Division
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Augustine: The Thinker
George W. Osmun
CINCINNATI: JENNINGS AND GRAHAM
NEW YORK: EATON AND MAINS
Copyright, 1906, by
Jennings & Graham
TO
Jig ^jtttor nnb jliitJte
PREFACE
No ATTEMPT is made in this volume to glorify
Augustine. The single aim is to present him as he
was — to preserve him from his adulators. To omit
the halo, is to be more just to him, and to be true to
ourselves.
Augustine lived in an age which, though de-
cadent, was tense with interest. Old institutions
and religions were passing away. New races and
a new religion were pressing forward for recogni-
tion and regnancy. Not least striking of the figures
that move to and fro upon this kaleidoscopic pano-
rama is that of the busy Bishop of Hippo. His
own personal struggles and his contentions in be-
half of the Faith are bound up with the great
movements of his age. In several important senses
he was a child of that age. But he nevertheless
dominates it. And it is to his genius, largely, that
Christianity owes its triumphant entry into the era
which followed.
6 Preface.
In fairness, therefore, both to Augustine and
his age, I have tried to show how he and the forces
of his time interacted upon one another.
In the performance of my task I have been un-
der obHgation to a great mass of literature bearing
upon Augustine. Of this I would acknowledge
especially Joseph McCabe's brilliant ''Saint Augus-
tine and His Age" (though I have found myself in
constant dissent from his implications), and to
Neander's discriminating and scholarly "History of
the Christian Church." For unusual privileges and
great courtesy I would also express my gratitude
to the Rev. Sanuiel Ayres, B. D., librarian of the
Drew Seminary.
Westuampton, L. L, April 17, 1906.
CONTENTS
Chapter Pagb
I. Getting a Start, - - - - ii
II. Carthage and the Dawn of an Ideal, 21
III. Mani", 30
IV, The Imperial City, - - - 44
V. In the City of Ambrose, - - - 55
-VI. Through Plato to Christ, - - 67
VII. Cassiciacum, 81
VIII. Back to Africa, _ . - - 93
IX. Hippo Regius, 107
X. The Bishop at Work, - - - 121
XI. DoNATUs, - - - - - -140
XII. The Two Cities, - - - - 161
XIII. Labors — ^Literary and Theological, - 183
XIV. The Pelagians, - - - - 201
XV. Augustine and the Final Struggle, - 224
XVI. The Stream of Augustinianism, - 242
FIRST PERIOD
From November 13, 354 A. D. to Easter,
387 A. D.
CHAPTER I.
GETTING A START.
Ii^ you follow the southern coast-line of the
Mediterranean east from the Pillars of Hercules,
you come at length to a great promontory jutting
into the sea toward the Island of Sicily. In the
day of our story, this promontory was dominated
by the presence of historic Carthage. But of deeper
interest to us is a very much smaller town, Tha-
gaste, that lay some twoscore miles to the south.
For here at Thagaste, exactly five hundred years
after the fall of the first Carthage, was born Aure-
lius Augustinus, familiar in history as St. Augus-
tine, Bishop of Hippo.
Thagaste stood on the first of a series of broadly-
sloping terraces, which, climbing up from the
broken neck of Carthaginian territory, and reach-
ing westward to the far-away white summits of the
Atlas, formed the provinces of Numidia and Mauri-
tania. Favored by a moderate climate, made fer-
tile by abundant streams, sheltered by the over-
towering mountain ranges, sweetened by the breath
of the sea, it is not surprising that these swelling
plateaus abounded in wealth, and were covered
with hundreds of thriving towns and villages.
II
12
Augustine: The Thinker.
By the middle of the fourth century the Roman-
ization of North Africa had been long since com-
plete. Xumidia was annexed to Rome under Julius
Cc-esar, while Claudius, about a century later, added
Mauritania. Everywhere the organization and
thrift of the empire were manifest. To lordly
Roman families had been assigned the vast estates,
whose waving fields of corn, tilled by native slaves,
constituted the granar}- of the Mistress City, and
brought an unprecedented prosperity and luxury.
So there grew up numberless colonies, joined firmly
by the world-famed imperial roads. Some of these
towns reproduced the magnificence of Rome itself
in walls and gates, mausoleums, amphitheaters,
baths, basilicas, and temples, and arches of triumph.
All this display was made possible by the iniquitous
fiscal policy of Rome. But the taxes became so ex-
cessive as to impose an intolerable burden upon the
shoulders of the middle classes, and this ''Soul of
the Empire" was gradually crushed till the day of
the invading Vandal, who laid low the Roman rule
c'lnd the Roman glory. However, until that day,
which was delayed until Augustine had finished his
labors, the mixed population of the towns gave
tlicmsclvcs up to the glittering life which Augustine
himself compared "to glass in its fragile splendor."^
The Christian Church had, indeed, followed
close in the wake of the Roman seizure of
North Africa. It was here that the first Eatin
1 Cay of God, IV, 3.
Getting a Start. 13
version of the Scriptures originated. A century and
a half before our date, the first great Latin apologist,
Tertullian, had hurled his defense of Christianity
against the pagans. From him we learn that even
so early the triumph of the Church had been far-
reaching. "We leave you your temples only. We
can count your armies. Our number in a single
province will be greater."
It must be confessed, however, that the Chris-
tian ardor of the earlier days had grown measurably
cooler in the presence of the pomp and worldliness
of the times. There had been numerous lapses un-
der the keen persecutions of Decius and Diocletian.
But it is to be feared that the presence of material
prosperity and prevailing corruption was much
more effective in reducing the number of Chris-
tians. Even among those who were numbered as
Christians, Christianity was in many cases hardly an
affair of passion. The master-passion of those days
was rather the games and public spectacles. If
these chanced on the same day with the religious
feasts or worship in the Churches, the latter gen-
erally proved the sufferers by being less popular.
So much was this so that a convention at Carthage,
in 401, appealed to the emperor to cause the trans-
fer of the public shovv^s from days distinctly Chris-
tian to other days of the week. Augustine himself
complains,^ on a certain day given to pagan festi-
vals, of the slight attendance upon his preaching, of
2 Tractate VII, 2, on the Gospel of St, John.
14 Augustine: The Thinker.
men, and especially of women, "whom, if not fear,
modesty at all events ought to deter from the pub-
lic scene."
Unfortunately the North African Church was
weighted also with a persistent schism. It will fall
to our lot later to consider the part Augustine took
in what is known as the Donatist controversy. For
now it is enough to record the fact that for many
years already Donatism had been waging a relent-
less war on the Catholic Church. The emperor,
Constantine, had found it impossible to stay the
ravages of the schism by imperial edict, and now
the entire Church of Africa was rent asunder by the
obstinate disputes of the rival parties. In most of
the towns was presented the unedifying spectacle of
basilicas and bishops opposed to one another, heated
public debates, services interrupted by fierce on-
slaughts, and even bloodshed and family strife — all
in the name of religion.
The town of Thagaste doubtless reflected most
of these ecclesiastical and political conditions at
the time of Augustine's birth, November 13, 354.
His mother was a Christian. Without attempting
to glorify Monica, as many have done, we may ac-
cept Augustine's own estimate of her "devout con-
versation toward God" and "her holy tenderness
and attentivencss" to her son.^ It can hardly be
doubted that Augustine owed a vast debt to his
godly mother for her prayers and unconquerable
* Confc&MODk, IX, 33.
Gi:tting a Start. 15
love, as he received from her also that reUgious
yearning, which did not forsake him even in his
Vv^orst years. So much can not be spoken for the
father. Patricius was an unlovely, poor freeman,
with crude tastes and of a shallow, harsh disposition.
A man requiring constant propitiation to prevent
passionate outbursts of anger, with no principles to
deter him from shameless disregard of his marriage
vows, he w^ould in our day be catalogued as a heart-
less brute. But even him Monica gained over to a
Christian confession before his death. To them, in
addition to Aurelius, were born a son, Navigius,
and a daughter, both of whom were Christians.
At his birth, Augustine tells us, he was sprinkled
with salt and signed with the cross, signifying his
admission as a candidate for baptism. As to the
various attitudes of his infancy, the presumed sins
of little indignations and pale jealousies and bitter
looks, of which we read in the Confessions, it is
hardly proper to speak, since Augustine himself
makes considerate avowal of his having received
these details from another or "guessed them from
other infants."
"After that I was put to school to get learning.
And if slow to learn I was flogged."^ The millen-
nial period for boys, of abandoning corporeal in-
flictions, had not yet arrived, and Augustine seems
to have had no exemption from a due share of
"stripes." "One and one are two" was a "hateful
4 Confessions, I, 14.
i6 Augustine: The; Thinke:r.
song" to him, ball-playing and shows offered more
attractions than obedience to his teachers, while he
chafed under the inconsistency of his elders, calling
their idleness "business" and his games "trifling."
With all his early detestation of learning, Au-
gustine soon showed himself to be a youth of rare
memory and capacity. Reading, writing, and arith-
metic gave way at length to the higher training
under the "grammarian." With the increased dig-
nity attaching to this salaried teacher, whose school-
room was separated from the vestibule by an im-
pressive curtain, and with far less prosaic studies
to awaken his imagination, Augustine became a
more devoted student. To what keen-fancied boy,
reared within a day's journey of mighty Carthage,
would not tales, in his native tongue, of the sack of
Troy and the coming of /Eneas, have abiding in-
terest? The mythologies of Rome, too, and the
wondrous deeds of the men of the empire, were
surely to Augustine the lad more than the "pleas-
ant spectacle of vanity" which they became to
Augustine the mature ecclesiastic.
Toward the study of Greek, however, Augustine
showed a positive aversion, probably because he
was "compelled to learn" it. "The difficulty of
learning a Greek language mingled with gall all the
sweetness of those fabulous Grecian stories."^ It is
for this that Augustine preferred in later years the
Latin version of Platonist writings," and felt him-
a Confessions, I, 23. 6 Confessions, VIII, 13.
Ge^tting a Start. 17
self too little acquainted with the Greek tongue to
read and understand therein discussions upon ab-
stract themes.^ But he seems, with advancing
years, to have mastered his Greek sufficiently for
appreciation of the Greek texts of Scripture.^
By the time Augustine was fourteen, he had
fitted himself for studies still more advanced. Be-
cause of his uncommon ability, his parents deter-
mined he should receive advantages superior to
those at Thagaste. Accordingly he was sent to
Madaura for training in rhetoric. Already he had
developed a fond hospitality to the follies of the
merry world about him. And though he was "soft-
ened by friendship" and "shunned sorrow, mean-
ness, and ignorance," he was not a stranger to lying,
pilfering, deceit, and pride. During a sudden ill-
ness— probably nothing more serious than always
happens to boys who are "enslaved by gluttony"
and steal from their "parents' table and cellar"^ —
he wished vigorously for Christian baptism. This
his pious mother was on the point of providing for,
when he quickly recovered. Hence the rite was
deferred, for in those days it was often customary
to put off baptism till the close of life, as in the
case of the Emperor Constantine. Thus it could
be said, in accord with a wooden notion of this
sacred sacrament: "Let him alone, let him act as
he likes, for he is not yet baptized."^^
7 On the Trinity, III, i. 8 Cf. On Christian Doctrine, II, 11-15.
9 Confessions, I, 30. 10 Confessions, i, 18.
2
i8 Augustine: The Thinker.
At IMadaura, twenty miles farther south in the
Province of Numidia, the prevalent Roman in-
fluences and pagan practices were not calculated to
advance Augustine in piety or to put a check upon
his restless nature. The powers at Rome were just
then more tolerant of the heathen cults, as was
partly evident from the statues of the gods, reared
everywhere in the town, and especially from the
majestic image of jMars in the Forum. But these
were only the bolder marks of the pagan atmos-
phere which pervaded the place. The majority of
the populace were not in sympathy with the re-
ligion of his mother. And though he was still a
catechumen, and perhaps quartered with Christian
relatives, the magic enchantments of heathenism
must have woven themselves about his eager mind.
By a boy, who had already found the easy path of
vice, there was little to be desired in the worship
of the crude Christian chapel, as compared with the
elaborate ritual of the temples. In later years,
Augustine addressed the ''men of Madaura" as "his
fathers," but he could never tear from his mind the
impressions made there by his witnessing the sacri-
legious Bacchanalia.
His study of rhetoric hardly contributed to any
lingering loyalty he may have had for the truth.
The pursuit of the fine art of declamation, with
minute attention to "inferences, definitions, and
divisions,"'^ was meant primarily to produce mere
11 On Christian Doctrine, II, 55. Cf. IV, 1-5.
Ge:tting a Start. 19
cleverness in oratory. Learning was becoming
more and more a thing of conventions. Depth and
philosophic outlook were sacrificed to polish and
sophistry. To be sure Augustine was intended for
the bar, and to be a successful pleader in his day
one must be ingeniously plausible. Hence the for-
mal mastery of rhetorical devices was indispensable.
Still one may be pardoned for wishing, after a pro-
longed exploration of many of Augustine's laby-
rinthine diffusions, that he had become possessed of
the art of curtailment as well as that of elabora-
tion. Certainly Augustine was not deepened by
contact with the superficial studies and pagan mas-
ters of Madaura.
At any rate, this period of unrestrained famil-
iarity with the ways of the world and of shallow
learning, fitted Augustine for a perilous suscepti-
bility to what awaited him during the year to follow
at Thagaste. The ambition of Patricius for his
son, led him to go beyond his means, in order to
send Augustine away for a further residence at
Carthage. But a year was needed for full arrange-
ments, and this time Augustine spent in frivolity
and idleness. He became involved in the wanton
comradery of reckless fellows of the town, among
v/hom he was "ashamed to be less shameless." The
admonitions of his fearful mother he regarded only
as "womanish counsels," which he would blush to
obey.
Patricius was just winning the praise of his fel-
20 Augustixk: The: Thinker.
low-townsmen for the laudable sacrifices in behalf
. )f his son, when his death seemed to bring Augus-
tine's career to a sudden stop. The ''Confessions"
make onlv a passing notice of the demise of his
father, so that there was doubtless no great friend-
ship between them. Fortunately, at this crisis, a
wealthy decurion Romanianus, whose generosity
Augustine never forgot, received the promising lad
into his house and provided funds for his advance
along the highway of knowledge. Thus was Augus-
tine's face turned towards Carthage and the long
struggle for truth.
CHAPTER II.
CARTHAGE, AND THE DAWN OF AN
IDEAL.
The: situation of ancient Carthage was too
strategic for it to remain long unoccupied after its
ruthless destruction by Africanus in 146 B. C.
Many years had not passed before colonies set out
from Rome to re-people and resurrect the City of
Hannibal. These beginnings, under Gains Gracchus
and Julius Caesar, came to higher completion when
Augustus, a century after its ruin, made Carthage
the proconsular seat of Africa. With this outward
restoration of the former Punic glory, New Car-
thage became a center of Roman corruption and
reckless living. Upon the abruptly rising citadel-
hill called Byrsa, was reared in honor of the
"deified man," ^sculapius, a new temple, ap-
proached by a wide terrace of sixty stairs. On the
same summit, overlooking the two busy harbors,
stood a beautiful palace of Rome's representative,
at one time the historian Sallust. Once more the
reservoirs on the south and west, and the huge
aqueduct from the distant hills, poured their waters
into the city below; outgoing ships bore their bur-
dens of corn to Rome and the East, and returning,
21
22
Augustine: The Thinker.
stuffed Carthage with wealth and luxury; in the
broad Forum at the foot of the hill a transformed
senate-house was alive with demagogues, and the
Temple of Apollo with its worshipers; life in Car-
thago Nova became an alluring passion with the
Roman aristocracy, and their sumptuous houses re-
sounded with revelry and debauch.
It is doubtless true that Roman Carthage was
religious. But religion included the worst abom-
inations of paganism. The hideous cult of Sat-
urn had been suppressed by a severe visitation upon
its votaries. But a temple to the god had been
built with great magnificence upon the ruins of
the former temple to the same deity. For heathen-
ism persisted in Carthage longer than in Rome.
The Carthaginians still worshiped images of the
old Tyrian Hercules. Once, when a magistrate
ventured to order the head of Hercules to be gilded,
Augustine tells us the Christian part of the popu-
lace were excited with such furious zeal, that special
measures had to be taken by the bishops to pre-
vent violence. Worst of all, if there could be a
deeper depth, was the worship connected with the
gigantic temple of the goddess Coelestis,^ with its
two-mile inclosure. This temple, which, previous
to its destruction, was looked upon as one of the
architectural triumphs of the age, was restored by
Augustus, and its shameless practices continued in
Carthage long after Rome had ceased to counte-
1 Greek Aphrodite, Laiiii Venus, Syrian Astarte.
Th^ Dawn o^ an IdejaIv. 23
nance them. Through the streets of the city wan-
dered the strange creatures who passed as priests
of this Hcentious cult. Augustine himself gives a
gruesome picture of the ceremonies which were a
daily occurrence before the shrine of this vulgar
"virgin goddess." From all sides a vast crowd have
gathered and stand closely packed together as they
worship, "with prayer and with obscene rites."
There are met immodest stage girls, women of base
intent, foul-mouthed men, profligates, and harlots,
who glory in the sight, that greets their eyes, of
nameless vices, enacted by lewd prayers, with a
pretense of reverence.^
If Carthage was religious, it was even more
persistently bent on pleasure. Following the fashion
set by Rome, with her Circus Maximus, the Car-
thaginians became as intense devotees of the Cir-
censian pastimes as they were of the temples. Au-
gustine seems not to have shared in this fondness for
the circus, nor for the ruder debauch of the gladia-
torial combats. Before many years he counted it a
joy to have rescued a young friend from their fas-
cination. But he became familiar with them, and
in later days acknowledged how slight were the at-
tractions of Christian worship and preaching when
the exhibitions were in progress.
It was the theater which especially attracted
Augustine. What appealed tp him there was the
vivid representation of such human follies and
8 City of God, II, 26.
24
Augustine;: The: Thinker.
weaknesses as were beginning to get a firm grip
upon his own life.^ It was not surprising that the
early Church adopted such stern measures against
the stage-plays, and excluded from baptism those
who attended them. Whatever may have been the
quality of the stage in the earlier history of the em-
pire, it is certain that it had touched its lowest
depths by the time Augustine went as a student to
Carthage. Not only were actors cut off from all
civic honors, and actresses looked upon as infamous
— the drama itself had become mere dribble and
obscenity. Legerdemain, crude pantomime, and
coarse jesting supplied surfeit to the sordid appe-
tites of the populace. Mr. McCabe finds Augus-
tine's conduct in youth ''unusually regular," and
hardly takes the "Confessions" seriously. He cites
the testimony of Vincentius, a Rogatian bishop, to
the eflFcct that when they were acquaintances in
Carthage, Augustine was "a quiet and respectable
youth," — but he neglects Augustine's reply that
"not every one who is indulgent is a friend" and
"you know me now to be more desirous of rest, and
earnest in seeking it, than when you knew me in my
earlier years in Carthage." At any rate, Augustine's
patronage of these degrading "exhibitions of stupid
buffoonery" is evidence enough of a lamentable
morbidness and grossness of taste.
Any lingering indisposition to admit this ought
to be overborne by certain other considerations. In
* Confessions, III, 3.
The Dawn oi^ an Ide:ai,. 25
addition to the morally tainted atmosphere he was
breathing in the temples, the games, and the theat-
ricals, Augustine was occupying only a shallow re-
lation to the Church. Though he continued to at-
tend Christian services, he had no other than a con-
ventional motive for doing so. He was a cate-
chumen still, and Christianity was the confession
of his mother ; therefore, he went into the basilicas
with other catechumens. But his meditations there
were anything but devout — indeed, were wandering
constantly to forbidden objects of sinful desire.*
It may be he found little encouragement in the
Church. The influence of Cyprian still hung as a
kind of halo over the city. But it was not an age
remarkable for piety. Accessions in large numbers
were not wanting. But conversions which signified,
as Neander puts it, "an exchange of open, undis-
guised paganism, for a nominal Christianity cover-
ing a pagan way of thinking," far exceeded in num-
ber the conversions which reached and transformed
the inner disposition. Augustine complains that the
Church is full of the former kind, and "seldom is
Jesus sought for Jesus' sake."^ Immorality, drunk-
enness, and rioting were common among members
of the Church. And in these respects the young
student must have found slight distinction between
Christian and pagan. But it doubtless caused him
little concern.
The fact is, his studies at this time were not
4 Confessions, III, 5. 6 On the Gospel of John, Tractate, 20, 10.
26 Augustine:: Thd Thinker.
leading in the direction of lofty thought. At the
university he made rapid advance. But he admits
that craftiness was the mark of attainment. The lack
of moral earnestness apparent in the living of the
men of his day showed itself also in their culture.
Rhetorical flourish and embellished phrase were
made a deceptive garb for such scraps of Greek
philosophy as could be combined into an artificial
"system," which in reality was only a ''literary med-
ley." Grammar and rhetoric were the chief depart-
ments of study, and we must not, of course, under-
estimate the great proficiency which was attained by
such men as Augustine in dialectics and the princi-
ples of eloquent discourse, nor the vast amount of
information which they had ready at their command.
In addition to rhetoric, logic, music, arithmetic, and
geometry constituted the daily round of Augus-
tine's intellectual pursuit. Besides this, as a task
outside the regular curriculum, he mastered
Aristotle's ''ten categories." On the other hand,
any one at all acquamted with the works of Augus-
tine must have noticed the hollowness of a great deal
of his reasoning. Under conditions, in which casu-
istry and declamation were made easy substitutes
for profound thinking, one can hardly expect to find
a youth progressing fast in the art of high living.
Conditions were hardly improved for Augustine
by his associates. To put it mildly, they were bent
on mischief rather than learning. They were un-
der no restraint of discipline, would burst in upon
The: Dawn oi^ an Idejai,. 27
a master with wild gesticulations and impudent in-
dignities, and upon the street greeted strangers
with jeers and unpardonable insolence.^ It is true
Augustine reprobated the worst of their crude rev-
elry. Nevertheless he rather shamefacedly admits
he "was delighted with their friendship at times."
During this period also Augustine formed the
illicit alliance which embittered his entire after life.
Nothing can be gained by attempting to smooth
over this transaction. As has been shown repeat-
edly, he felt the Christian standard of living which
his mother exemplified. It was this standard, and
not the weak substitutes for it which, in the world
around him, glared defiance to known moral de-
mands, that made Augustine conscious also of liv-
ing below his own ideal. His sin looks no less ugly
because of its setting in an age which was tolerant
of profligacy. As to the character and social rank
of Augustine's mistress, there can be little profit
in making inquiry, especially as the "Confessions"
reveal so little. To her, at least, it is creditable
that for fourteen years they lived in mutual fidelity
— a fact remarkable in a day of disgusting moral
laxity — and that upon her release she seems to have
entered upon a life of purity. Augustine, accord-
ing to the highest ethical principles, should have
married her instead of casting her ofif only to take
up with another. But the "Confessions" must be ac-
cepted at their face-value. In them, the sorrowing
6 Confessions, III, 6, and V, 14.
28 Augustine: The Thinker.
bishop laid bare to mankind the pitiful truth, and
mankind must judge in mercy. With all that may
be searched out to disintensify the blackness of the
youth's sad plight, it was too black, a thing to re-
gret, both for what it was, and for what it uncov-
ered of inward foulness. But no regret for it could
be keener than Augustine's own.
We are therefore compelled to believe that
Augustine's experience was as bad as he makes it
out. The conflict had begun in him of the young
man whose vision has far outrun his grasp. But
he had not forsaken all his best. For one thing a
proud ambition stirred in his breast. He had made
some attainment, and was conscious of superiority
over his fellows. An eagerness for knowledge took
hold of him. Possibilities of honorable distinction
beckoned him on to the heights. Perhaps already
he was casting about for a safe path out of the
moral wilderness into which he was plunged. It
was in a mood like this that he happened upon a
treatise of Cicero, the "Hortensius," now unfortu-
nately lost. The importance of this book at such a
crisis can be estimated from its effect upon the
young rhetorician. In face of its exhortation to
philosophy, erudition and decorations of style be-
came of minor importance. ''Worthless suddenly
became every vain ambition to me; and, with an
incredible warmth of heart, I yearned for an im-
mortality of wisdom, and began now to arise that
I might return unto Thee." Whatever had been
The: Dawn o? an Ide^ai,. 29
his dream of wealth, rank, and worldly happiness,
this work set his dream at rest. Here, then, was a
new and splendid inspiration. It had in it no re-
formatory power. But it enlisted Augustine in the
long quest of wisdom. God had hung in the skies
an ideal.
CHAPTER III.
MANI.
When Augustine declares^ that the ardor newly
awakened by the "Hortensius" did not take com-
plete hold of him, because he failed to find in the
book the name of Christ, he is not to be taken too lit-
crally.2 What he doubtless means is, that from a
Christian point of view there was no moral settle-
ment for him except in Christ. The man who opens
his ''Confessions" with the familiar words: "Thou
hast formed us for Thyself, and our hearts are rest-
less till they find rest in Thee," is the man who has
experienced the absoluteness of the Christian faith.
No message of a pagan philosopher, however high-
minded, could speak a final word to him.
r.ut the "Hortensius" did give a directive word,
and Augustine followed it. In this way he fell to
reading the Scriptures. If it is true that he read
the earliest Latin translation, which had been used
in Africa from the days of Tertullian, we can un-
derstand somewhat the repulsion he felt at its rude,
even l)arbarous style, "unworthy to be compared
with the dignity of Tully."^ To a proud young
1 Confessions, III, 8. 2 Cf., c. p., McCabe, St. Augustine and His
Age, p. 54. 3 Confessions, III, 9.
30
Mani. 31
student with whom ornate phraseology was a first
requisite of culture, the inartistic African version
was ugly, indeed, even repulsive. And there was a
second reason. All athirst as he was for wisdom,
he could hardly be expected to endure the intoler-
ance of an apostle who threw to the winds the ''wis-
dom" of the Greeks, and preached a doctrine of
''foolishness." Presumably there were still other
burdens connected with his acceptance of the Old
Testament, for even among Christians of the West
there was a widely sown distaste for that part of
the Scriptures. In this condition of mind, Augus-
tine was quite susceptible to any philosophy, even
the shallowest, which made a show of religion, and
was prepared to answer his questions. Because it
seemed to fit into this dire situation, he turned now
to the system known as Manichseism.
According to the Arabic tradition, Mani, the
founder of the system, was a Persian of high birth,
who, in answer to angelic visitations, separated
himself from the Parsism of his father about 238
A. D. Claiming to be the Paraclete promised by
Jesus, and deriving his teachings from the Magi
and the Christians, he journeyed in many lands for
forty years, scattering his doctrines in India, China,
and Turkestan. Eventually he returned to Persia,
gained favor in the court, but at length was cruci-
fied by order of King Bahraim I (about 276), and
his skin, stuffed with straw, was hung at the city
gate. Meanwhile his twelve apostles had spread
32 Augustine: The Thinker.
Westward and had won many disciples. Accord-
ing to one account a special envoy was sent to
Africa by Alani himself. There, in spite of the
rigorous edicts of Diocletian, Valentinian and Theo-
dosius, the sect made continued progress down to
Augustine's time.
But what was there in Alani which fascinated
Augustine and held him more or less closely cap-
tive for nine years? The religion of Mani in the
West took far more account of historical Chris-
tianity than did Mani himself. It grounded itself
upon a conception of Deity which was meant to
solve the world-old problems of the existence of evil.
There were two eternal beings — one, the King of
the Paradise of Light ; the other, Darkness. These
two kingdoms border upon one another, but during
the uncounted ages before creation exist in separa-
tion. Now begins the enactment of a vast tragedy.
Korth from the Kingdom of Darkness proceeds
Satan bent upon destruction ; he is met by the armed
Knight of Light who suflfers defeat. Whereupon
Satan snatches away and imprisons elements of the
Spiritual Kingdom. Out of the commingling of
elements is born the world. Here the unceasing
contest is prolonged, the sun meantime receiving
whatever liberated light has been mingled with
"hot devils," and the moon, that mingled with
"cold devils," while man is a child of demons
in whom are concentrated and locked up the
captive elements of light. But a fatal entangle-
Mani. 33
ment of these, with sensuaHty and covetous-
ness, makes for man a dual soul, one of good, and
one of evil. Life becomes what we actually see it
to be in the world — a struggle between the prin-
ciples of good and evil.
But what hope did Mani give that men might
eventually escape from the Kingdom of Darkness
and find refuge in the Kingdom of Light? It is
here more especially that the Manichseans of the
West departed widely from the teaching of Mani.
To him Jesus was merely a Jewish abomination.
Although Augustine says that he styled himself
"Manichseus, an Apostle of Jesus Christ," it is cer-
tain that he regarded Christ not as real, but as a
spiritual fancy. As for salvation, there was none
possible except through ceremonial observances and
a life severely ascetic. But as Manichseism came
into contact with Christianity, it took to itself much
of the outward aspect of the latter. A pretended ac-
ceptance of the New Testament, a certain loyalty
to Christ, a pronounced emphasis on the doctrine of
Redemption, a call for earnest self-denial — such
notes in their appeal to Western Christians made it
possible for the Manichaeans to gain many prose-
lytes. But Manichaeism was far from being, as it
is often represented,^ ''practically a Christian
heresy." Its resemblance to Christianity, so far as
can be seen, was purely superficial. In one respect,
it openly antagonized Christianity — it utterly cast
4 Cf. Rainy, The Ancient Catholic Church, p. 267.
3
34 Augustink: Thl: Thinke:r.
off the Old Testament. Perhaps this was one of
the chief features which commended the system of
Mani to seekers Hke Augustine. As already noticed,
the Old Testament Scriptures were passing through
the fires, much as in our day. And Christian
teachers, like Augustine later, and like many
"trembling evangelicals," as Professor Rendel Har-
ris has called them, of a still later era, were doing
little to meet the attacks made upon the morality and
religious teaching of the Old Testament. Instead
of arginnent and manly courage they presented
forced allegorical interpretations which only made
the difficulties bigger.^
Another element in Manichceism, which proved
attractive, was its system of morals. Among its
elect, there was expected thorough separation from
everything sordid and sensual — animal food, wine,
and "worldly" interests. In addition, chastity, rig-
orous fastings, systematic prayer, and sacred ablu-
tions were enjoined. A lower order of discipleship
was recognized, the miditores, but much greater
laxity was permitted them. Augustine never ad-
vanced beyond the position of a "hearer," and upon
his complete release did not hesitate to bring heavy
charges against the elect. Whether these asper-
sions were well founded or not is not clear. Some
ManiclKcans evidently practiced and could be de-
tected by a certain gauntness and pallor of counte-
nance. It is even said that "Manichaean" became a
5 Cf. KingsUy's truthful representation in Hypatia, Chap. XXI.
Mani. 35
b3^-word for any one who "did not appreciate the
felicity of good living."^ But it is evident that the
morality of the Manichseans was heathen rather
than Christian, and that the profession was rarely
borne out in practice. The extreme doctrinaire
Manichseans of Augustine's day formed themselves
into a distinct sect at Rome, under the leadership
of a wealthy zealot, Constantius by name. But
most of them found the discipline too harsh, and,
following the example of Faustus, forsook the habit
of sleeping on mats (whence they were known as
Mattarians), and slunk quietly away to their
feathers and goatskin coverlets. So we find Augus-
tine making a fling at the arrogance of Faustus,
the keenest and most unscrupulous enemy of Chris-
tianity in his age."^ Nevertheless, it is not diffi-
cult to see how enticing such pretensions, especially
when made with earnestness, would be in an age in
which pagan ascetic notions had already crept into
the Church.
There is, however, reason for believing that the
fundamental explanation of the rapid spread of
Manichseism is, as Professor Harnack has shown,®
that it was the most artistic and richest philosophic
attempt to disentangle the knotty problems of the
origin and meaning of evil. It brought down to a
tangible plain the mysteries of moral darkness and
6 Cf. Jerome, De Custod. Virg., Ep. i8 : " Quam vidcrint pallentem
atque tristem, Miseram, Monacham, et Manichseam vocant."
7 Reply to Faustus, The Manichaean, v. 7.
8 Article, Manichaeism, Encyclopaedia Britannica.
36 Augustine: The: Thinker.
light. By its fantastic parables of the struggles of
the human soul it caught and held the attention of
many disturbed minds. Then — a factor which
probably drew Augustine into its fold — it held forth
the possibility of a gradual unfolding of a secret
wisdom, and the final disappearance of all barriers
to the truth.
Whatever may have been the motive that led
Augustine to cast his lot with the Manichseans, or
the fervor of his first devotion to the new sect, it
can hardly be thought that his eyes remained long
unopened, or that his attachment was ever very real.
It is far more probable that, for the next decade,
he was casting about helplessly in a restless con-
fusion of unstable ideas, trying to persuade him-
self that the light had dawned upon him, but una-
ble to escape the insistent voice of his own con-
science. True it is that he displayed surprising
gullibility in crediting such absurd vagaries as that
a fig-tree wept when plucked, and its fruit, eaten
by a Manichaean "saint," forthwith exhaled par-
ticles of God and of angels.'^ Doubtless, also, Augus-
tine proved a successful proselyter and induced
many of his friends to join the Manichseans. Little
wonder that the pious Monica was shocked beyond
measure by the change which had come over her
son, or that, grieved by such blasphemies as his de-
rision of sacred things, she refused him shelter in
her house. For in his twentieth vcar Aus^ustine
a Of. Confessions, III, i8; and Against Faustus, XXXI, 5.
Mani. 37
had completed his course at Carthage and had re-
turned to the home of his boyhood. His mother
speedily found solace for her sorrow. First by a
dream, in which Augustine appeared with her on
a symbolic wooden rule, she became convinced he
would some day embrace her faith. This new hope
was strengthened by the famous conference with
a certain ecclesiastic, who, though he saw how in-
tractable and proud-spirited the young Augustine
was, could not answer the argument of her impor-
tunate tears. ''Go thy way," he said, "and God
bless thee, for it is not possible that the son of these
tears should perish." This she accepted as a voice
from heaven.
At Thagaste, Augustine set up a school for in-
struction in rhetoric or grammar, possibly both.
