelzel becomes the Allegretto Scherz-
ando of the Eighth Symphony; when
he wants a contrasting theme for the
Waldstein Sonata, he writes an air
which breathes the spirit of the Ger-
man hymn.
If this reasoning be sound, it must
bear application nearer home. France
and Germany have music of their own,
why not America? Why not indeed?
But it is to be remembered in this con-
nection that the people of America are
only politically a unit. Racially, sec-
tions of the populace speak with dif-
ferent voices. Saxon and Celt, Slav,
Teuton, and Latin, are slowly blending
into a racial whole; but, if we have to
wait for American music until the
process is perfected, we shall have to
wait many generations. That, how-
ever, should not be necessary. Prob-
ably three fifths of the people have no
European consciousness to-day; they
think and feel as Americans. There is
no apparent reason why a music char-
acteristically American should not be-
gin to manifest itself among them.
But what is to be the differentiating
factor, by virtue of which American
music shall be as different from that
of Germany as the music of Germany
is different from that of France? Will
it be a matter of tonality, of rhythm,
of style, or will it be a composite of all
three? The question can be propound-
ed, but not answered. The answer is
for the future.
At the present moment the only
music that can be recognized as in-
con testably American — and un-Euro-
pean — is that in which the native
composer has made use of the melodies
of the Redskins. Edward Macdowell's
Indian Suites are genuine American
music. The elements of music he de-
rived from the Old World; but they
were not the discovery or property of
any one people. They no more belong
to a single civilization than does the
alphabet. His musical scholarship he
gained in Germany; but he was too
strong a character to be warped from
his native bent by the manner of a
school. His way of thinking is his own
and, when the subject matter is In-
dian melody, the three factors of ac-
quired knowledge, personality, and
thematic material combine in a form-
ula which belongs to America, and to
her alone.
It is different with the New World
Symphony of Dvorak. There we have
American themes; but the composer
thinks as a foreigner. He paints us
a series of pictures of Negro and In-
dian life as seen through the eyes of
a Bohemian. Incidentally, this is the
defect of his work considered as a sym-
phony. If not actual songs, Dvorak's
themes have in them so much of the
folk-ego, they are so personal, that they
transform his symphony into genre
music. Beethoven avoided this pit-
fall; he composed in the folk-song
spirit; but the note is not individual,
it is universal. Wrhen Gustav Mahler
called the Indian melodies crude, he
forgot that the musical worth of a
melody is to be determined, not so
much by its beauty, viewed as an iso-
lated strain, as by its potentialities in
the hands of a gifted composer. Unde-
veloped though the Indian may be in
many respects, he has affinities with
nature in respect of which the white
man must pay him the deference due
to an interpreter of things but dimly
NATIONALISM IN MUSIC
399
apprehended by the Caucasian mind.
This aspect of the Indian character
enters deeply into the music of the race,
and the genius of Macdowell was quick
to perceive its evocational power. Un-
like Dvorak, he did not allow himself
to be mastered by his material, but
made it serve the artistic purpose which
he had in mind.
Macdowell 's Indian Suites give an
outlook in life and nature peculiar
to the Western World. That they are
the music of the whole American peo-
ple I do not assert. The same phenom-
ena that inspired the Indians — and,
through them, furnished Macdowell
with subject-matter — may lead to
the composition of music very differ-
ent from his when brought to bear on
the descendants of Europeans with-
out the intervention of the aboriginal
intelligence. In other words, American
music, like that of other countries, may
have more facets than one. Yet all
will be national, and, whatever music
the sons and daughters of the New
World create, we may be sure of this,
that it will not have a European ac-
cent.
Not long ago we were visited by an
orchestra of Russian balalaika players.
One of their most beautiful numbers
was a Volga boat-song. The oarsmen
of the Nile have a similar song. Is it
unreasonable to suppose that the Yu-
kon, the Mississippi, and the St. Law-
rence will inspire the American as the
Volga has inspired the Muscovite and
the Nile the Egyptian? May we not
look for music of the Rocky Moun-
tains which will vie in beauty with that
of the Tyrol, yet have in it something
which belongs to America alone? To
admit that this may be possible does
not involve the consequence, as many
people seem to fear it may, that music
must be purely a thing of the senses.
While the broad general aspects of
nature — mountains, rivers, prairies,
the sea — suggest distinctive types of
melody, these types are susceptible,
not merely of a national complexion,
but of a charm that reveals the person-
ality of the composer. It is inconceiv-
able that the influences which make
the wit of Touchstone English, and
the beauty of the Phidian marbles Hel-
lenic, should be inoperative in music.
Can we logically seek the esprit gaulois
in Rabelais, and omit to look for it in
Couperin? The * Funeral March of a
Marionette' proves its existence in
Gounod. It is the functioning of the
genius of race in the composer. That
spirit is not to be limited to tonality
and rhythm; it is diffused through mel-
ody and makes itself felt as the char-
acter of an individual shines in his
countenance. We cannot reduce it to
constituents more fundamental. It is
the manifestation of something super-
sensuous and mystical. We can recog-
nize its effects; we can follow some of
its processes; but we can no more un-
derstand it, root and all, branch and
all, than we can understand a mother's
love, or the infinity of space. To deny
music the racial expression we find so
significant in the human face is to with-
hold from art what nature has given to
the flowers, to deprive melody of the
color of language.
FAITH
BY FANNIE STEARNS DAVIS
OH, I am tired out to-day.
The whole world leans against my door:
Cities and centuries. — I pray, —
For praying makes me brave once more.
I should have lived long, long ago,
Before this age of steel and fire.
I am not strong enough to throw
A noose around my soul's desire,
And strangle it, because it cries
To keep its old unreasoned place
In some bright simple Paradise
Before a God's too-human face.
I know that in this breathless fray
I am not fit to fight and cry.
My soul grows faint and far-away
From blood and shouting, till I fly,
A blinded coward, back to hide
My face against the dim old knees
Of that too-human God, denied
By these quick crashing centuries.
And there I learn deep secret things,
Too frail for speech, too strong for doubt:
How through the dark of demon-wings
The same still face of God gleams out;
How through the deadly riotous roar
The voice of God speaks on. And then
I trust Him, as one might, before
Faith grew too fond to comfort men.
FAITH
401
I should have lived far, far away
From this great age of grime and gold.
For still, I know He hears me pray, —
That close, too-human God of old !
ZION CHURCH
BY ELSIE SINGMASTER
BEAUTIFUL Zion Valley is an oval
plain with hills surrounding it like the
sides of a cup, and with a winding
stream following the line of its longest
diameter. In the centre of the valley,
with the graveyard and the winding
stream at its back, and opposite it and
across the road the house of Matthias
Lucas, stands Zion Church. The house
of Matthias Lucas is old; it was built,
as the German inscription above the
door bears witness, by Matthias's
grandfather in 1749. Below the name
and date, carved in the stone, are the
words, 'God bless all those who go in
and out/
The church is a magnificent one for
a farming community. It is built of
gray stone, its style is Gothic, and its
spire, a hundred and ninety feet high
from the base to the golden ball at its
top, seems to rise higher than the
hills. The great church room meas-
ures fifty feet from the floor to the
apex of the arched ceiling. There are
no frescoes; the walls are gray; the
straight pews and the strange high
pulpit with its winding stairs are dark
walnut; the woodwork of the high gal-
leries is painted white. The windows
are clear glass; they were kept bright
at first by Matthias Lucas, who, after
he had given the church, became for
VOL. 111 -NO. 3
love of it its sexton; they are polished
now by the women of the devout
Pennsylvania German congregation.
From some of the windows, one may
see straight into the leafy hearts of old
oak trees; from others one may look
through thinner foliage out across the
surrounding farms to the hills. From
the distance, the gray mass of Zion
Church dominates the landscape like
the cathedral of Chartres upon the
broad plain of France.
Zion Church is rich; she owns the
broad stone house and the five farms
of Matthias Lucas. She has no debt;
her paint is always shining; the grassy
lawn about her is always smoothly
trimmed; her graveyard, whose mounds
are covered with myrtle or lily-of-the-
valley or clove-pink, is set with straight
white stones on which no moss is al-
lowed to gather.
Many of the graves are interest-
ing to the antiquarian. There are sev-
eral of Indians who were converted
by the preaching of the first pastor,
and there are many with German in-
scriptions. The inscriptions which are
carved to-day are English; sometimes,
added to those already on a tall monu-
ment, they form a record of the transi-
tion from one language to another.
The grandmother of the Arndts was
402
ZION CHURCH
recorded, * Sarah Arndt, geboren Peter-
man'; their mother was described as
'Ellen Arndt, daughter of Rudolph
Hummer; above the grave of their
young sister-in-law, who died a year
ago, is written, 'Elizabeth Arndt, n6e
Miller.' The Pennsylvania Germans
have become cosmopolitan indeed ! But
the inscriptions on the Lucas graves
are all German. Even Matthias, the
last of his family, died before any one
dreamed that the residents of Zion
Valley would learn English.
It is three generations since Mat-
thias Lucas in his middle-age cursed
the congregation and the church and
almost God himself, and went no more
to service.
The Kirchen Rath (church council)
met one winter evening, as it had met
since the days of Matthias's grand-
father, in the Lucas kitchen, an appro-
priate place, since, like his father and
his grandfather, Matthias managed
the affairs of the church. The second
building in which the congregation
worshiped had become unfit for use,
the plans for a new church lay spread
before the council on the old oak table.
The members of the council, which had
been in session from seven o'clock until
midnight, had been arguing, and they
were tired.
Then rose Matthias Lucas angrily
from his chair. He was about forty
years old, a man of powerful build and
with a fine, ruddy color from working
in the fields. He had inherited wealth
from his father, and he was steadily
adding to it. He meant to give largely
to the new church, which was his own
as much as was his great stone house
or his farms or his wife and child. De-
voted, generous, stubborn, Matthias
Lucas might have said with conviction,
' I am Zion Church.'
'Who will have to build this
church?' he demanded hotly, in his
sonorous German speech. 'Who will
have to give most of the money? I will !
Whose people gave the land in the be-
ginning but mine? This — ' Matthias
laid his hand on one of the papers
spread out before him — ' this is the
way it is to be.'
The point under discussion was a
minor one, some small difference in the
height of the steeple, or iri the work
required on the foundation, a point on
which there might easily be two opin-
ions, both of them right. Matthias
Lucas might have yielded, but he was
stubborn and he had not been accus-
tomed to having his judgments ques-
tioned. On the other hand, the church
council might have yielded, but it had
been looking at plans for five hours,
and as far back as the mind could
reach it had been domineered over by
a Lucas. When the vote was taken,
there were seven votes against Mat-
thias and none with him.
Still standing, Matthias had his say.
'You will build the church alone,
then. Not a penny will I give.'
Peter Arndt rose and faced him. The
candle-light made two bright spots
of their white faces in the great, low
room with its brown, raftered ceiling
and its black shadows. The members
of Zion Church were not rich. All
the low arable land of the valley be-
longed to the Lucases, and the fine ore
deposits on the higher, poorer farms
lay still unsuspected and undisturbed
beneath the ground. The loss of the
contribution of Matthias Lucas would
be calamitous. But Peter Arndt faced
him bravely.
'Then we will build it alone.'
Tired of their long meeting, certain
that to-morrow Matthias would think
better of his foolishness, the other
seven members of the church council
untied their horses from the fence
along the lane and rode home. Mat-
thias laughed when they had gone.
'Build it alone!' he mocked. 'Not
ZION CHURCH
403
while the world stands! They will build
it my way, or they will not build at
all. They have no money.'
Matthias was right; without him
Zion Church was not able to build.
The old church was patched up and
services were held there for ten years.
Matthias, sitting in his front room on
Sunday mornings, watched the congre-
gation assemble, but did not join them.
He listened in stubborn silence to the
admonition of the preacher, he contin-
ued to contribute to the preacher's
salary, but into the church he would
not go.
'I will not risk my life in that old
shell/ he declared to his wife. 'It will
come down on their heads. When they
are ready to build, let them come to
me and we will build.'
But the church council did not
come to Matthias. Presently, his wife
and his only son died of smallpox,
and, since even this isolated Pennsyl-
vania valley had begun to observe
quarantine, their bodies were carried
directly from the house to the burying-
ground, without the customary service
in the church. Thus Matthias did not
have to break his word.
Aghast at the sorrow which had
come upon Matthias, the members of
Zion Church visited him and shed
more tears than did the stern man sit-
ting in his grandfather's armchair in
his lonely kitchen. When the funeral
was over, he went about his work as
though nothing had happened. The
preacher added admonition to his con-
solation, he besought and then com-
manded Matthias to return to his
church. But Matthias's heart was not
softened; it was then that he cursed
Zion Church and said that as God had
forsaken him, so had he forsaken God.
Almost at once, as though to add
to his bitterness and anger, the walls
of the new church began to rise. The
deep ore-beds had been opened; great
blast furnaces had sprung up through
all the Pennsylvania German counties.
The members of Zion Church had been
saving their money in anticipation of
building; now, as they began to sell
their ore, they added to their original
plan. They had for their church a
spirit of mediaeval devotion like that
of the builders of Amiens; they would
erect the finest building in many days'
journey.
Of their plans, Matthias would hear
nothing. Again the preacher visited
him; humbly the church council asked
his forgiveness, and explained that all
the details of their plans had changed;
they had rejected their own plans as
well as his. But he would not listen.
'You think you can cajole me,' an-
swered Matthias grimly; 'but not a
penny shall you have unless you come
back and sit in my kitchen and vote to
build the way I want it.'
The walls of the new church rose
rapidly, and Matthias from his win-
dow opposite, and from his farms and
gardens, "watched them rise. Sometimes
he smiled.
'They will never pay for it,' he as-
sured himself with satisfaction. 'Those
who were fools enough to build for them
will not get their money.'
Presently the church was completed.
By the day of dedication, the pastor
had promises for all the money needed.
From his lonely house, Matthias
watched the final preparations. It was
October, the season of harvest-home,
and into the new church were carried
great sheaves of wheat and the tallest
stalks of corn. Presently, when Peter
Arndt drove up with his wagon loaded
with fine apples and pears and vege-
tables, Matthias crossed the road to
speak to him.
'You are my tenant,' said he, harsh-
ly; 'nothing from my land is to be
taken into the church.'
Without answering, Peter Arndt
404
ZION CHURCH
drove away. Matthias's old friends
had begun to be afraid of him.
There was to be communion at the
morning service, and it had been ten
years since Matthias Lucas had gone
to the communion-table. If his heart
ached and his lips hungered for the
token to which he had been accus-
tomed from his childhood, he comfort-
ed himself with hate. He sat behind
his bowed shutters and watched the
congregation of Zion Church rejoicing
in its new possession. He saw the child-
ren come to practice for their exerci-
ses, he saw flowers being carried by the
armful until the cemetery looked like
a great garden, and his heart harden-
ed the more within him. He said now
that they had cast him off, and he be-
lieved what he said. He realized fully,
with intolerable pain, that they could
do without him.
That night, complete from floor to
spire, fresh from the careful hands of its
builders, decked with the fruits of the
field as a token of thankfulness to God,
with the white communion-cloth spread
already on the altar, Zion Church,
waiting for its consecration, burned to
the ground.
Matthias Lucas's maid-servant gave
the alarm. The rosy light, reflected
from the flames against the wall of the
barn and thence into her attic room,
wakened her, and she went, screaming,
to pound at Matthias's door. By that
time the church was a mere shell about
a roaring furnace. The paint and var-
nish were fresh, and they, with the dried
leaves and grain of the decorations, fed
the flame to so fierce a heat that the
walls fell outward with a great explo-
sion.
From his window, Matthias Lucas
watched. He heard the screams of his
servant as she rushed down the road, he
heard the panting of runners as they
came in answer to her call, he heard
cries of frantic inquiry and wild sorrow.
He knew from whom each sound came;
he could tell the voice of each of his
old friends, who loved their church as
they loved their souls: of Peter Arndt,
and John Lorish, and James Bar, and
many others. The silver communion
service was in the church; Peter Arndt
had to be restrained by force from rush-
ing into the flames to find it. Watch-
ing them, listening to them, Matthias
felt that he was almost like God Him-
self.
'They will come back to me!' he
cried. 'They owe this money, they
will have to pay it, the law will make
them, and they still have no church.
They will come back to me!'
When he had had his breakfast and
had looked after his stock, he went into
his parlor and sat down by the win-
dow. His heart felt strangely warmed;
he spoke gently to his weeping servant.
'It will be built up,' he assured her,
to comfort her.
Soon after nine o'clock the congrega-
tion began to gather. There were many
from a distance who had not heard the
dreadful news; as they came over the
hill, they drew rein in horror, and then
urged their horses on. Matthias could
hear their cries and the galloping feet
of their horses. A few who drove to
the very ruins before they saw that
their church was destroyed, sat dumb-
ly, making no effort to dismount from
horse or wagon.
'They will have to ask me to help
them now,' said Matthias again to
himself, a strange peace in his heart.
But no one crossed the road to Mat-
thias's house. The men tied their
horses and gathered about the preach-
er, the women sat on the grass in the
graveyard in the warm sunshine; they
were helpless, homeless, distraught.
From group to group went his weeping
servant, telling what she knew of the
fire.
Presently Matthias saw that they
ZION CHURCH
405
were going to hold a service. The older
people found seats on the flat tomb-
stones, the younger ones stood about.
There, within that low stone wall, all
the congregation of Zion Church was
gathered, and there was crying such
as had often accompanied the laying-
away of the mother of little children, or
of the strong man, dying in his youth.
Only one of the living members was not
present — Matthias Lucas, who waited
in his house across the way.
Through the open window, Mat-
thias could hear the preacher's voice,
broken, trembling; he could see the
preacher's hands, lifted in petition.
' " Lord," ' cried he, ' " Thou hast been
our dwelling place in all generations! "
To Matthias, it seemed that the
agonized plea was lifted to him. Then,
with sobs and cries, the congregation
tried to sing; —
Ach, Gott, verlass mich nicht,
Gieb mir die Gnadenh'ande!
Oh, God, forsake me not,
Thy gracious hand extend me!
Involuntarily Matthias Lucas sang
with them the words which he had
learned at his mother's knee, —
Thy Holy Spirit grant;
And 'neath the heaviest load,
Be thou my strength and stay,
Forsake me not, O God!
They were in trouble, these foolish,
headstrong people, but he would help
them. He would not wait for them to
come to him; he would go to them.
Matthias rose from his chair.
But, as the members of Zion Church
sang, a change came over them. The
hymn rose as it had risen many times
before from that solemn place, at first
a cry of misery. But presently its tone
changed. The God to whom they cried
had sustained them always when they
called upon Him thus; He would sustain
them now. Their voices strengthened
and became calm; the great music of the
choral rose above the blackened ruins
and floated out over the fields and hills
to heaven itself. They dried their tears
and took heart.
Then they drew closer together, and
the preacher's clear voice, cheering and
encouraging them, penetrated to the
old stone house, where in his wealth
and his bitterness, Matthias listened.
'We will begin to rebuild to-mor-
row,' announced the preacher. 'God
will bless us. We will take promises
now. I will give a year's salary, if you
will help me by sending me things from
your gardens.'
Immediately the offerings began,
and steadily they went on. The debt
was to be paid, a plainer building was
to be erected at once, the congregation
of Zion Church was equal to its trou-
ble. They did not call upon Matthias,
they did not think of him. Close to the
graves of his wife and child, they made
their plans; without the fold, alone,
holding to his chair for support, stood
Matthias in his desolate house.
Then, Matthias went slowly out of
the door and across the yard and the
road to the churchyard.
* Listen to me!' he cried. 'I have
something to say.'
He pressed close to his old friends as
though he were pursued by a terror
from which they must defend him, and
they, thinking that he was smitten
by disease or madness, drew away in
fright. The minister went toward him,
and the girl who had stayed in his
house because she had loved her mis-
tress and her mistress's child.
* Listen to me!' he cried again. 'I
will build you a church, a church of
stone, to last forever, with a great
spire. You shall have my farms to en-
dow it perpetually. Do not draw away
from me! You must let me do it, or I
will die! For in the night, I came over
with a candle and set fire to the church
you built without me I '
ATONEMENT
BY JOSIAH ROYCE
THE human aspect of the Christian
idea of atonement is based upon such
motives that, if there were no Christ-
ianity and no Christians in the world,
the idea of atonement would have to
be invented before the higher levels of
our moral existence could be fairly un-
derstood. To the illustration of this
thesis the present essay is to be largely
devoted. The thesis is not new; yet
it seems to me to have been insufficient-
ly emphasized even in recent literature;
although, as is well known, modern ex-
positors of the meaning of the Christ-
ian doctrine of the Atonement have laid
a constantly increasing stress upon the
illustrations and analogies of that doc-
trine which they have found present in
the common experience of mankind, in
non-theological literature, and in the
history of ethics.
The treatment of the idea of atone-
ment in the present paper, if it in any
respect aids toward an understanding
of our problem, will depend for what-
ever it accomplishes upon two delib-
erate limitations.
The first limitation is the one that
I have just indicated. I shall empha-
size, more than is customary, aspects
of the idea of atonement which one
could expound just as readily in a world
where the higher levels of moral experi-
ence had somehow been reached by
the leaders of mankind, but where
Christians and Christianity were, as
yet, wholly unknown.
406
My second limitation will be this:
I shall consider the idea of atonement
in the light of the special problems
which the close of the essay on 'The
Second Death' left upon our hands.
The result will be a view of the idea
of atonement which will be intention-
ally fragmentary.
It is true that the history of the
Christian doctrine of the Atonement
has inseparably linked with the topics
that I shall here most emphasize, va-
rious religious beliefs, and theological
interpretations, with which, under my
chosen limitations, and despite these
limitations, I shall endeavor to keep
in touch. But, in a great part of what
I shall have to say I shall confine my-
self to what I may call 'the problem
of the traitor,' — an ethical problem
which, on the basis laid in the foregoing
essay, I now choose arbitrarily as my
typical instance of the human need
for atonement, and of a sense in which,
in purely human terms, we are able to
define what an atoning act would be,
if it took place, and what it could ac-
complish, as well as what it could not
accomplish.
Our last paper familiarized us with
the conception of the being whom I
shall now call, throughout this discus-
sion, ' the traitor. ' We shall soon learn
new reasons why our present study
will gain, in definiteness of issue and
in simplicity, by using the exemplary
moral situation in which our so-called
'traitor' has placed himself, as our
means for bringing to light what relief,
what possible, although always imper-
ATONEMENT
407
feet, reconciliation of the traitor with
his own moral world, and with himself,
this situation permits.
Perhaps I can help the reader to an-
ticipate my further statement of my
reasons for dwelling upon the unlove-
ly situation of the hypothetical traitor,
if I describe the association of ideas
which first conducted me to the choice
of the exemplary type of moral trag-
edy which I shall use as the vehicle
whereby we are here to be carried near-
er to our proposed view of the idea of
atonement.
In Bach's Matthew Passion Music,
whose libretto was prepared under the
master's own guidance, there is a great
passage wherein, at the Last Supper,
Christ has just said, 'One of you shall
betray me.' * And they all begin to say,'
so the recitative tells us, although at
once passing the words over into the
mouths of the chorus, 'Is it I? Is it I?
Is it I?' And then there begins the
wonderful chorus of 'the Believers':
' 'T is I. My sins betray thee, who died
to make me whole.' The effect of this,
as well as of other great scenes in the
Passion Music, — the dramatic and
musical workings in their unity, as
Bach devised them, — is to transport
the listener to a realm where he no long-
er hears an old story of the past retold,
but looking down, as it were, upon the
whole stream of time, sees the betrayal,
the divine tragedy, and the triumph,
in one — not indeed timeless, but time-
embracing vision. In this vision, all
flows and changes and passes from the
sorrow of a whole world to the hope of
reconciliation. Yet all this fluent and
passionate life is one divine life, and is
also the listener's, or, as we can also
say, the spectator's own life. Judas,
the spectator, knows as himself, as his
own ruined personality, the sorrow of
Gethsemane, the elemental and per-
fectly human passion of the chorus:
'Destroy them, destroy them, the mur-
derous brood,' the waiting and weep-
ing at the tomb, — these things be-
long to the present life of the believer
who witnesses the Passion. They are
all the experiences of us men, just as we
are. They are also divine revelations,
coming as if from a world that is some-
how inclusive of our despair, and that
yet knows a joy which, as Bach depicts
it in his music drama, is not so much
mystical, as simply classic, in the per-
fection of its serene self-control.
What the art of Bach suggests I have
neither the right nor the power to
translate into 'matter-moulded forms
of speech.' I have here to tell you only
a little about the being whom Mephis-
topheles calls 'der kleine Gott der
Welt,' about the one who, as the demon
says, —
Bleibt stets vom gleichen Schlage,
Und ist so wunderlich, als wie am ersten Tage.
And I am forced to limit myself in this
essay to choosing — as my exemplary
being who feels the need of some form
of atonement — man in his most un-
lovely and drearily discouraging as-
pect, — man in his appearance as a
betrayer. The justification of this
repellant choice can appear, if at all,
then only in the outcome of our argu-
ment, and in its later relation to the
whole Christian doctrine of life. But
you may now see what first suggested
my using this choice in this paper.
So much, however, it is fair to add as
I introduce my case. The 'traitor' of
my argument shall here be the creature
of an ideal definition based upon facts
set forth in the last lecture. I shall
soon have to speak again of the sense
in which all observers of human affairs
have a right to say that there are trai-
tors, and that we well know some of
their works. But we have in general no
right to say with assurance, when we
speak of our individual neighbors, that
we know who the traitors are. For we
are no searchers of hearts. And treason
408
ATONEMENT
as I here define it, is an affair of the
heart, — that is, of the inner voluntary
deed and decision.
While my ideal definition of the
traitor of whom we are now to speak,
thus depends, as you see, upon facts
already discussed in our essay on * The
Second Death ' our new relation to the
being defined as a traitor consists in
the fact that, on the last occasion, we
considered the nature of his guilt,
while now we mean to approach an
understanding of his relation to the
idea of atonement.
ii
Two conditions as you will remem-
ber from our last discussion, determine
what constitutes, for the purposes of
my definition, a traitor. The first con-
dition is that a traitor is a man who has
had an ideal, and who has loved it with
all his heart and his soul and his mind
and his strength. His ideal must have
seemed to him to furnish the cause of
his life. It must have meant to him
what Paul meant by the grace that
saves. He must have embraced it, for
the time, with full loyalty. It must
have been his religion, his way of sal-
vation.
The second condition that my ideal
traitor must satisfy is this. Having
thus found his cause, he must, as he
now knows, in at least some one volun-
tary act of his life have been deliber-
ately false to his cause. So far as in
him lay, he must, at least in that one
act, have betrayed his cause.
Such is our ideal traitor. At the
close of the last essay we left him
condemned, in his own sight, to what
we called the 'hell of the irrevocable.'
We now, for the moment, still con-
fine ourselves to his case, and ask,
Can the idea of atonement mean any-
thing that permits its application, in
any sense, however limited, to the
situation of this traitor? Can there be
any reconciliation, however imperfect,
between this traitor and his own moral
world, — any reconciliation which from
his own point of view, and for his own
consciousness, can make his situation
in his moral world essentially different
from the situation in which his own
deed has so far left him?
In the hell of the irrevocable there
may be, as at the last time we pointed
out, no sensuous penalties to fear. And
there may be, for all that we know,
countless future opportunities for the
traitor to do good and loyal deeds.
Our problem lies in the fact that none
of these deeds will ever undo the sup-
posed deed of treason. In that sense,
then, no good deeds of the traitor's
future will ever so atone for his one
act of treason, that he will become
clear of just that treason, and of what
he finds to be its guilt.
But it is still open to us to ask
whether anything could occur in the
traitor's moral world which, without
undoing his deed, could still add some
new aspect to this deed, — an aspect
such, that when the traitor came to
view his own deed in this light, he
could say, Something in the nature of
a genuinely reconciling element has
been added, not only to my world and
to my own life, but also to the inmost
meaning even of my deed of treason
itself. My moral situation has hereby
been rendered genuinely better than
my deed left it. And this bettering
does not consist merely in the fact that
some new deed of my own, or of some
one else has been simply a good deed,
instead of a bad one, and has thus put
a good thing into my world to be hence-
forth considered side by side with the
irrevocable evil deed. No, this better-
ing consists in something more than
this, — in something which gives to
my very treason itself a new value; so
that I can say, not, 'It is undone';
ATONEMENT
409
but, *I am henceforth in some meas-
ure, in some genuine fashion, morally
reconciled to the fact that I did this
evil/
Plainly, if any such reconciliation is
possible, it will be at best but an imper-
fect and tragic reconciliation. It can-
not be simple and perfectly destruc-
tive of guilt. But the great tragic poets
have long since taught us that there
are, indeed, tragic reconciliations even
when there are great woes. These
tragic reconciliations may be infinitely
pathetic; but they may be also in-
finitely elevating, and even, in some
unearthly and wondrous way, trium-
phant.
Our question is: Can such a tragic
reconciliation occur in the case of the
traitor? If it can occur, the result would
furnish to us an instance of an atone-
ment. This atonement would not mean,
and could not mean, a clearing-away
of the traitor's guilt as if it never had
been guilt. It would still remain true
that the traitor could never rationally
forgive himself for his deed. But he
might, in some measure and in some
genuine sense, become, not simply, but
tragically, — sternly, — yet really, re-
conciled, not only to himself but to his
deed of treason, and to its meaning in
his moral world.
Let us consider, then, in what way,
and to what degree, the traitor might
find such an atonement.
in
The Christian idea of atonement has
always involved an affirmative answer
to the question, Is an atonement for
even a willful deed of betrayal possible?
Is a reconciliation of even the traitor
to himself, and to his world, a possibil-
ity? The help that our argument gets
from employing the supposed traitor's
view of his own case as the guide of our
search for whatever reconciliation is
still possible for him, shows itself, at
the present point of our inquiry, by
simplifying the issue, and by thus
enabling us at once to dispose, very
briefly, not indeed of the Christian idea
of atonement (for that, as we shall see,
will later reveal itself in a new and
compelling form), but of a great num-
ber of well-known theological theories
of the nature of atonement, so far as
they are to help our traitor to get a
view of his own case.
These theological theories stand at a
peculiar disadvantage when they speak
to the now fully awakened traitor,
when he asks what measure of recon-
ciliation is still, for him, possible. Our
traitor has his own narrow, but, for
that very reason, clearly outlined pro-
blem of atonement to consider. We here
confine ourselves to his view. Calmly
reasonable in his hell of the irrevocable,
he is dealing, not with the * angry
God ' of a well-known theological tradi-
tion, but with himself. He asks, not
indeed for escape from the irrevocable,
but for what relative and imperfect
tragic reconciliation with his world and
with his past, his moral order can still
furnish to him, by any new event or
deed or report. Shall we offer him one
of the traditional theological comforts
and say, Some one — namely, a divine
being, Christ himself — has accom-
plished a full * penal satisfaction' for
your deed of treason. Accept that
satisfying sacrifice of Christ, and you
shall be reconciled. The traitor need
not pause to repeat any of the now so
well-known theological and ethical ob-
jections to the ' penal satisfaction ' the-
ories of atonement. He needs no long
dispute to clear his head. The cold
wintry light of his own insight into
what was formerly his moral home,
and into what he has by his own deed
lost, is quite enough to show him the
mercilessly unchangeable outlines of
his moral landscape. He sees them;
410
ATONEMENT
and that is so far enough. Penal satis-
faction? That, he will say, may some-
how interest the * angry God' of one
or another theologian. If so, let this
angry God be content, if he chooses:
That does not reconcile me. So far as
penalty is concerned, —
I was my own destroyer and will be my own
hereafter.
I asked for reconciliation with my own
moral universe, not for the accidental
pacification of some angry God. The
* penal satisfaction ' offered by another,
is simply foreign to all the interests
in the name of which I inquire.
But hereupon let a grander, — let a
far more genuinely religious, and in-
deed truly Christian chord, be sounded
for the traitor's consolation. Let the
words of Paul be heard, * There is now
no condemnation for them that are in
Christ Jesus, who walk not after the
flesh, but after the spirit.' The simply
human meaning of those immortal
words, if understood quite apart from
Paul's own religious beliefs, is far
deeper than is any merely technical
theological theory of the Atonement.
And our traitor will well know what
those words of Paul mean. Their deep-
est human meaning has long- since
entered into his life. Had it not so
entered, he would be no traitor; for he
would never have known that there is
what, for his own estimate, has been a
Holy Spirit, — a cause to which to
devote one's life, — a love that is in-
deed redeeming, and — when it first
comes to us — compelling — the love
that raises as if from the dead, the man
who becomes the lover, — the love that
also forces the lover, with its mysteri-
ous power, to die to his old natural life
of barren contentions and of distrac-
tions, and to live in the spirit. That
love — so the traitor well knows — re-
deems the lover from all the helpless
natural wretchedness of the, as yet,
unawakened life. It frees from * con-
demnation ' all who remain true to this
love.
The traitor knows all this by experi-
ence. And he knows it not in terms of
mere theological formulas. He knows
it as a genuinely human experience.
He knows it as what every man knows
to whom a transforming love has re-
vealed the sense of a new life.
All this is familiar to the traitor. In
his own way, he has heard the voice
of the Spirit. He has been converted to
newness of life. And therefore he has
known what his own sin against the
Holy Ghost meant. And, thereafter,
he has deliberately committed that
very sin. Therefore Paul's words are
at once, to his mind, true in their most
human as well as in their most spiritual
sense. And just for that very reason
they are to him now, in his guilt, as
comfortless and as unreconciling as a
death-knell. For they tell him of pre-
cisely that life which once was his, and
which, so far as his one traitorous deed
could lead to such a result, he himself
has deliberately slain.
If there is to be any, even the most
tragic, reconciliation for the traitor,
there must be other words to be heard
beside just these words of Paul.
IV
Yet there are expositors of the Chris-
tian idea of the Atonement who have
developed the various so-called ' moral
theories ' of the atoning work of Christ.
And these men indeed have still many
things to tell our traitor. One of the
most clearly written and, from a purely
literary point of view, one of the most
charming of recent books on the moral
theory of the idea of atonement,
namely, the little book with which
Sabatier ended his life-work, very ef-
fectively contrasts with all the * penal-
satisfaction ' theories of atonement,
the doctrine that the work of Christ
ATONEMENT
411
consisted in such a loving sacrifice for
human sin and for human sinners that
the contemplation of this work arouses
in the sinful mind a depth of saving
repentance, as well as of love, — a
depth of glowing fervor, such as sim-
ply purifies the sinner's soul. For love
and repentance and new life, — these
constitute reconciliation. These, for
Sabatier, and for many other repre-
sentatives of the 'moral theories' of
atonement, — these are in themselves
salvation.
I need not dwell upon such opinions
in this connection. They are nowa-
days well-known to all who have read
any notable portion of the recent lit-
erature of the Atonement. They are
present, in this recent literature, in
almost endless variations. In general
these views are deep, and Christian, and
cheering, and unquestionably moral.
And their authors can and do freely
use Paul's words; and, on occasion,
supplement Paul's words by a citation
of the parables. In the parables there
is no definite doctrine of atonement
enunciated. But there is a doctrine of
salvation through loving repentance.
Cannot our traitor, in view of the lov-
ing sacrifice that constitutes Christ's
atoning work, repent and love? Does
that not reconcile him? May not the
love of Christ both constrain and con-
sole him?
Once more — speaking still from
his own purely human point of view —
our traitor sadly simplifies the labor
of considering in detail these various
moral theories of atonement. The
traitor seeks the possible, the relative,
the inevitably imperfect reconciliation,
which, for one in his case, is still ra-
tionally definable. He discounts all
that you can say as to the transform-
ing pathos and the compelling power
of love and of the sacrifices. All this
he long since knows. And, as I must
repeat, all this constitutes the very
essence of his own tragedy. He knew
love before he became a traitor. He has
this repentance as the very breath of
what is now his moral existence in the
hell of the irrevocable. As for amend-
ment of life, and good deeds yet to
come, he well knows the meaning of all
these things. He is ready to do what-
ever he can. But none of all this doing
of good works, none of this repentance,
no love, and no tears will 'lure back*
the 'moving finger' to 'cancel half a
line,' or * wash out a word ' of what is
written.
Let us leave, then, both the 'penal-
satisfaction ' theories and the ' moral '
theories to address themselves to other
men. Our traitor knows too well the
sad lesson of his own deed to be aided
either by the vain technicalities of the
more antiquated of these theological
types of theories, or by the true, but
to him no longer applicable, comforts
which the theories of the other, — the
moral type, — open to his view.
Plainly, then, the traitor himself
can suggest nothing further as to his
reconciliation with the world where,
by his deed of betrayal, he once chose
to permit the light that was in him to
become darkness. We must turn in
another direction.
VI
We have so far considered the trai-
tor's case as if his treason had been
merely an affair of his own inner life,
— a sort of secret impious wish. But,
of course, while we are indeed suppos-
ing the traitor — now enlightened by
the view of his own deed — to be
the judge of what he himself has meant
and done, we well know that his
false deed was, in his own opinion, no
mere thought of unholiness. He had
a cause. That is, he lived in a real
412
ATONEMENT
world. And he was false to his cause.
He betrayed. Now betrayal is some-
thing objective. It breaks ties. It rends
asunder what love has joined in dear
unity. What human ties the traitor
broke we leave to him to discover for
himself. Why they were to his mind
holy, we also need not now inquire.
Enough, — since he was indeed loyal;
— he had found his ties; — they were
precious and human and real; and he
believed them holy; — and he broke
them. That is, so far as in him lay,
he destroyed by his deed the commun-
ity in whose brotherhood, in whose life,
in whose spirit, he had found his guide
and his ideal. His deed, then, concerns
not himself only, but that community
whereof he was a voluntary member.
The community knows, or in the long
run must learn, that the deed of trea-
son has been done, even if, being itself
no searcher of hearts, it cannot iden-
tify the individual traitor. We often
know not who the traitors are. But if
ours is the community that is wrecked,
we may well know by experience that
there has been treason.
The problem of reconciliation, then,
— if reconciliation there is to be, —
concerns not only the traitor, but the
wounded or shattered community.
Endlessly varied are the problems —
the tragedies, the lost causes, the heart-
breaks, the chaos — which the deeds of
traitors produce. All this we merely
hint in passing. But all this consti-
tutes the heart of the sorrow of the
higher regions of our human world.
And we here refer to such countless,
commonplace, but crushing, tragedies,
to these ruins which are the daily har-
vest-home of treason, merely in "order
to ask the question, Can a genuinely
spiritual community, whose ideals are
such as Paul loved to portray when he
wrote to his churches, — can such a
loving and beloved community in any
degree reconcile itself to the existence
of traitors in its world, and to the deeds
of individual traitors? Can it in any
wise find in its world something else,
over and above the treason, — some-
thing which atones for the spiritual
disasters that the very being of trea-
son both constitutes and entails? Must
not the existence of traitors remain, for
the offended community, an evil that
is as intolerable and irrevocable, and
as much beyond its powers of recon-
ciliation, as is, for the traitor himself,
his own past deed, seen in all the light
of its treachery? Can any soul of good
arise or be created out of this evil thing,
or as an atonement therefor?
You see, I hope, that I am in no wise
asking whether the community which
the traitor has assailed desires, or
does well, either to inflict or to remit
any penalties said to be due to the
traitor for his deed. I am here speak-
ing wholly of the possibility of inner
and human reconciliations. The only
penalty which, in the hell of the irre-
vocable, the traitor himself inevitably
finds, is the fact, I did it. The one
irrevocable fact with which the com-
munity can henceforth seek to be re-
conciled, if reconciliation is possible,
is the fact, This evil was done. That
is, These invaluable ties were broken.
This unity of brotherhood was shat-
tered. The life of the community, as it
was before the blow of treason fell,
can never be restored to its former pur-
ity of unscarred love. This is the fact.
For this let the community now seek,
not oblivion, for that is a mere losing
of the truth; not annulment, for that
is impossible; but some measure of
reconciliation.
All the highest forms of the unity of
the spirit, in our human world, con-
stantly depend, for their very exist-
ence, upon the renewed free choices,
the sustained loyalty, of the members
of communities. Hence the very best
that we know, namely, the loyal bro-
ATONEMENT
413
therhood of the faithful who choose
to keep their faith, — this best of all
human goods, I say, — is simply in-
separable from countless possibilities
of the worst of human tragedies, —
the tragedy of broken faith. At such
cost must the loftiest of our human pos-
sessions in the realm of the spirit be
purchased, — at the cost, namely, of
knowing that some deed of willful
treason on the part of some one whom
we trusted as brother or as beloved
may rob us of this possession. And the
fact that we are thus helplessly de-
pendent on human fidelity for some of
our highest goods, and so may be be-
trayed, — this fact is due not to the
natural perversity of men, nor to the
mere weakness of those who love and
trust. This fact is due to something
which, without any metaphysical the-
ory, we ordinarily call man's freedom of
choice. We do not want our beloved
community to consist of puppets, or
of merely fascinated victims of a me-
chanically insistent love. We want the
free loyalty of those who, whatever
fascination first won them to their
cause, remain faithful because they
choose to remain faithful. Of such is
the kingdom of good faith. The be-
loved community demands for itself
such freely and deliberately steadfast
members. And for that very reason,
in a world where there is such free and
good faith, there can be treason. Hence
the realm where the spirit reaches the
highest human levels, is the region
where the worst calamities can, and in
the long run do, assail many who de-
pend upon the good faith of their
brethren.
The community, therefore, never
had any grounds, before the treason,
for an absolute assurance about the
future traitor's perseverance in the
faith. After his treason, — if indeed he
repents and now begins once more to
act loyally, — it may acquire a rela-
tive assurance that he will henceforth
abide faithful. The worst evil is not,
then, that a trust in the traitor, which
once was rightly serene and perfectly
confident, is now irrevocably lost. It is
not this which constitutes the irrecon-
cilable aspect of the traitor's deed. All
men are frail. And especially must
those who are freely loyal possess a
certain freedom to become faithless if
they choose. This evil is a condition of
the highest good that the human world
contains. And so much the commun-
ity, in presence of the traitor, ought
to recognize as something that was
always possible. It also ought to know
that a certain always fallible trust in
the traitor can indeed be restored by
his future good deeds, if such are done
by him with every sign that he intends
henceforth to be faithful.
But what is indeed irrevocably lost
to the community through the traitor's
deed is precisely what I just called
'unscarred love.' The traitor remains
— for the community as well as for
himself — the traitor, just so far as
his deed is confessed, and just so far
as his once unsullied fidelity has been
stained. This indeed is irrevocable.
It is perfectly human. But it is unut-
terably comfortless to the shattered
community.
It is useless, then, to say, that the
problem of reconciliation, so far as the
community is concerned, is the prob-
lem of * forgiveness,' not now as remis-
sion of penalty, but of forgiveness, in
so far as forgiveness means a restor-
ing of the love of the community, or of
its members, toward the one who has
now sinned, but repented. Love may
be restored. If the traitor's future at-
titude makes that possible, human love
ought to be restored to the now both re-
pentant and well-deserving doer of the
past evil deed. But alas! this restored
love will be the love for the member
who has been a traitor; and the tragedy
414
ATONEMENT
of the treason will permanently form
part in and of this love. Thus, then,
up to this point, there appears for the
community, as well as for the traitor,
no ground for even the imperfect re-
conciliation of which we have been in
search. Is there, then, any other way,
still untried, in which the commun-
ity may hope, if not to find, then to
create, something which, in its own
strictly limited fashion, will reconcile
the community to the traitor and to
the irrevocable, and irrevocably evil,
deed.
VII
Such a way exists. The community
has lost its treasure; its once faithful
member who, until his deed of treason
came, had been wholly its own member.
And it has lost the ties and the union
which he destroyed by his deed. And,
for all this loss, it lovingly mourns with
a sorrow for which, thus far, we see no
reconciliation. Who shall give to it its
own again?
The community, then, can indeed
find no reconciliation. But can it create
one? At the worst, it is the traitor, and
it is not the community, that has done
this deed. New deeds remain to be
done. The community is free to do
them, or to be incarnate in some faith-
ful servant who will do them. Could
any possible new deed, done by, or on
behalf of the community, and done
by some one who is not stained by the
traitor's deed, introduce into this hu-
man world an element which, as far as
it went, would be, in whatever meas-
ure, genuinely reconciling?
We stand at the very heart and cen-
tre of the human problem of atonement.
We have just now nothing to do with
theological opinion on this topic. I in-
sist that our problem is as familiar and
empirical as is death or grief. That
problem of atonement daily arises, not
as between God and man (for we here
are simply ignoring, for the time being,
the metaphysical issues that lie behind
our problem). That problem is daily
faced by all those faithful lovers of
wounded and shattered communities
who, going. down into the depths of
human sorrow, either as sufferers or
as friends who would fain console, or
who, standing by hearths whose fires
burn no more, or loving their country
through all the sorroWs which traitors
have inflicted upon her, or who, not
weakly, but bravely, grieving over the
woe of the whole human world, are
still steadily determined that no prin-
cipality and no power, that no height
and no depth, shall be able to separate
man from his true love, which is the
triumph of the spirit. That human
problem of atonement is, I say, daily
faced. And faced by the noblest of
mankind. And for these our noblest,
despite all our human weakness, that
problem is, in principle and in ideal,
daily solved. Let us turn to such lead-
ers of the human search after great-
ness, as our spiritual guides.
Great calamities are, for all but the
traitor himself, — so far as we have
yet considered his case, — great oppor-
tunities. Lost causes have furnished,
times without number, the foundations
and the motives of humanity's most
triumphant loyalty.
When treason has done its last and
most cruel work, and lies with what it
has destroyed, — dead in the tomb of
the irrevocable past, — there is now
the opportunity for a triumph of which
I can only speak weakly and in imper-
fectly abstract formulas. But, as I can
at once say, this of which I now speak
is a human triumph. It forms part of
the history of man's earthly warfare
with his worst foes. Moreover, when-
ever it occurs at all, this is a triumph
not merely of stoical endurance, nor
yet of kindly forgiveness, nor of the
mystical merit which, seeing all things
ATONEMENT
415
in God, feels them all to be good. It is
a triumph of the creative will. And
what form does it take amongst the
best of men, who are here to be our
guides?
I answer, this triumph over treason
can only be accomplished by the com-
munity, or on behalf of the commun-
ity, through some steadfastly loyal
servant who acts, so to speak, as the
incarnation of the very spirit of the
community itself. This faithful and
suffering servant of the community
may answer and confound treason by a
work whose type I shall venture next to
describe, in my own way, thus: First,
this creative work shall include a deed,
or various deeds, for which only just
this treason furnishes the opportunity.
Not treason in general, but just this
individual treason shall give the occa-
sion, and supply the condition, of the
creative deed which I am in ideal de-
scribing. Without just that treason,
this new deed (so I am supposing)
could not have been done at all. And,
hereupon, the new deed, as I suppose,
is so ingeniously devised, so concretely
practical in the good which it accom-
plishes, that, when you look down upon
the human world after the new creative
deed has been done in it, you say, first,
This deed was made possible by that
treason; and, secondly, The world, as
transformed by this creative deed, is bet-
ter than it would have been had all else
remained the same, but had that deed of
treason not been done at all. That is,
the new creative deed has made the
new world better than it was before
the blow of treason fell.
Now such a deed of the creative love
and of the devoted ingenuity of the suf-
fering servant, on behalf of his com-
munity, breaks open, as it were, the
tomb of the dead and treacherous past,
and comes forth as the life and the
expression of the creative and recon-
ciling will. It is this creative will whose
ingenuity and whose skill have exe-
cuted the deed that makes the human
world better than it was before the
treason.
To devise and to carry out some new
deed which makes the human world
better than it would have been had just
that treasonable deed not been done,
is that not, in its own limited way and
sense, a reconciling form both of in-
vention and of conduct? Let us for-
get, for the moment, the traitor. Let
us now think only of the community.
We know why, and in what sense, it
cannot be reconciled to the traitor or
to his deed. But have we not found,
without any inconsistency, a new fact
which furnishes a genuinely reconcil-
ing element? It indeed furnishes no
perfect reconciliation with the irrevoc-
able; and it transforms the meaning of
that very past which it cannot undo.
It cannot restore the unscarred love.
It does supply a new triumph of the
spirit, — a triumph which is not so
much a mere compensation for what
has been lost, as a transfiguration of
the very loss into a gain that, without
this loss, could never have been won.
The traitor cannot thus transform the
meaning of his own past. But the suf-
fering servant can thus transfigure this
meaning; can bring out of the realm of
death a new life that only this very
death rendered possible.
The triumph of the spirit of the
community over the treason which was
its enemy, the rewinning of the value
of the traitor's own life, when the new
deed is done, involves the old tragedy,
but takes up that tragedy into a life
that is now more a life of triumph
than it would have been if the deed of
treason had never been done.
Therefore, if indeed we suppose or
observe that, in our human world, such
creative deeds occur, we see that they
indeed do not remove, they do not an-
nul, either treason or its tragedy. But
416
ATONEMENT
they do show us a genuinely reconciling,
a genuinely atoning fact, in the world
and in the community of the traitor.
Those who do such deeds solve, I have
just said, not the impossible problem
of undoing the past, but the genuine
problem of finding, even in the worst
of tragedies, the means of an otherwise
impossible triumph. They meet the
deepest and bitterest of estrangements
by showing a way of reconciliation, and
a way that only this very estrangement
has made possible.
VIII
This is the human aspect of the idea
of atonement. Do we need to solve our
theological problems before we decide
whether such an idea has meaning, and
is ethically defensible? I must insist
that this idea comes to us not from the
scholastic quiet of theological specula-
tion, but stained with the blood of the
battlefields of real life. For myself, I
can say that no theological theory
suggested to me this interpretation of
the essential nature of an atoning deed.
I cannot call the interpretation new,
simply because I myself have learned
it from observing the meaning of the
lives of some suffering servants —
plain human beings — who never
cared for theology, but who incarnated
in their own fashion enough of the
spirit of their community to conceive
and to accomplish such new and crea-
tive deeds as I have just attempted to
characterize. To try to describe, at
all adequately, the life or the work of
any such persons, I have neither the
right nor the power. Here is no place
for such a collection and analysis of the
human forms of the atoning life as only
a William James could have justly ac-
complished. And upon personal his-
tories I could dwell, in this place, only
at the risk of intruding upon lives
which I have been privileged, some-
times, to see afar off, and briefly, but
which I have no right to report as mere
illustrations of a philosphical argu-
ment. It is enough, I think, for me
barely to indicate what I have in mind
when I say that such things are done
among men.
All of us well know of great public
benefactors whose lives and good works
have been rendered possible through
the fact that some great personal sor-
row, some crushing blow of private
grief, first descended, and seemed to
wreck their lives. Such heroic souls
have then been able, in these well-
known types of cases, not only to bear
their own grief, and to rise from the
depths of it (as we all in our time have
to attempt to do) . They have been able
also to use their grief as the very source
of the new arts and inventions and
labors whereby they have become such
valuable servants of their communities.
Such people indeed often remind us
of the suffering servant in Isaiah; for
their life-work shows that they are will-
ing to be wounded for the sake of their
community. Indirectly, too, they often
seem to be suffering because of the
faults, as well as because of the griefs,
of their neighbors, or of mankind. And
it indeed often occurs to us to speak of
these public or private benefactors as
living some sort of atoning life, as bear-
ing, in a sense, not only the sorrows,
but the sins, of other men.
Yet it is not of such lives, noble
as they are, that I am now thinking,
nor of such vicarious suffering, of such
sympathizing helpfulness in human
woe, or of such rising from private grief
to public service, that I am speak-
ing, when I say that atoning deeds, in
the more precise sense just described,
are indeed done in our human world.
Sharply contrasted with these benefi-
cent lives and deeds, which I have just
mentioned, are the other lives of which
I am thinking, and to which, in speak-
ATONEMENT
417
ing of atonement, I have been referring.
These are the lives of which I have
so little right to give more than a bare
hint in this place.
Suppose a community — a modern
community — to be engaged with the
ideals and methods of modern reform,
in its contests with some of those ills
which the natural viciousness, the evil
training, and the treasonable choices
of very many people combine to make
peculiarly atrocious in the eyes of all
who love mankind. Such evils need
to be met, in the good warfare, not only
by indignant reformers, not only by
ardent enthusiasts, but also by calmly
considerate and enlightened people,
who distinguish clearly between fervor
and wisdom, who know what depths of
woe and of wrong are to be sounded,
but who also know that only well-con-
trolled thoughtfulness and well-dis-
ciplined self-restraint can devise the
best means of help. As we also well
know, we look, in our day, to highly
trained professional skill for aid in such
work. We do not hope that those who
are merely well-meaning and loving
can do what most needs to be done. We
desire those who know. Let us suppose,
then, such a modern community as
especially needing, for a very special
purpose, one who does know.
Hereupon, let us suppose that one
individual exists whose life has been
wounded to the core by some of trea-
son's worst blows. Let us suppose one
who, always manifesting true loyalty
and steadfastly keeping strict integ-
rity, has known, not merely what the
ordinary professional experts learn, but
also what it is to be despised and re-
jected of men, and to be brought to
the very depths of lonely desolation,
and to have suffered thus through a
treason which also deeply affected, not
one individual only,, but a whole com-
munity. Let such a soul, humiliated,
offended, broken, so to speak, through
VOL. in -NO. s
the very effort to serve a community
forsaken; long daily fed only by grief,
yet still armed with the grace of loyalty
and of honor, and with the heroism of
dumb suffering, — let such a soul not
only arise, as so many great sufferers
have done, from the depths of woe;
let such a soul not only triumph, as so
many have done, over the grief that
treason caused; but let such a soul
also use the very lore which just this
treason had taught, in order to begin
a new life-work. Let this life-work be
full of a shrewd, practical, serviceable,
ingenious wisdom which only that one
individual experience of a great treason
could have taught. Let this new life-
work be made possible only because of
that treason. Let it bring to the com-
munity, in the contest with great pub-
lic evils, methods and skill and judg-
ment and forethought which only that
so dear-bought wisdom could have in-
vented. Let these methods have, in
fact, a skill that the traitor's own wit
has taught, and that is now used for
the good work. Let that life show, not
only what treason can do to wreck, but
what the free spirit can learn from and
through the very might of treason's
worst skill.
If you will conceive of such a life
merely as a possibility, you may know
why I assert that genuinely atoning
deeds occur, and what I believe such
deeds to be. For myself, any one who
should supply the facts to bear out
my supposition (and such people, as
I assert, there are in our human world),
would appear henceforth to me to be
a sort of symbolic personality, — one
who had descended into hell to set free
the spirits who are in prison. When
I hear those words, 'descended into
hell,' repeated in the creed, I think
of such human beings, and feel that I
know at least some in this world of
ours to whom the creed in those words
refers.
418
ATONEMENT
IX
Hereupon, you may very justly say
that the mere effects of the atoning
deeds of a human individual are in this
world apparently petty and transient;
and that even the most atoning of
sacrificial human lives can devise no-
thing which, within the range of our
vision, does make the world of the com-
munity better, in any of its most tragic
aspects, than it would be if no treason
had been committed.
If you say this, you merely give me
the opportunity to express the human
aspect of the idea of the Atonement in
a form very near to the form which, as
I believe, the Christian idea of atone-
ment has always possessed when the
interests of the religious consciousness
(or, if I may use the now favorite word,
the sub-consciousness) of the church,
rather than the theological formulation
of the theory of atonement, have been
in question. Christian feeling, Christ-
ian art, Christian worship, have been
full of the sense that somehow (and how
has remained indeed a mystery) there
was something so precious about the
work of Christ, something so divinely
wise (so skillful and divinely beautiful)
about the plan of salvation, — that, as
a result of all this, after Christ's work
was done, the world, as a whole, was a
nobler and richer and worthier creation
than it would have been if Adam had
not sinned. This, I insist, has always
been felt to be the sense of the atoning
work of Christ. A glance at a great
Madonna, a chord of truly Christian
music, ancient or modern, tells you that
this is so. And this sense of the aton-
ing work cannot be reduced to what
the modern 'moral' theories of the
Christian Atonement most empha-
size. For what the Christian regards
as the atoning work of Christ is, from
this point of view, not something about
Christ's work which merely arouses in
sinful man love and repentance. No,
the theory of atonement which I now
suggest, and which, as I insist, is sub-
consciously present in the religious
sentiment, ritual, and worship of all
Christendom, is a perfectly 'objective*
theory, — quite as 'objective' as any
'penal-satisfaction' theory could be.
Christian religious feeling has always
expressed itself in the idea that what
atones is something perfectly 'objec-
tive,' namely, Christ's work. And this
atoning work of Christ was for Christ-
ian feeling a deed that was made pos-
sible only through man's sin, but that
somehow was so wise and so rich and
so beautiful and divinely fair that, after
this work was done, the world was a
better world than it would have been
had man never sinned. So the Christian
consciousness, I insist, has always felt.
So its poets have often, in one way or
another, expressed the matter. The
theologians have disguised this simple
idea under countless forms. But every
characteristically Christian act of wor-
ship expresses it afresh. Treason did
its work (so the legend runs) when man
fell. But Christ's work was so perfect
that, in a perfectly objective way, it
took the opportunity which man's fall
furnished to make the world better
than it could have been had man not
fallen.
But this is, indeed, as an idea con-
cerning God and the universe and the
work of Christ, an idea which is as
human in its spirit, and as deep in its
relation to truth, as it is, in view of the
complexity of the values which are in
question, hard either to articulate or
to defend. How should we know, unless
some revelation helped us to know,
whether and in what way Christ's sup-
posed work made the world better
than it would have been had man not
sinned ?
But in this discussion I am speaking
of the purely human aspect of the idea
MAGIC SHADOW-SHAPES
419
of atonement. That aspect is now cap-
able of a statement which does not pre-
tend to deal with any but our human
world, and which fully admits the pet-
tiness of every human individual effort
to produce such a really atoning deed
as we have described.
The human community depending,
as it does, upon its loyal human lov-
ers, and wounded to the heart by its
traitors, and finding, the further it ad-
vances in moral worth, the greater
need of the loyal, and the greater depth
of the tragedy of treason, utters its
own doctrine of atonement as this pos-
tulate, — the central postulate of its
highest spirituality. This postulate I
word thus: No baseness or cruelty of
treason so deep or so tragic shall enter
our human world, but that loyal love
shall be able in due time to oppose to
just that deed of treason its fitting
deed of atonement. The deed of atone-
ment shall be so wise and so rich in
its efficacy, that the spiritual world,
after the atoning deed, shall be bet-
ter, richer, more triumphant amidst all
its irrevocable tragedies, than it was
before that traitor's deed was done.
This is the postulate of the highest
form of human spirituality. It cannot
be proved by the study of men as
they are. It can be asserted by the
creative will of the loyal. Christianity
expressed this postulate in the sym-
bolic form of a report concerning the
supernatural work of Christ. Humanity
must express it through the devotion,
the genius, the skill, the labor of the
individual loyal servants in whom its
spirit becomes incarnate.
As a Christian idea, the Atonement
is expressed in a symbol, whose divine
interpretation is merely felt, and is
viewed as a mystery. As a human idea,
atonement is expressed (so far as it can
at any one time be expressed) by a
peculiarly noble and practically effi-
cacious type of human deeds. This
human idea of atonement is also ex-
pressed in a postulate which lies at the
basis of all the best and most practi-
cal spirituality. The Christian symbol
and the practical postulate are two
sides of the same life, — at once hu-
man and divine.
MAGIC SHADOW-SHAPES
BY ROBERT M. GAY
I HAVE an idea that my brother and
I went to see Little Lord Fauntleroy
about a year before we went to see Rip
van Winkle. We went sedately with
our father and mother. I can remem-
ber little about it — my first visit to
the theatre — except that the seat
was so wide that my feet stuck out
straight in front of me, and my knees
were so stiff at the end that they had to
be rubbed into flexibility. I had read
the story in Saint Nicholas, and the
little Lord in his wide collars and long
curls did not appeal to me strongly, —
my memories of such collars and such
curls were too fresh and too painful; yet
it is curious that my first theatrical ex-
perience should have made so little im-
420
MAGIC SHADOW-SHAPES
pression upon me. Of the play itself,
I can remember nothing; the vastness
of the auditorium, the heavy carpets
and plush seats, the silence, the lights
which went and came, seem to have
conspired to bewilder me into an in-
sensibility that soon became confirmed
in a long doze, punctuated by intervals
of consciousness when the lights flashed
up at the ends of acts. My brother,
who was three years older, poked me
persistently in the ribs with his elbow
whenever any of the business of the
stage aroused his enthusiasm; but I
remember only the pokes.
When, next day, we came to discuss
the play, his disgust at my supineness
was boundless. I maintained that
there was no excuse for having a girl
play the part of a boy, and to this piece
of acute criticism I clung desperately,
— and have clung ever since. As it was
the only piece cf criticism, favorable or
condemnatory, that I was able to think
of, I made the most of it; but he snort-
ed with contempt, holding that after
one got used to her it made no differ-
ence. I stubbornly insisted that I
had n't got used to her; and that was
true, for I had looked at her probably
less than five minutes. To be truthful,
like many an older critic before and
since, I had fallen asleep in the grip of
an unfavorable criticism.
On two subjects, however, I waxed
enthusiastic. One was the man who
sold tickets. To a boy who had trouble
remembering what part of ten apples
two apples are, there was something
preternatural in a man who could make
change with such jocund ease. I gaped
at him in the lobby, heedless of the
jostling crowd, until I was dragged
sidewise, crab-like, through the door.
Once in my seat, however, well toward
the front of the parterre, the antics of
the trombone player soon made me
forget the prodigy of the box-office. I
had been given the aisle seat so that I
might be sure to see the stage. I had,
therefore, a clear view of the musician
as he sat behind the second violins,
lengthening and shortening his remark-
able horn, and blowing till the veins
stood out on his neck. In vain my
brother tried to divert my gaze to
the painted curtain, the footlights, the
boxes: my eyes returned willy-nilly to
the trombone; and its owner, conscious
at last, toward the end of the overture,
of my fascinated gaze, without missing
a beat, without impairing in the least
the smooth slide of his hand as he took
a very bass note, solemnly closed his
nearer eye in a long, humorous, sym-
pathetic wink. If that man had not left
during the first act to seek refreshment,
I should have stayed awake.
In our critical retrospect next morn-
ing, therefore, I met all embarrassing
appeals for opinion on the play by re-
ferences to the trombonist, whom my
brother had not even looked at. His
rage at this inconsequential criticism
did not affect me a whit, because I had
the sweet recollection of the wink, —
a personal touch which he could not
parallel, that one touch of nature of
which the poet sings. He gave me up
as childish and low-minded, and vowed
that the next time he took me to the
theatre I'd know it. Although the
lofty assumption of the remark was
irritating, I did not worry. The desire
to go again was not very strong in me.
I felt that I could sleep much more
comfortably in bed.
As I look back at that eccentric little
boy, I feel an odd kind of envy of him,
— not a sentimental make-me-a-boy-
again-just-for-to-night kind of envy,
but an envy of his intellectual inde-
pendence. When we grown people buy
a ticket for a play, we feel that in order
to get the worth of our money we must
look at the stage and must keep awake.
If the plot is poor or the acting bad,
if some of the mechanism creaks or if
MAGIC SHADOW-SHAPES
421
the scenery falls down, we feel that
we have been cheated; and no ticket-
seller or trombone player can possibly
compensate us. Habit is more insidi-
ous in our lives than we ever know.
Having bought our ticket, we sit down
four-square in our seat and steadfast-
ly face the stage, as much as to say,
We have paid two dollars for this chair
and we expect to get two dollars'
worth of play. If we don't get it, we '11
growl.
There is a tale in Hans Andersen
entitled, I think, 'What the Old Man
Does is always Right.' It tells how the
Old Man takes a horse or a cow to
market to barter it, and, after five or
six exchanges, returns home to his wife
with a peck of shriveled apples. Most
husbands under such circumstances
would never return home, but, like
Hawthorne's Wakefield, would take up
their abode in another street. But, be-
hold, this man's paragon of a wife lis-
tens gleefully to his story of his suc-
cessive dickerings, watches the horse
shrink into a cow, a sheep, a goose, a
hen, the peck of shriveled apples afore-
said, finds some unanticipated com-
pensation in each new declension, and
ends by calling him 'my dear, good
husband,' and giving him a 'sounding
kiss.'
Now, I envy that boy because he
seems to me to have achieved at a
tender age — unconsciously, it must
be admitted — the philosophy of that
old woman. Not finding on the stage
what he wanted, he sought and found
it elsewhere; and, that failing in turn,
he went to sleep. It has cost him many
a long year to realize, weakly and
spasmodically, the same philosophic
wisdom.
As I have said, my brother, neverthe-
less, held my philosophy in such utter
contempt that he rejected my future
company at the theatre. This was not
so cruel a deprivation for me, however,
as might be supposed; for he never
went himself until a year had elapsed,
and then he relented.
He had thought now of a wonderful
project that smacked of dare-deviltry.
His plan was for us to save our money
until we had fifty cents apiece and then
go to the Academy of Music to see
Joseph Jefferson in Rip van Winkle. To
go alone, remember, alone, in the even-
ing, riding the three miles to and fro in
the horse-cars, and sitting in that gal-
lery vulgarly known as the 'peanut.' I
had not much opinion of Rip van Win-
Ide as a tale (though I have to like it
now); to my immature judgment it
seemed a grain of story hid in three
bushels of words, yet I felt that I could
manage to sit through it for the sake of
the adventure, and so I acquiesced.
For several weeks we saved our
money by a novel method. We had
each two or three hens which laid an
egg now and then, when the weather
was calm and their temperaments were
unruffled; and this occasional egg we
now sold to our mother for a cent. As
she supplied the food for the hens, her
investment could hardly have been a
paying one, but she did not demur.
For a time, at least, the chickens were
regularly fed. We spent many hours
sitting before the coops waiting for the
cackle which proclaimed another ac-
cession to our hoard of pennies. On the
principle of the watched pot, the hens
were exasperatingly deliberate. They
became hypercritical of the weather,
they delighted in deluding us with
false alarms, they seemed suddenly to
have developed a Methodistical disap-
proval of the stage. The great week
came, and with it Mr. Jefferson, and
still we had only thirty-five cents
apiece. Our case was desperate. Some-
thing had to be done, and we did it by
selling two of our hens to our mother
for pot-pie. It was no more than they
deserved, though it was a little unfair
422
MAGIC SHADOW-SHAPES
to her as she had bought them for us in
the first place.
We had enough, then, not only for
our admission to the Academy, but for
our car-fares; and on a Wednesday
evening we set out under a shower of
parting injunctions from the assembled
family grouped on the * front stoop.'
My brother, full of importance, pa-
tronized me after the manner of elder
brothers, and made it very plain to
me that without him I should never
have dared to undertake the adven-
ture. This I felt to be true; and, as it
was, I was visited by obscure qualms
that added zest to the occasion. All the
way down town he told me how to be-
have, and criticized my facial expres-
sion, which was probably open to ex-
ception, and explained the system of
seat-checks and ushers and so forth, all
with the purpose of making evident
to me my extreme youth. I listened,
with mental reservations, but I could
not keep my eyes from popping at the
glare of the shop- windows and the roar
of the elevated trains overhead, with
their noisy little engines, and the flar-
ing lights of the menders of the sewer,
and the darting cabs, and the majes-
tic policemen with their night-sticks.
I remembered that my brother was
afraid of policemen and called his at-
tention to the fact, but he evaded the
soft aspersion.
The inner doors of the Academy were
still closed when we arrived. We bought
our tickets from a jocose box-office
man who asked us if we were friends
of the author, and we loitered on the
steps and in the lobby trying to ap-
pear unconcerned, and were the first
to climb the interminable stairs and to
enter the steep incline of the family
circle, as the ticker-seller had called it.
There were no ushers up here, as every
one sat where he could. We made our
way down to where the gilded rail
hung like ' the gold bar of Heaven ' over
the abyss, and innocently chose the
two seats at the right end of the front
row because they seemed nearest the
stage. An awful emptiness confronted
us, making our heads swim. I leaned
far back on the wooden bench and
gazed up at the myriad of gas-jets in
the ceiling, trying to get courage to
look down again.
When my brother said sarcastically,
'There's the trombone,' I did look
down, however, and eagerly. It did
not occur to me that this could scarcely
be the same player who had winked at
me a year ago, and it was with regret
that I realized that from where we sat
a wink would be imperceptible. The
dizziness had passed. Orchestra and
galleries were filling rapidly. The enor-
mous outer curtain rose majestically,
disclosing the painted drop-scene. The
musicians began their overture. The
great building hummed and echoed and
sang.
There in the upper aerial circles the
music sounded very sweet, and warm
smells arose that were subtly exhilarat-
ing. Little boy that I was, I felt the
pulsations of pleasure that ran through
the place. Gradually there stole over
me the spell of the theatre, so full of
enticement, whether beneficent or dan-
gerous.
I was very wide-awake now. I tried
to see everything at once. The crowds
excited me, the gaudy gilding and
paint and plush represented a kind of
luxuriousness that seemed to my inex-
perience to have come out of a dream.
All around us folk were talking and
laughing unconcernedly, and just be-
hind us an old man was telling anec-
dotes of Mr. Jefferson; but we sat hold-
ing tightly each other's hand and turn-
ing now and then to stare mutely at
each other with wide-open eyes. We
could think of nothing to say. And
then the curtain went up.
As the reader must perceive, I was
MAGIC SHADOW-SHAPES
423
by this time in a mood thoroughly to
surrender to the sorcery of the stage.
I wish that I could go on to tell how I
lost all sense of actual time and space,
and lived for three hours in an unreal
world, wafted on the magic histrionic
carpet to the heart of the Catskills a
century and a half ago, going forth
homeward in a dream, and so forth and
so forth. An imaginative boy' at his
first play ought, according to all pre-
cedents, to have experienced this and
more; but I did not. A certain hard-
headed imp who has pursued me
through life sat on my shoulder that
night and kept whispering in my ear,
It 's all a sham. What 's the use of cry-
ing over Rip's woes when the old gen-
tleman behind you says that Mr. Jef-
ferson is getting whole mints of money
for being pathetic. Look at that door,
for instance. It was supposed to slam,
but it did n't slam. It's made of laths
and canvas. You can see the panes
flap.
There was no doubt that Mr. Jeffer-
son sat on a table and swung his feet very
well indeed. His was good acting, but
the point is that I never for an instant
forgot that it was acting, that the stage
was a stage, and the storm no storm
at all, but a concatenation of patter-
ing bird-shot, cannon-balls rolled in
a trough, rattling sheet-iron, lycopo-
dium powder, and electric flashes. I do
not mean that I really thought of the
sweating Jupiter Pluvius in overalls
behind the scene, or knew the nature
or extent of his activities; but I did
know that somebody was making that
storm, — manufacturing it, — and,
while it could make me jump, it could
not fool me.
The reader should not be deceived
into supposing, however, that this ra-
tionalizing interfered with my enjoy-
ment. It is one of the blessings of
childhood to be able to pretend with
conviction, and the logical and orderly
pretending of the play won my un-
qualified approval and gave me endless
delight.
It seems to me that the majority of
adults have missed this talent in child-
ren entirely. They think, for exam-
ple, that their children must either
have perfect faith in Santa Glaus or
should hear nothing about him, not
perceiving that their little boys and
girls can get a great deal of fun out of
the benevolent old gentleman even
when they know that he is only a
myth. My brother and I cherished an
excellent working hypothesis of Santa
Glaus long after we had spent a chilly
evening sitting on the stairs in our
night-clothes listening to our parents
conspiring as to the contents of our
stockings. One summer some years ago
I spent many hours during a vacation
telling stories to a little girl. She
brought her stool and sat at my feet,
composed her hands in her lap, as-
sumed an expression of polite interest,
and demurely asked, 'Is it true?'
'No,' I invariably replied; 'only a
story.' And after this unchanging pre-
lude, I proceeded to tell her the most
blood-curdling tales that my fancy
could conjure, while she followed each
incident with absorption, mirroring in
her face all the emotions of the narra-
tive, the horror, the pity, the anguish,
the terror, with the utmost accuracy.
At last my conscience was roused. I
became alarmed for the peace of mind
of my audience. I went to her mother.
'Am I doing wrong in telling her such
stories?' I asked guiltily . The good lady
smiled serenely. ' She has n't lost any
sleep over them so far,' said she. 'You
see, as long as she knows they are n't
true, she is n't frightened.'
It is generally conceded nowadays
that it is detrimental to his acting for an
actor to 'lose himself in his part,' that
when his acting is best, it is conscious,
careful, alert, strategic. But what of
424
MAGIC SHADOW-SHAPES
the audience? Does the observation
hold of them? As for myself, I ought
to have succumbed to the play that
first night if I was ever to know the
joys of disembodiment. If I was ever
to lose myself in a play I should have
done so then; but I did not, and have
therefore been trying to do so ever
since. As I sit in the theatre, I see all
around me people who seem to experi-
ence the beatific state continuously for
three hours, and to be as fresh emo-
tionally at the end as at the beginning.
Studying their faces, I see their spirits
peep wildly out of their eyes. To watch
them is fully worth the price of the
admission, — that is some consolation,
— yet I, too, would like to laugh and
weep and sigh and wriggle as they,
living the play through in my own
proper person. Knowing that, accord-
ing to the social psychologist, emotion
is contagious, I eye them covetously
in the hope of catching it, as boarding-
school boys view with envy one of their
number who has had the good fortune
to develop measles or chicken pox.
These lucky people, absorbed as they
are in the play or opera, can listen with-
out a grin to Cassius speaking with a
brogue or to a French tenor imperson-
ating a cowboy. When Elsa is too fat
or Lohengrin's swan-boat sticks (as it
always does) or Juliet's balcony wob-
bles, they care never a whit, — no such
small matter can jar them out of their
rapture. As for me, once more, still
attended by the perverse imp before
mentioned, and no longer fascinated
by the mysterious art of stage-carpen-
ter and property-man, one * such small
matter ' can spoil a whole play.
Once in a long while, some actor has
caught me unaware. For five minutes
— or was it five seconds? — I have for-
gotten the world of trade and politics
and bills and taxes, the sesthetical
technique of climax, suspense, and the
rest; forgotten even the theatre and
the seat on which I sat and the clothes
I wore and the corporeal vesture of de-
cay that I inhabited, and floated a dis-
embodied spirit that laughed and cried
regardless of decorum. But such mo-
ments come like shadows, so depart.
Usually I sit, 'still nursing the uncon-
querable hope ' that the illusion will
come, but courting it in vain, just as a
man who greatly desires to be hypno-
tized is the last to succumb.
I am not sure that many will un-
derstand this feeling, because it is not
generally recognized that self-decep-
tion is one of the aims of life. I some-
times think that life is one gigantic
struggle to deceive ourselves. To say
that art and philosophy and religion
and science are largely such a struggle,
would seem irrational and perverse to
most people; but then, most people are
not rational, as any theatre audience
will show.
But during these moralizings the
curtain has risen, the first act has
passed, the orchestra — with the trom-
bone — has performed again, and the
second act has begun. Rip is in the
mountains; the storm still growls in
the distance; the stage is dark, murky,
spectral. Gradually the moon begins to
touch the peaks, the bushes, the bould-
ers, the lone figure of the vagabond
hero. We know that it is time for the
crew of Hendrick Hudson to appear.
I suppose that it was while searching
the stage for any evidence of the pre-
sence of that uncanny brotherhood of
antiquated nine-pin bowlers that I
made a discovery. I perceived, first,
that the bushes and boulders, like cer-
tain beautiful maidens in fairy-lore,
were all front, the merest shams, thin
flat fasades of rocks and bushes, made
of lath and paper; and, second, that be-
hind each was plainly visible a square
hole lighted from below. As I stared,
I discerned in the middle of each hole
a pointed cap, a head, shoulders, arms,
MAGIC SHADOW-SHAPES
425
a gnome-like figure, squatting on a
little dumb-waiter or elevator, ascend-
ing from the depths below the stage.
And behind sham bush or boulder the
little figures crouched, plainly visible
to us, while Rip, with transparent pre-
tense, wandered hither and thither
among them, unable to see them!
Probably from no other seats in the
theatre could this phenomenon be seen;
but I had had a glimpse at the 'very
pulse of the machine,' and anything
more delightful it would be hard to
imagine. All the evening thus far I had
felt the presence of contrivance and
artifice, but now for the first time I
actually saw them in operation. I felt
some of the conceit of the scientist who,
having discovered a new aphis or scale,
considers it more important than the
pageant of nature.
I have to confess that concerning
the incidents of the last act my mind
remains a blank. My brother was full
of the question of the possibility of a
man's sleeping twenty years, and all
the way home desired to discuss it.
Once more I was not prepared to please
him, because during Rip's slumber and
awakening I had been under the stage
pulling at ropes, opening and shutting
trap-doors, riding up and down on
dumb-waiters. He was inclined to be
angry at the ticket-seller for not warn-
ing us against those seats; the archi-
tect of the theatre for planning it so
ill; the stage-carpenter and property-
man for arranging so clumsy a piece
of deception. He lost all patience with
me because I chirruped gleefully over
the very circumstance which he con-
sidered a dark blemish upon an other-
wise laudable production. Neither of
us could get the other's point of view;
and so we rode home glumly enough,
reserving our several ecstasies for the
family, who at least would pretend to
understand and sympathize. It seemed
to be my fate to misapply my enthus-
iasm, to find the romantic just where
theoretically it did not exist. I do not
blame my brother for setting me down
as childish and low-minded.
Far from being sunk in humiliation,
however, the very next day I set about
organizing a dramatic club and writing
a play. A gentleman up the street had
fortunately built a chicken-house and
then decided not to keep chickens; and
this structure became our club-house.
We papered, carpeted, and furnished
it with material abstracted from family
attics, drew up a constitution and by-
laws, and began our weekly meetings
under the mysterious name of the S. N.
S. C., the significance of which initials
I have forgotten. We were facetiously
known in the neighborhood, however,
as the Chicken-coop Club. As the only
member who had made a profound
study of stage-illusion, I was of course
elected stage-manager; and, whatever
my plays may have lacked of literary
and dramatic value, they were always
rich in surprising and terrifying stage-
effects. We invariably had a storm
with wind, thunder, and lightning;
there were always ghosts, fairies, and
gnomes popping into view at critical
moments in the action. I had visions
of a stage which I should build some
day all trap-doors, elevators, pulleys,
and wires; but my dream was not
destined ever to come true. One rainy
day when a bare quorum was present
in the club-house, it was voted to ex-
pend the funds of the club for candy
and ice-cream — a dastardly proceeding
which precipitated a quarrel ending in
a schism that never could be healed.
The ice-cream was very good, but my
histrionic activities were ended. Once
more art had fallen a victim to the
temptations of the flesh.
The Chicken-coop and the Academy
have both long since burned down.
AN OLD MAN TO AN OLD MADEIRA
BY S. WEIR MITCHELL
WHEN first you trembled at my kiss
And blushed before and after,
Your life, a rose 'twixt May and June,
Was stirred by breeze of laughter.
I asked no mortal maid to leave
A kiss where there were plenty;
Enough the fragrance of thy lips
When I was five-and-twenty.
Fair mistress of a moment's joy,
We met, and then we parted;
You gave me all you had to give,
Nor were you broken-hearted!
For other lips have known thy kiss,
Oh! fair inconstant lady,
While you have gone your shameless way
'Till life has passed its heyday.
And then we met in middle age,
You matronly and older;
And somewhat gone your maiden blush
And I, well, rather colder.
And now that you are thin and pale,
And I am slowly graying,
We meet, remindful of the past,
When we two went a-maying.
Alas! while you, an old coquette,
Still flaunt your faded roses,
The arctic loneliness of age
Around my pathway closes.
Dear aged wanton of the feast,
Egeria of gay dinners,
I leave your unforgotten charm
To other younger sinners.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
THE EXCITEMENT OF WRITING
I HAVE just read 'The Excitement of
Friendship ' in the December Atlantic.
Most of it makes me nod my head
and say, as one is always pleased to
do, * Yes! That is the way. So friends
are known and kept and lost.' I like
that essay! Those are my own vague
thoughts crystallized and sharpened.
But there is one paragraph that
moves me to challenge the generaliza-
tion which it assumes. It is only a
side-issue, to be sure. Mr. Bourne com-
plains of the * hopeless labor of writ-
ing,' — of the coldness and grayness of
the mind, when one tries heavily to
blow upon the hearth of memory those
embers languishing when the hot fire
of friendly stimulating intercourse is
burned out. 'The blood runs slug-
gish,' he says, 'when one sits down to
write.'
I cannot help defending my own
writing mood; and what I am sure
must be the mood of many of the
Tribe, great or small. My blood does
not run sluggish as I sit down to write.
No matter whether what I produce has
any merit or not, I only know that to
write — to feel the pen in my fingers
and the words leaping from my head or
my heart, or wherever they abide, out
upon the paper — is a joy to me almost
as thrilling as the joy of great friendly
talk and silence. I suppose this argues
a smallness, a coldness, in me; but it is
true.
There is something half physical
about it, like * the tingling glory of
standing on an autumn hill-top or at
the prow of a swift sea-going ship. It
is a breathless speed and wonder. It
does not feel like any slow deliberate
process of heavy thought, or even of
cunning, happy craftsmanship. There
is freedom in it, like the freedom of
sea-gulls, and of youth: abandon, au-
dacity, shudderings and horror, splen-
dors and mirth. I feel, when a good
spirit of writing is upon me, expanded,
powerful, infinitely alive. As Whitman
has it, —
I am larger, better than I knew,
I did not know I held so much goodness.
I draw deep breath, and am free to
run where I will, over hill and dale, sea
and city, dead ice-fields and lush, lazy
tropics. I become a dweller in Eter-
nity, and am not at all afraid to die.
And yet, when I am not writing,
none of this swift wonder is with me.
I have no winds and flames. Even
with my friends, I am aware often that
my freest self is dumb. There is no
loss to them in that, perhaps, for they
might not like my winds and flames at
all. But it makes me sad that I cannot
share with them what seems, at least,
to be the happiest of me.
And then it makes me sad — but
whimsically, and I hope philosoph-
ically — when, the flying windy won-
der passed and my feet again on the
solid roads, I know that, after all, my
ecstasy and urge of seeming creation
is to so small an end. For what have I
said, when all is reckoned up? I have
chirped like a cricket, and mourned
like a dove, and laughed like a silly
parrot; and there is nothing truly
memorable and worthy in such chirp-
ing and mourning and laughter. I, too,
shall go out into Silence, and what I
have tried to sing and say shall not
stand by me then.
427
428
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
None the less I cannot let it go
unchallenged, — that passing accusa-
tion of the writing mood. For when
I write, my blood is not sluggish; it
dances round my heart and throbs in
my throat, and for one deluded hour
I dream that my words are immortal.
My feet run East of the Sun and West
of the Moon; and the gates of Heaven
and Hell have no proud locks for me.
THE BEST-DRESSED NATION
WITHOUT wishing to take issue with
this recent statement in a Sunday mag-
azine: 'The American man, consider-
ing him in all the classes that consti-
tute American society, is to-day the
best-dressed and best-kept man in the
world/ — it is nevertheless an inter-
esting and surprising revolution that
has made such a statement possible.
For most of us it is easier to accept the
notion, with whatever national pride
it implies, than to verify it by personal
observation. If true, we must be proud
while we can, for it is only a question
of time when the American clothing
manufacturer will be addressing the
Young Turks, in easy colloquial Turk-
ish, as * you well-dressed young fellows,'
— and so on, nation by nation, until
even the blond Esquimo will be snappily
arrayed in our own 'Varsity models.
And in this activity of the clothing
manufacturer we have, perhaps, a more
potent force for the creation of a uni-
form world-civilization than has ever
before been set in motion. With all the
well-dressed young fellows in a well-
dressed world, getting their latest ideas
in style, cut, and fabrics from the same
fountain-head, war would become prac-
tically out of the question; unless, in-
deed, it was provoked by the rivalries
of our American outfitters in some vital
matter of lapels or buttons.
Ten years ago, or fifteen at most, men
prided themselves on something closely
approaching an indifference to dress.
The attitude, we now see, was either
hypocritical or based upon complete
ignorance of latent possibilities. It as-
sumed a superiority over womankind
that has failed to stand the test of sub-
mitting it to what was then held a
purely feminine temptation. Styles,
fabrics, the modishness of this detail
or the smartness of that, were essen-
tially for the female intellect — and
especially bargains! The male who
thought seriously about these trifles, —
and there were such, although many
of them did little credit to the exercise
as a mental stimulant, — was easily
classed as a 'dude,' and none but other
dudes admired him. There was a well-
known axiom that a man was not to
be judged by his clothes. Sex was dif-
ferentiated not only by clothing, but
also by its attitude toward clothing: on
the one hand, an anxious, fluttering,
feminine ambition to be becomingly
attired; and, on the other, a stern,
masculine indifference. Then a man,
putting gain before tradition, began
advertising clothes for men in the same
way that clothes had already been ad-
vertised for women — and behold us,
each arrayed in his 'Varsity model!
Human nature was, of course, respon-
sible, and the irresistible appeal to the
imagination. We young fellows (and
in this matter there is really no age-
limit), although not at that time the
well-dressed young fellows that we have
become since, saw ourselves with new
eyes. The artist, enlisted by the manu-
facturer, showed us a vision. We be-
came members of the leisure class; we
sailed our yachts; we played tennis; we
flirted in ball-rooms; we progressed to
motor-cars; we shall in due course
guide our own aeroplanes back and
forth between our offices and our coun-
try clubs. In this new life the modish-
ness and mannishness of our attire —
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
429
especially the mannishness, wherein we
forgot how short a time ago we should
have considered womanishness the
proper word for this new-born interest
in our personal appearance — became
vital considerations. We learned to
know our collar by name, to appreci-
ate autumn effects of coloring in our
autumn garments, and to realize the
subtle distinction that marks the under-
wear of a gentleman. To-day, or rather
to-night, many of us still blush in our
pajamas to remember that we used to
wear night No, it is one thing
to remember, but another to mention.
Men did not wear pajamas then.
In reading history
It 's hard to think of famous men
Each in a robe de nuit I
And as a matter of fact we kept the
leisure class sartorially on the run, for
as fast as the unhappy leisure class in-
vents * something different ' in the way
of clothing, the lively manufacturer
copies it for the rest of us. More than
that, we resemble the advertisements.
Nature again seems to be imitating
art, for many of us are beginning to
look like the heroes of popular fiction,
made over by the same illustrators to
be the heroes of popular advertise-
ments. More than that again, we pur-
sue bargains and are not ashamed to be
caught at it. Inform us of a reduction
sale of cravats and we are there in a
hurry, some of us trying to match the
delicate shade of our bargain neckwear
with the half-hose at the next counter.
Truly a remarkable revolution!
whose material proof lies in the fact
that any Sunday magazine can pro-
claim us nationally the best-dressed
and best-kept men in the world with-
out arousing our immediate indigna-
tion. So far, however, we have not
been referred to advertisingly as * mi-
lord in his boudoir.' Probably, too, in
the secret designs of Providence, it is
well that we should eventually all look
alike. The idea, scornfully repudiated
when advanced by some of the earlier
socialists, is in visible process of ac-
ceptance, and even the * something dif-
ferent ' in our clothing helps the move-
ment when we all wear it together. The
number of tailors which it now takes
to make a man is beyond computation,
but their tendency is unquestionably to
make one man very like another. Life,
it has been said, is the greatest Uni-
versity, and we are all college boys to-
gether. Fortunately we have no college
yell.
As the revolution now stands, how-
ever, the wonder is that the penetrat-
ing mind of the suffragette orator has
not got hold of it. Without arguing
that this national male interest in dress
marks an effeminization (akin to the
effeminization, according to some crit-
ics, of our drama and literature) of
our entire male population, it must be
evident to any thoughtful observer
that it gives the sexes one more char-
acteristic in common. Neither man nor
woman is less physically courageous,
less masculine, or less feminine for the
possession of this common character-
istic. Napoleon, it will be remembered,
appealed to masculine love of finery in
equipping his army, but he was cer-
tainly not looking for an effeminate
soldiery. And if the clothing manufac-
turer of the twentieth century proves
himself as wise a judge of men as Na-
poleon, we may fairly enough take it
for granted that the average manhood
of us well-dressed young fellows (of all
ages) is just as it was before we dis-
covered how much our clothes really
might interest us.
But even so it remains difficult to fol-
low the clothing manufacturer so far as
to agree that the young man in search
of a job should begin by purchasing
himself a new suit of clothes. Being
well-dressed doubtless inspires self-con-
fidence, but unless we can afford the
430
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
expense there remains the fact that it
ought not to; nor, as a rule, are the
employers of labor accustomed to limit
their observation to the cut of a young
man's jacket. Some employers of la-
bor are still old-fashioned, and distrust
swagger and smartness in the young
man in search of a job. The theory
that clothes make the candidate under
such circumstances is somewhat akin
to that other theory, advanced by the
merchants who sell the imitation dia-
monds, that the young man in search
of a job is more likely to get it if he
wears a diamond. Something, a great
deal in fact, still lingers of that sound
old notion that the character of a man
is independent of the style of his gar-
ments. Presidential candidates, for ex-
ample, when they appeal to the entire
electorate of this well-dressed country,
have not yet found it necessary or
even wise, to garb themselves in the
latest 'Varsity model. And a presi-
dential candidate who was known to
spend time matching his cravat and his
half-hose would be generally rejected
by the electorate as a man who was al-
ready too busy to assume the cares of
office.
THE ROCK AND THE POOL
THE grief of it is that I cannot reach
the rock by day or by night without
disturbing life that is so much finer, if
less conscious, than my own. Here, be-
side the path, the partridge takes her
Arab bath; the warm red dust is scat-
tered with down, and rounded to the
measure of the little beating breast.
Here small fungi rise, jewel-bright,
above the mould; touch one, never so
softly, and the coral curve blackens and
is marred, so delicate is the poise of its
perfection. Here is a span of slender
grass, flowered with the clinging bod-
ies of moths; they spread pearl-white
wings barred with brown, beautiful
enough to beat about the hurrying
knees of Artemis. But here Artemis
never came. Those white feet of hers
never shook the early rain from the
elder. Only the Indian hunter may
have found the rock, stooped above
the rain-pool on the summit, and look-
ed upon his own wild face, shadowed
against his heritage of stars.
For from the base of the rock all
growth falls away. The maple red-
dening with seeds, the wind-haunted
birch, even the thickets of sumach and
vine and partridge-berry are a little
withdrawn from it. Fire shaped it.
Cold smoothed it. And Time himself
could give no more to this ancient of
days than cupped moss in the clefts, a
few fans of lichen delicate as gray
foam; and in the hollow of the crest, a
pool.
In the pool is gathered all the life of
the rock. It is as a window whereby
the deep blind existence prisoned in
this iron mass of primeval matter may
somehow win hearing and sight; may
see his brother stars afloat upon the
roads of space, the bees hurrying to
the flowering basswood, or hear the
last thrush in the cedar; remembering
all the bird- voices of time as no more
than a momentary song.
There are pools floored with brown
and gray leaves, upon which the water
lies as warm and still as air. There are
pools rimmed with vervain and the
wild rock-rose. And there are pools
beneath the coronals of goldenrod,
where the bumblebee clings, and the
snails adventure themselves on sum-
mer evenings, and the moths go hawk-
ing early. But this pool is always
clear; gray water on gray stone. It is
as if no leaf fell here, no wing stayed
here. This eye of the rock gazes un-
shadowed and unhindered into the
very universe.
What answer there to the immemo-
rial patience of the stone? I lay my
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
431
face to the face of the rock, drink the
stored warmth, and let my soul go
adrift in the sun and the silence. Storm
was here last night; a branch fell from
the old pine whose seeds have blown to
the rock and withered there for twice a
hundred years. Here is a little feather,
black and gold. Here, beside my hand,
a dead, rain-beaten bee, done with all
flowers. *O earth, my mother and
maker, is all well with you?'
Only the silence, an oriole fluting
through it, and the sunlight. The hur-
rying bees shine in it like gold. A little
pine, springing on the edge of the thick
thicket, lifts his tassels to it, golden-
tinted. The sky falls for a moment
with the voices of birds, blown past
upon a breath of wind. Soon, the gol-
den lips of the sun, and the gray lips of
the wind, will drink the pool from the
hollow, and it will be as if the rock
slept again, a blind sleep, in which the
fall of a year and the fall of a leaf are
one. Only within the transient pool is
shadowed the infinite; and eternity
within this transient heart.
THE CHEERFUL WORKMAN
THE cheerful workman has, at one
time or another, and at various hands,
received at least his due meed of praise.
I myself, have in times past ignor-
antly joined the chorus of laudation.
Recently, however, when I have been
dwelling by sufferance in a house in-
habited by carpenters, plumbers, paint-
ers, and their respective satellites, I
have been led to wonder whether the
perfect artisan — could such be found
— would not be profoundly glum.
It is one thing to be waked by the
heavy tread of the hod-carrier; it is
another to hear him mixing mortar
at seven-thirty to the rhythm of Cala-
brian song. It is one thing to meet on
one's furtive way to the bath a painter
making a round of the house to admire
his superior brush-work; it is a far more
trying adventure to have him herald
his inevitable approach by whistling
a few bars from operatic comedy, and
emphasize his unwelcome presence by
a cheery matutinal greeting. He is an
intimate, of course, but the closest
friends do well to be inconspicuous and
silent when encountered before break-
fast. At breakfast, moreover, there is
little to be said for the interchange
of pleasantries overheard between car-
penters in the next room. Better the
pounding hammer and the rasping saw
than this forced introduction to the
humors of the craft. And in the dead
vast and middle of a summer after-
noon what could be less desirable than
the voice of an adventurous plumber
uplifted in patriotic song?
The reader may accuse me of being
splenetic. Perhaps I am. Yet ordi-
narily I am not devoid of interest in
the manifestations of human nature.
I am not displeased by the sight of the
plumber, or his * helper,' when the day's
work is ended, making merry even
upon a roller-coaster. What I com-
plain of is that, to most of the workmen
among whom I dwell, every day is a
lark, a playing holiday. To me the
hanging of doors and the setting up
of radiators seem a serious business.
I am bewildered by the light-hearted-
ness that they appear professionally to
beget. f
Why, since they take such pleasure
in it, should the workmen of the world
have demanded and obtained a shorter
day? Why should they not wish to
labor on from dawn to dusk? The
plumber and the mason frequently rest
and sing; the carpenter enjoys une-
qualed opportunities for conversation;
and the painter, whereas after five
o'clock he must pay for his beer, before
five may drink the beer for which I
have paid. The only reason, indeed,
why the so-called working-day should
432
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
perhaps be of its present length is the
necessity, felt by every man, of escap-
ing monotony. Perhaps the painter
wishes another kind of beer than mine,
and perhaps the carpenter wishes day-
light in which to tell his wife all about
it.
From my point of view, moreover,
there can be no question that the eight-
hour day is a blessing. The low-com-
edy mason, the crab-like plumber's
helper, the loquacious carpenter, and
the cheerfully informative paper-hang-
er all depart, and leave behind them
the peace of perfect tranquillity. What
though there are chevaux-de-frise of
step-ladders in the hall, mounds of
shavings in what may some time be the
drawing-room, muddy streaks upon
an adventurous vanguard of rugs, and
the smell of paint everywhere? The
cheerful workman has left the scene
of his merry-making.
Is he thereafter transformed, one
wonders? It does not seem humanly
possible that he can be so jovial for
twenty-four hours on end. I should be
very sorry if it were so, but I strongly
suspect that out of my hearing, and at
home, he becomes the morose husband
and the stern parent. I should like
him better, on the whole, if from eight
till five he were gloomy and did his
work in silence, reserving his manifest-
ations of happiness for his own circle.
I should prefer to have him automatic,
easy-running, and (let me add) inex-
pensive to operate, like all the many
devices of domestic machinery by which
I have been tempted in the months
past. If I knew how, I should make a
workman of steel, mount him on pneu-
matic tires, and run him by electricity
— for the greater quiet of the world.
I detest his actual resemblance to
sounding brass.
A NOTE FROM MR. BRADFORD
THE brief reference to General Long-
street's conversion at the close of my
portrait of him in the December Atlan-
tic has called forth indignant protest
from many Catholics. I recognize that
my words are susceptible of an inter-
pretation which I certainly did not in-
tend. The sole point that interested
me was that a man of Longstreet's
immense self-confidence, always indis-
posed to submit to the judgment of
others, should make the most complete
self-surrender in the world. Intent
upon this dramatic episode, I express-
ed it with an uncalled-for vivacity of
phrase, which I shall remove when I
reprint the portrait. I had no desire
whatever to stir up a controversy quite
inappropriate for discussion in the
pages of the Atlantic, and utterly out
of place in an article meant for all
American citizens, Protestant and
Catholic alike.
GAMALIEL BRADFORD, JR.
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
APRIL, 1913
THE COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT
BY BROOKS ADAMS
A MARKED peculiarity of the present
generation of Americans is its impa-
tience of prolonged demands on the
attention, especially if the subject be
tedious, and this trait has made Theo-
dore Roosevelt's task as a ' Progressive '
much more difficult than it would have
been a hundred years or so ago. No
one can imagine that such papers as
Hamilton, Madison, and Jay wrote
for the New York local newspapers,
could be printed by our daily press, or,
if they were, that any one would read
them, — least of all the lawyers, —
and yet it is clear that Theodore Roose-
velt's idea is primarily constructive,
much as General Washington's was in
1787. Mr. Roosevelt's trouble has been
that his audience has demanded some-
thing akin to an emotional attack on
the present distribution of property,
while the opposition not only has re-
fused to give him a hearing, but has
met him by unfair, not to say ferocious,
misrepresen ta tion . Notwithstanding
which I apprehend that, fundament-
ally, Mr. Roosevelt's position is sound.
The capitalistic domination of society,
which has prevailed for rather more
than two generations, has broken down,
and men of the capitalistic type have
apparently the alternative before them
VOL. in -NO. 4
of adapting themselves to a new en-
vironment, or of being eliminated as
every obsolete type has always been
eliminated.
Were all other evidence lacking, the
inference that radical changes are at
hand might be deduced from the past.
In the experience of the English-speak-
ing race, about once in every three
generations a social convulsion has oc-
curred; and probably such catastro-
phies must continue to occur in or-
der that laws and institutions may be
adapted to physical growth. Human
society is a living organism, working
mechanically, like any other organ-
ism. It has members, a circulation, a
nervous system, and a sort of skin or
envelope, consisting of its laws and
institutions. This skin, or envelope,
however, does not expand automatic-
ally, as it would had Providence in-
tended humanity to be peaceful, but
is only fitted to new conditions by those
painful and conscious efforts which we
call revolutions. Usually these revo-
lutions are warlike, but sometimes
they are benign, as was the revolution
over which General Washington, our
first great * Progressive/ presided, when
the rotting Confederation, under his
guidance, was converted into a rela-
tively excellent administrative system
by the adoption of the Constitution.
434 THE COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT
Taken for all in all, I conceive Gen-
eral Washington to have been the
greatest man of the eighteenth cen-
tury, but to me his greatness chiefly
consists in that balance of mind which
enabled him to recognize when an old
order had passed away, and to perceive
how a new order could be best intro-
duced. Joseph Story was ten years
old in 1789 when the Constitution
was adopted; his earliest impressions,
therefore, were of the Confederation,
and I know no better description of
the interval just subsequent to the
peace of 1783, than is contained in a
few lines in his dissenting opinion in
the Charles River Bridge Case: —
* In order to entertain a just view of
this subject, we must go back to that
period of general bankruptcy, and dis-
tress and difficulty (1785). . . . The
union of the States was crumbling
into ruins, under the old Confederation.
Agriculture, manufactures, and com-
merce were at their lowest ebb. There
was infinite danger to all the States
from local interests and jealousies, and
from the apparent impossibility of a
much longer adherence to that shadow
of a government, the Continental Con-
gress. And even four years afterwards,
when every evil had been greatly ag-
gravated, and civil war was added to
other calamities, the Constitution of
the United States was all but ship-
wrecked in passing through the state
conventions.' l
This crisis, according to my comput-
ation, was the normal one of the third
generation. Between 1688 and 1765 the
British Empire had physically out-
grown its legal envelope, and the con-
sequence was a revolution. The thir-
teen American colonies, which formed
the western section of the imperial
mass, split from the core and drifted
into chaos, beyond the constraint of
1 Charles River Bridge v. Warren Bridge, 11
Peters, 608, 609.
existing law. Washington was, in his
way, a large capitalist, but he was
much more. He was not only a wealthy
planter, but he was an engineer, a
traveler, to an extent a manufacturer,
a politician, and a soldier; and he saw
that, as a conservative, he must be
'Progressive' and raise the law to a
power high enough to constrain all
these thirteen refractory units. For
Washington understood that peace
does not consist in talking platitudes
at conferences, but in organizing a sov-
ereignty strong enough to coerce its
subjects.
The problem of constructing such
a sovereignty was the problem which
Washington solved, temporarily at
least, without violence. He prevailed
not only because of an intelligence and
elevation of character which enabled
him to comprehend, and to persuade
others, that, to attain a common end,
all must make sacrifices, but also be-
cause he was supported by a body of
the most remarkable men whom Amer-
ica has ever produced; men who, al-
though doubtless in a numerical mi-
nority, taking the country as a whole,
by sheer weight of ability and energy
achieved their purpose.
Yet even Washington and his ad-
herents could not alter the limitations
of the human mind. He could postpone,
but he could not avert, the impact of
conflicting social forces. In 1789 he
compromised, but he did not deter-
mine the question of sovereignty. He
eluded an impending conflict by intro-
ducing courts as political arbitrators,
and the expedient worked more or less
well until the tension reached a certain
point. Then it broke down, and the
question of sovereignty had to be set-
tled in America, as elsewhere, on the
field of battle. It was not decided un-
til Appomattox. But the function of
the courts in American life is a sub-
ject which should be considered apart.
THE COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT
435
What is material, at present, is the
phenomenon presented by the rise of
the 'Progressives' with Mr. Roosevelt
at their head, as interpreted in the
light of history.
n
If the invention of gunpowder and
printing in the fourteenth and fif-
teenth centuries presaged the Reform-
ation of the sixteenth, and if the Indus-
trial Revolution of the eighteenth was
the forerunner of political revolutions
throughout the Western World, we may
well, after the mechanical and eco-
nomic cataclysm of the nineteenth,
cease wondering that twentieth-cent-
ury society should be * Progressive/
and busy ourselves instead with con-
sidering how far the social equilibrium
which Washington established has been
impaired, and, if it has been fatally im-
paired, what provision we have made,
or can make, for our future safety.
Never since man first walked erect
have his relations toward nature been
so changed within the same space of
time as they have been since Wash-
ington was elected President and the
Parisian mob stormed the Bastille.
Washington found the task of a read-
justment heavy enough, but the civil-
ization he knew was simple. When
Washington lived, the fund of energy
at man's disposal had not very sensibly
augmented since the fall of Rome. In
the eighteenth, as in the fourth cen-
tury, engineers had at command only
animal power, and a little wind and
water power, to which had been added,
at the end of the Middle Ages, a low
explosive. There was nothing in the
daily life of his age which made the
legal and administrative principles
which had sufficed for Justinian in-
sufficient for him. Twentieth-century
society rests on a basis not different
so much in degree, as in kind, from all
that has gone before. Through applied
science infinite forces have been do-
mesticated, and the action of these in-
finite forces upon finite minds has been
to create a tension, together with a
social acceleration and concentration,
not only unparalleled, but, apparent-
ly, without limit. Meanwhile our laws
and institutions have remained, in sub-
stance, constant. I doubt if we have
developed a single important adminis-
trative principle which would be novel
to Napoleon, were he to live again,
and I am quite sure we have no legal
principle younger than Justinian.
As a result, society has been squeezed,
as it were, from its rigid eighteenth-
century legal shell, and has passed into
a fourth dimension of space, where it
performs its most important functions
beyond the cognizance of the law,
which remains in a space of but three
dimensions. Washington encountered
a somewhat analogous problem when
dealing with the thirteen petty inde-
pendent states, which had escaped
from England; but his problem was
relatively rudimentary. Taking the
theory of sovereignty as it stood, he
had only to apply it to communities.
It was mainly a question of concen-
trating a sufficient amount of energy
to enforce order in sovereign social
units. The whole social detail remain-
ed unchanged. Our conditions would
seem to imply a very considerable
extension and specialization of the
principle of sovereignty, together with
a commensurate increment of energy.
Also, the twentieth-century American
problem is still further complicated
by the envelope in which this highly
volatilized society is theoretically con-
tained. To attain his object, Washing-
ton introduced a written organic law,
which of all things is the most inflex-
ible. No other modern nation has to
consider such an impediment.
Moneyed capital I take to be stored
436
THE COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT
human energy, as a coal measure is
stored solar energy; and moneyed cap-
ital, under the stress of modern life,
has developed at once extreme fluidity,
and an equivalent compressibility.
Thus a small number of men can con-
trol it in enormous masses, and so it
comes to pass that, in a community like
the United States, a few men, or even,
in certain emergencies, a single man,
may become clothed with various of
the attributes of sovereignty. Sover-
eign powers are powers so important
that the community, in its corporate
capacity, has, as society has central-
ized, usually found it necessary to
monopolize them more or less abso-
lutely, since their possession by private
persons causes revolt. These powers,
when vested in some official, as, for
example, a king or emperor, have been
held by him, in all Western countries
at least, as a trust to be used for the
common welfare. A breach of that
trust has commonly been punished
by deposition or death. It was upon
a charge of breach of trust that Charles
I, among other sovereigns, was tried
and executed. In short, the relation of
sovereign and subject has been based
either upon consent and mutual ob-
ligation, or upon submission to a divine
command; but, in either case, upon
recognition of responsibility. Only the
relation of master and slave implies the
status of sovereign power vested in an
unaccountable superior. Nevertheless,
it is in a relation somewhat analogous
to the latter, that the modern capital-
ist has been placed toward his fellow
citizens, by the advances in applied
science. An example or two will ex-
plain my meaning.
in
High among sovereign powers has
always ranked the ownership and ad-
ministration of highways. And it is
evident why this should have been so.
Movement is life, and the stoppage of
movement is death, and the movement
of every people flows along its high-
ways. An invader has only to cut the
communications of the invaded to
paralyze him, as he would paralyze
an animal by cutting his arteries or
tendons. Accordingly, in all ages and
all lands, down to the nineteenth cent-
ury, nations even partially central-
ized have, in their corporate capacity,
owned and cared for their highways,
either directly or through accountable
agents; and they have paid for them
by direct taxes, as the Romans did,
or else by tolls levied upon traffic, as
many mediaeval governments prefer-
red to do. Either method answers its
purpose, provided that the government
recognizes its responsibility; and no
government ever recognized this re-
sponsibility more fully than did the au-
tocratic government of ancient Rome.
So the absolute regime of eighteenth-
century France recognized this respon-
sibility when Louis XVI undertook to
remedy the abuse of unequal taxation
for the maintenance of the highways,
by abolishing the corvee.
Toward the middle of the nineteenth
century, the application, by science,
of steam to locomotion, made railways
a favorite speculation. Forthwith pri-
vate capital acquired these highways,
and because of the inelasticity of
the old law, treated them as ordinary
chattels, to be administered for the
profit of the owner exclusively. It is
true that railway companies posed as
public agents when demanding the
power to take private property; but
when it came to charging for use of
their ways, they claimed to be only
private carriers, authorized to bar-
gain as they pleased. Indeed, it came
to be considered as a mark of efficient
railroad management to extract the
largest revenue possible from the peo-
THE COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT
437
pie, along the lines of least resistance;
that is, by taxing most heavily those
individuals and localities which could
least resist. And the claim by the
railroads that they might do this as
a matter of right was long upheld by
the courts,1 nor have the judges even
yet, after a generation of revolt and of
legislation, altogether abandoned this
doctrine.
The courts — reluctantly, it is true,
and principally at the instigation of
the railways themselves, who found the
practice unprofitable — have latterly
discountenanced discrimination as to
persons, but they still uphold discrim-
ination as to localities.2 Now among
abuses of sovereign power, this is one
of the most galling, for of all taxes
the transportation tax is perhaps that
which is most, searching, most insidi-
ous, and, when misused, most destruc-
tive. The price paid for transporta-
tion is not so essential to the public
welfare as its equality; for neither per-
sons nor localities can prosper when
the necessaries of life cost them more
than they cost their competitors. In
towns, no cup of water can be drunk,
no crust of bread eaten, no garment
worn, which has not paid the transport-
ation tax, and the farmer's crops must
rot upon his land, if other farmers pay
enough less than he to exclude him
from markets toward which they all
stand in a position otherwise equal.
Yet this formidable power has been
usurped by private persons who have
used it purely selfishly, as no legitimate
sovereign could have used it, and by
persons who have indignantly de-
nounced all attempts to hold them ac-
countable, as an infringement of their
1 Fitchburg R. R. v. Gage, 12 Gray, 393, and
innumerable cases following it.
2 See the decisions of the Commerce Court
on the Long and Short-Haul Clause. Atchison,
T. & S. F. Ry. v. United States, 191 Federal Rep.,
856.
constitutional rights. Obviously, cap-
ital cannot assume the position of an
irresponsible sovereign, living in a
sphere beyond the domain of law, with-
out inviting the fate which has awaited
all sovereigns who have denied or
abused their trust.
The operation of the New York
Clearing House is another example of
the acquisition of sovereign power by
irresponsible private persons. Prima-
rily, of course, a clearing house is an
innocent institution occupied with ad-
justing balances between banks, and
has no relation to the volume of the
currency. Furthermore, among all
highly centralized nations, the regu-
lation of the currency is one of the most
jealously guarded of the prerogatives
of sovereignty, because all values hinge
upon the relation which the volume of
the currency bears to the volume of
trade. Yet, as everybody knows, in
moments of financial panic, the hand-
ful of financiers who, directly or in-
directly, govern the Clearing House,
have it in their power either to expand
or to contract the currency, by issu-
ing or by withdrawing Clearing House
certificates, more effectually perhaps
than if they controlled the Treasury
of the United States. Nor does this
power, vast as it is, at all represent the
supremacy which a few bankers enjoy
over values, because of their facilities
for manipulating the currency and,
with the currency, credit, — facilities
which are used or abused entirely be-
yond the reach of the law.
Bankers, at their conventions and
through the press, are wont to denounce
the American monetary system, and
without doubt all that they say, and
much more that they do not say, is true;
and yet I should suppose that there
can be little doubt that American fin-
anciers might, since the panic of 1893,
have obtained from Congress, at most
sessions, very reasonable legislation,
438 THE COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT
had they, first, agreed upon the re-
forms they demanded, and, secondly,
manifested their readiness, as a con-
dition precedent to such reforms, to
submit to effective government super-
vision in those departments of their
business which relate to the inflation
or depression of values. They have
shown little inclination to submit to
restraint in these particulars, nor, per-
haps, is their reluctance surprising, for
the possession by a very small favored
class of the unquestioned privilege, at
recurring intervals, of subjecting the
debtor class to such pressure as the
creditor may think necessary, in order
to force the debtor to surrender his
property to the creditor at the cred-
itor's price, is a wonder beside which
Aladdin's lamp burns dim.
As I have already remarked, I ap-
prehend that sovereignty is a varia-
ble quantity of administrative energy,
which, in civilizations which we call
advancing, tends to accumulate with a
rapidity proportionate to the acceler-
ation of movement. That is to say,
the community, as it consolidates, finds
it essential to its safety to withdraw,
more or less completely, from individ-
uals, and to monopolize, more or less
strictly, itself, a great variety of func-
tions. At one stage of civilization the
head of the family administers just-
ice, maintains an armed force for war
or police, wages war, makes treaties
of peace, coins money, and, not infre-
quently, wears a crown, usually of a
form to indicate his importance in a
hierarchy. At a later stage of civil-
ization, companies of traders play a
great part. Such aggregations of pri-
vate and irresponsible adventurers
have invaded and conquered empires,
founded colonies, and administered
justice to millions of human beings.
In our own time, we have seen many
of the functions of these and similar
private companies assumed by the
sovereign. We have seen the East In-
dia Company absorbed by the British
Parliament; we have seen railways,
and telephone and telegraph compan-
ies, taken into possession, very gen-
erally, by the most progressive govern-
ments of the world; and now we have
come to the necessity of dealing with
the domestic-trade monopoly, because
trade has fallen into monopoly through
the centralization of capital in a con-
stantly contracting circle of ownership.
IV
Among innumerable kinds of mono-
polies none have been more trouble-
some than trade monopolies, especially
those which control the price of the
necessaries of life; for, so far as I
know, no people, approximately free,
has long endured such monopolies
patiently. Nor could they well have
done so without constraint by over-
powering physical force, for the pos-
session of a monopoly of a necessary
of life by an individual, or by a small
privileged class, is tantamount to in-
vesting a minority, contemptible alike
in numbers and in physical force, with
an arbitrary and unlimited power ^o
tax the majority, not for public, but
for private purposes. Therefore it has
not infrequently happened that per-
sistence in adhering to and in enforc-
ing such monopolies has led, first, to
attempts at regulation, and, these at-
tempts failing, to confiscation, and
sometimes to the proscription of the
owners. An example of such a pheno-
menon occurs to me which, just now,
seems apposite.
In the earlier Middle Ages, before
gunpowder made fortified houses un-
tenable when attacked by the sover-
eign, the highways were so dangerous
that trade and manufactures could sur-
vive only in walled towns. An unarmed
urban population had to buy its privi-
THE COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT
439
leges, and to pay for these a syndicate
grew up in each town, which became
responsible for the town ferm, or tax,
and, in return, collected what part of
the municipal expenses it could from
the poorer inhabitants. These syndi-
cates (called guilds), as a means of rais-
ing money, regulated trade and fixed
prices, and they succeeded in fixing
prices because they could prevent com-
petition within the walls. Presently,
complaints became rife of guild op-
pression, and the courts had to enter-
tain these complaints from the outset,
to keep some semblance of order; but
at length the turmoil passed beyond
the reach of the courts, and Parlia-
ment intervened. Parliament not only
enacted a series of statutes regulating
prices in towns, but supervised guild
membership, requiring trading compa-
nies to receive new members upon
what Parliament considered to be reas-
onable terms. Nevertheless, friction
continued.
With advances in science, artillery
improved, and, as artillery improved,
the police strengthened until the king
could arrest whom he pleased. Then
the country grew safe and manufac-
turers migrated from the walled and
heavily taxed towns to the cheap, open
villages, and from thence undersold
the guilds. As the area of competition
broadened, so the guilds weakened, un-
til, under Edward VI, being no longer
able to defend themselves, they were
ruthlessly and savagely plundered; and
fifty years later the Court of King's
Bench gravely held that a royal grant
of a monopoly had always been bad at
common law.1
Though the Court's law proved to
be good, since it has stood, its history
was fantastic; for the trade-guild was
the offspring of trade monopoly, and
a trade monopoly had for centuries
been granted habitually by the feudal
1 Darcy v. Allein, 11 Rep. 84.
landlord to his tenants, and indeed was
the only means by which an urban
population could finance its military
expenditure. Then, in due course, the
Crown tried to establish its exclusive
right to grant monopolies, and finally
Parliament — or King, Lords, and Com-
mons combined, being the whole nation
in its corporate capacity — appropri-
ated this monopoly of monopolies as
its exclusive prerogative. And with
Parliament this monopoly has ever
since remained.
In fine, monopolies, or competition
in trade, appear to be recurrent social
phases which depend upon the ratio
which the mass and the fluidity of
capital, or, in other words, its energy,
bears to the area within which compe-
tition is possible. In the Middle Ages,
when the town walls bounded that area,
or -when, at most, it was restricted
to a few lines of communication be-
tween defensible points garrisoned by
the monopolists, — as were the Staple
towns of England which carried on the
wool trade with the British fortified
counting-houses in Flanders, — a small
quantity of sluggish capital sufficed.
But as police improved, and the area
of competition broadened faster than
capital accumulated and quickened,
the competitive phase dawned, whose
advent is marked by Darcy v. Allein,
decided in the year 1600. Finally, the
issue between monopoly and free trade
was fought out in the American Revo-
lution, for the measure which precipi-
tated hostilities was the effort of Eng-
land to impose her monopoly of the
Eastern trade upon America. The Bos-
ton Tea Party occurred on December
16, 1773. Then came the heyday of
competition with the acceptance of
the theories of Adam Smith, and the
political domination in England, to-
wards 1840, of the Manchester school
of political economy.
About forty years since, in America
440 THE COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT
at least, the tide would appear once
more to have turned. I fix the moment
of flux, as I am apt to do, by a law-
suit. This suit was the Morris Run
Coal Company v. Barclay Coal Com-
pany,1 which is the first modern anti-
monopoly litigation that I have met
with in the United States. It was
decided in Pennsylvania in 1871; and
since 1871, while the area within which
competition is possible has been kept
constant by the tariff, capital has ac-
cumulated and has been concentrated
and volatilized until, within this Re-
public, substantially all prices are fixed
by a vast moneyed mass. This mass,
obeying what amounts to being a single
volition, has its heart in Wall Street,
and pervades every corner of the Union.
No matter what price is in question,
whether it be the price of meat, or coal,
or cotton cloth, or of railway trans-
portation, or of insurance, or of dis-
counts, the inquirer will find the price
to be, in essence, a monopoly or fixed
price; and if he will follow his investi-
gation to the end, he will also find that
the first cause in the complex chain
of cause and effect which created the
monopoly is that mysterious energy
which is enthroned on the Hudson.
The presence of monopolistic prices
in trade is not always a result of con-
scious agreement; more frequently,
perhaps, it is automatic, and is an ef-
fect of the concentration of capital to
a point where competition ceases, as
when all the capital engaged in a trade
belongs to a single owner. Supposing
ownership to be enough restricted, com-
bination is easier and more profitable
than competition; therefore combina-
tion, conscious or unconscious, sup-
plants competition. The inference from
the evidence is that, in the United
States, capital has reached, or is rapidly
reaching, this point of concentration;
and if this be true, competition cannot
1 68 Pa. 173.
be enforced by legislation. But, as-
suming that competition could still be
enforced by law, the only effect would
be to make the mass of capital more
homogeneous by eliminating still fur-
ther such of the weaker capitalists as
have survived. Ultimately, all the pre-
sent phenomena would be intensified;
nor would free trade, probably, have
more than a very transitory effect. In
no department of trade is competition
freer than in the Atlantic passenger
service, and yet in no trade is there a
stricter monopoly price.
The same acceleration of the social
movement which has caused this cen-
tralization of capital has caused the
centralization of another form of hu-
man energy, which is its negative:
labor unions organize labor as a mono-
poly. Labor protests against the irre-
sponsible sovereignty of capital, as men
have always protested against irrespon-
sible sovereignty, declaring that the
capitalistic social system, as it now
exists, is a form of slavery. Very logic-
ally, therefore, the abler and bolder
labor agitators proclaim that labor lev-
ies actual war against society, and that
in that war there can be no truce until
irresponsible capital has capitulated.
Also, in labor's methods of warfare
the same phenomena appear as in the
autocracy of capital. Labor attacks
capitalistic society by methods beyond
the purview of the law, and may, at
any moment, shatter the social system;
while, under our laws and institutions,
society is helpless.
Few persons, I should imagine, who
reflect on these phenomena, fail to ad-
mit to themselves, whatever they may
say publicly, that present social con-
ditions are unsatisfactory, and I take
the cause of the stress to be that which
I have stated. We have extended the
THE COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 441
range of applied science until we daily
use infinite forces, and those forces
must, apparently, disrupt our society,
unless we can raise the laws and in-
stitutions which hold society together
to an energy and efficiency commen-
surate to them. How much vigor and
ability would be required to accom-
plish such a work may be measured
by the experience of Washington, who
barely prevailed in his relatively simple
task, surrounded by a generation of
extraordinary men, and with the cap-
italistic class of America behind him.
Without the capitalistic class he must
have failed. Therefore one momentous
problem of the future is the attitude
which capital will assume in this emer-
gency.
That some of the most sagacious of
the capitalistic class have preserved
that instinct of self-preservation which
was so conspicuous among men of the
type of Washington, is apparent from
the position taken by the management
of the United States Steel Corporation,
and by the Republican minority of
the Congressional committee which re-
cently investigated that corporation;
but whether such men very strongly
influence the class to which they be-
long is not clear. If they do not, much
improvement in existing conditions can
hardly be anticipated.
If capital insists upon continuing to
exercise sovereign powers, without ac-
cepting responsibility as for a trust,
the revolt against society must proba-
bly continue, and can be dealt with,
as all servile revolts must be dealt
with, only by physical force. I doubt,
however, if even the most ardent and
optimistic of capitalists would care
to speculate deeply upon the stability
of any government that capital might
organize, which rested on the funda-
mental principle that the American
people must be ruled by an army.
On the other hand, any government to
be effective must be strong. It is fu-
tile to talk of keeping peace in labor
disputes by compulsory arbitration, if
the government has not the power to
command obedience to its arbitrators'
decree; but a government able to con-
strain a couple of hundred thousand
discontented railway employees to
work against their will, will differ con-
siderably from the one we have. Nor
is it possible to imagine that labor will
ever yield peaceful obedience to such
constraint, unless capital makes equi-
valent concessions, — unless, perhaps,
among other things, capital consents to
erect tribunals which shall offer relief
to any citizen who can show himself
to be oppressed by the monopolistic
price. In fine, a government, to pro-
mise stability in the future, must ap-
parently be so much more powerful
than any private interest, that all men
will stand equal before its tribunals;
and these tribunals must be flexible
enough to reach those categories of
activity which now lie beyond legal
jurisdiction.
If it be objected to my argument
that the American people are incapa-
ble of an effort so prodigious, I readily
admit that this may be true, but I also
contend that the objection is beside
the issue. What the American people
can or cannot do is a matter of opin-
ion, but that social changes are immi-
nent appears to be certain. Although
these changes cannot be prevented, pos-
sibly they may, to a degree, be guid-
ed, as Washington guided the changes
of 1789. To resist them perversely, as
they were resisted at the Chicago Con-
vention, can only make the catastro-
phe, when it comes, as overwhelming
as was the last defeat of the Republican
party.
Very largely because of the stub-
bornly reactionary attitude of the
class which should be the most intelli-
gent and flexible, the 'Progressives,'
442 THE COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT
with Mr. Roosevelt swept onward at
their head, are drifting into a move-
ment which evidently will be disinte-
grating and not constructive, and our
society cannot be much further volatil-
ized without resolving into chaos. Life
is tolerable under any form of orderly
government. Amid disorder it be-
comes intolerable. Also, amid disor-
der, capital perishes first. Therefore,
if these premises be sound, capital has
come to the parting of the ways. If it
be true, as the ordinary phenomena
of our daily life seem to demonstrate,
that capitalists can no longer control
our society as of old, while enjoy-
ing their old immunities, because, as
society increases in complexity and
gathers momentum, money, when ex-
pended in certain directions, is losing
its purchasing power, then capital-
ists must seek some other than the
present status if they are to maintain
themselves.
Apparently the alternative offered is
an absolute equality before the law,
or social warfare beyond the law; and
I should suppose that, as between the
two, the warfare would be the more
objectionable. Indeed, it might occur,
even to some optimists, that capital
would be fortunate were it able to se-
cure its safety for another fifty years,
on terms as favorable as these. There
may be doubt, if it continue to tempt
its fate as recklessly in the future as
in the recent past, whether any equi-
librium approximating to stability can
be attained. There are plenty of dis-
solving societies to be observed in
regions not far distant.
Accordingly, I incline to the opinion
that the social problem of the immedi-
ate future resolves itself into the main-
tenance of order, and order is only
another form of words for expressing
the notion of competent sovereignty.
But, I apprehend that, under modern
conditions, no sovereignty can be com-
petent, which is not so powerful that
all private interests, great and small,
shall be equal before it. Privileged
persons must cease from using the
functions of the sovereign for the pur-
pose of enriching themselves.
Furthermore, it is clear that, if so
potent a sovereignty is to be created,
it must be administered by men of a
very different type from that which
capitalists have selected to represent
them in official positions for at least
a generation back. What that type
shall be is immaterial, provided it be
a type which can command obedience.
Personally, I shall think the rising gen-
eration lucky if it can find men of
the type of Mr. Roosevelt to protect
it, but, if capital objects to Mr. Roose-
velt the field of choice is open. Capital
has only to produce some champion
who can do what Mr. Roosevelt ap-
pears to be able to do, but it must de-
velop a certain minimum of energy at
its peril. So much promises to be a
mechanical necessity.
Nor is this all. I take it that a pre-
liminary concession must be made.
Before Mr. Roosevelt, or any one else,
can even begin the work of construc-
tion, the ground must be so cleared
that construction shall be possible, and
Mr. Roosevelt's political instinct never
guided him more truly than when it led
him to lay his finger upon the anoma-
lous position now held by our courts,
as the most vulnerable spot in our
social system. All the genius of Wash-
ington and Hamilton, Jefferson and
Marshall, singly or combined, could
they live again, would avail nothing
to deal with a condition which is irre-
concilable with the first principles of
administration, unless we are to sac-
rifice the fundamental principle of or-
der. I have conversed with few intelli-
gent foreigners, who have observed
our institutions attentively, to whom
this proposition does not seem self-
CONSTANTINOPLE IN WAR-TIME
443
evident, and it is for this reason that
foreign nations have been indisposed
to adopt our system. Many, or indeed
probably most, conservative Ameri-
cans would regard this thesis which I
present as paradoxical, but I am dis-
posed to believe that, if they would
but cast aside prejudice and calmly
examine what is passing before their
eyes in the light of history and uni-
versal experience, they would modify
their opinion.
CONSTANTINOPLE IN WAR-TIME
BY H. G. DWIGHT
* THE hordes of Asia — ' That phrase,
fished out of what reminiscence I know
not, kept running in my head as the
Anatolian soldiers poured through the
city. Where did they all come from?
Every day, for three weeks and more,
the crowded transports steamed down
the Bosphorus, sometimes as many as
seven or eight a day. Opposite each vil-
lage the whistle blew, the men cheered,
and the people on shore waved hand-
kerchiefs and flags. When the trans-
ports came down after dark it was
more picturesque. Bengal lights would
answer each other between sea and
land, and the cheering filled more
of the silence. It somehow sounded
younger, too. And it insensibly led
one into sentimentalities — into imag-
inations of young wives and children,
of old parents, of abandoned fields, of
what other fields in Thrace and Mace-
donia.
The hordes from the Black Sea made
no more than their distant impression,
perhaps no less dramatic for being so;
and for them Constantinople can have
been simply a fugitive panorama of
cypresses and minarets and waving
handkerchiefs. They passed by, with-
out stopping, to the ports of the Sea of
Marmora.
Other hordes, however, poured into
the city so fast that no troop-train or
barracks could hold them. Hundreds,
even thousands of them camped every
night under the mosaics of St. Sophia.
At first they all wore the new hay-
colored uniform of Young Turkey.
Then older reservists began to appear
in the dark-blue, piped with red, of
Abdul Hamid's time. Meanwhile, con-
scripts and volunteers of all ages and
types and costumes filled the streets.
It took a more experienced eye than
mine, generally, to pick out a Greek or
an Armenian marching to war for the
first time in the Turkish ranks. The
fact is, that a Roumelian or seaboard
Turk looks more European than an
Anatolian Christian.
Nevertheless, the diversity of the
empire was made sufficiently manifest
to the most inexperienced eye. The
Albanians were always a striking note.
Hundreds of them flocked back from
Roumania in their white skull-caps
and close-fitting white clothes braided
. with black. They are leaner and often
taller than the Turks, who incline to
444
CONSTANTINOPLE IN WAR-TIME
be thick-bodied; fairer, too, as a rule,
and keener-eyed.
Something like them are the Laz
from the region of Trebizond, who are
slighter and darker men, but no less
fierce. They have the name of being
able to ride farther in less time than
any other tribe of Asia Minor. Their
uniforms were a khaki adaptation of
their tribal dress — zouave jackets,
trousers surprisingly full at the waist
and surprisingly tight about the leg,
and pointed hoods with long flaps
knotted into a sort of turban. This
comfortable Laz hood, with slight vari-
ations of cut and color, has been adopt-
ed for the whole army. I shall always
remember it as a sort of symbol of that
winter war.
Certain swarthy individuals from
the Persian or Russian frontiers also
made memorable figures, in long, black,
hairy, sleeveless cloaks and tall caps of
black lamb's-wool tied about with some
white rag. They gave one the impres-
sion that they might be very unpleas-
ant customers to meet on a dark night.
These gentlemen, none the less, wore in
their caps, like a cockade, what might
have seemed to the vulgar a paint-
brush, but was in reality the tooth-
brush of their country. Last of all
the Syrians began to appear. They
were very noticeably different from the
broader, flatter, fairer Anatolian type.
On their heads they wore the scarf of
their people bound about with a thick
black cord, and on cold days some of
them even draped a bournous over their
khaki.
Just such soldiers must have follow-
ed Attila and Tamerlane and the rov-
ing horseman who founded the house
of Osman; and just such pack-animals
as trotted across Galata Bridge, balk-
ing whenever they came to a crack
of the draw. The shaggy ponies all
wore a blue bead or two, around
their necks or in their manes, against
the Evil Eye; and their high pack-
saddles were decorated with beads or
small shells or tufts of colored worsted.
Nor can the songs the soldiers sang
have changed much, I imagine, in six
hundred years. Not that many of them
sang, or betrayed their martial temper
otherwise than by the dark dignity of
bearing common to all men of the East.
It was strange, to a Westerner, to see
these proud and powerful-looking men
stroll about hand in hand. Yet it went
with the mildness and simplicity which
are as characteristic of them as their
fierceness. One of them showed me
a shepherd's pipe in his cartridge-
belt. That was the way to go to war,
he said, — as to a wedding. Another
played on a violin as he marched, a
quaint little instrument like a pochette
or mole d'amour, hanging by the neck
from his hand. By way of contrast, I
heard a regimental band march one
day to the train to the tune of * Yankee
Doodle.'
At the train no more emotion was
visible than in the streets. The only
utterance I happened to catch was
from an old body who watched a regi-
ment march into the station. 'Let
them cut!' she said, half to herself and
half to those about her, making a sig-
nificant horizontal movement with her
hand. 'Let them cut!' I heard of an-
other who rebuked a girl for crying on
a Bosphorus steamer after seeing off
some member of her family. 'I have
sent my husband and my son,' she
said. 'Let them go. They will kill the
unbelievers.'
I presume similar sentiments were
often enough expressed by men. Why
not, among so much ignorance and at
a time of such resentment against the
unbeliever? Yet I did not chance to
hear anything of the sort. I was struck,
on the contrary, by what seemed to me
a distinctly new temper in Mohammed-
ans. Nazim Pasha sounded the note of
CONSTANTINOPLE IN WAR-TIME
445
it when he proclaimed that this was a
political, not a holy war, and that non-
combatants were to be treated with
every consideration. If the proclama-
tion was addressed partly to Europe,
the fact remains that in no earlier war
would a Turkish general have been
capable of making it. It may be, too,
that the disdain with which the Turk
started out to fight his whilom vassals
helped his tolerance. Nevertheless, as
I somewhat doubtfully picked my way
about Stamboul, the sense grew in me
that the common people were, at last,
capable of classifications less simple
than their old one of the believing and
the unbelieving.
It did not strike me, however, that
even the uncommon people had much
comprehension of the causes of the war.
If they had I suppose there would have
been no war. 'We have no peace be-
cause of this Roumelia,' said an intel-
ligent young man to me. 'We must
fight. If I die, what is it? My son at
least will have peace.' Yet there was
no particular enthusiasm, save such
as the political parties manufactured.
They organized a few picturesque de-
monstrations and encouraged roughs
to break legation windows. But, except
for the soldiers, — the omnipresent, the
omnipassant hordes of Asia, — an out-
sider might never have guessed that
anything unusual was in the air. Least
of all would he have guessed it when
he heard people exclaim, ' Mashallah! '
as the soldiers went by, and learned
that they were saying, ' What God does
will!5 So far is it from Turkish nature
to make a display of feeling. The near-
est approach to outward enthusiasm
I saw was on the day Montenegro de-
clared war. Then smiles broke out on
every face as the barefooted newsboys
ran through Stamboul with their little
extras. And the commonest phrase I
heard that afternoon was, 'What will
be, let be.'
ii
Did any one dream, then, what was
to be? One might have known. It was
not a question of courage or endurance.
Nobody, after the first surprise, doubt-
ed that. The famous hordes of Asia,
— they were indeed just such soldiers
as followed Attila and Tamerlane and
the roving horseman who founded the
house of Osman. That was the trouble
with them. They had not learned that
courage and endurance are not enough
for modern warfare. All Europeans
who have had dealings with the Turk
know that he is the least businesslike
of men. He is constitutionally averse
to order, method, discipline, prompt-
ness, responsibility. Numbers and cal-
culations are beyond him. It is impos-
sible to imagine him as a banker, a
financier, a partner in any enterprise
requiring initiative or the higher or-
ganizing faculties. He simply has n't
got them — or, at all events, he has
never developed them. Moreover, there
is about him a Hamlet-like indecision,
which he shares with the rest of Asia.
He waits until he is forced, and then
he has usually waited too long for his
own interest.
In spite of so many straws to show
how the wind blew, the speed with
which the allies succeeded in develop-
ing their campaign must have surprised
the most turcophobe European. As for
the Turks themselves, they have al-
ways had a fatalistic — a fatal — be-
lief that they will one day quit Europe.
Many times before and after the deci-
sive battles, I heard the question utter-
ed as to whether the destined day had
come. But no Turk can have imagined
that his army, victorious on a thousand
fields, would be smashed to pieces at
the first onslaught of an enemy inex-
perienced in war. And to have been
beaten by the serfs of yesterday ! But
I, for one, have hardly yet the heart
446
CONSTANTINOPLE IN WAR-TIME
to say they deserved it. I remember
too well the face of a Bey in civil life
whom I knew, and whom two weeks
of the war had made haggard like a
disease, and the look with which he
said, when I expressed regret at the
passing of some quaint Turkish cus-
tom, 'Everything passes in this world.'
I quite understood the Turkish girls
who went away in a body from a cer-
tain international school. 'We cannot
bear the Bulgarians/ they said. 'They
look at us — ' One did not care, in
those days, to meet one's Turkish
friends. It was like intruding into a
house of death. In this house of death,
however, something more than life had
been lost. And I pay my tribute to the
dignity with which that great humilia-
tion was borne.
I stood one day at a club window
watching a regiment march through
Pera. Two Turkish members stood near
me. 'Fine-looking men!' exclaimed
one — and he was right. 'How could
soldiers like that have run away?'
The other considered a moment. 'If
we had not announced,' he said, 'that
this was not 'a holy war, you would
have seen!' I am inclined to believe
there was something in his opinion.
At the time, however, it reminded me
of the young man who complained that
Roumelia gave the Turks no peace.
They were no quicker to understand
the causes of their defeat than they
had been to understand the causes of
the war.
Not long afterwards, I spent an even-
ing with some humble Albanians of my
acquaintance. Being in a way foreign-
ers, like myself, they could speak with
more detachment of what had hap-
pened, although there was no doubt as
to their loyalty to the empire. They
asked my views as to the reason of the
disaster. I tried, in very halting Turk-
ish, to explain how the Turk had been
distanced in the art of war and many
other arts, and how war no longer re-
quired courage alone, but other quali-
ties which the Turk does not seem to
possess. I evidently failed to make my
idea intelligible. Having listened with
the utmost politeness, my auditors pro-
ceeded to give me their own view of the
case.
The one who presented it most elo-
quently had been himself a soldier in
the Turkish army. It was under the
old regime, too, when men served seven
and nine years. He attributed the
universal rout of the Turks not to the
incompetence, but to the cupidity,
of their officers. He believed like his
companions, and I doubt if anything
will ever shake their belief, that the
officers, from Nazim Pasha down, had
been bribed by the allies. What other
possible explanation could there be of
the fact that soldiers starved amid plen-
ty, and that Mohammedans — saving
my presence! — ran from Christians?
As for the European ingenuities that I
made so much of, the ships, the guns,
the railroads, the telephones, the auto-
mobiles, the aeroplanes, why should the
Turks break their heads learning to
make them when they could buy them
ready-made from Europe? After all,
what you need in war is a heart, and
not to be afraid to die. My Albanian
then went on to criticize, none too
kindly, the Young Turk officer. In his
day, he said, most of the officers rose
from the ranks. They had been sol-
diers themselves, they understood the
soldiers, and they could bear hardship
like soldiers. The Young Turks, how-
ever, had changed all that. The ranked
officers had been removed to make
room for young mekteblis, schoolmen,
who knew nothing of their men or of
war. They knew how to wear a collar
perhaps, or how to turn up their mous-
taches d la Guillaume* but not how to
sleep on the ground; and when the
Bulgarians fired they ran away.
CONSTANTINOPLE IN WAR-TIME
447
in
The crowning bitterness was the
attitude of Europe. In the beginning
Europe had loudly announced that she
would tolerate no change in the status
quo. How then did Europe come to
acquiesce so quickly in the accom-
plished fact? Why did Germany, the
friend of Abdul Hamid, and England,
the friend of Kiamil Pasha, and France,
the friend of everybody, raise no fin-
ger to help? I am not the one to sug-
gest that Europe should have done
otherwise. There is a logic of events
which sometimes breaks through di-
plomatic twaddle — a just logic, draw-
ing into a common destiny those who
share common traditions and speak a
common tongue. I make no doubt that
Austria-Hungary, to mention only one
example, will one day prove it to her
cost. Nevertheless, I am able to see
that there is a Turkish point of view,
and that it must seem very hard, hav-
ing been helped so often, not to be
helped once more.
I remember, apropos of that point of
view, an old lady who watched a cheer-
ing transport steam down the Bos-
phorus. Long after the armistice had
been signed they continued to bring
their hordes.
* Poor things ! Poor things ! ' exclaim-
ed my old lady. 'The lions! You
would think they were going to a wed-
ding!' And then turning to me she
asked, 'Can you tell me, Effendim,
why it is that all Europe is against us?
Have we done no good in six hundred
years?'
It was a very profound question the
old lady asked me. I made no pretense
of answering it then, nor can I hope to
answer it now. Yet it has remained in-
sistently in the back of my mind ever
since. I might, to be sure, have said
what so many other people are say-
ing:—
'Madam, most certainly you have
done no good in six hundred years. It
is solely because of the evil you have
done that you enjoy any renown in the
world. You have done nothing but
burn, pillage, massacre, defile, and de-
stroy. Your horsemen have stamped
out civilization wherever they have
trod, and what you were in the begin-
ning you are now. Your conqueror, the
Bulgarian, has advanced more in one
generation than you have in twenty.
You still cling to the forms of a bloody
and barbaric religion, but for what it
teaches of truth and humanity you
have no ear. You make one justice for
yourself, and one for the owner of the
land you have robbed. Your word has
become a by -word among the nations.
And you are too proud or too lazy to
learn. You fear and try to imitate the
West; but of the toil, the patience, the
thoroughness, the perseverance, that
are the secret of the West, you have no
inkling. You will not work yourself,
and you will not let_pthers work — un-
less for your pocket. You have no in-
dustry, no science, no art, no literature
worth the name. You are incapable of
building a road or a ship. You take
everything from others — only to spoil
it, like those territories where you are
now at war, like this city which was
once the glory of the world. You have
no shadow of right to this city or to
those territories. The graves of your
ancestors are not there. You took
them by the sword and you have slow-
ly ruined them, like everything else
that comes into your hand. It is only
just that you should lose them by the
sword. For your sword was the one
thing you knew how to use, and now
even that has rusted in your hand.
You are rotten through and through.
That is why Europe is against you. Go
back to your tents in Asia and see if
you will be capable of learning some-
thing in another six hundred years.'
448
CONSTANTINOPLE IN WAR-TIME
So might I have answered my old
lady — had my Turkish been good
enough. But I should scarcely have
convinced her. Nor should I quite have
convinced myself. For while it is a
simple and often very refreshing dis-
posal of a man to damn him up and
down, it is not one which really dis-
poses of him. He still remains there,
solid and unexplained. So while my
reason tells me how incompetent a man
the Turk is from most Western points
of view, it reminds me that other men
have been incompetent as well, and
even subject to violent inconsistencies
of character; that this man is a being in
evolution with reasons for becoming
what he is, to whom Dame Nature may
not have given her last touch.
In this liberal disposition my reason
is no doubt quickened, I must confess,
by the fact that I am at heart a friend
of the Turk. It may be merely associa-
tion. I have known him many years.
But there is about him something
which I cannot help liking — a simpli-
city, a manliness, a dignity. I like his
fondness for water, and flowers, and
green meadows, and spreading trees. I
like his love of children. I like his per-
fect manners. I like his sobriety. I like
his patience. I like the way he faces
death. One of the things I like most
about him is what has been most his
undoing — his lack of any commercial
instinct. I like, too, what no one has
much noticed, the artistic side of him.
I do not know Turkish enough to ap-
preciate his literature, and his religion
forbids him — or he imagines it does
— to engage in the plastic arts. But in
architecture and certain forms of de-
coration he has created a school of his
own. It is not only that the Turkish
quarter of any Anatolian town is more
picturesque than the others; the old
palace of the Sultans in Constantino-
ple, certain old houses I have seen,
the mosques, the theological schools,
the tombs, the fountains, of the Turks,
are an achievement which deserves a
more serious study than has been given
it. You may tell me that these things
are not Turkish, because they were
modeled after Byzantine originals or
because Greeks and Persians had much
to do with building them. But I shall
answer that every architecture was de-
rived from another, in days not so near
our own, and that, after all, it was the
Turk who created the opportunity for
the foreign artist and ordered what he
wanted.
I have, therefore, as little patience
as possible with the Gladstonian view
of the unspeakable Turk. When war
ceases, when murders take place no
more in happier lands, when the last
riot is quelled, and the last Negro
lynched, it will be time to discuss
whether the Turk is by nature more or
less bloody than other men. In the
meantime I beg to point out that he is,
as a matter of fact, the most peaceable,
with the possible exception of the
Armenian, of the various tribes of his
empire. Kurd, Laz, Arab, and Alban-
ian, are all quicker with their blades.
To his more positive qualities, I am by
no means alone in testifying. If I had
time for chapter and verse I might
quote foreign officers in the Turkish
service and a whole literature of travel
— to which Pierre Loti has contribu-
ted his share. But I admit that this
is a matter in which Pierre Loti may be
as unsafe a guide as Mr. Gladstone.
Neither leads one any nearer to under-
standing the strange case of the Turk:
why, individually so honest, he is cor-
porately so corrupt ; why some strange
infection seizes him as soon as he be-
gins to rise in the world; why he can
never keep a thing going; what it is
that apparently makes him incapable
of what we glibly call progress.
To understand him at all, I think,
one needs to take a long view of history.
CONSTANTINOPLE IN WAR-TIME
449
For some reason the Turk has lagged
in his development. He is to all intents
and purposes a mediaeval man. And it
is not fair to judge him by the stand-
ards of the twentieth century.
It would be rather strange, and the
world would be much poorer than it is,
if humanity had marched from the be-
ginning in a single phalanx — if the
world had been one great India, or one
great Egypt, or one great Greece. The
Turk, then, as I have no need of insist-
ing, is a mediaeval man. And one rea-
son why he is so must be that he has a
much shorter heritage of civilization
than the countries of the West. He is a
new man, as well as a mediaeval one.
In Europe and in Asia alike, he is a
parvenu, who came on the scene long
after every one else. It is only verbally
that the American is a newer man, for
in the thirteenth century, when the
warlike Turkish nomads first began
to make themselves known, the differ-
ent states which have contributed to
form America were already well estab-
lished, while India, China, and Japan
had long before reached a high degree
of civilization.
It seems to me that this fact may well
account for much of the backwardness
of the Turk. He has a much thinner
deposit of heredity in his brain-cells.
It is conceivable, too, that another
matter of heredity may enter into it.
Whether civil life originated in Asia or
not, it is certain that, of existing civ-
ilizations, the Oriental are older than
the Occidental. Perhaps, therefore, the
Asiatic formed the habit of pride and
self-sufficiency. Then, as successive
tides of emigration rolled away, Asia
was gradually drained of everything
that was not the fine flower of conserv-
atism. He who believed that whatever
is is best, stayed at home. The others
went in search of new worlds, and found
them not only in the field of empire,
but in those of science and art. This
VOL. Ill - NO, 4
continual skimming of the adventur-
ous element can only have confirmed
Asia in the habit of mind so perfectly
expressed by the Book of Ecclesiastes.
And the Turk, who was one of the last
adventurers to emerge from Asia, im-
pelled by what obscure causes we know
not, must have a profound racial bent
toward the belief that everything is
vanity and vexation of spirit. He asks
himself what is the use, and lets life
slip by.
Many people have held that there
is something in Islam which automat-
ically arrests the development of those
who profess it. I cannot think, myself,
that this thesis has been sufficiently
proved. While no one can deny that
religion, and particularly that Islam, is
a great cohesive force, it seems to me
that people make religions, not that
religions make people. The principles
at the root of all aspiring life — call it
moral, ethical, or religious, as you will
— exist in every religion. And organ-
ized religion has everywhere been re-
sponsible for much of the fanaticism
and disorder of the world. For the
rest, I find much in Mohammedanism
to admire. There is a nobility in its
stern monotheism, disdaining every
semblance of trinitarian subtleties. Its
daily services impress me as being a
simpler and more dignified expression
of worship than our self-conscious Sun-
day mornings with their rustling pews
and operatic choirs. Then the demo-
cracy of Islam and much of what it in-
culcates with regard to family and civil
life are worthy of all respect, to say
nothing of the hygienic principles
which it succeeded in impressing at a
very early stage upon a primitive peo-
ple. At the same time there can be
no doubt that Mohammedanism suffers
from the fact that it was designed, all
too definitely, for a primitive people.
Men at a higher stage of evolution than
were the Arabs of the seventh century
450
CONSTANTINOPLE IN WAR-TIME
require no religious sanctions to keep
themselves clean. For them the social
system of Islam, with its degrading
estimate of woman, is distinctly anti-
social. And many of them must find
the Prophet's persuasions to the future
life a little vulgar.
The question is, whether they will be
able to modernize Islam. It will be
harder than modernizing Christianity,
for the reason that Islam is a far
minuter system. Is there not some-
thing moving in the spectacle of a
people committed to an order which
can never prevail? Even for this one
little ironic circumstance it can never
prevail, in our hurrying modern world,
because it takes too much time to be
a good Mohammedan. But the whole
order is based on a conception which
the modern world does not admit. The
word Islam means resignation, submis-
sion to the will of God. And there can
be no doubt that the mind of Islam is
saturated with that spirit. Why does
one man succeed and another fail? It
is the will of God. Why do some re-
cover from illness and others die? It is
the will of God. Why do empires rise
and fall? It is the will of God. Any
man who literally believes such a doc-
trine is lost.
It would be an interesting experi-
ment to see what two generations, say,
of education might do for the Turks.
By education I mean no more than the
three Rs, enough history and geogra-
phy to know that Turkey is neither the
largest nor the most ancient empire in
the world, and some fundamental sci-
entific notions. It is incredible how
large a proportion of Turks are illiter-
ate, and what fantastic views of the
world and their place in it the common
people hold. To nothing more than
this ignorance must be laid a great part
of Turkey's troubles. But another part
is due to the character of the empire
which it befell the Turk to conquer. If
he had happened, like ourselves, into a
remote and practically empty land, he
might have developed a civilization of
his own. Or if he had conquered a
country inhabited by a single race, he
would have had a better chance. Or if,
again, he had appeared on the scene a
few centuries earlier, before Europe had
had time to get so far ahead of him,
and before an increasing ease of com-
munication made it increasingly diffi-
cult for one race to absorb another, he
might have succeeded in assimilating
the different peoples that came under
his sway.
Why the conquerors did not ex-
terminate or forcibly convert the con-
quered Christians has always been a
question with me. It may have been a
real humanity on the part of the early
sultans, who without doubt were re-
markable men, and perhaps wished
their own wild followers to acquire the
culture of the Greeks. Or it may have
been a politic deference to new Eu-
ropean neighbors. In any case, I am
inclined to believe that it was, from the
Turkish point of view, a mistake. For
the Turk has never been able to com-
plete his conquest. On the contrary,
by recognizing the religious independ-
ence of his subjects, he gave them wea-
pons to win their political independ-
ence. And beset by enemies, within
and without, he has never had time to
learn the lessons of peace. More than
that, he has never been made to feel
their need. He walked into a ready-
made empire. He consequently pro-
ceeded to enjoy a ready-made great-
ness. It happened that the strategic
position of the empire maintained the
illusion. He has rarely had to stand or
fall by the consequences of his own
acts. For the past hundred years the
greatness of the Turkish Empire has
been more than ever a fiction, main-
tained solely by the jealousies of covet-
ous neighbors. If England, if France,
CONSTANTINOPLE IN WAR-TIME
451
if Germany, were to be left to-morrow
without a bayonet or a battleship, they
would still be great powers, by the
greatness of their economic, their in-
tellectual, their artistic life. But Tur-
key has no other greatness than can be
measured by bayonets and kilometres.
The Turk has played the role of a great
power without the ability to govern
one village. Forever protected against
the consequences of his own folly, how
should he learn to govern a village? He
has not stood on his own feet. But
now, stripped of his most distant and
most disparate provinces, enlightened
by humiliation as to the real quality of
his greatness, he may, perhaps, if it is
not too late, begin at last to live and
learn.
IV
After the hordes of Asia that went so
proudly away, it was a very different
horde that began very soon to trickle
back. No bands accompanied them
this time, and if any of them had violins
or shepherds' pipes they lost them in
the fields of Thrace. It was pitiful to
see how silently, how almost secretly,
those broken men came back. One
would occasionally meet companies of
them on the bridge or in the vicinity of
a barracks, in their gray ulsters and
pointed gray hoods, shuffling along so
muddy, so ragged, so shoeless, so
gaunt and bowed, that it was impos-
sible to believe they were the same
men. Most of them, however, came in
the night. Two or three pictures are
stamped in my memory as character-
istic of those melancholy times. The
first I happened to see when I moved
into town for the winter, a few days
after Kirk Kilisse. When I landed at
dusk from'a Bosphorus steamer, with
more luggage than would be conven-
ient to carry, I found to my relief that
the vicinity of the wharf was crowded
with cabs — scores of them. But not
one would take a fare. They had all
been commandeered for ambulance-
service. Near the first ones stood a
group of women, Turkish and Christ-
ian, silently waiting. Some of them
were crying. Another time, coming
home late from a dinner party, I passed
a barracks which had been turned into
a hospital. At the entrance stood a
quantity of cabs, all full of hooded fig-
ures that were strangely silent and
strangely lax in their attitudes. No
such thing as a stretcher was visible.
Up the long flight of stone steps two
soldiers were helping a third. His arms
were on their shoulders and each of
them had an arm about him. One foot
he could not use. In the flare of a gas-
jet at the top of the steps a sentry stood
in his big gray coat, watching. The
three slowly made their way to him
and disappeared within the doorway.
After Lule Burgas there was scarce-
ly a barracks, or a guard-house, or a
mosque, or a school, or a club, or an
empty house, that was not turned into
an impromptu hospital.
In the face of so great an emergency,
every one, Mohammedan or Christian,
native or foreigner, took some part in
relief work. A number of Turkish la-
dies of high rank and the wives of the
ambassadors had already organized
sewing-circles. Madame Bompard, I
believe, the French ambassadress, was
the first to call the ladies of her colony
together to work for the wounded.
Mrs. Rockhill gave up her passage for
America in order to lend her services.
Although our embassy is much smaller
than the others, a room was found for
a workshop, a sailor from the dispatch
boat Scorpion cut out, after models
furnished by the Turkish hospitals,
and the Singer Company lent sewing-
machines to any, indeed, who wanted
them for this humanitarian use. Amer-
ica had a further share in these opera-
tions in that the coarse cotton used in
452
CONSTANTINOPLE IN WAR-TIME
most of the work is known in this part
of the world as American cloth. And
shall I add that the wives of the Brit-
ish ambassador and of the Belgian
and Swedish ministers are Americans?
Lady Lowther organized activities of
another but no less useful kind, to pro-
vide for the families of poor soldiers
and for the refugees. In the German
embassy a full-fledged hospital was in-
stalled by order of the Emperor. At
the same time courses in bandaging and
nursing were opened in various Turk-
ish and European hospitals. And Red
Cross missions came from abroad in
such numbers that after the first rush
of wounded was over it became a ques-
tion to know what to do with the Red
Cross.
There is also a Turkish humane so-
ciety, which is really the same as the
Red Cross, but which the Turks, more
umbrageous than the Japanese with re-
gard to the Christian symbol, call the
Red Crescent. Foreign doctors and
orderlies wore the Turkish device on
their caps or sleeves, and at first a
small red crescent was embroidered, by
request, on every one of the thousands
of pieces of hospital linen contributed
by foreigners. It is a pity that a work
so purely humanitarian should in so
unimportant a detail as a name arouse
the latent hostility between two reli-
gious systems. Is it too late to suggest
that some badge be devised which will
be equally acceptable to all the races
and religions of the world? To this
wholly unnecessary cause must be at-
tributed much of the friction that took
place between the two organizations.
But I think it was only in irresponsible
quarters that the Red Cross symbol
was misunderstood. At a dinner given
by the Prefect of Constantinople, in
honor of the visiting missions, it was an
interesting thing, for Turkey, to see the
hall decorated with alternate crescents
and crosses.
This relief work marked a date in
Turkish feminism, in that Turkish wo-
men, for the first time, acted as nurses
in hospitals. They covered their hair,
as our own Scripture recommends that
a woman should do, but they went un-
veiled. Women also served in humbler
capacities, and something like organ-
ized work was done by them in the way
of preparing supplies for the sick. A
lady who attended nursing lectures at
a hospital in Stamboul told me that her
companions, many of whom were of
the lower classes, went to the hospital
as they would to the public bath, with
food for the day tied up in a painted
handkerchief. There they squatted on
the floor and smoked as they sewed, re-
senting it a little when a German nurse
in charge suggested more stitches and
fewer cigarettes.
The barracks and guard-houses al-
lotted to some of the missions were
augean stables which required hercu-
lean efforts to clean them out. It was
the more curiously characteristic be-
cause even the lower-class Turk is al-
ways cleanly. His ritual ablutions make
him more agreeable at close quarters
than Europeans of the same degree. I
have one infallible way of picking out
Christian from Turkish soldiers — by
their nails. The Turk's are sure to be
clean. And in his house he has certain
delicacies undreamed of by us. He will
not wear his street shoes indoors. He
will not eat without washing his hands
before and after the meal. He considers
it unclean, as after all it is, to wash his
hands or his body in standing water.
Yet vermin he regards as a necessary
evil, while corporate cleanliness, like
anything else requiring organization
and perseverance, seems to be entirely
beyond him.
Of the Turk, as patient, I heard no-
thing but praise. I take the more plea-
sure in saying it because I have hinted
that, in other capacities, the Turk does
CONSTANTINOPLE IN WAR-TIME
453
not always strike a foreign critic as
perfect. I had it again and again, from
one source after another, that the sol-
diers made perfect patients, docile and
uncomplaining, in many ways like
great children, but touchingly grateful
for what was done for them. It has be-
come quite a habit for one of them who
can write to send a letter to the Turkish
papers in the name of his ward, express-
ing thanks to the doctors and nurses. It
must be a new and strange thing for
most of the men to have women not of
their families caring for them. They
take a natural interest in their nurses,
expressing a particular curiosity with
regard to their 6tat civil, and wishing
them young, rich, and handsome hus-
bands when they do not happen to be
already provided with such. But I
have heard of no case of rudeness that
could not be explained by the patient's
condition. On the contrary, an Eng-
lish nurse told me that she found an
innate dignity and fineness about the
men which she would never expect
from the same class of patients in her
own country.
I am not very fond of going to stare
at sick people, but I happened for one
reason or another to visit several hos-
pitals, and I brought away my own very
distinct, if very hasty, impressions. I
remember most vividly a hospital in-
s.talled in a building which, in times of
peace, is an art school. Opposite the
door of one ward, by an irony of which
the soldiers in the beds could hardly be
aware, stood a Winged Victory of Sam-
othrace. Samothrace itself had a few
days before been taken by the Greeks.
The Victory was veiled, partly, I sup-
pose, to keep her clean, and partly out
of deference to Mohammedan suscepti-
bilities ; but there she stood, muffled and
mutilated, above the beds of thirty or
forty broken men of Asia. I shall always
remember the look in their eyes, mute
and humble and grateful and uncom-
prehending, as we passed from bed to
bed giving them sweets and cigarettes.
The heads that showed above the thick
colored quilts were covered with white
skull-caps, for an Oriental cannot live
without something on his head. It is a
point both of etiquette and of religion.
Those who were further on the way
to recovery prowled mildly about in
baggy white pajamas and quilted coats
of more color than length. They had
an admirable indifference as to who
saw them. A great many had a left
hand tied up in a sling — a hand, I
suppose, which some Bulgarian had
seen sticking, with a gun-barrel, out of
a trench in Thrace. Some limped pain-
fully or went on crutches. But it was
not often because of a bullet. There
have been a vast number of cases of
gangrene, simply from ill-fitting shoes
or from putties too tightly bound,
which hands were too weak or too
numb to undo. There have been fewer
resulting amputations than would be
the case in other countries. Not a few
of the soldiers refused to have their
legs cut off. Life would be of no further
use to them, they said. I heard of one
who would not go maimed into the pre-
sence of Allah. He preferred to die.
And he did, without a word, without a
groan, waiting silently till the poison
reached his heart.
A European nurse told me that in
all her long experience she had never
seen men die like these ignorant Turkish
peasants — so simply, so bravely, so
quietly. They really believe, I suppose.
In any case, they are of Islam, resigned
to the will of God. After death they
must lie in a place with no door or
window open, for as short a time as
possible. A priest performs for them
the last ritual ablution, and then they
are hurried silently away to a shallow
grave.
BOOK-PUBLISHING AND ITS PRESENT TENDENCIES
BY GEORGE P. BRETT
NOT very long ago a bookseller,
whose name is known in this country, I
think, wherever books are sold, told
me that he was very much surprised
at the lack of growth in volume of
the trade in books. His remark was
apropos of the number of novels sold,
his statement being that, while the
number of new novels published in any
year was constantly increasing, by
leaps and bounds, the total number of
such novels sold, as far as his experi-
ence was concerned, was no greater
than when the number of separate
novels issued was less; the combined
sale of the thousand or so new novels
published in a recent year being very
little greater than the combined sale of
the much smaller number of novels is-
sued ten or a dozen years ago.
This fact, if it is one, and statements
of similar purport from other book-
sellers throughout the country, from
time to time, have tended to confirm
the opinion of my informant, would
seem to show that the book-reading
public is a more or less constant one
in point of numbers; and perhaps,
also, it would show that this public,
even for works of fiction, does not
grow in proportion to the general
growth of the population, and espe-
cially that its growth is not nearly com-
mensurate with the growth of the pop-
ulation in education and wealth, with
the accompanying increase in leisure
and general culture.
What was said in regard to the sale
of works of fiction is, I am afraid, even
more true of the sale of serious books,
454
such as volumes of essays, the lighter
works of travel, and new volumes of po-
etry, and the like; works which are gen-
erally referred to as volumes of general
literature, the sale of which, so far as
information generally received from the
booksellers is to be relied upon, seems
actually to have decreased in recent
years rather than to have enjoyed that
increased sale which would have been
so natural in view of the continued
wide prosperity throughout the coun-
try. And this becomes the more sur-
prising when the much larger number
of books of general literature issued by
the publishers in recent years is con-
sidered.
The number of books published in
the United States has, in fact, increased
very greatly in the last ten years or so.
In the year 1901, which was an active
one in the publishing world, about
eight thousand volumes were produced,
whereas in 1910 the much greater num-
ber of thirteen thousand new publi-
cations was issued, and the prospects
for the current year indicate an even
larger number of new volumes. The
increase in number of books published
is more or less uniform in all depart-
ments of literature, but it is especially
notable, as might have been expected,
in view of the present unrest and the
discontent in existing conditions, that
a very great increase has occurred in
the number of books issued in the last
few years on socialism and its allied
subjects, while the growth of the spirit
of humanitarianism in the country may
be traced in the considerable number
BOOK-PUBLISHING AND ITS PRESENT TENDENCIES 455
of new books which are being issued,
devoted to social betterment and phil-
anthropic studies and kindred topics.
These two classes of books are
among the most interesting signs of the
times, the books on socialistic subjects
showing how widely the criticism of
our existing system has entered into
the thought of our times, and how
many persons must be devoting their
efforts to attempts at the solution of
the problems of the present unrest.
And, on the other hand, the growth in
the number and importance of vol-
umes issued in what may be called
works of social betterment, show con-
clusively the growth of the spirit of
social service, looking toward the bet-
terment of conditions for all classes of
the community.
Some cynic has suggested that 'The
printed part, tho' far too large, is less
than that which yet unprinted waits
the press.' As a matter of fact, the
number of books that appear in print
is usually only about two per cent of
the total number of manuscripts sub-
mitted to the publishers for examina-
tion, so that the large total in the num-
ber of volumes issued indicates very
clearly a larger number of persons who
are interested and occupied in the
writing of books. If the above rule
holds good, it is possible by consider-
ing the number of books published in
any subject, or group of subjects, to get
some general idea of the total num-
ber of manuscripts submitted on the
subject, and its consequent growth or
decline in public esteem.
If we turn to the reason for the fail-
ure to secure, for the much larger num-
ber of volumes annually published, that
increase in sale which would seem only
natural under the circumstances, and
without which both authors and pub-
lishers must fail to receive the reward
of their labors, it is to be found, I
think, in the problems of distribution
as applied to books; the distribution
problem being the greatest of all pro-
blems of modern times, and the one
which is engaging the attention of all
who have to do with the supplying of
the needs of the community, whether
of staple articles or of those wanted
merely for the public's amusement and
gratification.
Publishers of books of general litera-
ture (miscellaneous publishers, as these
houses are termed in the trade) have
shown in recent years a tendency to
enlarge the scope of their operations so
as to include the publication of maga-
zines, of books on medical or legal
subjects, and especially of school and
college text-books, all of which are
branches of the publishing business
heretofore largely monopolized by pub-
lishers dealing solely with works of one
of these classes. This tendency is be-
coming constantly more marked, so
that we hear of one publisher who, up
to a few years ago, had issued books of
general literature only, who now has an
estimated business of more than a mil-
lion dollars a year in elementary school
books. Another has recently supplied
some millions of Readers to the grade
schools; and a third has developed so
large a * subscription ' trade in connec-
tion with the sale of his magazines, that
this department of his business alone
has far surpassed his general publish-
ing in importance and in the amount
of business transacted. In fact, among
the larger publishers of the country,
that is, those who carry on the business
of book-publishing in its original mean-
ing, and as it is still understood by the
general public, there now remain only a
few who confine their publications to
books in general literature, which are
offered for sale solely through the
booksellers.
The reasons for this change in the
methods and policies of the large pub-
lishers of the day are many, and perhaps
456 BOOK-PUBLISHING AND ITS PRESENT TENDENCIES
no two observers would agree as to the
causes which have brought it about.
Those who hold it to be a natural evo-
lution showing the tendency of all busi-
ness to develop in bigness until the pro-
portions of a ' trust ' are reached, may
defend it on the same grounds on which
they justify the enormous growth, in
recent years, of general stores where
every known want of the average buyer
may be satisfied. The minority may
still deplore the passing of the pub-
lisher with a small list of the higher
classes of works in general literature
and better titles, just as the individual
purchaser of articles of general mer-
chandise misses the special merchant,
dealing in a single class of wares, whose
existence has been made precarious by
the competition of the mddern dry-
goods emporium, where anything from
a needle to an elephant may be pur-
chased.
The publication of books of general
literature is by far the most interesting
part of the publishing business, and the
fact that our miscellaneous publishers
are taking up other branches of the
work can only mean that the publica-
tion of works in general literature has
become the less profitable branch of
the business. The discovery, among
the manuscripts submitted to the pub-
lisher, of a new work of value and
importance, and the finding of pro-
mise in the work of a new author, are
among the keenest of all pleasures; and
after many years of experience I can
still say that it is the sort of pleasure
that never fails to produce its thrill
of satisfaction; and the zest continues
without diminution, so that the search
is just as keen and as anxious after
many years as when the first manu-
script submitted to me came into my
hands.
Publishers, because of their having
added the more profitable branches of
publishing above referred to, to their
publishing of books of general litera-
ture, need not necessarily be accused of
merely mercenary motives if, by taking
this step, they enable themselves to
continue the publication of books of
poetry or art, which, as I have shown,
bring to them greatly both pleasure
and satisfaction, and the knowledge
that the influence of such books is of
benefit to the community, even if little
comes in the way of monetary returns
from such ventures. The profits from
the sale of school-books or magazines
could not be better employed than in
* mothering* the publication of works
of real and lasting value in general lit-
erature.
The indifference of the public to the
new books of the day (not fiction) is
commonly blamed for the changes in
publishing methods. The assertion is
not seldom heard that the audience, as
evidenced by the sales of such books,
is smaller than it was twenty years or
more ago. But this indifference of the
public may be more apparent than
real. Certainly it is idle to blame the
public while ignoring the principal
factors which have brought about the
present situation. The publisher and
the bookseller alike must confess that
the lack of sales of works of literature
is primarily due to the inadequacy of
present methods of distribution. Prac-
tically the sole means for the bringing
of such works to the attention of the
public is still the booksellers' shops,
with shelves and tables already over-
crowded by the enormous output of
the day's fiction.
The outpouring of novels is so great
that a recent authority states that the
life of a 'best-seller' novel is now lit-
tle longer than a month, as compared
with a period of popularity extending
over several years, when the vogue of
the ' best-seller ' first became a feature
in book-publishing. Moreover, the
bookseller's shop, unfortunately for the
BOOK-PUBLISHING AND ITS PRESENT TENDENCIES 457
publisher and for the author of such
books as those to which I am referring,
has never been a resort for the general
public; and, if I am not mistaken, the
number of books in general literature
(not fiction) sold by the booksellers,
does not increase year by year. Cer-
tainly the number of all books sold by
the booksellers does not increase in pro-
portion to the increase in the growth of
population and the much greater in-
crease in the education, culture, and
buying power of the people.