In this occupation, "amid much smoke," he sent
forth "some flashes of fidelity."^^ By smoke he
probably means his confessed passionate self-indul-
gence, his continued fondness for public spectacles,
and his wallowing in Manichaean mire. But there
were also "flashes of fidelity." With great dili-
gence he devoted himself to his studies. In these
he was to find his surest way out of the delusions
into which he had fallen. A mind which reveled in
the rugged matter-of-fact philosophy of Aristotle
could not long remain unconscious of the ludicrous
nature of the Manichaean error. But it is a char-
acteristic of Aus^ustine's mental unsettlement dur-
10 Confessions, IV, 2.
38 Augustine:: The: Thinker.
ing this time, that, along with his philosophical re-
searches, he mingled enough zeal for the weird
Manich?ean speculations to make him earnest in
his efforts to secure converts.^^
Thus, teaching, studying, prosel}1;ing, he con-
tinued a year or so in his native town Thagaste.
Among his pupils were the two sons of his wealthy
patron, Romanianus, and Alypius, who belonged
to an honorable family and was marked out for a
distinguished career. Of still another friend, Au-
gustine speaks in terms which reveal an uncommon
affection. This youth had shared with him the
frolics and studies of the earlier years in Thagaste,
and had turned Manichsean under Augustine's
leadership. The two now became inseparable, *'Nor
could my soul exist without him." But ere a year
had passed of this renewed friendship — "sweet to
me above all the sweetness of my life" — a fever
laid the young man low. None but Augustine's
own words, written years afterwards, can properly
convey his feelings : "At this sorrow my heart was
utterly darkened, and whatever I looked upon was
death. My native country was a torture to me, and
my father's house a wondrous unhappiness; and
whatsoever I had participated in with him, wanting
him, turned into a frightful torture. Mine eyes
sought him everywhere, but he was not granted
them ; and I hated all places because he was not in
them ; nor could they now say to me, ^Behold, he
11 On Two Souls, Against the Manichecs, IX.
Mani. 39
is coming,' as they did when he was aUve and ab-
sent. I became a great puzzle to myself, and asked
my soul why she was so sad, and why she so
exceedingly disquieted me; but she knew not what
to answer me. So I fretted, sighed, wept, tor-
mented myself, and took neither rest nor advice."
It is in such human passages as this that one finds
what was Augustine's nature at bottom — the abode
of warm affections and quick sympathies. If the
sterner features of the grim fighter are more notice-
able in the later years, it is not because human ten-
derness was crushed out (for one discovers gleams
of it in many of the letters to the last), but because
the busy bishop of Hippo became so entirely ab-
sorbed in the contests which were fought out over
his deepest convictions.
Although in addressing himself to Roman-
ianus/^ Augustine seems to indicate a lower mo-
tive— namely, to find a higher position — we may
credit his statement that his real reason, for now
turning his face toward Carthage again, was a de-
sire to gtt away from the scenes of his shattered
friendship. Hither some of his pupils repaired
with him to enter his school of rhetoric. A tal-
ented lad, Nebridius by name, and another called
Eulogius, were added to the number. Alypius also
went to Carthage, but did not at first attend the
school owing to an ill-feeling which had arisen be-
tween his father and Augustine. Though a youth
12 Against the Academics.
40 Augustine: The: Thinke:r.
of singular virtue, Alypius soon fell into the en-
tangling habits of the gayer set of Carthage, espe-
cially of those who followed the Circensian games.
Augustine knew his promise and longed to rescue
him. But no way appeared until one day the lad
chanced to saunter mto the lecture-room, contrary
to his father's command, and the rhetoric-master,
wishing to make plain a matter in hand, resorted
to a figure drawn from the circus, seizing the op-
portunity thus presented to expose the madness of
those who frequented the games. Though unin-
tentionally, this reference proved a God-send to
Alypius, who from that day abandoned the pastimes
and became a regular pupil. ^^
One of the pastimes of Carthage was the fine art
of divination. In after years Augustine describes
the votaries of astrologers as "deluded and imposed
upon by the false angels." But he himself appears
to have been a willing votary during his stay in
Carthage, and indeed for several years after. We
may give him credit for frowning upon the more
brutal practices of the soothsayers. There is an
interesting account of one of these. Augustine was
quite ambitious for success in the oratorical con-
tests of the theaters. Upon one such occasion, he
was approached by a magician who offered to slay
certain creatures as sacrifices and to deliver to
Augustine the coveted victory. But the answer
came back sharply: "If the garland were of im-
13 Cf. Confessions, VI, ii and 12.
Mani. 41
perishable gold, I would not suffer a fly to be de-
stroyed to secure it for me." But the arts of the
mathematicians which he came to look upon
as a ''baleful fellowship between rnan and devils,"
he now estimated of high value. In this he was not
alone. Not only among the pagans, but even in the
Church, were multitudes who staked everything
upon the fictions of horoscope-casters.^'^ What at-
tracted Augustine was the large number of cases in
which the truth was apparently foretold. The de-
risions of his young friend Nebridius did not suffice
to dislodge him from his belief. An able physician,
w^ho was proconsul, Vindicianus, also undertook to
dissuade him. But it was not until years after
when Augustine was farther advanced in scientific
study, and saw many pronounced failures to fore-
cast the future, that he yielded and became as firm
an opponent of all sorcery as he had been a sympa-
thizer.
Doubtless Augustine's interest in divination was
a part of his profounder study of astronomy.
Through the latter he now came to perceive the un-
scientific character of the Manichsean teaching. He
determined to probe into their books, and soon dis-
covered many glaring discrepancies between their
astronomic notions and the calculations of secular
philosophers. A sect which taught that the waxing
and waning of the moon was caused by receiving
souls from matter as it were into a ship and trans-
14 Confessions, VI, 8.
42 Augustine: The Tpiinkkr.
ferring- them "into the sun as into another ship/'^^
and which maintained that the sun's light shone
through a triangular aperture in the heavens/^ was
bound to lose cast with a young astrologer who
was beginning to learn the truth. Matters came to
a head with the visit to Carthage, in 383, of Faustus,
Manichsean Bishop of Mileve. Augustine was then
in his twenty-ninth year. He had eagerly desired
a conversation with this Faustus, on account of his
high reputation for learning, and his heralded abil-
ity to clear up all difficulties. He was found to be
a man of deference and volubility. But his suave
manners and fluent speech did not deceive the
skilled rhetorician. Augustine quickly unmasked
his lack of erudition. He wanted real answers
to real problems, and he was not long in see-
ing that the far-famed Faustus was not the
man to lighten him of his burdens. The one thing
which elevated the Manichsean bishop in Augus-
tine's eyes was his sincerity and modesty — he ac-
knowledged his ignorance and refused to argue be-
yond his depths. Accordingly he set himself to cer-
tain Hterary pursuits with the rhetoric master, with
a hope that they both might find more ground for
their faith. But this arrangement was soon broken
up. Faustus, we shall meet again, and shall find
liim something more than a clever talker — one of
the most acute and witty debaters Augustine ever
had to face.
1^ Cf. Ep. 55, 6. IC Reply to Fausti^s, XX, 6.
Mani. 43
For Augustine the next step seemed to be in
the direction of Rome. For one thing his friends
had been holding out alluring inducements — there
was greater opportunity for honor in "the Eternal
City," and other temporal advantages of no mean
character. These Augustine confesses were con-
siderations with him. But he was already enjoying
a comfortable living, and he had given up the pur-
suit of wealth. The thing which influenced him
most was the prospect of greater quiet. At Car-
thage he was compelled to submit to the boisterous
misbehavior of the students until it became an in-
tolerable burden to the flesh. Without making an
open break with the Manichees, therefore, he de-
termined to take his leave of Africa. After nine
years the veil was lifting. He was not free. Be-
yond, there appeared — nothing. But he resolved
to fight his way through, trusting meanwhile to the
eclectic philosophy of Cicero.
CHAPTER IV.
THE IMPERIAL CITY.
Monica was much disturbed by her son's deter-
mination to sail for Italy. She pleaded with him to
remain, and when that was found to be of no avail,
begged to accompany him. Augustine's response
was not to his credit. Pretending that a delay was
necessary for a favorable wind, he persuaded his
mother to spend the night in a near-by chapel built
in memory of Cyprian. That night his ship spread
sail for Ostia. It is not evident what was Augus-
tine's motive for this cowardly departure, but his
later condemnation of the act^ makes it certain that
the motive was worthless.
Augustine's sojourn in Rome was not a long
one. Moreover his opportunities for becoming ac-
quainted with the great city were curtailed by a
serious fever, and by his devotion to his studies and
teaching. It is not very surprising, therefore, that
he is comparatively silent as to the impressions
made upon him by the life about him. But we can
be in little doubt as to what those impressions were.
In the unsparing scorn and intense disgust with
which he describes the folly and degradation of the
1 Confcssiuiis, V, 15.
44
The: Impe:riai, City. 45
imperial city through most of her history, we can
discern the things which took hold of him most
during the six months or so that he lived there.
The "glory" of Rome had not yet departed nor
the gold become dim. There was the same restless,
pleasure-seeking, unthinking life as in the golden
days of Augustus. The crowds still surged from
marble-colonnaded forum and "Sacred Way," to
Jupiter's temple or the baths, or the vast circus. In
capitol, mansion of the rich, coliseum, temple, wine-
shop, no outlay was too great which would minister
to a morbid desire for sensuous delight. Gluttony
of the most repulsive type; disgusting display by
both patrician devotee of Cybele and the no less
luxuriously adorned follower of Christ ; gladiatorial
shows ; shiftlessness and unrestraint among the
young men (a "quarter of a million of stout frames
rotting in idleness") ; stupid debauch among the
elders ; bedizenment and moral darkness among the
matrons — these mingled with the rush of gilded
chariots, the splendor of the shops, the flash of gold
and silks, the drunken revel, the frenzied dance, the
hideous religious festivals, to give Rome her
"glory" — and to make a fatter feast for the Vandal
Vulture.
It is taking only a shallow view of all this to
say that the fall of Rome is traceable to other causes
than her vice. One finds no difficulty in massing
together many economic and political reasons why
the fall of the empire was hastened. It is true that
46 Augustine:: The Thinker.
incessant war, the splitting of East from West, the
costly use of foreign military service, the growth
of slavery and the degradation of the masses, the
failure of the old reHgions, the poisonous, ruinous
greed of emperors and senators, were responsible
for an inner decay which made the outward over-
throw a child's romp for the disciplined Ger-
manic tribes. But what was at the root of all this
demoralization? What save moral failure and an
insidious corruption which ate out both physical
vigor, and judgment, and patriotic concern? There
was no forlorn policy, no shifting, uncertain,
coward spirit of the empire under Gratian, Valen-
tinian and Honorius, which did not grow naturally
out of the soil in which they were fostered. Volup-
tuousness and vanity gave birth to national effemi-
nacy, and this to indifference. Immersed in her
monstrous vices, Rome actually ignored the crowd-
nig barbarians. She established the bounds of
Roman dominion at the Rhine and Danube, and
before she was aware, was on the defensive — and
helpless.
Still, Rome was far from being irreligious.
When Augustine came to the city, nominally if not
enthusiastically a Manichaean, he fell in easily with
that sect. From the famous description given by
Jerome, in the very year Augustine was in Rome, it
has been conjectured that the Manichsean women at
least were true to their ascetic ideal. But this does
not tally well with statements made by Augustine,
Th^ Imp^riai, City. 47
who, though he found refuge with a follower of
Mani during his idleness, has no good word to speak
either of their "driveling," "raving" philosophy, or
of their "senseless and seducing continency."^ In
addition there was at Rome a wide-spread interest
in the cults of the East, including a formidable fol-
lowing of the Persian Mithra, who was the supreme
god of the Emperor Julian. Of intensely deeper
interest was the struggle which Paganism was mak-
ing to maintain its hold upon the popular mind. It
is evident that the old worship was by no means
dead. From scores of statues and images, the gods
and goddesses still kept up their reign, while the
father of them all, from the proud Capitoline, en-
throned himself in gold and marble. Though we
are assured that "a cloud of little gods, like so many
flies,"^ had long since deserted the altars of the
city, there remained enough to satisfy the hearts of
the most devout. These remaining divinities were
at least determined there should be no failure in the
corn crop. Seia was set to watch over its upspring-
ing, Segetia, over its maturing, Tutilina, over its
storage. And this was not enough: Proserpina
must see that the corn germinated properly; while
Nodotus, Volutina, Potelana, Hostilina, Flora, Lac-
turnus, Matuta, Runcina, and others unrecounted
("for," says Augustine, "I am sick of all this,"*)
were intrusted with various important duties. Even
2 Confessions, VI, 12. 3 City of God, II, 22.
4 City of God, IV, 8.
48 Augustine: The: Thinke^r.
then there was necessity for deities in sickening
numbers to be present at every movement of a man
from the hour of his birth. Most unseemly of all
were the coarse immoralities connected with the
worship of these divinities. The nameless rites of
Liber, described by Varro, happily had disappeared.
But Berecynthia and her shameful ceremonies still
fouled the city. Augustine makes horrified refer-
ence to what he himself witnessed. Rome was
religious enough, but for the most part her re-
ligion was like her life — it had no moral bottom.
Christianity, however, had come to hold the bal-
ance of power. Beginning with Constantine, pagan
practices were out of favor with nearly all the em-
perors. Constantine in 346, 353, and 356, had di-
rected drastic measures against sacrifices and the
worship of heathen images, had ordered all the
temples closed, besides demolishing and plundering
some of them, and had carried on relentless war in
behalf of the final extirpation of paganism. A
policy quite the reverse was pursued by Julian dur-
ing his brief reign of twenty months, ending in
June, 363. By adroit jugglery, by double-dealing,
by cunning use of power, by surrounding himself
with an atmosphere of intellectual and moral cul-
ture, Julian succeeded in reviving the worship of
the sanctuaries, and in gaining many proselytes to
paganism. The character of this dangerous foe of
Christianity shows itself conspicuously in his be-
havior toward Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria,
The: Impe^riai, City. 49
in banishing whom he professed publicly: "It was
a dangerous thing for so cunning and restless a man
to be at the head of the people." But, in another let-
ter to the Egyptian prefect, he laid bare the real
reason — this Athanasius was bringing despite upon
all the gods, and, godless wretch that he was, had
dared to baptize noble Grecian women in the reign
of Julian ! At any rate, the heathen party had won
a passing victory. Had the life of the emperor not
been brought to a sudden close, during a campaign
in Persia, doubtless Christianity would have suf-
fered still more at his hands. As it was, the hopes
of the gods were dashed to the ground, for Jovian
and Valentinian, though tolerant of all creeds, were
zealous Christians.
It was in the reign of Gratian (375-384) that
paganism received a check which marked the be-
ginning of its final collapse. Gratian considered the
acceptance of the pontifical robe a manifest incon-
sistency in a Christian. He went ever farther in ar-
dent support of his faith. Two years before Augus-
tine came to Rome (382) he turned into his treasury
the estates of the temples. He sadly abridged the
rights of priests and Vestals. Most intolerant of all
in the eyes of the suffering pagan, he bore away the
statue consecrated to Victory. Before this shrine the
old pagan senators were wont to take their oaths of
allegiance, to scatter incense, and to make fitting
oblation to the goddess who was thought to have
guided the empire through many perils. It was the
4
50 AuGUSTixi:: Thi^ Thinker.
one symbol in all the city that Roman senators might
still worship as did their fathers before them. But
Gratian's suppression of Victory was not to pass
without a protest.^ The pagan appeal to the em-
peror was voiced by one of the finer-fibered men of
his time, Quintus Aurelius Symmachus, who, along
with his participation in the more daring extrava-
gances of the day — for he is credited with spending
over four hundred thousand dollars in producing a
single public spectacle — was deeply devoted to his
religion, and is otherwise w^orthy of respect. But
Gratian had no ear for the remonstrants. His
policy was largely dictated by the Christian party,
who at this juncture put a counter-petition in the
hands of Ambrose, the Bishop of Milan, where the
father of Gratian had set up his court. The Roman
Bishop Damasus added whatever further weight
was needed, and there was no alternative for the
youthful emperor. His indolent reign was cut short
by his murder, at the hands of his own cavalry, the
very next year, 383. The second Valentinian was
only thirteen years of age when he succeeded his
brother, and the pagan party saw an immediate
opportunity. Several members of the privy council
of the emperor were pagans. With him the polit-
ical situation would doubtless count for more than
the religious. Accordingly, in the year of Augus-
5 Augustine says distinctly that a few years later "almost all the
nobility of Rome were wedded to sacrilegious rites." (Confessions, VIII, 3.)
But Ambrose and his followers maintained that the Christian element
formed the major part of the senate.
Th^ Impe:riai, City. 51
tine's residence at Rome, the Prefect Symmachiis
again voiced a popular desire for the restoration of
the statue of Victory. The privy council wav-
ered, and Synimachus all but prevailed. Prob-
ably he would have done so had not Ambrose
once more interfered. His letter to Valentinian,
representing as it did the unyielding position of the
Church, and tearing in shreds the casuistries of Sym-
machus, proved unanswerable. "If some nominal
Christians advise 3^ou to such a course," he warns
the boy-ruler, "do not be deceived by mere names.
We bishops could not tolerate this. You might
come to the church, but you would find your ap-
proach forbidden." The doughty Symmachus made
two more efforts in the same direction, and was
once rewarded for his persistency by banishment.
But he was opposing an ever-increasing force. The
old religion was crumbling into a hopeless ruin,
while a new wonder was growing up by its side, a
mountain that should fill the earth.
It is not to be thought, however, that the Chris-
tianity which Augustine found at Rome was above
reproach. His own reasons for not being attracted
to the Church were, first, that he kept up an external
attachment to the Manichaeans as a kind of tem-
porary expedient. But the fact is, there was much
that was hollow in the pretensions of the Church. It
had all but given itself over to the entire reckless,
self-indulgent spirit of the age. True, many as-
pects of Roman life have a brighter hue under the
52 Augustine:: Th^ Thinkkr.
glow of Christian sentiment. Woman was begin-
ning to enter upon a new inheritance of freedom,
and divorce was under improved legal restrictions.
Slavery was still prevalent, and the slave-trade
flourished; "cheap as a Sardinian" became a
proverb. But much of the cruelty practiced upon
the slaves had ceased, while on certain festivals,
great liberties were allowed them. New moral de-
mands were staring men everywhere in the face, as
a result of the insistent presence in society of Chris-
tian ideals. Cultured pagans like Symmachus, Prae-
textatus, and the rhetorician Libanius found them-
selves shamed up to new heights of living. On the
other hand, the Church was beginning to taste some
of the inevitable fruits of its alliance with the State.
And the fruits were bitter. When Constantine ac-
cepted the sign of the cross, and Christianity be-
came the rule of the empire, it seemed like a price-
less advantage compared with the stern rigor of
recent persecutions. Cessation of the old conflict,
in behalf of Christ, through the disarming of foes,
the approval of society, the widening of doors of
service by imperial favor, revenues, immunities —
this was surely a most captivating prospect. So
were fostered secularity, greed, pride, hypocrisy,
and many another evil. Membership in the Church
became easy. Worldly corruption stalked into the
holy of holies, and maintained its place under cover
of the organization. When the pagans complained
that enormous vice was supported beneath the show
The: Impe:riai, City.
53
of Christianity, and that the spread of Christianity
was due largely to the favor of princes, Church
apologists at least could not deny the facts.® Even
among the clergy, moral laxity, worldly-minded-
ness, and ignorance were shamefully common. In
a keenly sarcastic letter to the nun Eustochium,
Jerome exposed, to the discomfiture of the Church,
many of the more brazen faults of the Roman
priesthood. Other letters of his constitute sad fea-
tures of the picture.'^
There is more than passing interest in this pres-
ence of Jerome in the Roman capital. Under the
guidance of the grammarian Donatus he had re-
ceived his early education there. Later he sought a
desert seclusion in Syria, and, becoming a presbyter
in Antioch, made his way to Rome in 382., on a
visit to Damasus. At once Jerome sought to pro-
mote his monastic principles among people, most
of whom were caught in the swirl of gayety about
them. He preached his ascetic ideals to maidens
and matrons of the first families of Rome. By his
ardor and own rigid morality he induced many to
abandon their homes and business, and in some in-
stances to withdraw to the solitudes of Palestine.
In all this, though he incurred displeasure on every
side, he had the powerful support of his friend, the
Bishop Damasus. But it so chanced that, in that
eventful year 384, Damasus died, and was suc-
6 Cf. e. g., Augustine, Sermon XV, and Ep. 136.
7 Cf. Eps. 52, 24, 14s, and 125.
54 Augustine;: The Thinke:r.
ceeded by Sirlclus, a man who regarded Jerome's
earnest effort to win Rome back to truth and right-
eousness as too radical. Accordingly, the learned
monk shook from his feet the dust of the wicked
Babylon.
It was at precisely the same time that the
rhetoric-master, Augustine, for far different rea-
sons, was also preparing to leave the great capital.
As his instructions had been carried on at his own
home, he had not shared in the munificent provision
made for professors of rhetoric in his day. Hence
he was in no financial position to endure the burden
imposed by some of his tricky pupils. These young
men were better behaved than those in Carthage,
but they had one very serious defect. When pay-
day came round they conspired to discredit their
debt and to leave their master for another.^ Most
opportune, therefore, appeared a call from Alilan
for a public teacher of rhetoric. Before the prefect
Symmachus, Augustine was found worthy of the
appointment, which he received at once. He turned
his back upon ''Manichsean vanities," and at the
public expense, made his journey along the Flam-
inian way to the city of Ambrose. Thus this pol-
ished Symmachus, in the very hour when he was
contriving for the restoration of an expiring wor-
ship, was unwittingly contributing a new element
of strength to the cause of his opponents.
8 Confessions, V, 22.
CHAPTER V.
IN THE CITY OF AMBROSE.
Augustine; was not to be alone in his new labors
as professor at the University of Milan. A little
circle of friends quickly closed around him, to
share the trials of what was to prove one of the
most burdensome, as well as momentous, periods
of his life. Grave business matters had brought his
steadfast benefactor Romanianus to the city, and the
latter's two sons, Frigetius and Licentius, were
placed under Augustine's tutelage. The talented
Nebridius, leaving behind his fine paternal estate
and his mother, made his way from Carthage that
he might be near his former instructor. As was to
be expected, Alypius found excuse to be in Milan
also. The character of this future bishop excites
admiration as well as interest.^ One can not fail
of conviction that in spite of his lapses, the young
man Augustine was possessed of a sincere purpose,
and unusual genius, in order to win to his side such
a serious thinker as Nebridius, and a youth of such
integrity as Alypius.
Of still greater significance was the reappear-
ance, upon the scene, of Monica. Not a day had
1 Confessions, VI, i6.
55
56 AuGusTiNK: The Thinker.
passed that tears and prayers had not given witness
to the depth of her yearning and love. At length,
alone, she dared the perils of the journey by sea,
and displayed such unflinching courage that even
the sailors found comfort in her assurance of safety.
Great v^as her joy at finding her son released from
alliance with the sect she dreaded and detested.
Her counsels to him, blinded as they were by a
pardonable wealth of affection, were not always the
wisest. But her arrival in Milan was nevertheless
opportune.
Milan was at this time, both in size and impor-
tance, the second city of Italy. Without the monu-
mental majesty of Rome, it still presented all the
outward marks of a gay capital. For there was
the court and seat of empire of the youthful Valen-
tinian, and to say that is to have the imagination
crowded with pictures of soldiers, courtiers, palaces,
public-squares and market-places alive with busi-
ness, or thronged with listless idlers. Augustine's
post was one of considerable honor and remunera-
tion, and secured him entrance into the most cul-
tured circles of Milan. He even intimates that
social obligations to his more influential friends re-
quired much of his time.^ One of his duties, evi-
dently an irksome one with him, consisted in his
preparation and delivery of a flattering discourse
before the emperor. He was only one of the count-
less multitudes who confessed a reverence for their
2 Confessions, VI,
In th^ City of Ambrose:. 57
ruler whether they felt it or not; for the absolute-
ness of the emperor's power left no room for any-
thmg like freedom of speech.^
One of the painful things connected with Augus-
tine's residence at Milan, was his attempt, or his
mother's, to settle the question of his marriage.
Seemingly there were two serious hindrances. First
of all, could a man, bent on the highest attainment
of wisdom and a life of honor, be burdened with
conjugal cares? He concluded that "many men who
are worthy of imitation have applied themselves to
wisdom in the marriage state." The second hind-
rance was much more serious. It was a question of
plain ethics, and the pity of it is that neither Augus-
tine nor Monica treated it with any deep concern.
With the unnamed woman he had been living in
closest intimacy during fourteen years, and they had
had one son born to them. Now that it was clearly
manifest that a regular marriage would cause no
interruption of his studies, he must look about for
a wife. In this search he was ably supported by
his mother. The mistress of so many years was out
of the question; evidently she was of much lower
birth, and it would have been "a miracle of self-
sacrifice in the Roman world to have married her."
But Monica had recourse to special revelations ;
might they not be effective in bringing to light the
proper maiden ? "We daily begged Thee that Thou
wouldest by a vision disclose unto us something con-
3 Cf. Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire, p. 21 f., for a discussion of the
prerogatives of the emperors during the last three centuries of the empire.
58 Augustine: The Thinker.
cerning my future marriage; but Thou wouldest
not."^ It is wonderful that Augustine never dis-
covered any inconsistency in the mere possibihty
of God's answering such prayers. But, dreams or
no dreams, the suit must be pressed. At length a
comfortably dowered girl of tender years was
found, and as she "wanted two years of the mar-
riageable age, she was waited for." All this was
purely — or impurely — commercial. To complete
the transaction, Augustine's former companion was
directed back to Africa, whither she went "vowing
never to know another man" — for which resolution
one feels like commending her sound judgment.
Had her lover displayed equal sense, we should be
in a better position to sympathize with him when he
bemoans his "racked, wounded, bleeding heart."
Instead, he plunged headlong into a deeper mire of
sensuality, not having the patience to wait for his
nuptial-day. It may afford relief to some minds
that society in that age had no frown for that sort
of business — "did not reckon such connections inde-
cent or profligate" — but to us it only increases the
amazement that Christianity should be able to take
a man, in the condition in which Augustine now
found himself, and so thoroughly renovate him as to
make him hate what he deemed a delightful neces-
sity.
There were still other plans under consideration
by Augustine and his set. They found it a vexa-
4 Confessions, VI, 23.
In the; City of Ambrose. 59
tious thing to continue living as they had been.
So they hit upon a kind of communistic scheme.^
Romanianus was foremost in making the propo-
sition and in supporting it by his great wealth.
Two officers, charged with the household cares,
were to have annual appointment, and the others to
be left free from responsibility. A stumbling-block
in the way of all this speedily made its appearance.
As in the "Pantisocracy" of Southey and Coleridge,
the woman question showed its head. But in this
case she was the stumbling-block. Doubtless the
primary object of the community had been to se-
cure greater comfort to the members. But there
seems to have been some notion of philosophic
study. At any rate, shortly thereafter, Augustine
was discussing with his closest friends the nature of
good and evil, when the well-known contention of
Epicurus about a happy life came up. Whereupon
Augustine declared a life of pleasure might be de-
fensible, were it not for the life hereafter. "For
the fear of death and future judgment, amid all my
fluctuations of opinion, never left my breast."^
These last words reveal one phase of Augus-
tine's inner life, consideration of which purposely
has been deferred till this time. He was not happy.
He had set out to nnd wisdom, and at thirty, still
pursuing more vulgar objects — wealth, worldly
honor, and preferment — he confesses failure. On
the Milanese streets he passes a poor beggar, "jok-
6 Confessions, VI, 24. 6 Confessions, VI, 26.
6o Augustine:: The; Thinker.
ing and joyous" with the* fleeting pleasures a few
small coins have bought him. This mendicant is
happier than he. With all the felicities of the pres-
ence and love of dear friends, and in full indul-
gence of carnal appetites, he knows he has not yet
come to inward peace. Alanichasism he has dis-
carded as a tattered, worthless garment; there are
some philosophers that give him deeper satisfaction.
He has turned to the Christian Scriptures, but has
been repelled by their narrow literalism. Even the
boasted systems of the Academicians provide him
no firm footing.
Deeper than all this, of course, was Augustine's
moral malady. He had been living far below his
own ideal, and, as he looked hither and thither for
a way out of the tangle, his soul was filled with
despair and dread. But first of all must come an
intellectual deliverance. Plainly there were two
requisites. For one thing his conception of God
must be clarified, and he must be impressed with
the profound reality of a spiritual realm; other-
wise there was no hope of his emerging from the
gross realism of the Manichees. The other need
was for an authority so masterful, as to give him
an abiding certainty about the worth of the Scrip-
tures, and as to oversweep his soul with th^
grandeur of the Christian Church. Of these two
needs, the second was the first to be met. Augus-
tine has made it very clear what he was seeking.
In his book ''On the Profit of Believing," written
In the City oi^ Ambrose. 6i
only a few years after the early experiences at
Milan, and again in the "Confessions," he sets forth
his mental struggles. Amidst all his wavering skep-
ticism and distracting activities — scholars and men-
tal drill, social demands and recreation — he could
not forsake the quest of truth.^ But the
moment he launched upon the sea of conflicting
thoughts, all was bewilderment. Where should he
find certainty ? For he was convinced that, so sure
as there was a God, **He hath appointed some au-
thority, whereon, resting as on a sure step, we may
be lifted up to Him."* He says truly^ that, at this
critical moment, if there had been some one to
teach him, he would have been found "most fer-
vently disposed and very apt to learn." "For such
a man whose will was weak and whose passions
were powerful, whose strength lay chiefly in the
life of the emotions, who had no canon for the
recognition of truth, whose intellectual stability
had been shaken by so many changes of opinion,
there was but one resort at last — to fall back upon
some external authority, if any such existed, pow-
erful enough to subdue the intellect, to open up a
channel for the emotions, and to hold the will to a
definite purpose."^^
As presenting more than a hint of the subtle,
providential adjustments of life, there is absorbing
7 Confessions, VI, i8 and 19. 8 On the Profit of Believing, 34.
9 Ibid. 20.
10 Professor A. V. G. Allen, The Continuity of Christian Thought,
p. 146.
62 Augustine;: The; Thinker.
interest in the particular appearance, at this crisis,
of the great Bishop Ambrose. Indeed, there is
something significant in the way he began to loom
so large upon Augustine's horizon that ]\Iilan and
Ambrose became almost identical — "to Milan I
come unto Ambrose the bishop." "To him was I
unknowingly led by Thee, that by him I might
knowingly be led to Thee."^^ With ecclesiastical
dignity, but withal a fatherly w^armth, the re-
nowned bishop began his conquest of the polished
young professor by winning him first to himself
and to a new respect for the Church. All the world
knew how Ambrose had risen, out of noble parent-
age, to become consular of practically all Upper
Italy, and of his response to the call of the Church
in a trying situation. All the refinements of his
Roman birth and education, all the discrimination
and alertness of a courageous governor whom every
one respected and trusted, these he had brought
with him to adorn the office which he began at
once to fill with great wisdom, energy, and inde-
pendence. Pre-eminently Ambrose was a pro-
nounced Churchman. The man who later (390)
was to accomplish the humiliation of an emperor,^*
had it in his power to awe questioning minds into
submission, and to make them conscious, amidst the
failures of the old institutions, of the supremacy
of the forces of the Church. One finds no diffi-
11 Confessions, V, 23.
12 Theodosius. See Neander's Account, II, 180 f.
In the: City oi^ Ambrose;. 63
culty in imagining how this massive episcopal
statesmanship would captivate a shrinking religious
nature like Monica's. His words were out of
heaven to her. When, one day, she went to the
Church purposing to pay some respect to the mem-
ory of the martyrs and was halted by the porter who
informed her that Ambrose had forbidden the cere-
mony, she submitted without the least hesltation.^^
Augustine was already deeply under the spell
of the bishop of Milan when Monica came to the
city, and it was a source of joy to her. The per-
sonality and eloquent preaching and the atmos-
phere of Ambrose were Irresistible. Augustine
felt his prejudices against the Church melting away.
There were other elements to aid this process. One
v/as the splendor of the service of the Church at
Milan. It was Ambrose who introduced musical
features previously unknown In the worship of
Italy, and himself composed hymns to be sung by
the great congregations. Then In connection with
this introduction of music occurred another event
which must have had powerful weight with Augus-
tine at this time. The predecessor of Ambrose was
the Arlan bishop, Auxentius. Consequently there
was great excitement over the choice of Ambrose,
a stout upholder of the NIcene faith. Valentlnian I
had approved, but his mother, Justina, stubbornly
put her Arian priests in the field, demanding both
13 Confessions, VI, 2; cf. City of God, VII, 27; also Ep, 36, 32, for
further evidence of the influence of Ambrose on Monica.
64 Augustine:: The: Thinkkr.
the Portlan basilica without the walls, and the new
basilica, within. She supported her demands with
an array of Gothic soldiery, and a threat of banish-
ment. Then the loyalty of the people asserted
itself. Surrounding the church and house of Am-
brose, they kept guard, Monica among them, day
and night. Thus without any physical force, Am-
brose remained unyielding, and proved "how a
great community, pervaded by an intense enthu-
siasm, can paralyze an administrative authority
destitute of the elements of moral force."^* Shortly
after this, Ambrose clinched his claim to full super-
vision of the Churches, and finally repressed what
Augustine calls *'the feminine but royal fury," by
an opportune discovery, and transference to the
basilica of the bodies of two martyrs, Gervasius
and Protasius. By means of these relics, a case of
blindness and several cases of demon-possession
are said by both Augustine^^ and Ambrose to have
been cured. Whatever may be said of the "credi-
bility" of these miracles, it is certain they were im-
portant to Augustine, as impressing him with the
supernatural power of Christianity. Thus the popu-
larity and power of Ambrose, the enrapturing won-
der of choirs singing in aiitiphon, the reverent pos-
ture of the crowds of worshipers, and the sight of
what were at least regarded as miracles, charmed
the imagination of Augustine, and led him to enroll
14 Principal Robert Rainy, The Ancient Catholic Church, p. 435 f.
15 Confessions, XI, iC ; City of God, XXII, 8; Sermon, 286, Sec. 4.
In th^ City oi^ Ambrose:. 65
as a probationer in the Catholic Church, while he
waited for further light.
It was from Ambrose also that he was to receive
the first glimmerings of that light. Professor Har-
nack has pointed out that the most important in-
fluence of the East upon Ambrose lay in his recep-
tion of the allegorical method of exegesis/® and
further, declares that Manichaeism would hardly
have been overcome in the West unless it had been
confronted with the ''Biblical alchemy" of the
Greeks. One readily can see a special meaning in
these words as applied to the problem which was
perplexing Augustine. It was because he had come
in contact with only a meager, ''pedantically lit-
eral," and formless interpretation of the Scriptures,
that the Manichaean charges against the Old Tes-
tament hitherto had seemed incapable of disproof.