No publisher has yet been clever
enough to solve the great modern pro-
blem of distribution of his books. It
was Dr. Edward Everett Hale, if I mis-
take not, who pointed out some years
ago that no book of general literature
had ever been adequately distributed
or published (in the literal sense), and
the difficulties of distribution, and es-
pecially the costs of distribution, have
greatly increased since then. To have
published a worthy and distinguished
book is, as I have already pointed out,
a matter of high satisfaction to a
publisher of the right sort, critics of
publishers and publishing methods to
the contrary notwithstanding; yet, to
know, or to feel morally certain, that
thousands of his fellow citizens would
value the work as greatly as the pub-
lisher himself appreciates it, must be
a matter for despair if no effective or
practical means exists for bringing it to
their attention.
Some years ago the publisher's task
was a happier and easier one, for then
there were, in considerable numbers,
among the general public, book-lovers
whose chief delight consisted in the
discovery of the new author and the
new book of merit. The discoverer
would tell all his friends of his 'find/ to
the great advantage of the publisher
and author. Many a dinner-table in
those days was made pleasant by such
bookish talk. It is, alas, very rare to-
day. The late Goldwin Smith, the last
time the writer saw him in New York,
remarked that he had not heard a book
mentioned at a dinner-table for several
years.
The publishers themselves are large-
ly to blame for the disappearance of
the book-taster, as a class, by having
adopted for their wares the slogan of
modern 'efficient' business: 'Take the
goods to the customer' — a method
which results in my receiving twenty or
so circular letters a day, which go into
the waste-paper basket unread, and has
so filled our blanket newspapers with
advertisements that my eyes have be-
come trained until I think I can say
that I never see the advertisements in
my morning newspaper. Perhaps this
is a peculiarity of mine, but I suspect
it is becoming general with the public.
At least on one occasion lately, an au-
thor complained to me that his book
was never advertised. In reply I point-
ed out to him an advertisement of the
book in question in the newspaper in
his hand, which he confessed to have
been reading on his way to my office.
The publisher who discovers or in-
vents a new method which shall be
both practical and effective for the dis-
tribution of books of general literature,
will confer a boon upon the author,
whose book will then be sold to all
possible purchasers; upon the pub-
lic, many individuals of which would
gladly buy some books, now on the
publishers' shelves, of which, under
the present methods, they will never
learn ; and especially upon the publish-
ers themselves, whose profits increase
greatly as increasing numbers of copies
of a work are sold, and whose lack of
profits on publications of these classes
is due almost entirely to their failure to
find practical methods for the distribu-
tion of such books.
Complaint is frequently made of the
prices at which publishers sell their
458 BOOK-PUBLISHING AND ITS PRESENT TENDENCIES
books, and the lack of sale is often laid
to this fact of the alleged excessive
selling-price. Publishers themselves are
the first to recognize the theoretical
justice of these complaints. The book
of 350 12mo pages, after the plates are
paid for by the sale of the first edition,
costs the publisher, for manufacture
and author's royalty, usually less than
fifty cents. The price to the public is
a dollar and a half or thereabouts. The
publisher's difficulty in reducing the
price at retail lies in the fact that the
majority of such books published un-
der present methods do not sell beyond
the first editions, the costs of which in-
clude a large initial outlay for the print-
ing plates. If modern * efficient' busi-
ness methods are used for the purpose
of * bringing the goods to the customer,'
the situation is not improved, for then
the profits even of the second and sub-
sequent editions may be inadequate for
systematic and sustained advertising
of commodities, such as books, which
are still, in these days of cheap maga-
zines and Sunday supplements, caviare
to the majority of the public. A high-
class automobile which sells to the pub-
lic at five thousand dollars, costs, I am
credibly informed, less than a thou-
sand dollars to manufacture. A quart
of milk costs three cents or thereabouts
on the farm; the customer pays ten
cents for it. In each of these cases the
methods of distribution are as inade-
quate, or nearly so, as are the methods
of distribution of books, and the costs
of distribution are an even greater per-
centage of the price the public pays
than is the case with books.
This question of distribution is one
which I think is of fully as great im-
portance to the public as to either the
publisher or the author. It has 'been
well said that * among the most satisfy-
ing of all pleasures is the pleasure of
reading'; and as Henry Ward Beecher
said, 'Books are the windows through
which the soul looks out. A library is
not a luxury, but one of the necessaries
of life. A little library, growing larger
each year, is an honorable part of a
man's history. It is a man's duty to
have books.' The public may, more-
over, well take a greater interest in the
sale of books because of their educa-
tional value, which is of great impor-
tance to a nation growing with such
rapidity as our own, and made up of so
great a proportion of foreign peoples,
unfamiliar with our ideas of liberty
and order. In such a country as our
own, the dissemination of knowledge
and information regarding good books
may well be regarded as educational
work of the highest value and im-
portance.
Especially is the distribution of good
books important to a nation approach-
ing the limit of its free land, foreseeing
a time when its material resources will
no longer be considered inexhaustible,
and with a constantly growing discon-
tent and criticism of existing condi-
tions, an unrest only too likely to lead
to social and political experiments of
doubtful value. The American people,
in this time of rapid change, needs no-
thing else so much as the calm judg-
ment that comes from a knowledge of
the best literature, so that I make no
excuse for asking the public to take a
hand and give the publishers their aid
in solving the problem of efficient book-
distribution, a problem which has so
far seemed too difficult for the pub-
lishers and booksellers themselves to
solve.
But if this question of the better dis-
tribution of books in general literature
is important to the public, and of great
concern to the publisher, to the author
it is vital. The publishers are able to
turn their energies, as we have seen,
to the publication of other classes of
books or of magazines, and the public,
in large part, has hitherto displayed an
BOOK-PUBLISHING AND ITS PRESENT TENDENCIES 459
indifference in regard to the matter
which may not disappear until the
American people shall find itself with-
out a literature representing the cur-
rent life and thought of the people.
But the author is more intimately af-
fected, because, under the present con-
ditions, many books of high quality
either fail of publication entirely, or re-
turn very little or nothing to their crea-
tors. Indeed, the author's royalties
from the sales of books of this class,
which often represent months or years
of painstaking effort, are sometimes so
small as barely to pay the actual cost
of the paper and typewriting of the
manuscript which is submitted to the
publisher for approval.
The way out of the difficulties in
which the publishers of works in gen-
eral literature find themselves, lies, I
feel sure, in the direction of issuing
such works at lower prices. In both
France and Germany new books are
sold for much less than with us, and
while in Great Britain new books are
as dear as they are here, many more
books are successfully published in
cheap editions than is the case here.
Such experiments, however, as have
as yet been made in publishing new
books (apart from fiction) in this coun-
try at low prices, have not been suc-
cessful, because, in my judgment, the
present methods of distribution, in-
adequate at best, are particularly ill-
adapted to render efficient service on
the more economical basis demanded
by the lower prices. That a very large
public exists, however, which will pur-
chase new books, well printed and
bound, and at low prices, I have no
doubt. Many of the books which ap-
pear every year, and have now but a
small sale, are well calculated to give
pleasure and delight to thousands if
offered at a moderate price, and if a
means of distribution for them could
be found at a moderate cost.
If, then, means can be found by
which books will attain the wide sale
which so many of them thoroughly de-
serve, the author, instead of doing his
work merely for the satisfaction which
it gives him to publish his thoughts
and ideas, — in itself a not inconsid-
erable reward it is true, — may also ob-
tain some pecuniary reward in return
for his labors. Even here it cannot
be gainsaid that the laborer is worthy
of his hire. But given the possibility
of a successful trial of the experi-
ment, the author, if he is to reap the
increased harvest, must be far-sighted
enough to recognize that one of the
necessary conditions is a reduction of
the present nominally heavy rates of
royalty. The successful experiments in
the publishing of cheap editions of
books abroad are usually with those
books which are either out of copy-
right, and consequently pay no royal-
ties to authors, or for which a very low
rate of royalty can be arranged. From
the author's point of view, it will pro-
bably be better for him to reduce the
rate of percentage of his royalties —
under which he now gets, as I have
shown, little or nothing — to a rate
which perhaps is much less nominally,
but which, with a much larger sale of
his books at low prices, would produce
an income far greater than he enjoys
at present.
This question of the percentage of
the author's royalties is certainly one
of the greatest of the factors militating
against the production of books at low
prices to the public. At present the
author's royalties on books, as most
people know, range from ten per cent
to twenty per cent of their retail price,
which is equivalent to from twenty to
thirty-three per cent of the price re-
ceived by the publisher from the retail
bookseller. These royalties thus form
no small part of the prime cost of the
book; in fact, they usually represent
460 BOOK-PUBLISHING AND ITS PRESENT TENDENCIES
the greater part of the total net profits
obtained from the publication of any
work in general literature. Indeed,
popular belief among authors to the
contrary notwithstanding, the author's
share of the profits is usually about
twice as large as that of the publisher,
while, in the case of novels, the royalty
often absorbs the entire profit ob-
tained from the publication of a pop-
ular work written by a well-known
author, and consequently commanding
the highest rate of royalty.
Authors generally look with suspi-
cion upon any request on the part of
the publisher for a lower rate of royalty
for the publication of cheap editions,
and I have known perfectly reasonable
requests of the kind to be absolutely
refused, with the result that the public
has been deprived of cheap editions of
books which it would purchase in con-
siderable quantities, merely because of
the author's failure to understand the
plain logic of the situation. It would
seem sufficiently evident that, the cur-
rent rate of royalty being based on a
relatively high price, if a book is of-
fered at a low price, the rate of royalty
to the author must be reduced also.
Yet I have in mind at the moment a
work for which a very considerable de-
mand exists in a cheap edition, and for
which in the high-priced. edition there
is practically no sale, but which cannot
be published in the cheap edition that
the public demands because of the re-
fusal of the author to reduce the roy-
alty below the original rate of twenty
per cent, as provided in the agreement
for the publication of the expensive
edition of the work.
In this connection it seems worth
while to offer a protest against the un-
founded criticism of publishers and
publishing methods which has been so
rife in recent years, and which has its
origin almost entirely in the failure to
obtain adequate sales for books of the
classes we have been considering, as a
result of the want of confidence on the
part of the authors in the good faith or
business judgment of publishers, so
that authors very often approach the
question of arranging with publishers
for the publication of their books in an
attitude of suspicion, or, at any rate,
failing to grasp the actual facts of the
situation.
A publisher of high standing, doing
a large business through a long period
of time, undoubtedly has built up a
machinery and acquired a reputation
which are of the greatest possible value
to the work of any author, and are al-
most indispensable for a new author
seeking for the first time the presenta-
tion of his book to the public. More-
over, in intrusting to a publisher the
publication of a book, the author really
should exercise more discrimination
than in the selection of a banker to take
care of his funds, for the depositor in a
bank knows as well as the banker him-
self the precise amount he is intrusting
to the care of another, while the author
intrusts to the publisher the unknown
earning capacity of his books, and the
author must consequently rely entirely
upon the publisher's good faith and
honesty to see that the sums due him
are properly and faithfully paid over.
Yet, notwithstanding these facts, it is
not an uncommon experience with
nearly all of the older publishers to have
authors endeavor to drive hard bar-
gains with them for the publication of
their works, on the plea that some un-
known, new, and possibly impecunious
publisher has offered a rate of royalty
on the publication of a work which,
from the established publisher's point
of view, is impossible of payment with
pecuniary profit to himself. With some
authors, to paraphrase Byron's words,
it would almost seem as if * Death to
the publisher to them is sport.'
I remember in this connection being
BOOK-PUBLISHING AND ITS PRESENT TENDENCIES 461
offered, a number of years ago, a work,
and having just such a proposition
from another publisher quoted to me.
Needless to say, I felt obliged to refuse
to meet this unwise competition even
although I knew that the publisher who
was quoted as having made the rate
could not possibly fulfill his obliga-
tions under such an agreement. The
book was one which I much desired to
publish, and the sequel to the story is
that I finally bought it at the sale of the
publisher's effects when he went into
bankruptcy some months afterwards.
Possibly we may find some help in
the solution of the publisher's present
difficulties of distribution in a very in-
teresting experiment which is being
tried by a firm of booksellers in Great
Britain, where they evidently also have
difficulties of distribution to confront,
although, because of the better book-
selling facilities, not to anything like
the same extent as in this country.
These booksellers have made, or at-
tempted to make, a card catalogue of
the book-reading population, classify-
ing the book-buying public according
to the subjects in which the individuals
comprising this public are interested;
and whenever a work comes into their
book-shop which is likely to interest
persons in this classified list, they are
communicated with by postcard, giv-
ing a description of the book and au-
thor. Thousands of such cards are
mailed daily. Unfortunately, such an
experiment would be almost impossi-
ble of trial in this country with its
many large cities scattered over a much
greater expanse of territory, all of
which are centres of interest and influ-
ence to their surrounding populations,
and are, in addition, much more shifting
and unstable than similar communities
in the Old World.
Some aid might be asked of the
postal authorities, which now discrim-
inate against books, and hinder their
distribution, by charging eight cents a
pound postage on books, while carrying
magazines through the mails at the
rate of one cent a pound. All arguments
in favor of the low rate on magazines
are equally applicable to the transport-
ation of books at similar schedules;
and in particular, the educational value
of books is much higher, if for no other
reason than because the reading of
books inculcates the habit of continued
thought and application of the mind,
both qualities which we are in some
danger of losing entirely through a too
constant perusal of scrappy and highly
flavored periodical literature.
Yet after all is said, the real solution
of the problem lies with the reading
public itself. Good books will be pub-
lished only if the public calls for and
demands them, and their prices will
depend upon the extent to which the
public seeks them out and assists in
their distribution, for in this way only
can the cost of making them known to
their readers be lowered.
Current fiction has been purposely
excluded in the survey of present condi-
tions in the publishing of works in gen-
eral literature, because the writer feels
that not only the publication, but the
author's part as well, of the new novel
of the day has become highly commer-
cialized. It is said that many of our
journals are edited strictly with a view
to increasing the receipts from the
advertising pages, with what truth I
do not know; but it is certain that much
of the current fiction is written with a
view to supplying just the sort of thrills
the public demands. Indeed, I am told
that the author of a long series of * best-
sellers,' immediately after a new work
of his appears, sits in solemn conclave
with his publishers and their editors
and advisers, wherein the subject and
scenes of his next effort are outlined
and voted on, with a keen regard to the
supposed dreams and desires of the
462
WHY IT WAS W-ON-THE-EYES
rising generation of readers. Novels of
merit and value, representing honest
work and the real convictions of their
authors, still from time to time make
their appearance, but it is seldom in-
deed that one of these finds its way into
the ranks of the * six best-sellers.' Their
appeal is to that part of the public
which still discriminates in its reading,
a smaller percentage of the whole, I
fear, at present, than in any recent pe-
riod of our history. One is reminded of
the remark of one of our best critics,
himself an author of many books well
known to lovers of the best literature:
* I should consider myself disgraced if I
had written a book which in these days
had sold one hundred thousand copies.'
WHY IT WAS W-ON-THE-EYES
BY MARGARET PRESCOTT MONTAGUE
'I WONDER why the children's sign
for little old Webster should be W-
on-the-eyes,' Miss Evans speculated.
'There's nothing peculiar about his
eyes, except perhaps that they're the
brightest pair in school.'
Miss Evans was the new oral teacher
in theLomax Schools for deaf and blind
children, and she was speaking about
Charlie Webster, one of the small deaf
mutes in her class.
That was his sign, W, made in the
manual alphabet, with the hand placed
against the eyes. Everybody in the
deaf department at Lomax had his or
her special sign, thus saving the time
and trouble of spelling out the whole
name on the fingers.
Clarence Chester, the big deaf boy
who had finished school, but still
stayed on working in the shoe-shop,
was the one who made up the signs for
the new pupils and teachers. He was
rather proud of his talents in this direc-
tion, and took the pains of an artist
over every sign. They were usually
composed of the initial letter of the per-
son's last name placed somewhere on
the body, to indicate either some phy-
sical peculiarity, or else the position
held by that person in the school. Mr.
Lincoln, for instance, who was the su-
perintendent, had L-on-the-forehead,to
show that he was the head of the whole
school, and no one else, of course, could
have L as high up as that — not even
Mrs. Lincoln. She had to be contented
with L-on-the-cheek. So, in the same
way, Miss Thompson, who was the
trained nurse, had T-on-the-wrist, be-
cause it was her business to feel the
children's pulses.
When Miss Stedman, the new mat-
ron for the deaf boys, came, she
should have had S-on-the-chest, as
Clarence made a habit of placing all
the matrons' initials on their chests;
but unfortunately, S in the manual
alphabet is made by doubling up the
fist, and Clarence explained to her
that if a boy hits himself on the chest
with his fist he is sure to hit that mid-
dle button of his shirt, and make a
bruise. He had to make this rather
complicated explanation in writing be-
cause Miss Stedman was new to the
WHY IT WAS W-ON-THE-EYES
468
sign-language and finger-spelling, and
he had received his education at Lom-
ax before articulation was taken up
there, and was therefore, of course, a
mute. So, on account of the button,
S-on-the-chest had to be abandoned.
But Clarence looked at Miss Stedman,
and, for all that they called her a ma-
tron, she was very young and small,
and had delicately rosy cheeks, so he
smiled a little, and then made the letter
S and the sign for pretty. And Miss
Stedman went away quite satisfied,
and showed every one her sign, being
innocently unaware that every time she
did so she was saying that she was pret-
ty. When her education in the sign-
language had progressed sufficiently
for her to discover the real meaning of
her sign she was overcome with con-
fusion, and begged Clarence to change
it. But he said he never — (never!
NEVER! made vehemently with his
hand) — changed a sign after it was once
given; besides, by that time all Miss
Stedman's little deaf boys had got hold
of it and no power on earth could have
detached it from their fingers.
But, to go back to Charlie Webster,
as Miss Evans remarked, there was
nothing peculiar about his eyes, and
therefore why his sign should be W-on-
the-eyes, caused some small curiosity,
but not enough to make any of the
teachers or matrons take the trouble
to look into the matter. Among them-
selves, of course, they did not speak
of him as W-on-the-eyes : they called
him Webster, or Charlie Webster, or
most of all, perhaps, 'little old Web-
ster,' because he was only nine, and
everybody on the place adored him.
They may have adored him for that
enchanting smile of his, a smile which
curved his ridiculously eager little
mouth, flooded from his dancing eyes,
and generally radiated from the whole
expressive little face of him. Or, per-
haps, it was because he was so affec-
tionate; or again it might have been
because he was so handsome, so alert
and gay, and always, moreover, ap-
peared to be having such a good time.
Whatever came little old Webster's
way seemed always to be the most
exciting and delightful thing that had
ever happened to him, and whether it
was a game to be played, a lesson to be
learned, or a person to be loved, he did
it with all his might, and with all his
heart. Perhaps, after all, the real reason
for the world's adoring him was that
old classical one for the lamb's devo-
tion to Mary, — he loved the world.
Another thing which sorted him out
somewhat from among the other sixty
or seventy deaf boys of the school was
his fondness for the blind children. It
is impossible to imagine any two sets
of persons so absolutely shut off from
one another as blind people and deaf
mutes. It is only through the sense of
feeling that they can meet; and for the
most part at Lomax, sixty blind chil-
dren, and more than a hundred deaf
ones, move about through the same
buildings, eat in the same dining-room,
and, to some extent, play in the same
grounds, with almost no intercourse or
knowledge of one another. They move
upon different planes. The deaf child's
plane is made up of things seen, the
blind child's of things heard. It is only
in things touched that their paths ever
cross, and surely only the economy and
lack of imagination of the past could
have crowded two such alien classes
into one establishment. But little old
Webster had built a bridge of his own
over these almost insurmountable bar-
riers, and through the medium of touch
had carried his adventures in friend-
ship even into the country of the blind.
Some of the blind boys knew the
manual alphabet and could talk to him
on their fingers, and by feeling of his
hands could understand what he said
to them; but with most he had to be
464
WHY IT WAS W-ON-THE-EYES
satisfied with merely putting his arm
about their shoulders and grunting a
soft little inarticulate 'Ough, ough!'
which was no word at all, of course,
merely an engaging little expression of
his friendship and general good feeling.
The blind children recognized him by
these little grunts, and accepted things
from him which they would never have
tolerated from any of the other ' dum-
mies,* as they called the deaf mutes.
Webster was their passionate cham-
pion on all occasions. Once, when a
deaf boy threw a stone which by acci-
dent hit one of the blind boys on the
forehead, inflicting a bad cut, Webster
flew into a wild fury of rage, and at-
tacked the deaf boy with all the pas-
sion of his nine years. Afterwards, he
tore up to the hospital where his blind
friend was having the cut dressed, and
snuggling his face against him grunted
many soft 'oughs, oughs,' of sympa-
thy. But the little deaf boy he had
thrashed had to come to the hospital
to be tied up as well, for little old Web-
ster was no saint, and once he set out
to fight, he did it, as he did everything
else, with all his heart.
* I declare/ Miss Stedman announced
wearily one evening in the officers'
dining-room, * if Charlie Webster keeps
on I shall just have to report him to
Mr. Lincoln. He's been fighting this
whole blessed afternoon — just one boy
right after another.'
'Oh,' cried Miss Thompson, the
trained nurse, 'then that was the rea-
son there were so many of the little
deaf boys up in the hospital this after-
noon with sprained thumbs, and black
eyes, and so on!'
* Exactly,' Miss Stedman confirmed
her, * that was Webster's doing, — the
little scamp ! It 's because of his shirts.
Whenever his mother sends him a new
shirt, and he puts it on, he has to fight
almost every boy in his dormitory.'
'But why? What's the matter with
his shirts?' Miss Evans, the oral
teacher, demanded.
'Oh, they're the funniest looking
things! I don't see what his mother
can be thinking of. They look as
though they 'd been made up hind-side
before, and the sleeves are never put in
right, and are always too tight for him.
Of course, the other children laugh at
every fresh one, and that just sends
him almost crazy, and he flies at one
boy after another. He knows, himself,
that the shirts are n't right, but he just
will wear them in spite of everything.
I tried once to get him to put on one
from the school supply, and, goodness!
I thought he was going to fight me!'
It was at this time that Miss Evans
asked why Webster's sign was W-on-
the-eyes. Miss Stedman said she
thought Chester must have given him
that because he was so good to the
blind children. That explanation sat-
isfied Miss Evans, but was not, as it
happened, the right one.
Little old Webster came to Lomax
when he was only seven, two years be-
fore they began to teach articulation
and lip-reading to the children there.
His education began therefore with the
manual method, and by the time he
was nine there was hardly a sign that
he did not know, or a word that he
could not spell with his flying fingers.
But he was a little person who craved
many forms of self-expression, and he
often looked very curiously, and very
wistfully, at hearing people when they
talked together with their lips. The
year he was nine, which was the year of
this story, they began the oral instruc-
tion at Lomax, Miss Evans being en-
gaged for this purpose, and being given
by Clarence Chester the sign of E-on-
the-lips, to show that she was the per-
son who taught the children to speak.
She had to face some opposition in get-
ting the new method established. The
older children found it harder than the
WHY IT WAS W-ON-THE-EYES
465
familiar signs, and, for the most part,
shut their minds persistently against
any attempt to make them speak.
Many of the teachers, also, were
opposed to the oral form of instruction.
There was Miss Flyn, for instance. She
had taught deaf children for ten years
with the sign-language, and did not see
any reason for abandoning it now. And,
for all her plumpness, and soft sweet-
ness of face, Miss Eliza Flyn was a
firm lady, once her mind was thorough-
ly made up. Her argument was that
though articulation and lip-reading
might be a wonderful thing for a few
brilliant children, the average deaf child
trained in a state school could never
get much benefit from it. * Lip-read-
ers are born and not made,' she main-
tained stoutly. 'It's as much a gift as
an ear for music, or being able to write
poetry.'
'Any deaf child with the proper
amount of brains, and normal sight,
can be taught to articulate and read
the lips,' Miss Evans returned, with
equal stoutness, for she was ' pure oral,'
and could almost have found it in her
heart to wish that the sign-language
might be wiped off the face of the earth.
There she and Miss Flyn came to a po-
lite deadlock of opinion in the matter.
But whatever others might think,
little old Webster apparently had no
doubts of the advantage of the oral
method. As soon as he found out what
it was all about, he flung himself into
the new study with even more than his
usual zest and enthusiasm. Watching
Miss Evans's lips with a passionate at-
tention, his brown eyes as eager and as
dumb and wistful as a little dog's, he
attempted the sounds over and over,
his unaccustomed lips twisting them-
selves into all sorts of grotesque posi-
tions, in his effort to gain control over
them. He always shook his head sharp-
ly at his failures, fiercely rebuking
himself, and immediately making a
VOL. in -NO. 4
fresh attack upon the word or element,
working persistently until Miss Evans's
nod and smile at length rewarded him,
upon which his whole little face would
light up, and he would heave a weary
but triumphant sigh. His zeal almost
frightened Miss Evans, and while she
constantly spurred all the other child-
ren on to using their lips instead of their
eager little fingers, Webster she tried
to check, fearing that his enthusiasm
might even make him ill.
Early in the school term, when he
had not been in Miss Evans's class
much above a month, little old Web-
ster received a postcard from his fa-
ther saying that his parents expected
to come to Lomax to see him in a week
or so. Webster almost burst with de-
lighted expectancy. He showed the
card to every deaf child who could
read, and interpreted it in signs and
finger-spelling to those who could not;
he permitted his blind friends to feel it
all over with their delicate inquiring
fingers, and gave every teacher and
officer the high privilege of reading, —
DEAR LITTLE CHARLIE : —
Your mother and I expect to come to
Lomax to see you Friday of next week.
Your loving father,
CHARLES WEBSTER,
while he stood by with those dancing
eyes of his, which frequently said more
than speaking people's lips. He carried
the card in triumph to Miss Evans, and
when she had read it he made the sign
for mother, and she nodded and said
that was nice, taking care of course to
speak rather than sign. But his lit-
tle eager face clouded over, and there
appeared on it that shut-in and baffled
expression which it sometimes wore
when he failed to make himself under-
stood. He repeated the sign and put
his hand to his lips pleadingly. Then
she realized what he wanted.
'Why, bless his heart, he wants me
WHY IT WAS W-ON-THE-EYES
to teach him to say mother!' she ex-
claimed delightedly, and sitting down
on the veranda steps, for it was out of
school hours, she then and there set to
work drilling him in the desired word,
saying it repeatedly, and placing his
hand against her throat that he might
feel the vibrations of sound. At last,
watching her lips intently, making re-
peated efforts doomed to failure, shak-
ing his head angrily at himself each
time, and renewing the attempt man-
fully, he did achieve the coveted word.
To be sure it was not very distinctly
said at first, and was broken into two
soft little syllables, thus, 'mo-ther';
but his little face shone with the tri-
umph of it. And then in gratitude he
said, ' Thank you ' very politely to Miss
Evans, having learned those two words
before in his articulation. He said
them in his best voice, carefully plac-
ing one small conscientious finger on
the side of his nose, which gave him a
most comically serious expression, but
was done to be sure that he had suc-
ceeded in putting the proper vibration
into his * Thank you/
'Such foolishness!' Miss Eliza Flyn
snorted, passing along the veranda at
this moment. * What 's the good of one
word? And he'll forget it anyway by
to-morrow!'
But little old Webster held manfully
to that hard-won word which his love
had bought. Every morning when he
entered the class-room he said, Mo-
ther' to Miss Evans with his enchant-
ing smile, so that she began to be afraid
that he had confused the meaning of
the word, and was calling her mother.
On the day, however, that she permit-
ted him to tear the leaf from the school
calendar, — a daily much-desired priv-
ilege, — she was reassured on this
point, for having torn off the proper
date he turned up the other leaves
swiftly until he came to the day on
which his parents were expected, and
putting his finger on the number he
said, 'Mo-ther, mo-ther,' and then in
quaint fashion he pointed to the calen-
dar leaf, and then to himself, and lock-
ing his forefingers together, first in one
direction and then in the other, he
made the little sign for friend, meaning
that he was friends with that day be-
cause it would bring him his mother.
He said the word repeatedly, in
school and out. He even said it in his
sleep. The night before his mother was
to come, when Miss Stedman paid her
regular visit to the dormitory where all
the little deaf boys were asleep, Web-
ster sat suddenly bolt upright in his
bed, his eyes wide-open, but unseeing
with sleep, and cried out, 'Mother!'
* Goodness!' Miss Stedman com-
mented to herself. 'I'll be glad when
his mother does come! He'll go crazy
if he does n't get that word off his
tongue soon.'
The next day, — the great, the mi-
raculous day, — little old Webster was
in a veritable humming-bird quiver of
excitement. He jumped in his seat
each time the door opened, and when,
at length, Miss Flyn actually came to
announce that his father and mother
had really arrived he leaped up with a
face of such transcendent joy, that his
departure left Miss Evans's class-room
almost as dark as if the sun had passed
under a cloud. So much of pure happi-
ness went with him that, with a smile
on her lips, Miss Evans let her fancy
follow him on his triumphant way, and
for fully three minutes, while she pic-
tured the surprise in store for the wait-
ing mother, she permitted her 'pure
oral' class to tell each other over and
over on their fingers that 'E. F.' (Miss
Flyn's sign) had come to take W-on-
the-eyes to see his father and mother,
before she awoke to the fact and stern-
ly recalled their runaway language from
their fingers to their lips.
In the meantime, gripping Miss
WHY IT WAS W-ON-THE-EYES
467
Flyn's hand tight, little old Webster
went on tiptoe down the passageway
leading to the reception-room. Miss
Flyn could feel the vibration of excite-
ment in his fingers as they rested in
hers, and her own sympathetic heart
went a beat or two faster in conse-
quence. But almost at the reception-
room door he dropped her hand sud-
denly and stopped dead, his face gone
a despairing white, and a lost, agonized
look in his eyes. For a moment, he
stared about him in passionate bewil-
derment, then, bursting into a storm of
tears, he turned to run back to Miss
Evans's room. But Miss Flyn caught
him firmly and, forcing him to look at
her, signed, 'What is it?' He made the
sign for mother, and then passed his
open hand despairingly across his fore-
head in the sign for forgotten, and Miss
Flyn realized that through over-excite-
ment or some trick of a tired brain, his
precious word had all at once slipped
from him. He looked up at her, and
old ' signer ' though she was, she could
not resist the appeal of his tragic little
face. Stooping down, she pronounced
the lost word, placing his hand against
her throat. Remembrance rushed into
his eyes, and his face lit like a flame.
* Mo-ther ! Mo-ther ! ' he cried, and put-
ting both hands tight against his
mouth as if to hold the word in place,
he fled down the hall and into the re-
ception-room and flung himself upon a
woman who sat very still, her waiting,
listening face turned toward the door.
* Mo-ther! Mo-ther!' he cried, his
arms tight about her neck.
She gave a sharp, an almost hyster-
ical cry.
'Charlie!' she screamed. 'Is that
Charlie? Is that my deaf baby talking? '
She tore his arms from about her
neck, and held him away from her,
while her eager, trembling fingers went
to his lips and felt them move once
more, framing the wonderful word.
'It is Charlie! It is my little deaf
and dumb baby talking!' she cried.
And then she went into a wild babble
of mother words, — 'My baby! My
lamb! My darling, precious baby!' —
crying and kissing him, while the tears
ran down from her eyes. And little old
Webster, his word now safely delivered
to the one person in all the world to
whom it belonged, relapsed once more
into his old soft, inarticulate grunting
of 'Ough, ough!' nuzzling his face close
against hers, and laughing gleefully
over the splendid surprise he had pre-
pared for her.
And after one astounded, compre-
hending look, Miss Flyn turned, and,
racing down the hallway, burst into
Miss Evans's class-room and caught
that teacher by the arm.
* Little old Webster's mother is
blind!' she cried. * She's stone blind!
She's never seen Webster in all her
life. — She 's never heard him speak
until this minute! They've never been
able to say one word to each other. —
She 's blind, I tell you ! And that 's why
Webster's sign is W-on-the-eyes, —
Clarence Chester must have known, —
and that 's why he 's always so good to
the blind children, and why he fought
every boy who laughed at the funny
way his shirts were made — he knew
his mother could n't see to make them
right! And — and — ' Miss Flyn chok-
ed, — ' and that 's why he 's nearly kill-
ed himself trying to learn to speak.
There 's never been any way they could
talk to each other except by feeling!
She's had to wait nine years to hear
him say Mother! And — and,' Miss
Flyn wound up unsteadily, 'you
need n't preach to me any more about
articulation for — I'm converted!'
And with that she went out and
banged the door behind her, and all the
children's fingers flew up, to ask Miss
Evans in excited signs what E. F. was
crying about.
THE RELIGION OF AMERICA
(TO A CATHOLIC MISSIONARY IN THE UNITED STATES)
BY WILLIAM BARRY
YOUR last letter from across the
Atlantic, my dear Father, cannot but
stir in any reflecting mind a world of
thought; and in one like myself — a
student now of things American for
more than half a century — reflections
have not been wanting. I envy you
indeed. My own acquaintance with
sights and scenes among which you
have spent years is that of the passing
tourist. But you, for a long spell, have
been watching at its chief centres how
that multitudinous life ebbs and flows.
Day after day you come into close
touch with all sorts and conditions of
men. You have journeyed over the
land from Boston to Seattle and San
Francisco. You call America 'To-
morrow,' and this old grandmotherly
Europe of ours * Yesterday.' With a
smile you observe that in the grammar
of Humanity the past tense broods
over London, Berlin, and even the
Third French Republic; while the fu-
ture lightens and sparkles out West,
away beyond Chicago, far, of course,
from New York, which is but a door-
mat whereon immigrants wipe their
feet as they go by the custom-house.
Yet I have an advantage, you tell
me, denied to those who are caught in
such mighty currents — I enjoy the
privilege of distance, which is perspec-
tive. Literature and history teach me
what America has been. Can I help
you to forecast what America will be?
Have we grounds, you inquire, to hope
468
that this great new people may con-
tribute to the future (which will surely
be theirs) any saving element whereby
life shall grow richer and civilization
more desirable? That is your question.
I turn it my own way, and I ask, ' What
is the Religion of America ? ' In the true
answer to that query lies the secret
of to-morrow. How does the mind of
the people judge concerning God, con-
science, and immortality? Is it still, in
any sense, Christian?
It is impossible, you say, and I must
agree, for those who have not lived on
both sides of the Great Water to realize
how completely America is detached,
as a whole, from the Eastern World to
which Europe belongs. The diverg-
ence increases with some vast multi-
ple of the distance. A fresh order of
society is forming on a scale never
hitherto known, with a hundred mil-
lions for its present figure, in a de-
mocracy where opinion, at least, is
free. You survey this illimitable chaos
of beliefs, no-beliefs, parties, profes-
sions, sects, syndicates, trusts, plat-
forms, and it is like a glimpse of the
countless glowing lines in the solar
spectrum, too dazzling for the eyes of
man. Who would not feel overcome at
the vision? Is there any way to master
its dimensions? Has it a law of devel-
opment within it? Or one so enormous
in range, so deep and high, that our
mental instruments cannot detect its
drift or anticipate its motions? Well, I
THE RELIGION OF AMERICA
answer, we are only minor prophets,
for whom the age to come will have
many a surprise. But one thing seems
clear — the American types of charac-
ter must go on diverging from those
which even now public opinion in the
United States condemns and rejects as
outworn. Reversion to the social ideas
prevailing in Europe is simply not con-
ceivable with Americans. You, my
dear Father, dwelling in the midst of
this onward-looking race, know well
that there is not a power on earth
which can persuade them to look back.
Europe lives by custom and tradition,
America by prophecy and adventure.
This is what the New World means by
progress. It has jettisoned most of the
objects for which men fought three
centuries ago. What has it kept? Free-
dom and hope. From your side of the
Ocean we appear to be the ancients,
literary and picturesque, as the Greeks
and Romans appear to us.
Now, as I see the American idea —
let me term it so — it stands for the
average man, the common school,
equal opportunities, and the fine old
English proverb, 'Turn about is fair
play.' The common school, I say again,
not the 'Bible Commonwealth,' de-
vised by Puritans, or the peculiar
divine election and reprobation that
Jonathan Edwards reckoned to be a
doctrine 'exceedingly pleasant, bright,
and sweet.' Calvin, transplanted to
New England, flourished for a time
like the aloe, then withered and died.
Of all the Puritan convictions, which
one is now alive in the great multitude
of their descendants? Not the convic-
tion of sin, or any strong beliefs con-
cerning the world to come as it was
imaged by the Pilgrim Fathers; quite
another view has taken hold upon
them, if they do not fling the whole
subject aside; but, in any case, the re-
action is complete and trenchant. Lib-
erty for a man to make of himself what
he can and will, everywhere, under all
dispensations, is the shape that Non-
conformity puts on. That is the Amer-
ican version of Burke's celebrated
phrase, ' The dissidence of Dissent, and
the protestantism of the Protestant
religion.'
Moreover, independence from the
first carried with it a principle which
may be summed up as 'free associa-
tion.' This it was that shattered the
Bible Commonwealth. Sects multi-
plied as they had begun; doctrines
broadened or changed into the clean
contrary. The stern disciple of Calvin
had a Universalist grandson. From
Edwards to Emerson we follow an un-
doubted pedigree, but how entire is the
transformation! 'Cast behind you,'
exclaims the sage of Concord, address-
ing youthful ministers, 'all conformity,
and acquaint men at first hand with
Deity.' He spoke to 'a decaying church
and a wasting unbelief.' He said,
' The Puritans in England and America
found in the Christ of the Catholic
Church, and in the dogmas inherited
from Rome, scope for their austere
piety and their longings for civil free-
dom. But their creed is passing away,
and none arises in its room.' His con-
clusion or his premise, — for we may
take it either way, — was that ' mira-
cles, prophecy, poetry, the ideal life,
the holy life, exist as ancient history
merely; they are not in the belief nor
in the aspiration of society/
Emerson delivered his mournful wit-
ness at Cambridge, Massachusetts, on
Sunday evening, July 15, 1838. It re-
cords a fact beyond question: the Sab-
bath rule of Puritanism over men's
minds had come to its last hour.
Churches might cling to it, story-tellers
perceive a sombre kind of romance in
it; but the shafts of light from Emer-
son's Essays were not more eloquent
than Hawthorne's Twice-told Tales in
proclaiming that Jonathan Edwards
470
THE RELIGION OF AMERICA
could never be the prophet of modern
America. The Pilgrim Fathers and
their Commonwealth sank into an epi-
sode now rounded off, not opening into
the wide-ranging national procession,
or guiding it any more. But ' the dis-
senter, the theorist, the aspirant,' re-
quired no prompting from Concord to
embark on seas of adventure; they
were already afloat, — often, it must
be admitted, in crazy vessels. Reform,
now as always after the sixteenth cen-
tury in Protestant lands, implied the
breaking up of larger societies into in-
numerable small ones, the * coming out '
from Babylon to march towards a dis-
tant New Jerusalem, through many a
wilderness where souls perished by the
way in thousands, a forlorn hope.
But in that crisis or judgment of all
things, it was still the average man
whom its leaders kept in view. Those
leaders might be fanatics or impostors,
or a mixture of both; among them
we shall scarcely discern the tokens of
intellectual greatness, and no name
shines with a lustre comparable to the
glory of some latter-day seers in Eu-
rope. Dreamers wild enough we watch
as they struggle in convulsive night-
mares; but they dream no poetic
dreams. From a stranger, Swedenborg,
they have won the ideas, and on his
pattern they have shaped the mytho-
logy, which they offer as a substitute
or supplement to the Hebrew-English
Bible. Mark, I say, that name.
Swedenborg is the predestined de-
stroyer of Puritanism, who discloses to
men wearied of its terrible dogmas a
new heaven and a new earth, prosaic,
solid, near at hand, to be reached by
experiment or by deliberately sought
ecstasy. He is the father of Mormons,
Spiritualists, Second Adventists; the
direct guide of Thomas Lake Harris;
the ancestor, several times removed, of
Mrs. Eddy and her Christian Science.
Swedenborg occupies in the develop-
ment of these modern religions a place
corresponding to that of Bacon as re-
gards the Inductive Method. He is at
once popular and scientific in appear-
ance; he makes a boast of his experi-
mental triumphs which others who
are competent will not allow; and he
does, in truth, help to ruin older false
interpretations of the universe, though
failing to establish any of his own.
Nevertheless, one principle — and that
essentially Baconian — this ghost-seer,
as Kant named him, did so blazon forth
as to make it a central illumination by
which Americans, the leaders and the
led, were sure that they could not go
astray.
To Swedenborg are applicable the
curiously exact words of Hawthorne
touching this entire movement : * If he
profess to tread a step or two across the
boundaries of the spiritual world, yet
he carries with him the laws of our
actual life, and extends them over his
preternatural conquests.' There was
to be no gulf, and only a thin veil easily
swept aside, between this world and
the next. When an American author-
ess depicted The Gates Ajar, by which
angels came to earth and souls went
to Paradise, it seemed no more trouble
to make that little journey than to
enter a neighbor's garden. America
lay on both sides of the veil, — again
let me quote Hawthorne, — 'a country
where there is no shadow, no antiquity,
no mystery, no picturesque and gloomy
wrong, nor anything but a common-
place prosperity, in broad and simple
daylight.'
You recognize the picture, my dear
friend, do you not? How unlike our
crime-laden, storm- tossed Europe! My
charming American friends often tell
me that I am a pessimist, and wonder
that I should be. I wonder at them.
But every new company of religious
pilgrims starting from East to West in
the United States goes out not merely
THE RELIGION OF AMERICA
471
to discover but to found Utopia. The
sect is always a business concern, the
prophet a promo tor of some * trust,' and
the temple a scene of smart money-
changing. Observe, I do not say that
the temple is nothing else. Reform,
thrown into articles and loudly pro-
claimed, determines what these be-
lievers shall eat, drink, avoid, acquire,
and give up. They may be Socialists
with Fourier, Shakers with Anne Lee's
disciples, Mormons in the grasp of
Brigham Young, dwellers at Oneida
Creek with Noyes, enthusiasts that fol-
low T. L. Harris from Mountain Cove
to Santa Rosa; but their intent is ever
to set up a Commonwealth on the idea
of Perfection. New England has inocu-
lated its descendants with a fever for
migration in quest of this Eldorado,
where heaven and earth shall be one.
They are prospecting for the Garden of
Eden.
Before they reach its angel-guarded
gates Swedenborg intercepts them once
more. He whispers to each new Adam
and Eve the secret long ago con-
signed to Platonic Dialogues which
only scholars read, of 'heavenly coun-
terparts,' or marriages made in hea-
ven. I am not speaking figuratively;
you may track the amazing doctrine
and its consequences along the path of
Latter-Day Saints, in the life and
writings of Harris or Laurence Oli-
phant, in the Pantagamy of Noyes; and,
as I am persuaded, it lies below the
facility and multiplication of American
divorce, a sub-conscious but powerful
instinct, vulgarized into the 'elective
affinities' which we laugh at and
loathe. 'The more intelligent,' said
Emerson, 'are growing uneasy on the
subject of marriage; they wish to see
the character also represented in that
covenant.' Yes, and Salt Lake City,
Oneida, and Reno, have replied to the
gentle ' O versoul ' with a vengeance, by
new-forming or getting rid of the ' cove-
nant' as a step toward improving the
* character.' Utah gloried in its poly-
gamy; the 'sealing' of hapless young
maidens to dead Joseph Smith might
scandalize Gentiles, but it went on for
a generation. T. L. Harris, whom his
disciple and victim, Laurence Oli-
phant, depicted under the features of
Masollam, a dull profligate, taught in
appearance the strange doctrine of
'married celibacy'; but who shall say
what this new ordering of the most sa-
cred of human relations involved ? The
Mormon creed was plain and simple.
'God's service,' they said, 'is the en-
joyment of life.' Americans, we know
well, did not as a people follow after
Brigham Young, or Harris, or Noyes,
any more than they shut themselves up
at Mount Lebanon with the Shakers,
or trooped out with Ripley to Brook
Farm. But is it doing vast numbers
of them an injustice to believe that
they, too, consider enjoyment the first
and greatest of the Commandments?
The old religion preached self-sacri-
fice; what could a new one oppose to it
but self-indulgence?
Respect for law is an English princi-
ple, and it was carried over to Massa-
chusetts with English law-books. Yet
the sects which have sprung up in
America display anarchic tendencies
not to be mistaken. The average man
wants to feel himself free; the average
woman has opportunities of living her
own life denied to most of her Euro-
pean sisters, but they are both emi-
nently sociable, and the club or the
hotel brings them together. Add now
some reform to propagate, some uni-
versal liberty or prohibition to be
spread 'from Maine to Oregon,' as the
saying runs, — a crusade against slav-
ery, or whiskey, or in favor of a vege-
tarian diet, or to get ready for the Mil-
lennium, — your club turns into the
semblance of a church, your hotel be-
comes a pulpit, and your dining-room
472
THE RELIGION OF AMERICA
the meeting-place of souls. But the
most remarkable instances of free as-
sociation in the United States, from a
native religious point of view, I take
to be Mormonism, Spiritualism, and
Christian Science.
These are genuine products of the
American soil and climate. At once
original, daring, commonplace, and at-
tractive to fugitives from the estab-
lished religions, they may offer to us
elements, or even inchoate and rudi-
mentary forms, of the idea which we
are seeking. Repulsive forms, if you
will, impostures disguised as supersti-
tions, trading on ignorance and credu-
lity; symptoms in fact of a disease
widely contagious; 'a delusive show of
spirituality, yet imbued throughout
with a cold and dead materialism.' I
grant all that and more; but, as Aris-
totle shrewdly observes, a man may
get light on his ruling passions and mo-
tives even from his bad dreams; and
here we can study dreams that, as they
move and stir the dreamers, * confront
peace, security, and all settled laws, to
unsettle them/
Where shall we look for the future?
Not in faint shadows of the once all-
venturing Puritans; therefore outside,
among explorers, or on their track.
The American idea lives elsewhere
than in Baptists, Methodists, or any of
the earlier Calvin-descended Churches;
for it quitted them long ago. I hear it
in a word of Emerson's, 'America is the
home of man.' It babbles a kind of
foolish fairy tale when the Mormon de-
clares that his Continent was peopled
from the lost Ten Tribes; and that
America is the true land of Israel. It
plays a game of blind man's buff with
spirit-rapping and table-turning, with
dark seances, with mediums, trances,
frantic beatings at the door of the
tomb. It goes about staggering amid
delusions, calling on those who have
over' to answer its questions.
It dances ghostly ' Pentecostal ' dances
after the fashion of Red Indians, fall-
ing back upon customs that are only to
be found on this side of the world
among the dervishes of Islam, who
scream themselves into ecstasy by re-
peating the name of Allah. In regard
to marriage, as we have seen, it substi-
tutes for monogamy the most varied
forms; sets up as a model the wigwam
or the6 harem; and tolerates something
not unlike Free Love by its criminal
readiness in granting divorce.
This American spirit has made trial
of Socialism under many schemes, all
ending in failure; but still it struggles
to reconcile the laws of production and
distribution with even-handed justice,
although its vision is confused by the
immense respect which it has always
felt for success, whether clean or un-
clean. It makes laws in the interest of
good morals, severely prohibiting the
use of alcohol and tobacco; yet again, it
breaks laws by appealing to the Higher,
or the Unwritten Law; and it is so
entangled in casuistries that because of
a comma misplaced it will allow a mur-
derer to go free. It is soft even to senti-
mentalism, but permits Judge Lynch
to work his will in ways that are not
to be described. Its * Bird of Freedom '
is a jest and an inspiration to Lowell,
who treats it as a comic symbol, yet
would have died rather than give up
a feather from that eagle's wing. It is
emphatically the * spirit of the crowd,'
liable to sudden enthusiasms, unreason-
ing panics, to run mad about a celeb-
rity one week and to forget him the
week after. It feels hot under the slight-
est breath of criticism, but can be hum-
ored like a child with a little judicious
management. It is lofty, forgiving,
good-natured, alert, curious, and does
not suspect irony. Its age is youth; its
ambition is to have a world made in its
image and likeness; its trial passed into
a more perilous phase when the Civil
THE RELIGION OF AMERICA
473
War ended by establishing democracy.
And we, though strangers, look on at
the vast theatre, the high stage, and
the throng of actors engaged in work-
ing out this drama, with hope and fel-
low-feeling. For it is our play, too,
since the future of mankind hangs
upon it.
Have I been drawing a chimera, the
monster of my own imagination? I
think not; the lines upon which I have
gone may be studied in a library of
books, and are visible wherever we
turn amid American scenes. You have
felt it as well as I, my dear friend. But
you will surely be struck with a sense
of the contradictions that my sketch
brings out. If they cannot be resolved,
the * New Thought ' of which we hear
so much will defeat itself. To take a
crucial instance : Reform has been the
chief motive in those never-ending
secessions whereby the elder Christian
communities were broken into frag-
ments. But now comes Christian Sci-
ence, native to the States if ever any-
thing was, and it declares evil to be
non-existent, therefore not in need of
reform. By one stroke it makes an end
of the reformer and his task. Yet, in
this dilemma, the true American feels
a secret, an irresistible longing to agree
with both sides. He would have had
slavery abolished by men like Garrison,
and pain decreed to be a mere phan-
tom by women like Mrs. Eddy. He
cannot give up any doctrine that seems
to favor universal happiness. Logic
does not trouble him, for, as I said, he
goes by sentiment. His theories are
nothing but his feelings, thrown into
abstract terms by way of a platform
whence he can address the world.
At this point Shakerism puts in a
claim to our attention. It is not a
growing sect; but its principles, more
than forty years ago, were declared by
Hepworth Dixon to be * found in the
creed of every new American Church/
Let us inquire what these principles
are. They lay down that the Church
of the future will be an American
Church and a new dispensation, the
Old Law having had its day. That
intercourse between heaven and earth
is restored, and that God is the only
King and Governor. That the sin of
Adam is atoned, man made free from
all errors except his personal misdeeds,
and salvation assured to the whole
race. That earth is heaven 'now soiled
and stained, but to be restored by love
and labor to its primeval condition.'
With Swedenborg, the * uniquely gift-
ed, uniquely dangerous' precursor of
Millenarian sects, the brethren hold
that the general Resurrection is al-
ready passed, the * Second Advent'
here; and they conclude that the re-
generate should not marry or give in
marriage, that women may be priests,
that every one must labor with hands
for the goods which all are to enjoy.
They see the heavens open and angels
ascending and descending on Jacob's
ladder.
Anne Lee, the female Swedenborg,
was English, not American. But the
ecstatic revivals to which Shakerism
owes its converts; the divine rule of
God-given elders and elderesses; the
community of goods, and Family of
Love, are deeply rooted in old and ex-
treme aberrations from a more sober
— shall we call it a less unworldly?
— form of the Puritan faith. 'No sol-
diers, no police, no judges'; but also
no houses of temptation to vice; no
gambling, because no speculation; but
* order, temperance, frugality, wor-
ship'; these are features of a Utopia
dear to the American heart in its Sab-
bath moments, when it muses on the
dreams of its youth. They express a
more severe judgment on the popular
religion, which builds and adorns fash-
ionable churches with gifts from Wall
Street millionaires, than earthquake or
474
THE RELIGION OF AMERICA
tornado would be. Mount Lebanon is
a sign lifted up, pointing to the 'con-
summation of the age/ and to the need
of monasticism, even in New York
State.
A sect, however, as the name de-
clares, cuts itself away from the people
at large, and whether Mormon or Shak-
er, it cannot look forward to making
proselytes of all Americans. There
was room about the year 1848 — a pe-
riod marked 'stormy* on both sides of
the Atlantic — for some great religious
manifestation which, while it appealed
to the general desire of novelty, should
be free from articles, set ministries,
church-buildings, and even the in-
spired Bible. A new heaven and a new
earth were in request. But could not
some way be found, like printing or
stock-jobbing, accessible to every one
who chose, by which religion might be-
come at once private and universal, as
literature was, or business, or politics?
Two considerations must be kept in
view. The Puritans had revolted from
Catholic tradition because they would
not allow any priest, as they said, to
stand between man and his Maker. By
similar reasoning they had put down
the invocation of Saints and Angels, in
order to leave a clear space before the
Great White Throne for suppliants
who would draw nigh to it. The conse-
quences we all know. Heaven receded
to an immeasurable distance; this low-
er world rounded itself into a perfect
whole; and intercourse with departed
saints was no more. Religion was thus
violently broken into parts which lay
utterly separate — the Here and the
Hereafter — while death forbade every
attempt by prayer to bridge over the
gulf between dearest friends, however
they might yearn for one another. The
solemn old services of Dirge and Re-
quiem had been swept away; and no-
thing had taken their place. It is true,
indeed, that while Heaven was shut,
'Satan's invisible world* opened its
ponderous jaws and sent forth its deni-
zens to meet ancient crones in the for-
ests at midnight, if the records of Salem
and other witch-haunted towns in New
England may be trusted. The Com-
munion of Saints was a lost article of
the creed. But the communion of
devils was, on Cotton Mather's show-
ing, a judicially ascertained fact.
Witches, executed by the hundred,
may be looked on, in short, as pioneers
of Spiritualism, and its earliest martyrs
in the New World.
They were destined to have their re-
venge. If instead of witch we write
'medium/ how significant will be the
change! Yet in essentials the new sci-
ence and the old superstition are at
one. I call Spiritualism a science, for it
professed to yield its results' by experi-
ments which could be repeated, tested,
and compared on the accepted laws of
evidence; to attain 'a world of spirit
that took shape and form and practical
intelligibility, in ordinary rooms and
under very nearly ordinary circum-
stances.' It said, 'Seeing is believing,
handling is proof.' It did not require
you to take the medium on trust. It
had no priesthood, no dogmas; for its
central statement, that the living could
have intercourse with the dead, was not
a truth to be received on the word of
another, but a challenge which whoso
would might verify. Moreover, though
some have questioned if the name of
religion can rightly be attached to
Spiritualism, it does without doubt
bring its adepts back from doctrines of
the lecture-room or abstract theory to
that primitive condition of thought in
which religion finds a main beginning.
For religion is the problem of the ' next
world/ call it how you will. And Spir-
itualism undertakes to solve the pro-
blem by the scientific method, exactly
as the chemist answers our inquiry, —
for instance, 'Does radium exist?' —
THE RELIGION OF AMERICA
475
by putting a sample of the thing sought
into our hands. Neither the chemist
nor the medium is a priest, any more
than the class or the inquirer can be
termed disciples. Experiment, in both
cases, remains the ground of affirma-
tion.
Now, then, we have arrived at an
idea which, as it rose and overspread
the civilized world, was seen to be
peculiarly American. Inspired by Mes-
mer and * animal magnetism,' starting
with vulgar phenomena of raps and
table-turning, noised abroad by Uni-
versalist preachers and Andrew Jack-
son Davis, the Poughkeepsie seer, with
'sensitives' and clairvoyants to furnish
daily evidence of its marvels, Spiritual-
ism ran its wildfire course, outstripping
every other propaganda by the num-
bers who took up its practices. Any
one could begin anywhere. * Probably,'
said the late Frank Podmore, * no body
of earnest men and women ever pre-
sented a more unlovely picture of the
Hereafter. Yet in spite, or perhaps be-
cause, of the concreteness of its ideals,
and the parochial limitations of its
chief prophets, the new ideas had suffi-
cient motive-power to overrun the
American continent.'
They did not reveal a spiritual life as
conceived by any previous form of
Christianity; angels and demons were
alike absent from the trance communi-
cations of the medium; and concerning
the Supreme there was absolute silence.
Neither heaven nor hell came into the
scenery of a universe as matter of fact
as Broadway or State Street at high
noon. All the sensitive beheld was 'a
practicable and imminent millennium,
freed from the fear of death, and con-
tinuing, on the gray level, through in-
definite generations.' Taking the wit-
nesses at their own value, without
heeding the professional charlatan or
the liar detected in the very act of im-
posture, we feel dumbfounded when
Franklin, Washington, and Bacon de-
liver by the lips of entranced subjects
the silliest of lectures, in which not one
new fact such as science lights upon
every day is added to our knowledge.
We cannot be astonished that hard-
headed rationalizers like Professor
Miinsterberg flatly declare, 'The facts
as they are claimed do not exist, and
never will exist.' Yet I would remind
the eminent professor that science —
physical merely, and not metaphysical
— should be cautious in prophesying
a universal negative. Science is quite
incapable of determining a priori that
departed spirits are and ever will be
unable to 'enter into communication
with living men by mediums and by
incarnation.' How can the 'scientist'
possibly know? Let him lay his hand
on his lips when it is a question of what
must or must not be, outside the law of
contradiction.
You and I, my dear friend, are agreed
as Catholics in holding Spiritualism to
be exceedingly dangerous, where it
happens not to be false or delusive.
But you will readily grant that so viru-
lent a disease, attaching itself to Amer-
ican religion, is symptomatic of much.
These fungous growths on the once
flourishing and stately cedars of Puri-
tan theology betokened that its life
was decaying at the roots. Its magic
ring was broken. All its dogmas were
melting into the 'anaemic optimism'
of an afterworld in which no difference
appeared between good and evil. For
the 'spirits' never hinted at a Day
of Judgment; neither did they confirm
Swedenborg's vision of many penal
abodes, or 'hells,' to be finally trans-
formed into heavens.
Characteristic of the later religious
developments in America, from Shak-
erism to Christian Science, is this de-
nial of sin, which Theodore Parker had
done worse than deny, defining it in a
scandalous epigram as a 'falling up-
476
THE RELIGION OF AMERICA
wards.' But do not these phenomena
bear testimony to the law of reaction
as * equal and opposite?' The witch
supplants the minister; Apollyon is
chained, in Hawthorne's deeply biting
parable, to the modern fast train on the
Celestial Railroad; all men are saved,
instead of most being foredoomed to
perdition; and Satan is abolished by
universal suffrage. 'Is there nothing
to fear in God? ' The last of the Puri-
tans throws down the question as a
defiance. But from every quarter these
'new theologians' reply with a great
shout, * No, there is nothing.' Sin and
pain and death are hallucinations,
scattered by the advent of a science
which rests on the senses and reaches
beyond them.
Yet, even if a malignant disease, the
movement known as Spiritualism an-
nounced a religious revolution, — the
new birth of ideas long extinct among
Reformed Christians. Again, whether
it was 'salvation by electricity,' as in
earlier stages, or by 'telepathy,' as in
our day, it insisted on carrying science
over the border into a living and not
a dead cosmos, greatly to the indigna-
tion of comfortable settlers on this side
of the tomb. Life has always been a
puzzle and an offense to the system of
Materialism; but life beyond the grave,
in any account of it, would totally de-
range the snug proportions of which
unbelieving physical science had been
so proud. It remains true, nevertheless,
that by ridiculous, uncouth, and pro-
voking methods the spirit-rapper blun-
dered, so to speak, into a vast realm of
obscure yet undeniable phenomena,
where psychic research has laid bare
operations and processes altogether
strange to official biology. Man was
recognized as living at once in two
worlds — the world of matter ana-
lyzed by chemistry and the world of
spirit transcending matter, shaping it
to ends which neither chemist nor phys-
icist could grasp. The story of our
kind was not, therefore, a by-product
of atoms at play among themselves,
but a chapter in the Book of Life which
is wide as the universe. Atoms and
ether do not by combination produce
that real thing named by us the soul.
On the contrary, it is the spirit —
Mind and Will, existing from before
all ages — that employs atoms and
ether as its instruments, the vehicles of
its message to other spirits, by laws
which it has framed itself. Spiritual-
ism was a rebellion against death, as
physical science conceived of it. The
rebels have won. Personality, mira-
cles, foreknowledge, action of mind at
a distance, faith-healing, — 'science*
has been compelled to admit all these
things and more also; — a life outside
earthly conditions has been revealed,
justifying religion, which would not
give up believing in it during the hey-
day of agnostic incredulity.
Spiritualism, then, has stumbled
upon facts by crude experiments. But
it has not dealt, as a popular religion,
with 'problems of space and time, of
knowing and being, of evil and good, of
will and law.' It makes no attempt to
be a theology. It is, like the American
genius that gave it birth, something
practical, without literary culture, or a
sense of art, or metaphysical subtlety,
or any very deep elements of worship.
The fact to which it bears witness, we
may say in the language of William
James, is this, that ' the conscious per-
son is continuous with a wider self
through which saving experiences
come'; but also, we must add, experi-
ences the reverse of saving.
These dark regions of the sky, mod-
ern America passes over rapidly; and
in Christian Science it has invented a
system that positively denies them. The
wheel has come full circle from its old
Puritan standpoint. Universal optim-
ism finds a prophet and a poet of genu-
THE RELIGION OF AMERICA
477
ine fervor in Walt Whitman, who pro-
claimed that the religion of Americans
is America, that the common life is the
best life, that * there is no imperfection
in the present, and can be none in the
future.' To him, 'Men and women,
life and death, and all things, are di-
vinely good/
* The religion of Americans is Amer-
ica.' For the millions who never dark-
en the door of a church there seems
to be no other. Movements of reform,
so widespread as to embrace the Conti-
nent, proceed on a determination not
to rest until the evils that they combat
are banished from the United States,
which ought to be the world's Holy
Land. The so-called New Thought is
American by origin, deliberately sup-
presses reference to evil, and instead of
the Lord's Prayer says, * Youth, health,
vigor,' at break of day. Such ' concrete
therapeutics' are natural to a young
and self-confident people, whose prin-
ciple has been pithily summed up by
R. W. Trine: 'One need remain in hell
no longer than one chooses.' Mindcure
is American; Mrs. Eddy could have
flourished nowhere else than among
a people who adore financial success
and suffer from chronic indigestion.
All these varieties of religious experi-
ence may be resolved into Pantheism;
but they derive their language and not
a little of their power from Emerson,
who was a New Englander to the core.
American ideals furnish to all such
evangelists an object and an inspira-
tion. They have none of them been
transplanted from the Old World or
the Christian Gospels.
Let me bind these divers threads to-
gether. Americans once believed with
shuddering in man's total depravity,
from which only the small number of
the elect were redeemed. They now
believe that man is by nature good, by
destiny perfect, and quite capable of
saving himself. But in a sort of 'ideal
America' they recognize the motive
power of this more humane life toward
which they ought ceaselessly to be
tending. The Commonwealth is their
goal, business their way to heaven,
progress their duty, free competition
their method. Mystery, obedience,
self-denial are repugnant to them. But
they admire self-discipline when it re-
jects what is beneath man's dignity, or,
in deference to a fine idea, practices
temperance. They are a breed of heroes
rather than ascetics; Western not
Eastern; not contemplatives, nor clois-
tered, nor exactly humble in their
thoughts before God or man. If there
is to be election, they are the elect : in
any case leaders of a New Israel to the
Land of Promise. For, as Whitman
sings, 'Never was average man, his
soul, more energetic, more like a God '
— meaning the average American of
these States. Whitman is very bold.
However, when the true democracy
dawns, it will acknowledge the 'essen-
tial sacredness of every one,' or, as
was said of old, that we are all God's
children. And so we shall be not an
average but a comradeship. In very
rude or even brutal forms of association
this divine germ may be perceived
under heaps of dross. When Emerson
cultivates it, the name is friendship
and the atmosphere love. Nothing
more severe has been charged upon
Puritanism than that it made a religion
of hatred. Those who left its precincts
to become Unitarians or Universalists
founded their new beliefs on kindness,
which they judged to be the Highest
Law. Herein they were eminently
American and democratic. I am saying
no word in support of the doctrines at
which they arrived as religious teach-
ers. But this Law of Kindness it cer-
tainly was that gave its death-blow to
the Puritan theology.
In like manner the American insists
on freedom, and his marching song of
478
THE RELIGION OF AMERICA
the Republic declares, not less truly
than passionately, that it is worth dy-
ing for. But this freedom can be no
other than the individual's choice to
live a moral, an heroic life. He has
broken out of the cast-iron system
that made him a marionette pulled by
strings of predestination. He is pro-
gressive because he is free. He will
build up, as I said, and not be thrust
onwards blindly into the New Jerusa-
lem. Civilization becomes an enter-
prise, and the future an object, to this
adventurer, simply for the reason that
he can create them as he will. The
Divine Power is his Friend, not his
Fate; and his belief in human nature
as something of intrinsic value, to be
made perfect hereafter, is the free
acceptance of a Divine Idea which it
is man's duty to realize. Thus civil-
ization and Religion are but different
facets of the same glory.
With pure metaphysical speculation
the American does not concern him-
self. He is more English than the Eng-
lishman by his inability to feel an in-
terest in problems which the Greek or
the German philosopher spent his life
in brooding over. At length a name
has been found for this deliberate sup-
pression of metaphysics; and the late
William James taught us to call it
Pragmatism. On such a showing, Re-
ligion must produce the evidence not
only of facts, but of new and peculiar
facts, — of a cosmic order beyond the
reach of physical science, but experi-
enced, and not merely inferred. Faith
and prayer, mind-cure and the phe-
nomena of spiritualism, the ' subliminal
self,' — what is the explanation of our
interest in all this but that we cannot
live by physics or metaphysics alone?
that the spirit demands its own world,
peopled by conscious beings with whom
it may hold communion? At certain
points the invisible realm of spirits
touches ours, pouring into it the energy
from which proceed revelations, mira-
cles of healing, inspirations to follow
the dictates of holiness laid down in
the Gospels by Jesus. Life rather than
thought, action far more than theory,
is the word for Americans. And where-
as the Pilgrim Fathers divided heaven
from earth by a gulf which death alone
could pass, their descendants are learn-
ing in ways most unexpected that we
attain to life everlasting by the Com-
munion of Saints. The earthly and the
heavenly Commonwealths make up to-
gether the American ideal.
So it seems to me, my dear Father,
as I view, not without good-will, the
strange story of religious development
which has reversed the principles of
Puritan theocracy and rejected its
leading doctrines. Often, indeed, it has
gone to the other extreme. To be
* moonstruck with optimism' I cannot
reckon sound philosophy. But, if there
is a world beyond the reaches of earth-
bound sense, its action, miraculous and
illuminating, was surely not confined
to Israel or the period of the New
Testament. Religion is present fact as
well as past history. The Communion
of Saints either did not exist at any
time, or it exists now. All that was
ever in the Church must be with us
under living forms at this moment, not
in the shape of abstract ideas, but of
objects, institutions, personalities, ac-
cessible to our prayers and answering
them by the gift of powers not to be
gained otherwise. The supernatural
order, in short, is a universe and we are
in it, not isolated or left to ourselves
as lonely souls astray in the midst of a
godless machinery. Those powers do
overcome the world; they reveal here
and now in every man who will look
within, a vital force, a consciousness, on
which time, space, and material condi-
tions have only a limited influence.
And here is our freedom; for * where is
the spirit, there is liberty.'
EMOTION AND ETYMOLOGY
479
Our name for the Communion of
Saints, as I need not remind you, my
dear Father, is the Catholic Church.
We have always held that in its three
stages, militant, suffering, triumphant,
it is united by prayer of invocation and
intercession, by graces asked and given,
by the Holy Sacrifice. We never would
allow, even in fallen man, total de- .
pravity of will or intellect. We have in
our Religious Orders that scheme of a
perfect life which Mount Lebanon has
attempted, and which the Socialist
cannot achieve. Dreams outside Ca-
tholicism become realities within it.
And when the uninstructed crowd
makes objection to it, from the dis-
tance of Puritan prejudice, scientific
conceit, or spiritualist reverie, I would
answer in the words of Hawthorne,
'The great Church smiles calmly upon
its critics, and for all response says,
"Look at me! " and if you still murmur
for the loss of your shadowy perspec-
tive, there comes no reply save " Look
at me!" in endless repetition, as the
one thing to be said. And after looking
many times, with long intervals be-
tween, you discover that the cathedral
has gradually extended itself over the
whole compass of your idea; it covers
all the site of your visionary temple,
and has room for its cloudy pinnacles
beneath the dome.'
Such, my dear Father, is the homage
of New England to the old religion, as
its pilgrim and finest representative in
literature stands before St. Peter's
shrine. Is it not a prophecy of things
to be?
EMOTION AND ETYMOLOGY
BY YOSHIO MARKINO
IN Japan we call words ' Kotoba ' or
'Koto-no-Ha.' Its literal meaning is,
the leaves of Idea. Indeed, our idea is
like the trunk of tree, while the words
are like the leaves. As the botanist
judges what tree it is by seeing its
leaves, so we judge what idea one has
by hearing the words.
There are great differences between
the richness and poorness of words in
the different countries. Japan is cer-
tainly richer in her words than Eng-
land. Just for an example, we have
more than nine words for the word
'I.' The Emperor alone calls himself
'Chin,' and all his subjects call them-
selves 'Watakushi,' 'Washi,' 'Ore,'
'Boku,' 'Sessha,' 'Soregashi,' 'Ware,'
' Yo,' etcetera, according to the circum-
stances. The second or third person
changes as much as the first person, ' I,'
and all the verbs accordingly. When
I started to learn the English, first
time, I asked my American teacher,
'What shall I call myself before the
Emperor?' He said, 'I.'
'Then what shall I say before my
parents?' — 'I.'
'What shall I say before my men
friends? And before my women
friends?' — 'I.'
I was quite astonished and said,
' How simple, but how rude is the Eng-
lish language!'
480
EMOTION AND ETYMOLOGY
However, to-day I am living in Eng-
land and using only the English lan-
guage to express my ideas, and I do
not find her poverty of words even
though the stock of the English vo-
cabularies in my head is much poorer
than the English people's. And why?
Because I can put my own feeling in
them. I think words are just like pic-
tures. If you draw a line without any
idea, it is no more than a simple line,
but if you draw a line with the feeling
of tree, it will look like tree, and if you
draw it with the feeling of water, it will
look like water. With our own emotion,
we can make that single word, 'I,' into
modestness, haughtiness, or anything.
Then the resource of conveying our
emotion to each other does not depend
upon the wealth of words only. It is
our imagination and our sympathy
which communicates our emotion. The
more sympathy we have to each other,
the less important are our words.
We have a saying in Japan, * Lovers
always talk nonsense.' Indeed their
conversation must sound nonsensical
to the third person, but, don't you
know, they are communicating emo-
tions to unmeasurable extent between
themselves ? It is not always necessary
to be in the sexual love, but the frater-
nal or paternal love often conveys its
deep emotion with some poor words, or
even with quite wrong words.
When I was in Japan, I had a boy
friend called Junji Nonoyama. My
brother took us both to the nearest
large town, called Nagoya. We came
back by foot in midnight. It was rain-
ing hard. We arrived at Junji's house.
Junji knocked the door. His sister came
to the door and said, 'Why have you
not stayed in a hotel instead of coming
back so late in such a dreadful night?'
Junji said, 'Oh, because it is so wet
and so late.'
His sister welcomed him, saying, *I
see, I see, I quite understand you.'
After we left there my brother said,
'What has she seen in Junji's argu-
ment? It is most illogical to say he has
come back because it is wet and late!'
I said, 'Ah, but it was their delightful
fraternal love which they understood
each other. His sister must have appre-
ciated Junji's devotion toward her.'
I was in my early teens then, but
since this incident I began to wonder
that where there is sympathy there
must be some emotion communicating
to each other deeply, quite apart from
their words. There is another example.
When I was seven or eight, my aunt
came to my house. She had four daugh-
ters. She was talking with my sister
about her second daughter. But all
through her conversation she was call-
ing the second daughter by the name
of the third daughter. My sister, too,
was talking in the same way. After my
aunt had gone I told my sister how
they were mistaken about the girl's
name. She was quite amazed, as if she
was awakened for the first time then.
When the people become the slaves
of emotion, they often commit acci-
dental comedy. One of my father's
friends married a woman who looked
like the Japanese toy tigers. The vil-
lagers nicknamed her, 'Toy- tiger wife.'
But of course no friend would dare say
that to her or her husband. One day,
some friend visited on them, and the
husband and that friend began the
game of ' go ' (a Japanese draughts, far
more complicated than that of Eng-
lish). The 'go' players were getting
more and more excited, and the friend
became almost unconscious of his sur-
rounding. Each time when he played,
he shouted, ' Here is the toy-tiger wife ! '
And the husband joined him: 'Now
let me see the toy-tiger wife!'
* Don't you see the toy-tiger wife?'
'Oh, you toy-tiger wife.'
'Now then, what will you do with
your toy- tiger wife?'
EMOTION AND ETYMOLOGY
481
* Better get rid of this toy-tiger wife.'
All the time the wife was listening to
this in the next room. When the game
was over, the wife came out and jilted
the husband. There was a great trou-
ble. However, all those incidents which
I have given above were between the
friends or families. But suppose you
are among your enemies! The matter
differs a great deal.
Here comes in the necessity of the
right words and good rhetoric. Even
your most thoughtful words often
bring you an unexpected result. For
the emotion has life, while the words
are dead things and very often you can-
not represent the living emotion with
the dead words, and your enemies are
always watching to take advantage.
Once upon a time, there was a very
loyal and truthful subject in China.
All the other officers in the Court were
jealous of him, and accused him to the
Emperor as a traitor. The Emperor
believed that accusation and banished
him to the boundary of the country.
Afterwards the Emperor began to
recollect his goodness and summoned
him to take the former position. He
was overcome with the happy emo-
tion, and sent a poetry to the Emperor :
The straight root reaches to the ninth spring be-
neath the earth,
And it has no curve whatever.
No one knows it in this world except the Dragon
in the ground.
The poor man meant that he is always
straight and righteous even where no-
body can see. Only the Emperor who
has power in heaven as well as in
earth can see it. But the surrounding
officers of the Emperor took it as a
great insult to him. 'For,' they said,
'the dragon in the ground must have
meant the death of the Emperor.' So
they executed him into death.
In Japan, Yoritomo, the first Shogun,
had a hunting near Fuji mountain.
There was a rumor that he was assas-
VOL. 111 -NO. 4
sinated. His wife was much grieved
with this rumor. Noriyori, the young-
er brother of the Shogun, said, 'Be in
ease, for here am I, Noriyori.' It was
merely his sympathetic emotion to-
ward his sister-in-law. But the Shogun
took it as a rebellious word and de-
manded him to commit harakiri.
In Japan or in China, there have
been innumerous disasters through the
insufficient words for the emotion,
which fell into the enemy's hands.
Therefore our first lesson for the chil-
dren is to be careful of our words.
Some three thousand years ago, there
was a boy King called Sei, in China.
His uncle Shuko was Regent for him.
One day this boy King cut a leaf of the
tree into the shape of ' kei ' (the sign to
appoint a mayor). He gave it to his
boy friend and playfully said, 'I shall
appoint you as a governor.' Shuko
bowed down before his young nephew
King and asked in most cordial way,
'In what state will your Majesty ap-
point this subject as the governor?'
The boy King said, 'I was only joking.'
Whereupon Shuko said, 'The King
shall have no vain word whatever,' and
he made the King obliged to make that
boy into a governor of some state.
Shuko threatened the boy King and
made him into a machine. Poor boy
King ! He could freely express his emo-
tion no more. He must have lessened
all his pleasure in this world.
If such is the life of a king, it is worse
to be a king than to be a prisoner.
However, that description of Shuko's
has been worshiped by some Japanese
and Chinese. There are quite many
people who are over-cautious even
when they are among their most sym-
pathetic friends. They are frightened
to utter a single word in fear that 'it
might make the listeners misunder-
stand.' These people are evidently
trying to make the world deadly dull.
It is all through their lack of sense and
482
EMOTION AND ETYMOLOGY
wisdom as well as sympathy, and I
simply get sick of them!
On the other hand, look at the
law courts of to-day. Some solicitors,
especially young, inexperienced ones,
often play upon the words unneces-
sarily. They leave the main fact far
behind and go on fighting with words.
Thus they spend the precious time and
money in vain. And after going round
and round with words they only have
to come back to the main point at the
end. Of course, there are too many aw-
ful liars in this world, and, to some cer-
tain degree, the fighting of words may
be necessary to find out the truth. But
the real resource to find out the truth
must be by one's wisdom and sympa-
thy, not by unnecessary and insincere
words. By saying * sympathy ' I do not
mean to agree foolishly with the false
statement. I mean sympathy combined
with wisdom to judge one's real feeling.
Here I am using the two words
* sympathy' and * wisdom,' for which I
feel I need to give you the explanation
with an example. Suppose there is a
man who has never tasted champagne
and you want to convince him what is
champagne, you shall have to describe
the taste of champagne with other
things which he has already tasted. If
his mental power is strong, he may be
able to imagine something as near to
champagne as possible. But surely he
shall not know exactly what cham-
pagne is until he puts the champagne
in his mouth and tastes it. On the other
hand, suppose one has already tasted
champagne. You need no explanation
at all. If you say only * champagne ' he
would make a glad eye upon you and
reply, 'Oh, yes!' The words between
you and him are simple, but the emo-
tion will communicate each other quite
fully. Now, * wisdom' is that power
to understand what is champagne after
tasting it, and * sympathy ' is that pow-
er to imagine what champagne is by
listening to your description. There-
fore if one has neither 'wisdom' nor
' sympathy ' he is no more than a dead
stone; the case is absolutely hopeless
for you to convince anything to him.
And also there are many people who
have already tasted champagne, yet
when you describe champagne, they
try to ignore everything. These people
are what I call 'insincere' or 'awful
liars,' and you often find them among
the very poor lawyers. We must get
rid of them.
As I said before, words are the leaves
of the trunk called Idea, and our urgent
duty is to find out what kind of tree it
is. Even if there is a deformed, imper-
fect leaf, the genuine botanist can tell
what tree it is. So the genuine people
ought to be able to find out one's true
idea with his imperfect words.
Hitherto I have been discussing how
to find out the third person's emotion
and idea by their words, especially in
the case where the third person is very
poor in rhetoric. Now let me talk how
we ourselves should express our feeling
with our words.
It is just like to lift up things with
your hand. Suppose there is a chair. If
you get hold of the end of one of its
feet, you may not be able to lift it up,
though you use all your strength. But
if you find out the centre of gravity,
you can lift it up quite easily with your
one finger. So with our feelings. If you
don't know which part of your feeling
you should pick up in your words you
would never be able to communicate
your feeling to the other. The more
words you use, the more you get into
muddle! It is exactly same thing as
you get hold of the wrong part of the
chair. As you need to find out the centre
of gravity to lift up the chair, so you
need to find out the important pitch or
gist to express your feelings.
Perhaps one or two words may be
sufficient to express your whole feelings
EMOTION AND ETYMOLOGY
483
in that way. By saying this, I do not
mean to ignore the beautiful rhetoric
with abundant words.
On the summer day, when the trees
are covered with abundant beautiful
leaves, we are delighted to look at
them. So with our words. If every
word of ours is quite sincere to our emo-
tion, the richer is our vocabulary, the
more we can win the hearts. The an-
cient Chinese Odes are the best exam-
ples to prove this. Confucius said to
his scholars, 'Read the Odes, for they
give you the lessons of the human emo-
tion as well as the vocabularies.' It is
my habit to read them before I go to bed
almost every night, and their sincere
emotion, expressed by rich vocabula-
ries, soothes my weary mind, which is
so often worn-out in this troublesome
world. I can only express my feeling
with one of the Odes itself: ' I always
think of those ancient people in order
to lessen my own burdens.' Let us hope
that we may some day express our own
emotions as the Odes have done. How-
ever, the human natures are not always
so beautiful as the trees, which are al-
ways natural to their nature. It is often
that some people have too much super-
fluous words which only kill their real
emotions, and sometimes they have
quite false words. By the way, have
you ever seen the trees get any false
leaves? Ah, how far inferior are those
people than the trees! If one should
have too much superfluous words or
false words I would prefer that he
would be rather imperfect in his words.
This is the main reason why there are
many girls who love the foreigners
more than their own countrymen. For
when the foreigners cannot master the
different languages, their imperfect
words sound very innocent and that
attracts the girls' hearts very much.
But beware, girls ! You may find them
out quite humbug when they begin to
speak your words perfectly.
Now about the superfluousness of
words, I have something to say. There
is some difference between the public
speech and private conversation. Just
the right words for the public speech
may become too much superfluous for
the private conversation. Too much
exciting gesture and too many empha-
sized words are absolutely unnecessary
to convey our emotion among a few
people. You would not shoot partridges
with the twelve-inch gun, would you?
In Japan we call those manners vulgar,
and surely they are either insincere
persons or fools. Fortunately most
English people have no faults of such
bad manners. But I have noticed that
too often among the Continental peo-
ple. They are simply disgusting. The
best resource of friend-making is to
express our emotion in proper way;
and to express our emotion, we need to
study the rhetoric and elocution, but
above all these knowledges we most
urgently need our sincerity and sym-
pathy. And nothing could be nobler
than to be natural to our own natures.
Just while I was writing this chapter
I received a cutting from some English
paper published in Japan. It was such
a good example to prove my logic,
therefore I quote it here.1
4 ... by Mr. Yoshio "Markino," a
gentleman who does not seem to know
how to spell his own name, and whose
contributions to English journals and
periodicals written in a pidgin-Eng-
lish which is supposed to be "quaint"
are becoming somewhat wearisome . . .
The style is a pose, for it is difficult to
believe that Mr. Markino cannot write
more accurate English after his long re-
sidence in America and England, and
the constant use of the language not
1 In this article the writer has attacked my
article about the late Mikado which appeared in
the Daily Mail. As this chapter is exclusively
devoted to the Emotion and Etymology only,
I shall give my explanation about this attack
elsewhere if needed. — THE AUTHOR.
484
EMOTION AND ETYMOLOGY
only in every-day life, but in literary
work .... The real fact is that Mr.
Markino finds that the English public
or the periodicals like these essays in
broken English, and he supplies them
with what they want.'
Readers, notice what this writer de-
clares definitely: The real fact is that
Mr. Markino is so and so. How does he
know my inner heart? And how dare
he declare it in such a decided way?
The real fact is just reverse. I am not a
slave of either the publishers or public.
You may realize what I really mean if
you see my paintings. There has been
loud cry among the publishers and pub-
lic that I should not paint any other
way than the Japanese style. From
the business point of view, I would get
ten times better result only if I * posed '
and painted Japanese style. But I can-
not do so. I am doing just what I
am really feeling. So with my writing.
It is merely unexpected coincidence
that the English public like my own
English. But suppose the English pub-
lic hate my writing, do I change my
style? No, never! In fact, there are
some among my most intimate Eng-
lish friends who love me, but hate my
English. One of them told me the
other day that he would correct my
writings into the pure English if I
could n't write better, for the sake to
avoid that ugliness. But I refused.
Now let me tell you whether I am
* posing' or not.
There is some great reason why my
English is not progressing quick
enough — quite apart from my stupid-
ity on the language. It is true that I
have been in America and England
long enough to speak English per-
fectly. But, first of all, remember that
I am an artist, and I have not had the
chances enough of * the constant use of
the language in every-day life ' as that
writer imagines. For instance, while I
was staying at a lodging-house in Ox-
ford, to illustrate a book, I used to go
out to find out the subjects, and then
paint them in my room. My landlady
used to bring my meals to my room,
and I only nodded my head to her.
Only the place where I might have had
a chance to talk was a tobacco-shop
where I used to buy the tobacco every
day. But in three or four days' time,
my tobacconist began to know what
tobacco I wanted. No sooner I en-
tered into his shop than he took out a
package of my tobacco and handed it to
me. I left the money on the counter
and came out with this single word,
'Good-day!' After three months I fin-
ished my works there and came back
to London. At Paddington Station a
few friends were waiting me on the
platform. I talked with them about
five minutes and my jaws were too
tired to talk any more. More or less
in the same way I have spent all my
life in England until quite recently.
Beside this fact, as I have so often said,
I hate reading book. Who could ex-
pect me to improve my English, then?
Fancy, the writer accuses me that I
'pose.' 'Pose' for what? Suppose if
that writer were the Chinese Emperor
and I the poet, he would kill me. Sup-
pose if he were the Shogun Yoritomo
and I his brother, he* would demand
me to do harakiri!
The writer so foolishly says, 'a gen-
tleman who does not seem to know
how to spell his own name.' I suppose
he expects me to spell my name
Makino, after the rule of ' the Roman
spelling association' which is existing
among the foreigners in Japan, and
some Japanese who are in contact with
them. Poor man! I dare say that
'Roman spelling' rule may be useful
for the foreigners in Japan as long as
they cannot write the real Japanese
characters. By the way, most for-
eigners in Japan cannot write Japanese
characters, though they are staying
EMOTION AND ETYMOLOGY
485
there longer than I in England, there-
fore they use that Roman spelling rule
to write Japanese. Only I don't sneer
at them and say they 'pose.' But do
you ever expect all the nations in the
world would follow after that rule? I
hope you are a little wiser to keep on
your own common sense !
For instance, look at Esperanto! Its
own idea is most splendid. But what is
the use to learn the Esperanto for one's
self as long as the whole world would
not learn it? I sincerely advise you
that you need to learn those practi-
cal languages more urgently. If you
learned French you would have a great
convenience in France, and if you
learned German you would have a great
convenience in Germany. But where
can you get much convenience by
learning the Esperanto except with
those small numbers of people who
have learned it? This world has many
languages already, and the Esperanto
speakers have added one more new lan-
guage to the world instead of reducing
many languages into one. I must tell
you that the Roman spelling in Japan
is far more limited and far more local
than the Esperanto. The Great Brit-
ain has forty-five or forty-six millions
population and still larger numbers in
her colonies, and how many of them
have been in Japan? And among
those comparatively smallest number
who were in Japan, how many under-
stand the Roman spelling, which is so
inconvenient that neither English nor
Japanese can read without studying?
And it is also so imperfect that many
Japanese words are impossible to be
spelled in its way.
I am not surprised if there are not
quite one hundred people in this coun-
try who can read the Roman spelling.
Could I possibly be such a fool to spell
my name for the sake of a very few peo-
ple and give a great inconvenience to
so many millions people, as well as to
myself? To tell you the truth, I used to
spell my name Makino when I arrived
to England. Once I went to a boot-
shop in Knightsbridge and bought a
pair of boots. The shopman said he
would send them to my lodging in
Milner Street on the same day. I wait-
ed two days. No boots came to me. I
went to the shop again and inquired
about them. The shopman said, 'We
have delivered them to your address on
the same day, but a housemaid said to
our deliverer that there was not a gen-
tleman called Mr. Mayking. Here are
the undelivered boots for you, sir.'
Another time some stranger was
calling me, 'Mr. May-kino, Mr. May-
kino.' I did not answer him because it
sounded so different from my real
name, and I thought he was calling
somebody else. Every time when I
met with strangers, I had to explain
them that my name was not May-kino.
And at last I have invented a new spell-
ing of my name as Markino. Since
then, everybody calls my name as near-
est to the Japanese pronunciation as
possible, and I have had no more trou-
ble. So you see, I am spelling my name
for the practical purpose of my daily
life in England.
It is not only about the spelling of
my name that the third-class brains
are playing fool upon. They are al-
ways sticking to their own poor logic
and giving all sorts of trouble about
trifle matters on our daily busy life.
Here is a Japanese proverb for such a
person like that writer: 'There is no
medicine to cure such a fool as you.'
In England there are more serious
and more sincere reviewers than that
writer, and they often ask me, 'Some
parts of your books are written with
better English than the other parts.
Are you really not posing sometimes?'
For this question I have a very sin-
cere answer. I must confess you that I
have a friend who is always looking
486
EMOTION AND ETYMOLOGY
after my writings. She would not cor-
rect my own English. But I asked her
that when I talk about my philosophy
or anything which I really mean very
serious, I do not want the reader to
laugh over my imperfect English,
therefore she should correct them into
better English. At first, she shook her
head and refused to do so, saying it
would be 'pity.' At last she has con-
sented to do it. That is why those seri-
ous articles of mine are always in bet-
ter English; and about other lighter
articles, she passes them as they are.
Then I have a handicap with the print-
ers. They make my 'to' into 'so' and
'is' into 'as,' etcetera. It seems to me
they make more mistakes with my
writing than that of English writers.
One of the staff of my publishers told
me that it could not be helped. Because
when the English writers write books,
the printers know they should be cor-
rect English, therefore the printers ar-
range the * types ' with their sense. But
when they print my writing they don't
know what words will come next.
Therefore even when they made a mis-
take themselves, they might think it
was my mistake, and the publishers
had no control over that matter.
Here let me add that even my lady
collaborator often gets into the same
'muddle' with the printers when she
corrects the proofs of my manuscripts;
and once I touched the proofs myself
after she passed them. My publishers
were furious, and said to me, 'What-
ever for have you made such a mess
on the proofs? The printers were grum-
bling very much.' I said 'Amen' in
my desperation.
However, my English will never be-
come the English English. Why? Be-
cause I am my father's son, after all.
My father was a great scholar of the
ancient Chinese classics. He used to
lecture those classics to his young pu-
pils all day long, and even in his leisure
time he used to sing out the ancient
Chinese poetries in the gardens or in
the rooms, whenever he felt the emo-
tion in his heart, and I used to listen to
him since I was in cradle. Even when I
was such a little baby and could not
understand what that meant, I used to
imitate his recitation, and no sooner I
began to pick up the meaning of words,
than he has taught me all the ancient
Chinese literatures. Naturally to ex-
press my emotion in the way of the an-
cient Chinese rhetoric has become my
own instinct. As such has been my
case, I am afraid that I may be one-
sided, but I cannot help thinking even
the quite fair-minded critic would
choose the ancient Chinese literature
as the highest in the world.
When I was a little boy, I used to
swallow the Chinese words in whole,
and they came out exactly as they
were when I expressed my emotion.
To-day my mind is fully grown-up and
has the power to digest them. I mean
I do not mock after the Chinese liter-
ature. The style of my writing is en-
tirely my own, but it is fact that I get
all the nourishments from the Chinese
literature. Since I came to England I
have learned the English vocabulary
and idioms. But I can never satisfy
myself to follow after the English col-
loquial. I feel I cannot convey my own
emotion enough to you by doing in
that way; I could not be more than a
parrot then. Therefore, I construct my
sentences in my own way, then I fill
them up with the English words which
I know. I believe this is the only re-
source to express my emotion truth-
fully, and I have faith in it. At the pre-
sent stage, I know my writing is very
imperfect, but I have a great confidence
to succeed to establish my own new
style. Here is a Japanese saying for
those impatient people: 'Wait until I
finish up my work and don't criticize
while it is half done.'
THE LATE RETURN
BY KATHARINE FULLERTON GEROULD
His eyes reflect the blue of seas
That circle coasts remote and lone;
His lips are salt with spray from these;
His tempered voice betrays the tone
Of alien tongues; and in his ears
Insistent cadences he hears
Of alien creeds now made his own.
Pale stars have met above his head
To plot his peace; and they have driven
The hostile comet, vengeance-bred,
Staggering, spent, across the heaven.
Then, knowing what the days prepare,
They lift their lights in patience where
Familiar valleys wait his tread.
Star-led, he loiters toward his dream,
Though weary of the dream, until
At last he sees fair hills that seem
To rim his village, and his will
Grows unto her who lingers there,
Where silent sun and kindly air
Brood on the bower by the stream.
He bows his head beside the door
And speaks in accents of his youth :
*O love, whom I would cherish more
Than youth could cherish! all my truth
Comes home to thee. Forget the years,
The sad novitiate of tears;
Accept, at last, my tardy ruth.
'I bring thee peace and not alarm;
I lose the world for thee. Be thou
488 THE LATE RETURN
Set as a seal upon my arm,
Bound for a frontlet on my brow,
My sign of faith, my shield to save,
My amulet against the grave.
Lo, thou hast loved, but I love now!'
He lifts his eyes to meet her face,
Her sad brown eyes, her wistful cheek,
For which his hunger grows apace,
Which he has crossed those hills to seek.
No vision rises to assuage;
The thrush has pined within its cage,
The hearth is cold, and void the place.
From some dim corner far within
A sudden answer rises shrill,
And peering through her elf-locks thin
An aged crone leans o'er the sill.
'You seek,' she croaks, 'a bird that's fled,
Her flowers rot, her thrush is dead.
Here is no treasure you can win.
'She loved, for years, a worthless wight
Who fled long since this quiet spot.
^ She wept by day, she watched by night;
She wove her shroud and faltered not.
One day the lightning shattered through
The loom on which the garment grew.
"Not death but life, then, is my lot,"
'I heard her murmur. She has sped
Beyond these hills in search of life.
Mayhap she has found death instead;
Perchance she is a happy wife.
I know and reck not of her fate.
I starve and shiver here, and wait
But to be gathered to the dead.'
•
'She loved him ever? Tell me this.'
The old crone answered, 'Stark awake,
At night, she cried out for his kiss.
TWO OF THE NEWEST POETS 489
•
I heard her weeping. Curses take
The man who robbed me, first, of rest,
And then of her who served me best!'
She closed the casement as she spake.
The little hills that rim his home,
How high they seem! for he has turned
To cross them, unappeased, and roam
Adrift from stars that erstwhile burned
Above the place he fancied hers.
There is no prophet wind that stirs
To tell him whither she has come.
The little stars that serve the moon,
They weep for silence they must keep:
They may not bring him, late or soon,
To share her waking or her sleep.
'Yet God will intervene,' they say;
* Earth narrows for them, day by day.
Who soweth love, he love shall reap/
TWO OF THE NEWEST POETS
BY ROBERT SHAFER
WHEN, a few weeks ago, I picked up are all properly joyful at the funerals.
a copy of Fires at my bookseller's, I But, after all, the new poetic dispensa-
said something to myself which all the tion is probably a mixed blessing, and
reviewers have not hesitated to say in certainly there have been some few
public. I sighed as I reflected that estimable people who have decried this
decadence was once more dead and fresh outburst of virility and rude
buried. strength. Those who ha ve come to love
Of course, decadence has been pub- phrases in themselves, those who have
licly buried in the dust of forgotten lived and dreamed in an atmosphere
vagaries every time during the past of winged and scintillant words, who
two or three years that another poem have become craftsmen, or, in the real
by Mr. Wilfrid Wilson Gibson or Mr. sense of the term, artists in literature,
John Masefield has appeared; and we cannot but feel a half sad regret at
490
TWO OF THE NEWEST POETS
this latest development of English
poetry. How different it is from some
of that delicately tinted enamel-work
produced by a few men, and at least
one woman, in the nineties.
I read a little poem of Michael
Field's to a friend some time ago: —
I dance and dance! Another faun,
A black one, dances on the lawn.
He moves with me, and when I lift
My heels his feet directly shift:
I can't outdance him though I try;
He dances nimbler than I.
I toss my head, and so does he;
What tricks he dares to play on me!
I touch the ivy in my hair;
Ivy he has and finger there.
The spiteful thing to mock me so!
I will outdance him! Ho, ho, ho!
And then one by Mr. Arthur Symons :
The charm of rouge on fragile cheeks,
Pearl-powder, and, about the eyes,
The dark and lustrous Eastern dyes;
The floating odor that bespeaks
A scented boudoir and the doubtful night
Of alcoves curtained close against the light.
Gracile and creamy-white and rose,
Complexioned like the flower of dawn,
Her fleeting colors are as those
That, from an April sky withdrawn,
Fade in a fragrant mist of tears away
When weeping noon leads on the altered day.
My friend is very * modern' and he
likes his poetry to 'prove something/
but he could not help acknowledging
the sheer beauty of these exquisitely
worked-out pastels, conceived though
they were in the days when decadence
was in flower and dilettantes were bold.
He was forced to admit that in all the
qualities of mere workmanship this
poetry of the nineties was immeasur-
ably superior to anything and every-
thing in, for example, The Everlasting
Mercy ; and yet he, a young poet of
no inconsiderable talent himself, pre-
ferred the latter poem! And I think he
was right, at least right to a consider-
able extent. Still, consider the brutal
ugliness of this passage from The Ever-
lasting Mercy, in which Saul Kane tells
something of the fight between himself
and Billy Myers, the poacher : —
From the beginning of the bout
My luck was gone, my hand was out.
Right from the start Bill called the play,
But I was quick and kept away
Till the fourth round, when work got mixed,
And then I knew Bill had me fixed.
My hand was out, why, Heaven knows;
Bill punched me when and where he chose.
Through two more rounds we quartered wide,
And all the time my hands seemed tied;
Bill punched me when and where he pleased.
The cheering from my backers eased,
But every punch I heard a yell
Of 'That's the style, Bill, give him hell.'
No one for me, but Jimmy's light
'Straight left! Straight left!' and 'Watch his
right.'
This clumsiness of technique, these un-
couth, wretched lines, this rude, col-
loquial speech, we are hailing with
pleasure as the first evidence of really
modern English poetry. Mr. Masefield's
chief offense against conventionality
lies in the realistic speech he employs.
While Mr. Gibson's language is simple
to the point of baldness, it is not collo-
quial — his chief offenses are metrical,
his verse is irregular to the point of
anarchy. Into this question of tech-
nique we need scarcely go; and besides,
the reviewers and academic critics have
already said concerning it the few ob-
vious things that reviewers and aca-
demic critics are always able to say.
No one is holding up this poetry as ex-
actly a model of beauty, and it seems
clear that it is to be regarded simply as
a series of experiments, the groping
footsteps of a fresh and novel move-
ment that is yet but in its infancy. The
important thing, and, I am sure, the
thing which has made this poetry so
amazingly popular, is the spirit which
is behind it and in it, and which has
caused it to be brought forth. Beyond
considering technical faults in verse,
the academic critics have not deigned
to notice Mr. Masefield or Mr. Gibson,
and for this there is sufficient reason.
TWO OF THE NEWEST POETS
491
A search for the spirit and meaning
of poetry would be quite beyond the
province of the professors of literature
— that peculiar province of theirs of
which no one envies them the posses-
sion.
After the passing of the 'great fig-
ures ' of the Victorian era, a number of
slighter, if more companionable, beings
filled the English stage, such as it was,
in the nineties — some of them to the
pious horror of the middle classes and
the journalists of the lower classes.
These younger poets were sooner or
later divided into some six or seven
then already faintly discernible groups.
Several groups emerged from that com-
pany of enthusiastic young men who
were accustomed to gather together at
the Cheshire Cheese and discuss their
poetry over mugs of ale and long clay
pipes, and who styled themselves the
Rhymers' Club.
In their number was Mr. W. B.
Yeats, who was later to become the
most conspicuous member of that vi-
tal and highly interesting movement
which we now call the Irish Renais-
sance. There, too, was Lionel John-
son, fastidious, learned, and somewhat
aloof in his nature, who also allied
himself with the Irish movement. Ern-
est Dowson and Mr. Arthur Symons,
writing verse of a peculiarly French
character, and with temperaments dis-
tinctly more Gallic than Anglo-Saxon,
were among the Rhymers, forming al-
ready a group that was clearly and pre-
cisely marked off, and not the less im-
portant for its smallness.
Writing at the same time was
Michael Field, obviously following the
graceful models of later Hellenic litera-
ture. Closely allied to her work is that
of Mr. T. Sturge Moore, art critic and
Greek idyllist of our own day. Clearly
Tennysonian, however, was the verse
of Mr. Robert Bridges, and later of Mr.
Alfred Noyes; while that of Mr. Wil-
liam Watson, has been rather Words-
worthian in character. Francis Thomp-
son was plainly distinct from these, and
in the rich decoration and involution of
his poetry seemed to indicate a mod-
ified return to the Elizabethan spirit.
He has been somewhat unworthily fol-
lowed by Mr. Darrell Figgis. The note
of manliness and virility was sounded
most loudly by W. E. Henley, and most
clearly by John Davidson, in this sup-
posedly decadent age. Simple poetry
about country folk of the lower classes
has been written, most exquisitely by
Professor A. E. Housman, and with less
success by Mr. Thomas Hardy.
It is upon some such immediate
background as this hastily sketched
one that we must view the work of
Mr. Masefield and the later work of
Mr. Gibson. The question straight-
way arises, however, as to whether this
is a real background, and the better
one knows The Everlasting Mercy and
Dauber, Daily Bread and Fires, the
more insistent does this question be-
come.
At first I fancied that some resem-
blances could be pointed out between
Mr. Hardy's Wessex poetry and Mr.
Housman's Shropshire Lad and this
new poetry. Resemblances there are,
of course, but they proved delusive.
They are of the superficial kind that
usually suffice for the academic group-
ing of '* schools ' and the tracing of ' ori-
gins' and * sources,' but the real mean-
ings underlying the two are essentially
different.
I afterwards thought that some con-
nection might be shown between the
virility of Davidson's work and that
of the latest poetry, for virility is, at
first sight, the most evident charac-
teristic of Mr. Masefield's verse. But
note how contradictory the two con-
ceptions really are. Davidson was all
for the established order, and the key-
note to his position is to be found in
492
TWO OF THE NEWEST POETS
that most excellent monologue of his,
'Thirty Bob a Week.' One must be
a man in spite of things as they are,
and the way of doing it lies just in
The power of some to be a boss,
And the bally power of others to be bossed.
One must still 'be a man,' the newest
poets are assuring us, but the consum-
mation will come in an entirely differ-
ent way, not through 'brave and
meek ' acquiescence, but only by hero-
ical efforts at changing the established
order. Says Saul Kane to the Parson
in The Everlasting Mercy, —
The English Church both is and was
A subsidy of Caiaphas.
I don't believe in Prayer nor Bible,
They're lies all through, and you're a libel,
A libel on the Devil's plan
When first he miscreated man.
You mumble through a formal code
To get which martyrs burned and glowed.
I look on martyrs as mistakes,
But still they burned for it at stakes;
Your only fire's the jolly fire
Where you can guzzle port with Squire,
And back and praise his damned opinions
About his temporal dominions.
You let him give the man who digs
A filthy hut unfit for pigs,
Without a well, without a drain,
With mossy thatch that lets in rain,
Without a 'lotment, 'less he rent it,
And never meat, unless he scent it,
But weekly doles of 'leven shilling
To make a grown man strong and willing,
To do the hardest work on earth
And feed his wife when she gives birth,
And feed his little children's bones.
I tell you, man, the Devil groans.
With all your main and all your might
You back what is against what's right.
Could any cart-tail orator of the
socialist persuasion have spoken more
effectively about the existing abuses
of landlordism?
But there is more than incidental
socialism here; behind it all there is
that surging, insistent ' life-song of hu-
manity ' which our own Walt Whitman
sang so well, whether or not he sang
it in poetry.
All life moving to one measure —
Daily bread, daily bread —
Bread of life, and bread of labor,
Bread of bitterness and sorrow,
Hand-to-mouth, and no to-morrow,
Dearth for housemate, death for neighbor.
'Yet, when all the babes are fed,
Love, are there not crumbs to treasure? '
There is the keynote to this poetry of
all humanity, more plainly expressed
by Mr. Gibson, but none the less im-
plicit in Mr. Masefield.
If we are to find anywhere in con-
temporary literature a parallel for this
poetry I think that we shall have to go
to France. How often one has to go to
France! I wonder if any one has ever
realized the full extent of the French
leadership of the modern world. It was
there, at any rate, that, in 1908, La Vie
Unanime was published by L'Abbaye.
The author of the poem, M. Jules Ro-
mains, immediately became prominent,
and a formal 'movement* was inaug-
urated, Vecole unanimiste, which has
been considerably influenced by Whit-
man. The work of M. Charles Vildrac
will most repay reading in this connec-
tion. He is a lover of life in all its
manifestations, and finds inspiration in
whatsoever he sees or hears — a poor
woman walking along a country road,
a sailor left to drown after shipwreck,
a bit of ground covered with the waste
products of industrialism — all these
are grist for his poetic mill. M. Vil-
drac has called his latest book Lime
d 'Amour, because he 'is aware that he
has brought love and imagination to
bear on human wretchedness, mean-
ness, and pain.'
Certain critics, gifted with the usual
amount of discernment, have called
the work of Mr. Masefield and Mr.
Gibson 'futurist poetry.' This may
do well enough, but let no one con-
fuse it with M. F.-T. Marinetti and
Le Futurisme. Perhaps our English po-
etry is an indication pointing toward
TWO OF THE NEWEST POETS
493
the credo of M. Marinetti, but it is at
best no more than that, and bears a
much closer resemblance to Unanisme,
especially as manifested in M. Vildrac's
poetry.
Up to this moment I have coupled
Mr. Masefield and Mr. Gibson as one
does Klaw and Erlanger. It has been
more convenient to do so, but one must
not suppose that they are a syndicate.
For all I know they may never have
met each other personally in the gay
whirl of London life; and, though so
similar in spirit, certainly their indi-
vidualities are very distinct.
Mr. Masefield must be set down as
fundamentally pessimistic. There are
bright spots in his work, of course, and
many of them, but through it all there
runs a dark thread, and at times the
sinister aspects of life among the poor
seem to have overpowered him. This
is specially true of The Widow in the
Bye Street and Dauber, his latest long
narrative poem. This pessimistic out-
look is evident not alone in Mr. Mase-
field's poetical work, but also in his
plays, as any one will know who has
read The Tragedy of Nan, which ends
with a murder, a ptomaine poisoning,
and a suicide.
Indeed, one cannot help but feel that
Mr. Masefield, with his vivid sensi-
tiveness to human suffering and mis-
ery, has let himself be carried away
into, if not real untruthfulness, at
least a certain misrepresentation. For
we all know that the great mass of
common working-folk do live; some-
how or other they manage to get along,
and even have the time and inclination
for a considerable amount of loving,
and hating, and marrying, and having
children — especially having children,
one sometimes thinks. And yet — and
yet! — if their life really seemed to
them the thing Mr. Masefield makes it
out to be, I cannot help suspecting that
they would all of them, long ere this,
have rushed to the river and drown-
ed themselves, even as did Mr. Max
Beerbohm's odd thousands of Oxford
undergraduates. Do not suppose that
I am presuming exactly to condemn
this pessimism, I wish merely to point
the thing out with sufficient clearness.
It seems, indeed, to possess certain fine
and manly qualities — it has the ele-
ments of true impressiveness clinging
darkly around it, and it has the su-
preme merit of being unmistakably
sincere. Mr. Masefield's poetry is the
work of a man who has known thor-
oughly that whereof he writes. We
may not like it altogether, but we can-
not fail of recognizing the noble truth-
fulness and deep seriousness of The
Everlasting Mercy and of Dauber. That
exaltation of the dime-novel genre which
he gave us in The Widow in the Bye
Street is a thing to forget rather than
to censure.
Mr. Masefield's best work was done
in The Everlasting Mercy and in a few
short ballads of the sea which were
published in London several years ago;
these smaller poems have lately been
reprinted with some additions in the
American edition of Dauber, under the
general title, The Story of a Round-
House. In The Everlasting Mercy, Mr.
Masefield gave us a representation of
vital, red-blooded life that is palpitating
with actual energy from start to finish,
in its glories and in its debasement, in
its spiritual exaltation as well as in its
drunken frenzies. Saul Kane, reeling
drunk, stripped naked, and ringing the
fire-bell at dead of night as a herald of
the coming of the devil to claim his own
among the villagers, makes an image
never to be forgotten, hardly to be sur-
passed in all its rude vigor and native
strength. It is not quite enough to say
that Mr. Masefield is the poet of Life:
he is at the same time more, and less,
than that — he is the poet of Common
Life.
494
TWO OF THE NEWEST POETS
In Mr. Gibson we find a sensitive so-
cial conscience, and a sympathy with
common people that is undoubtedly
real; but it has scarcely resulted in
pessimism, or in sentimental ism. His
outlook is broader and more philoso-
phic, and the result of a more conscious
purpose.
Snug in my easy-chair,
I stirred the fire to flame.
Fantastically fair,
The flickering fancies came,
Born of heart's desire:
Amber woodland streaming;
Topaz islands dreaming,
Sunset cities gleaming,
Spire on burning spire;
Ruddy- windowed taverns;
Sunshine-spilling wines;
Crystal-lighted caverns
Of Golconda's mines;
Summers, unreturning;
Passion's crater yearning;
Troy, the ever-burning;
Shelley's lustral pyre;
Dragon-eyes, unsleeping;
Witches' caldrons leaping;
Golden galleys sweeping
Out from sea- walled Tyre:
Fancies, fugitive and fair.
Flashed with singing through the air;
Till, dazzled by the drowsy glare,
I shut my eyes to heat and light,
And saw, in sudden night,
Crouched in the dripping dark,
With steaming shoulders stark,
The man 'who hews the coal to feed my fire.
Mr. Gibson's early poetry was intri-
cate, decorative, exquisite, in a word,
conventional. But the time came when
he perceived that if his art was ever to
be real it must concern itself directly
with life. Accordingly he descended
into mines, and climbed the tortuous
stairs of evilly built tenements, talked
to men starving for lack of work, and
to wives and mothers with husbands
lost in the fishing-boats at sea — he
viewed intimately all that misery and
wretched slavery which has been be-
gotten by modern commerce upon
modern science, that foul monster over
which its arrogant parents cannot much
longer afford to shrug their shoulders
indifferently.
From this searching of the heart of
life there came forth the poet of To-
day, and of To-morrow too, I think.
And the first expression of this new
force came to us in America in Daily
Bread, a series of seventeen diminu-
tive poetic dramas dealing with simple
themes from the life of working-folk,
in diction purged of all surplusage,
plain to the point of austerity. A single
one, * The Night-Shift ' may be taken
as typical. A coal-miner dies, impris-
oned in the depths of the earth, while
his wife is yet ill from childbirth. The
effect of the continual tapping of the
rescuers' picks as it is overheard in the
clairvoyant mind of the young mother
is scarcely to be paralleled for the in-
tensity of the horror which it evokes
— it is * appalling and sublime,' as an
English critic has said. Still, impress-
ive as many of these dramas are, it is in
their cumulative effect that they are
chiefly powerful.
And the same thing may be said
of Fires, Mr. Gibson's latest volume,
which contains twenty-one narrative
poems. All of these narrative poems
deal with ordinary or exceptional mo-
ments in the life of the so-called com-
mon people, but there is a certain
broadening of the field of vision. Atten-
tion is no longer concentrated exclus-
ively upon the tragical aspects of life
which are produced by modern indus-
trialism; there are also studies of the
purely emotional life of working-folk, so
that we get a larger and more truthful
picture. Mr. Gibson is often interest-
ed in mental states which result from
intense emotional experiences, as we
can see from* The Lodestar,' 'Devil's
Edge,' and 'The Lilac Tree,' and he is
singularly successful in dealing with
these difficult themes. In Fires, as in
Daily Bread, the fundamental note is
human sympathy with the whole of life.
TWO OF THE NEWEST POETS
495
With Mr. Gibson this sympathy is a
very tender, intimate, and wholly com-
prehending thing, perhaps the least bit
aloof, but none the less real and true.
Though writing with fundamentally
similar purposes, and actuated by the
same underlying spirit, the work of Mr.
Masefield and Mr. Gibson has many
obvious differences. Mr. Gibson has
undeniably the finer, more delicate,
more sensitive, in a word more poetic,
mind. Mr. Masefield's song is rather a
shout — the shout of one who has but
just come from that of which he speaks,
with the rudeness and exhilaration of
actuality yet clinging about him. At
the same time that there is more of the
observer in him, there is in Mr. Gib-
son more of the power of true poetic
transformation. There is much in the
quality of Mr. Masefield's work that
in certain minds compels immediate
enthusiasm, but I suspect that, in the
long run, Mr. Gibson will be sincerely
liked where Mr. Masefield will be mere-
ly endured.
Of course, both men have cut loose
from the trammels of convention, and
so have antagonized those pious souls
who can see only technical experi-
ments in their work, without being
able to penetrate to the living, burn-
ing spirit which animates them. But
the few men in the world who do their
own thinking without being ashamed
of the horrid fact will recognize the
truth of the assertion that here we
have a new thing in English poetry,
the first poetic expression of a move-
ment which bids fair to sweep over
the whole Western World, and the
seriousness and extent of which we
scarcely realize, even though we are
daily presented with fresh evidence of
its strength and growth. I mean, of
course, the socialist conception of life
and government. We may view this
movement with uncomprehending hor-
ror, as most of us do, or with clear-
sighted recognition of its defects and
strength, as Robert Louis Stevenson
did a number of years ago; but how-
ever we look at it we cannot escape the
fact of its ceaseless spread and growth;
and the appearance of this new poetry
is but another indication of its deep-
rooted vitality.
As I turn over again the pages of
Le Contrat Social, I seem to see that
moment in the dim future when the
ethics of the ant-hill and the bee-hive
will be applied for a time to struggling,
suffering Western humanity, and there
appears for an instant a sardonic smile
upon the face of that kindly, well-
meaning blunderer, Jean Jacques.
BOTH SIDES OF THE SERVANT QUESTION
BY ANNIE WINSOR ALLEN
No matter how many girls spurn
housework, homes will still exist. No
matter how many women slink dis-
couraged into hotels and boarding-
houses, the best of families will always
live in separate homes. No matter
how many men remain unmarried, the
majority will always have wives and
children. Even the millennium itself
will not be without the family. Hotels
and boarding-houses, even, are merely
megatherianized homes; and no mat-
ter how much sensible cooperation in
washing and sewing, cooking and the
care of children and sick folk, may
be compassed, even those millenniares
will still have beds to be made, floors
to be swept, doors to be tended, clothes
to be sorted, buttons to be sewn on,
papers to be burned, dishes to be
washed, errands to be run, and win-
dows to be locked. Folks may live
without concerts and trolley-cars and
books, but they cannot live without
sleeping, dressing, and eating, sickness,
visitors, and children; nor can they
live without that perpetual disorder
which has to be perpetually cleared up,
and that perpetual disintegration of
the material universe which has to be
perpetually swept up. Domestic work
there will always be. The family itself
may do it, or they may pay some one
else to do it, or they may do part and
pay some one else to do part; but done
it must be.
For a family ranging from two to
not more than six, living in a house
which occupies not more than one
thousand square feet of ground space,
all the household work may be done
after a fashion by one woman who is in
reasonable health. It often is so done.
From half-past five in the morning till
half-past nine or ten or eleven at night,
she is cooking something, or washing
something or somebody; she is clearing
or cleaning up, or sewing, and in the
odd moments she is tending children or
invalids, or the door or the table. She
is never free to leave the house, even
if she gets time to read a newspaper.
A woman will do all this for her own,
if she must, and many women do it
well; here and there an exceptionally
gifted woman, exceptionally placed,
prefers to do it all herself and does it
well; but few women will prefer to do
it and certainly no one would be hired
to do it. On the other hand, two to-
gether can do this same work for a
family of even ten or twelve and yet
have time for rest and recreation. The
simple fact is that the work is not hard,
but incessant. This secular character
makes two workers necessary, if there
is to be any rest but sleep. If only one
worker is forthcoming from the house-
hold, then the other must be hired.
If the family circumstances make no
helper possible, then the size of the
house must be the very least possible,
and food and clothing must be reduced
to the utmost simplicity.
If, beyond this, the mistress of the
house wants time for rest and time
for other exacting occupations, then
she must secure another helper to take
BOTH SIDES OF THE SERVANT QUESTION
497
some or all of her share of the house-
hold work. Also, if she wishes to have
either cooking- or cleaning done extra
well or elaborately, she must get still
another helper, or two others. If she
chooses to have more than four living
rooms, if she wants a separate sleep-
ing-room for each member of the fam-
ily, and guest-rooms in addition, or
if she chooses to have her rooms aver-
age more than fourteen feet square,
then also she must secure more than
two servants to keep these rooms in
order. It is all a matter to be decided
by arithmetic. From 24 hours sub-
tract 8 for sleep, 2 for meals, and 14
for work; how much is left for pleas-
ure? If it takes three quarters of
an hour to sweep and dust one room
14x15, how long will it take to do
four such rooms, and how long to do
eight rooms which are twice as large?
The resultant fact which emerges con-
spicuously from all such arithmetic is
that .almost every home is the better
for having two to keep it, or else it
keeps some one and must sometimes
keep itself.
More than this. The unchangeable
thing about housework is, that it lasts
from the waking-hour of the family
until all the family has gone to sleep,
and even continues during the night
if someone is sick or a thunderstorm
comes up. The business of the house-
mistress is to care for the house and
the family. This care can have no
cessation. She may delegate its vari-
ous activities, but her responsibility
lasts from midnight to midnight, —
the most intimate, the most necessary,
of all services. In any other branch of
continuous service, such as telephon-
ing, two operators would be provided,
but there is no possibility of providing
two mothers. The best that can be
done is to provide one aide or more.
In the purely natural household the
mother's aides are her boys and girls,
VOL. 111 - NO. 4
who, as fast as they grow old enough,
share this service for the common good.
In very simple conditions she does not
need more responsible assistance be-
cause she has no interests or duties
outside her home. In a complex com-
munity, however, a mother, no matter
how simple her interests, has many
things to take her away from home,
even if nothing more than shopping.
Then she must have a responsible per-
son to leave in charge.
Because of its incessant needs, then,
almost every family of more than two
members is the better for having one
'servant,' — some responsible person,
that is, — to help in the family service,
to serve the mistress of the house, and
share her activity. (Not because that
service is disagreeable to her or diffi-
cult in any part, but because there is
too much for one person.) This serv-
ant may be a half-grown daughter or
a young grandmother, a maiden sister
or a homeless friend, or a handy boy,
or a husband, or even an accommo-
dating neighbor. Or it may be a paid
person without any previous interest
in the family.
ii
On taking a paid helper into the
household, we step outside purely nat-
ural conditions. What was a labor of
love and mutual service is now done
for pay, and yet it remains within the
domestic atmosphere. An employee
has been engaged at a definite wage to
work under direction, according to the
needs of the employer, as she would
do in a factory. She is to render mostly
personal service, as she would do in
a store or a telephone central. But
this personal service is private service,
like that of a clerk in an office. Yet
unlike factory-hand, saleswoman, tele-
phone girl, or stenographer, she is ren-
dering a service which brings in no
money gain to her employer. Hers is
498
BOTH SIDES OF THE SERVANT QUESTION
not a commercial service. She is help-
ing her employer, not to get a living,
but to live. She aids, not production,
but consumption, for the home is that
famous thing, the ultimate consumer.
This brings her work into the same
class with that of the doctor, the clergy-
man, the teacher, and the nurse, and
like them she can have no fixed hours
of work agreed upon beforehand and
held to rigidly. Like a trained nurse
or a governess, she is not paid wholly
in cash. Her wage is paid partly in
board and lodging, so that in one as-
pect she is a boarder and presents thus
a double problem. On the other hand,
she is unlike the sick nurse in that the
need of her is continuous, not fitful;
and unlike a governess, in that she is
doing what is a family necessity, not
a family preference. Her service is an
integral part of the daily family life.
Domestic service is consequently un-
like any other service.
Of course, all useful occupation is
of two sorts, personal and commercial,
— the sort which gives direct assist-
ance to the life of others, like housing,
feeding, tending, and teaching; and the
sort which gives indirect assistance to
that same personal life, — manufac-
turing, transportation, and sale. The
one sort consumes money; the other
makes it. Homes are not money-mak-
ing establishments. They are money-
users. Their work is personal : it is life-
making, not money-making. If life is
not worth living, money is not worth
making: and as a man's home is, so
is his life. The nearer you get to a
good home, the closer you are to the
fountain of life. For this reason, good
domestic service is more necessary to
life and happiness than is good com-
mercial service. Whether you are paid
for keeping house or do it for love,
does not matter. The service is equally
valuable and indispensable.
Domestic service is not only indis-
pensable, it is personally exacting. It
requires a higher grade of personal
character than any corresponding grade
of work. All forms of personal service
require this same quality of character,
although such different kinds of skill
and knowledge. Engineer, architect,
lawyer, minister, teacher, nurse (sick
or child's), governess, coachman, cook,
maid, housekeeper, housewife or home-
maker, father and mother, all need the
same qualities of fidelity, patience,
kindness, devotion, honesty, and'good
manners. To be a good father is more
creditable than to be a good business
man, for it takes, not more talent but
more intelligence and more kinds of
virtue. To be a satisfactory domestic
cook requires in the same way more
all-round personal excellence and more
varied good sense than to be a skilled
milliner. A thoroughly valuable child's
nurse must have much more admirable
personal qualities than a saleswoman
needs.
Of course, these excellent moral qual-
ities are not unwelcome in any occupa-
tion, but some can get along without
them while to others they are essen-
tial. For instance, a marvelously per-
fect glass-cutter may be a liar, a drunk-
ard, and a thief, but no one could be
any of these three and be a valuable
school-teacher, or doctor, or engineer,
or coachman. So with all reputable
domestic service. It does not demand
remarkable talent in any one direction,
but it must have a high grade of char-
acter and of general intelligence. To
establish the full success of a home,
every one who lives beneath its roof
must share in general the same moral
standards and the same notions of re-
finement.
These occupations of personal serv-
ice requiring, first and foremost, good
character, are also those which place
the largest burden of trust. People who
enter them need a clear sense of honor,
BOTH SIDES OF THE SERVANT QUESTION
499
and such occupations enlist a special
degree of personal devotion and loyalty.
Who else gets and gives such devotion
and loyalty as the good family doctor
and the beloved family nurse? So in
the old feudal days, domestic service
was held to be highly honorable, and
so it is in these days wherever servant
and served are equal to the opportun-
ity. This is not a conspicuous or showy
service. It is done in secret, almost,
but it is one which wins rich rewards
in appreciation and lifelong grateful
mutual affection from those who have
known and enjoyed its excellence.
The workers cannot be watched, and
the limit of authority cannot be de-
fined; no definition of mutual service
and obligation, can be made; no fixed
contract can be drawn up. For the
home is a place where things cannot be
regulated by rule and schedule. It is
a place of adjustment, like the joint in
a suspension bridge. Weather, health,
railroad schedules, business appoint-
ments, and social engagements, must
be taken as fixed; the home must vary
to meet them, and must be always
ready to dry wet shoes, run for the
doctor, have dinner late or no dinner
at all, and to provide extra dishes or
fresh beds, without a murmur. In short,
the house is maintained for the ad-
vantage of the family.
in
How bewilderingly true this is may
be appreciated by considering even
briefly, from either the legal or the per-
sonal point of view, the mutual rela-
tions of mistress and maid as to work,
hours, pay, health, or pleasure; and by
then remembering that every mistress
and every maid has to consider all those
parts of the service from both points
of view, all the time. No wonder be-
wilderment arises. If we do not follow
the right method by instinct and cus-
tom, but depend upon thought, we are
lost.
Besides obeying the general spirit of
the common law in all the intimacy
of household intercourse, mistress and
maid have four special legal relations:
1. Employer and Employee. — This
relation is a matter of contract. Both
sides must live up to the agreement
which they make in the beginning.
The mistress must not ask that any-
thing shall be done by the maid, of a
wholly different sort from the work
agreed upon. The maid must not re-
fuse to do any work of the kind orig-
inally agreed upon. Of course, origin-
ally, the mistress has a perfect right to
propose any kind of work so long as it
is not criminal. It is for the girl to de-
cide whether she cares to accept the
proposal.
A reasonable cause for complaint
on either side is something of which
complaint has already been made and
in which no improvement followed, or
else something so objectionable that
no one needs to be told that it is un-
endurable. But to allow a thing to go
on for some time and then suddenly
to complain and break the contract
is not reasonable. Therefore all com-
plaints, great or small, should be made
promptly. This is a legal duty of .both
sides.
2. Principal and Agent. — An agent
is one who acts in another's place dur-
ing the absence of that other. The
position is therefore one of trust, and
requires good judgment. An agent
must behave as nearly as possible in
the way in which the principal would
behave under the circumstances, and
must consider always the advantage of
the principal. How much independent
power of decision belongs to the agent,
depends upon the directions which he
receives.
Many times a day every domestic
500
BOTH SIDES OF THE SERVANT QUESTION
servant acts as an agent. It is a posi-
tion which demands a strong sense of
honor. She should be faithful to her
mistress's interests, saving money for
her, caring for her property, and be-
having courteously as her representa-
tive.
3. Bailor and Bailee. — A bailor is
one who gives some article which he
owns into the possession of another, in
order that that other may do some
work upon it.
The bailee is required to use all
proper care in handling the goods in-
trusted to him and to return them
promptly as soon as he has done the
job agreed upon, while the bailor is
expected not to blame the bailee for
natural wear and tear or unavoidable
accidents.- All day long every servant is
a bailee, doing some work upon articles
owned by another.
4. Host and Boarder. — The host
must see that the rooms provided are
cleanly and sanitary. The food must
be in sound condition and of as good
quality as the board paid will war-
rant. The host has no claim to know
anything of the boarder's private af-
fairs.
The boarder must behave in a court-
eous and quiet manner while in the
house, doing nothing to make the house
unattractive to the other occupants,
and following the customs of the house
in all essentials. The boarder has no
claim upon the social or domestic life
of the host.
There are two other important rela-
tions which, to be sure, mistress and
maid do not hold legally toward one
another, but, living under the same
roof, and sharing so many of the same
interests, they appear to hold these
relations, and suggestions as to wise
and acceptable behavior can be got by
considering how things would be if
these apparent relations were legal.
These relations are : —
1. Guardian and Ward. — A guardian
must see to it that the minors under
her care do not do anything to imperil
their future well-being and usefulness;
she must see that they are properly
occupied during the hours of pleasure;
and that they have sufficient .work to
keep them busy and useful. She must
treat them without due harshness, but
must make them obedient. A good
guardian also will win the ward's con-
fidence and take the place of a parent
as much as possible.
A ward must be obedient and indus-
trious, truthful and respectful to the
guardian. A well-conditioned ward will
also wish to enlist the guardian's friend-
ly interest, and to get the benefit of
such judicious advice as a larger expe-
rience of life and greater opportunities
can usually supply.
It is fortunate when mistress and
maid are both such that a relation of
guardian and ward is informally es-
tablished between them. But a mis-
tress must be very careful how she as-
sumes a guardian's rights, since legally
they are not hers.
2. Confidential Adviser and Confiden-
tial Agent. — The confidential adviser
(such as a doctor or a lawyer) must
give honest, disinterested advice, and
must not betray the confidence reposed
in him by repeating what has been told
him.
The confidential agent (such as a
private secretary) must not repeat the
secrets which are learned in the course
of her work, and must not use the know-
ledge which she gains in any way to the
disadvantage of her employer or of any
one else.
Although the law does not recognize
these confidential relations as involved
in domestic service, as a matter of fact
they always are, and a girl should scru-
BOTH SIDES OF THE SERVANT QUESTION
501
pulously refrain from repeating outside
what she hears in the home, if she
knows that the repetition will work in-
justice.
So unavoidably complex are the
legal and semi-legal relations between
mistress and maid! In fulfilling them
successfully special personal relations
OBVERSE
It is right that
1. The character of the work should
be definitely understood in the begin-
ning on both sides.
2. The work should be carefully
arranged according to hours and days;
but the mistress should be willing to
alter it on occasion to suit the prefer-
ence or health or pleasure of the maid,
provided that this alteration does not
seriously interfere with the well-being
of the family.
3. When the usual number of serv-
ants is lessened for a considerable time,
those upon whom the additional work
comes should receive extra pay accord-
ing to the amount of extra work that
they do.
4. Extra services not in the line of
work agreed upon should not be ex-
pected, nor heavier work than was
specified in the beginning.
5. A mistress who is not pinched for
money should not on that account al-
low waste and carelessness among her
servants. It is very bad for anyone,
and very bad for the community, to
acquire a disrespect for values.
6. A mistress should be careful about
have to be established and maintained.
These vary with every case according
to the size and elaborateness of family
and home, the skill and temperament
of mistress and maid. They involve all
questions of work, hours, pay, health,
and pleasure on both sides. For in-
stance : —
REVERSE
It is right that
1. A girl should do willingly any
work of the sort for which she was en-
gaged which will be of benefit to the
family, whether or not it was specific-
ally mentioned in the beginning. The
only reason for refusing to do such
work should be either that it is too
heavy for her strength, or that it con-
stantly overruns her hours of recrea-
tion.
2. A girl should be interested to al-
ter her usual routine to suit unusual
circumstances in the family. Espe-
cially in regard to guests, she should
remember that one of the blessings of
a home is that friends may come there
freely.
3. A girl should be ready to do work
other than her own for a day or two
without being annoyed or asking for
more pay. She should never be willing
to take pay from guests, as if she were
a bootblack.
4. A girl should not shirk her work.
She should work as hard and as well as
she can without injury to her health.
Otherwise she is docking the amount
of work for which she is paid, and her
employer would be justified in docking
the amount of pay in proportion.
5. A girl should keep things in good
condition, in order to preserve the
property. She tacitly agrees when she
takes the place to practice economy
and care in her mistress's interest. She
uses things in trust for her.
6. Because she gets a certain privi-
502
BOTH SIDES OF THE SERVANT QUESTION
suddenly removing privileges to which
girls have grown accustomed. She
must always keep clear which are privi-
leges, even very common ones.
7. There should be about nine hours
of work a day; that is, approximately
sixty-three hours a week; or, better yet,
one hundred and twenty-six hours in a
fortnight.
8. The work each day should begin
not more than fifteen hours from the
time when it is to end; thus giving time
for eight hours sleep and half an hour
apiece for dressing and undressing.
9. The distribution of work-hours
through the day should be as nearly
as possible the same every day.
10. The pay offered for domestic
work should correspond approximately
to that which the girl could probably
get in some commercial occupation,
(minus the current price of board and
lodging) . She should not be paid more
than the worth of the grade of work
which she actually does.
11. The board and lodging which
she gets at her place of service should
be reckoned as part of her pay, at the
rate which she herself would have to
pay, if she were working by the day,
and not living at home.
lege frequently she must not fall into
the habit of thinking that it is a
right.
7. A girl should recognize the un-
certain character of the work, and be
cheerfully willing to work over-time
some days, in an emergency, remem-
bering that she often works under-time
on other days.
8. A girl should begin her day as early
as is best for the good of the family,
and end at the time that is best for
them. She must get her necessary re-
spite during the afternoon or at some
other time when the family does not
need her.
9. A girl should use good sense, and
not expect any family life to go on with
the regularity of a factory.
10. A girl should not expect much
higher pay than she knows she can get
in some productive occupation.
11. A girl should not expect the food
which she receives to be better than
what she would be able to pay for if
she were working by the day, nor should
she take food between meals any more
than she would if she were at a real
boarding-house. Nor should she eat
at meals more or differently than she
would be allowed to at a boarding-
house. If the food which she receives
is of better quality than she would
otherwise get, she should count that
as just so much added to her wages in
pleasure and health, and subtracted
from her doctor's bill, sick-leave, and
so forth.
So one may go on through all the
minutiae of work, hours, pay, health,
and pleasure, balancing items on both
sides. But the showing is already
sufficient to illuminate the causes of the
discontent and grumbling that are so
frequently heard on both sides of the
domestic service question.
BOTH SIDES OF THE SERVANT QUESTION
503
IV
The fact is that, both mistress and
maid occupy a sphere where honor and
trust and disinterested hard work must
be present, or discontent will abound.
But honor and trust do not rule in most
Mistresses say :
Housekeeping is wearisome and dis-
heartening. There are many maids
ready to draw good pay, and few ready
to do good work. Many do not know
how to work well, and most do not
want to work well. They all want to
get much and give little.
people, and overcoming difficulties is
not now in fashion. This is the season
of our discontent. Our shield of discus-
sion is not golden on one side and silver
on the other, but dull lead here and
rusty iron there; on both sides dissatis-
faction.
Maids say :
Housework is tiresome and discour-
aging. There are lots of mistresses
ready to ask for good work, and very
few ready to give good conditions. Lots
of them do not know how to manage
well, and most of them do not want to
deal fairly. They all want to get much
and give little.
We are used to pitying the mistresses
— if we are mistresses ourselves; but
if we are maids, we consider sadly the
plight of the maids. Getting a new mis-
tress is a very uncertain venture.
First, there is the mistress who has
been bred from childhood in a home
where there was plenty of service, but
who is entirely without any experience
of the work itself and employs her
servants to rid herself of what she
considers mere undesirable activities.
Such a mistress is frequently unreason-
able and unsympathetic.
Second, there are the houses where
the mistress is unaccustomed to the
control and direction of others: she
was not brought up in a household
where servants were employed, and she,
too, employs them in order that she
herself may be rid of the household
work which she dislikes. These house-
wives who are just waking to the pos-
sibility of assistance also frequently
make very poor mistresses, for their
attitude is likewise apt to be selfish.
They are unaccustomed to being in au-
thority, and are too often either timid
or exacting.
The increasing probability of coming
under the control of such mistresses is
helping to keep many of the most desir-
able girls out of domestic service. On
the other hand, the increased number
of good incomes, and the decreased
willingness to work long hours, has
added enormously to the number of
families employing servants, and to
the number of servants employed in
each family. Thus, circumstance is
working at both ends, increasing the
demand and decreasing the supply, at
one blow.
In a third sort of house, however, the
mistress, whether or not she has been
accustomed from childhood to see serv-
ants about, understands the work her-
self, and is capable of doing any part
of it as well as need be. She employs
servants in order that she may have
free time for other occupations which
she cannot delegate, but which she con-
siders of great importance to the best
development and usefulness of her hus-
band and her children. It is these wo-
men who can help gradually to make
domestic service more desired ; but per-
haps they are relatively few, and cer-
tainly the tug of the times is against
them. Modern women have not a mind
to it, because modern girls are not
bred to a knowledge of it.
504
BOTH SIDES OF THE SERVANT QUESTION
In fact, as we are all weary of remark-
ing, the growing prosperity, independ-
ence, and democracy of the last thirty
years, have, along with their many
blessings, brought disquiet. They have
cast a definite slur in our minds upon
obedience, hard work, drudgery, stabil-
ity, domestic life, and personal service.
Easy independence has become a stock
idea with us. The gospel of sorrow
and suffering, labor and difficulty, has
fallen into disfavor. It is replaced by
the gospel of pleasantness. Working,
even to grow rich, is unpopular. 'The
Almighty Dollar!' said an observant
German, full twenty years ago. 'No!
the Americans no longer worship the
Almighty Dollar. They worship the
God of Good Times.' If any one doubts
the hold which this exaggerated stock
idea has upon even the least lazy of us,
let him count the number of times dur-
ing the coming week that he himself
accepts an inferior grade of work from
himself or from another, because he
does not like to make things disagree-
able; or decides not to ask a simple
favor of a friend for fear of giving
trouble. We are the first generation
which has said of a woman in our em-
ploy, 'Yes, she is idle, slovenly, and
dishonorable, she does not give me a
fair return for my money. But I don't
blame her : the work is disagreeable. I
should not like to do it myself.'
Besides this easy temper of the
times, another stock idea disturbs the
peace of our households. This is the
notion of doing something a little be-
yond one's capacity. We call it am-
bition. Ninety-nine men you meet are
ambitious, to one who is thorough. The
born clerk wants to be a lawyer, and
the born lawyer wants to be a rail-
road president. But one of these days
innumerable persons of good mental
training will have to go into occupa-
tions which they now think not worth
considering. Then they will discover
that, in a democracy, all occupations
are equally honorable. In a true de-
mocracy everybody works, each one at
whatever he can do best, and he takes
pride in it. Not every one can do the
unusual things, or they would not be
unusual. Every five persons need a
sixth to help in the household, but only
every five hundred need a doctor. And
a doctor cannot support himself on
less than five hundred patients: no
one of them needs him often enough.
It is the same with trained nurses. So
some day more of the right sort of
girls who are welcome in domestic serv-
ice will take it up. The right kind of
girls are those who want to work stead-
ily and well, at work suited to their
strength and ability, for eight or nine
hours a day. And since to do house-
work satisfactorily demands refine-
ment and good sense, they are also
girls who have nice feelings and a fair
education.
Already, to-day, many steady, re-
fined, sensible girls appreciate the ad-
vantage of working in other people's
homes, but they make four definite ob-
jections to the occupation as it is now
arranged. These are: (1) The difficulty
of securing a pleasant, quiet place in
which to enjoy leisure and to receive
their callers; that is, its discomforts.
(2) The difficulty of finding out before-
hand how the mistress of any particular
house is going to treat you; that is, its
uncertainty. (3) The difficulty of being
sure of pleasant fellow-workers; that is,
its intimacy. (4) A dislike of helping
without sharing in a private home life;
that is, its aloofness. Of course, also, the
social ' stigma ' is urged as the chief rea-
son why it is hard to secure good help in
the household. This is the reason which
many girls believe they have for not
entering domestic service. But a gen-
eral sentiment of this kind follows the
conditions which create it. A feeling
is always a consequence before it is a
BOTH SIDES OF THE SERVANT QUESTION
505
cause. If the conditions were altered,
the sentiment would disappear. In
the eighteenth century there was a
social stigma on artists; the social
stigma on doctors has scarcely yet dis-
appeared in England; and that on re-
tail trade has been heard of in this
country. Some say there is still a social
stigma on dentists, while others look
upon dentists as high in the social scale.
These are matters of sentiment. We
cannot work to efface sentiment, but
only to efface what causes the senti-
ment.
This sentiment, among those who
feel it, is clearly caused by the com-
bined pressure of the four conditions
that I have enumerated. But we may
each of us work to efface from our own
household gradually, so far as possible,
its discomfort and its uncertainty. Its
intimacy with the other workers must
always continue, but just so far as
girls learn how to be agreeable without
being familiar, its unpleasantness will
abate.
Its aloofness from the family must
always continue, too, in most house-
holds, but this can be turned to advan-
tage by the girl. In talking of the ad-
vantages of domestic service for young
girls, it is very usually said to secure
them a good home. This is palpably
not so. In the first place, many of the
households in which they can find serv-
ice are not in themselves good homes;
and, in the second place, however good
the home may be, the girl never wholly
shares it. The actual situation is that
by going into domestic service a girl
gets a more or less good and homelike
boarding-place, possibly more comfort-
able than what she could probably pro-
vide for herself if she were working at
any other occupation, and probably
more elaborate than the home from
which she comes. No matter how home-
like it may be, it is not her own home,
it is some one else's home. If the fam-
ily lives well into the country in a simple
way, with almost no interests outside
the domestic happenings, then the girl
feels, and is, very much like one of the
family. But the more outside interests
the family has, and the more they use
their home for entertaining their ac-
quaintances, the less can she be a part
of their life. It is too complicated to
admit of receiving any outsider on a
family footing; the housekeeper, the
governess, or the trained nurse, feels
this quite as keenly as the maid. If
those employed in the home were part
of the family it would defeat the very
purpose for which they are employed.
They are employed in order to free the
family for outside interests. The aloof-
ness may be small disadvantage if a
girl knows how to use her unoccupied
time, and has a just amount of it.
In fact, on both sides, we may make
domestic service acceptable if we have
a mind to. The long and the short of
it is that minds must be changed as
well as methods. Since domestic serv-
ice is merely the delegating of her
own duties to a trustworthy aide, the
house-mother must look upon it with
interest and respect; and the house-
worker, since it is merely the prophecy
of her own duties to come, must look
upon it with respect and interest. And
since it is the centre of human life
and the source of all human happiness,
both must look upon it as indispen-
sable, inevitable, honorable, and de-
sirable. Wherever both mistress and
maid realize this, harmony exists;
and the spread of this understanding
will separate the desirable from the
undesirable on both sides, drawing the
desirable together in mutual satisfac-
tion (of our mitigated human sort), and
leaving the undesirable to wrestle with
each other and come to their proper
end, like the Kilkenny cats. A con-
summation much to be desired on both
sides !
506
THE CENSURED SAINTS
Much remains to be said as to meth-
od, but she, on either side, — mistress
or maid, — who believes and lives up
to what is here set down, is not, even
now, dwelling in the Cave of Adullam
— which is so big and crowded. She
has a little private cave of her own,
where the prospect is pleasant and the
air is not * polluted by corruption and
groans.'
THE CENSURED SAINTS
BY GEORGE HODGES
THE saints have always lived in peril
of excommunication. Even canonized
saints have been acquainted with the
formal censures of ecclesiastical au-
thority.
Saint Athanasius was condemned by
several councils, and being deposed
from his place as Pope of Alexandria,
spent years in exile. Saint Benedict
had hardly begun to work as Abbot of
Vicovarro, when the monks tried to
poison him. Saint Chrysostom was ex-
communicated, and driven out of Con-
stantinople. Saint Damasus was so
energetically opposed by his brethren
that, upon the adjournment of the
meeting at which he was elected Pope
of Rome, a hundred and thirty-seven
bodies of dead electors were found on
the church floor. Saint Epiphanius,
preaching in Jerusalem, was interrupt-
ed by the bishop in the middle of his
sermon, and told to leave the pulpit. It
is true that the saint was engaged at
that moment in denouncing the bishop;
but the fact remains that even saints
were unable to do that with impunity.
They had to suffer for it.
It would be easy to go down the long
alphabet of censured saints, and find
plenty of like cases. The new Diction-
ary of Christian Biography and Litera-
ture1 covers only six centuries, but it
suffices to show the saints in the endur-
ance of all manner of tribulation. Of
course, they were hated by their pagan
neighbors; that was a part of the day's
work. And if, in addition, they were
reviled and persecuted by their breth-
ren in religion, even that was plainly
promised in the last beatitude. The
Dictionary begins at the end of the
New Testament. If it had gone further
back, it would have included the
stoning of Saint Stephen. The five
hundred and ninety-six Johns who ap-
peared in the former four- volume edi-
tion are here a much more select com-
pany; but even the present list retains
the John who was expelled from Alex-
andria by the zeal of the Patriarch of
Constantinople, and the John of An-
tioch who was excommunicated by the
Council of Ephesus, and the John of
Constantinople who was rebuked by
Gregory the Great for seizing a priest
accused of heresy and beating him with
ropes in the cathedral.
It is interesting to see how remote
this is from such a book as Mrs. Lang's
1 Dictionary of Christian Biography and Lit-
erature. Edited by HENRY WACE and WIL-
LIAM C. PIEBCY. Boston: Little, Brown & Co.
1911.
THE CENSURED SAINTS
507
Stories of Saints and Heroes.1 The
saints in these pages have their various
troubles: Saint Francis has an unsym-
pathetic father, and Saint Elizabeth
an unsympathetic mother-in-law, and
there are pagan persecutors, and drag-
ons, and temptations of the devil; but
the brethren, for the most part, are
kind and true, and the Church follows
the saint with benedictions. We per-
ceive, however, that the stories which
Mrs. Lang has so pleasantly retold are
like the accounts of King David which
are given in the Books of Chronicles.
The Chroniclers make no record of
the domestic unhappiness of David.
They omit the chapters which centre
about Bathsheba and about Absalom.
They are preparing a history that will
be profitable reading for the Young
Men's Hebrew Association. In their
pages, the kings are rarely seen without
their crowns. So, in the convention-
al lives of the worthies, the saints are
rarely seen without their halos. Even
in Professor Egan's delightful life of
Saint Francis,2 only a passing reference
is made to Brother Elias, * the prudent
man who tried to make the Francis-
cans worldly/ The reader is not told
how Brother Elias succeeded; how, in
his own lifetime, Francis saw his ideals
changed against his will, and himself
set aside; and how, after his death, the
group of his first disciples, whose sto-
ries are told in the Little Flowers, were
persecuted by the secularizing breth-
ren, and Brother Leo was scourged,
and Brother Bernard was hunted over
the hills like a wild beast, for their loy-
alty to the saint.
These narratives of failure and trag-
edy are not pleasant reading, and there
is no reason why Mrs. Lang and Dr.
1 Stories of Saints and Heroes. By MRS. AN-
DREW LANG. New York and London: Long-
mans, Green & Co. 1912.
2 Everybody's Saint Francis. By MAURICE
EGAN. New York: The Century Co. 1912.
Egan should have included them in
their books. They bear witness, how-
ever, to the fact that the censure of the
saints was not confined to the first six
centuries. The situation is a psycho-
logical one, and is bound to recur in all
lands and religions. It is the everlast-
ing contention between the institution
and the individual. The institution
has its established rules of order, its
prudent and practical procedure, its
adaptation to the ordinary man, and
its conservative convictions. And the
saint is different. He has a new vision
of truth or of duty. Sometimes he is
a prophet, declaring like Isaiah that
God hates and despises the feast-days,
the services, and the sacraments of the
Church. Or he is a mystic, who has
no use for the rites and ceremonies; or
a reformer, who proposes to change
them; or, being a saint, he irritates his
neighbors by the silent criticism of his
example; or, being a scholar, he alarms
them by his new readings of old sen-
tences. Often his difference from his
brethren sends him into dissent; and
then he is doubly obnoxious, adding
to the sin of heresy the sin of schism.
Under these conditions, the words may
be fulfilled which say, * Whosoever
killeth you will think that he doeth
God service.'
The name 'saint* is here extended
considerably beyond its ecclesiastical
significance, and is used to indicate
the individualist in religion. The saint,
in this sense, is the good man, devout
and honest, and tremendously in ear-
nest, who differs notably from his
brethren, either in his manner of life
or in his theological opinions. Look-
ing through the religious books of the
past twelve months, to find, if possible,
some common note, it is interesting to
see how many of them deal with the
censure of such saints.
Thus the Abbe Duchesne's Early
History of the Church, now in its second
508
THE CENSURED SAINTS
volume,1 describes the schism of the
Donatists, and gives great space to the
heresy of the Arians. It is a careful,
learned, and entirely fair account of the
days when good men were in perplex-
ity. Pagan persecution had frightened
even bishops into apostasy. It was
commonly believed in Rome that Pope
Marcellinus had offered incense on pa-
gan altars, to save his life. Then, when
peace came, it was maintained by the
more strict that the ministry of those
who had done such things was by that
fact invalidated. If they were bishops,
other bishops must be chosen in their
places. This was the contention of the
Donatists, and the result was the set-
ting-up of bishop against bishop, and
church against church, with mutual ex-
communications, and honest, devout,
and conscientious men on each side.
Under these conditions, the puzzled
saints fared ill.
While these matters agitated the
practical West, other and profounder
problems troubled the metaphysical
East. Pagan philosophy asked ques-
tions which Christian tradition found
hard to answer, especially regarding
the relation of Christ to the supreme
God : Is the divinity of Christ absolute
or relative? Then it was that Bishop
Leontius of Antioch, passing his hand
over his white hair, was heard to say,
* When this snow has melted, there will
be mud in Antioch.' The saints pelted
one another with the mud.
The difficulties which were involved
in these questions were hopelessly com-
plicated by the purpose of the ecclesi-
astical authorities to preserve uniform-
ity. It was maintained against the
Donatists that there is only one true
church, and against the Arians that
there is only one true creed. The
1 The Early History of the Church : From its
Foundation to the End of the Fifth Century. Vol.
II. By MONSIGNOR LOUIS DUCHESNE. New
York: Longmans, Green & Co. 1912.
idea of freedom of debate, the hope of
coming to conclusions gradually, the
virtue of patience, had no place in these
controversies. Whoever advanced an
opinion contrary to the official mind
was promptly put out. The possibility
that the opinion might have truth at
the heart of it was rarely considered.
Indeed, the adverse opinions were com-
monly expressed in so militant a manner
that they invited a dispute rather than
a debate. What could be done with the
defiant saints except to excommunicate
them?
A like situation appears in the his-
tory of dissent in England. Dissent
is grounded in the everlasting fact of
difference. It is made inevitable by
human nature. There are always con-
servatives and progressives, always
men of the old learning and men of the
new, always those who believe in the
authority of the institution, and those
who believe in the liberty of the in-
dividual. Some are aristocrats, some
are democrats, in religion as well as in
society. Some would have the service
of worship simple, some would have
it ornate. Some are 'high church' by
nature, by temperament; some are 'low
church.' The problem of keeping these
various persons in one communion and
fellowship was frankly given up on
the continent of Europe; Luther and
Calvin and their companion saints were
expelled from the Church, with ana-
themas, and founded churches of their
own.
In England, an attempt was made
to solve the problem, — an attempt
which is not yet abandoned, in spite of
tragic failures. Principal Selbie, in his
history of the English Sects,2 tells the
long story. This little book, which sus-
tains the high merit of that exceedingly
useful series, the Home University Li-
2 English Sects : A History of Nonconformity.
By W. B, SELBIE. New York: Henry Holt & Co.
1912,
THE CENSURED SAINTS
brary, begins with Wycliffe and comes
down to General Booth of the Salva-
tion Army. It is written in admirable
spirit, never unfair or partisan, though
sympathetic, of course, with Noncon-
formity; and presents the whole case,
without encumbering details, in re-
markable perspective. A notable col-
lection of original documents bearing
upon these matters, from 1550 to 1641,
is contained in Mr. Burrage's Early
English Dissenters,1 together with a
learned discussion of these rare and
interesting papers. Also, Canon Henson
has published a candid consideration
of the Puritan movement, under the
title, Puritanism in England* in con-'
nection with the two-hundred-and-
fifth anniversary of the ejection of the
Nonconformists from the Church of
England. 'I trust/ he says in his pre-
face, 'that nothing has been said in
the course of this book which can be
fairly regarded as lacking in sympathy
or appreciation for the victims of what
I must needs consider the meanest
persecution which Christian History
records.' 'Nevertheless,' he continues,
'I cannot think that the tradition of
their sufferings ought to be allowed to
raise the temperature of modern dis-
cussions.'
This deprecation of a heightened
temperature, referring, of course, to
the current discussion of disestablish-
ment in England, suggests an error in
addition which has interfered all along
with the solution of the problem: to
the difficulties arising from human na-
ture have been added the difficulties
arising from politics. The situation
was already sufficiently embittered by
a general agreement concerning the
essential importance of uniformity.
1 The Early English Dissenters, in the Light of
Recent Research. By CHAMPLAIN BURRAGE. New
York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1912.
2 Puritanism in England. By H. HENSLEY
HENSON. New York: George H. Doran Co. 1912.
We must do all alike, they said, and
think alike; there must be but one
form of worship and of administra-
tion, one church and one creed in the
realm. A willingness to tolerate differ-
ence was held to be a disclosure of in-
difference. Nobody who really cared
could be content till the truth and
right, as he understood them, had en-
tire control. Thus all ecclesiastical
discussion was a duel from which no
honest man could properly retreat till
he had silenced his opponent. And
when first one side and then the other
got possession of the sword of state,
and did his best to run his adversary
through with it, the temperature of the
debate was considerably heightened.
How the political factor complicated
the psychological factor appears in
many illuminating pages of these three
books. For example, the ejection of
the Nonconformists, which seems to
Canon Henson the meanest of all per-
secutions, and whose meanness is abun-
dantly shown in the Five-Mile Act,
which forbade the ejected ministers to
continue to live in the towns where
they had preached, and in the Con-
venticle Acts, which forbade the eject-
ed people to meet together more than
five in number, on penalty of fine or
transportation, is shown by Principal
Selbie to have been caused by political
fear, as well as by ecclesiastical hostil-
ity. The churchmen were honestly
afraid that the dissenters would again
overturn not only Church but State.
They did not dare to do other than
eject the saints.
Richard Hooker said, indeed, 'There
will come a time when three words ut-
tered with charity and meekness shall
receive a far more blessed reward than
three thousand volumes written with
disdainful sharpness of wit.' But that
was the counsel of a singularly serene
mind. Hugh Peters, at Rotterdam, in
the covenant which he proposed to the
510
THE CENSURED SAINTS
congregation there, proposed for his
ninth article, 'To Labor to gett A great
meassuer of humillitie and meekness
and to banish pride and highnes of
spirit'; and for his twelfth, 'To Deal
with all kynd of wisdome and genttell-
nes towards those that are without.'
But Peters declared that anybody who
would not sign this covenant should
immediately be excommunicated; and
some refused to sign because he was
so peremptory about it.
That has been the trouble all along.
The endeavor has been to change
opinions by abuse or compulsion. Thus
John Penry, having printed a paper,
'In behalf of the country of Wales,
that some order may be taken for the
preaching of the Gospel among those
people/ was answered by Archbishop
Whitgift with a month's imprisonment.
This had so little persuasive effect
upon Penry that he said of the Prayer-
book, 'That it is an unperfect book
culled and picked out of that Popish
dunghill the masse book, full of ab-
homynations.' This was so far from
convincing that prelate that, when
Penry was sentenced to be hanged, the
archbishop was the first to sign the
warrant.
Henry Jacob published a work en-
titled, Reasons taken out of God's Word
and the best human Testimonies proving
a necessity of reforming our churches in
England. Mr. Burrage says that 'the
Bishop of London, on hearing of the
publication of this book, sent a mes-
senger requesting Jacob to come to
speak with him.' This is precisely what
a bishop of London ought to do under
such circumstances. Here was oppor-
tunity for profitable discussion. But
this is what followed: 'A servant re-
ported the message to Jacob, and he,
not knowing, but possibly suspecting,
the object of this invitation, called
upon the Bishop, and was immediately
made a prisoner, and committed to the
Clink,' to the great and increasing dis-
tress of Jacob's wife and four small
children.
These readings in church history
may put us in a proper frame of mind
to appreciate the three most notable
religious biographies of the past year:
The Life of John Henry, Cardinal New-
man, the Autobiography and Life of
George Tyrrell, and the Life of William
Robertson Smith.
Before proceeding to a considera-
tion of these books, it may be noticed,
by the way, that each of them contains
a little touch of local interest for New
England readers. Newman was brought
under suspicion at the very moment of
his entrance into the Church of Rome
by the cordial acceptance given to his
Essay on the Development of Christian
Doctrine by the Unitarians of Boston.
They took it up at once and 'quoted
it as evidence that the Trinitarian doc-
trine was not primitive, but was a
development of the third century.' The
report came to Rome that Newman's
book had given the Unitarians ' big and
effective guns.' Meanwhile, no theo-
logian in Rome was able to read Eng-
lish with any facility, and there was
at that moment no French or Italian
translation, so misunderstanding and
prejudice had time to grow. An im-
mediate result was to destroy New-
man's hope of founding a theological
college. This was a work for which
both his genius and his experience em-
inently fitted him. He might have
widened and deepened indefinitely the
channel of passage from England to
Rome. A continuing result was to give
an impression, which never wholly dis-
appeared from the Roman mind, that
Newman, while a very distinguished
convert, was a person of whom to be
afraid. Nobody knew what dangerous
doctrine he might suggest next.
The local note in the life of Father
Tyrrell is the fact that almost the last
THE CENSURED SAINTS
511
paper he wrote was for the Harvard
Theological Review. As for Robertson
Smith, in the midst of his trials for
heresy, he received a letter from Mr.
James Bryce, inclosing a proposal from
the President of Harvard University
that he should accept the chair of He-
brew and other Oriental Languages.
This invitation, after much considera-
tion, Smith declined, and Mr. Eliot
wrote him that the University had
thereupon appointed 'an American
heretic, whose views on Isaiah had of-
fended the Baptist communion to which
he had belonged/ (Mr. Smith's most
obnoxious views at that time concerned
the authorship of Deuteronomy.) The
'American heretic ' thus appointed was
Professor Toy. A few months later, Mr.
Eliot wrote to Mr. Bryce to ask if Mr.
Smith would accept a chair of Ecclesi-
astical History, but again he was kept
in England.
Mr. Ward's Life of Newman 1 begins
where the Apologia ends. Two chap-
ters have to do with his ministry in the
Church of England; the rest of the bio-
graphy, which is in two large volumes,
is a record of his ministry in the Church
of Rome. Newman passed from one
church to the other, and the door was
shut behind him. His popularity in
Oxford had been * so extraordinary that
the tradition of it is now no longer
realized and only half believed.' Then
he retired to Littlemore and after a de-
cent interval of consideration, went to
Rome. In the England of that day,
such a step involved a separation from
almost all his friends. The break was
almost as sharp as if he had entered
into another religion. 'Alas,' he said,
'can you point out any one who has
lost more in the way of friendship than
I have?' And again, 'Of my friends of
a dozen years ago, whom have I now ? '
1 The Life of John Henry, Cardinal Newman.
By WILFRID WARD. Two vols. New York:
Longmans, Green & Co. 1912.
As the years passed there came to
him 'some of the special bitterness
which falls to the lot of a discrowned
king or a forsaken prophet. He thought
himself an old man. His health was
bad, and he made ready for death. His
books had already ceased to sell, and
now he ceased to write. His very name
was hardly known to the rising genera-
tion.' Then Kingsley's attack pro-
voked the Apologia, and the old splen-
did memories were revived. Even so,
it was the Anglican Newman rather
than the Roman Newman who was thus
restored to the affection of the English
people. At last, at the very end of his
long life, when he was seventy-eight
years old, the church of his adoption
gave him a tardy recognition and he
was made a cardinal. Beyond these
two events, — the Apologia and the
cardinalate, — little was known about
him. He lived in the Oratory at Bir-
mingham, writing his letters and say-
ing his prayers. So far as most peo-
ple are concerned, Newman practically
died in 1845, when he left the Church
of England. He is thought of as the
author of 'Lead, Kindly Light,' who
wrote his autobiography in exquisite
English, and went into the Church of
Rome. What did he do in the Church
of Rome?
This question his biographer an-
swers. In brief, he did nothing, because
the ecclesiastical authorities would not
allow him to do anything. His life
was a series of bitter disappointments.
Believing, with all confidence, that his
mission was to commend the Cath-
olic Church to the English people, he
found himself deprived of every oppor-
tunity. His first purpose, to establish
a theological college, was prevented
by the suspicions which were aroused
by his Essay on Development. Then
he was asked to form a Catholic uni-
versity in Ireland. This, he felt, would
be the ' renewal of his work at Oxford,
512
THE CENSURED SAINTS
but with the world-wide church to back
him, and the Rock of Peter to support
him.' But the Irish Primate hindered
him, and the Irish people were indif-
ferent, and the plan failed. He was
asked to edit a translation of the Bible
into English; but that was stopped by
Cardinal Wiseman. He became editor
of the Rambler, a review which was to
give a voice to the intellectual Catho-
lics; but 'he was asked to resign after
his first number, and delated to Rome
for heresy after his second.' He planned
an Oratory for Oxford, where he hoped
to exert an influence on the Catholic
undergraduates; that was defeated by
Manning. In 1863, he wrote in his jour-
nal, 'Till my going to Littlemore, I had
my mouth half open, and commonly
a smile on my face, — and from that
time onwards my mouth has been
closed and contracted, and the muscles
are so set now, that I cannot but look
grave and forbidding.' And he recalled
a visit to the Vatican with a friend who
stopped before 'a statue of Fate which
was very striking and stern and melan-
choly,' and said, 'Who can it be like?
I know the face so well.' Then he
turned to Newman and added, 'Why,
it is you ! '
In all this, there was no disloyalty
to the Roman Church, no regretful re-
trospect, no doubt but that he was in
the true Church of Christ at last; the
difficulty was that the Church seem-
ed to have no use for him, thwarted
all his endeavors to serve the Catholic
cause, put him to silence, and sub-
jected him, as he said, to 'uninter-
mittent mortification.' At the heart
of it all was the persistent refusal of
the Church to allow of any freedom of
debate. Intent as he was on so explain-
ing the Catholic faith as to bring it to
the acceptance of the educated classes,
he saw the necessity of a certain ' pro-
visional freedom in the discussion of
new problems,' He desired that liberty
of discussion which was current in the
mediaeval schools, and which brought
the genius of philosophy to the assist-
ance of the faith. 'Truth is wrought
out,' he said, 'by many minds working
freely together. As far as I can make
out,' he added, 'this has ever been the
rule of the Church till now.' But the
Holy See was in contention with Con-
tinental liberalism. It was in no mind
to encourage 'the provisional tolera-
tion of freedom of opinion and of free
debate among experts.' Not at all.
Newman found himself shut up behind
stone walls of dogmas and decrees.
The question concerning the spiritual
relationships between Newman and
Tyrrell is discussed several times in
Tyrrell's Life,1 and it is made plain that
the younger man was quite independ-
ent of the older. He certainly made
his way out of the Church of England
into the Church of Rome without
Newman's guidance; in fact, without
anybody's guidance. In his frank,
amusing, and pathetic autobiography,
he traces the steps by which, as a lad
without religion, he found his way first
to a 'high' church, and then on to
Rome. 'My fundamental assumption,'
he says, 'was that the religion I was
brought up in was the only authorized
and tenable form of Christianity; that
popery was utterly indefensible except
as a paradox, and for the sake of shock-
ing Protestant propriety. But here was
something piquant: popery in a Pro-
testant Church and using the Book of
Common Prayer. I cannot doubt that
it was the wrongness, the soupgon of
wickedness or at least of paradox, that
faintly fascinated me; the birettas and
cassock made the fibres of one's Pro-
testantism quiver. I had almost dis-
covered a new sin, and found the sen-
sation novel and agreeable.' Tyrrell
1 Autobiography and Life of George Tyrrell. By
M. D. PETRE. New York: Longmans, Green &
Co. 1912,
THE CENSURED SAINTS
513
himself remarks upon the entire dif-
ference between his course and New-
man's: Newman, beginning with the
presence of God in the voice of con-
science in a soul naturally religious, and
coming on through study into the
Roman obedience; Tyrrell, beginning
with the outside of religion, with its
mere ritual fringes, believing first in
the Church, and gradually coming to
believe in God.
The two men differed intellectually
and temperamentally. Newman, in
spite of a perpetually recurring skepti-
cism, was instinctively submissive to
authority, and devoutly desired to
think as the Church bade him think.
Taking a divinely communicated body
of theology and divinely developed
rites and customs as the premises of his
arguments, he directed the energies of
his singularly subtle mind toward the
justification of these things. Accepting
creed and custom without inquiry, he
endeavored to commend them to his
doubting neighbors. Tyrrell, on the
other hand, was intent on absolute
reality, and questioned all assertions.
His mind was of the kind called * scien-
tific,' and demanded sufficient proof.
And this was accentuated by a certain
natural audacity, and by a keen per-
ception of the ridiculous.
Thus Newman writes characteris-
tically from Rome: 'We saw the blood
of St. Patrizia half liquid, i.e., lique-
fying, on her feast day. St. John Bap-
tist's blood sometimes liquefies on the
29th of August, and did when we were
at Naples, but we had not time to go
to the church. We saw the liquid
blood of an Oratorian Father, a good
man, but not a saint, who died two
centuries ago, I think; and we saw the
liquid blood of Da Ponte, the great and
holy Jesuit, who, I suppose, was almost
a saint. But the most strange phe-
nomenon is what happens at Ravello,
a village or town above Amalfi. There
VOL. 211 -NO. 4
is the blood of St. Pantaleon. It is in a
vessel amid the stone work of the altar,
— it is not touched, — but on his feast
in June it liquefies. And more, there is
an excommunication against those who
bring portions of the True Cross into
the church. Why? because the blood
liquefies, whenever it is brought. I
tell you what was told me by a grave
and religious man.'
Tyrrell was in a way as conservative
about these matters as Newman, but
his conservatism was based on the pos-
sibility that at the heart of much that
was foolish there might be some spark
of truth. 'The Church's mythology
and magic,' he said, 'stand for tracts
of experience wholly discounted ' by
scientific minds. ' I will not throw away
the husks till I am cocksure that they
are empty.' But concerning the teach-
ings of 'grave and religious' men, Tyr-
rell's account of his Jesuit novitiate
shows how unawed he was in the pre-
sence of these reverend persons. At the
English College of the Jesuits at Malta,
the Rector 'thought it would be good
for me to attend the "points" which
he gave the lay-brothers over-night for
their morning meditation. It was an
irresistibly funny performance. In we
four trooped every evening, and no
sooner had the brothers reached their
chairs than they closed their eyes, then
nodded, and finally snored aloud. And
who could blame them? The Rector
would read through the pointless points
of Father Lancicius, and then, in a few
stumbling words of his own, rob them
of whatever little gleam of interest or
intelligence they possessed. How I
used to stare and wonder!'
Nevertheless, Newman and Tyrrell
had the same sense of mission, and en-
countered the same hindrances. Each
of them desired ' to pour Catholic truth
out of the scholastic into the modern
world.' Each of them perceived that
there were new problems which must
514
THE CENSURED SAINTS
be studied and solved, and that the
answers to them could not be found in
the writings of St. Thomas Aquinas.
And each of them was held back by
the hand of authority. At the moment
when it was plain to Tyrrell that truth
must be presented to educated men,
not on a basis of decrees, but on a
basis of reason, the Church was wholly
occupied in setting forth the impossible
claims of authority, and making up for
lack of argument by loudness of voice.
He says, * The best policy, I half think,
would be not to oppose but to fan the
flame of this "Authority-fever," and
to get them to declare the infallibility
of every congregation, of the General
of the Jesuits, of every Monsignore in
Rome, to define the earth to be a plate
supported on pillars, and the sky a
dish-cover; in short, to let them run
their heads against a stone wall, in
hopes it may wake them up to sober
realities.' Meanwhile, all his writing
had to run the gauntlet of two censor-
ships, Jesuit and diocesan. 'I could
get nothing through two iron walls,'
he said, 'not even the Pater Noster if
it were in my own handwriting.'
At first, he published under other
names, then, in defiance of authority,
under his own name. He was officially
silenced, then excommunicated. In the
midst of this contention between the
institution and the individual, Tyrrell,
who was never very well, died, after a
brief illness. The biographer, who tells
the dramatic story with great fairness
and restraint, permits herself a single
bitter sentence. Speaking of Cardinal
Mercier, she says, 'The one whom
he had first befriended and then con-
demned was carried to his grave in a
Protestant cemetery; while no Prince
of the Church was there to speak over
him such words of Christian hope and
joy and exaltation in the death of the
just as the Cardinal Archbishop him-
self had the happiness of uttering later,
in his panegyric of King Leopold of
Belgium.'
What the Roman authorities really
feared was that Father Tyrrell, if they
left him to himself, might presently
write such a history as Professor John-
ston's Holy Christian Church; 1 or such
interpretation as Dr. Gilbert's Jesus,2
which divests the life of Christ of all
supernatural elements; or such theo-
logy as Professor Leuba's Psychological
Study of Religion,* which maintains
that God has only a subjective exist-
ence. They felt themselves unfitted
by their training to meet such books
with satisfactory answers. They did
not perhaps sufficiently consider that
most people, like themselves, are provi-
dentially endowed with a certain imper-
viousness of mind. They were really
alarmed lest the advocates of prose
should overcome the advocates of
poetry, and prove that flowers and col-
ored clouds do not exist, and that there
is no life in the trees, no soul in man.