Ambrose brought relief into this entire situation.
Not only did he "answer objections." He "drew
aside the mystic veil," so that Augustine saw the
possibility of deliverance from bondage to the let-
ter. For, with all that was fantastic and overdrawn
in the allegorical method, it had the merit of flood-
ing the Scriptures with a new spirit, and this it was
which drew Augustine to them at once.
But here, for the time being, the influence of
Ambrose was at an end. He had made the Scrip-
tures a new and attractive book for Augustine, and
had crowded upon him the splendors of the visible
16 History of Dogma, V, p. 32.
5
66 Augustine:: The Thinker.
Cliurch. For the rest he was too busy. Again and
again the eager disciple sought a personal inter-
view with the bishop. But always there was a
crowd of hangers-on — some scrupulous Christian
desiring advice in a matter of conscience, some un-
fortunate begging his intercession, others seeking
settlement of a suit, a throng dependent upon his
charity. And when they had all gone, and the ex-
hausted head of the Church sat in his open court,
snatching a few rare moments for mental refresh-
ment out of some favorite book, the young men
hardly dared venture beyond the door and a few
hasty, reverential glances.^^ ''Nothing is more
touching," says the faithful Poujoulat,^^ "than this
sight of the young Augustine, the future doctor of
the Church, still a prey of doubts, entering the court
of St. Ambrose, with discreet step and closed lips,
throwing respectful looks upon the great bishop
absorbed in some heavy reading, and soon after de-
parting in silence, vv'ithout having had the courage
to disturb the quiet of the ecclesiastic." Accord-
ingly, the surgings of spirit, the wonders and
anxieties of mind, continued to possess Augustine.
Whether Ambrose, at leisure, could have cleared
the way to peace we can not tell. At all events,
there was more truth to be had, and from another
quarter.
17 A trustworthy portrait of a busy bishop in a large city may be
found in Kingslcy's Hypatia, where the ordinary routine of Cyril of Alex-
andria U let forth. 18 Histoire de St. Augustin, I, p. 72.
CHAPTER VI.
THROUGH PLATO TO CHRIST.
As alre;ady indicated, one of the deepest needs
of Augustine, during the period of mental disturb-
ance, was a spirituahzed conception of Hfe and the
world. However loosely the Manichaean view of
things held him, its materialistic ideas of God and
evil kept him in check. Until he found emancipa-
tion from these there could be no progress. It may
be true that his skepticism was not radical. But he
was beginning to lose hope, and he dreaded the out-
come. The night of uncertainty to him meant pro-
found misery and spiritual death. Professor Dods
has pointed out a similarity betvv^een his experience
in this respect and that of John Henry Newman.^
But there was this difference — Newman professed
never to have sinned against the light, while Augus-
tine was conscious of deliberate moral failure, and
his "crushing anxiety" grew out of this feeling as
much as out of his doubts. To use his own con-
fession, he was afraid of death.
But he could not utterly despair, because it was
impossible for him to yield his belief in God. His
grave concern now was to get beyond what the
1 Lecture on St. Augustine delivered in Glasgow, Dec. 4, i88i.
67
68 Augustine: The: Thinke:r.
preaching of Ambrose and his own reading of
Scripture convinced him were wholly false and
vulgar conceptions of Deity. He longed to be as
sure of spiritual things as he was "that seven and
three are ten." But he found it impossible to hold
fast to the elusive idea of an unseen realm. He
could not free his mind from "the flux of phe-
nomena, the mysterious and harassing play of the
transient." God could be thought of only as stand-
ing somewhere in space. Back to his mind, again
and again, swept the crude and even disgusting no-
tions which for so many years he had harbored
there — God changeable and corruptible, God torn
asunder, enduring loathsome pollution from mix-
ture with matter, suiiering like the trees and beasts
and then gaining a painful freedom by their cor-
ruption, God the object of the successful onslaughts
of evil. This last especially perplexed him. Plainly
it made God a weakling — or a monster. For, if the
vast wrong of the world was not here because of
a divine debility, how else was one to account for
it except as existing by divine direction? But did
not Ambrose preach that it was man's will which
was radically wrong P^ Yes, but the problem was
still a tangle — it always was for Augustine. Never-
theless he had rather remain in the dark than doubt
the ultimate goodness of God, So he continued to
2 This, of course, is only conjecture — i. e., so far as it applies to
Augustine at this period. Still it seems to me well founded. Cf. many
statements by Augustine himself, like Confessions, VII, 5; Fisher, History
of Christian Doctrine, p. 187; Harnack, History of Dogma, p. 48 f.
Through Pi,ato to Christ. 69
read the Sacred Writings and to hang upon the
sermons of Ambrose.
Augustine contracted a friendship at Milan with
Manlius Theodorus, who became consul in 399.
Theodorus was an ardent student of New Platon-
ism, a philosophy, with leanings toward religion,
which had reached its influences out from its Alex-
andrian cradle into various parts of the empire.
Augustine soon fell to examining the teachings of
the new school. With rather paltry gratitude he
refers to "one inflated with most monstrous pride," '
giving him "certain books of the Platonists, trans-
lated from Greek into Latin." There is some doubt
as to the exact authorship of these books, although
one would not greatly err in picking out Plotinus
as the one most directly responsible for the ideas
they contained. Elsewhere Augustine hints at a
familiarity with Jamblichus and Porphyry, and
with his fellow-countryman Apuleius, but these
made little advance upon the work of Plotinus,
while to the "Enneads" of the latter it is not diffi-
cult to trace many of the conceptions which abound
in Augustine.^
The New Platonism was a last determined effort
of Hellenism to win the devotion of the old world.
During this age, the absorbing question of philoso-
phy was, whether there were two substances and
distinct realms of being in the world, or whether
3 This has been shown clearly by Professor A. H. Newman in his
scholarly essay with which he introduces the Anti-Manichaean Writings of
Augustine, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. IV, p. 27 ff.
70 Augustine: The: Thinke:r.
spirit and matter were essentially one. It was a
battle of Plato against the Stoics, of Theism against
Pantheism. \\'hat the New Platonists did was, first
to make alliance with both Stoic and Platonist
forces by offering a doctrine of evolution from the
supreme God to the lowest matter. Then (after
the manner of modern mediating theologies), in
order to make terms with all parties and organize
all, including ''magic and marvels of legend," into
one, it must provide a basis for accepted forms of
religion. In this way there was offered to men a
doctrine of God — a triad Being made up of unity,
reason, and soul — and a theory of existence cov-
ering all forms of life. The question of evil was
summarily dealt with : in reality there is none ; it is
1 athcr a lack of the intensely real One who is good-
ness, and therefore can not have God for its author.
There was set forth also a doctrine of the imper-
sonal "Word," the Logos of the heretical Gnostics.
P>ut concessions to Christianity, before whose mili-
tant spirit New Platonism stood in wonder, were
distinctly avoided. Jesus was to be regarded only
as an austere man of large wisdom ; the professions
of his followers were vulgar perversions of truth.
Put the goal of all is the absorption of the indi-
vidual into God. "All that really is derives good-
ness from Him ; and in some wonderful way a con-
sciousness of God IS obtainable which is victory,
emancipation, and blessedness. The progress
towards this goal and the attainment of it give life
Through Pi.ato to Christ. 71
a consecration and bathe it in a religious expe-
rience.""*
One readily sees how Christian minds like Syne-
sius, Nemesius, and Origen were stirred and deeply
influenced by the idealism of the new philosophy,
and how such restless spirits as Hypatia and Julian,
in an age of shifting visions, could hazard life itself
upon the truth of their doctrine. Augustine also
confesses that the newly-discovered works of Plo-
tinus kindled within him an incredible ardor.^ They
lifted before his vision a spiritual world. There
he saw a God who answered his demand for an ut-
most good, mirrored some features of the Christian
Trinity, and could by no means be limited to a nar-
row, fleshly prison. Thus his search for "incor-
poreal truth" was over. More than that, he had
found an answer for his anxious query, oft-re-
peated: "Whence is evil?" For that which is but
the negation of reality need not trouble the mind of
any one ; in fact, the remarkable ease with which he
dismissed this mental difficulty is only a shade less
wonderful than the readiness with which he began
to see the many advantages which evil had made
for the world. Then, in reminiscent mood, he
turned, from pondering the frigid, ethereal Logos
of the philosophers, to the Christ about whom they
4 The reader is directed, for a fuller treatment, to Principal Rainy's
luminous discussion, from which this last sentence is taken : Ancient Cath-
olic Church, Chap. IX. Cf. also Sheldon, History of Christian Doctrine,
p. 166 ff. In the Hypatia Kingsley has done some valuable reconstructing
of the Neoplatonic philosophy.
6 Against the Academicians, II, 5,
72
Augustink: The Thinker.
were silent, the *'Word made flesh" of whom his
mother had taught him in childhood, the Savior of
men who in shame and humiliation bore the curse
of the cross.^ Thus he began to Christianize his
ideals. In spite of him he could not lay hold on
the Incarnation. Christ was still simply most ex-
cellent of men. But gradually the light was break-
ing in upon his forlorn soul. He even believed he
saw "the unchangeable brightness," and beyond the
possibility of doubt heard an inner voice bidding
him go on."^ For a brief season it seemed that the
battle was won.
In truth the enemy had only retreated to prepare
for a fresh attack. As Neander has aptly said : the
Platonic theories were "demolished by the energy
of life." "They ravished his intellectual vision,"
but they could give no victory over the flesh. From
the mountain's wooded summit he had beheld the
land of peace, but, alas! the way hither was dark
and beset by the old foes. In this predicament he
turned to Paul. This was the way of it: Into the
Neoplatonic writings Augustine had been initiated
by the translations and original works of the
rhetorician \'ictorinus, that "aged man, most
learned and highly skilled in the liberal sciences,
who had read and weighed so many works of the
])hilosophers, the instructor of so many senators,
who also, as a monument of his excellent discharge
of his office, had deserved and obtained a statue in
e Confessions, VII, 13, 14. 7 Ibid. VII. 16.
Through PivATo to Christ. 73
the Roman Forum."^ Harnack even considers it
was from Victorinus that Augustine learned how to
unite Neoplatonic speculation with Christianity. At
all events, VictQrinus had culled the characteristic
thoughts of Paul, and we may assume that this is
what led Augustine to examine more carefully the
Pauline epistles.
At this point the moralist halts. It is enough
for him that the promised land is already in sight.
He can make nothing of the enigma of a Paul
showing the way. "Let the pilgrim continue his
secular way," he says, ^'heeding nothing of paths
to heaven beyond a certain sobriety of life." Why
should we seek for Augustine any more ''conver-
sion" than he had already? The answer is near at
hand.^ The pressure towards progress was in him-
self. What he had was of value, but it could not
satisfy him. There was an inward unrest, a life-
and-death struggle to subdue the sensual to the
ideal. It was not the allurements of secular life
which held him. These he could give up ; the
thought of wealth and honor had ceased to charm.
But, frankly he bares the truth, "very tenaciously
was I held by the love of women." With the father-
land in full view, and the dogged insistence of cor-
rupt passions a powerful reality, the meaning of
the great apostle could not be mistaken — the war
between flesh and spirit was no phantasm.
Fortunatelv there were friends to whom he
8 Confessions, VIII, 3.
74 Augustine:: The Thinker.
might turn. And he could have chosen none more
sagacious than SimpHcianus, whom both Ambrose
and Augustine delighted to address as "father."
The aged saint did not rebuke. Like his Master at
Sychar, he followed the lead which the occasion
presented. Augustine, in making a clean breast of
his wanderings, mentioned his indebtedness to Vic-
torinus. This was a golden moment for SimpHcia-
nus, for it was he who had stopped Victorinus short
in the midst of his "thundering eloquence" in be-
half of heathen gods, and had led him to a hum-
ble confession of Christ. Openly, to the amaze-
ment of all Rome and the joy of the Church, Vic-
torinus had made declaration of his choice of The
Way. Consequently, by a law of Julian, he had
been forbidden, as a Christian, any longer to teach
rhetoric. Upon hearing this recital, the ardent
Augustine "burned to imitate him."^ But forth-
with the conflict became more tense. "With the
baggage of the world was I burdened, as when in
slumber; and the thoughts wherein I meditated
upon Thee were like unto the efforts of those de-
siring to awake, who, still overpowered with a
heavy drowsiness, are again steeped therein."^*^
"And to Thee showing me on every side that what
Thou saidst was true, I, convicted by the truth, had
nothing at all to reply, but the drawling and drowsy
words: 'Presently, lo, presently.' "
ft This entire story of Victorinus is worth reading for its dramatic in-
terest and picture of a noble spirit. See the Confessions, VIII, 3-9.
10 Confessions, VIII, 12.
Through Plato to Christ. 75
Alypius was sharing with Augustine this periad
of anxious sorrow. One would be barren of all
feeling not to be moved by this picture of the two
young men, under firm seizure of the Spirit of God,
seeking release almost daily in the great Church,^^
being swept from their sensual pleasures while wil-
fully holding them fast. To them there came one
day an imperial officer, Potitianus, who was one of
their own country. As they talked, the eyes of the
visitor lighted upon a book, which to his surprise
was no other than the writings of the Apostle Paul.
Potitianus being a baptized Christian, it was nat-
ural that his conversation should turn to religious
themes. From speaking of Antony, he passed to a
description of the Egyptian monks, their wilder-
ness retirement and unselfishness, while Augustine
sat enraptured. At Triers, on a certain afternoon,
so this Christian officer went on to relate, two of
his comrades had been so deeply impressed by the
devotion of Antony, that they resolved to follow
his example. Their affianced brides, thereupon,
also dedicated themselves to God. While Potitianus
was weaving the threads of his tale, Augustine was
burning with shame to think how cowardly and
sordid he had been. Other weaker ones had done
in a trice what he shrank from as if it were death.
11 For this reason I can not agree with Professor Allen that Augus-
tine's conversion was merely into the Latin Church. It was something
more. We must not, in the interests of a theory, depreciate the full move-
ment of Augustine's course, step by step, till he claimed Christ as his.
Cf. Continuity of Christian Thought, p. 149.
76 Augustine: The Thinker.
He cast his eye backwards. There were his
mother's example and prayers, the pitiful meshes
of Manichaeism, the higher note of the "Hortensius,"
Ambrose, Plotinus, Paul, these later instances of
heroic faith — Victorinus, Antony, the comrades of
Potitianus. Was he, the finished rhetorician, the
prodigal, to fall down beaten in the dust? He
seized upon Alypius. "What is wrong with us?
what is this? What heardest thou? The un-
learned rise up and take heaven, and we, with our
learning, and wanting heart, see where we wallow
in flesh and blood!" In his excitement he flung
himself into the garden. He knew now that all
that remained was to choose unflinchingly the only
course opened to him — "to will it resolutely and
thoroughly, not to stagger and sway about this
way and that, a changeable and half- wounded will,
with one part falling as another rose." No words
ever can take the place of Augustine's own thrilling
ones in describing the momentous scenes which
followed :
"Thus was I sick and tormented, accusing my-
self far more severely than was my wont, tossing
and turning me in my chain till that was utterly
broken, whereby I now was but slightly, but still
was held. And Thou, O Lord, prcssedst upon me
in my inward parts by a severe mercy, redoubling
the lashes of fear and shame, lest I should again
give way, and that same slender remaining tie not
being broken off, it should recover strength, and
Through Pi.ato to Christ. 77
enchain me the faster. For I said mentally, Xo,
let it be done now, let it be done now.' And as I
spoke, I all but came to a resolve. I all but did it,
yet I did it not. Yet fell I not back to my old con-
dition, but took up my position hard by, and drew
breath. And I tried again, and wanted but very
little of reaching it, and then all but touched and
grasped it ; and yet came not at it, hesitating to die
unto death, and to live unto life; and the worse,
whereto I had been habituated, prevailed more with
me than the better, which I had not tried.
"The very toys of toys, and vanities of vanities,
my old mistresses, still enthralled me; they shook
my fleshly garment, and whispered softly, 'Dost
thou part with us? And from that moment shall
we no more be with thee forever?' Yet they did
delay me, so that I hesitated to burst and shake my-
self free from them, and to leap over whither I was
called, — an unruly habit saying to me, *Dost thou
think thou canst live without them ?' "
*'But now it said this very faintly; for on that
side towards which I had set my face, and whither
I trembled to go, did the chaste dignity of con-
tinence appear unto me, cheerful, but not dissolutely
gay, honestly alluring me to come and doubt noth-
ing, and extending her holy hands, full of a multi-
plicity of good examples, to receive and embrace
me. There were there so many young men and
maidens, a multitude of youth and every age, grave
widows and ancient virgins, and Continence herself
78 Augustine:: The Thinke:r.
in all, not barren, but a fruitful mother of children
of joys, by Thee, O Lord, her husband. And she
smiled on me with an encouraging mockery, as if
to say, 'Canst not thou do what these youths and
maidens can? Or can one or other do it of them-
selves, and not rather in the Lord their God? The
Lord their God gave me unto them. \A^hy stand-
est thou in thine own strength, and so standest not?
Cast thyself upon Him ; fear not, He will not with-
draw that thou shouldest fall; cast thyself upon
Him without fear, He will receive thee, and heal
thee.' And I blushed beyond measure, for I still
heard the muttering of those toys, and hung in
suspense.
"But when a profound reflection had, from the
secret depths of my soul, drawn together and
heaped up all my misery before the sight of my
heart, there arose a mighty storm, accompanied by
as mighty a shower of tears. Which, that I might
pour forth fully, with its natural expressions, I
stole away from Alypius; for it suggested itself to
me that solitude was fitter for the business of weep-
ing. I flung myself down, how, I know not,
under a certain fig-tree, giving free course to my
tears. And, not indeed in these words, yet to this
effect, spake I much unto Thee, — 'How long, Lord?
Wilt Thou be angry forever? O, remember not
against us former iniquities ;' for I felt that I was
enthralled by them. I sent up these sorrowful
cries, — 'How long, how long? To-morrow, and
Through Pi.ato to Christ. 79
to-morrow ? Why not now ? Why is there not this
hour an end to my uncleanness ?'
'1 was saying these things and weeping in the
most bitter contrition of my heart, when, lo, I heard
the voice as of a boy or girl, I know not which,
coming from a neighboring house, chanting, and
oft repeating, Take up and read ; take up and read/
So, restraining the torrent of my tears, I
rose up, interpreting it no other way than as a
command to me from heaven to open the book, and
to read the first chapter I should light upon. So
quickly I returned to the place where Alypius was
sitting; for there had I put down the volume of the
apostles, when I rose thence. I grasped, opened,
and in silence read that paragraph on which my
eyes first fell, — 'Not in rioting and drunkenness,
not in chambering and wantonness, not in strife and
envying; but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and
make not provision for the flesh to fulfill the lusts
thereof.'i2 ^^ further would I read, nor did I
need; for instantly, as the sentence ended — by a
light, as it were, of security infused into my heart
— all the gloom of doubt vanished away."
The far-remote, unintelligible, unconcerned
"Word" had been transformed before his eyes, by
his own obedience into a regnant Christ, who
now drew near, warm with life and sympathy.
"Startled, shattered, paralyzed," as he had been by
the message of the Apostle, he arose with a singular
12 Rom. xui, 13, 14.
8o Augustine): The: Thinker.
calm resting upon him, and like Andrew to Simon
Peter, made known his new joy to Alypius.
''And he thus disclosed to me what was wrought
in him, which I knew not. He asked to look at
what I had read. I showed him; and he looked
even further than I had read, and I knew not what
followed. This it was, verily, 'Him that is weak
in the faith, receive ye;' which he applied to him-
self, and discovered to me. By this admonition was
he strengthened ; and by a good resolution and pur-
pose, very much in accord with his character
(wherein, for the better, he was always far differ-
ent from me), without any restless delay he joined
me. Thence we go in to my mother. We make it
known to her, — she rejoiceth. We relate how it
came to pass, — she leapeth for joy, and triumpheth,
and blesseth Thee, who art able to do exceeding
abundantly above all that we ask or think."
CHAPTER VII.
C A S S I C I A C U M .
It is impossible to determine what were the im-
mediate effects of Augustine's conversion. One has
no difficulty in perceiving, however, that his refor-
mation was more than skin-deep. With sudden,
superhuman resolve, as if by magic, he was able to
throw off his inveterate delight in trifles. "The
gnawing cares of seeking and getting" forever were
left behind, and in their place there arose a new
and all-absorbing ''brightness," ''riches," "health,"
the Lord his God.^
But there was not to be such instantaneous re-
lease from the "talker's trade." Deep-seated as was
his disgust with the deceitful mockeries of his pro-
fession, he conceived various reasons for quiet self-
restraint. The vintage vacation was but a few weeks
distant. It might seem like undue and rather pom-
pous self-protrusion to resign at once. Fortunately
(so Augustine considered it) there was, for his ap-
proaching resignation, another excuse, which would
tend to allay the resentment of his patrons. Dur-
ing the summer he had become conscious of a pain-
1 Confessions IX, i.
6 8i
82 Augustine:: The; Thinker.
ful difficulty in breathing. This indication that his
lungs were weakening so greatly alarmed him
that he was already planning to give up his liter-
ary labors for a rest, when his happy conversion
opened to him a rare vista of leisurely service of
God.
Accordingly, Augustine's withdrawal from pub-
lic duties, at the end of the scholastic year, occa-
sioned no unusual comment. His friend Verecun-
dus owned a country-house out of Milan a few
leagues at the village of Casciago, which seems be-
yond dispute to be the *'Cassiciacum" of the ''Con-
fessions." At the generous suggestion of Verecun-
dus, Augustine turned to this retreat. Removed as
it was from the ''fret of the world," it seemed to
him like a paradise of realized hopes. The little
town itself lay at the foot of the mountains in a
fertile, grassy country, as the name suggests. On
the summit of a hill travelers still see the ancient
palace of a former family of nobles, marking the
spot where the house of Verecundus was located.
A stream, gushing down from Mount Sirtori,
trickles over the rocks of the hill, and gathering
into cascades, winds down into a shaded gorge.
Like Saul of Tarsus, finding the Son of God, as
Dr. Alexander Whyte declares, under the Mount
of God in the eloquent silences of Arabia, Augus-
tine needed this autumn and winter of isolation in
order to work over his thinking and get adjusted
to his vision. Besides, it gave to him and his com-
Cassiciacum. 83
panions an opportunity to put into tangible form
their dream of a philosophic community.
For a picture of life at Cassiciacum during
these few months we depend mostly upon the philo-
sophical treatises which Augustine composed there.
It was a period of tranquillity, but of earnest
thought. Plain living and high thinking were the
rule. The sons of Romanianus were present for
instruction. Alypius, who had shared with Augus-
tine the struggles of the last months in Milan, felt
himself under agreeable constraint to continue as
comrade of his master's solitude. A compatriot
from Thagaste, Evodius, who had renounced the
service of the empire upon becoming a Christian,
also joined the group. The others were all rela-
tives of Augustine — Navigius his brother, two
cousins, Rusticus and Lastidianus, the boy Adeoda-
tus, and Monica. To the latter was assigned the
care of the household, but she found time to take
some part in the discussions.
These discussions took place, in fair weather,
beneath the shade of a tree in a near-by meadow.
If the disputants were driven indoors they had re-
course to the baths. These were supplied with
water from a little aqueduct, which, in turn, was
fed from the stream called Canbalionum. In the
bath of the Romans, as is well known, were spa-
cious rooms for recreation and quiet. Here the
searchers for truth might carry on their conversa-
tions without interruption. One of Augustine's ad-
84 Augustine:: The: Thinkkr.
miring biographers has compared him to an eagle,
teaching his eaglets to fly, putting his strength be-
neath them, to bear them up, or to direct them in
their flight. There is some truth in the figure. Li-
centius, for example, was a dreamy novice. He
was eager enough for flight, but the serious moral
and religious realm held few allurements for him.
He felt the tinglings of an inflated poetic fancy.
Indeed, so far did he swerve from the strenuous
course of the parent eagle, as to break forth in
rhythmic praises of the loves of Pyramus and
Thisbe. Augustine was gravely concerned. But
he lived to see even the aspiring Licentius find his
wings and "the steep ascent of heaven."^ The
others were not so intractable. Adeodatus, a lad
of not quite fifteen years, showed unusual fond-
ness and skill for the business of empyrean-climb-
ing. Monica, with a somewhat more awestruck
admiration, joined the rest in their loyalty to the
suggestions of Augustine.
But Augustine himself was hardly more than a
learner. Much as we are impressed by the vigor
of thought displayed in the discourses, we can not
but note how gradual was their author's break with
the old intellectual atmosphere. Cicero, Plotinus,
Plato, Pythagoras, are the master-minds one finds
ruling the treatises composed at Cassiciacum. On
2 McCabe has an interesting note in which he calls attention to Lan-
ciani's record of the discovery of the body of Licentius in St. Lorenzo at
Rome in 1862. It is evident that he attained his ambition of senatorial
rank and died a Christian. St. Augustine and His Age, p. 182.
Cassiciacum. 85
the other hand, the grandeur of the Christian sys-
tem burst in upon these philosophic studies with
only a pale light. Ambrose, upon being consulted,
had said, "read Isaiah ;" but the prophet had seemed
to Augustine dull and unintelligible. So he gave
his attention to the Psalms. They continued
through life to afford him consolation and guidance.
To his penetrating allegorical faculty every page of
the Psalms yielded some lineament in the portrait
of Christ. Nor can we doubt that Augustine en-
tered upon his new religious experience with the
most cordial zeal. Prayer and praise mingled with
sorrow over the hapless past and earnest aspira-
tion for a humbler, nobler future. But the spirit
of the place, however Christianized, was still Greek.
There can be no clearer understanding of the
entire situation of this newest academy than through
a study of the literary results of the conferences to-
gether. One day Augustine gave his pupils a copy
of the "Hortensius" to read. All were seated be-
neath the broad-spreading tree in the meadow. It
was a rare autumn day. The ever-present short-
hand reporter stood near, waxen tablets and stylus
in hand, ready to take down for preservation all
that was said or done. Following his literary in-
stinct, Augustine afterwards revised these notes in
longhand, retaining the form of the discussion, and
breaking up the heavy periods with notes on inci-
dents of the day. Thus we have the readable books,
"Against the Academicians," which are affection-
86 Augustine:: The; Thinke:r.
ately dedicated to Romanianus, and grew out of the
examination of the book of Cicero. The point at
issue was the academic contention that it is im-
possible to arrive at the truth, though one may be
happy in pursuit of it. Licentius put in his plea in
behalf of the Academics ; for him it was a constant
joy to be opening the eyes upon new worlds of
truth. Trigetius had mixed up in the affairs of the
world, and he had concluded with precision that if
one could be happy without reaching the truth,
there was no use making the quest. Augustine
made it his duty to keep the debate in proper poise.
He proffered a definition of a happy life — a life con-
formed to the best and most perfect in man, namely,
the reason. Resting in this Platonic notion of ra-
tional truth, he found certainty enough. As for the
other method of knowledge, authority, he was sat-
isfied with what he had in Christ. Thus, he de-
clared, he could not despair of finding wisdom at
last, especially as he was but thirty-two, and bent
upon the search with all his soul. In his old age
Augustine looked back upon this scene with some
misgivings. He felt he had given too much credit
to the Greeks. But one can hardly fail to observe
that. Christian as he was, the skillful antagonist of
the Academics had been with Plato and learned
of him.
A birthday was an affair of some moment in
the empire. Much the same ado accompanied its
observance as in our day. There were compli-
Cassiciacum. 87
mentary gifts and congratulations from friends,
and generally also a time of feasting. As the Ides
of November was the anniversary of Augustine's
birth, he promised his friends "a feast of soul."
But first there must be a modest banquet — modest,
since frugality is said to have presided over all the
repasts at Cassiciacum. They ''satisfied hunger
without clogging the vivacity of the mind." The
intellectual feast was made up of a prolonged dis-
cussion of *'The Happy Life." When the question
of the existence of evil came up, Augustine turned
his artillery upon the Manichees. His mother, who
on the first day had brought the conference to an
abrupt close by an insistent mid-day appeal for all
hands to exchange the shade of the tree for the
delights of the table, made some forcible remarks,
seconded by Augustine, when the discussion was
resumed at the baths. Their conclusion was that
they alone are blessed who have what they desire,
provided they desire the good. Little importance
can be attached to this work except as it is an index
of the bent of Augustine's mind, and his special
fondness for the problems of evil.
There is much more lively interest in the work
which followed. It was Augustine's habit, after
evening prayers, to surrender himself to deep and
long-continued meditations. One night, as he lay
philosophizing thus, his attention was attracted by
the gurgling of the stream which ran behind the
baths not far from the house. As he listened to
88 Augustine: The: Thinker.
the soft, irregular murmur, his mind sought the
cause of the irregularity, and from that passed to
pondering on order and the lack of order in the uni-
verse. He became confused, like many another, in
trying to establish the truth of a uniform *'reign of
law." Doubtless he was glad of the companionship
of even the young versifier Licentius, who was busy
at this critical moment belaboring an unfortunate
mouse which had so far broken the order of things,
as to venture into tlie room where the master and
his pupils were resting. Licentius suggested that
the swirl of the stream was nothing new to him;
often it had quickened his sensitive imagination.
Trigetius awakened at this point. It was an oppor-
tunity glowing with dialectic possibilities, and the
diligent teacher could not conscientiously allow it
to pass. So he kept the theme warm during the
remainder of the night. Even Licentius maintained
a wakeful interest, unmindful for the time being
of the charms of his Calliope. The strenuous life
of the seminary was beginning to tell upon him. At
the baths next morning the discussion was renewed.
On their way thither they witnessed another, more
ugly, break in nature, a spirited cock-fight. The
two boys, not being able to shake off entirely the
fascinations of the Coliseum, looked on with evi-
dent delight, and Augustine hastened to prepare
graphic details of the scene. Strangely enough the
sober bishop of Hippo made no alteration of these
in the "Retractations." All that day and several that
followed, until Augustine was thoroughly fatigued.
Cassiciacum. 89
were given to the elucidation of the question of a
mysterious, divine stream of influence running
through all things. Such was the origin of the book
"On Order," a pretentious treatise, with leanings
toward the Christian thought of Providence, and
with a Neoplatonic background.
In addition to several letters (the first we have
of Augustine's), which throw welcome light upon
the happy life at Cassiciacum, there remains one
work of two books to which some critical notice
must be given. It is a Platonic dialogue between
Augustine and Reason, and is given the title "So-
liloquies." The two things which attracted Augus-
tine were the immortality of the soul and the true
conception of God. The former truth was con-
clusive to him from his observation of the immuta-
bility of reason as compared with the break-up of
the world. With graceful eloquence he makes his
leisurely argument for the things which abide, and
unfolds the conditions of ascending to the clear
vision of God. Halting logic there may be, but
never, in the confusion of later struggles, did
Augustine rise higher than in this quiet meditation
upon the devotional truths which had now subdued
his passions and brought his soul into harmony with
God.^
In the "Soliloquies," Augustine appears unde-
cided as to the direction of his future life. But
3 It is in the Soliloquies that one finds the rudiments of the phil-
osophic starting-point of Descartes : " I think and therefore am."
90 Augustine:: The Thinker.
his mind had turned back often to ]\Iilan and the
Church. In the spring of Z^7, therefore, the house-
hold of friends rehnquished their hfe of study and
returned to the city. It was necessary for all who
were to be baptized on Easter Sunday to declare
their purpose at the beginning of Lent. Then fol-
lowed a period of training in matters of Christian
faith, and examination in ''the scrutinies." Augus-
tine was not exempt from this preparation. But he
employed his time also in literary effort, producing
the treatise **0n the Immortality of the Soul." It
was intended as a complement to the "Soliloquies."
Ly Easter the candidates were thought to be in
a sufficiently humble frame of mind. Alypius in-
deed had demonstrated the depth of his devotion by
treading "the frozen soil of Italy with naked feet."
On the eve of Easter, April 24th, Augustine was
formally ushered into the Church by the rite of
baptism, Bishop Ambrose administering the sacra-
ment. The youthful Adeodatus, and Alypius were
bai)tized at the same time. A popular, but un-
founded legend has it that, at the close of the serv-
ice, the *'Te Deum Laudamus" sprang into inspired
existence through the lips of Ambrose and Augus-
tine. The truth is that, by the impressive singing
of the hynms and canticles, Augustine was rapt into
a deeper devotion to the Church — a devotion which
grew richer and sterner in the years immediately
to follow, as he broke gradually away from the life
of contemplation and gave himself to a life of
service.
SECOND PERIOD
From Kastkr, 387, to August 28, 430
CHAPTER VIII.
BACK TO AFRICA.
That Augustine's moral rescue was complete,
appears in the readiness with which he turned his
back upon the old life. Accompanied by Alypius,
Evodius, his brother, mother, and son, he set out
for Africa. At Ostia, a busy watering-place and
commercial center, being at the mouth of the Tiber
and the port of Rome, the little company paused
for rest after the fatiguing journey from Milan,
They were pleasantly established in a house re-
moved from the noise of the town. A somewhat
idealized painting by Ary Schefifer,^ and the familiar
account in the "Confessions," have made memora-
ble Augustine's last conversation with his mother.^
Monica, overjoyed, felt now she might depart in
peace. Her one desire had been satisfied — her son
was a Catholic Christian. Surely there was noth-
ing else for which to tarry. Within five days she
was stricken with a fatal fever.
It was about four years since Augustine had de-
serted his mother at Carthage. During that time
1 An excellent reprint may be found as a frontispiece to Poujoulat's
Histoire de St. Augustin, Paris, 1866.
2 Confessions IX, Chap. X.
93
94 Augustine: The Thinker.
their relations apparently were of the closest na-
ture. IMonica was reared in a Christian home.
\\'ith her sisters she was left under the care of a
maidservant, who sought diligently to train the
daughters according to strict rules. This disci-
pline, however, did not suffice to save her from sly
peculations of wine when sent to the cellar for the
daily supply from the family cask. Augustine de-
scribes, with filial admiration, how his mother was
cured of this habit, and how she grew up to be a
model of sobriety, pious devotion, gentleness, and
patience. We may not go so far as one branch of
the Church in the veneration wc give to this godly
woman.^ But no one can estimate the debt which
Augustine himself owed to his praying mother.
She had a deal of shrewd, sagacious wisdom, and
a courageous spirit. And it is true that the Church
has canonized many women of inferior type. Among
the broken columns and forlorn ruins of modern
Ostia one is directed to a chapel which, tradition
declares, marks the site of the house where Augus-
tine and Monica parted. Although she had been
careful to prepare a burial-place for herself be-
side that of her husband in Thagaste, she now saw
the hopelessness of her plan. "Nothing is far to
God." she said resignedly; "nor need I fear lest He
should be ignorant at the end of the world of the
place where He is to raise me up."* Upon her death
8 For an example of this extreme reverential respect sec Poujoulat, I,
P- 14a ff- * Confessions, IX, 27, 28.
Back to Ai^rica. 95
a few days later, and her simple burial, Augustine
suffered a quiet but persistent grief. Relief came
with sleep and the recollection of a hymn of Am-
brose,— *'Deus Creator omnium." But fresh re-
membrance of the tender love of his dead mother
set free the tears, which he begs us not to deride,
since they were in behalf of one who for many
years wept bitter tears for him.
From Ostia, xA-ugustine made his way back to
Rome. It is difficult to assign any other reason for
this change of plan, except that Africa was in a
turmoil owing to an expedition by the usurper
Maximus, and Augustine decided to wait till the
campaign was over. Already he had adopted the
long dark robe of the monks, with hood and
leathern girdle. Doubtless he regarded the great
city in a much different spirit from what
he did when he wejit there to become teacher
of rhetoric. All the world looked strangely
new to him. There was a duller hue to the
glitter and grossness of the mistress city; not
because the gayety was gone, but because it
had lost its charm. Jerome had taken his in-
be by other than severely monastic methods. But
the enthusiasm for Jerome's ideas had not died out
among his followers in some of the higher society
of Rome, and with these it may be Augustine found
a refuge. Not till more than a score of years had
passed did he turn his attention to the religion which
had dominated the empire for centuries. But the
96 AuGUSTiNJS: The: Thinker.
former worship was dying hard. The doughty
Symmachus had not yet abandoned the contest.
Many pagans were still to be found in important
civil offices. Libanius, when a demolition of tem-
ples was rampant among fanatical monks and
priests, uttered a notable plea in defense of the
temple cult. And the Emperor Theodosius, in a
law of 386, presupposes a tolerant spirit towards
both temples and heathen priests. Nevertheless,
ecclesiastical insistence was beginning to tell.
Everywhere the sacrificial flames burned lower. In
388, while Augustine was in Rome, the heathen
portion of the senate besought Theodosius to re-
store certain revenues and rights to the colleges of
priests'. The emperor seems to have wavered. But
a sharp letter from Ambrose brought him to his
senses, and the request was denied.
Of all this Augustine has nothing to say. At
Rome he was busy with literary labors. His one
concern seems to have been to demolish the pre-
tensions of his old friends, the Manichees. The
sect, in spite of inceasingly rigid opposition from
the imperial power, especially Valentinian (in 2i7'^^
and Theodosius (in 381), propagated their doctrines
in secret, and with considerable success. They
gloried in persecution. Under the mask of an ap-
parently unbending morality, they won respect. By
proclaiming a mysterious element in their doctrine
and symbols, they had become the most dangerous
foe of the Christian faith. It is not surprising,
Back to Ai^rica. 97
therefore, that Augustine, in the ardor of his new-
found faith, should direct his energies against "the
monstrous tenets of the Manichgeans." He took
up his attack first in a series of dialogues between
himself and Evodius, under the title, "On the Great-
ness of the Soul." In this work the arguments are
lined up in favor of the spiritual nature and im-
mortal destiny of the soul, together with a philo-
sophical view of its beginnings, aspirations, and
powers. About the same time also he began what
has been called "an admirable Pelagian treatise,"
"On Free Will." In reality, it is an attempt to re-
duce the possible origins of evil down to one, the
freedom of human will. It ought to be said that
Augustine never receded from this position. His
later contentions against Pelagius were of an al-
together different kind. His anti-Manichaean posi-
tion, that moral evil is not a creation of God, did
not afford the Pelagians a stable ground of attack
upon him, however minutely they searched for one
in these earlier writings.
Of deeper significance were the more direct as-
saults upon his foes, in the works entitled "On the
Morals of the Church" and "On the Morals of the
Alanichees." Though these were not published till
later, we are told in the "Retractations" (I. 7) they
were written at Rome. The immediate occasion of
their writing was his impatience with "the vaunting
of the Manichaeans about their> pretended and mis-
leading abstinence, in which, to deceive the inex-
7
98 Augustine: The Thinker.
perienced, they claim superiority over true Chris-
tians, to whom they are not to be compared." As
might be supposed, therefore, the two works stand
in contrast. He has no trouble in tearing to shreds
the symbols and dogmas of the Manichees, although
it may be questioned whether he is equally happy in
his arraignment of their ''shameless mysteries,"
their immoral practices, and especially their dis-
graceful conduct laid bare in Rome.^ In the other
work, Augustine seeks to make clear the nature of
Christian virtue. With glowing phrase, he pictures
the devotion of the multitudes who, in depth of
desert, subsisting on coarse fare, passing their days
in contemplation of the Divine beauty and in relig-
ious conference, present an unanswerable challenge
to the hypocrisies of the Manichaeans. Then he
passes to the Cenobite monks who live in the cities.
One can without difficulty detect in all this what
was uppermost in Augustine's thought during the
year in Rome. There was forming in his mind a
monastic ideal, which was soon to take very defi-
nite form.
The forces of Maximus in Africa proved no
match for those of the emperor. Peace was soon
restored, and Augustine W'as free to carry out his
original design of continuing at Thagaste the sort
of life which had been begun at Cassiciacum. He
fi It is fruitless to go into this controversy further. Anybody who
reads Augustine's disclosures, e. g., in the treatise under question, Chaps.
XVII I-XX, can not doubt that, if he exaggerates, he also has plenty
of basis for all his facts.
Back to Africa. 99
and his friends, however, were detained for a brief
time at Carthage. They were received by a de-
votedly pious man, Innocentius, "ex-advocate of
the deputy prefecture." Still fresh in his memory
were the miraculous occurrences at Milan. He
was, therefore, more than naturally responsive to
what he saw and heard at Carthage. Innocentius
was being treated for a dangerous disease, for which
he had already undergone an operation. After a
period of anxious w^aiting and intense pain, it was
discovered another operation was necessary.
Augustine himself was present the night before, as
were two bishops, Amelius and Uzali, and all
prayed earnestly for the recovery of the unfortu-
nate man. Great was their amazement, next day,
at finding the trouble entirely at an end. The in-
genious McCabe, with his usual irony, attempts to
involve Augustine in intentional deceit at this point.
He begins, by citing a work of Augustine's written
some two years later. In this book, ''On True Re-
ligion," "there is wise appreciation of the work of
reason in establishing the preliminary truths of
faith," seeing that miracles vvere no longer wrought
in its interest. As a matter of fact, Augustine's
purpose in the treatise, as elsewhere, was to show
that history was one of the foundations of the true
religion, and he concludes that such miracles as the
past, especially the Apostolic period, produced, must
no longer be expected. This must be his meaning in
the "Retractations" where he declares, commenting
loo Augustine: Thk Thinker.
on this passage, that he intended to say "the same
miracles" were not performed in his day. It is
completely to overdraw one's bow to conclude, as
McCabe docs, that "Augustine smiled at his host's
miracles in 388, and only learned to appreciate them
years after."
Another evidence that the same author is more
interested in making an amusing case for himself
than in correctly representing Augustine, is found
in rather a ludicrous result of his own misrepre-
sentations. In attempting to put in a bad light
most of the hagiographic "lives" of i\ugustine, he
says, with very ingenuous glee, that "they only re-
late two miracles" (he might at least have spared
his grammar the violence), "whereas Augustine
gives three in the 'City of God.' " Even a casual
reading of the attestations of Augustine would dis-
cover four. One of these, in the light of present-
day knowledge, is exceedingly refreshing. A gouty
doctor, about to be baptized, was visited in dreams
by black woolly-haired imps who inflicted acute
pains by dancing on his feet, and warned him not
to be baptized that year. But he persisted, and in
baptism was rid not only of gout, but also of the lit-
tle devils. There can be no doubt of the eagerness
with which Augustine received these examples of
"miraculous power." But it would be blindness for
us to accept them upon the very slight evidence
which is given. In truth, as Professor Fisher
has shown, the evidence vanishes on close
Back to Africa. ioi
scrutiny. "We miss the sobriety of the Gospel nar-
ratives." The worship of relics, prayer to saints
and martyrs, and other superstitions had fastened
themselves on the Church, and these, together with
a rather picturesque style of rhetoric, account for
the many alleged miracles, while others are trace-
able to purely natural causes.^
We are to think of Augustine as spending the
next three years in a monastery, established in the
former house of his father at Thagaste. His no-
tions of monasticism came from various sources.
Ambrose and Jerome made their contributions;
but the Cenobites, already referred to, were probably
the real model. Augustine did not go to the lengths
which brought down upon Jerome the denuncia-
tions of Rome's mighty. He came to Thagaste
bent upon purging the monastic idea of those
out-breaking fanaticisms and wild excesses which
he knew had grown up in Africa from the roo+s
of Tertullianism. He sold his other property
and endowed the monastery. His friends, Alypius
and Evodius, continued with him. The problem of
women was no longer a snare. Without- exception,
none were permitted to lodge beneath the same roof.
A life of study and prayer became "the rule of St.
Augustine." Out of these beginnings, it must be
6 In his Grounds of Theistic and Christian Belief, Professor George
P. Fisher makes a searching and sane examination of the entire question
of alleged miracles in the early age of the Church, with special reference
to Augustine's long hst. He concludes that " the evidence for most of the
post-apostolic miracles which the Fathers advert to melt away on examina-
tion."
I02 Augustink: The Thinker.
noted, grew the important Augustinian order of
monks, at length to produce a Luther.
It is hardly fair to say that this first Augustinian
brotherhood was wholly unpractical. To be sure
there was a spirit of broadest democracy in the con-
ditions of admission. A majority of the monks had
been slaves, or tillers of the soil, or lowly artisans ;
for, it was argued, had not many noble men risen
from the humblest ranks?' "This pious and holy
thought, accordingly, causeth that even such be ad-
mitted as bring no proof of a change of life for the
better."^ Why? Because of the impossibility of
determining their motive. Accordingly there grew
up a class of idle, crafty, casuistical fellows, who,
under the garb of monastics, roamed about the coun-
try, a menace and a nuisance. Being respected they
strolled here and there, trading "reliques" trumped
up for the purpose, or pretending they were on a
visit to relatives. Everywhere they made capital
of the outward impression of sanctity. Augustine
had to confess, after a few years, that their hypoc-
risy often was exposed by detected frauds and sen-
sual indulgence.^ All this grew partly out of
Augustine's more moderate and idyllic view of an
ascetic life, and partly out of laxity in discipline.
Nevertheless, he saw the dangers of idleness and
license, with men who formerly had been burdened
by heavy labors and close restraints. Accordingly,
he was unwilling to discard entirely the obligation
7 On the Work of Monks, chap. 25. 8 Ibid. chap. 36.
Back to Africa. 103
to manual labor. Then there was, upon many of
thes€ men who had known only the coarser side of
life, a softening influence, which counted for much
in developing some of the Church's most respected
leaders. It must be admitted, however, that the bad
results outweighed the good, and that the seed
planted in Augustine's "Spiritual Seminary" was
destined to bear an amazingly unwholesome fruit-
age.
For a proper idea of Augustine's occupations at
Thagaste, we must look to the letters. One thing
that impresses us is, that the busy monk had not
shut all light and beauty out of his heart. Among
the most tender relations of his life were those with
Nebridius. The passing reference in the "Con-
fessions," and the letters^ give us entrance into a
friendship of rare sympathy and sweetness. Ne-
bridius was unable to make his home at the monas-
tery, but returned to his home near Carthage, where
he was seized with a wasting disease which soon
resulted in his death. Augustine kept him cheered ;
his messages, the sick man said, were to his ears
"like Christ, like Plato, like Plotinus." In an-
other letter, Augustine becomes playful. Dis-
cussing the size of the planets, he remarks upon the
prodigious statue of Naevius. "By the way, I think
you have been just too eager to discover some man
to match him ; and when you did not succeed, have
resolved to make me stretch out my letter so as to
9 Confessions, IX, 5 and 6; also Eps. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14.
I04 AuGUSTiNK: The Thinker.
rival his dimensions." He concludes by writing:
"I beg you be content with what I have written, al-
though I have already outdone Naevius himself."
One must not paint the portrait of Augustine the
monk in too somber hues.^^
From another part of the correspondence with
Nebridius, it appears that the people of Thagaste
took advantage of Augustine's genius and set him
up as a kind of justice. But he had little liking for
it. Besides a vigorous correspondence he devoted
liimsclf to authorship. The Manicha^ans had not
ceased to disturb him. Their stubborn hostility to
the Old Testament led Augustine at length to ven-
ture upon a defense of Genesis, in which he resorted
to the Ambrosian method of allegorical explanation
of the stories of creation and the fall. This was
only the initial step of later works on the same sub-
ject, finally issuing in the large commentary on "A
Literal Rendering of Genesis," — a work which in
our day has no practical value, and only an anti-
quarian interest. Another treatise was begun, but
not completed, ''On Music." A frank statement
of the value of this work occurs in a letter (loi)
written several years later to Bishop Memor, who
wished a copy. Augustine confesses that the first
five books, on rhythm, are a sort of labyrinthal maze
from which the puzzled bishop would find it diffi-
cult to extricate himself. Augustine also had a
lively passage at arms with a grammarian of Ma-
10 Cf. also Ep. 4 : " I am yet but a boy, though perhaps, as we say, a
promising boy, rather than a good-for-nothing."
Back to Ai^rica. 105
daura. This old man, Maximus, wrote to ask why
there was anything unfitting in the market-place of
his town being occupied by statues of the gods, and
who the Christian God actually was. It is perfid-
ious to say, as one of Augustine's biographers has
done, that his reply is ''harsh" and a "bitter, con-
temptuous attack on the poor Olympians." He
merely calls upon Maximus to treat seriously, and
not jocularly, a serious subject, and takes the occa-
sion to expose the follies of heathen worship. Of
the work "On the True Religion," addressed to
Romanianus with the hope of winning him to Chris-
tianity, nothing further need be remarked, except
to call attention to its careful, finished style. One
notable passage is the comparison between Plato's
philosophy and Christianity. Augustine believed
Plato himself would have supported Christianity if
he had ever had a vision of its sublime magnitude
and wide-reaching results in the world. Roman-
ianus was evidently convinced, for soon thereafter
he embraced the Christian faith.
When Augustine returned to his native town, it
was with the sorrow of his mother's death still
fresh in his breast. He was to take his departure
with another grief pressing upon him. The boy
Adeodatus had been with him constantly. In the
studious atmosphere of the cloister he had devel-
oped marked mental qualities. His father was even
alarmed at his precocity. There is left us an ad-
mirable book, entitled "The Master," containing a
io6 Augustine: The Thinker.
dialogue between the father, and his son, only six-
teen. Augustine makes affidavit^^ that the argu-
ments are all the lad's own. They lead up to the
declaration of Christ: ''One is your Master," and
display considerable talent. But this "Gift of God,"
as his name, by strange inconsistency, signifies, was
too frail to support so unusual a mind, and soon
died. It was not long thereafter that the voices of
a needy world called upon Augustine, with an
urgency which the quiet of his seclusion would not
allow him to escape.
11 Confessions, IX, 14.
CHAPTER IX.
HIPPO REGIUS.
In the Church of Augustine's day, formahties
were not always observed in the matter of select-
ing ministers. The story is well known of how
Ambrose, an officer in the imperial service, was
chosen bishop as the result of a child's crying his
name in the Church, though he protested violently
and had first to be baptized. A similar haste ac-
companied the choice of Cyprian as bishop of Car-
thage. It was in this way also that Augustine was
dragged out of his retreat and thrust into the active
service of the Church. In general, the Church was
in a loosely-organized condition throughout North
Africa. Ministers of thorough equipment were rare.
Consequently Christian men of ability were eagerly
watched. If a congregation spied out a promising
person and summarily called him to a position, there
was a prevalent opinion that he was bound to ac-
cept.^ In the monasteries, especially, clerical re-
cruits were sought. There is nothing surprising,
then, in the discovery of the head of the convent at
Thagaste. Indeed, so well and favorably known
1 It is said that Synesius, whom Kingsley has made familiar, was
made bishop in spite of his protest that he was both heretical and married.
107
io8 Augustine: The Thinker.
did he become, that it was necessary for him to
move about with the caution of *'the hunted." He
dreaded lofty position.-
But Augustine could not long avoid capture.
One day he found himself urged by a State official,
who had leanings towards the life of a recluse, to
visit "Royal Hippo," a city on the coast.
Whether this was a ruse or not Augustine did not
consider, but set out on his mission of winning a
possible disciple. The aged Valerius was at that
time bishop of Hippo. When Augustine entered
the Basilica of Peace — one finds it easy to imagine
it all an adroit piece of stratagem — Valerius was
insisting upon the necessity of the people's securing
a new priest to aid him in his work. There was
instant recognition of Augustine, and a loud cry for
his ordination. They surrounded him and pressed
him forward. In vain were protests and tears.
There was no appeal. Such outbreaks were not un-
common in the early Church. In a letter to Jerome,
Augustine relates the story of a certain bishop who
got into trouble by quoting Jonah iv, 6, from
Jerome's version. For generations the Church had
chanted this passage. When, then, "ivy" was sub-
stituted for "gourd," such a tumult arose that the
bishoj) narrowly escaped being left without a con-
gregation.
The reluctance with which Augustine submitted
to ordination was not due, as some conjectured from
8 Sermon XLIX.
Hippo Re:gius. 109
his weeping,^ to the meagerness of his opportunity
in Hippo, or to his being made presbyter instead of
colleague of Valerius. As we have seen, he felt a
natural shrinking from the burdens of the priest-
hood. He was thirty-seven years of age, and the
bent of his life had been in a different direction.
There seems to have been no other reason for his
hesitation. Hippo itself was by no means an ob-
scure place. Situated as it was on the seaboard,
about two hundred miles from Carthage to the west,
it had gained importance as a commercial outlet
under the Romans. Some glory attached to it also
as the former residence of the Numidian kings —
whence the epithet ''Royal." There were perhaps
thirty-five thousand people there in Augustine's
time.
Two rivers washed the walls of Hippo, the
Sebus, and a smaller one to which the Arabs give
the name Abou-Gemma. Various traces of Roman
civilization are still to be found on the banks of
these rivers. To the east stretched out the paths of
the Great Sea. Back of the town arose the "Red
Hill," decked with a fine array of fig, olive, and
chestnut trees. On the southeast lay the yellow
plains reaching out along the route to Carthage, as
far as the bold promontory of the Atlas range,
called now Beni-Urgin. In all, the town was about
three miles in circumference. Within its inclosure,
besides many gardens, were the basilica, baths, and
3 See Ep. 21, and Possidius, C. 4.
no Augustine:: Thi: Thinker.
a castle which served both as palace and fortress
(being situated on a commanding hill in the middle
of the town). There was a mixed population, and
a very discordant one — disciples of Mani, Arians,
Jews, Donatists, pagans in large numbers, and Cath-
olic Christians. The last named, doubtless, were
made up largely of handicraftsmen, fishermen,
slaves, and gardeners. For forty years, Augustine
was to labor among such people as these, gradually
building up the Church from a humble place to one
of power in North Africa. Nowadays, travelers
often witness a strange sight among the ruins a
mile from Bona. On Fridays a band of Moham-
medans is likely to approach, burn a few grains of
incense, sacrifice a bird, offer a prayer to *'the great
Christian" (Roumi Kebir), seeking his celestial
favor, fire their guns, and depart. For even to-day
the Arabs think of Augustine as a mighty friend of
God.
Augustine did not take up his abode at Hippo
immediately. Feeling his inefficiency, he first
sought retirement and closer spiritual preparation.
Presumably he returned for a brief time to Tha-
gaste. There he made new plans for the continu-
ance of the little community. His closest friends
did not forsake him, however. Near the church at
IIil)po was a garden, and this was given into his
charge for the site of a new monastery. Alypius
and Evodius, together with additional disciples,
Possidius (who became the chief contemporary
Hippo Regius. hi
biographer of Augustine), Severus, and others,
joined their leader in a Hfe, as Possidius says,
"according to the rule laid down by the holy apos-
tles." Up to this time, there were few facili-
ties for that special spiritual culture necessary in
ministers of the Church. Hence the attainments
of the clergy were often quite inadequate. The
aim of Augustine was to provide candidates for the
Church with mental and religious discipline. From
his society went forth no less than ten bishops.
After a while the monastery became so popular that
others of a similar type had to be opened in Hippo.
From the success of this one many other bishops
were induced to found monasteries of the same kind,
and a better trained clergy was the outcome.
Augustine's principal duty in his new surround-
ings was to preach. Bishop Valerius was of Greek
extraction, and very feeble. Hence, he failed to
meet the requirements of the place in two respects,
— through his imperfect Latin and his weak body.
It was an almost unprecedented performance for
a humble priest to preach in the presence of a
bishop. Jerome informs us that it looked very
much as if the bishops envied the younger men, or
would not deign to hear them. But the custom did
not disturb Valerius. Protests came in from Afri-
can bishops on all sides. He gave them no heed,
but rather thanked God for sending him so gifted
an assistant. It was not long before he had plenty
112 Augustine: The: Thinker.
of imitators, especially as his procedure was com-
mon in the East.
The preaching and monastic duties of Augustine
did not prevent his engaging in literary labors, and
withal in controversy. Christianity was being hard
pressed in Hippo. The aged bishop, with his one
Church, had found it a heavy problem to hold his
own. With Augustine's coming we are told "the
Church began to lift up its head." This was espe-
cially true with regard to the sect of Manichseans.
Unquestionably they were the keenest and closest
rivals \^alerius had. But now they were to meet a
worthier antagonist, one who had crossed swords
with them before and was familiar with their tac-
tics. Some time during the year of his ordination,
he wrote the book, *'On the Profit of Believing,"
directed to a friend who had become a Manichee
chiefly through his influence. Apart from the auto-
biographical interest of the work, there is still pleas-
ure in following Augustine's search for ultimate
authority. Is it Scripture? or tradition? or the
reason? or Christ? For answer, this advice is
given: ''Follow the pathway of Catholic teaching,
which hath flowed down from Christ Himself
through the apostles, even unto us." H you desire
true religion, and dare first to believe you will at-
tain unto it, and then yield your mind as a suppliant,
you can not be disappointed. If you seek a more
positive reason for following Christ, you must fall
back upon "report strengthened by numbers, agree-
Hippo Regius. 113
ment, antiquity." Miracles and a multitude of fol-
lowers are also held out as basis for belief. If
Augustine had put together these loosely connected
ideas, he might have reached a safe rule. But
Augustine was never a profound systematizer. That
he accomplished the practical result of recovering
his friend Honoratus from error, was perhaps
enough.
Not till the year following, however, did Augus-
tine begin to display those gifts and graces which
have led an eminent writer to describe him as "the
most marvelous controversial phenomenon which
the whole history of the Church from first to last
presents."* There lived in Hippo a bishop of the
Manichees, called Fortunatus. Up to this time he
had held sway over the simple Hipponenses without
a rival. All sects saw in him a dangerous foe. But,
with the arrival of Augustine, fresh hope arose in
the Christian camp. His distinguished abilities
were relied upon to lay low the Manichaean's pride.
Augustine was accordingly appealed to, and agreed
to a public debate with Fortunatus. But he, in
turn, showed less eagerness to display his reasons
for the faith within him. He had depended less
upon argument than upon rather loud-sounding pre-
tensions. But the fight was on, and Fortunatus,
being unable to escape, agreed upon a day and place
for the contest.
Late in August of the year 392, at the baths of
4 Canon Mozley, Ruling Ideas in Early Ages.
8
114 Augustine: The Thinker.
Sosius, a crowd of students, curious, and sectarians
quickly gathered for the debate. Controversies of
this kind were quite the vogue, and were as keenly
relished by the audience as are the famous disputes
on Glasgow Green in our own time. On the first
day, it took Augustine very little time to force his
antagonist to cover. Fortunatus had no liking for
doctrine; he preferred to set up a vindication of
^lanichaean morals. (How modern!) In reply,
Augustine certainly is less bitter in his denuncia-
tions. But it is because he would compel his oppo-
nent to keep close to their fundamental differences.
The crowd were quick to appreciate. They saw that
Fortunatus made short shift of Scripture, and was
guilty of pitiable inconsistencies. At length they
broke out into jeers and the meeting ended in
clamorous confusion. Fortunatus departed from
Hippo in shame to seek more convincing arguments
from his superiors. Evidently he never found what
he sought, for Hippo saw him no more. This was
not the end of Augustine's campaign against the
Manichaeans. But he had dealt them an effective
blow, and their further retreat in the West was due
in very great measure to his unyielding assaults.
With the concluding scenes of this contest we
are ushered into the beginnings of another. From
his boyhood, Augustine must have known that the
Church in Africa was rent by an internal strife. Of
the origin and course of this schism we will speak
more fully in a later chapter. The offending party,
Hippo Regius. 115
the Donatists, claimed to be the true Church. Thou-
sands had grown up in that beHef. In some places
the sect outnumbered the Catholic Christians.
Augustine, up to the year of his ordination, seems
to have been little concerned. In the year 392, how-
ever, his eyes were opened. He chanced to be pass-
ing through a part of his bishop's see, when he
came upon the labors of the Donatist Bishop Maxi-
min. This man, though friendly to Christianity,
was none the less zealous for his sect, and had re-
baptized a Catholic deacon upon receiving him into
the same office as a Donatist. This to Augustine
was the central phase of the Donatist offense. In a
letter to Maximin, whom, though he refuses to
recognize his orders, he denotes Dominus dulcissi-
mus, he expresses his confidence in his own notion
of the Church, and in brotherly fashion invites
Maximin to conference. Not content with this
initial step, he resorted to a species of doggerel
poetry — "A Psalm Against the Donatist Party." In
the manner of the time this undignified utterance
doubtless was to be sung in the streets. But it was
probably too long for that purpose, and only the
catching refrain, for peace and honest judgment,
would attract popular notice. The principal ar-
guments which Augustine was to employ with in-
creasing ardor, if not bitterness, against the Dona-
tists, are most of them found in this crude, un-
measured production. It was followed by a work
no longer extant, designed as an answer to certain
ii6 Augustink: Thi^ Thinke:r.
apologetics of Bishop Donatiis, "the sphinx" of the
sect.
In the year 393, an important council of all
Africa was convened at Hippo. To Augustine was
given the task of preaching the sermon. So far
had he advanced in fame. He took for his subject,
"Faith and the Creed," and such an impression did
he make that he was induced to expand it into a
larger treatise. The holy Catholic Church, he de-
clared, had no place for heretics who differed in
doctrine, or for schismatics, like the Donatists, who
transgressed in the rupture of brotherly love. Au-
gustine was influential in this conference in other
ways. Probably it will remain best known by its
relation to the formation of the New Testament
canon, having settled for the first time upon the
twenty-seven books to which we are still accus-
tomed.
Among the practices of the Donatists were an
encouragement of the martyr spirit and the attend-
ant revelings at the tombs of dead heroes or in the
churches. Unfortunately, the Catholic Church itself
was not free from the abominations growing out of
these customs. Almost every province and town
had its martyr who held watch over its interests.
In some cases, indeed. Christian martyrs were trans-
formed into mythical beings of much the same type
as the tutelary deities of the pagans. In order to
compromise with the untutored converts from
paganism, Christian bishops often had winked at
Hippo Ri:gius. 117
the celebrations held in memory of the worthy dead.
When charged with deifying the saints, teachers
like Augustine and Chrysostom and Theodoret had
to defend themselves by making it appear that the
Church reverenced the martyrs only to recall their
virtues. But it is certain that many abuses were
connected with this veneration. It will be remem-
bered how the simple-hearted Monica was forbidden
the privilege of "feasting" in Milan, where the cus-
tom was suppressed. In Africa, many bishops gave
their authority to these feasts, or IcBtitice. Augus-
tine had written to Aurelius in 392 (Ep. 22), call-
ing upon the Bishop of Carthage in most urgent
terms to summon a council for the wiping out of
these semi-heathen practices. The council of the
following year accordingly decreed that the ban-
quets should be discontinued "as far as possible."
This was too mild for Augustine. He consid-
ered the continuance of the superstitions deplorable,
however popular. Rioting and drunkenness were
every-day accompaniments of the services "de-
signed to honor the memory of the blessed mar-
tyrs," and it was disgraceful that Africa should
tolerate them longer. By 395, he was thoroughly
aroused. Somewhat before Easter occurred the
annual festival of Leontius, patron saint of Hippo.
This anniversary was a signal for unusual indul-
gence on the part of both Donatist and Catholic.
In a letter to Alypius (29), now become bishop
of Thagaste, Augustine outlines his tactics. A few
ii8 Augustine:: The: Thinker.
days before the festival, he preached concerning
"dogs and swine," — such they were who in riot-
ous pleasure abused ''the privileges which are the
pearls of the Church." Few were present. But
rumor of the sermon soon spread. Next day a great
crowd assembled. Augustine spoke wdth all the
passion of a reformer, his hearers and himself being
melted to tears. Even then he had not completely
carried the day; for, on the morning of the feast,
there was still a disposition with some to devote
themselves to excessive eating and drinking. With
resolute purpose, he prepared one final denunciation,
after which he was ready to ''shake his garments
and depart." "But then the Lord showed me that
He leaves us not alone." The band of obstinates
gathered in his presence, and listened to some ear-
nest advice in response to their question: "Where-
fore now prohibit this custom ?" The remainder of
the day was given over to worship and praise. As
for the Donatist "brethren," no restraint was upon
them. The noise of their Bacchic revels poured in
upon the closing discourse of Augustine and he be-
sought his humbled followers to recognize the
deeper worth of things spiritual. This was the end
of the feasts to the martyrs in the Church at Hippo,
but the practice hung on in other parts of North
Africa.
It was becoming dangerous for Augustine to
venture far beyond the borders of Hippo. For one
thing, the Donatists were resorting to violence.
Hippo Regius. 119
They would unhesitatingly enter a church and tear
down the altar.^ The opposition of men like Augus-
tine had made them firm and fierce. Catholics were
assailed and terrorized. It was even boasted that
the man would receive a rich spiritual reward who
would make way with Augustine. On the other
hand, the presbyter of Hippo was becoming widely
known. His people feared to let him go a great
distance from them, for the obvious reason that
plenty of congregations, needing a bishop, would
not scruple to lay under tribute his fine talents. In-
deed, a deputation arrived at Hippo with suspicious
designs, only to find the aged Valerius awake to
his peril — Augustine was kept in hiding till their
departure.
At last Valerius wrote to Carthage to secure
the co-operation of Aurelius in elevating Augustine
to the bishopric. Ecclesiastics from all directions
came together. There was only one dissent, and that
was by the bishop of Calamus, who alleged that Au-
gustine had been charged with immoral conduct by
the Donatists. The report was an absurd calumny,
and Bishop Megalius afterwards sought Augustine's
pardon. In fact, it was this same Megalius, who,
in the absence of Aurelius, conferred upon Augus-
tine the episcopal ordination, briefly before Christ-
mas.
Augustine regarded the new office as a most
responsible burden.^ But it gave him larger scope
6 See Augustine's Letter to Alypius, XXIX, 12.
6 Ep. 31. 4.
I20 Augustine: The; Thinker.
for his tastes, both as ecclesiastic and controversial-
ist His senior bishop died shortly after, leaving
him sole oversight of the "parish." Accordingly,
he removed from the retired garden monastery to
the former house of Valerius. It is here we next
shall find him.
CHAPTER X.
THE BISHOP AT WORK.
To be; a bishop, in the age of Augustine, was to
be a successor of the apostles. The distinction be-
tween him and the presbyter was becoming more
marked. Their primitive equal dignity was still
maintained by Chrysostom, the golden-mouthed, and
by Jerome. But the bishop was gradually entering
into a place of patriarchal power. He alone could
impart spiritual ordination, and confirm such as the
presbyters had baptized, and grant absolution. In
short, Augustine found himself raised to a much
more representative position. But it meant to him
additional turmoil and increasing ministerial labors.
Possidius, who for forty years lived in personal
intimacy with the bishop of Hippo, has left no
description of his appearance. What is known can
be traced only to an uncertain tradition. We are
sure of the plain frock, and the monkish hood drawn
about his shaven head. And perhaps we can ac-
cept the long beard, *'the wrinkles which deep medi-
tation very early had made in his broad forehead,"
"the fire of genius tempered by an expression of
kindness which lit up his eyes," ''the harshness of
his African figure," and the thin features, with all
121
122 Augustine: The Thinker.
which later "biographies" have made us familiar.
But there is greater interest in taking account of
facts which we know. Together wath Augustine in
his episcopal residence were gathered such priests
and deacons, similarly garbed, as w^ere engaged in
the labors of the parish. ''All things in common"
continued to be the law. No one could enter who
did not renounce all property rights. So we find
one of the priests, Leporius, hastening to sell all his
goods and using them for charity. But this plan
made room for the scandals of an occasional Ana-
nias. In sermon 355, Augustine relates the case of a
priest named Barnabas who saved enough while in
the bishop's home to buy a piece of land. Another
priest, Januarius by name, confessed on kis death-
bed of having laid by a comfortable sum of money,
which he had pretended belonged to his daughter, a
minor, who lived in a neighboring nunnery. When
it was too late for any other use, he wished to leave
the money as a legacy to the Church. Augustine
very properly refused it.
Adopting Jerome's rule of a golden-mean for
monks, Augustine is described as being neither
overnice nor careless about his clothing, his bed,
or his boots. His admiring flock proffered him
garments of the costliest kind, but he refused to
wear them. He publicly declared he would appear
in nothing which would be unbecoming even to his
humblest sub-deacon, and if they persisted in mak-
ing such gifts, he would sell them in behalf of the
The Bishop at Work. 123
poor. He was equally moderate at the table.
Vegetables and herbs formed the bulk of the diet.
Meat was reserved for the sick, or for such
hospitalities as might be extended to strangers.