They did not perceive that 'common,
flat, and impoverishing ' theories of re-
ligion, to use Tyrrell's adjectives, have
something obviously the matter with
them by virtue of their very reason-
ableness. The elemental fact of mys-
tery is too pervasive to be long left
out of account. Everybody remembers
how Romanes, after invincibly proving
from his premises that God does not
exist, found that he had left out one
or two very important premises, and
going over the problem again, got quite
a different answer. Thus John Fiske,
after some years of reflection, became
an expounder of the Christian creed,
like Professor Royce. Sometimes the
destructive critic falls into the errors
1 The Holy Christian Church. By R. M. JOHNS-
TON. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. 1912.
2 Jesus. By GEORGE HOLLET GILBERT. New
York: The Macmillan Co. 1912.
3 A Psychological Study of Religion. New York:
The Macmillan Co. 1912.
THE CENSURED SAINTS
515
of ignorance: like Professor Johnston,
whose church history is such an essay
as a very busy geologist might write
on the career of Napoleon Bonaparte.
It is the opinion of the best historians,
says the geologist, that Napoleon was
born in North Carolina. It is the
opinion of the best critics, says Mr.
Johnston, that the earliest gospel was
written by Luke. And so on. More
commonly, however, the destructive
critic lacks what Professor Royce1 calls
* religious insight,' which is related to
religion as appreciation is related to art
or music.
It was never seriously doubted that
Robertson Smith2 possessed religious
insight, although it was complained of
him that he had an irreverent voice; as
for his knowledge, he had to account
for it himself on the ground that he
was one of the few persons who had
read the entire ninth edition of the
Encyclopaedia Britannica, of which he
was chief editor. When, however, his
article on the Bible appeared in the
course of that work, it was felt in Scot-
land that something must be done.
And when, soon after, the alphabet
brought into view his article on Deuter-
onomy, the minds of the orthodox
were made up. The fact that Smith,
as the chief scholar of his nation, might
1 Sources of Religious Insight. By JOSIAH
ROYCE. New York : Charles Scribner's Sons.
1912.
2 William Robertson Smith. By J. S. BLACK
and G. W. CHRYSTAL. New York: The MacMil-
lanCo. 1912.
properly be expected to know more
than many of his brethren, was not
considered; nor the further fact that
his opinions were those which had for
a long time been held in Germany.
In Scotland, as in Rome, the insti-
tution withstood the individual. The
Holy Scriptures were felt to be in
danger. Smith said that Deuteronomy
was written long after the days of
Moses. 'The book of inspired Scripture
called Deuteronomy, which is properly
an historical record, does not possess
that character, but was made to as-
sume it by a writer of a much later age.'
So he was ejected from his professor-
ship. This took place after several
trials, and as the conclusion of many
free debates, whose extended publica-
cation in the newspapers contributed
to the education of the people. In all
this there is no note of sadness, no such
depression as weighed upon the souls
of Newman and Tyrrell. The heretic
had hosts of friends, — eminent schol-
ars, and uncommonly interesting per-
sons; between the terms of his trials,
he traveled in the East; he wrote books
which were advertised by his oppo-
nents, and he enjoyed the fray. New-
man would not have listed him among
the saints; he delighted in the world
too much for that. But he had the
true saint's combination of faith with
reason, and the true saint's devotion
to the truth as the supreme good; and
he had, as a friend said, 'the heart of
a little child,' without which nobody
can be a saint at all.
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
BY MARY S. WATTS
CHAPTER XII
IN WHICH WE CONCENTRATE AT TAMPA
ON a hot, wet, stifling day of June —
it was the twenty-fourth or toward
that date — a train from the North
got into the station at Tampa, Florida,
some six or seven hours late, as was
not unusual, and discharged its pas-
sengers upon the cinder esplanade
which was already crowded with men
in uniform, men out of uniform, dogs,
boys, crates, barrels, mules, colored
women, drays, boxes labeled '6th
Regmt. U. S. Inft. Rush.9 — 'Lieut.
W. W. Branscombe, 3d Penn. Vol.
Cav. Personal,' and so on.
The train discharged into the middle
of all this, and of the proportionate up-
roar and bewilderment, a little party of
travelers, some of whom we ought to be
able to recognize by this time. The girl
in the gray coat-and-skirt suit, with the
pretty face, rather tired and pale just
now, and with an anxious look in her
brown eyes, which roam about as if
there were somebody whom she half
expects and half dreads to see — that
is, of a surety, Miss Lorrie Gilbert.
And there is an active, alert, well-built
woman a head taller and five years old-
er than Lorrie, who must be the train-
ed nurse, Miss Rodgers, from Christ's
Hospital, sent down here to the kin-
dred military establishment at Tampa,
or Key West, she herself is uncertain
which. But for her, I suppose, the pre-
sence of that tall, raw-boned, ungainly
young man (V. C. Kendrick: you may
516
read the initials on the end of his suit-
case), I say, but for Miss Rodgers, his
presence in company with Miss Gil-
bert, at this distance from home, would
undoubtedly be a scandal; however,
let Mrs. Grundy possess her soul in
peace, Lorrie and Van are not eloping,
and they are sufficiently chaperoned.
There is even another trained nurse
along, some subordinate of Miss Rod-
gers's, the stout young woman with the
fine complexion — Van Cleve never
can remember her name.
Mr. Kendrick displays great prompt-
ness and efficiency in getting his ladies
off the car, in accumulating their be-
longings, and marooning the party
safely upon a reef of luggage, out of
the crowd and the torrid sunshine,
while he starts off to find a conveyance,
and incidentally whatever information
about the town he can pick up.
' Say, Jim, git on to Brigham Young
in the blue sack-suit! ' a lounging khaki-
clad gentleman, with a toothpick in one
corner of his mouth and '52d Mich.
V. I.' on the front of his slouch hat,
observes to another facetiously, noting
Van's activities; by good luck, the lat-
ter does not hear him.
'They say the train goes on some-
where across the river and backs right
up into the grounds of the Tampa Bay
Hotel,' says Miss Rodgers, staring
about her; 'isn't that the limit for
you, though? I never heard of a train
running around hunting up hotels be-
fore. Look, that must be a Cuban!
No, I don't mean him — I mean him
— the one that looks like a mulatto,
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
517
only he isn't. That's what we're
fighting for!'
The other nurse remarks, in a strain
of cheerful fatalism fostered by three
days and nights of travel, beset with
surprises and uncertainties, that you
can't tell what you may have to go up
against down here; you've got just to
take it as it comes. And, 'Was your
brother going to meet you here, Miss
Gilbert?' she asks with interest.
'No. I — I don't even know where
he is, you see. I could n't send him
word. I'll have to look for him,' says
Lorrie, nervously, plucking at the edge
of her veil.
The two nurses exchange a glance
behind her back. I believe they are
not less sympathetic for being de-
voured with curiosity. They know all
about her engagement; trained nurses
always know Who is Who in Society
and what is being done; they study
the " Jottings " column as devoutly
as the Testament. These two think
that Lorrie is as sweet as she can
be, and no wonder she's frightened
to death about her feeonsay going off
to the army; they have offered freely to
bet each other that she's ten times
more upset about him than about her
brother. But what is it that's wrong
about the brother, anyhow? They
can't make it out, but (again they
bet) there's something behind it. Was
n't there some talk about his being a
dope-fiend, or something? The ques-
tion has agitated them for all these
three days; nothing to be got out of
Mr. Kendrick; he said he just thought
he'd spend his vacation taking a look
at the army, but pooh! you couldn't
fool them that easy! 'I'm glad he's
along, anyhow,' Miss Rodgers confided
to her associate. 'I tell you, it cer-
tainly is nice sometimes to have a man
around to look out for you and kind of
run you. I've been my own boss so
long, I did n't realize how nice it was.
And Mr. Kendrick never gets fresh and
talky — you know, he never gets that
way. That's what I like about him.'
'Yes, but he's kind of stiff and —
and distant, more than anybody needs
to be,' said the stout girl, not without
resentment; 'do you suppose there's
ever been anything between him and
Miss Gilbert?'
'Well, if there ever was, he's good
and got over it now. You 'd think they
were married, he pays so little atten-
tion to her,' said Miss Rodgers, with a
half- laugh; and her companion's face
cleared.
Lorrie Gilbert will never to her final
breath forget those hideous days;
sometimes even now, years afterwards,
she will live over in dreams the fren-
zied hurry of her departure, the grief
and suspense and, worst of all, the in-
tolerable need of deception that drove
and harried her. Paula's secret, Bob's
secret, laid them all under its shameful
bondage; honorable men and women,
they had to sit down together ignobly
and concert falsehoods wholesale. All
the story must hold together, and they
must take care not to contradict one
another. She must pretend that she
was going as a nurse, and, of course,
incidentally, to see Bob — oh, yes, she
would see Bob ! Her father and mother
must pretend that they approved of it.
Van Cleve (since he would insist on
accompanying her party) must pretend
that he wanted a vacation trip! She
could not meet a girl friend, she could
not answer the telephone, or write a
note, without an adjusting of her mask
and a renewed conning of her role. It
was the same with her mother, with
her father. I doubt if Paula Jameson
ever felt a tenth part so guilty as any
one of the upright, blameless people
caught in the meshes of her wretched
intrigue.
Lorrie had gone to see the girl, find-
518
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
ing her silent and strangely self-pos-
sessed or self-contained now. She did
not complain, and she made no excuses
for either herself or Bob; in fact, she
would not speak of the young man at
all, out of some perverse notion of loy-
alty or self-sacrifice, Lorrie guessed.
* You '11 see she won't say right out it
was him — you can't make her say it
right out/ Mrs. Jameson explained to
Lorrie in a voluble whisper outside the
door. 'She just cries if you ask her
about him. It took me hours to find out-
who it was the other day. My, I can
understand that, can't you? Any
woman can understand that ! I believe
she 's sorry now she told me — or let
me find out, rather. But you just go
on in and talk to her, anyhow; don't
mind the way she acts. She — it's the
way she is — she ain't well — and —
and she ain't going to be well for a while
yet, you know, Miss Gilbert,' said Mrs.
Jameson, shamefacedly. * I 'm going to
take her away — I 've found a place
down in the country. There's a good
doctor there, and I can telegraph for a
nurse any time. I'll give you the ad-
dress, in case — but we don't want to
bother you or your folks any more than
we can help, Miss Gilbert. You've
been just as kind as can be. And I
know you 're going to do everything you
can to get your brother back — ' Her
yoice failed.
It went to Lome's heart to see the
poor woman so humble and grateful.
Mrs. Jameson had aged a lifetime in
the last few days; her red hair was
twisted up in a loose knot, regardless
of its accustomed puffs and braids and
carefully set undulations, and of the
gray streaks that were beginning to
show in it here and there; her corsets
were relaxed for the first time in twenty
years; she was puzzling over a But-
terick pattern with the scissors in one
hand and yards of incalculably fine
lawn spread upon the bed before her,
when Lorrie was ushered in. 'It's
queer, the things are so little, but
they're just as much trouble to make
as if they were big. I used to sew pret-
ty well, too, once,' she sighed, looking
at Lorrie with wholly maternal eyes.
She kept out of Paula's room, dur-
ing this visit, with a delicacy nobody
would have expected of her; it was bet-
ter for the two young women to be
alone. Lorrie told the other what they
were doing; she assured Paula with
strong emotion that everything would be
all right ; that Bob would come back to
her; that when he realized the wrong
that he had done, how foolish and self-
ish he had been, he would be the most
anxious of them all to make it right.
* He 's not bad — he 's not a bad man —
and of course he — he cares for you,
Paula,' said Lorrie, shrinking from the
word, even the thought, love, in such a
connection. Of course Bob and Paula
must be in love, after their fashion, the
girl had concluded; but she recoiled
from what seemed to her the animal
ugliness of it. Try as she would, the
sympathy she wanted to feel and show
for Paula was forced and unreal, and
perhaps the other girl felt it to be so.
She sat unresponsive to all Lome's
feverish earnestness.
'That Mr. Kendrick knows. I don't
see why Momma had to let him know.
I think it was real dumb of her,' she said
sulkily; * she '11 go telling somebody
else, if she don't look out.'
'Why, it just happened so — your
mother could n't help his knowing —
and, anyway, he's just like a brother to
Bob, you know, Paula. He '11 never say
anything,' protested Lorrie, quickly,
repelled. Paula's mother was doing the
best she could for her, poor thing!
'I don't like him. I don't see why
she had to tell it before him,' Paula re-
peated, shrugging peevishly; and she
let Lorrie kiss her and go away with
hardly another word.
VAX CLEVE AND HIS FRIEXDS
519
It is likely that Van Cleve, who, as
he would have frankly owned, cared
nothing for the Jameson women, mo-
ther or daughter, was as much dis-
turbed over his unfortunate knowledge
as Paula herself; he would have been
thankful to be out of the whole misera-
ble business. But having become in-
volved against his will, he meant to see
it through. What made the situation
serious for the young man was the way
it affected Lorrie. Van exhausted every
argument, he suggested half a dozen
other plans, he lost his temper and
fumed, to no avail: nothing he could
say or do would persuade her out of
going on what he considered about as
wild and foolhardy a quest as any
woman could undertake. She might be
able to manage Bob when she got hold
of him, but first get hold of him ! In
what unspeakable state, and in what
unspeakable camp, troopship, slum of
Tampa or Key West or even Cuba, if
she got that far (which Heaven forbid !)
might she not find him, after a search
among hundreds of men in scores of
such places! And when he had painted
the prospect in as lively colors as he
could muster and announced that she
should not go without his protection,
Mrs. Gilbert added the last straw to
his burden of impatience by looking
alarmed and dropping various care-
fully worded hints about impropriety!
'If Lorrie can stand the things she's
going to see and hear, alone, in a place
full of all kinds of men, she can very
well stand one man going down on the
train with her, even if she does un-
fortunately know him,' he said severe-
ly; and Mrs. Gilbert had no answer.
He who had never asked for a rest
or favor before, had no difficulty in
getting this; Mr. Gebhardt, indeed,
dismissed him heartily, with many ex-
hortations to have a good time, and
burlesque warnings against enlistment.
In fact, Van Cleve, heartless as it may
seem, did have a fairly good time; he
could not keep Bob's misdoing and the
nature of their errand before his mind
constantly. He enjoyed the change and
bustle and the humors of the road;
and he thought Miss Rodgers and the
other nurse, the pudgy one, — he could
not remember her name, — were nice
women, even if they did ask too many
questions. Innumerable were the cigars
he smoked, the games of cards he
took a hand in, the stories he heard
and told, in the * smoker,' while the
train screeched and rattled across the
sweltering Southern countryside. At
Montgomery he got a cinder in his eye,
and Miss — the fat girl, whatever her
name was — got it out for him with
signal gentleness and dexterity. *The
fellow that gets you will be lucky,' said
Van, and wondered at the way she
blushed and giggled; *I mean gets you
for a nurse, you know,' he added. She
turned redder still and flounced off,
and would hardly speak to him the
rest of the day, as he vaguely noticed;
and decided with regret that he must
have made himself offensively familiar.
As the young women had remarked, he
kept himself rather aloof from Lorrie,
while doing everything he could think
of for her comfort in his awkward way,
heaping her seat with magazines and
books and baskets of fruit, opening
and shutting windows, fetching and
carrying her wraps and bags, eagerly,
and diffidently, kind.
Miss Gilbert, I am bound to say,
received all of this from him without
effusive gratitude, quite coolly and as
a matter of course. She was used to Van
Cleve, whose attentions always took a
practical form; and between her bro-
ther and her lover poor Lome's mind
was too filled with anxiety and unhappy
forebodings to spare Van any thought.
The young man knew it; he accepted
his portion with his habitual iron phil-
osophy.
520
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
The town of Tampa is of sufficiently
ancient foundation to have figured in
our history a good while before the year
'98; and General Shafter's men and
his ordnance and his mules and his
wagons and everything else that was
his, even the transports that lay off
Port Tampa, were not by any means
the first that this unmartial-looking
burg had seen. It knew at first-hand
all our bloody struggles with the Semi-
nole and other savages of the peninsula;
there is, indeed, an old fort, or the site
of one, hereabouts, and many of the
streets bear the name of some stout
Indian fighter of those old years.
The place was full of an exhilarating
noise and color that day when Lorrie
reached it: the wide streets, unpaved
and ankle-deep in sand, wherein the
army wagons had worn all manner of
holes and trenches, were jammed with
people; it seemed as if there were flags
and groups of white tents at the end of
every vista, and bugle-calls sounding
every hour; across the river there were
pennants streaming from the minarets
of the great hotel; exotic trees and
flowers bloomed with fantastic exag-
geration in all the door-yards; and
a band somewhere in the offing was
playing vigorously. * My gal is a high-
bo'n lady/ it proclaimed in splendid
time and tune. Something of the san-
guine excitement communicated itself
even to Lome's troubled spirit; and
Van Cleve, after he had got them all
safely installed in a boarding-house
(on Florida Street, a common-looking
little frame building which is still there,
or I saw it the other day when I was
in the town) that had been recom-
metyded to Miss Rodgers by some Red
Cross authority, had all he could do to
persuade the girl to stay there quietly
while he himself went out and made
inquiry for her brother. 'I'll find Bob
if he 's in Tampa, and I '11 bring him to
you, Lorrie, but you've got to stay
here so I'll know where to find you.
This is no place for women to be tag-
ging, around after a man,' he said at
last, shortly, quite unconscious of the
harshness of his manner.
'Yes, Van, I'll — I'll do whatever
you say,' said Lorrie, meekly. All at
once she began to feel unnecessary and
troublesome; and, 'after he had gone,
crept off to the cramped, little, stuffy,
boarding-house bedroom, and cried
miserably to herself, with her face in
the pillows. Van meant well, she knew
that; about everything that mattered,
he was as good and kind as could be,
and thoughtful, too, but — but Philip
would not have spoken to her that way!
CHAPTER XIII
IN WHICH A CERTAIN KIND OF NEWS
TRAVELS FAST
The efficient Mr. Kendrick, starting
out to explore Tampa in search of his
friend, had no very clear idea where
to go or whom to ask, for all his effi-
ciency. Upon applying to the heads of
Bob's paper, which he had had the fore-
thought to do before leaving home, he
had been told that they did not know
where the young man was, and fur-
thermore they added with some strong
qualifying adjectives that they did not
care; so far as the Record was concern-
ed, there was one war correspondent
less in Tampa or at the front, the man-
agement having dismissed (they said
'fired') Gilbert a few days previously.
'Why, wasn't he doing all right?'
Van Cleve asked, and was immediately
conscious, with a kind of angry sink-
ing of the heart, of the needlessness of
the question.
'Doing all right?' repeated the au-
thority whom he addressed — and
whether this was the editor-in-chief or
some other editor, or what position he
occupied, Van, who had never been
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
521
inside a newspaper office before, was
entirely ignorant; but the other man
spoke like one of the powers. * Doing
all right? Say, you know Gilbert, don't
you? Well, then — !' He made a ges-
ture. 'What's the use?'
What was the use, indeed? Van
Cleve came away in a very gloomy
mood; he had not the courage to tell
Lorrie; the family had enough on their
minds already, and they would learn
this only too soon, anyhow. He felt an
unhappy certainty that Robert would
not come home because of being thus
deposed; on the contrary, he was much
more likely to stay with the army,
loafing and drinking till his money
gave out, and then getting somebody
to stake him until that resource was
exhausted, too; after which he might
possibly beat his way home, or write
for help — thus thought Van Cleve,
out of temper and out of heart.
He went out now through the crowds
and around to the corner of Tampa
and Twiggs Streets, where was the
home of that journal to whose care
Bob's mail had been directed. The
place was in a prodigious rush of busi-
ness,— messenger-boys and reporters
tearing back and forth, and bulletins
tacked up outside, about which people
were standing three and four deep in
the glare of the sun, with the ther-
mometer at ninety. There was a little
entry on the ground floor, with offices
opening on either hand. Van Cleve
pushed his way in, and, feeling himself
a nuisance, began on the first person he
could reach, a shirt-sleeved lad pound-
ing away on a typewriter in the corner,
with his collar and tie undone, and the
moisture beading off his chin. He did
not even look up when Van spoke.
* Gilbert ? Ump ! ' He made a negative
motion with his head and at the same
time contrived to twitch it in the direc-
tion of the other side of the room. ' Ask
the boss.'
The boss was a stout man, chewing
the butt of a cold cigar, and dictating
to a young woman stenographer, with
his foot cocked or braced up on the
rung of her chair. He stared and con-
sidered. ' Gilbert? R. D. Gilbert? No,
I don't remember him. How is that,
anyhow?' he said to the stenographer
vaguely. ' Do you know any thing about
any Gilbert?'
She did not; and they both eyed
Van Cleve with a sort of fatigued hos-
tility, the man gnawing at his cigar,
the girl with her hand poised above the
writing-pad.
'The man I mean is a war corre-
spondent for a Cincinnati paper — ' Van
Cleve began again; 'he had his mail —
'Sa-ay, how many correspondents
d'ye think we've had here, son?' said
the fat man, in benevolent irony; 'one
or two? You've got another think
coming. Anyway, they're all gone
now. They went with Shafter two
weeks ago. Don't you get to see the
papers in Podunk?'
'I was going to say he had his mail
sent here, so I thought possibly you 'd
know something about him,' Van ex-
plained. 'Don't you have the rural
free delivery in Tampa?'
'Oh! Well now, Mr. Soyer attended
to that, did n't he, Jennie? I can have
somebody look that up, if you '11 wait
- we're kind of busy -
It appeared, however, upon inquiry,
that Mr. Soyer had gone out to the
encampment at Tampa Heights; he
had gone down to St. Petersburg; ho
had gone over to the hotel to inter-
view somebody; in fine, Mr. Soyer was
not to be found. Anyway, the proba-
bilities were that the man the gentle-
man was looking for was in Cuba —
that's where he ought to be if he
was on his job. What paper did Van
represent?
'I'm not representing any paper.
I 'm only trying to hunt this fellow up.
522
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
because he's wanted at his home.
Sickness/ said Van Cleve, truthfully
enough. It had occurred to him that he
did not want to be taken for a private
detective in search of a criminal — an
aspect which the inquiry gave signs of
assuming!
* Sickness, eh? Too bad! Because
you 're not going to have one easy time
finding him,' said the other, perfunc-
torily, and resumed his dictation.
Van Cleve walked out again, baffled.
He went up to the other newspaper
office. There nobody had ever heard
of Bob, either; but they suggested
that he go down to Key West and wait
until one of the Associated Press boats,
which were constantly 'on the jump'
between Cuba and the mainland, came
in. His friend might be on any one of
them. 'What regiment was he with?
You might trace him that way. Most
of them asked to be assigned to some
particular regiment, you know,' some-
body told him. 'They were all going
and getting permits or credentials, you
might call 'em, from the staff officer
that had it in charge — Lieutenant
Miley, I believe it was.'
'All right. Where '11 I find Miley?
He might know, or have it listed some-
where,' said Van, promptly.
But the others began to laugh.
' Lord love you, man, Miley 's gone
to Cuba! Now the thing for you to
do is to go on down to Key West, and
just scout around for those dispatch-
boats, like I'm telling you,' they ad-
vised him earnestly, with a good-na-
tured interest.
Van Cleve gratefully shared among
them the three cigars he happened to
have on hand, and lingered awhile lis-
tening and asking questions, and hear-
ing mostly that pleasingly free criticism
of war proceedings at which civilians
and onlookers are invariably so apt.
As he left, they repeated their assur-
ances. 'There'll sure be a battle before
long; our fellows have landed, you
know. And the minute anything hap-
pens, the press boats will be coming in,
thick as flies. All you've got to do is
to wait — ' and so on.
He was not aware of having been
any more communicative about him-
self and his business than was neces-
sary, and later received a shock at
reading under the caption, 'Personals.
Arrivals in Tampa,' that Mr. and Mrs.
Kendrick of Cincinnati, and party,
were stopping at the Holt House!
Our friend had consumed most of
the afternoon in this fruitless business,
and now faced homeward, or boarding-
houseward, in a disagreeably puzzled
and undecided frame of mind. 'Nice
time Lorrie would have had down here
by herself!' he remarked inwardly;
and then reflected with chagrin that
her efforts could scarcely have been
more futile and ill-directed than his
own. He did not know whether to go to
Key West or not; if the discharge had
arrived in time, Bob might not have
left with the army after all; he might
be right here in Tampa; the plain truth
was, Bob's whereabouts was a matter
of pure guess-work. Van found him-
self exasperated by the inability to take
some kind of definite action; never be-
fore in the whole of his narrow, reso-
lutely ordered, undeviating career had
he hesitated over his course or waited
upon another person's pleasure. By
and by he fell in with Miss Rodgers
and the other nurse, who had gone out
to discover what they might about
their own assignment and were return-
ing in a state of irritation similar to his
own.
'It's the worst mix-up you ever
saw!' Miss Rodgers complained vol-
ubly; 'nobody can tell us who the
surgeon is, or where he is, that we're
to report to. They don't seem to know
anything about their own business, so
I suppose it's not to be wondered at
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
523
that they don't know anything about
ours. We've asked about forty dozen
adjutants and captains and brigadier-
generals and quartermasters, and not
one of 'em can even give us a steer
in the right direction. They keep tell-
ing us that the hospital ship was the
Olivette, or that Miss Barton has gone
to Cuba with her ship, and, anyway,
we're too late to be of any use! "I
know all that," s'd I to the last one;
"if you'd just listen to what I'm tell-
ing you a minute," s'd I; and then I
said it all over again : " I 'm going to the
military hospital here or wherever you
need nurses." And he just looked wild-
eyed, and said in that case we 'd better
see Major Thingummy or Colonel
What's-his-name!'
The stout young woman chimed in :
'It made me so tired having 'em say
they did n't know where the hospital
was, I just said to one, "Well, for
mercy's sake, why don't you get a
pain in your toe or a case of appendi-
citis and find out!" He looked just as
mad for a minute, and then he kind of
laughed.'
* Well, it 's all very nice to laugh —
but I'm here to nurse sick men, I'm
not here to chase around tra-la-ing
with well ones,' said her superior, im-
patiently. * If I could n't run an army
better than this, I'd take a back seat
and let somebody do it that could!'
* They 're pretty nearly all volun-
teer troops, you know. The regulars
are better managed, I guess,' Van
reminded her.
'The Lord help 'em if they aren't!'
retorted Miss Rodgers, fervently.
It gave Van Cleve a queer sense of
comfort to hear the two hearty, cap-
able women; and that they should be
knocking about the camp among all
the crowds and sights and sounds
which he had so peremptorily forbade
Lome's essaying, nowise offended
him. Lorrie was different; these nurses
could stand anything. For that mat-
ter, they themselves expected little or
nothing of her. 'These society girls
— !' the fat little nurse had remarked
to Van Cleve privately, with a know-
ing smile; she did not finish, but it was
amazing with what a world of tole-
rance, of patient and good-natured su-
periority, she charged the three words.
Van Cleve understood; he was some-
what surprised to note how confiden-
tial Miss — er — no use, he could not
get her name! — had become with him
in the few days of their acquaintance.
And now, studying his face, she said
quickly, * You did n't find your friend
— Miss Gilbert's brother — you could
n't find him, Mr. Kendrick? I'm so
sorry.'
'Better luck to-morrow, perhaps,'
said Van, trying to speak carelessly.
As usual, when the name of Miss Gil-
bert's brother came up, the nurses
asked no questions, sending each other
a brief, warning glance. Something
was wrong about that brother, they
knew it!
They went back to Lorrie at the
Holt House and had their supper, dur-
ing which meal Van Cleve performed
what was for him a prodigy of dissimu-
lation by referring to his bootless
search in a casual, off-hand manner,
with no hint of any difficulties and
with a matter-of-course air of expect-
ing success at any moment. And he
further gave it, as the result of his
observations, that this war was going
to turn out a picayune business after
all — a deal of cry and no wool. The
Spanish were notoriously much better
at running away than fighting. They
might do a little bushwhacking, per-
haps, but stand against the advance
of our army? Never! The minute our
troops landed, every Spaniard in the
neighborhood probably beat it for the
tall timber, and left his gun behind
— these were Mr. Kendrick's graphic
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
and humorous words. According to
him there would be no danger, no
wounds, no fever, no anything of any
consequence. He gave a burlesque
rendition of his interviews with the
newspaper-men that sent Miss Rodgers
and her colleague into fits of laughter,
and even succeeded in brightening up
Lorrie; he made amiable jokes about
the eating, which, indeed, was very
poor; he entered into affable converse
with the darky waiter at their table; in
short, never was there so light-hearted
and care-free a person as he.
The nurses were immoderately en-
tertained; they had not known that
Mr. Kendrick was so lively and easy
— easy as an old shoe! As for Lorrie,
for whose sole benefit Van Cleve was
painfully going through this exhibition,
the girl ended by being at least half-
convinced by it, and her spirits rose
proportionately. Knowing Van as she
did, she could not have believed him
equal to so much humane hypocrisy;
the young man, when he had time to
think, listened to himself with astonish-
ment. 'By Jove, I'm doing as well as
Uncle Stan! I come by it rightly, I
guess!' he thought mirthlessly.
After this they all went together to
the Tampa Bay Hotel, upon the mo-
tion of that indefatigable entertainer,
Van Kendrick, who seemed determined
that nobody, including himself, per-
haps, should be alone for any length of
time, or have a moment for thought.
* Never mind letters, Lorrie; you have
n't got anything to write about, and
you'll have plenty of time after a
while/ he ordered her. 'You want to
get out and see all this. It's a very
remarkable thing, really, and it won't
happen again in our time. Come along
now/ In fact, there was something
very exhilarating in the lights and noise
and movement, and the curious sense
of nearness to all the other people, so
many thousands of them. To feel one's
self alone in a crowd is a dreadful
experience, but nobody could feel alone
in this crowd, not even in the bedeck-
ed corridors of the hotel, which the
newspapers said were 'thronged with
celebrities.' Van Cleve got his party
four rocking-chairs around a teakwood
stand in a corner encompassed by the
bronze jardinieres, and Chinese cabi-
nets and ormolu mirrors and marble
statuary and astounding tapestries
and oil paintings with which the es-
tablishment is well known to be pro-
fusely furnished; and there they were
all sitting when, for a final dramatic
touch, an old acquaintance happened
upon them, among all the aliens.
This was Mr. J. B. B. Taylor, of all
men in the world, and he has since
described the meeting with a good deal
of interest. ' I was n't much surprised,'
he says; 'you were n't surprised to
meet anybody in Tampa those days.
The ends of the earth came together
there. And then, you know, I 'm eter-
nally on the move and running into
people, anyhow. Just a minute before
I had come across a man I knew, a
Japanese, some kind of an attache at
their legation in Washington that his
government had sent down to follow
our army around, I believe — a little
Mr. Takuhira — a nice little fellow.
He'd been educated over here, and
that 's how I came to know him, meet-
ing him at the Harvard Society ban-
quets, — Class of '90 he was, a very
pleasant fellow, — I think he 's back in
Japan now, in some big position over
there. He knew a great many of the
newspaper-men — of course he spoke
English perfectly — and they called
him Take-your-hair-off! But I was
going to tell you about Kendrick. I
was standing talking to Takuhira
when I caught sight of him; there he
was with Miss Gilbert, whom at that
time I did n't know at all, and two
other ladies that I 'd never seen before
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
525
either, with some lemonades in front
of them, listening to the music and
watching the crowds and the epaulets
and uniforms and all the rest of it, just
as if it were the most natural thing in
the world for them to be there. Van
Cleve looked a good deal older than the
last time I saw him, and, do you know,
my first thought was, "Why, those
are n't his own people! I 'd know the
Van Cleve ladies anywhere, and those
are n't any of them, and what 's become
of the Major? Can Van possibly have
got married and annexed another fam-
ily to take care of? " Then he saw me,
and got up and spoke right away.'
So J. B. was introduced to the as-
semblage, and Mr. Takuhira, too; and
if the little Oriental gentleman was
confounded at the spectacle of a single
young man in company with three
single young women voyaging about
the country a thousand miles from
home, unquestioned, and evidently en-
tirely respectable, he was by far too
mannerly to show it. 'Take-your-hair-
off was used to American ways/ J. B.
said; 'and of course the Red Cross
explained everything, anyhow. You
saw dozens of nice girls going around
by themselves. I think Van Cleve was
glad to see us; he looked fagged out,
and, after we joined them, sat back
and let us do the talking as if he wanted
a rest. Miss Gilbert and Takuhira got
on together wonderfully; it turned out
that they had some mutual friends, -
people they both knew, that is, — any-
body's a friend when you meet away
from home, — Boston and Washington
people, and I believe some 'army and
navy men. The two nurses talked
mainly to me; they looked at Takuhira
as if he were some kind of educated
chimpanzee, and I'm sure that's how
they classed him. That youngest
nurse was rather making eyes at Van
Cleve, I thought, but he did n't seem
to be conscious of it at all; it was rather
funny. He told me he was down on
business, and then caught himself,
and said, "That is — well, I'm taking
a vacation — I'm making a vacation of
it, you .know." I thought he did n't
look much like a man taking a vaca-
tion, but, of course, it was no affair of
mine.'
They sat there talking, J. B. said,
until quite late; and it was after they
had all said their good-nights, and the
others had been gone some time, and he
himself was upstairs in his room get-
ting ready for bed, that, on a sudden,
a tremendous racket broke out in the
streets of the town across the river,
quickly spreading to the hotel side:
bells ringing, whistles tooting, people
running and yelling, and by and by
guns or fire-crackers beginning to go off
deafeningly. He hustled himself into
some clothes again and ran out, meet-
ing in the halls other half-dressed men,
none of whom knew what was happen-
ing; they were guessing everything,
from a fire-alarm to Spanish gunboats
coming up to shell Port Tampa!
Takuhira joined them. 'He was the
least interested man present, you
might have thought,' J. B. said after-
wards, with a laugh; 'but, by George,
he was the first to suggest that the
telegraph office was the place to inquire.
And he added, as calm as Buddha,
that "very possiblee the boats ^mide
have come outt." He meant Cervera's
fleet, of course. It sounded so queer
in his precise, grammatical way of
talking, and with no more expression
on his face than if he had been carved
out of old ivory, with jet eyes. All the
rest of us gesticulating and shouting
like lunatics ! '
As they were hurrying over the
bridge, they ran into some men and
boys who wildly reported that there
had been a battle; there had been fight-
ing at Santiago, and our boys had
whipped, of course. In the town the
526
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
streets were full of hurrahing people,
and all the bells and sirens were going
madly; it was just before the Fourth,
so there was a plentiful supply of
cannon-crackers and bonfire material
besides.
J. B. and the Japanese attache made
for a newspaper office; the crowd was
so wedged together outside that it was
impossible to get through, and on the
skirts of it they fell in again with Van
Cleve Kendrick. Van had taken his
ladies to their hotel and was on his way
to the cot he had secured in a room-
ing-house when the excitement began.
Nobody seemed to know whence the
information came, but everybody was
sure it was correct. Victory! Hurrah!
* There '11 be a hot time in the old town
to-night ' — !
'I suppose it's true?' Van Cleve
asked the man next him. 'How did
they get the news?'
'Why, it was telegraphed from Jack-
sonville, I believe — '
'Jacksonville!' ejaculated J. B.
'They could make up pretty nearly
any story and send it here from Jack-
sonville!'
'No, no, it's a wire from Key West,'
somebody else volunteered. Mr. Taku-
hira, however, told Van Cleve, in his
neat English, that he understood most
of the news was always sent by dis-
patch-boat from Kingston, or by the
cable off Cienfuegos, which we had
picked up after bombarding and de-
stroying the Spanish station there.
Presently the crowd, in its constant
shifting, allowed them to press farther
in; bulletins were already posted, but
the heads and hats were so thick in
front of them that only the topmost
lines could be seen from the edge of the
sidewalk by a tall man like Van Cleve
or J. B. Taylor. Those nearest the
boards began obligingly to pass back
bits of information. The first fight of
the land forces had occurred at a place
called Las Guasimas; the Rough Riders
and Tenth Cavalry (all of them dis-
mounted) had been engaged ; they had
driven the Spaniards back after a stub-
born resistance; it was not possible at
the moment of writing to estimate the
loss on either side, but the Spaniards'
had been the most severe; of the United
States troops engaged, the following
were known to have been killed : —
' Captain Allen Capron — it says
Captain Allen Capron,' repeated the
man in front of Van Cleve, turning;
'd'ye know any of 'em?' he asked,
parenthetically.
'I know one man,' said Van, out-
wardly calm at least. 'Much obliged.
Can you read any more?'
'Can't read any. It's this fellow in
front of me that's telling me; I can't
see a thing. — Sergeant Hamilton Fish.
Know him?'
Van Cleve shook his head. The man
went on. ' He says there 's a war cor-
respondent killed — don't see what a
war correspondent was doing up in
front on the firing-line, do you?'
Van Cleve heard his own voice say-
ing, 'What was that man's name?'
' I did n't catch it — wait a minute.
— Say, say that over again, will you?
Hey? It was a fellow by the name of
Marshall. Friend of yours?'
'No,' Van said, with almost as much
effort as before; he was trembling with
relief, and at the same time adjuring
himself impatiently not to be a fool;
there must be a hundred correspond-
ents in the field besides Bob.
'Here, now you can get in and read
'em for yourself, if you 're quick about
it,' said the other, good-naturedly,
squeezing aside, as the crowd swayed
open momentarily.
Van Cleve edged forward, and the
aisle closed up on the instant. The
two men immediately in front of him
were stooping to read the last items
at the bottom of the manila-paper
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
527
sheet, one of them copying rapidly
into a notebook. Van craned over
their shoulders. The list of the dead
came first. He read, * Cortwright,
shot through the heart/
CHAPTER XIV
KEY WEST
The triumphant din went on more
or less exuberantly until the small
hours of that night at Tampa. The
news flashed to the four corners of the
country, and thousands read it next
morning at their comfortable break-
fast-tables, with unbounded martial
pride and satisfaction; and numbers
of honest, good-tempered citizens who
had never quarreled with a neighbor
in their lives, and who sang lustily in
church every Sunday great words about
Peace and Mercy and Patience and
Brotherly Love, gave the children a
quarter to buy fire-crackers with which
to celebrate, and went out to their
fields or factories or offices, telling one
another it was just what they had ex-
pected and predicted from the start;
that our men were the best all-round
fighters in the world, invincible in open
battle; and as for this guerilla style,
why, they could fairly eat the other side
Up at that ! That had been our natural
way of fighting ever since the pioneers
went into business against the Indians!
And it was a pity about the poor fel-
lows that were killed, but war was n't
any picnic, we all knew that, and so
did they when they went into it.
These, too, were the sort of reflec-
tions that would undoubtedly have
occurred to Van Kendrick, if he had
been at his normal occupations, under
normal circumstances; and it is con-
ceivable that he would have learned of
the other man's death, had it been an
ordinary one in bed after an ordinary
illness, with no shock or regret. But,
as it was, he presented a face of such
ghastly consternation to the two gentle-
men, his acquaintances, who were still
hovering on the edge of the mob when
he pushed his way out to them, that
they both observed it, even by the art-
ificial light, and exclaimed aloud with
concern. Moreover, when Van Cleve
told them, they were almost as much
shocked as he.
'Good Lord, you say it's the man
Miss Gilbert 's engaged to? The poor
girl! Why, that's — that's a dread-
ful thing! ' J. B. said in horror and com-
passion. He shook his head solemnly.
' It 's the women that bear the brunt of
it after all,' he said, in a lowered voice,
thinking of his father who had fallen
gallantly at Shiloh, of the grave in the
little old Kentucky churchyard, and
his mother's face when she went to lay
flowers there. 'Poor girl! Poor thing!
Do you have to go and tell her? Do
you think you'd better?'
'It may not be the same man. It is
written "Blank Cortwright," I think
you said?' the Japanese gentleman
pointed out practically.
' Yes, I know — I thought about
that. This man's name is Philip, so
there's a chance still. There might
easily be some other Cortwright in the
regiment. But do you suppose there 's
any way of finding out?' said Van
Cleve, in a haggard anxiety. ' The un-
certainty only makes it worse for her,
you know,' he added out of his not in-
considerable experience with woman-
kind.
They all three looked at one another
blankly. ' All you can do is to wait, I 'm
afraid,' said J. B. at last. As they
walked away, a sudden recollection
prompted him. 'Cortwright? Why,
I've met him, haven't I? Oh, yes,
I remember perfectly now. I remem-
ber hearing about that engagement.
I never had — ' had any use for that
young man, Mr. Taylor was on the
528
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
point of saying, but checked himself.
Cortwright might be dead. The same
feeling restrained Van Cleve even from
admitting to himself that the fate of
Lome's lover was, personally, a matter
of entire indifference to him; he knew
that at heart he did not care what
became of Cortwright, one way or the
other; but he was desperately sorry for
Lorrie. She thought Cortwright was
a hero, poor girl ! Probably he did not
lack the physical courage which is the
least and commonest of man's gifts;
and if he had borne himself well and
died doing his duty, why, the best of
us could achieve no more and make no
finer end.
Van Cleve's own endowment did not
include anything like tactfulness or
capacity for expressing sympathy, —
a fact of which he was ruefully con-
scious; and he carried this heavy news
to Lorrie without the dimmest idea of
how to * break it gently,' as people say,
to her. Van thought — and I am not
sure, on the whole, that he was not
right — that bluntness might be the
best mercy. As it happened, however,
she had already heard; the plump
nurse came out of the room with a
gravely warning and important car-
riage, and stopped Van Cleve on the
threshold.
'No, she did n't faint, and she has n't
been crying or anything,' she whis-
pered, in answer to his questions; 'but
she gave up right away that it was true.
She says she does n't believe there was
another Cortwright. Oh, Mr. Ken-
drick, isn't it awful?' she wound up,
not without some enjoyment, in spite
of her real kindness of heart and desire
to help.
'Ask her if she'll see me, will you,
Miss — er — ,' Van said. He was won-
dering whether to tell Lorrie what he
intended to do next; whether, indeed,
she would be in a fit state to hear or
consider his plans.
'My name is n't Miss Urr — urr — ,
Mr. Kendrick, I'm Miss Crow,' said
the nurse, bridling a little and mim-
icking him roguishly; 'I do believe
you've been forgetting it right along.
Miss Crow; now do try and fix me in
your mind.'
'All right — that is, I mean, I beg
your pardon — much obliged,' said
Van Cleve, clumsily, in his preoccupa-
tion; at his best, he would have been a
mortally unpromising subject for a flirt-
ation, and now he scarcely looked at
the young woman, scarcely heard her.
'If you'll just ask Miss Gilbert if she
minds speaking to me a minute — ?'
Lorrie herself came to the door, and
stood before the young man with eyes
that seemed very large and bright and
of soundless depth, in her white face.
'Have you found Bob, Van Cleve? ' she
said quite steadily. 'That is what we
must do, whatever comes, you know
that.'
Van Cleve felt something bravely
self-forgetful in her speech and manner
that touched him more than all the
tears she could have shed. He took
her hand. ' I 'm sorry about this — this
other thing — this report, Lorrie. But
don't forget it may not be he. It may
be some other man. I hope to Heaven
it is!' he said, and meant the words.
It made no difference who and what
and how unworthy Cortwright might
be, all Van Cleve's dislike and jealousy
of him were swept away by an unselfish
tenderness, to see the woman he loved
so stricken.
She looked at him, tensely composed,
with a kind of distance in her gaze, as
from some far height; it almost fright-
ened Van Cleve, this spectacle which
he had never before witnessed, of the
essential loneliness of sorrow. ' I think
it is Phil. I think he is dead,' she said.
'Oh, you ought n't to make up your
mind to it that way, Lorrie — it's
only a report — they're all the time
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
529
making mistakes/ Van Cleve began,
awkwardly trying to reassure her.
Lorrie made a little nervous gesture
as of renunciation, with her two shak-
ing hands. 'If it is so, it's for the
best — I thought of that last night
when I heard — it would be a noble
way to die, Van Cleve — it would be
the way of his choice,' she said in a
pathetic exaltation, before which the
young man stood silent and somehow
shamed.
Van Cleve, having by dint of per-
sistent inquiry made reasonably sure
that Bob had at any rate left Tampa,
now planned to go on down to Key
West, as he had been repeatedly ad-
vised; he had made up his mind to go
to Cuba, too, if need be, and, through
the good offices of Mr. Takuhira, who
was supplied with credentials or some
unknown instruments of power every-
where, and who showed himself very
active and useful, the trip might be ar-
ranged. The attache himself had re-
ceived orders from his chiefs to reach
the army or fleet before Santiago with-
out delay; everybody was expecting
news of a big engagement on land or sea,
perhaps both, at any moment. Lorrie
must stay in Tampa, Van decided, un-
til she heard from him; the two nurses
who had finally got themselves officially
recognized, would look after her, as
far as their duties allowed; at least she
would not be without a soul she knew
in the place. They had ceased to ex-
pect her to act the part of volunteer
nurse with which she had begun, and
Van himself had ceased to play his own.
It would have been better never to
have attempted that petty farce, he
thought; of necessity it would sort ill
with the tragedies of these days, and,
soon or late, they must abandon it.
Lorrie acquiesced in everything he
said; for the time all the spirit had
gone out of the girl.
' Do you believe she '11 ever get over
VOL. Ill - NO. 4
it?' the younger nurse questioned; and
prophesied that Miss Gilbert never
would, recalling many instances of
brokenhearted spinsters who had re-
mained angelically faithful to an early
love to the end of their days. She was
in a fever of romantic interest, and felt
as if they were ' living in one of Marie
Corelli's works,' as she confided to her
senior, adding that she ' would n't have
missed it for anything!'
'Oh, yes, she'll get over it. Person
has to, you know,' returned Miss Rod-
gers, who was of an eminently prosaic
temperament. 'I've seen a raft of
widows and widowers that were all
broken-up right at first, but mercy me,
they all got over it! — except some of
the real old widows, that is. The men
are generally pretty chipper inside of
a year. It 's not so awful when you come
to think about it. Nobody can keep
on grieving right along, day in and day
out, forever. If they do, you can take
it from me, something 's the matter
with 'em!'
'Well, I think Miss Gilbert's the
kind that would be loyal to the grave.
/ think it's lovely,' said the other with
a sigh. She was at hand, accidentally,
of course, when Van Cleve came, the
next day, to say good-bye to Lorrie ; and
assured him earnestly that they would
take good care of Miss Gilbert. 'She
is the sweetest thing! And I hope we'll
hear from you soon, Mr. Kendrick,'
said the girl, wistfully.
' Why, I hope so myself. And I want
to thank you very much for everything
you 're doing — you ' ve been most kind,
Miss — er — Miss Sparrow,' said Van,
warmly, shaking her hand. He was
off without another thought of her, as
she dismally knew; and I believe they
have never met since; when Van Cleve
got back to Tampa, Miss Rodgers had
been sent down to Egmont Key to the
army hospital there, and he had not lei-
sure to look up the other young woman.
530
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
So now Mr. Kendrick embarked for
Key West, and he did not know how
much farther. The vessel on which he
and Takuhira secured passage put to
sea in the august company of the troop-
ship Niagara, now known as Trans-
port No. 16, with seven hundred men
aboard to reinforce Shafter before San-
tiago. And to Van's surprise, this large
body of heroes left their native shores
without any patriotic or sentimental
to-do whatever, no flags, no salutes, no
crowds of weeping women, no band
playing 'The girl I left behind me/ —
nothing that even Van Cleve's work-
a-day spirit would have regarded as
reasonable and appropriate. A fellow
passenger going down on business con-
nected with furnishing canned corned-
beef to the government, enlightened
him.
'The good-bye-sweetheart business
is about played out,' he explained.
* You see when the order first came for
the army to start, everybody went
piling down to Port Tampa and gave
the boys the biggest send-off they knew
how. Well then, the last of the trans-
ports had hardly got past the bell-buoys
when there came an order for 'em to
come back home! Day or so after that,
they tried it again. That time they only
got about three hundred yards down the
bay — same old song-and-dance! They
just settled right down where they were
and waited. It was two or three days
after that, I think, before they finally
did get off. Looked like starting and
stopping was a kind of habit with 'em
— "Farewell forever — forever fare-
well !" as the song says. Only people get
tired farewelling, you know; they can't
keep it up that long. Once is enough,
it don't seem to have any point the
second time. You can't get a rise out
of anybody nowadays.'
It was a fact that Van Cleve himself
began to feel, as it were, callous to
further excitement; he had had enough
of the alarums and excursions, the
sight of fighting men and armaments.
Transport No. 16, which had no time
to spare, shortly left them behind, but
the waters were full of other shipping,
which Van barely noticed. There were
moments when the whole adventure
seemed to the young man's naturally
slow and cool judgment absolutely in-
sane. What was he, Van Cleve Ken-
drick, doing in this outlandish environ-
ment? Why, he was going a knight-er-
ranting, to be sure — knight-erranting
at the end of the nineteenth century,
on a little steamer with a ridiculous
comic opera name, crowded with men,
tumbling about under the red-hot sky,
with the gulls squeaking in their rear,
and the low coasts of Florida simmer-
ing there ten miles off! And here, for a
final incongruity, was a polite Oriental
(in a straw hat and beautifully polished
shoes!) at his elbow, proffering him a
cigar! He took the cigar; he smoked
and talked with the other men sitting
in the narrow shade of the deck-house
with their feet propped on the extra
chairs. He might have been traveling
down to see about tobacco contracts or
canned corned-beef for the army like
the rest of them, for all the excitement
he showed or, indeed, felt; the com-
monplace attitude of his mind some-
times puzzled him.
Twenty-four hours brought them to
Key West, on a hot, noisy morning;
and in the paper Van Cleve bought on
the dock he found a final report of the
fight at Las Guasimas, much enlarged,
with a complete and verified list of
killed and wounded. Among the form-
er, * Troop X, Lieut. Philip Cortwright'
appeared half-way down the page. So
poor Lorrie was right in her sad pre-
sentiment; and she too must have seen
this last dispatch by now. Van read
the account of the battle. It did not
seem to have been very spectacular; no
charging up to breastworks, or hand-
TO A MOTOR
531
to-hand struggle. Our advance had
been through a practically pathless
jungle; the Spanish used smokeless
powder so that it was almost impos-
sible to locate them — this statement
was repeated continually with a child-
like surprise and indignation; also their
sharpshooting was very good; they
had men posted in the trees; it had
been no such slight skirmish as at first
reported.
The United States troops had be-
haved with the greatest firmness and
daring, as indeed the tale of losses
showed; owing to the scattering nature
of the fighting, it was not until after
some time and search that it had been
possible to get an accurate list of the
casualties. Lieutenant Cortwright had
pressed forward very eagerly, and was
one of the first to fall with a bullet
through the lungs (not the heart as
previously stated) ; he died while being
carried to the rear. Mr. Marshall, the
correspondent, had not been killed,
but so severely wounded that his re-
covery was improbable. In another
column was the statement that all the
bodies found had been buried on the
field and could not be removed until
after the close of the war — if even
then. The graves were marked, and
whatever small possessions of the dead
men seemed worth while, had been
taken charge of, in most cases, by some
friend or 'bunkie.'
'Poor Lorrie!' said Van to himself
again.
(To be continued.}
TO A MOTOR
BY LOUISE IMOGEN GUINEY
To mark old hamlets, primrose-kirtled, where simple folk seem glad to dwell;
To mark in door and window hurtled the smudge and stench of chosen hell;
To mark his holiest necromancies befouled so never man can read them; —
You Thing ! Suppose we part ? My fancy 's to throttle hatreds, not to feed them.
INDUSTRIAL PEACE OR WAR
BY EVERETT P. WHEELER
THE strikes that destroyed the peace
of England during 1911, the coal strike
in this country, which lasted from
May 12 to October 23, 1902, and its
threatened renewal during 1912, the
threatened strike of locomotive engin-
eers and firemen, the Lawrence strike,
the hotel-waiters' strike in New York,
the strike on the Boston Elevated Rail-
road, and the garment-makers' strikes,
have led thoughtful men to realize
the danger to American prosperity and
liberty from the unsettled relation be-
tween capital and labor.
The old conception that the laboring
man was weak and needed protec-
tion, that he could not stand out and
higgle for terms, and must therefore
receive special consideration from phil-
anthropic people, still lingers, but is no
longer true. Laboring men in many
vocations have organized. They have
energetic leaders whose counsels in the
main they follow loyally. These labor
organizations confront organizations of
capital. In many parts of the coun-
try the two face each other with mu-
tual distrust and animosity, like hos-
tile camps. When the skirmishers give
the alarm the armies are ready for bat-
tle, and enter upon the fray with no
consideration for the suffering caused
thereby to the great majority who take
no part in the particular industry
threatened by the war, but who are in
various ways dependent upon the re-
sults. Of course, in one sense, every-
body is a capitalist and almost every-
body is a laborer. But in this article I
use the words in the ordinary sense.
532
The capitalist, in our usual parlance, is
the man who controls large accumulat-
ed capital, much of it his own, much
of it that of stockholders who intrust
their share to his care. The laborer is
he who earns wages in some business
carried on by the capitalist. '
Let us consider what can be done to
prevent these disastrous wars. The fun-
damental American principle is 'Lib-
erty, protected by law.' Edward Ever-
ett said that the love of this ' gave to
Lafayette his spotless fame.' It is the
principle embodied in the American
Constitution. The latter undertook to
insure to each man liberty to use his
talents and opportunities in the way
that seemed wisest to him, provided he
did not infringe upon the equal right of
his neighbor. The whole machinery of
government described in the Constitu-
tion has for its principal object the pro-
tection of the individual in the exercise
of this right. The right of the capital-
ists to combine for any lawful purpose,
and that of the laborers to combine for
any lawful purpose, are equally sacred.
But each combination should be sub-
ject to laws made for the general wel-
fare.
How then shall the enjoyment of the
rights of each be secured without in-
fringing upon the rights of the other?
In an uncivilized country men fight for
their rights. Civilization should pro-
vide tribunals before which individuals
must appear who cannot agree, and
who claim rights that conflict with each
other. It enforces the judgment of these
tribunals by the sheriff or marshal, by
INDUSTRIAL PEACE OR WAR
533
the posse comitatus, and, if necessary,
by the military. For it is an essential
characteristic of a government really
civilized, that the decision of the tri-
bunal previously established, rendered
after a full and fair hearing of both
sides, must be obeyed.
One of the most familiar and access-
ible illustrations of the application of
this principle is to be found in what is
perhaps the earliest recorded account
of a trade-union riot.1
*A Silversmith named Demetrius,
who made silver models of the shrine
of Artemis, and so gave a great deal of
work to the artisans, got these men to-
gether as well as the workmen engaged
in similar occupations [a sympathetic
strike] and said: "Men, you know that
our prosperity depends upon this work,
and you see and hear that, not only at
Ephesus, but in almost the whole of
Roman Asia, this Paul has convinced
and won over great numbers of people,
by his assertion that those Gods which
are made by hands are not Gods at all,
so that not only is this business of ours
likely to fall into discredit, but there
is the further danger that the Temple
of the great Goddess Artemis will be
thought nothing of, and that she her-
self will be deprived of her splendor,
though all Roman Asia and the whole
world worship her." When they heard
this, the men were greatly enraged, and
began shouting, "Great is Artemis
of the Ephesians!" The commotion
spread through the whole city, and the
people rushed together, dragging with
them Gaius and Aristarchus, . . . who
were Paul's traveling companions. . . .
'When the Recorder had succeeded
in quieting the crowd, he said: "Men of
Ephesus, who is there, I ask you, who
needs to be told that this city of Ephe-
sus is Warden of the Temple of the
great Artemis and of the statue that fell
1 Acts xix, 24-29, 35-39; Twentieth-Century
Testament Version.
down from Zeus? As these are undeni-
able facts you ought to keep calm and
do nothing rash; for you have brought
these men here, though they are
neither robbers of Temples nor blas-
phemers of our Goddess. If, however,
Demetrius and the artisans who are
acting with him have a charge to make
against any one, there are Court Days
and there are Magistrates; let both
parties take legal proceedings. But if
you want anything more, it will have
to be settled in the regular Assembly." '
In short, there was, under the Ro-
man law, in effect, a court of arbitra-
tion, and an assembly to which matters
justiciable before this court could be
referred. Violence and riot were un-
lawful, and were promptly suppressed.
How comes it, then, that in this
twentieth century we have not machin-
ery adequate to accomplish this re-
sult? Our method is that of Sangrado:
' Warm water and bleeding — the warm
water of our mawkish policy, and the
lancets of our military.'
The old English law dealt with this
subject in a different way. On the one
hand, it allowed a borough to prohibit
the exercise of a particular craft except
by those who belonged to the guild of
that craft. This was the closed shop,
and in fact it existed in many English
boroughs. This exclusive privilege was
abolished by one of the reform laws of
1835. This law was considered, and
was in fact, an act of emancipation.
The legalized closed shop had caused
such grievous abuses that it was no
longer tolerable.
On the other hand, by the old Eng-
lish law, strikes were unlawful, and
heavy penalties were imposed upon
workmen who refused to work for the
rate of wages fixed by local law. This
combination act was repealed in 1825.
Since then, in England and America,
we have been trying experiments. Capi-
talists have formed their combinations.
534
INDUSTRIAL PEACE OR WAR
Laborers have formed theirs. The pow-
er and wealth of each have increased.
The wars between them have become
more bitter and more injurious to the
public.
Finally, came the great strike in the
year 1894. This grew out of a contro-
versy between the Pullman Company
and the workmen in the model town of
Pullman — a town that had the most
perfect system of drainage and the
most comfortable tenements in the
world. Nevertheless, owners and ten-
ants could not agree. The tenants pro-
cured a sympathetic strike. Railway
trains on all the railways leading into
Chicago were held up by force. The
United States mails could not be trans-
ported. Governor Altgeld refused to
interfere, and had it not been for the
courage and determination of Grover
Cleveland and of Richard Olney, we
should have had chaos in Illinois. The
Federal troops were ordered out. Gen-
eral Miles took command. He replied
significantly to the threats of Altgeld :
If you persist in defying the laws of
your country we will give you another
Appomattox. And the insurrection was
suppressed.
In this case the judicial power was
appealed to. The judges of the Federal
Circuit Court granted an injunction
against the rioters. This was sustained
by the United States Supreme Court
in the Debs Case.1 That injunction is
sometimes cited as an instance of the
hostility of the courts to organized
labor. It was no more that than was
the indictment of the McNamaras or
of Darrow. It was hostility to mur-
der and violence, and that hostility
the judicial branch of the government
should always manifest.
But this decision of the Court was
not, and under our present system
could not be, rendered until violence
was threatened. In fact, neither that
1 Reported 158, U. S. Rep., 564.
decision, nor its enforcement by the
army, could have been obtained unless
there had been actual riot and blood-
shed. That is the defect of the present
American system.
The suffering and loss of life caused
by this strike led to the passage of the
Erdman Act, June 1, 1898. This re-
lates to carriers engaged in interstate
commerce and their employees. It pro-
vides that when a dispute arises be-
tween them, either party may appeal
to a tribunal of mediation consisting
of the Commissioner of Labor and a
member of the Interstate Commerce
Commission. Since the organization of
the United States Commerce Court, a
judge of that Court may be called in.
If this tribunal fails to secure an agree-
ment it endeavors to induce the parties
to submit the controversy to arbitra-
tion. If arbitration is agreed upon,
each party selects one arbitrator, and
these two choose an umpire. If they do
not agree, the mediators name the um-
pire. The act provides 'that the re-
spective parties to the award will each
faithfully execute the same/ During
the pendency of the arbitration, both
lockouts and strikes are unlawful. Dis-
crimination against members of labor
organizations and blacklisting are pro-
hibited by the act.
This act has been invoked in nearly
sixty controversies during the last five
years, and in every instance both par-
ties have executed the award. It does
not, in terms, provide for compulsory
arbitration. It is like a law which
should enact that if two neighbors
cannot agree as to the boundary-line
between their property, they may sub-
mit the question to arbitration in a cer-
tain prescribed manner. Failing this,
they may fight it out. That certainly
would not be considered a civilized
way of settling such a controversy.
Unfortunately there is such a lack of
mutual confidence between labor and
INDUSTRIAL PEACE OR WAR
535
capital that nothing better has yet
obtained their joint approval. And the
majority, the general public, have been
so busy about their own affairs that
they have let the thing alone.
Inadequate, however, as the Erd-
man Act is, it is better than nothing.
When, in 1902, the great coal strike
broke out in Pennsylvania, there was
no machinery for voluntary arbitra-
tion provided for the coal trade. The
cruelty of the strikers to all who did
not cooperate with them, the absolute
barbarity with which they persecuted
even the wives and children of all in the
anthracite district who would not join
them, justified Wayne MacVeagh's de-
scription: 'The strike of 1902 was a
foretaste of hell. Each workman feels
it is his personal quarrel; in each breast
there are kindled feelings of enmity
against all arrayed on the side of the
capitalists.'
The effect of this strike, as usual,
was most grievous to the innocent
poor. Hundreds of thousands of poor
people in Eastern cities suffered from
cold and hunger during that evil winter
of 1902-03, because they had to pay
double for their pailfuls of coal. It often
happens that the organized strikers and
the organized employers care as little
for the sufferings of those outside their
organizations as did the Genius of War
and Famine in Coleridge's famous
poem: —
The baby beat his dying mother,
I had starved the one, and was starving the
other.
They do not see these sufferings, and
they ignore what is not under their
eyes. All the more, therefore, is it the
duty of the public to intervene and
prevent the wars which cause the
sufferings.
President Roosevelt never did a
wiser thing than when he appointed a
commission to 'inquire into, consider,
and pass upon the questions in contro-
versy in connection with the strike in
the anthracite region, and the causes
out of which the controversy arose.' A
commission of seven was appointed, of
which George Gray, presiding judge
of the United States Circuit Court
of Appeals in the Third Circuit, was
chairman. The mine owners and the
'striking anthracite-mine workers' ap-
peared before the commission. The lat-
ter were represented by John Mitchell,
who was also President of the United
Mine Workers of America; but he
did not appear officially in this capac-
ity, because that organization included
bituminous-mine workers, and it was
claimed with some justice by the own-
ers of anthracite mines, that the inter-
ests of the two groups were diverse.
The commission made its award
March 18, 1903. This was observed by
both parties, has been modified from
time to time, but in its essential fea-
tures has proved the basis of mutual
agreement ever since it was made.
This award contains recommenda-
tions to which I now ask attention.
They have been ignored for nine years.
It is time to brush the dust from their
leaves.
'The Commission is led to the con-
viction, that the question of the recog-
nition of the union and of dealing with
the mine workers through their union,
was considered by both operators and
miners to be one of the most important
involved in the controversy which cul-
minated in the strike. . . .
' The men employed in a certain line
of work or branch of industry have
similar feelings, aspirations, and con-
victions, the natural outgrowth of their
common work and common trend or
application of mind. The union, repre-
senting their community of interests,
is the logical result of their commun-
ity thought. It encourages calm and
intelligent consideration of matters of
common interest. In the absence of a
536
INDUSTRIAL PEACE OR WAR
union, the extremist gets a ready hear-
ing for incendiary appeals to prejudice
or passion, when a grievance, real or
fancied, of a general nature, presents
itself for consideration. . . .
* Trade unionism is rapidly becoming
a matter of business, and that em-
ployer who fails to give the same care-
ful attention to the question of his
relation to his labor or his employees,
which he gives to the other factors
which enter into the conduct of his
business, makes a mistake, which soon-
er or later he will be obliged to correct.
. . . Experience shows that the more
full the recognition given to a trades
union, the more businesslike and re-
sponsible it becomes. ... If the energy
of the employer is directed to discour-
agement and repression of the union,
he need not be surprised if the more
radically inclined members are the
ones most frequently heard. . . .
' In order to be entitled to such recog-
nition, the labor organization or union
must give the same recognition to the
rights of the employer and of others,
which it demands for itself and for its
members. The worker has the right to
quit or to strike in conjunction with his
fellows, when by so doing he does not
violate a contract made by or for him.
He has neither right nor license to
destroy or to damage the property of
the employer; neither has he any right
or license to intimidate or to use vio-
lence against the man who chooses to
exercise his right to work, nor to in-
terfere with those who do not feel that
the union offers the best method for
adjusting grievances. . . .
'The non-union man assumes the
whole responsibility which results from
his being such, but his right and priv-
ilege of being a non-union man are
sanctioned in law and morals. . . . The
contention that a majority of the em-
ployees in an industry, by voluntarily
associating themselves in a union, ac-
quire authority over those who do not so
associate themselves, is untenable. . . .
'It, accordingly, hereby adjudges
and awards : That any difficulty or dis-
agreement arising under this award,
either as to its interpretation or appli-
cation, or in any way growing out of
the relations of the employers and the
employed, which cannot be settled or
adjusted by consultation between the
superintendent or manager of the mine
or mines, and the miner or miners di-
rectly interested, or is of a scope too
large to be so settled and adjusted,
shall be referred to a permanent joint
committee, to be called a board of con-
ciliation, to consist of six persons, ap-
pointed as hereinafter provided. That
is to say, if there shall be a division of
the whole region into three districts, in
each of which there shall exist an or-
ganization representing a majority of
the mine workers of such district, one
of said board of conciliation shall be
appointed by the operators, the operat-
ors in each of said districts appointing
one person. . . .
'The right to remain at work where
others have ceased to work, or to en-
gage anew in work which others have
abandoned, is part of the personal lib-
erty of a citizen, that can never be
surrendered, and every infringement
thereof merits, and should receive, the
stern denouncement of the law. . . .
Approval of the subject of a strike, or
persuasion that its purpose is high and
noble, can not sanction an attempt to
destroy the right of others to a different
opinion in this respect, or to interfere
with their conduct in choosing to work
upon what terms and at what time and
for whom it may please them so to
do
'It also becomes our duty to con-
demn another less violent, but not less
reprehensible, form of attack upon
those rights and liberties of the citizen,
which the public opinion of civilized
INDUSTRIAL PEACE OR WAR
537
countries recognizes and protects. . . .
What is popularly known as the boy-
cott (a word of evil omen and unhappy
origin) is a form of coercion by which a
combination of many persons seek to
work their will upon a single person, or
upon a few persons, by compelling
others to abstain from social or bene-
ficial business intercourse with such
person or persons. Carried to the ex-
tent sometimes practiced in aid of a
strike, and as was in some instances
practiced in connection with the late
anthracite strike, it is a cruel weapon
of aggression, and its use immoral and
anti-social. . . .
4 The practices, which we are con-
demning, would be outside the pale of
civilized war. In civilized warfare, wo-
men and children and the defenseless
are safe from attack, and a code of
honor controls the parties to such war-
fare, which cries out against the boy-
cott we have in view. Cruel and cow-
ardly are terms not too severe by which
to characterize it.
* Closely allied to the boycott is the
blacklist, by which employers of labor
sometimes prevent the employment by
others, of men whom they have dis-
charged. In other words, it is a com-
bination among employers not to em-
ploy workmen discharged by any of the
members of said combination. This
system is as reprehensible and as cruel
as the boycott, and should be frowned
down by all humane men.'
The Commission finally recommend-
ed the substantial adoption of an act
which was drawn by Charles Francis
Adams. This is printed in the Appen-
dix. It is entitled, 'An Act to provide
for the Investigation of Controversies
affecting Interstate Commerce and for
other Purposes.'
* Section 1. Whenever within any
State or States, Territory or Territor-
ies of the United States, a controversy
concerning wages, hours of labor, or
conditions of employment shall arise
between an employer, being an indi-
vidual, partnership, association, cor-
poration or other combination, and the
employees or association or combina-
tion of employees of such employer, by
reason of which controversy the trans-
portation of the United States mails,
the operations, civil or military, of the
Government of the United States, or
the free and regular movement of com-
merce among the several States and
with foreign nations is in the judgment
of the President interrupted or directly
affected, or threatened with being so
interrupted or so directly affected, the
President shall in his discretion inquire
into the same and investigate the
causes thereof.
* Section 2. To this end the Presi-
dent may appoint a special Commis-
sion, not exceeding seven in number, of
persons in his judgment specially qual-
ified to conduct such an investigation.'
It then proceeds to provide for the
organization of the Commission, for a
full hearing of the parties to the con-
troversy, authorizes the Commission
to administer oaths, to compel the at-
tendance of witnesses and the produc-
tion of books and papers. To this end
the Commission may invoke the aid of
the courts of the United States, and is
vested with all the powers of the Inter-
state Commerce Commission, and the
courts of the United States are required
to render it aid to the same extent as
aid is rendered to the Interstate Com-
merce Commission. It authorizes the
Commission to * enter and inspect any
public institution, factory, workshop,
or mine.' After the investigation of
the controversy, the Commission shall
formulate its report thereon, setting
forth the causes of the same, locating,
as far as may be, the responsibilities
thereof, and making such specifications
and recommendations as shall in its
judgment put an end to such contro-
538
INDUSTRIAL PEACE OR WAR
versy or disturbance, and prevent a
recurrence thereof.
Unfortunately, this bill was not in-
troduced in Congress. No state gave
sufficient attention to the recommenda-
tion of the Commission to modify this
bill so as to adapt its provisions to con-
troversies within the state. It is true
that some states have some legislation
on the subject. But the best is insuf-
ficient because it fails to provide an
adequate tribunal with adequate pow-
ers for the decision of these labor con-
troversies. Apparently the American
people prefer an occasional war to a
continual peace. Is it not time to re-
vise this conclusion and follow deliber-
ately the things that make for peace?
And how can there be peace without
an arbitral tribunal, which is adequate
to decide controversies without resort
to war?
A bill to extend the provisions of the
Erdman Act to the owners and lessees
of coal mines, the produce of which
enters into interstate or foreign com-
merce, and their employees, was in-
troduced in the Sixty-second Congress
by Mr. R. E. Lee of Pennyslvania,1
was amended and reported by the
Committee on Interstate and Foreign
Commerce, but unfortunately did not
become a law. It is a step in advance,
and will, we hope, be pressed in the
next Congress. It may lead to enact-
ment of a more comprehensive meas-
ure, not only by Congress, but in every
state. The need for this has never
been better stated than by Governor
Stone of Pennsylvania in 1902: —
*A law that would settle labor dis-
putes between employer and employed
must of necessity be a compulsory arbi-
tration law, and the award must be
final and conclusive. The law must be
drafted for the protection of society,
and must not be drawn in the interest
of employer or employee. Experience
1 H. R. 22,012; in amended form, H. R. 25,109.
teaches that strikes endanger life and
property. When life and property are
in jeopardy, society is menaced. The
right of the public, the right of society,
is greater than the rights of the par-
ticipants on both sides in any strike/
The objections to compulsory arbi-
tration might be urged with equal
force against our whole judicial system.
This has jurisdiction over the most sa-
cred of human relations. If a man and
his wife cannot agree as to the custody
of their children, either may compel the
other to submit the controversy to the
arbitrament of a judge. The court
decides disputes between partners. It
compels the specific performance of
contracts. Why, then, should not the
majority of our people provide by law
a tribunal with powers adequate to de-
cide controversies between capital and
labor, and with power if necessary to
enforce its decision?
But forcible enforcement would be
unnecessary. Not once in a thousand
times is the power of sheriff or marshal
invoked to enforce the judgment of a
court. The awards of the arbitral com-
mittees of the various exchanges are
obeyed without formal compulsion.
In labor controversies the most .ef-
fectual compulsion is the indirect me-
thod of prohibiting strikes and lock-
outs pending the arbitration. This
prohibition obviates controversy as to
whether picketing is peaceful and as to
whether persuasion has developed into
physical violence. In short, it provides
for peace and prohibits war, and sub-
stitutes for war a tribunal with pow-
ers to decide conflicting claims upon
their merits.
This system of conciliation and ar-
bitration has been tried by several of
the governments which are federated in
Australasia, and on the whole with suc-
cess. That does not of itself prove that
it would work well in America. But we
should be foolish, indeed, if we did not
THE TELE-VICTORIAN AGE
539
profit by the experience of others. No
better plan has been suggested. The
present situation is intolerable. Let us
then give heed to the report of the
State Labor Bureau of New South
Wales, for the year ending June 30,
1909:-—
'The Act has already lived down the
bitter hostility of a section of the trade
unions, the majority of them having
already applied for the appointment of
Wages Boards to determine rates of
wages and conditions of labor in their
particular industries. The opinion is
fast gaining ground in industrial cir-
cles that greater benefits are likely to
accrue from the operations of the Act
than could be expected from the meth-
ods of a strike.'
The award of the Board of Arbitra-
tion, which a few months ago consid-
ered and decided the controversy as to
wages between the locomotive engin-
eers and the railroads of this country,
had under consideration also the sub-
ject of arbitration. The facts present-
ed to this board showed very clearly
the great danger to the whole commun-
ity incident to the possibility of a gen-
eral railroad strike. It recommends a
system of compulsory arbitration. The
only dissent by one of the members
of the board was on the ground that
such a system would be impracticable.
The answer to that is that it is com-
petent for the legislature to declare
that either a strike or a lockout is ille-
gal until after a hearing before, and
an award by, an arbitration tribunal.
Such a system has succeeded in Can-
ada and other countries where it has
been tried. There seems to be no rea-
son to doubt that it would be success-
ful in the United States.
THE TELE-VICTORIAN AGE
BY JOHN H. FINLEY
IN violation of one of the etymolo-
gist's rules, I have made two languages
conspire to give name to the age in
which we live — the age of the victory
over the remote in space and time, the
age of the conquest of the Far, the
' Tele-Victorian Age/
The ancient Hellenic age might fit-
ly be called by contrast the Perinikian
Age (to conform for the moment to
the etymologist's requirements), the
age of the conquest of the Near. The
very language of that ancient age would
intimate to us this characteristic even
if we had no other testimony. In a
standard Greek lexicon there are sixty-
seven columns of words with the prefix
'peri* (though in some of these words
the prefix has not the significance of
nearness, but the derived sense of com-
pleteness), and there are less than five
columns of words with the prefix 'tele.'
And even these latter words, when they
are defined in what is now known to be
their geographical reach, are also but
peri words — words that tell of what we
should now call the Near. The striking
afar of telebolos was not beyond the
reach of the sling, the telemachos of the
arrow. The teleplanos, far-wandering,
540
THE TELE-VICTORIAN AGE
traveler had never journeyed farther
on the earth's surface than one would
now go in a day or two of twentieth-
century locomotion. The telekleitos,
far-famed, hero would be thought in
this age to have but provincial reputa-
tion. The teleskopos, far-seeing, wise
man could actually see no greater dis-
tance than his naked eye could dis-
tinguish objects from the tallest peaks
of Greece. The teleboas, far-shouting,
orator could make himself heard no
farther than his stentorian voice could
carry. The telegonos, far-born, foreigner
came from a place probably no more
distant than Chicago from Boston.
And telothi, the far, far, far-away, was
no more remote than San Francisco.
The brilliant author of The World
Machine 1 has recently written of that
age: 'Means of communication were
then slow; no "liners" then raced
straight and swiftly from port to port.
Men did not venture far. Though
there were records of the compass in
use in China nine centuries back of
this, it was unknown to the Greek and
Tyrian mariners, who crept along the
coast of the sea in Media-Terra, the
known terra, and out through the Pil-
lars of Hercules to the Ultima Thule.
From the ports of Tyre to the Gateway
of Night was scarce two thousand
miles. The Hellespont and the Euxine
carried the map-maker's stylus scarce
another thousand eastward. Half this
combined distance reached from the
mythical borders of Hyperborea to the
fabulous regions of the Upper Nile.
The known earth was a rectangle of
about the present size of the United
States.'
The perimeter of the telouros, the
distant-boundaried, territory was in-
deed but the circumference of the Near.
Environment — adaptation to which
has been defined by high authority as
education — was within range of the
1 The World Machine, By Carl Snyder.
eye, the ear, the foot, or the sail; and a
much simpler matter adaptation, and
so education, were, than they are in
these days, when the adaptations have
to be made to environments beyond
all reach of these. Think of one man
who was ' abreast if not in advance of
•the astronomy of his day,' who had,
as he himself said, of all his country-
men, * traversed the greatest part of the
earth,' who wrote a treatise on naviga-
tion, who was learned in physics, dis-
coursing on the Magnet, the Rays of
Light, and the Water Clock; who was
'fond of music and poetry,' leaving
works on Rhythm and Harmony and
on the beauty of epic poems; who was a
critic in matters of art; who must * have
been a physician' since he left a book
on Fever, another on Prognostics, an-
other on Pestilences, another on the
Right Way of Living; who assumed to
write authoritatively on such varied
knowledges as Agriculture, Tactics, the
Principles of Laws, the Calendar and
Colors, Ethics, and finally on Cheerful-
ness; besides being a zoologist, anato-
mist, and psychologist. But with all
this reputed wisdom, his science was
the science of the Near, the Visible, the
Palpable, the Audible, even though his
speculation was of the Afar.
Nor was it the age of the Near in
space alone. The Greek chronology
did not stretch backward beyond that
which was accepted as the age of the
world in my own youth. I remember
distinctly that in my college days the
chronology of Ussher was followed in
fixing the date of the creation of man
as the year 4004 B.C. Since then the
earth has grown a million years or more
older; and the age of man has been in-
creased to at least two hundred thous-
and years.
And a few months ago I heard the
great astronomer-physicist Arrhenius,
speaking of the propagation of life
through the universe, express the view
THE TELE-VICTORIAN AGE
541
that spores of life caught or propelled
beyond one planet or star atmosphere,
wandered in space until, brought with-
in the force of another gravitation, they
entered as immigrant star-dust the at-
mospheric shores of another planet or
star, beginning a new life that was to
evolve into the vegetable, and the ani-
mal, and the human, under new con-
ditions, — and so led the imagination
on from star to star and from eon to
eon, till infinity of space and eternity
of time became conceivable.
Not long after, I chanced to hear an-
other Nobel Prize scientist who went in
the other direction, as far as the micro-
scope could go, to the fields farthest
back toward the genetic eternity, to
the land of the phagocytes, to the in-
finitesimal, to the atom, crying as the
ancient poet who but dreamed of what
his eyes could not see, * considera opera
atomorum.'
Together have these and such men,
astronomers, biologists, chemists, car-
ried the boundaries of man's environ-
ment from one eternity to another.
Moreover, to consciousness of dis-
tance and time has been added mobil-
ity of human life.
One widely cherished recovery from
that ancient age, the wonderfully beau-
tiful statue of the Nike, the Winged
Victory, of Samothrace, which Mr. H.
G. Wells, after his visit to Boston a
;few years ago, referred to as the sym-
Ibol of the * terrifying unanimity of
;gesthetic discrimination,' was a few
imonths ago reproduced by a cartoon-
ist in intimation of the achievement
of that pioneer of aviation, the first of
the bird-men. But the Nike of Samo-
thrace was, after all, perhaps but the
figure-head of the prow of a boat. Her
feet were fastened to a keel. The epi-
nikian odes — the songs of victory —
were of races whose distances were
measured in stadia. The higher free-
dom, the mobility of wings, was but a
possession of the gods, an aspiration of
rash men, who, like Icarus, fell back
to earth for their venturing.
Those who are familiar with the poet
Maeterlinck's botany are aware that
his story of the evolution of animal life
from the vegetable is the story of the
struggle of life to escape from a state
of immobility into one of mobility, of
auto-mobility; from a static slavery to
roots into the joyous freedom of feet;
for, as Maeterlinck says, it is its role * to
escape above from the fatality below,
to evade, transgress the heavy, sombre
law, to set itself free, to shatter the nar-
row sphere, to invent or invoke wings,
to escape as far as it can, to conquer
the space in which destiny encloses it,
to approach another kingdom.'
And when we read on into the his-
tory of the development of the high-
est animal, man, we find that we are
following the story of the same kind
of evolution, the story of the struggle
from a lower toward a higher and
higher state of mobility. Primitive
patriarchs walked. Abraham was com-
manded to walk through the land he
was to possess. But, from the very first,
man longed for a greater mobility than
his feet permitted. The ideal, happy,
perfect creature was one equipped with
wings; one who had 'the wings of the
morning,' who could travel afar, one
who could see to the ends of the earth,
one who had knowledge of all things
that are in the earth, one who knew the
beginning and end of time.
It is in this our age that this as-
piration is being realized; this age, in
which the man has indeed become the
ayyeAos, at any rate, in respect of loco-
motion; in which he has, in a sense,
approached another kingdom. He is
able to speak and to hear and to write
around the world. He is able to see not
only to the ends of the earth, but mil-
lions of miles into space. He can talk
with the stars in a very literal sense,
542
THE TELE- VICTORIAN AGE
for he has made a new alphabet of vari-
colored lines (spectra they are called in-
stead of letters), in which the stars are
able to reveal to him what is burning in
their hearts or what is glowing in their
skies. Greater space, longer time, high-
er mobility, and the flying of the images
of all things to his senses! Day unto
day utters a speech never heard in the
days of the Psalmist, and night unto
night shows a knowledge beyond the
wisdom of the wisest of the elder age.
Lucretius, the ancient Epicurean
poet and philosopher, in trying to ex-
plain perception of the nearer phenom-
ena of life, assumed that all bodies were
constantly giving off filmy images or
idols of themselves, and that the air was
crowded with millions of these images,
along with less definite emanations —
images ever passing and crossing each
other, in every direction, some swifter,
some slower, in infinite complexity, yet
in no confusion, very substantial, yet
keeping their forms as they sped on
their way to the senses, and traversed
by mind-images, infinitely finer and
more subtle, and by those subtlest and
swiftest of all, the majestic images of
the gods who came flying from the un-
known afar through all the rest, in
never-ceasing flow. His only Afar was
the dwelling of the gods. Thence their
images came flying, majestically.
But now, — according to the most
widely accepted view, — everything
comes through the medium of waves;
a scientific theory which will some day
be poetically translated, so that every
aroma will have its wave-image, even
as the flower that sent it forth had its
idol or image under the Lucretian the-
ory. All light, sound, perfume even,
are but different forms of motion, we
are assured, revealing themselves in
waves of varying length or frequency.
Everything that comes to us from the
outer world comes through the beat-
ing, the ceaseless beating, of these
waves upon our bodies, our minds,
which are as receivers of some sensi-
tive, invisible, wireless system. When
God said, 'Let there be light,' so sci-
ence would now express it, He but
caused the waves to vibrate at the rate
of one hundred and eighty-six thou-
sand a second, and when He wished to
diversify color, He but made waves of
varying length.
The whole history of the human race,
since the first cry of the first paleolithic
infant and the first onomatopoetic
verb of the paleolithic man, has been
written in indestructible ether.
But most of the waves reach no
human shores, except through other
waves to which they give their im-
pulses. I have often recalled hearing
Justin Winsor of Harvard University
say, * If we only had instruments deli-
cate, sensitive enough to record these
unspent waves, what might we not
hear? The prayer of Columbus out
upon the ocean; the plash of the oars
of Joliet and Marquette out upon the
Mississippi; the footfall of Plato in the
Academe.'
I once expressed the hope, in the pre-
sence of Mr. Thomas A. Edison, that
he would some day become an ethereal
archaeologist and invent such an in-
strument : one that would bring to our
eyes, ears, and nostrils the submerged
waves of the long past, even as men
dig up buried cities; that we might,
for example, hear again the voice of
Beatrice; that we might know the color
of Helen's eyes, and enjoy the fra-
grance even of the flowers that once
grew in the Garden of Eden.
For all that record is there, in imper-
ishable ether, either in still persistent
waves which carry their treasure and
refuse to be dissipated, or in yet other
waves to which they have given their
dying impulses. What I am at this
moment saying, what you are at this
moment thinking, 'has come to us,'
THE TELE-VICTORIAN AGE
543
says Carlyle, 'from the beginning of
time, and will go on to an endless
future.'
But whether the waves of the past
are individually recoverable or not, or
collectively distinctive, more and more
are the waves of the present transmut-
able into human experience.
Not long ago I had an impressive
illustration of this. I went one day to
the laboratory of a physicist to witness
an experiment. I was asked to stand
in front of a rough detached frame in
the corridor, where I could hear only
the noise of students speaking or pass-
ing to and fro. But the moment I put
to my ears a receiver, I heard exquisite
music coming from some distant in-
strument, I knew not where. So full is
the ether of harmonies and melodies,
although there seem to be in our near
environment only substantial walls and
the commonplace noises of the day. I
had but finished writing this line when,
taking up a daily paper, I read that a
bit of the 'Marseillaise' played on the
shores of Algeria was heard across the
Mediterranean in southern France. It
is as if one side of the ancient world
were singing to the other, Alexandria
to Athens, across the sea in the middle
of the earth.
But what of this age in which the
perimeter has become as the centre,
this age in which eternity of time has
become conceivable, this age of an-
gelic mobility, this age of instantane-
ous transmissibility of images, idols,
and ideas?
The most obvious fact is, not that the
Almighty has made of one clay all na-
tions, but that this mobility and trans-
missibility are making of all nations
one clay. One of our greatest jurists,
in a letter which I was permitted to see
a few days ago, quoted Tarde in the
statement that while the former sanc-
tion was immemorial practice, now a
new hat goes around the world in six
months and is forgotten in a year; and
he raised the question whether, instead
of immortality, we should not now find
our glory in ' illocality.'
I find a most pathetic support of this
thesis of the great jurist in a letter
from a missionary out upon the edge
of the Orient who, writing to a friend
here to thank her for sending a hat,
inquired whether hats were at present
worn with dents in the crown or whe-
ther those dents were made in transit.
And another from a masculine source.
Attending a high service in the Cathe-
dral in Havana (where it is claimed the
bones of Columbus were at that time
reposing), a service celebrating the in-
auguration of the Republic, I saw walk-
ing in the recessional before the new
President and the Archbishop, a tall
priest carrying a salver, and on it the
silk hat of the President of the Repub-
lic. The immemorial custom of bearing
the crown or the sword as symbol of
office was modified by a sense of dem-
ocratic illocality.
Human experience is being put at
the command of the whole earth, not
only in images, in ideas, but in the
substance of things wherever they can
be carried afar, and where ships ahd
trains offer, and tariffs do not interfere.
Every great department store is an epi-
nikian ode, and every jeweler's shop is
a telenikian sonnet. Walt Whitman
could have written a poem on demo-
cracy from a railroad time-table, and
on the federation of the world from a
metropolitan grocery catalogue. And
I know a newspaper man who could
make an Iliad from the weekly cotton
bulletin, beginning with the reports
from Bombay, or an Odyssey from
Lloyds' reports on ships and shipping.
Mistral might have added a notable
poem to his Poemes du Rhone if he
had but put into verse the import
of my seeing, on entering the gates of
544
THE TELE-VICTORIAN AGE
Avignon, that city of the Palace of
the Popes, a sign advertising the Mc-
Cormick agricultural implements; and
Daudet's Tartarin, who really lived
in Nimes, I am told, instead of Taras-
con, had no more world-significant ex-
perience than I, who, when trying to
get a good view of the historic Amphi-
theatre, all but fell over an Oliver
chilled plough, from Syracuse (N. Y.),
standing on the sidewalk to invite
custom.
Mobility of person and transmissi-
bility of ideas, one or both, are the pre-
requisite of a wide democracy. This
republic of ours could not have become
one, or remained one, except by means
of both; the railroad, the telegraph, the
newspaper, and the library, were neces-
sary to 'union, one and inseparable,'
unless there were in lieu of these a
mighty standing army. And the more
democratic form of government, which
is now so vigorously advocated, and
exemplified in the direct primary, the
initiative and the referendum, and the
like, is possible only by reason of this
heightened mobility and transmissi-
bility.
These are, also, it need hardly be re-
marked, a condition of planetary con-
sciousness. Until this new day, as the
author of The Great Analysis well says,
'we have not really inhabited an iso-
lated sphere. Civilization has always
been in contact with the Unknown/
'But now there is no Unknown this
side of the moon.' There are no new
invaders to be feared, — not even the
'Hunnish bacteria.' We are prepared
to think 'planetarily,' to act without
fear of ambush in unexplored spots.
Mr. Marconi said to me not long ago
that the speed of wireless messages was
retarded when the ocean was part
dark and part light; and there will be
retardation of ideas still as they pass
into certain dark spots of earth from
the light. Nevertheless, the waves do
carry through them, as the conditions
in China have demonstrated. And the
speed of progress is likely to be quite
as great in the next cycle of Cathay
as in any now well-lighted tract of
earth.
But with the passing of the un-
known, with the coming of this com-
plete 'planetary consciousness,' with
this constant calling to our senses from
the ends of the earth, what time the
Near is not more demanding, with this
increasing appeal of the road, the wa-
ter and the air, is man to lose the old
culture of the local, is he to throw away
his inheritance of the immediate en-
vironments? It was the prodigal who,
in the parable, went into the far coun-
try. And it was when he ' came to him-
self that he went back to his family
heritage. Is it now the wanderer, the
mobile one, who is to find himself, and
the immobile, jealous elder brother who
is to miss again the greatest gifts? Is
man to go out and buy his experience of
the race instead of trying to raise it in
his own little valley or street? And the
neighborliness of the valley and the
street, with all its homely virtues, — is
the superseding neighborliness of the
Afar to give something better? It is,
indeed, to bring something better if it
quickens our spirits to do for the im-
personal and the illocal what our sym-
pathies in narrower circles have driven
us to attempt for the very personal
anguish or pain. Simon Patten in his
New Basis of Civilization has said in
the same thought, 'Civilization,' that
is, this far-seeing and far-calling and
far-helping civilization, 'spares us more
and more the sight of anguish, and
our imaginations must be correspond-
ingly sharpened to see in the check-
book an agent as spiritual and poetic
as the grime and blood-stain of minis-
tering hands.' Such an education must
come with the Tele- Victorian Age if
it is to carry to a higher virtue the
THE TELE-VICTORIAN AGE
545
old neighborliness of the isolated, the
provincial.
And I think of the exquisite joy of
neighborliness that comes from Afar.
With the aid of the waves of ether,
transmuted or translated into waves of
sound for those who have not eyes, or
into light for those who have not ears,
we may find neighbors where there is
greatest need, or where our noblest
need is best fulfilled. Mobility, trans-
missibility, are they not to bring man-
kind nearer, if not into, the higher
kingdom, even as they brought the
vegetable to be an animal, to ap-
proach, and then to enter its next
kingdom? Arthur O'Shaughnessy, in
that poem on John the Baptist which
has for many months possessed my
memory, wrote of him, —
I think he had not heard of the far towns,
Nor ef the deeds of men, nor of kings' crowns,
Before the thought of God took hold of him,
As he was sitting dreaming in the calm
Of one first noon upon the desert's rim.
1 And I have been asking myself often,
are the noises of the far towns, these
daily reports of the deeds of men, this
gossip about kings' crowns, are these
to take away all thought of the super-
nal even from those who dwell in wilder-
nesses, penetrated as they are by tele-
phones and newspapers? The majestic
images of the gods, as we have ob-
served, walked through every assem-
blage of the Lucretian, the perinikian,
world; they inhabited every atmo-
sphere. And in the indistinct light of
the Middle Age, they were the supreme
images. Even Dante employed angels
to move the crystal spheres about in
his universe. But it is the great pro-
blem of this day in which there are no
longer secret places for the residence of
VOL. in -NO. 4
the supernatural on the globe, in which
there is nothing * unknown this side of
the moon,' in which the great mystery
of creation has been pushed back mil-
lions of years, and beyond the sight of
the strongest microscope, and the other
great mystery of death forward into
conceivable immortality, it is the great
problem to keep the thought which
took hold of John in the Wilderness, or
even give it a chance to take hold of us.
The victories of the physical Afar are,
after all, of no value unless the spirits
of men become more valorous, more
independent of passion or prejudice,
by reason of them; unless the mobile
creature grows in its higher character-
istics toward the perfect being, whom
the Christian world has, in its imagery,
endowed with wings.
It took the Almighty ages upon ages
to evolve an animal that could fly, a
bird, and it has taken ages and ages
longer to evolve a human being that
can fly; but if we, learning at last to fly,
have not learned, also, more nobly to
aspire and to live, the birds who have
taken the short cut to aviation have
the advantage over us.
I believe, however, that this con-
quest of the earth, water, air, which
has given us planetary, if not cosmic,
consciousness, is but preface to the les-
sening of racial, national, and provin-
cial hatreds, antipathies, and jealous-
ies, preface to the planning through
local enlightenment for the good of hu-
manity as a whole, and not for a selfish
part of it, preface to the defining in
ever higher spiritual terms of the ideals
of mankind, and to the speaking of
man to man, as through centuries each
has spoken, in his own tongue, to his
all-understanding deity.'
THE BREATH OF LIFE
BY JOHN BURROUGHS
WHEN for the third or fourth time
during the spring or summer I take my
hoe and go out and cut off the heads
of the lusty burdocks that send out
their broad leaves along the edge of my
garden or lawn, I often ask myself,
'What is this thing that is so hard to
scotch here in the grass?' I decapitate
it time after time and yet it forth-
with gets itself another head. We call
it burdock, but what is burdock, and
why does it not change into yellow
dock, or into a cabbage? What is it
that is so constant and so irrepress-
ible, and before the summer is ended
will be lying in wait here with its ten
thousand little hooks to attach itself
to every skirt or bushy tail or furry and
woolly coat that comes along, in order
to get free transportation to other
lawns and gardens, to fresh woods and
pastures new?
It i is1 some living thing; but what
is a living thing, and how does it dif-
fer from a mechanical and non-living
thing? If I smash or overturn the sun-
dial with my hoe, or break the hoe
itself, these things stay smashed and
broken, but the burdock mends itself,
renews itself, and, if I do not watch out,
will surreptitiously mature some of the
burs before the season is passed.
Evidently a living thing is radically
different from a mechanical thing; yet
modern physical science tells me that
the burdock is only another kind of ma-
chine, and manifests nothing but the
activity of the mechanical and chemical
546
principles that we see in operation all
about us in dead matter; and that a lit-
tle different mechanical arrangement of
its ultimate atoms would turn it into a
yellow dock or into a cabbage, into an
oak or into a pine, into an ox or into a
man.
I see that it is a machine in this
respect, that it is set going by a force
exterior to itself — the warmth of the
sun acting upon it, and upon the moist-
ure in the soil; but it is unmechanical
in that it repairs itself and grows and re-
produces itself, and after it has ceased
running can never be made to run again.
After I have reduced all its activities
to mechanical and chemical principles,
my mind seems to see something that
chemistry and mechanics do not ex-
plain — something that avails itself of
these forces, but is not of them. This
may be only my anthropomorphic way
of looking at things, but are not all our
ways of looking at things anthropo-
morphic? How can they be any other?
They cannot be deific since we are not
gods. They may be scientific. But
what is science but a kind of anthro-
pomorphism? Kant wisely said, 'It
sounds at first singular, but is none
the less certain, that the understanding
does not derive its laws from nature,
but prescribes them to nature.' This is
the anthropomorphism of science.
If I attribute the phenomenon of
life to a vital force or principle, am I
any more unscientific than I am when
I give a local habitation and a name
to any other causal force, as gravity,
chemical affinity, cohesion, osmosis,
THE BREATH OF LIFE
547
or electricity? These terms stand for
certain special activities in nature,
and are as much the inventions of our
own minds as are any of the rest of
our ideas.
We can help ourselves out as Haeckel
does, by calling the physical forces —
such as the magnet that attracts the
iron filings, the powder that explodes,
the steam that drives the locomotive,
and the like — * living inorganics,' and
looking upon them as acting by ' living
force as much as the sensitive mimosa
does when it contracts its leaves at
touch.' But living force is what we are
trying to differentiate from mechanical
force, and what do we gain by con-
founding the two? We can only look
upon a living body as a machine by
forming new conceptions of a machine
— a machine utterly unmechanical,
which is a contradiction of terms.
A man may expend the same kind of
force in thinking that he expends in
chopping his wood, but that fact does
not put the two kinds of activity on
the same level. There is no question
that the food consumed is the source
of the energy in both cases, but in the
one the energy is muscular, and in the
other it is nervous. When we speak of
mental or spiritual force, we have as
distinct a conception as when we speak
of physical force. It requires physical
force to produce the effect that we call
mental force, though how the one can
result in the other is past understand-
ing. The law of the correlation and con-
servation of energy requires that what
goes into the body as physical force
must come out in some form of phys-
ical force — heat, light, electricity, and
so forth.
Science cannot trace force into the
mental realm and connect it with our
states of consciousness. It loses track
of it so completely that men like Tyn-
dall and Huxley and Spencer pause be-
fore it as an inscrutable mystery, while
John Fiske helps himself out with the
conception of the soul as quite inde-
pendent of the body, standing related
to it as the musician is related to his
instrument. This idea is the key to
Fiske's proof of the immortality of the
soul. Finding himself face to face with
an insoluble mystery, he cuts the knot,
or rather, clears the chasm, by this
extra-scientific leap. Since the soul, as
we know it, is inseparably bound up
with physical conditions, it seems to me
that a more rational explanation of the
phenomenon of mentality is the con-
ception that the physical force and
substance that we use up in a mental
effort or emotional experience, gives
rise, through some unknown kind of
molecular activity, to something which
is analogous to the electric current in
a live wire, and which traverses the
nerves and results in our changing
states of consciousness. This is the
mechanistic explanation of mind, con-
sciousness, etcetera; but it is the only
one, or kind of one, that lends itself to
scientific interpretation. Life, spirit,
consciousness, may be a mode of mo-
tion as distinct from all other modes
of motion, such as heat, light, elec-
tricity, as these are distinct from each
other.
When we speak of force of mind,
force of character, we of course speak
in parables, since the force here alluded
to is an experience of our own minds
entirely and would not suffice to move
the finest dust-particle in the air.
There could be no vegetable or ani-
mal life without the sunbeam, yet when
we have explained or accounted for
the growth of a tree in terms of the
chemistry and physics of the sunbeam,
do we not have to figure to ourselves
something in the tree that avails itself
of this chemistry, that uses it and pro-
fits by it? After this mysterious some-
thing has ceased to operate, or play
its part, the chemistry of the sunbeam
548
THE BREATH OF LIFE
is no longer effective, and the tree is
dead.
Without the vibrations that we call
light, there would have been no eye.
But, as Bergson happily says, it is not
light passively received that makes the
eye, — it is light meeting an indwelling
need in the organism, which amounts
to an active creative principle, that
begets the eye. With fish in under-
ground waters this need does not arise;
hence they have no sight. Fins and
wings and legs are developed to meet
some end of the organism, but if the
organism were not charged with an ex-
pansive or developing force or impulse,
would those needs arise?
Why should the vertebrate series
have risen through the fish, the reptile,
the mammal, to man, unless the man-
ward impulse was inherent in the first
vertebrate; something that struggled,
that pushed on and up from the more
simple to the more complex forms?
Why did not unicellular life always re-
main unicellular? Could not the envi-
ronment have acted upon it endlessly
without causing it to change toward
higher and more complex forms, had
there not been some indwelling ab-
original tendency toward these forms?
How could natural selection, or any
other process of selection, work upon
species to modify them, if there were
not something in species pushing out
and on, seeking new ways, new forms,
in fact, some active principle that is
modifiable?
Life has risen by stepping-stones of
its dead self to higher things. Why has
it risen? Why did it not keep on the
same level, and go through the cycle of
change, as the inorganic does, without
attaining to higher forms? Because, it
may be replied, it was life, and not
mere matter and motion — something
that lifts matter and motion to a new
plane.
Under the influence of the life im-
pulse, the old routine of matter — front
compound to compound, from solid to
fluid, from fluid to gaseous, from rock
to soil, the cycle always ending where
it began — is broken into, and cycles of
a new order are instituted. From the
stable equilibrium which dead matter
is always seeking, the same matter in
the vital circuit is always seeking the
state of unstable equilibrium, or rather
is forever passing between the two,
and evolving the myriad forms of life
in the passage. It is hard to think of
the process as the work of the physical
and chemical forces of inorganic nature,
without supplementing them with a
new and different force.
The forces of life are constructive
forces, and they are operative in a
world of destructive or disintegrating
forces which oppose them and which
they overcome. The physical and chem-
ical forces of dead matter are at war
with the forces of life, till life overcomes
and uses them.
The mechanical forces go on repeat-
ing or dividing through the same cycles
forever and ever, seeking a stable con-
dition, but the vital force is inventive
and creative and constantly breaks the
repose that organic nature seeks to im-
pose upon it.
External forces may modify a body,
but they cannot develop it unless there
is something in the body waiting to be
developed, craving development, as it
were. The warmth and moisture in the
soil act alike upon the grains of sand and
upon the seed-germs; the germ changes
into something else, the sand does not.
These agents liberate a force in the
germ that is not in the grain of sand.
The warmth of the brooding fowl does
not spend itself upon mere passive,
inert matter (unless there is a china egg
in the nest), but upon matter strain-
ing at its leash, and in a state of ex-
pectancy. We do not know how the
activity of the molecules of the egg
THE BREATH OF LIFE
549
differs from the activity of the mole-
cules of the pebble, under the influence
of warmth, but we know there must be
a difference between the interior move-
ments of organized and unorganized
matter.
Life lifts inert matter up into a thou-
sand varied and beautiful forms and
holds it there for a season, — holds it
against gravity and chemical affinity,
though you may say, if you please, not
without their aid, — and then in due
course lets go of it, or abandons it, and
lets it fall back into the great sea of the
inorganic. Its constant tendency is to
fall back; indeed, in animal life it does
fall back every moment; it rises on the
one hand, serves its purpose of life, and
falls back on the other. In going through
the cycle of life the mineral elements
experience some change that chemical
analysis does not disclose — they are
the more readily absorbed again by life.
It is as if the elements had profited in
some way under the tutelage of life.
Their experience has been a unique and
exceptional one. Only a small fraction
of the sum total of the inert matter of
the globe can have this experience. It
must first go through the vegetable
cycle before it can be taken up by the
animal. The only things we can take
directly from the inorganic world are
water and air; and the function of water
is largely a mechanical one, and the
function of air a chemical one.
I think of the vital as flowing out
of the physical, just as the psychical
flows out of the vital, and just as the
higher forms of animal life flow out of
the lower. It is a far cry from man to
the dumb brutes, and from the brutes to
the vegetable world, and from the vege-
table to inert matter; but the germ and
start of each is in the series below it.
The living came out of the not-living.
If life is of physico-chemical origin,
it is so by transformations and trans-
lations that physics cannot explain.
The butterfly comes out of the grub,
man came out of the brute, but, as
Darwin says, 'not by his own efforts,'
any more than the child becomes the
man by its own efforts.
The push of life, of the evolutionary
process, is back of all and in all. We
can account for it all by saying the
Creative Energy is immanent in mat-
ter, and this gives the mind something
to take hold of.
ii
According to the latest scientific
views on the question held by such men
as Professor Loeb, the appearance of
life on the globe was a purely acciden-
tal circumstance. The proper elements
just happened to come together at the
right time in the right proportions and
under the right conditions, and life
was the result. It was an accident in
the thermal history of the globe. Pro-
fessor Loeb has lately published a
volume of essays and addresses called
The Mechanistic Conception of Life, en-
forcing and illustrating this view. He
makes war on what he terms the meta-
physical conception of a ' life-principle '
as the key to the problem, and urges the
scientific conception of the adequacy
of mechanico-chemical forces. In his
view, we are only chemical mechanisms ;
and all our activities, mental and phys-
ical alike, are only automatic responses
to the play of the blind, material forces
of external nature. All forms of life,
with all their wonderful adaptations,
are only the chance happenings of the
blind gropings and clashings of dead
matter: 'We eat, drink, and reproduce
[and, of course, think and speculate and
write books on the problems of life],
not because mankind has reached an
agreement that this is desirable, but
because, machine-like, we are com-
pelled to do so!'
He reaches the conclusion that all
550
THE BREATH OF LIFE
our inner subjective life is amenable
to physico-chemical analysis, because
many cases of simple animal instinct
and will can be explained on this basis
— the basis of animal tropism. Certain
animals creep or fly to the light, others
to the dark, because they cannot help
it. This is tropism. He believes that the
origin of life can be traced to the same
physico-chemical activities, because, in
his laboratory experiments, he has been
able to dispense with the male princi-
ple, and to fertilize the eggs of certain
low forms of marine life by chemical
compounds alone. ' The problem of the
beginning and end of individual life
is physico-chemically clear' — much
clearer than the first beginnings of life.
All individual life begins with the egg,
but where did we get the egg? When
chemical synthesis will give us this, the
problem is solved. We can analyze the
material elements of an organism, but
we cannot synthesize them and pro-
duce the least spark of living matter.
That all forms of life have a mechan-
cal and chemical basis is beyond ques-
tion, but when we apply our analysis
to them, life evaporates, vanishes, the
vital processes cease. But apply the
same analysis to inert matter, and only
the form is changed.
Professor Loeb's artificially fathered
embryo and star-fish and sea-urchins
soon die. If his chemism could only
give him the mother-principle also ! But
it will not. The mother-principle is
at the very foundations of the organic
world, and defies all attempts of chem-
ical synthesis to reproduce it.
It would be presumptive in the ex-
treme for me to question Professor
Loeb's scientific conclusions; he is one
of the most eminent of living experi-
mental biologists. I would only dissent
from some of his philosophical conclu-
sions. I dissent from his statement that
only the mechanistic conception of life
can throw light on the source of ethics.
Is there any room for the moral law in
a world of mechanical determinism?
There is no ethics in the physical or-
der, and if humanity is entirely in the
grip of that order, where do moral ob-
ligations come in? A gun and a steam-
engine know no ethics, and to the ex-
tent that we are compelled to do things,
are we in the same category. Freedom
of choice alone gives any validity to
ethical consideration. I dissent from
the idea to which he apparently holds,
that biology is only applied physics and
chemistry. Is not geology also applied
physics and chemistry? Is it any more
or any less? Yet what a world of dif-
ference between the two — between
a rock and a tree, between a man and
the soil he cultivates. Grant that the
physical and the chemical forces are
the same in both, yet they work to such
different ends in each. In one case they
are tending always to a deadlock, to
the slumber of a static equilibrium, in
the other they are ceaselessly striving
to reach a state of dynamic activity —
to build up a body that hangs forever
between a state of integration and dis-
integration. What is it that determines
this new mode and end of their activ-
ities?
In all his biological experimentation,
Professor Loeb starts with living mat-
ter and, finding its processes capable of
physico-chemical analysis, he hastens
to the conclusion that its genesis is to
be accounted for by the action and in-
teraction of these principles alone.
In the inorganic world, everything is
in its place through the operation of
blind physical forces; because the place
of a dead thing, its relation to the whole,
is a matter of indifference. But in the
organic world, we strike another order,
an order where the relation and sub-
ordination of parts is everything, and
to speak of human existence as a * mat-
ter of chance ' in the sense, let us say,
that the forms and positions of inani-
THE BREATH OF LIFE
551
mate bodies are matters of chance, is
to confuse terms.
Organic evolution on the earth shows
steady and regular progression, — as
much so as the growth and develop-
ment of a tree. If the evolutionary im-
pulse fails on one line, it picks itself up
and tries on another, it experiments
endlessly like an inventor, but always
improves on its last attempts. Chance
would have kept things at a stand-
still; the principle of chance, give it
time enough, must end where it began.
Chance is a man lost in the woods; he
never arrives; he wanders aimlessly.
If evolution pursued a course equally
fortuitous, would it not still be wan-
dering in the wilderness of the chaotic
nebulae?
in
A vastly different and much more
stimulating view of life is given by
Henri Bergson in his Creative Evolution.
Though based upon biological science,
it is a philosophical rather than a sci-
entific view, and appeals to our intui-
tional and imaginative nature more
than to our constructive reason. M.
Bergson interprets the phenomena of
life in terms of spirit, rather than in
terms of matter as does Professor Loeb.
The word * creative ' is the key- word to
his view. Life is a creative impulse or
current which arose in matter at a cer-
tain time and place, and flows through
it from form to form, from generation
to generation, augmenting in force as it
advances. It is one with spirit, and is
incessant creation; the whole organic
world is filled, from bottom to top,
with one tremendous effort. It is felici-
tously stated by Whitman, ' Urge and
urge, always the procreant urge of the
world.'
This conception of the nature and
genesis of life is bound to be challenged
by modern physical science, which,
for the most part, sees in biology only
a phase of physics; but the philosophic
mind and the trained literary mind will
find in Creative Evolution a treasure-
house of inspiring ideas, and engaging
forms of original artistic expression.
As Mr. Balfour says, 'M. Bergson's
Evolution Creatrice is not merely a
philosophical treatise: it has all the
charm and all the audacities of a work
of art, and as such defies adequate
reproduction.'
It delivers us from the hard mechan-
ical conception of determinism, or of a
close universe which, like a huge man-
ufacturing plant, grinds out vegetables
and animals, minds and spirits, as it
grinds out rocks and soils, gases and
fluids, and the inorganic compounds.
With M. Bergson, life is the flowing
metamorphosis of the poets, — an un-
ceasing becoming, — and evolution is
a wave of creative energy overflowing
through matter * upon which each vis-
ible organism rides during the short
interval of time given it to live.' In his
view, matter is held in the iron grip
of necessity, but life is freedom itself.
* Before the evolution of life . . . the
portals of the future remain wide open.
It is a creation that goes on forever in
virtue of an initial movement. This
movement constitutes the unity of the
organized world — a prolific unity, of
an infinite richness, superior to any
that the intellect could dream of, for
the intellect is only one of its aspects
or products.'
What a contrast to Herbert Spen-
cer's view of life and evolution ! * Life,'
says Spencer, * consists of inner action
so adjusted as to balance outer action.'
True enough, no doubt, but not inter-
esting. If the philosopher could tell us
what it is that brings about the adjust-
ment, and that profits by it, we should
at once prick up our ears. Of course,
it is life. But what is life? It is inner
action so adjusted as to balance outer
action!
552
THE BREATH OF LIFE
A recent contemptuous critic of M.
Bergson's book, Mr. Hugh S. R. Elliot,
points out, as if he were triumphantly
vindicating the physico-chemical the-
ory of the nature and origin of life,
what a complete machine a cabbage is
for converting solar energy into chem-
ical and vital energy — how it takes
up the raw material from the soil by a
chemical and mechanical process, how
these are brought into contact with the
light and air through the leaves, and
thus the cabbage is built up. In like
manner, a man is a machine for con-
verting chemical energy derived from
the food he eats into motion, and the
like. As if M. Bergson, or any one else,
would dispute these things. In the same
way, a steam engine is a machine for
converting the energy latent in coal
into motion and power; but what force
lies back of the engine, and was active
in the construction?
The final question of the cabbage
and the man still remains — Where did
you get them?
You assume vitality to start with —
how did you get it? Did it arise spon-
taneously out of dead matter ? Mechan-
ical and chemical forces do all the work
of the living body, but who or what con-
trols and directs them, so that one com-
pounding of the elements begets a cab-
bage, and another compounding of the
same elements begets an oak — one
mixture of them and we have a frog,
another and we have a man? Is there
not room here for something besides
blind, indifferent forces? If we make the
molecules themselves creative, then we
are begging the question. The creative
energy by any other name remains the
same.
IV
At first glance one is at a loss to
know what Sir Oliver Lodge had in
mind when he said in a recent essay
that, in his view, 'life does not exert
force — not even the most microscop-
ical force — and certainly does not
supply energy.'
Sir Oliver is evidently speaking of
life as some principle or entity apart
from matter, some foreign influence or
spirit using matter as its instrument.
Taken in that sense, without its phys-
ical machinery, life of course cannot
exert physical force, but when life en-
ters or awakens in matter and animates
it, may it not be said as literally to exert
the force which living bodies show as,
say, heat is the source of the expansive
force of steam?
Apart from the force exerted by liv-
ing animal bodies, see the force exerted
by living plant bodies. I thought of the
remark of Sir Oliver one day not long
after reading it, while I was walking
in a beech wood and noted how the
sprouting beech-nuts had sent their
pale radicles down through the dry
leaves upon which which they were
lying, often piercing two or three of
them, and forcing their way down into
the mingled soil and leaf mould a
couple of inches. Force was certainly
expended in doing this, and if the life
in the sprouting nut did not exert it
or expend it, what did?
When I drive a peg into the ground
with my axe or mallet, is the life in my
arm any more strictly the source (the
secondary source) of the energy ex-
pended than is the nut in this case? Of
course, the sun is the primal source of
the energy in both cases, and in all
cases, but does not life exert the force,
use it, bring it to bear, which it receives
from the universal fount of energy?
Life cannot supply energy de novo,
cannot create it out of nothing, but it
can and must draw upon the store of
energy in which the earth floats as in
a sea. When this energy or force is
manifest through a living body, we call
it vital force; when it is manifest
through a mechanical contrivance, we
THE BREATH OF LIFE
553
call it mechanical force; when it is de-
veloped by the action and reaction of
chemical compounds, we call it chem-
ical force; the same force in each case,
but behaving so differently in the one
case from what it does in the other,
that we come to think of it as a new and
distinct entity. Now if Sir Oliver or any
one else could tell us what force is, this
difference between the vitalists and
the mechanists might be reconciled.
Darwin measured the force of the
downward growth of the radicles, such
as I have alluded to, as one quarter of
a pound, and its lateral pressure as
much greater. We know that the roots
of trees insert themselves into seams in
the rocks, and force the parts asunder.
This force is measurable and is often
very great. Its seat seems to be in the
soft, milky substance called the Cam-
brian layer, under the bark. These min-
ute cells when their force is combined
may become regular rock-splitters.
One of the most remarkable exhibi-
tions of plant force I ever saw was in a
Western city where I observed a spe-
cies of wild sunflower forcing its way
up through the asphalt pavement; the
folded and compressed leaves of the
plant, like a man's fist, had pushed
against the hard but flexible concrete
till it had bulged up and then split,
and let the irrepressible plant through.
The force exerted must have been
many pounds. I think.it doubtful if
the strongest man could have pushed
his fist through such a resisting me-
dium. If it was not life which exerted
this force, what was it? Life activities
are a kind of explosion, and the slow
continued explosions of this growing
plant rent the pavement as surely as
powder would have done. It is doubt-
ful if any cultivated plant could have
overcome such odds. It required the
force of the untamed hairy plant of
the plains to accomplish this feat.
That life does not supply energy,
that is, is not an independent source of
energy, seems to me obvious enough,
but that it does not manifest energy,
use energy, or * exert force,' is far from
obvious. If a growing plant or tree
does not exert force by reason of its
growing, or by virtue of a specific kind
of activity among its particles, which
we name life, and which does not take
place in a stone or in a bar of iron or
in dead timber, then how can we say
that any mechanical device or explo-
sive compound exerts force? The steam
engine does not create force, neither
does the exploding dynamite, but these
things exert force. We have to think
of the sum total of the force of the uni-
verse, as of matter itself, as a constant
factor, that can neither be increased
nor diminished. All activity, organic
and inorganic, draws upon this force:
the plant and tree, as well as the engine
and the explosive — the winds, the
tides, the animal, the vegetable alike.
I can think of but one force, but of any
number of manifestations of force, and
of two distinct kinds of manifestations,
the organic and the inorganic, or the
vital and the physical, — the latter
divisible into the chemical and the
mechanical, the former made up of
these two working in infinite complex-
ity because drawn into new relations,
and lifted to higher ends by this some-
thing we call life.
We think of something in the organic
that lifts and moves and redistributes
dead matter, and builds it up into the
ten thousand new forms which it would
never assume without this something;
it lifts lime and iron and silica and
potash and carbon, against gravity, up
into trees and animal forms, not by a
new force, but by an old force in the
hands of a new agent.
The cattle move about the field, the
drift boulders slowly creep down the
slopes; there is no doubt that the final
source of the force is in both cases the
554
THE BREATH OF LIFE
same; what we call gravity, a name
for a mystery, is the form it takes in
the case of the rocks, and what we call
vitality, another name for a mystery,
is the form it takes in the case of the
cattle; without the solar and stellar
energy, could there be any motion of
either rock or beast?
Force is universal, it pervades all
nature, one manifestation of it we call
heat, another light, another electricity,
another cohesion, chemical affinity, and
so on. May not another manifestation
of it be called life, differing from all the
rest more radically than they differ
from one another; bound up with all
the rest and inseparable from them and
identical with them only in its ultimate
source in the Creative Energy that is
immanent in the universe? I have to
think of the Creative Energy as imma-
nent in all matter, and the final source
of all the transformations and trans-
mutations we see in the organic and the
inorganic worlds. The very nature of
our minds compels us to postulate some
power, or some principle, not as lying
back of, but as active in, all the chang-
ing forms of life and nature, and their
final source and cause.
The mind is satisfied when it finds
a word that gives it a hold of a thing
or a process, or when it can picture to
itself just how the thing occurs. Thus,
for instance, to account for the power
generated by the rushing together of
hydrogen and oxygen to produce water,
we have to conceive of space between
the atoms of these elements, and that
the force generated comes from the
immense velocity with which the infin-
itesimal atoms rush together across this
infinitesimal space. It is quite possible
that this is not the true explanation
at all, but it satisfies the mind because
it is an explanation in terms of mechan-
ical forces that we know.
The solar energy goes into the atoms
or corpuscles one thing, and it comes
out another; it goes in as inorganic
force, and it comes out as organic and
psychic. The change or transformation
takes place in those invisible laborato-
ries of the infinitesimal atoms. It helps
my mental processes to give that change
a name — vitality — and to recognize
it as a supra-mechanical force. Pasteur
wanted a name for it and called it
'dissy metric force.'
We are all made of one stuff undoubt-
edly, vegetable and animal, man and
woman, dog and donkey, and the se-
cret of the difference between us, and
of the passing along of the difference
from generation to generation with
but slight variations, may be, so to
speak, in the way the molecules and
atoms of our bodies take hold of hands
and perform their mystic dances in the
inner temple of life. But one would
like to know who or what pipes the
tune and directs the figures of the
dance.
In the case of the beech-nuts, what is
it that lies dormant in the substance of
the nuts and becomes alive, under the
influence of the warmth and moisture
of spring, and puts out a radicle that
pierces the dry leaves like an awl? The
pebbles, though they contain the same
chemical elements, do not become act-
ive and put out a radicle.
Life is versatile, inventive, expans-
ive, original. To see how one organism
can work its will upon another, behold
the plant-galls. Nothing in nature is
more curious and suggestive than these
galls — the ease with which a tiny in-
sect can cause the growing stalk or leaf
to forget its own purpose and function
and cut fantastic tricks in the interests
of the insect, building it a cradle or
a nursery for its own young. One day,
in my walk, I gathered from a small
oak tree four kinds of oak-galls differing
THE BREATH OF LIFE
555
from each other in form and texture as
much as any four different kinds of
forest trees differ from each other. One
kind of an insect stings a bud or a leaf
of the oak, and the tree forthwith grows
a solid nutlike protuberance the size
of a chestnut, in which the larvae of the
insect live and feed and mature. An-
other insect stings the same leaf and
produces the common oak-apple — a
smooth, round, green, shell-like body,
filled with a network of radiating fila-
ments, with the egg and then the grub
of the insect at the centre. Still another
kind of insect stings the oak-bud and
deposits its eggs there, and the oak pro-
ceeds to grow a large white ball made
up of a kind of succulent vegetable
wool with red spots evenly distributed
over its surface, as if it were some kind
of spotted fruit or flower. In June, it is
about the size of a small apple. Cut it
in half and you find scores of small shell-
like growths radiating from the bud-
stem, like the seeds of the dandelion,
each with a kind of vegetable pappus
rising from it, and together making up
the ball as the pappus of the dandelion
seeds makes up the seed-globe of this
plant. It is one of the most singular
vegetable products, or vegetable per-
versions, that I know of. A sham fruit
filled with sham seeds; each seed-like
growth contains a grub, which later in
the season pupates and eats its way
out, a winged insect. How foreign to
any thing we know as mechanical or
chemical it all is ! — the surprising and
incalculable tricks of life !
Yet another kind of insect stings
the oak-leaf and there develops a pale,
smooth, solid, semi-transparent sphere,
the size of a robin's egg, dense and suc-
culent like the flesh of an apple, with
the larvae of the insect subsisting in its
interior. Each of these widely different
forms is evoked from the oak-leaf by
the magic of an insect's ovipositor.
Chemically, the constituents of all of
them are undoubtedly the same.
It is one of the most curious and sug-
gestive things in living nature. It shows
how plastic and versatile life is, and
how utterly unmechanical. Life plays
so many and various tunes upon the
same instruments; or rather, the living
organism is like many instruments in
one; the tones of all instruments slum-
ber in it, to be awakened when the right
performer appears. At least four dif-
ferent insects get four different tunes,
so to speak, out of the oak-leaf.
Certain insects avail themselves of
the animal organism also, and go
through their cycle of development and
metamorphosis within its tissues or
organs in a similar manner.
The chemico-physical explanation of
the universe goes but a little way.
These are the tools of the creative
process, but they are not that process,
nor its prime cause. Start the flame
of life going, and the rest may be ex-
plained in terms of chemistry; start
the human body developing, and phys-
iological processes explain its growth;
but why it becomes a man and not a
monkey — what explains that?
A WELL-REGULATED FAMILY
BY C. F. TUCKER BROOKE
JOHN GATESDEN'S possession of the
seven hundred ancestral acres of the
Kingswell estate seemed to the com-
munity in which he flourished as in-
alienable a blessing as his possession
of the straight Gatesden nose and the
finest name in the county. The own-
ership of Kingswell, every one felt,
would always be a more important
factor in Gatesden's career than his
profession of the law; though his choice
of vocation, coming to him by heredity
as naturally as his estate, had never
during the thirty years he had lived
been a moment in doubt.
Gatesden's law office — no unfair
index to the character of its occupant
— was regarded by the legal fraternity
of Graysville with more of affection-
ate indulgence than respect. No door in
the long low line of attorneys' quar-
ters that flanks the court-house opened
oftener than John's to admit a friend,
and few remained less disturbed by
clients. By common consent of the
well-selected souls who had the entree,
Gatesden's office was the best place in
town to idle* away a vagrant half-hour
in the discussion of books or travel,
politics or balls.
Yet there was nothing flippant about
either John or his office. The walls of
the two rooms were lined to the ceiling
with sheep-bound repositories of cases,
statutes, and reports — the accretion
of three earlier generations of Gates-
dens, supplemented, however, in good
judgment, by recent purchases. Two
diplomas, hung unobtrusively low be-
hind the desk, occasionally awoke the
556
visitor to surprised remembrance that
John Gatesden had done notably well
some ten years before at the fine col-
lege which had educated his grand-
fathers, showing, as an old professor
had declared, a marked hereditary apti-
tude for legal reasoning.
No one, indeed, could have said that
the slight opinion of Gatesden's profes-
sional ability had arisen from any overt
error or neglect. On the contrary,
though the habitues of his office gener-
ally wasted his time and their own in
miscellaneous chatter, John's mind did
not the less dominate the discussion
when a visitor introduced shop-talk in
connection with some thorny current
case. Not infrequently in the past
years, his struggling and rising contem-
poraries had even admitted, with a
freedom bred of the inconceivableness
of rivalry, that the decisive argument
in an involved suit had been suggested
by a lightly offered reference or extern- .
porary harangue of John's.
Some of the older practitioners,
friends of his father, would still ask
when John Gatesden was going to stop
fooling and become a lawyer; but the
general public, which in such cases is
wont to assume what is most agreeable
to it, had long settled that John would
never amount to much in his profession.
How could the community afford to
exchange for a self-engrossed intellect-
ual machine, this incomparable gentle-
man of leisure and letters, whose fine-
flavored courtesy and charming mind
lay always as freely and generously
open as his office-door? Had not fate
A WELL-REGULATED FAMILY
557
itself foreordained through two hun-
dred years that Gatesden of Kings-
well should be free from sordid cares
and ambitions?
The smallest hints of impracticality
were in John's case joyously exaggerat-
ed into proofs of lovable incompetence.
The weekly copy of Le Figaro on his
desk, the annotated copy of Chaucer
which a too boisterous intruder once
snatched from his hand with shouts of
laughter, were regarded as fatal symp-
toms of a digressive mind, and served
to discourage clients as effectually as
any spring-gun on the door. And yet
no visitor to Judge Thornton's untidy
adjoining office was ever rash enough
to draw a similar inference from the
hideous pile of dime detective novels
with which that legal Trojan was used
to relieve his orgies of work.
As the idleness of the vacations was
followed each year by the more glaring
inoccupation of the terms of court,
Gatesden came more and more to ac-
cept the position which circumstances
and opinion seemed to have prescribed
for him. Pride itself helped to cover
the springs of energy. Since the uni-
verse had gratuitously adopted this de-
lusion concerning him, was it not more
seemly to accept the false estimate with
an inward shrug, as he might let pass
some stranger's egregious blunder con-
cerning him, rather than make himself
ridiculous in the effort to vindicate his
possession of a trait which was never
disputed in many of his most common-
place associates?
The inward protest which the more
ardent part of his nature did make
from time to time against the trend of
his existence was too gentle to sour his
enjoyment of life; and it was every-
where noted that the years were deal-
ing graciously with him. Since col-
lege, his fine-featured face had grown a
shade rounder, his attitudes and move-
ments more reposeful. Though no
taint of fatness or self-indulgence had
as yet begun to coarsen his refinement
of look and manner, his personality
now gave forth the companionable
charm which comes with the know-
ledge how to get the fullest enjoyment
out of every passing moment. No man
could smoke a pipe with a more perfect
balance between the nervous jerks that
frustrate soporific pleasure and the
apathy which grows oblivious of satis-
faction. In his presence people realized
for the first time how fine and rare an
art it is to sit properly in one's chair.
Guests at the bachelor dinners at
Kings well used to comment on John's
growing likeness to the portrait of his
Revolutionary ancestor, Colonel John
Gatesden, which hung behind the
host's seat in the dining-room. He was
in fact reverting to type, developing a
more leisurely and stately manner, with
smoother brow and slower movement
than belongs to the gentleman of the
present order. And, indeed, he was not
ill-pleased to have this observed. The
master of Kingswell would not be liv-
ing in vain, he fancied, while he re-
vived for the benefit of a too busy age
the more charming traits of the early
Gatesdens.
The Kingswell property, which was
so largely responsible for John Gates-
den's state of mind, was an object of
pride not only to its owner, but to
the entire region. Though reduced to
less than a tithe of its colonial extent,
it was still a very imposing tract,
and almost alone of the old demesnes
had been able to keep itself in the un-
disturbed possession of the family to
which its original charter had been
granted. The land had been strictly
entailed from the first, and though the
Revolution had annulled the legal
force of the old tenure, it had in no way
weakened the religious respect in which
every Gatesden was taught to hold
it. The duty of preserving the estate
558
A WELL-REGULATED FAMILY
indivisibly in the family, as their first
ancestors had bequeathed it, had been
instilled till it had become a racial in-
stinct; and the land passed from eldest
son to eldest son as regularly as if the
law of primogeniture were still unques-
tionable. It was a point on which the
Gatesdens were fanatic, a channel into
which was turned from earliest youth
the whole force of their family pride.
Each will recorded in the Graysville
court-house, generation after genera-
tion, continued the traditional disposal
of the property.
For the younger branches of the
family, no treason could seem blacker
than that which might, for selfish ends,
attempt the disruption of the estate.
This was the doctrine in which John
Gatesden had been bred up. It was a
doctrine, moreover, which local feeling
highly approved. Though the estates
of the Washingtons and the Randolphs
were falling, one by one, into the van-
dal hands of aliens, Virginians might
expect Kingswell to stand intact against
the tide of changing conditions so long
as the Gatesdens were not unfaithful
to the tradition of their race.
Gatesden's black caretaker, Dennis,
moving with characteristic delibera-
tion about the removal of dust and
tobacco-ash, was startled one midsum-
mer morning by an unwonted appari-
tion. It was while Dennis, with head
and shoulders bent far out of the front-
office window, was wholly absorbed in
the forbidden but labor-saving device
of emptying a heaping dust-pan be-
tween the bars of the grating in the
pavement below.
'I reckon Mister John Gatson lives
here?' drawled the voice of an unseen
speaker, belonging clearly to a circle of
society in which Dennis and his master
did not move.
Inasmuch as Dennis had cautiously
scanned the pavement up and down
before venturing to display the objec-
tionable dust-pan, the interruption was
distinctly alarming to an uneasy con-
science. He raised himself with a haste
which brought his shoulders into sharp
contact with the uplifted sash and left
him pilloried uncomfortably in the
window, while the dust-pan, diverted
from its aim, poured an accusing heap
of cigar-stumps directly beside the
doorstep.
It required several startled glances
to discover the speaker, seated on a
weather-beaten spring-wagon beside
the curbstone, where he had been wait-
ing irresolutely for several minutes.
Losing his alarm, Dennis stared in
growing disapproval at this intruder,
who continued to sit on the hard, un-
backed wagon-seat in a characteristic
attitude of mingled apathy and nerv-
ousness. Arms and legs were twisted
awkwardly as if their owner sought
to deprecate their superfluous length.
The face, that of a man of forty, was
covered with a growth of sandy hair
in which moustache and beard merged
indistinguishably. The only visible
garments, besides the rough shoes and
wide, chip hat, were a collarless shirt of
brown cotton check, and overalls, orig-
inally dark-blue, but worn to a faded
gray at the knees and other points of
friction. The wagon, drawn by an aged
mule, was laden with home-made bas-
kets containing berries. Evidently the
stranger was a * mountain man* from
the Blue Ridge beyond the Shenan-
doah, a member of the class which in
the judgment of the Negro population
ranks lowest in the social scale.
'Does Mr. Gatson live here?' re-
peated Dennis derisively, forgetting his
embarrassment in the agreeable sense
of superiority to his interlocutor. * Ev-
erybody that knows anything knows
that Mr. Gatson re-sides at Kings-
well!'
'Wall,' replied the stranger, 'they
A WELL-REGULATED FAMILY
559
tole me at the co't-house to count five
doors up the street on the right, and
this here is the fift ', and yonder is his
name.'
He pointed to the sign, 'John Gates-
den, Attorney at Law,' beside the door-
way.
'Dis here is Mr. Gatson's orffice,'
acknowledged the Negro grudgingly,
'whar he comes to trans-form business
with his friends, but he ain't never
here befo' ten.'
'Kin I see him ef I wait till ten?'
persisted the other, glancing at the
clock on the court-house, which now
pointed to nine-forty.
'I cain't exac'ly say,' replied Dennis.
* Mister John he don't have to be so
powerful on time like a 'surance agent
or that kin' o' trash; and he don't see
folks 'cep' an' he wants to. How come
he to know you?'
'He'll be bound to know me, all
right, and my father, too. Leastways
he had ought to, bein' as he 's the son
of Colonel Bevis Gatson.'
Dennis drew in his head with pon-
derous dignity and set about the com-
pletion of his duties without another
glance at the occupant of the wagon.
The antipathy between the mountain
whites, the pariahs of the district, and
the old family Negroes, who regard
themselves as a part of the dominant
class, is as natural as that between cat
and dog. Dennis resented the intru-
sion of this 'po' white trash' as an af-
front to his own dignity and his mas-
ter's. He would gladly have driven
him away; but his only weapons, dis-
couragement and condescension, were
clearly ineffectual. Moreover, the
Negro was a little impressed by the
stranger's familiar allusion to Gates-
den's father, and by his correct local
pronunciation of the name. 'Gatson,'
he had pronounced it. Had he said
* Gates-den,' as strangers often did,
Dennis would have felt justified in
turning him from the door as an arrant
intruder.
Half an hour later, when John
Gatesden walked into his office, after
leaving his horse and buggy as usual at
the livery-stable in the next street, he
found Dennis abstractedly polishing
the backs of his books, as if oblivious
of every other concern.
'Nobody called this morning, Den-
nis?' he asked.
'No, Mister John,' answered the
Negro; 'there ain't ben no callers —
not' less you count a old mountain man
with berries. He mought be out there
still,' he continued, with an elaborate
affectation of doubt concerning the
continued presence of the stranger. ' I
jes' knowed you did n't want to see the
likes of him; but them folks is powerful
hard to decompose when they gets set
on a thing.'
A glance through the window in the
direction of Dennis's scornful nod
showed John the previously unnoticed
mountaineer, still immobile on the
wagon-seat. Gatesden returned to the
door.
'I am afraid you have been kept
waiting for me,' he said, with his charm-
ing smile. 'I am Mr. Gatesden.'
For answer, the mountaineer straight-
ened out his long legs and climbed
stiffly out of the wagon. From among
the litter of baskets behind, he took a
stained and misshapen leather recep-
tacle about the size of a long boot.
Then he followed Gatesden into the
office. Simultaneously Dennis retired
with stately disgust through the door
into the rear room.
At the threshold the visitor stopped
nervously.
'My name is Jackson,' he said;
'Bevis Jackson from Otter Crick over
thar in the mountain, fifteen mile
t' other side of the river. My father
was Bevis Jackson too, and he was in
560
A WELL-REGULATED FAMILY
Colonel Gatson's regiment in the wah.'
'Oh, I have often heard my father
speak of him,' exclaimed John, real
interest replacing quizzical curiosity in
his face. 'When he raised a company,
Bevis Jackson was one of the first to
volunteer. He was his companion twice
on scouting duty, and it was Bevis
Jackson that dragged him to shelter
when he was shot in the last charge at
Malvern Hill.'
'The old Colonel allers treated Pap
real handsome when he come to town.
He wanted to deed him our land in
Otter Crick, because he said it was
down in the co't-house books that it
belonged to the Gatsons. But Pap he
would n't take no new deed, for we uns
allers knowed that the land is ours. We
ain't never been squatters and our pa-
pers is all in here,' Jackson concluded,
as he laid the old leathern bag on the
desk.
' Of course, you know that your pos-
session will never be interfered with by
any of us, even if we should be able to
do so; but if you will accept the formal
deed to your farm which your father
declined, we can quickly make your
title absolutely clear.'
' T ain't that that made me come to
you,' answered Jackson, quickly. 'We
know that you all would n't never
make us no trouble, and we know the
land has always been rightly ourn. But
this here lumber company from Roa-
noke has been nosin' about, and they
have drove stakes clean across our
wood-lot. The engineer fellow allows
as how it belongs to them. So I thought
if maybe you could look through this
here and tell me how things stand, I 'd
feel safer like when them folks comes
back to begin choppinV
He pushed the bag farther across the
desk in Gatesden's direction.
'I shall be delighted to do so,' said
John. 'It will be only a small repay-
ment of the debt we owe you. Leave
me the papers and come back, if you
can, about one o'clock.'
The man nodded with an abruptness
which was far from uncivil.
'I got to peddle my berries aroun',
and buy some truck. I reckon I'll be
back by one.'
He climbed into his wagon and after
clucking several times to the irrespon-
sive mule, lumbered down the street at
an irregular trot which drove the berry
baskets clattering from side to side.
John took up the bag from the desk
and looked at it curiously. It weighed
perhaps five or six pounds, and though
much discolored and misshapen, was
still so stout as to seem almost air-tight.
It was clearly a saddle-bag of the type
carried by gentlemen of the eighteenth
century, when travel in this region was
all by horseback. Evidently, too, it
had belonged to a person of distinction,
for the mountings were of silver and a
great plate of the same metal on the
flap bore the armorial badge of some
family, now tarnished beyond recog-
nition. The lock John found much
stronger than he would have imagined
from its small size and ornamental ap-
pearance. Though the silver key had
been left within the keyhole, it refused
for a long time to turn. Apparently the
lock had set from long disuse.
John poured a drop of machine-oil
into the keyhole, and, while waiting for
the lubricant to work, occupied him-
self with the engraved silver plate.
Taking the chamois-skin cover of his
watch, he rubbed the tarnished metal
several minutes, till the inscription be-
gan to grow legible.
As the letters under the arms ap-
peared, he uttered an exclamation. It
was the Gatesden motto, 'Jus suum
cuique,' that the bag bore. On the
shield above could be traced, though
very dimly, the outline of the scroll and
balance of the Gatesden crest. Tense
with interest, John turned again to
A WELL-REGULATED FAMILY
561
the lock. The oil had had its effect,
and the key now turned.
The first glance inside the case was
disappointing. It revealed only a
squat little volume, mouldering with
damp and age, a Greek Testament with
the imprint, 'Oxoniae, 1760.' Laying
it aside, John examined the bag it-
self more particularly, and discovered,
sewed against the side, a kind of oil-
skin envelope designed for the carrying
of papers. He unbuttoned this inner
case and drew forth several documents
which, though yellowed, had been pre-
served from decay. The largest paper
was a rent-roll of the Gatesden prop-
erty, drawn up in the year 1774. An
official parchment beside it proclaimed
the appointment of Bevis Gatesden, of
the county of Frederick in Virginia,
Esquire, stamp commissioner for west-
ern Virginia, and representative, under
Lord Dunmore, of the authority of
King George the Third.
A rough note, written as John recog-
nized in the hand of his Revolutionary
great-grandfather, was the only other
paper. It ran as follows : —
Williamsburg, June 8, 1775. Hon-
oured Brother: It seems my duty to ac-
quaint you, as our late Father's repre-
sentative and the Head of our Family,
that I have this day taken an action,
which, though it may not occasion you
surprise, will, I doubt not, give you
vexation and grief. I have bound my-
self with many Gentlemen of the Col-
ony to resist the enforcement of His
Majesty's late measures and the will
of his Governor. Lord Dunmore hath
retired in anger from the city and the
burgesses no longer venture to hope for
a peaceful issue. I have not the hardi-
hood to flatter myself that you will re-
gard my step without anger; but I beg
you to reflect that, should our under-
takings miscarry, you are like at least
to be no more troubled by a young
VOL. Ill -NO. 4
half-brother who has already caused
you too much displeasure. I am, Sir,
Your obedient, humble brother,
JOHN GATESDEN.
For a long time Gatesden fingered
the papers. What an interesting relic
of his old Tory ancestor, of whose pas-
sionate loyalty to King George many
stories were still rife! By what curious
accident, he mused, could this memo-
rial of his family have lain for genera-
tions in the possession of the Jacksons?
And then he suddenly remembered.
Otter Creek lay deep in the heart of the
Blue Ridge, visited even to-day by none
but its sparse mountaineer population
and a few hunters of wild turkey.
Gatesden himself had never been there.
It was somewhere in this inaccessible
part of the county that old Bevis
Gatesden had been killed, according to
family history, in a desperate attempt
to secrete the King's munitions from
the rising colonists. Overtaken in a
ravine of the mountains, the old fellow
had long fought in defense of the royal
stores, and finally, after the dispersal
of his followers, had ridden off the field
like Hampden, wounded and alone, to
die, it was supposed, somewhere in the
wilds. The body was never recovered;
but there stood in the burying ground
at Kingswell a monument to his mem-
ory with the inscription, 'Officio forti-
ter perfunctus pro rege et fide vitam de-
posuit.9
The saddle-bag had doubtless been
taken from the old man's horse by the
mountaineers who witnessed his death.
It was a most precious heirloom, to be
recovered at all costs and treasured
with the other family relics at Kings-
well. John carefully replaced the pa-
pers in the pocket from which he had
taken them, revolving in his mind as
he did so the arguments by which he
might best obtain Jackson's surrender
of the curio.
562
A WELL-REGULATED FAMILY
As he rebuttoned the pocket, his eyes
fell again upon the Testament. Hold-
ing the little volume in both hands, he
carefully opened the stiffened leather
and turned over the pages in search of
annotations. On the fly-leaves at the
back of the book he found several pages
of manuscript, written in inferior ink
and much more weather-stained than
the papers in the pocket.
As Gatesden slowly deciphered the
faded writing, the look of satisfaction
died out of his face. His cheeks flushed
uncomfortably, and he felt a chill set-
tling about his heart. According to
the inscription on the Kingswell cen-
otaph, old Bevis Gatesden had died in
1775; but the first note in the book
was dated 1778. This is what John
read: —
October 9, 1778. I, Bevis Gatesden,
late representative of His Majesty in
these parts, was this day married by a
travelling parson, one Thomas Eckles,
to Joan Ellerslie, a peasant wench by
whom I have been nursed these three
years past through wounds and fever.
This I have done in sound mind, though
still infirm health, being determined to
pass the poor remainder of my days
among these people who have sheltered
and preserved me when my own have
cast me off. God knows I can do
naught else, for my lands, save these
barren hills, are in possession of the
rebels, and my fractured thigh pre-
vents me from sitting horse again in
His Majesty's service.
The next entry, written in a hand
yet more wavering and illegible, ran
crookedly across the middle of a page:
March 4. 1780. On this day was
baptized my son Bevis, called by the
name of his forefathers, though like to
know naught of his heritage. Better
that my unhappy strain continue in
obscurity than that it contaminate the
Gatesden stock with peasant blood and
enjoy its patrimony by truckling to
disloyalty and^ rebellion!
To John Gatesden, as he pored over
the last crabbed letters, the whole
story became suddenly clear. He was
unconscious of any course of ratiocina-
tion, however short; nor did he feel the
slightest doubt concerning the over-
powering conclusion to which his mind
leaped. This mountaineer, Bevis Jack-
son, bearing like his father the unusual
Christian name of the Gatesdens, was
the descendant of the elder Bevis of the
Revolution, the old Tory whom the
family records assumed to have died
without issue. It was he, not John,
who represented the senior branch and
to whom, according to the inviolable
rule, the family estate should have de-
scended. Even the name Jackson,
which he now bore, was convincing
evidence. Gatesden was in vulgar pro-
nunciation Gatson, and Gatson would
inevitably pass into Jackson among the
leveling influences of the backwoods.
The hours which dragged away be-
fore the return of Jackson were for
John Gatesden the most poignant of
his life. Too honest to dodge realiza-
tion of the new state of affairs, he was
yet incapable of perceiving any toler-
able course of action. What could he
do which should be just and honorable
at once to this uncouth stranger, to
himself, and to his trust as fiduciary of
the family dignity? Like all men bred
to a high sense of personal responsibil-
ity, he had a horror amounting almost
to physical repulsion for anything
flashily melodramatic or hysterical.
By heaven, if this man, whose exist-
ence shook down about him all the
stately edifice of his self-satisfaction,
were an equal, a gentleman, he could
see his way and follow it to its logical
end of personal renunciation. But to
A WELI^REGULATED FAMILY
563
make himself ancf all that his birth and
position represented a butt for wide-
mouthed gossip by investing this vul-
gar jay in the plumes which had lain
so gracefully upon his ancestors and
himself — to do this wantonly, with-
out legal compulsion, for the gratifica-
tion of a whimsical, squeamish honor
— would be not noble, but hideously
grotesque.
To John there seemed no escape
from the horrible dilemma. Before his
brain three ideas kept repeating them-
selves monotonously, as though he
should never be able either to dismiss
or to harmonize them. The family
motto on the bag, Jus suum cuique,
'To every man his due'; the old law of
the exclusive right of the elder branch,
which seemed the holier now that it
depended no longer upon legal force
but upon race loyalty and devotion;
— these seemed to keep hammering
themselves upon his throbbing tem-
ples; while beside them kept rising in
hideous discord the image of the mount-
aineer, himself the negation of the
qualities of hereditary nobility which
all this rigid machinery of succession
had been framed to perpetuate.
The actual appearance of Jackson,
standing in the doorway, unannounced
by knock or salutation, was a relief.
Something in the man's shyness ap-
pealed to John's own embarrassment.
He felt that they were less rivals than
comrades in the bizarre adventure
which fate had suddenly let fall upon
them.
'Sit down,' he said, after a glance of
friendly hesitation. 'How much can
you tell me about the original owner of
these things?' he asked as he began
again to take out the contents of the
bag.
'The old squire, you mean?' an-
swered the other. 'He was Pap's
grandfather, but he died long before
Pap was born, I reckon. They say he
never got over the wounds he got when
he first come into Otter Crick. He'd
been fighting the Injuns or Britishers,
I reckon. His hoss brought him up to
our cabin and after he had got a little
better he was married to Pap's grand-
mother. He is buried in the buryin'-
ground at the forks of the road. They
allers said as how he was a great man
at home, but we never rightly knowed
jest whar he come from.'
'His name was really Bevis Gates-
den. He was the owner of the Kings-
well estate, which passed to my great-
grandfather, because he was supposed
to have died unmarried. According to
the family rules, the property should
have remained with your branch and
descended to you, I suppose, not to me.'
John went on slowly. ' Here is the evi-
dence of your ancestor's marriage and
of the birth of his son.'
He read aloud the entries in the
Testament.
'And you mean that the law would
take your land and give it to me, if
this here was known?' asked Jackson,
in supreme astonishment.
'Probably not; but we have always
settled our family affairs without in-
voking the law, and we have settled
them justly. The question is, what is
just here?'
' It says thar in the book that the old
squire did n't want Pap's father to get
the land.'
'That wouldn't bar his title,' an-
swered John. 'It looks to me as if the
property is rightfully yours.'
'You don't mean that you would
give it to me without having to?'
'I don't know. You must help me
to decide. I don't see how I could
keep what is morally not mine.'
The mountaineer sat for a moment
downcast. The unconscious melancholy
of his expression was intensified as he
thought. John bit his lips as he stared
at the wall, irritated with himself for
564
A WELL-REGULATED FAMILY
his inability to deal decisively with the
situation.
After two or three minutes, Jackson
looked up. The shy awkwardness of
his manner, which astonishment had
for a moment shaken off, was again
upon him.
'If you please, Mister Gatson, do
you reckon that I could see this place
that was my — that was the old
squire's?'
'Certainly/ answered John. 'I drive
back for lunch. Come with me now.'
Gatesden's fast trotter covered the
two miles to Kingswell in ten min-
utes. Neither man spoke during the
drive. John was a prey to the keen an-
noyance with himself, which fills the
conscientious person when he scents
unpleasant duty and cannot decide
upon his course of action. The stranger
gazed wide-eyed at the evidences of
prosperity along the road, at the hand-
some iron gates adorning the entrance
to the estate, at the long avenue, and
the low, capacious sweep of the house's
fagade.
Seated tete-a-tete with John in the
long dining-room, under the withering
scowls of the waiter, Jackson won the
cordial respect of his host. To the
natural dignity of the mountaineer he
joined a quick power of observation
which preserved his manners from rude-
ness even in the unfamiliar environ-
ment. John's rare gift of hospitality
was called into play as he led his guest
to forget his embarrassment and en-
tertained him with family anecdotes.
By the end of the meal all stiffness
had disappeared.
In the spirit of congeniality which
arises from the recognition of common
interest, the two men passed from a
survey of the portraits on the walls to
the examination of the tombstones in
the burying-ground outside. Still occu-
pied with question and answer about
the family and the history of Kings-
well, they returned to the town.
The old gray mule, standing discon-
solate before the office door, seemed to
wake Jackson from a dream. In a kind
of stage fright he tumbled from the
cushioned seat upon which he had been
reclining in unembarrassed ease, and
stood twirling his hat nervously be-
tween his fingers.
'You have given me a day, Mr.
Gatson,' he stammered, 'that I won't
ever forget, and — and that will maybe
help me to make something of myself.
And if you are still agreeable to let me
have a deed for the Otter Crick land,
I'll take it and thank you.'
'But, my dear fellow,' answered
John in surprise, 'we can't dispose of
the matter so easily. Don't you see
that as the representative of the elder
branch of our family, you should be the
owner of all my property — not by the
present law, perhaps, but morally and
according to the intention of the orig-
inal proprietors of the estate?'
'Me?' cried Jackson, in genuine
fright. 'Do you think I could be mean
enough or fool enough to take that?
I'd be plain miserable, anyway, with
them niggers and the other folks
scoffin' at me.'
'Well, that's our problem, cousin,'
said John, frankly. 'I can't fancy my-
self standing in another man's .shoes.'
'Tell me,' asked Jackson suddenly,
'why they started this silly rule about
the property.'
' Why, mainly to insure its remaining
intact in the family.'
'And you feel uncomfortable about
it because I am the oldest son of the
oldest son all the way down?'
'Yes.'
' But if I had an older brother, or my
father had had, then it would go to
him, and I would n't have no claim?'
'That was the old principle.'
'Then you need n't be nowise dis-
A WELI^REGULATED FAMILY
565
turbed, sir/ said Jackson, looking his
hearer clearly in the eye, 'for Pap had
an older brother named John, who left
home befo' the wah. I reckon he went
out West when they was talkin' so much
about gold in Californy. We ain't
heard nothin* of him lately, and we
ain't likely to; but even supposin' he
war my own brother and the dearest
kin I had, I 'd throw him off clean ef he
would do sech a low-down mean thing
as take a penny's worth of what is
yourn. You see, sir/ he went on with
a flushed face, 'we uns has allers had
our pride too. That's why we would
n't take the old colonel's offer to deed
us that land — he bein' a stranger, as
we thought. And now, ef we can think
of you, livin' here so fine and noble, as
our kin and what you call the head of
our family, it '11 make us a deal happier
than ten times the land would. It'll do
me real good, sir, that will, and maybe
help me to get over bein' so shiftless
and no-count.'
He wrung John's hand hard and
mounted his old wagon. The mule
trotted once more down the street. The
empty baskets rattled. John Gatesden
looked after the man with friendly eyes.
Then he turned into the office. The
prim tidiness of the room smote him
suddenly with sharp reproach. How
amateurish and ineffectual his life was !
How ready he had been to deck himself
in borrowed plumes! The rude awak-
ening to his false position had taught
him his lesson, thank God! The Kings-
well heritage, falsely his, which had so
long lulled him in complacent idleness,
would be in future his sharpest goad.
One possible avenue of escape into
the world of living activity lay before
him. An election for the office of pro-
secuting attorney of the county was
nearly due. In this region, with its
large tracts of mountain wilderness, it
was a post of much labor, and even
danger, and of infinitesimal profit,
sought usually only by desperate be-
ginners at the law. He would be ridi-
culed for desiring it, but he could
doubtless have it for the asking. It
would give him at the least hard work
and a start.
He crossed the room to the neatly
folded Figaro on his table, tore it, and
flung the fragments into the scrap-
basket. The old exhilaration of his col-
lege days beat intoxicatingly about his
temples; the very office air seemed wine
and iron. In the flush of the new dawn
his mind turned again to the image of
the departed mountaineer.
'He's worthy of his stock/ he mur-
mured. ' I suppose he was lying in what
he said about his uncle? Who knows?
But he is right. The trust is mine, and
with God's help I will hold it as highly
as I may.'
IDYLLIC
BY ROBERT M. GAY
IN a city of frame houses and brown-
stone houses, each with its twenty-
fifth of an acre of grass-plot in front
and its sixth of an acre of yard in back,
a high wall of gray stone inclosing
whole acres of lawn and plantation was
unusual enough to excite anybody's
interest. As for me, I was quite sure
that its blocks of granite were about as
big as the sandstone blocks of the Great
Pyramid. I used to walk down of an
evening just to run my fingers over
them and to scratch with my nails the
scum of green lichen that spread over
the mortar after a rain. There was a
gate, too, of cyclopean planks banded
with wrought iron, swung between
square stone columns. On top of these
were globes of granite big as prize
pumpkins. When I applied my eye to
the crack of the gate, my nose caught
whiffs of lilac and syringa mingled
with the smell of hay and stables, and
my ears detected often, faintly, the
stamping of horses; but, beyond the
edge of a dunghill and the gray side of
a shed, my eyes were unrewarded. The
gate was never opened.
The street on that block was as a
rule singularly quiet. Few vehicles
went by, perhaps because the cobbles
diverted traffic into smoother avenues.
Grass and chickweed grew among the
stones near the curb and between the
flags of the sidewalk. The few maples
that, last of their clan, carried on a
losing struggle with dust and gas, were
honeycombed with the tunnels of black
ants; and, in August, their leaves were
decimated by legions of tussock cater-
566
pillars which amused themselves be-
tween meals by dangling in the face of
the passer-by. As for the human in-
habitants, I knew 'all their tricks and
their ways.' I knew them for humdrum
citizens, to whom a wall was merely a
wall, and a cat looking over in the dark
never by any possibility an owly-
headed monster. The smell of soap-
suds exhaled by their front windows on
a Monday morning was no less familiar
than the odor of pies and cakes on a
Saturday. I knew perfectly well that
they all dressed up on Sunday and pro-
ceeded demurely to the Methodist
church at one end of the block or the
Baptist church at the other. I knew
that they shot off fire-crackers on the
Fourth of July with all the solemn
industry of true patriots, bobbed for
apples religiously on Hallowe'en, gorged
themselves more or less thankfully at
Thanksgiving, and scrupulously per-
formed all the stocking, Christmas
tree, and Santa Glaus rites at Christ-
mas. In short, I knew that they were
just such people as I was myself in my
social capacity. Whether they ever
had hours such as mine between seven
and eight of an evening, when I was
completely . unsocial, and therefore
original, it never occurred to me to ask.
I felt all the scorn of them that child-
hood can feel for steady-going age,
never understanding — until later —
that the smallest hall-bedroom in any
one of their houses might contain more
of mystery and romance than even my
wilderness over the wall, however ' spa-
cious' it might be 'in dirt,' however
IDYLLIC
567
peopled with rocs, unicorns, and hippo-
griffs.
It would sound very silly to narrate
what I did there on spring evenings be-
tween seven and eight. It may be that
I rode winged steeds with Astolpho,
and swam Hellesponts with Leander,
slew dragons on Glittering Heaths
with Siegfried, and fought, knee-deep
in the ford, side by side with Cuchulain
against the hosts of Queen Maeve.
Perhaps so, perhaps not. I luckily
had a speaking acquaintance with the
policeman on that beat, and he was
indulgent.
It had never before been my custom
thus to moon about of an evening.
Dick, my chum, had been the sharer of
all my adventures; but even him, dur-
ing this one hour, I now assiduously
avoided, picturing him as at home
studying his lessons, while I was en-
countering gorgons, hydras, and chi-
meras dire ; but I little guessed the truth
till one evening my attention was at-
tracted by the odd deportment of a boy
across the street. For three successive
nights I had seen him go past, but,
intent upon perilous quests, had not
looked at him closely. I scanned him
carefully now, however, and, to my
surprise, recognized him as Dick.
Dimly to be discerned in the pen-
umbra of the street-lamp light, with
the utter gloom of a weedy vacant lot
for a background, he was standing on
the curb with his back to me, gazing
up sidewise at a second-story window
within which, behind a drawn shade of
yellow holland, was burning a lone gas-
jet. His position was a difficult one to
maintain, but was necessitated by the
cornice of the front stoop, which shut
off all view of second-story windows to
people on that side of the street. I
reasoned that, wishing to be as near
to the window as possible, he had fore-
gone the less neck-breaking position
of vantage that I held; but, unable to
guess why he was so intent upon that
particular window, I withdrew into
the murky corner behind one of the
gate-posts and watched him as he
teetered precariously. The window
presented only a canary-colored rec-
tangle innocent of shadow.
For perhaps five minutes he contin-
ued his scrutiny, and then turned and
peered cautiously up and down the
street and across. As the light fell on
his face I was startled. He had pulled
his hair down on his forehead until it
hung below his cap in two long curved
locks like the claws of a crab, his cap
being the crab; and the solemnity of his
expression and the stealthy discretion
of his demeanor made my flesh creep.
Evidently satisfied that he was unob-
served, however, he turned again
toward the window and, after another
glance hither and thither, stretched
out his arms toward it, * front oblique,
hands supine,' as our declamation
teacher used to say; then, gallantly,
with the passionate grace of a Mai volio,
he wafted a kiss upward; and then,
stricken with sudden bashful panic,
he turned and fled up the street toward
home.
I was by this time convulsed with
derisive merriment. I saw it all! Now
at last I understood. Many a time I
had noticed, without really looking at
it, silhouetted against that shade, a
trim head from which stuck out stiff-
ly an attenuated pig-tail, motionless,
slightly inclining as if over a book.
Many a time, toward the end of my
hour, I had seen the pig-tail grow rest-
ive and bob up and down on the shade
and grow longer and shorter with the
turning of the head to which it was
attached. Many a time I had seen the
shade fly suddenly upward and the
window-sash follow and the trim little
head thrust itself through the aperture.
All this I had observed, negligently,
without emotion, docketing the head
568
IDYLLIC
in my mind as belonging merely to a
girl-
Dick was in love! As in a flash I
understood many other things, too:
why, for instance, he had suddenly
taken to blacking his shoes and wash-
ing his hands and going regularly to
Sunday School. It was exceedingly
funny. I laughed. I had at last a thorn
to prick him with when he grew super-
cilious; material for waggish innuendos
such as I had heard facetious elders
use for purposes of torture. I gloated
in anticipation.
When I came into his presence next
day, however, I found myself suddenly
bashful. Try as I would to be funny
at his expense, my words were stifled.
I found myself covertly looking at
him with a touch of awe as at one who
had drunk deep the cup of experience.
His shiny shoes and face seemed the
outward badge of an inward mysterious
condition which I was unable to share.
I set out on my adventures that night
in a thoughtful mood. The head show-
ed very black and impudent upon the
shade, but Dick did not appear. I
knew why. He had refused to eat his
potatoes at supper and had been con-
demned to sit at table until he ate
them. The peculiar stubbornness of
Dick's disposition can be gauged by
what he sacrificed for a principle on
this occasion. While he sat at home
malevolently regarding two large cold
potatoes, I was feasting my eyes upon
the effigy in jet of his lady-love.
But this is not to be a confession of
treachery. I did not scheme to sup-
plant my friend. I did not like the tilt
of the effigy's nose. Yet to be standing
there in the dark quiet street watching
the unconscious shadow-play on the
curtain gave me a new kind of thrill.
I had planned for that evening a
deed of daring far on the ringing plains
of windy Troy, — some such small
matter as assuming the part of Dei-
phobus and rescuing Hector from the
wrath of Achilles during their famous
circumambulation of the walls; but,
somehow, although the stage was set
and the lights suitable, I could not act
with my usual absorption. I tried to
pretend that the young lady at the
window was Andromache, but her
impertinent nose and quivering pig-
tail were hopelessly out of character.
I started Hector and Achilles on their
rounds, and stood ready to sally forth
at the proper moment. Their shadowy
forms flashed by once, twice, — and
disappeared. I had forgotten all about
them. I was in a brown study.
The silhouette was growing restless.
It flounced about, it yawned and
stretched, it threw its book on the floor
in a spasm of vindictiveness; and then
the shade flew up and the head ap-
peared, craning to see up the street. It
seemed very nice to be in love. I de-
cided to be in love, too.
When I came, however, to think over
the eligible little girls of my acquain-
tance, I rejected them all in scorn.
They were mere infants, given to hoops
and jacks. But next Sunday in church
I found that not impossible She sitting
in the choir. She had just joined. She
sang soprano. She was dark, — black
hair and eyes and gipsy complexion.
She sat very straight and never smiled.
She sang easily, without making faces.
As to her age, I indulged in no vain
speculations about that.
The choir sat at the front of the
church behind the minister. During
the preliminary service they were hid-
den from view by a green curtain
except when they were singing; but
when the minister rose to preach, the
curtain was pulled aside with a loud
rasping of rings. I had the object of
my devotion at my mercy, then, for an
hour, morning and evening, to gaze
at as I chose. From that day I became
a confirmed church-goer. If my wor~
IDYLLIC
569
ship was misdirected, it was probably
of as high a quality as that of many of
the rest of the congregation.
I now set myself to study the gentle
art of being in love, and, I must con-
fess, put myself to a good deal of trou-
ble. I tried to lose appetite and sleep,
according to the books, but did not
succeed very well. However, when it
comes to pretending, it is as easy to
pretend to be wasting away as any-
thing else; and I took a sombre satis-
faction in pushing aside my plate when
I was not very hungry.
With considerable difficulty I learn-
ed where the fair incognita lived, — a
few blocks off, — and my evening walks
took a new direction. A small frame
house on a quiet side-street became
the shrine of my pilgrimage, and I
fixed upon a second-story front win-
dow as probably hers. For several
weeks, rain or shine, I went there every
evening, to mope dramatically with a
curious pleasurable sadness; only to
discover at last that I had expended
my sighs over the wrong house, because
she lived next door. By this time, how-
ever, I was too far gone to see any
humor in the blunder. From making
believe that I was in love, I had come
really to believe that I was; and when
one is in that condition of mind, a
difference of one street-number is a
small matter. The aura of the beloved
fills the whole street.
Now for the first time I began to
think of my clothes and to yearn for
long trousers. From rebelling against
the barber, I became his best youthful
customer, and the family were thrown
into transports of astonishment over
my neckties and my ablutions. They
thought, of course, that I was ill, and
I took no pains to enlighten them. I
made a confidant of no one, not even
of Dick, looking upon his affair as the
merest calf-love.
Throughout I was fortified by the
illustrious example of Dante, whose
love, I still imagine, may have begun
very much as mine. I had often pored
over the horrific pictures of Dore in a
great flat folio of the Inferno which,
with another of Paradise Lost, formed
one of the ornaments of the parlor.
From shuddering over the talking trees
and the sinners carrying their heads
under their arms, I naturally became
curious to know more of the author.
Johnson's Encyclopaedia and Beeton's
Dictionary of Universal Knowledge,
tried friends and true, served only to
whet a hunger which sent me off to
the circulating library.
A friend of mine maintains that in a
thousand of those who read the Inferno
not one hundred read the Purgatorio,
and that not ten of the hundred read
the Paradiso ; and probably he is right.
When I told him, therefore, a while ago,
that I had read all three with great
relish at the age of thirteen, I could see
that his politeness was having a hard
struggle with his incredulity. He knew
nothing of my incentive, and in such
matters the incentive is everything. I
once found a little cash-girl in a de-
partment-store reading Jakob Bohme.
What her incentive was, I could not
prevail upon her to say: perhaps the
old theosopher had for her some of
the fascination of a puzzle; perhaps
she was suffering from religious doubt;
at any rate, she said that she ' enjoyed
him very much.' I imagine that there
are some astonished immortals in
Elysium if they know to what strange
uses their books are put.
I read the New Life and the Purga-
tory and the Paradise, and bought a
plaster bust of the Father of Tuscan
song for my room, and cut from a mag-
azine a picture of a dark beauty who,
I thought, looked like my inamorata.
The original painting from which that
print was made I discovered recently
— with what tender memories can be
570
IDYLLIC
imagined — in the waiting-room of a
New York Hotel. I used to sit on the
edge of my bed before I turned in for
the night, and study the picture and
the bust.
Could any Beatrice see
A lover in that anchorite, —
or in me ? I used (in effect) to ask my-
self. Still, it was something to love
even hopelessly in such company.
Across the gulf of six centuries the
sad old Florentine, however stern of
lineament and grim, stretched a sym-
pathetic hand to a little moon-struck
boy who sat dreaming and dreaming;
and from beside the shiny little yellow
bust gazed down the cold dark beauty;
and to me as that other to him, but
with how different meaning, she said
(again in effect), —
Guardami ben: ben son, ben son Beatrice!
Ah, well, as Alighieri himself has
said, * love and the gentle heart are one
same thing'; and my love was so far
from being fiery that I purposely ne-
glected opportunities to meet my Bea-
trice. On one occasion Fate literally
threw us at each other's head and I, if
I may use so vulgar a figure of so fair
an object, dodged.
In the silent fervor of my passion,
as I have said, I haunted church and
Sunday school and fed my flame by
bashfully ogling. The extent of my sur-
render to the little blind god is shown
by the fact that I permitted myself
to be inveigled into participating in a
Christmas entertainment merely be-
cause She was to recite a piece.
Faithfully I went to each rehearsal,
bravely I mounted the platform and
recited the silly stanza that fell to me,
meekly I submitted to the jibes of the
Philistines, and all to listen to a voice
that spoke to others, to treasure up
smiles that were not for me. Strange
as it may seem, however, this was quite
enough. I had no grudge against fate.
I was content to sit and gaze.
It was at the last rehearsal, however,
that She entered the chapel to find all
the seats near the platform occupied
except the one next to mine.
O my heart, how didst thou palpi-
tate then! O feet and hands, how
excessively large did ye suddenly be-
come as, graceful and self-possessed,
She came tripping toward ye ! O ears,
how did ye then incarnadine yourselves,
and what a roaring was in ye louder
than the
Six hundred thousand voiced shout
Of Jacob camp'd in Midian put to rout!
She draws near, she pauses, she
speaks. 'May I sit beside you?' she
asks, with gracious condescension.
Here is my opportunity. Here at
last are 'the time and the place and
the loved one all together!' A thou-
sand golden witty sayings have I coined
for this juncture; but do I deliver them
with all the composure that I have disj
played when practicing them before
her putative picture at home? I do not.
I forget my cues. I fumble, I stam-
mer, I swallow, and fall into silence.
She bends her gaze upon me and in-
clines her ear, but in vain. I achieve
no intelligible articulation.
As soon as I could escape I fled into
the night and walked around the
block rapidly six times. As I was pass-
ing the church for the seventh time,
the others were coming out and some
boys hailed me. They were going to
the drug-store for soda-water; but I
shook my head darkly. No fleshly
enticements had power to lure me to-
night. I stood in the shadow of a tree
and watched the girls come out. As
She passed under the light in the lobby,
she was talking happily with a youth
several years older than I. Together
they descended the church steps and
made their way slowly toward the
drug-store.
The next evening I went back to the
wall; but not to play at potting dragons
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
571
and unicorns. I had aged. It was time
to put away childish things. I went to
meditate, to school my spirit, to fortify
my soul. It was very pleasant to feel
so old, so sophisticated, and I practiced
all the poses of dejection; but in time
the quiet of the familiar street shed its
balm upon me. I reflected that Dante
had been true to Beatrice, even after
he had married and she had died, for
some thirty years. Should I grow dis-
couraged in scarce as many days?
Suddenly I looked up. Over the
wall were peering two large round yel-
low-green eyes.
'It's an ore!' I whispered to myself.
Now, I had long since devised a
method of dealing with ores. It con-
sisted in whirling round and round on
the pavement immediately beneath
them until they became dizzy and fell
off the wall, when they could be easily
dispatched with a sword; and so I
began whirling on my heel. So intent
was I on this exercise, looking up mean-
while into the scared eyes of the cat
above, that I was unaware that some
one was approaching. Any one who
has ever tried spinning like a whirligig
while looking upward has probably
fared as I did. I turned giddy much
sooner than the ore and sat sudden-
ly down directly in front of a young
lady who, vibrating above me, gave
voice to a musical little shriek, half of
laughter, half of terror. It was my
Beatrice.
There is no more to tell. I had no
precedent for any such exigency as
this. Dante could not help me. My
love-affair ended there and then.
A few weeks ago I saw the wall again
after many years. There was a cat
sitting on top in the sun. She could
hardly have been the ore. I put my
hands on the coping and pulled myself
up and looked over. I wish I had not
done so.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
THE CASE OF THE MINISTERS
THERE has always been to me some-
thing pathetic about clowns and jest-
ers, but for many years I did not know
why. At last I found out: it was be-
cause they were compelled to make
their living by means of laughter. Now
laughter is, or should be, a spontane-
ous, even a capricious thing. It is one
of the delicious * extras ' of life, it comes
with an enfranchisement, momentary
perhaps, but real, from the pressure of
sterner realities. That this gay, free
thing should be put in harness, and
made to serve these sterner realities,
— therein lay the pathos that I had
always dimly felt. From such a lot
might every one I loved be delivered!
Let them work hard — break stone, dig
ditches, what you will — but let their
laughter be unenforced!
Such is still my prayer, but it has
enlarged its scope. For I now see that
there are other things which should be
left free. Laughter, let us say, is the
gleam of sunlight over life. By all
means let us not try to turn it into
* power.' But there are other gleams:
the moonlight of poetry, the white light
of religious experience, the radiance of
love. And in my prayer I include all
these.
It is no needless prayer. Thousands
572
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
and thousands of men are suffering
to-day, perhaps without knowing it,
because the prayer has in their cases
not been answered, because they are
compelled, in the pursuit of their liveli-
hood, to exploit some one of these.
I am thinking particularly of the
clergy. They have come to seem to me
even more to be pitied than the clowns.
Laughter, indeed, is precious, but that
which our ministers are required to put
in harness is even more precious: it is
the impulses and experiences of the
religious life.
In all the discussion about the min-
istry and the church which is now so
rife, no one seems to have a word of
pity for the men who are being forced
continually to do the impossible, the
unthinkable thing, namely, to exploit
their own spiritual nature in the earn-
ing of their daily bread. Some disci-
pline is doubtless good for us. To be
compelled to chop wood when one is
weary, to keep books when one loathes
accounts, to sit behind a desk or teach
spelling when one longs to go fishing,
these things may be good for one's
moral fibre, or again they may not.
But to be compelled by one's 'job' to
'make a prayer ' when one does not feel
prayerful, to be obliged to talk about
spiritual realities which are at the mo-
ment, or perhaps usually, not felt as
realities at all, — this can never be
good for the moral fibre; it must be
disintegrating to it. This is not disci-
pline, but the most disastrous form of
slavery. It is a slavery that demoral-
izes sometimes past hope of recovery,
for it strikes at the foundation of char-
acter: spiritual honesty.
There is one thing to which, even
more than to life, liberty and the pur-
suit of happiness, every one has a right,
and that is, the possession of his own
depths of selfhood. There is in all of
us a hidden life, often unacknowledged,
usually unexpressed, which is sacred.
With most of us it is protected from
violation by all the bars of reserve.
Not so with the ministry! With them
the bolts are shot back at the stroke of
an hour, or there are no bolts, and the
latchstring is out for every passer-by
to pull. Their religious life, their deep-
est convictions, their profoundest vis-
ions, these are, to put it most crudely,
their stock in trade, their business capi-
tal. That which with most of us forms
the background of life, with ministers
constitutes the foreground. It is this
that makes the anomaly, the prepos-
terous anomaly, of their position. It is
useless to declare that they have pri-
vate rights like other men. Practically
they have not. Even theoretically they
scarcely have. What is the good of
talking about private rights when a
man is liable at any minute to such
demands as these: pray with me; talk
to me about God; make an emotionally
satisfying address over the coffin of my
dead mother.
Contrast the conditions under which
men work in the other professions.
The lawyer, through years of training,
to which he brings some natural apti-
tude, makes himself master of certain
branches of the law. In these he is more
or less of an expert, and he earns his
living by a combination of honesty,
industry and skill in applying his ex-
pert knowledge. All this he can do, and
still preserve that sacred something we
have called selfhood.
With the physician it is the same : he
has the aptitude, he equips himself with
the knowledge and the skill. He offers
these to society, and society gladly
avails itself of them. In both profes-
sions, to be sure, the self behind the
day's work is what gives the day's
work its final value, but it is always
behind the work. It is not served up as
the very work itself. These men may
have sympathy, inspiration, reverence,
faith, love. They must have them, in
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
573
some degree, but they are forces that
underlie and compel.
The case of the minister may, indeed,
be stated so as to make it seem parallel.
He too, starting with some natural
aptitude, spends years acquiring know-
ledge and skill. He masters ecclesiasti-
cal history, he delves in theology, he
studies church government, he prac-
tices oratory. Along these lines he too
becomes to some extent an expert.
This sounds well, but it will not bear
scrutiny. For, whereas the expert
equipment of the lawyer or the doctor
is what gives him his value and ensures
his measure of success, the minister's
expert equipment, except perhaps his
training in oratory, and this only in a
minor degree, has very little to do with
his value or success. What we want in
a lawyer is mastery of the law, what
we want in a physician is mastery of
the conditions of health, but what we
want in a minister is not mastery of
church history, theology, church gov-
ernment, or even oratory. The thing we
really demand of him is the possession
of a vivid religious life and the power
to make * telling' use of it so that it
gets a real grip on the spiritual lives of
others. Without this the rest of his
equipment is useless. With this, the
rest may be dispensed with.
That is, his sympathy, inspiration,
reverence, faith, and love, instead of be-
ing the underlying forces of his nature,
must be kept on top all the time, ready
to pass out to people at a moment's
notice. At certain hours of the week
the minister must summon from its
hiding-place the spirit of prayer, he
must literally exploit it for the edifica-
tion of three hundred or five hundred
or a thousand listeners. At certain
other hours he must call forth his most
solemn convictions about life and
death, and exploit them in the same
way. And at uncertain times, at any
and every time, week in and week out,
he must have his personality ready to
deliver when called for.
Is this fair? Can we wonder that
the weakness of the ministry is along
the line of hypocrisy, of the over-facile
in expression, of the cheaply ready in
sympathy? that ministers sometimes
develop a professional manner as
marked as the professionally sympa-
thetic manner of the undertaker? Is it
surprising that in self-defense they
should build up for themselves an
armor, not of obvious reserve, but of
glib expressiveness which meets the
same end? If they were always really
turning themselves inside out, as they
are nominally supposed to do, there
would be nothing left of them, they
would be worn to a frazzle in three
months. Some there are who really do
this, and these are usually indeed worn
to a frazzle. Or, to use the conventional
term, they 'break down.' Most of
them do not do it, and they survive, but
ideals suffer.
There is something wrong. It is the
wrong of professionalizing what ought
to be left free. We see this quickly
enough in other cases: poetry is a
lovely thing, but so soon as it becomes
professionalized, it is in danger. Per-
sonal charm is an adorable thing, but
when the actor makes it a daily offer-
ing to an expectant public its finer
bloom is too apt to vanish. Love and
friendship are the greatest things in
the world, but when they are habitually
exploited, they lose part if not all of
their greatness. The court favorite,
paid for his devotion, the lover or the
mistress, paid for their favors, compell-
ed to render them without regard to
the spontaneous impulse behind them,
these are in danger of falling very far
short of greatness. Perhaps Tolstoi
was right, and every man should have
some tangible work to do, not perhaps
with his hands alone, but using his
whole practical equipment of skill,
574
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
knowledge, and aptitude, and allowing
for an overflow of energy which should
follow whatever channels it found open,
without being forced into pipes, to
turn wheels and push pistons.
Such, indeed, was to some extent the
life of the monks of old. They worked
their gardens, they nursed the sick,
they made medicines, they taught, they
printed books; and these activities
formed as large a part of their lives as
their daily office, often a larger part.
But back of all this, the daily round of
tangible duties, lived the ardors of
conviction and faith, flashing through
sometimes in a radiance of inspiration,
oftener perhaps smouldering unrecog-
nized in the depths of an unchallenged
and unexploited reserve.
This was a healthy life. And there
are some ministers to-day whose lives
are much like this. There might be
more. For there is enough practical
work waiting to be done to keep all the
ministers busy, if they never again
made a reluctant prayer or delivered
an enforced sermon. There are many
people who think that an institutional
church and a liturgical service is the
ideal for the future. But there are
many also who deny this. And mean-
while, the public accepts, and demands,
this living sacrifice of its ministry. It
is imposing a compulsion which can-
not help sapping some of the honesty,
the vitality, the spontaneity, that are
our most precious possessions.
A DICKENS DISCOVERY
BY rights, the little man with whom I
am acquainted should belong to Dick-
ens. He must have been lost from the
pages of Martin Chuzzlewit and placed,
by a trick of Fate, in this hustling,
conventional young Southern town. I
chanced to step into the printing-office
one day, and paused upon the thresh-
old with a Columbus-like thrill at my
discovery. The little old man, his
plump person stuffed into a chair, was
seated at what might be called a desk,
though no self-respecting desk would
recognize it. Newspapers in wild dis-
order surrounded him; letters bulged
from numerous pigeon-holes; 'copy'
straggled out of dusty corners; and a
manuscript, folded with some pretense
at neatness and no doubt awaiting a
day of judgment, stuck one ear out of a
half-open drawer. An editorial, over-
come by the heat of its attack upon
the unsanitary conditions existing in a
baker's shop, reclined against an ink
bottle for support. From this chaos
emerged his squarish head, with a
round hat distantly related to a break-
fast muffin perched upon it. A high
collar, in a vain effort to meet in front,
and lacking two inches of accomplish-
ing its purpose, encircled his neck. A
smart white tie, realizing its superior-
ity over the collar, met in front and
formed a stiff bow. The shirt was an
old friend showing signs of frequent
contact with ink. Nondescript gray
trousers clung tightly round his waist,
but flared out generously where they
touched his boots. The boots which
completed this costume were square,
and dented and covered with dust.
Stay! Had I come unawares upon a
friend of Mr. Pickwick, or a cousin of
the Cheeryble Brothers? No; I was
about to address the uncle of .dear
Tom Pinch. At my greeting he rose
and clasped my hand warmly, while his
blue eyes, behind a pair of large spec-
tacles, beamed kindly into mine. From
that moment our friendship is dated.
But the printing-office without the
Uncle would be in a far more sorry
plight than the Pecksniff household
without Tom. For the strong moral
tone of Tom's master proved a suf-
ficient prop even after Tom had been
dismissed, but the printing-office —
what a spineless affair it would become
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
575
were the Uncle to leave! Pray, who
would collect the bills or read the proof?
Who would conscientiously discharge
these and other duties filled as they
are with a mass of petty and irritating
detail? Who indeed, but the Uncle!
The Editor cannot steal time for such
matters. Stirring and eloquent articles
glide from his pen; opinions, buttered
and sugared to suit the taste of ques-
tioners, drop from his lips, Smooth and
suave and sure he is — the flint-hearted
fellow! For five-and-thirty years the
Uncle has shouldered the responsibili-
ties of the newspaper business, receiv-
ing small reward. What high ambitions
may have been stifled beneath the
weight of unavoidable duties ! Yet not
a breath of complaint escapes him.
He always has a ready smile, a twinkle
in each eye, and a hand that flashes out
in welcome whenever he meets you.
Everybody knows and likes the Uncle,
but few detect the heart of gold beat-
ing under the ink-spotted shirt, i
And what would the weekly paper
be without the Uncle's contributions?
He writes under the name of the * Ram-
bler,' and the information gathered
from his daily rambles appears in the
Mayfield News. Readers are told that
Timothy Dowdle's new barber shop
will be a thing of beauty; that one of
our permanent and popular places of
amusement has passed to new manage-
ment; that the sweetness in Mayfield
is not wasted on the desert air, but put
up in cans by the Syrup Factory. Or
perhaps the alarm of fire was sounded
about one o'clock Tuesday morning, in-
dicating that the scene of conflagration
was in the second ward; or the News
joins in wishing the newly married
couple a happy and prosperous voyage
o'er the seas of life. The Uncle himself
is a bachelor, yet he seems to impart
an air of would-be domesticity. If he
could but have found the right little
woman of Dickensesque style ! Perhaps
there was a bright spot of romance
coloring the past prosaic years.
After each meeting with him, I fall
to wondering about his childhood days.
Did he romp and shout and play as
other boys do? No; my fancy calls for
a lad with a deep love of books, who
could be caught any fine summer day
stretched out under a shady apple
tree, Treasure Island with its wealth of
adventure close by, and in his hand a
mammoth pippin slowly passing out of
sight. Or the question recurs: where
does he find his clothes? For they are
undoubtedly lineal descendants of
Noah's wardrobe. He could not have
selected them from a general stock,
such clothes as he wears would suit no
one but himself. They were made for
him; they strike one as being an indis-
pensable part of the man.
Just recently I saw him on the cor-
ner, a bulky umbrella hooked over his
arm, his eyes fixed thoughtfully on the
ground, coming with great deliberation
toward me. He wore a tall, square,
black hat set firmly on his head, and a
voluminous alpaca coat reaching to
his knees. He waved his hand in a
salute and moved on. Farther on he
stopped a passer-by and engaged in a
wordy bout. Was he lonely, I ponder-
ed? It was Sunday, and he should have
been returning to a cottage with roses
tumbling over it in pink confusion.
There, a comfortable little lady would
have the supper spread out on a round
table made for two. And he would
know that she shared not only the meal,
but all his joys and sorrows.
During our strawberry season, he
took me aside to confide, *I thought
that I would purchase several boxes
of strawberries and bring them up, if
you will make me a real shortcake.'
Then, in a telling whisper, * You know
I've never had enough!' Of course I
promptly agreed, smiling in remem-
brance of meagre boarding-house helps.
576
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
So he came to dinner, and when the
cake was brought to the table in all its
luscious glory, three layers topped with
fruit, we turned to each other with a
look of understanding. And let me
tell you that my friend measured his
appetite by the Dickens standard!
He is often a subject of affectionate
discussion in our home.
'Suppose,' says one, 'that he were
thin.'
'The loss of a pound would spoil
him,' I declare.
' It would never do,' gravely answers
great-aunt Madeline.
'Can you imagine him with a red
necktie?' queries another.
'A tan shoe with a pointed toe' —
suggests a third.
'Oh!' I implore, 'any such innova-
tions — and he would no longer be the
Uncle.'
It is unfortunate that Dickens never
found him, but good fortune left him
for me. I discovered him!
LEO TO HIS MISTRESS1
DEAR Mistress, do not grieve for me
Even in such sweet poetry.
Alas! It is too late for that,
No mistress can recall her cat;
Eurydice remained a shade,
Despite the music Orpheus played;
And pleasures here outlast, I guess,
Your earthly transitoriness.
1 Memorial verses to Leo, a yellow cat, by
his Mistress, appeared in the Atlantic for
February. — THE EDITORS.
II
You serious denizens of Earth
Know nothing of Elysian mirth.
With other shades I play or doze,
And wash, and stretch, or rub my
nose.
I hunt for mice, or take a nap
Safe in Iphigenia's lap.
At times I bite Achilles' heel
To learn if shadow heroes squeal,
And, should he turn to do me hurt,
I hide beneath Cassandra's skirt,
. in
But should he smile, no creature
bolder,
I lightly bound upon his shoulder,
Then leap to fair Electra's knee,
Or scamper with Antigone.
I chase the rolling woolen ball
Penelope has just let fall,
And crouch when Meleager's cheer
Awakes the shades of trembling deer.
I grin when Stygian boys, beguiled,
Stare after Helen, Ruin's child;
Or, should these placid pastimes fail,
I play with Cerberus's tail.
At last I purr, and sip and spatter
When kind Demeter fills my platter.
IV
And yet in spite of all of this,
I sometimes yearn for earthly bliss,
To hear you calling 'Leo!' when
The glorious sun awakens men,
Or hear your ' Good-night, Pussy ' sound
When starlight falls on mortal ground;
Then, in my struggles to get free,
I almost scratch Persephone.
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
MAT, 1913
THE PHILIPPINES BY WAY OF INDIA
BY H. FIELDING-HALL
THE Editor of the Atlantic Monthly
has been good enough to ask me if
there is anything I can say about the
task of the United States in the Philip-
pines— the difficulties that arise from
such a relationship between a Western
democracy and an Eastern people, and
in what way they can be surmounted.1
I have never been to the Philip-
pines. The nearest I have been is
Hong Kong, and the only Filipinos I
have seen are the quartermasters on
the P. & O. boats running from Hong
Kong to Japan. Neither have I been to
the United States, though I have many
friends there. Of first-hand knowledge,
therefore, I have none. Yet I thinly
there are some things I can say.
TheJFilipinos are an Eastern people,
not so very far removed, according to
what I hear, from some other Eastern
peoples whom I know well; the United
States holds a people which is cousin
to my own, removed in distance and
in circumstance, yet akin, and the task
before the United States and the Phil-
ippines — how mutually to aid in the
task of creating a stable and a good
government in those Islands — is the
1 The request of the Atlantic will be readily
understood by any one who has had the durable
satisfaction of reading Mr. Hall's sympathetic
volumes on the Burmese: The Soul of a People,
and A People at School. — THE EDITORS.
VOL. Ill - NO. 5
same task that has confronted, and that
still confronts, us in India. In great-
er things, therefore, there is a similar-
ity between the English in India and
the Americans in the Philippines, and
the differences are only of local circum-
stances of time and place and persons.
The objective and the principles are
the same.
I will therefore ask the reader to
come with me first to India and to
Burma, to see somewhat of things
there: how the same problems which
confront America in the Philippines
/ confront us there; what lies below
\ those problems; and the only possible
) ;olution there is for them. We may so
J acquire some principles and some ideas
which are not merely local, but are uni-
versal; not temporary, but permanent;
not true only of the English in India,
but of the Americans in the Philip-
pines. They would require adaptation
in method and in detail, but that is
little. When you know what to aim
at, you will find out how to hit it.
The first knowledge to acquire is,
not that of forms, institutions, customs,
habits, conventions, parties, but that
of humanity itself. For that includes
all things, and conventions of all kinds
are but garments it endues to keep it
warm, or ornaments to render it at-
tractive, or fetters bound upon it by
578
THE PHILIPPINES BY WAY OF INDIA
circumstance or fate. Let us therefore
look at humanity in the East.
When you go there, the first impres-
sion it gives you is of its apartness. All
seems so different from what you are
accustomed to at home. It is not only
that the setting — of blue skies, of
palms and tropic flora, of a strange ar-
chitecture, all bathed in sunlight — is
so strange; it is the people. Their skins
are black or brown; their faces, their
hair, their clothes, their voices, are
quite different. Their ways are not our
ways; even their walk is different. It
cannot be, we think, that any common
humanity binds us two. Theirs is a
life apart; within their skins there is
a soul apart, an Eastern soul, unlike
the Western, hardly akin to it, a thing
divided far from us.
Even when time has brought us a
little familiarity with these people the
strangeness is not lessened. It grows.
All that we observe of them denotes
difference, and not likeness, to our-
selves. In their ways of life, their mar-
riages, their religions, they are apart
from us. We do not understand them.
We cannot understand them. There-
fore why try? The Oriental mind is
inscrutable. Could you understand it,
it were not worth the trouble. There-
fore why bother? They are our serv-
ants, laborers, we buy and sell for
them, we rule them. Enough. Leave
it at that. And there for the most it is
left.
Yet for him who will not stop there,
for whom a barrier exists only to be
climbed, who cares to go behind the
appearances of things to things them-
selves, a way soon opens. Gangler, the
World-Seeker, went beyond this barrier
to the land of Utgard and learned se-
crets; come with me beyond this de-
ceptive zone of outward things into the
heart of the East, and you, too, shall
learn secrets. They may be useful.
Let us see.
All this apartness is but surface. It
is the expression which differs, not the
emotion or the thought sought to be
expressed. Humanity is one, has the
same hopes and fears, moves toward
the same ideals, and there is no differ-
ence East or West.
Of course this knowledge comes but
slowly, and by bits. You note, for in-
stance, that when husband and wife go
traveling together, the man walks in
front, careless and free, and the wo-
man walks behind, carrying the bundle.
Therefore you say, 'The Oriental cares
not for his women; he despises his
wife and uses her as a beast of burden.'
Most Occidentals never get further
than that. But if you are observant
you go out in the jungle yourself,
and you discover things. When you
walk abroad there are difficulties and
dangers. The paths are overgrown and
thorny, creepers must be cut back,
there are cattle and buffaloes to be
driven off, and buffaloes are ugly crea-
tures; there are snakes. In the villages
are village dogs which snarl and snap.
You are a man, yet you will be glad of
some one to go in front of you with a
hatchet to clear your way. No woman
would walk in front, and the man must
be free. Now you see the reason why
the man walks in front. If you want
to confirm it you inquire and find that
this is true. Thus the Japanese, the
Burman, goes in front of his wife for
the same reason that the Occidental
goes behind — from courtesy. If he
continues to do so when it is unneces-
sary, as in towns where there are roads,
it is because a convention once formed
is hard to break, East or West.
With this as a clue you can go on
and make discovery after discovery,
and finally you learn to know this, that
East or West the instinctive relation-
ship of the sexes is the same. The ideal
is the union of one man and one wo-
man : first, into one flesh, and following
THE PHILIPPINES BY WAY OF INDIA
579
that, into one spirit. Polygamy, infant
marriage, and all other deviations, are
the result of environment.
Polygamy had its origin in the sur-
plus of women over men due to the loss
of the latter by war or the dangers of
uncivilized life. Infant marriage and
zenanas were barriers raised by subject
nations against the lust of conquerors
or of priests. Polyandry was due to the
necessity of restricting population by
killing the female babies; the means of
subsistence had reached its limit. Hu-
man nature is forced into these chan-
nels by circumstance first, and they are
perpetuated by convention, because
afterwards each child is educated to
believe in the ways of its fathers as it
grows up. It is convention fossilized.
But human nature is not altered; and
underneath, the soul is the same. It
would burst these bonds if it could; it
does when it can.
Read their folk tales, their love sto-
ries, those which warm the hearts of
boys and girls, of men and women,
ay, even of the old; those which, rising
from the heart, appeal unto the heart.
Their ideals are our ideals. We do not
in the West reach very near them yet;
they reach less near, perhaps, but that
is circumstance and flesh, not soul. It is
the hardness of our hearts. It will take
us long ages yet to reach our ideals.
As it is with love, which is the mother
emotion of all the emotions which are
life, so with all others. Easterns wish
and strive for just what we wish and
strive for. The method is different,
must be different. *A cosy fireside*
appeals not to them, nor does ' the shad-
ow of a great rock in a thirsty land'
appeal to us Northerns, but the ideal
is the same. The soul of humanity,
the World-Soul, is one. Its infinite
variety of expression is due to the dif-
ferent media through which it is exhib-
ited. It strives ever toward the same
ideals, to be realized by different meth-
ods, because there is no absolute, but
all things are relative, to time, place,
and person.
It is the same with governments.
The first ideal of every people in its
government, in forming or accepting it,
is to attain freedom. There is freedom
from attack from without, freedom
from anarchy within; that is the first
necessity. These may be achieved un-
der many forms of government; they
accept that which offers the best pos-
sibility of individual freedom. A for-
eign despotism may be the best at the
time. But, later on, other necessities
manifest themselves, and a people be-
comes conscious that to develop indi-
vidually it must develop corporately
as well, that an individual is but a
cell in the life of a nation. To develop
the nation, local government is a ne-
cessity, but it is a later necessity than
the two first mentioned.
All this was manifested very clearly
in India. Long ago there were self-
governing communities in India, with
a wide degree of individual freedom,
sex equality, and a relatively high civ-
ilization. These decayed under the
stress of various forces, the most pow-
erful of which was religion. Anarchy
began to appear, and consequent on
anarchy there was the foreign domina-
tion of the Moguls. This was accepted
as a lesser evil than anarchy. But this
rapidly decayed, and anarchy again
arose. Then the English appeared, and
the country for the most part accept-
ed their rule gladly, because it insured
peace, internal and external, and a re-
latively high system of jurisprudence
and administration. India was able to
recover from the wars which had deso-
lated it and to draw free breath again.
The Mutiny was not, for the most part,
a people's war, but an insurrection of
mercenary troops who strove for em-
pire. In the whole course of the his-
tory of our Indian conquest there was
580
THE PHILIPPINES BY WAY OF INDIA
only one people's war, and that was in
Burma in 1885-90.
When we had made our conquests
we had to organize a whole system
of administration. Of the old indige-
nous systems of a thousand years ago
nothing was left. The Mogul system
which we had succeeded disappeared
on the defeat of its heads. It was not
founded in the soil. It was a govern-
ment from above. Its local officers
were not heads of local organisms;
they had not grown up, but stretched
down. The heart was not in the people
below, but in the emperor or ruler at
the top. When he was deposed, all his
fabric of government fell with him. It
was not indigenous. Nothing remain-
ed but innumerable villages, each a
community in itself.
We therefore set to work to estab-
lish a new system of government.
Again, it was not indigenous. It was
imported, like the officials who worked
it. True, it had strong roots, but they
were in England, not in India. It is
from England that the government de-
rives its strength. It is a branch of a
great tree whose roots are six thou-
sand miles away. It is adapted to the
needs of India, but is not Indian. Were
we defeated in the North Sea it would
disappear as rapidly and completely as
the Mogul Empire did; its trunk being
felled, it would wither away. It cannot
draw any nourishment from India.
Now you can begin to see how the
present discontent in India has arisen.
For long, India was content. It want-
ed peace, and we gave it peace; it want-
ed time to grow, and we gave it time
and opportunity. We were, under the
circumstances, not only the best availa-
ble government, but the best conceiv-
able government. I do not say that we
acted from altruistic motives, but I do
say that the results were admirable.
But things have changed. India has
had a hundred years of peace and in-
dividual liberty, it has now begun to
realize that life holds more than this.
Its various nations are realizing their
nationhood, and wishing to express it
in more than words. They are also real-
izing many other things. Our laws are
better than no laws at all, but they are
defective; our administration is better
than anarchy, but it is alien and un-
sympathetic. Not being rooted in the
soil, it does not respond readily to the
people's needs. It has to reason out
things. Now reason is a very bad sub-
stitute for that instinctive knowledge
which comes from identity.
Hence the very natural unrest, an
unrest which grows, and must grow,
because it is in the nature of things
for it to grow. India is chafing at her
swaddling-bands, and the older and
stronger she grows, the more she will
chafe.
What is to be done?
. Indianize the government, say some.
Appoint Indians instead of English-
men to be administrators. Gradually
replace the personnel till India is gov-
erned entirely by Indians.
There could not be a more disas-
trous mistake than to attempt this.
The cry is founded on a complete mis-
understanding of the nature of gov-
ernments, their functions and duties,
the causes of their stability and health.
You cannot Indianize an English insti-
tution. You cannot put Indian wine
into English bottles.
A government to be strong and
healthy must be rooted firmly in some
soil. Where would an Indianized gov-
ernment of India be rooted? Not in
India. It would not be representative
of anything there. It would be respon-
sible to Downing Street, not India. It
would take its orders from England;
it would look to England for help in
difficulties. It is a perfectly impossible
thing to imagine a government of In-
dia with Indian officers.
THE PHILIPPINES BY WAY OF INDIA
581
Then establish local parliaments, say
some.
With what functions?
To rule? They could not rule. The
government of India, which is a branch
of the Imperial government, could not
be controlled, even in details, by any
local assembly. How could it?
To advise? There is nothing so ab-
solutely futile as an individual or an
assembly whose sole duty is to advise.
The only assurance that the advice
offered will be reasonable comes from
the fact that the adviser accepts the re-
sponsibility if it be wrong. But to give
these assemblies responsibility would
be to give them power. They would be
untried, made up of men with no ex-
perience of government: lawyers and
newspaper editors for the most part.
They would rest on nothing. A limited
franchise would be useless, and to en-
franchise three hundred millions is
impossible. They could have no know-
ledge, nothing behind them. They
would simply invite disaster.
• What then is to be done?
India cannot go on as it is. Even
down to the peasants the unrest is real,
if inarticulate. And it is well-founded.
There is only one thing to be done.
You must begin at the beginning and
cultivate again in India a local tree of
self-government. The germs are there.
All India is made up of local communi-
ties called villages (not necessarily one
hamlet). These have had from time
immemorial a common life. Each is an
organism in itself and accustomed to
self-government .
Unfortunately, the village organism
has been greatly injured by us. My ex-
perience is of Burma and Madras, but
what is true of them is true universal-
ly. We have weakened and debilitated
the self-governing unit by continual
interference. This has been done with
the best motives, of course. We have
sought efficiency and justice. But you
can get neither in this way. The vil-
lage community itself can alone man-
age its communal affairs with any effi-
ciency or justice. Interference makes
bad worse. I know by much personal
experience that there is nothing they
dread and hate like this interference.
If the villages were maintained on
their old basis, no interference would
ever be necessary. If it seems so now
it is because the organism has been
weakened by injudicious and ignorant
interference till it sometimes will not
work at all. These should be restored
to their original status, and helped to
develop themselves naturally, to grow
and expand. Little by little, greater
powers and responsibilities would be
given them. Then they would natur-
ally fall into groups, — there were such
in old days, — natural groups, not arti-
ficial like our districts; and to each
group a council and executive — the
direct outcome of the village council
and executive — could be allowed. To
these bodies greater powers could be
assigned.
In this way a natural, and there-
fore efficient, system of self-govern-
ment could be encouraged. What exact
form it might take as it grew, no one can
tell. It would become manifest in the
working. The principal condition for
its health is that it be not interfered
with. If rightly constituted, it would
require no interference, only encour-
agement and help. Thus under the
shadow of the English Tree of Govern-
ment, a local tree with a myriad roots
would slowly rise, and as it rose the
English Tree should retract its shadow.
So alone would a firm, a living organ-
ism of government be built up, that
would be so securely founded as to fear
no storm.
How long it will take the English
government to see this, I do not know;
but it is the only way, and in time it
must be seen. It will take time to
582
THE PHILIPPINES BY WAY OF INDIA
succeed. Nations are not made in a
day. But it is bound to come.
Now let us see whether from the
state of India we cannot deduce prin-
ciples that will apply equally to the
Philippines. I think we can.
The first is that individual liberty
must be secured. This is the condition
on which all else depends and grows;
it can be done only by the American
government.
It can be done only by the American
government in its own way. It cannot
be done in the Philippine way, or by
Philippine agency. The American gov-
ernment of the Philippines must be
American first. It must be as far as
possible in sympathy with the Philip-
pine people, but it must never allow
that to affect its efficiency. It can only
be efficient by being purely American,
drawing its strength, its ideas, and its
methods from America. By methods
I do not mean methods of constituting
a government — election and repre-
sentation; but methods of administra-
tion which should be adapted mutatis
mutandis to the Philippines. Americans
can efficiently work only American
methods, just as we in India can effi-
ciently work only English methods.
Therefore do not allow Filipinos,
however well-educated and able, to en-
ter your superior service. It has been
tried in India, and has failed. The
causes of failures are many, and are
obvious. The machinery of the high-
er government being American, only
Americans can work it efficiently. An
American alone thoroughly under-
stands the object of the laws and can
administer them. The American alone
has that camaraderie with other offi-
cials and with non-officials, merchants,
bankers, etcetera, which is so absolutely
necessary in order that the machinery
may run smoothly. An American alone
has the necessary authority ; and, more-
over, the people dislike and distrust
their fellows who enter what is really
a foreign service. This is very notice-
able in India. The people at large ac-
cept an Englishman's rule because he
is an Englishman, and England rules
India. But the Indian in our service
they regard rather as a traitor. He has
left them; he has accepted foreign ideas;
he rules his fellow men not by reason
of their suffrage, but by reason of for-
eign appointment. He is, and must
be, inefficient. He cannot represent the
people before government because he
is himself a government official. There-
fore keep your higher administration
purely American.
But that government must be in
sympathy with the people, and make
things as easy for them as possible.
It is exactly here that the difficulty
begins.
I suppose it is natural for all of us,
English or American or German, for
every nationality, to think that in its
methods it has discovered not merely
what is best relatively to itself and its
times, but to the absolute. We think
our laws approximate to the absolutely
right, our courts to the absolutely just,
our land and revenue systems to the
absolutely efficient. We have only to
transplant them as they are, to insure
good results. There could be no great-
er mistake, for there is no absolute in
these matters. They are all relative.
To begin with, there are the courts
of criminal justice. Do not suppose
you can take your codes and apply
them in the Philippines as in America.
You cannot. Every people has its own
ideas on certain matters connected
with crime, which differ from those of
other peoples. For instance, in Eng-
lish law an assault is little; a theft, no
matter how small, is a serious matter.
To the Oriental it is the reverse; a
theft is a small matter, an assault a
great one; he estimates his self-respect
and dignity above his pocket.
THE PHILIPPINES BY WAY OF INDIA
583
Again, no Oriental believes in severe
punishment for crime. He considers our
punishments wickedly severe, therefore
he often will not complain, or give
evidence, or he gives false evidence.
Remember that 'summum jus, summa
injuria' and where juries do not exist
to mitigate and put common sense into
law, great harm may be done. It is
done in India.
Therefore try to find out how the
people at large regard crime; try to get
their perspective. You will find that
it differs from yours considerably, ow-
ing to the difference of circumstances.
It is as true a view as yours; as regards
the actual circumstances, a much bet-
ter view. They want to prevent and
stop crime quite as much as you do.
Therefore get your courts into accord-
ance with the consciences of the people.
Otherwise they will become what ours
are in India.
It is the same with civil law. Our
procedure is far too complicated and
too expensive. For all small cases it
should be made cheap, expeditious,
and sensible. An Oriental wants a case
settled. He would far rather have it
settled against him than that the case
should drag out indefinitely. They have
often told me this. Do your best,
therefore, to make the first hearing
complete, and have no appeals. It is
advocates who create the delays. Do
not let your courts, and therefore your
justice, fall into the hands of barris-
ters, pleaders, or advocates. As matters
stand in India, the barristers or advo-
cates are usually the principal parties,
the judge is no one. The people hate
this; they misuse it and abuse it.
If the people had their way, there
would be no one between the judge and
the parties. He would have subordi-
nate officials to prepare each case for
his hearing under his directions, and
there would be no advocates.
Consider now what an enormous
amount of money goes to lawyers and
barristers. For what? Mainly to ob-
scure and pervert justice. Do not let
the Filipinos be lawyer-ridden as we
are in India.
Do not try to reform the people by
laws, as we have tried to do by the
gambling acts. Law is to preserve pub-
lic morality, not private morality.
Remember that if you get your
courts out of touch with the people
you will not only encourage perjury,
as in India, but you will make them
hated and inefficient. . .
As to land, bear in mind that the
objective is an industrious, independ-
ent peasantry. Great estates are in-
jurious, and give rise to political dis-
content. Therefore so frame the land
laws as to tell for the former, and
against the latter. To keep the small
farmer independent there should be
Raiffeisen banks l in every village, such
as I began in Burma. Their value in
every way is great; it is beyond com-
putation, not merely financially, but as
an educative force.
And whatever you do, never allow
the Filipinos to be exploited by your
own people — monopolists, great cor-
porations, and so on. In India we have
almost, though not quite, escaped this;
and it is greatly to our advantage. In
their own places they have great value
in encouraging and building up indus-
tries. But there is danger. Remember
that the people do not differentiate
much between a foreign company and
a foreign government. They see a con-
nection — even if we do not.
Finally comes education; that is to
say, helping the children to develop
their powers of observation and intelli-
gence and self-command. That is the
only education. Reading, writing, and
1 A clear account of the working of these banks
may be found in the article entitled 'The Farmer
and Finance,' by Myron T. Herrick. See the
Atlantic for February, 1913. — THE EDITORS.
584
THE PHILIPPINES BY WAY OF INDIA
all other matters which are taught are
instruction, which is quite different.
Instruction has its value, but it is no-
thing compared to that of education. •
Therefore let your schools be secu-
lar, because religions of all kinds are
more apt to dull the intelligence than
to develop it. If the parents want their
children to learn religion, let them
arrange it. The duty of the American
government in the Philippines is, not
to any form of religion, but to the in-
telligence of the children. You will find
that the people will like this. They
dislike the subsidizing of denomination-
al schools of all sorts, even of their own
denomination. They do not like the
mixture. It is a Western idea to mix
up education and religion. I do not say
that it is not done in the East, but I
do say that the people do not approve
of it.
But of what use to enter into de-
tails. If your officers, and therefore
your administration, have sympathy,
that is to say, understanding, if your
administration can look at things as
the people do, it will soon see how best
to adapt itself to the people. If it be
remembered always that the people
have common sense, that they think
and reason just as you do, only from
data which are different because their
circumstances are different, the diffi-
culty soon disappears. It requires no
special gift to understand an Oriental
people; anybody can do it if he will
give up his prejudices and self-right-
eousness and try.
So, having established an adminis-
tration in sympathy with the people,
an administration purely American,
strong and living because a branch of
the American government at Washing-
ton, you can with a clear conscience
take the next step. Under the aegis of
this administration, a local system of
government should be encouraged.
This will be an even greater diffi-
culty. It will require great study, great
tact, great self-repression, a sympathy
which does not mean being sorry for
the Filipinos, but being able to see
things with their eyes. It must not be
an imported system, but a natural and
indigenous system. Unless it is that,
it is worth nothing, for it will have no
life.
Villages should be granted as much
autonomy as possible. Each village
should have its council and headman,
its village fund, its duties, and its
powers. The headman should be con-
sidered, not a government official, but
the representative of the village before
government.
Every village organism should have
the power of trying all petty cases of
crime, or civil disputes, without appeal.
And no advocates or lawyers should be
allowed on either side. In small cases
the headman and a councilor can dis-
cover truth far better without such in-
terference.
Then, villages should be grouped in
natural divisions, each group with its
council and its fund, for, say, local
roads, bridges, and so on, with, again,
local jurisdiction in certain matters.
A local government board should
be formed at headquarters to super-
vise this local self-government, and this
board should be, if not at first, cer-
tainly before long, purely native. This
is where your educated and able na-
tive will come in; here he will be in-
valuable.
And so gradually the organism, and
the ability of the people for managing
it, would grow; and it would become
stable. As they grew, more and more
duties and powers should be handed
over to it. Gradually American pro-
tection and direction could be with-
drawn, until at length from these
local bodies you could draw a truly
representative and effective assembly
to govern the whole country.
AMERICAN CONTROL OF THE PHILIPPINES
585
I do not say that it would be easy to
do this. It would be most difficult, but
it would be worth doing.
Meanwhile have nothing to do with
elective assemblies, or assemblies of
any kind which would have power of
advice without responsibility. They
would be fatal. Do not be affected
by the discontent of a small educated
class. They are not the people.
You must not deliver from one tyr-
anny to raise another, which would be
the worse because it would have Amer-
ica behind it.
So will you establish eventually
your principles of no taxation without
representation. You will render repre-
sentation not only possible but true: a
representation, not of individuals, but
of communities. And when the Philip-
pines have grown to be a nation, they
will be a daughter nation to you.
I know no other way in which you
can accomplish this.
AMERICAN CONTROL OF THE PHILIPPINES
BY BERNARD MOSES
DEPENDENCIES in revolt have some-
times found it advisable to proclaim
in their declarations of independence
principles which no independent na-
tion would be willing to incorporate in
a statement of its national policy. The
inhabitants of the British colonies in
America affirmed that the consent of
the governed is essential to the exist-
ence of a just government; but, having
become an independent nation, they
are no more willing to accept this idea
as a principle of national conduct than
is the most arbitrary government on
earth. If the citizens of California, irri-
tated by the interference of the Fed-
eral government in their public schools,
or in other matters within their exclu-
sive jurisdiction, should not consent to
a further exercise of Federal authority
within their territory, the government
of the United States would, neverthe-
less, proceed to perform its functions
in the territory in question without the
consent of the governed. The Civil
War, between 1861 and 1865, showed
with unmistakable clearness the prac-
tical attitude of the nation toward
this question. Individual persons and
political parties are using the notion
of the consent of the governed in ad-
vocating the independence of the Phil-
ippine Islands; but an argument based
on this idea does not rest on a solid
foundation, and is no more conclusive
in this case than it would be in the sup-
posed case of California.
The title under which the United
States exercises its sovereign authority
in the Philippine Islands is not less valid
than that under which this nation as-
sumed control of California. The Phil-
ippine Islands have been under Amer-
ican sovereignty about as long as that
state had been at the beginning of the
Civil War; and when California, at
that time, seemed to be on the point
of withdrawing her consent to the con-
586
AMERICAN CONTROL OF THE PHILIPPINES
tinuance of Federal rule within her
borders, the government at Washing-
ton was not disposed to allow the
political future of that region to be
determined by the consent, or non-con-
sent, of the governed. It is idle, there-
fore, for any person or any party,
wishing to sever the connection be-
tween the United States and the Phil-
ippine Islands, to affirm that it is the
policy of this nation not to exercise its
sovereignty over any of the great dis-
tricts under its jurisdiction except by
the consent of the inhabitants of that
district.
The attitude of those persons who
would have the United States with-
draw from the Philippines is evident-
ly not produced by a desire that the
Islands should fall under the domina-
tion of some other power, but by a mis-
conception of what would be their fate
if they were not connected with some
nation of superior civilization. Many
of the citizens of the United States are
especially liable to error in thinking
on a subject like this. They possess
the political instinct in a more marked
degree than the members of any other
nation. A group of Americans of An-
glo-Saxon stock, without much educa-
tion or cultivation, set down in the
wilderness, would proceed at once,
under the force and guidance of their
political instinct, to organize and ad-
minister a government, and the gov-
ernment thus inaugurated would have
many of the qualities of a good govern-
ment. This instinct is to such an ex-
tent an element of their character that
it is difficult for them to conceive that
it is not a universal element of human
nature. With very little knowledge of
other peoples, they are moved by the
belief that a group of persons from
any one of them would act as they
themselves would act under similar
circumstances. When they think of in-
dependence for the Filipinos, they pre-
sume a people possessed of a political
instinct sufficiently powerful to direct
them in the organization of a govern-
ment that would facilitate for them
the attainment and preservation of lib-
erty. But in this they fail to take into
account the fact that the dominant
elements of the Filipino's character
have been formed by the traditions of
millenniums of barbarism, in which
political experience had no place, and
by submission to the autocratic rule
of Spain.
Some of the Filipinos stand among
the most advanced members of the
Malay race, but besides these there
are representatives of various grades
of human cultivation down to the un-
tamed Negritos. Yet even the small
minority of persons most advanced in
the way of civilization have not been
in a position to enjoy an enlightening
political experience. Those who lived
at the ports or in the principal towns,
during the centuries of Spanish dom-
ination, were under a politico-ecclesi-
astical regime, which tended to elimi-
nate their recollection of their ancient
tribal relations; but from the abso-
lute political government and the still
more absolute church they were not
able to derive any idea of liberty or
any conception of the principles on
which alone it is possible to establish
a free government. At the close of
Spanish rule, there were not a score of
men born in the Islands who had a
conception of government compara-
ble with that entertained by the bulk
of the citizens of the more liberal West-
ern nations. There were, however,
more than a score who wished the
Islands to be independent, and by in-
dependence they understood the rule
of a small body of persons empowered
to carry on the only kind of govern-
ment of which they had any know-
ledge, a tyrannical oligarchy adminis-
tered for the good of the governing.
AMERICAN CONTROL OF THE PHILIPPINES
587
At the time of the formation of the
civil government under American au-
thority, the ablest and best educated
men in the Islands had an opportun-
ity to express their opinions on all of
the important questions of government
under consideration; and their utter-
ances furnished an excellent index of
the political views and aspirations of
the most worthy representatives of the
people. Even the idea of political inde-
pendence was now and then brought
into the discussion; and, on one occa-
sion, a Filipino, arguing in favor of
it, affirmed the fitness of his people
to assume it on the ground that there
were as many educated men in the
Islands as there would be offices to
be filled. On another occasion, when
advice was sought from the principal
men of the province as to the best
method of increasing the provincial
revenue, one of the leading men of the
province argued in favor of imposing
a special tax on what he called the pro-
letariat, — the great mass of the in-
habitants with little or no property,
who were gaining a precarious living
by their daily labor. There were a few
persons wiser than these, but a very
small number whose fundamental ideas
of government differed widely from
those which are somewhat vaguely in-
dicated by these illustrations.
This attitude of the leading Fili-
pinos toward questions of government
ought not to surprise us, when we re-
flect on the influences under which
their political opinions and political
spirit were formed. In the first place,
their whole existence, and the exist-
ence of their ancestors for uncounted
generations, has been passed in the
atmosphere, and under influences pro-
ceeding from the spirit, of the Orient;
and, in the second place, they were
dominated for nearly four hundred
years by ecclesiastical-secular institu-
tions, the spirit of which laid special
stress on the good of the governing;
and it is impossible to conceive as
proceeding from these influences any
spirit more liberal or generous than
that of an oligarchy ruling without
much solicitude for the welfare of the
great unenlightened and helpless ma-
jority.
ii
No one is able to form an adequate
conception of the task undertaken by
the United States in the Philippines
without taking account of the racial
qualities of the Filipino, the environ-
ment under which he had lived, the
traditions which had modified his de-
velopment, and all of the other forces
which contributed to make him what
he was at the close of Spanish rule.
In attempting to improve the con-
dition of members of one of the less-
developed races, whether in America
or Asia, the Spaniards, by seeking to
change the most fundamental and per-
manent of all racial ideas, — the idea
of religion, — began at the point where
success is practically impossible. The
Americans, on the other hand, hold-
ing that much can be done for the
advancement and cultivation of a peo-
ple without imposing upon it a specific
religious creed, have directed their ef-
forts to the task of communicating to
the Filipinos a knowledge of the prac-
tical achievements of the Western
nations. They found, for example, that
the inhabitants of the Islands had
no common language, and that, con-
sequently, they were divided into a
large number of antagonistic groups.
The ideas of each group were narrowly
confined to their petty provincial af-
fairs. The practical remedy adopted
to improve this state of things was to
give to the Islanders a knowledge of
English, through which social sympa-
thy might be substituted for social
antagonism, and means established for
588
AMERICAN CONTROL OF THE PHILIPPINES
facilitating the creation of an exten-
sive commonwealth. The Americans
found, moreover, that all but a small
percentage of the Filipinos were ignor-
ant of the language of any civilized
people, and that they were consequent-
ly unable to acquire any valuable in-
formation of the ideas and practices of
civilization. Without the assistance
of this information, they were doomed
to remain in, or to drift toward, the
stagnant state of isolated barbarians.
Knowledge of a European language,
possessed by at least a considerable
part of the inhabitants of the Islands,
is thus essential to the progress of the
Filipino people. Without it, their fate
would be that of the Malay race gen-
erally, which, in none of its branches,
without foreign assistance, has risen
above a low stage of semi-civilization;
and, in this day of civilized aggression,
the inhabitants of no large and desir-
able territory can have any security
for their integrity or their individual
development, except by so organizing
their political and social life that the
rest of the world will recognize them
as belonging in the ranks of civilization.
The gloomy forebodings entertained
by many minds forty or fifty years ago
— when Mr. Pierson wrote his able
book on the wrong side of the question,
expressing the views of a large number
of persons, that the white race and its
cultivation were to be swamped by the
colored races — have disappeared be-
fore the apparent determination of
the white nations to arouse themselves
and rule the world. There is now no
secure standing-room for an indepen-
dent semi-civilized people. There is no
place for the Filipino people, except as
attached to a strong civilized nation.
In opposition to this view it is said
that the Philippines should be inde-
pendent and neutralized. It is possible
to neutralize a state that has a well-
ordered and approved government
competent to give protection and se-
curity to the life and property of
aliens within its borders; but, unless
this condition is fulfilled, foreign na-
tions will intervene in obedience to
the law of self-protection, and the in-
dependence of the incompetent state
will disappear.
The guaranty of an alien's property
rights and of the security of his life by
a foreign state, when that state is not
responsible for the internal govern-
ment where the alien resides or where
his property exists, is a political ab-
surdity; and the United States will
not undertake to furnish such a guar-
anty for an alien in the Philippines
while the American citizens retain
their sanity. There is no reason to
suppose that the government at Wash-
ington will undertake to guarantee the
security of life and property in the
Philippines, except while the internal
government of the Islands is subject to
the sovereignty of the United States;
and in the present condition and pro-
spects of the Filipinos there is nothing
to furnish them a reasonable ground
for seeking to place themselves in a
situation where an appeal to a foreign
state might be necessary. In spite of
the possible errors of judgment which
may be made by the American mem-
bers of the Filipino government, the
Filipinos at present occupy a position
especially favorable for the mainten-
ance of internal peace between the va-
rious antagonistic tribes, for the pre-
servation of the integrity of the people,
and for the development among them
of the ideas and practices of civilized
life. They enjoy an exceptional oppor-
tunity among dependencies with re-
spect to the acquisition of a European
language; and the spirit of the people
of the United States, and the nature of
their government, offer them a pro-
spect of a larger measure of autono-
mous existence than is enjoyed by any
AMERICAN CONTROL OF THE PHILIPPINES
589
other people in the world possessing a
similar degree of cultivation.
It was the policy of the Spaniards
in the Philippines, and of the Dutch in
Java, not to mention other nations, to
discourage, if not to prohibit, natives
from acquiring and using the language
of the dominant nation. By this policy
a line of discrimination was drawn, and
the native, confined to the use of his
own uncultivated speech, was made to
feel his inferiority. The determina-
tion of the United States not only to
permit the Filipinos to use the English
language, but also to provide for them
the most ample facilities for learning
it, was regarded as a concession in
favor of equality, and helps to explain
the remarkable zeal with which the
youth turned to the study of English.
This and other concessions, made to
a people who had lived for centuries
subjected to the arbitrary and uncom-
promising domination of the Spaniards,
in so far as they were grasped by the
dull minds of the poor and oppressed
toilers of the country, were regarded as
a ray of light in the darkness of their
prospects. To a number of mestizo
dwellers in the larger towns, who had
acquired a little knowledge, uncom-
promising domination meant real su-
periority, and, consequently, conces-
sions intended for the welfare of the
people indicated weakness on the part
of those who made them. The conces-
sions made by the Americans tended,
therefore, to belittle them in the eyes
of this class, and to lead this small
body of ambitious Filipinos to exag-
gerate their own importance.
For a large part of the American
press and for the anti-expansion ora-
tors, this conceited and noisy group of
superficial persons became the Filipino
people. It is to their voice that Con-
gress is asked to listen. The seven mil-
lions of workers, who are trying by the
rudest means to make a living for
themselves, are nowhere heard; and
independence for the Islands would
mean complete liberty for a hundred
and fifty or two hundred agitators,
under the system of caciqueism, to
dominate and plunder the rest of the
inhabitants. The welfare of the genie,
as they are called, the mass of the com-
mon people, has never entered into the
plan or purpose of the Filipino advo-
cates of independence; and the estab-
lishment of independence, if this were
possible, before the inhabitants have
obtained a much more effective control
over the forces that make for cultiva-
tion, would put off indefinitely the
civilization of the Islands.
in
It ought not to surprise anybody
that some of the Filipinos are opposed
to the continuance of American rule in
the Islands; for as long as the govern-
ment of the United States is main-
tained there, the little oligarchic com-
pany of native 'statesmen' will not
have the desired opportunity to dis-
pose of the revenues, since these rev-
enues are controlled by a central
treasury and provincial treasuries, so
arranged that the central treasurer
holds a check on the provincial treas-
urers, and through his agents super-
vises their accounts. The feature of
the financial management which aston-
ished even the more cultivated Fili-
pinos is that, in the expenditure of pub-
lic funds, the welfare of the genie is
considered. Moreover, the rule estab-
lished by the Americans, that the pro-
vincial revenues should be expended
in, and for the benefit of, the province
where they are raised, and not be
taken to Manila as heretofore, was a
measure of vast importance for the
provincials. It meant that the pro-
vinces might have good roads, might
build bridges over their rivers and con-
590
AMERICAN CONTROL OF THE PHILIPPINES
struct public buildings for their own
use. It meant, in fact, that the common
man might have facilities for reaching
a market with his products, and have a
decent school for his children.
The effect of Spain's politico-eccle-
siastical absolutism was to weaken the
influence of the tribal bosses, or ca-
ciques. There was thus prepared the
way for a regime which would encour-
age the development of individuality
and personal independence. But the
kind of independence that the Filipino
agitator demands, is the freedom of
the caciques to reestablish their dom-
ination over groups of the common
people. The kind of independence im-
peratively needed, in the interests of
humanity and progress, is the inde-
pendence of the common man; and the
regime which will secure and guarantee
this independence is demanded by a
higher authority than the will of any
group of professional politicians.
The government which exists in the
United States has doubtless weak-
nesses and imperfections, but the gov-
ernment of no other great nation rests
on an equally broad conception of
liberty and personal independence. It
is clear to any one who knows the Fil-
ipinos of all ranks, and has some un-
derstanding of their social history, that
they have great need of independence,
but of the personal independence of
the individual man ; and it is also clear
that this lies nowhere within the hori-
zon of the present, except under the
sovereignty of the United States. To
reestablish the power of the cacique
would be to deprive the mass of the
people of a large part of whatever ad-
vantage has come to them through
their connection with civilization.
The Filipinos have need not only
of personal independence but also of
peace; in fact, their personal independ-
ence can be achieved only under the
conditions of peace. When they are at
war the power of the leaders is absolute,
and the habit of war would mean that
the bulk of the people would remain in
a state of subordination. It is appar-
ently supposed by those persons who
advocate the withdrawal of American
authority, that, in case of the execution
of their plan, the ancient antagonisms
and tribal ambitions, now suppressed
by the presence of a common superior,
would be put aside and abandoned.
This opinion is evidently held in igno-
rance of the fact that there are several
great sections of the population which
are as unlike one another as are the
nations of Europe. They occupy dif-
ferent parts of the insular territory;
they speak different languages; and
they have learned enough about war to
know that it is not without its com-
pensations, — that power, distinction,
and even respect and honor among
their fellows, are often the achieve-
ments of battle. If European nations,
with all their cultivation and their
knowledge of the advantages of per-
manent international peace, cannot be
induced to cease their ruinous prepa-
rations for war, it is folly to suppose
that the Tagalogs and the Illocanos,
the Visayans and the Moros, will lie
down together in peace and harmony,
if there be no superior power to dis-
countenance their hostility.
The moral effect of the presence of
the American garrison is to strengthen
the faith of the Filipinos in the bene-
ficence of peace. The supposition that
this faith would thrive without this
stimulus leaves out of account the
restless and ambitious character of the
Tagalogs, who, by their previous con-
duct, have given a sufficient indication
of their desire to dominate the archi-
pelago, while some of the other sections
of the population have shown with
equal clearness their desire to be free
from Tagalog rule. There is no evi-
dence, nor even a probability, that a
AMERICAN CONTROL OF THE PHILIPPINES
591
subjected tribe would find the rule of
the conquering Tagalog, or of any
other conquering native, more benefi-
cent than the administration under
which all sections of the inhabitants
now live in peace, and as equals.
It is difficult to avoid the conclusion
that the state of affairs in the Philip-
pine Islands imposes upon the govern-
ment of the United States the duty to
maintain in the Islands forces making
for civilization at least equal to those
which have been set aside as a conse-
quence of American occupation. The
importance of this obligation will ap-
pear when one reflects that practically
all of the evidences of civilization in
the Islands are the result of their con-
nection with Spain; and that, with a
few exceptions, all of the inhabitants
who, at the time of the transfer of the
sovereignty, appeared as the leaders of
civilized life in the various communi-
ties, were Spaniards, or mestizos, or
foreigners of some other nationality.
The churches, the schools, the banks,
the commercial houses, and all of
the trading establishments except the
petty shops and the produce markets,
had been created and were conducted
by men who were what they were by
reason of their foreign blood. Since
the overthrow of the Spanish govern-
ment by the United States, the increase
of mestizos of the first degree has
ceased, and the mestizo part of the
population tends necessarily toward
the elimination of its Spanish blood.
In the future, with each succeeding
generation, the Spanish strain will be
weakened, and this gradual return of
the stock to its primitive Malay qual-
ity means a gradual diminution of the
forces that have introduced into the
larger towns certain features of pro-
gress. Therefore, in the course of time,
if conditions were established that
would cause foreign immigration to
cease, the Islands would present not a
state of progress, but a state of retro-
gression; and under these conditions
foreign capital would not be invested,
except with such arrangements as
would enable the capitalists to control
the government; but a government
thus subject to the dictation of capi-
talists, many of whom would be non-
resident foreigners, would be the worst
conceivable government for a people
in a low state of social development.
A government thus nominally inde-
pendent, but dominated by industrial
corporations, would present the most
favorable conditions for merciless ex-
ploitation. To abandon the Philip-
pines would be to acquire the discredit
of having destroyed the forces that
have given the Islanders an impulse
toward civilization, and then left them
either to become subject to a less lib-
eral power or to drift backward toward
barbarism.
IV
In establishing and administering
a government in the Philippines, the
United States undertook to carry on
every branch of beneficent public act-
ivity which had been relinquished by
the Spaniards, and to lay stress on cer-
tain functions which had been neglect-
ed by them. The new government,
however, confined itself to secular mat-
ters, and left the church freedom in
the performance of its functions. This
removal of all governmental pressure
from ecclesiastical affairs was followed
by striking religious aberrations on the
part of large numbers of the common
people. In some districts, hundreds and
even thousands abandoned their ordin-
ary occupations to follow self-announ-
ced religious leaders, whose strange
ideas indicated a reversion to the bar-
baric notions of their pagan ancestors.
Some showed intimations of their
Christian instruction when they pro-
claimed themselves as the Virgin or
592
AMERICAN CONTROL OF THE PHILIPPINES
the Christ, and under these names ob-
tained a following. The readiness with
which these impostors, or self-deluded
creatures, gained the adherence of the
multitude, indicated that the bulk of
the inhabitants of the rural districts
had not departed widely from the be-
nighted state of the tribesmen who
had preceded them.
The doctrine of the philosophers as
to the permanence of racial ideas of
religion has found abundant illustra-
tion in the Philippines. The Spaniards,
in the Philippines and in their Amer-
ican possessions, appeared to think that
when the Filipinos or the Indians were
baptized and brought into the church,
their minds were at once enabled to
grasp the fundamental features of that
intricate system of thought known as
Christian doctrine, and that by this
process they were civilized.
It was fortunate that the govern-
ment of the United States was prac-
tically prohibited from becoming a
positive teacher of any religion, and
was made to rely on secular means for
promoting the progress of the Filipinos.
But in applying such means as, for
example, instruction in a trade-school,
or an apprenticeship in the govern-
ment's printing establishment, it ran
counter to the aspirations of a limited
middle class, composed chiefly of mes-
tizos resident in the larger towns, and
violated their views concerning their
capacity and the position they were
destined to fill in the world. To a young
Filipino of this class, it seemed strange,
if not insulting, that one should urge
him to learn the proper use of tools,
or to enter the printing-office as an ap-
prentice, and become familiar with the
operations of the machinery. In his
little knowledge and the conceit which
often attends it, he felt that he was
born for higher things.
In order that Filipinos of this class
may become effective contributors to
the advancement of their country, it is
necessary that some means should be
discovered for eradicating their inor-
dinate conceit, and for making them
willing to do what their hands find to
do. The members of this class have lit-
tle or no initiative in practical affairs.
The tradition respecting the attitude
of a certain class of Spaniards toward
work is familiar to them. The teach-
ing which they have received has gen-
erally dealt more with the intangible
things of heaven than with the mate-
rial and tangible things of earth. In
youth the ambition of each of them is
to become an escribiente, or clerk; and
their ideal occupation, at all ages, is
to sit at a desk in a government office.
Before the age of disillusionment, they
bestow much attention on their per-
sonal appearance, and find great satis-
faction in being able to wear a clean
white suit, a neat straw hat, and pa-
tent-leather shoes. In Java, this class
of Eurasians has proved to be an em-
barrassing element in the population.
Their European blood has given them
a sense of superiority to the natives
of pure Malay stock, and made them
reluctant to engage in the ordinary oc-
cupations of their communities. But,
like the great mass of Eurasians every-
where, they have shown themselves in-
competent to fill the positions to which
they have aspired.
Besides the millions of the common
people and this so-called middle class,
there is a class very much smaller than
either of the others, which is composed
of those persons who have acquired a
more or less extensive education. This
class embraces the men who have stud-
ied for a profession, and those who
have attained a position in commer-
cial life. Among these, a large part
of whom live in Manila, are found
men of widely different qualities; there
are a few of solid attainments and so-
ber judgment, but their names are not
AMERICAN CONTROL OF THE PHILIPPINES
593
heard in connection with revolutions
or demands for independence. There
are others of brilliant minds, who have
a certain degree of education, but
whose tempers are such that they
seem to be incapable of dealing sober-
ly with questions that touch their pre-
judices or personal interests. In this
class, moreover, are found the politi-
cians and all of those persons who, hav-
ing recently obtained a larger measure
of freedom than they had ever enjoyed
before, have very naturally moved for-
ward from demanding liberty to de-
manding political superiority.
With respect to the development of
the Islands and the progress of the Fili-
pinos, this group embraces the least
useful members of the population as a
whole, — the agitators, who, for their
own advantage, play upon the igno-
rance of the common people. Some
persons who are disposed to estimate
social events everywhere in terms of
American life, would measure these
disturbers of the public peace by the
patriots of the American colonies. But
the political situation in which they
are involved is as far from that of col-
onial New England or Virginia as the
East is from the West. These are they
whom certain American politicians vis-
iting the Islands have flattered and en-
couraged by calling them the Washing-
tons and Lincolns of the Philippines.
By the efforts of the United States,
order has been established where there
was social chaos twelve years ago. The
task was difficult, but it was accom-
plished with so little of the pomp and
circumstance of power, that the Fili-
pinos who were interested in the pro-
cess were apparently convinced that
the organizing or the administering of
a government was, after all, only a sim-
ple matter.
In fact, one of the striking character-
istics of the Filipino Eurasian of some
education is the facility with which, in
VOL. in -NO. 5
his opinion, he acquires the mastery of
a subject. After studying English for
a few weeks, he is willing to undertake
to defend his views of pronunciation
or construction against the world; and
at the time of the creation of the exist-
ing civil government, as political order
gradually supplanted confusion, and
one province after another was organ-
ized and brought into relation to a
central authority, he seemed to see no
difficulties in the art of government.
His inexperience, his half-knowledge,
was the basis of his confidence; but, if
the present regime is continued for
some generations, the Filipino will ac-
quire a general education of the West-
ern sort, and through this he will ac-
quire also some measure of political
knowledge; and what is more hopeful
is the fact that habit, established by
long practice, will supplement his
knowledge, and furnish his certain di-
rection in the conduct of affairs.
But, cut loose from foreign political
influences, he would run a very seri-
ous risk of lapsing into a state of so-
cial confusion relieved only by tribal
rule. The Spaniards having departed,
the Spanish language would gradually
disappear; and the English, only re-
cently introduced and used chiefly by
the youth and the children, would be
forgotten. Independence within the
next forty years, if it were possible,
would mean a return of the people to
their native dialects, and the abolition
of the existing system of instruction.
After this, the forces of ancient tra-
dition would have an opportunity to
reassert themselves without effective
opposition.
The preceding statements, which
suggest a national duty, have no signi-
ficance with respect to the future con-
duct of the United States in relation
to the Philippines, unless a nation by
594
AMERICAN CONTROL OF THE PHILIPPINES
its acts, somewhat after the manner of
an individual person, may contract, or
place itself under, a moral obligation.
A person might, as an unanticipated
result of the pursuit of another end,
destroy the sole legitimate guide and
protector of a child. He might then,
in the absence of any other guardian,
assume this office; but, after ten or
twelve years, having become tired of
his charge, he might cast off the child
before he had attained sufficient ma-
turity or sufficient knowledge of the
world to enable him to avoid the dan-
gers by which his life would be sur-
rounded. It would be generally held
that this person, partly by an unfore-
seen consequence of one of his acts,
and partly by voluntarily assuming the
control and guardianship of the child,
had placed himself under a moral ob-
ligation, the repudiation of which could
not but leave a disgraceful stain on his
character.
If nations are subject to a moral
law, this case represents not unfair-
ly the position of the United States
in relation to the Philippine Islands.
When we saw that the guardian had
been destroyed, we might have left
the ward to the wolves, — and there
were wolves in those days. But we
voluntarily assumed the charge, and
placed ourselves under a very grave
obligation. The former Spanish ward
became our ward; and now, — almost
at the beginning of our guardianship,
— the demands of a little group of
Filipino politicians, without experi-
ence in governing, and with no ade-
quate appreciation of the difficulties
of their position, do not furnish the
United States a sufficient reason for
renouncing an obligation, which was
assumed under an international treaty,
and is rendered more solemn by our
relation to millions of people, who,
released from the hard rule of Spain,
would be in danger of falling under the
more galling rule of a native oligarchy.
The majority of American citizens
have an acute appreciation of the
moral aspects of public questions; and
it is this surviving moral sense in the
people which often arouses itself to
prevent a false step, when political
traders are scheming for material ad-
vantage. But, unfortunately, popular
judgments, whether involving moral
or any other considerations, are im-
portant only where the issue is clear.
The question of the annexation of ter-
ritory to the national domain is at-
tended with great difficulties in this
connection, because the ordinary man
is not in a position to grasp and inter-
pret the multitude of facts that affect
the question. Even the simpler side of
the case, the problem of material ad-
vantage, is seldom seen until after the
passage of the years required for ad-
justment and development under the
new conditions. No one at present
denies that the bitter opposition to the
annexation of Texas and California was
short-sighted. Neither those who fav-
ored nor those who opposed it had any
clear vision of the future. The pecul-
iar advantage which those persons ex-
pected who desired the annexation of
Texas, has long since disappeared; and
the fears which especially moved the
opposition, vanished before a score of
years had passed.
It is quite as difficult to divine the
future now as it was in the middle of
the last century. The strong opposi-
tion which was aroused by the annex-
ation of Texas and California disap-
peared in the course of time as the
advantages of the connection became
clearly manifest. The commissioners
who negotiated the purchase of Louis-
iana, having agreed to pay the price
demanded, wished to receive only a
comparatively small tract about the
mouth of the Mississippi, but they
were virtually forced to accept the vast
AMERICAN CONTROL OF THE PHILIPPINES
595
region west of that river and north of
the present State of Louisiana, a tract
equal to a dozen states of the Union,
which France threw in as a gratuity.
We gained an empire, but the acquisi-
tion reflects no credit on the wisdom of
the commissioners, or on the political
prevision of their contemporaries.
The advantage which was sought in
the Louisiana Purchase was access to
the sea through the mouth of the Mis-
sissippi; but when railroads running
east and west were developed to fur-
nish an outlet to the ocean for the in-
terior of the country, it was seen that
this advantage had been greatly over-
estimated. The real advantage of the
ptrchase was entirely unforeseen; and
this is to a very great extent true with
respect to every addition that has been
made to the national domain. The
Philippine Islands, with respect to the
time and expense of transportation,
are nearer the centre of population of
the United States than was California
at the time of its annexation; and in
view of the vast but undeveloped re-
sources of the Islands, and the unfore-
seen consequences of the transforma-
tion which the Orient is to undergo in
this century, there is no wiser course
open to the nation, even with reference
to its own material advantage, than to
adopt a waiting policy unembarrassed
by pledges or promises.
Waiting is often less expensive than
the consequences of precipitate action ;
and waiting in this case need not in-
volve the United States in any extra-
ordinary expenditure; for the revenues
of the Islands under the control of the
United States are sufficient to main-
tain their government and to carry on
the requisite internal improvements.
Those persons who look for a better
condition of affairs under the supposed
state of independence, should keep in
mind the fact that the Islands have
now the advantage of a public income
which is greater than it would be if
they should be left to the domination
of a Malay or Eurasian oligarchy, un-
less new and more burdensome taxes
were imposed; for, under native rule,
the public revenue might be expected
to decline on account of the withdraw-
al of capital, and by the lessening of
imports consequent on the diminution
of that part of the population which is
accustomed to demand foreign wares;
and this decline would make unavoid-
able the neglect of certain internal im-
provements, as well as of important de-
partments of the public service — both
significant steps backward toward a
lower state of society.
Writers who have juggled with the
statistics of Philippine revenues and
expenditures have sometimes counted
the cost of maintaining the American
garrison as an item of expense imposed
by the Philippines on the Federal treas-
ury. But it is clear that if the soldiers
of this garrison were not maintained
in the Islands, they would be supported
elsewhere, and consequently the only
item properly chargeable to the Philip-
pines is the comparatively unimport-
ant cost of transportation over what
would be incurred for similar service
if these troops were stationed in an-
other part of the United States. For
this expense there is a certain com-
pensation in the enlightenment which
officers of the army derive from expe-
rience outside of the continental limits
of the country. Officers have need of
some other outlook upon the world
than that which may be acquired under
the deadly monotony of garrison duty
in Arizona, or on some other part of
the frontier. With neither adequate
opportunity nor sufficient means to
enable them to reside for periods of
military study in foreign countries,
their service in the Philippines, under
new conditions, and face to face with
unfamiliar problems, gives them the
596
RENTON'S MOTHER
advantage acquired by the study and
solution of these problems.
It is possible that the consequences
of victory may be quite as embarrass-
ing temporarily as the consequences
of defeat. But whatever embarrass-
ment the United States may have suf-
fered by the acquisition of the Philip-
pines has been to a very great extent
set aside by the efforts of the last
twelve years. The social chaos of the
years of transition has been reduced to
order, and a government designed to in-
crease the well-being of the whole pop-
ulation has been established and made
effective throughout the archipelago.
The public forests, of nearly fifty mil-
lion acres, have been placed under reg-
ulations which the government of the
United States might copy with great
advantage to the present and future
of this country. Courts have been cre-
ated before which all cases, by what-
ever social class presented, may be
considered freely and without preju-
dice. Provision for a revenue sufficient
to maintain a proper government has
been made without oppressive taxa-
tion. Five hundred thousand children
and youth have been assembled from
year to year in schools under intelli-
gent instruction. In a legislative as-
sembly, representatives of the people
have an opportunity to participate in
the work of governing, and to learn the
meaning of liberty.
RENTON'S MOTHER
BY LAURA SPENCER PORTOR
RENTON'S mother stood with one
slim hand on the library mantel. Her
eyes, which had been fixed on the por-
trait over ix., were narrowed now, look-
ing speculatively into the fire. Renton
must be got away to New York. That
was clear to her.
Though Renton 's mother had ideal-
ized her husband; had consulted him
on every question, large and small, and
had abided by his decision, yet, after
his death — and Renton's father died
when Renton was a baby — she sud-
denly developed a genius, or what may
have been previously a latent longing,
for management. She had arranged
and planned her son's life entirely. She
had brought him up to obey her and
respect her; yet she gave few com-
mands, one might say none.
The boy grew up sensitive and ap-
preciative of her every wish, swayed
by her unspoken desires. You have
seen a high-strung horse trained so sen-
sitively; such a horse is called 'bridle-
wise.' A mere turn of the bridle, a
mere slight touch of the lines on one
shoulder or the other, and it goes into
the gait desired. It was a little like
that. You can imagine with what
nicety and firmness of hand, with
what kindness and gentleness of touch,
such a thing is accomplished.
His boyhood safely past, his mother
had arranged for him, on his return
from the university, what had the ap-
RENTON'S MOTHER
597
pearance of a chance meeting with the
girl she had had in mind for him ever
since he was a slender shock-headed
lad of fourteen. The result was what
she had hoped, and was indeed hardly
to be wondered at. It might be unfair
to say that Ren ton's mother made the
match, because the girl's beauty itself
might so easily have made it. There
was a quiet fawnlike loveliness about
her, something aristocratic that match-
ed Renton's own fine high-bred air.
Somewhat later, when he had been
engaged a little more than a week,
Renton came to his mother one moon-
light night and broke to her the news
of this thing. Well, she had planned
for it during some eight years, and had
worked for it definitely, though un-
suspected, for some five months or
more, but she took it exactly as he
gave it to her — as a piece of news
that she, as his mother, was entitled
to know. He hoped she would under-
stand and approve, but in any case, in
matters of this kind a man must be his
own master, his own judge, utterly.
Renton's mother made no show of
surprise, made no confession that this
had long been her wish; instead, she
kissed him sedately on the lips, with
her two slim, condescending hands
hollowed about his fine head.
'In this, as in other things, my son,
I trust you — as you know — wholly.
You are right. There is one choice of
all others that should be a man's own.
I pray God may bless you both.'
When he was gone to his room to
dream dreams of this girl of his choice,
Renton's mother sat in the cretonne
chair in her bedroom looking out ahead
of her. She was no longer first in her
son's affections. But she had met
that thought and disposed of it months
before. Her thoughts now were glad
but careful ones of future years. She
was planning already how Renton's
children should be raised.
Another woman might have spent
some moments on her knees in humble
gratitude that her son had selected for
a wife a girl of the type of this girl
whom Renton loved. Not so Renton's
mother. She was a devout woman,
but she believed in thanking God for
causes, not for effects. So, while Ren-
ton lay sleepless, with white fire lick-
ing through his veins, and the devotion
of a modern knight of the grail cours-
ing through him, she knelt and thank-
ed the Lord that he had given her the
brain and judgment to direct her son's
life as she had directed it; to make
him the clean, sensitive fellow she had
made him; and that she had been able
to direct him to the love of this woman.
She tasted a little the joy of creation.
She had made him what he was. In
this world of her making — his world
— she had said, 'Let there be light!'
and there was light. She had separ-
ated the sea and the land for him; set
the sun and the moon in his heavens.
While he slept, as it were, she had
given him a woman for his mate. It
was creation, — on a small scale if you
like, but it was creation. It had taken
her not seven days, but twenty-eight
years, altogether, of days and nights,
to accomplish it; but it was hers, the
work of her hands. That Renton
knew nothing of all this, — believed
himself to be the master of the beasts
and birds of his fields, and of that para-
dise in which he found himself, — what
was that to Renton's mother? Per-
haps that was a part of her plan, too.
If she could not afford generosity, who
indeed could?
The engagement was like many an-
other. Renton's mother was gracious,
tactful, and the girl bent easily to her,
like a young birch in a warm south
wind. If, at times, it seemed to the older
woman that this girl carried about her
an imperturbable mystery, a kind of
sacredness of possession — yet Renton's
598
RENTON'S MOTHER
mother turned to her own blessings,
reassured. Had she not twenty-eight
years, the making of his world, and
all motherhood, the start of this girl?
The girl would be the mother of other
men, perhaps (she hoped so, a mar-
riage without children she had always
dreaded for him), but never his mo-
ther; that was her own part, and hers
only, in the whole wide world.
When, after six months of unspoiled
joy, the girl died, suddenly, Renton 's
mother found herself with new prob-
lems to face; perhaps, an entire world
to reconstruct. The sea and land,
which she had separated for him,
threatened to rush together again.
Would the sun and moon keep their
places in his heavens? She watched
apprehensively the swaying of her sys-
tem. But after one night of passionate,
blinding storm that rocked the faith
she had taught him, and overthrew the
poise in which she had trained him,
Renton met the grief as she had plan-
ned and believed all her life he must
and would meet grief when it came —
quietly and with reserve. The sun and
moon would resume their duties.
Even the day that the girl's portrait
(for Edith Carter had left to Renton a
portrait of herself, in a brief will she
had made) came to take its place with
them, Renton was as calm as his mo-
ther had all her life planned he should
be in great crises. He himself superin-
tended its placing above the mantel in
the library. Only, that evening he in-
sisted on staying late in the library,
and for the first time it was he, not his
mother, who was the last- to go up-
stairs for the night.
From then on, his sorrow was a
closed door to her. She knew that he
suffered in some inner room, yet she
never once laid a hand on the latch;
though how often she stood outside the
door, one hand pressed against her
cheek, listening, it would be difficult
to say. Renton 's mother could wait.
When the time came, and it would, he
would speak to her. Nothing of this
sort must be hurried.
After five months, she came one
night, later than usual, to bid him
good-night, and found him seated by
the fire below the portrait, his head in
his hands. That he did not look up as
she entered, nor attempt to hide his
mood from her, gave her rights and
privileges. For the first time the door
to his sorrow stood open ever so little.
She was quick to note it. She had been
waiting for just this moment for a long,
long time. She laid her hand and arm
about his shoulder. When he raised
his face it was haggard and looked ill.
* Edith has been here,' he said, with-
out preliminary, 'more real than ever,
to-night. I can feel the touch of her
hand when she comes; and now and
then, — never at my solicitation, but
of her own will, — now and then,
when for her sake I have conquered
something, — have done what I be-
lieved to be right, — she rewards me :
she kisses me on the lips.'
His mother had not reckoned on
this. For a moment she said nothing,
only kept her arm about him, protect-
ingly. At last she looked out ahead of
her, trying to speak smoothly: —
'We must get it clear in our minds,
Renton, just what service to her is best,
just what service is the service she
herself would wish. That you should
remember her — keenly, keenly, yes,
that is normal, natural, and as it should
be. But that she should seem to you
actually present — It is in that direc-
tion that men's minds ' — She knew
suddenly that she had taken a false
step. To accuse him of a kind of mad-
ness — Besides, was it madness? She
had never settled for herself the ques-
tion of realities. She believed dimly in
certain spiritual presences, which 'ex-
erted certain influences.' She felt about
RENTON'S MOTHER
599
for the right words. Then she put one
hand on his head. * I am not out of sym-
pathy with you, you understand that/
He rose away from her arm, and
stood looking at the portrait.
'Her hand leads or detains me, will
lead or detain me all my life,' he said.
'Not the memory of her, you under-
stand, but her hand, as actually on me
as it is there on the chair in the por-
trait, where she stands. I used to be
afraid at first that she might have gone
beyond reach; but now I know that
she has not; that she will not. She can
hear as well as you or I. She will not
leave me, thank God! As to its being
a morbid fancy, do you think she
would not know that and leave me if
it were? Do you think she, most of all
in heaven and earth, has not my good
and happiness at heart? I can trust
myself in her hands. In her hands!'
His mother was behind him now
without a word. His voice broke into
the full rhythm of verses she knew and
distrusted. She had never believed it
good for a man to read Rossetti. For
sensual beauty in verse, Keats and
Tennyson and Shelley went far enough.
It came to her somewhat as a shock
that he not only had read these verses,
but that he recited them with so much
familiarity, almost as though they had
been his own. Doubtless he and Edith
Carter had read them and enjoyed
them together.
4 The blessed damozel lean'd out
From the gold bar of Heaven;
Her eyes were deeper than the depth
Of waters still'd at even.
She had three lilies in her hand,
And the stars in her hair were seven.'
He raised his head listeningly: —
' (Ah, sweet! Even now in that bird's song,
Strove not her accents there,
Fain to be hearken'd? When those bells
Possess'd the mid-day air,
Strove not her steps to reach my side
Down all the echoing stair?)
' " I wish that he were come to me,
For he will come," she said.
" Have I not pray'd in Heaven? — on earth,
Lord, Lord, has he not pray'd?
Are not two prayers a perfect strength?
And shall I feel afraid ? " '
When at last he turned to his mo-
ther the intense mood had slipped
from him somewhat. She stood, her
closed hand against her cheek, drag-
ging her lip down a little, that was all.
'You need have no fear/ he said,
turning to her, 'I am sound in mind.
I am like other men, only different in
this, that I have a dead girl to whom
my life is dedicated. I might have
gone to the devil like many another
man, who has had all the light and pur-
pose taken from his life. But you can
trust me. Edith Carter's hand is on
me; as long as that is so I am safe, and
shall be worthy of her.'
So it was that Renton's mother knew
clearly and immediately that he must
be got away to other surroundings. She
who had always directed his life must
rid him now of this influence which
threatened her plans for him. She had
a deep respect for occult powers. Like
most of us, she did not know how
much she believed in the dead; but this
much she knew : Edith Carter, or were
it only the memory of her, had vital
power in her son's life, and this was
to be reckoned with and broken. The
hand that was on him, whether it was
a mere remembered thing, or the actual
touch of the dead, if you wished to go so
far, — she did not, mind you, — was to
be loosened, that was all. How strong
the influence of memory might be, she
had hardly dreamed till now, nor how
potent the presence of the remembered
dead. Yet she was not discouraged.
To another woman this influence in
Renton's life might have seemed as it
seemed to Renton, a thing beneficent,
protecting. Not so to Renton's mo-
ther. She had not planned for him a
complete life, with wife and friends
600
RENTON'S MOTHER
and children of his own, to have that
plan frustrated now by a fancied
memoried thing, the hand of some dead
girl, some phantom on his shoulder.
After this, she used often to stop be-
fore the portrait of Edith Carter when
Ren ton was not about. She meant to
know Edith Carter better, as Renton
himself knew her; to understand Edith
Carter's memoried power over Renton
— the better to cope with it. She
stopped day after day, again and again,
before the mantel, and looked into the
sensitive, melancholy face of the por-
trait.
The girl might have been twenty-
two, perhaps more; the portrait did not
tell accurately, not more than portraits
ever do. In pose it was as though,
leaving the room, she had been stopped
by some question, had paused and
turned to answer. The head and face,
singularly beautiful, were lifted just a
little.
It was, perhaps, most of all the line
of neck sweeping 'in to the shoulder and
up into the mass of hair, which gave
the slender figure its patrician grace.
At one moment it was as though the
girl would linger still a little while; at
another it was as though, detained
only by a word, Edith Carter did not
mean to stay.
II
Though it was certainly not as ad-
viser that Ren ton's mother had asked
Cousin Benjamin to come to Brent
Hall, yet, owing to the wording of her
letter, he believed himself to have come
in that capacity, and was no little flat-
tered and alarmed by the distinction.
Cousin Benjamin was one of those in-
adequate souls who believe themselves
particularly adequate, and especially
adapted to the giving of advice.
He had been at Brent Hall some
days. He came into the room one after-
noon and found Renton's mother in
front of the portrait. He stood beside
her, silent, a moment. Then he drew
his handkerchief across his forehead, as
though he were warm, spread his hands
to the blaze as though he were cold,
shivered his shoulders straight, and
cleared his throat.
'I tell you, Cousin Matilda, it 's sui-
cidal for him to keep that thing before
him. It ought to be got clear out of his
sight. Why, I had a poor photograph,
just a poor photograph, mind you, of
Molly, — my youngest girl, you know,
— taken with her hair down her back.
It had the trick of her eyes — that lit-
tle twinkle in the left one — (you never
saw Molly, though) — well, I tell you,
I put the thing away; yes, I did; for
good and all. " Molly's gone," I said;
"she's happier where she is. She's
with her ma," I said, and I packed the
thing away. I don't think I tore it up,
but I should if I ever came across it
again; 'pon my soul, I should.'
'Oh, no, you would n't,' Renton's
mother said quietly. 'You can't tear
up a thing of that kind. I fed on a
photograph once myself. You actually
feed on them, you know.' She narrow-
ed her eyes with the memory. 'Then
you make up your mind not to look
again. Then you get so hungry, sick-
ening hungry for the reality, that you
look again; and there is the actual per-
son looking out at you. It is that way
with Renton and this portrait.'
He looked uncomfortable, and took
a side glance at her. She was forever
meeting him at corners with some
shadowy truth which his practical
brain had dodged for years. He had
had exactly that experience, but had
never admitted it. Now he ignored her
words.
'Why should I mince matters,' he
said. He spoke with noticeable gentle-
ness, laying the matter smooth on the
palm of one hand with the forefinger
RENTON'S MOTHER
601
of the other. ' My advice is — get the
boy off as soon as possible to New
York.'
He swept one hand off to the right
decisively, to indicate that city and
have done with it. Then he jerked his
shoulders, ran his hands a little farther
through his cuffs, brought his elbows in
tight to his sides, and began laying the
matter smooth again on his palm, like
a man about to say something vital
and important.
'Get him off to New York; then —
have something happen to that.9 He
nodded once toward Edith Carter.
Ren ton's mother picked an imagin-
ary something from her sleeve, and rid
her thumb and forefinger of it very de-
liberately.
'I am not quite sure yet what we
must do. If the girl were here I should
appeal to her. Her influence must be
broken. If she could be got to take
her hand off him. And yet — he pro-
tests it is just she who saves him from
himself/ She narrowed her eyes again.
Cousin Benjamin jerked his head
back and his stomach out and shrugged
his shoulders, raised his eyebrows and
brought them down nervously, then
up, then down again.
' Of course — if you consider him a
fit judge! If you mean to talk to me
about dead women as though, as
though — she 's dead how many
months, you say? Seven. Yes, seven
months. Why should we mince mat-
ters? My dear Cousin Matilda, I do
declare and profess, you talk as though
she were outside the door yonder!'
His hand pointed to the door. His
knees bent a little in enthusiasm for
his argument, then they straightened,
his body swayed back somewhat and
then regained its balance, as though
the matter were settled.
Ren ton's mother seemed pausing
wisely. She had been looking into the
fire a long time.
'To him she is much nearer than
that.' There was silence a moment;
then she spoke very deliberately. ' He
tells me this himself. It is because
of her that he lives as he lives. You
have only to look in the boy's face to
know. He is dedicated to her, body
and soul.'
Cousin Benjamin took up the argu-
ment again, like a man vindicated.
'Just what I tell you. Just what I
tell you! Get him away. Get him
away!' He held his hands out as
though to show her the matter once
and for all, clean and plain, and for the
last time. 'Is he to go on like this?
Tell me, is he?'
Renton's mother put her forehead
against her hand on the mantel, and
looked into the fire, like a woman who
has time, much time, to think. Cousin
Benjamin filled the pause with his
handkerchief, for which he found a
hundred nervous uses in and out of his
coat-tails and around his collar.
'When I think of the boy after I
am gone ' — Her speech went slowly
as though impeded by some heavy
thought.
' That 's it ! ' Cousin Benjamin felt of
his coat-tails again, sent his arms shoot-
ing through his cuffs a little, with a
jerk, to gain courage; wiped his fingers
of some imaginary something. ' That 's
it, exactly!'
'Alone,' she continued, uninterrupt-
ed, ' with no woman in his life ' — she
narrowed her eyes the better to scan the
bare waste of it, — ' no physical real-
ities; with no children, — then I feel it
is a matter I cannot leave to God. I
must manage it myself, you see.' There
was something proudly insistent, yet
explanatory in her tone. — ' I am his
mother.' She smiled and added, — not
to Cousin Benjamin, not to any one;
a mere fact stated — and she managed
to state it without irreverence — only
there was something a little weary
602
RENTON'S MOTHER
and condescending in her voice, —
'Even God had a mother.'
Cousin Benjamin took another side-
wise look at her, then began again on
his argument : —
'Look at his life as it is; and look at
what it ought to be. I can see him in
me mind's eye: a cosy room/ — he
closed one eye as though the better to
see, — 'at the other side of the table
a real flesh-and-blood woman. Roses
in her cheeks, lace and things round
her neck, and sewing on little frocks by
the light of the evening lamp. Child-
ren playing around (the crowning
blessing of love!). What if death does
come. Suppose even the second woman
dies! He's got' real things left. He
is forced to live for the future of his
children.'
He paused, and with a few nervous
gestures got ready for the rest of his
argument.
'Take a girl like Louise Henry, for
instance. I was telling you about her
— She 's the kind ! — real and warm as
a bird. Have n't you ever held a warm
bird in your hand?' He drew back as
she shuddered. He remembered now
she had always been afraid of birds.
"Fraid of 'em? Well, some women are.
Louise Henry is like that, though. I
tell you, get him away! Then look at
that girl as nothing but paint and can-
vas and get her away. Cut her out of
the frame. Lord! burn her up!'
'I mean to get him away, of course,'
she said quietly. 'It was for that I
asked you to come. I wanted you to
tell me very exactly about New York.'
It took Cousin Benjamin a moment
to right himself. All his argument had
been unnecessary, then ; a kind of use-
less extravagance. He took a quick,
half-baffled, half-disconcerted look at
her. Her eyes were on the portrait. He
took a look at it, too.
Edith Carter's eyes met theirs with
the same sureness, the same melan-
choly. The pause in her going seemed
very slight. The pose was a strangely
living one. She seemed almost on the
point of departure.
There was a step outside. The door
into the hall opened and Renton came
in. For a moment no one spoke. There
was among them the unbroken chill of
the inopportune moment. Then Ren-
ton threw his whip and riding-cap and
gloves on the table.
'It is snowing,' he said, with the air
of a man who speaks for courtesy's
sake.
Ill
From New York Renton wrote often;
but the letters which Ren ton's mother
opened first, and not always with
steady fingers, were addressed in the
large flowing hand of Cousin Benjamin.
They were, oftenest, short; sometimes
mere bulletins; but she read and re-
read them, and sometimes carried them
in her bosom. A less sensitive woman
would have read them less often; but
to Ren ton's mother there was much to
be got out of them, even at a tenth
reading.
To most people those days at Brent
Hall might have seemed — would
have been — killingly void. To Ren-
ton's mother they were full to the
brim. Every detail of the plan for her
son was to be thought out.
As yet no very great encouragement
had come through the letters she re-
ceived. Cousin Benjamin's were san-
guine, but reported Renton as reserved,
untouched, so far; yet he took a bit of
interest, too, in the city. 'Off to him-
self a great deal, — but Rome was
not built in a day, my dear Cousin
Matilda.' She wearied of the reiteration
of a tiresome sentiment which she
knew as well as, or better than, most
people.
One day, pausing before the portrait,
she spoke to it suddenly, softly : —
RENTON'S MOTHER
603
'Why don't you help me, my dear?
It is for his good.'
After that, for several days she
avoided the library altogether; then
afterwards for several days more, when-
ever she entered, she opened the door
half apologetically. About ten days
later, as she was leaving the room for
the night, she paused and spoke once
again to the portrait, almost pleading-
ly this time : —
'Let him see the world a little, my
girl, — it is every man's right; and other
women — other women than yourself.'
One day, about three weeks after this,
her cheeks flew a flag all day. For the
first time Renton's letters mentioned
Louise Henry, though she knew, from
Cousin Benjamin's letters, how long a
time before that Renton had met her.
The sentence ran, 'She is a distant
cousin of the RatclifFes, and beautiful
like them. You would like her. She
has good blood — the thing you make
such a point of. She is patrician. She
has the clear look in between the eyes
that comes with nothing else, and the
easy grace and the lofty gentleness.'
Her heart quickened somewhat as
she read, and re-read, this sentence
many times. She glanced at the por-
trait. Edith Carter, meeting her look,
was patrician, too, — the clear look be-
tween the eyes, the lofty gentleness, —
Renton's entire description was there.
Not that the women were alike, ex-
actly, but in essentials, in essentials,
she told herself. Then she looked at
the matter more closely. Was the like-
ness an encouraging or a discouraging
thing? Might not Louise Henry only
remind him of Edith Carter?
So the flag fluttered and drooped,
fluttered and drooped again, in her
cheeks all day.
She sat longer than usual in front of
the library fire that evening, until the
shadows had crept up around the por-
trait. She rose at last and peered
through these shadows at the girl's
face.
'I wish,' she said at last, — she
looked about her to make sure no one
was near to overhear, — ' I wish you
would think of his good as I do. Think
it over, my dear; I don't ask you to
decide at once.'
The winter passed slowly. Then
some indescribable ennui settled down
beside Renton's mother; such unbear-
able tedium as comes with waiting for
a letter that never arrives. Not that
letters lacked, but Louise Henry was
not mentipned in them; scarcely even
in Cousin Benjamin's now, except very
occasionally, very trivially.
Cousin Benjamin was vague, almost
equivocal, full of a persistent cheer
that might, however, mean one thing,
might mean another. As to Renton's
letters — although studiously regular,
they lacked fire and intimacy.
Renton's mother considered whether
it might not be best for her to go to
New York, herself. Once on the ground
she could judge better. She wrote to
Cousin Benjamin. In return she had
this letter, much underlined: —
'If he sees you it may perhaps bring
him right back to Edith Carter, who I
have reason to think he is forgetting.
Not altogether, you understand. One
cannot expect that. Rome was not built
in a day. In any case he is seeing life
and real people; not dead ones. He has
taken to going to the theatre of late.
My opinion is you must let him alone;
let him take his own course. Even if he
chose to go in for wine and fast women,
I 'd still say, let him alone. Plenty of
men go in for that sort of thing. It 's
real, anyway. I 'd rather have him with
a flesh-and-blood woman — I would n't
care who — than to have him spending
his days and nights with a phantom.'
Yes, she believed in leaving him
alone, certainly; else why should she
be here and he there. But there was
604
RENTON'S MOTHER
the question how far one dared trust
Providence.
She wrote to Cousin Benjamin in
her neat, somewhat illegible hand, —
*I have decided not to go to New
York. As to wine and fast women, I
thank God, who permitted me to give
him better ideals.'
Later she wrote, —
'In one of your former letters, you
spoke vaguely of a great variety of
classes of women in New York, for a
man to choose from. One of his own
class, exactly, is what I would wish for
him. Not having seen Louise Henry, I
cannot tell. But I shall drive to Char-
lottesville when the roads are passable,
to see the Ratcliffes, who know her,
and will write you then. Tell me frank-
ly, when you write, if she cares for my
boy/
If she did not care, then the path
was clear to Renton's mother, she
would go to New York — and handle
the matter herself. The girl must be
got to care. Girls — beautiful ones
especially — rarely know their own
minds. Youth and beauty flaunt, and
presume on good fortune, like daffodils
in the first warm breezes of March.
Louise Henry would thank her later.
In reply, however, Renton's mother
had this : —
'Yes, the girl does care. Why should
I mince matters? There's no doubt in
my mind, not a particle. Not break-
ing her heart, she is n't that kind —
but cares9 (three times underscored).
* Let him take his time, though. Rome
was n't built in a day. After all you
can't tell. He has n't found himself
yet.'
By-and-by she wrote, —
'I have been to Charlottesville. I
have seen Louise Henry's photograph.
The oldest Ratcliffe girl has one. She
has a beautiful face. I am very pleased
with it.'
In reply came this : —
* Louise Henry is the girl, exactly, to
be his wife, and the mother of his
children. There's only one kind of
woman for that. The trouble is — he
is n't free just now to see her for the
stunning fine girl she is. That's the
point. You used to speak of Edith
Carter having her hand on him. Well,
he is being held fast. What he needs
is to be free. You can't run the uni-
verse — more 's the pity. If you could,
I'd say, "Hands off!" that's all. I'd
have him free, scot-free, twenty-four
hours from the hand of any woman,
alive or dead. When he woke from
the unreal things that spoil his life — '
maybe he'd wake to Louise Henry.
Maybe he'd see her as the girl to ful-
fill his manhood. I don't know. The
point is — I say — hands off! The
question is, how. You've just got
to leave the thing to chance. Rome
was n't built in a day. — I know I say
it often; but it's true.'
Here was a letter, indeed! Renton's
mother read it and re-read it. It was
by all odds the least satisfactory letter
Cousin Benjamin had written her. It
was full of vague things that you might
interpret this way or that. He prac-
tically owned himself defeated, yet he
admitted that she was right about
Louise Henry. She ran her eye over
the lines again. * You've just got to
leave the thing to chance.' She pressed
her thin lips together. That might be
the solution for Cousin Benjamin,
scarcely for the mother of Ren ton. To
chance! Scarcely! There were several
things she might do. She might go
to him at once — but no, that might
bring the home associations about him
more strongly than ever. She would
write a letter to him, such a letter as
would put a duty on him, stronger
than any duty in his life.
Throughout the day she said over
sentences that might sway him; weigh-
ed sentiments which might bend him;
RENTON'S MOTHER
605
thoughts or phrases that might stir
him. It was no light matter, nor to be
done with haste or ease. Late in the
afternoon she began writing. After
supper she went back to the library
table. Every now and then she would
stop, with her head on one side, her
closed hand on her cheek, to re-read,
her lips moving without sound. In
almost every case the sheet was dis-
carded for a fresh one.
At last she gathered up all the pa-
pers slowly, tore them this way and
that, and put them in the fire.
A dry branch tapped against the
north window. She paused a moment
to look in that direction through the
shadows; then she seated herself un-
easily before the fire, on the edge of
her chair. Once she glanced up at the
portrait; once she looked over her
shoulder. At last she got up and, with
another quick glance around the room,
went to the portrait and looked at it.
Her lips moved. The words were just
audible.
'I don't know how to deal with
you,' she said softly. * I wish you were
living. I wish you could hear me.'
The portrait's eyes met hers, as they
met all things, with heavy-lidded, half-
sad gaze.
Renton's mother turned and walked
away a little, with her head bent. Then
she stopped and came back and laid
one hand on the mantel.
'I think you are living somewhere,'
she said softly. 'You have heard me,
and you do hear me now. You must.'
She put her other hand on the mantel.
They were powerful slim hands, with
delicately blue veins on them. 'It is
this way, my dear. You love him and
I love him. We are the two who love
him longest and best. But now there
is another woman. It appears she
loves him, too. If he, in turn, should
love her, you would, of course, no lon-
ger be his first thought. It would be
with you as it was with me when he be-
gan to care for you. But don't think
of yourself. I did not.' She paused
and looked away and spoke, not to the
girl, but to herself. 'Why, I am his
mother , — and you, my girl, are only
his first love.' Her glance came back.
'Besides, it is a woman's place to forget
herself for the man she loves. When
I chose you for him a long time ago,
I chose you because of that. I said,
" She will be a worthy wife, a girl who
can lose her interests in his; a girl who
will gladly go into the valley of death
to bear him a child, — who would give
up her life gladly, gladly for him, if
occasion called." Now think a minute.
Can't you do this thing I ask of you?
— Can't you give him up? — For his
good, you know. This other woman
loves him. She will bring him the real
things of life. She will bear him child-
ren, — flesh and blood.'
She looked about her, conscious of
having reached the most difficult point.
When she turned back from the shad-
ows to the portrait, it was cautiously,
as though she were afraid to meet the
heavy-lidded eyes.
The same dead branch tapped
against the window, warningly. She
stopped to listen, and it stopped. She
turned to the portrait once more. 'Let
him be free, Edith Carter; let him be
free to go to the woman who draws him.
Let him have a man's part. You who
profess to love him, take your hands
off him to-night. Let him have a real
woman of flesh and blood in his arms
to-night, not you — not you. Loose
him and let him go. I do not mean to
be cruel. You will always be his first
love; the sweetest of all his memories.
He will turn to you many a time; you
may even to the end be the lady of his
soul. But this other woman' — She
was pleading now with a kind of cun-
ning. 'I only ask you, my dear, for
twenty-four hours. After that — come
606
RENTON'S MOTHER
back to his memory, if you like. I
merely want to try the experiment,
for his good. For his good, you know.
You can still serve him, by sacrificing
yourself in this matter. Think of his
good. I am his mother. Go! Go! 'She
paused a moment. 'Take away your
white dead hand from him,' she said.
'Take it away, if you love him.'
There was absolute silence. Not
even the little branch said anything.
The flames in the grate had all died
down; there were only red coals, — a
bed of them. The shadows in the past
quarter of an hour had crept slowly,
cautiously, with innumerable little re-
treats, while the fire still flickered,
closer to the grate. Once a little spent
flame flared suddenly, and they leaped
back softly behind the chairs and sofas
and retreated to the corners. Then, as
the flame died down, they approach-
ed again, soft-footed, formless things.
They were crouched close to the hearth
now as the glow in the grate died —
and they laid unfelt hands on the skirt
of the woman who stood before the
portrait.
Renton's mother turned her head
slowly, very slowly, like one afraid to
look over her shoulder. This thing, of
talking to the dead, had wrought upon
her imaginative nature. One gaunt
hand, the one which wore its wedding
ring, pressed her cheek heavily and
drew down her lip at the corner. She
faced the room, her head up, like one
who has fears, yet is not afraid. She
made a step or two forward, then
paused, then went to each window and
pulled down each blind, sharply, soft-
ly. She went to the door leading into
the hall. She did not once look toward
the portrait. As she opened the door
the little branch beat again insistent-
ly, as though it still had something to
say. She paused, and lifted her head,
a little as though daring it. It stopped.
She stepped into the hall, pulled the
door to softly after her, turned the
key heavily in the lock. She made her
way up the bare stairs in the dark,
her gown slimping after her.
At the top of the landing she started
and paused abruptly, one hand tense
on the banister. There was a dull
crash below stairs. It might have been
the overturning of something in the
library. The sound was gone quickly,
and the silence stepped in softly again.
She glided down the broad upper hall
in the dark, toward her room, like a
shadow in a dream, only the frightened
flush-flushing of her skirt following her
rapidly along the matting. She locked
her door after her that night, as was
not her custom.
IV
She did not go into the library to in-
vestigate. For two days the door to it
remained locked. She was unwilling to
meet the eyes of the portrait. There
had been some sort of psychological
reaction. She felt that she had done
some absurd and morbid thing, some-
thing abnormal, which yet was so far
real that she half believed in it. She
avoided the portrait as she would have
avoided a person, yet remembering per-
fectly, too, that it was only a portrait.
She had placed the key to the library
under her prayer-book, on the little
table at her bed's head.
She waited for the mail with a kind
of feverish anxiety. A letter from
Cousin Benjamin made her heart beat.
'Mind you, I don't say yet that it is
advisable that you come. It may be.
If I think so I will send for you.'
There was no word from Ren ton. —
She turned over in her mind how she
could touch up her black silk. She had
a pride in being her best before Louise
Henry. Not that one Virginia woman
needs a silk dress in the presence of
another; but a man's mother —
RENTON'S MOTHER
607
Two days went by, and in these no
letters. Then — She looked up sud-
denly, her needle poised. The station
fly was rumbling up the driveway.
She put her sewing by with a little
frantic hurried movement, rose and
stood still, one hand on her breast.
Was Renton returning? Had all her
care been for naught?
The fly did not come up to the door.
It stopped halfway, and Cousin Ben-
jamin got down from it and walked
toward the house.
She laid down her needle with a
trembling hand, and went down the
steps to the lower hall and opened the
door and drew him in. Her face was
between apprehension and pleasure.
'You need me? You wish me to
come at once?5 she said. 'Why did
you come?'
He rid himself of his overcoat, hung
it on the hat-rack, and turned to the
library.
'No, not there/ she said; and crossed
to the unused parlor. In it, she turned
on him suddenly, with the fingers of
one hand on her brooch.
'Why did you come?' — Then, as
he did not answer, — ' Is it good news ?
Cousin Benjamin looked helpless,
then he coughed.
'No, — it is n't good news; — er —
why should we mince matters? It's
anything but good news. God help me.
— It 's a sorry business.'
Her hand went up to her throat, like
a knowing thing, and as though it
might help her to speak.
'He does not care for her? It is all
useless? He is coming back with Edith
Carter still in his heart.' She nodded
once toward the library door. ' Is that
what you came to tell me?'
Cousin Benjamin got out his hand-
kerchief, drew it across his forehead;
wadded it, and drew it across his fore-
head again. He was in great trouble,
no doubt.
'Sit down,' he said, indicating, with
the wadded handkerchief, a low arm-
chair. He seated himself on a little
spindle-legged chair opposite her. 'My
dear Cousin Matilda, the ways of God
are inscrutable. Nor you nor I can
explain them.'
'What do you mean to tell me?' she
said, almost a little hoarsely. 'What
is the worst that can have happened
to him?'
'I spoke to you of wine and wo-
men' —
She nodded.
'Well, I kept it from you. You
seemed so sure of him right along. He
had better ideals, you said. I thought
he had, too. I thought he 'd never get
into that sort of thing. And yet, a man,
even if he does not actually expect
that kind of thing of another man, still
knows it is likely to happen. — You
see, I thought it was a phase only.
Moreover, I remembered the Carter
girl. I'm not sentimental, Lord, no!
But somehow I thought she'd save
him; the memory of her. I'd got it in
my head she'd keep her hand on him;
would n't let him go, you know. Then,
there was Louise Henry, too; I never
gave up hoping he 'd care about her.
But Louise Henry, though she loved
him, never had the power.' He shook
his head. 'Never had the power. And
the dead girl — I don't know what
happened to her. — You said she had a
hand on him; that she kept him from
himself. Well, she took her hand off
him that one night. She must have let
him go. He forgot her. She forgot him.
Something got in his blood. I don't
know. — The other woman was beau-
tiful, you see. He believed in her at
first. They generally do. — You know
Kipling's "Vampire"?'
'I do not know anything of Kip-
ling's,' she said, with tense control.
'Let me demand of you to tell me a
plain story plainly.'
608
RENTON'S MOTHER
* Why should I mince matters ! ' The
man spoke helplessly, and with effort.
* I did not see the whole cause of it. I
believe now, he tried to keep true to the
best in himself, — to the dead girl yon-
der, if you like, — until the very last.
Yes, I 'm sure he tried. Then, two nights
ago — I suppose the thing was hard.
You know, — no, you don't know, —
how a man's passion can rise suddenly
and sweep him off his feet/ He flung
out one arm. ' Maybe he wished to be
strong — most men who have led his
life — She was the sort of woman to
lead a man on, and he never guessing
it. — You didn't bring him up right.
You never warned him of the danger
a man meets in his own passions. He
did n't know the world. He believed
in women — all women. I don't know
what he went through. I only know
your dead girl did not save him.'
The woman's hands went up, sup-
plicating, then quieted themselves, each
in each, again.
'Yes? And then?' She waited, aw-
fully.
'Why should we mince matters!
Two days ago — I was called up at
three o'clock at night — by telephone.
The woman — It was in her house
— Why should we — ' He broke off
abruptly. * I cannot go on ' — he said,
rising.
Renton's mother rose also. One
hand still quieted the other tightly.
'Why should you be a coward?'
she said softly. 'Look at me. Why in
heaven's name should you be a coward?
There are other things left in life after
disgrace. Don't you suppose that to
a man's wife — to a man's mother —
Do you suppose anything, anything
matters to a man's mother? Go on
— It was in her house — What f '
'That he was found' —
'Yes. — Goon.'
'That he was found — dead.'
Some fearful light glowed up in her
a moment; then she took a step and
steadied herself with one hand against
a chair; the other, tight-closed, was
pressed against her cheek, dragging her
lip down. It was easier for the man to
speak now than to endure her silence,
and he hurried on with his excuses.
'I did not let you know. There was
nothing to be done. I knew you were
alone here. I feared you might —
well, I did n't know what you would
do. I only knew I could save you two
days knowledge, until I myself could
explain. — It seemed merciful. — I
could bring the poor boy back my-
self-—'
He thought she would have cried
out. Instead she slipped sidewise into
her chair. Her voice when she spoke
was not weak : —
'It was by his own hand?'
Cousin Benjamin did not speak.
She put her face in her hands, and
rocked herself slightly . 'Ah!' she said,
letting her breath out softly, as though
in pain. When she spoke her voice
was low and hoarse : —
'Oh, Cousin Benjamin, if you had
not tried to direct things yourself, man-
age them yourself. What right had
you?' She stopped and looked out
helplessly ahead of her, her hands
drawn half down her face. 'You should
have sent for me, — for his mother.'
Cousin Benjamin got up and walked
back and forth. When he turned, her
face was in her hands again. She was
murmuring something softly to her-
self. A few moments later she rose and
glided past him and up to her own
room.
An hour or more passed before he
saw her again. Before he was aware of
her, she had glided into the hushed
parlor and put her hand on his arm.
Her face was haggard. In the other
hand she held a key.
'Come with me,' she said. 'We
must open the library for him.'
RENTON'S MOTHER
609
They stood inside the doorway. The
room was cold and dark, the blinds all
down. In a peevish east wind the little
bough tapped insistently against the
north window — as though it had
known all the while, had warned and
warned repeatedly, and had been dis-
regarded, and would call attention to
that fact.
Cousin Benjamin and Renton's mo-
ther did not hear or notice it. Before
the empty fireplace, face forward, the
portrait lay. The sharp corner of the
iron fender had cut into it in its fall.
Ren ton's mother went to it, a few hur-
ried steps; then, there was a hushed
pause. Cousin Benjamin raised the por-
trait and steadied it, so that it leaned
against the brasses of the fireplace.
Ren ton's mother stepped back from
it and steadied herself with one hand
on the table, the other, closed, pressed
against her cheek.
The picture in its fall had struck
the iron fender, and a dark gash cut it
across — marring the face, part of the
body, and one of the delicate hands.
Renton's mother drew her eyes
away at last and held out her hand to
Cousin Benjamin.
'Come away,' she said.
They left the room with steps that
tried not to be too hurried, and some-
what like children who dare not look
back.
They did not speak of the portrait
until late that night when Ren ton's
body lay in the unaccustomed parlor.
'You will do with the picture what
you think best,' she said, in answer
to Cousin Benjamin's rather nervous
question.
He waited until early daylight of the
morning after the funeral. He would
rather not have any one to give him
advice in the matter. He kindled a
fire in the empty fireplace, cut the
marred picture from its frame, doubled
it somewhat to fit the grate, laid the
VOL. Ill -NO. 5
tongs against it to keep it from falling
outward on the hearth, made sure it
had caught fire, left the room, and held
the door to by its knob for several
minutes.
When he went back to make sure
that all was safe, only the shadowy
semblance of a burned thing lay in the
grate, and fell into flaked ashes as he
removed the tongs.
Two days later, Renton's mother,
one thin hand holding together a little
worsted shawl, stood on the verandah,
bidding Cousin Benjamin good-bye.
'Tell Louise Henry that some time,
some time I shall wish to see her. Not
yet; by-and-by. Tell her I am glad she
loved him.'
The rain beat in on the verandah in
dreary gusts.
'Go back, I beg of you! You will
take cold!'
Cousin Benjamin pressed her hand
again, put his hat on securely, with
both hands, back and front; held his
head sidewise a little against the beat
of the wind, and hurried down the steps.
The station man, his head on one
side also, already held open the door
of the station fly. Cousin Benjamin
entered. The door was banged to.
The station man mounted, folded the
skirts of his coat about him carefully,
wrapped the lap-robe outside of these,
sat down, took up the rains, shook
them out a little.
The station fly moved off at a brisk
trot. Cousin Benjamin leaned forward
with his hat raised. Renton's mother
watched him drive away until the
curve of the roadway hid the fly from
view. Then she turned and went back
into the empty house. From the win-
dow of the sitting-room where she
often sat to sew, she could see the
new-made grave. At her wish they had
made it there, just at the foot of the
lawn, where she could keep watch of it.
THE COST OF MODERN SENTIMENT
BY AGNES REPPLIER
WE are rising on the crest of a great
wave of sentiment, rising swiftly,
strongly, and without fear. When the
wave breaks, we may find ourselves
submerged and in some danger of
drowning; but for the present we are
full of hope and high resolve. Thirty
years ago we stood in shallow water,
and mocked a little at the mid-Victorian
sentiment, then ebbing with the tide.
We have nothing now in common with
that fine, thin conception of life and its
responsibilities. We do not prate about
duty and domesticity. Humanity is
our theme. We do not feel that fastidi-
ous distaste for repulsive details which
made our grandparents culpably neg-
ligent. All knowledge, apart from its
quality, and apart from our require-
ments, now seems to us desirable.
Taste is no longer a controlling force.
We in no wise resemble the sentimen-
talists of Germany, who played with
personal emotions, who found expres-
sion in music and in literature, who
debauched their intellects with wild
imaginings, treating love as a whirl-
wind, and suicide as an inspiration; but
who left us out of that mad chaos some
grace of human understanding. Our
beliefs and our aspirations are more
closely akin to the great enthusiasms
which swept France before the Revo-
lution: enthusiasms nobly born, and
profoundly unballasted, which promis-
ed unity, and which gave confusion,
which sought practical outlets, and
which fell, shattered by currents they
could not control.
The sentiment of to-day is social
610
and philanthropic. It.has no affiliations
with art, which stands apart from it,
— a new experience for the world. It
dominates periodical literature, minor
verse, and serious fiction; but it has so
far given nothing of permanent value
to letters. It is strong politically, and
is echoed from all party platforms. It
is sure of a hearing, and it is held too
sacred for assault. It is a force to be
reckoned with, and to be controlled.
It is capable of raising us to a better
and clearer vision, or of weakening our
judgment, and shattering our common
sense. If we value our safety, we must
forever bear in mind that sentiment is
a subjective and a personal thing.
However exalted, and however ardent,
it cannot be accepted as a weight for
justice, or as a test of truth.
The three issues with which our mod-
ern sentiment chiefly concerns itself are
the progress of women, the conditions
of labor, and the social evil. Some-
times these issues are commingled. Al-
ways they have a bearing upon one
another. There is also a distinct and
perilous tendency toward sentiment in
matters political and judicial; while
an excess of emotionalism is the stum-
bling-block of those noble societies
which work for the protection of ani-
mals. As a single example of this last
unfortunate proclivity, I quote a par-
agraph copied from one of Mrs. An-
nie Besant's wild rhapsodies, which I
found offered as a serious argument in
the accredited journal of an American
philanthropic society.
'The killing of animals in order to
THE COST OF MODERN SENTIMENT
611
devour their flesh is so obviously an
outrage on all humane feelings, that
one feels almost ashamed to mention it
in a paper that is regarding man as a
director of evolution. If any one who
eats flesh could be taken to the sham-
bles, to watch the agonized struggles
of the terrified victims as they are
dragged to the spot where knife or
mallet slays them; if he could be made
to stand with the odors of the blood
reeking in his nostrils; if there his
astral vision could be opened so that
he might see the filthy creatures that
flock round to feast on the loathsome
exhalations, and see also the fear and
horror of the slaughtered beasts as
they arrive in the astral world, and
send back thence currents of dread
and hatred that flow between men and
animals in constantly re-fed streams;
if a man could pass through these ex-
periences, he would be cured of meat-
eating forever.'
Now when one has belonged for
many years to the society which re-
printed this precious paragraph, when
one has believed all one's life that to
be sentient is to possess rights, and
that, not kindness only, but justice to
the brute creation is an essential ele-
ment of decent living, it is hard to be
confronted with unutterable nonsense
about astral visions and astral cur-
rents. It is harder still to be held in-
directly responsible for the publication
of such nonsense, and to entertain for
the thousandth time the weary convic-
tion that common sense is not a deter-
mining factor in philanthropy.
Mr. Chesterton, upon whom the de-
light of startling his readers never
seems to pall, has declared that men
are more sentimental than women,
* whose only fault is their excessive
sense.' Also that the apparent absorp-
tion of the modern world in social
service is not the comprehensive thing
it seems. The general public still re-
mains indifferent. This may or may
not be true. It is as hard for Mr. Ches-
terton as for the rest of us to know
much about that remnant of the pub-
lic which is not writing, or lecturing, or
collecting data, or collecting funds, or
working for clubs and societies. But
no one can say that the social reformer
is the slighted creature that he was half
a century ago. He meets with the most
distinguished consideration, and he is
always accorded the first hearing in
print and on the platform. He com-
mands our respect when he deals sober-
ly with sober facts in sober language,
when his conclusions are just, his state-
ments irrefutable. He is less praise-
worthy when he flies to fiction, an
agreeable but unconvincing medium; or
to verse, which, as the theologian said
of Paradise Lost, ' proves nothing.' It
is very good verse sometimes, and its
grace of sentiment, its note of appeal,
find an easy echo in the reader's heart.
A little poem called 'The Factories,'
published in McClures Magazine for
September, 1912, gives an almost per-
fect example of the modern point of
view, of the emotional treatment of an
economic question, and of the mental
confusion which arises from the sub-
stitution of sympathy for exactness.
I have shut my little sister in from life and light
(For a rose, for a ribbon, for a wreath across
my hair),
I have made her restless feet still until the night,
Locked from sweets of summer, and from
wild spring air:
I who ranged the meadow-lands, free from sun
to sun,
Free to sing, and pull the buds, and watch the
far wings fly,
I have bound my sister till her playing-time is
done, —
Oh, my little sister, was it I? — was it I?
I have robbed my sister of her day of maiden-
hood
(For a robe, for a feather, for a trinket's rest-
less spark),
Shut from Lo've till dusk shall fall, how shall she
know good,
612
THE COST OF MODERN SENTIMENT
How shall she pass scatheless through the sin-
lit dark?
I who could be innocent, I who could be gay,
I who could have love and mirth before the
light went by,
I have put my sister in her mating-time away, —
Sister, my young sister, was it I? — was it
I?
I have robbed my sister of the lips against her
breast
(For a coin, for the weaving of my children's
lace and lawn),
Feet that pace beside the loom, hands that can-
not rest:
How can she know motherhood, whose strength
is gone?
I who took no heed of her, starved and labor-
worn,
I against whose placid heart my sleepy gold-
heads lie,
Round my path they cry to me, little souls un-
born —
God of Life — Creator! It was I! It was I.
Now if by 'I* is meant the aver-
age woman who wears the 'robe,' the
* ribbon,' the 'feather,' and possibly
— though rarely — the 'wreath across
my hair,' 'I* must protest distinctly
against assuming a guilt which is none
of mine. I have not shut my little sis-
ter in a factory, any more than I have
ranged the meadow-lands, 'free from
sun to sun.' What I probably am do-
ing is trying to persuade my sister to
cook my dinner, and sweep my house,
and help me to take care of my 'gold-
heads,' who are not always so sleepy
as I could desire. If my sister declines
to do this at a wage equal to her
factory earnings, and with board and
lodging included, she is well within her
rights, and I have no business, as is
sometimes my habit, weakly to com-
plain of her decision. If I made my
household arrangements acceptable to
her, she would come. As this is difficult
or distasteful to me, she goes to a fac-
tory instead. The right of every man
and woman to do the work he or she
chooses to do, and can do, at what
wages, and under what conditions he
or she can command, is the fruit of
centuries of struggle. It is now so well
established that only the trade unions
venture to deny it.
In that vivid and sad study of New
York factory life, published by the
Century Company a dozen years ago,
under the title of The Long Day, a girl
who is out of work, and who has lost
her few possessions in a lodging-house
fire, seeks counsel of a wealthy stranger
who has befriended her.
'The lady looked at me a moment
out of fine, clear eyes.
" You would not go into service, I
suppose?" she asked slowly.
' I had never thought of such an al-
ternative before, but I met it without
a moment's hesitation. "No, I would
not care to go into service," I re-
plied; and, as I did so, the lady's face
showed mingled disappointment and
disgust.
'"That is too bad," she answered,
"for, in that case, I'm afraid I can
do nothing for you." And she went out
of the room, leaving me, I must con-
fess, not sorry for having thus bluntly
decided against wearing the definite
badge of servitude.'
Here at least is a refreshingly plain
statement of facts. The girl in ques-
tion bore the servitude imposed upon
her by the foremen of half a dozen
factories; she slept for many months
in quarters which no domestic servant
would consent to occupy; she ate food
which no servant would be asked to
eat; she associated with young women
whom no servant would accept as
equals and companions. But, as she
had voluntarily relinquished comfort,
protection, and the grace of human
relations between employer and em-
ployed, she accepted her chosen con-
ditions, and tried successfully to better
them along her chosen lines. The read-
er is made to understand that it was as
unreasonable for the benevolent lady
— who had visions of a trim and white-
THE COST OF MODERN SENTIMENT
613
capped parlor-maid dancing before her
eyes — to show * disappointment and
disgust ' because her overtures were re-
jected, as it would have been to charge
the same lady with robbing the girl of
her 'day of maidenhood,' and her * lit-
tle souls unborn/ by shutting her up in
a factory. If we will blow our minds
clear of generous illusions, we shall un-
derstand that an emotional verdict has
no validity when offered as a criterion
of facts.
The excess of sentiment, which is
misleading in philanthropy and eco-
nomics, grows acutely dangerous when
it interferes with legislation, or with
the ordinary rulings of morality. The
substitution of a sentimental principle
of authority for the impersonal pro-
cesses of law confuses our understand-
ing, and undermines our sense of just-
ice. It is a painful truth that most
laws have had their origin in a profound
mistrust of human nature (even Mr.
Olney admits that the Constitution, al-
though framed in the interests of free-
dom, is not strictly altruistic) ; but the
time is hardly ripe for brushing aside
this ungenerous mistrust, and establish-
ing the social order on a basis of pure
enthusiasm. The reformers who light-
heartedly announce that people are
* tired of the old Constitution anyway,'
voice the buoyant creed of ignorance.
I heard last winter a popular lecturer
say of a popular idol that he * preferred
making precedents to following them/
and the remark evoked a storm of
applause. It was plain that the audi-
ence considered following a precedent
to be a timorous and unworthy thing
for a strong man to do; and it was
equally plain that nobody had given
the matter the benefit of a serious
thought. Believers in political faith-
healing enjoy a supreme immunity from
doubt.
This growing contempt for paltry
but not unuseful restrictions, this excess
of sentiment, combined with paucity
of humor and a melodramatic atti-
tude toward crime, has had some dis-
couraging results. It is ill putting the
strong man, or the avenging angel, or
the sinned-against woman above the
law, which is a sacred trust for the pre-
servation of life and liberty. It is ill so
to soften our hearts witfy a psychologi-
cal interest in the law-breaker that no
criminal is safe from popularity. More
than a year ago the Nation com-
mented grimly on the message sent to
the public by a murderer, and a singu-
larly cold-blooded murderer, through
the minister who attended him on the
scaffold. ' Mr. Beattie desired to thank
his many friends for kind letters and
expressions of interest, and the public
for whatever sympathy was felt or ex-
It sounds like a cabinet minister who
has lost an honored and beloved wife;
not like a murderer who lured his wife
to a lonely spot, and there pitilessly
killed her. One fails to see why 'kind
letters' and 'expressions of interest'
should have poured in upon this male-
factor, just as one fails to see why a
young woman who shot her lover, a
few months later, in Columbus, Ohio,
should have received an ovation in the
court-room. It was not even her first
lover (it seldom is) ; but when a gallant
jury had acquitted her of all blame in
the trifling matter of manslaughter,
'the crowd shouted its approval/
'scores of women spectators rushed up
to her, and insisted upon kissing her/
and an intrepid suitor, stimulated by
circumstances which might have
daunted a less venturesome man, an-
nounced his intention of marrying the
heroine on the spot. It must be a
mighty rebound from the old callous
cruelty, — the heart-sickening cruelty
of the eighteenth century, — which has
made us so tender to criminals, and so
lenient to their derelictions.
614
THE COST OF MODERN SENTIMENT
Imprisonment alone is not
A thing of which we would complain,
Add ill-conwenience to our lot,
But do not give the convick pain.
Sentiment has been defined as a re-
volt from the despotism of facts. It is
often a revolt from authority, which to
the sentimentalist seems forever des-
potic; and thjs revolt, or rather this
easy disregard of authority, is fatal to
the noblest efforts of the humanitarian.
The women of position and wealth
who, three years ago, threw the weight
of their sympathy into the cause of
the striking shirtwaist makers were
all well-intentioned, but not all well-
advised. In so far as they upheld the
strikers in what were, on the whole,
just and reasonable demands, they did
good work; and the substantial aid
they gave was sweetened by the spirit
in which it was given, — the sense of
fellow feeling with their kind. But
there is also no doubt that one of the
lessons taught at this time to our for-
eign-born population was that the laws
of our country may be disregarded with
impunity. The rioters who attacked
the * scabs,' and were arrested for dis-
orderly conduct, were immediately and
enthusiastically released, to become
the heroines of the hour. When I re-
monstrated with a friend who had
given bail for a dozen of these young
law-breakers, she answered reproach-
fully, 'But they are so ignorant and
helpless. There were two poor bewil-
dered girls in court yesterday who did
not know enough English to under-
stand the charge made against them.
You could not conceive of anything
more pathetic.'
I said that a young woman who
bowled over another young woman
into the gutter understood perfectly
the charge made against her, whether
she spoke English or not. One does not
have to study French or Spanish to
know that one may not knock down
a Frenchman or a Spaniard. No civ-
ilized country permits this robust line
of argument. But reason is powerless
when sentiment takes the helm. It
would be as easy to argue with a con-
flagration as with unbalanced zeal.
The amazing violence of the English
militant suffragists, a violence at once
puerile and malicious, like the rioting
of bad children, affords the liveliest
possible example of untrammeled emo-
tionalism. A rudimentary sense of hu-
mor would prevent such absurdities, a
rudimentary sense of proportion would
forbid such crimes. Michelet defined
woman as a creature always feeble and
often furious; but although, individu-
ally, her feebleness may cost her dear,
collectively, she loses only through her
fury. The vision of a good cause de-
bauched by hysteria is familiar to all
students of history; but it is no less
melancholy for being both recognizable
and ridiculous.
Perhaps a moderate knowledge of his-
tory— which, though discouraging, is
also enlightening — might prove serv-
iceable to all the enthusiasts who are
engaged in making over the world. So
many of them (in this country at least)
talk and write as if nothing in particu-
lar had happened between the Deluge
and the Civil War. A lady lecturer,
very prominent in social work, made
last year the gratifying announcement
that 'the greatest discovery of the
nineteenth century is woman's discov-
ery of herself. It is only within the last
fifty years that it has come to be real-
ized that a woman is human, and has
a right to think and act for herself.'
Now, after all, the past cannot be a
closed page, even to one so exclusively
concerned with the present. A little
less lecturing, a little more reading, and
such baseless generalizations would be
impossible, even on that stronghold
of ignorance, the platform. If women
failed to discover themselves a hundred
THE COST OF MODERN SENTIMENT
615
or a hundred and fifty years ago, it was
because they had never been lost; it
was because their important activities
left them no leisure for self-contempla-
tion. Yet Miss Jane Addams, who has
toiled so long and so nobly for the bet-
tering of social conditions, and whose
work lends weight to her words, dis-
plays in A New Conscience and an An-
cient Evil the same placid indifference
to all that history has to tell. What
can we say or think when confronted
by such an astounding passage as this?
* Formerly all that the best woman
possessed was a negative chastity,
which had been carefully guarded by
her parents and duennas. The chastity
of the modern woman of self-directed
activity and of a varied circle of inter-
ests, which give her an acquaintance
with many men as well as women, has
therefore a new value and importance
in the establishment of social stand-
ards.'
* Negative chastity!5 * Parents and
duennas!' Was there ever such a
maiden outlook upon life! It was the
chastity of the married woman upon
which rested the security of the civi-
lized world; — that chastity which all
men prized, and most men assailed,
which was preserved in the midst of
temptations unknown in our decorous
age, and held inviolate by women
whose 'acquaintance with many men'
was at least as intimate and potent as
anything experienced to-day. Com-
mittees and congresses are not the only
meeting-grounds for the sexes. 'Re-
member,' says M. Taine, writing of a
time which was not so long ago that it
need be forgotten, 'remember that dur-
ing all these years women were para-
mount. They set the social tone, led
society, and thereby guided public
opinion. When they appeared in the
vanguard of political progress, we may
be sure that the men were following.'
We might be sure of the same thing
to-day, were it not for the tendency of
the modern woman to sever her rights
and wrongs from the rights and wrongs
of men; thereby resembling the dispu-
tant who, being content to receive half
the severed baby, was adjudged by the
wise Solomon to be unworthy of any
baby at all. Half a baby is every whit
as valuable as the half-measure of re-
form which fails to take into impartial
consideration the inseparable claims of
men and women. Even in that most
vital of all reforms, the crusade against
social evils, the welfare of both sexes
unifies the subject. Here again we are
swayed by our anger at the indifference
of an earlier generation, at the hard
and healthy attitude of men like Hux-
ley, who had not imagination enough
to identify the possible saint with the
certain sinner, and who habitually con-
fined their labors to fields which pro-
mised sure results. ' In my judgment,'
wrote Huxley, ' a domestic servant, who
is perhaps giving half her wages to sup-
port her old parents, is more worthy of
help than half a dozen Magdalens.'
If we are forced to choose between
them, — yes. But our respect for the
servant's self-respecting life, with its
decent restraints and its purely normal
activities, need not necessarily harden
our hearts against the women whom
Mr. Huxley called Magdalens, nor
against those whom we luridly desig-
nate as 'white slaves.' No work under
heaven is more imperative than the
rescue of young and innocent girls; no
crime is more dastardly than the sale
of their youth and innocence; no char-
ity is greater than that which lifts the
sinner from her sin. But the fact that
we habitually apply the term 'white
slave' to the willful prostitute as well
as to the entrapped child, shows that a
powerful and popular sentiment is ab-
solved from the shackles of accuracy.
Also that this absolution confuses the
minds of men. The sentimentalist
616
THE COST OF MODERN SENTIMENT
pities the prostitute as a victim, the
sociologist abhors her as a menace. The
sentimentalist conceives that men prey,
and women are preyed upon; the soci-
ologist, aware that evil men and women
prey upon one another ceaselessly and
ravenously, has no measure of tender-
ness for either. The sentimentalist
clings tenaciously to the association of
youth with innocence; the sociologist
knows that even the age-limit which the
law fixes as a boundary-line of inno-
cence has no corresponding restriction
in fact. It is inconceivable that so many
books and pamphlets dealing with this
subject — books and pamphlets now
to be found on every library shelf, and
in the hands of young and old —
should dare to ignore the balance of
depravity, the swaying of the pendulum
of vice.
It was thought and said a few years
ago that the substitution of organized
charities for the somewhat haphazard
benevolence of our youth would elim-
inate sentiment, just as it eliminated
human and personal relations with the
poor. It was thought and said that the
steady advance of women in commer-
cial and civic life would correct the
sentimental bias which only Mr. Ches-
terton has failed to observe in our sex.
No one who reads books, or listens to
speeches, or indulges in the pleasures
of conversation, can any longer cherish
these illusions. No one can fail to see
that sentiment is the motor-power
which drives us to intemperate words
and actions, which weakens our judg-
ment, and destroys our sense of pro-
portion. The current phraseology, the
current criticisms, the current enthu-
siasms of the day, all betray an excess
of emotionalism. I pick up a table of
statistics, furnishing economic data,
and this is what I read. 'Case 3. Two
children under five. Mother shortly
expecting the supreme trial of woman-
hood/ That is the way to write stories
and, possibly, sermons; but it is not the
way to write reports. I pick up a news-
paper, and learn that an English gen-
tleman has made the interesting an-
nouncement that he is a reincarnation
of one of the Pharaohs, and that an at-
tentive and credulous band of disciples
are gathering wisdom from his lips.
I pick up a very serious and very well-
written book on the Bronte sisters, and
am told that if I would * touch the very
heart of the mystery that was Char-
lotte Bronte ' (I had never been aware
that there was anything mysterious
about this famous lady), I will find it
— save the mark! — in her passionate
love for children.
* We are face to face here, not with a
want, but with an abyss, depth beyond
depth of tenderness, and longing, and
frustration; with a passion that found
no clear voice in her works, because
it was one with the elemental nature
in her, undefined, unuttered, unutter-
able!'
It was certainly unuttered. It was
not even hinted at in Miss Bronte's
novels, nor in her voluminous corre-
spondence. Her attitude toward child-
ren — so far as it found expression —
was the arid but pardonable attitude
of one who had been their reluctant
caretaker and teacher. If, as we are
now told, * there were moments when it
was pain for Charlotte to see the child-
ren born of and possessed by other
women,' there were certainly hours —
so much she makes clear to us — in
which the business of looking after
them wearied her beyond her powers of
endurance. It is true that Miss Bronte
said a few, a very few, friendly words
about these little people. She did not,
like Swift, propose that babies should
be cooked and eaten. But this temper-
ate regard, this restricted benevolence,
gives us no excuse for wallowing in
sentiment at her expense.
'If some virtues are new, all vices
THE SILVER RIVER
617
are old.' We can reckon the cost of mis-
directed emotions by the price paid for
them in the past. We know the full
significance of that exaggerated sym-
pathy which grows hysterical over ani-
mals it should try in soberness to save;
which accuses the consumer of strange
cruelties to the producer; which con-
dones law-breaking, and exempts a
* cause' from all restraints of decency;
which confuses moral issues, ignores
experience, and insults the intelligence
of mankind.
The reformer whose heart is in the
right place, but whose head is else-
where, represents a waste of force; and
we cannot afford any waste in the con-
servation of honor and goodness. We
cannot even afford errors of taste and
of judgment. The business of leading
lives morally worthy of men is neither
simple, nor easy, nor new. And there
are moments when, with the ageing
Fontenelle, we sigh and say, *I am be-
ginning to see things as they are. It is
surely time for me to die.'
THE SILVER RIVER
BY GRACE FALLOW NORTON
FAREWELL, I said, sweet meadow-grass;
Farewell, I let the light wind pass;
I watch the shadows, one by one;
Farewell, thou gold slow-setting sun.
I go within and fold my hands.
Oh, wondrous are the day's bright lands
And evening's robe of roseate hem,
But dearer now my dreams of them.
The stars I know creep to the sky;
The moon will soon be swimming high;
O light-filled pools and silver streams!
O silver river of my dreams !
INSECTS AND GREEK POETRY
BY LAFCADIO HEARN
[The English-speaking world that knows of Lafcadio Heara as the subtlest interpreter of the life
and thought of Japan is less familiar with the important work done by Heara in conveying to his
Japanese students the spirit of the West. His method always was to select for discussion with his
classes in English literature those topics and subjects on the surface least alien from the Japanese
mind, and thus by a delicate initiation to lead the class to a better comprehension of Western ways
of thought and feeling. In the Appendix to the official Life and Letters of Hearn was printed an
excellent illustration of his method, a lecture on * Naked Poetry.' Here, by the close examination
of certain poems by William Allingham, Kingsley, and the exquisite French lyric beginning,
La vie est vaine,
Un peu d'amour,
— poems almost Japanese in their compelling simplicity, — he proceeded by suggestive parallels and
nice distinctions to give his students an insight into the essential nature of European poetry. A still
better example of the tact of his method and the charm of his manner is to be found in the lec-
ture on ' Insects and Greek Poetry,' which is here printed from his manuscript. The Japanese
habit of keeping musical insects had deeply impressed Hearn's imagination, and had been the
subject of one of his best-known essays, 'Insect Musicians,' which is printed in his Exotics and
Retrospectives. To his richly stored mind, this custom recalled the numerous references to the
singing of insects in the Greek Anthology, and suggested a fresh means of opening Japanese minds
to Western imagery. The result was this charming and illuminating lecture. — THE EDITORS.]
THE subject which I have chosen
for to-day's lecture might seem to you
rather remote from the topic of English
literature, at least, from the topic of
English literature as taught in Japan.
Here the Chinese language represents,
in your long course of studies, what
Greek and Latin represent to the Eng-
lish student. But in England, or in
any advanced European country, the
subject would not be remote from the
study of the native literature, because
that is carried on from first to last upon
a classical foundation. Any good Greek
scholar knows something about the
Greek poetry on the subject of insects,
and knows how to use that poetry in
compositions of his own; so I think
that this departure from our routine
work is quite justified, and I believe
618
that you will find the subject inter-
esting.
Last year, when lecturing about
Keats's poems, I remarked to you that
he was one of the very few English
poets who wrote about singing insects
— I refer, of course, to his poem on the
cricket. Most modern European poetry
is barren on the subject of crickets,
cicadse, and insects generally — with
the exception of butterflies and bees.
Tennyson, indeed, has given attention
to dragon flies and other insects. But,
as a rule, it is not to European poetry
of modern times that we can look for
anything of an interesting kind in
regard to musical insects. We must go
back to the old Greek civilization for
that. You know that the old Greeks
were endowed far beyond any modern
INSECTS AND GREEK POETRY
619
races of the West: their literature, their
arts, their conception of life, have
never been equaled in later times, and
probably will not be equaled again for
thousands of years. And it should be
interesting to the Japanese student of
literature to know that his own people
accord with the old Greeks in their
appreciation of insect music as one of
the great charms of country life.
Most of the Greek poems about in-
sects are to be found in what is called
the Greek Anthology. Besides the dis-
tinct works of great authors which have
come down to us, there have been pre-
served collections of very short poems
— collections which were made by the
Greek, themselves, or by Greek schol-
ars of a later day, many centuries ago.
None of these collections are complete:
a great deal has been lost — to the
eternal regret of all lovers of poetry.
But those that we have represent an
immense variety of little poems upon
an immense variety of subjects; and
among these are a number of poems
about insects. To-day I want to quote
some of these to you, in an English
prose translation. There are many poet-
ical translations, also; but no modern
poet can reproduce the real charm of
the Greek verse. Therefore it is just as
well that we should read .only the
plain prose.
The greater number of these poems
are between two thousand and twenty-
five hundred years old. Some of them
were composed in cities that no longer
exist; some of them were written by
persons whose names have been lost
forever; this makes them all the more
precious. They show us how very
much like modern human nature was
the human nature of those vanished
people. And they show us also that
there were many points of resemblance
in the old Greek and in the Japanese
character.
It is possible that the Greeks used
to keep insects in cages, for the pleas-
ure of hearing them sing. We have in
the first Idyl of Theocritus a descrip-
tion of a boy taking charge of a vine-
yard to protect the grapes from the
foxes, and occupying his time by * plait-
ing a pretty locust-cage with stalks of
asphodel, and fitting it with reeds.'
Also we have in one of the poems of
Meleager a reference to the feeding of
crickets with leeks cut up very small —
which would seem to show that the
experience of Greeks and Japanese in
the feeding of certain kinds of insects
was much the same. A leek, you know,
is a kind of small onion, and the soft
inner part of a similar plant is used in
Tokyo to-day by insect-feeders.
The poems refer principally to cicadae,
musical grasshoppers, and some kinds of
night crickets, and these three classes
of musical insects correspond tolerably
well to three classes of Japanese musi-
cal insects. But whereas, in Japan, the
sound made by the semi is considered
to be too loud in most cases to be musi-
cal, it is especially the cicada that is
celebrated in the Greek poem. This
fact would not, however, indicate a
real difference in the musical taste of
the two races; it would rather indicate
a difference in the species of the insect.
Probably the Greek semi were much
less noisy than their relations in the
Far East. But, at the same time, per-
haps most beautiful of all the Greek
poems about insects is a poem about
a night cricket. It is attributed to Me-
leager — one of the sweetest singers
of the later Greek literature.
*O thou cricket that cheatest me of
my regrets, the soother of slumber; —
O thou cricket that art the muse of
ploughed fields, and art with shrill
wings the self-formed imitation of the
lyre, chirrup me something pleasant,
while beating thy vocal wings with thy
feet. How I wish, O cricket, that thou
wouldst release me from the troubles
620
INSECTS AND GREEK POETRY
of much sleepless care, weaving the
thread of a voice that causes love to
wander away! And I will give thee for
morning gifts a leek ever fresh, and
drops of dew, cut up small for thy
mouth.'
The great beauty of this little piece
is in the line about * weaving the thread
of a voice that causes love to wander
away'; listening to the charm of the
insect's song at night, the poet is able
to forget his troubles. The expression,
* thread of a voice,' exquisitely repre-
sents what we would call to-day the
thin quality of the little creature's
song. It is also evident that the Greeks
observed such insects very closely and
noticed how their music was made.
The cricket is correctly described as
striking its wings with its feet. But in
the cicada the stridulatory organ is not
in the wings but in the breast; and the
old poets observed this fact also.
It would also appear that Greek
children kept insects as pets, and
made little graves for them when they
died, just as one sees Japanese child-
ren doing to-day. Here is a little poem
twenty-six hundred years old, written
by a Greek girl of Sicily, a poetess
named Anyte. It is the epitaph of a
locust and a tettix — by which word
we may understand cicada. 'For a lo-
cust, the nightingale amongst ploughed
fields, and for the tettix, whose bed is
in the oak, did Myro make a common
tomb, after the damsel had dropped
a maiden tear; for Hades, hard to be
persuaded, had gone away, taking with
her two playthings.'
How freshly do the tears of this little
girl still shine to-day, after the passing
of twenty-six hundred years ! There is
another poem on the very same sub-
ject, by a later poet, in the Anthology,
— also celebrating the grief of Myro.
'For a locust and a tettix has Myro
placed this monument, after throwing
upon both a little dust with her hands,
and weeping affectionately at the
funeral pyre; for Hades had carried
off the male songster, and Proserpine
the other.'
But if little girls in old Greece were
so tender-hearted as this, I am sorry
to tell you that little boys were not.
They caught cicadse much as little boys
in Tokyo to-day catch semi, and they
were not very merciful, if we can judge
from the following poem, intended to
represent the death-song of a cicada :
'No longer shall I delight myself by
singing out the song from my quick-
moving wings; for I have fallen into
the savage hand of a boy, who seized
me unexpectedly, as I was sitting under
the green leaves.'
You must know that the cicada
received religious respect in some parts
of Greece; it was believed to be the
favorite insect of the goddess of Wis-
dom, and it was often represented in
statues of the goddess. I do not mean
that the Greeks worshiped it, but they
had many religious traditions concern-
ing it. At one time the Athenian women
used to wear cicadas of gold in their
hair; and this ornament was afterwards
adopted by Roman ladies. As for the
merits of the insect we have a very
curious little poem in which it is cele-
brated as a favorite of the gods: 'We
deem thee happy, O cicada, because,
having drunk like a king a little dew,
thou dost chirrup on the tops of trees.
For all those things are thine that thou
seest in the fields, and whatever the
seasons produce. Yet thou art a friend
of land-tillers, to no one doing any
harm. Thou art held in honor by mor-
tals as the pleasant harbinger of song.
The muses love thee. Phoebus himself
loves thee and has gifted thee with a
shrill song, and old age does not wear
thee down. O thou clever one, —
earth-born/song-loving, without suffer-
ing, having flesh without blood, — thou
art nearly equal to the gods,'
INSECTS AND GREEK POETRY
621
Another poet speaks more definitely
about the relation of the insect to
the goddess of Wisdom — putting his
words into the mouth of the insect.
' Not only sitting upon lofty trees do I
know how to sing, warmed with the
great heat of summer, an unpaid min-
strel to wayfaring man, and sipping
the vapor of dew, that is like woman's
milk. But even upon the spear of
Athene, with her beautiful helmet, will
you see me, the tettix, seated. For as
much as we are loved by the Muses, so
much is Athene by us. For the virgin
has established a prize for melody.'
Meleager also celebrates the tettix:
'Thou vocal tettix, drunk with
drops of dew, thou singest the muse
that lives in the country, thou dost
prattle in the desert, and sitting with
thy serrated limbs on the tops of pet-
als, thou givest out the melody of the
lyre with thy dusky skin! Come thou,
O friend, and speak some new playful
thing to the wood nymphs, and chirrup
a strain responsive to Pan, in order
that, after flying from love, I may find
mid-day sleep here, reclining under a
shady plane tree.'
But the most remarkable poem about
a cicada in the whole Greek collec-
tion is a little piece twenty-three hun-
dred years old, attributed to the poet
Evenus. It was written upon the occa-
sion of seeing a nightingale catching a
cicada. Evenus calls the nightingale,
* Attic maiden,' because in Greek my-
thology the nightingale was a daughter
of an ancient king of Attica; her name
was Philomela, and she was turned into
a bird by the gods out of pity for her
great sorrow.
This is the poem : —
' Thou, Attic maiden, honey-fed, hast
chirping seized a chirping cicada, and
bearest it to thy unfledged young —
thou, a twitterer, the twitterer; thou,
the winged, the well- winged; thou, a
stranger, the stranger; thou, a sum-
mer child, the summer child! Wilt
thou not quickly throw it away? For
it is not right, it is not just, that those
engaged in song should perish by the
mouths of those engaged in song!'
This poem has been put into Eng-
lish verse by several hands. Most of
the verse translations are very disap-
pointing; but in this case one transla-
tion happens to be tolerably good, so
that we may quote it : —
Honey-nurtured Attic maiden,
Wherefore to thy brood dost wing
With the shrill cicada laden?
'T is, like thee, a prattling thing,
'T is a sojourner and stranger,
And a summer child, like thee.
'T is, like thee, a winged ranger
Of the air's immensity.
From thy bill this instant fling her, —
'T is not proper, just, or good,
That a little ballad-singer
Should be killed for singer's food.
Another ancient poem represents the
insect caught in a spider's web and
crying there until the poet himself came
to the rescue.
'A spider, having woven its thin
web with its slim feet, caught a tettix
hampered in the intricate net. I did
not, however, on seeing the young
thing that loves music, run by it, while
[it was] making a lament in the thin
fetters, but, freeing it from the net, I
relieved it, and spoke to it thus, "Be
free, thou who singest with a musical
voice!'"
Like the poets of the Far East, the
Greek singers especially celebrated the
harmlessness of the cicada. We have
already had one example in the poem
beginning, * We deem you happy,' etc.,
by the great poet Anacreon. Here is
another very old composition, of which
the authorship is not known.
* Why, O Shepherds, do ye drag, by a
shameless captivity, from dewy boughs,
me a cicada, the lover of solitude,
the roadside songster of the nymphs,
chirping shrilly in mid-day heat on the
622
INSECTS AND GREEK POETRY
mountains and in the shady groves.
Behold the thrush and the blackbird —
behold how many starlings are plun-
derers of the fields! It is right to take
the destroyers of fruits. Kill them.
What grudging is there of leaves and
grassy dew?'
Occasionally, too, we find the Greek
poet, like the Japanese, compassionat-
ing the insects of autumn, and lament-
ing for their death. The following
example is said to have been composed
by an ancient writer called Mnasolcas :
' No more with wings shrill sounding
shalt thou sing, O locust, along the
fertile furrows settling; nor me reclin-
ing under shady foliage shalt thou
delight, striking, with dusky wings, a
pleasant melody!'
By the word locust here is probably
meant a kind of musical grasshopper —
of the same class as those insects which
are so common in this country. In
England and in America the word
locust commonly refers to an insect
frequenting trees rather than grass.
We may now attempt a few remarks
upon the social signification of this old
Greek poetry, and its charming sug-
gestion of refined sensibility and kind-
ness.
You will not find Roman poets writ-
ing about insects — at least not until
a very late day, and then only in imi-
tation of the Greeks. This little fact,
insignificant as it may seem, serves us
as an illustration of the vast differ-
ence in the character of the two races.
Grand in many respects the Romans
were — splendid soldiers, matchless
architects, excellent rulers. They had
all the qualities of power and foresight,
and executive ability. But at no time
did they ever reach the standard of
old Greek refinement, — not even after
they had been studying Greek litera-
ture and philosophy for hundreds of
years. Something of the savage and the
ferocious always remained in Roman
character, which finally developed into
the most monstrous forms of cruelty
that the world has ever known, the
cruelty of an age when the greatest
pleasure of life was the spectacle of
death.
On the other hand, even in the times
of their degradation under Roman
rule, the Greeks could not be coldly
cruel. They resisted the introduc-
tion of the Roman games into their
civilization; they opposed, whenever it
was possible, the sentiment of human-
ity and pity to gladiatorial shows. A
people who enjoyed seeing men killing
each other for sport could not have
written poems about insects. And a
people that wrote poems about insects
could not find pleasure in cruelty.
Indeed, I think that the capacity to
enjoy the music of insects and all that
it signifies in the great poem of nature
tells very plainly of goodness of heart,
aesthetic sensibility, a perfectly healthy
state of mind. All this the Greeks
certainly had. What most impresses
us in the tone of their literature, in the
feeling of their art, in the charm of
their conception of life, is the great
joyousness of the Greek nature, — a
joyousness fresh as that of a child, —
combined with a power of deep think-
ing, in which it had no rival. Those
old Greeks, though happy as children
and as kindly, were very great philoso-
phers, to whom we go for instruction
even at this day. What the world now
most feels in need of is the return
of that old Greek spirit of happiness
and of kindness. WTe can think deep-
ly enough; but all our thinking only
serves, it would seem, to darken our
lives instead of brightening them.
Now, as I have said before, there
was very much in the old Greek life
that resembled the old Japanese life;
and there was certainly in old Japan a
certain joyousness and gentleness for
which the Western World can show no
INSECTS AND GREEK POETRY
623
parallel in modern times. We should
have to go back to the Greek times for
that. Were some great classic scholar,
perfectly familiar with the manners
and customs of this country, to make a
literary study of the parallel between
Greek and Japanese life and thought, I
am sure that the result would be as
surprising as it would be charming.
Although the two religions present
great differences, the religious spirit
offers a great many extraordinary re-
semblances. It was not only in writing
about insects that the Greek poets
came close to the Japanese poets : they
came close to them also in thousands
of little touches of an emotional kind,
referring to the gods, the fate of man,
the pleasure of festival days, those sor-
rows of existence also which have been
the same in all ages of humanity. I
wonder if you remember a little poem
in the Man yo shu, attributed to a
Japanese poet named Okura, in which,
lamenting the death of his little son, he
begs that the porter of the underworld
will carry the little ghost upon his
shoulder because the boy is too little
to walk so far. Is it not strange to find
a Greek poet writing the very same
thing thousands of years ago? The
Greek poet was called Zonas of Sardis
by some writers, by others he was called
Diodorus, — his poem is addressed to
the boatman who ferries the souls of
men over the river of death.
'Do thou, who rowest the boat of
the dead in the water of this lake full
of reeds, for Hades, having a painful
task to do, stretch out, dark Charon,
thy hand to the son of Cinyrus, as he
mounts on the ladder by the gangway,
and receive him. For his sandals will
cause the lad to slip, and he fears to put
his feet, naked, on the sands of the shore.'
Again, just as it is the custom for
little Japanese girls to make offerings
of their dolls and toys to some divinity,
in various parts of the country, so we
find little Greek poems written to cele-
brate the doing of the same thing by
Greek girls, ages before any modern
European language had taken shape.
The poet says in one of these, * Timarete
has offered up her tambourine and her
ball and her doll and her doll's dresses
to thee, goddess, and do thou, O god-
dess, place thy hand over the girl and
preserve her who thus devotes herself
unto thee/
Hundreds of examples of this kind
might be quoted. I mention them only
by way of suggestion.
At the beginning of this lecture I
remarked to you on the absence of
poems about insects in the modern
literature of the West. Of course, such
absence means that the Western
people have not yet perceived, much
less understood, certain very beautiful
sides of nature, — in spite of their study
of the Greek poets. There may be
reasons for this of another kind than
you might at first suppose. It would
not be just to say that Western people
are deficient in aesthetic and ethical
sensibility, — though they have not
yet reached the Greek standard in that
respect. It is not want of feeling; it is
rather, I think, inability to consider
nature in the largest and best way, be-
cause of the restraints that the Christ-
ian religion long placed upon Western
thought. Christianity gave souls only
to men, — not to animals or to insects.
Familiarity with animals, however,
compels men to recognize animal intel-
ligence even while not daring to con-
tradict the opinion of the Church.
Familiarity with insects, however,
could not be obtained in the same way,
nor have the like result. Even when
men could recognize the spirit of a
horse or the affectionate intelligence of
a dog, they would still, under the
influence of the old teaching, think
only of insects as automata. In modern
times, science has taught them better;
624
TURKISH PICTURES
but I am speaking of popular opinion.
On the other hand, the philosophy
of the Far East, teaching the unity of
all life, would impel men to interest
themselves in all living creatures, —
just as did the Greek teaching that all
forms of life had souls. One thing
certainly strikes me as being very
interesting. The few modern writers,
in France and in England, who write
about insect music, are men troubled
by the mystery of the universe — men
who have faced the great problems of
oriental thought, and whose ears are
therefore open to all the whispers of
nature.
TURKISH PICTURES
BY H. G. DWIGHT
SAN STEFANO
IT is strange how San Stefano, in
spite of herself, — like some light lit-
tle person involuntarily caught into a
tragedy, — seems fated to be historic.
San Stefano is a suburb, on the flat
northwestern shore of the Marmora,
that tries perseveringly to be European
and gay. San Stefano has straight
streets. San Stefano has not very se-
rious-looking houses standing in not
very interesting-looking gardens. San
Stefano has a yacht club whose
members, possessing no yachts, spend
most of their time dancing and play-
ing bridge. And a company recently
bought land and planted groves on the
edge of San Stefano, with the idea of
making a little Monte Carlo in the
Marmora. Whether San Stefano was
trying to be worldly and light-minded
as long ago as 1203, when Enrico Dan-
dolo, Doge of Venice, stopped there
with the men of the Fourth Crusade, I
cannot say — nor does Villehardouin.
But the Russians camped there in 1878,
under circumstances of great bitter-
ness for the masters of San Stefano.
In 1909, the events which preceded the
fall of Abdul Hamid turned the yacht
club for a moment into the parliament
of the empire, and the town into an
armed camp. Turned into an armed
camp again at the outbreak of the Bal-
kan War, San Stefano soon became a
camp of a more dreadful kind.
I did not see San Stefano, myself,
at the moment of its greatest horror.
When I did go there, one cold gray
autumn morning, it was rather unwil-
lingly, feeling myself a little heroic, at
all events wanting not to seem too un-
heroic in the eyes of the war corre-
spondent who invited me to go. I did
not know then, in my ignorance, that
cholera can be caught only through the
digestive tract. And my imagination
was still full of the grisly stories the
war correspondent had brought back
from his first visit.
There was nothing too grisly to be
seen, however, as we landed at the pier.
Chiefly to be seen were soldiers, coated
and hooded in gray as usual, who were
transferring supplies of different kinds
TURKISH PICTURES
625
from some small ships to the backs of
some smaller pack-animals. The cor-
respondent accordingly took out his
camera. But he pretended to focus it
on me, knowing the susceptibility of
the Turks in the matter of photogra-
phy— a susceptibility which has been
aggravated by the war. Seeing that
the men were interested rather than
displeased, at his operations, he went
about posing a group of them. Unfor-
tunately, an enterprising young police
sergeant appeared at that moment.
He took the trouble to explain to us
at length that to photograph soldiers
like that, at the pier, with hay on their
clothes and their caps on one side, was
forbidden. People would say, when we
showed the photographs in our coun-
try, 'Ha! That is a Turkish soldier!'
and get a wrong impression of him.
The impression I got was of his size
and good looks, together with a mild-
ness amounting to languor. I don't
know whether those men had been
through the two great battles or
whether the pest-house air of the place
depressed them. A Greek who wit-
nessed our discomfiture came up and
told us in French of a good photograph
we could take, unmolested by the po-
lice, a little way out of the village,
where a soldier sat dead beside the rail-
way track, with a loaf of bread in his
hands. We thanked the Greek, but
thought we would not trouble him to
show us his interesting subject.
As we went on into the village we
found it almost deserted except by
soldiers. Every resident who could do
so had run away. A few Greek and
Jewish peddlers hawked small wares
about. A man was scattering disin-
fecting powder in the street, which the
wind carried in clouds into our faces.
Patrols strolled up and down, sentinels
stood at doors, other soldiers, more
broken than any I had seen yet, shuf-
fled aimlessly past. We followed a
VOL. Ill -NO. 5
street that led toward the railway. On
the sea side of it we came out into an
open space inclosed between houses
and the high embankment. The grass
that tried to grow in this space was
strewn with disinfecting powder, lemon-
peel, odds and ends of clothing, — a
boot, a muddy fez, a torn girdle. They
were what was left of the soldiers who
strewed the ground when the corre-
spondent was there before. There
were also one or two tents. Through
the open flap of the nearest one we saw
a soldier lying on his face, ominously
still.
We followed our road through the
railway embankment. Sentries were
posted on either side, but they made
no objection to our passing. On the
farther slope of the bank men were
burning underbrush. A few days be-
fore, their fellows, sent back from the
front, had been dying there of cholera.
A little beyond we came to a large
Turkish cholera camp. By this time
all the soldiers seemed to be under
cover. We passed tents that were
crowded with them, some lying down,
others sitting with their heads in their
hands. A few roamed aimlessly in the
open. The ground was in an indescrib-
able condition. No one was trying to
make the men use the latrines which
had been constructed for them. I
doubt if any one could have done so.
Some of the soldiers, certainly, were too
weak to get so far. After all they had
gone through, and in the fellowship of
a common misery, they were dulled to
the decencies which a Mohammedan is
quicker than another to observe.
Near the station some long wooden
sheds were being run up for the men
already in San Stefano, and for those
who were to come. We made haste to
get by, out of the sickening odor and
the sense of a secret danger lurking in
the air we breathed. We crossed the
track and went back into the village,
626
TURKISH PICTURES
passing other soldiers. Some were
crouching or lying beside the road, one
against the other, to keep warm. I
could never express the shrunken effect
the big fellows made inside their big
overcoats, with doglike eyes staring
out of sallow faces* Some of them were
slowly eating bread, and no doubt tak-
ing in infection with every mouthful.
Vendors of lemons and lemon-drops
came and went among them. Those
they seemed to crave above every-
thing. In front of the railway station
were men who had apparently just
arrived from Hademkeuy. They were
being examined by army doctors. They
submitted like children while the doc-
tors poked into their eyes, looked at
their tongues, and divided them into
different categories. In a leafless beer-
garden opposite the station, tents were
pitched, sometimes guarded by a cor-
don of soldiers. But only once did a
sentry challenge us or otherwise offer
objection to our going about.
We finally found ourselves at the
west edge of the village, where a street
is bordered on one side by open fields.
This was where, until a few days before,
hundreds, perhaps thousands, of men
had lain, the dying among the dead,
with no one to lift a finger for them.
The ground was strewn with such de-
bris of them as we had seen under the
railway embankment, but more thick-
ly. And, at a certain distance from the
road, was debris more dreadful still. At
first it looked like a heap of discarded
clothing, piled there to be burned —
until I saw two drawn-up knees stick-
ing out of the pile. Then I made out,
here and there, a clenched hand, a
gray face. A little omnibus came back
from somewhere in the fields, and men
began loading the bodies into it. The
omnibus was so short that most of the
legs stuck out of the door. Sometimes
they had stiffened in the contortion of
some last agony. And half the legs
were bare. In their weakness the poor
fellows had foregone the use of the long
girdle which holds together every man
of the East, and as they were pulled
off the ground or hoisted into the om-
nibus their clothes fell from them. We
did not go to see them buried. There
had been so many of them that the sol-
diers dug trenches no deeper than they
could help. The consequence was that
the dogs of the village pawed into some
of the graves. The dogs afterwards
went mad and were shot.
There are times when a man is
ashamed to be alive, and that time, for
me, was one of them. What had I done
that I should be strolling about the
world with good clothes on my back
and money in my pocket and a smug
feeling inside of me of being a little
heroic, and what had those poor devils
done that they should be pitched, half
naked, into a worn-out omnibus and
shoveled into trenches for dogs to
gnaw at? They had left their homes
in order to save their country. They
had suffered privation and neglect;
starved, sick, and leaderless, they had
fallen back before an enemy better
fed, better drilled, better officered,
fighting in a better cause. Attacked
then by an enemy more insidious be-
cause invisible, they had been dumped
down into San Stefano and penned
there like so many cattle. Some of
them were too weak to get out of the
train themselves and were thrown out,
many dying where they fell. Others
crawled into the village in search of
food and shelter. A few found tents to
crowd into. The greater number lay
where they could, under trees, against
houses, side by side in fields, and so
died. Out of some vague idea of
keeping the water uncontaminated the
sentries were ordered to keep the poor
fellows away from the public drin king-
fountains, and hundreds died simply
from thirst.
TURKISH PICTURES
627
The commander of an Austrian man-
of-war, hearing of this horrible state of
affairs, went to see San Stefano for
himself. He made no attempt to con-
ceal his disgust and indignation. He
told the authorities that if they wanted
to save the last vestige of their coun-
try's honor they should within twenty-
four hours put an end to the things he
had seen. The authorities did so by
shipping several hundred sick soldiers
— prodding them with bayonets when
they were too weak to board the
steamer — off to /Touzla, on the Asiat-
ic shore of the Marmora, where they
would be safely out of sight of prying
foreigners.
We were told several times, both by
residents of the village and by outsid-
ers, that they were actually prevented
from doing anything to help, because,
forsooth, the sick men had betrayed
and disgraced their country and only
deserved to die. I cannot believe that
any such argument was responsibly
put forward, unless by men who need-
ed to cover up their own stupidity and
criminal incompetence. Nevertheless
the fact of San Stefano remains, too
great and too horrible to be passed
over.
How could human beings be so in-
human? Were they overwhelmed and
half-maddened by their defeat? And,
with their constitutional inability to
cope with a crisis, — with the lack
among them of any tradition of or-
ganized humanitarianism, — were they
simply paralyzed by the magnitude of
the emergency? I am willing to be-
lieve that the different value which the
Oriental lays on human life entered
into the case. In that matter I am in-
clined to think that our own suscepti-
bility is exaggerated. But that does
not explain why the Oriental is other-
wise. Part of it is perhaps a real differ-
ence in his nervous system. Another
part of it is no doubt related to that
in him which makes him a mediaeval
man. Human life was not of much
account in Europe a few hundred years
ago; and in the back of the Turk's
brain there may be some prouji Islamic
view of battle and falling therein, de-
scended from the same remote Asiatic
conception as the Japanese theory of
suicide. Certainly the Turk fears death
less, and bears it more stoically, than
we. Does that give him the right to
think less of the life of his fellow
beings ?
The Austrian officer raised his voice,
at least, for the soldiers in San Stefano.
The first to lift a hand was a Swiss
lady of the place. Her name has been
pronounced so often that I shall not
seem yellow- journalistic if I mention
it again. Almost every resident who
could possibly leave San Stefano had
already done so. Fraulein Alt, how-
ever, remained. She carried the sol-
diers the water from which the sentries
kept them. She also made soup in her
own house and took it to the weakest,
comforting as best she could their dy-
ing moments. It was, of course, very
little that she could do, among so
many. But she was the first who dared
to do it. She was soon joined by an-
other lady of the place, Frau Schneider;
and presently a few Europeans from
the city helped them make a beginning
of relief work on a larger scale. One of
the new recruits was a woman also,
Miss Graham, of the Scotch mission to
the Jews. The others were Mr. Robert
Frew, the Scotch clergyman of Pera,
Mr. Hoffman Philip, first secretary of
the American embassy, and two gentle-
men who had come to Constantinople
for the war, the English writer, Mau-
rice Baring, and Major Ford of our
own army medical staff. The Amer-
ican Red Cross and English friends
contributed help in other ways.
These good Samaritans left their own
affairs and did what they could to make
628
TURKISH PICTURES
a hospital out of a Greek school into
which sick soldiers had been turned.
It was a heroic thing to do, for at that
time no one knew that the men were
chiefly afflicted by dysentery brought
on by privation; and Red-Cross mis-
sions were hesitating to go. Moreover,
the sanitary condition of the school
was something appalling. Six hundred
men were lying there, on the filthy
floor, in a shed which was the rainy-day
playground of the school, and in a few
tents in the yard. Some of the sol-
diers had been dead two or three days.
Many of them were dying. None of
them had had any care save such as
Fraulein Alt had been able to give
them.
I felt not even a little heroic when I
went into the yard of this school, next
the field where the heap of dead men
lay, and saw these voluntary exiles
coming and going in their oilskins. I
felt rather how rarely, in our modern
world, is it given a man to come down
to the primal facts of life. This reflec-
tion, I think, came to me from the
smart yellow gloves which one of the
Samaritans wore, and which, associ-
ating them as I could with embassies
and I know not what of the gayeties of
life, looked so significantly incongru-
ous in that dreadful work. The corre-
spondent, of course, was under orders
to take photographs; but his camera
looked incongruous in another way —
impertinent, I might say, if I did n't
happen to like the correspondent — in
the face of realities so horrible. A sol-
dier lurched out of the school, with the
gait and in the necessity characteristic
of his disease. He looked about, half-
dazed, and established himself at the
foot of a tree, his hands clasped in front
of his knees, his head sunk forward on
his breast.
Other soldiers came and went in
the yard, some in their worn khaki,
some in their big gray coats and hoods.
One began to rummage in the circle
of debris which marked the place of
a recent tent. He picked up a purse,
one of the knitted bags which the
people of Turkey use, unwound the
long string, looked inside, turned the
purse inside out, and put it into his
pocket. An older man came up to us.
'My hands are cold/ he said, 'and I
can't feel anything with them. What
shall I do?' We also wore hats and
spoke strange tongues, like the miracle-
workers within: I suppose the poor
fellow thought we could perform a mir-
acle for him. As we did not, he tried
to go into the street, but the sentry at
the gate turned him back. Two order-
lies came out of the school carrying a
stretcher. A dead man lay on it, under
a blanket. The wasted body raised
hardly more of the blanket than that
of a child.
When we went away the sick soldier
was still crouching at the foot of his
tree, his hands clasped in front of his
knees and his head sunken on his
breast.
ii
OUT OF THRACE
Deep in the Golden Horn, where it
curves to the north beyond the city
wall, lies, in a hollow of converging
valleys, the suburb of Eyoub Sultan.
If you know Loti, you already know
something of Eyoub, with its hill of
cypresses overlooking the historic firth
and the two beetling cities. The holi-
est mosque in Constantinople stands
at the foot of this hill, among grave-
stones and old trees. The mosque per-
petuates the memory of a friend of the
Prophet, his standard-bearer, Eyoub
Ansari, who took part in the Arab
siege of the city in 668, and fell outside
the walls. When Sultan Mohammed II
made his own siege eight hundred
TURKISH PICTURES
629
years later, the last resting-place of the
Arab hero was miraculously revealed
to him, and he afterwards built there
a mosque and a tomb. They have
since been restored or rebuilt, but
every succeeding sultan has gone there
to be crowned — or rather to be girded
with the sword of Osman. Until the
reestablishment of the constitution in
1908, no Christian had ever been, un-
less in disguise, into so much as the
outer courtyard of that mosque. Even
now it is not easy for a Christian to
see the inside of the sacred tomb. I
have never done so, at all events. But
I count myself happy to have seen its
outer wall of blue and green tiles,
pierced in the centre by an intricate
grille of brass which shines where the
hands of the faithful pass over certain
mystic letters. On one side is a small
sebil, — a pavilion where an attend-
ant waits to give cups of cold water to
the thirsty. On the other side, another
grille, of small green-bronze hexagons,
opens into a patch of garden where
rose-bushes grow among gravestones.
And in the centre of the quadrangle,
between the tomb and the mosque,
stands an enormous plane tree, planted
there by the conqueror five hundred
years ago. Other plane trees shadow
the larger outer court, where also is
a central fountain of ablution, and
painted gravestones in railings, and a
colony of pigeons that are pampered
like those of St. Mark's.
The quarter that has grown up
around this mosque is one of the most
picturesque in Constantinople. No
very notable houses are there, but the
streets take a tone from a great num-
ber of pious institutions which line
them — mosques, monasteries, the-
ological schools, drinking-fountains,
and the domed tombs of great people.