Wine was permitted in small quantities. A pas-
sage in the "Confessions" (X. Ch. XXXI) can be
interpreted to mean that Augustine was fearful of
excesses in his eating and drinking. As early as
1689, accordingly, Pierre Petit advanced the notion
that it was only the great bishop's strong mind
which prevented his losing his balance under the in-
fluence of wine. But this is nothing more than ra-
tionalistic badinage. Augustine had not the robust
constitution to indulge in hearty feasting. The old
lung trouble reasserted itself in hemorrhoidal at-
tacks; he was slight, thin-blooded, and highly sen-
sitive ; and what strength he had was worn down by
endless toils and many fastings.
At Augustine's table, moreover, little levity was
known. He preferred the seasoning of serious con-
verse and spirited discussion, to which was added
the reading of some religious work. The shadow
of no scandal was ever permitted to fall upon the
clerical group as they ate. A reminder of this rule
was ever before them, engraved on the table : "This
is not the place for carping critics." With Jerome,
he had no quarter, for the man who spoke evil of
another who was absent.^ One day he was enter-
taining some neighboring bishops, who in the course
1 See Jerome's Letter to Nepotianus.
124 Augustine: The Thinker.
of their conversation either forgot the rule or ig-
nored it. Instantly Augustine was on his feet.
With great warmth he declared the couplet should
be effaced, or he must leave the table. But this was
but a reflection of a broader sympathy with folks
which made him friend to all oppressed. Aluch of
his own simplicity of living was due to a desire that
his resources might be available for all in need.
"The glory of a bishop," it was his custom to say,
"is his care of the poor." All the table ornaments
and utensils were of wood or terra cotta, excepting
the silver spoons. When the Church treasury was
empty, and money was needed to restore captives
and provide for the poor, Augustine had the sacred
vessels of the Church broken and melted. It
brought him reproach, but he appealed to similar
conduct on the part of Ambrose, who said he had
rather present Christ with souls than with gold.
Augustine had recourse to Ambrose also in the
matter of rules for the priesthood. Among these
was the advice that ministers should not constitute
themselves match-makers, for fear they might ex-
pose themselves to the rage of disappointed hus-
bands. Augustine himself went much farther. His
priests must not make alliances for themselves. In-
deed, so drastic was he in respect to women, that he
visited only orphans and widows in trouble. No
woman was permitted to dwell beneath his roof,
not even his own pious sister and nieces. McCabe's
curiosity is aroused as to what Jerome would have
Tut Bishop at Work. 125
said of such practices. We are not left in doubt.
In the famous letter to Nepotianus, the recluse of
Bethlehem makes it perfectly clear that he was rigid
in demanding uniform restraints upon the clergy.
*'Never or rarely," he wrote, "let the foot of a
woman pass the door of your humble dwelling."
Such caution doubtless was justified by the evils of
the period. In one of his sermons, Augustine con-
fessed he had nowhere found better men than in
monasteries, — and he had nowhere found worse.
One is able to discover more trustfulness than
discretion in Augustine's management of his busi-
ness affairs. He is said never to have carried a key
or a ring, since he neither received nor used gifts
for himself. All revenues were intrusted to his
clergy, and at the close of each year he heard a re-
port of expenditures, but, with unquestioning sim-
plicity, never had the reports audited. He was
awakened to the danger of this system by the reve-
lations of the fraud of Januarius. Upon closer in-
quiry, he found a deplorable condition. A majority
of his priests and deacons, contrary to their vows,
had slaves, or houses, or property. Augustine was
slow to wrath. He appointed a period in which
these entanglements of the world might be aban-
doned. When the time had elapsed, he announced
to a thronging congregation that the offenders had
decided to renounce all their possessions. This en-
couraged him to renew the solemn rule of poverty.
*Xet them appeal to a thousand councils against
126 Augustine: The; Thinker.
my judgment. Let them go beyond the seas, if they
will, to bear their complaints against me. What-
ever they do, if they remain not faithful to their
vows, by God's help they shall not be received in
this home, so long as I am bishop."-
It would have pleased Augustine better if the
offerings of the faithful had been enough for his
needs. But he w^as as usual dependent on the often
unworthy rich, a condition which brought with it
many problems. On the other hand, he was com-
pelled from purely Christian motives to refuse be-
quests to which the law gave a clear title. Hence
he warned parents to make no provision for the
Church which would mean neglect of their children.
It seems that a citizen of Carthage had made over
all his property to the Church, having no expecta-
tion of children. But afterwards, when children
appeared, the Bishop Aurelius gave back the whole :
"For according to the civil law%" says Augustine,
"he might have kept it, but not according to the
law of heaven."-' Accordingly, Augustine was
sometimes charged with taking little pains to endow
the Church. A certain Bonifacius, of the guild of
the navicularii, whose duty w^as to ship grain to
Rome and other parts, made the Church at Hippo
his beneficiary. In case of shipwreck, Bonifacius
(or more likely the unfortunate crew, who would
2 Sermon, 256.
S Sermon 356, 5. This sermon and No. 355 arc called " On the Life
and Customs of tlie Clergy," and afford many a curious glimpse of the
habits of his community.
Th^ Bishop at Work. 127
suffer torture for their testimony) must prove that
the mishap was unavoidable, or make up the loss to
the State. Augustine wisely refused to menace the
Church with a judicial process, and even worse, by
accepting the bequest. He was even more honor-
able, if not so worldly-wise, in rejecting gifts for the
Church if they in any way injured the relations of
the donor. Possidius declares he saw many such
gifts declined. There is no evidence that Augus-
tine ever had any lurking desires to follow
the example of some bishops, and surround himself
with an air of splendor. But his frugality did not
lift him above suspicion. A priest named Honoratus
had died, without will, in Thiave. Formerly he had
been a monk at Thagaste. By civil law, this property
should have gone to the man's natural heirs, but
the Church at Thiave put in an urgent claim for the
entire amount. Augustine and Alypius joined in re-
sisting their demand, but agreed to give them one-
half, the other half to be added to the resources of
the establishment at Thagaste. One of Augustine's
colleagues, Samsucius, was horrified at this trans-
action, which he considered unworthy of bishops.
Therefore, Augustine in order to avoid all appear-
ance of avarice or injustice, and to soothe the
wounded feelings of the Thiavites, awarded them
all the property. There is no difficulty in acquit-
ting Augustine of any sordidness in the matter, but
it is a valuable sidelight (or shadow) on the hfe of
the Church in his day.
128 Augustine:: Th^ Thinker.
With his usual loyalty, M. Poujoulat defends
Augustine's preoccupation with spiritual concern.
The bishop of Hippo, he says, was interested chiefly
in the higher things, and found it difficult to climb
down from thoughts of eternity to listen to the noise
of earth. This, of course, is a fair picture of the
saint and of the proper halo, but it keeps us from
getting near the man of busy interests that Augus-
tine actually was. We find the world crowding in
upon him with constant and varied distractions, and
it improves our estimate of him. He had to turn
his care not merely to clothing the poor, releasing
the captive, guarding the financial interests of the
Church, building a refuge for strangers, making
arrangement for marriages, and a great variety of
such minor matters, he also was looked to as a tower
of help by oppressed and persecuted of all classes.
By a gradual growth of the external authority of
the Church, it came about that bishops obtained the
right of moral supervision over judges and govern-
ors in their discharge of duties of State. In the
name of religion they might intercede successfully
even with emperors in behalf of ''individuals, entire
cities and provinces, who sighed under grievous
])ur(lens, laid on them by reckless, arbitrary caprice,
or who trembled in fear of heavy punishments
amidst civil disturbances." With such far-reach-
ing privileges, there was, of course, room for abuses
on the part of arrogant or obstinate ecclesiastics. A
case in point is that of Macedonius, a judge who
Thi: Bishop at Work. 129
writes to Augustine (Ep. 152) complaining of the
occasional unreasonableness of intercessions, and
denouncing bishops who whine when their haughty
requests are denied. To prevent such perversions,
a law was framed in 398, forbidding the clergy to
aid undeserving criminals. Augustine himself put
the right of intercession to frequent use. The
humblest and the highest appealed to him for aid,
and none were turned away without sympathy. Even
pagans, if they had the temerity to expose their dei-
ties and themselves to Augustine's unflexible attacks,
found his humanity always abounding. Fellow-
bishops found him insistent upon "a square deal."
Thus, when the aged Auxilus put a heavy ban upon
a certain man of rank, and included all his house-
hold, Augustine protested with great vehemence, de-
manding to know wherein lay the justice of such a
sentence. Elsewhere^ we learn how orphans often
were left to the protection of the bishop, and how
the property of widows and orphans was left under
his guardianship.
After the manner of the age, Augustine was
also constituted judge many times. Often, indeed,
it was in the episcopal court that he spent most of
his time. Till dinner hour he would sit in judg-
ment. Sometimes, even, he would fail to dine at
all, but would pass the entire day hearing com-
plaints and settling disputes. The decision of the
bishop was legally binding according to a decree of
4 Ep. 252 and Sermon 176.
130 Augustine: The Thinker.
Constantine. Thus an unusually * heavy bur-
den of a foreign nature was imposed upon
the bishops. Late in his life, Augustine found
it necessary, in order that he might give
his attention to theological work, to relinquish this
judicial business for five days each week. Even
then they besieged him without mercy, till he was
obliged to become severe in his demand for quiet.
His reputation as an adjudicator spread throughout
Africa. It must have been greatly to his distaste
to be thrown into this constant, heated turmoil of
men's contentions. Even a self-subduing saint is
condoned for such a human complaint as Augustine
finds it impossible to repress : ''Depart from me, ye
wicked men, for I would study the Word of God."^
Of course there was much vexation aroused, which-
ever way he judged. But doubtless this was coun-
terbalanced by the wide opportunity presented of
getting near his people, and of urging upon them
the blessedness of brethren dwelling together in
unity.
But Augustine's chief function was to officiate
each day at the celebration in the basilica. There
was a simple liturgical service of psalms. The
Lord's Supper was celebrated according to the
genuinely Christian view "as representing the fel-
lowship of divine life subsisting between believers,
their Redeemer,' and one another."^ Above all,
/> On the Psalms cxix, 115.
C Neandcr, II, 326. McCabe's remark, that the "mass was already a
daily liturgical function in the African Churches," implies more than can
be proved,
The: Bishop at Work. 131
Augustine stood before his people in the role of [
preacher. It was not an uncommon thing for him \
to deHver two discourses a day, and preach five
days in succession. There are in the Benedictine
edition of his works, three hundred ninety-four
sermons, of which thirty-one very Hkely are spu-
rious. Besides these must be inckided many of the
expositions of the Psalms. These were preached
for the most part at Hippo, though he con-
stantly found himself in demand at Carthage, at
Constantine, at Calamus, at Caesarea, and at every
place he appeared throughout North Africa. This
popularity was due in part to his growing reputa-
tion as the champion of orthodoxy, and in part also
to his real oratorical genius. It is no heresy to say
that all Augustine's sermons do not make lively
reading. His audience was made up mostly of poor I
people, with slight education. And it must be said I
that the sermons have a simplicity which must have t
been peculiarly adapted to the intelligence of his |
hearers. From their effect, and such evidence as we |
have, we must judge also that they were given with |
commanding power and deep feeling. Augustine
himself often wept as he spoke. "God alone \^
knows," he said to his congregation, ''with what \
trembling I stand in your presence to address you."
One rarely discovers, however, any lack of boldness
when he resorts to charges of vice, or perfidy, or
delinquency on the part of his members. But un-
doubtedly he had in no small degree that grace of
132 Augustink: Thi- TiiinkivR.
humility which is the foundation of the most noble
1 preaching. Contrary to what we would expect
! from one of his training, he was less concerned for
* the ornaments of style than for direct appeal. He
said that he cared not whether he pleased the
ihetoricians, so long as the common people under-
stood. Xo better example of his power, over the
minds and hearts of his hearers, can be given than
a scene which he himself describes.'^ At Csesarea,
in Mauritania, there occurred annually a violent
upheaval of the entire town, a sort of faction-war,
in which neighborhoods and homes were divided
■ into bitter parties, and every one was bent upon
; killing as many others as possible. The clergy had
I made an unsuccessful campaign against this tradi-
/ tional custom, or caterva, as it was called. When
( Augustine visited the town, therefore, he was be-
I sought to use his talent against the horrible prac-
tice. '*I strove with all the vehemence of speech
that I could command to drive from their hearts an
I evil so cruel and inveterate." At length the con-
\ gregation applauded, and Augustine felt they were
being persuaded. But he continued with such fiery
. zeal that they burst into tears, and he knew he had
• possession of their hearts. He adds significantly:
"It is now eight years or more since anything of
the sort was attempted there."
Such successes were, however, only occasional.
The people of the Hippo Church were pitifully jeal-
T On Christian Doctrine, IV, 24.
The: Bishop at Work. 133
ous and unstable. They complained if their head
pastor went away for a journey. Augustine must
have suffered from the lack of appreciation, and
from the misunderstandings, which every great per-
sonality has to face when crowded into cramping-
quarters. He was unable to carry his people with
him into the rampant doctrinal contests of his day.
So it is not strange that the sermons preached at
Hippo begin in the first years with a show of care-
ful preparation, but gradually descend into weak-
ness and hurry of method. Often he came into his f
pulpit without having given his remarks previous [
thought. As he himself confesses, he would take his I
text from the passage read by the ''praelector," and ?
extemporize according to the impressions of the I
hour.® In the nature of the case, inspiration could
not continue uniformly strong under such condi-
tions. What Dr. JMarcus Dods says of the writings
of Augustine in general, applies with special force
to the sermons — they *'may be compared with his
country, wide tracts of thin, sterile ground, inter-
spersed with spots so fruitful as to be capable of
sustaining the whole population and invite the
weary to linger." x\s one winds his way through
the ponderous six volumes of the Oxford transla-
tion of the "Expositions on the Psalms," it is to feel
how provokingly predominant is the "thin, sterile
ground." It may be said in extenuation, that al-
lowance must be made for the prevalent allegorical
On the Psalms, cxxxviii, i.
134
Augustine: Thd Thinker.
method to which Augustine was bred. Or we may
profit by the exhortation of Dr. A. Cleveland Coxe,
and turn to Augustine if we wish "to catch the liv-
ing spirit that animates the wheels of the Psalms."
But, when all is said, and predispositions of rev-
erence for patristics is laid aside, it must be ad-
mitted that the sermon-commentaries are rather
solid than buoyant, ingenious than impressive,
clever than winsome. For the most part, as a re-
sponsible critic has estimated, Augustine was an
"expository lecturer,"^ lapsing into many foolish
and trivial blunders of exegesis, sometimes preach-
ing from a text and sometimes not, resorting very
little to illustration, though generally with telling
eflfect. Although he was thus unequal, his sermons
often have the swing of deep earnestness and men-
tal power, and he must hold his place as the great-
est of the Latin preachers.
One of the matters of particular interest, as in-
dicating the daily occupation of Augustine, is his
relation with eminent contemporaries. Antony, the
father of monasticism, died two years after Augus-
tine's birth. Athanasius, Gregory of Nazianzum,
Basil and his brother Gregory, of Nyssa, and Am-
brose, passed from the scene before the bishop of
Hippo reached his day of power. The bishop of
IMilan seems not to have recognized the promise of
the young rhetoric master. But Simplicianus, his
successor in the Italian see, did not fail to show
9 Edward C. Dargan, D. D., A History of Preaching.
The Bishop at Work. 135
Augustine the respect due one of his worth and in-
fluence. Another name of note in Augustine's age
was PauHnus. This man was born of a senatorial
house in Bordeaux, and himself attained to highest
rank through his ability and culture. Contrary to
his own wish he had been forced into the priest-
hood by the inhabitants of Barcelona, but had re-
tired to Nola, where he added a sixth church of
rare beauty to the five already built about the tomb
of St. Felix.. In his letters to this devoted Christian,
Augustine expressed himself with refreshing free-
dom and reality.^^ There ought to be mention,
also, in passing, of the letters between Augustine
and such representative men as Hilary, General
Boniface, Aurelius, and Victorinus.
But of surpassing value are the relations between
Augustine the greatest Churchman, and Jerome the
greatest scholar, of that age. From the gloomy
monastic cell of Bethlehem, Jerome had kept close
to the world through a voluminous correspondence,
learned writings on various phases of Old and New
Testament scholarship, and controversies. Some of
his work fell into the hands of Augustine, who at
once set about to express in a letter his delight, and
to lay before the famous recluse some of his own
writings. This was in the year 395, while Augus-
tine was still a priest. After begging Jerome to
give the Christian students a Latin translation of
the Greek Scriptures, he turned to criticise the
10 See Eps. 24, 25, 30, 94, 121, 149, 186; also 31, 42, 45, 80, 95.
136 Augustine: Thd Thinke:r.
monk's commentary on Gal. ii, 11-14. This passage
had been a kind of stumbhng-block to some recent
coDverts, and Jerome had made a bold assertion
that Paul's withstanding Peter to the face was a
preconcerted arrangement piously devised for its
effect in a delicate situation. As a precedent in
the interpretation of Scripture, this daring ingenuity
hardly appealed to Augustine, and he frankly says
so, though with proper courtesy. As this letter did
not reach Bethlehem, Augustine made another at-
tempt shortly after becoming bishop. By rare mis-
fortune this letter also failed of its destination, and,
by becoming a part of Augustine's other writings,
reached Jerome by a long detour and after a wide
leading in Rome and elsewhere. Not till the year
402 did Augustine hear through a traveler from the
Holy Land, that in Bethlehem it was common gos-
sip that Jerome had been attacked relentlessly by
the new bishop of Hippo. He hastened to set the
matter right in a kindly message to Jerome. But
he was speedil}' to find that sainthood in the Eastern
monastery was mixed with some spleen. The reply
came at once, and, in spite of pretences of humility
and love, showed that the old man's pride had been
offended : ''Far be it from me to presume to attack
anything your grace has written. For it is enough
for me to prove my own views without controvert-
mg what others hold. But it is well known to one
of your wisdom, that every one is satisfied with his
own opinion, and that it is puerile self-sufficiency to
The: Bishop at Work. 137
seek, as young men have of old been wont to do,
to gain glory to one's own name by assailing men
who have become renowned. Love one who loves
you, and do not because you are young challenge
a veteran in the field of Scripture."
Next year, by a young deacon on his way to
the East, Augustine sent another letter. Perhaps
he had not yet received Jerome's reply. At any rate,
he resorts once more to a friendly criticism of some
of his elder's work.
By this time affairs had become involved in a
sorry tangle. The miscarriage of Augustine's let-
ters, and their inclusion in his works as a kind of
challenge to the old monk, could not be understood
by Jerome. His natural pride, his dislike for oppo-
sition, his violent temper — all of which had broken
forth in extravagant and scurrilous language upon
his departure from Rome — had not been entirely re-
pressed by the diligent labors and restraints of his
ascetic retreat. He admits, in the letter of 403, a
serious difficulty in regarding Augustine's explana-
tion as guileless — a ''honeyed sword" he calls it.
The younger man's polite request that he should
recall the ill-advised comment on Galatians, should
"recant it in a humble Palinode," was a setting at
naught of "the laws of brotherly love." "If you
wish to exercise or display your learning, choose as
your antagonists young, eloquent, and illustrious
riien, of whom it is said there are many at Rome."
"You are challenging an old man, disturbing the
138 Augustine;: Thk Thinkkr.
peace of one who asks only to be allowed to oe
cjuiet." He adds rather snubbingly: *'I can at this
time pronounce nothing in your works to merit cen-
sure ; for I have never read them with any atten-
tion."
In no passage of his history does the character
of Augustine show to better advantage. Letters
often were lost in the Roman w^orld, when no gov-
ernment was responsible for their safe delivery. It
ought not therefore to occasion surprise if the
haughtiness, or blindness, of Jerome had at least
ruffled the spirits of his critic. But Augustine has-
tened to show himself a man of peace. After free-
ing himself from Jerome's charge of insincerity
and desire for self-exaltation, he concludes (Ep.
73) : "If it be possible for us to discuss anything
by which our hearts may be nourished without any
bitterness of discord, I entreat you let us address
ourselves to this. But if it is not possible for either
of us to point out what he may judge to demand
correction in the other's writings, without being
suspected of envy and regarded as wounding friend-*
ship, let us, having regard to our spiritual life and
health, leave such conference alone."
The response came in a long letter of eight thou-
sand words. The rancor was still lingering in
Jerome's breast. *'I pass by," he begins, "the con-
ciliatory phrases in your courteous salutation : I
say nothing of the compliments by which you at-
tempt to take the edge off your censure." He can
Thi: Bishop at Work. 139
not quite forget the smart of the imaginary "hon-
eyed sword." As for the disputed Pauhne pas-
sage, ought not the youthful bishop his antagonist,
to spread his opinions throughout the world, and
thus engage all other bishops to adopt them? "As
for me, in my forlorn monastery, with my fellow-
monks, I dare not pronounce on such weighty ques-
tions, but rely chiefly on the interpretations of Ori-
gen and the other Greek theologians." This is both
a sneer and a mistake. But it is not more unpar-
donable than the ungracious remarks about Augus-
tine's deficiencies in Greek learning.
In another year, however, the cloud has passed.
Jerome writes with pacified good-nature : "Let us
quit quarreling. Let there be sincere brotherliness
between us ; and henceforth let us exchange letters,
not of controversy, but of mutual charity. Let us
exercise ourselves in the field of Scripture without
w^ounding each other." It is hard to believe that
Jerome, an old man of seventy-five, gave very mi-
nute care to Augustine's reply of ten thousand
words, for he begs to be allowed the peace which an
old veteran has earned. But in all the remaining let-
ters there is a tone of friendliness, and even of ad-
miration, on Jerome's part, while Augustine con-
tinues to respect and seek the opinion of the more
erudite monk. Indeed, he forbore expressing him-
self on one subject until after Jerome's death in
419, lest by antagonizing the latter, he might sever
the relations which erew in warmth till the last.
CHAPTER XL
DONATUS.
It is now generally conceded by eminent
scholars that what is known as Donatism did not
originate immediately in a doctrinal dispute. Some
French and German writers make large capital out
f)f their theory of the growth of episcopal power and
the popular uprising against it, as if this accounted
for the famous schism. A closer scrutiny discloses
the fact, that, while a point o^ principle soon
cropped out, the controversy began with differences
of a political and personal nature.
It is necessary to notice that the clergy did not
all emerge from the Diocletian persecution (303-
305) purged as by fire. In North Africa there had
grown up a spirit of pride, fanaticism, and malice.
All this came to view in a council of 305, assembled
in the Numidian city Cirta, for the purpose of
choosing a bishop for that place. The presiding
bishop, Secundus, had certain grievances against
Mcnsurius, head of the Church at Carthage. It
appears that the recent persecution had found some
of the bishops wanting in the true spirit of martyr-
dom. By force or by fear they had been induced to
surrender to the pagan authorities the sacred writ-
140
DONATUS. 141
ings. For this they were called traditores. It was
assumed that if they had not thus saved themselves,
they would have suffered violent death. On the
other hand, there were many who courted martyr-
dom, imprisonment, and loss of goods, as things par-
ticularly pleasing to God and deserving the praise
of men. Thus there arose two parties. The fanat-
ical, superstitious party was led by Secundus, while
Mensurius, seconded by his archdeacon, Caecilian,
opposed the imprudent veneration of men who had
given themselves up to voluntary and unnecessary
martyrdom. Upon opening the Council of Cirta,
Secundus did not hesitate to lay bare his suspicions
of the misconduct of his fellow-clergy. Some, he
found, were falsely accused. Others, like Men-
surius, had saved their lives by giving up other
writings than the Bible. One Purpurius, a man of
glowing temper, resented the inquisitorial spirit of
Secundus, against whom he turned the probe by
asking: "How did it happen you got off so easily,
though it was known you had copies of the Bible ?"
Rather than subject his own conduct to such severe
examination, Secundus accepted the advice of one
of his colleagues to leave the whole matter to the
judgment of God.^
1 The transactions of this assembly may be followed in Augustine's
work, Against Cresconius. The Donatists held, but on very insufficient
ground, that the documents had been interpolated. Augustine himself
had the advantage of coming to the controversy in the second or third
generation. Optatus had written his History of Donatism in 374, and it is
the classic on that subject. To Optatus, Augustine pays his respects in
these words: "Optatus, of venerable memory, Bishop of Mileve in the
Catholic Communion."
142 AucusTiNTv: Thtv Thtnkkr.
In the year 311, a date from which the Donatist
schism must properly begin, Mensurius was sum-
moned to the court at Rome to answer for the un-
tamed ardor of an overzealous subordinate. Fear-
ing, so it is alleged, that he might not return alive,
he intrusted the hiding-place of the costly Church
vessels to two of his clergy, Celestius and Botrus.
Xot content with this precaution he confided his
secret also to a saintly woman of his congregation.
As he had presaged, Mensurius died on his way
home. Steps were taken at once for the election of
his successor. Botrus and Celestius, it is still fur-
ther alleged, having cast eyes on the wealth of the
Carthaginian see, looked to the vacancy with covet-
ous longings. Greatly to their chagrin, therefore,
Caecilian, the archdeacon, w^ho had stood nearest
the deceased bishop in his official duties, was chosen,
and presently consecrated by Felix, Bishop of Ap-
tunga. The wrath of the disappointed pair was
not soothed by the next step. The aforementioned
woman having testified as to the precious posses-
sions of the Church at Carthage, Botrus and his
confederate were obliged to bring forward the en-
tire amount.
It is for these reasons that Optatus lays at the
bottom of the Donatist division, "Greed and ambi-
tion." But those two words do not describe all the
trouble. Caecilian was out of favor with the party
at Carthage that disputed the position of Men-
surius; for it was while carrying out the bishop's
DONATUS. ' 143
policy that he had forbidden Christians to foster
criminaHty by bearing food to the prisons for the
rehef of pseudo-martyrs. In this way he had run
counter to the practices of a wealthy, and accord-
ingly influential, Christian matron of Carthage,
named Lucilla. This woman had obtained certain
fragments of bones, which she pretended were relics
of some martyr or other, and was in the habit of
kissing them each morning previous to her partak-
ing of the communion. The deacon Caecilian con-
cluded that such a silly superstition must be abol-
ished, and roundly rebuked Lucilla. This humil-
iation she of course resented. And her resentment
forms a third root of the Donatist controversy.
No sooner was Csecilian elected and ordained
than the combined and powerful forces of Lucilla,
Secundus, Botrus, and Celestius set at work to op-
pose him. From Augustine,^ we learn that the in-
triguers met in the house of Lucilla, (another in-
stance in history of "dux femina facti.") They
began by refusing to recognize Caecilian as bishop.
When challenged to bring forward their charges,
they fell back upon the old North African principle
that because Felix, the consecrating bishop, was a
traditor, the ordination of Caecilian was therefore
invalid. Their insincerity in this position was at
once manifest. Caecilian (either from a desire for
peace at any cost, or because he conceded the prin-
ciple said to be at stake) offered to resign that he
? Sermon, No, 4$.
144 Augustink: Thtv Thinkkr.
might be consecrated anew by the bishops from
Numidia. But they, in turn, after choosing a sec-
ond bishop for Carthage, Marjorinus, a reader of
the Church and a favorite of Lucilla, proceeded to
excommunicate Csecihan for submitting to unlaw-
ful ordination.^ Thus was set adrift a division of
the early Church, destined to a hapless, ugly career.
AVhile Marjorinus took the nominal lead of the
antagonizing party, Ihe real head was at first Dona-
tus, Bishop of Casse Nigrse in Numidia. It was,
however, another Donatus, successor of Marjo-
rinus, in 315,^ who gave the sect its name and was
its soul. *'And he Vv'as well suited to stand at the
head of a party, being a man of fiery, untutored
eloquence, of great firmness of principle, and of
great energy^ of action." Under such leadership,
the Donatists sought at the start the recognition of
the Emperor Constantine. From Rome, Aries, and
finally, Milan in 316, imperial decisions accord-
ingly were given. But these were favorable to the
Catholics, and frowned upon the Donatists. At
length, wearying of their persistency, Constantine
took from the offending party their churches and
property, and otherwise persecuted them. His suc-
cessors down to Valentinian and Gratian were less
violent; but these last emperors adopted drastic
3 It is gratuitous to say that this was done by the seventy Numidian
bishops after "pocketing a heavy bribe from Lucilla," yet one of Augus-
tine's critics goes that far, apparently for the sake of local color.
4 At least this seems to me the true view of the matter. For con-
clusive reasons see Neander II, p. 190, f, n. 2.
DONATUS. 145
and often ill-advised measures, which resulted
lather in the spread of Donatism than in its sup-
pression. During the usurpation of Gildo (an Af-
rican prince who maintained himself as ruler of the
African province after the death of Theodosius, till
398), the Donatists were shielded from imperial
persecution, and gained steadily in power and num-
bers. In fact, there was no time during the entire
century when their fierce spirit was subdued or their
courage daunted. When Augustine confronted
them at the close of Gildo's revolt, they were re-
garded as the national party, and outnumbered the
Catholic Christians.
There is one phase of the controversy which
forms a dark picture. In North Africa there lived
a band of fanatical monks, who, despising work,
wandered among the peasant huts, begging or ex-
acting food and shelter. For this they were termed
Circitmcellions (men who wander among huts).
They called themselves soldiers of Christ, and
Christian Champions.^ But their weapons were
carnal. In claim, at least, they represented the puri-
tanic spirit of that part of Africa. It was for this
reason that they sympathized with the Donatist, or
popular African, Church, which they pretended to
protect. It was very easy to incite these people to
any kind of wild outrage. Pretending to be
fighters for God, they roved about the country seek-
ing to arouse slaves against their masters, and
5 Cf. Augustine, On the Psalms, cxxxii, 6.
10
146 Augustine: The; Thinker.
debtors against their creditors. They compelled
venerable heads of families to submit to degrading
insults. They dragged rich Catholics from their
chariots and then harnessed them in place of the
horses. They showed merciless disrespect to the
Csecilianist bishops and presbyters, and shamefully
desecrated their churches. Indeed, they shrank
neither from the destruction of churches nor from
the murder of those who resisted them. When they
themselves found opportunity, they "rushed head-
long into the joy and crown of martyrdom," throw-
ing themselves over precipices, leaping into fires,
and paying others to kill them.^
By far the most important phase of the Dona-
tist schism is Augustine's connection wdth it. When
he came to Hippo, the Donatists were greatly in
the majority, and he informs us that so strained
were the relations, that in a time of stress no Dona-
tist would venture to bake bread for a Catholic.''
By this time, also, numbers were not the only for-
midable asset of the Donatists. They had had
nearly a century in which to organize themselves
into a compact body, and they stood for very defi-
nite and vigorous principles. Among these the
most pronounced were an insistence upon a holy
membership of the Church (the true Church con-
sisting only of such as were known or thought to
6 For confirmation of these statements, and for details, see Augustine's
Letter to Count Boniface, No. 185, and the account in Optatus, Chaps. II
and III. Augustine, in Ep. 35, tells of the insolence shown him by one of
the Circumcellions. 7 Against the Letters of Petilianus, II, 184.
DONATUS. 147
be faithful) ; the rebaptism of traditores; the abso-
lute separation of Church and State ; the invalidity
of baptism and ordination conferred by ecclesiastics
of doubtful character. Had these adversaries, of
what was prevalently known as Csecilianism, been
consistent, or able to maintain their positions, they
might have wrought permanent disaster to the
Catholic Church. But with such unwearied zeal did
Augustine take up and continue his warfare, that
long before the close of his life there was a com-
plete reversal of the standing of the two parties.
We have already had occasion to speak of Au-
gustine's engagements with the Donatists in the
early years of his presbyterate at Hippo. Up to the
year 398 nothing further occurred of enough inter-
est to claim our attention. In that year, Honorius
replaced the defeated Gildo. This meant a renewal
of the oppressive laws of Theodosius, and a check
upon the Circumcellions. But the imperial re-
straints were not at this time Augustine's chief re-
liance. He continued to make the mxost of letters,
sermons, public debates, and controversial writings.
No opportunity escaped him.^
Very little is gained by undertaking a minute
examination of all Augustine's work in antagonism
to the Donatist position. But it is important to
glimpse the principal facts.^ One of the most able
disputants on the other side was Parmenian, suc-
8 See Ep. 44, written in 399.
9 A fuller account may be found in Dr. Hartranft's Introduction Es-
say to the Anti-Donatist Writings, Post Nicene Fathers, Vol. IV.
148 Augustink: Thk Thinkkr.
cesser of Donatus in Carthage. In defense of his
party, he held that the Donatist communion was
without blemish, and that it was essential to sep-
arate the evil from the Church in order to preserve
the true notion of the Church inviolate. But in ar-
riving at this end, the interference of the State must
be deprecated. In reply Augustine defends the use
of secular power, l)Ut charges the Donatists with
originating the custom of appeal thereto. With
many thrusts, he shows how impossible it has been
for the Donatists themselves to maintain a pure
membership or a blameless ministry. Yet he con-
fesses the need of discipline. Appealing to Cyprian,
he emphasizes the need for unity, and the sin of
schism, in the Church, and makes much of the note
of universality, the true Church being diffused
throughout the whole world. All this has a par-
ticular bearing on Augustine's later attitude.
It was not, however, till later in the same year
(400) that he set himself to elaborate a treatise
against the Donatists, ''On Baptism," and one in
refutation of the contentions of Petilian, Donatist
Bishop of Constantia.^'' In the latter of these,
which is in three books, one finds a great deal of
sterile and intemperate speech in place of argu-
ment. Augustine charges his opponent with ''fool-
ish loquacity" and "impious pride," derides his
"panting lungs and swollen throat," and in closing
makes a modest comparison between his own claims
10 Against the Letters to Petilian.
DONATUS. 149
and those of Petilian. The third book, mdeed, can
hardly be dignified by the term ''argument :" it is at
best only verbose and often unsuccessful rebuttal of
rather lame propositions, mixed with liberal lumps
of self-vindication. In book two, Petilian presses
for an answer to the questions: ''What have you
to do with the kings of this world?" "If you wish
us to be your friends, why do you drag us to you
against our will?" The first question, Augustine
turns back upon the Donatists — Why did they con-
sort so closely with the apostate Julian ?^^ As to
the second query, Augustine makes a firm denial of
any intention to coerce. It was not against their
will, he said; for they were like children who
needed to learn freedom through restraint and com-
pulsion : "The very object of our negotiations with
you is that you should cease to be heretics, and when
you come over from your heresy to us, you cease
to be what we hate, and begin to be what we love."