The good Sultan Mehmet V has built
his own tomb there, between the great
mosque and the water, that he may lie
to the last day in the company of so
many saintly and famous men. Even
the commoner houses, however, have
the grave dignity that the Turks suc-
ceed in putting into everything they
do. The streets also take a tone from
them, — of weathered wood, — and
from their latticed windows, and from
their jutting upper stories, and from
the many cypress trees that stand
about them. And sometimes a myste-
rious procession of camels marches
from nowhere to nowhere. You never
meet them in other parts of the city.
They do not like Christians to live
in Eyoub, I am told. But they are
used by this time to seeing us. A good
many of us go there to climb the hill,
and look at the view, and feel as sen-
timental as we can over Ayizade. And
certainly the good people of Eyoub
made no objection to Lady Lowther,
when she established in their midst a
committee for distributing food and
charcoal and clothing to the families
of poor soldiers and to the refugees of
the war. The hordes of Asia had not
stopped pouring through the city on
their way to the west before a horde
from Europe began to pour the other
way.
In all Thrace, from the Bulgarian
border to the Chatalja lines, I do not
suppose there can be a Turk left. It
is partly, no doubt, because of the
narrowness of the field of operations,
lying as it does between two converg-
ing seas, which enabled the conquering
army to drive the whole country in a
battue before it. But I cannot imag-
ine any Western people trekking with
such unanimity. They would have been
more firmly rooted to the soil. The
Turk, however, is still half a tent-man,
and he has never felt perfectly at home
in Europe. So village after village har-
nessed its black water-buffalo, or its
little gray oxen, to its carts of clumsy
wheels, piled thereon its few effects,
630
TURKISH PICTURES
spread matting over them on bent sap-
lings, and came into Constantinople.
How many of them came I do not im-
agine any one knows. Thousands and
tens of thousands were shipped over
into Asia Minor. Other thousands re-
main, in the hope of going back to
their burned villages. The soldiers and
the sick had already occupied most of
the spare room in the city. The refugees
had to take what was left. I know one
colony of them that lives in the fishing-
boats in which they fled from the coast
villages of the Marmora.
So it is that Eyoub has taken on a
new tone. Being myself like a Turk in
that I make little of numbers and com-
putations, I have no means of know-
ing how many men, women, and child-
ren, from how many villages, now swell
the population of the sacred suburb.
I only know that certain mosques have
been entirely given up to them, that
they are living in cloisters and empty
houses, that their own people have
taken in a goodly number, that sheds,
storerooms, stables, are full of them.
I even heard of four persons who had
no other shelter than a water-closet.
And still streets and open spaces are
turned into camping-grounds, where
small gray cattle are tethered to big
covered carts and where people in veils
and turbans shiver over camp-fires —
when they have camp-fires to shiver
over. But they can always fall back
on cypress wood. It gives one a dou-
ble pang to catch the aroma of such
a fire, betraying as it does the extrem-
ity of some poor exile and the devasta-
tion at work among the trees which
make so much of the color of Constan-
tinople.
In distributing Lady Lowther's relief
we do what we can to systematize. We
spend certain days in visiting, quarter
by quarter, to see for ourselves the con-
dition of the refugees and what they
most need. I have done a good deal
of visiting in my day, being somewhat
given to seeking the society of my kind ;
but it has not often happened to me, in
the usual course of visiting, to come so
near the realities of life as when, with
another member of our committee, I
visited the mosque of Sal Mahmoud
Pasha in Eyoub. Like its more famous
neighbor, it has two courts. They are
on two levels, however, joined by a
flight of steps and each opening into
a thoroughfare of its own. How the
courts of Sal Mahmoud Pasha may
look in summer I do not know. On a
winter day of snow they looked very
cheerless indeed, especially for the
cattle stabled in their cloisters. The
mosque itself was open to any who
cared to go in. We did so, lifting up
the heavy flap that hangs at any pub-
lic Turkish doorway. We found our-
selves in a narrow vestibule in which
eight or ten families were living. One
of them consisted of two sick children,
a little boy flushed with fever, and a
pale and wasted little girl, who lay on
the bricks near the door without mat-
tress or matting under them. They
were not quite alone, we learned. Their
mother had gone out to find them
bread. The same was the case with a
larger family of children who sat
around a primitive brazier. The young-
est was crying, and a girl of ten was
telling him that their mother would
soon be back with the bread.
We lifted a second flap. A wave of
warm, smoky air met us, sweetened by
cypress wood, but sickeningly close.
Through the haze of smoke we saw that
the square of the interior, surrounded
on three sides by a gallery, was pack-
ed as if by a congregation. The con-
gregation consisted chiefly of women
and children, which is not the thing
in Turkey, sitting on the matted floor
in groups, and all about them were
chests and small piles of bedding and
stray cooking utensils. Each of these
TURKISH PICTURES
631
groups constituted a house, as they put
it. As we went from one to another,
asking questions and taking notes, we
counted seventy-eight of them. Some
four hundred people, that is, — many
houses consisted of ten or more mem-
bers, — were living together under the
dome of Sal Mahmoud Pasha.
In the gallery, and under it, rude
partitions had been made by stretch-
ing rope between the pillars, and hang-
ing up a spare quilt or rug. In the open
space of the centre there was nothing
to mark off house from house save
the bit of rug or matting which most
of the families had had time to bring
away with them, and such boundaries
as could be drawn by the more solid
of the family possessions, and by the
row of family shoes. Under such con-
ditions had not a few of the congre-
gation drawn their first and their last
breath.
Each house had a brazier of some
sort, if only improvised out of an oil-
can. That was where the blue haze
came from, and the scent of cypress
wood. Some had a little charcoal, and
were daily near asphyxiating them-
selves. Others had no fire at all. On
some of the braziers we noticed curi-
ous flat cakes baking, into whose com-
position went bran or even straw. We
took them to be some Thracian dainty,
until we learned that they were a sub-
stitute for bread. The city is supposed
to give each refugee a loaf of bread a
day, but many refugees somehow do
not succeed in getting their share. A
few told us they had had none for five
days. It struck me, in this connection,
that not in any other country I knew
would the mosque carpets still have
been lying folded in one corner, instead
of making life a little more tolerable
for that melancholy congregation.
Of complaint, however, we heard as
little as possible. The four hundred sat
very silently in their smoky mosque.
Many of them were ill and lay on the
floor under a colored quilt or a rug.
Others had not only their lost homes
to think of. A father told us that when
Chorlu was spoiled, as he put it, his
little girl of nine had found a place in
the * fire-carriage ' that went before his,
and he had not seen her since. One old
man had lost the rest of his family. He
had been unable to keep up with them,
he said. It had taken him twenty- two
days to walk from Kirk-Kilisseh. A tall
ragged young woman who said that
her ejfendi made war in Adrianople,
told us she had three children. One of
them she was rocking in a wooden
trough. It only came out by accident
that she had adopted the other two
during the hegira from Thrace. I re-
member, also, a woman sitting beside
a brasier with her two grown sons. One
of them, fearfully pitted by smallpox,
was blind. The other answered our
questions so vaguely that the mother
explained that he had no mind in his
head.
Having visited, we give the head of
each house a numbered ticket which
enables him or her to draw on us for
certain supplies. We then take in the
tickets and give out the supplies on our
own day at home. They say it is more
blessed to give than to receive. I find,
however, that it is more possible to
appreciate the humorous or decora-
tive side of Thrace on the days when
we receive, in the empty shop which
is our headquarters. It is astonishing
how large a proportion of Thrace is
god-daughter to Hadijeh or Ayesha,
mothers of the Moslems, or to the
Prophet's daughter, Fatma. Many,
however, remind one of Madame
Chrysantheme and Madame Butterfly.
On our visiting list are Mrs. Hyacinth,
Mrs. Tulip, Mrs. Appletree, and Mrs.
Nightingale. I am also happy enough
to possess the acquaintance of Mrs.
Sweetmeat, Mrs. Diamond, Mrs. Air,
632
TURKISH PICTURES
— though some know her as Mother
Eve, — Miss May-She-Laugh, and
Master He-Waited. This last appella-
tion seemed to me so curious that I
inquired into it, and learned that my
young gentleman waited to be born.
These are not surnames, you under-
stand, for no Turk owns such a thing.
To tell one Mistress Hyacinth from
another you add the name of her man.
And in his case all you can do is to tack
on his father's — you could hardly say,
Christian — name.
If we find the nomenclature of Mis-
tress Hyacinth and her family a source
of perplexities, she in turn is not a little
confounded by our system of tickets.
We have one for bread. We have an-
other for charcoal. We have a third
which must be tied tight in a painted
handkerchief and never be lost. 'By
God ! ' cries Mistress Hyacinth, accord-
ing to her honored idiom, * I know not
what these papers mean.' And it is
sometimes well-nigh impossible to ex-
plain it to her. A good part of her con-
fusion, I suspect, must be put down to
our strange accent and grammar, and
to our unfamiliarity with the Thracian
point of view. Still, I think the ladies
of that peninsula share the general hes-
itation of their race to concern them-
selves with mathematical accuracy.
Asked how many children they have,
they rarely know until they have
counted up on their fingers two or
three times. It is evidently no habit
with them to have the precise number
at their fingers' ends, as it were. So
when they make an obvious mistake
we do not necessarily suspect them of
an attempt to overestimate. As a mat-
ter of fact, they are more likely to
underestimate. Other failures of mem-
ory are more surprising, as that of a
dowager in ebony who was unable to tell
us her husband's name. 'How should
I know?' she protested. 'He died so
long ago!'
Altogether it is evident that the in-
directions of Mistress Hyacinth obey
a compass different from our own. I
remember a girl not more than sixteen
or seventeen who told us she had three
children. Two of them were with her:
where was the third, we asked? 'Here,'
she answered, tapping herself with a
simplicity of which the Anglo-Saxons
have lost the secret. Yet she was most
scrupulous to keep her nose and mouth
hidden from an indiscriminate world.
Another woman, asked about a child
we knew, replied non-committally, ' We
have sent him away.' ' Where ? ' we de-
manded in alarm, for we have known
of refugees giving away or even of sell-
ing their children. 'Eh, he went,' re-
turned the mother gravely. ' Have you
news of him? ' one of us pursued. ' Yes/
she said. And it was finally some one
else who had to enlighten our obtuse-
ness by explaining that it was to the
other world the child had gone. It is
a miracle that more of them do not go.
One day when we inquired after a pet
baby of ours his mother said he was
sick: a redness had come upon him.
The redness turned out to be scarlet
fever. As for smallpox, no one thinks
any more of it than of a cold.
With great discreetness does Mis-
tress Hyacinth come into our presence,
rarely so far forgetting herself as to
lean on our table or throw her arms in
gratitude about a benefactress's neck.
For in gratitude she abounds, and in
such expressions of it as, ' God give you
lives,' and 'May you never have less.'
With a benefactor she is, I am happy
to report, more reserved. Him she re-
spectfully addresses as 'my brother,'
'my child,' 'my little one,' or, haply,
' my mother and my father.' I am now
so accustomed to occupying the ma-
ternal relation to ladies of all ages
and colors, that I am inclined to feel
slighted when they coldly address me
as their master.
TURKISH PICTURES
In the matter of discretion, how-
ever, Mistress Hyacinth is not al-
ways impeccable, so far at least as
the concealment of her charms is con-
cerned. Sometimes, indeed, she will
scarcely be persuaded to raise her veil
for a lady to recognize her; but at other
times she appears not to shrink even
from the masculine eye. One day a
Turk, passing our shop, was attracted
by the commotion at the door. He
came to the door himself, looked in,
and cried out, * Shame ! ' at the disrepu-
table spectacle of a mild male unbe-
liever and a doorkeeper of his own
country within the same four walls as
some of Lady Lowther's fairer helpers
and a motley collection of refugee
women, many of them unveiled. But
the latter retorted with such prompt-
ness, that the shame was rather upon
him for leaving the ghiaour to supply
their needs, that he was happy to let
the matter drop. On this and other
occasions I gathered a very distinct
impression that if Mistress Hyacinth
should ever take it into her head to
turn suffragette, she would not wait
long to gain her end.
The nails of Mistress Hyacinth, I
notice, are almost always reddened
with henna — and very clean. The
henna sometimes extends to her fingers
as well, to the palms of her hands, or
even — if she happen to be advancing
in years — to her hair. There is no
attempt to simulate a youthful glow.
The dye is plentifully applied to make
a rich coral red. In other points of
fashion Mistress Hyacinth is more
catholic than her sisters of the West.
What the ladies of Paris wear must
be worn by the ladies of London, St.
Petersburg, New York, or Melbourne.
But no such slavishness obtains in
Thrace, where every village seems to
have modes of its own. I can only gen-
eralize by saying that Mistress Hya-
cinth seems to prefer a good baggy
trouser, cut out of some figured print,
with no lack of red about it. Over this
she should wear in the street a shape-
less black mantle that often has a long
sailor-collar, and she covers her head
in various ingenious, but not very de-
corative, ways.
The consort of Mistress Hyacinth,
as is general in the East, is outwardly
and visibly the decorative member of
the family. He inclines less to baggi-
ness than she, or than his brother of
Asia. He affects a certain cut of trou-
ser which is popular all the way from
the Bosphorus to the Adriatic. This
trouser, preferably of a pastel blue, is
bound in at the waist by a broad red
sash which also serves as pocket, bank,
arsenal, and anything else you please.
Over it goes a short zouave jacket,
with more or less embroidery, and
round my lord's head twists a pic-
turesque figured turban with a tassel
dangling in front of one ear. He is
surprisingly well-featured, too, — like
Mistress Hyacinth herself, for that
matter, and the rolypoly small fry at
their heels. On the whole, they give
one the sense of furnishing excellent
material for a race — if only the right
artist could get hold of it.
REAL SOCIALISM
BY HENRY KITCHELL WEBSTER
WE'D have been a very pleasant,
conversable company, but for the pre-
sence of one man. There was a law-
yer with a hobby for anarchism; a
banker who was an enthusiastic So-
cialist from 3 P.M. to 10 A.M.; a promi-
nent magazine writer, who specialized
in women; an archdeacon with a fond-
ness for metaphysics and a doctrine
of his own discovery, which he called
the Conservation of Sin; one real So-
cialist and a dramatic critic. You can
see in a minute that the possibilities
for conversation were simply unlim-
ited, — if it had n't been for the Ob-
stacle.
He was a returned traveler from the
Tropics, and he was an infernal nui-
sance. Whenever anyone started a new
topic of conversation, he appropriated
it. If we tried to talk about aviation,
he described the superior aeroplaning
properties of certain queer tropical
birds. We mentioned the Red-Light
district and the police and launched
him into a discussion of the superior
depravities of Singapore. And when the
Dramatic Critic tried to talk art, and
mentioned Mary Garden, he insisted
on telling us about the superior frank-
ness of the costume worn by the ladies
of Zamboango, or some such sounding
place. We could n't even speak about
the weather, without being told that
we had never seen a real rain storm or
a real sunset or anything that could
properly be called the light of the moon.
The man was a perfect pest.
At last, to silence him, we resorted
to drastic treatment and began talking
634
Socialism, — a topic which you would
think would silence anybody. But the
Banker, the Magazine Man, and the
Archdeacon had no more than fairly
got going on a three-cornered discus-
sion of Thorstein Veblen's theory that
the withdrawal of the interstitial ad-
justments from the discretion of rival
business men will result in an avoidance
of that systematic mutual hindrance
which characterizes competition, when
the Pest took a long preliminary drink
and butted in.
* Speaking of Socialism/ he said, 'in
the course of my travels through the
Tropics, I visited a Socialist state.'
'Don't try to spring New Zealand or
New South Wales or any of those
places on us,' said the Banker, — care-
lessly, I'll admit. 'They are n't Social-
istic in any true sense.'
'And they're not in the Tropics in
any sense,' said the Traveler, blandly.
'There's no such thing as a popular
knowledge of geography. Here you
are, a group of fairly educated men,
and I'll bet every one of you thinks
Vladivostock is north of Nice.'
'Never mind Vladivostock,' said the
Real Socialist. 'Where is your Social-
ist state?'
'Do you mean to say you don't
know?' inquired the Pest. 'Here's a
completely organized Socialist state,
with thirty thousand inhabitants or so;
been running for years; and you sit
up here and theorize about what would
happen under Socialism, and never
even have heard of what is happening
right under your nose.'
REAL SOCIALISM
635
* If you can get away with that,' said
the Socialist, 'I'll cheerfully pay for
all the drinks that are consumed by
this company while you're doing it. If
you can't make good, you'll have to
pay for them yourself. And I warn
you that if your remarks are as dry as
I have found them since you became
a returned traveler, the consumption
will be enormous.'
'The Pest shook his head sadly.
'There's no real drinking outside
the Tropics,' he said.
'You told us all about that last Fri-
day,' said the Archdeacon, politely.
'Revenons a nos moutons.9
'It's got to be real Socialism, mind
you,' said the Real Socialist. 'Munici-
pal ownership and state pawnshops
and the rest of those dinky little parlor
experiments don't go.'
'You yourself shall be the judge,' the
Pest retorted; and to show his confi-
dence in the outcome, he ordered a
fresh half -lit re.
'To begin with,' he said confidently,
'this state owns all the land. It leases
certain portions of it, such as are n't
required directly for the public use,
for agricultural purposes. But it pur-
chases the product and reissues it to
the citizens in exchange for labor cou-
pons.'
The Socialist looked a little startled,
and wanted to know who issued the
coupons.
'The state, of course,' said the im-
perturbable Pest, 'it being the only
employer of labor.'
'Is this an excerpt from the proof-
sheets of some work of fiction?' asked
the Magazine Man.
'This is no traveler's tale,' the Pest
assured us. 'All of my observations
can be verified in the published annual
reports of the state I am talking about,
and these reports are to be found in any
library.'
'There 's a joker somewhere,' said
the Banker. 'How about the finances
of this state?'
'Its credit is excellent,' the Pest
assured him. 'It can borrow all the
money it wants at from two to two-
and-a-half per cent.
'The state not only employs its citi-
zens, it houses and feeds them. There
are some fifteen types of quarters, a
certain type of house going with a cer-
tain class of work. The man who does
the most difficult, highly skilled, and re-
sponsible sort of work, lives, of course,
in the best house. Also, there is a dis-
tinction, naturally, between the quar-
ters provided for married and single
men.'
'Then where does the equality come
in?' demanded the Anarchist.
'Equality,' said the Pest, 'is not one
of the cardinal principles of Socialism.
I have heard my friend over there
proclaim from many a soap-box, that
the stimulus to ambition afforded by
exceptional rewards would be even
greater under the Socialist regime than
under what he calls the Capitalistic.
I was glad to find his contention so well
borne out when I visited this Socialist
state.'
'Come down to brass tacks,' said
the Real Socialist. 'Does private prop-
erty exist, or does it not? That's the
test.'
'There is no real private property,'
said the Pest, ' because the state owns
all the land and all the buildings. There
is no legal prohibition against private
personal property. As a matter of fact,
the amount of it is negligible within
the boundaries of this state, because
no one has any particular use for any.
Except, of course, his clothes, which, in
the nature of things, are bound to be
privately and individually possessed
anywhere.'
' How about household furniture and
so on?'
'I include that under housing,' said
636
REAL SOCIALISM
the Pest. 'The state provides every-
thing necessary for domestic purposes,
down to knives and forks, pillow-cases
and dish-towels; the quantity and
quality of these, like the houses them-
selves, being graded according to the
value of the service which the citizen
performs. It might be expected that a
certain class of persons would wish for
personal possessions of a sort superior
to those furnished by the state, but
there are two causes which render this
wish inoperative. The climate is de-
structive for one thing, but there is a
much stronger reason in the fact that
such possessions would accomplish
nothing in the way of proclaiming
social superiority. The classification
of citizens is perfectly understood to be
upon the basis of serviceableness to the
state. It is proclaimed quite finally
and irrevocably by the type of house
you are assigned to live in, and by the
number of table napkins which the gov-
ernment issues to your wife. Private
possessions can add nothing to it. In
other words, no one has any reason for
keeping up a front.'
'You say the state feeds its citizens
as well as houses them/ observed the
Anarchist. 'Is the same nice classifi-
cation you have been speaking of car-
ried out in the ration which is issued to
citizens? Is the valuable citizen, that
is to say, compelled to eat pate-de-foie-
gras while the less valuable members
of the community are permitted to
thrive on mush and milk?'
'Not at all,' said the Pest. 'Every
one eats exactly what he likes. A cer-
tain portion of his remuneration from
the state consists of what are known
as commissary coupons. The prices in
coupons are the same to all. These are
published weekly. Up to the limit of
his coupons, the least valuable citizen
may eat the most valuable food, if he
prefers.'
'Is the issue of these coupons suffi-
ciently liberal/ inquired the Real So-
cialist, 'to provide for the adequate
nourishment of these least valuable
citizens ? '
'Not only that/ said the Pest; 'you
remind me that I must make a correc-
tion. I said that he purchased what
he liked. But the state has found it
necessary to establish a minimum per
diem of food-consumption among the
less enlightened members of the com-
munity, in order to maintain their
working efficiency. A man who can't
give evidence that he has consumed a
sufficient quantity of food to keep his
physical status unimpaired, is liable to
the rigors of the law.'
'I thought you were going to stick
to facts/ grumbled the Banker.
'I am sticking to the facts/ insisted
the Pest. 'It's all perfectly true,
it's all happening every day, only you
fellows are too busy theorizing about
the labels on things to scrutinize their
contents. Consequently, your ignor-
ance of this state is wholly natural,
because the founders of it are wholly
unconscious that it is a Socialistic state,
and have never advertised it as such.
In fact, if they were ever to learn that
their governmental activities were de-
scribed in such terms, they would be
horrified beyond belief.'
'Do you mean to say/ demanded
the Real Socialist excitedly, 'that this
state has simply made up its own So-
cialism spontaneously, as it has gone
along?'
'Precisely/ said the Pest. 'Paying
no royalties whatever to Carl Marx or
subsequent patentees.'
Once more he fixed us with his glit-
tering eye and resumed his tale : —
'The state stands, as the school-
masters used to say, in loco parentis to
its adult, as well as its juvenile popu-
lation, and as physical well-being is a
prime consideration, it goes to almost
incredible extremes in its detailed
REAL SOCIALISM
637
supervision of public health. Sanitary
inspectors go everywhere and keep a
watch on everything, and the most
trivial infraction of the sanitary code
is considered too serious a matter to
be overlooked.
'Of course there are no doctors in
private practice. Whenever a citizen is
ailing, he gets not only medical atten-
dance, but the medicines themselves,
free. If his case is serious enough to
warrant such a course, he is taken at
once and put into a hospital, where also
the treatment is gratuitous. When a
patient is sufficiently recovered to be
discharged from the hospital, but is not
yet well enough to resume his duties,
he is sent to a convalescent station -in
an exceedingly beautiful, quiet, iso-
lated spot, where he is cared for until
fully restored to health. And I will
say for your benefit,' here the Pest
addressed himself particularly to the
Anarchist, ' that there is no distinction
in this course of treatment between
the more and the less valuable citizen,
the health of one being considered as
indissolubly related to the health of
all.'
'Are you sure,' asked the Banker,
'that the establishment of this system
is not a direct result of the teachings of
Mr. Bernard Shaw? It is exactly the
system for which he pleads so eagerly
and eloquently in one of his numerous
prefaces.'
'I doubt very much,' said the Pest,
'whether Mr. Shaw is any better
aware of the existence of this state
than you yourselves are. Certainly it
fails in one important particular to
fulfill his prophecies. Mr. Shaw says,
very confidently, that if such a system
of medical practice ever existed, it
would put an end, quite finally, to
vaccination and other immunizing de-
vices; to the prescription of expensive
drugs as remedies, and to the use of
formaldehyde and other germicidal
agencies in places where infectious
diseases have existed; it being Mr.
Shaw's idea that all these practices
are mere superstitions, fostered in or-
der to provide the private doctor with
a livelihood. So exactly contrary to
the fact is this prophecy, that the num-
ber of vaccinations in a year is over
forty thousand, even the most transi-
ent visitor being required to submit to
the operation; that over two hundred
pounds avoirdupois of quinine alone
are consumed monthly, while the dis-
infection brigade for such diseases as
pneumonia and tuberculosis last year
disinfected and fumigated two hundred
and thirty houses, and totally demo-
lished thirty- two. It only remains to
say that this state, which in the past
has had the reputation of being one of
the unhealthiest places in the world, is
now able to show a death-rate which
entitles it to be considered as a health
resort.
'The principal care of the state is
for the health of its citizens, but it also
makes some attempt to provide for their
other wants with churches, schools,
libraries, and club-houses of various
sorts, where certain social amusements
are provided. There is also a public
brass band for whose intentions I have
nothing but praise.
' I don't feel, however, that this state
shines particularly in the encourage-
ment it gives to the aesthetic develop-
ment of its citizens. In the matter of
decoration, for example, only one kind
of paint is used, and this is applied
indiscriminately to everything. The
formula, which I took pains to inquire
about, was cheerfully furnished me. It
consists of coal-tar, kerosene, and Port-
land cement, in a fixed proportion. It
combines the merits of cheapness and
permanency in a high degree. That is
all, I believe, that any one would say
for it.'
'What do they do,' inquired the
638
REAL SOCIALISM
Banker, * besides look after their health
and hear the band play?'
'The industrial activities of any
country are generally pretty well re-
flected by its railways. In this case, of
course, the railway is a state affair.
I am sorry to say I have n't the figures
by me, but I know that it is extremely
profitable and I should be greatly sur-
prised to learn that any railroad in the
United States hauled a greater annual
tonnage per mile. Of course the in-
dustrial enterprises of this country are
very intimately correlated, all the
power being developed at the most
naturally advantageous points and
conveyed wherever needed, generally
in the form of electricity, although
there is a ten-inch pipe-line of com-
pressed air running from one end of
the country to the other. The govern-
ment itself, of course, conducts all
these enterprises, and, indeed, they are
by far its most important function.
Providing its citizens with food, houses,
laundry facilities, taking care of the
public health, and providing such aes-
thetic pleasures as are afforded by that
band, are mere incidentals.'
'So completely is this state absorbed
in its industrial and engineering works,
that it denies the exceptional advan-
tages its organization provides, to all
but workers. A casual visitor is not
permitted to patronize the commissary
or the public laundries, nor is he re-
ceived at the regular state hotels.
There is, indeed, one large caravansary
built for the accommodation of vis-
itors, but even here the visitors are
charged twice as much for accommoda-
tion as are the regular working citizens
of the state. This is partly, no doubt,
to prevent it from getting overcrowded
by an idle, pleasure-loving class, whose
presence would hinder the furtherance
of the great works which the state is
prosecuting, but is also a measure of
protection to the merchants, inn-
keepers, and so forth, of the neighbor-
ing state, who would infallibly lose all
their customers unless such a regula-
tion were adopted.'
'I am curious,' said the Real Social-
ist, ' to know something more about the
organization of the government. Any
government that can administer such
a multiplicity of activities in a manner
at all satisfactory, — and I gather from
your remarks that the manner is sat-
isfactory, — must possess a high de-
gree of ability and skill.'
* Nominally,' said the Pest, 'the gov-
ernment is by commission. The public
health is in charge of a sanitary com-
missioner. There is a commissioner
in charge of the commissary and of
other supplies; another in charge of the
civil administration, while the great
engineering and industrial enterprises
I have spoken of are under the charge
of other commissioners.'
'Why do you say nominally?' asked
the Socialist.
'Because, as a matter of fact, the
chairman of the Commission is a dic-
tator. He can issue administrative
orders to suspend the operation of
existing orders, without the advice or
consent of the other members of the
Commission. Indeed, he is under no
legal obligation ever to summon a
meeting of the Commission.'
'Is this chairman,' inquired the So-
cialist, ' elected in the first place by the
Commission and from their number,
or is he elected directly by the vote of
the people?'
The Pest smiled, and finished his
second half-litre.
'Neither,' said he. 'The chairman
is appointed by the President of the
United States.
' Of course,' he went on, after a rather
blank silence, 'you can have been in
no doubt for some time back that the
place I have been talking about is the
Panama Canal Zone.'
REAL SOCIALISM
639
Well, we all began talking then, more
or less at once, and the consensus of
opinion was that the Pest had n't
played fair. He had no business to
speak of the Canal Zone as a state.
Thereupon, the Pest wanted to know
why not.
'Of course it is n't sovereign/ he
admitted, 'but there are plenty of
states that are n't, except as a matter
of polite fiction. Take the one ruled by
the Sultan of Brunei, or by the Gaekwar
of Baroda. For working purposes, the
Zone is a state. It enforces its own
body of laws. It's got a postal sys-
tem'—
' It has n't any foreign relations/
interrupted the Magazine Man.
'Has n't it, just! ' said the Pest. He
had picked up this Briticism presum-
ably on his travels. ' Go down and run
it for a while and see if you have n't
foreign relations enough with the
Republic of Panama to keep the whole
State Department busy/
'That's neither here nor there/ said
the Socialist. 'It is n't a state, because
its government does n't spring from its
people. In a word, it has no foundation
whatever in Democracy/
'Precisely/ said the Pest, with an
affable smile. 'That's what is so won-
derfully fitting about it. Because
there 's nothing democratic about
Socialism.
'It has been my fate/ he went on, 'to
hear all the phases of Socialism dis-
cussed on innumerable occasions and
by all sorts of Socialists. They dis-
agree almost as enthusiastically as the
early Christians, but there is one point
on which 'there is no diversity of opin-
ion. When we have got the Socialist
state in full operation, we always find
that it is administered by an oligarchy
of highly intelligent persons, like the
speaker, while the "mere unthinking
voter" ramps around and amuses him-
self with the illusion that it is all his
own doing/
'You're a trifler/ said the Socialist
severely, 'with no social consciousness
whatever, and I fear that you are an
incorrigible individualist.'
' If you want real individualism/ said
the Pest, ' you 've got to go to Canton,
China. The merchants there ' —
At this point we rose as one man
and threw him out. But we made
the Socialist pay for the drinks. Well,
it's lucky these Socialists are all so
rich.
CHRISTIAN UNITY
BY FRANKLIN SPENCER SPALDING
THE new sense of social service in all
the churches, and the movement for
union among the churches, are closely
related. So long as the chief business
of ecclesiastical organizations was to
teach dogma, isolation was inevitable
and desirable. The right of those who
do not care to believe a particular
creed to choose another creed must be
recognized. When, however, religious
societies accept the obligation of social
service, combination is necessary for
efficiency.
When the motive of the foreign mis-
sionary was to persuade the heathen to
believe a special creed, each missionary
tried to keep himself and his converts
as far away as possible from every
other missionary. But when the object
of the foreign missionary is to build
schools and hospitals and to bring to
the heathen the benefits of Christian
civilization, the necessity of coopera-
tion is forced upon him.
This practical desire to get helpful
things done is the popular reason for
the increasing interest in Christian
Unity. But there is here a very real
danger. Intense interest in Social Sci-
ence at home and abroad may make us
forget that the churches are primarily
religious institutions, not organized
charity societies. It is true that the
names of those who love their fellow
men will head the list of those who love
the Lord, but there are other legitimate
ways of expressing love for God and
receiving his help, which must not be
640
overlooked. There may be scores of
societies designed to teach men to do
justly and to love mercy, but the
Church is the sole means of teaching
men to walk humbly with God.
The danger, to-day, is that those
who are planning for Christian Unity,
in their zeal to supply man's physical
needs, will forget that he also has spir-
itual needs. We must thank the social
experts for their protest against selfish
sectarianism and impractical other-
worldliness, but if they are intelligent
they will let the psychologists tell them
that man cannot live by bread alone,
even though every child be given
plenty of it, because the human soul is
athirst for the Living God. The help
of the social expert must be the help of
a friendly outsider. He may tell the
churches as forcefully as he will that
sensible humanitarians consider their
divisions inexcusable and shameful,
but he is powerless to tell them how to
unite. The movement for Christian
Unity is not a humanitarian, but a
religious, movement.
At this point the theologian offers
himself as a guide. We owe him a debt
of gratitude which we earnestly ac-
knowledge. He has shown men that
God's revelation of Himself in Jesus
Christ 'is the fullest disclosure of the
nature of God,'1 and 'that its interpre-
tation of God in terms of divine father-
hood, and man in the terms of sonship,
and the final end of life as a kingdom in
1 ' The Divine Revelation and the Christian
Religion,' by Daniel Evans: Harvard Theological
Review, July, 1912.
CHRISTIAN UNITY
641
which all men realize their nature, is
alone adequate.'
The importance of this service few
will dispute, but writers of creeds are
rarely able to see clearly when their
task is done, and the attempts of the
theologians to substitute for the reli-
gion of Jesus their various theological
speculations have caused more disunion
than peace. We can, therefore, no
more let the theologian lead us than
the humanitarian. The movement for
Christian Unity is not a philosoph-
ical or a metaphysical, but a religious
movement.
Offers of guidance from the theolo-
gians are numerous. The followers of
Alexander Campbell, who spent his
life trying to unify Christendom, ask
this question as of fundamental im-
portance: 'Do you believe that the
Protestant Bible is an all-sufficient
statement of Doctrine, of Worship,
and of Service?' The question is not
an invitation to peace, but a challenge
to fight.
The peace proposals of the Protestant
Episcopal Church are also suggestive
of the dogma which makes for disagree-
ment. The committee it has recent-
ly appointed to advance the cause of
Christian Unity is named, 'A Commis-
sion on Faith and Order,' and it asks
us to pray that the day may be hasten-
ed, 'when all men shall be enabled to
see that Christians endeavor to keep
the Unity of the Spirit in the bond
of peace ' ; that among men ' there is
one body and one spirit, — one hope
of your calling, one Lord, one faith,
one baptism, one God and Father of
all, who is over all and through all and
in all.'
It would hardly be possible to put
more theology into the same number
of words, and it is the object of this
paper to prove that if we are ever to
have Christian Unity it will be because
this prayer is not used.
VOL. Ill - NO. 5
The following statement by Andrew
D. White in the preface to his History
of the Warfare of Science with Theology
in Christendom expresses probably the
feeling of the most thoughtful men to-
day: 'My conviction is that science,
though it has evidently conquered
Dogmatic Theology based on biblical
texts and ancient modes of thought,
will go hand-in-hand with religion; and
that although theological control will
continue to diminish, religion as seen
in the recognition of a " power in the
universe, not ourselves, which makes
for righteousness," and in the love of
God and of our neighbor, will steadily
grow stronger and stronger, not only in
the American institutions of learning,
but in the world at large.'
This contention, that the fundamen-
tal, permanent element in our ecclesi-
astical organizations is not theology
but religion, is no new discovery. Lord
Bacon in Essay 3, 'Of Unity in Relig-
ion,' said the same thing. 'Religion
being the chief band of human society,
it is a happy thing when itself is well
contained within the true band of
unity. The quarrels and divisions about
religions were evils unknown to the
heathen. The reason was, because the
religion of the heathen consisted rather
in rites and ceremonies, than in any
constant belief.'
Surely a candid study of the history
of the Christian Church shows clearly
that religion — not theology — is the im-
portant basic matter. The Nicene or the
Augustinian or the Medieeval theolo-
gies, each and all, no more exhaust the
full meaning of man's relation to God
than the Ptolemaic, the Newtonian,
or the Darwinian theories of the physi-
cal universe exhaust the full meaning
of man's relation to nature. Because
man has a mind he cannot but attempt
to formulate his discoveries about God
and about nature into systems of the-
ology and of science, but those systems
642
CHRISTIAN UNITY
lose their value when they are consid-
ered final and not tentative. They are
ways of approach, and not ends of
journeys.
For one ecclesiastical institution to
suppose that its creedal statement ex-
presses the final truth about God and
immortality is as absurd as to suppose
that Newton's Principia or Darwin's
Origin of Species gives final and com-
plete knowledge of sky and earth. To
assert that the sacramental means of
grace performed by one accredited
order of priests is the only way of ap-
propriating divine strength is as untrue
as it would be to claim that one type
of engine utilizes the whole power of
steam.
The real value of any movement for
Christian Unity depends on the pro-
gress it makes toward securing for all
an adequate expression of their relig-
ious life. The sole test of the worth of
theological formularies is their help-
fulness toward that end. If that end is
conserved, then the dogmatic state-
ment is useful; if not, it is useless. The
end in view is an adequate supply of
spiritual and moral strength, not a
final, unchangeable statement of theo-
logical truth. It is not denied that
such a statement of truth would make
men free from moral weakness and
spiritual deadness. What is insisted on
is that we can only arrive at the doc-
trine by doing the work, and that,
therefore, in planning for Christian
Unity, ethical and religious values are
of the first importance; theological
definition can be left to look after it-
self. Right conduct and humble wor-
ship are the only ways of becoming
acquainted with God, and until men
become acquainted with God they
cannot write creeds which state exactly
what his nature is.
What is desperately needed to-day is
not a creed so exact that it contains
all the truths that have ever been
discovered about God, but a society
in which every child of man can find
moral strength and spiritual joy. The
problem is psychological, not theo-
logical. If the problem were theolog-
ical it would be hopeless, but because
it is psychological it is solvable. We
can learn about human nature if we
try; and when we know human nat-
ure we can so order it that God can
find his way in; but by searching, we
cannot find out God.
ii
Although man has been unconscious
of it, the varieties of human nature
have always influenced the organiza-
tion of religion. The Methodist revival
in England is an illustration of the suc-
cessful demand of a kind of tempera-
ment for religious satisfaction which
the old organization was not supplying,
— though that demand could not define
itself in exact terms. It is true that
followers of Wesley developed a doc-
trine of the Holy Spirit unfamiliar to
the Church of England, but they car-
ried with them the doctrinal state-
ments of the Mother Church, and there
would have been no charge of heresy
had they remained in the fold and
taught * Christian Perfection.' The real
causes of separation were psycholog-
ical, not theological. They had to do
with the nature of man, not the nature
of God. We are now able to recognize
this basic fact, and in planning for
Unity we must give it its place of
supreme importance.
This will not be easy, and before we
try to discover the types of human
nature which- must be satisfied, atten-
tion may well be called to two obsta-
cles in the way of progress which are
so illogical and unjustifiable that once
they are known they ought to be
quickly removed. The first is practical,
and if we resummon the social expert
CHRISTIAN UNITY
643
whom we dismissed a moment ago, he
will help us to see the unworthiness of
one of the causes of a divided Christ-
endom. The World Almanac for 1911
names 166 different Christian organiza-
tions in the United States; and, either
consciously or unconsciously, the heads
of each organization, the editors of all
the papers published in the interest of
each of the organizations, the profes-
sors in the training schools for ministers
of all these denominations, the writers
and publishers of all the books in de-
fense of the peculiar tenets of each of
these 166 churches, oppose any con-
solidation which would put them out
of business. If Christian Unity were
realized in the state in which I live, one
man from one office could do the work
now done by seven highly paid and re-
spected officials. The influence of the
sectarian press is a striking example
of sectarian inertia and opposition to
progress toward Unity.
In the United States, 86 papers are
published in the interest of the Protes-
tant Episcopal Church. These papers
support wholly, or in part, a large num-
ber of editors, printers, and contribu-
tors. Other denominations use even
more printers' ink. In the very nature
of the case these editors, printers, and
contributors must take themselves
very seriously as useful public servants,
and that seriousness blocks advance
toward Unity.
There are in the United States 162
theological seminaries, whose 1350 pro-
fessors are engaged in earning their
salaries by teaching coming clergymen
that the particular emphasis for which
their church stands in divided Christ-
endom is still worth fighting for. It
seems, therefore, as if the leaders of
thought were, by a cruel necessity, op-
posed to unity.
On the other hand, just because they
are leaders of thought, there is hope that
they will see the strength and the right-
eousness of the movement toward
Unity and be willing to lay down their
official lives to advance it. The pressure
of the demand of the missionary who
sees the weakness of a divided front
in the foreign field is forcing our Board
officials to think seriously. The grow-
ing influence and circulation of un-
denominational Christian weekly and
quarterly publications is showing open-
minded editors the stupidity of try-
ing to compete in influencing public
opinion.
Theological seminaries are coming
into closer relation with great univers-
ities, as in the cases of Union with
Columbia and Andover with Harvard,
and such association, must make for
breadth. There is, therefore, proof
that even these naturally opposing
forces are weakening their opposition
to the great cause of the Unity of
Christendom. When the men who con-
stitute them realize the situation, they
will rapidly remove such opposition,
and laymen will follow their lead. Just
because this is not an age interested in
theological speculation, those who still
attend church are most obedient to
authority. They will let their leaders
think Unity for them as willingly as
they now let them think sectarianism
for them.
The other obstacle is found in the
inconsistent way in which even en-
lightened thinkers use the Bible as an
authority. Very few advocates of ver-
bal inspiration can be found to-day.
Indeed, most leaders of thought in all
the churches have accepted in part at
least the Higher Criticism. But when
it comes to the proof texts of their
own sectarian basis, then they forget
their modern scholarship and criticism,
and go back to verbal inspiration.
A Baptist scholar may agree that St.
Paul's rabbinical training made him
adopt a mode of exegesis not binding
on a modern thinker, but when it comes
644
CHRISTIAN UNITY
to the statement in Romans vi, 4, that
Christians are buried with Christ in
baptism, he insists that every word is
straight from God. There is to-day in
the Methodist Church a distinctly
rationalistic tendency in its thought of
inspiration. Many Methodist scholars
teach that St. John's Gospel is an
interpretation rather than a verbatim
report, but they know that the thought
in the third chapter of that Gospel,
'Except a man be born again, he can-
not see the Kingdom of God,' fell in
exactly those words from the lips of
the Lord.
I suppose the majority of Anglican
scholars accept the documentary hy-
pothesis of the Gospels, agreeing that
in the First Gospel we have a compila-
tion freely made of older documents,
and that some of the words put into
the mouth of Jesus are not the very
words he spoke, but words which the
Evangelist felt expressed his meaning.
Most of them, however, forget their
scholarship when they quote St. Mat-
thew xxvin, 20, and insist that Jesus
uttered the very words, * Lo, I am with
you alway, even unto the end of the
world,' and that He meant, as the
Prayer-Book puts it, that He * would
be with the ministers of apostolic suc-
cession.'
In this very discussion of Christian
Unity, we continually hear men of very
liberal views of inspiration say, 'We
must work and pray for what our
Lord prayed for, for in his high priest-
ly prayer did He not say, "Neither
pray I for these alone, but for them
also which shall believe on me through
their word; that they all may be one;
as Thou, Father, art in me, and I in
Thee, that they also may be one in
us.":
If they were consistent they would
recognize that these may not be the
words of our Lord at all, but the words
which the author of the Fourth Gos-
pel thought that He may have prayed.1
Still, there are tendencies at work
which will force greater consistency.
The interpretation of the Bible which
is really being read to-day is not issued
in the interest of any sect, but by pub-
lishers bidding for a wider circle of
readers than the membership of any
one society. They encourage non-par-
tisan teachers in unsectarian univer-
sities to publish their opinions, and
even sectarian teachers, writing for
commentaries like the Expositors, the
International, and the Westminster, or
for modern Bible dictionaries and en-
cyclopaedias, make an earnest effort
not to write as special pleaders, but as
careful and judicious scholars.
Sometimes, it is true, sectarian bigot-
ry is commended as church loyalty. In
one of our Episcopal papers a thought-
ful writer recently suggested that the
difference between a loyal investigator
and a disloyal rationalist was that the
one approached all debatable questions
with a bias in favor of the Church's
past belief, while the disloyal rational-
ist began his investigation with a feel-
ing that the Church was probably
wrong and that he could prove it if he
tried.
The distinction seemed to me an im-
portant one when I read it, but the
very next day a prominent Mormon
— a graduate of the University of
Michigan — to whom I had given a
copy of Dr. I. Woodbridge Riley's
psychological study, The Founder of
Mormonism, said to me, 'The trouble
with that book is that the author ap-
proaches the study of Joseph Smith
with a prejudice against him. He be-
gins with a definite belief that the
1 'These chapters were written down and be-
came accepted Scripture not less than three quar-
ters of a century after they were spoken, by one
who, in common with likeminded companions,
had experienced the faithfulness of our Lord's
promises.' — BISHOP BRENT, The Sixth Sense,
page 95.
CHRISTIAN UNITY
645
founder of my church was not a pro-
phet of God, and that he must try his
best to prove it. But I, as one brought
up in the Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter-Day-Saints, feel strongly that
such a bias disqualifies the writer for
my respect.'
If this apparently admirable point
of view of the prejudiced investigator
prevented Mormons from seeing the
truth about their false prophet, I was
forced to wonder whether it was a help-
ful point of view for any one to take.
Why need there be any more bias in
the mind of the investigator of spirit-
ual problems than in the mind of the
investigator of scientific matters? Per-
haps when we make religion, and not
theology, the important matter, parti-
sanship will cease. The theologian rea-
sons deductively, and deductive rea-
soning requires making assumptions
and holding to them dogmatically.
The study of religion, on the other
hand, can be carried on inductively,
and preconceptions of any kind are a
recognized hindrance to honest induc-
tive investigation.
in
There seems, then, to be hope that
progress can be made, and it becomes
increasingly important to see which
way is really forward. If our argument
is valid we must try to ascertain what
the religious needs of man actually
are, so that the United Church of the
future may provide for them. It is
believed that there are really but three
varieties of religious experience; but
three ways in which men approach
God, or, perhaps we ought to say, are
reached by God.
Some men have always satisfied
their religious craving through the
senses, — music for their ears, vest-
ments and lights, color and images for
their eyes, incense for their noses,
beads for their fingers. In the oldest
branches of the Christian Church, the
Greek, the Roman, and the Anglican,
provision for these means of grace has
been especially provided. If it be in-
sisted that such methods of worship
were far from the mind of Christ and
were borrowed from paganism, such an
insistence but increases the proof that
some men always have felt and prob-
ably always will feel after God, and
find Him through their senses. Though
superstition and idolatry have resulted
from such sensuous means, it is also
true that a high type of Christian mys-
ticism has been developed, and noble
saints through these visible emblems
have found Him who is invisible. The
holiness of beauty and the beauty of
holiness are related to each other. Art
and music have advanced because
religion has used them. Religion has
been a power to millions because art
and music have helped her. Therefore,
the United Church of the future must
provide for ritualistic worship and for
experts to conduct it.
But there always have been, and al-
ways will be, those who are irritated
rather than helped by elaborate cere-
monial. Like Hegel, they worship b^
thinking. Doubtless many of theni
will always be individualists, but those
who assemble themselves together will
do so to listen to addresses by thought-
ful, ethical teachers delivered in lecture
halls rather than in churches. Their
leaders are prophets and not priests.
Unitarians and Friends, among the
sects of to-day, illustrate the extreme
of this type, and they have won credit
for intellectual courage and moral ear-
nestness. There can be no doubt that
they find God by thus mentally feeling
after Him, because they have an heroic
passion for truth and righteousness
which God alone can inspire. In a
United Christendom, provision must be
made for those who find God through
646
CHRISTIAN UNITY
the rational and logical powers of the
mind.
And in the third place there are the
* twice-born/ those who satisfy their
religious craving through the emo-
tions. To the thousands who were
spiritually dying in spite of the ritual
of Romans and the intellectualism of
Anglicans, the appeal to the emotions
by Wesley and Whitfield brought the
breath of life. The leaders of the old
historical churches, with their dignified
and stilted ritual, and the preachers
of a rational gospel of conduct may feel
that the revivalist is irreverent and
illogical, but they cannot deny that
many — who have not been reached
by them — he brings to God through
the Christ who, they know, has saved
them from their sins. And the emo-
tional appeal finds as many responding
hearts to-day as it ever did. Gypsy
Smith and Billy Sunday continue the
work of Whitfield and Finney and
Moody.
The United Church of the future
will not be Catholic unless it provides
for those to whom God comes in a
subliminal uprush. The story is told
of a prim English curate, who once en-
tered a meeting-house in which a com-
pany of Holy Rollers were manifesting
the fruits of the Spirit. He pushed
his way to the platform and at last
got a hearing. * Don't you know,' he
said, 'that God is not the God of dis-
order but of harmony? When Solo-
mon built a temple to his glory we are
told that there was neither the sound
of axe nor hammer, but in holy silence
the sacred walls arose.' To which the
exhorter retorted, 'But, parson, we
aren't building a house, we 're blasting
the rocks.'
No doubt these three methods of
religious expression and divine appro-
priation combine in different ways.
Ritualistic priests deliver thoughtful
sermons, and some of them preach re-
vivals which they prefer to call 'Mis-
sions.' Puritan reasoners introduce
liturgical services of a restrained and
limited character. They even replace
the stained glass which their fathers
smashed. Christian Scientists do not
appropriate grace by what other peo-
ple call logic, and they must, like the
twice-born, get it through the subcon-
scious mind, and yet their public ser-
vices are as unemotional as Quaker
meetings. 'Blasters of the Rocks,' like
Dowie and General Booth, array them-
selves in Episcopal vestments and dec-
orate themselves with brass buttons.
Still it is believed that these three are
the basic types, and that if provision
is made in one organization for them,
that organization will give adequate
spiritual help to the vast majority of
men.
Is it possible to evolve or to create
such an organization? Unless it can be
done, Christian Unity is not desirable,
because the religious necessities of all
sorts and conditions of men will not
be provided for. If our argument is
valid, a Church which does not want
Christian Unity on such a basis does
not honestly want Christian Unity at
all.
IV
A group of influential theologians
will protest at once that the proposal
to create an organization is a heresy
which denies the faith. They will urge,
that, in the mind of Christ the Church
is one already, and therefore all we need
to do is to realize that Unity.
'The Church is essentially one, as
there is one God, one Christ, one
Spirit, one fellowship.1 The Unity of
the Church is not produced by man.
We may strive in vain to produce it. It
1 Prof. Edward L. Brown. From a paper read
at a conference on Christian Unity of Ministers
of the Congregational, Baptist, Presbyterian, and
Episcopal Churches.
CHRISTIAN UNITY
647
already exists. It is an actual organic
unity of believers through Christ,
which we can deny, but which we can
neither create nor destroy/
Surely this is misty mysticism. One
may talk in the same vague way of the
'Solidarity of the Human Race' and
the 'Brotherhood of Man,' because
God has made of one blood all nations
of men, but that does not mean that
the parliament of nations and the fed-
eration of the world has been realized,
or can be, simply by thinking so. The
President of Oberlin is a Congrega-
tionalist, and perhaps therefore a hope-
less individualist, but there is much
wisdom in this warning in his Recon-
struction of Theology. ' In truth it needs
to be said with emphasis that we under-
stand better what we mean by personal
relation and by friendship, than we do
what we mean by organic relation and
organism.'
This contention that the Christian
Church is an 'organism' is the theo-
logical obstacle in the way of Christian
Unity which will die hardest, because
it lies at the basis of the dogma of
'the Valid Ministry' held so tena-
ciously by those churches which call
themselves 'historic.' They insist that
the life of the organism depends on
its continuity, and that, therefore, the
tree of Christianity must be in connec-
tion with the apostolic root or it will
die even though it have a name to live.
It is contended that St. Paul argues
for this conception of the Church in
the First Epistle to the Corinthians and
in the Epistle to the Ephesians, and
that his argument is in harmony with
the argument in the fifteenth chapter of
St. John where the analogy of the Vine
and its branches is used. I remember
well a picture which once hung in the
library of a High-Church bishop. In
the centre was a great tree with three
branches. The trunk was the undi-
vided Church of the first three centu-
ries. The branches were the Roman,
the Eastern, and the Anglican churches,
all in vital connection with the trunk
of the tree. Perched on little branches
were foolish heretics sawing themselves
off from the great branches. Off in the
corners of the picture were Luther and
Calvin and Servetus and Wesley and
Joseph Smith, Jr., and other ecclesias-
tics, each planting a poor sickly twig,
cut from the great tree of the Catholic
Church. But this picture when care-
fully considered, fails to prove its
point, for even the Joseph-Smith-Jr.
cutting, once it takes root, becomes
just as much of an organism as the
parent tree, and it is conceivable that
such a cutting may grow into a tree
which, judged by its fruits, is a better
organism than the old tree itself. As
has been wisely said by the Bishop of
Michigan, ' It is by fruits, not by roots,
we are to be judged.'
An illustration from another form
of group-life will make this truth still
more clearly evident. The American
revolutionists deliberately broke with
the mother country and created a new
nation. Their Constitution provided
for a radically different method of na-
tional solidarity and continuance; but
will any one assert that at the present
day the United States of America is not
a living organism in as real a sense as
the Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire-
land?
Theology may make connection with
God depend upon theories of valid
ordination, but religion has a confi-
dence of its own that 'God is no re-
specter of persons but in every nation
he that feareth Him and worketh
righteousness is accepted with Him,'
even though he be not purified accord-
ing to accredited theological methods.
Therefore, even if this organic concep-
tion of the Church were true, it would
not prove that men's religious needs
might not be better provided for if
648
CHRISTIAN UNITY
that article of the theological creed
were denied. We are not interested in
preserving dogma, but in saving life.
What, then, shall this organization
be? What is necessary is an organiza-
tion of religion which shall, with equal
authority and credit, provide for the
three forms of religious need so that
one in search of his soul's health may
pass from one to the other with no
more suspicion or loss of standing than
a citizen of Massachusetts experiences
in going from Boston to Los Angeles in
search of his bodily health.
Present forms of organization must,
of course, be given fair consideration.
The Congregational will hardly serve,
because it is rather a protest against
organization than a form of it, and
the present development of organiza-
tion in the Congregational and Baptist
and Campbellite bodies, because of
the need of missionary enterprises, is
admittedly illogical. The Presbyterian
and the Episcopal forms of organiza-
tion remain, and of the two the Epis-
copal form has proved itself rather
more permanent, and yet more adapt-
able and flexible than the Presbyte-
rian, which historically was created in
the interest of a definite theological
system. Indeed, to-day, the distinction
between the Congregational and Pres-
byterian is rapidly disappearing.
Against the Episcopal form of organi-
zation is the undoubted fact that it
easily falls into sacerdotal temptation,
and, because of its historical associa-
tion, is almost inevitably aristocratic.
Possibly the Methodist form of Epis-
copal leadership may be more useful
than either the Roman, the Anglican,
or the Greek, though it must be ad-
mitted that the Methodist bishop is
considered quite as impressive a per-
sonage as others who hold that title.
But when once the theological dogma
of sacerdotalism is gone, that matter
can be decided on practical grounds.
By the preservation of the historic
Episcopate this truth of fundamental
importance will be safeguarded, and
it is a truth so important that risks
may well be taken to prevent its be-
ing forgotten — that Christianity is
a historic religion.
The Holy Catholic Church must not
only welcome to-day and to-morrow
all sorts and conditions of men who
profess and call themselves Christ-
ians, but she must also claim kinship
with all the saints of all the Christ-
ian centuries, and make her own the
fruits of their victories over weakness
and sin. None of the churches of
to-day appropriate the Christian heri-
tage, because they are interested in
dogma rather than life. Those who
boast that they are ' historic ' overlook
the values of the last five hundred
years of Christian history; while the
nonconformist churches fail to make
their own the treasures of the first five
hundred years. Is not the Anglican
Church right in the feeling that the
possession of the historic Episcopate
gives a title to this whole heritage and
a continual reminder of its value?
Therefore, is not the proposal to give
Episcopal orders to the churches that
have lost the apostolic succession one
which should be seriously considered?
There seems to be no more certain way
of making the Church, as a wise house-
holder, take out of the treasure things
new and old.
The revival of interest in Christian
Unity dates from the Edinburgh Con-
ference. Here two thousand earnest
men agreed to forget their differences,
which meant their theology, and plan
together to give the heathen what they
all agreed the heathen really needed —
the Christian Life. Such a wonderful
exhibition of brotherly love suggested
THE MAGIC OF GUAM
649
the idea that it might be possible to
hold an equally representative con-
ference in which the religious values
that all agreed upon should be put in
the background, and where there should
be a frank discussion of the theolog-
ical dogmas about which most of them
differed.
This was much as if, because a con-
vention of mothers had shown com-
plete unanimity of opinion in praising
the glory and dignity of motherhood
and the beauty and promise of child-
hood, some wise one should decide
that it would be a good time to secure
agreement on the best formula for
sterilizing milk.
The suggestion to call a world con-
ference to consider matters of theolog-
ical difference seemed to be inspired
by the spirit of truth; but if our ar-
gument is valid, it might rather have
come from that other spirit who, on
occasion, is said to disguise himself as
an angel of light, and who, Milton to
the contrary notwithstanding, has a
sense of humor and perhaps said to
himself, 'How much more exciting it
would be to see these pious brethren
fight!'
The real lesson to be learned is that
the Edinburgh Conference was only
possible because the tolerant charity
of religion was for the time given full
sway, the divisive influence of theo-
logy being excluded. Christian Unity
will never come until the followers of
Jesus Christ realize that his religion
depends, not upon exact thinking, but
upon Christlike living.
THE MAGIC OF GUAM
BY MARJORIE L. SEWELL
IN the midst of lapping waters floats
a far-off, magic island, whose purple
mountain-peaks rise from the mists of
the sea. The slow-heaving swells turn
white along its shore, and rocky cliffs,
resounding to the boom of surf on the
reef, encircle the same harbor into
which Magellan sailed in 1521. There
stands Fort Santa Cruz, as it was when
so lately fired upon by an American
vessel, and there are the white roofs
of Piti, from which a barge put out
that day and pulled up alongside the
American battleship in order to ex-
plain that there was no powder on the
island with which to return the salute.
But it was not a salute, and although
El Gobernador had not heard of the war
between Spain and the United States,
he at least realized the fact, when, tied
to a creaking bullock-cart, in the hot
sun, he was slowly conducted back
to Agana, the last of the Spanish gov-
ernors.
So now the Spanish regime had
passed away, and the echoing corridors
and sunken gardens of the old ' palace '
resounded to the shouts and laughter
of small Americans. It was a strange
environment for a western child. In
the case of a little girl of twelve, there
was, of course, the usual routine life of
the tropics, — lessons in the morning
with a governess, and a siesta in the
650
THE MAGIC OF GUAM
afternoon. Now and then a guest
would take tiffin at the Government
House; the captain of a schooner who
had lived for sixty days on copra, and
who told wild tales of the Arctic storms;
or a German from distant islands, es-
corted by his bodyguard of savages,
whose ear-lobes touched their black
shoulders, so heavy were the beads
they wore. And once a month, on
transport-days, when the mails came,
and every guiles 1 and bull-cart was
pressed into service, as well as the
daily ambulance with the blind mule,
to carry the passengers from Piti to
Agafia, why then all thought of rou-
tine was abandoned, even lessons, and
a palm tree was cut down, so that the
strangers might enjoy a palmetto salad.
Then, too, a native swimmer would
dive deep into the sea to draw from
his home in a coral cave that delicacy,
the crawfish. But this, of course, was
seldom.
At four o'clock you put on a fresh
white dress, socks, and sandals, and
then the day really began. If the water
was too hot for a swim at Dunker's
beach, a romp with the little native
girls was the next best thing, — shy
children with bright eyes, and eager to
learn English. Or, you went to see the
fat lady, who made wonderful baskets,
or Senor Martinez, the silversmith, who
would pound three dollars Mex into a
bracelet or spoon if you gave him
five.
Sometimes, even, you peeped into
Mr. Lhemkuhl's garden, where paw-
paw and mango trees were combined
in a bewildering maze with every kind
of tropical and temperate vegetation,
overshadowed by the tall stack of the
ice-plant. But that was a joke you could
1 ' Quiles ' is probably a Chamorro word. It
is applied to a two-wheeled cart drawn by one
horse and seating a driver and four people. It is
used at Guam, and throughout the Philippines.
— THE AUTHOR.
never quite appreciate. And besides,
not all the interesting things were in
the city. Beyond lay the rice-paddies,
the yam- and taro-fields, and, best of
all, the ranches, for there you caught
and plucked a chicken, and, as it fried
over the fire of cocoanut husks, you sat
native-fashion eating rice in the door-
way of a nipa hut. Above roosted hens
in woven baskets, beneath grunted the
black pig, tied by one hind leg. And
there you could suck sugar-cane to
your heart's content, fill your pocket
with coffee-berries, and cocoa-beans,
and then, with oranges dangling from
your saddle, race home on a trotting
cow.
While the Pacific cable was still
under way, and before the first official
message went round the world in nine
minutes, the child often visited the
cable station, a cluster of temporary
buildings in a grove of banyan trees.
And when weary of the clicking keys
and of sending nursery rhymes hun-
dreds of miles along the ocean bottom
by Morse code, she would climb high
into a labyrinth of banyan branches,
where flowers and ferns grew sixty feet
in air, until, terrified by the great
height, she was rescued, and descended
on the shoulders of a strong young
operator, who slid down one of the
straight roots to the ground.
So the American child learned many
things. Learned? No, rather absorb-
ed, and without effort, for she had
merely a growing consciousness of the
joy of living. To be up with the sun,
and, leaving the world wrapped in
mist, to plunge through thick jungle,
urging the pony on with caresses, — and
kicks, — while wet branches brushed
the cold dew against the face, and
lemon china bushes scratched the
arms, — this was to live. Then, sud-
denly, she might look into the depth of
a still black pool, surrounded by gi-
gantic trees, gray lichen, and matted,
THE MAGIC OF GUAM
651
hanging vines. At one side the spring
had overflowed to form a gliding river,
through waving pampas-grass, and
near the outlet, where the water bub-
bled over glistening pebbles, stood two
ruined pillars of stone. One could not
learn about these, but one could feel
the hush and awe of that enchanted
spring, as it had been felt by an an-
cient, unknown civilization centuries
ago.
And there were other things that
could be only felt, — the hoof-beats
of the pony on the hard sea-sand, the
fresh, salt wind, and the knowledge
that this was perfect happiness, free
as the, trampling surf. And in this
beauty, untouched and unharmed by
man, one felt akin to the fawn that
nibbled morning-glories without trem-
bling, the wild boar that gruffly turned
and fled into the jungle, and the stupid
blue starfish that could be gathered
from the saddle where the water was
shallow.
There were moments too from a fairy
tale, when the black Alphonso swam
and dived about the horse's legs, rub-
bing them with a split cocoanut-shell,
while the Princess of Piti perched high
on Demonie's back, till the morning
bath was over. Then, snorting through
cool lilies on the river-banks, they
pranced from the shadows into glisten-
ing sunshine, and would have flown,
had not the bugle sounded * colors'
and held them motionless.
Another phase of the life greatly'im-
pressed the child with the reality and
power of the elements. It was first
evident one day at dinner when a low
rumbling was followed by severe
shocks, a lamp fell from a shelf, a wall
split, each half falling in a different
direction, and the old shaven St. Ber-
nard calmly walked out on the terrace.
For he knew, as does any painted
junk on the China sea, that it was
merely the island's stubbing its toes
on a coral reef. But earthquakes were
not the only evidence of nature's
power. One dark night, the lightning
flashed so incessantly that the Orden-
a?was could be distinctly seen patrol-
ling up and down the plaza. Within,
the matting rose and fell in the long,
draughty rooms, and a little white-
clad figure, creeping into her sister's
bed, was mechanically thrust out, and
spent the rest of the night on the great
eifel-wood table in the salon, with only
a small Jap poodle. By daybreak the
wind had become a circling typhoon,
and though there was a lull at noon,
while its centre passed over the island,
when the natives might rest from
the tiring position of sitting on their
roofs to keep them down, yet again the
wind blew as fiercely, and again it
raised and flattened the bamboo band-
stand, but now in the opposite direc-
tion, as well-regulated typhoons always
do.
When the sun came out after that
storm and the trade-winds blew great
balls of cotton cloud across the sky,
a thrill of patriotism swept over the
whole island. Against the clear, deep
blue darted all sorts and kinds of
kites, and halfway up the line of the
largest, was run the American flag.
Then of a sudden on the horizon ap-
peared a white battleship, and then
another, and another, until at last the
whole Asiatic squadron was steaming
by like so many white swans on the
blue water.
In sharp contrast to the military
atmosphere of the island, was the fer-
vent, childlike worship of the natives,
all Christians. Now and then, on a
well-worn road, one would pass a lone-
ly shrine, covered with creepers and
decked with bunches of wild- flowers.
And then, on nearing the town at
dusk, a tolling bell would break the
stillness of the warm night air, and
presently, with lighted candles and
652
THE MAGIC OF GUAM
bared heads, a long procession would
pass by, carrying images of the saints;
and winding on, would disappear again
into the dusk.
At night the silvery-haired old padre,
who knew more about the island and
its inhabitants than any one else, would
sometimes consent to tell the children
stories. They were weird, wandering
stories about the genie del monte (moun-
tain spirits) or tauto monos (giant peo-
ple), but sooner or later always came
the favorite one, the story of why the
carabao can only squeak. Of course
you know that the carabao is the big,
slaty-blue buffalo with long horns, that
is always wallowing in the soft, oozy
mud with only its eyes and nose out of
water. Well, once upon a time, the
Virgin Mary was singing the Christ-
Child to sleep, when down the street
galloped a carabao, bellowing with all
his powerful might, and waking up the
baby. Whereupon the Virgin Mary
pulled off her slipper and tapped the
carabao's nose with it, to teach him
better manners. And so from that day
to this the carabao has been able to
make no more noise than a little, tiny
mouse.
They were only stories. But in the
deep silences of the night, when the
Southern Cross and the Scorpion
shone bright in the heavens, and when
a meteor turned the whole world now
red, now green, now yellow, and dis-
appeared behind the hills, then the
spirits of the Anitos lay no longer lost
and buried in the jungle, but walked
abroad, and the tauto monos bathed
in the sea by Devil's Point, or, as
of old, hurled great rocks to stop the
flight of the Chamorros in their swift
canoes.
Once, the western child, called by
these spirits of the night, could sleep
no longer, but crept from bed, and out
upon the terrace. The world was very
still, — only the dull, distant boom of
the surf and the tread of a sentinel on
his beat, then — silence. The air was
laden with the fragrance of opopanax,
and the blossoming ling-a-ling; and
blinking from a branch of the lemon
tree hung a bat. Below in the old,
walled garden, the moonlight cast
strange shadows through the tracery
of branches, and, as the child flitted
with these shapes and thoughts, she
breathed the magic of the night, and
knew that this was life in the Southern
Seas.
THE MONEY TRUST
BY ALEXANDER D. NOYES
PERHAPS no public question of our
time has involved considerations of
more dramatic possibilities — financial,
industrial, social, and, therefore, polit-
ical — than what is commonly known
as the problem of the Money Trust.
Stated in its most general terms, the
proposition which is to be proved or
disproved, and the proof of which, in
the view of many people in the United
States, has been obtained in the re-
cent public inquiry by the sub-commit-
tee of the House of Representatives'
Banking and Currency Committee, is
the proposition that a comparatively
small group of wealthy financiers con-
trol in their individual interest, and
can utilize for their selfish purposes,
the banking machinery of this coun-
try, and, through that machinery, all
of the country's industries. They can,
it has been more or less generally as-
sumed, obstruct the progress of inde-
pendent industry, can fix not only
money rates, and not only prices of
Stock-Exchange securities, but prices
of merchandise. It has been argued on
the floor of Congress, that they can
create at will, and do create for their
own selfish purposes, 'booms' and
panics, prosperity and adversity. On
this supposition, their power over the
business fortunes and personal welfare
of the country as a whole, and of every
individual in the country, would be
supreme.
Manifestly, if this description of the
condition of things were correct, or if
the tendency of existing affairs were
strongly in such a direction, the prob-
lem would be fundamental to all others
in social and political discussion. I
propose to discuss this problem with-
out fear or favor; with full and fair
consideration of the arguments, both
of those who uphold the conclusions as
outlined above, and of those who deny
them absolutely.
Before taking up the particular
grounds of the present controversy, it
will be advisable to inquire to what
extent the indictment of the so-call-
ed Money Trust is a wholly new phe-
nomenon of the day, and how far it is
simply repetition, in a new form, of the
complaint, common to all the past
centuries of organized society, over
the encroachments of the wealthy and
moneyed classes on the interests of
society at large.
The question as it is discussed to-
day could not in fact exist before a
period when credit on an enormous
scale was utilized, not only for loans to
governments and individuals, but for
the capitalizing and equipping of great
companies in the field of transporta-
tion and manufacture. It could hardly
have antedated the day of the hun-
dred - million - dollar corporation. We
are accustomed to regard the crusade
of President Andrew Jackson against
the United States Bank as a fight with
the Money Power; and so its author
declared it to be. But that contest was
avowedly against the Money Power in
politics, not in trade. Jackson's cabinet
653
654
THE MONEY TRUST
memorandum of 1833 asserted that
if the bank were permitted longer to
hold the public deposits, 'the patri-
otic among our citizens will despair of
struggling against its power ' ; and his
annual message denounced it on the
ground of what he considered the * un-
questionable proof that the Bank of
the United States was converted into a
permanent electioneering engine/
That episode, therefore, is something
different in essential respects from the
present Money-Trust agitation. An
accusation, closely resembling that re-
ferred to at the beginning of this paper,
was voiced with passionate emphasis
in the national platform of the People's
party, at the opening of the Presi-
dential campaign of 1892. Among its
other indictments of what was then
commonly styled the Money Power
were the following: —
'The newspapers are largely subsid-
ized or muzzled; public opinion silen-
ced; business prostrated; labor impov-
erished; and the land concentrating in
the hands of the capitalists. . . . The
fruits of the toil of millions are bold-
ly stolen to build up colossal fortunes
for a few, unprecedented in the his-
tory of mankind; and the possessors
of these, in turn, despise the republic
and endanger liberty. . . . Silver, which
has been accepted as coin since the
dawn of history, has been demonetized
to add to the purchasing power of gold
by decreasing the value of all forms of
property as well as human labor; and
the supply of currency is purposely
abridged to fatten usurers, bankrupt
enterprise, and enslave industry. A
vast conspiracy against mankind has
been organized on two continents, and
it is rapidly taking possession of the
world. If not met and overthrown at
once, it forebodes terrible social con-
vulsions, the destruction of civilization,
or the establishment of an absolute
despotism.'
At first glance, this declaration of
more than twenty years ago would ap-
pear to have in mind the identical con-
ditions alleged to exist at the present
day. Close examination, however, will
show some rather important divergen-
cies. The gravamen of the charge of
1892 was the allegation that advocacy
of the gold standard of currency was
prompted by a wish to reduce the
money supply, increase the purchasing
power of gold, and thereby enable the
Money Power to obtain possession of
the people's property through the re-
sultant reduction of prices for land,
commodities, and labor.
It may doubtless be argued that the
prophecies of the platform of 1892
would have been fulfilled but for the
then quite unanticipated discovery of
new gold fields in the Transvaal, the
Rocky Mountains, and the Klondike.
But even if this were to be conceded,
the fact would remain that the Money
Trust was attacked in 1892 for its work
in putting down prices, whereas it is
attacked in 1913 for putting them up.
ii
When we now approach the consid-
eration of the problem as it stands to-
day, our first difficulty is one of defin-
ition. Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan, in his
testimony of December 19 before the
Pujo Committee, declared that 'all the
banks in Christendom could not con-
trol money; there could be no " Money
Trust."3 This was, to be sure, the
opinion of a prejudiced witness. But
the counsel of the committee, whose
attitude on the general question is far
from that of Mr. Morgan, said in a
public address in December, 1911, —
* If it is expected that any Congres-
sional or other investigation will expose
the existence of a "Money Trust,5' in
the sense in which we use the word
"trust," as applied to unlawful indus-
THE MONEY TRUST
655
trial combinations, that expectation
will not be realized. Of course, there is
no such thing. There is no definite
union or aggregation of the money
powers in the financial world. There
certainly is none that can be said to be
in violation of existing law.'
It is, perhaps, quite as well to empha-
size this admission in the beginning;
for, although to people conversant with
the financial and banking methods of
the day, Mr. Untermyer's statement
may seem a mere truism, there are
unquestionably thousands of readers
of the discussion who have regarded
the alleged 'Money Trust' as in all
respects in the class of the Standard
Oil and American Tobacco trusts. We
should not get far in our argument if
we did not first reject and dismiss this
crude conception of the problem.
It is on the floor of Congress that the
most explicit charges have been made
against the organization which, for the
sake of convenience, I shall continue
to describe as the Money Trust. On
February 24, 1912, when urging the
Congressional inquiry which has since
been held, Mr. Henry of Texas, chair-
man of the Rules Committee, remark-
ed in the House of Representatives, —
'It is sufficient to say that, during
the last five years, the financial re-
sources of the country have been con-
centrated in the city of New York, un-
til they now dominate more than 75
per cent of the moneyed interests of
America, more than 75 per cent of the
industrial corporations which are com-
bined in the trusts, and practically all
of the great trunk railways running
from ocean to ocean; until these great
forces are in such combination and
agreement that it is well-nigh impos-
sible for honest competition to be set
up against them. . . .'
On December 15, 1911, Mr. Lind-
bergh of Minnesota, arguing before the
House Rules Committee for his own
resolution of inquiry, thus referred to
the Money Trust and the banks con-
trolled by it: —
'We know that a few men and their
associates control, by stock holdings
and a community of interest, practi-
cally all the most important industries
and also the transportation systems on
which the products of all industries
must be carried from producers to con-
sumers. These same few men control
the finances of the country and may
bring on a panic any day that such
would suit their selfish ends. We need
no evidence of that fact.'
Finally, I may cite some passages
from a long speech delivered in the
United States Senate on March 17,
1908, shortly after the panic of 1907
had spent its force, by Mr. La Follette
of Wisconsin. He began by submitting
a list of one hundred men, ' to whom I
have referred as controlling the indus-
trial life of the nation.' The places held
by these men on various company di-
rectorates amounted to * evidence that
less than one hundred men own and
control railroads, traction, shipping,
cable, telegraph, telephone, express,
mining, coal, oil, gas, electric light,
copper, cotton, sugar, tobacco, agri-
cultural implements, and the food-pro-
ducts, as well as banking and insur-
ance.'
There was, Senator La Follette went
on, 'every inducement for those who
controlled transportation and a few
great basic industries, to achieve con-
trol of money in the financial centre
of the country. . . . With this enor-
mous concentration of business it is
possible to create, artificially, periods
of prosperity and periods of panic.
Prices can be lowered or advanced at
the will of the " System."
' Taking the general conditions of the
country, it is difficult to find any suffi-
cient reason outside of manipulation
for the extraordinary panic of October,
656
THE MONEY TRUST
1907. . . . There were no commercial
reasons for a panic.
'The panic came,' Mr. La Follette
proceeds. 'It had been scheduled to
arrive. The way had been prepared.
Those who were directing it were not
the men to miss anything in their way
as it advanced. The historic third
week of October arrived; " the panic "
was working well. The stock market
had gone to smash. Harriman was buy-
ing back Union Pacific shorts, but
still smashing the market. Morgan
was buying in short Steel stocks and
bonds, but still smashing the market.
The Morse group had been disposed
of. Standard Oil had settled with
Heinze. . . .
'The smashing of the market be-
came terrific. Still they waited. Union
Pacific declined lOf points in ten sales.
Northern Pacific and other stocks went
down in like proportion. Five minutes
passed — ten minutes past 2 o'clock.
Men looked into each other's ghastly
faces. Then, at precisely 2.15, the cur-
tain went up with Morgan and Stand-
ard Oil in the centre of the stage with
money, — real money, twenty-five mil-
lions of money, — giving it away at 10
per cent. . . . And so ended the panic.'
in
It is necessary first to inquire if the
declarations and descriptions are ac-
curate. In so far as the above-cited
speeches set forth what is the actual
situation regarding concentrated con-
trol of manufacturing and banking
institutions, they are dealing with as-
certainable facts, of which I shall pre-
sently have more to say. Let it for the
moment suffice to remark that a con-
centration of power, quite unexampled
in history, over the large banking insti-
tutions of the leading cities and over the
huge railway and industrial corpora-
tions, is not disputed; and has, in fact,
been admitted by competent witnesses
in the recent House Committee in-
quiry.
Mr. George M. Reynolds, president
of the Continental and Commercial
Bank of Chicago, the largest institu-
tion of the sort in the country outside
of New York City, repeated in his
evidence a previous statement of his
own that, 'the money power now lies
in the hands of a dozen men,' of whom
'I plead guilty to being one'; and he
added to the committee, 'I am in-
clined to think that excess of power in
a limited number of men always is a
menace.' Mr. George F. Baker, chair-
man of the First National Bank of
New York, perhaps the most powerful
of the so-called 'Morgan institutions,'
testified regarding the control of credit,
represented by control of banks and
trust companies, 'I think it has gone
about far enough.' To go further
'might not be dangerous. In good
hands, I do not say that it would do
any harm. If it got into bad hands, it
would be very bad.' These statements
would certainly seem to prove the gen-
eral allegations of concentrated control
— though they do not prove, and no-
thing in the Pujo Committee's hearings
has proved, the sweeping declarations
which place not only the banking,
transportation, and manufacturing in-
dustries of the country, but its agri-
cultural production, in the hands of a
Money Trust.
But if, as Mr. Henry declares, these
few capitalists ' are the supreme dicta-
tors of the financial situation'; if, as
Mr. Lindbergh assures us, they 'may
bring on a panic any day that such
would suit their selfish ends,' and if, as
Senator La Follette concludes, they
did, single-handed, and for purposes of
selfish gain, deliberately create in 1907
a panic for which there was no other
cause or explanation than their wicked
purposes — then we should manifestly
THE MONEY TRUST
657
be confronted with a public enemy,
which must be utterly destroyed before
such a thing as legitimate finance and
industry can again exist in the United
States.
But the truth of this matter is, that
no intelligent man, in the least convers-
ant with the facts, has ever taken seri-
ously these specific accusations of the
three statesmen. To be 'the supreme
dictator of a financial situation,' a man
or a body of men must control not only
supply on the security and commodity
markets, but demand; not only pro-
duction of iron and copper and tobacco,
but of wheat and corn and cotton.
Whoever is for any consecutive time
arbitrarily to dictate money rates, must
do so through controlling the course,
not only of bank loans and liabilities,
but of bank reserves, and to be the
'supreme dictators' in such directions,
must control such matters as the
world's production of gold, the foreign
exchanges, the requirements on home
or foreign markets arising from war,
from large harvests, from political ap-
prehension, from destruction of capital
through fire or earthquake, or from a
hundred other influences familiar to
the calculations of business men, in
this year as in all others.
It may be briefly stated, further, in
regard to a few of Mr. La Toilette's
facts, that it is not at all 'difficult
to find any sufficient reason, outside
of manipulation, for the extraordinary
panic of 1907.' The crisis was world-
wide; it was due to a world-wide over-
strain on credit. It had been predict-
ed by European economists, on the
basis of such conditions, months be-
fore it swept over the United States;
and it broke out in other parts of the
world — Egypt, Japan, and Hamburg,
in particular — before it touched New
York.
As for the picture drawn by Mr. La
Follette of the panic itself, the most
VOL. Ill -NO. 5
that can be said is that it represents in
no single point anything more than the
vivid imagination of an excited person
almost wholly unacquainted with the
facts of that particular episode, and ex-
tremely ignorant of the ordinary prin-
ciples of finance. Nothing in the Pujo
Committee's lengthy examination con-
firmed in a single particular the Wis-
consin Senator's extraordinary version
of the story. Indeed, nothing stood
forth more impressively, in those crit-
ical days, than the consideration that
the investments and property of no
man in the money market, however
powerful, were safe unless the panic
itself were checked.
Mr. Woodrow Wilson, in his speech
of August 7, 1912, accepting the Dem-
ocratic nomination, said, 'There are
vast confederacies (as I may perhaps
call them for the sake of convenience)
of banks, railways, express companies,
insurance companies, manufacturing
corporations, power and development
companies, and all the rest of the circle,
bound together by the fact that the
ownership of their stock and the mem-
bers of their boards of directors are
controlled and determined by compar-
atively small and closely inter-related
groups of persons who, by their in-
formal confederacy, may control, if
they please, and when they will, both
credit and enterprise. There is no-
thing illegal about these confederacies,
so far as I can perceive. They have
come about very naturally, generally
without plan or deliberation, rather
because there was so much money to
be invested and it was in the hands, at
great financial centres, of men ac-
quainted with one another and inti-
mately associated in business, than be-
cause any one had conceived and was
carrying out a plan of general control.
But they are none the less a potent
force in our economic and financial sys-
tem on that account. Their very exist-
658
THE MONEY TRUST
ence gives rise to the suspicion of a
Money Trust — a concentration of the
control of credit which may at any
time become infinitely dangerous to
free enterprise/
It will be observed that this state-
ment of the case, though conceived in
an altogether different spirit from the
sweeping and detailed assertions of the
Congressional orators previously cited,
none the less pictures a state of affairs
which calls for very serious and impar-
tial consideration. From the temper-
ate statement of Mr. Wilson's speech
of acceptance, and from the frank ad-
missions, already cited, of Mr. Rey-
nolds and Mr. Baker, one conclusion
becomes inevitable; and that is, that
we are in the presence of a novel and
striking condition of things in Ameri-
can finance, whereby active or potential
control of a very great part both of our
financial institutions and of our indus-
trial institutions, is concentrated in the
hands of a comparatively small group
of financiers. If, as President Wilson
has said, this 'came about very natu-
rally' and 'without plan or delibera-
tion/ all the more reason is there for
inquiring what were the circumstances
and conditions of its origin.
rv
Notwithstanding the Populist par-
ty's allegation of 1892, already cited,
the historical fact is that the state of
things in American finance and indus-
try which is the basis of the pending
discussion had its origin during the
period following the panic of 1893.
Low prices, over-production, agricul-
tural depression, speculative over-
construction of railways, speculative
over-capitalization of manufacturing
enterprise, had brought the country
into a state of very general insolvency,
which, through mismanagement of the
national finances, had all but touched
the government. Of the country's rail-
ways in particular, more than sixty
per cent of the outstanding capital
stock was receiving no dividend, and
twenty-five per cent of it represented
companies in the hands of receivers.
Ownership and control of these rail-
ways had been widely distributed;
there was actually less of concentrated
domination, by a few capitalists or
groups of capitalists, than had existed
a dozen years before the panic of 1893.
Ownership of the comparatively new
industrial trusts (a good part of which
came to grief financially in 1893, or
shortly afterward) was hardly concen-
trated at all. There was no joint con-
trol of groups of banking institutions;
in New York City itself, each of the
great banks was an independent power.
But the problem confronting the
community when the panic of 1893
had spent its force, was one of financial
reconstruction. The work was long
surrounded with discouragement; for,
in order to place these great corpora-
tions on their feet again, large amounts
of fresh capital were necessary, and an
even larger command of credit. These
requirements arose at a time while the
country itself was poor; when available
capital was lacking, and credit hard to
obtain because of the doubt and sus-
picion surrounding the previous his-
tory of the enterprises. It was natural,
and indeed inevitable, that the owners
of these insolvent properties, having
failed to obtain consent of the conflict-
ing interests to their plan of reorgani-
zation, and having failed to obtain as-
surance of the fresh capital required,
should have asked the powerful inter-
national banking-houses to undertake
the task.
It was then that the contrivance
of the ' voting trust ' — another much-
discussed phenomenon of the Pujo in-
quiry — began to play an important
part. The reasons for that departure
THE MONEY TRUST
659
from ordinary company management
obviously were, that many of the cor-
porations in question had lately been
wrecked by incompetent managements,
and that subscribers of the requisite
capital for reorganization laid down the
stipulation that, for a stated term of
years, selection of directors and general
oversight of the companies' finances
should be irrevocably placed in the
hands of the banking-houses which had
assumed the task of reorganization, and
in whose financial sagacity and finan-
cial probity confidence was general.
So far nothing had happened which,
in the light of the actual situation,
was not logical and reasonable. What
would have followed, had the ensuing
decade been one of slow and deliberate
industrial expansion, is not wholly easy
to conjecture. Within half a dozen
years, however — partly because of the
world-wide recovery in staple prices,
partly because of great good fortune of
American agriculture, partly because of
the disappearance of the depreciated-
currency peril — a wave of extraordin-
ary prosperity swept over the United
States. One speedy result of this re-
markable turn in the situation was
that capitalists of every stamp began
snatching for control of properties in
some one else's hands.
From 1899 to 1901 inclusive, three
tendencies shaped the financial his-
tory of the period. One was the ex-
cited bidding of rival groups of capital-
ists, to get possession of one or more of
the great railways and industrial cor-
porations. Another was the effort to
avert mutual hostility and destructive
competition by arranging that two or
more rival companies should have re-
presentation in one another's director-
ate. The third was the buying-up of
outright control in a group of compet-
ing corporations, either through actual
purchase, by one of the companies, of
the outstanding shares of its competi-
tors, or through organization of an en-
tirely new company, which bought and
held a controlling interest in the shares
of its competitors.
To what extent the second and third
of these processes were, in their origin,
simple protective measures, honestly
adopted by conservative banking inter-
ests to safeguard a given corporation
from outside attack or from capture by
unscrupulous adventurers, and to what
extent they were suggested by grow-
ing ambition for centralized control,
it is not easy absolutely to measure.
The public-spirited motive certainly
played some part in dictating the pol-
icy, especially during the earlier year
or two of that extraordinary period;
that fact will be admitted by all who
studied the episode at close range, and
who knew the personal character and
principles of the newly-made million-
aires who were then conducting their
campaign of booty. There was at least
the conceivable possibility of another
era of Jay Goulds, Jim Fisks, and
Commodore Vanderbilts, with another
orgy, on a far larger scale than that
of 1869, of corrupt and dishonest ad-
ministration of the affairs of corpora-
tions.
As late as 1902, one of the most
important railway companies in the
United States actually passed, through
the medium of Stock-Exchange trad-
ing, from the control of conservative
English capitalists to the control of an
American gambler and speculator, who
had acquired his fortune by company
promotions of an altogether unscru-
pulous sort. It was rescued from his
grasp through its purchase by another
railway company controlled by con-
servative banking interests, and thus,
apparently without any such original
purpose on their part, became a link in
the concentration of control over cor-
porations. This was only one out of
numerous similar instances.
660
THE MONEY TRUST
But movements of this nature very
rarely stop with the achievement of
their original purpose, and there were
special reasons why that movement
did not stop. The period in which it
occurred was itself of a character to
stimulate enormously the movement
of corporate concentration, and it was
manifest from the start that a mixture
of motives was at work in it. An era in
which unprecedentedly easy credit and
unprecedentedly large supplies of capi-
tal seeking investment, coincided with
the letting-down of the bars against
unlimited combination of corporations,
was bound to arouse the activities of
ambitious financiers. Some of them
bought up rival companies and merged
them with their own, simply to crowd
aggressive competitors out of the field.
Some of them grasped at such other
corporations merely to insure their own
personal supremacy. Some of them
bought up one company, or a group
of companies, in order to sell the whole
property, at a large advance in price,
to some one else.
On the one hand, the speculators
grew to believe that they had found
the philosopher's stone of profit; on
the other, the serious promoting finan-
ciers began to talk of an age in which
business could no longer be done save
under such auspices. It was from
this period that there dated the sub-
sequently familiar talk, repeated ad
nauseam in the Anti-Trust law con-
troversies and in the last presidential
campaign, about the impossibility of
America's ' keeping in the race of indus-
trial competition ' unless equipped with
these monstrous corporation mergers.
The Standard Oil, the American
Tobacco, the Amalgamated Copper,
the billion-dollar United States Steel,
the International Mercantile Marine
— these and a hundred other less cele-
brated 'holding-company* enterprises
were organized and floated during a
period of hardly four consecutive
years, from 1899 to 1902 inclusive.
The whole thing happened so sudden-
ly and swiftly that the community
scarcely seemed to be aware what was
happening.
Mr. J. P. Morgan, in a certain famous
statement to the court, set forth, in
the manner of one inviting unqualified
approval, his belief in a system of cor-
porations so large that nobody could
get control of them, and that no exist-
ing management could be dislodged.
Mr. Morgan was right in assuming
that, if the 'holding company's ' capital
was large enough, there was no human
possibility of its management being
dislodged. It was, however, a justice
of the Supreme Court who pressed the
logic of this new machinery of corpor-
ations pitilessly to its real conclusion.
Pending the hearing on appeal, he
asked the counsel for Northern Secu-
rities — the holding company in which
had been lodged two rival railways and
two rival interests in one railway —
why the same contrivance might not
be utilized 'until a single corporation
whose stock was owned by three or
four parties would be in practical con-
trol of both roads, or, having before us
the possibilities of combination, the
control of the whole transportation
system of the country.' The eminent
lawyer who represented the holding
company replied that such a thing was
possible, even though improbable.
VI
Such was the situation which was
coming to exist in 1902. Because it
was an unprecedented situation, how-
ever, it did not necessarily follow that
it was a mischievous or an undesirable
situation. With their recollection fixed
on the reckless and unprincipled guer-
THE MONEY TRUST
661
illas of high finance in that and the
three preceding years, the bankers who
were riveting this machinery of con-
centration publicly contended that, so
far from being either mischievous or un-
desirable, it was altogether for the best
interests of the investing public. But
that assumption naturally remained to
be proved.
It was disputed, first, by a question
immediately put to the promoters of
the impregnable corporate strongholds,
and reflected with curious exactness,
a decade afterward, in Mr. Baker's
testimony before the Pujo Committee.
Even supposing the financiers, now
irrevocably occupying the Seats of the
Mighty, to be men so perfectly dis-
interested and capable in their pol-
icies that no minority shareholder
would wish to dislodge them, who was
to answer for their successors? For,
manifestly, those successors would be
virtually named by the present incum-
bents, and would be equally free from
any fear of discipline by shareholders
for blunders and malfeasance in office.
The assumption appeared to be that
no mistakes could be made in select-
ing the heirs to such responsibilities.
Whether or not the public mind would
have been willing to surrender itself to
an inference so foreign to its ordinary
instinct and experience, a highly in-
structive test was soon to be applied
to the question of the impeccability
even of existing managements of these
colossal corporations.
A series of events raised the ques-
tion whether the mere possession of
such power had not perverted the or-
dinary business common-sense of the
supposedly infallible directorates. Two
of these companies, so organized that
permanency of existing managements
was insured, were the Amalgamated
Copper and the United States Steel.
Beginning with 1901, the career of the
Amalgamated holding company was,
from the copper trade's own point of
view, a story of stupidity and mis-
judgment such as, if practiced by the
managers of a ten-thousand-dollar com-
pany, would have necessitated their
summary and contemptuous ejection
from office. The directorate of this
corporation displayed a complete and
constant misjudgment of the market
for their product. When the price of
copper was abnormally high, they not
only held back their own metal from
market, but bought the metal of their
competitors. When, on the contrary,
it was abnormally low, as a result of
the collapse which inevitably followed,
they were heavy sellers. The only prin-
ciple of trade of which they ever de-
monstrated their mastery was the prin-
ciple that copper-producing companies
would pay larger dividends with cop-
per at 16 or 20 cents a pound than
with copper at 10 or 12, and their only
distinct programme of policy was based
on their idea that a producing com-
pany with money enough to hold back
its output for an abnormally high price
could make the consumer buy it at that
price, in the usual quantity.
The United States Steel began by
paying dividends on an inflated com-
mon stock, largely exchanged for stock
of other companies on which no divi-
dends had ever been earned or paid.
When it was discovered — what con-
servative steel experts had predicted
from the start — that the company's
preferred stock would probably, on oc-
casion, fail to earn its stipulated divi-
dend, the management proposed to
turn something like half of the $500-
000,000 seven per cent preferred stock
into five per cent bonds — an expedient
worthy of the infancy of financial sci-
ence, and yet for insuring which, mil-
lions were handed over to underwriting
syndicates; an expedient which was
eventually stopped by the protest of
some of the company's own directors.
662
THE MONEY TRUST
These incidents I mention merely to
show that there are flaws in the theory
that the interests of the investing pub-
lic are safe with any corporation in the
hands of self-perpetuating director-
ates, whatever their prestige or affilia-
tions. As events turned out, however,
this tendency to the rapid and perma-
nent massing of the agencies of produc-
tion and manufacture in the hands of a
few autocratic groups of financiers en-
countered a different and more effec-
tive challenge than that of minority
shareholders or outside critics.
The Anti-Trust law of 1890 was
drawn with a clear view to such future
possibilities; for the process of concen-
trated control of various industries had
begun even then. That law unquestion-
ably voiced a public sentiment which
has prevented, during the twenty- two
subsequent years, any weakening of its
legitimate scope or force. The North-
ern Securities dissolution, in accord-
ance with the Supreme Court decision
of 1904, supplemented by the Stand-
ard Oil and American Tobacco dissolu-
tions after the decisions of 1911, put a
definite end to the process of gathering
productive industry into the hands of
a few huge corporations, under the
management of small groups of men
who could never be unseated.
Now, the fact of particular import-
ance, in the chapter of history which I
have just reviewed, is that the move-
ment, whether accidental or deliberate,
toward monopoly of transportation
and industrial production, has been
definitely blocked. An attempt to-day
to organize another holding company
such as the Northern Securities or the
United States Steel, would almost cer-
tainly encounter a Federal injunction
which would strangle it in its cradle.
New Jersey itself, whose lax and mis-
chievous corporation laws, adopted
twenty years or so ago, made of that
state a nest for the new corporations —
the Steel Trust, the Tobacco Trust,
the Northern Securities, the Standard
Oil, the Mercantile Marine — which
wanted charters permitting them to do
anything they should choose, has this
year repealed those laws in favor of a
sound incorporation statute which will
surround both new and old companies
with restrictions from which no Amer-
ican corporation ought ever to have
been free. Under the proposed provi-
sions, the * holding-company ' device
can never be invoked again, and merg-
ers of corporations will be permitted
only subject to the approval of the
Public Utilities Commission.
One after another, the most danger-
ous of the combinations of 1899 and
1901 have been dissolved and reduced
to their component parts. It was none
too soon; for although a complete priv-
ate monopoly of industrial producing
agencies could never have been real-
ized, continued and unhindered pro-
gress toward such monopoly, in de-
fault of the Anti-Trust law, would
probably have invoked, in the public
defense, the establishment of a nation-
al bureau to fix the maximum prices
for the products of such concerns. And
if the maximum prices, then, in due
course (as the Interstate Commerce
Commission's regulation of the rail-
ways indicates), the minimum prices
also. In other words, granting the per-
manent supremacy of these enormous
holding companies in all avenues of pro-
ductive industry, we should presently
have been confronted with a public
declaration that the law of supply and
demand no longer operated, and with
governmental commissions to fix the
cost of living.
That this formidable step in the direc-
tion of state socialism should actually
have been proposed by the executive
head of the largest of these industrial
holding companies, was conclusive
proof that the promoters had aban-
THE MONEY TRUST
663
doned all hope of unimpeded control of
the avenues of production. A political
party and a Presidential candidate last
year repeated this proposal, on the
grounds, first, that disruption of the
trusts meant economic chaos; and sec-
ondly, that the companies already form-
ed out of such dissolutions were making
too much money. But the very absurd-
ity and contradiction of the reason-
ing showed that the country had not
yet reached the necessity for any such
alternative. Nothing could have de-
monstrated more conclusively than the
sequel to such dissolutions of holding
companies, without disturbance to
their respective industries, that the
argument from the necessity of these
colossal mergers to our national pro-
gress is nonsense, that ' Big Business '
can be conducted as successfully and as
profitably without them as with them;
in other words, that the 'holding com-
pany' on the scale of the speculative
decade 1899-1907 is a malignant excres-
cence on the economic organism.
VII
But after all this corrective process,
which is still uncompleted, there was
left another field for the activities of
concentrated capital. A dozen years
ago, when organization of the huge
industrial trusts was the order of the
day, the problem of having such pro-
motions originally financed by power-
ful banking institutions, was a part of
the calculations. Since financial rival-
ries, disputes as to the wisdom of the
undertaking, and doubts over the pro-
priety of devoting fiduciary funds in
large amount to purposes of the sort,
were bound to arise, it became a mani-
fest advantage for the organizers of
the industrial combinations to possess
a voice in the councils of the banks
themselves.
That such influence was an essen-
tial factor in the ambitious enterprises
of the day, was never questioned or
denied. In 1899, one of the largest
national banks in New York City au-
daciously handed over its facilities to
the promoters of the Copper Trust, to
facilitate an operation so surrounded
with questionable financial methods
that even Wall Street protested angrily
against it. When the utterly unsound
and obnoxious plan to convert the
Steel Trust's preferred stock into
bonds was intrusted to an underwrit-
ing syndicate, powerful banks were
again brought in among the underwrit-
ers. Both operations, in my judgment,
were illegal under the National Bank-
ing law. When Wall Street high fi-
nance became sharply divided into two
contending factions, which collided
with disastrous results in the famous
battle of 1901 for control of Northern
Pacific stock, the great banking insti-
tutions of New York were already be-
coming known as 'Morgan banks/ or
'Harriman banks.' No one who kept
abreast of Wall Street affairs during
that period, will have forgotten the ex-
traordinary rise in the market for stock
of both kinds of institutions — a rise
which carried prices of such shares to
heights out of all relation to the net
investment-yield from dividends.
The panic of 1907 — which, like all
great panics, marked the end of an
epoch of whose financial extravagances
it was the natural result — necessa-
rily altered this situation. The gov-
ernment's successful challenge of the
movement toward industrial monopoly
through holding companies would of it-
self have put an end to the huge railway
and manufacturing promotions. No
such exploits as the Northern Securities
railway merger, or the Steel and Har-
vester combinations, have even been
attempted since the Supreme Court's
dissolution decree of 1904. New laws,
enacted as a result of the scandals of
664
THE MONEY TRUST
1905 in the life-insurance field, and of
1907 in the domain of the trust com-
panies, have fixed a barrier against
such use of those institutions' funds as
prevailed in 1901 and 1902, and even if
the old-time facilities were still open,
the panic has taught an impressive
lesson as to the dangers of such enter-
prises.
When, therefore, we talk of the
concentration of banking power since
1907, we are discussing a different sit-
uation. The process of drawing pow-
erful banking institutions under the
general control of other groups or insti-
tutions has undoubtedly been pursued,
since 1907, in some respects on an even
more extensive and ambitious scale.
But its immediate purpose has neces-
sarily changed with the embargo on
future hundred-million and thousand-
million mergers.
The familiar form of indictment of
our present banking organism is that
it has placed, in the hands of a limited
group of financiers, control of the larger
machinery of credit. Mr. A. Piatt An-
drew, formerly Assistant Secretary of
the Treasury, has lately shown, from a
compilation of official statistics, that
the number of separate national banks
in the United States (25,176 in 1912)
had increased two and a half times in
the past twelve years, and whereas, in
1900, there was one such bank on the
average for every 7,357 people, in 1912,
there was one for every 3,788. The
cited figures also showed that percent-
age of increase in number, capital, and
resources of the banks, during that
period, had been two to four times as
great in the West and South as in the
East, where the Money Trust's con-
centration of capital was presumed to
converge.
But this does not altogether meet
the question at issue, since nobody has
contended that the alleged 'Money
Trust ' was controlling all of the coun-
try's banking institutions. At the
great financial centres, however, there
has been in progress a quite undeniable
concentration of general control over
the larger institutions. The Pujo Com-
mittee presented figures showing that 6
banking firms of New York and Boston,
and 12 banking institutions of those
cities and Chicago, whose partners or
directors numbered 180, held, through
such representatives, 385 directorships
in 41 banks and trust companies, 50
directorships in 11 insurance compan-
ies, 155 directorships in 31 railway
systems, 6 directorships in 2 express
companies, 4 directorships in one steam-
ship company, 98 directorships in 28
producing and trading corporations,
and 48 directorships in 19 public util-
ity corporations. All told, these 16
firms and institutions, with 180 part-
ners or directors, held 746 seats on the
managing boards of 134 corporations.
Without going in detail into the figures
of the report regarding the capitaliza-
tion, deposits, and earnings of the cor-
porations in question, it is enough to
say that they are, in their respective
fields, the largest in the United States,
and that, if regarded as a matter of
concentrated control, they show an ag-
gregate financial power in finance and
industry never paralleled in history.
So far as the representation of these
banking firms in the managing boards
of the large industrial corporations
is concerned, I have already shown,
in discussing the financial movement
from 1899 to 1902, how it came about.
It was not altogether, as Mr. Wilson
said last August, 'because there was so
much money to be invested' and 'be-
cause it was in the hands of men inti-
mately associated in business.' It was
largely because these industrial com-
panies wished to affiliate themselves
with strong and conservative banking-
houses and to prevent their own cap-
ture by capitalists of the speculative
THE MONEY TRUST
665
class. Whether the process of sealing
such affiliation through so general a re-
presentation of the banking-houses on
the managing boards was carried too
far or not, is another question.
It would also be a legitimate mat-
ter of inquiry, on general principles,
first, how far these banking represen-
tatives dictated the policy of the in-
dustrial concerns; secondly, how far
that policy was wise and in the pub-
lic interest; thirdly, how far such di-
rectors, if dominant in the councils
of the corporations, used their power
disinterestedly or turned it unfairly to
the advantage of their own banking in-
stitutions. That this group of capital-
ists, or any other group, has through
its influence in the industrial corpora-
tions managed to put up prices gener-
ally to extortionate heights, is not true.
To make that assertion is to confuse
the problem of manufacturing combin-
ations, taken by itself, with the pro-
blem of banking-house representation
on the boards of such corporate com-
binations. The question of arbitrary
control of prices, through mergers,
holding companies, and hundred-mil-
lion-dollar corporations, is a question
by itself, and the government has al-
ready dealt with it by itself. In all
their dissolution suits, the federal pros-
ecuting officers have taken no account
of the personality or outside affiliations
of the directors of such companies.
The question at issue was, what the
industrial company was doing, or had
been organized to do. That was the
logical and effective way to approach
the matter. It laid the heavy hand of
the law on corporations, or the direc-
tors of them, not because of the com-
position of their directing boards, but
because of the actions and powers of
the companies as companies. The dan-
ger of arbitrary and artificial prices for
commodities is being met in that way,
and it could be effectively met in no
other. The danger of arbitrary and
artificially high transportation rates on
the country's railways has long since
passed away. The power of the Money
Trust in these directions — if we as-
sume that there is a Money Trust —
must be judged in accordance with
such facts.
VIII
But the concentration in general
control of the largest city banks, which
dispense the greater part of the credit
required for very large financial oper-
ations, remains as a problem in itself.
The fact of this position of the im-
portant city institutions is, I believe,
disputed nowhere. It has, in fact,
been frankly recognized and defended
by the financiers promoting it. Their
arguments in its favor may be thus
summed up: First, the consolidation
of two or more banking institutions
makes for greater economy of manage-
ment and efficiency of operation. Next,
banking institutions of larger power
and resources than hitherto are re-
quired for the much larger operations
involved in present-day business and
finance. Further, the bank suspensions,
in New York particularly, during the
panic of 1907, emphasized the dangers
created for the community at large by
weak or ill-managed institutions in a
central money market. Finally, the in-
cidents of that panic — including the
temporary breakdown of credit facili-
ties, the distrust by banks of one an-
other, the lack of quick and effective
cooperation to relieve the crisis —
taught the supreme necessity for a
banking power strong enough to meet
the worst emergency. Concentration
of the banking resources at the coun-
try's money centre is, in the absence of
a central institution such as the Bank
of England, the only means of control-
ling, promptly and effectively, a crisis
of that kind.
666
THE MONEY TRUST
The arguments are plausible and,
up to a certain point, convincing. The
general criticism which they invite is,
however, much the same as that which
converged upon the not dissimilar pro-
gramme of industrial combination.
Bank consolidations may promote econ-
omy and efficiency. But to that argu-
ment alone there must be some limit,
as there was to the similar argument
for manufacturing combinations ; other-
wise, the ideal state of things would be
complete monopoly. Larger banks are
undoubtedly needed to finance the
larger needs of modern business; but
this by no means proves that one al-
ready large institution must therefore
be affiliated, in management or general
ownership, with another. Weak insti-
tutions will naturally tend to seek the
protection of union with strong and
prosperous banks; but it does not fol-
low that there must be a common con-
trol or ownership for all such combined
institutions.
The argument for meeting panic is in
some respects the most forcible of all.
Yet two rather striking weaknesses in
the argument must be noticed — one,
that the strongest New York banks,
with one or two exceptions, gave little
ground for believing, in October, 1907,
that their usefulness in meeting such
emergencies is proportioned to their
financial strength; the other, that the
tendency for the largest banks to fall
under the general domination of one
financial group has been, and is, an ab-
solute barrier to the establishment of
a central banking institution on proper
and scientific lines. It is argued, very
properly, that only through such a
semi-governmental institution can the
power of a so-called * Money Trust ' be
restricted or curtailed. But it will
quite as surely be argued by Congress
and the public that, in some way, di-
rectly or indirectly, a financial power
which appears on its face to be getting
under its own general control the larg-
est private banks would acquire a
dominating influence in a central bank
as well.
I am stating the arguments, both
pro and con, for what they are worth.
Neither is conclusive — a fact which
usually means that the truth lies some-
where between the two. I have left out
of the foregoing summary, moreover,
the allegation on which a great part of
the pending discussion has been made
to hinge. Does the movement of con-
centration, in the ownership or poten-
tial control of the larger banking insti-
tutions, mean that virtual control of
the market's credit facilities is passing
into the hands of one strong group of
financiers? Mr. Morgan's answer to
the question as to the possibility of
such control of credit, that 'all the
money in Christendom and all the
banks in Christendom cannot control
it,' I have already cited. When asked
whether, if he himself 'owned all the
banks of New York, with all their re-
sources,' he would not then 'come
pretty near to having a control of
credit,' he replied emphatically, 'Not
at all,' and further declared that, if a
competitor or potential competitor of
his own industrial enterprises should
come to these banks to borrow money,
he would get it.
Yet just at that point a question
of by no means unreasonable doubt
arises. Supposing the general control
of the country's greater banking insti-
tutions to be in the hands of a financial
group who also dominated certain rail-
way companies and certain industrial
corporations, would it, or would it not,
be possible for an important legitimate
enterprise, competing with those rail-
ways or industrial corporations, to be
organized as easily as before? Human
nature being what it is, the answer
must be in the negative.
Something of this consideration may
THE MONEY TRUST
667
well have been present in Mr. Baker's
mind, when he said of the machinery
of concentrated banking capital that,
' if it got into bad hands, it would be
very bad.' It has not been proved,
in all the collated testimony on the
question, that discrimination in grant-
ing credit, with a view to obstruct-
ing competition, has been practiced on
any such scale. In one or two cases,
unsuccessful projectors of railway or
other enterprises, who have failed to
obtain the necessary funds, have ac-
cused the ' Money Trust' of standing
in their way; but the event has proved
that the enterprises were themselves
financially unsound. Nevertheless, we
have to deal, not alone with what has
actually been done, through unusual
and abnormal powers of this nature,
but with what may be done hereafter,
if the existing system and tenden-
cies are perpetuated. It is in some re-
spects the problem with which the
Supreme Court was confronted, when
counsel for the Northern Securities set
forth that the company had performed
no overt act whatever beyond declar-
ing dividends, and therefore could not
have acted in restraint of trade; yet
admitted that the logical development
of its scheme of organization might
enable it to own all the railways in the
country.
The question what, if anything, we
• are to do in the way of legislation on
the problem, is full of complications.
It is peculiarly a subject to be ap-
proached with caution, conservatism,
and a full recognition of all the facts
which bear upon it; for blundering
efforts at a remedy would inevitably
touch the sensitive nerve of general
credit. Nothing will be gained by such
wild extravagances as the Congres-
sional allegations from which I have
repeated the striking passages. To
deal with the problem in such fashion
is the surest way to create and empha-
size the impression, among thinking
men, that there is nothing but malice
or ignorance behind the agitation.
Some new provisions in our banking
laws have probably been made inevit-
able by the changed conditions which
have arisen in the banking organism.
Restrictions may be necessitated on
the purchase of one fiduciary institu-
tion by another, to the extent at least
of requiring the approval of responsible
public officers. There is plausible ar-
gument for the regulation of banking
and corporation directorates, so that
the same man or group of men shall
not be allowed to sit on the boards of
competing institutions.
It is not my purpose here, however,
to discuss the grounds for or against
any specific measure of reform in the
existing situation, but to show what
that situation actually is. If the pro-
blem is conservatively dealt with, the
banking interests of the country will
have reason to be as grateful as the
business community and the general
public; for it is difficult not to believe
that the financiers who thus far have
conducted this movement of banking
concentration are themselves aware
that they have set in operation machin-
ery which they cannot check or stop,
and which is liable to get wholly out of
their own control. That was the fact
with the movement of industrial con-
centration. It was the head of a pow-
erful banking and promoting interest,
and a party to the suit, who said, when
the Northern Securities decree put an
end to that infatuation of our great
Wall Street financiers, that the decision
' is a blessing in disguise, for the move-
ment has already gone too far.'
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
BY MARY S. WATTS
CHAPTER XIV
KEY WEST (continued)
IF Tampa had been in a seething hub-
bub, it was nothing to Key West, which
felt itself in all but hallooing distance
of the seat of war, and, in the mediaeval
phrase, stood within the Spanish dan-
ger; the little town of foreign-looking
houses and brilliant tropical shrubbery,
among which one might recognize
many old friends of the conservatory
uncannily grown and naturalized, was
incredibly crowded; the hot, white
streets swarmed with people; the har-
bor was jammed with shipping; the
quays in a roaring turmoil. Somebody
pointed out to Van Cleve the Spanish
prizes anchored here and there, a pie-
bald collection of steam and sailing-
vessels, and told him they were to be
auctioned off at public outcry that very
morning. 'Some of 'em ought to go
cheap, by their looks,' said Van; and
the other man laughed. In truth, they
were a dirty and down-at-heel set. The
transport had touched five hours ear-
lier, and gone on without delay; an-
other big liner now in the government
hire was just standing out to sea,
loaded with supplies and the army mail,
as Van was informed. Every one was
eager to talk and answer all his ques-
tions, the young fellow found; there
was the same extraordinary feeling of
kinship and ready-made acquaintance
in the crowds which he had noticed in
Tampa.
In the meanwhile, Mr. Takuhira had
668
entered upon what promised to be a
difficult and complicated negotiation
with the authorities over his passage
to Cuba, which it appeared even the
accredited representative of a foreign
power could not accomplish without
the consent or connivance of every of-
ficial in the place, and a truly bewilder-
ing display of red tape. Van Cleve left
him at the beginning of it, and took his
own way to the office of the Key West
Sentinel; he could think of no better
starting-point for his haphazard search,
and here, for once, chance befriended
him.
The Sentinel was housed and served
in much the same style as the Tampa
newspapers; it might have been the
same flimsy wooden building, the same
cluttered little office-room, opening
full on the street, with a white awning
over the door, and a manila-paper
broadside with * LATEST NEWS FROM
THE SEAT OF WAR,' skewered on the
lamp-post opposite. The same crowd
jostled in and out; the same men chew-
ing unlighted cigars, perspiring in
shirt-sleeves with handkerchiefs tucked
inside their collars, hammered on the
typewriters, or dictated to other ham-
merers. As Van had more than half
expected, nobody knew anything about
a Robert Gilbert, or had ever heard of
him, or had any time to listen to or an-
swer questions about war-correspond-
ents. He was turning away, when there
came in a thin, slow-moving man dress-
ed in soiled white ducks, with a thin,
yellow, scrubby-bearded, and inex-
pressibly tired face, who took off his hat
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
669
and wiped his forehead with a languid
gesture, as he leaned against one of the
tables, and asked if there was any mail
for him. Van Cleve, who could not get
by in the higgledy-piggledy little place
without dislodging him, hesitated an
instant, wondering, with that slight
inward recoil which most people would
have felt at this date, if the other might
not be just coming out of an attack
of the fever; he had plainly been very
sick recently — was sick still, for that
matter. The typewriter-girl recognized
him, and got up to search a pigeon-hole
in the desk alongside her. 'You don't
look very good yet, Mr. Schreiber,' she
said kindly; 'I don't believe you ought
to be out in the sun. It brings it on
again sometimes.'
'Oh, I've had my dose,' said the
visitor, with a kind of haggard jaunti-
ness. He was a young fellow, about
Van's own age. 'Anyway, you might
as well be good and sick as half-up and
half-down this way. It's more inter-
esting. Is n't that mine?'
She handed him a yellow envelope
with Gulf States Monthly printed in the
corner of it, remarking amiably, ' Say,
that 's a dandy good magazine. I buy a
number every now and then — only ten
cents, you know, and I can't see but
what it's got every bit as good stuff
in it as Century or any of the high-up
ones. Are you going to have something
in pretty soon?'
'I sent 'em an article and some
photographs just before I was taken
sick, — don't know when they '11 be
out, of course, but I should n't wonder
if it was in the next issue. They want
all the war news to be right up to the
minute,' he said not without some im-
portance; and added in a slightly low-
ered and confidential tone, 'Want a
news-item? For the society column?'
4 Sure we do. Always. What is it?'
'Well, then,' said the convalescent,
unsmiling, with ironic impressiveness,
'you may just say that I leave for Cuba
to-night or early to-morrow morning
on my private yacht, the Milton D.
Bowers, which is now coaling up and
laying in a store of provisions, wines,
etcetera, my special extra dry cham-
pagne, and my own brand of cigars, at
Wharf 8, foot of Cadoodle Street, or
whatever the name of it is — down here
three squares to the right, I mean. Now
don't make any mistake; I don't want
to have that telegraphed all over the
country with my name spelled wrong.
I'd nevah be able to show my face in
Newport or Tuxedo again, don't you
know, they'd all make so much fun of
me. Beastly bore, don't you know ! '
The stenographer did not laugh,
however. ' Oh, my, Mr. Schreiber, you
ain't honestly going, are you?' she said
with concern. 'Why, you ain't near
well enough yet. I think that's awful
reckless.'
Van Cleve did not hear her remon-
strances; he was busy trying to re-
member where he had heard before of
the Milton D. Bowers; it must be the
same vessel, for no two that ever sailed
the seas would have been christened
with such a name. Suddenly he recol-
lected. He spoke to the other young
man abruptly. 'I beg pardon, are you
one of the war-correspondents?'
At this unexpected attack, the steno-
grapher jumped, with a little scream;
Mr. Schreiber faced about with his
fatigued movements, bracing himself
by the desk, and ey,fid Van Cleve in-
quiringly, a species of jocular hostility
or wariness showing on his fever-strick-
en youthful face.
'Yes, I'm a correspondent. Are n't
you the speedy little guesser though!'
he said lightly, still with an indescrib-
able air of being on his guard.
'I heard you mention the Milton D.
Bowers. That's one of the newspaper
boats, is n't it?' Van pursued.
'Yes.' And before Van Cleve could
670
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
open his mouth for his next question,
the other stuck out a hand and, grab-
bing Van's, pumped it up and down
with exaggerated warmth, exclaiming,
* WHY, if it is n't my dear old friend,
Chauncey Pipp from Hayville, Michi-
gan! Howdo, Chauncey? How's the
folks?'
It took Van Cleve a moment or two
to perceive what this fantastic per-
formance implied. When he did, he
frowned. 'Oh, come off! Do I look
like a green-goods man?' he said im-
patiently. 'I just want to ask you
something. I 'm looking for a man that 's
been on that boat — a correspondent,
you understand. I thought you might
have met. His name 's Gilbert — R. D.
Gilbert/
Mr. Schreiber became another man
on the instant; he relinquished Van
Cleve's hand, entirely businesslike and
serious. 'Why, yes, I know a Gilbert.
We were on a cruise together on the
Milton D. We got to knowing each
other very well,* he said, interested; 'I
don't know what His first name was,
though; I never happened to ask him.
What's your Gilbert like? Tall, light-
haired fellow? This one was reporting
for a Cleveland paper, I think.'
'No, Cincinnati. My man is from
Cincinnati.'
* Well, maybe it was Cincinnati — I
don't recollect — it was Ohio, anyhow.
You say you're looking for him?'
'Yes. It must be the same man.
He- Van Cleve stopped himself,
glancing at the stenographer, who was
an open-eyed spectator. 'Here, let's
go outside and talk. We're in the way
here,' he suggested.
'Well, I call that a funny coin-
cidence!' the young lady ejaculated
as they left.
Outside, in chairs under another
awning in front of the saloon across
the way, Schreiber said, 'You are n't a
brother of Gilbert's, are you?'
'No, just a friend of his and the
family's. The man I mean is a heavy
drinker. You 'd know it even if he kept
sober while he was down here,' said
Van Cleve, bluntly. ' I did n't want to
talk about it before that girl. You saw
that.'
'Yes,' Schreiber said at once, * that's
the same Gilbert; he's all right, if it
was n't for that. Good fellow, if it
was n't for that. Just can't let it alone,
that 'sail. I don't mind a man taking
a drink once in a while — Here now,
don't do that, that was n't a hint; I
could n't take anything but mineral
water, anyhow — I say I don't mind
a man taking a drink once in a while,
but Gilbert — !' he made a gesture —
'he just can't let it alone. Were you
expecting to meet him here?'
Van Cleve explained. 'I've been
looking for him for a week. His paper
has let him go and the family want him
to come home. They don't know where
he is, nor what 's happening to him.'
The newspaper-man nodded with
full comprehension of what these state-
ments left unsaid. 'Well — all right,
apollinaris — I 'm afraid you 're going
to have a hard time finding him because
the last I knew he was going to Cuba.
I had it all fixed to go myself, only I
came down with this blankety-blanked
fever instead!'
'Yellow?'
'No, it's what they call calenture.
It's nothing like so serious as yellow,
but you certainly do feel rotten after
it. What day of the month is it, do
you know? I've lost count — one
day's so much like another when you
're sick.'
Van Cleve himself had forgotten, and
was obliged to refer to the Sentinel
which he was still carrying in his pock-
et. It was the 30th of June. 'Three
weeks since I began to feel so bum I
had to go to bed! The army left the
next day,' said Schreiber, dolefully.
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
671
'However — !' He shrugged away his
disappointment with one shoulder.
* We've all got to take what's coming
to us. I will now proceed to drown my
woes in drink ! ' he announced, revert-
ing to his attitude of defiant levity, and
took up the mild tumbler of mineral
water with a flourish. * Here's your
good health, Mr. — ?'
'Kendrick — my name's Kendrick.'
Van Cleve got out a card and gave it
to him, with a word of half-humorous
apology. 'I suppose you're used to a
lot of wild-eyed cranks butting in on
you the way I did, though. Is n't that
so? Newspaper men have the name of
being ready for almost anything.'
* Well, I don't call it particularly the
act of a wild-eyed crank to take me
out and buy me a drink,' said the other,
good-naturedly. He looked at the card
and read aloud, 'Mr. Van Cleve Ken-
drick,' and repeated his toast, 'Here's
looking toward you, Mr. Kendrick. I
have n't got any cards with me, or I 'd
exchange with you. My name 's Schrei-
ber, however, — if you '11 take my word
for it, — and I 'm here for the Gulf
States Magazine partly, and partly on
my own. If there's anything I can do
for you, I'd be glad to.'
Van said that he was much obliged;
and they finished, one his apollinaris,
the other his Baccardi rum, in extra-
ordinary amity. It was a great place
and time for these hit-or-miss fellow-
ships.
'Funny you should happen to ask
me about Gilbert,' the correspondent
commented; 'no, thanks, I can't smoke
yet. Oh, wait till you have calenture;
you'll understand! — I say it's funny
you should have picked out me to ask
about Gilbert, because I 'm probably
the one, single, solitary man in the
whole place that could tell you ! '
Van Cleve explained about the Mil-
ton D. Bowers. ' If I had n't heard you
say that, I'd have gone on without
speaking. But I just happened to re-
member Bob — Gilbert, you know —
mentioning that as the name of the
dispatch-boat he'd been on, in one of
his letters home. It's an absurd sort
of name and stuck in my head on that
account, no doubt.'
'It is a queer name, I suppose,' said
Schreiber, reflectively; 'I don't know
why, I never noticed that it was queer
before. Yes, Gilbert and I were on the
Milton D. together. It was an interest-
ing cruise. She is n't a dispatch-boat,
however; the dispatch-boats have these
big, high-powered engines, and they get
over the ground, or the sea rather, like
an express-train. The Milton D.'s no-
thing but a sea-going tug — kind of a
little bull-tug, you know, very stout
and strong, but not at all fast. She
could get along well enough to keep
up with the transports, and that's all
that's necessary.'
'Is that so? How long were you on
that trip?'
'Why, a week or more. We went
down by the Isle of Pines, keeping out
a good way from Havana on account
of the fleet, you know. And then we
came around by the east end of Cuba.
We must have been very near where
the army landed the other day. It 's a
wonderful coast, tall cliffs right to the
edge of the sea, no beach at all, and a
whacking big surf piling up all around
the bases of 'em. The mountains are
all over thick woods, and every now
and then you can see a little white
streak of a waterfall tottering out like
a ghost between them. The sea 's al-
most always very blue, and the surf 's
white, and the mountains deep-green
— George!' he shook his head in ad-
miration ; ' it 's beautiful, only it does n't
look real, somehow. It makes you
think of a drop-curtain.'
'Must have been a great sight,' said
Van Cleve, with full appreciation. 'I
did n't think you'd have time to look
672
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
at scenery, on account of dodging Span-
ish gunboats and so on.'
Schreiber laughed. * Spanish gun-
boats never bothered us. We had to
keep on the hop to dodge our own.
They'd have eaten us up in a minute.'
And seeing the incredulity on Van's
face, he added with emphasis, 'Yes,
they would. The fleet's not a very safe
neighborhood for little Milton D.
Bowerses, or any other non-combat-
ants. They don't know who you are,
and they can't risk stopping to find
out. Shoot first and explain afterwards
— that's their motto! Those big war-
ships just loaf around the ocean all
night long without a sound or a light,
and if they run across you — Bing!
Dead bird! They have to, you know.
You might be a torpedo-boat sneaking
up on 'em.'
Van Cleve pondered this information
with a certain stirring of the adventur-
ous longings he had had in boyhood,
and had thought long since dead and
buried. What St. Louis soap-factory,
what distillery, what office-stool and
desk, might be their tombstone ! With
something of an effort, he got back to
the business of the hour.
'You say you think Gilbert went to
Cuba when the troops did?'
'Oh, yes, positive. They all went.
Everybody went but me.'
'How did they get there — the news-
paper men, I mean? Did they have
their own boat?'
'Well, yes, some of them. Some were
on the Associated Press boats, the
Goldenrod and the Wanda and the
others — you ' ve probably seen their
names in the papers. There were a good
many on one of the transports. You can
get to Cuba any old way; it's easier
than going from here to New York! I
was to have been on the Milton D., but
of course that all had to be put off. They
took the route by the north coast, and
the Milton D. could do that nicely.
It 's shorter, and does n't take so much
coal. Coal 's a very serious item with
these little tin tea-pots.'
Van Cleve surveyed him thought-
fully. 'Were you in earnest just now
when you were talking about going
to-night?'
The other nodded. ' Of course I was
in earnest — of course I'm going. What
made you ask?'
'Why, you're too sick still, aren't
you?'
'Oh, sick — thunder!' said Schrei-
ber, in genuine irritation. 'No, I'm
not sick any more. I '11 be all right in
a day or two, anyhow. Besides, I
can't stay loafing here. There's some-
thing doing every minute over there,
and I don't want to miss any more of
it. The war is n't going to last forever,
you know — a few months, or a year
maybe, and we may never have an-
other, not in our time, anyway. If you
knew anything about the newspaper
game, you 'd know a person can't worry
around over every little pain and ache,
when he might be out getting a good
story.'
He spoke with a vehemence for which
Van Cleve, who was not given to vehe-
mence or excitement himself, rather
warmed to him; Van thought it might
be foolish and exaggerated, but it
showed at least the proper spirit with
which any man ought to regard his
work. 'If everybody felt that way
about their job, there 'd be a good deal
more done, Mr. Schreiber,' he said;
'the reason I asked you, though, was
that I was wondering if I could make
an arrangement to go with you. Would
there be room on the Milton D. Bowers
for one more?'
Schreiber stared. ' You want to go
to Cuba? Why, look here, are you in
the newspaper business, after all?' he
asked ingenuously.
'No, I just thought I'd like to go if
I got a chance. I 'd like to see it. If we
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
673
should happen to run across Gilbert,
I'd get him to come back with me/
said Van Cleve, in as casual a manner
as he could put on ; it was not well done,
for he had no talent for that sort of de-
ception, but Schreiber noticed nothing.
CHAPTER XV
ONCE ABOARD THE LUGGER!
The correspondent's full name was
Herman Schreiber, and he came orig-
inally from Blucher, Illinois, as he in-
formed Van Cleve in the course of the
negotiations, adding, with extreme seri-
ousness, that he was of Irish descent.
Although he knew nothing of Mr. Ken-
drick's character and antecedents, he
made no difficulty about accepting him
for a companion on the voyage. * Why,
if you want to go, I 'm sure it 's all right
as far as I'm concerned,' he said with
genial indifference. 'You'll have to
speak to Captain Bowers, but I don't
believe he'll object, provided you can
rustle the price. He 's a Yankee; comes
from New Bedford, or Gloucester, or
somewhere down east, and he's about
as mellow as a salt cod. Of course, it '11
be rough; you don't need to be told that.
But if you don't mind sleeping with a
lump of coal in your ear, and eating
hard-tack and canned stuff, and going
without a shave or clean clothes for a
while, why, it 's a good deal of fun. The
thing is, you see it all, you know. That 's
the thing, you see it all ! '
He went back to the hotel — Key
West has, or had at that date, but one
— with Van Cleve, and there the first
person they encountered was Mr. Tak-
uhira, whom the journalist already
knew, and saluted as Take-your-hair-
off, in a cheerfully informal style. Tak-
uhira's own prospects, as he told them,
with his equable smile, were very
dubious. *I should have gone by the
mail-boat that left this morning. Ar-
VOL. Ill -NO. 5
rangements had been made, they say/
he said; and permitted himself a slight
shrug. 'Unfortunately they omitted
one rather desirable arrangement, that
is, to tell me. I did not know anything
about it. And now nobody knows any-
thing about me. The government of
Uncle Sam has troubles of his own, as
you say, without to bother about one
Japan attache.'
*D 'ye have to get there?' inquired
Schreiber.
The Oriental gentleman shrugged
again. The other two men could not
help exchanging a glance, each one
wondering and knowing that the other
was wondering whether this Japanese
would not be quite capable of commit-
ting harakiri to satisfy his fanatical
Eastern standards of honor, if he failed
in his mission. Almost simultaneously
they proposed to him their own vessel
as a way out of his difficulties.
* And he won't be the funniest traveler
the old tub 's carried, either/ Schreiber
said, after they had, all three, com-
pleted the bargain with Captain Bow-
ers, who had been willing enough to
take Van Cleve, but inquired a little
austerely why it was necessary to ship
the Chink? He was won over, however,
by an argument which Schreiber as-
sured the others in private was always
irresistible with him; give Captain
Bowers enough (he said) and he 'd sail
his namesake to a very much warmer
place than Cuba — which Mr. Schrei-
ber specified. And he hinted at a sinis-
ter past, and at various desperate ex-
ploits of the Captain's in the way of
blockade-running during the Civil War,
filibustering in the Caribbean, and so
on, which Van Cleve inwardly decided
to discount a trifle.
Captain Bowers was a lean, leathery,
hard-featured man, upwards of sixty,
who, indeed, looked quite capable of
the dark deeds attributed to him; at
some stage of his career, he had lost
674
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
two fingers off his right hand, which,
some way or other, strengthened the
grim impression. But Van was shrewd
enough to know that to the landsman
the sea and those who follow it will
always be a mystery, attractive and
forbidding, in the same breath; pirate
or preacher, the Captain would proba-
bly have looked the same to him, he
thought, with a laugh; and what differ-
ence did it make, anyhow?
Their craft, Captain Bowers an-
nounced, would sail at midnight, a
choice of hours which, of itself, savored
of deep-sea secrecy and danger, but
which, Van Cleve vaguely supposed,
had something to do with the tide. It
left them all the rest of the day for pre-
paration, but somehow Van never can
remember nowadays exactly how he
spent that time. He wrote to his Aunt
Myra and to the bank, and a long let-
ter to Lorrie. Takuhira was writing,
too, on the other side of the desk in the
hotel lounging-room, filling page after
page with Japanese characters, with
what might be called an unnaturally
natural rapidity, as facile as Van him-
self. The latter wondered whether
their letters might not be a good deal
alike. There they sat, each one a parcel
of memories and associations as differ-
ent as possible, yet doubtless funda-
mentally the same. Some slant-eyed
little lady in a sash might beTakuhira's
Lorrie; and instead of Van's great,
muddy river, and bricked, noisy, sooty,
well-loved town, the Japanese must be
calling up some fantastic vista of bam-
boos, cock-roofed temples, and rice-
fields, and naming it, with as strong a
feeling, home.
Afterwards, to the best of Van's re-
collection, they went together and got
some express checks cashed, and visited
a shop where they bought apparel
which they dimly conjectured to be
suitable for the trip — flannel shirts,
canvas shoes, a blanket apiece — they
had no idea what they would need.
The little Japanese in a sou'wester and
jersey, with a bandanna knotted around
his neck, cowboy fashion, was a sight
for gods and men, but it must be said
to Van's credit that he refrained from
laughter. He felt too much of a clown
in his own seafarer's haberdashery.
One of the last things he remembers
doing was going with Schreiber to buy
a revolver, which the newspaper-man
insisted upon as an indispensable part
of his outfit. 'Got to have a gun,' he
said seriously. 'It's war-times where
you 're going, you know. Even if you
only needed it once, you'd need it
mighty bad.'
'Well, but I never handled one of
'em in my life — I don't know which
end they go off at,' Van Cleve objected.
'I'm not going to mix into any fight
anyhow — not if traveling's good in
the opposite direction, I know that.9
'Makes no difference. You've got
to put up a good, strong bluff just the
same,' said his new friend sententiously.
Van had to yield at length.
'All right,' he said, gingerly stowing
the weapon in his hip-pocket; 'this is
where it's considered good form to
carry it, I suppose? You '11 change your
mind about my needing it after I've
blown your ear off, or plugged a hole
in the boiler. Come on, fellows.'
They went down to the pier.
As the compiler of these records
knows next to nothing of the sea, and
as it has always been difficult to get
anything out of Van Cleve Kendrick
about this experience, it is plain that
we cannot be going to enter upon any
thrilling nautical adventures. I could
not invent them, and Van never will
admit that there were any. It seems
that nothing of much moment hap-
pened during the first half of the voy-
age, at least; their tug was not a rapid
traveler, and she labored along pro-
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
675
saically off the northern coasts of Cuba,
which were sometimes in sight at a
prudent distance for fully forty-eight
hours, day and night, without storms
or warships or sensational encounters
of any kind. The population of the
Milton D. Bowers, meanwhile, crew
and passengers alike, lived at incon-
ceivably close quarters, in democratic
freedom and astonishing harmony,
and with a disregard of dirt, discom-
fort, and inconvenience, which any lady
who reads these lines would have look-
ed upon with shuddering horror.
What would Van Cleve's aunt, what
would any of his female relatives, have
said to the more than dubious bunk
and the species of dog-house wherein
he slept of a night, to the greasy bench
amidships at which he sat down to
meals, to the terrific tea and coffee and
ships'-biscuit and canned tomatoes and
sizzling fried onions which he con-
sumed (with thorough relish!) out of
tin plates and mugs and unspeakable
skillets ? What would they have thought
of his shipmates than whom no stranger
company were ever assembled on a
boat, since Noah went aboard the Ark?
Van Cleve himself got along admirably
with them. 'They were all right. They
were just man, you know, just plain
man,9 he once rather obscurely said, in
an effort to describe them; the astute
tolerance of the phrase better describes
himself. There was only one of them
whom Van felt he never would under-
stand, and that was Takuhira, be-
tween whom and these American men
there would forever hang the impalpa-
ble veil of race, and of habits of mind,
unconquerably alien. * You can't get on
the inside of him, somehow; you can't
think his thoughts. It would n't make
any difference how long you were with
him, you 'd never know him,' Van Cleve
remarked to Schreiber one day.
The reporter stared. 'What! Little
Take-your-hair-off? Why, he's easy
enough to know. Why, I've never had
any trouble knowing him, ' he declared;
'he's just as white as any man I ever
met, if he is a Jap.'
'I didn't mean anything against
him,' said Van Cleve. And, seeing that
it would be impossible to make Schrei-
ber comprehend what he did mean, he
gave up the subject. He had observed
Schreiber's character, at least, to some
purpose. In fact, the newspaper man
afforded a curious and entertaining
study. Writing was his profession, yet
he was no more capable of a page of
good English than of a page of Choc-
taw; but what he wrote commanded a
price, and was sufficiently readable.
He was a perfectly upright man, yet
he would sacrifice or distort beyond
recognition any fact to make a 'good
story/ a trait of his which Van had
been quick to discover. 'Get out and
get news. If you can't get it, make it!'
Schreiber enthusiastically quoted to
him as one of the imperishable maxims
of an editorial celebrity under whom he
had worked; he was eternally quoting
this authority. And with all his cheap
standards, his bondage to catch- words,
his jingo patriotism, he displayed not
a few of the qualities which we asso-
ciate with very high and strong char-
acters, among them a devotion to his
duty of 'getting out and getting news'
— or making it — which touched the
heroic. Barely recovered from a dan-
gerous and wearing illness, he under-
took these not inconsiderable hard-
ships for the sake of his magazine,
single-mindedly, as if there were no
other course to pursue; he was dis-
tressingly seasick, he could scarcely
eat or sleep, the fever came back upon
him intermittently, he suffered tor-
tures from sunburn, — and he bore it
all without a murmur.
Van Cleve, for his part, had never
felt better; and, moreover, turned out
a good sailor and acceptable shipmate,
676
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
lending a hand to the management of
the vessel when extra strength was
needed, and frankly interested in all
her workings, and in the crew, whom
he found to be not in the least like the
sailormen about whom he had read.
They were neither so profane nor so
simple nor so blackguardly nor so sub-
limely honest as the pages of Captain
Marryat and Mr. Clark Russell had
led him to expect. The engineer had
been a motorman in Chicago, then
shipped for a couple of seasons — so he
told Van — on a Duluth freighter, then
drifted to New York, and worked for a
while on the Staten Island boats, et-
cetera, etcetera. His helper was some
sort of half-breed Cuban. The cook
hailed from somewhere in Connecticut,
he said; and he also said that he had
once cooked in a Maine moose-camp
for Colonel Theodore Roosevelt. Van
thought he might possibly be telling
the truth, although he was not wholly
reliable, either with the cook-stove or
the whiskey bottle.
'In every sea-story I ever read the
cook was a Lascar,' Van Cleve said to
him one day; 'I feel as if you ought to
be, by rights.'
* Well, I ain't. I 'm Connecticut from
the ground up — never was farther
west than Milwaukee in my life,' re-
torted the other. 'Though I did think
some of going to the Klondike last
year when the rush was on,' he added,
pensively turning the bacon. *But I
ain't Alasker, not me.'
Captain Bowers, who was standing
near, smiled grimly. He afterwards
told Van Cleve that he had seen Las-
cars — * plenty of 'em, in the China
Seas, and 'round the Straits. They
wa' n't doing any cooking, though,' he
said, gazing off to the horizon reminis-
cently. Van longed to ask what they
were doing? Boarding his ship with
cutlasses between their teeth, in some
onslaught of demoniac pirate junks?
Whatever the captain's experiences in
that line, he had no tales to tell about
them; he was a taciturn man. His taci-
turnity even extended to their chief
recreation on board the Milton D.
Bowers, a game of cards, which, when-
ever the skipper took a hand, invari-
ably had to be whist. Unfortunately
the ace of spades went over the side
in a light blow the morning of the
second day out, and thereafter they
were obliged to play euchre and call the
deuce the ace, which was awkward but
effective.
The next day was Sunday, a fact
which would have escaped Van's notice
had it not been for certain Sabbath-
day observances on board; the engi-
neer's helper washed his shirt; and
Captain Bowers shaved in front of six
inches of looking-glass tacked up in
the cabin, balancing himself nicely to
the roll of the boat, and wielding the
razor with uncanny dexterity, between
his thumb and two remaining fingers.
Already in the early morning it was
beginning to be unbelievably hot; the
horizon, where no land was just now
visible and not another sail or smoke-
stack, swam in a glare of sea and sky
intolerable to the vision. 'We're good
and tropical now,' Schreiber said, rear-
ing painfully up from his favorite re-
cumbent posture along the decks, to
look at it. ' We ought to make Baiquiri
to-night, is n't that so, Captain?'
"T ain't daiquiri, it's Z)aiquiri,'
said Bowers, over his shoulder, as he
walked forward. 'Yes, I guess so, if
we have luck.'
* Is that where we land ? ' Van Cleve
asked.
* That's where the army landed,'
said the captain, non-committally . Van
felt startled at the sudden nearness of
the journey's end.
However, man proposes ! It was only
a short while after this conversation
that the engines of the Milton D. Bow-
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
677
ers, to the surprise and consternation
of her passengers, began perceptibly to
lag; they slowed down; they ceased
utterly! A great pow-wowing arose
between the engineer and his assistant;
Captain Bowers took a hand; the en-
gineer disappeared into the bowels of
his machine, and erelong boiler-factory
hammerings and clinkings resounded.
Van Cleve and the attache, after offer-
ing their help, thought it best to keep
out of the way, and refrain from annoy-
ing questions; but Schreiber had no
such scruples. He made repeated trips
to the seat of trouble and at last brought
back the doleful information that they
were going to be held up for the Lord
knew how long! 'I believe it is n't any-
thing very bad, because he says he can
fix it, only he does n't know how long
it '11 take. This is grand, is n't it? This
just suits us. We're not in any hurry
to get there; we don't give a darn if we
never see Cuba. I'd like to spend a
summer vacation right on this spot.
The bathing facilities are so good, you
know.'
'How far are we out, anyhow?'
'Too far to swim, that's all I know,'
said the correspondent. He resumed
his lounge. They all sat awhile in dis-
concerted silence, until at length some-
body proposed the cards to pass time
away; and they were on the seventh
hand of cutthroat, when Captain Bow-
ers came and joined them. For a mo-
ment, this looked encouraging; but to
their eager inquiry about the prospects,
he would only say that he did n't know
— it might be two or three hours yet —
perhaps more — he could n't say — de-
pended on what Tom found when he
got the jacket off — he could n't say
— 'It's your deal, ain't it, Kendrick?
My cut.'
As they were sitting, Van having
just dealt, and turned the queen of
diamonds, on a sudden, they heard, a
good way to the southwest, a dull roll-
ing and booming sound that paused
and presently broke out again.
'Hello!' said Schreiber, looking up
and around; 'storm somewhere?'
Captain Bowers laid down his hand
of cards and said, 'Boys, that's can-
non! '
In a minute the engineer, chancing to
stick out his head for a breath of air,
stopped in the act of mopping the
sweat from his forehead and arms with
a handful of waste, and called in sur-
prise, 'What's the matter? D'ye see
anything? What did you fellows all
jump up that way for?' He had heard
nothing in the midst of his own noise
and clanging. The rest looked at one
another shamefacedly; they discover-
ed that they had all, on the same un-
conscious impulse, scrambled to their
feet, and were crowding and staring
in the direction of the cannonading, as
if they might expect to see it, or get
nearer to it by the action. In fact, by
some illusion, the next detonations
seemed to them for an instant much
louder. It kept on. They stood a long
while listening. Once Schreiber said
in a subdued voice, ' My Lord, fellows,
that sounds like the Fourth of July
back home, and it's killing men right
along ! ' Van Cleve, too, had been think-
ing of that; and of that evening,
scarcely three weeks ago, when he had
sat with Lorrie on the porch, and they
wondered what cannon sounded like.
The captain looked at his watch and
said it was ten o'clock; and one of them
asked him where he thought the battle
might be going on — if they were shell-
ing the city, would we hear it? He
shook his head. 'Don't know. Them
guns are firing at sea, though, which-
ever way they're being p'inted. The
sound comes quicker to you on the
water — leastways that 's what I ' ve al-
ways been told,' he said circumspectly.
'Do you believe the fleet's trying
to come out? ' Van Cleve and the news-
678
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
paper man chorused in one excited
breath.
*I presume likely/ said Captain
Bowers.
He went to speak to the engineer,
and Schreiber watched him with a cer-
tain admiration. 'If he was in a book
now, you would n't believe in him;
you'd think he was ridiculously over-
drawn,' he said to Van; 'he doesn't
seem possible, somehow, with his tug-
boat and his chin-beard, and that
funny down-east drawl. " Presume
likely!" Like any old New England
deacon! You notice he never swears?
You can't faze him — nothing fazes
him!'
The day wore on. The cannon ceased,
and the silence left them all at a higher
tension than ever. The cook fished out
from somewhere an old battered pair
of glasses with a flawed lens, and from
that on somebody was constantly on
the lookout (though the thing would
scarcely carry a hundred yards), sweep-
ing the seas round and round in ex-
pectation of no one knew what. At
some time in the afternoon they sat
down to a belated and half-cooked
meal whereat the engineer complained
loud and bitterly. He wanted to know
what all you dubs (and sundry other
unamiable designations) were doing,
anyhow? He opined that he was the
only man within sight or hearing who
was on his job. He intimated highly
uncomplimentary doubts as to the
mind, morals, parentage, and previous
career of everybody on board, especial-
ly the cook, which the latter gentleman
naturally resented. Captain Bowers
had to intervene; and in the middle of
it all somebody cried that the guns
were going again, producing peace on
the instant, as if by magic! After-
wards, realizing that there was some
justice in his point of view, one or
other of them volunteered as engineer's
helper, and held a candle, or passed
tools, or hung on a wrench at inter-
vals the rest of the day. Van Cleve, for
one, was glad of any employment; his
nerves, like everybody's, were feeling
the strain. It was dark before they
got started.
It was night, in fact, which came on
them with the startling suddenness of
the tropics, clouded over, with no stars
or moonlight. The little tug, crowd-
ing on all steam, ploughed through the
vast, black, watery silence with as
much commotion as leviathan, reck-
less of consequences. Excepting Cap-
tain Bowers and the Japanese, both
of whom contrived to keep an appear-
ance, at least, of stolidity, everybody
was very much excited, and there was
a good deal of random talk and laugh-
ing at nothing; also the cook wanted
to sing, and wept when Bowers forbade
it and sternly took away his bottle of
whiskey.
Schreiber expostulated sympathet-
ically. ' Why, with all the noise we 're
making, what 's the odds if he does sing,
Captain? Nobody could hear him.'
' 'We could hear him,' said the cap-
tain, with epigrammatic force. They all
thought this was a prodigiously good
joke on the cook; Van Cleve never re-
membered to have laughed so heartily!
'I suppose if we should run into a
Spanish ship, they would n't do a
thing to us?' he said to Schreiber in
ironical gayety.
' Not a thing ! ' agreed the other. Then
he added more seriously, 'But they
won't be coming this way, you know.
They'll make for Havana most likely
— if they get away at all.' That the
Spanish might have won in the contest
did not occur to either of them.
Some while after this, Van Cleve
observed a small, steady star, very low
down near what should have been the
horizon, as he judged, if they had been
able to distinguish sea from sky; he
pointed it out casually to the captain,
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
679
who threw a perfunctory glance in the
direction and grunted.
'That's the land,' he said; 'that's
a light somewhere on shore. You could
'a' heard the surf if you'd listened.
Hear it now?'
Van strained his ears, but could make
out nothing; the throbbing of their
machinery and the loud rush of water
alongside overpowered his landsman's
senses; Schreiber affirmed that he could
see the coast in black outline against
the lesser blackness, but perhaps his
fancy helped him. In a little the light
vanished, blotted out, no doubt, by some
reach of land, for they were both quite
sure they felt the vessel veer sharply
and change her course. And now, all
at once, there came to them a great,
hot, sighing breath, off-shore, laden (or
so they imagined) with earth odors,
strange and familiar; then a cool puff;
then another warm. The feeling of it
was curiously welcome; land is good
after the sea. The Milton D. Bowers
slacked up; she had a grotesque air of
suddenly remembering something.
' Guess the old man thinks we 'd bet-
ter go slow here,' Schreiber suggested
in an undertone; 'he does n't quite
know where he is — no lights nor any-
thing. We must be somewhere off
Guantanamo, I think.'
He had not finished speaking when
there roared up out of the darkness a
huge devastating bulk, a thing of ter-
ror coming at them like the end of the
world. There was a light. Van Cleve for
one appalling second beheld a mighty
gray shoulder towering above them,
imminent, unescapable. 'It looked as
high as the Union Trust Building,' he
said afterwards. It was in reality
the bow of the torpedo-boat destroyer,
Inverness, not considered by naval
judges at all a large or powerful vessel.
She thundered upon them; the Milton
D. Bowers raised a wild screech as from
one throat, and went astern in a frenzy;
and the Inverness must have sheered
just in the nick of time, or they would
all, herself included, have been at the
bottom of the sea, and this tale need
never have been written. As it was,
the glancing blow she struck them sent
the poor tug staggering, and there was
a bloodcurdling noise of splintered
wood. When Van got his breath, he
found himself in the foolish attitude
of clinging to the far rail, and ' holding
back ' with might and main ! They were
still afloat; they were still on an even
keel. Near him Schreiber sprawled on
the deck, clutching one ankle and
cursing voluminously; he had sprained
it, falling over a pile of coal, and was
in severe pain. Extraordinary sounds
arose from every part of the boat ; some-
body was praying in a loud, rapid, fer-
vent voice like a camp-meeting preach-
er. There was a hail from above.
'Goldenrod, ahoy! Are you much
hurt?'
'This ain't no Goldenrod. This is
the Milton D. Bowers,' shouted the
captain, crossly; and in a moment Van
saw him aft with a lantern over the
side, studying the damage. The prayers
ceased abruptly; Van Cleve had a sus-
picion they proceeded from the cook,
but he never knew. Takuhira appeared
from nowhere, and helped Schreiber
take off his shoe. Up overhead an in-
visible power manipulated the light
this way and that, until the tug lay
within its zone; they could see faces,
kindly and concerned and inquiring,
peering down at them. A man whom
Van, in his ignorance of naval matters,
supposed to be a ' petty officer,' what-
ever that might mean, repeated the
former question. 'Are you much hurt?
Need any help?' he asked.
Captain Bowers, after further scru-
tiny, pronounced the Milton D. in no
danger. 'She ain't started anywhere,
fur's I kin see, jest her side planed off
some,' he said; and, walking to the
680
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
engine-house, called in, * All right there,
Tom?'
'I guess so,' said the engineer from
the depths.
' You ought to have kept out of the
way, Captain. We can't have anybody
gum-shoeing around here, you know
that,' remarked the Inverness, and
made another offer of standing by in
case they discovered trouble. Captain
Bowers grumpily declining, the officer
turned away, probably to report to a
superior. Some of the heads disappeared
from the rail; one of those remaining
facetiously invited his mates to come
and see the bunch of Weary- Willies in
the cup-defender. Another wanted to
know who the reverend conducting
services was? Van Cleve stared up at
them in wonder; he had supposed that
everybody — of the rank and file, at
least — had to keep mum as a mouse
on board a warship. They could hear
an order given; the big hull vibrated;
the Inverness began deliberately and
impressively to back away. Even in the
midst of his suffering, professional zeal
awoke in the newspaper correspond-
ent; he hobbled upright, clinging to
Takuhira's shoulder, and hailed de-
sperately.
'Hi! Wait, will you? What's hap-
pened? We heard cannon. What's
doing? Was there a fight?'
The Inverness did not answer; si-
lence had suddenly fallen on board of
her, and all the faces retreated. In a
moment the man who had spoken to
them first came back, making way at
the rail for a tall gentleman in a beauti-
ful, clean, snowy-white, tropical uni-
form, at once cool and radiant in the
half-light. He could be seen to look
them over with good-natured conde-
scension, while the subordinate pointed
and explained; then he nodded, gave
the other an order (as it seemed) , and
walked away. Schreiber witnessed the
pantomime in an agony of curiosity.
The first man stepped again to the
side; he set a hand to his mouth and
cried out, 'Newspaper boat?'
' Yes. Gulf States Magazine, Jackson-
ville Telegraph, Atlanta Post, Charles-
ton Mail!9 the correspondent roared
back impatiently. None of the last-
named papers had any existence out-
side of his own imagination, as he later
informed Van Cleve. 'That ought to
be enough for you,' he added under
his breath. 'Newspaper boat! Take us
for a party of Episcopal bishops?'
'Well, you can tell 'em the fleet came
out!'
'Where are they? What became of
'em? What -- who — which — ?'
Schreiber was fairly inarticulate from
excitement; he hopped madly on one
leg.
'Sunk — beached — burned up —
the whole shootin' match!' bawled
their informant, succinctly. He made
a dramatic pause. 'Had to chase one
of 'em down the coast a good piece,
but we nipped her, too!' The Inver-
ness gathered way, moving off, and the
wash she kicked up slapped against the
tug, causing it to rock violently. He
raised his voice, making a trumpet of
both hands this time. ' Pity you missed
it. It's all over but the shouting.
There ain't any more Spanish Fleet!'
(To be continued.)
TO THE WATCHER
BY RABINDRANATH TAGORE
SHE is still a child, my lord. She runs about your palace and plays and tries to
make you a plaything of her own.
When her hair tumbles down and her careless garment drags in the dust, she
heeds not. When she builds her house with sands and decks her dolls with
tinsels, she thinks she is doing great works.
Her elders warn her even not to hold you of small account. She is frightened,
and she knows not how to serve you. Suddenly she starts up from her play
and reminds herself she must do what she is bid.
She falls asleep when you speak to her, and answers not. And the flower you
gave her in the morning slips to the dust from her hand.
When the storm bursts in the evening with a sudden clash and darkness is on
land and sky, she is sleepless; her dolls lie scattered on the earth and she
clings to you in terror.
We are ever afraid lest she should be guilty of remissness. But smiling you
peep at the door of her playhouse, you watch her at her games, and you
know her.
You know that the child sitting on dust is your destined bride. You know
that all her play will end in love. For her you keep ready a jeweled seat in
your house and precious honey in the golden jar.
A DEFENSE OF PURISM IN SPEECH
BY LEILA SPRAGUE LEARNED
IN the first century of our Christian
era, Quintilian, a learned grammarian,
said, * Language is established by rea-
son, antiquity, authority, and custom/
It would seem from the general care-
lessness in our present use of language,
that we show allegiance more often to
custom than to common sense. No one
denies that language is an attribute of
reason, — the * peculiar ornament and
distinction of man'; but man seldom
shows a proper respect for this priceless
heritage.
Some geniuses pretend to despise
the trammels of grammar rules, as
some men, other than geniuses, feel
themselves too big for the limitations
of man-made laws. Genius may often
impart a fine inborn sense of propriety
in the use of language, and a life-long
familiarity with the best in literature
naturally develops a delicate taste and
a keen sensitiveness to what is right
and wrong in speech. But less favored
mortals need guide-posts to keep them
from stumbling into the pitfalls of ig-
norance. Reason, the rightful arbiter
in matters of language, should not be
dethroned by irresponsible usage.
Many believe with Horace, that
usage is the deciding authority, bind-
ing law, and rightful rule of speech, but
it seems to me that there is a prevailing
slovenly use of language which is really
abuse.
No amount of wisdom, genius, or
usage can justify a singular noun with
a plural verb, and we never hear, 'The
boy are gone'; but we so often hear
from the lips of educated persons blun-
ders like, ' Every one must paddle their
own canoe,' that no less an authority
than Professor Carpenter of Columbia
says that in referring to every one,
everybody, anybody, and the like, we
may use the plural pronoun. He gives
as illustrations : —
Every one here may ask me any
questions he chooses.
Every one here may ask me any
questions he or she chooses.
Every one here may ask me any
questions they choose.
Fortunately for him he adds that
the first form is preferred in literary
English and that the last construction,
condemned by rhetoricians, is to be
avoided. But why, I make bold to ask,
should this unreasonable form find any
place in a grammar, or have any sanc-
tion? And what are we to think of the
license given to students by Professor
Carpenter, when he writes the follow-
ing: '"It is me" is an idiomatic col-
loquial expression used without hesi-
tation by the mass of the people and
shunned only by the fastidious.' Pro-
fessor Carpenter says further, ' " It is
I," however, retains its place in literary
English, as a more solemn and impres-
sive expression, though not to the ex-
clusion of the other phrase. It is also
tenaciously preserved even in speech
by those who have a strong feeling for
consistency in grammar forms.'
When a college professor expresses the
idea that correct speech is solemn and
impressive, and that improprieties are
excusable because of their frequent use,
it seems to me timely and justifiable
A DEFENSE OF PURISM IN SPEECH
683
to suggest that our teachers of English
be examined for their qualifications.
No man would be judged competent
to teach arithmetic who would be
indifferent to a pupil's statement that
8X7=54. Is this error more deplorable
than 'It is me'? To be sure, arithmetic
is an exact science. So is language in
its fundamental principles, as in the
relations of verbs to their subjects and
objects. Shall we regard language as a
go-as-you-please affair, with no laws,
even though this complicated product
of evolution is not fixed or final?
The growth of language is marked
by many changes in the meanings and
pronunciations of words, and by the
introduction of new words where
needed. Its decay is influenced by the
ever-increasing tendency to slang and
to colloquialisms, which form a * pecul-
iar kind of vagabond language, always
hanging on the outskirts of legitimate
speech, but continually straying or
forcing its way into respectable com-
pany/ Whatever the changes, con-
structive or destructive, can any pro-
fessor or armies of wise and learned
men make 'It is me' correct, any more
than they can justify 4X8=36? Such
teaching gives rise to the attitude of
many school-girls who have the idea
that it is affected to say, ' It is I.' They
expect to be laughed at when they use
correct constructions. Even a lawyer
of my acquaintance told me that if he
were to speak correctly he would lose
business with certain clients, men 'in
the rough,' who would think he felt
superior to them. Is it not sad that
an intelligent use of language is so rare
that it sets the accurate speaker apart ?
Well may we ask, Is there any cri-
terion of good English ? To what source
must we go if we wish to speak and
write our mother tongue with purity
and without affectation? How shall
we choose when the men who write
books on the subject disagree? How
many of us, after reading Richard
Grant White's thirteen pages devoted
to the unqualified condemnation of
'had better, had rather, and hadn't
oughter,' have made a real effort to
accustom ourselves to 'would rather'
and 'might better'? Of course, only
the most ignorant ever said, ' had n't
oughter.' And now we read Professor
Lounsbury's thirty pages of defense
for 'had liefer,' 'had rather,' and 'had
better,' three legitimate idioms, dating
from the thirteenth, fifteenth, and six-
teenth centuries, respectively. He sanc-
tions 'would rather,' but says that the
use of 'would better' is distinctly re-
pugnant if not absolutely improper,
and that 'when met with, it is apt to
provoke a cry of pain from him who
has been nurtured upon the great class-
ics of our literature.'
Dare we say that sometimes Profes-
sor Lounsbury's use of language might
impress the critical student as incon-
sistent with the rules of rhetoric, for
he allows great license to speech, and
does not believe in sacrificing sponta-
neity to gain correctness. But who-
ever is endowed by nature with spon-
taneity, a quality which can hardly be
cultivated, might well devote some en-
ergy toward making accuracy a habit.
There need be no loss of spontaneity
in the process.
This reminds us of Henry Ward
Beecher, who, when a college youth
presumed to point out errors in his
speech, replied, 'Young man, when the
English language gets in my way, it
does n't stand a chance.' Of course,
the most rigid purists must acknow-
ledge that it is not freedom from faults
that marks either the great man or the
great linguist. Each is distinguished
rather by that commanding quality
that takes no note of trifles.
But, inasmuch as many trifles make
perfection, is it not incumbent upon
the authors of English books to avoid
684
A DEFENSE OF PURISM IN SPEECH
faulty expressions? We are surprised
to find in Professor Lounsbury's ex-
cellent book, The Standard of Usage,
the following sentences, for which, I
presume to suggest, in parentheses,
better constructions : —
The process is liable (likely) to take
place in the future.
This was due (owing) to the ending.
How tame it would have been to
have used (to use), etc.
Such a desirable (so desirable a) re-
sult.
The opposition to new forms is apt
(likely) to assume, etcetera.
He accomplished feats full (fully or
quite) as difficult.
* Donate' has been pretty regularly
shunned — (why * pretty '?).
One example is so curious (queer).
No one seemed to think of or care
for the other adjectives — (no one
seemed to think of the other adjectives
or care for them).
It was not for the like of me (such
as I) to contend.
We find also, 'two last words' (last
two). This suggests the frequent mis-
use of last for latest, and calls to mind
the clever girl who, because of her
discriminating use of the words, won the
coveted autograph of a blase popular
author. In his formal, unsigned, type-
written reply to her request were these
words, * Have you read my last book ? '
Her bright retort, 'I hope so,' brought
the desired autograph from the author,
who, of course, meant to say, * latest'
book.
In the English book mentioned, ap-
pears also, * every now and then,' which
like * every once in a while,' is hardly
a reasonable use of language, since
* every ' applies to what may be count-
ed, and since there are no periods of
time known as 'now and then' which
may be enumerated. * Every' is again
misused in, 'I have every confidence
in this man,' when we mean entire or
full confidence.
Another clause which arrests our
attention is, 'He was the one above
all,' etc. Would not a better construc-
tion be, * It was he, who, above (or more
than) all others, made it his business,'
etc.? Most rhetorics warn us against
using 'one ' and * ones,' and what need
is there of saying, 'This is the one I
mean ' when a book is the object meant,
or 'Are these the ones you wish?'
when we mean gloves?
In Bechtel's Slips in Speech, a useful
little volume of 'Don'ts' in language,
we read with amazement the follow-
ing:—
' "I ain't pleased," " You ain't kind,"
"They ain't gentlemen," serve to illus-
trate the proper use of "ain't," if it is
ever proper to use such an inelegant
(so inelegant a) word.' What a damag-
ing influence such a statement (or so
shocking a statement) must have upon
the student!
Even the much-praised Richard
Grant White did not live up to the
standards of purism that he advocated,
when he wrote, —
' Most all of the writer's argument '
— (almost the entire argument of the
writer) .
'We hear that all around us among
well-educated people, but who know
better ' — (why ' but who ' when ' who '
suffices ?)
He is also guilty of 'so perfect,' even
though ' perfect,' like ' unique,' 'square,'
'round,' 'universal,' 'unanimous,' and
many other adjectives, requires no
modifying adverb to express degree.
Again, we have so long cherished
that old familiar rule in the words,
'We cannot look or feel 1 — y, ly,'
that we do not like to excuse Professor
Hill for shattering one of our pet idols
by authorizing 'I felt badly,' the ex-
cuse being that ' bad ' has two senses.
So long as the propriety of any word
A DEFENSE OF PURISM IN SPEECH
or expression is questioned, one is wise
to seek a substitute which has received
the approval of polite society. Such a
procedure would enrich our vocabu-
lary, prevent our speech from becom-
ing monotonous, and aid us in forming
the estimable habit of using speech to
convey fine shades of thought rather
than to set people to guessing.
Let us continlie to look beautiful
(not beautifully) and feel indisposed,
weary, or well (not nicely or finely),
leaving 'bad' and * badly' to fall into
disuse. It may be helpful to note that
the * 1 — y , ly ' rule offers an excep-
tion in the case of ' feeling friendly,' for
here is an adjective in 'ly.' It is the
adverbs that must be avoided after
' look,' * feel,' 'seem,' 'appear,' and such
verbs, which may be replaced by some
form of the verb ' to be.' We prove the
correctness of such sentences as, 'The
sun shines bright,' and ' The child stands
erect,' by substituting 'is' for the verb:
the sun is bright; the boy is erect. And
we arrive safe and sound (not safely),
the idea being that we are safe.
The fact that people appreciate in
language the excellencies to be imi-
tated, more readily than they discover
the blunders to be avoided, may excuse
my pointing out the few flaws selected
from many pages of forceful and ex-
pressive English, — the object being
to arouse us to a realization of our own
inaccuracies. Any one who attempts
to criticize another's language is sure
to realize the truth in Shakespeare's
words, — ' I can easier teach twenty
what were good to be done, than be
one of the twenty to follow mine own
teachings.'
In view of the facts noted, that our
most eminent teachers of English give
the sanction of usage to ungrammati-
cal locutions, that slipshod methods of
expression abound in the speech of the
majority, as well as in the writings of
good authors, may we not say in Pro-
fessor Lounsbury's own words that
grammatical sentinels are needed in
the watch-towers, ready to attack the
numerous linguistic foes? Though he
may class with these the 'purists,
whom, like the poor, we have always
with us,' some of us will rather agree
with Professor Kittredge of Harvard
that the purist is a necessary factor in
the development of a cultivated tongue.
The cry of several centuries has
been that the English language is on
the road to ruin, and periodically a
Swift, a Bentley, or a Johnson has
appeared with the hope of fixing lan-
guage, a hope futile so long as the lan-
guage is alive, — so to speak. Every
living thing grows and changes. Latin
and Greek, belonging to books rather
than to living speech, are called 'dead
languages.' They are therefore fixed.
But the influence of a Swift, whose
passion was purity of speech, does
stem the tide of corruptions threaten-
ing to ruin the language. Though his
efforts toward the foundation of an
academy to regulate and protect speech
failed, and though other purists since
the Restoration have carried the pro-
ject no further than plans and pro-
posals, an English Richelieu may yet
create an institution similar to the
French Academy. Though one of our
purist-haters underestimates the. ef-
ficacy of such a 'linguistic hospital,
equipped with physicians and supplied
with remedies to cure all the ills result-
ing from ignorance and heedlessness/
there is reason to believe that the influ-
ence of such a body of scholars would
tend to awaken interest in English, and
to stimulate our respect for the tongue
we speak.
We need a Hume or a Dryden to
erect danger signals along the rocky
road of speech, as warnings to those
who think it safer to sin with the elect
(authors of renown) than to be right-
eous with the purist.
PRECISION'S ENGLISH
BY ELLWOOD HENDRICK
LANGUAGE is a vehicle of intellectual
traffic; its business is to carry ideas,
mental concepts, information, and at
times the truth. It is a clumsy wagon,
inadequate to its purpose; indeed all of
the arts are required to accomplish that
purpose. Some ideas are best expressed
in prose, others in verse; some by me-
chanical drawing, others again in paint;
some in marble and others in bronze;
and many find their only means of ex-
pression in music. Sometimes a glance
of the eye tells the story, and at other
times a gesture is enough. Sometimes
it would seem that nearly all the arts
are needed at once. The tale is told of
a couple of partially Americanized old
men of the florid East who met unex-
pectedly. The first cried out his happy
greetings and straightway grasped his
friend in a close embrace. The second
was smitten with sudden aphasia; he
grew red in the face, his features be-
came contorted, and finally, with a
mighty effort he brought himself to say,
* Leggo-ma-hands-ai- vanta-talk ! ' Lan-
guage alone was inadequate; he needed
gestures.
There is no doubt of the truth of the
assertion that we do not study our lan-
guage enough. Without an intimate
sense of it we are nearly helpless. True,
some of us seem to achieve an under-
standing of the anatomy of sentences
almost intuitively, while others, de-
spite intense study, are unable to bring
grace and action into our speech. But
no one, with a love of literature in his
heart or a desire to read or to hear
things said, will deny the value of the
study of language to those who must
use it. If we are to discuss Purism in
Speech, we must assume at the outset
that all parties to the discussion be-
lieve in the best possible use of lan-
guage. t
The point at issue, as I take it, has
to do with the primary requirement of
language: whether it shall carry the
idea with the greatest precision, or
whether the greatest effort should be
directed toward making the vehicle
which carries the idea a thing of fault-
less construction. There is a wide dif-
ference here — the difference between
the wagon and its load; and we are
often called upon to decide between
the two. So precision in the one must
often give way to precision in the
other.
The purpose of language is fulfilled
when an idea is carried from the mind
of the speaker or the writer to the re-
ceiving mind. Now, unless language
is used aright, it foments discord and
often proves the greater wisdom of si-
lence — when the speaker knows that
if he but had the art, the right thing
said would indeed be golden words.
The lack of the art of speech is the in-
ability to say the precise thing. There-
fore, without a thorough equipment in
language, the speaker is as likely to fail
in saying what he means as he is to fail
in constructing his speech on academic
lines.
If the rule of precision in construc-
tion stands in the way of efficient ex-
pression it should be made secondary
to it. Beethoven broke the rules of
PRECISION'S ENGLISH
687
composition and accomplished won-
ders. To-day he is a classic, but in his
own day he was a dreadful radical. So,
too, painting would be an inefficient
art now, had the best usage and the
rules current at the time been followed
by the masters of the brush.
In English speech the words that sin
most against clear expression are ad-
verbs. Thus under stress of dire need
you may say, 'Come here, quick!' or
'Come here, quickly!' The former is
theoretically incorrect, but it carries
the idea. The latter is theoretically
correct, but it lacks force. Adverbs are
poor things compared with adjectives.
Indeed, if an Ant i- Ad verb Society
should ever be organized, I desire to
record here and now an application for
membership. It might worry us a lit-
tle to read : —
Take her up tender,
Lift her with care!
Fashioned so slender,
Young and so fair.
but that is only because we are accus-
tomed to the adverbs. The meaning
is all there without the adverb forms.
I pick up a book from my library table
by an author of merit and read 're-
freshingly,' ' flamingly , ' ' purringly , '
'noisily,' besides many other of less
offense in half a score of pages. What
sickly, puling words they are! Henry
James uses adverbs of his own make in
even greater abundance and he seems
to need them, just as the old gentleman
from the florid East needed his hands
for gesticulation. But we shall do well
to grant to Mr. James all the adverbial
privileges he takes; he manages to con-
ceive ideas, and through the medium of
written language to get them over into
the understanding of many of us who
take great delight in them. I do not
like his adverbs, and I often wish that
he would adjust his ideas with wings
that fluttered less — but that is his
business; and his desire for truth in his
art doubtless leads him to cover all the
ground — and the waters under the
earth as well. The Anti-Adverb Society
would never prohibit adverbs if it ex-
pected to live; it would only discour-
age them. The Germans manage to
accomplish a meritorious precision of
speech, and they have no adverbs in
the sense that these differ from adjec-
tives. So if the expression, 'Come
quick/ means more than 'Come quick-
ly/ the chances are that in time we
shall receive grammatical warrant to
use the words that carry the idea with
the greatest efficiency.
The English language leads a disso-
lute life, and welcomes any word that
comes its way. There have always
been bars-sinister on its arms, but this
has never seemed to worry it. In the
Far East there are hundreds of Asiatic
words in current use in English and
they are gradually creeping into the
dictionaries. This catholicity — to use
a more gentle expression — is its very
strength. The danger may lie in a
splitting-up of the language into differ-
ent dialects, and it is the business of
scholarship to use every effort to avoid
this. But in doing so it must be pre-
pared to make compromises, and to
welcome expressions which our grand-
fathers would have rejected. Do what
we please — teach, instruct, threaten,
cajole, or plead: nine out of ten boys
will answer, 'It's me!' to the question,
'Who's there?' There must be a rea-
son for this. The French, who are sup-
posed to pay some attention to their
language, use the same form, — and it
has received scholastic approval. ' Me '
seems, somehow, more intimate, and is
stronger than ' I ' ; which may be the
reason why the child will say, 'Me go
to mother/ and not, ' Give it to I/
Scholarship has changed in the last
fifty years. Science has taught us dif-
ferent methods of thought from those
of our grandfathers. We have innumer-
688
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
able new facts to coordinate, and so
language is beset with many new diffi-
culties. It is not a question of haste, —
that persistent and pestilent excuse of
the ignorant, — but it is a question of
scope, efficiency, and precision in idea.
Whatever words will best carry the
idea — get it over, so that the receiv-
ing mind comprehends it — are doing
their real work.
When the time comes that we have
used up our resources, and in the swing
of the awful pendulum old age is upon
the land and the people, and this our
day is become a golden age; when
scholarship looks backward again and
inspiration is wholly sought in the for-
gotten night, savants will probably re-
vert to the ways of the mediaeval Latin-
ists. But now, to-day, when things
are in the making and in the doing,
the work of a teacher of a living lan-
guage is that of an engineer of traffic.
He must do all he can to keep the ve-
hicle in order and condition to carry
the greatest loads of thought. The
vehicle will not break down; the loads
of thought may.
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
To confess one's self a confirmed and
complacent novel-reader for fifty or
sixty years may seem a humiliating,
even a stultifying, admission, yet every
department of human thought yields
gold to the persistent prospector. It
is as profitable to 'stay with 'novel-
reading as with severer forms of in-
tellectual endeavor. The substantial
rewards may be late in coming, but
they do arrive. If, as children, we
who are predestined novel-readers read
chiefly for the story, and, as youths,
chiefly for style and form, in maturer
years, while we may seem to be devour-
ing merely as a pastime the heaps of
fiction that fall twice yearly from the
press, eating them up as a girl eats
bonbons, the truth is that, having ar-
rived at the time of life when gener-
alizing is inevitable, we find in this
confused, parti-colored pile, so deli-
cately redolent of paper and printer's
ink, much food for generalization, and
a rich contribution to our knowledge of
current emotion.
All the great and most of the little
movements of the day make their way
into fiction rather speedily : sometimes
explicitly and with intention; some-
times, and this is even more interesting,
blindly and implicitly. Here, to-day,
is the great 'march past' of the tastes,
opinions, passions, and ethical ideas of
our fellows. To review this motley
troop is to gain a certain insight, not
otherwise easily obtainable, not only
into the main currents of contempo-
rary thought and feeling, but also into
the cross-currents, drifts, and eddies
due to the complications of our society.
If, often, these records are neither lit-
erature nor life, at least they do not
fail of being personality. If the new
writer (they are almost all new writers
nowadays!) tells us nothing else very
valuable, he gives us a pretty clear
notion of his own attitude toward life
and art; even when oblivious of the
latter and biased as to the former, he
throws the spot-light on the point of
view of one more human creature with
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
689
parts and passions like ourselves. This
is not what he means to do, but for the
reader it may often prove the better
part of his performance.
Obviously, to read with this in view
means that we are no longer judging
novels chiefly as literature or with
strictest reference to the canons of per-
fection whose results we knew and
loved aforetime. In the last fifteen
years, life has rushed into fiction and
trampled those canons a little rudely
at times. Needless to say, the happi-
est literary results are still secured
when life and art join hands, but this
union is not, to-day, so frequent or so
perfect as one could desire. If, then,
one reads current novels very extens-
ively, and judges them, one must read
them for other qualities than their
artistry. Putting aside the finer critical
standards, one must be willing to re-
joice in them, where it is possible, as
life, as experience, as intimations of the
human struggle, as broken fragments of
the human dream.
Some twenty-five years ago Robert
Bridges, then and for years afterward
the lightest-of-hand and most acute of
our critics of fiction, made strong com-
plaint of the lack of novels dealing
with men and their affairs; there was,
he claimed, a field for tales of business
and the professions. At that time this
was a new suggestion. There was not
even any very large amount of read-
ing-matter for the tired business man,
let alone notable novels about him. He
read the Henty books and the Youth's
Companion for his amusement, and
Silas Lapham was almost his only re-
presentative in the higher walks of lit-
erature. The most conspicuous and
significant development of our fiction
in the quarter-century has been along
these two lines. Novels are no longer
written mainly for or about women.
The majority of them, in importance as
well as numbers, are for and about
VOL. Ill - NO. 5
men. I remember wondering as I read
Mr. Bridges's complaint, how novelists
were going to unite the practical expe-
rience necessary to depict large affairs
with the retirement and study neces-
sary to learn to write, never suspecting
the answer — that many of the most
popular would write without learning
how!
Three or four years later began the
still-rising flood of historical romances,
of tales of gore and crime, whose pop-
ularity has remained and increased.
Some of them were pretty enough, and
some were poor indeed. The average
technique of this particular kind of
story has improved wonderfully in the
last eight years, an amendment large-
ly due, one suspects, to the standards
and rewards of the one American peri-
odical which conspicuously caters to
the average male reader.
A little later the novel of achieve-
ment, of the material activities of men,
began to come into its reward. Here
lies the future stronghold of the Amer-
ican novelist. There is bound to be a
movement in literature reflecting our
material expansion and commensurate
with it. The most noteworthy novel
of the winter, Theodore Dreiser's The
Financier 1 lies wholly in this field.
The Financier is an imposing book,
both in intention and execution. If it
resembles a biography more than a
work of art, that, doubtless, is an aspect
of the matter with which the author
deliberately reckoned before he began.
The critic is entitled to ignore it in
view of Mr. Dreiser's success in pre-
senting an intimate picture of the de-
velopment of a man of financial genius
whose kind is only too common in
America. Should the type become ex-
tinct (Heaven speed the day!) and the
novel survive, our descendants will
have in it the means of reconstructing
1 The Financier. By THEODORE DREISER.
New York: Harper & Bros.
690
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
for themselves the business life and im-
morality of a whole period.
The book details with endless par-
ticularity, but forcefully, the character
and career of Frank Cowperwood, a
Philadelphia boy: his rise in the finan-
cial world, his rocket-like descent to
the status of a convict, and the means
by which he, later, recoups his fallen
fortunes. The picture includes his
business associates, alleged friends, en-
tire family connection, and the family
of the girl whom he finally marries
after a long liaison, wrecking a first
marriage. The author has all these
threads of his tapestry well in hand,
and no less clear is his presentation of
the ins and outs of Philadelphia poli-
tics, and the opportunities they afford-
ed for unscrupulous money-making.
So painstaking, so lavish of detail, so
determined to cover the large canvas
closely, is he, that he seems to propose
to himself the feats of an American
Balzac. If this is the case, he has made
a good beginning and is alone in a field
that is ready for harvest.
Perhaps the most extraordinary
quality of this unusual book is the dry-
ness of its atmosphere. We are re-
minded of those caverns where nothing
ever decays, where all dead things lie
mummified, retaining the outward as-
pect of life for centuries. This effect
is, in part, intentional. I do not make
out to my own satisfaction whether it
is wholly so. Certainly Mr. Dreiser
wishes us to feel the extreme aridity of
nature in a man like Cowperwood,
who sees life under the categories of
strength and weakness, and in no other
way; certainly also it is hardly possible
to overestimate the desiccating effect
of absolute materialism in a man of his
ability; doubtless, too, the environ-
ment and relations of such a man would
inevitably tend to grow more and more
arid. Still, one would like to ask the
author if, as a matter of technique, this
juicelessness of the money-maker might
not have been brought out more poig-
nantly by the introduction into the
book of somebody with a soul — some-
body, that is to say, who sees our exist-
ence under the categories of good and
evil, right and wrong. This is the chief
thing that gives atmosphere and per-
spective to life. Lust and greed, the
pride of the flesh and the joy of life, are
not shown in their proper values unless
they are contrasted with something
quite different. This something differ-
ent, the spirit-side of life as opposed
to the material side, is wholly omitted
from The Financier. As the book
stands, the part of foil is played by a
hard-headed old contractor and politi-
cian, the father of the girl with whom
Cowperwood becomes entangled. But-
ler is a soft-hearted parent, and is
sufficiently shocked and vindictive on
learning of the illicit relation in which
his daughter exults. He is more nearly
human than any other character of the
tale, but even he fails really to touch
the reader.
Since the death of Frank Norris, no
American novelist has attempted any-
thing on the scale of The Financier.
Far apart in temperament and meth-
od, the two writers are alike in the re-
solution to do a big thing in a big way.
For the novelist, I apprehend that the
biggest way of all is one which is, as
yet, closed to Mr. Dreiser by his phil-
osophy. One must not be rash in for-
mulating this philosophy, but it seems
to be negative, to consist in the belief
that life is an insoluble problem, and
that the existence of predatory types
in nature and society justifies us in
indicting that dark Will which places
man in a universe where 'his feet are
in the trap of circumstance, his eyes
are on an illusion.'
Whatever the truth of such a phil-
osophy, one thing is certain: the con-
sensus of men's opinions through the
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
691
centuries has demanded a different
basis from this for the enduring things,
the great things, in literature. And the
long consensus of opinion is our only
real criterion. But to quarrel with Mr.
Dreiser upon this point is, after all,
to praise him, since it makes clear the
fact that his achievement must be
looked at from the highest ground.
A man's philosophy is determined in
part by his length of days. Knowing
nothing as to the fact, I would place
the author of The Financier near forty-
three — too old for the optimism of
youth, too young for the optimism of
late middle life. If the horribly cold
and insanely bitter realism of Strind-
berg melted at sixty, under the im-
pact of life, into a believing mysticism,
who can say what insight and tender-
ness, what softness of atmosphere and
richness of feeling, a dozen years may
not add to the already very notable
performances of Mr. Dreiser?
One cannot help wishing that Mark
Lee Luther might have attacked the
making of The Woman of It l in some-
what the same spirit in which Mr.
Dreiser assailed The Financier. The
former had a story to tell which would
have justified twice as long and pains-
taking an effort. A country Congress-
man, who has made a fortune exploiting
his wife's favorite pickles, goes into
politics to acquire dignity. Life at the
capital does strange things to the futile,
weak-principled man; a finishing school
does disagreeable things to his untu-
tored daughter; Yale does amusing
things to the pert and practical son.
Only the simple, domestic-minded wife
keeps her heart in the right place, and
her head sufficiently unturned to re-
solve the tangles into which her family
get themselves. There are the * mak-
ings ' of something substantial and dis-
tinctively American here.
1 The Woman of It. By MARK LEE LUTHER.
New York: Harper & Bros.
The Olympian 2 by James Oppen-
heim, a writer of vigorous short stories,
also essays the field of big business.
The hero comes to New York from
Iowa to conquer the world and to be-
come, eventually, a steel magnate, by
marriage. The early steps of his career
are convincing enough, for his creator
evidently knows the stuff in which he is
working; but later on the texture of
the tale grows looser and attention fal-
ters, palpably because the writer does
not know enough about steel, or mag-
nates, or matrimony, to make them
absorbing to us. This difficulty is one
which the young writer frequently
encounters when he attempts a large
theme demanding realistic treatment.
It raises a question worth considering,
namely, what are the most fortunate
themes for young writers to attack?
Obviously, if literature is the calling
with which a youth is called, he can-
not defer the pursuit of his profession
until middle life furnishes him with the
rich experience and mature judgment
a realist requires. Once or twice in a
century there appears a writer under
thirty whose literary judgments of
life the man over thirty-five will listen
to. But one may have a very real and
worth-while talent for literature with-
out being one of these exceptional
intelligences. If this talent betakes
itself to romance, — the natural ele-
ment for young talent, — there result
such dewy successes as R. H. Davis and
some others knew at the start. But
if, like James Oppenheim, the young
writer burns to attack serious subjects
in a large way while yet his reach ex-
ceeds his grasp, what must he do about
it? Prudence would counsel him to
stick to the short story, but this, while
practical, is no solution of the problem.
Doubtless many answers are possi-
ble. Owen Johnson has recently found
2 The Olympian. By JAMES OPPENHEIM. New
York: Harper & Bros.
692
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
one that meets with general approval.
The young English author of A Pre-
lude to Adventure 1 has found another.
His book has to do wholly with un-
dergraduate life at Cambridge. With
a single blow struck in anger, the
hero kills a fellow student whom he
has so despised that his conscience
immediately assumes the burden of
murder without thought of evasion.
There is nothing to connect him with
the act but his own knowledge. The
reaction of the event upon his own
mind, and the minds of the two men to
whom it becomes known, makes a
singularly direct and powerful story.
The writer assumes that the deed
brought with it instant certainty, never
experienced before, of a God as an ever-
present reality, and an increasing con-
sciousness that, as he had broken the
normal relation of man to his fellow by
the act, so he must, by following the
inner leading which he recognizes as
God's pursuit of him, work out as the
way is shown him the debt he has
contracted to society. Here we have
our ancient acquaintances * conscience '
and * remorse' in work-a-day garments.
Their names are never so much as
mentioned, so intent is the author on
the reality of the feelings for which
those words have become hackneyed
symbols.
Here is a serious theme; and here,
granting the premise, is realism; yet
no one can say nay to the writer's
facts or his psychology, or accuse him
of immaturity. He is thoroughly
within his rights in setting, subject, and
treatment. The result is a story which
carries us wherever it goes. It is grim,
certainly, but never repellent; and it is
done with such finish that there are no
sentences the critical reader would
omit, no words he would alter. Hugh
Walpole is worth watching.
1 A Prelude to Adventure. By HUGH WALPOLE.
New York: The Century Co.
Walpole's absolute concentration
upon the work in hand, and his belief
in it, are qualities which he shares with
a very different English writer, Mrs.
Barclay. It is because she believes in
the stories she has to tell, believes in
them every minute, and shows that
belief in every line, that she holds her
large audiences in spite of their own
doubts. She is sentimental certainly,
often weakly so, but sentimentality
and conviction are a strong combina-
tion. Plenty of people who are old
enough to know better have a sneaking
fondness for them. The Upas Tree 2
is particularly strong in both qualities,
and should stand second among the
author's successes.
The season's output of exciting
stories — which are related to business
life insomuch as the tired business
man likes to get them from the circu-
lating libraries and read them o' win-
ter nights because they tend to keep
him awake — is large and meritorious.
Among the best are Smoke Bellew?
The Closing Net,4 Good Indian,5 The
Tempting of Tavernake* The Net,7 The
Red Lane,8 Billy Fortune,9 and The
Drifting Diamond.10 All are good read-
ing, as the phrase goes. From Sicily
to the China Sea their scenes are laid,
with side-excursions into the Klondike,
and stops at London and Paris.
2 The Upas Tree. By FLORENCE BARCLAY.
New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons.
3 Smoke Bellew. By JACK LONDON. New
York: The Century Co.
4 The Closing Net. By H. C. ROWLAND. New
York: Dodd, Mead & Co.
6 Good Indian. By BEATRICE M. BOWER.
Boston: Little Brown & Co.
6 The Tempting of Tavernake. By E. PHILLIPS
OPPENHEIM. Boston: Little, Brown & Co.
7 The Net. By REX BEACH. New York: Har-
per & Bros.
8 The Red Lane. By HOLMAN DAY. New
York: Harper & Bros.
9 Billy Fortune. BY WILLIAM R. LIGHTON.
New York: D. Appleton & Co.
10 The Drifting Diamond. By LINCOLN COL-
CORD. New York: The Macmillan Co.
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
693
Smoke Bellew is good without ap-
proaching the best of Jack London's
work; it relates the physical remaking,
by hard toil under the primitive condi-
tions of Alaskan life, of a young San
Francisco journalist and dilettante. To
make the book complete there should
have been some demonstration of
what Bellew was good for after he was
remade. He felt much better, no doubt,
to be tough and fit and primitive, but
was he not quite as useful in journal-
ism? A hard-muscled, primitive man
is a satisfaction to himself, but not of
much value to the rest of God's crea-
tures.
Billy Fortune is a humorous ranch-
hand whose racy human comments on
the stories he has to tell are better
than the stories themselves. Probably
the fates will never give us another
Virginian, but failing that high de-
light, Billy Fortune is an acceptable
understudy to Lin McLean.
The author of The Drifting Diamond
is comparatively new at the job of
purveying adventure stories to a hun-
gry public, and he is of a generous dis-
position. Therefore, he gives us good
measure of excitement, and several
other things which we have no right to
expect; they are none the less, but
rather the more, a delight. The tale
follows the fate of a jewel which takes
captive the hearts of men, fascinating
them to the point of passion. It appears
and disappears on its own dark errands,
furnishing always a supreme test of his
own character to the enthralled and
temporary owner. Into the telling of
this tale, set in the Eastern seas, Mr.
Colcord has put much imagination,
something of poetry, a touch of phil-
osophy, an apprehension of the spiritual
values underlying all life — and this
without stinting us of our due need of
breathless adventure. May he never
learn to hold his hand ! Is it too much
to ask, incidentally, that his publish-
ers provide cover designs less likely to
frighten away the sensitive reader?
Mr. Grant Richards also has written
an exciting story with a difference. He
seems to have said to himself, 'Why
not construct a tale of the favorite
American type in which dark adven-
ture and high finance dovetail, but
write it with a chiseled style? Why not
drape the steel frame with orchids?
Why not be witty, cultivated, elabo-
rate, in this species of writing, no less
than if one proposed a Meredithian
task? Is there any objection to a well-
mannered, civilized hero who knows
how to eat, to drink, to dress, who is
really connoisseur as well as good-liver?
Let me take such an Englishman and
give him a love-affair with an American
girl; let me add such custom-staled
elements of interest as high play at
Monte Carlo, miraculous wealth made
in a day on Wall Street, the kidnapping
of a man by his opponents in the finan-
cial game, and see if I cannot make of
the melange something piquant, fla-
vorsome, appetizing.' The result is
Caviare,1 and it is truly an adventure
story de luxe.
The immigration problem is a very
serious and discouraging affair when
looked squarely in the face, but as
broken into fragments and reflected
in such books as Eve's Other Children,2
Mrs. Van Slyke's stories of the Syrian
quarter in Brooklyn, or Elkan Lub-
liner, American,3 it loses some of its
terrors. Both writers are optimists,
and their work makes one feel that, in
spite of the decadence of New Eng-
land and all one's worst fears, the
melting-pot may yet prove a crucible
for something precious, instead of the
1 Caviare. By GRANT RICHARDS. Boston and
New York: Houghton Mifflin Co.
2 Eve's Other Children. By LUCILE BALDWIN
VAN SLYKE. New York: F. A. Stokes & Co.
3 Elkan Lubliner, American. By MONTAGUE
GLASS. New York; Doubleday, Page & Co,
694
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
witches' cauldron it has undoubtedly
appeared to the sane citizen since the
immigration from southern Europe be-
gan. Whether or not it is well polit-
ically to have our fears thus allayed, as
a literary sensation the effect is dis-
tinctly pleasing.
Miss 318 and Mr. 37 l by Rupert
Hughes, is the love-story of a fireman
and a girl in a department store.
Judging by dialect, one might almost
classify it among the literary excur-
sions into our foreign quarters, but the
sturdy quality of the human nature
offered for inspection is such as we are
glad to think American. Mr. Hughes
has a mastery over his material, a grip
on the essentials of life, and a vigor-
ous, clear-cut way of expressing him-
self. These things would have made
his work conspicuous twenty-five years
ago, but to-day he is pressed hard by
a dozen or so of short-story writers
almost equally worth while. It has al-
ways been conceded that our authors
have the art of the short story as none
save the great Frenchmen have ever
possessed it, but never has it been so
able-b9died, so mature, so richly repre-
sentative of our manifold life and its
underlying spirit, as it is to-day.
At the other pole from the books for
the tired business man lies the small
and select class of tales for those whose
fiction flavors a pleasant leisure. These
are the books which lie about on
mahogany work-stands and bed-side
tables, dipped into at moments as
their readers might sip tea or partake
of sweets. Such an audience does not
demand the excitement of swift action;
liking sentiment, it does not reject
reflection, and has a palate for the flav-
ors and sub-flavors of style. The books
which please these readers best are
usually, when ripest and most genial,
the product of the masculine mind, and
1 Miss 318 and Mr. 37. By RUPERT HUGHES.
New York: Fleming H. Revell Co.
the mind of an Englishman at that!
The London Lavender 2 of Mr. Lucas is
one of these agreeable, friendly vol-
umes; Pujol,5 Prudent Priscilla^ Con-
cerning Sally? The Arm-Chair at the
Inn? and The Heroine in Bronze,1 are
other well-finished examples of this
kind. James Lane Allen's filagreed
style was never so dainty as in the
latter tale, and F. Hopkinson Smith's
bric-a-brac, table-service, and food
were never more elaborate and pic-
turesque than in The Arm-Chair at the
Inn. It contains, besides, among the
storiettes applied on that effective
background two — namely, the anec-
dotes of the penguin people and of the
cannibal's wife — that are of singu-
lar poignancy and interest. Locke,
of course, is almost a contemporary
classic in this style, and Pujol, if not
quite his delightful best, is still abun-
dantly good. Mr. Hopkins is rapidly
becoming, if he has not already become,
one of the most pleasing exemplars in
America of this kind of fiction. His
Sally, an adorable child who carries
the weight of a whole family upon her
competent, if often weary, shoulders,
is a satisfactory small chip of Plymouth
Rock; but I confess that of all this
group Prudent Priscilla amuses me
most. She is gently, deliciously hu-
morous; it is as though the maid on a
Watteau fan shyly opened her inviting
lips and related the story of her life,
revealing herself as a tender-souled per-
son whose well-meant Christian efforts
2 London Lavender. By E. V. LUCAS. New
York: The Macmillan Co.
3 The Joyous Adventures of Aristide Pujol. By
W. J. LOCKE. New York: The John Lane Com-
pany.
4 Prudent Priscilla. By MARY C. E. WEMYSS.
Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co.
6 Concerning Sally. By W. J. HOPKINS. Bos-
ton and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co.
6 The Arm-Chair at the Inn. By F. HOPKINSON
SMITH. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.
7 The Heroine in Bronze. By JAMES LANE
ALLEN. New York: The Macmillan Co.
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
695
at sympathy are always placing her in
droll dilemmas.
The Romance of Billy Goat Hill,1 and
The Inheritance? might be included in
fiction for the leisurely. Though the
latter story has a clean-cut and defi-
nitely interesting plot, the main intent
seems to be to bring back the atmo-
sphere of the eighties as it looked to
those who were young in that decade.
Mrs. Bacon is very successful in hand-
ling the form of story-telling by remin-
iscence, and though not herself entitled
to any pose of middle age, she has un-
deniably diffused this story of youth
in a Connecticut town with the mel-
low autumnal glow that warms old and
young alike.
Considering the conspicuous part
played by the feminist movement in
the serious literature of the day, its
reflection in current fiction is incon-
siderable. This sets one wondering if
the importance of feminism to the
people who really matter most in any
movement, namely the middle-class
fathers, mothers, and offspring the
country over, has not been vastly
exaggerated, for fiction now takes on
very rapidly the colors of life in these
things. Perhaps feminism and A
Woman of Genius 3 ought not to be
mentioned together, for, the heroine of
Mrs. Austin's novel admits that hers is
a case apart. Her story only serves
to confirm the traditional difficulty of
having one's cake and eating it too. It
is the struggle of a woman with the
histrionic gift, first, to achieve an
opening for self-expression, and, again,
against her other self — when her full-
fledged career seems in her eyes to for-
bid her the domestic life and love she
really craves.
1 The Romance of Billy Goat Hill. By ALICE
HEGAN RICE. New York: The Century Co.
2 The Inheritance. By JOSEPHINE DASKAM
BACON. New York: D. Appleton & Co.
3 A Woman of Genius. By MARY AUSTIN.
New York: Doubleday, Page & Co.
Any one who can stand this book
at all, will find it very interesting.
Many fastidious readers will not be
able to stand it, because it reveals
somewhat nakedly the workings of an
egotistic soul. Olivia Lattimore pre-
sents herself as self-centred, bitter,
lax. She hews out no philosophy, she
achieves no principles, she makes no
one happy, not even herself. On the
other hand, she works hard at her art,
is generous where it costs her nothing,
has many emotions, a clever tongue, a
mordant wit, flashes of insight, and
what she calls her supernal Gift which
'does with her what it wills.' She
snatches with one hand what she
throws away with the other. She wants
to make the world over so that women
of her type can be beloved wives,
revered mothers, contented house-
keepers, at the same time that they
yield themselves to passion and dedi-
cate themselves to art. Well — it
can't be done. Women do very much
as they please nowadays, but it is a
mathematical certainty that one can
no more manage two diametrically
opposed lives than two bodies can
occupy the same space at the same
time. This is not saying that Olivia
and her lover might not have achieved
a comfortable compromise between
their warring interests. Both were
stupid and selfish, but Olivia the more
so. She blames Taylorville, Ohianna,
organized society, and, above all, the
domestic woman, because none of
them instructed her as to how justice
might be done simultaneously to a
stage career and to a husband and two
step-children.
There are some feminine tragedies
for which society is deeply to blame,
but Olivia's is not of them. Curiously
enough it never occurs to her that it
is the chief duty of an individual to
work out the answer to his own pro-
blems, thus accomplishing the end for
696
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
which he was born, and realizing his
own soul.
The present reviewer knows little or
nothing about geniuses, men or women,
having encountered only three or four
who could be thus classified. None of
these ever so much as mentioned a
desire for self-expression. They had
in common a brave acceptance of their
limitations, human or feminine, as
part of the game of life and work. It is
ill generalizing from such scanty data,
but their attitude leads one to suspect
that bitterness and rebellion spring
from insufficient or diseased talent.
Possibly clever, unhappy, interesting
Olivia was not a woman of genius after
all!
The Wind before the Dawn l and The
Soddy 2 are books that bring life near,
in spite of faulty technique. The for-
mer is a large-minded story of a Kan-
sas farmer's wife, having in it some-
thing of the breadth of the prairies and
the stir of the prairie winds. The writer
has hampered herself with a thesis,
namely, that the lot of the farmer's
wife will be blessed, and her marital
relations satisfactory, only when she
has financial independence; but Mrs.
Munger has enough of the story-teller's
instinct to hold her preaching in check.
Besides, as theories go, this one has
justice on its side. Where Olivia Latti-
more had a * grouch, ' Elizabeth Hunter
had a genuine grievance, and one
should be able to listen patiently to
the latter, even in fiction. One may
doubt whether a * mean ' man like John
Hunter would be so easily reformed by
economic means as the writer believes,
but perhaps it is worth trying.
Conflict between husband and wife
is the theme of The Soddy also, but
here the author escapes from feminist
1 The Wind before the Dawn. By DELL H.
MONGER. New York: Doubleday, Page & Co.
2 The Soddy. By SARAH COMSTOCK. New York:
Doubleday, Page & Co.
propaganda into the region of the per-
sonal. Her question is: when a hus-
band has once imbued a wife with his
enthusiasm, his ideal, is he entitled to
lose the former, change the latter, and
expect her to follow him? The answer
is, No, not even if both starve to death
in the process of holding fast their first
belief! This is uncompromising, but
also so rare as to be rather refreshing.
The husband's enthusiasm, in this
instance, is for the semi-arid lands of
Nebraska and the sod house of the
pioneer, and the young wife refuses to
leave them when he returns, beaten, to
the East to earn the bread the plains
denied them. Common sense is dis-
tinctly against the wife in her struggle,
but then, common sense and enthusi-
asm have long been enemies, and even
in this practical world the former does
not always win.
Merely as studies in enthusiasm,
there could hardly be two finer, more
vividly contrasting, pieces of work than
A Picked Company,3 and The Children
of Light.* The former tale crystallizes
about the great desire of a righteous
man, seventy years ago, to follow the
Oregon trail into a new land, taking
with him such chosen folk, and such
only, as would aid in the upbuilding
of a commonwealth of God ; the latter
deals with the great desire of the young
sons and daughters of wealth to-day
to create in the slums of industry a fair
new life and conditions. It is good to
ponder these two books together. The
characters in the first rely solely on
God and the righteousness of the
individual; in the second, they rely on
economic propaganda and the develop-
ment of socialism. The reader is en-
titled to suspect that by neither of
3 A Picked Company. By MARY HALLOCR
FOOTE. Boston and New York: Houghton
Mifflin Co.
4 The Children of Light. By FLORENCE CON-
VERSE. Boston and New York: Houghton
Mifflin Co.
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
697
these means alone shall the world be
fully saved. The social conscience must
work for a world fit to live in, and the
individual conscience for a self that is
fit to be alive, before the New Jeru-
salem shall descend like a bride adorned
to this our earth.
It must be said that the religion of
A Picked Company made more pow-
erful and vital characters than the
religion of The Children of Light. The
strongest and most useful of the latter
are Helen, who refuses to enter their
economic fold, and Cyril the martyr,
whose weapon is prayer. But I know
no more delightful children in recent
literature than these young people in
their earlier days. The chapter of
their plays entitled, 'A Franciscan
Revival ' is so visualized that it seems
painted rather than written; it quivers
with the exquisite, naive beauty of cer-
tain early Italian paintings. The whole
book, indeed, is tremulous with feeling,
as a book which deals with young en-
thusiasm has need to be. Neverthe-
less, the writer is incomparably more
persuasive as a preacher, when, as in
the chapter cited, she is most whole-
heartedly the artist.
Cease Firing l is not in any proper
sense a novel. It is history and elegy, a
tapestry shot through here and there
with the scarlet thread of individual
tragedy. War itself is protagonist here
as in The Long Roll, and individuals
are only introduced that in their swift
loves, brief matings, great loyalties,
and heart-crushing deaths we may taste
more implacably the strange and bitter
cup that war must always be to the
individual. Miss Johnston's long labor
of love is a work apart, and not on the
plane of things to be praised or cen-
sured. To come upon it in company
with the fiction of the day is like hear-
ing down a glittering, busy street the
1 Cease Firing. By MARY JOHNSTON. Bos-
ton and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co.
roll of a drum and the vibrant beat of
that Funeral March which seems al-
ways to strike on the naked heart.
The most interesting thing about
the novels of H. G. Wells is the record
they contain of the author's own devel-
opment. Mr. Wells, as some shrewd
observer said of certain English radi-
cals, is educating himself in public. Do
such writers guess how many shrewd
eyes note their crises and comment
upon the slow eduction of their phil-
osophy?
I know a group of readers who de-
lighted, some sixteen years ago, in that
clever skit, The Wonderful Visit, where-
in Wells gayly outlined the way this
world would strike an angel — an an-
gel of art, not of religion — if he fell
through into our atmosphere by acci-
dent. These readers followed him
closely thereafter, bearing with his
Islands, Sleepers, Martians, as neces-
sary pot-boilers, waiting expectant of
something fine. In their judgment it
did not come, and finally they rebelled.
Wells, they said justly, had no con-
viction, no philosophy, no clue to the
labyrinth, no glimpse of the Gleam.
His criticisms of life were as little help-
ful as those of his own puzzled angel;
all he could do was to depict hopelessly
muddled creatures in a hopelessly
muddled world. They tore him to tat-
ters for continuing novelist with only
this to offer — and surely he deserved
it. Yet all the time his popularity
increased. The reason dawned slowly
upon these critics, but at last they
recognized that the essentially modern
world for which Wells writes is, itself,
muddled, drab, uncertain, not learning
its lessons, not holding fast its clues.
Such a world finds its faithful reflec-
tion reassuring. Two years ago, in Mr.
Polly, appeared a braver note. For,
though his heart's desire was but the
humble comfort of a riverside inn, Mr.
Polly knew what he wanted, and fought
698
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
for it. By that much he exceeded Wells's
other heroes and announced himself a
Man. If his creator had really learned
that we are on earth to fight for what-
ever is,to us,the surpassing beauty, then
he might learn anything!
A member of this circle wrote of
Marriage,1 'I am enthusiastic over it.
For, more and more, Wells really thinks
about life as it is. He may not always
think logically or coherently, but he is
always candid, and you know that, so
far as his thinking has gone, you are
getting the best of his conclusions.'
Marriage is a book built up on cer-
tain axioms of the sociologist, as a
sculptor builds a clay figure on sup-
porting sticks. The particular general-
izations which serve as skeletons for
Trafford and Marjorie are the well-worn
statements that man is the more kine-
tic, spasmodic, intense, and abstract;
woman the more static, stoical, vivid-
ly concrete, and detailed of the sexes.
Their first meeting is sufficiently strik-
ing. Trafford falls from a monoplane
at Marjorie's feet just after her engage-
ment to another man, and their subse-
quent romance makes headway against
many external difficulties. They marry;
Marjorie spends too much money beau-
tifying the domestic life; Trafford gives
up research work, his calling and pas-
sion for applied science, that Marjorie
may have enough to spend; Marjorie
promptly enlarges all her schemes of
living so as to spend still more.
With financial success, life palls on
Trafford. He is rich enough to stop
working, but research no longer lures;
social problems disturb him; he and
Marjorie, though still fond, have grown
apart. He develops an immense, tragic
discontent, a desire to go into the wil-
derness and think about life. At last
the two undertake a winter in the Lab-
rador wilds. Primitive life, hard work,
1 Marriage. By H. G. WELLS. New York:
Duffield & Co.
the iron air, make them forget their
problems. The very best thing in the
book is this clear apprehension that
where the life of a man and a woman is
lived in the open, in necessary mutual
helpfulness, marriage has no problems.
It takes cities, alleged civilization, com-
forts, to develop senseless, fatal discon-
tents. Trafford is clawed by a lynx,
and breaks a leg while hunting. The
heroic efforts these events impose on
Marjorie bring the pair close together
again in that unity maintained by ser-
vice and tenderness.
They have their talk out at last. In
this discourse it is made clear that
Trafford is less an individual than the
Man of sociology, the seeking spirit
reaching out vaguely, muddled still,
into the void after truth, solutions,
God. Marjorie is less an individual
than the embodiment of all the con-
crete, detailed tendencies evolution has
forced on the woman, including, hap-
pily, the supreme tendency to do the ut-
termost for the man heaven has given
her, even to the effacing of her legiti-
mate qualities. The thing Trafford de-
mands of his wife is the sacrifice of her
evolutionary attributes to his evolu-
tionary attributes, and, once she sees
the point, she joyously promises it.
Just here one's mind recurs to Olivia
Lattimore and her predicament. Un-
deniably, if Olivia could not have her
cake and eat it, neither in strict just-
ice can Trafford. He is better man-
nered than Olivia, but their problems
are the same. The fact seems to be
that the highly evolved individual is
willing neither to remain an unmated
half of the biological unit that man
and woman together become, nor to
make the needful sacrifice of personal-
ity involved in entering that unit. If
we maintain that woman must pay the
price for what she wants, and that it is
in better taste to pay it silently, then,
in equity, we must ask the same of
RECENT REFLECTIONS OF A NOVEL-READER
699
man. In real life, men usually settle
this particular account without un-
seemly haggling. However, we infer
that Mr. Wells thinks they should not
do so. Marjorie has a flash of insight
in which she sees that women are the
responsible sex; that their final mis-
sion is to save men from feminine de-
mands, to save them for dreaming, for
creative pondering, to the end that the
world may finally, somehow, be saved.
With this understanding between
them, the Traffords leave Labrador,
and Mr. Wells drops the curtain. This
is 'so far as his thinking has gone'
about marriage. Marjorie's conclusion
that it is her part to sacrifice, is prob-
ably masculinism as opposed to fem-
inism, but it has behind it precisely
those powerful sanctions of experience
and convention to which Wells is usu-
ally opposed on general principles.
One suspects that the great thing he
has yet to learn is that most sanctions
of experience and convention are based
on something deep and vital.
Trafford recognizably presents the
author's apology for that grayness and
lack of conviction we find so irritating.
There is, he claims, no real faith in
thought and knowledge yet; religions
and philosophies have pretended too
much; the immortal idea is just now
struggling to be born; therefore the
mind must be detached, must observe
and synthesize at leisure. From this
point of view lack, or rather postpone-
ment, of conviction makes almost the
demand of religion. They also serve
who only stand and wait, recording
whatever may, by any means, increase
comprehension of the great idea for the
birth of which men stand expectant.
Is it unfair criticism to say that here
we have Wells's own mental peculiar-
ities shaped into a philosophy which is
practically a religion? He has plodded
along, working according to his bent.
Gradually, as happens to all candid
thinkers, the light that lightens every
man who comes into the world, filters
down into the dim places of mind and
soul. Comprehension begins, the seeds
of conviction are sown, but because
they have not yet sprouted richly, he
feels that the world is all expectancy.
— What if it is Wells, and not the
world, that is waiting for light?
Mrs. Wharton's style has never been
smoother, more masterly, more en-
riched by felicitous phrases connoting
what other writers must say clumsily
in half a page, than in The Reef.1 And
this is well, for never has she essayed
a theme so demanding the service of
a flexible, perfect style. She writes of
the reef of incidental lust, emerging
from primeval ooze into the shallower
channels of being, there to menace the
incoming cargoes of ships which have
long been steadily homeward bound.
If this is a slightly florid description
of her subject-matter, one can only say
it seems to demand the palliation of
whatever sentiment one may be able
to bring to it.
The book is admirably clever and
wonderfully done, but the people who
are likely to inquire most pointedly
whether it was worth doing are, pre-
cisely, the enthusiastic admirers of
Ethan Frome and The House of Mirth.
In the light of those notable achieve-
ments, The Reef does indeed appear
meagre and inadequate. The Gallic
theory regards such themes as appro-
priate subjects for literature because
of their psychological value; the Eng-
lish-writing world pretty consistently
holds that perversities of impulse, at
war with the whole bent and direction
of a character, only become literary
subject-matter by taking part in the
making of a man who finally forces his
feet to carry him whither he would go.
Mrs. Wharton eschews both theories,
1 The Reef. By EDITH WHARTON. New York:
D. Appleton & Co.
700
RECENT REFLECTIONS OP A NOVEL-READER
choosing only to show that distressing
but lightly considered incidents may
involve the actors in them in sudden,
almost cyclonic, drama. That this
drama ends as polite comedy is one's
final arraignment of the story. Neither
George Darrow nor Mrs. Leath, his
fiancee, is real enough to be import-
ant except as a comedy figure. Darrow
is civilly distressed, and Mrs. Leath
is appropriately agonized, jealous, or
comprehending, as occasion demands,
but one never feels them flesh and
blood. The only person in the book
who bleeds when stabbed is poor, dis-
credited little Sophie Viner. She not
only monopolizes all the vitality, but
also all the finer feelings and all the
force of character in the story. Next to
hers in vividness is the portrait of Mrs.
Leath's deceased husband. This par-
tiality in the distribution of qualities
makes one suspect that the author her-
self does not find the chief figures very
congenial creations. She seems to have
proposed the plot to herself as a mathe-
matician sets himself a problem. As
a tour de force it succeeds, but Mrs.
Wharton's enduring successes are of
another nature.
As the basal incident of The Reef is
sheer flesh, so is that of The Flaw in the
Crystal 1 sheer spirit. It is equally diffi-
cult to handle, — such is our dual world,
— and it is handled with a mastery
1 The Flaw in the Crystal. By MAY SINCLAIR.
New York: E. P. Button & Co.
that equally demands our admiration.
Whether or not you believe in the gift
of healing as a psychic endowment
when you begin, you will believe in it
sufficiently for all literary purposes
before you finish. That is, you will
freely admit that, if it exists, it must
inevitably be the thing Agatha Verrall
found it, and it must be conditioned
and limited as she tentatively and
agonizingly experienced it to be. These
are large concessions, but Miss Sinclair
is entitled to them by virtue of the
great lucidity with which she has set
forth her heroine's experience. That it
takes place in a world apart, which
most of us do not explore, does not at
all impair the value of the limpid
directness with which it is recited. Most
accounts of psychic experiences appear
nebulous, not to say murky, whether
we read or hear them, but this has a
really crystalline clarity. It is instruct-
ive to see what a restrained and fin-
ished art can do with material usually
left to a befogged enthusiasm.
It is, as we premised, only fair, as
well as richly compensating, to meas-
ure a novel by its intimations of life,
but we do inevitably measure the nov-
elist by his execution. With this differ-
ence clearly in view, we must confess
Mrs. Wharton and Miss Sinclair have
distanced their competitors in the sea-
son's fiction. Both have managed to
say the unsayable, and to say it with
distinction.
WHAT INDUSTRIES ARE WORTH HAVING
BY F. W. TAUSSIG
THE title of this paper puts in famil-
iar terms a question which economists
state in more technical phraseology.
They speak of the principle of com-
parative cost, and of the relative ad-
vantage to a country from prosecuting
one or another industry. The doctrine
of comparative cost has underlain
almost the entire discussion of inter-
national trade by English writers. It
has received singularly little attention
from the economists of the Continent,
and sometimes has been discussed by
them as one of those subtleties of the
old school that have little bearing on
the facts of industry. I believe that it
has not only theoretical consistency,
but direct application to the facts; and
that in particular it is indispensable
for explaining the international trade
of the United States, and the working
of our customs policy. Neither the
familiar arguments heard in our tariff
controversy nor the course of our in-
dustrial history can be understood un-
less this principle is grasped and kept
steadily in view.
Briefly stated, the doctrine is that a
country tends under conditions of free-
dom to devote its labor and capital to
those industries in which they work to
greatest effect. Hence it will be unpro-
fitable to turn to industries in which,
although labor and capital may be
employed with effect, they are applied
with less effect than in the more ad-
vantageous industries. The principle
is simple enough; nor is it applicable
solely to international trade. It bears
on the division of labor between indi-
viduals as well as on that between na-
tions. The lawyer finds it advantage-
ous to turn over to his clerk work which
he could do as well as the clerk, or bet-
ter, confining himself to those tasks of
the profession for which he has, by
training or inborn gift, the greatest
capacity. The business leader dele-
gates to foremen and superintendents
routine work of administration which
he doubtless could do better than
they; he reserves himself for the larger
problems of business management for
which he has special aptitude. The
skilled mechanic has a helper to whom
he delegates the simpler parts of his
work, giving his own attention to those
more difficult parts in which he has
marked superiority.
It is in international trade, however,
that the principle, if not most import-
ant, needs most attention; because it
is obscured by the persistence of preju-
dice and shallow reasoning in this part
of the field of economics. It is closely
related to the problems concerning the
varying range of wages and prices in
different countries. There is perhaps
no topic in economics on which there
is more confusion of thought than this;
and although fallacies of much the
same sort are prevalent in all coun-
tries, it is in the United States, above
all, that there is need of making clear
the relation between the rate of wages
and the conditions of international
trade.
Whatever may be the differences of
opinion among economists on the the-
ory of wages, — and those differences
701
702
WHAT INDUSTRIES ARE WORTH HAVING
are less in reality than in appearance,
— there is agreement that a high gen-
eral rate of wages rests upon general
high product, that is, on high effective-
ness of industry. It is agreed that high
general wages and a high degree of ma-
terial prosperity can result only from
the productive application of labor;
good tools or good natural resources,
or both, being indispensable to high
productivity. And when 'labor' is
spoken of, not only manual labor is
meant, but the equally important la-
bor of organization and direction. In
the United States particularly, the gen-
eral effectiveness of labor depends in
great degree on the work of the indus-
trial leaders.
Now, when once there prevails a
high range of wages, due to generally
productive application of labor, this
high rate comes to be considered a diffi-
culty, an obstacle. The business point
of view is commonly taken in these
matters, not only by the business men
themselves, but by the rest of the com-
munity. To have to pay high wages is
a discouraging thing to the employer;
does it not obviously make expenses
large, and competition difficult? People
do not reflect that if wages are high,
and steadily remain high, there must
be something to pay them from. High
wages, once established, are taken, in
a country like the United States, as
part of the inevitable order of things.
The ordinary man regards them simply
as something which he must face, and
too often as something that constitutes
a drawback in industry.
The important thing, of course, is
that wages should be high not merely
in terms of money, but in commodi-
ties — ' real ' wages as distinguished
from money wages. Of money wages
more will be said presently. High real
wages, to speak for the moment with
reference to these, cannot possibly be
paid by employers generally unless the
workmen generally (as guided by the
employers and aided by tools and ma-
chines) turn out a large product. In
current discussions of the tariff and
wages, it has often been alleged that in
one industry or another the skill or
effectiveness of the workmen is no
greater in the United States than in
England or Germany; that the tools
and machines are no better, the raw
materials no cheaper. How, then, it is
asked, can the Americans get higher
wages unless protected against the
competition of the Europeans? But,
it may be asked in turn, suppose all the
Americans were not a whit more skill-
ful and productive than the Euro-
peans; suppose the plane of industrial
effectiveness to be precisely the same
in the countries compared — how could
wages be higher in the United States?
The source of all the income of a com-
munity obviously is the output of its
industry. If its industry is no more
effective, if its labor produces no more
than that of another country, how can
its material prosperity be greater, and
how can wages be higher? A high gen-
eral rate of real wages could not pos-
sibly be maintained unless there were
in its industries at large a high general
productiveness.
But when once these two concomi-
tant phenomena have come to exist, —
a high effectiveness of industry and a
high general rate of wages, — it follows
that any industry in which labor is not
effective, in which the plane of effect-
iveness is below that in most industries,
finds itself from the business point of
view at a disadvantage. It must meet
the general scale of wages in order to
attract workmen; yet the workmen do
not produce enough to enable that gen-
eral scale to be met and a profit still
secured. Such an industry, in the
terms of the principle now under dis-
cussion, is working at a comparative
disadvantage. It has a heavy compara-
WHAT INDUSTRIES ARE WORTH HAVING
703
tive cost. In other industries, product
is high; that is, labor cost is low. In
this industry, product is low; that is,
labor cost is high. The industry does
not measure up to the country's stand-
ard, and finds in that standard an ob-
stacle to its prosecution.
Consider the same problem from the
point of view of money wages. Here
again we are beset by everyday falla-
cies and superficialities. High money
wages, it is commonly alleged, cannot
be paid unless there be high prices of
the goods made. A dear man is sup-
posed to mean dear bread, and a cheap
man, cheap bread. Yet is it not ob-
vious that if all bread and meat and
coats and hats were high in price, high
money wages would be of no avail? It
is certain that not only are money
wages higher in the United States than
in European countries, but the prices
of things bought are, on the whole,
not higher. Although some things cost
more, and the higher money wages
therefore do not mean commodity
wages higher in the same degree, these
higher money wages do mean that real
wages are higher by a substantial
amount. The dear man does not, in
fact, mean dear food. The explanation
is obvious: although wages in money
are high, the effectiveness of the dear
man's labor on the whole is also high,
and therefore goods on the whole are
not dear. When a man who is paid
high wages turns out a large number of
pieces, each piece can be sold at a low
price, and the employer still can afford
to pay the high wages. With reference
to individuals, the business world is
constantly accepting this principle. A
good man, we are told, is cheap even
at high wages. To use the same phrase,
a good industry is cheap even although
high wages are paid in it. Where labor
is effective, high wages and low prices
go together.
None the less, an established high
rate of wages always presents itself to
the individual employer as something
that has to be overcome. And to the
employed it presents itself as a thing
in danger, — something that must be
jealously guarded. Yet there is a real
difficulty for the employer only when
the effectiveness of labor is not great.
And, for the employee, so far as the
competition of foreign products is con-
cerned, an industry needs no protection
where this same essential condition is
found. If, indeed, such effectiveness
does not exist, then the American em-
ployer cannot pay the prevailing high
rate of wages and hold his own in free
competition with competitors in coun-
tries of lower wages. In other words,
he cannot hold his own unless there is
a comparative advantage in his par-
ticular industry. The general high rate
of wages is due to the fact that in the
dominating parts of the country's in-
dustrial activity the comparative ad-
vantage exists. These dominating in-
dustries set the pace; in them we find
the basis of the high scale; it is they
which set a standard which others must
meet, and which presents itself to
others as an obstacle.
The principle of comparative cost
applies more fully and unequivocally
in the United States than in any coun-
try where conditions are known to
me. The difference in money wages
between the United States and Euro-
pean countries is marked; the difference
in * real ' or commodity wages, though
not so great, is also marked. Not-
withstanding these high wages, consti-
tuting an apparent obstacle for the
domestic producers, the United States
steadily exports all sorts of commodi-
ties, — not only agricultural products,
but manufactures of various kinds.
Evidently they could not be exported
unless they were sold abroad as cheap-
ly as foreign goods of the same sort
are there sold. That these products of
704
WHAT INDUSTRIES ARE WORTH HAVING
highly paid labor are exported and are
sold abroad, is proof that American
industry has in them a comparative
advantage.
There are other goods which, though
not exported, are also not imported;
goods where the balance of advantage
is even, so to speak. They are the pro-
ducts of industries in which American
labor is effective, yet not effective to
the highest pitch; effective in propor-
tion to the higher range of money
wages in the country, but barely in that
proportion.
And finally, there are the goods whose
importation continues, even though
there is no obvious obstacle to their do-
mestic production from soil or climate.
These are things which, it would seem,
could be produced to as good advantage
at home as abroad. They could be pro-
duced to as good advantage; but they
lack the comparative advantage. They
do not measure up to the standard set
by the dominant industries. There are
no physical difficulties in the way of
their successful production; but there
is an economic difficulty. They find in
high wages an insuperable obstacle to
competition with the foreigners. And
in this class belong those industries
which are protected, and which would
not hold their own without protection.
They are in a position analogous to
that of the strictly domestic industries
in which labor is not • effective, but
which are nevertheless carried on of
necessity within the country, with high
prices made necessary by high money
wages. The obvious difference between
the two cases is, that the force which
causes the strictly domestic industries
to be carried on is an unalterable one,
such as the difficulty or impossibility
of transportation; while that which
causes the protected industries to be-
come domesticated is the artificial one
of a legislative barrier.
What, now, are the causes of com-
parative advantage? or, to put the
question in other words, what are the
industries in which a comparative ad-
vantage is likely to appear?
The more common answer has been,
the agricultural industries. In a new
country, with abundance of fertile land,
labor is turned with most effectiveness
to the extractive industries. Hence the
United States has long exported wheat,
cotton, meat products. Hence Canada
is now a heavy exporter of wheat.
Wheat is specially adapted to extens-
ive culture, and is easily transporta-
ble; it is the commodity for which nat-
ure often gives to a new country in
the temperate zone a clear advantage.
Throughout the nineteenth century,
the international trade of the United
States no doubt was controlled chiefly
by this cause. The country was in the
main agricultural.
It should be noted, however, that
not only the natural resources told,
but the manner in which they were
used. From the first, effectiveness and
invention were shown. The United
States soon became the great country
of agricultural machinery. During
the second half of the nineteenth cent-
ury, the skill of the makers of agricul-
tural implements, and the intelligence
of the farmers who used the imple-
ments, were not less important factors
than the great stretches of new land.
Still another factor of importance was
the cheapening of transportation. Our
railroads have cheapened long hauls as
nowhere else. The most striking im-
provements of this sort were made in
the last third of the nineteenth cent-
ury. Then new lands were opened and
agricultural products exported on a
scale not before thought possible. When
the effectiveness of labor is spoken of
by economists, the effectiveness of all
the labor needed to bring an article
to market is meant; not merely that of
the labor immediately and obviously
WHAT INDUSTRIES ARE WORTH HAVING
705
applied (like that of the farmer in this
case), but that of the inventor and the
maker of the threshing-machine, and
that of the manager of railways and
ships. The labor of the directing heads,
of the planners and designers, tells in
high degree for the final effectiveness
of the labor which is applied through
all the successive stages of industry.
The economic condition of the
United States began to change with
the opening of the twentieth century.
The period of limitless free land was
then passed, and with it the possibility
of increasing agricultural production
under the specially advantageous con-
ditions of new countries. For one great
agricultural article, cotton, the com-
parative advantage of the country has
indeed maintained itself, and the ex-
ports of cotton continue to play a great
part in international trade. The ex-
ports of other agricultural products —
wheat, corn, barley, meat products —
have by no means ceased, nor will they
cease for some time. But they tend to
decline, absolutely and, even more, re-
latively. Other articles grow in im-
portance, such as copper, petroleum,
iron and steel products, various manu-
factures. For some of these, such as
copper, the richness of our natural re-
sources is doubtless of controlling im-
portance. But the manner in which
these natural resources are turned to
account is important throughout; and
in many cases the comparative ad-
vantage of which the exports are proof,
rests not on the favor of nature at all,
but solely on the better application of
labor under conditions inherently no
more promising than those of other
countries.
What are the causes of advantage
under these less simple conditions?
The question may be asked regard-
ing a closely allied phenomenon, re-
ferred to a moment ago. A consider-
able range of manufactured articles,
VOL. Ill - NO. 5
though not exported, are yet not im-
ported. The domestic manufacturer
holds the market, while paying higher
wages than his foreign competitor.
The range of such industries is, in my
opinion, wider than is commonly sup-
posed. It is obscured by the fact that
our tariff system imposes useless and
inoperative duties on many articles
which could not be imported in any
case. On the other hand, there is a con-
siderable range of articles on which the
duties have a substantial effect; arti-
cles which would be imported but for
the tariff. There are, again, things
which continue to be imported not-
withstanding high duties, — which
pour in over the tariff wall. Why the
difference between the two sets of cases,
— those in which the domestic manu-
facturer holds his own, irrespective of
duties; and those in which he needs
the duties, or even is beaten notwith-
standing tariff support?
The answer commonly given is that
American producers can hold their
own more easily when much machin-
ery is used. Then, it is said, wages
will form a smaller proportion of the
expenses of production, and the higher
wages of the United States will be a
less serious obstacle. But it requires no
great economic insight to see that this
only pushes the question back a step
further. Why is not the machinery
more expensive? The machinery was
itself made by labor. A commodity
made with much use of machinery is in
reality the product of two sets of la-
borers, — those who make the ma-
chinery and those who operate it. If all
those whose labor is combined for pro-
ducing the final result are paid higher
wages than in foreign countries, why
cannot the foreigner undersell when
much machinery is used, as well as
when little is used?
The real reason why Americans are
more likely to hold their own where
706
WHAT INDUSTRIES ARE WORTH HAVING
machinery is much used, and where
hand labor plays a comparatively
small part in the expenses of produc-
tion, is that Americans make and use
machinery better. They turn to labor-
saving devices more quickly, and they
use devices that save more labor. The
question remains one of comparative
advantage. Where Americans can ap-
ply machinery, they do so; and not
only apply it, but apply it better than
their foreign competitors. Their ma-
chinery is not necessarily cheaper, ab-
solutely; often it is dearer; but it is
cheap relatively to its effectiveness. It
is better machinery, and the labor that
works it turns out in the end a pro-
duct that costs not more, but less, than
the same product costs in countries
using no such devices, or using devices
not so good.
This sort of comparative advantage
is most likely to appear in two classes
of industries, — those that turn out
large quantities of staple homogene-
ous commodities, and those that them-
selves make tools and machinery. A
machine-using people directs its ener-
gies to best advantage where thou-
sands of goods of the same pattern are
produced. Specialties, and goods sal-
able only in small quantities, such as
luxuries bought by the rich, goods of
rare pattern, and the like, — these are
likely to be imported. Ready-made
goods, all of one pattern, bought by the
masses, are likely to be produced at
home, without danger from competing
imports. Goods made to order must be
supplied by domestic producers, and
these are likely to be what the customer
thinks inordinately dear; because they
are made preponderantly, or at least
in greater degree, by hand labor, which
is paid high wages, and which by the
very condition of the case cannot use
labor-saving machinery. Again, imple-
ments themselves, big and little, are
likely to be well made in a country
where people are constantly turning to
machinery: from kitchen utensils and
household hardware to machine tools,
electric apparatus, and huge printing-
presses. These are things in which the
success of American industry is famil-
iar; which are exported, not imported;
in which it is proverbial that the
Yankee has a peculiar knack — only
another way of saying that he has a
comparative advantage.
In creating and maintaining this sort
of advantage in manufacturing indus-
tries, the importance of the industrial
leader has probably become greater in
recent times. The efficiency of the in-
dividual workman is often dwelt on in
discussions of the rivalries of different
countries: aptitude, skill, intelligence,
alertness, perhaps inherited traits. No
doubt, qualities of this sort have
counted in the international trade of
the United States, and still count. The
American mechanic is a handy fellow;
it is from his ranks that the inventors
and business leaders have been largely
recruited; and he can run a machine
so as to make it work at its best. But
there is a steady tendency to make
machinery automatic, and thus largely
independent of the skill of the opera-
tive. The mechanics who construct the
machines and keep them in repair
must indeed be highly skilled. But
when the elaborate machine has been
constructed and is kept in running
order, the operative simply needs to be
assiduous. Under such circumstances,
the essential basis of a comparative ad-
vantage in the machine-using indus-
tries is found in management, unflag-
ging invention, rapid adoption of the
best devices.
The business leader has been through-
out a person of greater consequence
in the United States than elsewhere.
He has loomed large in social conse-
quence because he has been of the
first economic consequence. He has
WHAT INDUSTRIES ARE WORTH HAVING
707
constructed the railways, and opened
up the country; he has contributed
immensely to the utilization of the
great agricultural resources; he has led
and guided the inventor and mechanic.
I am far from being disposed to sing
his praises; there are sins enough to be
laid to his account; but he has played
an enormous part in giving American
industry its special characteristics.
His part is no less decisive now than it
was in former times; nay, it is more so.
The labor conditions brought about by
the enormous immigration of recent
decades have put at his disposal a
vast supply of docile, assiduous, un-
trained workmen. He has adapted his
methods of production to the new sit-
uation. His own energy, and the in-
genuity and attention of his engineers
and inventors and mechanics, have
been turned to devising machinery
that will almost run itself. Here the
newly arrived immigrant can be used.
So far as the American can do this
sort of machinery-making to peculiar
advantage, so far can he pay the im-
migrant wages on the higher Ameri-
can scale, and yet hold his own against
the European competitor who pays
lower wages to the immigrant's stay-
at-home fellow. But it is on this con-
dition only that he can afford (in the
absence of tariff support) to pay him
wages on the American scale, or on
some approach to it, — namely, that
he make the total labor more effective.
The main cause of greater effective-
ness must then be found, not in the in-
dustrial quality of the rank and file,
but in that of the technical and busi-
ness leaders.
A new possibility then presents it-
self, however, and one which has played
a considerable part in recent tariff dis-
cussion. The more automatic machin-
ery becomes, the more readily can it be
transplanted. Is there not a likelihood
that this almost self-acting apparatus
will be bought by the countries of low
wages, and there used for producing
articles at lower price than is possible
in those countries of high wages where
the apparatus originated ? In hearings
before our Congressional committees,
a fear is often expressed that Amer-
ican inventors and tool-makers will find
themselves in such a plight. American
skill, it is said, will devise a new ma-
chine; then an export of the machine
itself, or of its products, will set in.
Next, some German will buy a speci-
men (the Germans have been arch-
plagiarists) , and reproduce the machine
in his own country. Soon, not only
will the exports of the machine cease,
but the machine itself will be operated
in Germany by low-paid labor, and the
article made by its aid will be sent back
to the United States. Shoe machinery
and knitting machinery have been
cited in illustration. The identical ap-
paratus which has been brought in the
United States to such extraordinary
perfection is sent to Europe (even made
in Europe by the American manufac-
turer), and is there worked by cheaper
labor. The automatic looms, again,
which have so strikingly influenced the
textile industry of the United States
and so much increased its effectiveness,
are making their way to Europe, and
here again are being pushed into use by
the American loom-makers themselves.
Is it not to be expected that they will
be operated by cheaper English and
German and French labor, and that
their products will be shipped back to
the United States, to the destruction
of the very American industry which
they had first made strong and inde-
pendent?
This possibility is subject to exag-
geration. It is not so easy as might
be supposed to transplant an improved
system of production, and all that
hangs thereby. However automatic a
machine may be, some intelligence and
708
WHAT INDUSTRIES ARE WORTH HAVING
knack in operating it are always called
for; though less, perhaps, among the
ordinary hands than among the ma-
chine-tenders and foremen. It is a
common experience that machinery
will yield better results in the country
of its invention and manufacture than
when transplanted. Those very auto-
matic looms, just referred to, are mak-
ing their way into Europe very slowly.
They do not fit into the traditional in-
dustrial practices, and do not accom-
plish what they accomplish in the
United States.
The difficulties which thus impede
the transfer of machinery and meth-
ods, are most strikingly illustrated in
the rivalry of the Orient. We hear
frequently of the menace of the cheap
labor of China, India, Japan. Will
not those countries deluge us with the
products of cheap factory labor, when
once they have equipped themselves
with our own machinery? The truth is
that in all probability they will never
equip themselves. To do so, would
require more than the mere shipment
of the machinery and the directions
for working it. A completely different
industrial environment and equipment
would need to be transplanted. The
yellow peril has been as much exag-
gerated in its economic as in its mili-
tary aspect.
None the less, some possibility of
this sort does exist, especially in the
rivalry between those countries of ad-
vanced civilization which are more
nearly on the same industrial level. It
is by no means out of the question that
shoe machinery or automatic looms
may be worked as well in Germany as
in the United States. Supposing this to
be done, cannot the German employer,
who gets his operatives at low wages,
undersell the American employer, who
must pay high wages? Is not the com-
parative advantage which the United
States possesses in its ingenious ma-
chinery necessarily an elusive one, sure
to slip away in time? The advantage
may indeed be retained indefinitely,
where skill or intelligence on the part
of the individual workman is necessary.
Even here there is a doubt whether it
will persist, in view of the spread of
education and technical training the
world over. Certainly in the widening
range of industries where the workmen
merely tend semi-automatic machin-
ery, the manufacturing industries of
the country having high wages would
seem to be in a perilous situation.
The only answer which can be given
to questioning of this sort is that the
leading country must retain its lead.
As fast as other countries adopt the
known and tried improvements, it
must introduce new improvements.
Unrelaxed progress is essential to sus-
tained superiority. He who stands
still, inevitably loses first place. Such
was, in the main, the relation between
England and the other Western coun-
tries during the first three quarters of
the nineteenth century. English ma-
chinery was exported, and English
methods were copied, throughout the
world; but the lead of the British was
none the less maintained. As fast as
the other countries adopted the devices
which originated in England, that
country advanced with new inventions,
or with goods of new grades. A similar
relation seems to exist at the present
time between Germany and the other
countries which follow the German
lead in some of the chemical industries.
It appears again in the position of the
United States in those manufactur-
ing industries which contribute to our
exports. As fast as the American de-
vices are copied elsewhere, still other
improvements must be introduced.
This will seem to the American man-
ufacturer a harsh sentence, and to
the ordinary protectionist a heartless
one, even unpatriotic. What? To be
WHAT INDUSTRIES ARE WORTH HAVING
709
deprived of the fruits of our own en-
terprise and ingenuity, without pro-
tection from a paternal government
against the interlopers? Yet I see no
other answer consistent with a rational
attitude toward international trade
and the geographical division of labor.
The gain which a country secures from
its labor is largest when its labor is ap-
plied in the most effective way; and
labor is applied with the greatest effect-
iveness only when it proves this effect-
iveness by sustained ability to hold
the field constantly against rivals.
This course of reasoning can be car-
ried further. It is conceivable that im-
provements and inventions will be so
completely adopted in the end by all
the advanced countries as to bring
about an equalization in their indus-
trial condition. The necessary conse-
quence would be a lessening of the vol-
ume of trade between them. Where
an invention is introduced in a single
country, it gives that country at the
outset a comparative advantage, leads
to exports, and swells international
trade. But if the improvement is adopt-
ed in all countries with the same ef-
fectiveness, if there is universal adop-
tion of the best, then the ultimate
consequences will be different. No one
country will then possess advantages
in manufactures over others; no one
will be able to export to another; trade
between them in manufactured goods
will cease. All countries will secure, in
the same degree, the benefit of the uni-
versalized inventions. All will be on
the same plane, and differences in gen-
eral prosperity and in rates of wages
will be wiped out. Then there will be
no room for comparative advantages
based on invention, peculiar effective-
ness, better machinery, more skillful
organization. Under such conditions
the only trade between countries would
be that based on unalterable climatic,
or physical, advantages; such trade, for
instance, as arises between tropical and
temperate regions, and between tem-
perate regions having markedly dif-
ferent natural resources.
This consummation will not be reach-
ed for an indefinite period; nay, prob-
ably it will never be reached. Certainly
it is beyond the range of possibility for
any future which we can now foresee.
But some approach to it is likely to
come in the relations between the more
advanced countries. There is a tend-
ency toward equalization in their use
of machinery and of factory methods,
and so in their general industrial con-
ditions. For the United States espe-
cially, the twentieth century will be
different from the nineteenth. The
period of free land has been virtually
passed. That great basis of high ma-
terial prosperity, and of high general
wages, is no longer as broad and strong
as it was during the first century of our
national life. The continued mainten-
ance of a degree of prosperity greater
than that of England and Germany
and France must rest on other causes.
In the future, a higher effectiveness of
labor must depend almost exclusively
on better implements and higher skill;
on labor better led and better applied.
It may reasonably be hoped that the
United States will long remain the
land of promise, in the van of material
progress; but the degree of difference
may be less than it was. This lessening
difference will probably come about,
not because the United States will fall
back, but because other countries will
gain on her. Such has been the nature
of the changed relation between Eng-
land and the countries of the Conti-
nent during the last generation; and
such — to go back earlier — was the
change in the relative positions of Hol-
land and England in the course of the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
England no longer retains the unmis-
takable leadership which she had over
710
WHAT INDUSTRIES ARE WORTH HAVING
the Continent during the greater part
of the nineteenth century. But she has
not retrograded; the countries of the
Continent have progressed. Such is
likely to be the nature of the coming
race between the United States and
other advanced countries. And this
outcome is one which every friend of
humanity must welcome. It means
diffused prosperity, wider social pro-
gress.
For an indefinite time, however, dif-
ferences in general industrial effective-
ness will remain. They will obviously
remain, so far as natural causes un-
derlie them, — differences in soil, in
mineral wealth, in climate. They will
remain also in many manufacturing in-
dustries in which physical causes are
not decisive. The United States, we
may hope and expect, will apply labor-
saving appliances more freely. The
growth of the different industries will
unquestionably continue to-be affected
by the accidents of invention and of
progress, by dominant personalities in
this country and in that, by the his-
torical development of aptitudes and
tastes, by some causes of variation in
industrial leadership that seem inscrut-
able. But a general trend is likely to
persist: in the United States, labor-
saving devices will be adopted more
quickly and more widely, and the peo-
ple of the United States will direct their
labor with greatest advantage to the
industries in which their abilities thus
tell to the utmost.
Nothing is more familiar in current
talk on the tariff than the implication
that it is desirable to * acquire' an in-
dustry. When it appears that certain
linen or silk fabrics are imported, or
lemons or sugar, some one will be sure
to suggest that we clap on a duty in
order to acquire one of these * valuable '
industries. The assumption is that
domestic production is advantageous
per se, and imports always disadvan-
tageous. This is the unqualified pro-
tectionist doctrine : the crudest form of
protectionism, but very widespread.
He who holds it will, of course, pooh-
pooh everything that has been said in
the preceding pages. To him, all do-
mestic industries are worth while, and
always worth while. There is no ques-
tion of choosing, still less of allowing
capital and labor to take their un-
fettered choice. No; let us acquire
any and every industry, and make all
things within our own borders.
He who, on the other hand, accepts
the reasoning of the preceding pages
is not necessarily an unqualified free-
trader. He may admit, for example,
the force of the young-industries argu-
ment: that sometimes an industry
which, in its earlier stages, failed to
measure up to the country's standards,
improves its methods in the course of
time, and becomes effective and self-
supporting. He may admit, too, that
there are considerations not of a strict-
ly economic character which may tell in
favor of some protective duties. The
tariff controversy ramifies far, and its
aspects are quite too varied to be dis-
posed of within the range of an article
like this. But it is essential for an un-
derstanding of the controversy that one
should reflect on this first question:
What industries are worth while? Any
and every industry? or those in which
the energies of the country operate
with greatest effectiveness?
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
THE MONSTRIFEROUS EMPIRE OF
WOMEN
* First Blast of the Trumpet against the
Monstrous Regiment of Women.9 This
title blows like a winter wind in these
days when our magazines and papers
are filled with controversies on the
woman question, and with hot polem-
ics on the feminist mind; and when
suffragettes in England are smashing
windows on the Strand, burning the
King's mail, blowing up the house of
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and
crushing the orchids in the gardens at
Kew. It is the title of a book by wor-
thy John Knox, written in Dieppe in
1557, and published in the goodly city
of Geneva in 1558.
Brave John Knox was moved to
blow this blast on the trumpet because
a group of five women seemed to have
in their control the realms of England,
Scotland, and France, and the destiny
of the Protestant Faith. These mili-
tant suffragettes were Catherine de
Medici, Queen of France; Marie de
Lorraine, Queen Regent of Scotland,
and her daughter and sole heir, Mary,
afterwards Queen of Scots; Mary Tu-
dor, Queen of England, and her heir
apparent, the Princess Elizabeth.
The horror of the persecutions in
England under "Bloody Mary" was
the immediate cause for this first blast
of the trumpet. All this woe, Knox
believed, was due to the ' monstriferous
empire of women,' especially as they
were personified in Mary, 'the cursed
lesabel of England.' So, as was his
custom, brave John Knox spoke out,
when most men considered it ' discrete '
to be silent and to walk softly. 'And
therefore, I say, that of necessitie it
is that this monstriferous empire of
women (which amongest all enormities
that this day do abound upon the face
of the hole earth, is most detestable
and damnable) — be openlie reviled
and plainlie declared, to the end that
some may repent and be saved.'
The reader will see that he blows his
trumpet with no uncertain tone. He is
not afraid of those who sit in the seats
of the mighty. Let them hear! 'Even
so may the sound of our weake trum-
pet, by the support of some wynd
(blowe it from the southe, or blowe it
from the northe, it is no matter) come
to the ears of our chief offenders.'
Like a true Scotchman, John Knox
is logical. He places his arguments in
battle array. The Empire of Woman is
1. Repugnant to nature.
2. Contumelie to God.
3. The subversion of good order, of
all equity and justice.
The first argument is obvious. 'Man,
I say, in many other cases blind, doth
in this behalf, see verie clearlie.' It is
repugnant to nature that the blind
should lead the blind, and 'that the
foolish, madde, and phrenetike should
govern the discrete.' And it is plain to
see, he adds, that ' women compared to
men are weak, sick, impotent, foolish,
madde, phrenetike.'
The second argument is no less ob-
vious to John Knox. The Empire of
Woman is 'contumelie to God, a thing
most contrarious to his reveled will and
approved ordinance,' because so saith
the scripture, especially Genesis and
St. Paul. If females are not worthy to
speak in meeting, how can the mon-
strous regiment be rulers of the realm?
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And like a good scholar he has his
weighty authorities. What a scholastic
artillery he commands ! Listen ! ' Politi-
carum Aristotelis; Lib. 50 de regulis
juris; lib. digestorum; ad Senatus con-
sul. Velleianum; Tertull. de virginibus
velandis; August, lib. 22. contra Faus-
tum; Ambros. in Hexaemero; Chrysost.
homil. in genes/
John Knox does n't translate his
Latin like Chauntecleer. He does n't
say: —
In principle,
Mulier est hominis confusio;
Madame, the sentence of this Latin is —
Womman is mannes Joye and al his blis.
Quite the contrary. 'Madames, the
sentence of this Latin is that the regi-
ment of women is monstriferous,
madde, foolish, and phrenetike.' This
is his translation of Tertullian: 'Let
women hear what Tertullian, an olde
Doctor saith. " Thou art the porte and
gate of the devil. Thou art the first
transgressor of Goddes lawes. Thou
diddest persuade and easily deceive
him whome the devil durst not as-
sault."1
Nor does John Knox sympathize with
the familiar argument that women's
votes will remove divorce, prohibit
the saloon, and cleanse the body politic
of all diseases. ' And Aristotle, as before
is touched, doth plainly affirme that
wher soever women beare dominion,
ther must nedes the people be disor-
dered, living, and abounding in all
intemperance, given to pride, excess,
and vanitie. And finallie, in the end,
that they must needes come to con-
fusion and ruine.'
And what comfort and consolation
must come to the hearts of Mr. Asquith,
and Mr. Lloyd George, when they hear
this valiant question addressed to
the monstriferous regiment of women :
* Whose house, I pray you, ought the
Parliament house to be, Goddes or the
deuilles?'
'And nowe,' says John Knox in his
Admonition, ' to put an end to the first
blast, — by the order of nature, by
the malediction and curse pronounced
against woman, by the mouth of St.
Paul the interpreter of Goddes sen-
tence, by the example of that com-
monwealth, in which God by his word
planted ordre and policie, and finally
by the judgement of most godly men,
God hath dejected women from rule,
dominion, empire, and authority above
men.'
Within three years after John Knox
had blown this first blast on the
trumpet — and he intended to blow it
thrice — Mary Tudor and Mary de
Lorraine were dead, Knox was leading
the Reformation in Scotland, and Eliz-
abeth was Queen of England. Natu-
rally, Elizabeth for several reasons did
not look with enthusiasm on this book.
So the editions of 1559 and 1561 con-
tain 'John Knox's Declaration' and
'Second Defence to Queen Elizabeth.'
Notwithstanding such illustrious wo-
men as Deborah of Israel, and Eliza-
beth of England, he stands bravely by
his guns. These women are only excep-
tions which prove the rule. On the
whole the empire of women is monstri-
ferous. And so concludes John Knox
to Elizabeth Tudor: ' Yf these premises
(as God forbid) neglected, ye shall
begyn to brag of your birth, and to
build your aucthoritee upon your owne
law, flatter yow who so list, youre
felicitie shal be schort.'
O John Knox, if this was your first
blast upon the trumpet against the
monstrous regiment of women, what
would have been the second and third
if you were living to-day! You could
face Elizabeth of England; but could
you face the militant suffragette? If
even in your time the empire of woman
was monstriferous, what amplitude of
speech could express your wrath as you
beheld 'phrenetike' females smashing
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713
windows on the Strand, burning the
King's mail, and crushing orchids in
the gardens at Kew?
A NEW YEAR'S GIFT FROM THE
BATTLEFIELD
[THE following paragraphs are trans-
lated with literalness from the letter of
a Greek soldier, wounded in battle, to
his wife whom he left in the United
States when he followed the patriotic
call to arms. — THE EDITORS.]
EVERY year, my dear Christine,
even in our greatest poverty, — the
beautiful poverty we have so long
shared together, — I was wont to make
you a present. Very often this gift
had to be simply a bunch of lilies. But
always have you received it as if it
were the most precious jewel, a thing
which set great value on the poor lilies
and showed your infinite kindness.
Here where I am this year, there are
not even lilies together with which I
might send you my best wishes and
my New Year's kiss. Here spring only
mountain poppies, dyed with the blood
of men. Their color does not fit our
peaceful love, and I fear the color of
the blood is not love's fitting symbol.
But I must keep my custom.
I send you with the bearer another
small gift, an ornament of a very cheap
metal, which, nevertheless has cost me
very dear, since I have almost paid
for it with my life. I send you a beau-
tiful shining Mauser bullet, a pretty
work of art.
This bullet has pierced my breast,
and the other day the surgeon made me
a present of it, after a long struggle he
had to extract it from within me. The
bullet is an heroic gift, is it not? But,
I beg of you not to receive it in its
heroic meaning. I would not like that
very much; and would not have you
believe that I send it to you as a wit-
ness of any heroism of mine. I am not
sending you this bullet, either as a title
or as a medal I have acquired, nor am
I sending it that it might speak before
you of any sacrifices. And, it is not for
this reason that I want you to admire
it or to be proud of it. It is a bullet
that was washed in my blood. It passed
very near my heart and heard its
throbs, which were all for you, my
beloved. It is, you see, a bullet which
has lost all its heroism, and has become
mild, peaceful, passive, — just like a
flower.
Keep it, hang it on your necklace,
wear it next your heart, — give it a
sympathetic friendship in your life. It
was a good kind bullet to me. It did
not wish to separate us forever, my
beloved Christine, although it could
have done so very well.
I am going to be out of the hospital
in a few days. Perhaps another bullet
will not be as kind as this one has been.
Perhaps you will not see me again.
Who knows? But this small gift which
I send to you, this worthless little
thing, which passed so near my heart
as if it wished to know my innermost
secrets, will always tell you how I loved
you, even up to the last moment of my
life in this world. Perhaps this will
help you not to be jealous of my other
lover, for whose sake I am now sacrific-
ing myself. For in dying for the father-
land, you will understand that I die
for you, for within our love for father-
land lie hidden all other loves, longings,
and anxieties.
But all these things will be told you
much better by my little gift, which I
send you together with my sweetest
kisses.
THE SONG OF DEBORAH
THERE comes one day in every year,
when for me the drowsy peace of a
Sunday afternoon is abruptly shat-
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tered; when I straighten up in my pew,
all my pulses leaping with delighted
excitement, and cease to be a Christian
of the Twentieth Century and become
a passionate Israelite delivered by one
marvelous stroke from the hand of
Jabin, King of Canaan, the captain of
whose hosts was Sisera.
I know that this occurs some time in
the late summer or early autumn, but
as a rule I am taken unaware. I forget
that anything out of the ordinary is
about to happen. Outside are the usual
whispered sounds of afternoon; and
then suddenly the clergyman begins:
'Then sang Deborah and Barak the
son of Abinoam on that day, saying,
Praise ye the Lord for the avenging of
Israel,' and that astonishing, passion-
ate, magnificent song is upon us. My
imagination leaps through the gate of
the opening words, and instantly,
breathlessly, I forget the time and
place, and I see into the past. I see
that jubilant return, and Deborah,
the prophetess, and Barak, the son of
Abinoam, singing together. 'Hear, O
ye kings, give ear, O ye princes; I, even
I, will sing unto the Lord.'
What intoxication of inspiration!
The spirit fairly lashes them into ex-
pression. 'Awake, awake Deborah;
awake, awake; utter a song; arise,
Barak, and lead thy captivity captive.'
Like a torrent the song tumbles over
itself, holding certain words up in the
glory and delight of repetition.
'The river of Kishon swept them
away, that ancient river, the river
Kishon.'
Then the song rises to its climax in
that magnificent tribute — the tribute
which one woman's genius pays to an-
other's achievement. 'Blessed above
women shall Jael the wife of Heber the
Kenite be; blessed shall she be above
women in the tent.'
In her savage irony, Deborah con-
ceives the picture of the waiting mother
of the dead man: 'The mother of
Sisera looked out at a window, and
cried through the lattice, Why is his
chariot so long in coming? Why tarry
the wheels of his chariots?'
But in the end her religious fervor
stems the savagery of her triumph, and
the singer remembers that she is pay-
ing tribute to the Lord, and concludes :
'So let all thine enemies perish, O
Lord; but let them that love him be as
the sun when he goeth forth in his
might.'
It is amusing to note how different
clergymen read this song of Deborah
and of Barak. Some — those, no
doubt, with the most imagination —
abandon themselves at once to the
splendor of the music, and read the
words with an echo of the passion that
they must have had when they were
first flung forth. Others begin with the
determination to give it the religious
rendering suitable to the rest of the
service, and manage this tone well
enough until they come to the words,
'Awake, awake, Deborah: awake,
awake, utter a song ' ; when, in spite of
themselves, they are swept off their
feet by the poet's emotion and are
carried gloriously away, until the con-
cluding words of the lesson, 'And the
land had rest forty years,' restore them
once more to the accustomed religious
atmosphere. Others, again, imply by
their tone that though there is a certain
deplorable impression of barbaric ex-
ultation in the words, Deborah was in
reality a very meek and pious woman.
I think these last are glad to come
to the end of that song, particularly if
they chance to be married — and turn
with relief to the second lesson,which
begins, amusingly enough, 'Likewise,
ye wives, be in subjection to your own
husbands; . . . whose adorning . . .
let it be ... even the ornament of a
meek and quiet spirit. . . . For after
this manner in the old time the holy
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715
women also, who trusted in God,
adorned themselves,' — no doubt de-
voutly hoping that their wives will not
ask them any searching questions as
to the meek and quiet spirits enjoyed
by those two holy women of old, Deb-
orah and Jael. They must find Jael
extremely hard to explain, particularly
when they remember that there was
peace between 'Jabin the king of
Hazor and the house of Heber the
Kenite.' And difficult also for them to
explain Deborah's laudation of her, for
certainly the climax of the poem is its
tribute to Jael. Others are mentioned
with curses or blessings according as
they had given their help or refused it,
but Jael is the heroine, the great prota-
gonist of Deborah's song, and the singer
brings all the treasure of her genius and
lays it in tribute at the feet of the wo-
man of the tents. I do not know any
other great poem that has this peculi-
arity — the passionate celebration by
one woman of another woman's achieve-
ment. Will this modern awakening of
women bring us great women poets
to sing inspired songs about their sis-
ters?
Would it might be so! And would,
too, that all our poets, both men and
women, might inform their songs with
some of Deborah's passionate fire.
The spirit of the age appears to be
tolerance. No doubt a very good spirit
for an everyday, jog-trot life, but not
so good for the making of poetry. It
keeps us, to be sure, from burning at
the stake those whose opinions differ
from our own, but it also keeps us from
burning ourselves at the stake of poetic
fire. To write a big poem we must be
able to 'see red.' We have nowadays
that paralyzing attitude of mind that
makes us think that, after all, our op-
ponents may be as nearly right as our-
selves. We are too much like the tribe
of Reuben — ' For the divisions of
Reuben there were great thoughts of
heart. Why abodest thou among the
sheep-folds, to hear the bleating of the
flocks?'
This hesitancy and mistrust, these
searchings of heart, and particularly
this haste to laugh at our own ideals
before others can do it, has kept Pega-
sus in the sheep-fold, and a Pegasus
so stabled will result in songs whose
technique grows ever more perfect, and
their passion more faint.
In his tribute to Shelley, Francis
Thompson says, 'In poetry as well as
in the kingdom of God we should not
take thought too greatly wherewith
we should be clothed, but seek first the
spirit and all these things shall be
added unto us.'
How much do you suppose Deborah
paused to find the best word? And yet
here is her song as fresh and as pulsing
with emotion as when she flung it tri-
umphantly forth so many hundreds of
years ago. Words were the servants
of her emotion; not things to be wooed
and cajoled, but things to be imperious-
ly commanded.
She had found her Kingdom of
Heaven, and the right words delighted
to add themselves to it. If we cannot
approve of Jael's method of disposing
of Sisera, we may at least learn some-
thing from Deborah's method of mak-
ing poetry.
I believe it is Mr. Chesterton who
points out that we have no longer any
great satirists because we have no
longer any passionate beliefs about
anything. And if this is true of satire
it is much more true of poetry.
But is there not already a rekindling
of spirit through the land? And are
there not already the voices of new
singers heard at the threshold, or those
of old singers, singing with a new, more
passionate note? Singers who are
finding their kingdom of Heaven, and
are imperiously able to command the
right word? This new century, so
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THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
packed with emotion and new ideals,
must it not break down the walls of
artificiality? Must it not create at
least a few great poets of both sexes —
Deborahs as well as Baraks — to voice
its passion?
Well, 'and the land had rest forty
years.' The lesson comes to an end and
we return to the present. We remem-
ber the time and place, but for a few
breathless, golden moments a Mother
in Israel has shown us what abiding
stuff words may become when played
upon by tremendous emotion.
LITERATURE AND THE WORLD-
STATE
'LiFE is greater than literature, no
doubt,' remarked somebody in those
old days of the nineties, when few
doubted (few, at least, of those who
read the Yellow Book) that life went
on so that Art might be made out of
it; 'but without literature, what were
life?' Well, what with foreign travel,
and the Peace Movement, and a dawn-
ing consciousness of the selfishness of
patriotism, it becomes conceivable that
we are going to find out. It is true that,
thanks to ' Caxton, or the Phoenicians,
or whoever it was that invented books,'
no Alexandrian disaster could ever
again sweep away what we have; but
are we as sure as we once were that
there is always going to be more? It
seems to have been ever the small,
sequestered, self-centred district which
produced the great literary tradition, —
England, Tuscany, Judaea, Greece, —
and the forces at work to level na-
tional walls and create a 'world-state,'
will tend to prevent forevermore the
little intensive, oblivious centre of cul-
ture that Athens was.
This rather sorrowful notion has
come to mind in pondering the question
why this Middle West of mine has not
produced a Middle- Western literature.
Writers we have, of distinction, but it
is not, after all, the heart of the Mid-
dle West that speaks in them; it is the
brain of the admirable observer pre-
senting his results. There are several
kinds of Middle-Western literature
possible, although only one would be
worth having. It might be written, for
example, in the manner of the Class-
ical Convention, which speaks of every-
thing in terms of something else. Just
as to our eighteenth-century classicists
the sun was always Phoebus, the dawn
Aurora, and poetry the Orphean lyre
or the Pierian spring according to taste,
so our familiar Middle West might be
translated for us into the idiom of
English literature. Like the 'Step-
Daughter of the Prairie,' we might be
taught to think of the near-by ' creek '
as a ' rill ' or a ' burn ' ; to call the far,
low hills 'the downs,' and our limitless
prairies 'steppes' or 'moors.' Such
translation was in fact unconsciously
practiced by a little girl I knew, who,
while growing up in a Middle- Western
city (the city growing up the while
with her) and fed upon English fiction,
vaguely assumed that some day she
would turn up her hair and lengthen
her skirts, and step out through a
French window upon a beautiful Eng-
lish lawn, covered with curates and
afternoon tea. Although, as she looked
about her upon her world, she beheld
none of these things.
But the difficulty with the Classical
Convention is that it always comes
to an end. The Romantic Movement
quenched the Pierian spring; the Step-
Daughter of the Prairie — and the
little girl — have grown up. There is
a more sophisticated literary method,
however, of a character possibly less
perishable, which consists in trading
upon our deprivations. We are aware,
now, that we have no mountains, no
rocks, no brook-watered glens, no tra-
ditional society like those in the past
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
717
of Louisiana and Carolina, no Lon-
don drawing-rooms, no Pyramids, no
Grand Canal; but we can make some-
thing out of our knowledge of this
melancholy fact, and record the adven-
tures of our souls when face to face
with these things, or when sitting at
home and regretting them. Yet this,
after all, is but another convention, and
has been worked as well as it could be,
and as much, perhaps, as it ought to
be, by Mr. Howells for the Middle-
Westerner seen against a background
of New York, and by Mr. James for
the American-at-large silhouetted upon
the map of Europe.
The third way, and the hardest, is
to strike the ground beneath our feet
with a divining-rod of love and feeling,
and see whether literature will not
gush forth. There would seem to be
plenty to write of, in those early French
comers and the poetic people they
found here; yet we lack, in dealing
with them, something that is funda-
mental to literature, the unbroken tra-
dition. We are not the children of
those French explorers, neither does
the red man's blood flow in our veins.
We are New Englanders, most of us,
and our imagination turns soonest to
the rocky uplands and the heroic story
of the Northeast states . Neither, then ,
is it ours to write from the heart, from
the deeps, of those later arrivals, the
foreign northern folk who are natural-
izing their customs within our borders.
Still, there is the soil. We can feed
or starve the world in this Mississippi
Valley. Fertility and drought, times
and seasons and weather, are our affair.
We are an agricultural folk, though it
is not often that we remember it. We
have almost the same things to sing
of that the Psalmist had — * the moun-
tains that are round about Jerusalem,'
'the east wind and the south wind,'
' the snow like wool and the hoar-frost
like ashes,' * rain upon the mown grass
and showers that water the earth,' 'the
pastures clothed with flocks and the
valleys covered with corn.' Save for
the mountains that are round about
Jerusalem, there are as many strings
to our harp as to David's. Only, alas!
we cannot now forget what David
never knew — how much there is out-
side. Those mountains shut the Psalm-
ist in, but nothing but the zone of
respirable air that wraps our globe, can
shut the Middle- Westerner in!
As you go out from Florence to
the Certosa's battlemented height, and
cross the little Ema, you remember
that Dante wished that Buondelmonte
had been drowned in it before ever he
had entered Florence to call upon her
head the bloody Guelf and Ghibelline;
and you wonder whether the thin
thread of water would even have wet
the feet of that splendid, faithless,
white-clad young cavalier. Yet six hun-
dred years ago it had already a name
and a fame, to be recognized of any
Tuscan when set into a poem. What
Middle- Westerner could place an allu-
sion to a stream so small, supposing it
to lie in the next state, or even in the
next county? Our Middle West is too
large for literature — voila le grand mot
Ianc6 ! Then America will be too large
for literature, then surely the whole
world will be too large for literature!
Shall we go on, then, extending the
boundaries of our literary estate, until
we shall have developed a 'world lit-
erature' which a Martian might find
characteristic of Earth as distinguished
from Mars; or shall we admit that in
this gradual internationalizing process
which we believe to be so good for man,
there is something bad for literature,
and therefore try here in America to be
as local as we can? But when every
state, and the Negro, and the Indian,
and every kind of naturalized new-
comer shall have evolved his own highly
idiomatic form of expression, we may
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find such deliberate nurture of local
literary tradition associating itself, as
it has done in Ireland, with a separate
political consciousness. Can it be that
what seems to be the best social ideal is
going to prove unpropitious for litera-
ture, and that we shall ever be called
upon to make a choice?
GRATITUDE
THE Minister preached this morning
on the Duty of Gratitude. I have for-
gotten what the pliable text was, but
the lesson drawn from it was addressed,
rather obviously, to the children from
the 'Home,' who filled the front pews
with bobbing, close-cropped heads and
prim Sunday bonnets. I was pleased
to observe that the sermon did not
weigh upon their spirits: they were as
full of tricks as any normal children
when they got out into the good fresh
air, and gave the usual trouble to the
matron on their way back to the
'Home.'
And why should it have disturbed
them, or older sinners, for that matter?
Is Gratitude a living virtue like Truth
or Courage, lacking which a human
soul is incomplete? Or is it an inven-
tion of the people who confer benefits?
All real virtues, I take it, will be found
springing naturally in the heart of an
unspoiled human being. The seed is
there if we seek it. But we cannot
invent a virtue any more than we can
invent the smallest flower that blows.
Gratitude, at its best, is a blossom
grafted upon love; at its worst, a para-
site that kills the parent plant.
A child, or any natural soul, loves
those who show it kindness, but it ig-
nores, and, if the point is urged, resents,
the idea of gratitude as the proper
return. It feels instinctively that love
must prompt kind deeds, and love —
if possible — is the reward. This is the
natural attitude; we can see it any day
and in any family. Just as the wise old
man, Montaigne, saw it and recognized
its justice in the days when children
were still weighed down with the bur-
den of unending gratitude to the par-
ents who had, most often quite casually,
brought them into the world.
Not that a stiff-necked incapability
of giving thanks where thanks are due
is to be commended — least of all in a
community where New England ances-
tors prevailed. Rather it is to be pitied
as a sign of unhappy self-consciousness.
Let us hope that the little orphans in
the 'Home' are taught to chirrup,
'Thank you,' as naturally as the birds
that come fluttering to a feast of
crumbs. Still it remains that Gratitude,
so called, must be indulged in with the
greatest moderation. It is not like
Mercy which 'blesseth him that gives
and him that takes.' Gratitude may be
very bad for the giver, since it lessens
his merit in giving if he requires or
even expects it. And, on the other hand,
if he has a sensitive spirit, it wounds
him, as the attitude of servant to mas-
ter may wound and humiliate the mas-
ter. And in case the gift is prompted
by a sense of duty to himself, or to an
ideal held by the giver, the recipient is
not concerned in the act, though he
profits by it, and should not be re-
quired to give thanks. It was not done
for his sake, even though pity prompted
the deed. In fact, his need or suffering
has helped the benefactor to accom-
plish his end, for the act of charity may
easily be only a means of relief for a
wounded sensibility.
And to the recipient of favors Grati-
tude is a burden which only the freest
affection can enable him to bear with
dignity. Let the burden gall and it may
create a secret core of resentment, the
more debasing because it is ashamed, or
a callous ignominy which justifies the
airy cynicism of La Rochefoucauld's
' Gratitude is a lively sense of benefits
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
719
to come/ or Edward Gibbon's sledge-
hammer dictum, ' Revenge is profitable,
gratitude is expensive/
Is it then dangerous to do too much
for a friend? Must we hold our hand
for fear of introducing a third between
us, the sinister figure of Gratitude?
No; a thousand times, no! For Grati-
tude, like Fear, can be cast out by
perfect Love. But don't let us preach
too ponderously the duty of Gratitude,
above all to the children.
A GREAT AMERICAN POET
A GREAT American poet! I had at
last found him. It mattered not that I
was an obscure student in a famous
graduate school; it mattered not that
great poets in their day had bowed
down to Denham and to Bowles. Here
was a real poet, alive, American,
great, -
Who yet should be a trump, of mighty call
Blown in the gates of evil kings
To make them fall;
Who yet should be a sword of flame before
The soul's inviolate door
To beat away the clang of hellish wings;
Who yet should be a lyre
Of high unquenchable desire
In the day of little things.
His lines burned in my veins as I sang
or shouted them. I must share the in-
toxication with my friends.
The first victim was, of course, a
young woman. To her I entrusted the
precious little volume. 'Read "The
Daguerreotype," ' I urged, 'and tell me
if it is not the heart's blood of a true
poet.' She told me. It seemed to her a
commonplace treatment of a common-
place theme.
Abashed but not discouraged, I
turned to my good friend the German
doctor. 'Nomen est omen,' was his first
comment, as he glanced at the poet's
name; but he was anxious to widen his
knowledge of English verse, and took
kindly to whatever was philosophical,
impressionistic, or sonorous. I can still
hear his deep voice rumbling out, -
Within my blood my ancient kindred spoke, —
Grotesque and monstrous voices, heard afar
Down ocean caves when behemoth awoke,
Or through fern forests roared the pleiosaur
Locked with the giant bat in ghastly war.
The German doctor, however, was in-
sensitive to subtle shades of meaning
in English words. For full apprecia-
tion I must go to my own professor of
English.
Yes, to be sure, he had heard of my
poet. We were all young once; he had
once turned a verse or two himself.
Whereupon he dug out a batch of
dusty manuscript and read to me with
reminiscent relish a number of his own
puerilia. I left him moist-eyed and
tender, with my little book unopened,
unread, in his hand. Then if ever was
the happy hour for him to chant, —
We have felt the ancient swaying
Of the earth before the sun,
On the darkened marge of midnight heard
sidereal rivers playing;
Rash it was to bathe our souls there, but we
plunged, and all was done.
That is lives and lives behind us — lo, our
journey is begun!
But he buried the volume five German
dissertations deep on a side shelf, and
I was not to see it again for three years.
Ten years have passed since my
young enthusiasm invaded the sanc-
tum of a great professor to proclaim
the merits of a living poet. My poet is
dead, tragically cut off at the summit
of his powers; a single volume of less
than five hundred pages lies before me,
containing all the poetry he gave to the
world, mere 'drippings of the wine-
press of his days.' As I turn the pages
now, do the scales fall from my eyes?
Have the years that bring the philoso-
phic mind tempered my enthusiasm?
Can I now, with the old ardor, thrust
this volume in the faces of my friends?
A severe test, truly, for any but the
720
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
highest. Can we return to Byron, to
Shelley, to Swinburne, to Tennyson,
him even, without feeling that some-
thing of the old charm has departed?
Stephen Phillips captivated all of us
with his beautiful Paolo and Francesca;
yet we sometimes feel for his work the
repugnance we have for lilies. But
Shakespeare, Milton, and Words-
worth, Chaucer, Browning, and Keats,
at their best, never disappoint us; our
knowledge of life and art never out-
runs them. Has my poet a modest
place in this high company?
I believe that he has. The poems
that ten years ago made the blood leap
in my veins still seem to me fresh and
strong and beautiful. And I am con-
firmed in my belief by the admirable
introduction which Professor Manly
has written for this new and complete
edition of his works. The poem that
my young friend found commonplace,
Professor Manly finds *so deep of
thought, so full of poignant feeling and
clairvoyant vision, so wrought of pas-
sionate beauty that I know not where to
look for another tribute from any poet
to his mother that equals it.' The
little volume that for three years lay
buried five German dissertations deep,
contained much of the best work of a
man who ' brought the richest intellect-
ual and emotional endowment pos-
sessed by any American poet,' and
whose poetry 'was growing into fuller
and fuller kinship with that of the eld-
er and most authentic poets of our
tongue, while retaining its own unmis-
takable individuality.'
If these things are indeed true, my
long devotion has not been misplaced;
I may still urge all my friends —
mothers and maids and German doc-
tors, even professors in their sanctums
— to get and read and read again the
poems and poetic dramas of William
Vaughn Moody.1
1 The Poems and Plays of William Vaughn
Moody. With an Introduction by JOHN M.
MANLY. Boston and New York: Houghton
Mifflin Company. 1912.
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY
JUNE, 1913
THE MONROE DOCTRINE : AN OBSOLETE SHIBBOLETH
BY HIRAM BINGHAM
' The American continents, by the free
and independent condition which they
have assumed and maintain, are hence-
forth not to be considered as subjects for
future colonization by European powers.
. . . We should consider any attempt on
their part to extend their system to any
portion of this hemisphere as danger-
ous to our peace and safety, With the
existing colonies or dependencies of any
European power, we have not interfered
and shall not interfere. But with the gov-
ernments who have declared their inde-
pendence, and maintained it, and whose
independence we have, on great consid-
eration, and on just principles, acknow-
ledged, we could not view any interposi-
tion for the purpose of oppressing them,
or controlling, in any other manner, their
destiny, by any European power, in any
other light than as the manifestation of
an unfriendly disposition towards the
United States.
THUS, in 1823, did President James
Monroe, acting under the influence
of his able Secretary of State, John
Quincy Adams, enunciate a doctrine
which has been the most universally
accepted foreign policy that we have
ever had. No one questions the fact
that the enunciation of this policy of
VOL. in -NO. e
'America for Americans,' and our firm
adherence to it for so many years, has
had a very decided effect upon the his-
tory of the Western Hemisphere.
There have been times when ambi-
tious European monarchs would have
liked nothing better than to help
themselves to poorly defended territory
in what is now termed Latin America.
When the Doctrine was originated, the
Holy Alliance in Europe was contem-
plating the overthrow of republican
government in Spain, and unquestion-
ably looked with extreme aversion at
the new republics in South and Central
America, whose independence we were
hastily recognizing. Russia was reach-
ing out beyond Alaska. The firm de-
claration of this policy of exclusion,
backed up by England's attitude to-
ward the Holy Alliance, undoubtedly
operated to give the American republics
sufficient breathing space to enable
them to get on their feet and begin the
difficult process of working out their
own salvation, — a process which was
rendered all the more difficult by rea-
son of Hispanic racial tendencies, of
centuries of autocratic colonial gov-
ernment, and of geographical condi-
tions which made transportation and
social intercourse extremely arduous.
Journeys across Peru even to-day
may be beset with more difficulties
THE MONROE DOCTRINE: AN OBSOLETE SHIBBOLETH
than were journeys from Mississippi
to California sixty years ago, before
the railroads. It still takes longer to
go from Lima, the capital of Peru, to
Iquitos, the capital of Peru's largest
province, and one which the Putu-
mayo atrocities have recently brought
vividly to our notice, than it does to go
from London to Honolulu. ••
Had it not been for the Monroe
Doctrine, the American republics would
have found it very much more difficult
to maintain their independence during
the first three quarters of a century of
their career. And this notwithstanding
the fact that the actual words * Monroe
Doctrine' were rarely heard or seen.
In 1845, without mentioning this
shibboleth by name, President Polk
declared that the United States would
not permit any European intervention
on the North American continent. This, •
as Professor Coolidge has brought out,1
pushed the theory further than it has
been carried out in practice, although
it restricted the original idea by leav-
ing South America out of account.
A few years later, while we were
engaged in civil war, Napoleon III
attempted to set up a European mon-
arch in Mexico. Scarcely had we re-
covered, however, from the throes of
our great conflict, when Mr. Seward
took up with the French government
the necessity for the withdrawal of
the French troops from Maximilian's
support. Here we were acting strongly
in accordance with the best traditions
of the Monroe Doctrine, and yet the
mysterious words were not employed
in the correspondence.
In fact, while it was generally under-
stood that we would not countenance
any European interference in the affairs
of North and South America, it was
not until 1895, during the second ad-
1 See for an able exposition of the Monroe Doc-
trine, Prof. A. C. Coolidge's The United States as
a World Power (Macmillan). — THE EDITORS.
ministration of President Cleveland,
that a Secretary of State thought it
expedient or necessary to re-state the
Monroe Doctrine and to bring us to
the verge of a European war by back-
ing it up with an absolutely uncompro-
mising attitude. Venezuela had had a
long-standing boundary dispute with
British Guiana. Nobody cared very
much either way until it was discov-
ered that in the disputed territory were
rich gold fields. In the excitement
which ensued, the Venezuelans appeal-
ed to the United States, and Secretary
Olney, invoking the Monroe Doctrine,
brought matters to a crisis.
Our defiant attitude toward Great
Britain astonished the world, and great-
ly pleased the majority of American
citizens. The very fact that we had
not the slightest personal interest in
the paltry sixty thousand square miles
of jungle southeast of the Orinoco,
added to our self-esteem. It raised our
patriotism to the highest pitch when we
realized that we were willing to go to
war with the most powerful nation in
Europe rather than see her refuse to
arbitrate her right to her ancient pos-
session of a little strip of tropical forest
with a government which was not in
existence when England took British
Guiana, but which was an 'American
Republic.' Fortunately for us, Lord
Salisbury had a fairly good sense of hu-
mor, and declined to take the matter
too seriously. Instead of standing, in
the proverbial British manner, strictly
for his honor and his rights, he polite-
ly ignored the Boundary Commission
which we had impetuously called into
existence, and, dealing directly with
his neighbor Venezuela, arranged for
an international court of arbitration.
In our exuberance over the success
of Mr. Olney's bold and unselfish
enunciation of the Monroe Doctrine
we failed to realize several aspects of
this question.
THE MONROE DOCTRINE: AN OBSOLETE SHIBBOLETH 723
In the first place, we had proudly
declared the Monroe Doctrine to be a
part of International Law, failing to
distinguish between law and policy.
In the second place, we had assumed
a new theorem. In the words of Mr.
Olney: 'The states of America, South
as well as North, by geographical
proximity, by natural sympathy, by
similarity of Governmental Constitu-
tions, are friends and allies, commer-
cially and politically, of the United
States.'
A few years earlier the then Secre-
tary of State, Blaine, had brought into
existence the International Union of
American Republics, and had enun-
ciated a doctrine of Pan-Americanism
which has glowed more or less cheer-
fully ever since.
Mr. Olney 's words recognized this
doctrine. But when he gave * geograph-
ical proximity ' as one of the reasons for
this Pan-American alliance, he over-
looked the fact that the largest cities
of South America are geographically
nearer to Spain and Portugal than to
New York and New England. He fail-
ed to consider that the rich East Coast
of South America is no farther from
Europe than it is from Florida, and that
so far as the West Coast is concerned,
it actually takes longer to travel from
Valparaiso, the chief South American
West Coast port, to San Francisco, the
chief North American West Coast port,
than it does to go from Valparaiso to
London. Peru is as far from Puget
Sound as it is from Labrador.
Most of our statesmen studied geo-
graphy when they were in the gram-
mar school, and have rarely looked
at a world-atlas since. In other words,
we began the new development of the
Monroe Doctrine with a false idea of
the geographical basis of the Pan-
American alliance.
Furthermore, the new Monroe Doc-
trine was established on another false
idea, the existence of 'natural sympa-
thy' between South and North Amer-
ica. As a matter of fact, instances
might easily be multiplied to show that
our South American neighbors have
far more natural sympathy for, and
regard themselves as much more near-
ly akin to, the Latin races of Europe,
than to the cosmopolitan people of the
United States.
How Spain feels was shown recently
in the case of a distinguished Spanish
professor who was able to find time to
make an extended journey through
Latin America, urging Pan-Hispanism,
but could find no time to make an
extended journey through the cities of
the United States, although offered lav-
ish hospitality and considerable hono-
rariums. How Brazil feels was seen a
few years ago in Rio Janeiro, when
Brazil was holding a national exposi-
tion. Each state of that great Re-
public had a building of its own, but
no foreign nations were represented,
except Portugal, the mother country,
which had her own building.
Of the difficulties of establishing any
kind of an alliance between ourselves
and the South American republics no
one who has traveled in South America
can be ignorant. As has been well said
by a recent Peruvian writer: 'Essen-
tial points of difference separate the
two Americas. Differences of language,
and therefore of spirit; the difference
between Spanish Catholicism and the
multiform Protestantism of the Anglo-
Saxons; between the Yankee individu-
alism and the omnipotence of the State
natural to the South. In their origin,
as in their race, we find fundamental
antagonisms; the evolution of the
North is slow and obedient to the les-
sons of time, to the influences of cus-
tom; the history of the Southern
peoples is full of revolution, rich with
dreams of an unattainable perfection.'
One of the things which make it and
724 THE MONROE DOCTRINE: AN OBSOLETE SHIBBOLETH
will continue to make it difficult for
us to treat fairly with our Southern
neighbors is our racial prejudice
against the half-breed. As Senor Cal-
deron bluntly says: 'Half-breeds and
their descendants govern the Latin-
American republics'; and it is a well-
known fact that this leads to contempt
on the part of the average Anglo-Sax-
on. Such a state of affairs shows the
difficulty of assuming that Pan- Amer-
icanism is axiomatic, and of basing
the logical growth of the Monroe Doc-
trine on 'natural sympathy.'
In the third place, the new form of
the Monroe Doctrine declared, in the
words of Secretary Olney, that the
* United States is practically sovereign
on this continent.' This at once aroused
the antagonism and the fear of those
very Southern neighbors who, in an-
other sentence, he had endeavored to
prove were 'friends and allies, com-
mercially and politically, of the United
States.'
Less than three years after the enun-
ciation of the new Monroe Doctrine
we were at war with Spain. The pro-
gress of the war in Cuba and the
Spanish colonies was followed in South
America with the keenest interest.
How profoundly it would have sur-
prised the great American public to
realize that while we were spending
blood and treasure to secure the in-
dependence of another American re-
public, our neighbors in Buenos Aires
were indulging in the most severe and
caustic criticism of our motives ! This
attitude can be appreciated only by
those who have compared the car-
toons published week after week, dur-
ing the progress of the war, in this
country and in Argentina. In the one,
Uncle Sam is pictured as a benevolent
giant, saving the poor maid Cuba from
the jaws of the ferocious dragon, Gen-
eral Weyler, and his cruel mistress in
Spain. In the other, Uncle Sam in the
guise of a fat hog is engaged in be-
smirching the fair garments of the
Queen of Spain in his violent efforts to
gobble up her few American posses-
sions. Representations of our actions
in the Philippines are in such disgust-
ing form that it would not be desirable
to attempt to describe some of the
Argentine cartoons touching upon that
subject.
Our neighbors felt that a decided
change had come over the Monroe
Doctrine! In 1823 we had declared
that 'with the existing colonies or de-
pendencies of any European power we
have not interfered, and shall not in-
terfere ' (so runs the original Monroe
Doctrine). In 1898 we not only in-
terfered, but actually took away all
of Spain's colonies and dependencies,
freeing Cuba and retaining for our-
selves Porto Rico, Guam, and the
Philippines.
Without for a moment wishing to
enter into a discussion of the wisdom
of our actions, I desire to emphasize
the tremendous difference between the
old and the new Monroe Doctrine.
This is not a case of theories and ar-
guments, but of deeds. What are the
facts?
In 1895 we declare that we are prac-
tically sovereign on this continent; in
1898 we take a rich American island
from a European power, and in 1903
we go through the form of preventing
a South American republic from sub-
duing a revolution in one of her distant
provinces, and eventually take a strip
of that province because we believe we
owe it to the world to build the Pan-
ama Canal. Again, let it be clear that
I am not interested at this point in
defending or attacking our actions in
any of these cases, — I merely desire
to state what has happened, and to
show some of the fruits of the new
Monroe Doctrine. 'By their fruits ye
shall know them.'
THE MONROE DOCTRINE: AN OBSOLETE SHIBBOLETH 725
Another one of the * fruits' which
has not escaped the attention of our
neighbors in South America is our
intervention in Santo Domingo, which,
although it may be an excellent thing
for the people of that island, has un-
doubtedly interfered with their right
to do as they please with their own
money.
Furthermore, within the past three
years we have twice landed troops in
Central America and taken an active
part by way of interfering in local
politics. We believed that the condi-
tions were so bad as to justify us in
carrying out the new Monroe Doctrine
by aiding one side in a local revolution.
Of pur armed intervention in Cuba
it is scarcely necessary to speak, except
to refer in passing to the newspaper
story, credited and believed in Cuba,
that if American troops are again
obliged to intervene in the political
life of that country, they will not be
withdrawn as has been the practice in
the past.
The menace of intervention, armed
intervention, the threatened presence
of machine guns and American ma-
rines, have repeatedly been used by
Latin-American politicians in their
endeavors to keep the peace in their
own countries. And we have done
enough of that sort of thing to make it
evident to disinterested observers that
the new Monroe Doctrine, our present
policy, is to act as international police-
man, or at least as an elder-brother-
with-a-big-stick, whenever the little
fellows get too fresh.
Is this Doctrine worth while?
Let us see what it involves: first,
from the European, second, from the
Latin- American point of view.
ii
By letting it be known in Europe
that we shall not tolerate any Euro-
pean intervention or the landing of
European troops on the sacred soil of
the American republics, we assume all
responsibility. We have declared, in
the words of Secretary Olney, that the
United States is * practically sovereign
on this continent, and that its fiat is law
upon the subject to which it confines
its interposition.' Therefore European
countries have the right to look to us
to do that which we prevent them
from doing. A curious result of this is
that some of the American republics
float loans in Europe, believing that
the United States will not allow the
governments of their European credi-
tors forcibly to collect these loans.
Personally, I believe that it ought
to be an adopted principle of interna-
tional law that the armed intervention
of creditor nations to collect bad debts
on behalf of their bankers and bond-
holders is forbidden. If this principle
were clearly understood and accepted,
these bankers and underwriters would
be far more particular to whom they
lent arty great amount of money, and
under what conditions. They would
not be willing to take the risks which
they now take, and many unfortunate
financial tangles would never have a
beginning. It is natural for a repub-
lic which has great undeveloped re-
sources, much optimism, and a disre-
gard of existing human handicaps, to
desire to borrow large amounts of
money in order to build expensive
railroads and carry out desirable public
improvements. It is equally natural
that capitalists seeking good interest
rates and secure investments, should
depend on the fact that if the debtor
country attempts to default on its
national loans, the government of the
creditors will intervene with a strong
arm. It is natural that the money
should be forthcoming, even though a
thorough, business-like, and scientific
investigation of the possessions and
726 THE MONROE DOCTRINE: AN OBSOLETE SHIBBOLETH
resources of the borrowing nation
might show that the chances of her
being able to pay interest, and event-
ually to return the capital, were highly
problematical, and to be reckoned as
very high risks.
Millions of dollars of such loans have
been made in the past. It is perfectly
evident that many of these loans can-
not be repaid; that the time is coming
when the creditor nations will look to
us as the policeman, or * elder brother/
of the Western Hemisphere, to see to
it that the little boys pay for the candy
and sweetmeats they have eaten. Is it
worth while that we should do this?
One cannot dodge the truth that the
continuation of our support of this
Doctrine implies that we will undertake
to be responsible for the good behavior
of all of the American nations. If we
are the big-brother-with-the-club who
will not permit any outsider to spank
our irritating or troublesome younger
brothers, we must accept the natural
corollary of keeping them in order our-
selves, for we cannot allow the Ameri-
can family to become a nuisance. And
some members of it have a decided
tendency in that direction. Is this task
worth while? Will it not cost more
than it is worth? Is there not a better
way out of the difficulty?
Furthermore Europe knows that in
order to continue to execute our self-
imposed and responsible mission we
must run counter to the most approved
principles of the law of nations.
The Right of Independence is so
fundamental and so well established a
principle of international law, and re-
spect for it is so essential to the ex-
istence of national self-restraint, that
armed intervention, or any other action
or policy tending to place that right
in a subordinate position, is properly
looked upon with disfavor, not only in
Latin America, but by all the family
of civilized nations. The grounds upon
which intervention is permitted in in-
ternational law differ according to the
authority one consults. But in general
they are limited to the right of self-
preservation, to averting danger to the
intervening state, and to the duty of
fulfilling engagements. When, however,
the danger against which intervention
is directed is the consequence of the
prevalence of ideas which are opposed
to the views held by the intervening
state, most authorities believe that
intervention ceases to be legitimate.
To say that we have the right to in-
tervene in order to modify another
state's attitude toward revolutions is
to ignore the fundamental principle
that the right of every state to live its
life in a given way is precisely equal
to that of another state to live its life
in another way.
In the last analysis, no intervention
is legal except for the purpose of self-
preservation, unless a breach of inter-
national law has taken place or unless
the family of civilized states concur in
authorizing it.
If, then, our adherence to the Mon-
roe Doctrine means, practically, dis-
regard of the principles of the accepted
law of nations, * is it worth while to
continue? Why should we not aban-
don the Monroe Doctrine, and publicly
disclaim any desire on our part to
interfere in the domestic quarrels of
our neighbors? Why should we not
publicly state to Europe that we shall
not intervene except at the request of
a Pan-American Congress, and then
only in case we are one of the mem-
bers which such a Congress selects for
the specific purpose of quieting a cer-
tain troublesome neighbor?
in
From the Latin-American point of
view, the continuance of the Monroe
Doctrine is insulting, and is bound to
THE MONROE DOCTRINE: AN OBSOLETE SHIBBOLETH 727
involve us in serious difficulties with
our neighbors. We seem to be blind
to actual conditions in the largest and
most important parts of Latin America
such as Brazil, Argentina, and Chile.
We need to arouse the average citi-
zen to study the commercial situation
and the recent history of those three
Republics. Let him ponder on the
meaning of Brazil's one hundred mil-
lion dollars of balance of trade in her
favor. Let him realize the enormous
extent of Argentina's recent growth
and her ability to supply the world
with wheat, corn, beef, and mutton.1
Let him examine Chile's political and
economic stability. Let him ponder
whether or not these nations are fit to
take care of themselves, and are worthy
of being included in an alliance to
preserve America for the Americans,
if that is worth while, and if there is
any danger from Europe. Let him ask
himself whether or not the *A B C'
powers, that is the Argentine, Brazilian,
and Chilean governments, deserve our
patronizing, we-will-protect-you-from-
Europe attitude.
The fact is, we are woefully ignorant
of the actual conditions in the leading
American republics. To the inhabit-
ants of those countries the very idea
of the existence of the Monroe Doc-
trine is not only distasteful, but posi-
tively insulting. It is leading them on
the road toward what is known as the
* A B C ' policy, a kind of triple Alliance
between Argentina, Brazil, and Chile,
with the definite object of opposing the
encroachments of the United States.
They feel that they must do something
to counteract that well-known willing-
ness of the American people to find
good and sufficient reasons for inter-
fering and intervening; for example,
1 In 1912 Argentina's exports amounted to
$480,000,000, of which $200,000,000 represented
wheat and corn, and $188,000,000 pastoral pro-
ducts. — THE AUTHOR.
for taking Porto Rico from Spain, for
sending armies into Cuba, for handling
the customs receipts of Santo Do-
mingo, for taking a strip of territory
which (South Americans believe) be-
longs to the Republic of Colombia, for
sending troops into Nicaragua, and for
mobilizing an army on the Mexican
frontier. (In regard to the latter point,
it may be stated in passing that it is
not the custom for South American
nations to mobilize an army on a
neighbor's frontier merely because that
country is engaged in civil war or rev-
olution.)
To the *A B C' powers, even the
original Monroe Doctrine is regarded
as long since outgrown, and as being
at present merely a display of inso-
lence and conceit on our part. With
Brazil now owning the largest dread-
noughts in the world; with Argentina
and Chile building equally good ones;
with the fact that the European na-
tions have long since lost their ten-
dency toward monarchical despotism,
and are in fact quite as democratic as
many American republics, it does seem
a bit ridiculous for us to pretend that
the Monroe Doctrine is a necessary
element in our foreign policy.
If we still fear European aggression,
and desire to prevent a partition of
South America on the lines of the par-
tition of Africa, let us bury the Monroe
Doctrine and declare an entirely new
policy, a policy that is based on intel-
ligent appreciation of the present status
of the leading American powers ; let us
declare our desire to join with the
* A B C ' powers in protecting the weak-
er parts of America against any imagi-
nable aggressions on the part of Euro-
pean or Asiatic nations.
Some people think that the most
natural outlet for the crowded Asiatic
nations is to be found in South Amer-
ica, and that Japan and China will
soon be knocking most loudly for the
728 THE MONROE DOCTRINE: AN OBSOLETE SHIBBOLETH
admission which is at present denied
them. If we decide that they should
enter, well and good; but if we decide
against such a policy, we shall be in a
much stronger position to carry out
that plan if we have united with the
'ABC' powers.
If these 'ABC' powers dislike and
despise our maintenance of the old
Monroe Doctrine, it is not difficult to
conceive how much more they must
resent the new one. The very thought
that we, proud in the consciousness of
our own self-righteousness, sit here
with a smile on our faces and a big
stick in our hands, ready to chastise
any of the American republics that do
not behave, fairly makes their blood
boil. It may be denied that this is our
attitude. Grant that it is not; still our
neighbors believe that it is, and if we
desire to convince them of the con-
trary, we must definitely and public-
ly abandon the Monroe Doctrine and
enunciate a new kind of foreign policy.
We ought not to be blind to the fact
that there are clever authors residing
in Europe who take the utmost pains
to make the Latin Americans believe
— what they are unfortunately only
too willing to believe — that we desire
to be not only practically, but actu-
ally, sovereign on the Western Hemi-
sphere. A recent French writer, Mau-
rice de Waleffe, writing on 'The Fair
Land of Central America,' begins his
book with this startling announcement
of a discovery he has made : —
'The United States have made up
their mind to conquer South America.
Washington aspires to become the cap-
ital of an enormous empire, compris-
ing, with the exception of Canada, the
whole of the New World. Eighty mil-
lion Yankees want to annex, not only
forty million Spanish Americans, but
such mines, forests, and agricultural
riches as can be found nowhere else
on the face of the globe.'
Most of us, when we read those
words, smile, knowing that they are
not true; yet that does not affect the
fact that the Latin American, when
he reads them, gnashes his teeth and
believes that they are only too true.
If he belongs to one of the larger
republics, it makes him toss his head
angrily, and increases his hatred to-
ward those 'Yankis,' whose manners
he despises. If he belongs to one of the
smaller republics, his soul is filled with
fear mingled with hatred, and he sul-
lenly awaits the day when he shall
have to defend his state against the
Yankee invaders. In every case the
effect produced is contrary to the
spirit of peace and harmony.
In another book, which is attracting
wide attention and was written by a
young Peruvian diplomatist, there is a
chapter entitled, ' The North American
Peril,' and it begins with these signifi-
cant words: 'To save themselves from
Yankee imperialism, the American de-
mocracies would almost accept a Ger-
man alliance, or the aid of Japanese
arms; everywhere the Americans of the
North are feared. In the Antilles and
in Central America hostility against
the Anglo-Saxon invaders assumes the
character of a Latin crusade.' This is
a statement not of a theory but of a
condition, set forth by a man who,
while somewhat severe in his criticism
of North American culture, is not un-
friendly .to the United States, and who
remembers what his country owes to
us. Yet he asserts that in the United
States, 'against the policy of respect
for Latin liberties are ranged the in-
stincts of a triumphant plutocracy.'
The strident protest in this book has
not gone out without finding a ready
echo in South America. Even in Peru,
long our best friend on the Southern
Continent, the leading daily papers
have during the past year shown an
increasing tendency to criticize our
THE MONROE DOCTRINE: AN OBSOLETE SHIBBOLETH 729
actions and suspect our motives.
Their suspicion goes so far as actually
to turn friendly words against us.
Last September a successful American
diplomat, addressing a distinguished
gathering of manufacturers in New
York, was quoted all over South
America as stating that the United
States did not desire territorial expan-
sion, but only commercial, and that
the association should combat all idea
of territorial expansion if any states-
man proposed it, as this was the only
way to gain the confidence of South
America. This remark was treated as
evidence of Machiavellian politics. One
journalist excitedly exclaimed, 'Who
does not see in this paternal interest
a brutal and cynical sarcasm? Who
talks of confidence when one of the
most thoughtful South American au-
thorities, Francisco Garcia Calderon,
gives us once more the cry, no longer
premature, " let us be alert and on our
guard against Yankeeism."3
Even the agitation against the Pu-
tumayo atrocities is misunderstood.
'To no one is it a secret,' says one
Latin-American writer, 'that all these
scandalous accusations only serve to
conceal the vehement desire to impress
American and English influence on the
politics of the small countries of South
America; and they can scarcely cover
the shame of the utilitarian end that
lies behind it all.'
Another instance of the attitude of
the Latin-American press is shown in
a recent article in one of the leading
daily papers in Lima, the government
organ. In the middle of its front page
in a two-column space is an article
with these headlines : * NORTH AMERICAN
EXCESSES THE TERRIBLE LYNCHINGS
AND THEY TALK OF THE PUTUMAYO ! '
The gist of the article may easily be
imagined. It begins with these words:
* While the Saxons of the world are
producing a deafening cry over the
crimes of the Putumayo, imagining
them to be like a dance of death, and
giving free rein to such imaginings;
while the American Government re-
solves to send a commission that may
investigate what atrocities are com-
mitted in those regions, there was pub-
lished, as regards the United States,
in La Razon of Buenos Aires a fortnight
ago the following note, significant of
the " lofty civilization and high justice "
of the great Republic of the North/
Here follows a press dispatch describ-
ing one of the terrible lynchings which
only too often happen in the United
States. Then the Peruvian editor goes
on to say, 'Do we realize that in the
full twentieth century, when there is
not left a single country in the world
whose inhabitants are permitted to
supersede justice by summary punish-
ment, there are repeatedly taking place,
almost daily, in the United States,
lynchings like that of which we are
told in the telegraphic dispatch?'
IV
Is it worth our while to heed the
* writing on the wall ? '
Is it not true that it is the present
tendency of the Monroe Doctrine to
claim that the United States is to do
whatever seems to the United States
good and proper so far as the Western
Hemisphere is concerned? Is there not
a dangerous tendency in our country
to believe so far in our own rectitude,
that we may be excused from any
restrictions either in the law of nations,
or in our treaty obligations, that seem
unjust, trivial, or inconvenient, not-
withstanding the established practices
of civilized nations? Our attitude on
the Panama tolls question, our former
disregard of treaty rights with China,
and our willingness to read into or read
out of existing treaties whatever seems
to us right and proper, have aroused
730 THE MONROE DOCTRINE: AN OBSOLETE SHIBBOLETH
deep-seated suspicion in our Southern
neighbors which it seems to me we
should endeavor to eradicate if we
have our own highest good at heart.
Are we not too much in the state of
mind of Citizen Fix-it, who was more
concerned with suppressing the noisy
quarrels of his neighbors than with
quietly solving his own domestic
difficulties? Could we see ourselves as
our Southern neighbors see us in the
columns of their daily press, where the
emphasis is still on the prevalence of
murder in the United States, the aston-
ishing continuance of lynching, the
freedom from punishment of the vast
majority of those who commit murder,
our growing disregard of the rights of
others, bomb outrages, strikes, riots,
labor difficulties, — could we see these
things with their eyes, we should
realize how bitterly they resent our
assumed right to intervene when they
misbehave themselves or when a lo-
cal revolution becomes particularly
noisy.
So firmly fixed in the Latin-Amer-
ican mind is the idea that our foreign
policy to-day means intervention and
interference, that comments on the
splendid sanitary work being done at
Panama by Colonel Gorgas are tainted
with this idea.
On the West Coast of South America
there is a pest-hole called Guayaquil,
which, as Ambassador Bryce says, * en-
joys the reputation of being the pest-
house of the continent, rivaling for the
prevalence and malignity of its mal-
arial fevers such dens of disease as
Fontesvilla on the Pungwe River in
South Africa and the Guinea coast
itself, and adding to these the more
swift and deadly yellow fever, which
has now been practically extirpated
from every other part of South America
except the banks of the Amazon . . .
It seems to be high time that efforts
should be made to improve conditions
at a place whose development is so es-
sential to the development of Ecuador
itself/ Recent efforts on the part of
far-sighted Ecuadorian statesmen to
remedy these conditions by employing
American sanitary engineers and tak-
ing advantage of the offers of American
capital, were received by the Ecuador-
ian populace so ill as to cause the fall
of the Cabinet and the disgrace of the
minister who favored such an experi-
ment in modern sanitation.
Peru suffers from the conditions of
bad health among her northern neigh-
bors, and yet the leading newspapers
in Peru, instead of realizing how much
they had to gain by having Guaya-
quil cleaned up, united in protesting
against this symptom of 'Yanki' im-
perialism, and applauded the action of
the Ecuador mob.
Is it worth while to continue a for-
eign policy which makes it so difficult
for things to be done, things of whose
real advantage to our neighbors there
is no question?
The old adage, that actions speak
louder than words, is perhaps more true
in Latin America than in the United
States. A racial custom of saying
pleasant things tends Coward a sus-
picion of the sincerity of pleasant
things when said. But there can be no
doubt about actions. Latin-American
statesmen smiled and applauded when
Secretary Root, in the Pan-American
Congress at Rio Janeiro, said, 'We
consider that the independence and
the equal rights of the smallest and
weakest members of the family of na-
tions deserve as much respect as those
of the great empires. We pretend to
no right, privilege, or power that we
do not freely concede to each one of
the American Republics.' But they
felt that their suspicions of us were
more than warranted by our subse-
quent actions in Cuba, Santo Domin-
go, and Nicaragua. Our ultimatum to
THE MONROE DOCTRINE: AN OBSOLETE SHIBBOLETH 731
Chile on account of the long-standing
Alsop claim seemed to them an unmis-
takably unfriendly act and was re-
garded as a virtual abandonment by
Secretary Knox of the policy enun-
ciated by Secretary Root.
Another unfriendly act was the ne-
glect of our Congress to provide a suit-
able appropriation for the Second Pan-
American Scientific Congress.
Before 1908 Latin- American Scien-
tific Congresses had been held in
Argentina (Buenos Aires), Brazil (Rio
Janeiro), and Uruguay (Montevideo).
When it came Chile's turn, so kind
was her feeling toward Secretary Root,
that the United States was asked to
join in making the Fourth Latin-
American Scientific Congress become
the First Pan-American. Every one
of the four countries where the inter-
national scientists met had made a
suitable, generous appropriation to
cover the expenses of the meeting.
Chile had felt that it was worth while
to make a very large appropriation in
order suitably to entertain the dele-
gates, to publish the results of the
Congress, and to increase American
friendships. This First Pan-American
Scientific Congress selected Washing-
ton as the place for the Second Con-
gress, and named October, 1912, as
the appointed time for the meetings.
But when our State Department asked
Congress for a modest appropriation
of fifty thousand dollars to meet our
international obligations for this Pan-
American gathering, our billion-dollar
Congress decided to economize and
denied the appropriation. When the
matter came up again during the Con-
gress that has just finished its sessions,
the appropriation was recommended
by the Committee on Foreign Affairs,
but was thrown out on a technical
point of order.
Now, you cannot make* a Latin
American believe that the United States
is so poor that it cannot afford to en-
tertain International Scientific Con-
gresses as Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay,
and Chile have done. They argue that
there must be some other reason under-
lying this lack of courtesy. No pleasant
words or profuse professions of friend-
ship and regard can make the leading
statesmen and scientists throughout
Latin America forget that it was not
possible to hold the Second Pan-Amer-
ican Scientific Congress because the
United States did not care to assume
her international obligations. Nor will
they forget that Chile spent one hun-
dred thousand dollars in entertaining
the First Pan-American Scientific Con-
gress and that the ten official delegates
from the United States government
enjoyed the bounteous Chilean hospi-
tality and were shown every attention
that was befitting and proper for the
accredited representatives of the Uni-
ted States.
In short, here is a concrete case of
how our present policy toward Latin
America justifies the Latin- American
attitude toward the country that has
been maintaining the Monroe Doctrine.
Finally, there is another side to the
question.
Some of the defenders of the Monroe
Doctrine state quite frankly that they
are selfish, and that from the selfish
point of view, the Monroe Doctrine
should at all costs be maintained.
They argue that our foreign commerce
would suffer were Europe permitted
to have a free hand in South America.
Even on this very point it seems to me
that they make a serious mistake.
You can seldom sell goods to a man
who dislikes you except when you have
something which is far better or cheaper
than he can get anywhere else. Fur-
thermore, if he distrusts you, he is not
732 THE MONROE DOCTRINE: AN OBSOLETE SHIBBOLETH
going to judge your goods fairly, or
to view the world's market with an
unprejudiced eye. This can scarcely
be denied. Everyone knows that a
friendly smile or cordial greeting and
the maintenance of friendly relations
are essential to * holding one's custom-
ers.' Accordingly, it seems that even
from this selfish point of view, which
some Americans are willing to take, it
is absolutely against our own interests
to maintain this elder-brother-with-
the-stick policy, which typifies the new
Monroe Doctrine.
Furthermore, Germany is getting
around the Monroe Doctrine, and is
actually making a peaceful conquest
of South America which will injure us
just as much as if we had allowed her
to make a military conquest of the
Southern republics. She is winning
South American friendship. She has
planted colonies, one of which, in
Southern Brazil, has three hundred
and fifty thousand people in it, as
large a population as that of Vermont,
and nearly as large as that of Montana.
Germany is taking pains to educate
her young business men in the Span-
ish language, and to send them out
equipped to capture Spanish- American
trade. We have a saying that 'Trade
follows the flag.' Germany has mag-
nificent steamers, flying the German
flag, giving fortnightly service to every
important port in South America, —
ports where the American flag is
practically never seen. She has her
banks and business houses which have
branches in the interior cities. By
their means she is able to keep track of
American commerce, to know what we
are doing, and at what rates. Laughing
in her sleeve at the Monroe Doctrine
as an antiquated policy, which only
makes it easier for her to do a safe
business, Germany is engaged in the
peaceful conquest of Spanish America.
To be sure, we are not standing still,
and we are fighting for the same trade
that she is, but our soldiers are handi-
capped by the presence of the very doc-
trine that was intended to strengthen
our position in the New World. Is
this worth while?
At all events let us face clearly and
frankly the fact that the maintenance of
the Monroe Doctrine is going to cost
the United States an immense amount
of trouble, money, and men.
Carried out to its logical conclusion,
it means a policy of suzerainty and
interference which will earn us the in-
creasing hatred of our neighbors, the
dissatisfaction of Europe, the loss of
commercial opportunities and the for-
feiture of time and attention which
would much better be given to settling
our own difficult internal problems.
The continuance of adherence to the
Monroe Doctrine offers opportunities
to scheming statesmen to distract
public opinion from the necessity of
concentrated attention at home, by
arousing mingled feelings of jingoism
and self-importance in attempting to
correct the errors of our neighbors.
If we persist in maintaining the
Monroe Doctrine, we shall find that
its legitimate, rational, and logical
growth will lead us to an increasing
number of large expenditures, where
American treasure and American blood
will be sacrificed in efforts to remove
the mote from our neighbor's eye while
overlooking the beam in our own.
The character of the people who
inhabit the tropical American repub-
lics is such, the percentage of Indian
blood is so great, the little-understood
difficulties of life in those countries are
so far-reaching, and the psychological
tendencies of the people so different
from our own, that opportunities will
continually arise which will convince
us that they require our intervention if
we continue to hold to the tenets of the
Monroe Doctrine.
THE MONROE DOCTRINE: AN OBSOLETE SHIBBOLETH 733
It is for us to face the question fairly,
and to determine whether it is worth
while to continue any longer on a road
which leads to such great expenditures,
and which means the loss of inter-
national friendships.
That international good will is a
desideratum, it needs no words of
mine to prove to any one. Looked at
from every point of view, selfishly and
unselfishly, ethically, morally, com-
mercially, and diplomatically, we de-
sire to live at peace with our neighbors
and to promote international friend-
ship. Can this be done by continuing
our adherence to the Monroe Doc-
trine?
From the unselfish point of view,
and from the point of view of the
world's peace and happiness, there
seems to be no question that the
Monroe Doctrine is no longer worth
while. Mr. Bryce, in an able exposi-
tion in his recent South America, has
clearly pointed out that the Spanish
American's regard for the United
States, and his confidence in its pur-
poses, have never even recovered from
the blow given by the Mexican War of
1846, and the annexation of California.
For many years, a political tie between
ourselves and the other American
Republics was found, says Mr. Bryce,
in our declared intention * to resist any
attempt by European Powers either
to overthrow republican government
in any American state or to attempt
annexation of its territory. So long as
any such action was feared from
Europe, the protection thus promised
was welcome, and the United States
felt a corresponding interest in their
clients. But circumstances alter cases.
To-day, when apprehensions of the old
kind have vanished, and when some of
the South American States feel them-
selves already powerful, one is told
that they have begun to regard the
situation with different eyes. "Since
there are no longer rainclouds coming
up from the east, why should a friend,
however well-intentioned, insist on
holding an umbrella over us? We are
quite able to do that for ourselves if
necessary." ' Mr. Bryce continues : * It
is as the disinterested, the absolutely
disinterested and unselfish, advocate
of peace and good will, that the United
States will have most influence in the
Western Hemisphere, and that influ-
ence, gently and tactfully used, may
be of incalculable service to mankind.'
Old ideas, proverbs, catchwords,
national shibboleths, die hard. No
part of our foreign policy has ever been
so continuously held and so popularly
accepted as the Monroe Doctrine.
Hoary with age, it has defied the ad-
vance of commerce, the increase of
transportation facilities, and the sub-
jugation of the yellow-fever mosquito.
Based on a condition that has long
since disappeared, owing its later
growth and development to mistaken
ideas, it appears to our South Ameri-
can neighbors to be neither disinter-
ested nor unselfish, but rather an indis-
putable evidence of our overweening
national conceit. The very words
* Monroe Doctrine' are fraught with a
disagreeable significance from our
neighbors' point of view. There is no
one single thing, nor any group of
things, that we could do to increase the
chances of peace and harmony in the
Western Hemisphere comparable with
the definite statement that we have
outgrown the Monroe Doctrine, that
we realize that our neighbors in the
New World are well able to take care
of themselves, and that we shall not
interfere in their politics or send arms
into their territory, unless cordially in-
vited to do so, and then only in con-
nection with, and by the cooperation
of, other members of the family.
If it is necessary to maintain order
in some of the weaker and more rest-
734
THE REAL YELLOW PERIL
less republics, why not let the decision
be made, not by ourselves, but by a
Congress of the leading American
powers? If it is found necessary to
send armed forces into Central Amer-
ica to quell rebellions that are proving
too much for the recognized govern-
ments, why not let those forces con-
sist not solely of American marines, but
of the marines of Argentina, Brazil,
and Chile as well? In some such way
as this we can convince * the other Amer-
icans ' of our good faith, and of the
fact that we have not 'made up our
minds to conquer South America.' By
adopting a foreign policy along these
lines we can establish on a broad and
solid foundation the relations of inter-
national peace and good will for which
the time is ripe, but which cannot
arrive till we are convinced that the
Monroe Doctrine is not worth while.
THE REAL YELLOW PERIL
BY J. O. P. BLAND
IN the summer of 1911, my duties as
Times correspondent took me to the
Baltic. On a fine morning in July, I
found myself in the neighborhood of
Riga, walking among the pine trees
that grow to the edge of the sand at
the popular sea-bathing resort of Dub-
beln. Riga, be it observed, boasts of an-
other flourishing watering-place which
rejoices in the name of Edinbourg,
and is in hereditary rivalry with Dub-
beln; but the satisfaction which a wan-
dering Englishman may derive from
the saving grace of these names in par-
tibus infidelium is of the gentle, mel-
ancholy kind which comes from the
contemplation of departed greatness.
Inevitably one's mind goes back to the
days of our sturdy merchant adven-
turers, when England not only domin-
ated the commerce of the White Sea
and the Baltic, but pushed her far-
flung trade lines through Moscow to the
shores of the Black Sea and the Cas-
pian. Dubbeln and Edinbourg were
originally private estates and summer
resorts, created by an Irishman and a
Scot, respectively, as places preferable
on summer evenings to the narrow,
stuffy streets of the old Hanseatic town.
To-day, the German and the Dutch-
man, with their wives and families, fill
the suburban villas and hotels of all
that region, and bathe noisily behind
the curiously ineffective screens which
stretch along the water's edge.
I was reflecting, sadly enough, on the
archaic traditions which make the Brit-
ish Board of Trade and Foreign Office
so persistently incapable of adapting
our national trade interests to their
rapidly changing environments, and
wondering why the German's intelligent
coordination of financial and industrial
resources should be beyond the modern
Anglo-Saxon's economic capacity, when
suddenly there emerged on the path in
front of me, from the garden gate of a
villa among the pines, two thick-set
men, clad in blue, each carrying a heavy
THE REAL YELLOW PERIL
735
bundle on his back. The sight of them
was strangely familiar; at a glance I
knew them to be peddlers from Shan-
tung, from China's Farthest East; but
their sudden appearance here — at the
uttermost limit of western Europe —
seemed so utterly impossible, that for
a moment I stood still, half expecting
them to fade and disappear among the
pines. They came sturdily along, how-
ever, with the shuffling gait habitual
to Chinese burden-bearers of the hill
countries, and were about to enter the
garden gate of the next villa, when I
stopped them and asked, in their own
tongue, what business brought them
to this place, so far from their honor-
able home.
Talk of British phlegm! There is
nothing in the world to compare with
the perfectly natural sangfroid, the im-
perturbable calm of the Chinese race.
Neither honest face showed the slight-
est sign of surprise at being thus ad-
dressed. One man, in fact, proceeded
stolidly up the path to deposit his pack
by the doorstep, leaving the other to
answer the foreigner's questions. Their
trade, he informed me, was a peddler's
business in Shantung silks and pongees;
for twelve years they had tramped the
country northwards and west, from
Moscow, their base of supplies. It was
a good trade, he said, though even the
cheapest inns were very expensive, and
many Russians were very deficient in
reasonableness, especially the excise of-
ficers; and to travel at night was dan-
gerous, because so many men were
drunken after dark, and then violent.
They were working for a hong man-
ager, getting a small share in the an-
nual profits. Neither of them had been
home in all these years, but they
hoped to be able to go soon, for their
sons in China were now grown men,
and they had saved enough to be sure
of rice in their old age. Trading in Rus-
sia was easy, easier than in China, for
the women were free buyers and fond
of silk, especially when they could buy
it at their doors cheaper than in the
shops; but they all keep late hours, and
in winter the working-days are very
short.
What about the prospect of a parlia-
ment in China, I asked, and the condi-
tion of affairs at Peking? Shouldering
his pack with a jerk, which said plainly
that the time for idling was past, he
replied, 'I do not know about these
things. All that is mandarin business;
we are silk-sellers. The wise dog does
not try to catch mice.' Whereupon
we wished each other peace on our re-
spective roads.
But as I stood awhile and watched
these sons of Han displaying their
wares to a stout lady in a pink peignoir,
and heard them bargaining in an evi-
dently serviceable * pidgin' Russian,
using the same gestures, the same trade
shibboleths which the Shantung silk
and fur peddlers have used for cen-
turies in their closely preserved trades,
these two lonely figures by the shores
of the Baltic seemed to me to be fore-
runners of the only real Yellow Peril
which can possibly threaten the mate-
rial civilization of the Western World,
— a far-flung wave of the great tide of
China's hunger-driven millions, seek-
ing, beyond the borders of the Middle
Kingdom, to escape from its ever-pre-
sent menace of starvation. Behind
them I saw the cloud, no bigger than a
man's hand on our horizons of to-day,
the cloud of Asia's intolerable struggle
for bare life, unmoved through the long
centuries of her splendid isolation by
any wind of inspiration or sea-breeze of
change. As I watched those two men,
splendidly typical of the invincible
patience and dogged industry bred in
their race by long ages of that fierce
struggle, I realized that their presence
here was, in its way, a portent of no
mean significance. It meant that the
736
THE REAL YELLOW PERIL
sea-breeze was rising, and the cloud
moving at last.
If there be a Yellow Peril of the fu-
ture, if the Western World's persistent
forebodings of danger to come from
China's teeming millions are justified
by any cause other than the natural
nervousness of our comfortable ma-
terialism, that cause lies assuredly in
the growing perception by the Chinese
people of the fact that relief from their
intolerable life-struggle may be sought
and found beyond the frontiers of the
eighteen provinces, and in the fact that
those who, as pioneers, have sought re-
lief in this way, are gradually learning,
in adapting themselves to new condi-
tions of life, to free themselves from the
fettering traditions which have made
the race in China hereditary and unre-
sisting victims of native misrule and
foreign aggression.
ii
This aspect of the Yellow Peril (to
which I shall return) is not that which
has usually attracted the attention and
fretted the nerves of politicians and
publicists in Europe and America. Ever
since Japan's victories over Russia,
the Pickwickian Fat Boys of yellow
journalism have found their pleasure
and profit in making our comfortable
feather-bed flesh creep with lurid de-
scriptions of * China Arming,' with grim
prophecies of the Celestial giant awak-
ening and proceeding, after a brief
period of military training, to over-
throw the whole fabric of Western
civilization.
Even after the Boxer rising in 1900
had once again demonstrated the utter
fatuity of attributing to the passive
sons of Han the qualities of a con-
quering race, this vision of a scienti-
fically organized, efficient, and aggress-
ive China continued to oppress the
imagination of a world that has been
taught to like its sensations hot and
strong. After the Russo-Japanese war,
the Yellow Peril waxed in fearfulness,
partly because of the Russian govern-
ment's panicky belief in a Pan-Asiatic
movement, and partly because of the
highly intelligent work done by the
official Japanese press bureau abroad.
If His Majesty the Kaiser could pro-
fess, coram publico, to believe in the
prospect of Europe forced to stand on
the defensive against Asia, plain citi-
zens were surely justified in looking for
Armageddon from that quarter; and
the Kaiser's flights of poetic imagina-
tion had Sir Robert Hart's prophecies
to justify them in the press of the
Western world.
The popular conception of the Yel-
low Peril military was based, in the
first instance, on a widespread accept-
ance of two fantastic ideas: first, that
'Asia for the Asiatics' is a possible
war-cry; and, secondly, that China is
capable of rapidly emulating Japan in
the matter of political progress and
military efficiency. The Peril, as a
bogy, derived all its awe-inspiring qual-
ities from sheer weight of numbers.
With a thoroughly effective national
army (it has been freely estimated in
the European press at forty millions of
men in the near future), China, gladly
supported by India and Japan, must
soon have Europe at her mercy. The
idea is in itself so utterly absurd, so
completely opposed to all the teachings
of history, and to our knowledge of
the Chinese people, that its accept-
ance must, I think, be partly ascribable
to vague race-memories subconsciously
latent among European peoples, to
certain unreasoning atavistic instincts,
whose origins lie far back in those for-
gotten centuries, when all the world of
the Middle Ages trembled before the
resistless Mongol hosts, when Jenghiz
Khan ruled from Korea to Muscovy,
and when, from Cathay to Poland,
THE REAL YELLOW PERIL
737
every race had felt the heavy hand of
an Asiatic conqueror.
Underlying the Yellow Peril idea of
the present day, with its vague appre-
hensions of danger from the East, we
may also trace, I believe, the workings
and prickings of a collective bad con-
science, an instinctive admission of the
wrongs inflicted by the white races up-
on the defenseless Chinese people, and
a sense of the fitness of retributive jus-
tice. No one can study the history of
the relations of the Christian Powers
with China during the past sixty years
without realizing how little, despite
all its professions of philanthropy, the
West has done to improve the actual
conditions of life for the East; how cyn-
ically our benevolent pretensions of al-
truism have cloaked persistent policies
of aggression. While our missionaries
have proclaimed the common brother-
hood of man and the sanctity of human
life, organizing famine relief works,
building hospitals, and preaching sani-
tation in order to reduce a death-rate
three times greater than that of the
Dnited States; while the Powers of
Europe and America have united to in-
sist upon the principle of the open door
and equal opportunity as the inalien-
able birthright of every white man in
China, we have made it plain to the
Chinese that equal opportunities and
the rights of common brotherhood are
not for them unless, like the Japanese,
they can learn to assert their right
to them by force. The exclusion acts
adopted by the Anglo-Saxon peoples
of the American and Australian conti-
nents, to protect themselves against
the undeniable economic superiority of
the yellow races, are merely a manifest-
ation of nature's grimly fundamental
law of self-preservation, in whose ser-
vice might is ever right. But, in the
face of our philanthropic professions,
these acts are morally indefensible,
and their hypocrisy becomes the more
VOL. Ill -NO. 6
glaringly manifest when viewed in the
light of international 'dollar diplo-
macy,' whereby the birthrights of the
weaker nations are bought and sold in
the open market. Hence arises a col-
lective bad conscience, disturbing at
times to the moral dignity of our civil-
ization, a conscience which vaguely
realizes that if ever China should be-
come an efficiently organized military
power, she would be fully justified in
exacting heavy reparation for these
things.
A significant indication of this bad
conscience, and of an intuitive fear of
possible retaliation, was given at the
time of Prince Katsura's polite 'con-
versations' with the Russian govern-
ment at St. Petersburg last summer,
when the new friends, preparing for the
dismemberment of China's northern'
dependencies, cordially agreed that * if
China should ever recover her balance
sufficiently to turn her attention to na-
tional defenses, she should not be per-
mitted to create a formidable army.'
It is obviously to the advantage of
Russia and Japan that China should
not 'recover her balance,' and it is
highly suggestive of the lack of high
principles in international politics, that
the other Great Powers, represented
by their politico-financial syndicates,
should lend themselves to proceedings
evidently intended to prevent her from
so doing.
The vision of a Yellow Peril military
is now steadily fading, in the light of
new conditions and of facts which de-
prive it of all substance. 'Asia for the
Asiatics ' as a possible war-cry, or even
as a tentative diplomatic shibboleth to
offset the Monroe Doctrine, becomes
obviously impossible in the face of the
Russo-Japanese entente and its imme-
diate consequences in Manchuria and
Mongolia. The moral and material
weaknesses of China's military organi-
zation, as revealed by the events of the
738
THE REAL YELLOW PERIL
recent revolution and by the actual
situation at Peking, have made it im-
possible to regard Sir Robert Hart's
* millions of Boxers in serried ranks and
war's panoply' as a menace to any but
the Chinese themselves. Before China
can possibly possess an efficiently or-
ganized and disciplined national army,
she must have proved herself capable
of effecting radical reforms throughout
her whole fiscal and administrative sys-
tem; she must, in other words, have
evolved a class of officials, clean-hand-
ed and intelligently patriotic, capable
of leading and inspiring a nation in
arms. Without such a class, — of which
there is at present no*sign, — China's
military forces (foreign-drilled troops
and provincial levies alike) will con-
tinue to be armed rabbles, mobs of men
with guns, liable at any crisis to lend
themselves to the purposes of political
adventurers, a permanent menace to
the security of life and property.
The Yellow Peril military, as an ef-
fective bugbear, is therefore doomed;
nevertheless, because of its oft-proved
usefulness to serve the ends of foreign
statesmen and diplomats in the past,
it is a phantom which is likely to be fre-
quently invoked again by those who
seek thereby to justify their policies
of territorial aggression. Russia and
Japan have lately used it with good
effect, and their schemes have been
greatly assisted by the purblind folly
of Young China, which continues loud-
ly to proclaim its pathetic warlike in-
tentions and the immediate prospect of
Chinese armies being organized and
equipped on a gigantic scale. Sun Yat-
sen, for instance, publicly advises Yuan
Shih-k'ai to place two or three millions
of men on the Mongolian frontier, and
Young China, splendidly indifferent to
facts and figures, assumes that they are
already on the way. At a recent con-
ference at Clark University, one of the
Chinese speakers, a young student, de-
clared that the forces of the Republic,
having easily overcome Manchu im-
perialism, were not likely to submit to
Russian aggression, a statement typi-
cal of the boyish bravado and ignorant
valor of his class, which was warmly
applauded by his sympathetic audi-
ence.
But the cooler heads in China, the
older men who recognize the hard fact
that there are no efficient troops avail-
able to put into the field against Russia
or Japan, have, by common consent,
postponed to some future date (say,
ten or fifteen years hence) the prospect
of seeing China fully armed and pre-
pared to resist foreign aggression.
Their policy, as expressed in the native
press and reproduced by many news-
papers abroad, is to be one of future
retaliation rather than of immediate
resistance.
Sun Yat-sen himself has been report-
ed as indifferent to the prospect of a
period of alien domination, so sure
is he that, sooner or later, the moral
and economic superiority of his coun-
trymen will enable them to conquer
their conquerors. 'Wait a little,' says
Young China; 'give us but time to set
our house in order, to organize our finan-
ces, and to train our army; then you
will see.' But in this matter, Young
China is merely following faithfully in
the footsteps of its ancestors. Precise-
ly thus did the mandarin, under the
Manchu dynasty, endeavor to frighten
the barbarian, and to head off his
schemes of aggression. It is in accord-
ance with every ancient principle of
Chinese statecraft to devise ways and
means of intimidating powerful foes;
it is also in accordance with every tra-
dition of the mandarin, ancient and
modern, to get credit for the possession
of a large army, rather than to have to
pay for one. This latter tradition has
lately been powerfully stimulated by
the Chinese officials' belief that the
THE REAL YELLOW PERIL
739
foreign financiers might be induced to
advance funds for the redemption of
the 'war notes' of the revolution and
for military purposes; it was this belief
that led T'ang Shaoyi, when Premier,
to evolve, from his own consciousness
and the reports of his fellow provin-
cials, a Republican army of eighty di-
visions, most of which he proposed to
disband, with the aid of a foreign loan.
(It was at this time that the Nanking
Assembly was solemnly passing aca-
demic resolutions in favor of universal
conscription, without any reference to
the financial aspects of that question.)
These things are nothing more than
traditional mandarin tactics, with
which the patient, toiling millions of
the Chinese people are in no way con-
cerned. The structural character of the
race remains, and must long remain,
essentially non-aggressive, by no means
to be suddenly diverted from its an-
cient passive philosophy by changes in
the outward forms and symbols of au-
thority. As a Japanese military officer
of high rank observed, after witnessing
the foreign-drilled troops' manoeuvres
in 1908, 'The Chinese Dragon is being
painted to look very fierce; neverthe-
less, he remains a paper dragon.' The
Japanese have never been under any
delusions as to the Yellow Peril, which
they know to be a myth.
in
Another aspect of the Peril which
has oppressed the imagination of many
superficial observers has resulted from
the idea that, by the adoption of West-
ern methods and Western machinery,
China can be industrially organized to
produce manufactured articles on a
scale defying European competition.
Belief in a Yellow Peril of this kind is
possible only for those who accept the
theory that the inherited tendencies,
institutions, and social system of the
Chinese are capable of sudden and ra-
cial change as the result of new politi-
cal arrangements. For theorists of this
type, who believe in the possibility of
' inoculating ' the Chinese with a fight-
ing spirit and a vigorous nationalism,
there is nothing inherently improbable
in the idea that they will suddenly
become imbued with the qualities re-
quisite for industrial organization, and
relieved of the social and economic
conditions which, from time immemo-
rial, have made such organization im-
possible.
At first sight, it would seem, in-
deed, that a race which possesses mil-
lions of frugally industrious laborers,
able and willing to work for wages
varying between eight and fifteen cents
a day, together with raw materials
produced by the most efficient agri-
culturists on earth, and vast resources
of undeveloped mineral wealth, — a
country unhampered by socialism and
trade-union legislation, — should be
able to bring industrial Europe to its
knees. But the observer who studies
the economic results of China's social
system, realizes that, until slow educa-
tive processes shall have produced a
class of honest administrators, and,
through them, a root-and-branch fiscal
reform, there can never be any effect-
ive combination of labor and capital in
China.
The existing social conditions and
methods of government preclude all
reasonable hope of developing the coun-
try's potential resources and industries
on a large scale, or of producing any
rapid expansion of manufactured ex-
ports. It is not that the merchant class
is lacking in business capacity or the
educated class in intelligence, — far
from it; the trouble lies in the fact
that, in the absence of definitely re-
cognized rights of property, protected
by valid laws, the Chinese capitalist
is not prepared either to invest his
THE HEAL YELLOW PERIL
money in government undertakings, or
to establish joint-stock industries upon
which the mandarins would levy their
direct or indirect 'squeezes.' Certain
enthusiastic theorists of the type of Sun
Yat-sen, who profess, or did profess,
to believe that the average citizen's
reluctance to admit the possession of
wealth in any squeezable form would
pass with the passing of the Manchu
dynasty, have been rapidly cured of
that illusion by Young China's pro-
ceedings in the matter of * patriotic sub-
scriptions.' At the present moment, the
Chinese merchant, even in the com-
parative security of the foreign settle-
ments of Shanghai, dares not purchase
landed property at auction in his own
name for fear of attracting the un-
pleasant attentions of the Republican
officials.
Given laws for the administration of
joint-stock companies, and justice for
the individual; given the abolition of
the barrier-and-Zr&in exactions on trade
and a limit to the arbitrary rapacities
of the excise and terminal tax squeezes;
given, in fact, good government, there
is no reason to doubt that the cap-
italists and merchants of China might
speedily organize the opening-up of
mines and the establishment of indus-
tries as successfully as their country-
men have done under the protection
of British and Dutch colonies in the
East. In the provinces of Kuangtung,
Kuangse, and Fuhkien, at all events,
there are plenty of returned emigrants,
with practical experience and capital
capable of taking the lead in an indus-
trial movement.
Nothing but the fear of official tyr-
anny and mandarin rapacity prevents
the development of China's mineral re-
sources. The mine-owner has no hopes,
under existing conditions, of organizing
capital and labor with any certainty of
profit; at the same time, he is naturally
and violently opposed to the metropol-
itan or provincial authorities' granting
concessions of mining rights to foreign-
ers, because he hopes that, in the course
of time, he may be able to work them
for his own benefit. And similarly with
industrial enterprise. Chinese laborers,
artisans, and merchants, working indi-
vidually or in guilds, are economically
superior to any race on earth, but the
opportunities and the technical educa-
tion necessary for wholesale industrial
organization of an effective kind are at
present entirely beyond them. The
materials are there, but it will take
several generations to erect the struc-
ture, which requires, before all else,
solid foundations of social and eco-
nomic reform. And even if China were
ready and able to organize industrial-
ism of the scientific kind which prevails
in Europe and America, and to master
the elements of modern industrial fi-
nance; even if she were prepared, under
the direction of foreign experts, to train
her people in the skilled labor of fac-
tories and dockyards, the white races
still could, and would, protect them-
selves by tariff walls against the com-
petition of the Asiatic's cheap labor,
just as they now protect themselves
from his presence in their own countries
by their exclusion acts.
IV
There remains the Yellow Peril ra-
cial. At first sight it is evident that the
conditions under which the Chinese
have until quite recently been wont to
emigrate in search of work and wealth,
have not been of a nature to threaten
the countries concerned with race-pro-
blems of the kind produced by the
Negro population of the United States
or the Jews in Russia. Hitherto (and,
generally speaking, at the present day),
the Chinese emigrant has been a trans-
ient breadwinner, and not a perma-
nent settler, overseas. Going abroad
THE REAL YELLOW PERIL
741
under the stern necessity of mass
pressure, his home and his family have
remained in China, and if he died
abroad his body was sent back for bur-
ial in the ancestral graveyard. He was,
in fact, firmly bound to the homeland
by immemorial ties and traditions of
ancestor-worship. „ The effect of his
cheap-labor competition on the white
races, and the defensive measures tak-
en against it, have therefore been of
their nature local and economic, and
not racial.
In order to appreciate the present
conditions and tendencies of Chinese
emigration, it is necessary to bear in
mind the fact that it is only since the
opening up of commercial intercourse,
and improved means of communica-
tion between China and the outside
world, that the people of China, or, ra-
ther, the people of the congested south-
eastern maritime provinces, have come
to the knowledge that relief from the
ever-present menace of starvation en
masse may be sought and found over-
seas. Prior to the date of the Burlin-
game treaty between the United States
and China (1868), the exodus of Can-
tonese and Fuhkien laborers had been
practically confined to the nearer Ori-
ental lands of the westward trade-
routes, to Siam, and Borneo, and the
Malay States; but it was then only a
thin stream of adventurous pioneers.
Until that date, relief from the con-
stant pressure of population had been
effected, internally, by nature's drastic
remedies, — by famine and pestilence,
by infanticide and the slaughter of fre-
quent rebellions. In the Burlingame
treaty, the American government cor-
dially recognized 'the inalienable right
of man to change his home and allegi-
ance/ with the immediate result that
industrious and thrifty Chinese from
the Kuang provinces began to emi-
grate by thousands in the ' fire-ships ' of
the foreigner to the new lands of pro-
mise on the Pacific coast of America,
their numbers rapidly increasing as the
tale was spread of the wealth to be ac-
quired in California.
But within ten years the white pop-
ulation of that state had realized the
inherent fallacy of the doctrine of the
open door and equal opportunity, and,
clearly perceiving the economic superi-
ority of the yellow race, had proceeded
to enforce the fundamental principles
of self-preservation. Chinese emigra-
tion to the white man's countries has
since that time been stopped by force
majeure; but not before several millions
of intelligent southern Chinese have
learned by practical experience that,
beyond the borders of their own land,
relief is to be found from the burdens
imposed upon them by bad govern-
ment and economic pressure. And this
knowledge has steadily increased and
spread through the interior of China,
brought back by returned emigrants,
taught by foreign missionaries, diffused
by educational bodies and by the press,
so that to-day, among the educated
classes in all parts of the country,
and among the laboring classes of the
South,, there exists a clear perception
of the relief which lies in emigration
and a feeling of deep and perfectly just
resentment against the white races,
which preach the gospel of brother-
hood and equal opportunity on the one
hand, and, on the other, refuse its ben-
efits to the Chinese race in all parts of
the world.
Thus the ever-insistent problems of
population and food-supply have of
recent years been complicated by new
conditions arising directly from the
changes which have taken place in
China's environment, as the result of
the impact of the West. For instance,
the work of missionary and educational
bodies, and the introduction of certain
measures of public health and sanita-
tion spreading from the treaty ports,
742
THE REAL YELLOW PERIL
are tending to produce a diminution of
the death-rate, which, under normal
conditions in the interior, necessarily
approximates to the birth-rate, and is
computed at something like fifty-five
per thousand. In other words, the effect
of the introduction of Western ideas is
to increase the pressure of population
on the visible means of subsistence,
precisely as it is doing in India. At
the same time, the great natural outlet
for the surplus millions which the Chi-
nese government has been lately seek-
ing to develop, by means of railways
and assisted colonization, in the thinly
populated regions of Manchuria and
Mongolia, is now being closed by the
territorial encroachments of Russia and
Japan. Thus, while our medical and
other missions are teaching the Chi-
nese, on humanitarian principles, ideas
which tend to increase the mass pres-
sure of population, the policies of the
World Powers, dictated by instincts
either of self-preservation or of earth-
hunger, are steadily confining this non-
aggressive race within narrower limits.
Under these conditions, it was to be
expected that, among the intelligent
and active inhabitants of the south-
eastern maritime provinces, apprecia-
tion of the new forces and factors
produced by education and economic
pressure must soon bring about import-
ant modifications of the social system
based on ancestor-worship and Confu-
cianism. Under the stern pressure of
necessity, and in the light of new know-
ledge, it was inevitable that the ancient
traditions must go down in the struggle
for life, and that the communities of
Chinese overseas, the ilite of the race,
should gradually find means of adapt-
ing themselves to their environment,
accepting the destiny of permanent
settlers in lands far from their ances-
tral homes and burial-places. And so it
is coming to pass: to-day, in several
parts of the world, there are unmistak-
able indications of a weakening of the
ties of ancestor-worship as a rigidly
localizing tradition of the race. In the
Straits Settlements, a large proportion
of the Chinese population (economical-
ly the dominant race) have abandoned
the practice of sending their dead back
for burial in the home-land, though in
other respects their pride of nationality
and social customs remain unchanged.
Throughout the Malay States they
have become permanent settlers, dis-
tinguished from the labor emigrants
who formerly went to America and
those who were employed in South
Africa, by having their families with
them. The family, the unit of the Chi-
nese system has, in fact been trans-
planted, Nature's sternest law finally
triumphing over one of the most per-
manent social systems ever established
by man.
Cut off from North America and Aus-
tralia, the Chinese emigration move-
ment toward Burma, Siam, Malaya,
and Borneo is steadily proceeding, but
its conditions are changing. In Burma,
for instance, where the Chinese popu-
lation has more than doubled in the
last ten years, many of the emigrants
become permanent settlers, and inter-
marry freely with the Burmese women;
the sons of such marriages becoming
Chinese by nationality, and the daugh-
ters remaining Burmese. In Siam, there
are already some three million Chinese;
everything points, in fact, to a steady
flow westward of the great tide of
China's hunger-driven humanity, and
to the probability that those who emi-
grate will gradually shed their racial
customs and traditions, wherever these
conflict with their chances of success
and survival. In the provinces to the
north of the Yangtse, the same forces
are at work, but, because of the less
actively self-helping type of race in
these regions, their results are far less
conspicuous than in the case of the
THE REAL YELLOW PERIL
743
population which emigrates from the
south-eastern maritime provinces.
Nevertheless, the tide of the pre-
destined hungry ones flows also north-
ward and west, wherever vacant lands
are to be found, and means of com-
munication permit. All along the Si-
berian and Manchurian railways, for
instance, Chinese colonists are stead-
ily making their way, demonstrating at
every step their economic superiority.
Prior to the outbreak of the revolution
settlers (chiefly from Shantung) were
moving into Mongolia, on foot, at the
rate of about eight thousand a month.
Russia has now forbidden the Chinese
government to take any further steps
toward the colonization of this region,
but no ukase of the Czar can possibly
check the steady flow of that resistless
tide, or protect the thriftless Slav from
the consequences of his own economic
inefficiency. Herein, for Russia, lies
the shadow of the real Yellow Peril, a
peril against which she, the aggressor,
can protect herself only by openly vio-
lating every principle of humanity and
justice.
One of the most significant aspects of
the Chinese emigration movement of
to-day is to be found, not in Asia, but
on the Pacific coast of South America,
— in Chile and Peru. Here, almost
unnoticed, the new impulses brought
about by education and the fierceness
of the life-struggle in China, are pro-
ducing results of unmistakable signi-
ficance. Among the fifteen thousand
Chinese settlers in Peru, says a recent
British consular report, there are many
who have become Christians and who
have intermarried with the Peruvians.
The Chinese colony is rich and influ-
ential; it has taken firm root in this new
land, while it retains undiminished its
pride of race and its active sympathies
for the progressive movement in China.
Now it is safe to predict that this
movement of emigration to the tropi-
cal and sub-tropical countries of South
America is certain to develop rapidly
in proportion to the development of
direct means of communication which
will follow from the opening of the
Panama Canal. The Cantonese, held
back from other fields of activity, will
assuredly seek them, as rapidly as pos-
sible, in those regions of Brazil, Peru,
Ecuador, Colombia, and Chile, where
agricultural and other work is essen-
tially a question of labor, and not of
white labor.
Economically speaking, the develop-
ment of husbandry and industry in
these regions by the labor of Orientals
would appear to offer the only practical
solution of problems upon which, in no
small degree, depends the material wel-
fare of the human race. Politically,
however, the possibility of large num-
bers of Chinese and Japanese settling
on the American continent opens up
prospects of new racial difficulties in
the future. Herein the separate inter-
ests of individual South American re-
publics may well be found to conflict
with those Pan-American or Monroe
Doctrine ideas which lately found ex-
pression in the resolution of the United
States Senate to forbid the acquisition
by Japan of * fishing rights ' and a har-
bor on the Mexican coast. For, where
the present-day Cantonese go, as set-
tlers, they will assuredly take root, and
where they take root they will speedily
increase and multiply.
In the Chinese people's collective
aversion to starvation, and in their par-
tial but increasing perception of ways
and means to avert that unpleasant
end, by processes of * peaceful pene-
tration5 beyond China's frontiers, we
may perceive, I think, dimly outlined
against the horizon of the future, the
Yellow Peril racial. It is a peril against
which, as I have said, the civilized
nations of the West can protect them-
selves effectively only by denying the
744
THE NEED
fundamental principles of philanthro-
py, and Christianity's ideals of com-
mon brotherhood. From our white-
racial point of view, which assumes the
moral superiority of Western civiliza-
tion over that of the East, and the de-
sirability of letting white men, rather
than yellow, inherit the earth, this
Yellow Peril remains, for the present,
still indefinite and remote. From the
broad philosophical and sublunary
point of view, there is nothing to show
that it really threatens the ultimate
good of humanity. But, however we
regard the matter, and even adopting
the racial standpoint, the most violent
activities of the Chinese race (which not
only professes, but practices, the be-
lief that right is superior to might) will
ever be kindly and gentle compared
with the White Perils that at present
encompass China on every side.
THE NEED
BY ZONA GALE
'Now let's us invite in somebody,'
said Abel, glowing.
He looked abo^ut on the new furni-
ture, the new piano, the two shelves of
bright books.
Emily Louise clapped her hands.
'Oh,' she said, 'yes. Let's!'
On the face of Victoria, the mother,
the pleased pride gave place to a look
of trouble.
'We don't know so very many,' she
said.
'We!' Abel repeated. 'I don't know
nobody. How should I? I work all day
like a dog since I came to this place.
I've no time to know nobody. But
you — you stay about here. Have you
not made friends?'