In all this it is seen how Augustine gradually be-
came hardened in the conflict. He began with in-
tense disbelief in the employment of force, expect-
ing by impassioned argument to win over his ene-
mies. But he found the evil deep-seated and his
foe stubborn. At length he was glad to look to a
stronger arm for co-operation.
It is in the other work, "On Baptism," that we
11 Under him the Donatist party received new life, their exiled
bishops were recalled, and they were given back their property and rights
of worship. Of course, these facts could not justify Augustine in his de-
fense of the use of imperial force. The comparison was ill-drawn.
I50 Augustine: The: Thinker.
come more directly in contact with the core of the
dispute. And here, Cyprian, as Professor Harnack
has expressed it, *Svas played off against himself."
It is chiefly around this bishop-martyr, therefore,
that the discussion ought to be studied. Augustine
held to the necessity of baptism to salvation, but
considered it of value only when accompanied by
regeneration. In any case, the character of the ad-
ministrator was a matter of indifference, as long as
Christ's institution was followed. If, therefore, the
ordinance was administered in an heretical sect, it
was a real baptism ; but inasmuch as under such
conditions, there could be no spiritual power of a
new life, the ordinance was ineffectual. For, hold-
ing as he did, the unity of the Church, it was im-
possible in Augustine's mind for a man to find sal-
vation outside the Catholic communion. This was
the essential position of Cyprian. The man who
leaves the Church sins against love and humility.
And that was a precise description of the Donatist.
When he returns to the Catholic unity, it is to re-
ceive the spirit signified by the rite already be-
stowed ; for now he has healthfully what he pre-
viously had hurtfully and unworthily.^^
On their side, the Donatists contended they were
the true Church. Going back to the source of the
schism, they declared that, since the ordination of
Cajcilian by Felix was tlie act of a traditor, the
1 arty of Augustine, which descended from Felix
12 On Baptism, VII, 41.
DONATUS. 151
and Csecilian, could by no means be the Church.
Moreover, the Church, in order to be true, must
cast out such as are of impure hfe, both lay and
cleric. If men were baptized by a faithless min-
ister, it was not faith they received, but guilt. Hence
they must be rebaptized. To support this claim,
reference was made to Cyprian, and the Carthagin-
ian Council of 265. Thus it is seen how the au-
thority of Cyprian was made to stand, on one hand
for the preservation of miity, and on the other, for
the repetition of baptism.
But, to get back to the current of events. While
Augustine was busy with tongue and pen, and grad-
ually was breaking away from these more peaceful
measures to place reliance on State interference, the
Circumcellions were becoming more active. But the
struggle was beginning to count in favor of the
Catholic Church. Many Donatists came over to
Augustine's view, and, according to a decree of 401,
passed in the Council of Carthage, these recedents
received liberal treatment. At another general
council, of 403, measures were adopted looking to
a friendly discussion of contested points. Thus en-
couraged, by what looked like favorable progress,
Augustine addressed a general letter (No. 76) to
the Donatists, calling upon them not to imperil their
salvation by persisting in disunion, and exposing
their inconsistencies. This had an opposite effect to
what he intended. Instead of being won to an at-
titude of open-mindedness, the Donatist bishops
152 Augustine: The Thinker.
were highly incensed, and their allies, the easily-
inflamed Circumcellions, committed fresh indigni-
ties. At a council held in Carthage the next year
(404), accordingly, the prominent question was,
whether new penal laws should not be sought
against the Donatists. Augustine took the position
that compelling men to belong to the Catholic body
was only to make hypocrites. The truth must be its
own defense. But he did not carry the council en-
tirely with him. Indeed, it was not long before the
Donatists found themselves the objects of a merci-
less attack at the hands of the Emperor Honorius.
As heretics they were deprived of property and
the right to receive legacies; many were heavily
fined, and in Carthage, the sect speedily dropped
out of view.
This activity of Honorius was regarded as com-
mendable by the majority of Catholics. Augustine
himself seems by this time to have suffered a com-
plete change of heart. He had preferred moral
force, but it had not won the day. Although the
Donatists of better disposition disclaimed respon-
sibility for the fury of the Circumcellions, we have
Augustine's word that Catholics could not possibly
have lived in the country were it not that city Dona-
tists were held as hostages for their protection. In
a letter to Vincentius (No. 93), he defends his sym-
pathy for the use of civil constraints. "The im-
portant point," he says, "it not whether a man is
coerced, but to what he is coerced." Justification
DONATUS. 153
for imperial decrees is found in their good results.
Many a Donatist has lived to be grateful that un-
usual pressure led him to see more clearly the Cath-
olic position. Religious coercion is like the force
by which a sick man is kept from hurling himself
from a window. It is strange to find Augustine in
the same breath, with all this, appealing to the tol-
erance of Cyprian. In fact, one has little difficulty
in spying out broad inconsistencies between the
views of 398 and those of 408. In this instance it
must be acknowledged that principles, with Augus-
tine, changed with exigencies. Success was his vin-
dication.
During the next few years, Augustine wrote
several important letters/^ and sermons in antag-
onism to the Donatists and in explanation of his
own convictions. There is also a careful work en-
titled ''Against Cresconius," in which he goes over
the old questions concerning baptism, persecution,
ordination and unity. Of the letters, the ones to
claim our particular attention relate to political
events of deep significance. In the year 408, Stili-
cho, to whom Theodosius had entrusted his two
sons, Arcadius and Honorius, and who was the real
ruling power of the West, was cruelly assassinated.
The man who succeeded him, as magister ofUciorum,
Olympius, found North Africa in commotion on ac-
count of religious strife. He sought the counsel of
Augustine, who, in return, points to the practical
13 See especially Nos. 86, 87, 88, 89, 97, 100, 105, 106, io8, iii, and 112.
154 Augustine: The Thinker.
benefits of coercion, and begs him await the return
of an episcopal commission, which was even then
on its way to Italy, in search of imperial aid against
the mad unrestraint of the Circumcellions. The
commission did its v/ork well. It was not long be-
fore the forces of government were working
smoothly, beside the earnest arguments of Augus-
tine, to bring reluctant Donatists into the Catholic
fold. Meanwhile, the storms were gathering about
the hills of Rome. It would not do for the em-
peror's forces to be divided in Africa, upon the pos-
session of which the Goths now looked wath envious
eyes, for there was the granary of Rome. In conse-
quence, Honorius sent to Africa this short decree,
intended to crush out as quickly as possible, the for-
midable army of Circumcellions : "Let them suffer
by proscription and death if they dare to meet again
in criminal audacity." This was followed within a
few weeks, by another decree, intended to bring
about a quiet ending of the differences between
Donatist and Catholic. According to this plan,
there should be a Cor.ference at Carthage, at which
representatives of both parties should argue their
cases in the presence of a civil judge. This was in
accord with a wish which Augustine and his fellow-
bishops long had sought to bring to fulfillment.
In October of 410, edicts concerning the con-
ference were sent out by Marccllinus, the tribune.
It was not, however, till the following May that
the same officer convoked the assembly and pro-
DONATUS. 155
ceeded to sit in judgment over it. There were in all
five hundred and sixty-five bishops, of whom a trifle
more than half were Catholic. This is a smaller
body than a Quadrennial Conference of the Meth-
odist Episcopal Church. But there were no com-
mittees to arrange every detail and discussion. *'The
business," exclaimed Bishop Petilian petulantly,
''belongs to those who concocted this whole affair."
Hence it was nobody's business. The Donatists
from the start were suspicious, and the transactions
were noisy and disorderly. Whether it displayed
any magnanimity or not, the Catholic bishops set
out with a proposition that if the Donatists lost
their cause they would share their own parishes
with them, but if the Catholic cause were defeated
they would yield their Churches to the Donatists.
Perhaps the result seemed like a foreg-one conclu-
sion anyway. Marcellinus was a devoted Catholic.
Augustine, in a sermon previous to the confer-
ence, had counseled love and gentleness. But his
exhortation bore little fruit. The first day was con-
sumed in a tiresome wrangle over questions of
privilege, and the second day in an even more
monotonous debate on delay and adjournment. For
the Donatists, the chief speaker was Petilian, and
on the other side, Augustine. Marcellinus invited
all the bishops to be seated as he himself was. Only
the Catholics complied. Petilian, on behalf of his
colleagues, declared they could not sit down with
such adversaries. Thereupon the imperial commis-
156 Augustine: The Thinker.
sioner ordered his own chair removed and he and
his officials remained standing. With undisguised
maHce, PetiHan renewed the old trumped-up
charges that were made against his great rival at
ordination, but the matter was ruled out. When the
unwieldy body finally settled down to the points at
issue, there was a spirited and long-continued dis-
cussion. The pronounced differences were not long
in coming to view. There w^as first of all the his-
torical question, as to the origin of the schism. Was
Caecilian validly consecrated? Or was Felix law-
fully qualified to consecrate ? Both were denied by
the Donatists. For his side, Augustine declared
the allegations of his opponents totally groundless.^*
But even if Felix v;as a tr adit or, his act had the
sanction of the Church and was therefore lifted
beyond question.
Although the doctrinal issues did not all come to
the front in the Council of Carthage, there were cer-
tain great questions involved, which summarize the
controversy, and must receive brief treatment. First
of all. What is the Church, and who belong to iff On
the Donatist side, it was declared that the Church
is what you see, provided priests are "pure" (neither
heretics, traditorcs, nor otherwise unworthy) and
members are holy and validly baptized. The
counter-proposition of Augustine was that wheat
and tares must grow together, after the parable of
Christ, the true Church being the Catholic which
14 Repeated research has borne out this contention of the Catholic
party. See Hurst, History of the Christian Church, Vol. I, p. 251, f. n. a.
DONATUS. 157
is visible in the sacraments.^^ The second question
had to do with the validity of ordination and the
sacrament of baptism. As already noted, the Dona-
tist contention was, that only priests of spotless
character could duly administer these sacraments ;
this accounted for their practice of rebaptism. Ac-
cording to Augustine, on the other hand, the sacra-
ment of baptism was independent of human disposi-
tion. It possessed a sort of magical efficacy which
depended, not on any human factor, but upon *'the
Word and sign."^*^ If bestowed by heretics, it was
still valid, and became "efficacious unto salvation"
upon the wanderer's returning penitently to the
Church. While it is true that the Donatists were
not consistent on this question in practice, it is
equally true that Augustine could not be con-
sistent in his defense of the position he took.
For one thing, it ran counter to his thesis that
the sacraments belong inseparably to the Cath-
olic Church. Moreover, it was a denial of his view
of the supreme authority of the Church. This
raised a third question as to ''the scat of authority."
The Donatists appealed to visions, miracles, the
hearing of prayer, the holiness of their bishops.
These were satisfactory evidence of the truth and
worth of their Church. But the Catholic Church,
said Augustine, admitted no testimony but that of
God in the Holy Scriptures. All other evidence
16 This question will receive further attention in the next chapter.
16 See Ep. 173, 3, On Baptism, IV, 6, 16; VI, i.
158 AuGUSTiNi-: Thk Thinkkr.
was without validity. Because the CathoHcs had
this Scriptural witness, they constituted the sole true
Church. But, in the next place, zvhat are
the true notes of the Church? ''Holiness,"
said the Donatists. "Yes," w^as the reply, "but only
in a limited sense ; namely, in that the Church, w^hile
necessarily made up of good and evil, must employ
discipline ; and also, because the Church in its sac-
raments, and in its union with Christ, has the only
efficient means of sanctification." Other important
marks of the true Church, according to Augustine,
were unity, especially in faith and love ; universality
— /. e., "identical with itself" everywdiere and al-
ways ;^" apostolicity — possession of the apostolic
writings, and unity based upon episcopal succes-
sion down from the apostles. In all these respects,
it was claimed, the Donatists were lacking, and
could not, therefore, be the true Church.^^ But,
finally, how far is physical force admissible in mat-
ters of religion F The Donatists denied that the
Catholic Church "had a divine right to rule the con-
science." It may be they went too far in their set-
ting forth of the opposition existing between
Church and State. But their fundamental asser-
tion was most defensible — that "the peace of
Christ," in the words of their Bishop Gaudentius,
"never forces men against their wills." In oppos-
17 See the statement by Prof. Rainy, The Ancient Catholic Church,
p. 418, f. n. I, on p. 419.
18 Cf, Harnack, V, pp. 144-155.
DONATUS. 159
ing this principle, Augustine doubtless was caught f
in the subtle toils of the time-spirit. The age was
with him in yielding to imperial power the settle-
ment of religious disputes. And too easily did he
go over to the side of those who misapplied the
words of Christ — ''Compel them to come in." Thus
he gave his weighty influence to a theory which
"contained the germ of that whole system of spirit-
ual despotism, of intolerance and persecution,
which ended in the tribunals of the Inquisition."^^
It is clear that the results of the conference of
411 were not satisfactory to the Donatists. Mar-
cellinus, as was expected, gave his decision in favor
of the Catholic party. To them the Donatists were
bidden turn over all their churches, while they
themselves were prohibited from holding services
any longer. This outcome only incensed the weaker
side. Talk of unfairness and fraud was rife. A
law of 414 was added, by which Honorius sought
to crush the Donatists beyond all hope of reawak-
ening. This naturally aroused furious indignation
among the Donatist body. But they were weaken-
ing, in fact, becoming helpless. They now began
to display a reckless indifference to life. Augustine
describes (Ep. 172) one who threw himself vio-
lently from a horse, and another who plunged into
a well. Of their savage, desperate conduct at this
time we have vivid pictures in the letter to Boni-
19 Neander, History of the Christian Religion and Church, Vol. II,
p. 217. Cf. Allen, Continuity of Christian Thought, p. 153.
i6o Augustink: Thf. Thinker.
face, afterwards Issued as a separate work under
the title '*On the Correction of Donatists."
In the year 418, Augustine joined in a confer-
ence at Caesarea, at which Emeritus, Donatist bishop
of the city, was present. As he -was considered the
best of the seven Donatist disputants at the Council
of Carthage,-*^ Augustine invited him to defend his
position, but he sullenly held his peace, except to
say that his party were not defeated by the truth so
much as oppressed by power. The renewal, in this
same year, of the obnoxious edicts, was followed
on the one hand by many suicides and murders, and
on the other, by many ''conversions." Thus the con-
flict continued, so far as Augustine was interested,
down to within a few years of his death. When the
Arian Vandals devastated Africa, Catholic and Do-
natist suffered alike. Traces of this unusually per-
sistent and daring sect are found (chiefly through
the letters of Gregory the Great) down to the sixth
century. Every effort to identify them with the
modern Baptists has proved of little value. With
all their inconsistencies they stood for certain high
principles, such as the separation of State and
Church, and the necessity for a Church "holy and
without blemish," which, if they had prevailed,
would have saved the Church both shame and hu-
miliation.
20 Sec Ep. 87.
CHAPTER XII.
THE TWO CITIES.
It is of deep significance that the writing of
Augustine's *'City of God" was coincident with the
collapse of paganism and the fall of Rome. To un-
derstand this great book, one must begin with an
examination of what was going on in the "city of
men."
Some chapters back, I tried to make it plain
that the old religion of the empire received a de-
cisive setback under the young Valentinian in 384,
the year Augustine was sojourning in Rome. From
that time the dissolution of paganism was rapid
and certain. Especially in the East, under repress-
ive measures, pagan worship had a hard fight for
life. At Alexandria, the colossal statue and tem-
ple of Serapis were destroyed, and all other tem-
ples were either brought low or turned into
churches. The offering of sacrifices became a crime
of high treason, punishable by death. If Arcadius,
the youthful son and successor of Theodosius in
the East, moved more cautiously for the sake of
political advantages, his hesitation was quickly over-
pome by the crafty empress, Eudoxia, who sought
i62 Augustine: Thiv Thinker.
merit for herself by her zeal in destroying idola-
trous temples.
History was making rapidly in the western part
of the empire. Symmachus and his party found the
collusion between Rome and Milan too cogent a
force for their progress. For in 391, Valentinian II
was led to issue an edict closing the doors of the
temples and putting a restraint upon heathen sac-
rifices. Then, to be sure, with the murder of Val-
entinian the very next year, there dawned a tem-
porary hope for the pagans. A rhetorician, Euge-
nius, through the influence of the pagan general,
Arbogast, took the reins of government. Against
those pagan influences to which Eugenius owed his
position, the voice of Ambrose now had little
weight. The statue of Victory was restored to the
forum. The antagonistic laws of former emperors
were annulled. For two years careless Rome
reveled again in the rites and sacrifices connected
with her gods. But the Emperor Theodosius had
only gone ''on a journey." In 394 he returned.
With a powerful army he crushed the forces of
the usurping Eugenius, and, entering the city, be-
gan to put the Christian religion on its feet again.
That his efforts were not fruitless, may be gathered
from a letter of Jerome's, written a decade later, in
which he describes the Roman temples as covered
over with dirt and other signs of neglect.
This act of Theodosius was most timely. In
another year he was dead. Honorius, to whom he
The: Two Cities. 163
left the government of the West, reiterated the
laws of his father, but could not back them with
the same stable power. The inconsistencies . of
treacherous governors, and the almost uninterrupted
political turmoil of the period, made the re-enact-
ment of the laws a continual necessity. In the
provinces, especially, there were difficulties attend-
ing the suppression of paganism, and Africa had
its share. The year 398 seems to have been a year
of expectation and unusual energy among adher-
ents of the expiring cult. An unknown wag had
gotten up some Greek verses which purported to
be the utterance of a sacred oracle. These declared
that Peter, by magic arts, had brought it to pass
that the religion of Christ should have a duration of
365 years, beginning with the year 33, on the Ides
of May — the day of the sending of the Holy Spirit.
It was then to come to a sudden end.^ This may
account in part for the rejuvenation of paganism
in this fateful year. And this reawakening is suffi-
cient in itself to account for the restrictive measures
of 398 and 399. It is gratuitous to force upon
Augustine responsibility for the temple-destroying
passion which in these years seized the imperial
power.2 One characteristic incident was the
attempt of a heathen magistrate to gild the
1 This matter is discussed by Augustine in the City of God (XVIII,
53 and 54), where he heaps fine scorn upon those who trusted in the re-
puted "oracle."
2 For an example of strained logic, in this connection, see McCabe
(P- 334). who claims to be "compelled to conclude that Augustine and the
Carthaginian bishops started the persecutioQ of the old religion in Africa."
164 Augustine:: Thi: Thinke:r.
beard of a statue of Hercules in Carthage,
and the consequent horror of the Christian
part of the populace. Encouraged by Augustine,
it may be (for he chanced to be preaching in Car-
thage at the time), they demanded that idols should
be torn down in Carthage as they were in Rome.
Moreover, there was unusual indifference to the
laws among pagan landholders. With great diffi-
culty, Augustine preserved to the Church peasants
under such temptations to indulge in heathen wor-
ship. In other cases, he was obliged to restrain
his people from demolishing idols upon neighboring
estates. Accordingly Honorius gave new sanction
to former edicts, by ordering the destruction of all
heathen places of worship in the country. It is cer-
tain, however, that the execution of this order ex-
tended also to the cities ; for we have Augustine's
word that in 399 two officers of Honorius, Gauden-
tius and Jovius, entered Carthage and overthrew
all temples and images.
All this, of course, brought pagan and Christian
factions into embittered relations. Acts of violence
became frequent. In Suffectum, a town of Tunis,
a bloody riot resulted from the demolition of a
favorite statue of Hercules. When the tumult had
quieted, it was found that sixty Christians had been
killed. Blame for the outrage was put upon the
magistrates of the town, and they seem to have ap-
pealed to Augustine for an adjustment of difficul-
ties, and especially for restoration of the lamented
Ths Two Cities. 165
Hercules. In his reply (Ep. 50), Augustine
charges them with flagrant disrespect of imperial
authority, and scornfully offers to make good the
loss of their god, "Fear not, your god is in the
hands of his makers, and shall be with all diligence
hew^n out and polished and ornamented. We will
give in addition some red ochre to make him blush
in such a way as may well harmonize with your
devotions." His only condition is that they restore,
on their side, the lives of the sixty martyrs.
A different light is thrown upon the declining
pagan worship by another letter (232), in which
Augustine takes exception to the manner in which
the citizens of Madaura had addressed him as
"Father," while wishing him "health and a long
life in Jesus Christ the Lord." He notes that Ma-
daura has suffered no change of heart since his
student days there, and therefore regards their salu-
tation as mockery. Though he looks upon them as
"fathers," yet he abhors their idolatrous worship
and points them to Christ. Such opportunities of
drawing a Christian lesson he never let pass. Thus
he was able to exercise a most wholesome influence
over pagans of nobler mind, such as Dioscorus, the
emperor's remembrancer, and Longinianus, a
learned grammarian of Madaura.^
Meanwhile affairs were hurrying to a crisis in
the once imperial city. Stilicho, the daring Vandal,
who had been the directing genius of the empire,
3 See Letters 117 and 118, 133, 134, and 135.
i66 Augustine: The Thinker.
came under the suspicion of Honorius, who caused
his death. This act precipitated a fresh attack upon
Rome bv the barbarians under Alaric, whom Hono-
rius hitherto had succeeded in buying off. The
haughty leader of the Gothic forces was reminded of
the immense population of the city, but replied
laconically: "If the hay is thick, the easier 'will be
the mowing." Once more,' however, Honorius
proffered a heavy ransom, and for a time the city
was at ease again. But a new pretext soon brought
Alaric to the gates. By seizing Ostia, he was en-
abled to make demands upon the senate. As a re-
sult, Attains, a Greek Arian and prefect of the city,
was appointed puppet emperor. Rome now re-
joiced in a renaissance of religiosity of the Olympian
mold. Honorius was reduced to desperate straits
in his capital stronghold, Ravenna. About to yield,
two things saved him. First, enough cohorts ar-
rived to make his own position impregnable. Then,
in Africa, whose possession was indispensable to
Rome, Heraclian, true to his emperor, easily dis-
posed of the meager troops sent by Attains to de-
pose him. In anger, the dreaded Alaric moved upon
the fated city. Slaves within made an entrance possi-
ble. Attains was deposed. On the twenty-fourth
of August the pillaging of the city began. For six
frightful days the destructive work w^ent on, only
Christian buildings being spared. Heathenism was
receiving a mortal blow at its life-center. With
weakening pulse-beat the ugly body was tottering
,The Two Cities. 167
to doom. A few devotees there continued to be for
another decade. But when Theodosius II decreed,
in 423, that confiscation of property, and banish-
ment, should be the fate of any remaining pagans,
he was constrained to add: "That is, such pagans
as survive, although we believe there are none."
For Christianity, also, there was a severe shock
in the fall of Rome. A tremor ran through the em-
pire. Men were not only alarmed ; they were filled
with awe and wonder. They must find a cause for
the awful disaster. And, to the pagan mind, the
only adequate explanation was the supernatural
one — the gods of Rome had been outraged; their
altars deserted; their temples closed. For a mil-
lennium these ancient deities had defended the city,
and given her unprecedented power. At length,
amid the frittering away of their worship, their pa-
tience was exhausted, and it was they who had
visited calamity upon the empire. The corollary to
all this proved a severe tax upon the faith of mul-
titudes of Christians. They were the responsible
party, for they had led men to accept their God
under pretense that universal peace and bliss would
follow. Thus Christianity came to be confronted
with a new and twofold peril, that from within,
and another from without. Especially was the cry
widespread and bitter from 'without. Christian
preachers found themselves called upon to employ
all their resources in defense of the faith. ''The
gods," said the sullen pagan, "have struck us down
i68 Augustink: The Thinker.
for our faithlessness, and the Christians must bear
the blame."
We may pause long enough to see that such a
charge was unsupported, although Gibbon and some
other secular historians sympathize with the pagans
in their complaint. As Christian apologists every-
where, and none so stoutly as Augustine, protested,
it was just the forces arra}'ed against Christianity
that had caused Rome's downfall. A disinterested
judgment must pronounce the difficulty to have
been an unchecked, inner disease. Indeed it is quite
impossible to understand how Christianity was at
all accountable. What had the Christian religion
to do with that 'Vast, dimly-known chaos of num-
berless barbarous tongues and savage races," which
stretched northward and northeast of the Roman
borders, and as early as the days of the first Caesar
began that restless crowding down the Danube,
which at length was to bring them to the walls of the
"eternal" city ? Or how could Christianity be called
to account for the soddenness of the people of the
empire, the avarice of petty governors, the stupid
treatment of the alien races, the effeminacy and
recklessness of the ''nobility," the repetition of
wasteful and needless wars, or for the spiritual
deadness and rank unconcern of men and women
submerged in doltish dissipation?^ As for the
emperors who bore the name Christian, one is
H Cf. Augustine in a letter to Marcellinus, A D. 412. He is speaking
of the age of Cicero. See £p. 138, Chap. III.
The Two Cities. 169
perplexed to know how the empire could have
been better protected had they been pagan. The
fact that several of them were mere boys, and
most of them incapable, is by no means chargeable
on their religion. There is this much true, how-
ever, that the Christian clergy of the age were often
perfidious, or devoid of a high sense of their respon-
sibilities. In the message which the Great Apostle
preached to the end, in the Roman capital — "the
Kingdom of God," and "the things concerning the
Lord Jesus Christ"^ — was the only hope of the king-
dom of men. Had that message continued to be
preached, in singleness of purpose and sincerity of
heart, and reasonably heeded by Rome's poor and
her mighty, the page of history would wear a far
m.ore attractive aspect.^
Among the wealthy inhabitants of Italy, who
poured into North Africa during and after the ter-
rible siege, was the noble widow of Sextus Petro-
nius, once prefect and most noteworthy citi-
zen of Rome. Proba had given three sons to the
service of the empire (in the consulship), and, in
her splendid palace had maintained one of the chief
centers of Christian influence in the city. Accom-
panied by her daughter-in-law, Juliana, and her
granddaughter, Demetrias, she put off in a small
6 Acts xxviii, 31.
6 The group of letters, Nos. 132-142, is of great interest, and will re-
pay a careful reading. Whatever may be said of the discontent with
Christianity, "which rolled sullenly through the provinces," there are
tokens in these letters that much of the best thought of the time was
directed towards Christianity for help.
170 AuGusTixi:: Tut: Thinker.
.skiff from which they watched the burning of their
kixiirious home. Landing at Carthage with such
fragments of their vast fortune as they had been
able to save, a worse fate was hardly averted. The
Count Heraclian, having preserved Africa to Ho-
norius was apparently seized with personal ambi-
tions of wide-sweeping proportions. With a strong
hand he was master of the African situation, while
the emperor was hopelessly weak and his empire
in a state of hastening ruin. It was an hour of
destiny for a man of vision and action. But Hera-
clian was not long in proving he was not that man.
\\'ith the flight of so many families of rank to his
as3^1um, he w^as smitten with a blinding greed for
gold. Female fugitives were confronted by his ac-
complices at the port of Carthage, and compelled
to pay dearly for protection from the ravishments
of the Goth, or the oppression of the slave-dealer.
It is charged that Heraclian demanded large sums
from helpless maidens of noble birth, and, when
they could not pay, sold them to Syrian merchants,
to be disposed of in Oriental harems. Gibbon de-
clares*' that the family of Proba were no exception
to the rapaciousness of Count Heraclian, but were
relieved of half their wealth as the price of their
liberty. Augustine in a sympathetic letter to Proba,
on the subject of prayer, points out the true spirit
of Christian submission. He also undertook, but
with poor success, to use his good offices in behalf
7 Decline and Full of the Roman Empire, Chap. XXXI.
Thk Two Citie:s. 171
of these and other fugitives. But the most famous
sequel of the flight of this illustrious family is fur-
nished by the announcement, two years later, that
Demetrias had taken the vows of virginity. This
celebrated heiress — ''the foremost maiden of the
Roman world for nobility and wealth,'' Jerome de-
scribes her — had been betrothed to a young noble-
man. But, apparently acting under the counsel of
Augustine, she had determined to give herself to a
holy life after the manner of her age. At any rate,
the conferring of the veil upon Demetrias, on the
eve of her appointed wedding-day, was hailed with
acclaim not only by Augustine, but by Aurelius,
Jerome, Alypius, and by the renowned Pelagius, re-
cently arrived in Carthage and soon to engage our
attention. The afifair made greater stir, inasmuch
as a crowd of maidens, besides slaves and depend-
ants, followed the lead of this first lady of Rome.^
Much more excitement and annoyance was occa-
sioned by the presence in Hippo itself of some of
these exotics of noble blood and Christian confession.
There were few more remarkable Christian women
in her day than the lady Melania. Abandoning her
high position in Roman society she had accompanied
the historian Rufinus to the East, where she finally
built two monasteries. In order to escape the depre-
dations of the barbarians, she had taken her daugh-
ter-in-law, Albina, and her granddaughter and her
8 These events are set forth in Augustine's Letters, Nos. 130, 131, 150,
and 188.
172 AuGusTiNj-: Thi^ Thinker.
husband, Melania and Pinianus (whose marriage
had blasted the elder Melania's hope of making a
nun of her granddaughter), and settled with them
in Thagaste. The entire family were inclined to
the more rigid view of the religious life. They
built and endowed two monasteries at Thagaste,
one for thirty men, and the other for several
hundred women. In other ways they lav-
ished their wealth upon the poor, both of clergy and
people. Of course they were anxious to see and
converse with Augustine. But he explained to
them that infirmities of body, and the jealousy of
his congregation, forbade his making the journey
to them. Accordingly Pinianus and his wife vis-
ited Hippo. Their immense wealth, their piety, and
their generosity, naturally won them immediate no-
tice among the humble folk of Augustine's parish.
But these same things also led soon to circumstances
embarrassing, and not entirely creditable, to Au-
gustine.
We have had occasion heretofore to make ref-
erence to the habit, in the early Church, of pressing
the priestly office upon unwillmg, but desirable, can-
didates. Pinianus seems to have anticipated some
such trouble in his own case; for one of his first
precautions was to exact a promise from Augustine
that he should not be ordained against his wish.
He was probably not surprised, therefore, when one
day, during service in the Hippo Church, there
arose a persistent clamor for his election and con-
Thi: Two Cities. 173
secration to the priesthood. That would mean of
course, the bestowal of his possessions upon the
Church — from the worldly point of view, a most
desirable end. Mindful of his promise, Augustine
descended to the nave of the church, explained his
situation to the people, and added that they must
relinquish their demand or lose him as their bishop.
This produced a temporary lull. But presently the
cries were renewed, and Augustine found himself
helpless. The crowd openly charged Alypius, who
was present, with wishing to keep Pinianus in Tha-
gaste. There was even danger of the church's be-
ing wrecked if the popular demand were not
granted. Melania and her hapless husband had
some bitter things to say about the covetous spirit
of the Hipponenses, and threatened to leave Africa.
This led to a side conference, after which Augus-
tine was able to announce that the noble visitors
would remain in Hippo, if the ordination was not in-
sisted upon. This sop did not prove satisfactory. The
conclusion of that day — though not of "the whole
matter" — was that poor Pinianus was obliged to
promise, under solemn oath, that he would not de-
part from that city, nor suffer ordination elsewhere.
Perhaps, in the end, we must see the more
humorous side of the situation. Augustine really
deserves sympathy. For, the uproar of that
memorable day was sudden and violent. Either
Pinianus had to take the oath, or the church had to
come down, and Augustine confesses that he could
174 Auc.usttnk: Tiik ThinkivR.
not conscientiously stand by and ''allow the Church
which I serve to be overthrown." Only, one may
justly pause to reflect with gratitude, that Christian
manners have improved with the years. Still later,
this unusual family fell victims to the infamous
cruelty of Ileraclian. Dispossessed of their wealth,
their popularity in Hippo waned, and they were al-
lowed, without a protest, to make their w^ay to the
monasteries of Palestine.
Readers of "Hypatia" are familiar with the final
disillusion of Count Heraclian, and ruin of his wild
ambitions. A hurried, heedless expedition to Italy
met with disaster at the hands of Alarinus, and re-
vealed to its hypocritical leader his own smallness.
When ^larinus turned his attention to ill-governed
Africa, one of his first acts was to punish Hera-
clian's confederates, both real and supposed.
Among these Marcellinus was charged (evidently
through false witnesses) with being one. He had
been a vigorous opponent of the Donatists, who
now, by a temporary turn of fortune, won the ear
of Marinus, and brought Marcellinus to judgment.
Augustine and other bishops who interceded for
him, were given to understand that no further ac-
tion would be taken until some bishop should hear
before Honorius the case of the distinguished pris-
oner. But the execution took place suddenly and
under the most suspicious circumstances. The fact
that Augustine thereupon left Carthage "imme-
diately and secretly" has led one author to whine,
wholly without warrant, that "his behavior on the
The: Two Cities. 175
occasion is not so clear as one could wish." Surely
nothing could be more "clear," or satisfactory, than
Augustine's own explanation — that he could not
both seek from Marinus leniency towards certain
fugitive rebels who crowded the churches of Car-
thage, and also "rebuke him with the severity which
his crime deserved." The death of Marcellinus was
a personal blow to Augustine, who pays him a
glowing tribute, dwelling upon his innocence, con-
stancy, zeal, sincerity, humility, and integrity.
When the emperor heard of this judicial crime, he
took away from Marinus his office and banished
him.
It was in this period of confusion, of shifting
uncertainties, of dissolution and terror and won-
der, that Augustine wrote "The City of God."
Sometimes complaint is made that the sober-
minded bishop had lost all sympathy with the city
of men, and that the wreck of Rome, therefore, did
not concern him except as he might draw from it
moral and spiritual lessons. One might well ask,
"What better occupation could there be for a zeal-
ous bishop than spiritual use of such a calamity?"
But the complaint in reality is groundless. Doubt-
less he was not as visibly moved as Jerome, who
cried out: "A terrible rumor reaches me from the
West, telling of Rome bought, besieged, life and
property perishing together. My voice falters, for
she is captive ; that city which enthralled the world."
It is certain, however, that the shock of Rome's fall
176 AuGUSTiNii: Tnr: Thinker.
did disturb Augustine. In his sermons he reverted
to it often, insomuch that his people cried out, ''O
that lie would hold his tongue about Rome !"^ Fur-
thermore, in the new defense of Christianity which
was occasioned by the breaking up of the empire,
Augustine was, as we have seen, foremost. In this
he was joined by others, like Jerome, Orosius, Am-
brose, and Salvian. Then, at the instigation of
friends, he set himself to a wider elaboration of what
he already had attempted in sermons and letters. His
purpose at first was to show that it was not Rome's
discarding of her old gods which had ruined her.