'Not well enough to invite them in,'
she said. 'Why, you know yourself,
Abel, nobody has invited us yet.'
'What difference does that make?'
he wanted to know irritably. 'Prob'ly
they can't afford it. Prob'ly they ain't
nice enough things. Neither did we
have. But now, we got them. I get
them for you. Now you must invite in
different ones. Let us see — we have
Tuesday. Saturday is a good day. I
am early home Saturday. Have it
then.'
'Goody, goody,' said Emily Louise.
'A party, won't it be?'
Her eyes met her mother's serenely
and she went away to school. Abel
ran for his train. The new things had
come late in the evening and he had
risen early to unpack them before he
went to work. Left alone, Victoria faced
the new responsibility.
They had lived for six months in the
suburb. She rehearsed those to whom
in that time she had spoken. There
was the woman in the yellow house on
the corner to whom Victoria had once
bowed, though she could not be sure
that her greeting had been returned;
in the brick house across the street,
Mrs. Stern, who had called upon her;
the next-door neighbor, who had not
called but with whom she had some-
times talked across the fence; and
THE NEED
745
Emily Louise's school-teacher, Miss
Moody, who had come to see her about
the child's throat. With the exception
of the tradespeople, these were all.
How, then, was it possible that she
should give a party?
But how was it that she knew no
one, she wondered. It was true, they
, went to no church; but then, there are
people who go to no churches and who
still have friends. It could not be Abel's
fault — he looked just like any other
man; and Emily Louise, she was a neat
and pretty child. It must be she, her-
self, Victoria thought.
She looked in the mirror of the new
side-board. She was worn and untidy.
She went to her closet and examined
her stock of clothes. Her black best
dress, she decided, would pass very
well, but she never wore it; and even
her gray second-best she had seldom
troubled to put on in the afternoons.
It was hard to dress for nobody.
Still, that afternoon she put on the
gray dress and sat rocking on the front
porch for a long time. The suburb lay
naked to the August sun. New side-
walks cut treeless stretches of brown
grass where insects shrilled. There were
few houses, and these, at ragged inter-
vals, exposed narrow, staring fronts or
backs which looked taken unaware.
To and fro on the highway before her
door continually rolled touring cars,
filled with people who hardly saw the
little town and never knew its name.
From the yellow house on the corner
the woman — a Mrs. Merriman —
came out and crossed the street. For a
moment Victoria thought that she was
coming to see her, but she went to the
next-door neighbor's.
4 Well/ said Abel that night, 'I do
everything I can to help you. When
I got off the train I spoke to that fine
bakery place there on the corner. I
told him he should make us ice-cream
and make us cakes for Saturday. He
says, "Sure," and he wants I should
tell him how many.'
'Abel,' Victoria said, 'I don't know
what to do about this party. I ain't
acquainted with enough folks to make
a party — honest.'
* You 're too particular, maybe,' he
told her. * Well, that is right,' he added
complacently, * that is how you should
be, particular. But not too.'
'But, Abel,' she persisted, 'I tell you
that I don't know — '
He turned to her indignantly.
'When I married you,' he said, 'you
knew half the village. In Elanpl's you
know the ladies yet. Here we have
been six months already, and you say
you cannot give a party. I tell you,
you should ask what few you know and
make a start. If you don't, how will
you get started? Ain't it you don't ap-
preciate what I get for you? Ain't it
a party should make you some hard
work a'ready ? Or what ? '
She was silent. That night she tried
to think it out. In the morning she
went to the next-door neighbor.
'My husband and I want your hus-
band and you should come over to our
house and spend the evening next Sat-
urday. Could you?' she recited for-
mally.
The woman's vast face, with its un-
necessary chins, was genuinely regret-
ful. She was going that day to her
mother, who was sick in the city, and
her husband was to stay nights at her
mother's.
Victoria went resolutely to Mrs.
Stern's door, at the brick house. And
there the heavens opened. Mrs. Stern
would come.
'O, thank you!' Victoria breathed,
and hesitated — deploring Mrs. Stern's
widowhood. 'Would — would you like
to bring somebody with you?' she
asked. 'I'm going to have things as
nice as I can.'
Mrs. Stern, a sad little woman with
746
THE NEED
an unexpectant droop, contrived to
make her answer all kindness.
'How many can come to the party?'
Abel inquired that evening.
'Mrs. Stern can come,' Victoria re-
plied.
'Well?' said Abel expectantly.
' I have n't — there is n't anyone
else. Abel, I don't think I can do it,
truly,' she said.
The man's face tightened.
'So,' he said, 'you cannot do like
other men's wives when they get a neat
up-to-date little home furnished like
this. Is that it?'
'I have n't had time yet, either,
Abel,' she pleaded weakly. 'It takes
longer. I — I have n't heard.'
She remembered how hard he worked
and how few were his pleasures. She
thought of his pride in their new furni-
ture. And in her flesh was the sting of
his words about other men's wives.
Surely he was right — since they had
the furniture and the means, there
must be people who would come. In
the morning, when she told him good-
bye in the confidence of the sun, 'Abel,'
she said with determination, ' the party
will be Saturday! But I can't tell yet
how many — that is the only thing.'
'So,' he said, his satisfaction return-
ing. ' Of course, when a person wants
to give parties, people hang around
'em! You should manage, Victoria.'
There was, Victoria knew, a little
club of women which met in the parlor
of a near-by public hall on Thursdays.
She had seen the members pass her
house on the way to the meetings. On
Thursday she presented herself at the
door of the little room and asked for
the president. It had come to Victoria
that if she could join, she would invite
that whole club and their husbands to
her house on Saturday evening. She
waited in the ante-room through which
went women talking as if they had
known each other for a long time. At
last the president appeared. This wo-
man held her head back, either to focus
her glasses or to keep them on, and her
hands were filled with loose papers.
'What was it?' she asked.
She was in haste, and it was hard
for Victoria to begin.
'Could other folks join your club?'
Victoria finally inquired.
' If you get two members of the club
to propose the name,' the president
answered kindly. 'Then it is voted on
two weeks after it is proposed. Was
that all?'
That night Abel came home with a
large box. He was gay with mystery.
The box was not to be opened until
after dinner. Emily Louise was warned
away. To please him Victoria guessed:
a rug, a picture, new curtains, a bed-
spread.
'Yet more magnificent!' cried Abel,
and cut the string.
It was a suit of evening clothes.
Abel had never worn evening clothes.
These had been made for another man
and had not been received on delivery.
'Now you should not be ashamed
when I am welcoming our company,'
he said. 'Can you tell yet how many
are coming?' he demanded.
'Not yet,' Victoria said.
'I should let that baker know to-
morrow without fail,' he declared.
On Friday Victoria took the step
over which she had hesitated. She
wrote a note and sent it by Emily
Louise to Mrs. Merriman in the yellow
house on the corner. The note said : —
MRS. MERRIMAN
MY DEAR NEIGHBOR: —
We are going to have a party Satur-
day night. Will you and your husband
come, and your little girl, if you think
she would enjoy it. I would like to
have my neighbors come.
Yours sincerely,
MRS. ABEL HOPE.
THE NEED
747
'Then/ Victoria thought, 'if she
has n't called just because she's been
busy, she'll come.'
When she was preparing lunch for
herself and Emily Louise, the reply
was delivered by a maid.
'Mr. and Mrs. William Merriman
regret that they are unable to accept
the invitation of Mr. and Mrs. Hope
for Saturday evening.'
Victoria dropped these regrets on the
coals of the cooking stove. Her heart
was heavy in her, and she felt a kind
of physical nausea. Abel had bought
this fine suit. He would look like any
other man giving a party and having a
wife who made friends. What should
she do now?
While Emily Louise ate her lunch,
Victoria ate nothing. She tried to
think it out, and she sat staring at the
automobiles rolling to and fro on the
highway. She was hardly conscious of
the child's chatter until at last one
sentence leaped from the rest and held
her.
'Miss Moody says she's coming to
see you again about my throat,' said
Emily Louise.
Miss Moody! Why had she not
invited her?
'I like Miss Moody, but I like Mr.
Allen better,' Emily Louise continued
candidly. 'He's—'
Victoria bent toward the child.
' Emily Louise,' she said breathlessly,
'how many teachers is they in your
school-house?'
At once the child became important.
She named them all, proud of her know-
ledge, and Victoria and she counted
them. There were seven.
Seven ! That number in itself would
make a party. People were always do-
ing nice things for teachers. She would
have them all. She said nothing to the
child, but when Emily Louise returned
to school, she took to Miss Moody a
note asking her to invite all the other
teachers to Emily Louise's house for
Saturday evening.
That night the child waited, as she
sometimes did, for her father's train,
and she came home with him. Vic-
toria took Miss Moody's note secretly
and laid it on a shelf in the pantry.
She was in the midst of getting dinner,
but this was not the real reason for the
delay. She dreaded to open the note.
'How,' Abel inquired, 'is our party
now? By now you got to know how
many come. Not?'
'Ten,' said Victoria faintly. ' Count-
ing us, ten.'
Oh, yes, she said to herself, the teach-
ers would come. They must come.
Surely they would be glad to come.
Abel pursed his lips. 'You should
have got more,' he rebuked her. 'We
could afford more, w'ile we're doing
it.'
She said nothing. After dinner,
while he was on the sofa playing with
Emily Louise, she went to the pantry
and opened the note. Miss Moody was
genuinely sorry and they all were, ap-
preciating as they did this attention
from the parents of a pupil, but on
Saturday night they must all be at a
teachers' conference in town.
Victoria washed the dinner dishes
and laid the table for breakfast. When
she could make no further excuse for
delay, she went in the other room to
tell Abel. She was pale and faint, and
when she closed the kitchen door she
stood leaning against it, trembling.
Only Emily Louise was in the room.
'Daddy's gone to the bakery to tell
him how many,' she announced. 'Just
think, mother! To-morrow night the
party '11 be being! Ain't it grand! '
Victoria took her in her arms and sat
waiting for Abel's return. She dared
not think what he would do. He had a
temper of unreason and of violence,
748
THE NEED
and he would see only what he already
saw. Yet when he came back, filled
with innocent pride in the brick ice-
cream and the little fancy cakes which
he had selected, it was not so much
her fear that held her silent as her
sick unwillingness to quench that
almost child-like planning.
'We should change the book-case
and the piano/ he declared. 'It will
make the room stand to look wider
across.'
She even helped him to fold back the
rug and to move the furniture.
'We should shake hands here,' said
he. 'Where do they put their coats?
Why don't you talk some planning?'
Somehow she evaded everything
save assent, and Abel was not one to
wonder at any monologue of his own.
Quite blithely he arranged it all. He
talked of it incessantly.
At last Victoria crept to bed and
faced what on the morrow she must do.
From the sleep which came to her to-
ward dawn, she was early awakened
by Emily Louise jumping in her bare
feet at the bed-side and calling, —
' The party 's to-night ! The party 's
to-night!'
The phrase beat at Victoria's ears
through the morning. She saw Abel
set off for his work, and she said to her-
self that she would never see him just
like this again — perhaps she would
never see him again at all. He would
work all day thinking of the evening.
They had never given a party. Then
he would come home and find the
truth. She confronted the chief misery
of every unhappiness: the tracing of
avoidable events by which the thing
has so incredibly come about.
She made ready and cooked a fowl
and a roast and other food, enough to
last Abel for several days. She set her
house in order and packed her own be-
longings. She put on the gray dress,
and dressed Emily Louise — perhaps,
she thought, Abel would follow her for
the child, and then she might make
him understand. After their lunch she
sat down to write two notes. The one
to Mrs. Stern was brief and explained
that she had been obliged unexpectedly
to leave home. The note to Abel was
harder to write.
DEAR ABEL: — I am so sorry it will
hurt you that I could n't invite a party
like the other women. I tried to. I
asked the ones I know any, but only
Mrs. Stern could, and anyway there
was n't enough. . . .'
She was still writing at this when she
heard a sharp noise and voices. In the
road was standing a large touring car.
She watched the men descend and ex-
amine the machine, and then one of
them came to her door. Victoria had
never spoken with a man like him, or
heard speech so perfect. When she had
told him that she had no telephone and
had directed him to Mrs. Stern's house,
she could not forbear a sympathetic
question.
'Thank you, yes,' he said. 'A rear
axle. If it had been a front one — '
He smiled, and Victoria smiled too,
although to her his words meant no-
thing.
'We'll be tied up for some time, I'm
afraid,' he added.
There were in the car three women
and three men. Presently Victoria saw
them all go into Mrs. Stern's garden.
One of the women had to be helped a
little. She went into the house, but
the others sat under the trees. The
men went away and the women laid
aside their veils. Mrs. Stern came run-
ning across the street.
'Oh, Mrs. Hope,' she said, her dull
face quickened, 'have you got any
lemons in the house? Those folks have
got to sit here till they can send out
from the city to mend their car — one
THE NEED
749
of the ladies is lame. I thought I'd
give 'em something cool to drink.'
Victoria was looking at her breath-
lessly.
* Do you think/ she said, * that they 'd
come over here with you for dinner?
I could have it real prompt.'
To the Audreys and their friends,
sitting somewhat disconsolately in Mrs.
Stern's little garden, Victoria appeared
in a confusion which unmasked her
eagerness. They protested: it was too
much; their own dinner hour was late
— there was no need. . . .
'I want you should come/ Victoria
said earnestly, as if there were a need.
'I never have any company come out
here. I want you to come.'
They followed her involuntary
glance to the treeless stretches and the
sidewalks that led nowhere and that
betrayed to how few footsteps they
ever echoed. Some hint of Victoria's
tragedy was in the bleak open of the
blocks.
* Why, thank you/ Mrs. Audrey said
gently. 'Then if you will really let us,
we will come/
Victoria could hardly believe. She
sped across the street, the past days
fallen from her. She made ready the
roast and the fowl that she had meant
to leave for Abel, the vegetables and
salad fresh from the garden. Emily
Louise was sent to hurry the baker, and
later to strip the vines of their sweet
peas. Many tasks were to be done, but
Victoria made of them nothing. When *
Abel came home the savor of the pre-
paration filled the little house.
'It's a dinner!' she triumphantly
told him.
'A dinner! So that was what was up
your sleeve!' cried Abel, and ran to
look over the table. 'That is right —
that is fine/ he approved, 'only we
should had more here. It was no more
trouble — to have more/
At six o'clock all was ready: Victoria
in her black best gown, Abel in the new
suit of which the sleeves were a bit
too long, so that he constantly pushed
them up at the armholes. When he
saw their guests at the gate, he drew
Victoria to the place he had appointed.
Emily Louise opened the door.
'Most pleased to welcome you hos-
pitable under my little roof/ Abel said,
as he had planned to say.
He mastered the names by careful
attention and repetition. Victoria
slipped away to serve the dinner.
When she called them with, 'You can
come now/ from the doorway, Abel
genially led the way.
'Take your seats where you like!'
he cried.
The six guests were from another
world. Of everything that they did
they made graces. At Abel's table they
were instantly at home, and they were
found putting Victoria at her ease.
'You in business around here or in
the city?' Abel inquired of Audrey.
Audrey, a man of forty, of fine dis-
tinction and fine humor and a genu-
ine love of men, replied that his work
was in town.
'What company you with?' Abel
wished to know. 'The Badington
Electric!' he repeated with a shout.
'Why, that's my firm! Sure — I'm
for ten years a builder. What's your
job with 'em, may I ask? Travel for
'em, maybe?'
'Something of that sort/ said Au-
drey, to whom a majority of the Bad-
ington stock belonged. 'All three of
us here are slaves for that company/
he added.
'Well, then/ cried Abel, 'we are
already acquainted, ain't it? We un-
derstand each other like a family. We
got a kind of a common feeling. Not?'
After that the talk made itself.
Abel talked, and to his eyes came the
passions of the men with whom he
worked, their needs, their bonds, their
750
THE NEED
confusions. The three men listened
and said what they could, wondering
at this unfamiliar agglomeration which
to Abel meant the firm; and then they
sought to show him vistas of which he
had taken no account. The guests
praised the little house, and Victoria
told them how, though she herself had
lived in a village and had had more
experience, Abel had until now always
lived in a flat — * Abel 's never lived be-
fore, what you might say, private/ she
When the brick ice-cream and the
baker's little cakes were set before
them, Abel almost kept silence while
he ate, as one giving meet observance;
and he sent glances of pleased pride to
Victoria.
Finally, Abel proposed to the men
that they go out to the porch 'where
they could smoke/ and the women who
had fallen in talk about Emily Louise,
were left lingering at the table. Mrs.
Audrey had a little girl at home, the
others had children grown. The three
women told anecdotes of childish doing.
' Your little girl must be a great deal
of company for you/ the lame lady
said quaintly.
' She has to be/ Victoria said — and
in the warmth of their presence, she
told them the history of her party and
of how it had almost failed. The furni-
ture, the club, her other invitations —
she told it all, except that Abel's new
suit she did not mention. 'You see
what you done for me/ she ended.
When Audrey came to tell them that
the car was ready, the eyes of the wo-
men were filled with tears.
'Well, now/ said Abel, when they
went with their guests to their car,
' you must all drop in on us some even-
ing. We'd like it, would n't we, Vic-
toria?'
' We mean to come/ the women told
Victoria.
'And I'll look you up at the works
some time, if you don't mind/ Audrey
heard himself saying to Abel.
'Sure/ said Abel, 'we stand to know
each other better from now on — not?
That is what a man needs. Sure!'
' Come soon again — come soon
again!' Emily Louise called after the
car.
Mrs. Stern was speaking softly to
Victoria.
'That club you told us about/ she
said, 'I belong to that. I'll get your
name put up, if you want/
Abel, having carefully changed the
new suit, went into the kitchen to help
his wife with the dishes and to talk it
over. To his surprise, she had done
nothing; she stood leaning in the out-
side kitchen doorway. • In the late light
the open land had almost the face of
the country; and to that which had
seemed to be defined, color of twilight
was now giving new depths and deli-
cacies. He came and stood beside her.
'Victoria/ he said admiringly,
' where M you meet 'em? They're the
right kind of friends for anybody!'
Then she told him, melting suddenly
to tears in her happiness and her con-
trition. And she showed him the note
' that she had meant to leave. For an
instant something of her tragedy was
clear to Abel. He put out his hand.
'I don't care how you done it/ he
said loyally, 'you done it magnificent.'
THE CAGE
BY ARTURO M. GIOVANNITTI
SALEM JAIL, SUNDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1912
I
IN the middle of the great greenish room stood the green iron cage.
All was old and cold and mournful, ancient with the double antiquity of heart
and brain in the great greenish room.
Old and hoary was the man who sat upon the faldstool, upon the fireless and
godless altar.
Old were the tomes that mouldered behind him on the dusty shelves.
Old was the painting of an old man that hung above him.
Old the man upon his left, who awoke with his cracked voice the dead echoes of
dead centuries; old the man upon his right who wielded a wand; and old all
those who spoke to him and listened to him before and around the green
iron cage.
Old were the words they spoke, and their faces were drawn and white and lifeless,
without expression or solemnity; like the ikons of old cathedrals.
For of naught they knew, but of what was written in the old yellow books. And
all the joys and pains and loves and hatreds and furies and labors and strifes
of man, all the fierce and divine passions that battle and rage in the heart of
man, never entered into the great greenish room but to sit in the green iron
cage.
Senility, dullness and dissolution were all around the green iron cage, and nothing
was new and young and alive in the great room, except the three men who
were in the cage.
ii
Throbbed and thundered and clamored and roared outside of the great greenish
room the terrible whirl of life, and most pleasant was the hymn of its mighty
polyphony to the listening ears of the gods.
Whirred the wheels of the puissant machines, rattled and clanked the chains of
the giant cranes, crashed the falling rocks; the riveters crepitated; and glad
and sonorous was the rhythm of the bouncing hammers upon the loud-
throated anvils.
1 For a commentary on ' The Cage/ see the first article in the Contributors' Club in this number.
752 THE CAGE
Like the chests of wrathfully toiling Titans, heaved and sniffed and panted the
sweaty boilers, like the hissing of dragons sibilated the white jets of steam,
and the sirens of the workshops shrieked like angry hawks, flapping above
the crags of a dark and fathomless chasm.
The files screeched and the trains thundered, the wires hummed, the dynamos
buzzed, the fires crackled; and like a thunderclap from the Cyclopean forge
roared the blasts of the mines.
Wonderful and fierce was the mighty symphony of the world, as the terrible
voices of metal and fire and water cried out into the listening ears of the gods
the furious song of human toil.
Out of the chaos of sound, welded in the unison of one will to sing, rose clear and
nimble the divine accord of the hymn : —
Out of the canons of the mountains,
Out of the whirlpools of the lakes,
Out of the entrails of the earth,
Out of the yawning gorges of hell,
From the land and the sea and the sky,
From wherever comes bread and wealth and joy,
And from the peaceful abodes of men, rose majestic and fierce, louder than the
roar of the volcano and the bellow of the typhoon, the anthem of human
labor to the fatherly justice of the Sun.
But in the great greenish room there was nothing but the silence of dead cent-
uries and of ears that listen no more; and none heard the mighty call of life
that roared outside, save the three men who were in the cage.
in
All the good smells, the wholesome smells, the healthy smells of life and labor
were outside the great room.
The smell of rain upon the grass and of the flowers consumed by their love for the
stars.
The heavy smell of smoke that coiled out of myriads of chimneys of ships and
factories and homes.
The dry smell of sawdust and the salty smell of the iron filings.
The odor of magazines and granaries and warehouses, the kingly smell of argosies
and the rich scent of market-places, so dear to the women of the race.
The smell of new cloth and new linen, the smell of soap and water and the smell
of newly printed paper.
The smell of grains and hay and the smell of stables, the warm smell of cattle and
sheep that Virgil loved.
The smell of milk and wine and plants and metals,
THE CAGE 753
And all the good odors of the earth and of the sea and of the sky, and the fra-
grance of fresh bread, sweetest aroma of the world, and the smell of human
sweat, most holy incense to the divine nostrils of the gods, and all the
olympian perfumes of the heart and the brain and the passions of men, were
outside of the great greenish room.
But within the old room there was nothing but the smell of old books and the
dust of things decayed, and the suffocated exhalation of old graves, and the
ashen odor of dissolution and death.
Yet all the sweetness of all the wholesome odors of the world outside were
redolent in the breath of the three men in the cage.
IV
Like crippled eagles fallen were the three men in the cage, and like little children
who look into a well to behold the sky were the men that looked down upon
them.
No more would they rise to their lofty eyries, no more would they soar above the
snow-capped mountains — yet, tho* their pinions were broken, nothing
could dim the fierce glow of their eyes, which knew all the altitudes of heaven.
Strange it was to behold the men in the cage while life clamored outside, and
strange it seemed to them that they should be there because of what dead
men had written in old books.
So of naught did they think but of the old books and the green cage.
Thought they: All things are born, grow, decay, and die and are forgotten.
Surely all that is in this great room will pass away. But what will endure the
longer, the folly that was written into the old books or the madness that was
beaten into the bands of this cage?
Which' of these two powers has enthralled us, the thought of dead men who wrote
the old books, or the labor of living men who have wrought this cage?
Long and intently they thought, but they found no answer.
v
But one of the three men in the cage, whose soul was tormented by the fiercest
fire of hell, which is the yearning after the Supreme Truth, spoke and said
unto his comrades : —
'Aye, brothers, all things die and pass away, yet nothing is truly and forever dead
until each one of the living has thrown a regretless handful of soil into its
grave.
'Many a book has been written since these old books were written, and many a
proverb of the sage has become the jest of the fool, yet this cage still stands
as it stood for numberless ages.
VOL. Ill -NO. 6
754 THE CAGE
* What is it then that made it of metal more enduring than the printed word?
'Which is its power to hold us here?
' Brothers, it is the things we love that enslave us.
* Brothers, it is the things we yearn for that subdue us.
'Brothers, it is not hatred for the things that are, but love for the things that are
to be, that makes us slaves.
'And what man is more apt to become a thrall, brothers, and to be locked in a
green iron cage, than he who yearns the most for the Supreme of the things
that are to be — he who most craves for Freedom?
'And what subtle and malignant power save this love of loves could be in the
metal of this cage that it is so mad to imprison us?'
So spoke one of the men to the other two, and then out of the silence of the seons
spoke into his tormented soul the metallic soul of the cage.
VI
' Iron, the twin brother of fire, the first born out of the matrix of the earth, the
witness everlasting to the glory of thy labor, am I, O Man!
'Not for this was I meant, O Man! Not to imprison thee, but to set thee free and
sustain thee in thy strife and in thy toil.
'I was to lift the pillars of thy Temple higher than the mountains;
'I was to lower the foundations of thy house deeper than the abysmal sea;
' I was to break down and bore through all the barriers of the world to open the
way to thy triumphal chariot.
'All the treasures and all the bounties of the earth was I to give as an offering
into thy hands, and all its forces and powers to bring chained like crouching
dogs at thy feet.
'Hadst thou not sinned against the nobility of my nature and my destiny, hadst
thou not numiliated me, an almighty warrior, to become the lackey of gold,
I would never have risen against thee and enthralled thee, O Man!
'While I was hoe and ploughshare and sword and axe and scythe and hammer, I
was the first artificer of thy happiness; but the day I was beaten into the
first lock and the first key, I became fetters and chains to thy hands and thy
feet, O Man!
' My curse is thy curse, O Man ! and even if thou shouldst pass out of the wicket
of this cage, never shalt thou be free until thou returnest me to the joy of
labor.
'O Man! bring me back into the old smithy, purify me again with the holy fire of
the forge, lay me again on the mother breast of the anvil, beat me again with
the old honest hammer — O Man! remould me with thy wonderful hands
into an instrument of thy toil,
THE CAGE 755
'Remake of me the sword of thy justice,
Remake of me the tripod of thy worship,
Remake of me the sickle for thy grain,
Remake of me the oven for thy bread,
And the andirons for thy peaceful hearth, O Man !
And the trestles for the bed of thy love, O Man !
And the frame of thy joyous lyre, O Man ! '
VII
Thus spake to one of the three men, out of the silence of centuries, the metallic
soul of the cage.
And he listened unto its voice, and while it was still ringing in his soul, — which
was tormented with the fiercest fire of hell, which is the yearning after the
Supreme Truth (Is it Death? Is it Love?), — there arose one man in the
silent assembly of old men that were around the iron cage.
And that man was the most hoary of all, and most bent and worn and crushed
was he under the heavy weight of the great burden he bore without pride
and without joy.
He arose, and addressing himself — I know not whether to the old man that sat
on the black throne, or to the old books that were mouldering behind him, or
to the picture that hung above him — he said (and dreary as a wind that
moans through the crosses of an old graveyard was his voice) : —
" I will prove to you that these three men in the cage are criminals and murderers
r and that they ought to be put to death.'
Love, it was then that I heard for the first time the creak of the moth that was
eating the old painting and the old books, and the worm that was gnawing
the old bench, and it was then that I saw that all the old men around the
great greenish room were dead.
They were dead like the old man in the old painting, save that they still read the
old books he could read no more, and still spoke and heard the old words he
could speak and hear no more, and still passed the judgment of the dead,
which he no more could pass, upon the mighty life of the world outside
that throbbed and thundered and clamored and roared the wonderful
anthem of Labor to the fatherly justice of the Sun.
THE NEGRO AND THE LABOR UNIONS
BY BOOKER T. WASHINGTON
WHEN the Negro boy from the
Southern states leaves the plantation
or the farm and goes up to the city, it
is not work, in many cases, that he is
looking for. He has labored in the field,
beside his father and his mother, since
he was old enough to hold a hoe, and
he has never known the time when he,
and every other member of the family,
could not find all the work they need-
ed and more than they wanted. The
one thing of which he has always had
plenty at home has been work. It is
very likely that a promise that he would
earn more and do less has turned his
steps from the farm; but at bottom it is
not the search for easier work or higher
wages that brings the country boy to
town; it is the natural human desire to
see a little more of the place he has
heard of over yonder, beyond the hori-
zon — the City.
The thing that takes the country
boy to the city, in short, is the desire
to learn something, either through
books and in school, or in actual con-
tact with daily life, about the world
in which he finds himself. One of the
first and most surprising things the
country boy learns in the city is that
work is not always to be had; that it is
something a man has to go out and look
for. Another thing he very soon learns is
that there is a great deal of difference
between skilled and unskilled labor,
and that the man who has learned to
do some one thing well, no matter how
small it may be, is looked upon with a
certain respect, whether he has a white
skin or a black skin; while the man who
756
has never learned to do anything well
simply does not count in the industrial
world.
The average Negro learns these
things, as I have said, when he comes
to the city. I mention them here be-
cause in considering the relation of the
Negro to the labor unions it should be
remembered that the average Negro
laborer in the country districts has
rarely had the experience of looking for
work; work has always looked for him.
In the Southern states, in many in-
stances, the employment agent who
goes about the country seeking to in-
duce laborers to leave the plantations
is looked upon as a kind of criminal.
Laws are made to restrict and even
prohibit his operations. The result is
that the average Negro who comes to
the town from the plantations does not
understand the necessity or advantage
of a labor organization, which stands
between him and his employer and aims
apparently to make a monopoly of the
opportunities for labor.
Another thing which is to some ex-
tent peculiar about the Negro in the
Southern states, is that the average
Negro is more accustomed to work for
persons than for wages. When he gets
a job, therefore, he is inclined to con-
sider the source from which it comes.
The Negro is himself a friendly sort of
person, and it makes a great deal of dif-
ference to him whether he believes the
man he is working for is his friend or his
enemy. One reason for this is that he
has found in the past that the friend-
ship and confidence of a good white
THE NEGRO AND THE LABOR UNIONS
757
man, who stands well in the commun-
ity, are a valuable asset in time of
trouble. For this reason he does not
always understand, and does not like,
an organization which seems to be
founded on a sort of impersonal enmity
to the man by whom he is employed;
just as in the Civil War all the people
in the North were the enemies of all the
people in the South, even when the
man on the one side was the brother
of the man on the other.
I have tried to suggest in what I have
said why it is true, as it seems to me,
that the Negro is naturally not inclined
toward labor unions. But aside from
this natural disposition of the Negro
there is unquestionably a very wide-
spread prejudice and distrust of labor
unions among Negroes generally.
One does not have to go far to dis-
cover the reason for this. In several
instances Negroes are expressly ex-
cluded from membership in the unions.
In other cases individual Negroes have
been refused admittance to unions
where no such restrictions existed, and
have been in consequence shut out
from employment at their trades.
For this and other reasons, Negroes,
who have been shut out, or believed
they had been shut out, of employment
by the unions, have been in the past
very willing strike-breakers. It is an-
other illustration of the way in which
prejudice works, also, that the strikers
seemed to consider it a much greater
crime for a Negro, who had been denied
an opportunity to work at his trade, to
take the place of a striking employee
than it was for a white man to do the
same thing. Not only have Negro
strike-breakers been savagely beaten
and even murdered by strikers or their
sympathizers, but in some instances
every Negro, no matter what his occu-
pation, who lived in the vicinity of the
strike has found himself in danger.
Another reason why Negroes are
prejudiced against the unions is that,
during the past few years, several at-
tempts have been made by the mem-
bers of labor unions which do not admit
Negroes to membership, to secure the
discharge of Negroes employed in their
trades. For example, in March, 1911,
the white firemen on the Queen and
Crescent Railway struck as the result
of a controversy over the Negro fire-
men employed by the road. The white
firemen, according to the press reports,
wanted the Negro firemen assigned to
the poorest runs. Another report sta-
ted that an effort was made to compel
the railway company to get rid of the
Negro firemen altogether.
Shortly after this there was a long
controversy between Public Printer
Donnelly and the Washington Brick-
layers' Union because, so the papers
said, Mr. Donnelly would not 'draw
the color line* in the employment of
bricklayers on a job at the Government
Printing Office. It appears that an addi-
tional number of bricklayers was need-
ed. Mr. Donnelly drew upon the Civil
Service Commission for the required
number of men. A colored man was
certified by the Commission, where-
upon the white bricklayers struck, re-
fusing to work with a Negro. Other
Negroes were hired to take the strik-
ers' places. The labor union objected to
this and threatened to demand that
President Taft remove Mr. Donnelly.
These are some of the reasons why
Negroes generally have become pre-
judiced against labor unions.
On the other hand, many instances
have been called to my attention in
which labor unions have used their in-
fluence in behalf of Negroes. On the
Georgia and Florida Railway the white
and colored firemen struck for higher
wages. Mobs composed of both white
and black men held up trains. It was
reported that the Negroes were as vio-
lent in their demonstrations as the
758
THE NEGRO AND THE LABOR UNIONS
whites. In this instance the strikers
won. A recent dispatch from Key
West, Florida, stated that the white
carpenters in that city had struck be-
cause two Negro workmen had been
unfairly discharged. The members of
the white Carpenters' Union refused to
return to work until the Negroes had
been reinstated.
At the 1910 National Council of the
American Federation of Labor, resolu-
tions were passed urging Negroes and
all other races to enter the unions con-
nected with the Federation. Since that
time I have learned of activity on the
part of the Federation in organizing
Negro laborers in New Orleans, Pitts-
burg, Pensacola, Richmond, and sev-
eral other Southern cities. In spite of
the impression which prevails general-
ly among colored people that the labor
unions are opposed to them, I have
known several instances in which Ne-
groes have proven enthusiastic trade-
unionists, and in several cases they
have taken a leading part in organiza-
tion and direction, not only in the color-
ed, but in the white unions of which
they chanced to be members.
Notwithstanding these facts, some
of which seem to point in one direc-
tion and some in another, there seems
to be no doubt that there is prejudice
against Negroes among the members
of labor unions and that there is a very
widespread prejudice against labor
unions among Negroes. These are facts
that both parties must reckon with;
otherwise, whenever there is a strike,
particularly among those trades which
have been closed to Negroes, there will
always be a considerable number of
colored laborers ready and willing to
take these positions, not merely from
a desire to better their positions as in-
dividuals, but also for the sake of widen-
ing the race's opportunities for labor.
In such strikes, whatever disadvan-
tages they may have in other respects,
Negroes will have this advantage, that
they are engaged in a struggle to main-
tain their right to labor as free men,
which, with the right to own property,
is, in my opinion, the most important
privilege that was granted to black men
as a result of the Civil War.
Under these circumstances the ques-
tion which presents itself to black men
and white men of the laboring classes
is this : Shall the labor unions use their
influence to deprive the black man of
his opportunity to labor, and shall
they, as far as possible, push the Ne-
gro into the position of a profession-
al 'strike-breaker'; or will the labor
unions, on the other hand, admitting
the facts to be as they are, unite with
those who want to give every man, re-
gardless of color, race or creed, what
Colonel Roosevelt calls the 'square
deal' in the matters of labor, using
their influence to widen rather than to
narrow the Negro's present opportun-
ities; to lessen rather than to magnify
the prejudices which make it difficult
for white men and black men to unite
for their common good?
In order to get at the facts in refer-
ence to this matter, I recently sent a
letter of inquiry to the heads of the
various labor organizations in the
United States, in which I asked the
following three questions : —
What are the rules of your union
concerning the admittance of Negroes
to membership?
Do Negroes, as a rule, make good
union men? If not, what in your opin-
ion is the cause?
What do you advise concerning the
Negro and the Trade-Unions?
I confess that I was both interested
and surprised by the number and the
character of the replies which I re-
ceived. They not only indicated that
the labor leaders had fully considered
the question of the Negro laborer, but
THE NEGRO AND THE LABOR UNIONS
759
they also showed, in many instances,
a sympathy and an understanding of
the difficulties under which the Negro
labors that I did not expect to find.
A brief summary of these letters will
indicate, better than anything I can
say, the actual situation.
In reply to the question, 'What are
the rules of your union concerning the
admittance of Negroes?' nine unions,
all but two of which are concerned with
transportation, stated that Negroes
are barred from membership. These
unions are: the International Brother-
hood of Maintenance-of-Way Employ-
ees, Switchmen's Union, Brotherhood
of Railroad Trainmen, Brotherhood of
Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen,
Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers,
Order of Railway Conductors of Amer-
ica, Order of Railway Telegraphers,
American Wire Weavers' Protective
Association, and the International Bro-
therhood of Boilermakers, Iron Ship-
builders and Helpers of America.
Fifty-one national labor organiza-
tions, several of which are the strongest
in the country, reported that there was
nothing in their constitutions prohib-
iting the admittance of Negroes. In
fact, many of the constitutions ex-
pressly state that there shall be no
discrimination because of race or color.
This is the case, for example, with the
Wood, Wire and Metal Lathers' Union.
The constitution of the United Bro-
therhood of Carpenters and Joiners
contains the following statement : ' We
recognize that the interests of all classes
of labor are identical regardless of oc-
cupation, nationality, religion or color,
for a wrong done to one is a wrong done
to all.'
Mr. Samuel Gompers, President of
the American Federation of Labor,
replying to the question concerning
the admission of Negroes to labor
unions wrote: * Realizing the necessity
for the unity of the wage-earners of our
country, the American Federation of
Labor has upon all occasions declared
that trade unions should open their
portals to all wage-workers irrespec-
tive of creed, color, nationality, sex, or
politics. Nothing has transpired in
recent years which has called for a
change in our declared policy upon this
question; on the contrary, every evi-
dence tends to confirm us in this con-
viction; for even if it were not a matter
of principle, self-preservation would
prompt the workers to organize intel-
ligently and to make common cause.'
With two exceptions the answers to
my question, 'Do Negroes in your
opinion make good Union men? ' were
that they do.
Mr. Ralph V. Brandt, of Cleveland,
secretary-treasurer of the Wood, Wire
and Metal Lathers' Union, wrote: 'I
regret to say I must answer "no" to
this question. We have had several
locals in the South,' he continues,
* where the membership was made up
either exclusively of Negroes or a large
majority, and we have had only two
out of the entire number that have
made a success. One of these locals
is in Savannah, Georgia, and the other
in Charleston, South Carolina, and,
as it happens, both of these are among
the earliest locals chartered by our
organization. I have had this situation
come under my personal observation
in our locals in this city, of which I
am a member, and I must say that
the Negro lathers in Cleveland have
failed absolutely in meeting the general
requirements of union men.'
The letter goes into details, describ-
ing the various efforts, all of them un-
successful, which the local unions made
to induce the Negro lathers to re-affili-
ate. They were promised recognition
in the governing board of the union
and, at the suggestion of some of the
colored lathers, one of their number
was recognized as a contractor, but
760
THE NEGRO AND THE LABOR UNIONS
these measures also failed of their pur-
pose.
Another letter to much the same
effect was received from the secretary
of the Tobacco Workers' International
Union. The secretary wrote: 'Our ex-
perience has been that very few of
them have turned out to be such [good
union men]. They have a large Union
in Richmond, Va., all colored men, and
only a few of the whole membership
are what I would call union men. They
do not seem to grasp the significant
feature of the trade-union [movement].'
Mr. B. A. Larger, general secretary
of the United Garment Makers of
America, said: 'I think the Negroes
working in the trades do make good
union men, but I do not think that the
Negro waiters make good union men,
as I have had some experience in try-
ing to organize them. They would be
well organized and apparently have a
strong organization, but in a short
time it would go to pieces. Among
them there would be some good loyal
members, but not sufficient [in num-
bers] to keep up the organization.
'I am unable/ he adds, 'to give a
definite reason except, perhaps, that it
might be the fault of the head waiter,
who would induce some person to go
into the organization and break it up.
Nevertheless, it is true that they are
the most difficult to organize of any
class of people.'
A somewhat different light is thrown
upon the situation by a letter from Mr.
Jacob Fisher, general secretary of the
Journeymen Barbers' International
Union. This letter is so interesting
that I am disposed to quote from it at
considerable length. 'In my opinion,'
Mr. Fisher writes, ' Negro trade-union-
ists make as good members as any
others, and I believe that the percent-
age of good trade-unionists among the
Negroes is just as high as of any other
class of people; but the percentage of
Negroes of our trade belonging to our
organization is not as high as among
other classes. One of the greatest ob-
stacles we have to confront, in inducing
and urging the Negroes to become
members of our organization, is a gen-
eral current rumor that the white bar-
bers are trying to displace and put out
of business the Negro barbers. There
is no foundation whatever for the
rumor, but it has become generally
spread among the Negro barbers, and
this feeling has been urged upon them
more strongly than it would otherwise
be, by Negro employers, who do every-
thing they can, as a general rule, to
keep their employees from joining our
trade-union. We have tried for years
to impress upon the minds of Negro
barbers that their best hope for better
conditions lies in becoming members
of our organization. But the feeling
that exists among them has been so
impressed upon their minds by no one
else except the Negro employer, as to
make it a very difficult matter to in-
duce individual Negro barbers to be-
come members of our organization.'
Mr. Fisher adds that a few years
ago a large percentage of the barbers
were Germans. In more recent years
Jews and Italians have been getting
into the barber business in large num-
bers. Barbers of all of these national-
ities are 'rapidly becoming educated'
in the trade-union movement, and are
active in bringing other members of
the trade of their nationalities into the
union. 'On the other hand,' he con-
tinues, 'the Negro barbers, while loyal
to the movement and active in the af-
fairs within the organization, do not
direct their attention to the unorgan-
ized Negro barbers and use their en-
deavors to educate them in trade-union
matters.'
The Mine Workers' Union has the
largest Negro membership of any of
the labor unions. Mr. John Mitchell,
THE NEGRO AND THE LABOR UNIONS
761
the former president, states that, * while
there are no exact statistics as to the
number of Negro members of the
United Mine Workers of America, it is
safe to say that not less than 30,000
of the 300,000 members are Negroes.
Many important offices are filled by
colored members.
'The Negroes who are mining coal
in the Northern states,* he adds, 'make
first-class union men. In the Southern
states where Negroes are employed in
large numbers in the mining industry,
unionism is not so strong. This, how-
ever, is in part accounted for by the fact
that the mine-owners oppose strongly
the organization of their workmen,
and the miners are so poor that they
cannot contend successfully against the
corporations unless they are supported
financially by the organized men in
other states.'
Mr. Edwin Perry, secretary-treas-
urer of the United Mine Workers of
America, replying to the question, * Do
Negroes make good union men? ' wrote :
'I say unequivocally, "yes," and point
with pride to the fact that the largest
local branch of our organization has at
least 80 per cent colored men. It is
progressive and up to date in all things.
This local is located in my home state
at Buxton, Iowa.
'It is possible,' he adds, 'that mis-
guided individuals may, in some isola-
ted instances, discriminate against the
Negro, but when our attention is called
to the same, we endeavor to overcome
that condition by the application of in-
telligence and common sense. The time
is not far distant when the working
men and women of our country will
see the necessity of mutual coopera-
tion and the wiping out of existence of
all class lines.'
Mr. John Williams of Pittsburg,
president of the Amalgamated Associ-
ation of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers,
stated that the laws of his association
provide that 'all men working in and
around rolling mills are eligible to mem-
bership.' No line of demarcation is
drawn. He was of the opinion that
Negroes, if given the opportunity, make
good union men. He also advised that
Negroes should be educated in the prin-
ciples and ideals for which the labor-
union movement stands.
In view of the newspaper reports
from time to time concerning the dis-
crimination against Negro chauffeurs,
the statement of Mr. Thomas L.
Hughes, general secretary-treasurer of
the International Brotherhood of
Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Stablemen and
Helpers, concerning Negroes in labor-
unions is particularly interesting.
'I have had considerable dealing
with colored men as members of our
trade-union,' he writes. 'In every in-
stance where the colored men have
been organized, we find them to be
loyal to our union in every shape and
manner. To say that they make good
union men is only putting it too lightly.
We have local unions composed en-
tirely of Negroes in certain parts of the
country that are a credit to our inter-
national union/
In many localities Negroes, Mr.
Hughes asserts, belong to the same or-
ganization as white men and get on sat-
isfactorily. In many of the large local
unions, where there are both, the col-
ored membership is large. The officers
of the organization are also colored.
The secretary of the Amalgamated
Meat -Cutters and Butchers' Work-
men, replying to my question, 'Do
Negroes make good union men?' said,
* I will say that the Negro averages up
with the white man and I cannot see
any difference, as it is all a matter of
education. Both classes improve as
they become more familiar with the
work. I might say, incidentally, that
one of the best and most conscientious
officials we have is a Negro member of
762
THE NEGRO AND THE LABOR UNIONS
our local union in Kingston, N. Y. He
is a man who not only has the entire
confidence of his associates in the organ-
ization, but is held in the highest es-
teem by the entire community and, as
an officer, stands second to none.'
The answers to the question, 'What
**do you advise concerning the Negro
and Trade Unions?' were practically
unanimous in advising that the Negro
be organized and educated in the prin-
ciples of trade-unionism. Even the
leaders of those unions which bar out
the Negro advised that he be organ-
ized. The president of the Switchmen's
Union, Mr. S. E. Heberling, wrote:
'The laws of our union will not permit
Negroes to join, the constitution using
the term " white." However,' he adds,
' I advise that the Negroes in all trades
organize to better their condition. This
organization, in reference to Negroes
following the occupation of switchmen,
has advised the American Federation
of Labor, with whom we are affiliated,
to grant the Negroes charters as mem-
bers of the Federal Labor Union. I
hope your race will take advantage of
the opportunities afforded them.'
Mr. H. B. Perham, of St. Louis,
president of the Order of Railroad Tel-
egraphers, wrote: 'The Order of Rail-
road Telegraphers is a white man's or-
ganization, that provision having been
in its constitution since its inception
twenty-six years ago. I advise the or-
ganization to help the poor man to a
better standard of living, better edu-
cation, resistance of injustice and the
like. As the Negro, generally speaking,
is poor, he needs organization.'
Mr. John J. Flynn, of Chicago, sec-
retary and treasurer of the Brother-
hood of Railroad Freight Handlers,
wrote: 'I believe that a campaign of
education should be started among the
Negro workers of the country, this ed-
ucation to dwell principally on the fact
that in organization there is strength
and that the surest way to rise above
their present condition is to become
members of labor organizations that
their craft calls for. In short, the best
way for the Negro to improve his pre-
sent condition is to become a member
of a branch of the labor movement
which covers his craft.'
Mr. James Wilson, general president
of the Pattern Makers' League, said:
'I would advise that the Negro be
taught to join the union of whatever
occupation he is following, and if there
is no union of that calling, that he or-
ganize one, for there is no greater edu-
cational movement in the country for
all wage-earners than the trade-union
movement.'
Mr. E. J. Brais, general secretary of
the Journeyman Tailors' Union, wrote:
'Our opinion is and our advice would
be that the Negroes should organize
trade-unions by themselves under the
jurisdiction, of course, of the American
Federation of Labor, being governed
by the same rules in all their trades as
the white mechanics. We believe in
that case, if they organize into separate
locals in the various trades and insist
upon the same scale of wages as their
white brethren, it would be a source of
strength to both elements.'
Mr. James Duncan, international
secretary of the Granite Cutters' Inter-
national Association of America, re-
plied in substance as follows to my in-
quiry: 'I advise concerning Negroes
and trade-unions, that they be organ-
ized the same as white people are or-
ganized, mixed with white people, where
that is advisable, but in local unions by
themselves where circumstances make
it advisable for white people and Ne-
groes being in separate organizations.'
Mr. Duncan stated that the rule did
not prohibit Negroes joining the union,
but throughout the South granite-cut-
ting was usually considered a 'white
man's trade.' Because of the feeling
THE NEGRO AND THE LABOR UNIONS
763
in the South he believed that Southern
granite-cutters would not be disposed
to work at that trade with Negroes.
'This,' he added, 'is sentiment, and
forms no part of the rules of our associ-
ation.'
I have quoted at some length the
statements made by the labor leaders,
because it seemed to me that these
statements not only disclose pretty ac-
curately the position of the labor or-
ganizations as a whole, in reference to
the Negro, but indicate, also, the actual
situation of the Negro at the present
time in the world of organized industry.
In this connection it should be remem-
bered that the labor unions are not
primarily philanthropic organizations.
They have been formed to meet con-
ditions as they exist in a competitive
system where, under ordinary circum-
stances, every individual and every
class of individuals is seeking to im-
prove its own condition at the expense,
if necessary, of every other individual
and class. It is natural enough, under
such conditions, that union men should
be disposed to take advantage of race
prejudice to shut out others from the
advantages which they enjoy.
The leaders of the labor movement,
however, see clearly that it is not pos-
sible permanently to close, to the mil-
lion or more Negro laborers in this
country, the opportunity to take the
positions which they are competent to
fill. They have observed, also, that
race prejudice is a two-edged sword,
and that it is not to the advantage of
organized labor to produce among the
Negroes a prejudice and a fear of labor
unions such as to create in this country
a race of strike-breakers. The result
has been that in every part of the
United States where Negro laborers
have become strong enough in any of
the trades to be able to hold their own,
the Negro has been welcomed into the
unions, and the prejudice which shut
him out from these trades has disap-
peared.
As an illustration of this fact, I can-
not do better than quote a few para-
graphs from the report of the English
Industrial Commission in 1911 in re-
gard to labor conditions in the South-
ern states, which gives a very clear and,
I think, accurate description of local
conditions in cities to which it refers.
Concerning the Negro labor unions
in the Birmingham district, the Eng-
lish Industrial Commission reported:
' It is not owing to the existence of any
very sympathetic feeling betweeen the
white men and the Negroes that the
latter are allowed to join the union; it
is simply because the white men feel
that their interest demands that col-
ored men should be organized, as far
as possible, so as to prevent them from
cutting down the rate of wages. Where-
ever a sufficient number of colored men
can be organized, they are encouraged
to form a union of their own, affiliated
to the white man's union, but where
there are not enough to form a separate
union, they are allowed in the South to
become members of the white man's
organization.
4 The building and mining indus-
tries,' the report continues, 'are the
two in which the white and colored
races come into the most direct com-
petition with each other, yet it cannot
be said that in either of these industries
a situation exists which occasions fric-
tion. No doubt in both industries the
white men would like to monopolize
the skilled work for themselves, but
they recognize that that is impossible
and make the best of the situation. . . .
The white men make it quite clear that
their connection with the colored men
is purely a matter of business and in-
volves no social recognition whatever.
It is in the mining industry that the re-
lations between the two races, though
working side by side, in direct compe-
764
THE NEGRO AND THE LABOR UNIONS
tition, are smoothest. They acted to-
gether in the great strike of 1902, and
in fact the good feeling between the
whites and the colored men was used
with great effect by the opponents of
the strikers, who charged the white
miners with disloyalty to their race.'
In New Orleans the Commission
found a very interesting situation
which is described as follows: 'It is
probable that in New Orleans there is
a larger number of white and Negro
people in very much the same economic
position than in any other American
city, or anywhere else in the world.
The industries of New Orleans are of a
kind which employ mainly unskilled
or semi-skilled labor, with the result
that both white men and Negroes are
found doing the same kind of work and
earning the same rate of pay. . . . The
various unions combine in maintaining
the Dock and Cotton Council, which
dominates the entire business of com-
pressing, carting, and loading cotton.
. . . By arrangement between the Dock
and Cotton Council and the employ-
ers, work has to be impartially appor-
tioned between the white compress
gangs and the colored gangs.'
In the letters from which I have so
far quoted the writers have been con-
tent, for the most part, simply to an-
swer the questions asked them, and
sometimes, when they have not come
into contact with the racial problem
involved, have been disposed to dis-
cuss the advantages of labor organiza-
tions in the abstract. More interest-
ing are the letters which I have received
from labor men who have come into
close quarters with the problem, in their
efforts to organize Negro labor in the
face of existing conditions.
As these letters indicate better than
any discussion on my own part, the
way the problem works out in practice,
it will be well, perhaps, to let the writ-
ers speak for themselves.
One of the most interesting letters
which I received was from Mr. M. J.
Keough, of Cincinnati, acting presi-
dent of the International Moulders'
Union. Mr. Keough wrote that one of
the national officers of the Moulders'
Association, who was a Southerner by
birth, had been devoting a very con-
siderable part of his time in trying to
organize the Negro Moulders of the
South. In Chattanooga, for example,
there were between six and eight hun-
dred moulders, whom they had been
trying, with no great success, to get
into. the union.
*Of course you are aware,' he con-
tinues, 'that there is a certain feeling
in the South against the Negro, but we
have succeeded in overcoming that,
and have educated our members to the
fact that if the Negro moulder of Chat-
tanooga is not brought up to the level
of the white man, he, the Negro, will
eventually drag the white man down to
his condition. It is our purpose to con-
tinue the agitation in order to have a
thorough organization of the Negro
moulders of Chattanooga.
' We find there is considerable oppo-
sition on the part of the employers in
Chattanooga to the Negro moulders
joining the union. I might state we
have a shop on strike in which practi-
cally all of the men were Negro mould-
ers and are being supported by our or-
ganization. The employers are having
these Negro moulders out on strike
arrested for loitering, etc., and have put
us to considerable expense in keeping
our Negro members, who are on strike,
out of jail. In conclusion let me state
that we are very anxious that the Negro
moulders should become members of
our organization and enjoy all its rights
and privileges.'
Another important letter in this con-
nection was received from Mr. John
P. Frey, editor of the International
Moulders' Journal. He said : * As I made
THE NEGRO AND THE LABOR UNIONS
765
many earnest efforts to organize Negro
moulders in the South some twelve
years ago and met with almost com-
plete failure, owing to what appeared
to be the Negroes' suspicion as to the
genuineness of our intentions, it is but
natural that I should still be interested
in the question. While a Northerner,
I have spent sufficient time in the
Southern states to become familiar per-
sonally with the several phases pre-
sented by the question of the Negro
status, both socially and industrially.'
In his further reply to my question,
Mr. Frey referred to an editorial in a re-
cent issue of the iron-moulders' official
organ. In this editorial the statement
was made that the fact that there
were so few Negroes in the Moulders'
Union was due largely to race preju-
dice.
'As the years rolled by,' the editor
continues, 'our members in the South
realized that the question of Negro
membership was an industrial one.
The castings made by the Negroes
were worth as much as those made by
white men, but they might be sold for
less in the open market because the
Negro was forced to work for much
smaller wages. It was not a question
of social equality, but a question of
competition in the industrial field.
Other trade-unions in the South have
faced the same problem and have been
even more ready, in some instances, to
take the Negro mechanic or laborer
into their ranks. Not long ago the
largest union in the South, No. 255, of
Birmingham, Alabama, gave the ques-
tion thorough consideration, with the
result that it decided to take qualified
Negro mechanics into membership.
Their action may not have been in line
with the sentiment of twenty years
ago, but it was in line with justice to
themselves and to the Negro who had
learned the trade, for industrial com-
petition pays no heed to questions
of social equality. In our trade, the
Negro has become an industrial factor
in the South, and the wise policy of
giving him the benefit of membership
in our organization will not be of value
to him alone, but to every one who
works at moulding. To expect that race
prejudice and social questions will be
eliminated or adjusted in a generation
or two, is to expect too much ; but the
question of the Negro moulder is neither
one of race nor of social equality; it is
purely one of industrial competition.'
Mr. Frey referred, also, to an article
by Mr. Nick Smith, who is a South-
erner by birth and training, has worked
all his life as a moulder in the South,
and is now organizer of his union. In
this article Mr. Smith said in part: 'If
we want to make the Negro a good
union man, we will have to grant him
the same privileges and the same treat-
ment in the shop that is enjoyed by the
white moulder. Treat the Negro square ;
allow him to work in our shops when
he presents his union card, and we will
take away from the foundryman his
most effective tool, the Negro strike-
breaker. Refuse the Negro this priv-
ilege and the foundryman will con-
tinue to use him to trim us with when
we have trouble. The Negro is here,
and here to stay, and is going to con-
tinue to work at moulding, and it is for
us to say whether he shall work with
us as a union moulder, or against us as
a tool in the foundryman's hands and a
strike-breaker. When a Negro comes to
your town, do what you can to see that
he gets a job, and is treated as a union
man should be treated. Refuse to do
this and you force him to allow the
foundryman to use him as a club to
beat us into submission. The I. M. U.
has spent considerable money and time
to get the Negro moulder educated
up to the point where he is to-day, and
the refusal of the white moulder to work
with the Negro will undo all that has
766
THE NEGRO AND THE LABOR UNIONS
been accomplished. Brothers, it is up
to us to think it over.'
Mr. William J. Gilthorpe of Kansas
City, secretary-treasurer of the Inter-
national Brotherhood of Boilermakers,
Iron Shipbuilders and Helpers, said:
* Being a Southern man myself, in
breeding and education, I naturally
think that I am acquainted with the
colored people. I served, in 1880, in
New Orleans with the colored dele-
gates to the central body, and I want
to say that the colored delegates were
as true and loyal to the principles of
true labor movement as any delegate
in that body. They make the best of
union men. There is no trouble with
them whatever. In answer to your
question I say this: The rules of this
organization do not permit them to be
initiated into this order. Now I am one
of those who advocate the organization
of the colored men, as well as the white
men. I possess a few followers, but
this is a principle that is going to live,
and it is going to be an established fact,
in this order, sooner or later. As far as
my advice goes, and humble efforts, I
would say organize them in every case
where they are eligible.'
Mr. Frank Duffy, general secretary
of the United Brotherhood of Car-
penters and Joiners, wrote: 'I wish to
inform you that we do not draw the
color line in our organization, as is evi-
denced by the fact that throughout
the Southern states we have in the
United Brotherhood twenty-five unions
composed exclusively of colored men.
We have found in our experience that
where there are colored carpenters in
great numbers, it is an absolute neces-
sity both for their advancement and
for the welfare of the white carpenters
as well, to organize them. We have a
colored organizer in the South, Mr. J.
H. Bean, who has done splendid work
in getting the colored carpenters to-
gether.'
In order to find out what were the
experiences and views of colored union
men, I communicated with Mr. Bean
and received a very interesting reply.
He wrote that he had been connected
with the United Brotherhood of Car-
penters and Joiners of America for
'more than twelve years and had been a
delegate to every national convention
but one since 1902. Since October,
1908, he has been continually engaged
as general organizer for colored car-
penters in nine Southern states. 'Dur-
ing that time,' he added, 'I have met
with some opposition from both races,
until they saw that one carpenter is
largely dependent upon another, and
to organize our forces in the right way
is not only helpful to one but to all
engaged in similar work. Then their
opposition ceased.'
One of the easiest things in the world,
I have found, is prophecy, and there
have been a good many prophecies in
regard to the Negro. Some persons
have said there is no future for the
Negro, because, in the long run, he
cannot compete with the white man,
and, as a consequence, in the course of
time the Negro will be crowded out of
America and forced to go to some other
country.
Other persons say that the future is
dark for the Negro because, as soon as
it appears that the black man is actu-
ally able to live and work alongside
of the white man in competition for
the ordinary forms of labor, racial pre-
judice will be so intensified that the
Negro will be driven out of the coun-
try or he will be reduced to some form
of industrial servitude and compelled
to perform the kind of work that no
white man is willing to do.
While the letters I have quoted do
not tell the whole story of the Negro
and the unions, they at least throw
some light upon the value of the pre-
dictions to which I have just referred.
THE NEGRO AND THE LABOR UNIONS
767
They indicate, at any rate, that the
Negro, as a matter of fact, can and
does compete with the white laborer,
wherever he has an opportunity to do
so. They show also that, on the whole,
the effect of this competition is not to
increase but to lessen racial prejudice.
It is nevertheless true, that the pre-
judice of the Negro against the unions,
on the one hand, and of the white man
against the l>lack, on the other, is
used sometimes by the unions to shut
the Negro from the opportunity of
labor, sometimes by the employer to
injure the work of the unions. In the
long run, however, I do not believe
that, in the struggle between capital
and labor, either party is going to let
the other use the sentiment of the com-
munity in regard to the race question
to injure it in an industrial way.
When, for example, the capitalist,
as has sometimes happened, says that
Negro and white laborers must not
unite to organize a labor union, because
that would involve 'social equality,'
or when, as has happened in the past,
the white laborer says the Negro shall
not work at such and such trades, not
because he is not competent to do so,
but because he is a Negro, the interest
in * social equality/ so far as it refers
to those particular matters mentioned,
tends to decrease.
So long as there is any honest senti-
ment in favor of keeping the races
apart socially, I do not believe the
unions or the public are willingly go-
ing to permit individuals to take a dis-
honest advantage of that sentiment.
On the contrary, so far as the labor
unions are concerned, I am convinced
that these organizations can and will
become an important means of doing
away with the prejudice that now exists
in many parts of the country against
the Negro laborer. I believe that they
will do this not merely, as Mr. Gom-
pers has said, from 'principle,' but be-
cause it is to their interest to do so.
At present, however, that prejudice
exists and it is natural that individuals
should make use of it to their own ad-
vantage. If proprietors of Negro bar-
ber shops seek to prejudice their work-
men, as is reported, against the white
unions, so that they may pay them
less wages, it is likewise true that some
white unions take advantage of the
existing prejudice wholly to exclude
colored men from some of the trades
in which they are perfectly competent
to work.
There is, in my opinion, need for a
campaign of education not only among
Negro artisans but among white arti-
sans as well. With every such effort of
the labor leaders to create a sentiment
among white men, as well as colored,
which will permit both races to work
together for their common good, I am
heartily in sympathy.
In spite of all that has been said to
the contrary, we are making progress
in the solution of this, as of other pro-
blems connected with the relations of
the races in this country. To say that
we are not is pretty much the same as
saying that, in spite of all our efforts,
the world is growing worse instead of
better. Justice, fair play, and a dis-
position to help rather than to injure
one's fellow are not only good things
in themselves, but in the long run they
are the only things that pay, whether
in the case of an individual, a group
of individuals, or a race.
It seems to me that the letters to
which I have referred in this article
show clearly that the leaders of the
labor organizations fully realize what
the masses of laboring men must in-
evitably come to see, namely, that the
future belongs to the man, or the class
of men, who seeks his own welfare, not
through the injury or oppression of his
fellows, but in some form of service to
the community as a whole.
BRAINS AND BUYING
BY ELIZABETH C. BILLINGS
THERE is a law to prohibit dishonest
advertising, and a new committee has
been formed to enforce this law. But
legislative enactments mean nothing,
public opinion passing freely from man
to man means everything. If we are
stupid enough to flock where poorly
made things are offered cheaply, and
to buy that which we neither need nor
desire, we deserve to be made the sport
of the advertisers.
The test of economic efficiency in the
standard of living 'is not a question
of choosing the good instead of the bad,
but of choosing the best instead of the
good/ and it is a far cry from our daily
morning's mail, in which we receive
dozens of carefully worded notices,
printed at huge expense, which we have
to open, and destroy. Think of the re-
lief it would be to our postman to have
this idiotic use of the United States
mails stopped. It would be impossible
to read all this printed matter daily.
If one did, and acted upon its sugges-
tions, physical collapse would follow
bankruptcy.
This huge and expensive mail de-
livery pertains to all manner of sub-
jects. Let me give a list of the docu-
ments received in one day by a small
family who live in a modest suburban
house.
Notice of a new hotel to be opened
in Chicago.
Four sealed invitations in double
cream laid envelopes, engraved, and
with an etched landscape at the top,
inviting each member of the family,
by name, to the opening of a toy shop.
768
Appeal to subscribe to a colossal new
dictionary, enclosing twelve sample
pages. Seven circulars about new pub-
lications ; three subscription blanks and
a stamped envelope.
Sample of laundry wax — with cir-
cular.
Large embossed envelope, containing
a folder, tied with ribbon, enclosing
three colored plates of 'Clothing of
Refinement* for men.
Four-page circular, heavy Irish linen,
with information about 'One gray
charmeuse gown, fur-trimmed, with
beaded passementeries, Paquin Model.
Value $185.00; sale price $78.00'; and
ninety-six other equally alluring de-
scriptions.
'Biblical study picture course' de-
scribed for children in a six-page
booklet.
Large notice of society vaudeville in
black and yellow sealed envelope.
Six tickets to be sold for a fair, held
in aid of an institution of which we
had never heard!
And to-day was only an average day
— and elections are over.
As Sidney Smith said, 'What do I
want of this piece of pasteboard? It
costs you two pence and does me no
good.'
One wonders if this daily deluge of
printers' ink is a useful method of
distributing stray facts to the com-
munity; for Edward Devine, in his
charming little book on 'Economics,'
states that 'A decrease in the cost of
commodities, a discovery of some new
mechanical process, a change in the
BRAINS AND BUYING
769
habits of consumers, make possible
a higher level of living for all who
have an assured income of stipulated
amount,' and that 'the advantage will
be retained, if the standard of living is
modified.'
As individuals we may not be able
to decrease the cost of commodities
or to discover new mechanical inven-
tions, but we can change our habits, if
we will. We can teach children to
choose the best instead of the useless,
the lasting instead of the cheap, the
beautiful instead of the ugly, — and
we could, by common consent, and the
force of honestly expressed opinion,
relieve the advertisers from the strain
under which they are now laboring,
and ourselves from the burden of their
industry.
It is no easy task to choose * the best
instead of the good.' This the work-
ing people, the professional people, the
conscientious parents, all know, and to
them idling in the shops brings no last-
ing satisfaction, no real interest. They
do not often enjoy wandering from
shop to shop, pricing, discussing, hand-
ling articles offered for sale. Shopping
as an all-day business is impossible to
them. They have no desire to sit in the
waiting room of a department store,
to listen to assorted music, to watch
the wandering crowd, to examine, with-
out mind to purchase, clothing suitable
for a court function. They have no
willingness to spend what they do not
have, to receive what they do not pay
for, or to get what they do not want,
and yet they are often lost in the jungle
of things manufactured, and feebly
snatch what they can in the struggle to
get out.
Sometimes one does not purchase
according to one's original intention.
There was a ' rummage sale ' not long
ago, in aid of a local charity. A Soci-
ety Bud, in charge of one of the tables,
was earnest in her effort to find the
VOL. in -NO. 6
real market value of her goods by the
* test of final utility and supply.'
An old woman came to purchase,
and spying a full-sized pair of La
Crosse racquets^ asked, 'How much
are those?'
'Fifteen cents,' was the prompt
answer.
'Will you take ten?' asked the old
woman.
'No,' said the Bud, 'that is too great
a sacrifice.'
'Then give me that cabbage, and
here is your dime.'
Saleswoman and purchaser both
smiled contentedly, feeling that a good
deed had been well done.
To buy wisely has its true satisfac-
tion, but just 'buying' seems to have
irresistible attraction for the human
mind. We were spending a golden hour
at the top of a great headland; far
below, the sea showed opal color and
violet light. The clay of the cliff
ranged in tone from black, through
red, blue, and yellow, to a creamy
white; patches of sweet fern and deli-
cate grasses grew in the crannies, glow-
ing green, giving accent and harmony
to the whole. Far below, the line of the
golden beach, the white curl of the
surf, were like poetry and music; and
yet, among the people who journeyed
that day to enjoy a fair place, only a
few had time to go out on the cliffs and
revel in color and beauty, because, at a
neat little stall, there was a collection
of perishable souvenirs for sale, and
so great was the demand for them that
the buyers had no time to feast their
eyes elsewhere. A proof that purchas-
ing is more interesting to the majority
than observing.
Of this fact advertisers and mer-
chants are well aware and yet they
invite us to look also. 'No trouble to
show goods,' is a slogan freely used,
and the shop-windows are lessons in
the art of display. This is the shop-
770
BRAINS AND BUYING
keeper's business, thought out, and
shown to the passer-by. Is our spend-
ing thought out also? Do we really
know our business, too, when we come
to make our selections, or are we like
the executive young woman who was
riding in from Cambridge? Opposite
her, in the car, was the embodiment
of the respectable lower-middle-class
British matron, with a child of ten.
The day was cold and raw for Novem-
ber. The child wore a dress with low
neck and short sleeves. The executive
woman was troubled, and remarked on
the fact to her neighbors. 'She ought
to be ashamed of herself to dress that
poor little thing so foolishly; I really
should like to take that child away from
her; it is scandalous.' The mother sat
opposite, patient, but at last she re-
marked very clearly, * I ' ve 'ad twelve.
How many 'ave you 'ad?'
We constantly receive catalogues of
* Reduction Sales,' tremendous in bulk,
and explicit in detail, offering great
opportunities to buy goods that are
unseasonable, or of a pronounced and
passing fashion . The philosophy of such
a * mark-down ' policy was interestingly
illustrated on Cape Ann, where two
amateur artists, with paint-boxes and
white umbrellas, were searching for an
abiding place.
'What is the price of board and
room at your cottage?'
'My prices are a dollar a day, or
eight dollars a week,' replied the busi-
ness-like New England spinster.
Thinkers claim that a purchaser with
high ideals and intelligence, whose de-
mands call for a wide range of resource,
will win a commanding place in the
* Unconscious Economic Struggle ' that
constantly goes on. Witness the as-
sistance offered such a purchaser in a
recent newspaper advertisement, which
says: —
* We have won distinction merely by
doing well what all should be ashamed
to do in a wrong way,' and * firmly
refusing to let fussy and affected dis-
cords of refined austerity take the
place of the rhythmic and the graceful.'
You know about the woman who
was pronounced by her friends 'very
sacrificing — but she did not sacrifice
judicious'; this is what is happening
to our advertisers: they no longer
* advertise judicious,' and if they keep
on at the rate at which they are now
going, arithmetical progression will
prove that there will soon be room for
naught else but their works on the civ-
ilized globe.
Would it not be interesting to have
economic relations taught in our
schools, just put into the simplest
possible language; teaching that good
not cheap is the standard, and that the
best is our object in human acquire-
ment? What a helpful body of young
men and women they would graduate.
What a bond there would be between
them, what a force they would be in
the nation; so that not only would
* Political Economy ' be a serious study
for the learned, but its simple and un-
derlying truths would become woven
into the daily thinking and accomplish-
ment of our boys and girls, and its re-
sults would show in their relations to
living and to trade.
SCIENCE AND MYSTICISM
BY HAVELOCK ELLIS
IF by 'science* we mean an organ-
ized knowledge of the world we live in,
adequate to give us some degree of
power over that world, and if by * mys-
ticism' we mean the quintessential
part of religion, or our emotional rela-
tionship to the world as a whole, the
opposition which we usually assume to
exist between them is of comparatively
modern origin.
Among sava*ge peoples such an op-
position has no existence. Not only is
there no opposition between the * sci-
entific* and the * mystical' attitude
among peoples we may fairly call prim-
itive, but the two attitudes are usu-
ally combined in the same person. The
'medicine-man' is not more a man of
science than he is a mystic : he is both
equally. He cultivates not only magic
but holiness, he achieves the conquest
of his own soul, he enters into harmony
with the universe; and in doing this,
and partly indeed through doing this,
his knowledge is increased, his sensa-
tions and power of observation are
rendered acute, and he is enabled so to
gain organized knowledge of natural
processes, that he can to some extent
foresee or even control those processes.
He is the ancestor alike of the hermit
following after sanctity and of the in-
ventor crystallizing discoveries into
profitable patents.
Such is usually the medicine-man
wherever we find him, all over the
world, around Torres Straits just as
much as around Bering's Straits. Yet
we have totally failed to grasp the sig-
nificance of this fact.
It is the business of the shaman, as
on the mystical side we may best term
the medicine-man, to place himself
under the conditions — and even in
primitive life those conditions are
varied and subtle — which bring his
will into harmony with the essence of
the world, so that he grows one with
that essence, that its will becomes his
will, and, reversely, that in a sense his
will becomes its. Herewith, in this
unity with the spirit of the world, the
possibilities of magic and the power to
control the operations of Nature are
introduced into human thought, with
its core of reality and its endless trail
of absurdity persisting even into ad-
vanced civilization. But this harmony
with the essence of the universe, this
control of Nature through oneness with
Nature, is not only at the heart of re-
ligion; it is also at the heart of science.
It is only by the possession of an ac-
quired or inborn temperament attuned
to the temperament of Nature that a
Faraday or an Edison, that any scien-
tific discoverer or inventor, can achieve
his results. And the primitive medi-
cine-man, who on the religious side has
attained harmony of the self with the
not-self, and by obeying has learned to
command, cannot fail on the scientific
side also, under the special conditions
of his isolated life, to acquire an in-
sight into natural methods, a practical
power over human activities and over
the treatment of disease, such as on
the imaginative and emotional side he
771
772
SCIENCE AND MYSTICISM
already possesses. If we are able to
see this essential and double attitude
of the shaman or medicine-man, if we
are able to eliminate all the extraneous
absurdities and extravagances which
conceal the real nature of his function
in the primitive world, the problem of
science and mysticism, their relation-
ship to each other, ceases to have any
difficulties for us.
Thus the medicine-man's significance
is surely clear. If science and mys-
ticism are alike based on fundamental
natural instincts, appearing spontane-
ously all over the world; if, moreover,
they naturally tend to appear in the
same individual in such a way that
each impulse would seem to be depend-
ent on the other for its full develop-
ment, then there can be no ground for
accepting any disharmony between
them. The course of human evolution
may involve a division of labor, a spe-
cialization of science and of mysticism
along different lines and in separate
individuals; but a fundamental antag-
onism of the two, it becomes evident,
is not to be thought of; it is unthink-
able, even absurd.
If at some period in the course of
civilization we seriously find that our
science and our religion are antagonis-
tic, then there must be something wrong
either with our science or with our reli-
gion. Perhaps not seldom there may be
something wrong with both. For if the
natural impulses which normally work
best together are separated and special-
ized in different persons, we may expect
to find a concomitant state of atrophy
and hypertrophy, both alike morbid.
The scientific person will become atro-
phied on the mystical side, the mysti-
cal person will become atrophied on
the scientific side. Each will become
morbidly hypertrophied on his own
side. But the assumption that because
there is a lack of harmony between op-
posing pathological states there must
also be a similar lack of harmony under
natural conditions, is unreasonable.
We must severely put out of count
alike the hypertrophied scientific peo-
ple with atrophied religious instincts,
and the hypertrophied religious peo-
ple with atrophied scientific instincts.
Neither group can help us here; they
only introduce confusion. The fact that
at the present moment this is peculiar-
ly the case furnishes the reason why
we here have to examine the matter
critically, to go back to first principles,
to take so wide a survey of the phe-
nomena that their seemingly conflict-
ing elements shall fall into harmony.
The fact, in the first place, that the
person with an over-developed relig-
ious sense combined with an under-
developed scientific sense necessarily
conflicts with a person, in whom the
reverse state of affairs exists cannot be
doubted, nor is the reason of it obscure.
It is difficult to conceive a Darwin and
a St. Theresa entering with full and
genuine sympathy into each other's
point of view. And that is so by no
means because the two attitudes,
stripped of all but their essentials, are
irreconcilable. If we strip St. Theresa
of her atrophied pseudo-science, which
in her case was mostly theological
science, there was nothing in her atti-
tude which would not have seemed to
harmonize with and to exalt that abso-
lute adoration and service to natural
truth which inspired Darwin. If we
strip Darwin of that atrophied feeling
for poetry and the arts which he de-
plored, and that anaemic secular con-
ception of the universe as a whole
which he seems to have accepted with-
out deploring, there was nothing in his
attitude which would not have served
to fertilize and enrich the spiritual
exaltation of Theresa, and even to have
removed far from her that temptation
to accidie or slothfulness which all the
mystics, who are mystics only, have
SCIENCE AND MYSTICISM
773
recognized as their besetting sin, mini-
mised as it was in Theresa by her
practical activities. Yet being, as they
were, persons of supreme genius devel-
oped on opposite sides of their common
human nature, an impassable gulf lies
between them. It lies equally between
much more ordinary people who yet
show the same common character of
being under-grown on one side, over-
grown on the other.
This difficulty is not diminished
when the person who is thus hyper-
trophied on one side and atrophied on
the other suddenly wakes up to his
one-sided state and hastily attempts to
remedy it. The very fact that such a
one-sided development has come about,
indicates that there has probably been
a congenital basis for it, an innate dis-
harmony which must require infinite
patience and special personal experi-
ence to overcome it. But the heroic and
ostentatious manner in which these
ill-balanced people hastily attempt the
athletic feat of restoring their spiritual
balance has frequently aroused the in-
terest, and too often the amusement, of
the spectator.
Sir Isaac Newton, the most quint-
essentially scientific person the world
has seen, the searcher who has made
the most stupendous effort to picture
the universe intelligently on its pure-
ly intelligible side, realized in old age,
when he was indeed approaching sen-
ility, that the vast hypertrophy of his
faculties on that side had not been
compensated by any development on
the religious side. He forthwith set him-
self to the interpretation of the Book
of Daniel and puzzled over the prophe-
cies of the Book of Revelation, with
the same scientifically serious air that
he would have assumed in analyzing
the spectrum. In reality he had not
reached the sphere of religion at all; he
had merely exchanged good science for
bad science. Such senile efforts to pen-
etrate, ere yet life is quite over, the
mystery of religion, recall, and indeed
have a real analogy to, that final effort
of the emotionally starved to grasp a
love which has been called 'old maids'
insanity'; and just as in this aberration
the woman who has all her life put love
into the subconscious background of
her mind is overcome by an eruption
of the suppressed emotions and driven
to create baseless legends of which she
is herself the heroine, so the scientific
man who has put religion into the
sphere subconscious, and has scarcely
known that there is such a thing, may
become in the end the victim of an
imaginary religion.
In our own time we may have wit-
nessed attempts of the scientific mind
to become religious, which, without
amounting to mental aberration, are
yet highly instructive. It would be a
double-edged compliment, in this con-
nection, to compare Sir Oliver Lodge
with Sir Isaac Newton. But after de-
voting himself for many years to pure-
ly physical research, Lodge also, as he
has confessed, found that he had over-
looked the religious side of life, and
therefore set himself with character-
istic energy to the task — the stages
of which are described in a long series
of books — of developing this atro-
phied side of his nature. Unlike New-
ton, who was worried about the future,
Lodge became worried about the past.
Just as Newton found what he was
contented to regard as religious peace
in speculating on the meaning of the
books of Daniel and Revelation, so
Lodge found a similar satisfaction in
speculations concerning the origin of
the soul, and in hunting out tags from
the poets to support his speculations.
So fascinating was this occupation that
it seemed to him to constitute a great
'message' to the world. 'My message
is that there is some great truth in the
idea of preexistence, not an obvious
774
SCIENCE AND MYSTICISM
truth, nor one easy to formulate, — a
truth difficult to express, — not to be
identified with the guesses of reincar-
nation and transmigration, which may
be fanciful. We may not have been
individuals before, but we are chips or
fragments of a great mass of mind, of
spirit, and of life — drops, as it were,
taken out of a germinal reservoir of
life, and incubated until incarnate in a
material body.' 1
The genuine mystic would smile if
asked to accept as a divine message
these phraseological gropings in the
darkness, with their culmination in the
gospel of * incubated drops.' They cer-
tainly represent an attempt to get at
a real fact. But the mystic is not trou-
bled by speculations about the origin
of the individual, or theories of preex-
istence. It is abundantly evident that
when the hypertrophied man of science
seeks to cultivate his atrophied relig-
ious instincts it is with the utmost diffi-
culty that he escapes from science. His
conversion to religion merely means,
for the most part, that he has ex-
changed sound science for pseudo-sci-
ence.
Similarly, when the man with hyper-
trophied religious instincts seeks to cul-
tivate his atrophied scientific instincts,
the results are scarcely satisfactory.
Here, indeed, we are concerned with
a phenomenon that is rarer than the
reverse process. The reason may not
be far to seek. The instinct of reli-
gion develops earlier in the history of
a race than the instinct of science; it
is doubtless more fundamental. The
man who has found the massive satis-
faction of his religious cravings is sel-
dom at any stage conscious of scien-
tific cravings; he is apt to feel that he
already possesses the supreme know-
ledge. The religious doubters who
vaguely feel that their faith is at va-
riance with science are merely the
1 Sir Oliver Lodge, Reason and Belief, p. 19.
creatures of creeds, the product of
churches; they are not the genuine
mystics. The genuine mystics who
have exercised their scientific instincts
have generally found scope for such
exercise within an enlarged theological
scheme which they regarded as part of
their religion. So it was that St. Augus-
tine found scope for his full and vivid,
if capricious, intellectual impulses; so
also Aquinas, in whom there was
doubtless less of the mystic and more
of the scientist, found scope for the
rational and orderly development of a
keen intelligence which has made him
an authority, and even a pioneer, for
many who are absolutely indifferent to
his theology.
Again, we see that to understand
the real relations between science and
mysticism, we must return to ages
when, on neither side, had any ac-
cumulated mass of dead traditions
effected an artificial divorce between
two great natural instincts. It has
already been pointed out that if we go
outside civilization, the divorce is not
found; the savage mystic is also the
savage man of science, the priest and
the doctor are one. It is so also for
the most part in barbarism, among
the ancient Hebrews, for instance, and
not only among their priests but even
among their prophets. It appears that
the most common Hebrew word for
what we term * prophet' signified 'one
who bursts forth/ presumably into the
utterance of spiritual verities, and the
less usual words signify 'seer.' That is
to say, the prophet was primarily a
man of religion, secondarily a man of
science. And that predictive element
in the prophet's function, which to per-
sons lacking in religious instinct seems
the whole of his function, has no rela-
tionship at all to religion; it is a func-
tion of science. It is an insight into
cause and effect, a conception of se-
quences based on extended observa-
SCIENCE AND MYSTICISM
775
tion, and enabling the 'prophet' to
assert that certain lines of action will
probably lead to the degeneration of
a stock, or to the decay of a nation.
It is a sort of applied history. 'Pro-
phecy' has no more to do with reli-
gion than have the forecasts of the
Meteorological Bureau, which also are
a kind of applied science in earlier ages
associated with religion.
If, keeping within the sphere of civil-
ization, we go back as far as we can, the
conclusion we reach is not greatly dif-
ferent. The earliest of the great mys-
tics in historical times is Lao-tze. He
lived six hundred years earlier than
Jesus, a hundred years earlier than
Sakya-Muni, and he was more quint-
essentially a mystic than either. He
was, moreover, incomparably nearer
than either to the point of view of
science. Even his occupation in life
was, in relation to his age and land,
such as we may regard as of a typically
scientific character: he was, if we may
trust uncertain tradition, keeper of the
archives. In the substance of his work
this harmony of religion and science
is throughout unmistakable; the very
word Tao, which to Lao-tze is the
symbol of all that to which religion
may mystically unite us, is susceptible
of being translated Reason, although
that word is quite inadequate to its
meaning. There are no theological or
metaphysical speculations here con-
cerning God (the very word only oc-
curs once and may be a later interpo-
lation), the soul, or immortality. The
delicate and profound art of Lao-tze
largely lies in the skill with which he
expresses spiritual verities in the form
of natural truths. His affirmations not
only go to the core of religion, but they
express the essential methods of science.
This man has the mystic's heart, but
he has also the physicist's touch and the
biologist's eye. He moves in a sphere
in which religion and science are one.
If we pass to more modern times
and to the little European corner of
the world, around the Mediterranean
shores, which is the cradle of our lat-
ter-day civilization, again and again we
find traces of this fundamental unity
of mysticism and science. It may well
be that we never again find it in quite
so pure a form as in Lao-tze, quite so
free from all admixture alike of bad
religion and bad science. The exuber-
ant, unbalanced activity of our race,
the restless acquisitiveness, — already
manifested in the sphere of ideas and
traditions before it led to the produc-
tion of millionaires, — soon became an
ever-growing impediment to such unity
of spiritual impulses. Among the sup-
ple and versatile Greeks, indeed, exu-
berance and recklessness seem always
to have stood in the way of approach
to the essential terms of this problem.
We see far more of it in Lucretius than
we can divine in Epicurus. It was only
when the Greeks began to absorb ori-
ental influences that they became gen-
uine mystics, and as they approached
mysticism they left science behind.
If Lucretius is the first of moderns
in this identification of mysticism and
science, he has been followed by many,
even though it may be, one some-
times thinks, with an ever increasing
difficulty, a drooping of the wings of
mystical aspiration, a limping of the
feet of scientific progress. Leonardo
and Giordano Bruno and Spinoza and
Goethe, each with a little imperfection
on one side or the other, if not on
both sides, have moved in a sphere in
which the impulses of religion are felt
to spring from the same centre as the
impulses of science. If we cannot alto-
gether include such men as Sweden-
borg and Faraday in the same group, it
is because we cannot feel that in them
the two impulses, however highly de-
veloped, really spring from the same
centre or really make a true harmony.
776
SCIENCE AND MYSTICISM
We suspect that these men and their
like kept their mysticism in a science-
proof compartment of their minds, and
their science in a mysticism-proof com-
partment; we tremble for the explosive
result, should the wall of partition ever
be broken down.
The difficulty, we see again, has
been that on each hand there has been
a growth of non-essential traditions
around the pure and vital impulse, and
the obvious disharmony of these two
sets of accretions conceals the under-
lying harmony of the impulses them-
selves. The possibility of reaching the
natural harmony is thus not necessar-
ily by virtue of any rare degree of in-
tellectual attainment, nor by any rare
gift of inborn spiritual temperament,
— though either of these may in some
cases be operative, — but rather in the
happy chance that the burden of tra-
dition on each side has fallen, and that
the mystical impulse is free to play
without a dead metaphysical theology,
the scientific impulse without a dead
metaphysical formalism. It is a happy
chance that may befall the simple more
easily than the wise and learned.
ii
The foregoing considerations have
perhaps cleared the way to a realiza-
tion of the fact that when we 'look
broadly at the matter, when we clear
away all the accumulated superstitions,
the unreasoned prepossessions on either
side, and so reach firm ground, not only
is there no opposition between science
and mysticism, but in their essence,
and at the outset, they are essentially
related. The seeming divorce between
them is due to a false and unbalanced
development on either side, if not on
both sides.
Yet all such considerations as these
cannot suffice to realize for us this
unity of apparent opposites. There is,
indeed, it has often seemed to me, a
certain futility in all discussion of the
relative claims of science and religion.
This is a matter which, in the last re-
sort, lies beyond the sphere of argu-
ment. It not only depends on a man's
entire psychic equipment, brought with
him at birth and never to be funda-
mentally changed, but it is the out-
come of his own vital experience during
life. It cannot be profitably discussed
because it is experiential.
It seems to me, therefore, that, hav-
ing gone so far, and stated what I con-
sider to be the relations of mysticism
and science as revealed in human his-
tory, I am bound to go further and to
state what are my personal grounds for
believing that the harmonious satis-
faction alike of the religious impulse
and of the scientific impulse may be
attained to-day by an ordinarily bal-
anced person in whom both impulses
crave for satisfaction. There is indeed
a serious difficulty. To set forth a per-
sonal religious experience for the first
time requires considerable resolution,
and not least to one who is inclined to
suspect that the experiences usually
so set forth can be of no profound or
significant nature; that if the under-
lying motives of a man's life can be
brought to the surface and put into
words their vital motive power is gone.
Even the fact that more than thirty
years have passed since the experience
took place, scarcely suffices to make the
confession of it easy. But I recall to
mind that the first original book I ever
planned (and in fact partly wrote) was
a book, impersonal though suggested
by personal experience, on the founda-
tions of religion.1 I put it aside, saying
1 In connection with this scheme, it may be
interesting to note, I prepared in 1879 a question-
naire on 'conversion,' on the lines of the investi-
gations which some years later began to be so
fruitfully carried out by the psychologists of
religion in America. — THE AUTHOR.
SCIENCE AND MYSTICISM
777
to myself that I would complete it in
old age, because it seemed to me that
the problem of religion would always
be fresh, while there were other prob-
lems more pressingly in need of speedy
investigation. Now, it may be, I begin
to feel that the time has come to carry
that early project a stage further.
Like many of the generation to which
I belonged, I was brought up far from
the Sunday-school atmosphere of con-
ventional religiosity. I received little
religious instruction outside the home,
but there I was made to feel, from my •
earliest years, that religion was a very
vital and personal matter with which
the world and the fashion of it had no-
thing to do. To that teaching, while
still a child, I responded in a whole-
hearted way. Necessarily, the exer-
cises of this early impulse followed the
paths prescribed for it by my environ-
ment. I accepted the creed set before
me; I privately studied the New Tes-
tament for my own satisfaction; I hon-
estly endeavored, strictly in private,
to mould my actions and impulses
on what seemed to be Christian lines.
There was no obtrusive outward evi-
dence of this; outside the home, more-
over, I moved in a world which might
be indifferent but was not actively hos-
tile to my inner aspirations, and if the
need for any external affirmation had
become absolutely inevitable I should,
I am fairly certain, have invoked other
than religious grounds for my protest.
Religion, as I instinctively felt then,
and as I consciously believe now, is a
private matter, as love is. This was my
mental state at the age of twelve.
Then came the period of emotional
and intellectual expansion, when the
scientific and critical instincts began
to germinate. These were completely
spontaneous, and not stimulated by
any influences of the environment. To
inquire, to question, to investigate the
qualities of the things around us and to
search out their causes, is surely as na-
tive an impulse as the religious impulse
would be found to be if only we would
refrain from exciting it artificially. In
the first place, this scientific impulse
was not greatly concerned with the
traditional body of beliefs which were
then inextricably entwined in my mind
with the exercise of the religious in-
stinct. In so far indeed as it touched
them it took up their defense. Thus I
read Kenan's Life of Jesus, and the
facile sentiment of this book, the atti-
tude of artistic reconstruction, aroused
a criticism which led me to ignore any
underlying sounder qualities. Yet, all
the time, the inquiring and critical
impulse was a slowly permeating and
invading influence, and its application
to religion was, now and again, stimu-
lated by books, although such applica-
tion was in no slightest degree favor-
ed by the social environment. When,
too, I came to read Swinburne's Songs
before Sunrise, — although the book
made no very personal appeal to me, —
I realized that it was possible to present
in an attractively modern, emotional
light, religious beliefs which were in-
compatible with Christianity, and even
actively hostile to its creed.
The process of disintegration took
place in slow stages that were not per-
ceived until the process was complete.
Then at last I realized that I no longer
possessed any religious faith. All the
Christian dogmas I had been brought
up to accept unquestioned had slipped
away, and they had dragged with them
what I had experienced of religion, for
I could not then so far analyze all that
is roughly lumped together as 'reli-
gion' as to disentangle the essential
from the accidental. Such analysis, to
be effectively convincing, demanded
personal experiences I was not pos-
sessed of.
I was now seventeen years of age.
The loss of religious faith had produced
778
SCIENCE AND MYSTICISM
no change in conduct, save that reli-
gious observances, which had never
been ostentatiously performed, were
dropped, so far as they might be with-
out hurting the feelings of others. The
revolution was so gradual and so
natural that even inwardly the shock
was not great, while various activities,
the growth of mental aptitudes, suf-
ficiently served to occupy the mind. It
was only during periods of depression
that the absence of faith as a satisfac-
tion of the religious impulse became at
all acutely felt. Possibly it might have
been felt less acutely if I could have
realized that there was even a real
benefit in the cutting down and clear-
ing away of traditional and non-vital
beliefs. Not only was it a wholesome
and strenuous effort to obey at all costs
the call of what was felt as * truth,'
having in it, therefore, a spirit of reli-
gion even though directed against
religion, but it was evidently favor-
able to the training of intelligence. The
man who has never wrestled with, and
overcome, his early faith, the faith
that he was brought up with and that
yet is not his own, has missed not only
a moral but an intellectual discipline.
The absence of that discipline may
mark a man for life and render all his
work in the world ineffective. He has
missed a training in criticism, in analy-
sis, in open-mindedness, in the resolute-
ly impersonal treatment of personal
problems, which no other training can
compensate. He is, for the most part,
condemned to live in a mental jungle
where his arm will soon be too feeble
to clear away the growths that enclose
him and his eyes too weak to find the
light.
While, however, I had adopted with-
out knowing it, the best course to steel
the power of thinking and to render
possible a patient, humble, self-for-
getful attitude toward Nature, there
were times when I became painfully,
almost despairingly, conscious of the
unsatisfied cravings of the religious
impulse. These moods tended to be-
come more rather than less acute. They
were emphasized even by the books I
read, which argued that religion, in the
only sense in which I understood reli-
gion, was unnecessary and that science,
whether or not formulated into a
creed, furnished all that we need to
ask in this direction. I well remem-
ber the painful feelings with which I
read at this time D. F. Strauss's The
Old Faith and the New. It is a scienti-
fic creed set down in old age, with much
comfortable complacency, by a man
who found considerable satisfaction
in the evening of life in the enjoyment
of Haydn's quartettes and Munich
brown beer. They are both excellent
things, as I am now willing to grant,
but they are a sorry source of inspira-
tion when one is seventeen and con-
sumed by a thirst for impossibly re-
mote ideals. Moreover, the philosophic
horizon of this man was as limited and
as prosaic as the aesthetic atmosphere
in which he lived. I had to acknow-
ledge to myself that the scientific
principles of the universe, as Strauss
laid them down, presented, so far as I
knew, the utmost scope in which the
human spirit could move. But what a
poor scope!
I had the feeling that the universe
was a sort of factory filled by an
inextricable web of wheels and looms
and flying shuttles, in a deafening din.
That, it seemed, was the world as the
most competent scientific authorities
declared it to be made. It was a world
I was prepared to accept, and yet a
world in which, I felt, I could only
wander restlessly, an ignorant and
homeless child. Sometimes, no doubt,
there were other visions of the uni-
verse a little less disheartening, such
as that presented by Herbert Spencer's
First Principles, but the dominant
SCIENCE AND MYSTICISM
feeling always was that while the scien-
tific outlook, the outlook of Darwin
and Huxley, commended itself to me
as presenting a sound view of the
world, on the emotional side I was a
stranger to that world, if indeed I
would not, with Omar, 'shatter it to
bits/
At the same time, it must be noted,
there was no fault to find with the
general trend of my life and activities.
I was fully occupied, with daily duties
as well as with the actively interested
contemplation of an ever enlarging in-
tellectual horizon. This was very not-
ably the case at the age of nineteen,
three years after all vestiges of relig-
ious faith had disappeared from the
psychic surface.
I was still interested in religious and
philosophic questions, and it so chanced
that at this time I reread the Life in
Nature of James Hinton, who had al-
ready attracted my attention as a gen-
uine man of science with yet a very
original and personal grasp of religion.
I had read the book six months before
and it had not greatly impressed me.
Now, I no longer know why, I read it
again, and the effect was very different.
Evidently by this time my mind had
reached a stage of saturated solution
which needed, by the shock of the
right contact, to recrystallize in forms
that were a revelation to me. Here evi-
dently the right contact was applied.
Hinton in this book showed himself a
scientific biologist who carried the me-
chanistic explanations of life even fur-
ther than was then usual. But he was
a man of a highly passionate type of
intellect, and what might otherwise be
formal and abstract was for him soaked
in emotion. Thus, while he saw the
world as an orderly mechanism, he was
not content, like Strauss, to stop there
and see nothing else. As he viewed it,
the mechanism was not the mechanism
of a factory, it was vital, with all the
glow and warmth and beauty of life; it
was, therefore, something which not
only the intellect might accept, but the
heart might cling to. The bearing of
this conception on my state of mind is
obvious. It acted with the swiftness of
an electric contact; the dull aching
tension was removed; the two opposing
psychic tendencies were fused in deli-
cious harmony, and my whole attitude
toward the universe was changed. It
was no longer an attitude of hostility
and dread, but of confidence and love.
My self was one with the not-self;
my will, one with the universal will.
I seemed to walk in light; my feet
scarcely touched the ground; I had
entered a new world.
The effect of that swift revolution
was permanent. At first there was a
moment or two of wavering, and the
primary exaltation soon subsided into
an attitude of calm serenity toward all
those questions that had once seemed
so torturing. In regard to all these
matters I had become permanently
satisfied and at rest, yet absolutely un-
fettered and free. I was not troubled
about the origin of the soul, or about
the destiny of the soul; I was entirely
prepared to accept any analysis of the
soul which might commend itself as
reasonable. Neither was I troubled
about the existence of any superior be-
ing or beings, and I was ready to see
that all the words and forms by which
men try to picture to themselves spir-
itual realities are mere metaphors and
images of an inward experience. There
was not a single clause in my religious
creed, because I held no creed. I had
found that all dogmas were — not as I
had once imagined, true, not as I had
afterwards supposed, false — but the
mere empty shadows of intimate per-
sonal experiences. I had become indif-
ferent to shadows for I held the sub-
stance. I had sacrificed what I counted
dearest at the call of what seemed to be
780
SCIENCE AND MYSTICISM
Truth, and now I was repaid a thou-
sand-fold. Henceforth I could face life
with confidence and joy, for my heart
was at one with the world, and what-
ever might prove to be in harmony
with the world could not be out of
harmony with me.
Yet, as the acute reader cannot fail
to observe, nothing whatever had hap-
pened, and I had not gained one single
definite belief that could be expressed
in a scientific formula or hardened into
a religious creed. That, indeed, is the
essence of such a process. A 'conver-
sion' is not, as is often assumed, a
turning toward a belief. More strictly,
it is a turning round, a revolution; it
has no primary reference to any ex-
ternal object. To put the matter a lit-
tle more precisely, the change is fun-
damentally a readjustment of psychic
elements to each other, enabling the
whole machine to work harmoniously.
There is no necessary introduction of
new ideas, and there is much more like-
ly to be a casting out of dead ideas
which have clogged the vital process.
The soul had not been in harmony with
itself; now it is revolving truly on its
own axis, and in doing so it simultan-
eously finds its true orbit in the cosmic
system. In becoming one with itself
it becomes one with the universe.1
Thus may be explained what may
seem to some the curious fact that I
never for a moment thought of accept-
ing as a gospel the book which had
brought me a stimulus of such inesti-
1 The simple and essential outlines of 'con-
version' have sometimes been obscured to the
psychologists of religion because they have
chiefly studied it within the churches among
people whose prepossessions and superstitions
have rendered it a highly complex process, and
mixed it up with questions of right and wrong
living which, important as they are, properly
form no part of religion. The man who waits to
lead a decent life until he has 'saved his soul'
is not likely to possess a soul that is worth
saving. Long ago Edith Simcox (in a passage
mable value. The person in whom * con-
version ' takes place is usually told that
the process is connected in some magi-
cal manner with a supernatural influ-
ence of some kind, a book, a creed, a
church, or what not. I had read this
book before, and it had left me un-
moved; I knew that the change had its
source in me, and not in the book. I
never looked into the book again; I
cannot tell when or how my copy of it
disappeared; for all that I know, hav-
ing accomplished its mission, it was
drawn up again to Heaven in a sheet.
As regards James Hinton, I was inter-
ested in him before the date of the epi-
sode here narrated; I am interested in
him still.
It may further be noted that this
process of 'conversion' cannot be re-
garded as the outcome of despair. The
unfortunate individual, we sometimes
imagine, who is bereft of religious faith,
sinks deeper and deeper into despon-
dency, until finally he unconsciously
seeks relief from his woes by plunging
into an abyss of emotions, thereby
committing intellectual suicide. On
the contrary, the period in which this
event occurred was far from a period of
dejection, either mental or physical. I
was fully occupied; I lived a healthy,
open-air life, in a fine climate, amid
beautiful scenery; I was reveling in new
studies and the growing consciousness
of new powers. Instead of being the
ultimate stage in a process of descent,
my psychic revolution might much
of her Natural Law which chanced to strike my
attention very soon after the episode above
narrated) well described 'conversion' as a
'spiritual revolution,' not based on any single
rational consideration but due to the 'cumulative
evidence of cognate impressions' resulting at a
particular moment, not in a change in belief,
but in a total rearrangement and recoloring of
beliefs and impressions, with the supreme result
that the order of the universe is apprehended no
longer as hostile but as friendly. This is the fun-
damental fact of 'conversion.' — THE AUTHOR.
SCIENCE AND MYSTICISM
781
more fittingly be regarded as the climax
of an ascending movement.
Moreover, — and this is a point on
which I would insist, — nothing had
here taken place which by any effort
of imagination could be described as
intellectual suicide. On the intellec-
tual side no change had taken place.
No new creed or dogma had been
adopted; it might rather be said that,
on the contrary, some prepossessions,
hitherto unconscious, had been realized
and cast out. The operations of rea-
son, so far from being fettered, could
be effected with greater freedom and
on a larger scale.
The religious process, we may ob-
serve again, had throughout directly
contributed to strengthen the scientific
attitude. The mere fact that one is
impelled by the sincerity of one's relig-
ious faith to question, to analyze, and
finally to destroy one's religious creed,
is itself an incomparable training for
the intelligence. In this task reason is
submitted to the hardest tests; it has
every temptation to allow itself to be
lulled into sleepy repose or cajoled into
specious reconciliations. If it is true
to itself here it is steeled for every other
task in the world, for no other task can
ever demand so complete a self-sacri-
fice at the call of Truth. Indeed the
final restoration of the religious impulse
on a higher plane may itself be said
to reinforce the scientific impulse, for
it removes that sense of psychic dis-
harmony which is a subconscious fet-
ter on the rational activity. The new
inward harmony, proceeding from a
psychic centre that is at one alike with
itself and with the not-self, imparts
confidence to every operation of the
intellect. All the metaphysical images
of faith in the unseen — too familiar
in the mystical experiences of men of
all religions to need specification — are
now on the side of science. For he who
is thus held in his path can pursue that
path with serenity and trust, however
daring its course may sometimes seem.
It appears to me, therefore, on the
basis of personal experience, that the
process thus outlined is a natural pro-
cess. The harmony of the religious
impulse with the scientific impulse is
not merely a conclusion to be deduced
from the history of the past. It is a
living fact to-day. However obscured
it may be in many cases, the process
lies in human nature and is still open to
all to experience.
in
If the development of the religious
instinct and the development of the
scientific instinct are alike natural,
and if the possibility of the harmony of
the two instincts is a verifiable fact of
experience, how is it, one may ask, that
there has ever been any dispute on the
matter? Why has not this natural ex-
perience been the experience of all?
Various considerations may help to
make clear to us how it has happened
that a process which might reasonably
be supposed to be intimate and sacred
should have become so obscured and so
deformed that it has been fiercely ban-
died about by opposing factions. At
the outset, as we have seen, among
comparatively primitive peoples, it
really is a simple and natural process
carried out harmoniously with no sense
of conflict. A man, it would seem, was
not then overburdened by the still
unwritten traditions of the race. He
was comparatively free to exercise his
own impulses unfettered by the chains
forged out of the dead impulses of those
who had gone before him.
It is the same still among unculti-
vated persons of our own race in civil-
ization. I well remember how once dur-
ing a long ride through the Australian
bush with a settler, a quiet uncommun-
icative man with whom I had long been
782
SCIENCE AND MYSTICISM
acquainted, he suddenly told me how
at times he would ascend to the top of a
hill and become lost to himself and to
everything as he stood in contempla-
tion of the scene around him. Those
moments of ecstasy, of self-forgetful
union with the Divine beauty of Na-
ture, were entirely compatible with
the rational outlook of a simple, hard-
working man who, at such moments,
had in his own humble way, like Moses,
met God in a mountain. There can be
no doubt that such an experience is not
uncommon among simple folk unen-
cumbered by tradition, even when of
civilized race.
The burden of written traditions, of
formalized conventions, of stereotyped
castes, has too often proved fatal alike
to the manifestations of the religious
impulse and of the scientific impulse.
It is unnecessary to point out how
easily this happens in the case of the
religious impulse. It is only too famil-
iar to us how, when the impulse of
religion first germinates in the young
soul, the ghouls of the Church rush out
of their caverns, seize on the unhappy
victim of the divine effluence and pro-
ceed to assure him that his rapture is
not a natural manifestation as free as
the sunlight and as gracious as the
unfolding of a rose, but the manifest
sign that he has been branded by a
supernatural force and fettered for
ever to a dead theological creed. Too
often he is thus caught by the bait of
his own rapture; the hook is firmly
fixed in his jaw and he is drawn whither
his blind guides will; his wings droop
and fall away; so far as the finer issues
of life are concerned he is done for and
damned.
But the process is not so very dif-
ferent on the scientific side, though here
it is more subtly concealed. The youth
in whom the natural impulse of science
arises is sternly told that the spon-
taneous movement of his intelligence
toward Nature and Truth is nothing,
for the one thing needful is that he
shall be put to discipline, and trained
in the scientific traditions of the ages.
The desirability of such training for the
effective questioning of Nature is so
clear that both teacher and pupil are
apt to overlook the fact that it in-
volves much that is not science at all :
all sorts of dead traditions, unrealized
fragments of ancient metaphysical sys-
tems, prepossessions and limitations,
conscious or unconscious, the obedience
to arbitrary authorities. So that the
actual outcome may be that the finally
accomplished man of science has as
little of the scientific impulse as the
fully fledged religious man need have
of the religious impulse; he becomes the
victim of another kind of ecclesiastical
sectarianism.
There is one special piece of ancient
metaphysics which, until recently, sci-
entific and religious sects have alike
combined to support: the conception
of 'matter.' This conception has been
of primary importance in distorting the
scientific spirit and in creating an arti-
ficial opposition between science and
religion. All sorts of antique metaphy-
sical peculiarities were attributed to
' matter,' and they were mostly of a bad
character; all the good qualities were
attributed to 'spirit'; 'matter* played
the Devil's part to the more divine
'spirit.' Thus it was that 'materialis-
tic* came to be a term signifying all
that is most heavy, opaque, depressing,
soul-destroying and diabolical in the
universe. The party of traditionalized
religion fostered this conception and
the party of traditionalized science fre-
quently adopted it, cheerily proposing
to find infinite potentialities in this de-
spised metaphysical substance.
Yet ' matter ' - - as psychologically
minded philosophers at last began to
point out — is merely a substance we
have ourselves invented to account for
SCIENCE AND MYSTICISM
783
our sensations. We see, we touch, we
hear, we smell, and by a brilliant syn-
thetic effort of intelligence we put
together all these sensations and pic-
ture to ourselves 'matter' as being the
source of them. It is a useful working
hypothesis; it is nothing more. Science
itself is slowly purging 'matter' of its
complicated metaphysical properties.
That 'matter,' the nature of which Dr.
Johnson, as Bos well tells us, thought
he had settled by ' striking his foot with
mighty force against a large stone,' is
coming to be looked upon as merely
an electrical emanation. We now ac-
cept even that transmutation of the
elements of which the alchemists once
dreamed.
It is true that gravitation is still
a mysterious puzzle, and that we still
think of 'matter' as having weight.
But so cautious a physicist as Sir Jo-
seph Thomson has lately only felt able
to say that weight is an 'apparently in-
variable property of matter.' Evident-
ly we are approaching a time when
'matter' will be regarded as almost as
'ethereal' as 'spirit.' The spontaneous
affirmation of the mystic that he lives
in the spiritual world here and now, will
then be, in other words, merely the
same affirmation which the man of
science has more laboriously reached.
The man, therefore, who is terrified by
'materialism' has reached the final
outpost of absurdity. He is a simple-
minded person who places his own hand
before his eyes and cries out in horror,
'The Universe has disappeared! '
We have not only to realize how our
own prepossessions and the metaphy-
sical figments of our own creation have
obscured the simple realities of religion
and science alike; we have also to see
that our timid dread lest religion should
kill our science, or science kill our relig-
ion, is equally fatal here. He who would
gain his life must be willing to lose it,
and it is by being honest to one's self
and to the facts, by applying courage-
ously the measuring-rod of Truth, that
in the end salvation is found.
Here, indeed, the Pragmatist smil-
ingly comes up and assures us that by
adopting such a method we shall there-
by merely put ourselves in the wrong
and endure much unnecessary suffering.
There is no such thing as 'Truth,' he
declares, regarded as an objective im-
personal reality; we do not 'discover'
truth, we invent it. Therefore it is our
business to invent a truth which shall
harmoniously satisfy the needs of our
nature and aid our efficiency in prac-
tical life. Certainly the philosophers,
and notably Nietzsche, have of late
years loved to analyze the idea of
' truth ' and to show that it by no means
signifies what we used to suppose it
signified. But to show that truth is
fluid is by no means to show that we
can at will play fast and loose with it to
suit our own convenience. If we do we
merely find ourselves, at the end, in a
pool where we must tramp round and
round in intellectual slush out of which
there is no issue. One may well doubt
whether the Pragmatist himself has
ever invented his truth that way. He
would be in the same position with a
man who, having convinced himself
that all actions are determined, and
not the outcome of free will, were on
that account to drift effortlessly along
the course of self-indulgence. In that
connection, practically the best result
is attained by the man who acts as
though free will were a reality and who
exerts it. And in this matter, also,
practically, in the end, the best result
is attained by assuming that truth is
an objective reality which we must pa-
tiently seek, and in accordance with
which we must discipline our own way-
ward impulses.
No doubt it might be said, from the
pragmatic point of view, that if the
use of the measuring-rod of truth as an
784
SCIENCE AND MYSTICISM
objective standard produces the best
practical results, that use is pragmati-
cally justified. But if so, we are in ex-
actly the same position as before the
Pragmatist arrived; we can get on as
well without him, if not better, for we
run the risk that he may confuse the
issues for us. It may be said, without
paradox, that the real value of the
Pragmatist lies, not in the pragmatic
but in the theoretic field.
It is not only the Pragmatist's well-
meant efforts to find an easy recon-
ciliation of belief and practice, and
indirectly the concord of religion and
science, that come to grief because he
has not realized that the walls of the
spiritual world can be scaled only
with much expenditure of treasure, with
blood and sweat, that he cannot glide
luxuriously to Heaven in his motor-car.
We are also met by the Intuitionist.
It is no accident that the Intuitionist
so often walks hand in hand with the
Pragmatist; they are engaged in the
same tasks.
Plotinus in the third century in-
vented intuition; Bergson has skillfully
rejuvenated it in our own day. A sound
foundation certainly exists for the bril-
liant Bergsonian edifice. There is, we
have seen, the impulse of science which
must work through intelligence; there
is, also, the impulse of religion in the
satisfaction of which intelligence can
only take a very humble place in the
ante-chamber of the sanctuary. To
admit, therefore, that reason cannot
extend into the religious sphere is ab-
solutely sound so long as we realize
that reason has a coordinate right to
lay down the rules of intelligence. But
in men of the metaphysical type, in
thinkers like Plotinus and like Bergson,
two tendencies are alike so deeply im-
planted that they cannot escape them:
they are not only impelled to go beyond
intelligence, but they are also impelled
to carry intelligence with them outside
its sphere. The sphere of intelligence is
limited, says Bergson, and he is right;
the soul has other impulses besides that
of intelligence, and life needs more than
knowledge for its complete satisfaction.
But in Bergson's metaphysical hands
the faculty of intuition which is to sup-
plant that of intelligence itself results
in a product which is called * know-
ledge,' and so spuriously bears the hall-
mark which belongs to the product of
intelligence. In the skill by which that
change is effected we witness the fine
sleight of hand which has long made
Bergson so supreme a conjurer in the
metaphysical world.
But the result is disastrous. Not
only is an illegitimate confusion intro-
duced, but by attributing to the im-
pulse of religion a character which it is
neither entitled to nor in need of, we
merely discredit it in the eyes of intel-
ligence. Bergson, even in denying in-
telligence, is himself so predominantly
and pervadingly intelligent that in en-
tering what is for him the sphere of
religion he still moves in an atmosphere
of rarified intelligence. He is further
from the Kingdom of Heaven than the
simple man who is quite incapable of
understanding the Bergsonian theory
of duration, but yet may be able to fol-
low his own religious impulse without
foisting into it an intellectual content.
For even the simple man may be one
with the great mystics, who all declare
that the unspeakable quality they
have acquired, as Eckhart puts it,
'hath no image.' It is not in the sphere
of intelligence, it brings no knowledge,
although it supplements knowledge
and may inspire it or be inspired by it;
it is the outcome of the natural instinct
of the individual soul.
No doubt there really are people in
whom the instincts of religion and of
science alike are developed in so rudi-
mentary a degree, if developed at all,
that they never become conscious.
SCIENCE AND MYSTICISM
785
Even the instinct of sex, which is much
more fundamental than either of these,
is not absolutely essential. A very little
bundle of instincts and impulses is
indispensable to a man on his way
down the path of life to a peaceful and
humble grave. A man's equipment of
tendencies, on the lowest plane, needs
to be more complex and diverse than
an oyster's, yet not so very much
more. The equipment of the higher
animals, moreover, is needed less for
the good of the individual than for
the good of the race. We need not,
therefore, be surprised if the persons
in whom the superfluous instincts are
rudimentary fail to understand them,
confusing them and overlaying them
with each other and with much that is
outside both. The wonder would be if
it were otherwise.
When all deduction has been made of
the mental and emotional confusions
which have obscured men's vision, we
cannot fail to conclude, it seems to me,
that Science and Mysticism are far
nearer to each other than some would
have us believe. At the beginning of
human culture, far from being opposed,
they may even be said to be identical.
From time to time, in later ages, bril-
liant examples have appeared of men
who have possessed both instincts in a
high degree and have even fused the
two together; while among the humble
in spirit and the lowly in intellect it is
probable that in all ages innumerable
men have by instinct harmonized their
religion with their intelligence. But as
VOL. in -NO. e
the accumulated experiences of civil-
ization have been preserved and handed
on from generation to generation, the
free and vital play of the instincts has
been largely paralyzed. On each side
fossilized traditions have accumulated
so thickly, the garments of dead meta-
physics have been wrapped so closely
around every manifestation alike of
the religious instinct and the scientific
instinct, that not many persons can
succeed in revealing one of these in-
stincts in its naked beauty, and very
few in thus revealing both instincts.
Hence a perpetual antagonism.
It may be, however, that we are
beginning to realize that there are no
metaphysical formulae to suit all men,
but that every man must find his own
philosophy. Thus it is becoming easier
than it was before to liberate ourselves
from a dead metaphysics, and so to
give free play alike to the religious
instinct and the scientific instinct. A
man must not swallow more beliefs
than he can digest; no man can absorb
all the traditions of the past; what he
fills himself with will only be a poison
to work to his own auto-intoxication.
Along all these lines we see more
clearly than before the real harmony
between Mysticism and Science. We
see, also, that all arguments are mean-
ingless until we gain personal experi-
ence. One must win one's own place
in the spiritual world, painfully and
alone. There is no other way of salva-
tion. The Promised Land always lies
on the other side of a wilderness.
WHEN HANNAH VAR EIGHT YAR OLD
BY KATHERINE PEABODY GIRLING
'WERE you a little girl, Hannah,
when you came to America?' I asked.
'No,' she replied, letting her sewing
fall in her lap as her grave eyes sought
mine slowly, * I var a big girl eight yar
old.'
* Eight years old? How big you must
have been! Can you tell me about it?
Why you came?'
The recent accounts of people driven
to America by tragedy, or drawn by a
larger hope of finding a life to live in
addition to earning a living, had col-
ored my thoughts for days. Have all
immigrants — the will-less, leaden peo-
ple who pass in droves through our rail-
way stations; the patient, indifferent
toilers by the roadside; the maids who
cook and mend for us; this girl who sits
sewing with me to-day — a memory
and a vision? Is each of them in some
degree a Mary Antin? So I closed the
magazine and asked her. — 'A big girl
eight yar old,' she said.
'Oh, well,' Hannah explained, 'in
Old Country if you are eight yar old
and comes younger child'n in familie,
you are old woman; you gotta be, or
who shall help de moder?'
'Yes? Did your father and mother
bring you?' I continued, probing for
the story.
'No, — fader and moder var daid.
My h'aunt, my fader's broder's wife,
se came for us. It cost her twenty-
eight dollar, but se do it.'
'But surely you can't go to Sweden
and return for twenty-eight dollars!'
'Seventeen yar ago, yes, but of
course you must to take your own pro-
786
vidings. It don't require much.' Han-
nah's shoulders drew together express-
ively. 'Madam knows she is apt to
miss her appetite at sea!'
'But too well.' I shrugged sympa-
thetically. Then we both laughed.
' I can to tell you how it is I came on
Ahmericah, but ' — Hannah waited for
words to express her warning — ' it will
make you a sharp sadness.'
'Please.'
' I don't know if I can tell it to you
good, but I tell it so good as I can. My
fader he var Swedish fisherman vat
h'own his boat and go away by weeks
and weeks, and sometimes comes
strong wedder and he can't make it to
get home quick. My moder se var
German.' Hannah hesitated, and then
in lowered tones of soft apology added,
'Se var a ver' pretty woman. Var
three child'n more as me — Olga var six
yar old, and Hilda four, and Jens —
well, Jens var just a baby, suppose yar
and half. We live in a little house close
on by de sea. It is yust a little house,
but it can to have a shed with a floor of
stone. The door of de shed is broken so
it is like a window mitout glass.
'The house is close on by a big dock
where in somer-time comes big excur-
sion-steamer mit — suppose hundert
tourist people who climb on de moun-
tain up de road. My moder se sell dem
hot coffee, also bread and cheese, but
dat is not de reason why we live in de
little so lonesome house. It *is de big
dock is de reason. My fader he can to
come home from late fishings mitout
needing dat he sail walk on de roads.
WHEN HANNAH VAR EIGHT YAR OLD
787
In Sweden in winter de roads swallow
snow till it makes dangersome to you
to walk because hides holes to step in.
We live dare all somer, but in late
autumn my fader he say, "What about
de winter?"
'My moder se say, "I don't know,
but anyway ve try it vonce."
* Den my fader he go avay in his boad
and my moder se get bad cold and
comes sickness on her, and ven se
could n't to keep care on us by rea-
son se is too weak, se lay on de cot
in de kitchen-room and vatch on me
dat I sail learn to keep care on de
child'n.'
'But what did you live on? How did
you keep warm?'
'Oh, — is plenty fuel, and ve make
hot stew of dried meat mit rice and
raisins.
' One day my moder se say me, " Han-
nah," se say, "you bain a big girl,
I must to tell you sometings. You
fader is very late, it seems, and winter
comes now. I cannot to wait much
more. It is soon I got to go. You
must n't take a fear of me if I come all
white like de snow and don't talk mit
you any more. De little child'n dey
will take a fear and cry. I cannot to
bring a fear on my little child'n."
' So se tell me what I sail do — I sail
close bot' her eyes up and tie her hands
togeder and lock de shed door.'
'The shed door!'
'Ya.'
Hannah had resumed her sewing.
Her thread fairly snapped as stitch
fell by even stitch with monotonous
rhythm. In quiet, uneventful tone she
continued, —
'So one night pretty soon se make
dat I sail bring her best nightgown
and help her mit to put it on. Den se
kiss de little child'n in dair sleepings
and se sit on a stool by de fire and say I
sail put Jens in her arms. Se try to
rock back and fort' and se sing on him
a little hymn. But se is too weak, and I
must to take him. Den se put on me a
shawl and tie it behind under my arms,
and se lean heavy on me, and we go out
into de shed. My moder se do her bare
feet on de stone floor. Se have yust but
her nightgown on, but it is her best
one with crocheted lace at de neck and
wrists. Se tell me I sail put de ironing-
board across two chair-seats, but it is
too heavy and se sail try to help me,
but comes coughing on her and se must
to hold on by de shed door. Se look out
across de road and de mountain all mit
snow white and mit moonlight cold.
And blood is on her lips but se wipe it
away mit a snow bunch. Well, any-
way, we do de ironing-board across de
chair-seats and I spread a white sheet
and put a head-cushion and my moder
lie down and I cover her mit a more
other sheet over.
'"Oh, moder," I say, "let me make
some warm coverings on you."
' "No," se say, so soft dat I listen mit
my ear, "I must to come here while I
yet have de stren'th, but I want to go
quick away, and in de cold I go more
quick. Oh, Hannah!" se say, "my big
daughter! You are so comfortable to
me!"
'So I hold my moder's hand. Pretty
soon it comes cold. I klapp it mit mine,
but it comes more cold. I crumple it up
and breathe my hot breath in it, but
it comes not warm any more. So mit
my fader's Sunday handkerchief I
bind her eyes like if you play Blindman
mit de child'n, and mit an apron-string
I tie her hands together. Den I go back
and make my hands warm in de kitch-
en-room and I take de comb down off
de string, and I go back to my moder
and make her hair in two braids like as
I did all when se was sick. My moder
se haf very strong hair; it is down by
her knees on and so yellow, — so yel-
low as a copper tea-kettle! It could to
haf been red but it yust are not. Den I
788
WHEN HANNAH VAR EIGHT YAR OLD
lock de shed door and crawl in bed mit
de child'n to make me warm.
'Next day I tell de child'n dat moder
is gone away. Dey cry some, but pretty
soon dey shut up. Anyway, it is so
long se haf lain on de cot in de kitchen-
room dat dey don't haf to miss her.
'So I keep care on de child'n and
play wid dem, and some days go by.
Comes stronger wedder mit storms of
sleet and snow, and de wind sob and
cry. Comes nobody on. At night
when de child'n are sleeping I unlock
de shed door and go to see if it makes all
right mit my moder. Sometimes it is by
the moonlight I see on her, but more
often it is by a candle-glimmer.'
Hannah broke the subdued tone of
her narrative to add in a lower, more
confiding note, 'It is mit me now dat
when I see a candle on light I haf a
sharp sadness.
* Pretty soon de wedder is more bet-
ter, and comes a man trompling troo de
snow to tell my moder dat her husband
can't come home yust yet — he is
drowned in de sea. When he see how it
is mit my moder and mit me and de
little child'n, de water stands in his
eyes — ya. And he go on, troo de
snow, tree, four mile nearer on de city
to de big castle where live de lady wat
h'own all de land and se come in sleigh
mit four horsen and big robes of fur
and yingling bells. Se see on my moder
and se go quick away, but so soon as it
can, se come again and se do on my
moder a white robe, heavy mit lace,
most beautiful! and white stockings of
silk and white slippers broidered mit
pearlen. Se leaf my moder 's hair, as I
fix it, in two braids, but se put a wreath
of flowers, white and green, yust like de
real ones. Is few real flowers in Sweden
in winter. Anyway, dese var like de
flowers a girl vat gets married should to
wear. Den my lady se send her sleigh
dat all de people should come and see
on de so brave woman vat could n't to
bring a fear on her little child'n. And
de people dey make admiration on my
moder. Dey say it is de prettiest dey
ever see it, and dey make pity dat se
could n't to see it herself.' She paused
and breathed deeply. * I wish se could
have to seen dose slippers!'
. 'And did no one tell you that you
were a wonderful little girl?'
'Oh, veil — I var eight yar old.'
'But what became of you all?'
'My lady took us home in her sleigh
mit — I want to stay mit my moder,
but se say I sail come to keep care on
de child'n dat dey don't cry. And dey
don't cry — dey laugh mit de yingling
bells. De need was on me strong, but I
don't cry before my lady. Se var great
dame vat go in de court mit de queen.
Se sent men and dey do my moder in a
coffin and carry her to a little chapel
house in cemetaire and in de spring ven
de snow is gone dey bury her. My lady
se put a white stone mit my moder's
name and some poetry — I can't to say
it good in English, but it says, "The
stren'th in the heart of her poor is the
hope of Sweden." !
'And then did your aunt come?'
' Ya; my lady se wrote on my fader's
broder vat var in Ahmericah. Se say
we can to stay mit her, but my onkle he
send his wife, and we come back mit
her on Ahmericah, und dat is all how I
came to be here.'
THE MOTHER CITY
BY ZEPHINE HUMPHREY
ONLY those who have known trouble
can know Rome.
The statement, when scrutinized,
seems to involve no discrimination,
and therefore to be hardly worth mak-
ing. But indiscriminateness is some-
times worth while, especially when it
concerns the Catholic heart of the
world. And there is a distinction here:
it debars the very young, and the cal-
lous and flippant, and the followers
of those philosophies that deny or re-
fuse suffering. For all the rest of the
world, Rome waits with healing in her
hands.
It makes absolutely no difference
what kind of trouble drags itself to her
ancient gates. She has known and
fathomed all kinds herself, and most
of them over and over. Loss, failure,
treachery, cruelty, desertion, disgrace,
sin, — oh, yes, alas! plenty of sin, —
destruction, all but annihilation, and
the pangs of re-birth. There is literally
nothing that she does not understand.
She makes no manner of fuss about
her tremendous experience; she does
not even invite us to come and sorrow
with her. She simply sits and waits
upon her Seven Hills. Nor yet, when
we do come, does she rise and go forth
to meet us with welcome and sym-
pathy. There is not the slightest touch
of demonstration in all the abounding
comfort which she knows how to give.
For she does not give it; that is the
truth. Unless we know how to take it
for ourselves, we shall never have it.
And just here lies the strong secret of
her wise beneficence.
How quiet she is! As still and serene
as if she were the bride of the morning
star, beatissima. Where all is immortal,
her calm is the most immortal thing
about her. Did she ever speak out?
One wonders. Back in those proud
early days, when her children were pil-
ing glory upon glory for her, when she
was the mistress of the world, did she
ever exult and sing? And then, when
those same children turned against her,
and when, from without, savage hordes
fell upon her, did she lament? Per-
haps; but one doubts it. The youth of
Rome is as hard to imagine as the
youth of the Campagna which girdles
her, and which is her super-self, her
soul. Have they not together existed
forever, and do they not know that all
human accidents only serve to form
character which shall at last be worthy
of its destiny, and that exultation and
lamentation are therefore aside from
the mark?
Certainly they are still enough now
— the two of them who are one. Not
necessarily still to the outer ear; tram-
cars and automobiles have nothing to
do with such a hush of the spirit as
broods over Rome. Or, perhaps, after
all, they have much to do with it; for
they are the signs of the new life which
flows steadily through the old streets,
like the Tiber drawing fresh waves
from ancient sources, and which makes
the repose of the city a living, instead
of a dead, thing. Arrested tumult
clamors forever, beating impotently
against the barrier of chance which cut
it off before it could redeem itself. A
790
THE MOTHER CITY
city like Perugia, deserted by modern
activity, is loud with petty old battle
and conflict, vociferating restlessly in
one's inner ear. Even Siena, remote
and subdued; even Assisi, sitting down
in the beloved footprints of Saint
Francis — even these silent places
know nothing of the fathomless depth
of peace which Rome understands.
For she has never ceased to redeem
her old distresses by the new hopes
and efforts of generation after genera-
tion, and she is constantly in process
of fulfillment. It may even be not
too much to say that the spell of her
ruins and churches, instead of suffer-
ing from her apartment houses and
electric lights, actually owes its vitality
to them.
I have said that she will not talk
about herself, that she will not explain
herself to those who visit her. But
they can explain her to themselves and
thus can really learn. They cannot do
it at once, — they must wait; perhaps
they must even go away and come
again. Great lessons take -time, take
patience, take brooding, take uncon-
sciousness.
The humble disciple must wander un-
hurried through Forum and Colosseum,
and climb the Palatine. He must sit
on old bits of marble (how old!), be-
neath broken pillars and arches, and
think what all these things stand for:
how here, over these very stones, went
Scipio, Cato, Caesar, Horace, how the
most important affairs of the world
were determined here. He must re-cre-
ate the old days till he sees the trium-
phal processions sweep past him, and
hears the shouts and the music, and
glories in the victory. His heart must
be wrung with the old pain too — the
anguish of the captive, the shame
of the oppressor. Then, stern and
stricken in soul, he must catch the sud-
den flaunt of a scarlet poppy out of the
tail of his eye, and, looking up quickly,
he must find the whole bright con-
temporary Italian day smiling at him.
Nay, it is something more than the day
that smiles at him out of that blue,
blue sky, beyond and above the slender
columns of the ruined temple; and a
most reassuring voice says, 'Yes, even
so. So it has been, and so it is, and
so it shall be, eternally so as I have
decreed.'
It is not so much a return to the pre-
sent that the mind makes, after a ses-
sion like this, as an association of past
and present and future in one compre-
hensive now. Heaven and Rome eter-
nally are — the One working through
the other stupendous things, the sum
of which is not yet complete. Of course,
there is no hurry then, no room for
complaint or fear, no anxiety. It is
this that makes Rome so still: she
knows that God is God.
In a sense, time is nothing to her;
and yet it is everything. It is certainly
everything to the pilgrim who weighs
his little feather in the huge scales be-
fore him, and is heartened and ashamed.
Forty years! That is the most that the
average pilgrim has yet to look forward
to living when he comes to Rome for
comfort. Forty years! Why, the very
stones might laugh at him. The length
of time is hardly enough to settle a
fallen fragment in its place and make
it comfortably ready to share the life of
the earth which has reclaimed it; it was
not enough to solve many a single pro-
blem out of the thousands that vexed
the city in the old days.
Forty years! As one sits among the
tombs on the Appian Way and looks
back to see the funeral processions
pass, there is an unbroken succession
of mourners silently moving up to take
their places as the mourned, and be-
tween mourned and mourner there is
but the space between summer cloud
and cloud. Literally on the heels of
one another, the generations press to
THE MOTHER CITY
791
the kindly tomb. One can only smil-
ingly pity the sorrow of a person who
laid his beloved away two thousand
and seventy years ago, and took his
place beside her two thousand and
thirty years ago. Their two urns must
appear precisely as old the one as the
other.
But there is another way of looking
at this time question that makes for
shame rather than for smiling. What
about Rome herself, the immortal, yet
the supremely human? She has a soul
that suffers and hopes, that is rent
with vicissitudes vaster than any that
ever fell to one mortal lot; and in all
her twenty-seven hundred years, she
has never known the relief of death.
It is little wonder that she is grave,
with a profound melancholy breathing
through all her ancient ways; and, per-
haps, if we knew God better, we should
find it equally little wonder that she is
so undisturbed. But the latter effect is
admirable, however we may reason or
speculate about it; and it abashes one
who compares it with his own feverish
outcries over his few transient troubles.
Ah, Rome, mother! when thou hast
borne so many and such bitter woes,
and art so grandly at peace, can we not
at least be still?
Mother! That is what Rome is to
us all, whether or not we choose to
acknowledge the relationship — the
mightiest mother of men that ever
took shape in a city. Mother of our
physical life first of all, in the civiliza-
tion that has its roots securely in her;
then mother of our souls in our religion.
We of the Far West are so remote in
space and time, in sect and language
and education, that we are often quite
unconscious of the obscure maternal
bond, and do not even recognize it when
we feel it gripping our hearts at the
first glimpse of the blue Dome across
the Campagna. Yet it is nothing else
than a filial impulse that actuates our
profound response, our sense of be-
longing, our feeling of returning from a
far country. We cannot come to stay,
for, after all, the far country is ours
now and we love it best; but it is worth
everything to us, in the deepening and
strengthening of life, to grope our way
back to old sources and find a brim-
ming fountain-head.
It is as mother that she gathers us —
or lets us gather ourselves — about her
mighty knees in the midst of her ruins
and churches, and takes us back to her
mighty heart to learn once more of her.
I have said that she never practices
any demonstration; but it may happen
to one now and then to feel a slow arm
enfolding him as he sits on the slope of
the Palatine in the mellow late after-
noon. There is no pressure in the em-
brace, nor any individual selection. It
is like the embrace of the colonnades
about the Piazza of Saint Peter's, or,
better still, like the embrace of the
arm of God in that greatest of great
pictures on the ceiling of the Sistine
Chapel. All souls and all ages are held
in it in a wide, free compass. Yet, oh,
how it comforts! Healing and strength,
control and reassurance, are in its en-
circling gesture; and one feels the faith
of all past and future things as one
lingers there.
Also I have said that Rome never
speaks. But there is an eloquence in
her silence that surpasses any sound.
This is especially true of the Cam-
pagna, the city's super-self. That is an
amazing silence out there, instinct
with so many songs and sighs, shouts
and murmurs, that one listens more in-
tently to it than to any orchestra.
There is a silence where hath been no sound;
There is a silence where no sound may be;
But in green ruins, in the desolate walls
Of antique palaces, where Man hath been,
There the true Silence is, self-conscious and
alone.
792
THE MOTHER CITY
What does it all mean — this under-
tone, this surging, interminable chant
that breaks upon the ear, as one loiters
among the tombs or wanders away
over the grassy fields? What but the
race-song, the human symphony, that,
beginning to utter itself untold thou-
sands of years ago, is not finished yet?
The same themes are in it from age to
age; one generation calls to another in
familiar cadences. From the grass that
covers the dust which once was an
Etruscan village come the voices of our
comrades. It behooves us to stoop
very carefully then, kneel very rever-
ently, before we lay our ears to this
august sod. One cannot cast one's
self on the Campagna as on the slope
of a New England orchard.
Yet, for all their familiarity, their
essential sameness, the themes which
we hear are not the exact counterparts
of the themes of the twentieth century.
There is development in the latter; at
least, we must believe that there is, or
we shall hardly have the heart to go
on singing. But there is an appeal
in the former, too, which they did not
know when they were first uttered,
which they have acquired from listen-
ing to the later movements of the great
symphony. 'You are going to save us
at last, are you not?' — somewhat
thus runs the anxious burden of their
inquiry. * We have waited a long time,
and we are not yet satisfied that our
old pain was worth while, our blind,
groping effort. Unless we have given
birth to our saviors, it were better not
to have been/
The stimulus of an unexplored coun-
try, waiting to be shaped to human
ends, is as nothing compared to the
urging of the Roman Campagna, where
the past cries to the present for justi-
fication. One kneels in the grass, and
looks out across the mysterious, rolling
country, with its scattered, broken
columns and its marching aqueducts,
to the Dome, the abiding Dome, hung
in the air; and one bows the head as
one thinks how far short of our destiny
we have all come in two thousand
years.
Just as Rome owes half its signifi-
cance to the Campagna, so the Cam-
pagna depends upon Rome for the se-
cret of its spell. There are moments
and places among the gently swelling
hills when one can almost look about
as on common grass and flowers, when
the sky and the distant mountains
wear the careless serenity which be-
longs to Nature in her universal moods.
Both relief and disappointment lie in
the experience. One's heart is light-
ened of a load, but something precious
vanishes. One has only to climb a slope,
however, or travel to a bend in the
road, and, looking citywards, find the
Dome, to be smitten with a renewed
realization of awful import in every
blade and stone. It is Nature herself
that vanishes then, clothing herself
with a solemn garb of significance above
her simple, familiar robes, just as the
priest before the altar veils himself, be-
comes more than himself, in his chas-
uble.
Nature always stands for God, and
the priest always stands for man; but
it is when they stand for both together
that they command our best adoration.
In like manner, the Dome, which re-
presents the principle of the incarna-
tion of God in man, works the most
inevitable of all transformations upon
the world about it. The human garment
of the Campagna is wrought of ruins
and- roads and buried cities, aqueducts
and broken walls, shepherds' huts and
glimpses of white towns on distant
hills; but the great clasp, holding it
all together, is the blue Dome in the
air.
In another figure, the Dome is the
magical helmet which the Campagna
has only to don to step from its sim-
THE MOTHER CITY
793
plicity into a position of profound
significance. Nothing else arrests and
moves us so potently, nor can we
ever escape its dominance. We climb
Monte Cavo only to sit and look at
it across the purple plain. We go to
Frascati, and turn our backs on the
enchanted gardens that we may search
out the blue curve in the hazy dis-
tance, and, having found it, give our-
selves over to its contemplation. What
an inscrutable air of expectation it
has! It waits even more than it warns
and commands; it waits and watches.
In the mean time, those buried Cam-
pagna tongues urge us: how long? how
long?
It is hard to see how any one can
think of Rome as a dead city when it
wears this expectancy. Sometimes it
carries itself almost as if it had not yet
begun to live at all. It treats its great
past as a glorious, solemn, and costly
throne on which it has climbed to sit
and await its future. In the Sistine
Chapel, in one of the triangles devoted
to the ancestors of Christ, there is a
woman who seems to me to have taken
the very attitude of Rome. She is seat-
ed on the ground, the common throne
of our race, — and no less glorious, sol-
emn, and costly than any other seat, —
and she leans with one elbow on her
knee and her cheek against her hand.
The other hand hangs down before her,
empty, yet not nerveless, a strong, vi-
tal hand, ready to grasp and hold. Her
whole bearing is that of one who waits,
but there is no suggestion of vagueness
or idleness about her. Her head is erect,
and her wide eyes gaze forward, out-
ward, steady and bright. What is it
that she sees?
Even so, Rome gazes over the heads
of the present generations, not ignor-
ing them, but pointing their attention
forward with hers, absorbed in the won-
derful vision of things to come. We
know now that the vision of the woman
in the Sistine Chapel was the first com-
ing of Christ; but Rome's anticipation
is still obscure to us. Perhaps she
does not see it clearly herself; she only
divines it. But she is so very sure of
it that we must be sure, too.
No mother of men would be perfect*
ly fitted for her great function unless
she could sympathize with joy as well as
with sorrow; for, mostly sober though
life is, it still has hours of sufficient
ecstasy. And doubtless this paper's
opening sentence ought to have for its
corollary the statement that only those
who have known delight can know the
Eternal City. Certainly, Rome has
moods of glory which meet and chal-
lenge the most exultant heart. Take
her in mid-spring, when the roses are
blooming everywhere, rioting over the
walls and the gateways, climbing the
stems of the tall stone pines, lurking
amid the ruins, dancing from window
to window down the length of a so-
ber street; when the fountains flash in
the open squares, and dream among
the bird-haunted shadows of the ilex
groves; when the Forum and Palatine
are soft with vines and gay with pop-
pies; when the marbles in the museums
glow and the mosaics in the church-
es sparkle like jewels; when the Cam-
pagna grass is so thick with flowers
that one can hardly walk, and the larks
singing over it are * unbodied joys/
Rome is a sheer intoxication then.
There is nothing to do but give one's
self over to her in her present aspect,
not remembering her past or specu-
lating upon her future, but glorying
utterly with her in her immediate day.
One sits by the hour in the Borghese or
Medici gardens, dreaming with the
fountains; one occupies an intense, nar-
row shadow on the edge of the Colos-
seum arena, and looks up at the great
sweep of the sun-baked walls, with lit-
tle care for their significance, but with
a dazzled appreciation of their moun-
794
THE MOTHER CITY
tain-range effect against the vivid sky;
one even kneels on the old pavements
of the serene, cool churches, and forgets
that they were not made yesterday.
Color and fragrance, warmth and song
— that is Rome in May.
But that is also Paris and Naples;
and there is all the difference in the
world between the spring moods of the
two latter cities and that of Rome.
Spring, to an habitually sober heart, is
a disturbing, tormenting affair in Paris
or Naples. It is so reckless in its dis-
regard of the graver aspects of life, so
wholly committed to the cause of plea-
sure. If you cannot rejoice with it, it
leaves you in the lurch. With a pre-
cipitate gesture, it flings its beautiful,
grave winter .garment into the fire and
springs forth in a nakedness which does
all very well for the strong and the
glad, but which disconcerts the pens-
ive. Rome does not do that. She di-
vests herself soberly and deliberately,
not flinging her garment from her, but
laying it aside. Then, in the midst of
her revels, she keeps her wise, watchful
eyes on her children; and when she sees
any of them flag and falter, she points
to the ample, abandoned folds, lying
close at hand. 'Go and creep back
again,' she counsels. 'The stress is too
much for you. I understand. It was
so with me once, too. One has to suffer
a great deal before one learns how to
bear sustained delight. Go and shelter
yourselves and rest. I will join you
pretty soon/
Thus, though she understands joy,
there is no thoughtlessness in her aban-
don., no real forgetfulness of the burden
of the years. She invites her children
to dance with her, coaxing them gen-
tly; but when they will not, she covers
them with her cloak and then lays
them down where she can find them
again quickly.
Rome has many watchwords, but
perhaps Quietness is the best of them
all. Over her gates might be written,
'In returning and in rest shall ye be
saved; in quietness and confidence
shall be your strength.'
Returning ! One wonders about that.
Some of us have wandered so far. And
'are they not all the seas of God?'
One wonders very much. But at least
such partial returning as we can all
make from time to time is profoundly
good for us; and we acknowledge a re-
generation in the touch of our Mother
City.
JUDAH P. BENJAMIN
A CONFEDERATE PORTRAIT
BY GAMALIEL BRADFORD, JR.
BENJAMIN was a Jew. He was born
a British subject. He made a brilliant
reputation at the Louisiana Bar and
was offered a seat in the United States
Supreme Court. He became United
States senator. When his state seceded,
he went with it, and filled three cab-
inet positions under the Confederacy.
He fell with the immense collapse of
that dream fabric. Then, at the age of
fifty-four, he set himself to build up a
new fortune and a new glory; and he
died one of the most successful and
respected barristers in London.. Such
a career seems to offer piquant matter
for portraiture. Let us see if it does.
Characteristic of the man at the
very outset is his attitude about such
portraiture. He will not have it, if
he can help it; will not aid in it, de-
stroys all letters and papers that may
contribute to it. 'I have never kept
a diary, or retained a copy of a let-
ter written by me. ... I have read
so many American biographies which
reflected only the passions and pre-
judices of their writers, that I do not
want to leave behind me letters and
documents to be used in such a work
about myself.' And he is said to have
quoted early advice given him to the
effect that the secret of human happi-
ness was the destruction of writing.
On this principle he acted and by so
doing certainly made my task more
difficult. Indeed, it would have been
impossible, except for the researches of
Professor Pierce Butler, whose excel-
lent biography must form the basis of
all future writing about the Jewish
lawyer and statesman.
But if Benjamin's view of biography
and its materials is characteristic in its
secretiveness, it is also characteristic
in its limitation and inadequacy. I
take him to have been an honest man.
Now, an honest man has nothing to
gain by destroying records. Talleyrand
spent hours of his retirement in burn-
ing paper after paper. John Quincy
Adams spent hours, both of active life
and retirement, in noting every detail
of his existence for posterity. Has he
not gained by it? Is there a line of his
that does not emphasize his honesty,
his dignity, his human worth? Do we
not love Pepys far better for his minute
confessions, even if he loses a little of
his bewigged respectability? No; Ben-
jamin's endeavors to conceal himself
remind me a good deal of the ostrich
which rests satisfied when it has left
perfectly obvious the least intelligent
part of it.
The truth is, destruction of records
hampers only the honest investigator.
The partisan and the scandal-monger
remain wholly indifferent. Professor
Butler's earnest efforts have accom-
plished everything possible, in the
scarcity of material, to clear his fav-
orite; but Benjamin's popular reputa-
tion will probably continue what it
was at the end of the war. That is,
795
796
JUDAH P. BENJAMIN
both North and South will regard him
with dislike approaching to contempt.
'The ability of Benjamin was un-
doubted/ says Mr. Rhodes, express-
ing the mildest Northern view, 'but
he was by many considered untrust-
worthy.' And the same authority sees
nothing in the Secretary's career in-
compatible with complicity in the raid
on St. Albans and the attempt to burn
New York. A few Southern amenities
may also be cited. 'The oleaginous
Mr. Benjamin,' Wise calls him, 'his
keg-like form and over-deferential man-
ner suggestive of a prosperous shop-
keeper.' 'The hated Jew,' says Dodd,
'whom the President had retained at
his council table, despite the protests
of the Southern people and press.' And
Foote sums him up choicely as ' Judas
Iscariot Benjamin.'
It is our affair, from the mass of
anecdote and recollection, and espec-
ially from such scanty evidence as the
gentleman himself could not avoid
leaving us, to find out how far this atti-
tude is justified.
To begin, then, with Benjamin's
professional life; for he was first and
last a lawyer, only by avocation a
statesman. It is universally recognized
that as a pleader in court he had few
superiors. His power of direct, lucid
statement was remarkable, and no one
knew better how to present every re-
mote possibility of argument on either
side of a case. Even his admirers con-
fess that he sometimes imposed on him-
self in this way. His enemies maintain
that he was not imposed on at all, but
argued for the side that paid him, with
serene indifference to the right and
wrong of it. And they conclude that
in politics he was equally indifferent.
They forget, however, that the lawyer's
second nature does not always drive
out the first. Cicero pleaded for many
a client whom he despised. Neverthe-
less, he was a passionate lover of Rome.
As to Benjamin's oratory, opinions
differ. In England more stress was
laid on his matter than on his manner.
But in America friends and enemies
alike seem to agree that he had unus-
ual gifts. On this point mere printed
speeches are not sufficient for a judg-
ment. They lack the gesture, the
expression, the fire, cunningly simu-
lated or real. But, so far as such
printed testimony goes, I fail to find
the basis for the extravagant praise of
Benjamin's biographers. His rhetoric
is neither better nor worse than that
of fifty of his contemporaries, a clever
knack of turning large phrases on sub-
jects that breed rhetoric in the very
naming of them. His farewell speech
in the Senate is lofty and impressive.
Who could have failed to be so on such
an occasion? He can pass a noble
compliment like that to Judge Taney:
'He will leave behind him in the
scanty heritage that shall be left for
his family the noblest evidence that he
died, as he had lived, a being honorable
to the earth from which he sprang and
worthy of the heaven to which he
aspired.' And a few minutes later he
can fall into screaming melodrama:
'Accursed, thrice accursed is that fell
spirit of party which desecrates the no-
blest sentiments of the human heart,
and which, in the accomplishment of
its unholy purposes, hesitates at no
violence of assault on all which is held
sacred by the wise and good . . . Mr.
President, in olden times a viper gnaw-
ed a file.'
In both the graces and the defects of
Benjamin's oratory it is interesting to
note the riches of a well-stored- mind.
He was a reader all his life, a lover
of Shakespeare and the great poets,
quoted them and filled his thoughts
with them; and this, too, although in
youth he was poor and had to fight
hard for book hours, perhaps all the
sweeter when thus purchased.
JUDAH P. BENJAMIN
797
But the strongest element of Ben-
jamin's public speaking is a singular
frankness and directness. Now and
then he comes out with an abrupt sen-
tence that must have struck the Senate
like cold water. 'I did not think I
could be provoked to say another word
on this subject, of which I am heartily
sick/ 'If the object [of a certain bill]
is to provide for friends and depend-
ents, let us say so openly.' 'For you
cannot say two words on this floor on
any subject whatever that Kansas is
not thrust into your ears.'
If the test of professional ability is
success, Benjamin has been surpassed
by few. His early income, for America
of the fifties, was very large, and when
he rebuilt his fortunes in London, his
earnings again rose from nothing to
seventy or eighty thousand dollars a
year. I can find no evidence whatever
that these earnings were based upon
practice dubious or questionable. His
connection with some financial schemes
before the war is admitted by his par-
tial biographer to have been unfortu-
nate, if not indiscreet. But certainly
his professional standing in Louisiana
was totally different from that of a
man like Butler in Massachusetts.
Moreover, no one can read the uni-
versal testimony to his position at the
English bar without believing him to
have been a high-minded gentleman.
Blaine's contention that the English
admired Benjamin because they hated
the North must indeed be allowed
some weight at the beginning of his
career. But no man could have gain-
ed increasingly for fifteen years the
esteem and personal affection of the
first lawyers in London, if he had not
deserved it. 'The success of Benjamin
at the English Bar is without parallel
in professional annals/ says a good
authority, and attributes the fact that
it excited no jealousy to 'the simplic-
ity of his manners, his entire freedom
from assumption, and his kindness of
heart/ Lord Coleridge called him 'the
common honor of both Bars, of Eng-
land and of America/ And Sir Henry
James, speaking at the farewell dinner
given Benjamin on his retirement,
said : ' The honor of the English Bar was
as much cherished and represented
by him as by any man who has ever
adorned it, and we all feel that if our
profession has afforded him hospital-
ity, he has repaid it, amply repaid
it, not only by the reputation which
his learning has brought to us, but by
that which is far more important, the
honor his conduct has gained for us/
Few men can show a higher testimonial
to character than that.
Now let us turn to the political as-
pects of this varied career. The Senate
reports in the Congressional Globe dur-
ing the later fifties show how constant
and how many-sided was Benjamin's
activity. What has struck me especi-
ally In some of the large semi-private
interests that he espoused is that he
failed. He should not have failed. He
may have been a great lawyer. To be
a great man, he failed too often.
On public questions he invariably
took, the extreme Southern view; but
it is characteristic that he did this
without exciting animosity. No sena-
tor seems to have been more popular
on both sides of the house, and his
adversaries regarded him with respect,
sometimes even with affection.
When the Confederate government
was organized, Benjamin was first made
Attorney General. From this position
he quickly passed to that of Secre-
tary of War. Here again he was a
failure. He had no special knowledge
and this made him obnoxious to sol-
diers. Even his extraordinary quick-
ness and business instinct were hardly
equal to learning a new profession in
the complicated conditions then pre-
vailing. Charges of laxity and of
798
JUDAH P. BENJAMIN
corruption amounting to treason are
brought against him, I think wholly
without foundation. But he struck
one rock after another and finally met
disaster in the unfortunate affair of
Roanoke Island. Wise charged that
he was ordered by the Secretary to
remain in an impossible position, that
powder was refused him, and that thus
the War Office led up to the catas-
trophe. Benjamin remained silent at
the time; but it was afterwards ex-
plained that there was no powder and
that he willingly submitted to public
censure rather than reveal the defi-
ciency. This is assuredly to his credit.
Congress censured him, however, and a
resolution was offered, though tabled,
'that it is the deliberate judgment of
this House that the Hon. Judah P.
Benjamin, as Secretary of War, has
not the confidence of the people of the
Confederate States, nor of the Army,
to such an extent as to meet the exi-
gencies of the present crisis.'
Upon this, Davis, to show his own
confidence in his favorite, transferred
him to the still higher post of Secretary
of State. It is said that Benjamin here
served his chief in innumerable ways,
drafting public documents, suggesting
and advising on lines quite outside the
technical limits of his office. The best
known of these activities were in re-
gard to the Hampton Roads Peace
Conference, and the proposal to make
military use of the Negroes, and even
to emancipate them for the sake of
securing foreign support. In these at-
tempts also Benjamin failed, or what
slight measure of success there was
went to the credit of others.
In the State Department proper he
devoted all his energy for three years
to obtaining foreign recognition — and
failed again, where perhaps no one
could have succeeded. A side issue in
this departmental work has discredited
him more seriously than any other
charge that can plausibly be brought
against him. Acting generally under
Davis, he authorized and instructed
the agents in Canada who were to
attack the Northern states from the
rear. These men — Thompson and
others — fostered discontent and in-
surrection everywhere. They planned
the raid on St. Albans and the attempt
to burn New York city with its thou-
sands of innocent women and children.
There is no evidence that Benjamin
directly instigated these undertakings.
But we know that he received and read
Thompson's account of them, and we
do not know that he ever expressed any
disapproval. Looked at now, in cold
blood, they seem without excuse. We
can only remind ourselves that passion
has strange pleas, and that the whole
South believed the North to be capable
of worse deeds than any Thompson
contemplated; nay, to have done them.
In this matter of the Canadian at-
tempts, Mr. Rhodes is very careful to
distinguish Davis from his Secretary,
and the historian cannot believe that
the Confederate President could have
been a partaker in such infamy, but
implies that the subordinate officer was
much less sensitive. I hardly think Ben-
jamin's character deserves this sharp
discrimination. In any case, I have
been most interested to find one of the
very greatest of Virginia's statesmen
and philanthropists explicitly advocat-
ing just such an attempt as that to fire
New York. 'She' [England], writes Jef-
ferson in 1812, 'may burn New York,
indeed, by her ships and Congreve
rockets, in which case we must burn
the city of London by hired incendi-
aries, of which her starving manufac-
turers will furnish abundance.'
In all these manifold schemes of
Benjamin I look in vain, so far as
the records go, for evidence of large,
far-reaching, creative statesmanship.
Again and again I ask myself what
JUDAH P. BENJAMIN
799
Cavour would have thought, have de-
vised, have done in that position. For
it is sufficiently manifest that a man
of Cavour's type was what the Confed-
eracy needed — and did not get. Yet
would any man of that statesmanlike
genius and close practical grasp have
attempted to solve the impossible pro-
blem of reconciling the loose theory of
state rights with the fiercely central-
ized government required to cope with
the overwhelming force of the North?
At any rate, Benjamin was no Ca-
vour. His biographer does, indeed,
point out that he had something of
the dreamy, imaginative side of his
race, as shown in the unpractical con-
ceptions of his early business efforts.
But dreamers do not make statesmen,
usually quite the contrary. And Ben-
jamin's practical statesmanship was,
I think, rather of the makeshift order.
It is very rare that in his diplomatic
papers we find any reference to the
cloudy future of the Confederacy, and
the only instance in which he amplifies
on the subject, predicting that North
America is * on the eve of being divided
into a number of independent Gov-
ernments with rival, if not conflicting,
interests/ is distinctly in the nature
of a dream.
A dream also, the nightmare of a
Jewish prophet, and clung to with a
Jewish prophet's tenacity, is his ever-
recurring hope of European recogni-
tion, which should free the South and
end the war. Here again, it seems to
me that Cavour would either have put
the thing through or soon have felt its
hopelessness. Even Benjamin's own
foreign agent declares that failure
should have been foreseen and accepted
at a very early stage. But Benjamin
believed that recognition must come,
that Europe could not be so foolish as
to neglect its own interest. And long
after the war he told W. H. Russell,
in London, that * though I have done
with politics, thank God! I consider
your government made a frightful mis-
take which you may have occasion to
rue hereafter.'
Of similar character, though even
more general in the South and less
persistent in Benjamin, was the delu-
sion as to the supremacy of cotton.
If, then, Benjamin was not a states-
man of a high order, or of large and
commanding ideas, how was it that he
so long held such a prominent position
in the Confederate government? The
answer is simple, and two good reasons
furnish more than the solution of the
difficulty.
In the first place, Benjamin was an
admirable man of business, and those
who have had the privilege of meeting
a good many business men know how
rare an admirable man of business is.
He was a worker. While he loved ease
and luxury, he was capable of enor-
mous labor, did not shirk long hours or
cumbrous documents, went right at a
job and finished it. He would remain
at his desk, when necessary, from eight
o'clock one morning till one or two the
next. He would work Sundays and holi-
days. And he did this without fatigue,
complaint, or murmur, always cheerful-
ly and easily, and as if he enjoyed it.
Industry in itself does not go far,
however, or not the whole way. Ben-
jamin had what is worth more than
industry, system. When he went into
the war office he was no soldier and
could not please soldiers. But he was
an administrator, and if he had stuck
to that phase, I imagine he would have
been useful. He began right away to
bring order out of hopeless confusion;
he organized, systematized, docketed.
'Having had charge of the War De-
partment but a few days,' he writes,
* my first effort was to master our situ-
ation, to understand thoroughly what
we had and in what our deficiencies
consisted, but I have been completely
800
JUDAH P. BENJAMIN
foiled at all points by the absence of
systematic returns/ And again, * With-
out them [returns] we cannot of course
administer the service; can make no
calculations, no combinations, can pro-
vide in advance with no approximation
to certainty, and cannot know how to
supply deficiencies.' A systematizer of
this order was a useful creature in
Richmond during those four years.
But another quality, even more val-
uable than business habits, sustained
Benjamin in his office : he was a student
of human nature. He watched charac-
ter perpetually, analyzed the motives
of others, their wants, their weaknesses,
knew how to adapt himself to them.
*No shade of emotion in another es-
caped Mr. Benjamin's penetration,'
writes the keen-sighted Mrs. Davis,
whose warm regard for her husband's
adviser is one of his best credentials.
* He seemed to have a kind of electric
sympathy with every mind with which
he came into contact, and very often
surprised his friends by alluding to
something they had not expressed nor
desired him to interpret.'
How useful this quality was in deal-
ing with Davis can be appreciated
only by those who have studied care-
fully the peculiarities of that noble
but complicated personage. A patri-
otic idealist in purpose, he wished to
save his country, but he wished to
save it in his own way. From his sub-
ordinates he desired labor, quick com-
prehension, a hearty support of all his
plans and methods. Advice he did not
desire, and those who gave it had to
give it with tact and extreme delicacy.
Here was exactly the chance for Judah
P. Benjamin. Advice he did not espe-
cially care to give, but no man could
divine Davis's wishes with finer sym-
pathy, no man could carry out his
plans with more intelligent coopera-
tion and at the same time with heartier
self-effacement. The patient skill with
which the result was accomplished is
well indicated by Mrs. Davis when she
says: 'It was to me a curious spec-
tacle; the approximation to a thorough
friendliness of the President and his
war minister. It was a very gradual
rapprochement, but all the more solid
for that reason.' J. B. Jones, the diar-
ist, who disliked and distrusted his
Jewish superior, analyzes the relation
between President and Secretary with
much less approval. 'Mr. Benjamin
unquestionably will have great influ-
ence with the President, for he has
studied his character most carefully.
He will be familiar not only with his
" likes," but especially with his " dis-
likes." ' And when Jones hears that the
President is about to be baptized and
confirmed, he takes comfort because
'it may place a gulf between him and
the descendant of those who crucified
the Savior.'
If we accept Benjamin's own words,
however, and I think we may, we shall
conclude that his devotion to Davis
was founded, at any rate in part, on a
sincere esteem and admiration. Writ-
ing to the London Times after the war,
he says: 'For the four years during
which I have been one of his most
privileged advisers, the recipient of his
confidence and sharer to the best of my
ability in his labors and responsibilities,
I have learned to know him better
perhaps than he is known by any other
living man. Neither in private con-
versation nor in Cabinet council have
I ever heard him utter one unworthy
thought, one ungenerous sentiment.'
No one, then, could long retain
Davis's confidence without an abun-
dant supply of tact and sympathy.
Probably the two men who made most
use of these qualities in their deal-
ings with the President were Lee and
Benjamin. But an instructive differ-
ence strikes us here. Lee's tact sprang
spontaneously from natural human
JUDAH P. BENJAMIN
801
kindness. He treated his inferiors ex-
actly as he treated his sole superior,
and was as courteous and sympathetic
to the humblest soldier as to the Presi-
dent of the Confederacy. With Ben-
jamin it is wholly otherwise. He was
at the war office for just six months.
In that time I will not say he quarreled
with everybody under him, but he
alienated many, and quarreled with
such a number that his stay there is
but a record of harsh words and re-
crimination. One brief telegram to
McCulloch will abundantly illustrate
the cause of this state of things: *I
cannot understand why you withdrew
your troops instead of pursuing the
enemy when his leaders were quarrel-
ing and his army separated into parts
under different commanders. Send an
explanation.'
This sort of dispatch, from a lawyer
who had never seen a skirmish, to
generals of old experience and solid
training, was not likely to breed good
feeling, much less to restore it. It did
not. Benjamin had trouble with Wise,
trouble with Beauregard, trouble re-
peatedly with J. E. Johnston, and
drove Jackson to a resignation which,
if it had been accepted, might have
changed the course of the war. This is
surely a pretty record for six months.
And observe that in many instances
the Secretary appears to have been
right and wise. This only emphasizes
the misfortune of his getting into such
difficulty. The suavity, the graceful
tact which served him so well with
Davis, seem to have deserted him in
dealing with those over whom he had
control. Or rather, it is said that the
very suavity produced double exas-
peration when it was used merely to
glove an arbitrary display of authority.
'When I do not agree with Benjamin,
I will not let him talk to me/ said
Slidell, who was his friend, * he irritates
me so by his debonair ways.'
VOL. in -NO. e
And now, with the qualities of Ben-
jamin's public career clearly suggested,
let us turn for a moment to his private
life and see how that helps to illumin-
ate the other.
To begin with his social relations.
As with Davis, so with all his equals
whom he met in daily intercourse, his
manner was full of courtesy, some even
say, charm. To be sure, Wise calls him
* oleaginous'; but Alfriend, who knew
him well, goes to the other extreme:
'I have never known a man socially
more fascinating than Judah P. Ben-
jamin. He was in his attainments a
veritable Admiral [sic] Crichton, and I
think, excepting G. P. R. James, the
most brilliant, fascinating conversa-
tionalist I have ever known.' One is
tempted to blend these two views in
Charles Lamb's pleasant characteriza-
tion of the singer Braham. 'He was a
rare composition of the Jew, the gen-
tleman, and the angel; yet all these
elements mixed up so kindly in him,
that you could not tell which pre-
ponderated.'
Less prejudiced judges than those
above quoted render a verdict which
is still decidedly favorable. In his
earlier career in the United States
Senate, Benjamin is said to have been
generally popular and to have en-
deavored always to foster social rela-
tions; and Sumner, his bitterest oppo-
nent, bore testimony to his kindness of
manner and conformity to the proprie-
ties of debate. W. H. Russell speaks
of his * brisk, lively, agreeable man-
ner,' and calls him 'the most open,
frank, and cordial of the Confederates
whom I have yet met.' Thomas F.
Bayard, surely a connoisseur, says that
Benjamin's 'manner was most attract-
ive — gentle, sympathetic, and abso-
lutely unaffected,' and that 'he cer-
tainly shone in social life as a refined,
genial, charming companion.' And the
testimony of his English friends is
802
JUDAH P. BENJAMIN
equally decided. 'A charming compan-
ion,' writes Sir Frederick Pollock, 'an
accomplished brother lawyer and a
true friend; one I could not easily
replace.'
In many of these social sketches of
Benjamin there is a curious insistence
on his smile, which seems to have been
as perennial as Malvolio's, if a little
more natural. 'The perpetual smile
that basked on his Jewish lips,' says
the acrid Pollard. And Jones, in his
Diary, recurs to it almost as a third-
rate playwright does to a character tag,
so much so that on one occasion he
notes Mr. Benjamin's appearance with-
out his smile as of inauspicious omen.
'Upon his lip there seems to bask an
eternal smile; but if it be studied, it
is not a smile — yet it bears no unpleas-
ant aspect.'
The implication in some descriptions
that the smile and the courtesy were
only on the surface is, I think, clearly
unjust. Benjamin was not, perhaps, a
philanthropist; but there is record of
many kindly deeds of his, none the less
genuine for not being trumpeted. He
once lost sixty thousand dollars by
endorsing a note for a friend, which,
of a Jew, is worth remembering. Al-
though never especially enthusiastic
for his religion, he was ready to help a
fellow Hebrew who wanted help, and
it is said that old and needy Confed-
erates in London did not apply to him
for aid in vain.
Also, the smile was for himself, as
well as for others. That is, it represent-
ed an attitude toward life. Through
many ups and downs and odd turns
and freaks of Fortune, Benjamin was
never discouraged, never depressed. I
do not think this meant in him any
great strain of heroic fortitude. The
smile shows that. It was an easy-going
egotism, which neither touched nor was
touched deeply, a serene, healthy well-
being which let the blows of adversity
strike and glance off, which turned tri-
fles into great pleasures and very great
evils into trifles. When work was need-
ed, he worked with all that was in him.
When he failed and fell, instead of
being crushed, he jumped up, smiled,
brushed off his clothes, and worked
again. Where will you find a finer in-
stance of recovery after utter disaster
than this man's rise in late life from
nothing to fortune in a new country
and an untried sphere? Even in his
formal and official correspondence you
catch little glimpses of the easy, devil-
may-care fashion in which he took re-
sponsibilities that would have crushed
others. Thus he ends a long letter of
difficulty and trouble to his predecessor
in the war office: 'What a bed of roses
you have bequeathed me ! ' Or he writes
to Sidney Johnston — of all men : ' In
Mississippi and Tennessee your un-
lucky offer to receive unarmed men for
twelve months has played the deuce
with our camps.' Fancy Lee or Davis
writing that!
For a man armed with a smile of
this kind, religion is a superfluity, and
it appears that Benjamin had none.
He practically dropped his own and
never had the interest to pick up any
other. He did, indeed, — unless he
has been confused with Disraeli, —
tell a sneerer at Judaism that his own
ancestors were receiving the law from
Deity on Mt. Sinai when the sneerer 's
were herding swine in the forests of
Saxony; but this was to make a point
for the gallery, just as his burial in
Paris with Catholic rites was pour
plaire aux dames. His religion would
not have been worth mentioning but
for the delightful anecdote of Daniel
Webster's assuring him and Maury,
the scientist, that they were all three
Unitarians together. Benjamin denied
this, and invited Webster to dine with
him to prove it. They dined and ar-
gued, but Benjamin would not be con-
JUDAH P. BENJAMIN
803
vinced, though he did not know enough
about the Bible to hold his ground.
Oh, to have been present at that din-
ner! What conversation — and what
wine and cigars!
As this discussion may imply, and as
abundant evidence proves, Benjamin,
for all his smiles and all his optimism,
was neither cold nor always perfect in
command of his temper. 'He was
like fire and tow,' says Mrs. Davis,
perhaps exaggerating in view of an in-
cident shortly to be mentioned, 'and
sensitive about his dignity.' I do not
imagine that this went very deep, but
at any rate the Southern sun had
touched the surface with a singular
petulance and vivacity. Even in age
and in London fogs the temper would
fly out. As when, before the solemn
gravity of the House of Lords, Benja-
min was arguing a case and heard the
Lord Chancellor mutter, 'Nonsense!'
The barrister stopped, gathered up his
papers, and abruptly departed. So high
was his standing at that time that the
Chancellor felt obliged to make things
right by an apology.
Even more entertaining is the earl-
ier spat between Benjamin and Davis.
Senatorial tempers were high-strained
in Washington in the fifties, and men
sometimes fell foul of friends as well
as foes. The slap-dash, boyish inter-
change of curt phrases, even as staled
in the cold storage of the Congressional
Globe, must have rejoiced Seward and
Sumner. Its straight-from-the-shoul-
der quality, coming from such reverend
sages, recalls the immortal dialogue
which Adam Smith reports himself and
Dr. Johnson as exchanging, like coal-
heavers. 'What did Dr. Johnson say,
sir?' — Smith : 'He said I was a liar.'
'And what did you say?' 'I said he
was a ' — never mind what. Benjamin's
language is more senatorial, but not
too much so. ' The Senator is mistaken
and has no right to state any such
thing. His manner is not agreeable at
all.' — Davis: 'If the Senator happens
to find it disagreeable, I hope he will
keep it to himself.' — Benjamin : 'When
directed to me, I will not keep it to
myself; I will repel it instanter.' — Da-
vis: 'You have got it, sir.'
And pistols for two, of course. But
kind friends prevented the future sec-
retary of state from shooting at his
president. More seriously instructive
and profitable is the contrast between
the explanations offered by the two
men in the Senate. Davis's is in his
best style, nobly characteristic, as thor-
oughly frank as it is manly and dig-
nified. Benjamin's is well enough, but
cautious, as if he were afraid of his po-
sition and anxious not to say a word
too much.
The keen sensibility, whether super-
ficial or not, which appears in these
incidents, characterized Benjamin in
other ways besides temper. He liked
excitement. It was the excitement of
public contest that made for him, I
think, the charm of his profession.
After the war he was offered an excel-
lent opening in Parisian finance, but
he preferred to fight his way up in the
English courts. And there is a remark-
able sentence in his speech at the fare-
well dinner, when he mentions having
been ordered by his physicians to
avoid the excitement of active prac-
tice: 'I need hardly tell an audience
like this that to tell me or any person
of a nature like mine to abstain from
all possible excitement is to tell him
to cease the active exercise of the
profession; for without the ardor of
forensic contest what is the profession
worth?'