On the contrary, the Christian religion, if duly fol-
lowed, would produce the best not only of soldiers
but of husbands, sons, officials, creditors. In short,
the decay of Rome, as acknowledged by Sallust and
other writers of earlier times, had set in long be-
fore the Christian era.^^ But, following out these
ideas, Augustine's work at last expanded into a
comprehensive theory of history, and became, as
Ozanam has said, ''the first real effort to produce a
philosophy of history." With this task he was busy
nearly down to the year of his death ; for the com-
position of "The City of God" ran over thirteen or
fourteen years.
This is hardly the place for a thorough-going
analysis of "The Citv of God.''^^ It is rather the
» Sermon 105: Ch. 12. 10 City of God, II, 18; and III, 10.
11 If any one cares for an elaborate^ analysis of the book— though
only the reading of the book itself can give satisfaction— it can be found in
a number of places, such as, Cutts's Saint Augustine, Chap. XX, in The
Fathers for English Readers; or in American Presbyterian Theological R^-
riew, Vol. Ill, Article by E. H. Gilbert, D, D.
The: Two Cities. 177
circumstances of its writing which clothe it with
a deathless grandeur. As Augustine pondered
upon the vanished glory of the earthly city, there
seemed to hover over the ruins the splendid vision
of the City of God, ''coming down out of heaven,
adorned as a bride for her husband." Human his-
tory and human destiny were not therefore wholly
identified with the history of any earthly power.
Men must take profounder views of history, and
see that, from the first, the community of God's
people has lived side by side with the kingdom of
this world. In all, there are twenty-two books. Of
these, five books are given to an attack upon pagan-
ism— to use Augustine's own words, "to refute
those who fancy that the polytheistic worship is
necessary in order to secure worldly prosperity,
and that all these overwhelming calamities have
befallen us in consequence of its prohibition." The
following five books are more philosophic in nature,
the moral impotence of the systems of Varro and
Plato coming in for unsparing criticism. In the re-
maining twelve books, which form the second half
of the work, Augustine is led into a full treatment
of his own convictions concerning such historical
doctrines as the creation, the fall, the connection
between the two Testaments, the incarnation, and
the ''last things." Of the effect produced by "The
City of God" on its own age, one hesitates to judge.
So great a scholar as Bengnot declares that the
effect must have been only slight. But there can be
17S Augustine: The Thinker.
no doubt of its popularity during the later ages, nor
of the sanity of the judgment that this is Augus-
tine's masterpiece. In spite of the prolixities, the
verbose eloquence, the flimsy arguments, and what
Erasmus charitably styled "the apparent obscurity,"
"The City of God" must take rank as a book of pro-
found genius, wide horizons, vast learning, and,
for the most part, unanswerable argument, "among
the few greatest books of all time."^^
The central idea of the book is the familiar con-
trast between the earthly city (civitas terrena), and
the city of God (Civitas Dei). These two societies
stand for principles and aims precisely opposite.
The City of God is controlled by a love of God
. which extends to the contempt of self, and aspires
to "heavenly peace." In the city of men, the rule
is, to love self, even to the disregard of God, and
to seek an earthly peace, even by the path of false-
hood and force.
But who comprise this City of God? The exi-
gencies of his contemporaneous struggle with the
Pelagians determined Augustine's answer. The
contrast was more than one of principles and of
inirposes. It was a contrast between elect and non-
^j?lect. But Augustine was at least keen enough to
perceive that there could be no final and visible sep-
/ aration of the two in this world. Not only do the
two cities depend upon one another, so that the
City of God (according to Augustine) is wanting
12 Marcus Dods, in Translator's Preface of City of God, Post-Nicene
Fathers, Vol. II, p, 13.
The: Two Cities. 179
in resources to give it visible power without the
help of the earthly city, and the City of Men can
not attain its purposes without the aid of such moral
influences as are found only in the heavenly citv. /
In addition, the Church is only a portion of the
City of God ; for outside the fold of the one, Augus-
tine is willing to admit there are individuals be-
longing to the other. But, beyond the limits of the
City of God, men cease to be good or to do good,
their "virtues" being nothing more than "splendid
vices."
Nevertheless, it was the ecclesiastical organiza-
tion, the Church, which to Augustine stood in the
world visibly, as the City of God.^^ With him, for
the first time in history, the machinery of the State
was called in to give potency to this organization, to
make the Church irresistible. The idea of world-
empire, which for hundreds of years had hung about
the name of Rome, must be centralized in a new
power, in order to meet the universal demand of a
capricious age for absolute authority. Hitherto, the
religious movement and the political movement had
existed side by side. But the fall of the earthly
commonwealth made way for its spiritual correla-
tive, "the city which hath foundations, whose
builder and maker is God." Thus, in its impressive
organization, in its institutions, and above all, in
its great councils, the City of God presented to men
the aspect of a world-wide Holy Empire.
13 City of God, XIX, 21
i8o Augustink: The Thinke^r.
It must not be overlooked that there is a deeper
view of Augustine's idea of the kingdom of God,
a view with which this one is seemingly quite in-
consistent. But there can be no doubt that with
him the mediaeval conception of an established hier-
archical system had its theoretical roots. As Mr.
James Bryce has declared, in his invaluable work:
"It is hardly too much to say that the Holy Roman
Empire was built upon the foundation of the 'City
of God.' "^* Augustine could not have foreseen
the inevitable outcome of the process to which he
thus gave sanction. He hardly understood that if
the empire "took its place within the Church, and
the Church through it governed the world," the
only result was a papacy — a new Rome, and an im-
perial throne of the Church. But it is easy, from
our vantage-point, to see how all this came about.
All that was required was to change in slight de-
gree Augustine's ideal of the City of God — "to sub-
stitute for the reign of Christ in the soul, the fa-
miliar thought of the kingdom in the sense of an
organized government," and you have "the eccle-
siastical superstructure, raised by Gregory VII an,d
Innocent III, of an omnipotent hierarchy set over
nations and kingdoms, to pluck up and break down
14 Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire, p. 94, f. n. 1. In the same place
is found an interesting reference to the influence of the City of God upon
Charles the Great: "He was delighted with all the books of St. Augus-
tine, especially in those entitled the City of God." " One can imagine the
impression which such a chapter as that on the true happiness of a'Chris-
tian emperor (v. 24) would make on a pious and susceptible mind."
The: Two Cities. i8i
and to destroy, and to overthrow and to build and
to plant."!^
Professor Allen, who, in most respects, does not
spare Augustine, gives his conception of the Church
credit for doing two things. It proved an insuper-
able barrier to the wave of Mohammedanism, and
it made possible the transition from the Roman Em-
pire of his day to the papal empire of the Middle
Ages.^^ This is important. Historians agree that
there was no thought of antagonism to the empire
in the barbarian mind. So wide-spread was the
conception of empire, that the barbarians could not
think in other terms. One can hardly regard it
otherwise than providential, therefore, that Augus-
tine's commanding message of a Church, universal
and enduring and magnificent as the empire itself,
should gain the ear of these young Germano-Roman
tribes, just at that opportune time, when the rend-
ing of the old order made the existence of a new
one, of equal grandeur, a necessity. The Church
may deprecate the unwarrantable abuses and the
15 Archibald Robertson, Regnum Dei, the Bampton Lectures, 1901.
Dr. R's entire discussion of Augustine (Lecture V) seems to me searching,
scholarly, and impartial.
16 Continuity of Christian Thought, p. 169. The words are memo-
rable : " The history of nearly a thousand years is summed up in his experi-
ence ; but it was, on the whole, a history which the world does not care to
see repeated, valuable as may be the results which it has contributed to se-
cure to Christian civilization. It may have been necessary that the world
should go back again to the * beggarly elements ' — but if so, it was because
new races had come forward to carry on the Ime of human progress — who
must pass under the yoke of the law before they were ready for the spirit
of life and liberty. The work of Augustine ministered to this end." Cf.
also Harnack, History of Dogma, V, p. 240.
i82 Augustine: Thi- Thinker.
shame, which have followed in the train of ideas to
which Augustine gave the impulse. She may not
succeed in finding full vindication for either his
theories or his practices. But we must in an im-
partial judgment, conclude that the triumphant rise
of the City of God, out of the prostrate City of
Men, was due to the ardor and stern loyalty of
Augustine.
CHAPTER XIII.
LABORS, LITERARY AND THEOLOG-
ICAL.
Whate:vi:r may be our judgment as to the value
of Augustine's thousand-and-one works/ we can
not suppress our admiration for the mind which
produced them. When one considers the variety
of his subjects and the countless distractions, the
wonder is, that he wrote so much of permanent
worth. Most of the philosophy, the science, the
theology, the knowledge of the arts, the ethics, of
his day, are reflected in his writings. It is difficult
to agree with one famous Frenchman in his effusive
praise of Augustine, which leads him to declare
that he wrote equally well on music and on free-
will. The truth is, Augustine was unequal. One
would not think of comparing "On the Divination
of Demons" with his four books ''On Christian
Doctrine." But sustained grandeur is not sought in
any man, of however great genius, when that man
has been crowded with incessant labors through
forty years. And the labors were about as varied
as any man was ever called upon to assume.
1 The earliest biographer of Augustine enumerates considerably over
a thousand works, though he includes letters and sermons.
183
184 AuGUSTiNic: Thi^ Thinker.
Prcacliing, traveling-, acting in the capacity of judge
and arbiter, answering at great length and with
painstaking care the inquiries of anxious philoso-
phers and puzzled statesmen, and pious women, by
sheer ability thrusting himself to the forefront of
every controversy of his age, catechising, teaching,
descending to the needs of the many poor and af-
flicted of his congregation — thus did this man spend
himself, though bearing about an extremely frail
body to the end. If Carlyle's dictum were true — "I
have no notion of a truly great man that could not
be all sorts of men" — ^then Augustine would have,
by that test, a just claim to greatness.
Of all that Augustine ever wrote, the living in-
terest will continue, in the future as in the past, to
center about the works that have to do with him-
self. There are three volumes which are of this
abiding personal nature. Little more need be said
of the "Letters." To them one must look for a true
picture of Augustine in his manifold relations to
the people and activities of his time. In them one
finds the busy bishop at his work, the steadfast
friend, the tender brother, the zealous Churchman,
the adroit statesman, the father of the oppressed,
the foe of heresy, the oracle of men and women
with questions, the central figure in the Church of
the fourth century. Some of the letters swelled
to the proportions of serious theological treatises.
Their purely literary quality perhaps ought not to
be a subject of inquiry; for the letters apparently
Labors — Literary, Theological. 1S5
came warm from their author's heart, without any
attempt at rhetorical effect. They are the utterance
of a man of intense convictions, and often surprise
by their narrow intolerance. But they never do
violence to the grace of gentleness, unless it is when
he lets loose his '1ash of lightnings" to scourge
some moral monstrosity of his day. Genuine lit-
erary flavor, however, is not wanting to the letters.
An impressive earnestness one never fails to find.
Flashes of humor, sympathy almost superhuman,
epigram, simile, do a great deal to offset the tire-
some prolixities and involved rhetoric. But these
letters must always possess more than an obsolete
interest, because they open the door for us into a
life that was brotherly and warmly human to men
of every degree.
As of the same autobiographic value must be
mentioned the "Retractations." By this word it is
not to be understood that Augustine came in later
life so fully to alter his positions as to require a
separate work for amendment and withdrawal. His
main purpose, undertaken in his seventy-third year,
was to pass his entire writings under critical re-
view, mindful of the cheapness of mere words, and
eager to eliminate any that were overhasty or in-
consistent. The honesty and humility of Augustine
in the '"Retractions" are beyond censure. One may
not be able to detect the necessity for all these re-
visions, and in many cases it may be equally difficult
to find anv choice between later and earlier state-
i86 Augustine: The Thinker.
nients. But the passion for truth, the unadulterated
conscientiousness (never seen to purer advantage
than in an old man making frank acknowledgment
that he has been in the wrong), and courage, that
led to the patient correction of his mistaken judg-
ments and unfortunate phrases, win our unstinted
esteem.
But as all the world knows, it is in the "Con-
fessions" that Augustine is found at his best; for
there, in praise to God for His mercy, he unre-
servedly pictures himself at his worst. Of that
enough perhaps has been said. Soul-revelations, of
the type of Rousseau's "Confessions" or Goethe's
"Truth and Fiction," are of doubtful value. The
cjuestion of public confession of particular guilt
has been finally settled in such books as "The Scar-
let Letter." Wherever one's own life is masked in
h} pocrisies by silence, or another life is blighted, an
open confession is imperative. On the other hand,
what Charles Spurgeon called positive "pollution"
may result from such regrettable self-disclosures as
those of the brilliant German and the forlorn
Frenchman. Their lack of any worthy motive, their
insincerity and affectation are not met in the "Con-
fessions." Augustine does not pose. Nor does he
dangle his sins before our eyes with the air of the
soured cynic or the conscienceless dilettante. He
is in manly earnest in his detestation of the voluptu-
ousness which marred his young manhood. He
has no concessions to make to that weak philosophy
Labors — Literary, Theological. 187
which looks upon such vices as a sort of stepping-
stone to manhood. Rather would he join with a
modern prophet in terming such a preparation for
life's activities only "a, kind of mud-bath," declar-
ing that "we become men, not after we have been
dissipated, and disappointed in the chase of false
pleasure," not by the training we ''receive in this
devil's service, but only by our determining to
desert from it."^ To the last Augustine was con-
scious that the entanglements of his school-days
formed a dark blot upon the total canvas of his life.
In old age, with the gift of a copy of the "Con-
fessions" to the distinguished Darius, he writes :
"In these behold me, that you may not praise me
beyond what I am."
In their passionately devotional spirit, the "Con-
fessions" hold a place with the best work of a
Kempis, Bunyan, Jeremy Taylor, and Henry Drum-
mond. One often feels about Augustine as has
been said of Samuel Rutherford, that "he was so
much a lover of his Lord that, when you read his
words, you think yourself eavesdropping, as if you
were hearing two lovers in their gentle, wooing
speech ; so love-impassioned was his intimacy with
Christ." Nothing could be more Christian than the
spirit, which prostrates itself in shame and con-
fusion in memory of its sin, but immediately rises
in affectionate faith and assured communion with
God. As Harnack describes the piety of Augustine :
2 Thomas Carlyle, in the Essay on Burns.
i88 Augustine: The: Thinker.
''He preached the sincere humiHty which blossoms
only on ruins — the ruins of self-righteousness."^
And this humility was founded upon an over-
sweeping sense of his reconciliation to God through
the blood of Christ alone. But that very thing de-
termined the nature of his faith — a deep, unques-
tioning, happy confidence in God. It led him to
call God both Father and Mother, ''Thou Fairness,
ancient, yet so new," "Sweetness happy and as-
sured," or in the untranslatable words of the "Medi-
tations:" "Dulcissime, Amantissime, Desideratis-
sime, Pulcherrime, Tu melle dulcior, lacte et nive
candidior, nectare suavior, gemmis et auro pre-
ciosior, cunctisque terrarum divitiis et honoribus
mihi carior, quando Te videbo? quando satiabor de
pulchritudine tua?" One never feels that such ex-
pressions, from the lips of Augustine, even ap-
proach anything like a weak sentimentality. They
are the strong outpourings of a nature deeply re-
ligious. The "Confessions" do not represent man-
hood shorn of its vigors. They are a saint's protest
that manhood, virile, pure, and in perfect balance,
is possible only through union with God. Augus-
tine has been named the father of mysticism. But
his mysticism, while not lacking in ecstasy, and
emotional self-repression, is always intelligent, and
passes readily into the most abstract reasoning.
Faith leads him to God, but also to everything else
in the universe. It is the starting-point of all intel-
3 History of Dogma, V, p. 65.
Labors — Liti^rary, The:oi.ogicai,. 189
lectual, as well as soul, attainment. The new world
into which faith ushers the soul, broadens into
realms beyond the comprehension of the unbe-
liever. Hence, one must not be surprised to be con-
ducted suddenly, from the warm realities of a veri-
fiable Christian experience, in the first nine books
of the ''Confessions," to the chilled atmosphere of
the closing books (X-XIII), in which are elabo-
rated, in analytical and metaphysical vein, the
truths of creation, the essence of God, time and
eternity, and the human mind.
To these writings, of a more personal nature,
must be added the polemical works of Augustine.
Of this work in general, it may be said that it is
remarkable for its absence of bitterness, combined
with its obstinate insistence upon the correctness of
its own positions. To the Manichseans he writes
with the utmost tolerance : *Xet neither of us assert
that he has found truth ; let us seek it as if it were
unknown to both. For truth can be sought with
zeal and unanimity, if by no rash presumption it is
believed to have been already found." But pres-
ently he does not hesitate to pronounce their doc-
trine nonsense and absurdity.* Of his relation to
the Donatist and Manichsean disputes I have spoken.
To him belongs the credit of raising an effective
barrier against the progress of the error of Mani
in the West. It was his vigorous assaults, also, that
4 Cf. Against the Ep. of Manichaeus Called Fundamental, I, 3, and
On the Profit of Believing.
iQo Augustine: Thk Thinke:r.
finally took the heart out of the Donatist party.^
Against the Priscillianists (a Spanish offshoot of
]\lanichseism), he wrote two important books, and a
few letters. In truth, there was no heresy of his
day which Augustine did not oppose. An account
of the heresies, in all eighty-eight, from Simonians
to Pelagians, he set forth in a work addressed to
his friend Quodvultdeus in the year 430.
Nearly all Augustine's constructive theology
grew out of the exigencies of controversy. This is
true of the works dealing with the Holy Spirit, the
Deity of our Lord, and the Trinity. The Arian
heresy had not died with the triumph of the Athana-
sians. To that branch of faith the Vandals and
Goths had been converted. In 428, a band of these
Arian Goths were sent to Africa, and one of their
bishops, Maximinus, visited Hippo. Naturally, a
debate took place between him and Augustine. The
latter was somewhat stiff and uncompromising,
which led the suave Maximinus to charge him with
collusion with imperial forces. The debate was not
finished, as the Arian was summoned to Carthage,
where it was soon rumored that Augustine had been
worsted. This resulted in a decisive work, ''Against
Maximinus." In the same year came forth one of
Augustine's most monumental works, upon which
he busied himself with studious care from the year
400 until 428. I refer to the fifteen books against
the Arians, *'0n the Holy Trinity."
5 For complete listb of the Anti-Manichaean and Anti-Donatist writings
the reader is directed to Vol. IV of the Post-Nicene Fathers, edited by
Prof. Phihp Schaff.
Labors — Liti^rary, Theologicai,. 191
To Augustine, the doctrine of the Trinity was
one of those mysteries, "which, unless it were too
vast for our full intellectual comprehension, would
surely be too narrow for our spiritual needs."^ In
constructing the doctrine, therefore, he was more
concerned to find expression for facts of experience
than merely to formulate a philosophical tradition.
I think it can easily be demonstrated that his work
was not primarily speculative, but arose out of a
desire to combine in a coherent system the full
teaching of the Bible. But it is undoubtedly true
that he was influenced by at least two other con-
siderations. First, he had met with the beginnings
of a doctrine of Trinity in Neo-Platonism, and had
no difficulty in developing what he had learned
there. This, however, can hardly be regarded as
important. But the second influence was impor-
tant. Probably few would care to go so far as Pro-
fessor Harnack, in declaring that Augustine was
obliged by tradition to formulate a theory of Trin-
ity, and by experience to believe in one God, and
that, if he had been able to make a fresh start, he
never would have given the Trinity a thought."^
But it is safe to say the traditional doctrine filled
his horizon enough to determine his unyielding in-
sistence upon its truth. Athanasius had cleared the
air for those who came under the bracing influences
of his thought. But that was mostly in the East.
6 On the Trinity, V, 2.
7 See the History of Dogma, Vol. IV, pp. 129-136.
192 AugustixXE: The Thinkejr.
Western Christianity was less given to speculation
on the nature of God. Augustine himself was un-
familiar with the Greek writings on the subject,
while he quotes no Latin father, except Hilary of
Poictiers.
There were four problems which confronted
Augustine in his development of the Trinitarian
view. First, he must show that the Triune God is
one God. In his quarter of Christendom, indeed,
that was the starting-point. '*We are not to speak
of three gods, but one God. The Trinity is one
God."^ In an effort to preserve monotheism, the
teachers of the West dwelt rather more upon the
divine unity than upon the distinctions of persons in
the Godhead. But, in the second place, it was also
necessary to explain how there could exist three
distinct persons, with separate functions, in one un-
divided substance — how there could be one God in
Trinity. The Christian reply is, that the Trinita-
rian idea of God is a necessary idea. The God of
Revelation can not be other than Triune. Augus-
tine arrives at this conclusion by thinking of God
as *Xove." "When you have seen Love," he says,
"you have seen the Trinity." To such modern ques-
tions as those of personality, he did not give a pro-
found or definite answer. "It is necessary that
these three should have a specific name, which yet
is not to be found" (a view which, with Anselm,
becomes, "Three, I know not what").^
8 On the Trinity, V, 9, 12. 9 Ibid. VII, 7.
Labors — ^Liti^rary, The:oi.ogicai,. 193
A third question then arose : To zvhaf extent can
one believe in subordination, and still hold fast to
Trinity? In effect, Augustine ruled out the Chris-
tian idea of subordination. The Father, though
*'the Fountainhead of Deity," stood higher than the
Son only in being unbegotten, and the Son was in-
ferior only in having taken on a human nature
through the Incarnation.^^ Similarly, the Holy
Spirit, proceeding from both Father and Son, holds
an inferior place to both. Of that "personal peculiar-
ity of each person in the Trinity" — the "origination"
of the Father, the **self-assertive obedience" of the
Son, the "personal self-effacement" of the Holy
Spirit — of which a present-day teacher so finely
bears witness/^ Augustine has nothing to say. Sub-
ordination with him is rather formal and legal, than
essential.
Augustine's fourth problem was to explain how
there could be such a thing as the generation of an
eternal Son. The clear solution given by Athana-
sius seemingly was unknown to the bishop of
Hippo. Waving all physical analogies, such as
would imply a division of the Divine substance,
Athanasius dwells upon the necessity of the Son of
God being Son by nature. His begetting is an
10 This can be verified in a number of places : e. g., XV, 31 ; II, 2.
11 Professor Olin A. Curtis, in The Christian Faith, p. 502. Dr. Cur-
tis's entire discussion of The Christian Doctrine of the Trinity (chapter
5CXXVI) is the most spiritual and robust of which the author knows.
13
194 Augustine:: Thi; Tiiinkkr.
inward process, the outcome of which Hes in the
eternal nature of God — God's Fatherhood is eter-
nally of His own essential Being. Augustine's at-
tempt to set forth all this, by the use of such images
as light and its radiance, or fountain and stream,
results only in confusion.
In forming his doctrine, Augustine had recourse
to both Scripture and reason. It must be ad-
mitted, how^ever, that his effort, to put a phi-
losophy underneath his doctrine of Trinity, is
a trifle more satisfactory. In the constitu-
tion of the soul he thought he found some image
of the Trinity. As self-consciousness can arise only
when an image of the memory is stamped, by the
will, upon the mind, Augustine saw in these rela-
tions, of memory, will, and intellect, the Father,
the Son, and the Holy Spirit. But, as Professor
Ottley points out, this is to emphasize the relation-
ships of the three persons rather than their per-
sonal distinctions.^- Only, it must be said in fair-
ness to Augustine, that he constantly calls attention
to the imperfection and inadequacy of these in-
genious analogies. Professor Harnack calls the
discussions of this sort ''extraordinarily acute" — a
statement which might have been moderated in the
interests of truth. They are clever, but hardly pro-
found. They did supply "subsequent centuries with
a philosophical education," but subsequent cen-
turies might have been better off without them.
12 R. L. Ottlcy, M. A., in The Doctrine of the Incarnation, Vol. II_
pp. 349 ff-
Labors — ^"Literary, The:oi,ogicai,. 195
In short, Augustine's Trinity is undeniably
modalistic. He gives us *'a Trinity of powers and
functions in the one Person, and not a Trinity of
personal distinctions."^^ He himself disclaimed be-
ing a "modalist." But it can not be said that he suc-
ceeded, from a philosophical point of view, in get-
ting far beyond an idea of God as One, ''with three
successive and exclusive historic attitudes." His
influence upon the later understanding of the doc-
trine is unquestionable. In the creed called "Athana-
sian," there is a clear trace of his characteristic
methods of thought. His book became a treasure-
store of the Middle Ages, and "contains Scholasti-
cism." But that is hardly to its credit. Probably
the Trinitarian situation to-day would be vastly im-
proved could it be cleared of modes of thought that
go back directly to Augustine.
It might be supposed that Augustine would pro-
duce some sort of theological system, so as to in-
clude all his ideas of Christianity in a total view.
The nearest he ever came to this was in the "En-
chiridion," or "Hand-Book," addressed to Lauren-
tius. The book was primarily, however, only a re-
view of Catholic doctrine. No attempt need be
made at analysis of the "Enchiridion," as the table
of contents is accessible to the English reader, and
so full as readily to yield the nature of the book.
In most respects the "Enchiridion" would be called
13 Professor James Orr, The Christian View of God and the World,
p. 271.
196 AunusTixr:: Tiir: Thinker.
orthodox — merely an adequate, compact expression
of what Christians beheve. But there are some
pecuHaritics of teaching that require examination.
What has Augustine to say about Christ ? Prac-
tically he rested upon Him alone for the hope of
salvation. But, in seeking a basis for his faith, he
fails to lay hold of the difficulties of the Incarnation.
His interest in such problems seems more religious
than deeply intellectual. He is content with the
traditions of the Church. When he is excited by
the marvel of Christ's life, he falls back easily upon
God's infinite power. If he must ask how the man
Christ Jesus can bear about the dignity of the Son
of God, it is clearly a remarkable display of the
Divine grace. Seemingly it does not occur to him
to begin in the Pauline w^ay. Had he thoroughly
and finally settled the question of the nature of the
Son of God, many of the questions of the Humilia-
tion would already have been answered.
The same, almost, may be said of Augustine's
views of Redemption. Of ''theories" he knew little.
A close connection he acknowledges between
Christ's death and the forgiveness of sins. The
efficacy of this death consists in its fitness as a ran-
som to the devil, who, by the fall, secured a sort of
legal right to human souls. In this Marcionite doc-
trine of price and barter, Augustine does not go to
the disgusting lengths of later theology.'"* But he
14 Gregory I, e. g., calls Christ's humanity the bait : the devil (fish)
snapped at it, and was left dangling on the unseen hook, Christ's divinity.
Labors — Literary, Theologicai,. 197
resorts to the same figures with approval. His fa-
vorite theme in Redemption, however, is the humil-
iation, and example of Christ, which have power to
subdue our broken natures. ''When sin had placed
a wide gulf between God and the human race, it
was expedient that a Mediator, who, alone of the
human race, was born, lived, and died without sin,
should reconcile us to God, in order that the pride
of man might be exposed and cured through the
humility of God ; that man might be shown how far
he had departed from God, when God became in-
carnate to bring him back; that an example might
be set to disobedient man in the life of obedience
of the God-man. "^^ This of course does not touch
the borders of the deep, moral questions involved
in the Atonement. At best, it is but a devotional
presentation of the "moral-influence" view of
Christ's sacrifice.
Another peculiarity of the "Enchiridion" is the
view of remission of sins. Forgiveness is built
upon penance (which, in turn, is provided for by
the penitential seasons instituted by the Church),
and is really reserved for the future judgment.
Thus personal assurance is curtailed. With pen-
ance, almsgiving co-operates to save the sinner,
though all good works issue from an inner trans-
formation. True, there is an insistence that men
are saved only "on account of their faith in Christ."
But who can not easily detect the germs of Roman-
ic Enchiridion, io8.
198 Augustine:: The: Thinki^r.
ism? Perhaps they appear even more clearly in
the teaching about purgatory — though the purging
fires of this intermediate state are limited to those
who in life have believed. Most of all, as showing
this Romanizing tendency in Augustine, he leaned
decidedly to a belief in "the benefit to the souls of
the dead from the sacraments and alms of their
living friends."
The closer student of Augustine must also be-
come familiar with a mass of similar works of this
dogmatic and philosophical nature. Among these
are the following: ''On the Care of the Dead,"
written about 420 ; "On the Catechetical Instruction
of the Ignorant," 400; "On Faith and the Creed,"
393 5 "On the Christian Combat," 396 ; "On Various
Questions of Simplicianus," 397; "On Faith in the
Unseen," 400; "On Faith and Works," 413; "On
Patience," 418; special sermons, such as "On the
Creed," "On the Fourth Day," "On the Flood," "On
the Barbarian Epoch," "On the Use of Fasting,"
and "On the Destruction of the City."
Then, there is Augustine's work as a commenta-
tor. In the main, he followed his own fixed princi-
ples of exegesis, as set forth in the book "On Chris-
tion Doctrine." The "rule of faith" was the
instrument of all right interpretation. If pas-
sages were obscure, they must be explained by
more luminous ones; if a literal meaning were
repulsive, one must use the allegorical method.
All of which comes to light in the two vol-
Labors — Literary,, Theologicaiv. 199
umes of "Commentaries." A literal explanation
of Genesis, for example, was attempted in his
earlier years, but abandoned for a more "spiritual,"
but unedifying, interpretation which was not fin-
ished till the year 415. There were also two com-
mentaries on the Heptateuch, and the "Annotations"
to Job, of Old Testament works. In the New Tes-
tament, Augustine devoted himself to the Sermon
on the Mount, Romans, and Galatians, a "Harmony
of the Gospels," and the Fourth Gospel. Toward
the close of his life he wrote an outline of the teach-
ing of the entire Bible, and called it "The Mirror
of Holy Scripture." But his most enduring work
of this kind was the "Commentary on the Psalms,"
most of which was given in the form of sermons.
It will endure, that is, mostly because of its lively
appreciation of spiritual realities, not for any
marked exegetical values.
Finally, there is still a peculiar interest in the
various moral and ascetic treatises of Augustine.
His own practice, leaving aside the question of his
relation to the mother of his son, involved him in
self-denial and life-engulfing consecration. But his
theories, of voluntary celibacy and poverty, the
world has already condemned. We can not follow
him, except in the spirit which impelled him to
write the works "On Virginity," "On Conjugal
Love," "On Continence," "On Marriage," "On the
Blessedness of Widowhood," and "On Lying,"
though the two last reflect an ethical passion which
200 Augustine: The Thinker.
excites the admiration. Augustine never caught a
ghmpse of the glory of the Christian family. He
lived in an age of awful sexual excesses, and his
soul, like that of the fathers in general, revolted,
finding rest in an undivided service of Christ and
His Church.
In this survey (perhaps too extended, but, even
so, inadequate) we have been able to judge Augus-
tine's qualities in a great variety of situations. He
was human, and lived under the pressure of many
unavoidable and unfortunate conditions. Hence,
we must pass a charitable judgment upon his de-
fects, while we lament the evils that grew from
them, and hold up for praise the truly noble attain-
ments which offset them.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE PELAGIANS.
During the twenty years, from 410 down to
the very day of his death, there were three men
who occasioned Augustine a great deal of trouble.
One was the monk known in history by the name
Pelagius. In all probability he was a Briton.
Jerome, always more picturesque than exact, calls
him "the great, fat Albion dog." He was alluding
to the well-known corporeal dimensions of Pela-
gius, whom he describes in another place by the
vulgar phrase, "protruding with the porridge of
the Picts." At any rate, if the British monk might
justly be charged with being a good eater, he seems
to have practiced a commendable self-restraint in
other respects. When we find him first in Rome,
early in the fifth century (being unattached to any
monastery), he was a man of devout and virtuous
character, a professor of Christianity, and noted for
his zeal in winning converts to the faith. Preach-
ing as he did a rigid asceticism, he naturally found
himself in antagonism to the corruption and laxity
of the Roman Church. When he chided, he was
met with the excuse that human nature is weak.
Such excuses became intolerable to him. "O blind
201
202 Augustixk: Thi^ Thinker.
madness," was his outcry, "we accuse God of for-
getting the human weakness of which He Himself
is the author, and imposing law^s on man which he
can not endure." The blameless life, he declared,
was the possible life because it was the necessary
life. It was his custom in preaching, therefore, to
begin by showing the inherent power of man's na-
ture. It was in this way he came in conflict with
the teaching of Augustine. He heard it said one
day that the great bishop had written, in the ''Con-
fessions," this prayer: "Give what thou command-
est, and command what Thou wilt." Pelagius met
this saying with a passionate denial of its truth.
"I say that man is able to be without sin, and that
he is able to keep the commandments of God."
This seems to have been with him an honest con-
viction. Apparently he had been called upon to
fight no battles for purity. He was possessed of a
mind quite in sympathy with truth, and had been
able to discipline his nature into harmony with
moral order.^
Pelagius had one great success in Rome. He
won over to his views the Roman lawyer Coelestius.
This man, unlike his teacher, had the fire of youth,
and besides brought to the new doctrine a consid-
erable argumentative ability. He and Pelagius fled
from Rome some time during the general unrest of
409 and 410. In the following year they landed
in Africa and proceeded to Hippo. Just at that
1 Cf. Principal Rainy, The Ancient Catholic Church, p 470.
The Pelagians. 203
time, the Donatist controversy was at its height,
and Augustine was absent in Carthage controlhng
the course of the great conference. Owing to this
preoccupation, therefore, there was no open meet-
ing between the future protagonists, though they
saw one another. Shortly thereafter, Pelagius set
cut for Palestine. It was the impulsive Coelestius,
therefore, who was first to sound in Africa the new
notes of morality, free-will, and reason. The third
Pelagian of note was Julian, the young Bishop of
Kclanum. He, however, did not identify himself
with the heresy till 418, but brought with him a
philosophic mind, a readiness of expression, and a
vigor in debate that taxed all the resources of
Augustine. The teachings of these men burst with
sudden and startling energy upon the Church of
Augustine's day. Settlement had been made in the
two previous centuries of the doctrines of God.
But the doctrine of man and sin was still in a form-
ative state. The newness of the assertions of
Pelagius consisted not so much in his stress upon
free will, as upon his denial of the demoralization
of the race, and the need of Divine help. It Is true
that in the Western Church there had been a deeper
sense of the tragic misery and ruin of sin, while in
the East a kind of guard had been placed upon the
lips lest one should speak openly of a corrupt human
nature. But the extreme utterances of Pelagius
were beyond doubt a novelty.