He liked excitement in the form of
games, also, liked billiards and whist.
W. H. Russell even records as Wash-
ington scandal that Benjamin lost the
major part of his very large income at
cards. His biographer denies this, but
804
JUDAH P. BENJAMIN
in rather mild fashion, asserting that
he was 'not a rabid gambler '; and Ben-
jamin himself seems less concerned at
the accusation than at Russell's in-
gratitude in making it.
On graver points of morals I find no
trace of any charge whatever against
Benjamin. But, in spite of his im-
mense capacity for work, he was gen-
erally known as a lover of ease and
good living. This, assuredly no vice in
itself, came almost to appear like one
in those last hungry months of the
Confederacy. Very characteristic of
the man — more so, perhaps, than she
means it to be — is Mrs. Da vis's little
sketch: 'He used to say that with
bread made of Crenshaw's flour, spread
with paste made from English walnuts
from an immense tree in our grounds,
and a glass of McHenry sherry, of
which we had a scanty store, "a man's
patriotism became rampant." ' Alfriend
also gives us a significant touch: 'Mr.
Benjamin loved a good dinner, a good
glass of wine, and reveled in the delights
of fine Havana cigars. Indeed, even
when Richmond was in a state of siege,
he was never without them.' Immedi-
ately beside this I do not think it cruel
to put his own letter in regard to sol-
diers who were starving on half rations
and to whom a crust was luxury:
'Hardship and exposure will undoubt-
edly be suffered by our troops, but
this is war, and we cannot hope to con-
quer our liberties or secure our rights
by ease and comfort.' [Italics mine.]
On this very point of good eating,
however, we must at the same time
note the man's kindliness and gentle
heart. What he liked, he thought
others would like, and was glad to get
it for them, if he could. Thus Mrs.
Davis records that at a very good din-
ner Benjamin seemed ill at ease and
confessed that he was thinking how
much his brother-in-law, left alone at
home, would enjoy some of the deli-
cacies; whereupon he received a share
for his companion and went away
contented.
Undeniably, in the matter of relatives
Benjamin appears at his best, and his
affection and thought for them — thor-
oughly racial attributes — are pleasant
to read about. With his French Cath-
olic wife he did not, indeed, wholly
agree. There was no formal separa-
tion or quarrel. But for the greater
part of the time she lived in Paris and
her husband in America or England.
Benjamin's biographer attributes this
largely to faults of her disposition.
Perhaps he is right. But I would give
a good deal for Mrs. Benjamin's view
of her husband. So far as I know, only
one recorded sentence of her writing
twinkles in the memory of men. But
that one is a jewel. It paints the
woman; it paints the Southern Creole
class, and much that is Northern and
human also; it paints wide vistas of
domestic infelicity; and it shows
charmingly that Benjamin had found
the superlative in an art in which he
could furnish a good comparative him-
self. He writes to his wife urging
economy, and she writes back: 'Do
not speak to me of economy: it is so
fatiguing.' Miss Austen might have
invented the phrase, — she could not
have bettered it.
But Benjamin afforded rather a
singularity in matrimonial affairs by
apparently caring much more about
his wife's relatives than he did about
her. And to those connected with him
by blood, his daughter, sisters, nieces,
and nephews, he was deeply and
devotedly attached. His few extant
letters to them form very attractive
reading, and show a man as lovable as
he was clever. They are full of a light
and graceful playfulness, gossiping of
trivial things in just the way that love
appreciates.
Yet how infinite are the shades and
JUDAH P. BENJAMIN
805
diversities of character! For all this
graceful playfulness in his private let-
ters, for all his reported wit in conver-
sation, I do not find that Benjamin
had much of that complicated charac-
teristic which we call humor. I do not
find it in many of these Southern
leaders. It is as absent from the bril-
liant cleverness of a Dick Taylor as it
is from the rhetoric of a Davis. At
any rate, I miss it in Benjamin. Read
in the Congressional Globe the seces-
sion debate in which Baker of Oregon
simply demolishes Benjamin, not by
argument, but by pure Lincolnian
quizzing, which the Southerner cannot
meet because he cannot understand it.
For the height and depth of humor the
man did not view life at a large enough
angle. He smiled perpetually, but his
smile was the pleasant smirk of social
responsiveness, and took no account
at all of the tragedies of existence.
And now I think we are in a posi-
tion to consider what was Benjamin's
real attitude toward the Confederacy.
First, was he an able, selfish, scheming,
unscrupulous adventurer, who played
the game simply for his own personal
ambition and aggrandizement; a sort
of Talleyrand? This may be excluded
at once. If there were no other evi-
dence, little more would be needed
than his own evidently genuine com-
parison of Gladstone and Disraeli, de-
cidedly in favor of the former, who,
indeed, is said to have been Benjamin's
idol. Gilmore, who, with Jacquess, vis-
ited the Secretary in Richmond, gives
a description which is vital on this
point. 'There is something, after all,
in moral power. Mr. Benjamin does
not possess it, nor is he a great man.
He has a keen, shrewd, ready intellect,
but not the stamina to originate, or
even to execute, any great good or
great wickedness.'
But again, some who recognize Ben-
jamin's honesty assert that he took up
the Confederate cause as a mere law
case, utterly indifferent to its wrong
or right, or to any personal issue, giv-
ing it his best service as long as he
could, then turning cheerfully to some-
thing else. Here also I think there is
error. The man's whole heart was in
the work and he felt for it as deeply as
he could feel. Passage after passage in
his public and private writings shows
indisputably the partisan hatred and
the devoted enthusiasm of the loyal
citizen. 'I entertain no doubt what-
ever that hundreds of thousands of
people at the North would be frantic
with fiendish delight if informed of the
universal massacre of the Southern
people, including women and children,
in one night.' ' No people have poured
out their blood more freely in defense
of their liberty and independence, nor
have endured sacrifices with greater
cheerfulness than have the men and
women of these Confederate States.
They accepted the issue which was
forced on them by an arrogant and
domineering race, vengeful, grasping,
and ambitious. They have asked no-
thing, fought for nothing, but for the
right of self-government, for independ-
ence/ 'How it makes one's breast swell
with emotion to witness the calm, her-
oic, unconquerable determination to
be free that fills the breast of all ages,
sexes, and conditions.'
Like many other Southerners, Ben-
jamin rather melodramatically declared
that he would never be taken alive. He
never was. Like many others, he de-
clared that he would never, never sub-
mit. And he never submitted. The
Jewish obstinacy would not be over-
come.
No; it is utterly unjust to deny that
his patriotism was genuine, or that he
gave his very best sincerely, and in his
way unselfishly, to what he felt to be
his country. Only, with him nothing
went deep. When the struggle was
806
STUDIES IN SOLITUDE
over, it was over. Some measure of his
sunny cheerfulness must be credited to
self-control. Most of it was tempera-
ment. Lee, too, made no complaint; but
the tragedy of his people was written
perpetually on his face. Benjamin's
face would not take impressions of
that nature. Not one regret for a lost
cause or a vanished country is to be
found in his intimate personal letters.
' I am contented and cheerful under all
reverses,' he writes. And he was.
The truth is, viewed by the perma-
nent standards of history, he was a
small man, a small man placed in a
great position, and he rattled about in
it. The crises of nations always exhibit
such misfits, in lamentable number.
But with Benjamin the impression pre-
vails that he was a man of remark-
able ability, an adventurer of genius,
but of little character. This view was
strong upon me when I began to study
him. Now I am forced to the opposite
conclusion, that his character was re-
spectable, if not unexceptionable, but
his ability mediocre. Davis damned
the latter with the faintest possible
praise, to a nicety: 'Mr. Benjamin, of
Louisiana, had a very high reputation
as a lawyer, and my acquaintance
with him in the Senate had impressed
me with the lucidity of his intellect,
his systematic habits, and capacity for
labor.'
In short, he was an average, hono-
rable, and, in politics, rather ineffect-
ual gentleman. Perhaps he would have
preferred a different verdict. If so, he
should not have destroyed those papers.
STUDIES IN SOLITUDE
BY FANNIE STEARNS DAVIS
SHE was never lonely, she told her-
self. The solitude of her old little white
house, sitting retired from the village
street among its lilac trees and syrin-
gas, did not frighten or depress her.
She could spend a whole day of rain
there, seeing no one but the grocer's
boy, the big gray cat, and occasional
stooped hurrying figures out in the wet
street; and could come down into eve-
ning calmly, busied with her enforced
or chosen duties and thoughts. A cloud
seemed to wrap her round in many
folds of seclusion till the common world
of hurry and friction and loud or se-
cret loves and hates was dim to her
eyes and ears. Street sounds and whis-
tles of trains at the cross-roads were
muffled echoes; but the ticking of the
tall clock, the throbbing of rain on a
tin roof, the infrequent wind banging
at a loose window, the cat's creepy
tread on the stairs, grew rhythmic and
insistent.
Yet she was not lonely. She never
stopped to brood, listening long to
perilous voices. She denied even to
certain pieces of furniture, books, or
ornaments, their passive right to con-
jure up the spectre of her solitude. If
a room seemed too vibrant with unseen
presences, she would enter it and drive
STUDIES IN SOLITUDE
807
out the quivering mystery with some
brisk petty business of sweeping, of
shifting a picture, or rearranging a
book-shelf. Often she whistled softly
about her work, although there were
moments when as if by an instinct she
would stop short and glance over her
shoulder, to see nothing, and after that
to be still.
So the day would shift from gray
dawn to gray dusk; and she had not
allowed herself to think that she might
have cause for loneliness, there in the
quiet house behind its dripping lilac
trees.
Only in the evenings did the clock
and the rain become too loud and real.
Then, as she sat with a pleasant book
or broidery in the yellow lamplit circle
of her sitting-room, warm and quaint
in its accumulation of color, — old gay
reds, greens, blues, tumbled together
by generations of fond house-holders,
and now subdued into harmony by
years and the low light, — she would
find herself all at once rigid as an ice-
image, yet alert as a coiled serpent; lis-
tening, listening, — for what? For a
quick step on the flags before the door?
For a long jangling peal at the bell ? For
a voice in the hall, or a sick querulous
summons from the downstairs cham-
ber, or the scraping of a chair from
above? No, she knew that she had no
cause to wait for these things. There
was only the rain, the clock, sleek
Diogenes purring on the white fox-
skin, the lamp-wick fretting a little to
itself, and once in a while, out in the
dark street, the splash and clatter of
wheels, the faint wet whisper of feet
that always passed her gate.
So, with a self-scorning smile and a
drawing of her hand across her eyes,
she would take up again the book or
needle-work, and stop abruptly that
rigid listening for sounds which never
came. Long since, on her first solitary
night in the old house, she had vowed
to herself that she would not be sad, or
strange, no matter what tricks her
heart and mind might play her. She
would not fear memory and anticipa-
tion, but would compel them to be her
servants, to keep their distance. She
had been young then, and had not
quite believed in her solitude. Now
that she knew it through and through,
she was still aware that to look too far
back or too far forward would equally
undo her. On these rainy nights of
withdrawal, her trial-times were still
upon her. If she failed now, if one
shudder or one tear escaped her, she
was lost forever; and the white house
would drive her out, into a world
where she could no more choose her
own way of being alone.
But she was not lonely, she repeated ;
and to prove it, her mind would in-
dulge in a fantasia of loneliness. The
book would slip from her hand, and
she, gazing half-hypnotized into shad-
owy corners, visited all the solitary
people over the wide world. It pleased
her to imagine homesick officers in
stifling Indian bungalows; young men
and girls, fresh come to the City,
wandering forlorn through the glare of
streets, or idling under their meagre
lodging-house gas-jets; light-keepers on
desolate sand-dunes and rock-ledges,
climbing at night twisted iron steps to
tend the eternal lamp; night-watch-
men pacing deserted ^ards and mill-
corridors; sailors in the dead watch;
poets and prophets trying passion-
ately to capture the wild visions which
leaped across their darkness; and most
of all, many women sitting as she did
in warm quaint rooms, near village
streets, hearing the clock tick and the
rain throb.
It pleased her, to travel so on light
unhindered wing. Almost it seemed as
if her soul left her body, and fared
out to knock against every lonely win-
dow and to keep dumb company round
808
STUDIES IN SOLITUDE
every solitary lamp. And she felt
that she was one of an endless army,
marching straightforwardly and silent-
ly out upon their lives, stripped of
the disguises that kindred and close
friendship invent, and making, in re-
turn for the silence of their hearts and
the smiling of their lips, only one de-
mand of all that encountered them.
That demand she never shaped, of
her own will. But when she had sat a
long time, dreaming, and had at length
roused herself to make fast doors and
windows, had shut the cat in the kitch-
en, taken her hand-lamp and gone up
the broad stairs to bed, — then, in the
gay chintz-hung security of her own
chamber, her throat would fashion in-
voluntarily those words that her heart
and lips refused to let themselves speak.
'It is all right enough/ her throat
would say for her, as she turned down
the counterpane, untied her shoes, and
wound her watch. ' I am quite all safe
and right. But — no one must ask me
— if I am lonely. No one must ever
ask me that.'
ii
It had appeared presently that her
house was haunted, though not by
ghostly terrors. For herself, she had
only felt, at times, the vaguely imag-
ined intimation of some presence other
than her own in the quiet rooms. But
she had no surer knowledge of her
dimly harbored guests until a friend,
wearied out with the love and care of
over-many babies, came to her for rest;
and after two days of grateful idle-
ness in her sunny window, asked sud-
denly, —
'Miriam, whose are the Voices?'
'What voices?' Miriam parried; and
Lucy described them : happy, laughing
voices, as of young people playing
and gossiping together. ' I have heard
them so often when I was lying alone
and you were out, or off somewhere. I
almost asked a dozen times who was
talking. They are always downstairs,
or across the hall, or under the win-
dow; and they are such happy voices:
young voices, — oh, very sweet and
glad.'
Miriam smiled and stroked her
friend's nervous fingers. Lucy had al-
ways heard and seen more than other
people did, and now that she was so
tired, no doubt her worn-out fancy
befooled her lightly. They talked it
over together. Lucy, smiling at her-
self, none the less insisted: there were
Voices in the house.
'Some time you'll hear them too,'
she nodded. ' They 're not sad or dread-
ful or gloomy; oh no! They're just
young and glad. I love to hear them.'
And another evening, when Miriam
came into the sitting-room after an
errand down the street, Lucy greeted
her eagerly, saying, —
'It was music this time. Oh, I've
heard such music! I almost went to
see if some one was n't playing. It was
like a harp, I think, with a violin and
piano: it was very beautiful. I thought
some one must be playing, until it came
to me that of course it was the Young
People. It was happy music, just as
the Voices are so happy. Miriam,
there are young people somehow in
your house.'
It became a sort of gentle pleasant
joke between them, while Lucy stayed
on. 'Have you heard them to-day?'
Miriam would ask; and sometimes
Lucy replied, 'No; they must have
gone off on a picnic; it was such a good
day'; or, 'Yes; they were here while
you were out this afternoon. I don't
see why you don't hear them.' And
Miriam would shake her head. 'I
never hear and see Things, you know.
They are your Voices, Lucy; they are
your babies grown-up who are talking
to you even here in my old-maid house.'
But Lucy denied it. 'No, Miriam, I
STUDIES IN SOLITUDE
never heard them anywhere else. They
belong to you and your house, and
they mean something good, and sweet,
and coming, not gone by. They 're not
ghosts.'
And when at last Miriam kissed her
good-bye at the train, Lucy was say-
ing, * I 'm glad to think of you, there in
your nice sunny house, with the Voices,
and the Music. Good-bye, dear.'
As Miriam sat alone that evening,
she wondered about those young
happy presences. She wished that she
could hear them laugh and sing and
play; not merely feel them blindly
stirring about her. She sat, deep in
reverie, smiling at Lucy's merry yet
honest insistence upon her quaint little
hallucination, — at herself for more
than half believing it.
' It is better that I never hear them,'
she concluded at last, rather soberly.
* I could n't live alone this way if I
heard them. It is all well enough for
Lucy, with her husband and her house-
ful of babies, to hear things like that;
granting that she truly did, dear mys-
terious Lucy! — But if I heard them
— if I heard them, — 'she glanced
about the room as if she half expected
to see a gay face above the piano, a
bright head bending by the lamp, —
' it would mean that I was going a little
bit mad: yes, just a little bit mad, for
all that they are sweet, young voices.'
She shivered, stood up quickly, and
went over to the long mirror. 'Mir-
iam,' she whispered, looking into the
shadowy face that met hers, * Lucy said
those were young voices, coming voices,
not gone by. But you know, Miriam,
that if they are, they belong to some
one else who may live in this house : to
some one else, I tell you, not to you at
all. Don't be a fool. — You've been
quite sensible so far: don't spoil it all
now. Do you hear? you must n't even
wish to hear those Voices, or that love-
ly harp-music. Now you understand.'
Months later she saw her friend
again. 'How are the Voices?' Lucy
asked gayly, across the laughing baby
who pulled at her necktie and snatched
down her curls.
'I never hear them,' Miriam an-
swered, almost shortly. 'You know,
don't you, — " to him that hath shall
be given"? — Please may I hold the
baby?'
in
Yet often, when she had spent a
part of the day or evening away from
home, she had a curious expectation of
returning to find her house not empty
and silent, but with something alive in
it to greet her. She did not think of the
people who had been her own in the
different days so far past, nor of her
living friends, nor of the young pre-
sences whose laughter Lucy had in-
sisted upon hearing. It seemed to her
simply that there was more life and
motion and personality in her waiting
house, than just Diogenes crouching on
the front porch, and the kettle steam-
ing to itself on the back of the stove.
One winter evening she walked late
down the village street. The moon
rode high and white. Every frosty
breath shone, every step creaked and
crackled in the snow. Through the
thin leafless maple-trunks and lilac-
boughs she could see her house plainly:
the snowy roof, glittering to the moon,
the low eaves, ragged with silver icicles,
and the four yellow windows of the
hall and sitting-room, which she had
lit against her late return.
She had a definite sense of expect-
ancy. She was going back to some-
thing, to somebody, — and found her-
self hurrying almost joyfully. But
with her hand on the gate, she stopped,
and stared at the house as if it were
strange to her. An icy little stream
flowed suddenly round her heart. For
a second, all the world — the moon,
810
STUDIES IN SOLITUDE
the village, the house, and her own
inner secret universe — staggered and
reeled and shook. But as suddenly,
everything grew calm and still again.
The frightful chill melted from her
blood; the moon watched her with the
same high virgin regard, and the yellow
windows beckoned her home.
She went slowly up the path and
into the warm silent hall.
In that moment at the gate, she had
realized that it was only Herself to
whom she was going back. Herself,
who made those windows bright, who
piled the logs on the hearth that now
she could light and sit by, dreaming.
It was Herself, who would be running
down the stairs to greet her, and fetch-
ing an apple from the pantry, and list-
ening to her story of the evening's
doings.
It seemed to her almost as if she had
become two individuals. One of her
went out into the village and the
world. The other stayed always in the
little white house. She would always
be waiting to greet her home.
That was all. Now that she under-
stood it, it did not concern her any
more.
She was becoming a good hermit,
she commented; but noticed, with the
detachment that had grown upon her,
that she was not going to remember
that shuddering moment at the gate.
She blew the fire high, thinking, * After
all, there is nobody but Myself who un-
derstands me much,' and was amused
at her simple egotism.
IV
But secretly she knew her most per-
ilous enemy. It was not sadness, or
selfishness, or the Voices, or the odd
wildness of a determined recluse. It
was Eternity.
There was no telling when Eternity
might claim her. Sometimes she awoke
at dawn, and went down into the dewy
garden to work among the roses and
iris and pansy-plants, with the birds
all singing and the sun dancing like a
great wise morning star. The day
wore on, as she digged and trans-
planted and clipped and watered, till,
weary a little, she went into the house
and took up the endless bit of sewing,
or some story or poem to finish. And
all at once, in spite of the sun, the
earth-smell, the brisk village-sounds be-
yond her garden-fence, she knew that
her anchor dragged, — she had slipped
her moorings in the safe harbor of Time,
and was drifting off, off, into Eternity.
Then she cared nothing for rose-
bugs, or iris-roots, or stockings to
darn, or stories to read. She thought
of Love, and Sin, and Death: of na-
tions at war and her friends' souls in
joy or agony, of God Himself, — and
they were all as nothing. She saw the
flickering garden, she heard the song-
sparrow and the clucking hen, she felt
her own scrubbed and earth-stained fin-
gers and her beating heart, but these
were not necessary to her. She was ter-
ribly remote; terribly careless and still
and proud; for she was in Eternity.
'What does it all matter?' she would
murmur. 'What if they drink and steal
and sin and die? or love and lose and
win and die too? And what of me?
What of me? — We are all in Eternity.
God Himself is in Eternity.'
But she kept the peril close. None
of the neighbors, who hailed her on the
street or gossiped on the vine-hung
porch, ever noticed that often, as she
talked, she would clasp her hands with
a sudden fierce little gesture, as if she
were holding tight to some strong arm,
and that in her heart she was whis-
pering, even while the swift crooked
smile danced across her lips, *O God,
make me remember! make me remem-
ber! We're in Time now: not in Eter-
nity yet : not in Eternity yet I '
WILLY PITCHER
BY GEORGE STERLING
HE is forgotten now,
And humble dust these thirty years and more —
He whose young eyes and beautiful wide brow
My thoughts alone restore.
Dead, and his kindred dead!
And none remembers in that quiet place
The slender form, the brown and faunlike head,
The gently wistful face.
And yet across the years
I see us roam among the apple-trees,
Telling our tale of boyish hopes and fears
Amid the hurried bees.
When I am all alone
By the eternal beauty of the sea
Or where the mountain's eastern shade is thrown,
His face comes back to me —
A memory unsought;
A ghost entreating, and I know not why, —
A presence that the restless winds of thought
Acknowledge with a sigh;
Till I am half content
Not any more the loneliness to know
Of him who died so young and innocent,
And ah! so long ago!
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
BY MARY S. WATTS
CHAPTER XVI
BUT *T WAS A GLORIOUS VICTORY
NEXT morning at daybreak, the argo-
nauts steamed into the harbor of Guan-
tanamo, which they found already
populous with shipping, colliers, trans-
ports, lighters, a whole fleet of little
vessels of their own calibre, herded to-
gether in one place where the Milton D.
Bowers herself modestly sought a berth,
and half a dozen tall warships. They
recognized their friend of the night be-
fore, the Inverness, now peaceably rid-
ing at anchor on the east side of the
channel, close inshore and just oppo-
site some ridges of freshly turned earth
which looked like the bunkers on the
golf-links at home, Van Cleve thought,
but which, he was told, were the in-
trenchments of Camp Huntington.
All around there were other earth-
works and tents, white and blue and
khaki-colored uniforms going to and
fro, bugle-calls and the smoke of camp-
fires, and overhead the flag spreading
its brave and cheerful colors on a strong
breeze. It was a stirring spectacle;
and though this place is adorned with
some of as noble and beautiful scenery
as may be found anywhere in the world,
I doubt if the travelers made much of
it. They were not caring for scenery,
and the sight of this armed occupation,
vigilant and powerful, and the news of
the past night would have distracted
them from the most wonderful pano-
rama on the face of the globe.
They landed, Schreiber insisting on
812
going, too, although he was limping
painfully, with his ankle very much
swollen in a rough bandage they had
contrived, and went up to a shining
little sheet-iron-walled stove of a build-
ing which they had found to be the
telegraph-office, at the foot of the hill
under Captain McCalla's camp of ma-
rines; and here Schreiber had the luck
to fall in with two other correspond-
ents, a Mr. Hunter of the New York
Planet, and another man whose name
Van Cleve did not catch, both of them
just from the front with accounts of
Saturday's fighting and San Juan Hill.
The army had known nothing of the
navy's doings, and supposed the can-
nonading they had heard to be Samp-
son bombarding the forts at the mouth
of the harbor, as he had done before!
' Pshaw, we knew better than that ! ' said
Schreiber, with mock superiority.
'Well, our fellows have too many
other things to think about, back there
in the jungle,' Hunter said. He told
them something of the fight, the other
man joining in. It had n't been any
such soft snap as the navy boys had,
to judge by what you heard. These
Spaniards were n't running away, nor
dreaming of it; they were fighters —
they could shoot, too. 'Why, it took
Lawton nearly a whole day, nearly the
whole of Friday, — let 's see, it was Fri-
day, was n't it, Jim? — to carry that
position at that little town where the
church was, Caney they called it —
nearly the whole day, and everybody
thought it would n't be but an hour
or so! Well, of course, they outnum-
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
813
bered our fellows. Oh, yes, two to one,
at least. The Cubans hardly counted;
we did the real fighting. Oh, I suppose
some of the Cubans did pretty well,
but I didn't see any of 'em. They
were n't near so many of them wound-
ed and killed as we had, in proportion.
Did you hear about that poor fellow,
Lieutenant Ord of the Sixth? Did you
hear what happened to him? Why, he
got to the top of the hill with the first
ones when they charged it (Hey? Yes,
it was the Sixth, and the Rough Riders,
and the colored regiment, and parts
of other regiments mixed in), and this
Ord came to a Spaniard lying there
badly wounded, and says, "Look out
for this man, boys," or "Pick up this
fellow and see he gets taken care of,"
or something like that. And with that
the Spaniard raised up and shot him
through the heart! Suppose he thought
Ord was telling the men to bayonet
him and finish him. Probably that's
what a Spanish or Cuban officer would
have done. Eh? Oh, the men killed
him; about tore him to pieces, they say.
They thought a great deal of Ord.
Nice fellow, they say — I never hap-
pened to meet him. But that just shows
you what kind these Spanish are;
Uncle Sam's going to be thoroughly
sick of this Cuba Libre job before long.
All our fine men sacrificed. You ought
to see the wounded — or rather you
ought n't to see them if you can help
it. My God, it's awful! Awful. War's
about what Sherman said it was, I
guess.'
They talked on a little excitedly at
times, still under the spell of what they
had witnessed. Both of them were
dirty, haggard, ready to drop with
fatigue; Hunter told Van he had not
slept for fifteen hours, most of which
had been spent on the way from the
battlefield here. It was nothing but a
jungle trail, almost impassable in places,
and they had been obliged to tramp the
most of it, their horses having given
out very soon; it was next to impossi-
ble to get any kind of transportation in
the country. Nevertheless, they were
starting back as soon as they had had
some rest; something might happen
any minute, and they did n't want to
miss it. Takuhira, upon this, decided
to accompany them, hearing that a
friend of his, Lieutenant Akiyama of
the Imperial Japanese Navy, was al-
ready with the army, in observation;
and Van Cleve, too, might have gone,
but on hearing his errand, although
neither of them, unfortunately, knew
his friend Gilbert, they both assured
him that Siboney would be the best
place to look for him.
* Everybody 's there, or has been there
— or at Daiquiri. The Red Cross, and
the correspondents, and the post-office
people, and everybody. That's the
place to look for any one. If you can't
find him, you 're sure to find somebody
that knows him, and can put you on
his trail,' they said. Van began to feel
that he was getting 'hot,' as they say
in the children's games, and wanted to
go at once and send telegrams to Lorrie
and to his family; but the gentleman
in charge of the station refused, not
without a smile. The government, he
said politely, had raised and repaired
the Haytian cable at this point for its
own use, and private individuals, un-
less in some such capacity as Mr. Hun-
ter's, had no status just then.
Afterwards the party all dined to-
gether on board the Milton D. Bowers,
magnificently, the cook having found
means to add some crabs and a basket
of mangoes to their usual bill of fare,
which was further enriched by a can
of baked beans from some unknown
source. 'I tell you, the boys at the
front would like some of this! Those
beans would look like the Waldorf-
Astoria to them,' said one of the corre-
spondents; 'all the time we've been
814
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
with them, nobody's had anything
but bacon and hard-tack, and not too
much of that, poor fellows! Well, war
is war, I suppose!' With which philo-
sophical reflection he fell to heartily.
At two o'clock the Milton D., ac-
cording to arrangement, once more
set sail; and Van Cleve bade good-bye
to these gentlemen, none of whom, I
believe, he has aver met since, except
the Japanese attache, who turned up a
few days later at Siboney in company
with Major Shiba, the other military
envoy of his country. Santiago had
surrendered; the campaign was over;
the foreign officers in observation were
returning to the quarters assigned them
on board ship; even for Van Cleve him-
self, the adventure was ended.
He was very far from foreseeing all
this, though, as they steamed west
along the coast in a heavy sea and rising
storm, with Schreiber, erelong, wretch-
edly ill in the cabin, as usual, and Cap-
tain Bowers taciturnly smoking a par-
ticularly rank and vicious pipe, which
he seemed to enjoy most when the tug's
motion was at its worst. The next
morning, after a night of threshing
about in the seas, Van was not much
surprised to hear that it would be im-
possible to make a landing until the
wind and swell died down somewhat.
He could both see and hear the surf
now, booming and breaking on the shore
of the unprotected little cove, a for-
midable spectacle. They contemplated
it all day long, the tug taking up a
station a quarter of a mile out, in line
with a number of transports and other
vessels, like themselves afraid to risk
launching a boat in such weather.
Siboney appeared from this distance
to be a row of shanties, a half-con-
structed pier, and the broken ruins of
an old one swept by waves, with a
slender strip of beach in front and,
grimmest sight of all, a big lighter, ly-
ing on her side, about fifty yards from
shore, a castaway, with the seas pound-
ing over her desolately.
'Them other things you kin make
out closer inshore is some more boats
and stuff that got stove in trying to
land through the surf,' Captain Bow-
ers said, pointing out various dark ob-
jects which had puzzled Van Cleve's
inexperienced eyes. * Ain't it a sin 'n'
a shame? All that good stuff wasted!'
His tone was mournful; it was the first
and only time he had displayed so much
feeling of any kind, but Van under-
stood and thoroughly sympathized.
The young man's own thrifty soul was
outraged.
After twelve hours or so more of
waiting, during which, although there
was a great deal of coming and going
on shore, they heard no sounds of firing,
or other indications of hostilities being
resumed, he and Schreiber at last got
to land in a rowboat, manned by a pair
of tatterdemalions, which came out to
meet them finally, in answer to repeat-
ed signals, when Captain Bowers had
taken the tug in as near as was prudent.
Both boatmen were armed with pistols
and machetes, though nowise soldierly
(or indeed at all prepossessing) in ap-
pearance.
'Must be the commanding general
of the Cuban armies and his chief-of-
staff,' the newspaper-man suggested
satirically; 'and, by George, look at
the rest of the patriots getting ready
to land us! Look out for your watch,
Kendrick!'
In fact, there seemed to be a lively
traffic of this sort among the native
longshoremen, running down into the
water to seize a boat by the bows, and
rush it bodily through the surf, up high
and dry on the sand. There was a mob
of them, clamoring, villainous-faced,
incredibly dirty; the beach was busy
as a hive. It was littered with wreckage
of lighters and launches, partly sub-
merged, or standing up stark and stiff
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
815
when the tide was out. There were
mounds of barrels and boxes covered
with tarpaulin, under guard; mule-
teams and wagons, their drivers cursing
royally; soldiers without end; and a
handful of bedraggled-looking civil-
ians, government employees, members
of the Red Cross commission, more
correspondents .
The line of huts they had seen
from the harbor the day before turned
out to be ten or a dozen zinc-roofed,
boxlike structures built originally by
the Spanish-American Iron Company
— which had mines somewhere in the
neighborhood, as Schreiber vaguely
recollected hearing — for its operatives,
but now in use as hospitals; and
one of them, the largest, bore a sign,
'United States Post-Office, Military
Station No. 1.' Van Cleve and his com-
panion walked up toward it. Fresh
from the strong, clean sea, they had
not gone a hundred steps inland when a
puff of tepid, foul air, heavy with un-
speakable odors of animal and vege-
table decay commingled, fairly stran-
gled them. Schreiber, who had been
limping vigorously ahead, turned
alarmingly pale and faint for a second;
but he kept on gallantly. 'That had a
kind of yellow-fever taste, didn't it?'
he gasped, with unquenchable levity.
'Cheer up, the worst is yet to come!
Did you see that dead mule behind one
of the houses just now? He was very
dead. In fact, he must have been quite
entirely dead about the week before
last, I should judge. Viva Cuba Libre ! '
Military Post-Office No. 1 had a high
stoop in front of it, that gave it a queer
likeness to the country cross-roads
store and post-office combined, in a vil-
lage of the same size at home; and two
or three loungers on the porch as our
friends came up heightened the resem-
blance. 'How it reminds me of that
dear Rising Sun, Indiana!' murmured
Schreiber, tenderly. There were a
couple of privates waiting, probably,
for their regimental mail to be sorted
out, and another man, not a soldier,
as he was dressed in canvas trousers,
boots, and a sweater, was taking a nap,
in informal style, stretched out on
the floor, with an arm across his face.
The two orderlies glanced at the new-
comers without curiosity, and went on
with a desultory conversation wherein
war and conquest or other trade topics
were not in the least concerned. ' The
first time was at a picnic given by the
Eagles — Independent Order of Eagles,
y ' know, they 're pretty strong with us
— and I could n't say exactly how
often since,' said one of them, finishing
some statement; and the other nodded
indifferently.
'That fellow there lays like he was
dead — notice?' he said presently.
'Guess he's about played out. He's
just as still!'
'Dead! Well, I reckon he's deader
drunk than any other kind of dead,'
said the other man, with a laugh.
'They don't lay that way when they're
shot, though — mostly they lay all kind
of crumpled-up, in my experience,' he
added, with the air of a veteran. He
was a smooth-chinned lad of twenty-
three or thereabouts.
Van Cleve and Schreiber went in-
side. In the stifling heat, two clerks,
one in pajamas and the other wearing
an undershirt, blue denim overalls, and
a pair of carpet-slippers on his bare
feet, were sorting mail.
'Look in the rack. All you fellows'
mail is together in one place — right
over there. You can just look for your-
self,' one of them answered the corre-
spondent wearily, scarcely glancing up
from the piles of letters he was shuf-
fling to and fro. Van, however, was
not expecting anything; nobody knew
where he was. He wanted to post a
letter he had written to Lorrie the
night before; and that done, hastily re-
816
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
treated to the open air, wiping the per-
spiration from his face.
'Hot, ain't it?' said one of the sol-
diers, amiably.
' I don't see how those men stand it
in there. Another minute of that oven
would have finished me,' declared Van.
Schreiber came to the door behind
him and said, not without excitement,
'Look here, Kendrick, there 're two
letters there for your friend. I saw
them. R.D. Gilbert — that 'she, isn't
it? His folks must have got on to where
to find him. He's probably written.'
'R.D. Gilbert ? ' said Van Cleve, with
a start. 'Then he 's here, to a certainty.
I wonder if any of them in the post-
office know him.'
He was turning to go inside again,
when at the second repetition of the
name, the man on the floor stirred,
rolled over, sat up at last, after two or
three efforts, staring around with a
puffy, reddened face. 'Whazzat? What
you want?' said Bob.
If this meeting had occurred on the
melodramatic stage, for which, as an in-
cident, it was well suited, Van Cleve
would undoubtedly have had to ex-
claim, 'My God, Bob! You here!'
clutching his temples in a frenzy of hor-
rified astonishment. The plain fact is,
he did and said, for an instant, nothing
at all. It took him that time to realize
that this was Bob — Bob at last in a
worse state from drink and hardships
than Van had ever seen him: gaunt,
disordered, blear-eyed, almost repuls-
ive. In another moment, he perceived
that Bob, although looking straight at
him, had not yet recognized him, which,
to be sure, was not to be wondered at,
Van quickly remembered, considering
his own appearance, and that he was
the last person Robert would be expect-
ing to see.
Schreiber, who also had been staring
hard, now burst out with, ' Well, I '11 be
— Why, that's Gilbert! Is n't it Gil-
bert? Why, that's him now! Well,
I'll be—!' He looked all around help-
lessly. Bob surveyed him with blank
eyes.
'Friend of yours?' said one of the
soldiers, addressing Schreiber.
' No — yes — that is, here 's his friend.
This is his friend. Been chasing him
fifteen hundred miles! Wouldn't that
jar you, though ? Fifteen hundred miles !
And here he is!'
'Why, hello, Bob!' said Van Cleve,
mechanically. Then he collected him-
self, and made another effort. 'Hello,
Bob, don't you know me? It's Van
Cleve Kendrick, you know — Van
Cleve, you know!' Unconsciously he
raised his harsh voice, as he repeated
the name. Bob eyed him so dully and
unresponsively, it made him anxious.
'No use hollerin' at him, mister.
Better let him sleep it off,' observed
one of the privates; 'he's pickled for
fair!'
'No, he ain't, he'll know you in a
minute,' said the other, with a judicial
glance; 'he knew when you called his
name just now. Wake up, bo! ' he con-
tinued to Bob, genially; 'here's some-
body come to see you!'
This experienced gentleman was
right; Robert had unquestionably had
some liquor, but that he was legiti-
mately fagged-out from exertion, want
of sleep, and, very likely, want of food,
would have been evident, on a closer
inspection, to anybody. He got upon
his feet, while they were speaking,
without any help; looked hard at the
dirty, bearded man in front of him,
and ejaculated at last in his own nat-
ural voice, but filled with bewilder-
ment, 'Van Cleve! It's not you, Van?'
'See? What 'd I tell you? He's got
you!' said the soldier, triumphantly.
'How'd you get here?' said Bob. In
the wonder and perplexity of the mo-
ment, neither of them thought of shak-
ing hands. Van Cleve's wits, in truth,
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
817
were at a standstill; he had never
speculated much as to the precise en-
vironment and conditions wherein he
would find his friend, and had no plans
about what he was going to say other
than to tell Bob plainly and forcibly
that, having betrayed a young woman,
according to her own confession, he
must come home and marry her. What
he had not allowed for, was such a
chance as this: the open beach, the
crowded, noisy camp where decent
privacy seemed a thing unobtainable,
the sudden stumbling upon the man
he sought. He was inordinately taken
aback. It was only for a second, but
the others looked at him curiously. Bob
all at once recognized Schreiber, and
spoke to him by name, and they two
shook hands enthusiastically. Robert
pulled out a half-empty flask from his
hip-pocket, and offered it all around.
'Have a drink? It'll do you good. Got
to take a little stimulant in this cli-
mate, you know. I do myself all the
time,' he said frankly; 'here's how,
boys! What's your regiment? Oh, two
regiments? We'll have to have two
drinks on that! What 's yours ? Third?
Bully for the Third! Here, got to drink
to your regiment, you know. What's
yours, hey?'
The second young fellow said, with
an uneasy grin, glancing at the others,
that he belonged to the Twentieth, and
he did n't want any, thanky, sir. Van
Cleve interfered. ' You 've had enough
of that, Bob,' he said, the exertion of
authority restoring him to his habitual
poise on the instant; 'here, give me the
bottle. You want something to eat,
that 's what you want. Where do you
go here?'
'Aw, Van Cleve—!' Bob began
pleadingly; but he surrendered his flask
without more protest. No amount of
drinking could overcome the poor sin-
ner's native gentleness and tractabil-
ity . ' Kind of good to see you, Van,' he
VOL. in - NO. e
said next, affectionately; 'but I must
say, you took me by surprise. Don't
all of us look like tramps, though!' He
cast a glance of whimsical appreciation
over his own figure and his friend's.
'How'd you get here?'
'Why, I — I'll tell you presently.
I'd like to get something to eat, first.
Where do you live? Where do you go
to eat and sleep, I mean?'
Bob burst into a laugh, broken by
hiccoughs. 'Where do I live? Where
do any of us live? How's that, fellows?
Where do we all live? Why, in Cuba,
first turn to your left and keep on
going!' He looked to Schreiber for
sympathy. 'What's your address,
Schreiber? '
' It 's going to be Herman Schreiber,
Esquire, The Front, directly,' said the
war-correspondent, himself amused.
' He 's about right, Kendrick, you don't
live, nor eat, nor sleep anywhere —
you just get along the best you can.
What's doing, anyhow, Gil?'
'At the front? Nothing. No fighting
I mean. I came back last night. I was
all in. I 've been trying to get a little
rest.'
'Lying here on the ground?' Van
said, thinking with a certain shock of
Mrs. Gilbert and Lorrie. If they
knew — ! If they could see him — !
But, thank Heaven, they could n't!
Bob nodded, momentarily speech-
less, in a fit of coughing. 'Sure! No
place else to go, you know,' he said
when he got his breath. ' Why not ! It 's
what they all do — sick and wounded
and all. What's good enough for our
army is good enough for me, I hope.'
Van Cleve eyed him over with a good
deal of secret worry. Under the mask
of dirt and sunburn, and apart from the
specific look of the hard drinker with
the lines and hollows and unwhole-
some textures that Bob's face had be-
gun to show long ago, Van Cleve
thought he detected some appearances
818
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
graver still; that cough and that stoop
were not due wholly to privation and
too much whiskey, he said to himself.
For a flash he was astounded at the
alarm that gripped him. Bob was worth-
less; but he loved Bob. * You have n't
had anything to eat yet? ' he said rough-
ly, as usual, when he was much moved.
And the other shaking his head in a re-
newed paroxysm of coughing, Van took
him by the arm. * Come along, we '11 get
something — we '11 hunt it up some-
where,' he said.
They got Bob's mail — a letter from
his father, and one from Lorrie with
the Tampa postmark, as Van Cleve
noted to his surprise — and started off,
the newspaper man, who did not lack
tact, bidding them good-bye pleasant-
ly, and taking the opposite direction.
CHAPTER XVII
IN WHICH WE WITNESS A SURRENDER
* How on earth did you ever happen
to hook up with him — Schreiber, you
know? How did you happen to come
down here, anyhow?' Bob wanted to
know, in recurrent wonder. * Think
of my not knowing who you were at
first! But, Van, I was simply stunned,
I could n't believe it was you.' He look-
ed into his friend's face, in sudden and
affectionate anxiety. * You don't mind,
do you? My not knowing you right
off, I mean? I thought you looked as
if you did n't like it, for a minute. But
honestly, Van Cleve, I could n't help it.'
'Oh, that's all right. I don't think
anything of that. It was perfectly natu-
ral,' said Van Cleve shortly; he was un-
conscious of the impatient note in his
voice, of the scowl between his deep-set
eyes. The thing he had to do was on
his mind, and it had all at once become
hateful to him, utterly abhorrent. Rob-
ert looked so sick and shaken, Van
Cleve wanted to take care of him, not
to accuse and coerce him; moreover,
face to face, Bob seemed, as he always
had to his friend, intrinsically harmless;
he wronged himself terribly and irre-
trievably, but it was hard to believe
that he could wrong anybody else.
' Damn that girl ! ' Van thought angrily;
'if she's any too good herself, I miss
my guess! It would be easy enough to
lead Bob into, anything, and blame any
trouble that came along afterwards on
him. He's a mark for any woman.'
Bob was speaking again. 'Old
grouch!' he said, thumping his friend's
shoulder caressingly. ' What made you
come here, anyhow, Van Cleve? Did
you just take a notion you 'd come, or
how was it?'
'Well, I — I came after you, really,
Bob. The family want you to come
home.'
'They know the Record-World fired
me; I suppose that's the reason?' said
Bob, with a kind of amiable annoy-
ance.
'Why, yes — one reason.'
Bob began to explain cheerfully. 'I
suppose they had to — the manage-
ment, I mean. I have n't any kick to
make about it. They're all pretty
square men, and they .did the right
thing, from their standpoint, to let me
out. I'd — I'd been drinking. It's
hard to keep out of it ; everybody drinks
more or less, but most of the men get
away with it somehow. They stand it
better than I do; they can hold more
without its affecting them. Oh, well, I
never did much like the work, anyhow
— running around, asking an infernal
lot of questions, and prying into other
people's business; it is n't much of a
gentleman's job, seems to me. I was
about ready to quit when they notified
me. I'm even on the transaction. I've
got the experience, and that 's all there
was in it for me; it'll be invaluable in
anything else I go into,' he concluded
comfortably, and dismissed the sub-
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
819
ject. 'But I don't see why you thought
you had to come down here after me,
Van. You did n't need to take all that
trouble. Was mother worrying?'
'Well, you see they did n't know
where you were or what had become
of you.'
'Why, I wrote them. I told them
all about it. I told them I was going
on with the army. And then I wrote
again from here, as soon as I found out
about the postal arrangements, and
told them to address me here.'
'They had n't got that letter when
we left home, of course. But they must
have since, for I see Lorrie 's written
you from Tampa,' said Van Cleve.
Bob stared at him in stark amaze-
ment. 'Lorrie? At Tampa? What's
Lorrie doing at Tampa? They're not
all of them there?'
'No, just Lorrie. She thought you
were there, and she wanted to get to
you. I brought her. She would come,'
Van said, rather defensively, as he saw
the indignant surprise on the brother's
face. Robert was genuinely shocked.
The mere mention of Lorrie awoke all
the manliness there was in him; Lorrie
was his creed and his conscience.
' Would come ? What were they think-
ing of — what were you thinking of, to
let her come? That 's no place for our
Lorrie. Would come! You talk as if
Lorrie were one of these hysterical,
tomfool women that have to be given
in to, or they '11 go crazy. Lorrie 's got
sense. What did she want to come after
me for ? ' He stopped ; and a new expres-
sion came over his face, a look of self-
forgetful sympathy and tenderness that
made it beautiful with all the grime and
weariness and marks of dissipation.
'Oh, I see! It was Phil. Poor Lorrie!
You can't blame her for that. She
wanted to be near Phil. Poor Lorrie!'
All his features quivered. 'Cort's dead.
You knew that, Van? Killed right at
the first before he 'd had a chance to do
anything — poor Cort! He was the
best fellow. I know you never liked
him, but you did n't know him. Cort
was a splendid fellow.'
'I'm sorry for Lorrie just the same,'
said Van Cleve.
'Is she — does she know? How is
she?'
Van Cleve shook his head gravely.
' Don't ask, Bob. It 's the saddest thing
I ever saw. Yes, she heard it one of the
first.' He described the Tampa experi-
ences briefly. 'The uncertainty was
cruelly hard on her. But, of course,
that's all over now.'
Bob said, 'Yes, it's all over,' and
passed the back of his hand across his
eyes. After a moment of striving to get
his voice under control, he managed
to add, ' You know I saw it, Van Cleve.
I saw him after he was shot.'
'You did!'
The other nodded, twisting his lips
as if in bodily pain at the mere recollec-
tion. 'Yes. Oh, my God, cruel things
happen in war! Yes, I saw it. I was n't
up in front where he was when the fight-
ing began. I was coming along behind,
with another fellow — another news-
paper man, I mean. I don't know who
he was. I suppose we must have been
a couple of hundred yards behind the
nearest soldiers. They marched in two
lots — two divisions, you know — some
of them straight up this ravine (you
come to the Santiago road that way
directly), and Wood's men, the Rough
Riders (only they did n't have any
horses) went up that steep place, past
the blockhouse — that one over there
to your left — you 're looking in the
wrong direction. I followed them. It
was terribly hot. Sometimes when we
got to one of those little narrow places,
all walled in with trees and vines grown
up solid on both sides, it was like be-
ing at the bottom of some kind of
red-hot well; it made your head swim.
Some of the men fainted. When there
820
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
began to be firing in front, the men got
an order to move faster. You never
would have called it a charge; it was n't
anything like the things you read about
in books. They — they just walked
along a little faster. When we caught
up with them I saw one man near
me get his sleeve hooked on a thorn,
and he stopped to pull it away, and
scratched his finger and said, " Damn I "
and stuck it in his mouth! All the time
the firing was going on in front.'
'They said Cortwright and those
other men were killed at the first fire,'
Van Cleve interrupted him.
'Yes, I know. I worked off" to the
side somehow. You could n't see a
thing, you know. The bushes were full
of men spread out trying to get through.
I don't believe any of them knew where
they were any more than I did, after a
little while. They just kept going to-
ward where you could hear the guns.
The whole thing only lasted an hour,
about. Cort did n't die right off; some
of them were shot dead where they
stood, but he was n't. They lifted him
out of the way over into some of the
bushes. It was just the way you some-
times see a dead cat in an alley at
home, stuck over in the gutter till the
street-cleaners come and get it. They
could n't stop to see about dying men;
they just had to get him out of the road
and keep on. Cruel things happen in
war.
Bob paused, his face working. He
began again. 'I didn't know about
Cortwright until I walked on to him al-
most. You don't know anything that's
happening anywhere in a battle except
right where you are. I almost walked
on to him.' Bob stopped again ; he swal-
lowed and wiped the sweat from his
face. 'He was lying there breathing
with a — with a thick sound, and his
eyes half-closed, showing the whites,
and his face all gray. He used to be so
good-looking and — and rather vain
of his looks, too, you recollect, Van;
any man would have been. And he
looked so you did n't want to touch
him. That's horrible, but it's so. I
got over that, though, and went and
raised him up. I don't know whether
he knew me or not, but he looked at
me. I said, " It 's me; it 's Bob Gilbert,
Corty, don't you know me?" but he
just said in a whisper, "I'm thirsty."
And then I gave him a drink out of a
canteen I had and he s-said, "Th-thank
you!"' Bob broke down and sobbed
openly. 'He was dying, Van; he was
dying, and he said, "Thank you!"
'Poor fellow!' said Van, touched.
'Was that all?'
'Yes. He died. He never said an-
other word. I wish he had. If he'd said
Lome's name, I'd like to have told
her. But he never spoke again.'
There was a silence while Bob wiped
his eyes on the sleeve of his soiled shirt,
and Van Cleve stared abstractedly at
the glaring beach and sea. 'Well, a
man can die but once,' said the latter
at last; 'I suppose getting shot's as
good a way as there is, when all 's said
and done. It 's quick, anyhow. I don't
believe he could have suffered much.'
' You — you could n't let me have a
drink of the whiskey now, could you,
Van? I'm pretty well used-up,' said
Bob, pitifully.
'Whiskey would n't do you any
good,' said Van Cleve, unmoved. They
had found a temporary resting-place in
the lee of what looked like a heap of
lumber and scrap-iron, but was in real-
ity a collection of wagons, 'knocked
down ' in sections and roughly bundled
together for transportation. And now
a military-looking person came and
ordered them away from it with few
words and strong. Nevertheless, Van
Cleve had the courage to inquire of
him where food might be got. Robert
had no money left, it appeared; he had
nothing at all except the clothes on his
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
back, and as he pathetically stated,
some few of poor Cort's things, his
watch and a little bundle of letters
which Bob had taken off the body to
give to Lorrie. * They buried him there
close to where he was killed, like all the
rest,' he sighed.
Van got out his wallet and gave him
five dollars. 'Now look here, you'd
better not stir around in this sun any
more than you can help,' he said, with
his practical kindness; 'you stay near
this place, while I go and see about the
stuff to eat. If anybody comes along
with crackers or bananas, you might
buy something without waiting for me,
only you ought to be pretty careful, I
think,' and went off.
Alas, when he returned in half an
hour or so with his supplies, Robert
was nowhere in sight; and Van Cleve,
with gloomy forebodings, which should
have visited him earlier, after another
half hour of worried search, found the
other, as he had expected, in company
with a villainous-eyed Cuban, drunk
and happy in a nook of sand and scrub-
palms, passing a newly acquired bottle
back and forth. Bob had forgotten all
about 'poor Cort,' all about Lorrie,
all about his own late reverses and ad-
ventures, in this stimulating compan-
ionship; he hailed Van Cleve jovially.
But the Cuban, who was not at all
drunk, looked upon the arrival of this
bodyguard with a very darkling coun-
tenance; and as Van attempted to get
Bob away, he intervened with what
sounded like evil words in Spanish, and
what certainly was an evil expression.
'Get out of the way, you!' says Van
Cleve, pushing Bob (who, as always,
was perfectly amiable and obedient)
along in front of him. 'Come on, Bob.
Yes, I know — it's all right, old fel-
low, but you want to come with me,
you know, now. Get out, you! Huh,
you would, would you? Well, I guess
noil Not this time, anyway!'
The Cuban picked himself up, and
fled with a yowl of malediction.
"S right, knock him (hie) down,
Van!' said Bob, gravely wagging his
head in approval; 'Cubans' — he
flapped his hand — 'Cubans no good.
Only ought be careful, Van. Ougn t'
have gun.'
Van Cleve clapped his hip-pocket.
'Good Lord, I forgot all about it!' he
ejaculated.
The next problem was to see Bob
safely bestowed somewhere, out of
reach, if possible, of any more sympa-
thetic natives or brother Americans;
and in this extremity Van bethought
him of the Milton D. Bowers. There
she lay, two or three hundred yards out,
peaceful and secure; and Captain Bow-
ers made only one comment when the
boat came alongside and they helped
Robert aboard. 'Found yer friend, I
see. He's got a pretty-good load,' he
remarked, turned his quid reflective-
ly, spat into the water, and inquired,
' He 's the one you were figurin' on takin'
back to the States, I presume likely?'
'Yes,' said Van Cleve.
'On the Milton D.?' the captain
asked, stroking his chin-beard.
'That's what I intend to do,' said
Van.
It is a pity that no reliable witness
was at hand to report the battle of
giants that ensued. Captain Bowers
was a Connecticut Yankee; Van Cleve
was his grandfather's grandson; it must
have been a hot engagement. Van has
never, naturally, been at all communi-
cative about the episode, but one may
conjecture it to have ended in a draw.
'Oh, yes, he stuck me. But he did n't
stick me as much as he expected,' Mr.
Kendrick has been heard to acknow-
ledge. The Gilberts, I think, know
nothing about the transaction to this
day.
After all these events, and when he
had left Bob stertorously sleeping in
822
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
the cabin, Van Cleve, who had vaguely
looked for the sun to be setting, found
to his astonishment that it was barely
noon ! There had been no chance to say
a word about the real cause of his visit;
it would have been worse than useless
to attempt the subject in Bob's present
condition. And, having by this time
reached a more philosophical mood
about it, Van decided that the miser-
able affair might wait till the next
day, without harm. By to-morrow Bob
would be at any rate sober, and fit to
listen. 'His nerves can't suffer by
it/ thought Van, grimly; * they 're all
gone to pieces anyhow. He has n't any
constitution left. He'll probably have
to go to Colorado or Arizona or some-
where, to keep alive. I don't know how
the family will manage. Some people
certainly do have a hard time.' For
his own part, he felt a sense of release,
now that his errand was all but done.
He wrote another note to Lorrie, briefly
reciting that he had found her brother
and was bringing him home; that Bob
was in * fairly good shape, though look-
ing rather tough, like everybody else
down here.' He hoped she was all
right, and she must not worry, that
everything was going along as smoothly
as they could possibly expect; and as
near as he could calculate just now,
they would arrive at Tampa by Satur-
day or Monday at furthest; it could n't
take more than a week.
He went ashore again to post this;
and wandering about fell in with and
followed for some distance a string of
pack-mules taking supplies to the front;
much of the road, it seemed, was al-
most impassable for wagons, although
our engineers had widened and built it
up in many places. It was nearly all as
Bob had described it, sunken between
solid walls of greenery, suffocatingly
hot, and, until they began to climb the
higher ground, steaming with noisome
odors.
He walked along by one of the driv-
ers, who, seeing that he was feeling
the heat, offered him a drink out of his
canteen, which Van accepted grate-
fully; he had not thought to provide
himself with water. They got into talk.
The teamster had been picked up by
the army at Mobile, being a graduate
of one of the old, well-established acad-
emies of mule-driving to be found
along the levees at Memphis and New
Orleans, or indeed almost anywhere
throughout the Southern States; he
said that he liked it * first-rate,' and
reckoned he'd stick with the job as
long as Colonel Humphries had any
use for him. He was, in fact, quite open
and sincere in a conviction that his de-
partment was the most valuable and
indispensable in the entire army, of
which he considered himself and his
mules as much a part as any regiment,
brigade, or division; and he confided to
Van Cleve that old Pete, his mainstay,
that there big gray mule with that there
scar on the flank, had been a little off his
feed here lately; he was afraid the cli-
mate was * getting to him'; the trip in
the transport had n't done none of the
mules no good. 'If Pete er me was to
be laid up with th' sun er fever er any-
thin', I dunno what they'd do — be
doggoned if I know what they'd do!'
he said seriously. It appeared there
were none too many of either mules or
packers.
Van Cleve, if he was a little amused,
rather liked him for this honest and
simple point of view. * That's the way
men ought to feel that are trying to do
a big thing together; every one as if his
particular part of the job was the big-
gest of all,' he thought.
His new acquaintance, in a week of
traversing the Daiquiri and Siboney
roads, backwards and forwards, had
learned the countryside by heart, and
knew the location of every body of
troops as well as the commanding gen-
VAN CLEVE AND HIS FRIENDS
823
eral himself. * Here's whar they had
the first scrimmage. You-all heerd
about that, I reckon/ he said as they
reached the summit of one of the ridges ;
and, halting to breathe the mules, he
pointed out to Van Cleve the entrance
of the mesa trail where Wood's men
had joined the others, and a shallow de-
pression on one hand carpeted with
cartridge-shells in ominous profusion.
'They must 'a' had it hot V heavy
right thar,' he opined. But, for that
matter, the jungle floor and pathways
were now everywhere littered with
grim reminders of the fight, rotting rags
of bandages, bits of clothing, and
wrecked stretchers. Van picked up one
of the shells and put it in his pocket.
'They buried some man yonder, I
see,' he said, nodding toward a long
mound near-by.
' Buried a dozen or more of 'em all in
th' one hole,' said the teamster. 'They
did n't have time to mark their names
down, mebbe they did n't even know
'em.'
Van Cleve went and looked down at
the mound whereon some of the dead
mens' fellows had raked together a few
stones in the shape of a cross. The sight
of the poor tribute moved the young
man strongly; he took off his hat as he
stood. Already the rank jungle was
creeping upon the grave, effacing it.
Van Cleve wondered if Cortwright lay
there. Cruel things happen in war.
Some way farther on they came to
another crest, and suddenly, for the first
time, the road and surrounding country
opened in front of them. Across the im-
mediate valley was what looked like a
mammoth green field, hills, a little shin-
ing patch of water, roads threading
this way and that. Tents could be seen,
and clusters of black dots, some of which
moved apparently an inch or so while
Van watched them; but mostly it was
very still. It was not merely that there
were no martial sights and sounds such
as Van Cleve found he had been half
expecting, — there was nothing; the
peace of harvest-time at home was not
more quiet and urbane. He could have
believed the landscape motionless in an
enchantment.
'That's the city over thar, cap, —
Santiago, y' know,' said the driver,
pointing with his whip to some faintly
visible buildings, pink and dust-colored,
on the farther rim of the valley, as it
seemed. 'Hey? Why, about seven or
eight miles, I judge. This side, kinder
frontin' to you, is San Juan Hill, whar
they fit the other day.'
'Do you mean that little bare spot
over there? Is that a hill? I thought
San Juan was a high place,' said Van
Cleve, in surprise.
' It were high enough,' said the team-
ster, with a tinge of offense; but he re-
lented directly, seeing that Van had
had no idea of belittling the army's
achievement; and showed him where to
look for the earthworks and block-hou-
ses, and in what direction lay Caney,
where there had been the bitter strug-
gle last Friday. He could name some
of the groups of tents and black dots.
'Gin'ral Wheeler's division is right
square acrost from us — less 'n they ' ve
moved since yestiddy morning. A di-
vision is jest one lot o' men, you know,'
he explained carefully; "t ain't all the
army. Thar 's a whole passel more with
Gin'ral Kent round here kinder quart-
erin' to yer left, and some 'way over on
the other side. You can't see one or
t' other of 'em from here. But head-
quarters is down this side tol'ble near
whar we air now; if you step this way a
little, you kin see th' flag.'
' It 's about ninety per cent safer than
where General Wheeler is, I should
say,' commented Van Cleve, having,
after repeated directions, at last located
the spot, a great deal closer than he
had supposed. 'Is the commanding
general always that handy to the rear? '
824
REASONABLE HOPES OF AMERICAN RELIGION
'Well, he's got ter kinder stay put,
ye know. He 's got to be alluz in th' one
place so's they'll know whar to find
him. And up in front, ye just nachelly
can't stay in one place,' the muleteer
suggested, making ready to move on.
* You Peet, you dig right out, now, you
ol' — !' he addressed his convoy with
much affectionate profanity.
As it had taken them upwards of three
hours to reach this point, Van thought
that he himself had better return before
night caught him on the road; and two
wagon-loads of sick and wounded on
their way to the hospital at Siboney
coming along just then, he joined them.
He was keenly curious, and indeed
promised himself, to view the battle-
field nearer, but he did not have an-
other chance.
It was Van's fate throughout to see
the war from its reverse side, to miss all
its hideous splendors, to encounter none
of its heroes. In a romance of any pre-
tensions, Mr. Kendrick would by this
time have been hand-in-glove with all
the celebrities on the field, and would,
for his own part, have contributed
dazzingly to our successes. But as a
matter of fact, during the whole of his
desultory adventures, and among the
numerous companions whom he picked
up at random for a day or an hour,
Van Cleve never spoke to anybody
above the rank of a private, and saw
and did nothing sensational.
(To be continued.)
REASONABLE HOPES OF AMERICAN RELIGION
BY GEORGE A. GORDON
IT has been said that 'our dreams are
the shadows of our hopes/ and some-
times it is doubtless the case that our
hopes are the shadows of our dreams.
In the vicious circles of mere subjec-
tivity, idea, dream and hope belong in
the category of the null and void. To
gain and retain a sober meaning, hope
must be the prophet of a reasonable
human experience. Kant's three ques-
tions at once occur to one here: What
1 Readers of Canon Barry's article, 'The Re-
ligion of America,' in the April Atlantic will find
his arguments leading to a different conclusion.
— THE EDITORS.
can I know? What ought I to do? For
what may I hope? Knowledge and
moral action are the parents of legiti-
mate hope. Our ideas of knowledge and
duty may differ from those of Kant;
there can be no difference among sen-
sible persons about the conclusion that
authentic hopes are the ideal comple-
tions of an imperfect but an essentially
rational experience. The reasonable
hopes of men are therefore like the
morning fires in the East; they herald
the coming of the perfect day. America
is the land of hope; concerning the
greatest force in its life, its religion,
shall it be without great hopes?
'Keep in the middle of the stream,'
REASONABLE HOPES OF AMERICAN RELIGION
825
is the refrain of an old Negro melody.
The Negro toiling on the banks of the
Mississippi had observed that in the
mightiest of American rivers there were
shallows, eddies, counter-currents, and
all sorts of water pranks. Hence his
warning to the navigator, 4 Keep in the
middle of the stream.' The Negro's
observation became a metaphor signi-
ficant for the adventure of his soul. In
the religion of his country there are
shallows, whirlpools, all sorts of eddies
and oddities. There is, however, a vast
central movement. Whoever would
live religiously must remain in that
great current; whoever would under-
stand American religion must watch
the middle of the stream. Otherwise,
while the observer may write about the
religion of America with genial humor,
obvious charm, kindly sarcasm, telling
epigram, and artistic ecclesiastical pur-
pose, he must write without insight into
the spiritual life of Americans, and
however much he may protest against
it, the picture drawn will be 'a chimera,
the monster' of the writer's imagina-
tion.
The religion of Americans, like that
of other peoples, utters itself in no uni-
form manner. Its natural idiom is now
formal and again intangible, obtrusive
and evasive, orderly and vagrant,
superconscious and subconscious, nor-
mal and eccentric, manifesting itself
here in creeds and elaborate ritual and
there as pure spirit. At last, in all sig-
nificant instances, it comes to some-
thing like this : Religion is the ultimate
strength of man's soul gathered medi-
ately or immediately from the Soul of
the universe. Its worth lies in its rela-
tion to life as men wend their way
through the wild mysteries of time; it is
illumination, inspiration, sustaining
might, increasing peace. Thus under-
stood, religion carries in its heart the
principle of the complete idealization
of existence. The religious soul aims
with Plato at becoming like God so far
as that is possible for man. He directs
his life toward a supreme end; with
Eudemus he endeavors to behold God
and to serve him. He expects, in the
highest sense of the words, to fare well;
with St. Paul he believes that all things
work together for good to them that
love God, with Socrates that in life or
in death no evil can happen to a good
man. His religion is his final satisfac-
tion; he sings with Augustine, 'Thou
hast made us for thyself and we are
restless till we repose in thee.' He looks
to the Infinite as the source of life's
ideal and goal; he answers the sublime
call of Jesus, 'Ye shall be perfect as
your Heavenly Father is perfect.'
Religion is thus the ideal life of a soul
conscious that it lives and moves and
has its being in the Infinite soul, able
to utter its experience and hope in the
great confession* 'The Eternal God is
thy dwelling place, and underneath are
the everlasting arms.'
It is at once admitted that nothing
is satisfactory in the present conditions
of the religion of America. As in every
other region of our life, here too dis-
content and confusion reign. There is,
however, one great note of prophecy
ringing in the heart of religious America
audible above the tumult of confused
and contentious tongues. A group of
serious American students, engaged in
the arraignment of an unsatisfactory
college preacher, were silenced by one
of their number, who said, ' I plead for
this preacher. He has done me a world
of good. As I have watched him striv-
ing earnestly to find something and
always failing to find it, I have been
stimulated to hunt for that something
myself. I am now engaged in the hunt,
and I have already found in religion
a reality and greatness beyond my
utmost dream.' American churches,
Protestant, Catholic and Greek Ortho-
dox, all American religious bodies, are
826
REASONABLE HOPES OF AMERICAN RELIGION
more or less in the condition of that
college preacher. They are unsatisfac-
tory; they are seeking something that
they have hitherto failed to find. They
are however in earnest, and they are
stimulating by their earnestness and
failure a multitude of the elect youth of
the land to undertake the search for
themselves. The unattained is the
glory of American religion.
The mood of content, whether with
the religious insight won, the volume
and quality of experience secured, the
ideals formed, the fellowship establish-
ed, the influence exerted, or the charac-
ter achieved, is to the genuine religious
American the worst of all bad signs.
Men are in an infinite world; they are
capable of growth indefinitely great;
content with present attainments there-
fore means the arrest of progress, the
blight of hope.
America has decreed freedom for re-
ligion in the sure foresight of the ad-
vent of the crank and the freak. These
abound inside organized religion and
outside. The American method of
treating the normal and the abnormal
in faith follows the teaching of Jesus
in his Parable of the Wheat and the
Tares: 'Let both grow together until
the harvest.* Freedom is costly, but it
is worth while. It is the great test of
faith.
Can we trust truth to win in a fair
fight with error? The man who says
that he cannot must secretly despise
the truth. Such a man might well take
a lesson from the tyrant Tiberius, who
refused to punish offences against re-
ligion on the ground that the gods
can take care of themselves. Besides,
religion can never know itself as real
save in the world of freedom. No man
can tell whether religion is an oasis in
the desert or a mirage, who is not free
to test it by every power of the mind
and spirit. Further, self-reliant, respon-
sible manhood is gained only through
the solemnity of choice; as in Goethe's
song, —
But heard are the Voices, —
Heard are the Sages,
The Worlds and the Ages;
Choose well; your choice is
Brief and yet endless.
Once more, the repression of the crank
by the law of uniformity means the
excommunication of the prophet. The
greatest words ever uttered in behalf of
freedom in religion are these: *O Jeru-
salem, Jerusalem, which killest the
prophets and stonest them that are
sent unto her! how often would I have
gathered thy children together even as
a hen gathereth her chickens under her
wings, and ye would not ! Behold your
house is left unto you desolate/ On a
level immeasurably lower let it be said
that since differences abound in the
minds of men it is in every way safer
to provide them with freedom. Wild
beasts are wild beasts in cages no less
than in jungles; putting them under
restraint sometimes tends to the dis-
guise of this fact. The utmost freedom
serves to disclose the utmost in man;
under freedom we shall know man bet-
ter and learn to act with knowledge.
One may put the skin of a deer over the
body of a lion; that act will not make
the wearer of the new robe any the less
a beast of prey. Cover all religious
views with the same ecclesiastical skin,
if you can, but know that not in this
way are doubt, protest, heterogeneous-
ness, distemper, ruthless passion abol-
ished. We thus keep while we conceal
these evils; we add to them a whole
brood of greater evils: insincerity, the
double life, and sometimes the atheism
that feeds on the sacramental bread
and wine.
•
ii
The great religion is the product of
the great race; when brought forth, the
religion returns to exalt and perpetuate^
REASONABLE HOPES OF AMERICAN RELIGION
827
the race from whose life it has come.
Israel has given to the world the sov-
ereign religion, because in moral sin-
cerity and depth, in the vision of God
and of the spiritual world, Israel has
been the sovereign race. If the reli-
gion of America is to'be great it must
have as its source a great American
people. The mean races and the mean
individuals among great races degrade
religion. Such has been the fate of
Christianity many times in the course
of the centuries ; the degenerate person
reflects his degeneracy in his religious
ideas.
But, Lord, remember me and mine
Wi' mercies temporal and divine,
That I for grace an' gear may shine
Excell'd by nane;
And a' the glory shall be thine —
Amen, Amen.
What about the race of Americans ?
It is without doubt heterogeneous; hu-
man beings are here, it might almost
be said, from every nation under hea-
ven. Sometimes in moments of bewil-
dered thought America seems a Pente-
costal nation, minus the Holy Ghost.
When one becomes clearer and looks
deeper into the life of Americans one
sees that minus must be changed to
plus.
Business stamina and athletic prow-
ess show conclusively that Americans
are physically a great people. The evi-
dences of their mental alertness, in-
genuity, inventiveness, resourceful-
ness, and mastery multiply on every
hand. Nothing else is to be expected
when one considers that hither have
come, for many generations, the bold-
est, the most energetic, and in many
ways the most gifted and resolute, of
the peoples of Europe. The physical
and intellectual capacities of Americans
are beyond dispute.
Can the same thing be said about the
moral qualities and the spiritual apti-
tudes of our people? I conceive that
more can be said to their advantage
on this third and highest level of life
than on either of the other two. Im-
migration is the surest key to the soul
of Americans. We are a nation of immi-
grants; some have come earlier, some
later; but the race as a whole is a
stranger in a strange land. As of old
there came a voice to the earliest set-
tlers and to their successors, ' Get thee
out from thy country, and from thy
kindred and from thy father's house.*
Leave was taken with hope, and also
with deep, inevitable regret. The deep-
est psychic fact in our people is a struc-
ture of light and shadow, * built of
tears and sacred flames/ Few of all
who come to remain here ever return
or catch so much as a glance of the land
of their birth that lies transfigured in
the morning memories of the heart.
Recollection deepens with the stream
of the years like the bed of the river
under its current. The volume of senti-
ment increases; our people are deep-
hearted; they are united by the ties of
the soul both to the old world and
the new. They have in them an im-
pulse toward cosmopolitanism; there is
among us a vast unspoken humanity
of high prophetic moment. Some day
the voice of genius will unseal the
depths and we shall see what the disci-
pline of sorrow and hope, the warp and
woof of immigration, has wrought for
this new race.
Here we meet a confident, and some-
times an insolent, objection. Is not
immigration mainly for economic pur-
poses? Are not the Pilgrims absolutely
without successors in the motive of
their settlement here? Should we not
excite against ourselves the mirth of
the world were we to claim that any
mortal now seeks these shores solely or
chiefly that he may have freedom to
worship God? We should indeed; yet
that admission is only the introduction
to the epic of the immigrant's life. Few
828
REASONABLE HOPES OF AMERICAN RELIGION
gain the economic Paradise they came
hither to find; their hopes prove to be
more than half hallucinations. What
the overwhelming majority of immi-
grants discover is that harder work
awaits them here than in the old home,
a swifter movement of activity, severer
conditions of toil, more pay, but not
pay enough to take them from the race-
course; more pay but less play, less
peace; an existence heightened in in-
tensity and therefore more exhausting,
success gained through an abnormal
devotion to material ends, a success
that seems poor in the light of the
early economic ideal now seen to be
impossible.
We hear much of the few great
economic successes among our immi-
grants; we hear little of something
infinitely deeper and more importu-
nate for the life of Americans, the eco-
nomic disillusionment. In the experi-
ence of millions the economic ideal is
seen to be hopeless; by itself as a sat-
isfaction for the rational soul, it is at
length seen to be unutterably base.
Then comes the great epoch and its
great event, the recoil of the disillu-
sioned humanity upon itself. This does
not mean that all who pass through the
experience described turn up in the
weekly prayer meeting, that they go to
church, adopt a particular creed, or
embrace any form of conventional re-
ligion; it means the growing sense of
humanity as the great superlative, the
vision of something other and immeas-
urably better than economic triumph
and obedience, often enough halting
and broken, but in heart essentially
true to this heavenly vision. America
has been cruelly misrepresented to the
immigrant; it has been made to appeal
to the mere economic animal in his
composite existence; experience brings
reversal of hope and the vision of the
true America, the place where as of old
men earn their bread in the sweat of
their brow, where the ground is cursed
for their sake.
Great is the life that often follows
this early disenchantment. The sun is
down, the dust is now laid that the
wild winds have blown through all
the hot noisy hours of the day, and
against the background of infinite
night the stars appear, symbols of the
high and countless splendors that exist
in this amazing universe for the men
who have recovered their humanity.
Standing upon this ground of the es-
sential moral greatness of our people,
some of the nobler hopes of American
religion come into view.
in
Keeping in the middle of the stream,
it may be said that religion in America
is setting toward its great objects with
a deeper and stronger tide. As the
external supports of religion have be-
come the subjects of serious question,
religion has become clearer and surer
of itself; it has made some progress in
disengaging essential from incidental,
and is likely to make greater progress
along this line in the immediate future.
Once the Bible was the book whose
words settled all religious debates.
While for the seer the Bible has be-
come a greater book in passing through
the fires of modern criticism, its words
are no longer substitutes for insight,
but inspirations and guides toward the
larger vision. The letter fails in the
greatest of books; because of the lit-
eral failure the spiritual opportunity
and appeal have become more evident;
spirit has been incited to find spirit
with increased sureness and depth. To
be found of the Infinite Spirit one must
more and more enter the realm of spirit,
and American religion may be said to
be making that entrance.
The Christian church, of whatever
name, no longer appeals to religious
REASONABLE HOPES OF AMERICAN RELIGION
Americans as a distinctively divine in-
stitution. It is indeed a divine insti-
tution in the sense in which all essen-
tial human institutions are divine. The
family, the state, the school, the uni-
versity, and the organized trade of the
nation are divine institutions; that is,
they are essential expressions of the
life of our people. The forms of these
institutions may change; the institu-
tions themselves are permanent neces-
sities of man's life in this world. They
have been wrought out by human
beings, seeking, under the guidance of
the Eternal Spirit, the juster and
mightier organization of existence. The
church and other essential human in-
stitutions rest, therefore, on the same
foundations. These institutions are like
the different peaks in some great
mountain range; higher and lower they
are, more and less massive; one it may
be towers far above all the others and
fills a vaster area, but one and all rest
upon the same earth, one and all rise
into the same heaven. A church organ-
ized out of heaven and set apart from
and above all other institutions is a
fiction that has vanished from the free
mind of America. It exists in certain
places doubtless, with other survivals
of an outgrown time; but among wise
men it exists as a myth, and is so re-
garded. The Founder of Christianity
was less of a churchman than any
other religious teacher in the annals of
history. He used synagogue, temple,
human homes, mountain tops, desert
places, the fields and the sea, as the
scenes of his prophetic activity and
worship. It would not be too much to
say that his church was the cosmos,
the lights thereof the sun, moon, and
stars; the pictures on its walls the fires
of morning and evening and the sha-
dows of noon; its altar the heart of
man; its music the whispering winds;
its organ the universe supporting his
prophetic voice.
From this, the most unecclesiastical
of teachers, arose, justified by the neces-
sities of the life of his disciples, fallen
upon different times in different lands,
successive forms of church organiza-
tion. These were integrated finally
in the church of the East and the
great church of the West. Disintegra-
tion at length set in; what was built by
man in obedience to the impulse of life,
was taken down in reverence for the
same impulse. The issue is the sense
of the absolute primacy of the life of
the soul; the hope is that this builder
and destroyer of institutional forms will
become surer of itself and continue to
renew itself from the aboriginal Foun-
tain of life.
The Christian ministry has become
one vocation among many, equally
sacred with other essential vocations
and no more. The gain here is inex-
pressibly great; all mere officialism is
impotent and vain; the man is a pro-
phet or priest in virtue of his humanity
exalted by the presence of the living
God, or he is a chimera. No titles, no
rank, no official consecrations can serve
as substitutes for a gifted, disciplined,
exalted human character; they may
remain convenient signs of it; they do
not impart the grace of the spirit, at
best they only call attention to that
grace; they do not create the prophet
or priest; they do their utmost when
they serve him. This means the exalt-
ation of all essential human callings;
it does not mean the degradation of the
one sacred calling. The command has
gone forth to all vocations, Come up
higher. Again the outward fails us;
the boat sinks and we trust ourselves
to the deeps of the Eternal Spirit.
For more than a thousand years a
definite system of thought ruled the
minds of religious men throughout
Christendom. Protestant and Catholic
confessed substantially the same theo-
logy; Europe and America stood here
830
REASONABLE HOPES OF AMERICAN RELIGION
upon essentially the same ground. It
was universally held that the truth
about man's world was reflected in this
system of belief. At length disintegra-
tion began here; great abiding ideas
were dug out of the debris and care-
fully conserved; the traditional creed
as a whole, however, became incred-
ible; the eyes through which men for
fifteen centuries had read the meaning
of the universe became dim. The relief
from this disintegration to the vexed
religious soul has been like escape
from Hades; the world of God now bids
man welcome from the prison that he
had built for himself. According to
their differing temperaments, fear or
audacity at first filled the minds of
many persons in the presence of this
stupendous event; bewilderment has
encompassed a multitude of fine souls
like a thick cloud; there has been much
uncertainty and searching of heart;
what seemed the foundations of the
world have given way. What can the
religious soul do in this extremity?
Betake itself to God, with all its heart
singing its great song, —
Our little systems have their day;
They have their day and cease to be:
They are but broken lights of thee,
And thou, O Lord, art more than they.
So it has been in ten thousand .instan-
ces; our reasonable hope is that more
and more it shall be thus. The call has
gone forth for a profounder retreat
upon the aboriginal Soul of the uni-
verse. From this great experience in-
sight will return, insight into the
innermost heart of religion and confi-
dence in its findings. This is the issue
for the religious spirit as against the
man to whom life itself carries no gos-
pel and whose home is in ruins amid
floods and tempests.
The scientific intellect is at its task,
dissolving all on its way to the ever-
lasting. To the dweller in the region of
the traditional this is appalling; to the
soul whose one supreme passion is to
see God here is another vast inspira-
tion. Such a soul longs for the things
that cannot be dissolved, to hear in the
roar of this world of fateful change the
song of the Time-Spirit, —
At the whirring loom of time, unawed,
I weave the living mantle of God.
Such in few words are some of the
graver conditions of religion to-day.
Under these conditions religion would
seem bound to do one of these three
things: to curse God and die, the blas-
phemy of thought found on a tragic
scale inside Christian churches and
beyond them; to hug the old traditions
in the new environment, hoping by
desperate loyalty to secure them
against the fierce critical heat that en-
compasses them, — a faith as vain as
would be the expectation of an iceberg
to remain intact afloat on the South
Atlantic; the cry of the mysterious
Presence that wrestled with the first
Israelite, * Let me go for the day break-
eth.'
We are in the dawn of a new epoch.
It would seem that religious men are
to be deterred by the decree of the
living God from continuing the prac-
tice of jumbling together in one in-
distinguishable mass the precious and
the worthless in human experience, the
rational and the mythical, the self-
attesting and the impossible, the self-
sufficing reality and the superstitions
that always dim the radiant soul of re-
ligion and try to replace its pure splen-
dor with their wild fantastic shows.
The mood of the time sounds a more
profound retreat upon God ; it spreads
its table in his presence; it seeks for
that table the living bread, the sus-
tenance without which man cannot re-
main man. Temporal helps have been
taken away, that the Eternal helper
may be found; religion has been com-
pelled, like a ship caught in a tempest
in shallow water, to put out to sea.
REASONABLE HOPES OF AMERICAN RELIGION
831
Our ship is good but there is safety for
her and her precious burden only on
the deeps.
IV
American religion is seeking, and it
is likely to seek more and more, a justi-
fication of its being out of the universe
now. Emerson's essay, curiously re-
ferred to in a recent issue of the Atlantic
as * mournful/ sounds the note of a
vast hope. 'The foregoing generations
beheld God and nature face to face;
we through their eyes. Why should not
we also enjoy an original relation to
the universe? ' In these words Emerson
is the prophet of all deep religion, of
the Christian religion in its inmost
spirit. Protestant and Catholic are
here one. Communion of saints, fellow-
ship with the spirits of just men made
perfect, access to the soul of Jesus,
admission to the immediate presence
of God, is recognized by all enlight-
ened Christians to be at the heart of
the soul's life. This immediate contact
with the Divine reality is primal;
books, churches, prophets, priests,
creeds are secondary. We press toward
the light Ineffable; we are now led
and again driven toward this supernal
centre by the majesty of the past, by
the mystery of the future, and by the
present necessities of the soul. We seek
with all religious human beings the
immediate vision of the living God.
The apocalypse for this day we crave
as our daily bread. We discover that
the greatest words of the past become
living only in the experience of the
present hour; outside of that experience
they are dead.
If the religious man's soul, the souls
of his fellow men, and the Soul of the
universe are hidden, as may well be the
case, he may borrow light from all
religions to help him in his search. The
point is that no religion can create the
objects of religion; the chief religion
comes not to create, but to reveal. At
last the universe itself must justify or
discredit our life in the spirit. Believers
claim that it must be possible to-day,
as in other days, to be profoundly
religious and to justify from experience
this attitude of face-to-face converse
with the Eternal.
Here indeed we touch the inmost
soul of the Christian faith, that which
it utters in its doctrine of the Holy
Spirit. Christians were never meant to
rely solely upon the epic history of the
Master, to go back two thousand or
ten thousand years in order to find the
warrant for their faith. There is the
present Guide unto all truth ; there is the
universe to-day under the illumination
of the Spirit. The record of the Mas-
ter's career is inexpressibly precious;
it is enriching, regulative, corrective,
prophetic, dynamic; it is the sovereign,
historic form of the Infinite compas-
sion; yet its deepest promise is of the
Presence that pervades and illumines
the contemporary world of men,/Lo,
I am with you alway even to the end
of the world.' The ultimate realities of
the Christian religion are souls: the
souls of men and the soul of God; the
New Testament has its highest use
as a guide to these ultimate realities.
By the wonder of the Spirit Jesus be-
comes the contemporary of his latest
disciples.
The great insight at work to-day in
all truly religious persons that the
Infinite Soul is with us lends new sig-
nificance to many forms of faith that
must appear to thoughtful men crude.
New Thought, Theosophy, Spiritual-
ism, Eddyism, the Healing Cult, and
all kindred mo vements which seem triv-
ial in the presence of the greater his-
toric churches of Christendom, which
are as it were mushroom growths com-
pared with the religions of immemorial
influence, which often appear mere
amusing products of American extern-
832
REASONABLE HOPES OF AMERICAN RELIGION
poraneousness, become of serious im-
portance when viewed either as man's
face-to-face converse with the universe
or as presenting to the Infinite in the
unending process of apocalypse the
open mind. The world of science would
stagnate, the growth of art would come
to an end, the hope of political and so-
cial betterment would die, if the elect
youth in each new generation should be
content with the insights and achieve-
ments of the past. The crudeness and
the eccentricity of youth do not blind
us to its noble dissatisfactions with the
great past out of which the greater
future is to come. In the same way we
should regard even the crude, the ec-
centric, the wildly extravagant in con-
temporary religion. It is at all events
the sign that men are living in the
presence of the Infinite; that their
minds are in the mood of invocation;
that they believe God to be greater
than man's best experience; and that
they look for his mightier manifesta-
tion.
From this new and eager contact with
the Divine universe, from this contem-
porary agitation over life's sovereign
problems, from this original, immediate
fellowship with the Eternal, it would
be strange if there did not eventuate
a vaster religious insight, a more stead-
fast religious character. In the case of
New England transcendentalism, which
continues to minister to the sense of hu-
mor of many genial souls of alien dis-
cipline, these four lines from Emerson
annul the extravagance of the move-
ment and indicate its deep prophetic
note: —
Speaks not of self that mystic tone
But of the Overgods alone;
It trembles to the cosmic breath —
As it heareth so it saith.
All religion that is of substantial worth
is man's response to the whispers of
the Eternal in his heart. The speaking
universe and the listening human soul
are the great major premise of valid
religion. The contemporary soul, pure
through desperate need and lofty long-
ing, responsive to the voice of God
that wanders through the world to-day
seeking the willing ear, whatever its
immaturities and eccentricities may
be, is a fountain of life in the nation's
religion.
The unique Exemplar and Prophet
of American religion, in all its manifold
varieties, is Jesus of Nazareth. His
kingdom of man stands deeper in
American insight and sympathy tKan
the programme of all other religious
teachers and cults. His teaching and
example have set aside Calvin and
Edwards; He and no other has his hand
upon the springs of religious desire; He
and not the crank or freak in our cara-
van is the inspirer of all that is worthi-
est in our experience and surest in our
hopes. We find that Jesus is often
acknowledged by the anarchist crazed
by the woe of the nations; He is not
seldom close to the heart of the Social-
ist in his madness over the contempt of
the strong for the weak; He is recog-
nized as the supreme friend of man by
many among those who see in his dis-
ciples, as organized in churches, a soli-
darity of selfishness hallowed under
the shadow of his glorious name; He is
the pillar of fire by night to many a
servant of social betterment to whom
the universe is an impenetrable mys-
tery; believers in the humanity of man
have seen the incomparable greatness
of Jesus. Inside all communions with
present power and the hope of to-mor-
row beating in their heart the image of
the Prophet of Nazareth is sovereign.
Hospitable to all promising voices,
ready to entertain strangers in the
hope that they prove angels in dis-
guise, sadly disillusioned as it is about
many of its guests, American religion
persists in the open mind, the catholic
heart, in the presence of the Infinite
REASONABLE HOPES OF AMERICAN RELIGION
833
possibility of to-day; at the same time
the name that was to St. Paul above
every name is still our sheet-anchor in
the storm. Otherwise to read the signs
of the times in the religious life of
America is to miss the chief sign.
American religion, while sympathetic
toward the whole higher intellectual
achievement of mankind, is likely to be
less disposed to ask alien philosophies
to account for it or to accredit it to the
world. This is the issue of the disci-
pline in historical analysis that a gen-
eration of great scholars have imposed
upon themselves. Everything that has
become mixed with Christianity in the
course of the centuries is not therefore
an essential part of its character; addi-
tions to Christianity made since the
close of the apostolic age are not neces-
sarily alien in spirit. Historical analy-
sis exhibits the original force and body
of ideas in the Gospel of Christ; it dis-
criminates between what is original
and what is a later addition. It leaves
the free mind of the world to decide
the further question, How far is the
historic accretion compatible with the
original genius of Christianity? His-
torical analysis has made good the
distinction between the original and
the derived, the kindred and the alien,
the development from within and the
addition from without, the product of
the Holy Spirit and the product of the
Time Spirit. This distinction has been
adopted by the free mind of religious
America; the adoption of this distinc-
tion marks an epoch in the higher
religious mind of the nation.
Christianity, the highest form of
American religion and incomparably
the widest and deepest in influence,
has been obliged, as every one knows,
to run itself into the forms of philoso-
phies more or less alien to itself in order
VOL. in - NO. 6
to shape the minds of men in certain
ages of the world. Christianity has at
times spoken with the great voice of
Plato; it has filled with its transfigur-
ing grace the vast impressive fog of
Neo-Platonism; it has taken as an ally
the mighty intellect of Aristotle; it has
identified its belief with the opinions
of men like Origen and Athanasius,
Augustine and Aquinas, who were
themselves in some degree products
of many alien contemporary influences.
Christianity has become Calvinistic,
Arminian, Hegelian, Evolutionary,
Pragmatic. As adaptations of the gen-
ius of Christianity to the mind of par-
ticular times, these forms of faith may
be highly useful ; they may indeed be a
temporary necessity. Christianity must
know the dialect and idiom of the suc-
cessive ages and speak in them if it is
to be widely understood. The wonder
of Pentecost, at which were gathered
the devout from every nation under
heaven, each group hearing in its own
tongue the mighty works of God, has
been in a true and great way the one
continuous wonder in the onward move-
ment of Christianity.
Still it must be said that Christianity
does not espouse the cause of the abso-
lute truth of these contemporary serv-
ants. They are not bone of its bone
or flesh of its flesh. Nothing is essen-
tial to Christianity as metaphysic but
the reality of the souls of men and the
soul of God; nothing is permanently
vital to the Gospel but the fellowship
of these souls in an ever-deepening
moral experience and the resulting
exaltation of our human world. Jesus
is the permanent centre of his religion
as mediating between human souls and
the Eternal soul; he is essential as the
Supreme prophet of a universe in which
soul is the ultimate reality.
This deeper sense of its distinctive
being and purpose on the part of Chris-
tianity explains much in the Christian,
834
REASONABLE HOPES OF AMERICAN RELIGION
mind to-day. The mood of American
religion is that it is unwise to identify
its truth with the fortunes of even the
most important contemporary move-
ments in the world of thought; it is less
unwise, but still questionable, to make
too close a covenant between the Gos-
pel of Jesus, with its austerely simple
metaphysic and its sublime ethic, and
the vast enduring systems of thought.
Greek philosophy is great; on its human
side it is in essence lasting as the mind
of man. Yet it is often immature,
wanting in width of sympathy; it is
the product of a small although a pro-
foundly significant world. Religion is
always the product of a vast world; it
is at its highest always in the sense of
the Eternal, and the Eternal is in the
soul of the religious man and commun-
ity as creative spirit. This being its
genius, religion must give an independ-
ent account of itself. As experience, it
transcends in depth and character all
other experiences; as empirical reality,
its momentousness is self-evident; as
reality, it must speak for itself, it must
construe its own universe, it must be
its own ultimate prophet.
VI
We come now to the highest aspect
and hope of American religion. Vision
is indispensable to religion, but vision
is not the chief element; sentiment is
essential, yet sentiment is not the main
thing. The soul of American religion is
action issuing from creative will. Our
religion adopts Fichte's great insight
that the vocation of man is to become a
doer of the will of the Highest; it cries
out with Emerson, —
Unless to Thought is added Will
Apollo is an imbecile;
it accepts with reverence and confidence
the assurance of Jesus, 'If any man
willeth to do his will he shall know of
the teaching.' Knowledge and being
by the path of rational action is our
firmest possession. American religion
is often unconventional in its expres-
sions, it can at times be profane in its
dialect; it cannot acquiesce in hopeless
impotence. To the pious cant of the
fatalist on whose soul the wrongs of
suffering men sit lightly, 'Well, God
mend all,' it answers in the style of a
man with red blood in his veins, 'Nay,
by God, we must help him to mend it.'
The fighter for righteousness believes
that the stars in their courses are on
his side; he does his duty in the sense
that the universe is the backer of the
conscientious servant of man. His
faith comes up out of his experience as
a creative force. He is confident that
in the long run humanity cannot be
defeated by inhumanity; in the vivid
idiom of the street, the final triumph of
evil over good is as likely as the success
of a celluloid dog chasing an asbestos
cat through hell. Aggressive, confident,
militant action is the great watchword
of American faith.
The actual world is. apt to be the
despair of the religions of the nations.
The theism of Mohammedanism is
great, and by no manner of means is it
ineffective. It exalts the lives of mil-
lions; it prohibits the use of alcohol,
and it rescues society from the retinue
of miseries that follow the use of that
poison. It does indeed sanction poly-
gamy, but it exorcises the horror of
prostitution. It secures among certain
races a creditable measure of honesty,
a large degree of kindness and loyalty.
Mohammedanism has great merits and
yet it is powerless in the presence of
the deeper evils of the world. The status
of woman as inferior to man it has es-
tablished and maintained, and this is
the fountain of the gravest disorders.
It has been unable to sober the fanatic,
to elevate into sovereign influence the
sentiment of humanity. Above all it
is impotent in the presence of auto-
REASONABLE HOPES OF AMERICAN RELIGION
835
cratic and corrupt governments; it is
without hope before the distresses that
arise from disease and uncleanness; it
has no inspiration for science and no
appreciation of the mercies of applied
science; it stands dumb as it looks upon
the economic misery of its devotees; it
calls for submission to present evils as
to the foreordained lot of human be-
ings; it is exhilarated by no outlook
toward a new heaven and a new earth
wherein dwelleth righteousness; it is
in despair as it surveys the actual world
of men.
The same is true of Buddhism. The
core of that mighty faith is as noble as
anything in the possession of mankind;
yet it is essentially the religion of de-
spair. Resignation is its highest word;
the path to extinction of being by the
way of holiness is its supreme beati-
tude. The actual condition of man's
world in time is beyond remedy except
by spiritual suicide. The universe has
no light or help for those who cherish
the will to live. Our human world with
all its relations, interests, experiences,
aspirations, and ideal dreams is a mis-
take. Nothing can cure this mistake
but the will to die in the sense of ab-
solute extinction. This religion is the
refuge for human beings in defeat, for
the victims of despair and for them
alone.
Much of European Christianity is in
a similar state of mind. It has no
word upon the economic distress of the
multitude; it does not lift its voice
against government as it grounds itself
upon brute force; it has no vision of
remedial energy equal to its vision of
sin; it has no social gospel for this
world; it confines its work to the allev-
iation of evils that it cannot hope to
cure, to the discipline of men in limita-
tion and sorrow toward blessedness in
another state of existence; it has no
consciousness of a creative Christian-
ity; it throws no defiance in the face of
the total evils that afflict the world;
it entertains no vision of the victory
of humanity over inhumanity in the
course of time.
This social faith is the chief note in
American religion. It lives among
evils as rank and offensive as exist in
any nation on the globe; it will acknow-
ledge none of them as inevitable and
final. It has crudities enough of its
own; it can match at all points the
weaknesses of other religions with
infirmities of its own, with this vast
exception, — it is determined to absorb
the best in the vision, passion, and
character of the past and to wield
this totality of ideal power through be-
lieving souls upon the present condition
of the nation. All our efforts at the
betterment of the people come from es-
sentially religious motives. Education,
prison reform, sanitation, the treat-
ment of disease, the programme against
intemperance and vice, the movements
against industrial iniquity, social dis-
tress, the inhumanity of man to man,
come from the great basic faith that
there exists no incurable evil, that the
Soul of the universe is on our side
while we strive for the complete reflec-
tion in our existence of the humanity of
Jesus.
We Americans confess at once that
in many respects we are a crude race,
that we are a people in the making.
We gratefully acknowledge the re-
sources put at our disposal by the older
nations; we welcome the help of the
art, the wisdom, and the character of
ancient races; we concede their supe-
riority at many points, we are eager to
learn from them where they seem to be
wiser than we. We must, however, add
to this appreciation a criticism that we
think inevitable. We find in much of
the Christianity of the older nations a
want of energy and hope that we refuse
to make our own, a timidity in the
presence of immemorial wrongs that we
836
REASONABLE HOPES OF AMERICAN RELIGION
consider cowardly, a spirit of acquies-
cence with inhuman conditions of ex-
istence that we regard as equal to the
denial of Christianity, a blindness to
the physical and moral remedies in the
order of humanity that is astounding,
an infatuation with formal religion, a
contentment with the pieties of a purely
personal faith, and a resignation before
the woe of the world that we must de-
fine as symptoms of practical atheism.
Above all we miss in much of the Chris-
tianity of the old world the conscious-
ness of the Creative Spirit, the Spirit
that proclaims, 'Behold, I make all
things new/ that goes against the total
evil that afflicts mankind in a campaign
that will end only when evil is done to
death.
This is the American religious war;
it includes in its grand army many dis-
similar divisions, corps, battalions, and
companies; it is not the assemblage of
American churches merely; it is also
and in a great sense the muster of the
moral forces of American humanity;
it is a war against evil to the knife and
the knife to the hilt. Out beyond or-
ganized religion in America is the shad-
ow of a mighty dream; the dream is of
the Republic of God in the Republic of
man; this dream lives and works in the
souls of our greatest prophets. The
shadow is the projection of this dream;
that shadow claims for the complete
life of our people the whole circle of
essential human interests upon which
it rests.
We hear, as we expected, the un-
believing response, 'This is American
optimism/ To be sure it is. America,
with all her sins, believes in God and
the ultimate omnipotence of duty read
in the light of God's eyes. * This is the
faith of a young nation/ is another
exclamation from our aged and some-
what infirm neighbors. True again;
and this faith of a young nation repeats
itself in the successive generations of
elect American youth. In this way the
religious nation keeps itself young; it
has in vision the spirit of the Divine
youth Jesus before whom time ap-
peared as the field of the apocalypse of
his Father, — * Heaven and earth shall
pass away but my words shall not pass
away ' ; it recalls the enthusiasm of the
group of dauntless youth whom Jesus
commissioned to carry the news of his
kingdom into all the world. America
is proud of her youth, she means to
renew her youth like the eagle, she is
resolved to make it everlasting in the
creative might of the everlasting God
in whom is her trust for herself and
the world.
THE ANSWERING OF ABIEL KINGSBURY'S PRAYERS
BY VIRGINIA BAKER
ABIEL KINGSBURY, leaning against
the stone wall that bounded his sheep
pasture, groaned aloud.
Along the narrow pathway which zig-
zagged across the lots separating the
Graves and Kingsbury farms a woman
was stepping briskly. She was a small
woman, but even her gait indicated ag-
gressiveness. As she walked, her gray
homespun skirt switched the grass on
either side smartly. Belated crickets
fled before her approach, and dry leaves
swirled behind her.
Abiel surveyed her with disconsolate
eyes.
* She's jest like a king-bird and I'm
jest like a crow/ he muttered. 'I dono
why I feel so scart of a leetle thing
like her. She 's considerable younger 'n
I be, too, but I'd ruther face old Moll
Pitcher and her cannon any time. I
don't see how she knowed I was down
here. She's like an Injun for findin' a
trail. I b'lieve, ef I was to make a v'y-
age to Cuby, she'd git a faster vessel
and overtake me in the horse latitudes
where I could n't git away/
From the depths of her lilac sunbon-
net, Almira Graves gazed sharply at
Abiel's dejected figure. She swept up
to the wall, her right hand extended.
In it she held a blue dish covered with
a white towel.
'We fried doughnuts to our house
this mornin', 'Biel, so I brought ye
some/ she said. The tones of her voice
were startlingly deep as contrasted with
her rather diminutive figure. 'Some
on 'em's rings and some is twists/
she continued, lifting the towel, 'and
there's a couple of pigs for the twins.
I made 'em myself. Ain't they cute
lookin'?"
Abiel made no movement to take
the dish.
'You're real kind, Almiry/ he said,
'but I don't give Kellup and Jacup
many doughnuts. Sech greasy vic-
tuals ain't good for leetle young ones.
It gives 'em dyspepsy/
'Fiddle-dee-dee!' said Almira, her
voice booming out dominantly. 'You
was brought up on doughnuts, and fried
salt pork and sassige meat, too, and you
hain't never had a sick day in your life.
Here, take 'em, quick. I must be goin'
now, for I 've got the dishes to do, but
I '11 come over for a spell, arfter supper,
and darn them stockin's you washed
yistiddy/
' Charlotte Briggs darns all — ' Abiel
began; but Almira, ignoring his words,
thrust the dish into his reluctant hands.
'You give Kellup and Jacup them
pigs jest as soon as you git home/ she
commanded. She whirled about and
began rapidly retracing her steps along
the winding path, a bewildered toad
dashing before her in a frantic effort
to escape being crushed.
Abiel stood, dish in hand, blinking
at the doughnuts, crisp, brown, and
spicily fragrant. Suddenly he straight-
ened his drooping shoulders.
'They shan't eat 'em!' he cried,
hoarsely. 'Not a one! They shan't
even taste of 'em. I 'd jest as lives give
'em toadstools. I'm a-goin' to throw
the hull mess on 'em to the hens, and
I '11 tell her I done it/
837
838 THE ANSWERING OF ABIEL KINGSBURY'S PRAYERS
He took down the bars and stepped
out of the lot. Then he hurried up the
road to his barnyard. A large flock of
hens, quietly feeding there, stretched
their necks and cackled loudly at sight
of the dish.
1 Here, biddy, biddy, biddy!' Abiel
cried.
The hens came running with wings
outspread. He crumbled the doughnuts
and scattered the fragments on the
ground. A slow smile of satisfaction
lighted his face as the fowls scrambled
for the feast, pushing and pecking in
their greedy haste.
As he shook the last crumbs from
the dish the rattle of wheels sounded
in the distance, and presently a cart
came jogging around a bend in the road.
It was a small cart, painted blue, and
filled to overflowing with a motley col-
lection of articles. A little wizened old
man was perched on the high seat. He
drew rein when he saw Abiel.
* All kinds of goods specially fitted for
bridegrooms* wear,' he cried. 'Neck-
cloths, han'kerchers, shoe-buckles, ruf-
fles, and five different patterns of fig-
gered velvets and satins for weskits.'
His voice was thin and piping, and
his deep-set gray eyes twinkled keenly.
' Ain't ben married sence I was 'round
larst time, hev ye?' he demanded.
Abiel shook his head vigorously.
'No, I ain't married nobuddy, Hez'-
kiah, and I ain't lottin' on marryin'
nobuddy,' he replied. 'Gittin' married
is the furtherest thing from my mind.'
The old man cackled shrilly.
'Lordy, 'Biel, I did n't think you'd
gone and married anybuddy,' he re-
sponded. 'I thought, mebbe, some-
buddy 'd come and married you,
though.' He cackled again. 'Better
not crow tell ye 're out of the woods.
Almiry Graves is an almighty smart
woman; though, seems to me, that
most any female not half as faculized
as she is could contrive to ketch a
widower with five small children and
all on 'em boys. I don't b'lieve she's
a-goin' to ask you whether you want
her or not. When she gits ready she'll
jest take ye.'
Abiel's sunburned cheeks reddened.
' I know you 're a skiptic, Hez'kiah,'
he said, ' but I 've alwuz ben a b'liever.
I 'm a-prayin' stiddy to the Lord to git
shet of Almiry, and I've trust in his
power to save them that supplicates
Him with faith. I don't need no wife.
When Mirandy was failin', I learnt to
wash and iron and cook real good.
Charlotte Briggs tends to the sewin'
and knittin'. Ef twarn't for Almiry
Graves a-comin' here so much, and a
shoemaker not a-comin' here at all, I
should n't have no troubles, whatever.'
Hezekiah raised his eyebrows.
'Jehosaphat!' he exclaimed. 'Ain't
Bill Hatch ben round this way yet?
Why, larst time I was here your fam-
bly's shoes looked like the town poor.'
'Bill Hatch is awful sick with asth-
my,' Abiel rejoined. 'Pelick Baxter
went to Dighton the other day and see
him. Said he sounded as ef he'd got
the heaves. Mis' Hatch told him that,
onless boots and shoes fell from the
sky in this deestrict, Swansea folks 'd
have to look for another shoemaker. I
dono what I 'm a-goin' to do. I 'd ruther
see a shoemaker than Pres'dent Mad-
ison himself. I thought, mebbe, you 'd
come acrost one somewheres in your
travels.'
'I was peddlin' round North Reho-
both larst week, and I did hear of a
feller that hed ben workin' up that
way,' Hezekiah answered, 'but he
went over towards Freetown. Ef I'd
known Bill Hatch was ailin', I could 'a
sent him down here jest as well as not.
I don't know of nary other one. Some-
how shoemakers seems dretful scurce
this season.'
'The ones that useter come 'round
have ben a-dyin' off for the last three
THE ANSWERING OF ABIEL KINGSBURY'S PRAYERS 839
years,' returned Abiel. 'I dono what
I'm a-goin* to do/ he repeated, for-
lornly. 'I s'pose old Injun Marg'ret,
that lives in the cave down to Birch
Swamp, would make me some mocca-
sins, but them ain't like shoes/
The peddler screwed up his eyes re-
flectively.
'Bein' as you have so much faith in
prayer, why don't you pray for a shoe-
maker?' he queried. * My own belief is
that the Almighty's too busy with wind
and rain, and thunder and lightnin',
and earthquakes, and sech things, to
bother with widowers that don't want
to git married, or young ones that ain't
got no shoes. But you might experi-
ment with a prayer or two/
Abiel's disconsolate face lighted.
'Why, yes, I'll pray/ he cried eager-
ly; 'I'd oughter have done it long ago,
but I never thought of it. I 'm so pest-
ered with Almiry that I forgit even my
religious duties/
'Hope you'll git answered prompt/
Hezekiah responded. He gathered up
the reins. 'Wai, ef I can't sell ye any
weddin' finery, I must be movin' on.
Mebbe, when I come 'round agin, you '11
be ready for a weskit spite of all your
supplicatin'. Git dap, Beelzebub!'
He slapped the reins on his horse's
back and the animal, lazily lifting his
feet, started down the road at a slow
trot. Abiel, after watching the cart
disappear, stood for several moments
in deep thought.
' I '11 have to git Solomon to holp me
out/ he murmured, at last. 'He ain't
afraid of nothin'. He's got the Dik-
ens sperit. I did n't inherit none of
it. I wisht I had. I'd like to see Al-
miry tackle Uncle J'siah Dikens. I
ruther guess she 'd find she 'd met her
match/
That evening, just as darkness set-
tled down upon the earth, Abiel slipped
out of his back door and stealthily
sought the highway. It was half-past
nine ere he returned and softly tapped
on the kitchen window.
The door was opened by his oldest
son, a boy of twelve.
'Is she gone, Solomon?' Abiel whis-
pered cautiously.
'Ben gone more'n two hours/ Solo-
mon responded. 'Didn't take me long
to shoo her home/
His father entered the kitchen and
seated himself on the wooden settle by
the fireplace.
'Did you tell her that I fed them
doughnuts, pigs and all, to the hens?'
he inquired, eagerly.
'Course I did. Did you think I
wouldn't?'
'Was she put out?'
'Put out!' Solomon grinned broad-
ly. 'I guess she was. She was hornet
mad. I thought she was goin' to box
my ears/
'Did she ask for the stockin's?'
'I did n't give her no chance. I up
and told her that you 'd taken 'em over
to Charlotte's, before she could git in a
word about 'em/
'And what did she say?'
Solomon's shrewd little face grew
suddenly grave. He looked keenly at
his father.
' She asked me how I 'd like Charlotte
Briggs for a stepmother/ he responded
slowly.
Abiel sat up on the settle, staring at
his son with amazed eyes.
'Charlotte Briggs for a stepmother!'
he repeated. 'Why she's 'leven years
older than I be. 'Leven years and two
weeks and three days. She told me her
age to-night. What on airth did you
answer?'
'I told her I liked Charlotte a good
deal better than some other folks I
knew, and ef I 'd got to have a step-
mother, I ruther have her than any-
buddy. I told her Charlotte made the
best doughnuts I ever tasted. I told
her I did n't know as Charlotte would
840 THE ANSWERING OF ABIEL KINGSBURY'S PRAYERS
have ye, for she warn't no hand to
come trapin' round arfter a husband
like some women. She got up, then,
and started for home, and she was so
mad that she put on that laylock bun-
nit hind-side before and never knowed
it/
Abiel surveyed his first-born with an
expression of wonder, akin to awe.
'You better go to bed, now/ he said
after a moment.
Solomon lighted a candle that stood
in a battered candlestick on the dresser.
He shuffled across the floor, the soles
of his ragged shoes flapping noisily.
At the door of the garret stairs he
paused, his hand on the latch.
' Pa, kin I hev the black lamb all for
myself?' he queried. 'I done my best
to holp ye to-night/
'Lordy!' Abiel hastily stifled the
ejaculation. 'Yes/ he said weakly,
'you kin hev it, I guess/
He gazed at the door after it closed
behind Solomon.
'He's Dikens clear away through/
he muttered. ' They 're all dretful fore-
handed. I dono as I done right puttin'
of him up to sech tricks, but I was
beset. Mebbe, ef I'd stayed to home,
she'd 'a* nabbed me off 'n my guard.
Hez'kiah Talbee says she's smart and
there ain't no disputin' him. I've got
to be instant in prayer, in season and
out of season, ef I expect to git ahead
of her/
He slid gently to his knees on the
sanded floor.
'Oh, Lord/ he murmured softly, 'I
thank Thee for my deliverance this
night. Continue to protect me from
female's snares. And there is one more
thing, Lord, that I need beside strength
to resist and overcome sech. I need
a shoemaker, Lord, for the children's
foot-gear is nigh wore out. Do Thou,
in thy goodness, send me a shoemaker
as soon as conveniently may be.
Amen/
All the next day Abiel, from the
wood lot where he was cutting hickory,
scanned the unfrequented road eagerly.
But no shoemaker, with kit and leather
apron, appeared. Almira Graves did
not appear, either, but, at noon-time,
she sent an offering of pancakes by the
hands of her young niece, 'Loizy/
Solomon, who received these eatables,
promptly deposited them in the pigs'
trough, returning the pewter plate
which had contained them to the as-
tonished Loizy with the remark that he
'never did see anything to beat Pa's
hogs for rye and Injun victuals. They
ruther have 'em than anything else,
mornin/ noon, and night/
Loizy surveyed him with round won-
dering eyes.
'Do you give 'em to 'em often?' she
queried.
'Not so very often/ Solomon re-
turned. 'Pa don't find time to make
'em. But you kin tell your aunt that
they kin put down all she has a mind to
stand up and fry/
' I did n't pray fervent enough/
Abiel mused, as he smoked his evening
pipe beside the kitchen fire, ' leastways
about the shoemaker. The Lord an-
swered me as fur as Almiry is concerned.
I wisht that I'd set Solomon on her
tracks long ago. But regardin' my
fambly's shoes I did n't set forth my
condition as fully as I should/
After the children had retired he
prayed long and earnestly.
'Send me a shoemaker, Lord/ he
pleaded. 'I am in sore distress. Octo-
ber is a-goin' fast and winter is a-
hastenin' on. There ain't a hull pair
of shoes in the house but mine, and
William Hatch is kep' to home by the
asthmy. Send me a shoemaker ter-
morrer, if possible, or day after ter-
morrer at the furtherest/
But when the morrow drew to a close,
Abiel Kingsbury found his petition
unanswered. So perturbed was he that
THE ANSWERING OF ABIEL KINGSBURY'S PRAYERS 841
he took little heed of the fact that
Almira Graves failed to pay him her
accustomed daily visit. He ate his
supper in brooding silence.
At half-past seven a rap at the
kitchen door set his heart beating hope-
fully. He lifted the latch with eager
hands. Charlotte Briggs stood on the
broad stone doorsteps, a covered bas-
ket hanging on her arm.
'Land sakes, 'Biel,' she exclaimed,
'you look as ef I was a ghost.'
Abiel smiled feebly.
'I — I — I was kinder expectin' to
see Almiry,' he faltered. 'She — she
is apt to — er — drop in evenin's.'
Charlotte Briggs sniffed.
'I sh'd think she'd want to ef you
'pear as tickled as that to see her,' she
responded. 'Here's your mendin' and
them new stockin's you wanted knit
for the boys.'
'I'll walk home with ye, Charlotte/
Abiel said. 'It's kind of pokey by
them pine woods.'
'Thanks,' returned Miss Briggs,
crisply, ' you need n't bother. But
Solomon can go a piece down the road
if he feels like it.'
'Yes, marm,' cried Solomon with
alacrity, springing up from the floor
where he had been playing Indians
with Jacob and Caleb, the twins; 'I'd
jest as lives go as not.'
When he returned to the house he
found that his father had put the other
children to bed.
'I guess you went way home with
her,' Abiel remarked. 'You've been
gone nigh an hour.'
Solomon nodded acquiescingly.
'Say, Pa,' he said confidentially, 'I
guess I know what made Charlotte so
kinder uppish with ye. Almiry 's ben
sayin' that she's tryin' to ketch ye.'
Abiel gasped.
'Did she tell ye that?' he quavered.
'Course not, but when I come back
along, Mis' Deacon Morton was layin'
wait for me at her gate. She seen us
pass by in the moonlight. And she says,
" Is yer Pa sick? " And I says, " No."
And she says, "Oh, I suppose he's
entertainin' his other flame! Which on
'em is a-goin' to ketch him, Almiry or
Charlotte? I hear it's a race between
'em." And I says, " Is that so? " and run
right past her. She hollered after me,
"He'd better take Charlotte," but I
did n't make no answer and kep' right
on. I see that laylock bunnit goin' down
the road before nine this mornin,' and it
never come back till jest before twelve.
I '11 bet Almiry went all round jawin'
about Charlotte.'
Abiel shook his head.
'Folks 'round here had oughter
know Charlotte better,' he said impa-
tiently. ' When she was young she had
lots of fellers standin' 'round ready to
spark her, and she give the whole mess
of 'em the mitten. 'Tain't likely she
wants to get married at her age, speci-
ally to a man so much younger than
she is. Almiry talks like a fool and
them that listens to her acts like bigger
fools. I wisht that I was as sure that a
shoemaker will come here to-morrer as
I be that Charlotte Briggs don't want
to marry me.'
Solomon made no reply. He lighted
his candle and silently crept upstairs
to bed. Abiel resumed his pipe with a
harassed expression of countenance.
'Almiry was bad enough before,' he
mused, 'but if she is jealous I dono
what I be a-goin' to do. Charlotte is
kinder touchy, and like as not she'll
r'ar up and say she can't take care of
the children's clothes any longer. I
don't blame Charlotte none. Tain't
none too agreeable to be pestered about
somebody you hain't never thought of
settin' your cap for. I dono what ever
possessed 'Liphalet Burden to up and
die jest a week before the day sot for
his and Almiry 's weddin'. Ef he'd
'a' lived I should 'a' ben onmolested.
842 THE ANSWERING OF ABIEL KINGSBURY'S PRAYERS
It was an awful dark providence, his
death was. But dark providences seems
to shadder my path. Where be all the
shoemakers? I've prayed fer one so
hard that seems to me only Satan
himself can be keepin' him away.'
He laid down his pipe and knelt
before the settle, and, in impassioned
accents, poured forth his troubles.
'Oh, Lord/ he cried, 'silence the
gossip which is bein' sowed broadcast
in this deestrict like grains of wheat in
a ploughed field. Open the eyes of the
neighbors that they may see that Char-
lotte Briggs ain't a-settin' her cap for
me. Ef possible, perform a merricle and
put some sense into Almiry Graves 's
head. Lead her to onderstand that I
ain't no thought of marryin' her, and
never shall hev.
'And, Lord, Thou knowest that I
need a shoemaker; send me one. We
are all of us e'enamost to the end of our
tethers. The soles of Solomon's shoes
flops when he walks, and Jacup and
Kellup is both through at the toes.
Gustavus has lost the heel ofFn his
left boot, and John Henry is bursted
through both sides of his feet.' His
voice rose to a piteous wail. 'Turn
backwards the steps of that man Hez'-
kiah Talbee told of. Guide him from
Freetown acrost Somerset to Swansea.
I think there will be a frost to-night
and all signs p'int to an airly winter.
Send me a shoemaker, Lord, before the
children git chilblains. They had a
delikit mother and none on 'em is
rugged.'
Abiel rose from his knees comforted.
He had faith to believe that his earnest
petition would be answered speedily.
He slept peacefully, and arose at dawn
in a calm and hopeful mood.
Directly after breakfast Caleb and
Jacob were stationed at the kitchen
window to watch for the expected
shoemaker. Until dinner time they
vainly craned their necks and strained
their eyes. After dinner Gustavus re-
lieved them. But his vigilance, also,
remained unrewarded.
Late in the afternoon Beelzebub
came jogging up to the barnyard gate.
'Shoemaker come yit?' Hezekiah
Talbee demanded, bending from his
perch to peer into the barn where Abiel
was milking the cows.
Abiel flushed. 'No,' he answered.
'Did ye pray fer one?'
'Yes.'
The peddler wagged his head.
'Ye better pray to the Devil, next
time,' he said. 'My experience is that
them thet asks him fer assistance gin'-
rally gits it.'
Abiel nodded gloomily.
'Jest heerd some news about ye to
the blacksmith's shop,' Mr. Talbee
continued. 'Heerd ye hev two gals on
yer string, one on 'em pooty nigh old
enough to be yer ma, and tother one
pooty nigh young enough ter be yer
darter. When I was there tother day,
everybuddy was. shore thet Almiry
Graves would fetch ye. Now they're
a-sayin' thet Charlotte Briggs has
ketched ye away. Better look at my
weskit patterns and neckerchers.'
' It 's all a mess of gossip,' cried Abiel
angrily, 'Charlotte Briggs don't want
me, and I don't want nobuddy.'
'Yer dretful hard to please, seems to
me,' responded the peddler. 'Most men
don't git a chance to make a choose.
They hev to take what they kin git.
But there is, and alwuz will be, some
folks so*£raspin' thet, if they hed the
airth, they'd want Nantucket Island
throwed in fer a calf pasture. Git dap
there, Beelzebub. We shan't sell Mr.
Kingsbury no gee-gaws to-day. You try
the Devil, 'Biel. He never fails them
that really wants him to help 'em.'
Abiel scarcely tasted the evening
meal. Solomon regarded him curiously.
There was a look in his father's eyes
that the boy had never seen there
THE ANSWERING OF ABIEL KINGSBURY'S PRAYERS 843
before. It was the look of smoulder-
ing fire.
After the dishes were washed Abiel
sat on the settle, his unlighted pipe
lying beside him. As he stared into
vacancy his face became rigid, and the
strange glow in his eyes grew lurid.
An unwonted hush fell upon the kitch-
en. The children, vaguely oppressed,
whispered in the corner.
Solomon took them to the garret a
quarter of an hour earlier than usual.
He felt sure that his father desired to
be alone.
When silence had settled down, Abiel
stood up on the braided hearth-rug.
His face was pallid, except where two
red spots burned on his high cheek
bones. The smouldering fire of his
eyes burst into flames.
* I 'm a-goin' to do it ! ' he whispered
in hoarse, unnatural tones. 'I'm drove
to it. I've stood it until I can't stan' it
no longer. The Lord has forsook me!'
He clenched his knotted hands to-
gether.
'Oh, Devil,' he said, slowly and
clearly, 'ef you have power to do so,
send me a shoemaker within twenty-
four hours.'
The morning sun rose with a burst of
glory to usher in one of late October's
perfect days. White clouds, like fea-
thers, dotted the bending, deep blue
sky. The boughs of sumach and maple
seemed hung with rubies and topazes.
Squirrels frisked on the orchard walls,
and late birds twittered on swaying
branches. The warm breeze scarcely
rustled the brown leaves of the shocked
corn.
Abiel, silent, rigid, fiery-eyed, was
mending a broken harness in the barn
when a shadow fell across the floor.
He looked up. A stranger stood in the
doorway. He was a tall, rather good-
looking young man, clad in garments
somewhat faded and frayed, but which
yet retained a vestige of former jaun-
tiness. A fur cap sat lightly on a mass
of clustering black curls. Under one
arm he carried a bundle rolled in a
great piece of leather.
'Morning, sir,' he said in a crisp,
clear voice. ' D' ye happen to want any
shoemaking done?'
Abiel stared at him silently.
'Want any shoemaking done?' the
stranger repeated.
Abiel, as if frozen to the floor, re-
mained speechless.
'Deef as a flat-headed adder,' the
young man muttered. He elevated his
voice. 'How's your family off for
shoes, sir? I'm looking for a job.'
Abiel took a step backward. His face
assumed a blue-white hue like that of
a corpse.
' Must be deef and dumb,' the stran-
ger exclaimed. 'I'll have to talk by
motions.'
He pointed to Abiel's shoes, then to
the bundle he carried.
With a supreme effort Abiel moist-
ened his parched lips.
'No,' he said huskily, 'I don't need
no shoemaker. My folks is all fitted
out fer the winter.'
The young man nodded and wheeled
about.
' Your manners need mending if your
shoes don't,' he called back as he swung
jauntily across the barnyard.
Abiel, trembling as if with an ague,
staggered against a grain chest, clutch-
ing at the wall for support.
'I had to lie,' he cried hoarsely. 'I
did n't darst do anything else.' Great
beads of sweat burst out on his fore-
head. ' I never believed the Devil could
send him. I only prayed to him be-
cause I was in a passion fit. I am a sin-
ful man, but I did n't think I would be
took at my word like this.'
After a while he steadied himself
and, with shaking hands, led General
Putnam, his aged white horse, from
the stall and saddled him.
844 THE ANSWERING OF ABIEL KINGSBURY'S PRAYERS
Presently he mounted the animal
and rode up to the house. John Henry,
the youngest child, was feeding a pet
rooster at the door. The other boys
had gone with Solomon to look after
the sheep.
'I'm goin' an arrant down Warren
way,' said Abiel. * You tell 'em to dish
up dinner and not wait ef I ain't back
by noon.'
It was past one o'clock when General
Putnam reentered the barnyard.
'Pa, pa,' Gustavus shrilled from the
open kitchen window, 'thar's a shoe-
maker come! He's workin' over to
Graveses. Don't you want me to go
and borry him?'
Abiel dismounted.
'See here/ he said, 'here's a lot of
good warm moccasins, I ben down to
Birch Swamp and bought 'em off'n
that old Injun squaw that lives in a
cave thar. We won't need a shoemaker
till these is wore out.'
To Solomon the three weeks that fol-
lowed seemed like a terrible nightmare.
Not once did his father's face lose its
rigid and ghastly expression. He moved
about like an automaton, eating little,
retiring to rest late, and rising early.
He grew suddenly shrunken and old-
looking.
Solomon poured out his fright and
grief on Charlotte Briggs's sympathetic
shoulder.
'I can't git used to them moccasins,'
he wailed. 'I ain't got no Injun blood
in me. And I'm scairt that Pa will
drownd himself or starve to death. I
wisht you'd set your cap at him. He
ain't but 'leven years younger than you
be. 'Leven years ain't nothin'. There's
a man up Ta'nton way got a wife nine-
teen years older 'n he is.'
Charlotte pushed the boy from her
lap.
'My cap's plain black lace,' she said.
' 'Tain't the right color to set for a man.
Mebbe, ef it was laylock, I might do
suthin' with it. But I ain't got no lay-
lock cap. Not even a laylock sunbun-
nit/
It was a blustering day in late No-
vember. The gray sky frowned at the
brown earth, and the trees shook their
bare branches disconsolately in the
chill blast. Despondent crows cawed
plaintively over the denuded corn-
fields, and cattle shivered in the sere
pastures.
Abiel, worn and haggard, was rub-
bing down General Putnam, just re-
turned from the grist-mill at Swansea,
whither Solomon had that morning
ridden him. He lifted his bowed head
as Hezekiah's shrill voice penetrated
the barn's dusky interior.
The peddler, who had alighted from
his cart and stood in the doorway,
started back at sight of Abiel's face.
'Heavens to Betsey, 'Biel! What on
airth is the matter with ye?' he ex-
claimed. 'Be ye ailin'?'
'Ailin' in sperrit, not in body,' Abiel
replied. 'Graveses' folks says I've took
to drinkin' cider, but it ain't so. I'll
tell ye what ails me, Hez'kiah. I done
what ye advised me to. I prayed to the
Devil for a shoemaker, and he sent me
one. I knowed, when ye told me to do
it, 't was only yer skiptic talk, but I
done it. I was mad because the Lord
did n't pay no heed to my supplications,
and I was most wild fearin' Almiry
would kitch me in spite of myself. I
did n't believe the Devil would pick
me up. I just done it to let off my
spite. But I callated wrong. The very
nex' day the Devil sent a shoemaker
here to this very barn.'
'Lurdy!' ejaculated Mr. Talbee.
'What 'dye do?'
'I sent him away. I thought I sh'd
drop dead when I seen him/
' What 'd he do?'
'Went over to Graveses and they
hired him. He's thar yit/
THE ANSWERING OF ABIEL KINGSBURY'S PRAYERS
845
The peddler's tense features relaxed.
A sudden gleam came into his keen
eyes.
'He ain't thar, 'Biel,' he said slowly.
'Him and Almiry run away to Mid-
dleborough and got married yistiddy
arfternoon. I come over here a-pur-
pose to congratulate ye. Almiry sent
word hum to her folks this mornin'.
Ole Mis' Graves is nigh crazy.'
* Married! Almiry married to the
Devil's shoemaker!' Abiel gasped.
'Sho, 'Biel! He ain't none of Satan's
crew maskyradin' as a man,' answered
Hezekiah. 'I know all 'bout him. He's
son to Deacon Perry over to New Bed-
ford, and a wuthless cuss. Almiry 's
brought her pigs to a darned pore mar-
kit. And I don't believe the Devil sent
him into this v'cin'ty, nuther. I ruther
guess 't was the Lord's doin's, arfter all.'
Over Abiel' s face swept a sudden
transformation, radiant, blissful.
* Almiry married!' he murmured. 'I
ben blind, Hez'kiah. I'd ought to have
suspicioned suthin' when she stopped
luggin' victuals over here. And I feel
that you're right about the Lord. He
got belated answerin' of me, but 't was
Him, and not the Devil, that fetched
that Perry feller to Swansea.'
* Looks to me as ef yer prayin' to the
Devil was a kind of providunce, too,'
said the peddler with a dry cackle.
' Fer, ef ye had n't ben afraid of that
shoemaker, ye'd of hired him and
then, mebbe, he 'd never 'a' gone to
Graveses. Now I s'pose you and Char-
lotte'11 git spliced. Hey?'
Abiel blushed deeply.
'Hev ye got a skillet in yer cart? ' he
queried. *I liked to hev f ergot that
ourn is all wore out.'
Mr. Talbee clambered into the cart
and out again with surprising agility.
* Here's the skillet,' he said. * Any-
thing else? No? Wai, I'll be round
agin in two weeks and we'll confabu-
late about the weddin' weskit.'
'No, 'Biel, I ain't a-goin' to marry
ye,' Charlotte Briggs said firmly that
evening, as she and Abiel sat on either
side of the cheery fireplace in her neat
kitchen. 'You don't keer fer me as a
husband should. I'm too old fer ye.
Yer jest askin' me because Solomon
wants ye to hev me. I pity them child-
ren, but I ain't willin' to marry no
man jest to be a stepmother.'
Abiel gazed at her with bewildered
eyes.
'Why, Charlotte,' he remonstrated,
'what makes you talk so? Solomon
ain't never asked me to spark you.'
Charlotte faced her wooer, arms
akimbo.
' How on airth come you ter think of
marryin' me, then?' she demanded.
'Wai,' said Abiel, softly, "t was Al-
miry's talk thet fust put the idee into
my head, and the more I considered it
the more I liked it. I wisht you could
be persuaded, Charlotte.'
At the wedding, which took place
some three months later, Solomon and
Mr. Talbee were the leading spirits.
The entire Kingsbury flock were hap-
pily conscious that they were shod in
brand-new, well-fitting shoes made by
a shoemaker from Seekonk pressed into
service for the occasion by the peddler.
The bride, in a gown of pale blue
chintz, looked ten years younger than
her actual age, and Abiel was radiant
in a vest of flaming crimson velvet
brocade.
' 'Tain't the weskit I wanted him to
s'lect,' Mr. Talbee confided to Solo-
mon. 'The one I talked up to him was
strip-ed, a kind of pale yaller and stun-
color. But he was sot on hevin' su-
thin' toomultoous to express his feel-
in's. He's got what he wanted, sartin
sure.* And to himself he added, 'Red
is the Devil's own color, but I'll bet
my horse and cart against nothin* that
'Biel ain't never oncet thought on't.'
A CORRESPONDENT AT ADRIANOPLE
BY CYRIL CAMPBELL
FROM the siege of Troy to March 26,
1913, is a far step. We have exchanged
the spear for the Mauser, the catapult
or ram for the howitzer: but human
nature remains unchanged. The for-
tunes of an invested fortress are still
followed with world-wide interest, al-
though it is now the cable or the wire-
less, not a flickering line of leaping
fires, that announces the fall. Already
in the few years of this new century,
which, according to many, is destined
to see the end of war, two of the great-
est sieges in the world's history have
taken place; living memory can recall
another three. It would be an invidi-
ous task to state in which of these the
investment was most severe, or the
defense most heroic: one would cer-
tainly not give the palm to Adrianople,
although, technically speaking, as a
military achievement the Bulgarian
success on that Wednesday morning
surpassed that of the conquerors of
Metz or Paris, Sevastopol or Port Ar-
thur.1 These four surrendered, whereas
Adrianople was taken at the point of
the bayonet, and we have to go back a
century, to the bloody assault on San
Sebastian, to find another example of
European troops capturing in this way
a powerful fortress designed on scien-
tific lines. In all probability it may
never occur again; yet, so trivial are
the things that shape our lives, a thread
1 Many will probably be surprised at the omis-
sion of Plevna, but though, strictly speaking, it
was a fortress, its real strength lay in its earth-
works (the two Grivitsa redoubts in particular),
which were made in three days. — THE AUTHOR.
846
of mercury in a glass tube would have
prevented the writer from seeing this
unique spectacle, had it happened a
day earlier.
War correspondents from all parts of
Europe had collected in Sofia thick
'as leaves in Vallombrosa'; for these
gentry, like the eagles, are never far
from the carcass. The Bulgarians,
however, were firm or refused to budge
from their dictum, 'No journalist at
the front after the armistice/ Bluff,
entreaties, protestations, all alike were
useless — to the ill-disguised delight of
the hotel-keeper; and a goodly number
of these latter-day adventurers had left
in disgust some time before the fate-
ful day. Fever, combined with a be-
lief that the military authorities would
not relent, had induced the writer to
decide to follow their example at the
end of the month. It was a thoughtful
but peremptory telephone message
which altered all plans and caused a
waiter to come flying to his room.
* If you want to see the fall of Adri-
anople, you have to leave by special
train this instant. All the correspond-
ents are at the station already.'
Neither fire nor earthquake nor
'vis major* of any description could
have acted with such effect as those
last eight words. To be left at the post!
Better starve or be dirty for weeks
than miss the train: and as there was
no time to buy anything to eat, or pack
aught save a sponge, toothbrush, and
pyjamas, starvation or dirt seemed in-
evitable. But the train was still there —
indeed it remained a full twenty minutes
A CORRESPONDENT AT ADRIANOPLE
847
— but 'all' the correspondents had
dwindled down to four, to wit: the
writer who shall be known as Ananias;
Sapphira, a British lady wielding both
pen and cinematograph; Tartarin, a
French journalist; Paillasse, an Italian
ditto. The two Latins, by some occult
means, must have got wind of the
government's intentions regarding the
press, for they were beautifully ar-
rayed in full campaign kit. Both were
prepared for all emergencies, and can
have left intact few departments in the
wholesale store which had guided their
purchases. Ananias pointed out their
readiness to Sapphira, and added that
any unkind criticism could be nothing
but the outcome of envy. A bulky
hamper lying at their feet and contrast-
ing painfully with Sapphira's paper bag,
lent weight to his remark. He himself
meanwhile had bought two bottles of
dubious Chablis, brown bread, a hunk
of penetrating cheese, and had * cor-
nered ' the station chocolate.
The quartette were then ordered in,
and Ananias, encouraged by the sta-
tion master's assurance that they would
be in the lines by midnight (or, allowing
the usual latitude, 10 A.M.), proceeded
to complete his interrupted nap. In
the next carriage Tartarin and Pail-
lasse could be heard selecting the Bul-
garian salient.
The night must be allowed to sink
into the oblivion which it failed sig-
nally to give to weary eyes and limbs.
So far from being in the Bulgarian lines
at midnight, or even at 10 A.M. as
Ananias had charitably allowed, the
quartette of sensation-seekers had not
even crossed the old frontier at eleven.
Early in the morning two trainloads
of wounded, the first signs of active
fighting, passed at Rakoffsky. Paillasse
was fired with the zeal of the novice,
and throwing himself from the carriage,
sprang on the footboard of the other
tram and questioned the men eagerly in
the French of the Midi. For the most
part their wounds were of a trivial na-
ture, scalp grazes, forearms or fingers
torn by barbed wire; and the men
grinned, sang, wagged bloodstained
bandages in front of the inquirer's face
and demanded cigarettes. Of his flow
of language, however, they understood
not a single word. Somewhat discom-
fited, but unwearied, he beat up the
second train and unearthed a Serb, who
spoke a little halting French. The dia-
logue was overheard by the remaining
three, who came to the conclusion that
the information gathered would scarce-
ly assist our companion's * copy,' since it
was to the effect that the Servians had
done the work so far, and that the Bul-
garians were useless. Paillasse never-
theless seemed pleased and filled two
sheets with notes, returning to the car-
riage with the air of one who had
* scooped' his party. Ananias, the only
one of the four who had seen cam-
paigns before, was too seasoned a bird
for these chance stories; Sapphira,
though nominally of the Fourth Estate,
used her pen rather as a passport for
the camera than for articles; while
Tartarin had confided to her that he
was really a * literary' man, and had
only accepted this work as an excep-
tion and at an exceptional fee. Pail-
lasse had the field to himself for the
moment. It was a harmonious party,
luckily, since each was working for the
papers of a different country, and each
was bound to scoop.
This feeling of exhilaration, however,
was destined to receive a rude shock.
The first instalment came at Har-
manli, where Ananias learnt that the
bridge at Marash over the Maritza
had been blown up. But officialdom
bade the party be of good courage, for
there would be motors ready at Mus-
tapha Pasha to convey scribblers and
soldiers to the lines thirty-five kilo-
metres away. Considering that behind
848
A CORRESPONDENT AT ADRIANOPLE
the wagon holding four such valuable
lives there were at least two hundred
and fifty men, Ananias thought there
must be as many automobiles with the
Bulgarian army as at a country elec-
tion in England. Still, if all the foreign
correspondents with the Turkish army
had possessed motor cars and had ex-
perienced the same luck as his own
colleague and the representatives of the
Telegraph and Chronicle, it was quite
possible. For the moment Ananias
kept the evil news to himself.
At Novo Lubimitz, the next halt,
the outlook seemed more cheerful. The
automobiles were waiting, not at Mus-
tapha but at Hadikevi, fifteen kilo-
metres farther on. Even if they failed,
surely it would be possible to get some
conveyance, a country cart, perhaps,
while if the worst came to the worst, it
was not too far to walk. So argued
Sapphira, who was optimistic, ener-
getic, and young. Ananias was out of
condition and fond of comfort, Tar-
tarin had the same tastes. As a matter
of fact this unal luring suggestion was
never put to the test. The blow fell at
Mustapha Pasha, renamed Sliven since
the Bulgarian occupation.
A few wounded were lying in a tem-
porary Red Cross depot there, and
Paillasse had gone out as usual, only to
return a moment later with all his fire
extinguished. The authorities at Sliven
had received no warning as to our ar-
rival, and took their ground on the old
regulation that no journalists were to
proceed to the front. Another train
with all the correspondents and mili-
tary attaches would arrive next morn-
ing and we were to wait and join them.
Such was the verdict.
The indignation of the travelers
baffles description. To have received
the peremptory command which sent
them — or rather two of them — off
without food or change of clothes, to
have been shaken and shunted, jolted
and jarred all night, to have been
well-nigh starved, and to have nour-
ished the pleasant idea of * scoops,'
only to find that they were to wait for
the remainder of the correspondents
plus the military attaches, who had
traveled down in wagon-lits and divers
luxuries, while the luckless four had
borne the burden and heat of the day!
Tartarin suddenly exclaimed that there
must be some mistake and, as he rather
fancied himself as a diplomat, started
off to smooth things down. In a short
time he returned rather ruffled, and it
was decided that Sapphira should try
feminine influence. Ananias left the
conference meanwhile in order to com-
mune with himself, as a result of which
proceeding he wrote out two telegrams
and waited the return of the lady en-
voy, who had done no better and had
lost her temper into the bargain.
The faces of the officials fell visibly
at the sight of a fourth nuisance, but
finding that he merely asked to be al-
lowed to wire the King and the Pre-
mier, they relaxed, and so two cables,
the wording of which had a vague and
distant resemblance to the Habeas Cor-
pus Act, were dispatched. But a great
surprise was in store for Ananias on
his return. Tartarin and Paillasse had
disappeared!
Sapphira said that she had gone for
a short stroll and on reaching the car-
riage saw that the next compartment
was empty. The hamper had vanished
with them, and as they can hardly have
eaten its contents in one night, it looked
as if they must have driven. Sliven
station, however, is five kilometres from
the village, a carriage could not be
had either for love or money, and on
making inquiries it was found that not
a soul had seen them leave. All around
save the one dusty winding road was
flat open plain with only a shepherd
in sight. If the earth had swallowed
them, they could not have vanished
A CORRESPONDENT AT ADRIANOPLE
849
more completely. At this point they
also vanish from the narrative, and
since no news was heard of them
again, it was pleasant ten days later
to read their messages and know that,
though somewhat late, they reached
their objective.
About dinner time the telegram re-
leasing Ananias and Sapphira was
handed in. The pair were to be hurried
on, and an extra order was attached
which will explain how a trainload of
agitated correspondents and military
attaches were detained for thirty-six
hours at an uninteresting spot called
Harmanli.
A light engine lost little time in de-
positing the two Anglo-Saxons close to
the lines, and a staff officer was waiting
to conduct them to a tent, where a cold
and appetizing supper proved a pleas-
ant prelude to slumber.
Next morning, Tuesday, March 25,
Ananias was aroused at 3 A.M. by
heavy firing. To the trained ear it was
plain that this was no ordinary bom-
bardment, but a fierce and concen-
trated fire to cover an assault. Hastily
dressing he went to the next tent, where
he found his officer-guide buckling on
his sword, and the pair ran round to the
batteries.
Most impressive was the scene. The
dawn had not yet fully broken, but the
ghostly pallor which heralds the dawn
just showed the dim outline of the
Turkish ridge. A grayish mist swathed
slopes and interlying valley in one
vast shroud, — grim augury of coming
death, — and though the ceaseless con-
cussion and bursting shells ever and
anon tore great rents and fissures, the
fabric was repaired next moment as if
invisible hands were at work. The
earth around was all a-quake with the
thud and roar of the steel monsters,
while overhead could be heard the
shrill scream of shrapnel that racks
the inexperienced nerves. A hundred
VOL. in -NO. 6
paces from the battery a Turkish shell
had gouged out a monstrous hole, but
otherwise their fire was concentrated
on the left. Gradually the mist shred-
ded away and the sun rose on an
eventful day, tinging the giant balls of
cottonwool — for no other words can
describe shrapnel exploding in mid air
— with exquisite hues, of rose and
saffron. The cannonade increased in
intensity. The *12 cms.' belched forth
incessant rafales, a practice almost
unique, the dream of every gunner.
The novice would have thought that
not a soul could live in the hell of steam
and flame and lead upon that ridge,
but ever came the responsive crash, and
with increasing accuracy the shells fell
thicker on the Creusot batteries, throw-
ing up solid masses of dirt and stones
which bruised the men from head to
foot. Slowly but surely, however, the
Turkish fire grew less, and it was evi-
dent that the storm of projectiles which
had swept their position in the rear,
had prevented fresh supplies of am-
munition from coming up. This had
been the object of a cannonade which
surpassed even the inferno on 303
Metre Hill, and a broad grin relaxed
the strained countenances of battery
commanders. It was not known till
later how much a Turkish contractor's
idea of serviceable casements had as-
sisted the Bulgarians.
Suddenly the crackle of musketry
was heard below, and the dull uniforms
of infantry were seen in the valley. The
sun had now fully risen and far to the
left, whence came a sullen roar like the
beat of billows 6n a shore, its rays flick-
ered on shining bayonets. A flanking
party was charging with the cry, *Na
Prod, na nosht ! ' : * On, on, to the knife ! '
The Bulgars took those words liter-
ally. Through his glasses Ananias saw
them leap into a line of trenches, and so
vivid was the picture that he felt he
could almost hear the shock of contact,
850
A CORRESPONDENT AT ADRIANOPLE
the sickening soft noise of steel thrust
home, the final gasp, could almost see
the blood spurt out, the reddened blade
snatched out as the quivering mass of
flesh was flung aside. The rifles ceased
and the centre line surged on, swarmed
the first gentle slope and burst in
among another set of entrenchments.
The fight was short and sharp: a few
minutes and a broken scattered mob,
their heads twisted back to see if
they outstripped their dread pursuers,
stumbled on in terror. Willing hands
brought up the tiny quickfirers, the pets
of the Bulgarian infantry, and switched
their deadly hail on those panic-strick-
en fugitives. And ever without pause
thundered the heavy guns. So pass-
ed the Tuesday.
At nightfall Ananias was presented
to General Ivanoff, destined to win un-
dying fame fourteen hours later. There
was nothing of the iron commander
in his aspect. Short and stoutish in
appearance, with a kindly face, broad
forehead and merry twinkling eyes, he
radiated pleasantness. Very quiet and
slow-spoken, choosing his words care-
fully, he talked as if he were accom-
plishing an everyday bit of business,
though with regard to his men, he ex-
pressed the hope that Ananias would
have a higher opinion than some other
journalist who, without seeing them,
had said a month before that they were
merely third rate. He advised an early
bed for it would be necessary to rise
betimes. A glass of wine was ordered
and while the toasts were being drunk,
the cannonade abruptly ceased. Words
fail to describe the effect. We seemed
to have been hurled into a world of
dead : voices sounded as the faint squeak
of ghosts such as Odysseus met beyond
the Styx.
The Bulgarians, who had snatched
but little sleep since Monday dawn,
spent the night in entrenching them-
selves in their new positions and bring-
ing up the field guns on Mezartepe.
On the right the main objective was
Aivas Bebe, on the left Kavkas: they
also pushed forward their salient on
Ayi Yolu.
At 2.50 A.M. the bombardment was
renewed, the '15 cms.' in Kavkas fort
receiving special attention. The ad-
vance trenches were rushed and the
10th and 23d regiments prepared to
assault the glacis by Aivas, which
should have been impregnable. The
whoop of exultant ferocity — a cry
which would have put to shame a base-
ball yell — was unforgettable. The
men of the 10th outran the sappers
who had been detailed to cut the en-
tanglements, and threw themselves at
what was a miniature Gibraltar. It is
incredible, yet true, that the Turks
had placed no searchlights to play on
an enemy advancing on barbed wire.
Nothing is so devilish, so mockingly
demoralizing, as that dazzling, blind-
ing fugitive glare when clothes and
flesh are being rent and torn and
ripped while the smack of lead on bod-
ies can be heard around. Without it,
barbed wire loses half its value; yet the
dreaded flash never came. The 10th
swarmed up, and enfiladed the de-
fenders as the 23d swung in upon the
centre. Panic did the rest. Much the
same happened at Kavkas, save that
the defense was fiercer, and when
Ananias rode round that evening the
wire entanglements were a ghastly
sight : it seemed as if some giant shrike
had fitted up his larder, for mangled
corpses, fragments of flesh, or muti-
lated limbs hung on those horrid spikes.,,
The enclosure within was a shambles.
By 6 o'clock the troops posted in the
centre, who up to then had acted as a
screen, had advanced upon the heights,
and fighting was general along the line.
From this point it is regrettable to state
that words cannot describe the cowar-
dice of the defenders. Whether there
A CORRESPONDENT AT ADRIANOPLE
851
is some sinister story, apart from the
disgusting behavior of the Young
Turks to Shukri Pasha, in the back-
ground, it is impossible to say, but
certainly the Aivas glacis should never
have been taken, while it is strange
that the most stalwart troops were
concentrated on the W which the Bul-
garians had abandoned as an objective
a week before. Moreover with a spark
of that gallant Plevna spirit, the Turks
would have contested every inch of the
ground in falling back, and it should
have taken forty-eight hours for the
Bulgarians to enter the town. Yet at
8 o'clock the troops were breaking their
rifles before the famous mosque of
Sultan Selim.
The Bulgars raced into the town, the
Shipka men (the 23d) winning by a
short head, for at 9.30 they were on
the Arrnautkeui road and had entered
the suburbs. The white flag was run
up on the fire-station tower at 9.35, and
at 9.45 the allied cavalry galloped into
the town and took Shukri prisoner in
his headquarters at Haiderlir fort.
The Vali, Ismail Pasha, tried to parley
and obtain conditions, but was told
that a captured town cannot make
terms. There remained nothing but the
whipping in of the 20,000 missing pris-
oners which entailed the house-to-house
search that Ivanoff so dreaded. For-
tunately in only three or four cases did
fanatics, harbored by friends in the
low quarters, attempt street fighting,
or kill the searchers. A couple en-
sconced in a mosque accounted for
fourteen Bulgarians.
Adrianople had fallen. Fourteen
other generals, in past times, had en-
tered her gates victorious.
The tale of the siege from within
lacks the romance which surrounded
Paris, but it is full of quaint details,
and a full account from the pen of a
Western resident will, it is hoped, ap-
pear. Few places can boast a more
useless or unreliable civil population.
Low-class Greeks, cringing and treach-
erous Armenians, usurious, unwarlike
Spanish Jews, the sweepings of the
Levant, — where could one look for a
spark of patriotism, the makings of a
single volunteer? One fact alone was a
certainty : it would be necessary to use
force to extract the truth as to hidden
resources in case of need.
Sublime over-confidence reigned from
the outset, and the citizens were or-
dered to provision themselves for two
months only. Grain was even turned
away from the gates.
The first shrapnel was a grievous ex-
perience for Levant nerves, and for
two days all shops were closed and the
streets deserted save for foreigners.
Even quite late, no matter in what
quarter of the town there fell a shell,
up went the shutters and away went
the people, and the philosophic calm
of the Oriental must have been a most
valuable asset in those days. Matters
were not improved by the existence of
a feud between Shukri and Ismail, so
that the civil and military authorities
were in constant collision.
• Important news was rigorously with-
held from the garrison, so that for some
weeks it was firmly believed in the town
that the Turkish army was smashing
the allies all along the line. To prevent
complete absence of information from
arousing suspicions, occasional bulle-
tins detailing skirmishes and outpost
affairs were distributed, and at other
times general notices remarkable mere-
ly for the platitudinous nature of their
contents, were issued. One posted on
the wall of the Konak on November 21
contained the following paragraph:
* IV. The death foreordained by God
is impossible to avoid/
One wonders what comfort or encour-
agement a soldier could extract from
that ! Its efficacy was soon to be tested
anyhow, for that very evening the first
852
A CORRESPONDENT AT ADRIANOPLE
regular bombardment, extending over
thirteen days, was opened. An awful
panic at once seized the foreign colony,
and the consuls were obliged to hold
a consultation and decide where their
timid flock could be bestowed in safety
— a difficulty finally solved by send-
ing them to the school of the Soeurs
d'Agram.
The first hint of Ottoman disaster
was conveyed in a notice, printed in
French and Turkish, which was drop-
ped from an aeroplane on November
24. This was easily countered by an
official denial, telling the soldiers to
place no confidence in the Bulgarian
version, and all went well until the
armistice. The soldiers had been as-
sured that this had been expressly de-
sired by the Bulgarians, and naturally
accepted this as confirmation of Turk-
ish successes. Their disgust can there-
fore be imagined when they saw the
trains running down to Tchataldja
and picked up the European papers
with details of Lule Burgas and Kuma-
novo which the Bulgarians studious-
ly dropped from the window. To the
majority of the garrison and civilians,
this period was intensely dull and try-
ing, though the Turkish and Servian
outposts were on friendly terms.
Curiously enough, toward the end a
great activity was noticeable among
the Young Turk officers, whom Shukri
had hitherto checked. In ones and twos
they were closeted with Ismail, and the
news of the coup d'6tat and Nazim's
death surprised no one in Adrianople.
Though the majority of officers of either
party were glad that the fortress was
not to be surrendered without strik-
ing a blow, the place was doomed.
Shukri was no longer master1; for a
Young Turk officer told a foreign con-
sul that if he did not do what they said,
he would be killed like Nazim. The
1 He was compelled by the Young Turks to
order the disastrous sortie of February 9.
great error of not taking all the mills
and grain under military control had
been committed, and it was now plain
that the bread-supply could not last
long. A victualling commission was
formed to requisition eatables, draw
up a fixed tariff, and decide on the
daily quantity, but it was not a success.
First, one of the principal members was
found concealing grain in his own cel-
lars, and after obeying the regulations
for a day or two, the Greeks and Jews
found it more profitable to say that
their stock was exhausted, and then
sell the goods privately at a high price,
if a rich man entered the premises.
Meanwhile the renewal of the bom-
bardment on February 3 had caused a
fresh outbreak of panic, especially as
a number of shells fell in the new quar-
ter where the better-class residents had
their quarters. A small hospital of fifty
beds which the British and American
colony, nine strong, had founded had
to be moved farther out, while the
French and Italian citizens took refuge
in the cellars of the Resurrectionist
Fathers. The conduct of the Soeurs
d'Agram at this period was wonderful.
They remained at their posts, tending
the sick and wounded, a smile of en-
couragement ever on their lips, al-
though their hospital was in an exposed
place and shells were falling all around.
They put the men to shame.
Early in March the pinch was sorely
felt. Grease and butter had given out
completely; petroleum was $8 a tin,
sugar and salt $2 a pound, charcoal
and coal unobtainable, also dry wood,
for the Turks had deforested the slopes
around the town, giving it a desolate,
woebegone appearance, especially as
all the fine villas on the outskirts were
heaps of ruins. Fodder was finished,
and the oxen were pitifully thin, while
a heavy fall of snow just as the sheep
were lambing threatened them with
annihilation, until luckily a thaw set
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
853
in and freed the green shoots which
had been forced on by the snow. To-
bacco of an inferior quality was plen-
tiful, but cigarette papers could not be
purchased for gold, and the Jews, mind-
ful of their forefathers' skill in making
bricks without straw, came to the res-
cue with fragments of schoolboys'
copybooks, with 'Balbus built a wall'
and the 'Pons Asinorum' still legible.
These masterpieces cost 2 and 3 piastres
(10 and 15 cents) a packet of 20. Bread,
however, was the greatest need. The
last sacks of grain were kept for the
garrison, and when that was exhausted,
a horrid mess of bran, barley husks,
broomseed or canary seed, of hideous
hue, with red and yellow patches, and
of revolting texture, was served out at
fifty cents a loaf. Yet, as is always the
case in places that have gone through a
siege, Ananias was given a better meal
on the Wednesday night at the consul-
ate than he had eaten for six weeks.
It was just the same at Ladysmith and
Port Arthur.
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
THE POETRY OF SYNDICALISM
THE rhapsody in this issue of The
Atlantic, entitled 'The Cage,' will not
pass without challenge. A rebel wrote
it, and thought and form alike proclaim
rebellion. There will be a few to sym-
pathize and many to contemn, while to
some it will seem clear that if there is
a poetry of anarchy, this is it. 'The
Cage' will call out plenty of literary
criticism, plenty of expressions of so-
cial sympathy or lack of it, but the sim-
ple point which needs emphasis is that
whether the poem repels or attracts the
reader, he will find in it, if he cares
to look, more of the heart and soul of
the Syndicalist movement than all the
papers of all the economists can teach
him. It is ever wise to listen to the seri-
ous voices of mankind, and the sinister
mutterings of our own day make the
farsighted pause to think. Some de-
tails concerning author and poem will
give point to these remarks.
Arturo M. Giovannitti was born in
the Abruzzi, Italy, in 1883. His father
was a physician and chemist, and he
himself received the fundamentals of a
literary education in the public schools.
At eighteen Giovannitti emigrated to
America, and, after encountering many
varied experiences of an immigrant in
search of a livelihood, he entered the
Union Theological Seminary in New
York, with the purpose of becoming a
minister of the Presbyterian Church.
Although he never graduated, Giovan-
nitti saw actual service in conducting
Presbyterian missions in more than
one city, and interested himself in the
work of the Church, until socialism
came to impersonate religion in his life
and led him through the vanishing
stages of unbelief into atheism.
During the Lawrence strike, Gio-
vannitti preached with missionary in-
tensity the doctrine of Syndicalism.
On June 20, on the charge of inciting a
riot, which resulted in the death of a
woman, he was arrested with Joseph
Ettor and another leader, and held
without bail for trial under a statute
which had not been invoked since the
854
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
conscription riots of the Civil War.
Through the unreadiness or policy of
their lawyers the prisoners spent nearly
seven months in jail. Then came the
trial which dragged on for nearly two
months longer. During this period of
enforced idleness, Giovannitti had ac-
cess to a library. Before his imprison-
ment he had written poems for the Ital-
ian papers; now English poetry was
revealed to him. He read it with in-
satiate eagerness and found in Byron
and Shelley the heady wine which his
rebellious nature craved. It was dur-
ing the trial that W. D. Hay wood, the
notorious Syndicalist, asked Giovan-
nitti to write something about * Six-
teenth-Century courts trying to solve
Twentieth-Century problems.' 'The
Cage* was the result. It was written
one evening while Giovannitti was still
greatly moved by news of the protest
strike in Lawrence, and by messages
of sympathy from his fellow citizens,
who in three separate districts of Italy
had nominated him for the Chamber of
Deputies.
We are not prepared to debate the
question whether Syndicalism has a
soul, but if it has, 'The Cage' gives
a picture of it. The philosophy of the
poem sounds harshly materialistic, yet
we must not forget that to the very
poor, bread, bed, and sunshine may
suggest something very different from
materialism. They are helps — almost
essential helps — to spiritual freedom.
Moreover, many readers will discern
some vague outline of a spiritual prin-
ciple in 'the fatherly justice of the
sun.' But even if the poem offers no
suggestion of some evolution toward an
idealism still to come, if sunshine and
a chance to feel its warmth are really
all these revolutionists desire, then to
be shut away from it is to them at least
an utter calamity.
It was the law which freed Giovan-
nitti. This law, read by 'dead men'
out of 'dead books,' had in it the spark
of the eternal life of justice. The logic
of facts is against the poet's repudia-
tion of the past. So thinks the con-
servative, and rightly. Even the radi-
cal may maintain that evolution itself
is against him. His 'singing cage' is a
part of the past continuing into the
present. It is not yet retransformed
and remade into the 'sword of justice'
of the future, but in the fullness of
time that new sword of justice will be
made out of the old cage. This is not
death. This is transfiguration.
Thus the radical. But most of us
commonplace folk, after pondering the
matter, will remark with Mr. Asquith
in his discussion of Parliamentary man-
ners, 'We are getting on!'
THE PUBLISHER AND THE BOOK
A LONG row of tall, soot-belching
smoke-stacks along the river front;
trainloads of manufactured goods leav-
ing the busy railroad yards almost
every day; a very efficient street rail-
way and interurban system; an up-to-
date, recently rehabilitated telephone
service; an adequate pure-water sup-
ply; an auto-equipped fire department;
a half-million-dollar hotel; a commis-
sion form of government ; a small Car-
negie library, and one lone bookstore:
such is the prosaic picture of our hus-
tling and bustling western city of
30,000 inhabitants.
This complex aggregate of material
push and intellectual stagnation may
perhaps explain to a certain extent the
publisher's complaint in the April
Atlantic, that the distribution of books
of real merit is a difficult and thus far
unsolved problem. 'The publisher and
the bookseller alike must confess that
the lack of sales of works of literature
is primarily due to the inadequacy of
present methods of distribution.' And
then 'the indifference of the public to
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
855
the new books of the day is commonly
blamed for the change in publishing
methods.'
Sweet consolation indeed!
Our lone bookshop makes a specialty
of office fixtures, from fancy waste-
baskets up to expensive mahogany
desks and approved filing devices; it
frames pictures, retails typewriters and
supplies, sporting goods of all kinds,
cameras and photographic sundries.
Whatever space is left after room has
been made for innumerable view-cards
of our proud and booming burg, for
the inanities of humorous-postal-card
designers, for fountain pens, calen-
dars, magnifying glasses and some fifty-
seven varieties of popular magazines,
is eagerly filled in with glaring post-
ers in multi-colored dress, lavishly for-
warded by the publisher to advertise
to the blase public his latest best seller,
a few copies of which are usually kept
on hand.
But generally the up-to-date reader
has long since made the acquaintance
of the fearless hero and the self-sacri-
ficing heroine between the covers of
the popular magazine; he has no time
or inclination to pore over their stir-
ring adventures afresh at the cost of
$1.50; he has passed on to the next
serial with its breathless situations and
melodramatic episodes.
Or if perchance this great boon have
not fallen to his lot, there is the little
Carnegie bookshelf, which he helps to
support, and where the latest effusions
of the inexhaustible novel-writer ap-
pear as early and as regularly as in our
lone bookstore. Several copies are on
hand, free for the asking. Why invest
the good coin of the Republic in an
article whose vogue is more ephemeral
than that of the proverbial insect?
For a work of general literature there
is of course no room in our busy book-
store, — and no demand that would
justify the investment on the pro-
prietor's part. Now it happens that I
am in favor of * keeping trade at
home,' and when I want some such
work, I carefully write out the title,
together with the author's and pub-
lisher's names, and take it to the book-
store, with instructions to order the
work for me. For I have long since
got over the habit of inquiring first
whether they have the book in stock : I
believe in the conservation of natural
resources, personal as well as national.
The order having been given, I wait
quietly and patiently, — in the sweet
anticipation of spending a few delight-
ful hours in the company of some se-
lect mind, — until the volume is sent
up, which is usually from four to eight
weeks later. A mild complaint, now no
longer ventured upon, brings the an-
swer that the order has been duly for-
warded to their 'jobbers in Chicago';
I have never succeeded in tracing it
any farther. 'At any rate, the book
may be here now almost any day.' I
am sorry to confess that at times I
have cast my principles of 'keeping
trade at home' to the winds!
This is an honest recital of twentieth-
century conditions in a wide-awake
American city, with — considering its
size — a not inconsiderable number of
millionaires.
Why has not some aggressive book-
dealer set up a rival establishment,
provoked competition, and stimulated
the book trade? Most probably be-
cause it would not pay. You see, we
are too much absorbed in industry and
manufacture, city improvements and
political quarrels, building projects
and corporation baiting, to have any
time left for deep cultural reading; and
this notwithstanding all the ennobling
influences which our elaborate and ex-
pensive public-school system is sup-
posed to exert in that direction.
Indeed, our well-meaning publishers,
to whom 'the publication of a worthy
856
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
and distinguished book is a matter of
high satisfaction,' are facing a bigger
task than they are perhaps themselves
aware of.
ON THE GENTLE ART OF LETTER-
READING
FROM time to time, one of my asso-
ciates in the Select Order of Old Fogies
launches an essay on the decay of let-
ter-writing as an art. He bemoans the
disappearance of the letter that ram-
bled for twenty pages through lush
meadows of gossip, leaving a trail of
epigrammatic philosophy to mark its
course, and was good enough for the
writer's posterity to print in a gift
book. Of course, his lamentation is di-
rected really against the telephone and
the typewriter, stenographers and pho-
nographs, cheap travel and cheaper
lettergrams and cheapest newspapers,
or, rather, the era of activity of which
these are fruits and symbols. To write
the old sort of letters required a degree
of leisure and an absolution from petty
desires and sordid cares which are
hardly conceivable under present con-
ditions of commerce and the cost of
living. Our ancestors put into their
letters what we now put into mono-
graphs and essays and ten-minute
chats with the Contributors' Club.
All that is left for a letter nowadays
is the remnant that can't be said face-
to-face at the cost of a short trip by
steam or electricity, or * hello '-ed over
a wire. It 's a waste of time to spend
it on composing such a trifle; so you
tell your amanuensis what to say, and
your signature does the rest.
Although, having a livelihood to
earn, I cannot sympathize with the
sentiment which would set the Clock
of Progress back a hundred years or so,
I have a complaint of my own to regis-
ter against the modern correspondent:
he does n't half read what the other
fellow writes to him. If he did, his let-
ters would make up in substance for
what they lack in style. I dare say
this fault, too, will be charged to the
atmosphere of hurry which envelops
the present generation; but that excuse
is insufficient to meet his case. Nine
times out of ten, his so-called answer is
not an answer at all, but means one or
more additional letters or no results;
therefore economy would lie in doing
the thing properly at the outset. From
my folio of specimens I choose a brace
so typical that everyone will recognize
them at sight.
To the proprietor of a summer hotel
I write: *I want two connecting rooms
with bath between, with outlook on the
water, and not above the fourth floor,
with two single beds in each room, for
the whole month of August. If you
will be able to accommodate me, please
let me know size and location of
rooms, and terms for the month, with
full board, for party consisting of two
adults and two children ten and twelve
years of age.' Neither Addisonian in
elegance nor Lamblike in geniality,
perhaps, but surely simple enough for
comprehension by the most common-
place mind. Back comes Mine Host's
answer: —
'Our rooms, single and in suite, com-
mand beautiful views of the ocean on
one side of the house, or of the moun-
tains on the other. Rates, according
to location and number of persons oc-
cupying, from $20 per week upward.
Shall be pleased to furnish you with
any information desired.'
Then, for goodness' sake, why has he
not furnished the information I not
only 'desired,' but specifically asked
for? It would have required no greater
effort to say : ' We can give your party
the accommodations mentioned in your
letter of June 16, for the month of Au-
gust, for $400. This offer will remain
open for receipt of your acceptance by
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
857
mail or wire till midnight of June 22.'
There we should have had the whole
bargain in a nutshell, to take or leave
as I saw fit, with no need of further
long-distance wrestling over facts and
terms.
Of a seedsman I inquire, in a letter
very brief, absolutely to the point, and
enclosing postage for reply, which of
two flowering plants whose bulbs I
have bought of him grows the taller. It
is already time to set out the bulbs, but
I want to put them into next summer's
bed in the order of their height. In re-
sponse I get a most polite note from
him, assuring me that he takes great
pleasure in mailing, under another
cover, an illustrated catalogue of all
the garden supplies he keeps for sale,
and will take further pleasure in filling
promptly any order with which I may
favor him, express prepaid on orders
exceeding $2.00 to one address, unless
sent C. O. D., and so forth and so
forth. As the illustrated catalogue trav-
els by third-class mail, I lose two days
in waiting for it. When it arrives, I
find it a rather bulky pamphlet, with
an index obviously not compiled by an
expert, by the aid of which I succeed,
after an hour's digging, in bringing to
light some descriptive text about my
two plants. It shows that they average
the same height of growth!
It would have cost that man, at the
most, the labor of putting together one
sentence of five or six words, to answer
the question I propounded, and spare
me the infliction of a pageful of phrases
which gave me no fact I had asked for,
and none I did not already know from
the advertisements he had been bom-
barding me with for the last dozen
years.
In spite of all the talk about the
modern disregard of manners, both
seedsman and landlord were courtesy
itself so far as externals go; yet neither
carried the spirit so far as to do for
me the little service requested. The
seedsman did better in this respect than
the landlord; but why should we be
reduced to such a choice between evils?
A like criticism will apply to half the
personal and intimate letters I receive
from friends. One or two even ignore
the address plainly given in my date-
line, and persist in sending their an-
swers to non-existing numbers or un-
discoverable streets.
My dear old grandfather, who wrote
all his own letters in a hand which,
down to the day of his death, was al-
most plain enough for a blind man to
read, taught me never to attempt to
answer a letter without placing it be-
fore me and reviewing it scrupulous-
ly, paragraph by paragraph. Hundreds
of times have I devoutly blessed his
memory for that lesson in the common-
sense of correspondence. Whenever,
lured by the pell-mell spirit of the age,
I stray from his precepts, I rue it; and
I can feel the flush of shame overspread
my face as I follow a first letter of re-
sponse with a second, rendered neces-
sary by the belated discovery of a
point left uncovered. The old copy-
book legend, * Haste breeds careless-
ness,' is as true as it was in the days
when good penmanship and good mor-
als went hand-in-hand in the training
of youth. If slam-bang and hurly-
burly have given its coup de grace to
the once gentle art of writing letters,
is not that all the more reason why,
before it is too late, we should rescue
the half-dead art of reading them?
ST. DAVID LIVINGSTONE
MUCH has appeared this spring in
righteous appreciation of David Liv-
ingstone. Many of us have been re-
newing the days, and the reading, and
the pictures of our youth when * Living-
stone — Stanley — Africa ' were magic
words. Did not every good American
858
THE CONTRIBUTORS' CLUB
family have those volumes on How I
Found Livingstone: books filled with
pictures which terrified and fascinated
us? But now as we read Livingstone
we are most impressed with his 'gra-
cious words' and * mighty deeds.'
It calls to my mind a famous story
of Cardinal Manning. That belligerent
ecclesiastic, dressed in a violet gown,
and wearing around his neck a massive
gold chain, used to say, with a melan-
choly smile, * No saints have walked in
England since the Reformation.'
And while he was musing, the fire
burned; while he was speaking, Liv-
ingstone was walking across a conti-
nent.
I don't know how many miles a man
must walk in order to be canonized,
but 29,000 seem enough to silence any
'advocatus diaboli.' And could any
candidate for the highest hagiology
exhibit a nobler courage or a finer
faith than Livingstone made manifest
in that grim crisis on the Loangwa?
And surely if ' irresistible grace ' be the
mark of the saint, how irresistible was
that grace so visibly manifest in his
life and so quietly in his words, which
opened for him pathways in deserts
and in forests, which won for him the
hearts of black folks, which went out
from him as virtue to Stanley at
Ujiji, and which after his death led
Susi, Chumah, and a nameless compa
ny of devoted men, to carry iiis bodv
the sea, and England. And what sacer-
dotalist of the strictest and straitest
sect, if called upon to imagine a fitting
departure for his saint, could ask for a
translation so eloquent, so impressive,
so glorious, as that of the silent mar
kneeling in prayer, beside his bed, in. a
hut built by Africans in the heart of
Africa? And could any pious monk, or
golden legend, devise a more appropri-
ate sepulchre than that which loyalty
and love gave to David Livingstone?
For his heart was buried in the heart of
the continent to which he gave heart,
and his bones in the great abbey of
the land which gave him birth. And
to complete the requirements of hagio-
logy, what pious puns the gentle monks
could have made on living stones, and
what scriptures they could have found
in Holy Writ for this modern David
fighting his Goliath, the slave trade!
Have no saints walked in England
since the Reformation? Are gentle-
men in violet and gold of necessity so
despondent?
AP
2
A8
v.lll
The Atlantic
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