To get the substance of the dispute before us at
204 Augustink: Thi: Thinker.
once, what claims did the Pelagians set forth ? Let
Augustine himself give us a brief answer.^
Fundamental with them was their proclamation
of the dignity and perfection of human nature in
every man at his birth. Thus, they arrayed them-
selves against any idea of original sin. Then they
went a step farther, and declared for the unsullied
purity of marriage and the sexual relation, as
against the idea of a transmission of hereditary
taint. In the third place, there was with the Pela-
gians an insistence upon the possibility, at all times,
of a free exercise of the human will, so that the
co-operation of Divine grace was rendered unneces-
sary. Finally, the notion of universal sinful-
ness, was offset by that of the sanctification
of saints. In these tenets, other points, of
course, were involved, as will appear. I think it
can hardly be shown that Wesley was wholly cor-
rect in his summary judgment that "the real heresy
of Pelagius was neither more nor less than this:
the holding that Christians may, hy the grace of
God (not without it ; that I take to be a mere slan-
der) 'fulfill the law of Christ.'" The Pelagians
did make profession of belief in "Grace," but they
meant something very different from the evangel-
ical grace of which Augustine makes so much.^
Of the outward course of the controversy, and
of Augustine's part in it, only the most important
2 From the work of Augustine, Against Two Letters of the Pelagians.
8 Cf. with this Hurst, Vol. I, p. 459, footnote.
The: Pivi.agians. 205
events can be mentioned. But it must be borne in
mind that he was active almost without intermis-
sion, preaching, and debating, and directing a large
correspondence, besides issuing the numerous and
exhaustive treatises against Pelagianism.
Shortly after the departure of Pelagius for the
East, Coelestius sought ordination as a presbyter at
Carthage. He was challenged by Paulinus, a dea-
con, and summoned before a synod under the presi-
dency of Bishop Aurelius. Ultimately, he was ex-
communicated, charged with heresy on seven
counts : that Adam was created mortal and would
have died even if he had not sinned; that his sin
entailed no guilt upon others ; that infants are born
in the state in which Adam was before the fall;
that, even without baptism, they have eternal life;
that the whole race does not die in Adam nor rise
in Christ ; that through the law as well as the Gos-
pel, is entrance into the kingdom of heaven; and
that there were before Christ men living without
sin. Justice requires us to recognize the ethical
considerations which lay beneath these contentions
of Coelestius. It was not merely the Pelagian idea
of human power and freedom which stirred him.
He felt the injustice of punishing a whole race for
one man's faults, and the awful cruelty of damning
helpless infants for want of a rite, and the peril of
denying the freedom of the will, lest human respon-
sibility be crushed out with the denial. To Augus-
tine, who was ready to beat down anything which
2o6 Aur.usTiNi-: The Thinker.
stood like a huniaii pretension mocking the sov-
ereign grace of God, these moral concerns appar-
ently counted for nothing. Between them on the
one hand, and the corruption of the heart of man
and the majesty of the irresistible will of God on
the other, he could see no reconciliation. And the
Divine purpose must stand at all cost.
Coelestius fled East, but not until he had made
converts. Augustine had not shared in the delib-
erations of the synod of Carthage. But it was im-
possible for him to turn a deaf ear to the presence,
in Africa, of the Pelagian heresy in full blast. As if
expecting it after a life-long preparation, he leaped
into the controversy at once. By sermon and letter
he tried to interpose a quiet, persistent barrier to
the theories rapidly increasing in popularity. One
commendable feature of this first work of 412, was
the patience and equipoise with which Augustine
proceeded. His policy was not to mention the
names of Pelagius and the fiery Coelestius, but
rather to bring to judgment their teachings.
In that same year, Alarcellinus, who will be re-
membered as the presiding officer of the Donatist
conference, during the previous year, sent to Au-
gustine a number of questions bearing upon the
Pelagian doctrine. He wished to know Augus-
tine's opinion concerning the relation of death and
sin, the transmission of sin, and the possibility of a
life without sin. But his special eagerness was for
light on the subject of infant baptism, for this had
The: Peilagians. 207
become one of the crucial tests of the debate.
Augustine repHed in three books On the Merits
and Remission of Sins, and on the Baptism of In-
fants. His answer to the chief question of Mar-
celhnus is coupled with a long dissertation on orig-
inal sin as deduced from the universal reign of
death. As to a life of sinless perfection, he says
there is the possibility of one, but such was never
lived. Then he lays down his famous dicta about
infants. ''The universal practice of baptizing them
is an acknowledgment of their sin. Moreover, if
unbaptized, they can not be with Christ; and 'He
that is not with Me is against Me.' Therefore,
though there is a lighter punishment for infants,
they must, in case of death, be forever with the
devil." Marcellinus complained that there were
weighty moral objections to such an argument. But
Augustine stood his ground as being based on Reve-
lation, which closed the reasons of men.
But Marcellinus had another perplexity. He
could not understand how, if it was possible for
nien to live sinless lives with Divine aid, there had
never been such a life except in the case of Mary.
This difficulty brought forth from the watchful
Augustine another important work, "On the Spirit
and the Letter," written also in 412. This treatise
has been praised as telling us most, next to the
"Confessions," "of the thoughts of that rich, pro-
found, and affectionate mind on the soul's rela-
2o8 Augustink: Thk ThinkivR.
tions to its God."-' What is meant is, that Augus-
tine surpassed himself in exalting the necessity of
grace. A distinction must be made, he said, be-
tween the Scripture and the light of conscience, on
one side and the need of a spirit-given assistance.
The former, the letter, kills, but the spirit gives
light. All the light a man has may serve simply
to set out, in more glaring prominence, his diverg-
ence from his moral standard and his need of
higher help.
But, already, the heat of the controversy was
transferred from West to East. Augustine at this
time, 415, was well-nigh bewildered by overwork.
But he was always accessible. From the remotest
borders of Spain came a youth of burning zeal,
Orosius, to get some of his questions answered ; for,
when he had sought elsewhere, he had been told,
** Augustine is the man." He found the bishop
sympathetic, but not . anxious to attack any new
opinions, and was content to receive from Augus-
tine a letter to Jerome. Accordingly, he put forth
on his further quest. Augustine also sent word to
Jerome on a question of his own, about the origin
of souls, entreating the old monk for a reply. But
Jerome was in one of his moods, and replied that
he had no leisure for such problems. This, how-
ever, was not the end of the mission of Orosius.
Once in Jerusalem, he became the accuser of Pela-
gius before the synod of clergy under Bishop John.
4 Canon Bright, in Introduction to Select Anti-Pelagian Treatises, XX,
The: Pe^lagians. 209
Pelagiiis also was present. The young Spaniard re-
cited the facts relating to the excommunication of
Coelestius and described Augustine's writings
against the new theories. This was met, on the
part of Pelagius, by a sullen denial of any obliga-
tions to Augustine. Bishop John was compelled
to quiet the disputants at this point, and bade them
go on in peace. At length, Pelagius was acquitted,
and Orosius retired to the shelter of the angered
Jerome. News of the affair was soon at the ears
of Augustine through an epistle of Pelagius, in
which he arrogantly declared he had "shut the
mouth of opposition in confusion."
Augustine wisely awaited the return of Orosius,
although he must have become restless, as the poi-
sonous report went round that Pelagius had been
voted orthodox by fourteen bishops. He was loath
to press the case against Pelagius, admitting as he
did, the unimpeachableness of his character. But
he saw distinctly that it was time for decisive ac-
tion. Hurrying to Carthage, he arranged for coun-
cils both there and at Mileve. Letters from Jerome,
and from two Gallic bishops, Heros and Lazarus,
had been brought home by Orosius meantime, and
these, with other documents, were presented to the
Council of Carthage late in 416. The outcome was,
that the sixty-nine bishops decided to anathematize
both Pelagius and Coelestius, and to present the
whole case to the Roman bishop. A similar de-
cision was arrived at by the sixty-one bishops at
14
2IO Augustink: Tiik Thinker.
]\Iilevc. Three letters, the last of a more private!
nature, were written to Innocent, of Rome. They
appear among Augustine's 'Xetters/' and are
mainly his composition. It was Pelagius's denial
of grace that largely formed the charge against
him. The bishops at Jerusalem apparently had mis-
understood his definitions, for certainly the practi-
cal outcome of human self-sufficiency would be the
abandonment of both Church and sacraments. It
was suggested to Innocent that he send for Pela-
gius, and subject him to a searching examination.
Naturally, a pause is demanded by this appeal
to the Roman bishop. Time and again it has been
offered as a proof of pontifical prerogatives and
supremacy. From events yet to be narrated, it will
be seen that, as a matter of history, the African
Church was thoroughly independent of Rome.
Augustine himself has in no place any word which
hints at a belief in anything like the later papal au-
thority. As historians have shown sufficiently, this
particular recommendation to Rome was an expe-
dient. In Rome the heresy had begun, and had be-
come widespread. For many reasons, the Roman
Church was the important center of Catholicism.
If Pelagianism were stamped out there, it would be
a decisive result for the rest of the Church.^ Au-
6 1 give here a helpful note from Prof. John A. Faulkner, taken from
iriy notebook of 1901 : Six causes of Roman supremacy : i. Rome's firmness
in maintenance of the faith ; no heresies. 2. Her hospitality and generos-
ity, wealth and benefactions. 3. The influence of Paul and Peter in Rome.
4. Rome as capital of the empire; power of an idea; the influence of sec-
ular divisions on Church polity; people resorted thither. 5. Literary
helps; Clementine recognitions; for^^- ries ; Cyprian, Unity of the Church ;
Irenxus. 6. The claims of Rome.
The; Pe:i,agians. 211
gustine also suggests, in his third letter (No. 177),
that the well-known character and ability of Inno-
cent would be of great weight in determining the
issue of the controversy.
It is not surprising that Innocent received the
African appeal with self-complacent exultation.
His three replies are repellently boastful. McCabe
says, facetiously, that Innocent "takes remarkable
pains to point out that they are following the time-
honored custom of appealing to Rome, whilst his
delight at the novelty floods" all the letters. At all
events, he rewarded Augustine's flatteries by de-
claring Pelagius and Ccelestius deprived of the com-
munion of the Church, until they should ^'recover
their senses from the wiles of the devil, by whom
they are held captive." Now that both Rome and
Africa had frowned on the errors of the Pelagians,
Augustine had reason both for rejoicing, and for
confidence of his final victory. In a celebrated and
much misquoted sermon (No. 131), he expressed
his jubilation, and hoped that before long this dis-
turbance of the Church would cease.®
But by this time, as a sort of prelude of com-
ing events, news reached Hippo of the full proceed-
ings of the council at Diospolis, at which Pelagius
was acquitted a second time. These records are
important as showing that Pelagianism made a
favorable impression upon the East, not because
6 His exact words were: "Already two councils have, in this cause,
sent letters to the Apostolic See, whence also rescripts have come back.
The cause is ended; would that the error might some day end ! '
212 Augustink: Thk Thinkkr.
ihe Eastern mind was more inclined In the direc-
tlon of that "worldly philosophy" (as Augustine
termed it), but because Pelagius actually explained
away or repudiated his heresy before his judges.
They also bring to light an outrage wdiich is charged
against the sympathizers of Pelagius. Shortly after
his acquittal, the cloister of Jerome at Bethlehem
was laid under siege, some buildings were de-
stroyed, and several servants were killed. Augus-
tine sternly rebuked this perpetration.
In fact, more stressful times were already at
hand. A Greek, Zosimus, had succeeded Innocent
upon his death in March, 417. Coelestius, led to
believe that the Eastern mind was more receptive to
his views, made an effort to have himself and Pela-
gius reinstated. He visited Rome in September,
and made a direct appeal to the bishop. Zosimus
seems to have had little or no interest in theological
niceties. Failing to rally his refractory clergy, he
held back his decision in the case of Coelestius, but
wrote to Africa, rebuking the Church there for its
too-consuming zeal in passing so severe a judgment.
In like manner Pelagius had sent a remonstrance to
the "Apostolic See." His defense of himself, as
Zosimus afterwards informed Augustine's party,
almost produced tears among the members of the
Roman synod. They were deeply grieved that so
virtuous a man should be thus abused, and ended
l)y declaring Pelagius "a good Catholic of un-
doubted faith."
The: Pe:i,agians. 213
These communications from Zosimus were not
likely to create the best kind of feeling in Africa.
A council met in Carthage early the following year.
Augustine was in the forefront. It was stoutly and
summarily decreed that the case of Pelagius and
his young disciple should be regarded as closed,
until they should recant. By this time Zosimus had
found his bearing. He replied that the African
Church must not take too literally his remarks on
the case of Coelestius. His final word had not yet
been spoken. Indeed, he was considering new evi-
dence which would probably lead him to a reversal
of sentiment. This message was read before the
second Council of Carthage, late in April. Over
two hundred bishops were in attendance. The un-
looked-for mildness of Zosimus modified their plans
and they were content with passing a series of
canons against Pelagianism.. These they forwarded
to Rome to confirm the wavering bishop's faith.
One writer regards as *'a remarkable piece of
engineering," on Augustine's part, certain events
which occurred almost simultaneously with "the
great African Council" — events which probably had
considerable weight in determining Zosimus's
change of heart. If there is no direct proof that
Augustine was instrumental in obtaining the inter-
vention of State aid, at this juncture, the evidence
certainly points towards him. In any case, the Em-
peror Honorius sent forth an order, just before the
Carthaginian Council met, throwing on the side of
2 14 Augustine:: The Thinker.
the African Church the influence of imperial author-
ity. It was not the first time Augustine had resorted
to civil penalty for heresy, and it is known he was
in correspondence with powerful friends at court.
The effect of the decree was to send into exile the
leaders of the heresy, and to confiscate their goods.
About this time, Augustine began to busy him-
self with more pretentious literary refutations of
the false doctrine. A notable case is his renewed
relations with Pinianus and Melania. It will be re-
membered vliat these noble persons, under adverse
fortune, had left Hippo (their departure being lit-
tle to the credit of Augustine's Church), and settled
in a monastery at Bethlehem. There, at length, they
came in contact with Pclagius, and besought him to
renounce his reputed errors. To their surprise, he
boldly denounced "the man who says that the grace
of God, whereby Christ came into the world to save
sinners, is not necessary, not only every hour, but
for every act of our lives." He read to them from
his book, moreover, his opinion that infants should
be baptized in the same manner as adults. Thus
artfully did he seek to draw them into his net. They
thought it best, however, to seek the counsel of
Augustine, and he replied by writing two books,
"On the Grace of Christ," and "On Original Sin"
(418). In the former he denies Pelagius's pretense
about grace, declaring that the monk has no con-
ception of grace, except as Revelation and the ex-
ample of Christ. During all this period of "sharp-
The: Pe:i,agians. 215
est conflict" with the Pelagians, it must be re-
membered that Augustine was preaching incessantly.
His pen also was never weary of letter-writing.
Among the significant series of letters in his col-
lection are those which passed between him and the
presbyter Sixtus, afterwards Pope Sixtus III.
It is with the year 420 that Julian, of Eclanum,
comes into view. In condemning the Pelagians,
Zosimus had threatened with expulsion from their
bishoprics those of his clergy who did not subscribe
to Augustinian principles. Among the first to re-
fuse was Julian. His first attack was upon the work
concerning marriage. He was vehement in his
charges. He accused Augustine of returning to
Manichaeism in his idea of a corrupt nature, and
declared that the doctrine of predestination led to
fatalism. He demanded a proper rehearing of the
whole case before a regular council.
Pope Boniface, who had followed Zosimus, re-
ferred Julian's defense of himself to the attention of
Augustine. He, in turn, published an elaborate ex-
amination of the questions involved under the title,
^'Against Two Letters of the Pelagians." In this
work, Augustine took up one by one the separate
items in Julian's indictment. No sooner had he
finished, than he was made acquainted with the full
nature of his new opponent's attack, and proceeded
promptly to express himself with greater force, and
at greater length, than before, in a book entitled
''Against Julian," which one admirer has described
2i6 Augustine: The Thinker.
ft
as "almost divine." Few of the saints have suffered
more from the servile flatteries of intemperate
friends than Augustine. There were numerous in-
terruptions to a second massive work against the
same incorrigible young heresiarch, so that, until
the very close of his career, Augustine was en-
gaged upon the book which bares the significant
title, "The Unfinished Work." We can not honestly
regret the failure to prolong this work ; for in real-
ity, there are now more of the same sort than any
one (save a very limited coterie) ever reads. But
Augustine's courage, which kept him at his inde-
fatigable labors until the Vandals thundered almost
at his study-door, deserves a passing tribute of re-
spect.
These last years of the bishop's life were
crowned with several of his most noteworthy anti-
Pelagian treatises. About 426, he sent the "En-
chiridion" out into the world, intending it not
merely as a hand-book on religion, but as a calm
survey of the truth denied and made void by his
antagonists. Sooh after he tried to quiet the strife
of the monastery of Adrumentum by such exposi-
tions of doctrine as are found in his larger work,
"On Grace and Free Will." The monks at Adru-
mentum, however, were inclined to a certain amount
of free-thinking, which led them to question the
admissibility of all "Lord Pope Augustine" (as
they called him) had to say on the subject of sov-
ereign grace. With no little human passion, they
The: Pe:i,agians. 217
wished to know how It came about that, if all good
was from God's grace, man could be rebuked for
not doing what he could not do? A reply was
made in another work, "On Rebuke and Grace," in
which Augustine endeavors to make clear that the
supremacy of Divine grace does not supersede
human duty. "We deserve rebuke for our very
unwillingness to be rebuked," is his uncompromis-
ing declaration. Of this more will be said in the
next chapter. Already, the atmosphere was clear-
ing of the extreme Pelagian views, and a middle
school of "semi-Pelagians" was beginning to make
itself felt. Against the representatives of this new
movement, at the instigation of two laymen. Pros-
per and Hilary, Augustine wrote two books which
go under the separate title of "On the Predestina-
tion of the Saints," and "The Gift of Perseverance."
These are the best evidences we have of the strength
of his mental powers in their full maturity. The
heresy outlived Augustine. Traces of it linger un-
til the close of the century. But at an CEcumenical
Council of Ephesus, in 431, pure Pelagianism re-
ceived the final condemnation of both East and
West.^
It is perhaps a misfortune that the student of this
controversy is obliged to rely almost wholly upon
the writings of Augustine, in order to get his un-
derstanding of the peculiarities of belief on the other
side. But we can, even so, approximate a truthful
7 Cf. Prin. Rainy, Ancient Catholic Church, p. 473, f. n. 2.
2i8 Augustine: The; Thinker.
survey of Pelagian teaching. The fundamental
point was that free will remains unimpaired by the
fall. This power of choice itself was acknowledged
as a gift of God, but its use in practical action was
man's prerogative. This implied, moreover, that no
corruption had been transmitted from the first man
to his offspring of the race. If the battle is harder
for men now, it is not because they are not born
with the same moral powers with which Adam was
endowed, but because appeals to the appetites of
men have increased with the centuries. And it cer-
tainly was untenable (they said) to charge the guilt
of Adam to any one except himself.
Pelagius and his disciples also had a conception
of grace. But it is certain they meant nothing like
a work of the Holy Spirit upon the nature of man.
At most it was a vague confession of benefits of
God's goodness — the remission of sins, the Divine
revelation (especially the example of Christ), and
ability to act freely in the choice of good. There
were considerations minor to these. But the root
of the trouble was the assertion of an absolutely un-
fettered will in every man.
Augustine's doctrine of grace was formulated
under the stress of controversy, but was simply an
(nit.L^^rowth of previous convictions. These had re-
sulted from an examination of the Epistles of Paul,
especially Romans and Corinthians. In his earlier
career he had held that man is dependent on Divine
help for salvation, but that faith is man's own spon-
The PeivAGians. 219
taneous act. But he came to believe that it was
both presumption and an impossibility for man's
relations with God to originate in free-will. Thus
he settled down to an irreversible conviction that
men live under an absolute necessity of grace for
their salvation.
This necessity arose from the helpless condition
of the race through Adam's transgression. Augus-
tine conceived that the first man's fall involves the
entire race, not by any arbitrary constitution, but
because the entire race, potentially, was present in
its progenitor, and therefore shares with him his
guilt, as well as his perdition. Men are not dis-
possessed of their powers of choice. They are still
"free." But they are left with no desire for any-
thing but evil, and can therefore choose nothing
good. It is clear from this, so the argument goes,
that any renewal of man's nature must begin in the
omnipotence of God.
Grace is God's means of providing and bringing
near to men the gift of His salvation. With Augus-
tine it is the first and last word of the Gospel. He
describes it sometimes as prevenient, meaning that
it influences and enables us to make right choices.
It is also co-operative, since it works with the good
will so soon as we have one. In addition, it is irre-
sistible, God holds it utterly in His power to be-
stow His favors where He will. He does so not
regardless of all laws, but by providential use of
them. Whatever the obstacle, His grace at last
220 Augustine: The Thinker.
must overcome it, if it sets out to. Above all, grace
is gratuitous. It comes to us totally v^ithout our
choice or desert.
Upon whom, then, in the view of Augustine, is
the grace of God bestowed? Our answer must
keep in sight the ideas of man as "a mass of ruin,"
and of grace as gratuitous. It follows from the
unmitigated and self-imposed ruin of mankind, that
they have no claim whatever upon the mercy of
God. If He should leave them to perish, it would
be only justice. Consequently, there is no injustice
in His choosing this one and that, as the objects of
His unmerited favor. And this bestowal of grace
is not uncertain, for it proceeds according to God's
foreknown purpose. Predestination, in the thought
of Augustine, was God's sovereign grace winning
whom it would to the fold of God. Once brought
into the fold, this grace carried them irresistibly
through all the trials of life, and made their perse-
verance to the end a certainty.
Surveying the wide field from the side of ethics,
it must appear that Pelagius was nearer the truth
than Augustine, though both erred broadly. It
can not be maintained, of course, that men are free
to choose the course of right always. Nothing is
truer of life than the fact of moral conflict, most
present and poignant to the man of high ideals who
has not learned the way to Christian victory. But
where does the turning-point He? Is it in man's
free will, or in God's generous grace? It is claimed
The; Pe:i,agians. 221
man is helpless to choose ; that his ruin has left him
deprived of power even to accept a proffered Divine
help. But what moral meaning can there be to his
failure to choose Christ, let us say, if he is not re-
sponsible for his failure? And how can responsi-
bility be urged where there is no moral freedom?
A proper Augustinian reply, probably, would be,
that there is responsibility — for the helplessness in
which his share of Adam's guilt involves him; for
every man is born a ruined sinner. But such
answers, unfortunately, make no accoimt of the
yawning difference between personal sin and racial
sin. The modern doctrine of heredity is made much
of by disciples of Augustine.^ But there is nothing
consonant with that doctrine in the theory of the
transmission of guilt. It is depravity, not demerit,
which is handed down from parent to child. Never
can an unbiased judgment see anything right in a
man's being held responsible for what is not per-
sonally and finally his. And Augustine's older con-
temporary, the eloquent Chrysostom, proclaimed
a more wholesome and satisfying message, when
he taught that the will of man, though im-
paired by the fall, has still the power to accept or
reject the offer of salvation. This brings the crisis
of man's turning to God where, ethically, it should
be — in his own will. In this, moreover, the Scrip-
tures undoubtedly concur. There is no denial of
See, e. g.. Prof. James Orr, The Progress of Dogma, pp. 150 ff.
222 Augustine: The Thinker.
grace in such a position, but a glorious exaltation
of it
But it was ine\-itable with Augustine, that, hav-
ing taken his stand on the declaration of man's com-
plete moral ruin, he should pass on to his idea of
the Di\'ine method of sa\-ing people out of their
corruptions. DiWne election is indispensable in
saving men who have no moral powers of their
own. But, first, is it a defensible method? -And
then, is it possible? It is not enough to say God's
ways are inscrutable, but must be just. Xor is there
any help in the more recent way of oitsetting the
horror of the doctrine by painting a white back-
ground of love in God. The fact remains, whether
it sounds well to say so or not, that the Augustinian
notion of unconditional predestination is arbitrary
and indefensible. If it is said that none have any
claim whatever upon God's grace, and that there-
fore God is not unjust in *'passing by'' some, the
quick reply is that, on the broad level of no claim,
justice requires that all should be treated alike, and
not that some should be treated as if they possessed
claims.
But, is unconditional election possible? Can
God override the wills of men? Is grace irresisti-
ble? Is it possible for God to break down, as Pro-
fessor Orr suggests, even the desire to resist the
good ? What moral meaning is there, then, to faith ?
Such questions ought to be answered in the asking.
Augustine was in sorest straits when he at-
The: Pelagians. 223
tempted to weld into one his theories of the Church
and the doctrine of grace. Plainly it was the visi-
ble Church which was the only adequate representa-
tion of God's purpose in salvation. Here were His
elect. But, were none saved outside the visible
Church? At this point Augustine halted. But
then he pushed his conclusions to their end : ''He
that has not the Church as his mother, has not God
for his Father." And unbaptized infants? The
step was unavoidable : "All those who die unbap-
tized, including infants, are finally lost and depart
into eternal punishment,'' (though mercifully, "the
place of lightest punishment in hell is assigned to
those who were guilty of no sin but original sin").
The heresy of Pelagius was a dangerous one.
But it was not to be met by Augustine's no doubt
zealous, but nevertheless distorted views. There
is such a thing as predestination, and it concerns
the salvation of men. But it is accompanied by a
universal appeal to men, and is based through fore-
knowledge, upon the freely-made choices of men
under the pressure of the Holy Spirit. Such fore-
ordination is truly Pauline, and answers to a deep
Christian experience of the undeserved riches of
God's ineffable grace, in making so magnificent a
provision.
CHAPTER XV.
AUGUSTINE AND THE FINAL STRUG-
GLE.
Not till the year after Augustine's death did the
OEcumenical Council at Ephesus, pass final ad-
verse judgment upon the views of Pelagius. But,
as we have seen, out of the ashes had already sprung
a mild compromise, which was destined to run its
course for many years, and to come to us under
the name of semi-Pelagianism. As this was a pro-
test against the more exaggerated ideas of Augus-
tine, it was inevitable that he should be drawn into
the contest w^hich ensued.
A form of compromise, between the harsher
features of Augustinianism and the unscriptural
ground of Pelagius, was attempted by the monk
Cassian, whose monastery was in Southern
Gaul. Cassian was ready to admit the universal
need of Divine grace for salvation. But he pro-
tested that men could resist God's grace, or could
freely turn to Him, and that grace was not granted
without regard to merit, w^hile God's predestination
was only fatalism. In the two works which this
new heresy called forth, **On the Predestination of
the Saints," and "The Gift of Perseverance," Au-
224
Th^ Final Struggle:. 225
gustine endeavored in a final effort to make clear
his position. But it can not be said that he suc-
ceeded in making his favorite doctrine of predes-
tination at all attractive. No objection, he said,
could be made against predestination that did not
lie with equal strength against grace. But he failed
to see, as usual, that there can be no grace in giv-
ing, unless there is free will in receiving.
Of kindred interest is Augustine's relations at
this time with another monk from the south of
France, a certain Leporius. This man, according
to report, had been condemned in his native coun-
try, because of his leanings toward Pelagianism.
Accordingly he had emigrated with a little com-
pany to North Africa. As a matter of fact, and as
Augustine discovered upon the monk's visiting-
Hippo, Leporius had imbibed with his Pelagian
poison a vague belief concerning the person of
Christ. ''It was not God Himself," he declared,
**who was born as man, but a perfect man was
born with God." This is a kind of hearkening for-
ward to the confusion of Nestorius. In Carthage,
Augustine achieved the distinction of winning this
Gallic monk back to the faith, and leading him to a
public recantation of his error.
In all this, it will be seen how Augustine de-
voted himself until the end to the work of purging
the Church of error. Even when the Vandal hordes
were pressing towards Hippo, and pounding at the
city gates, he was conscientiously toiling at the long-
226 AuGusTiNr:: The Titinkt^r.
est of all his works, the vast anti-Pelagian project
elicited by the treatises of Julian of Eclanum. As
already noted, this zeal for Catholic opinion brought
him into conflict with the growing pretensions of
Rome. No sooner was the first controversy with
Zosimus over, than Augustine was drawn into an-
other, not so far-reaching in its direct results, but
bringing to a climax the North African revolt from
the domination of the Roman bishopric.
A short time before. Bishop Urbanus, of Sicca,
a former pupil of Augustine, had condemned and
dismissed one of his priests, Apiarius by name, for
reprehensible conduct. Appeal was at once made
to Rome. Zosimus, ready to grasp at anything
which meant to him an increase of prestige, sus-
tained the appeal. A legate was sent in haste to
demand the reinstatement of Apiarius. Faustinus,
an arrogant Italian bishop, wdio bore the message,
cited two canons of Nic?ea in support of the claim
of Zosimus that Rome had a right to interfere
and be obeyed. As a matter of history, these par-
ticular canons were not added till later. Great was
the astonishment of Aurelius and his fellow-bishops,
therefore, when they found the decrees absent from
their authentic copies of the doings of the Nicene
Council. However, they were willing to admit
them, pending an investigation. But their liberty
and manhood were nevertheless at stake, and they
gave expression to their concern by ordaining that,
whoever, thereafter, instead of appealing to the
The) Final Struggi.^. 227
jurisdiction of the North African Church, appealed
to one beyond the sea, should be excluded from the
fellowship of the Church. This was in keeping-
with a spirit of ecclesiastical freedom which had
manifested itself in North Africa from the earliest
times.-
How Zosimus would have treated the question
of Rome's supremacy, had he lived, we can not tell.
His death, in December of 418, left the question to
the settlement of other minds. His immediate suc-
cessor, Boniface, reappointed the despised Fausti-
nus, who, at a council of African bishops, held in
Carthage late in May of the following year, impa-
tiently renewed his haughty assertions about the
pretended canons. It was finally agreed to regard
them as legitimate, but to send to the bishops of Al-
exandria, Constantinople, and Antioch, for confir-
mation.
Although Augustine maintains a tantalizing
silence on the subject, we can not doubt that the
reply soon received from the distant Churches must
have exasperated him greatly. For all three bishops
forwarded authentic copies of the Nicene canons,
and, lo ! there was no trace of the articles so stoutly
proclaimed by Zosimus, and defended by his legate.
This was not the end of the matter, however.
Although he had been restored, the base char-
acter of Apiarius could not long remain hidden.
In a few years, he suffered a second dismissal
2 See Neander, II, p. 174 f.
228 AuGUSTiNK: Tiii: TiiTNKr;R.
for immanly conduct, and a second time ap-
pealed to Rome. Caelestine, whom Augustine ad-
dresses in most affectionate terms in Epistle 192,
had succeeded Boniface as Bishop of Rome in 423.
But any friendship he had for Augustine was out-
weighed by his zeal for the exaltation of Rome.
He welcomed Apiarius, and once more selected the
obnoxious Faustinus to represent him before the
African bishops. With them, however, the case
was prejudged. Faustinus encountered a violent
opposition. It is difficult to imagine the outcome,
had not Apiarius acknowledged his guilt, and
thereby silenced the ''pompousness" of Rome. At
any rate the bishops directed to Caelestine a letter
which was a veritable declaration of independence.
Throughout is manifest the vigor of Augustine,
who signed the document.
Shortly after these events, on the other hand,
Augustine had, to say the least, paid a rather re-
markable tribute of respect to the bishop of Rome,
in the form of a request for his advice, in a tangle
which was greatly disturbing the bishop of Hippo.^
Not far from the district of Hippo was a small town
named Fussala. Formally the Donatists had com-
pletely dominated the surrounding country, and not
cne Catholic was to be found in the town. By great
sacrifice, even of life, a little communion had been
established there, and under Augustine's direction
a chapel was erected. Then, as it was impossible
3 Sec Ep. 309, entire. The letter is sometimes called in question,
Thk Finai. Struggi.^. 229
to keep the growing work under his eye, Augustine
made a separate parish of it, and proceeded thither
for the ordination of a bishop. For that purpose he
invited from a distance the aged primate of Nu-
midia. Great was his chagrin, at the last moment,
to find his candidate for the office of bishop un-
wilhng to serve. It was seemingly out of the ques-
tion to postpone the ordination, though Augustine
admits in his letter to Cselestine that it would have
been more prudent. Among his companions was a
young man named Antonius, who had been reared
*'from childhood" in his monastery, but, withal, a
lad of no experience, except as a "reader." Augus-
tine confesses with confusion that it was a great
risk to take, and overhasty, but Antonius was made
bishop on the spot.
This was in 418. By 422, the Fussalenses had
had enough of their youthful bishop. Charges of
intolerable tyranny and spoliation, of extortion,
covetousness, and oppression, were preferred against
him, and Augustine was asked to remove him. In-
stead, a council was called and Antonius, though
found guilty on minor counts, was allowed to re-
tain his office with restricted powers. The whole
affair came to the ears of Boniface through An-
tonius himself, who complained that he had been
abused. Boniface, flattered by the appeal to him-
self, demanded, with a threat of violence, the full
reinstatement of Antonius. The Roman bishop's
death at this juncture left the disturbance in the
230 Augustine: The Thinker.
hands of Cc-elestine. It was being rumored that
imperial power was about to be used to restore An-
tonius, and heavy criticism was directed against
Augustine. This led to the letter already men-
tioned. Augustine, without malice towards the Fus-
salenses, and with an evident desire for fairness all
around, urges Caelestine to show compassion. In-
deed, he even declares that anxiety over this un-
fortunate business had all but driven him to retire-
ment from his episcopal office. The following year
came the break with Rome, and we hear nothing
more of the case.
As belonging among the events of this closing
period, mention is generally made of certain mira-
cles which are said to have been performed at Hippo
about the year 424. These Augustine details at
great length, and with simple faith, in the last book
of 'The City of God." Some years previous, so it
was declared, certain bones of the martyr Stephen
had been brought from the Holy Land to Africa.
A\'herever they were carried, according to the testi-
mony of men like Possidius and Evodius, strange
and wonderful deeds were wrought. At Hippo,
Augustine received a portion of the relics w^ith great
joy, and had them enshrined in a chapel by them-
selves. Two years after, he announces himself as
bewildered by the large number of miraculous oc-
currences, to which he bears unquestioning witness.
"Were I to be silent of all others, and to record ex-
clusively the miracles of healing which were
The Finai, Struggle. 531
wrought in Calaina and Hippo by means of this
martyr, they would iill volumes/' Of those actually
published, he knows of seventy, but the unpublished
ones were "incomparably more."*
For the most part, these miracles had to do with
devil-possession. There are some more fantastic.
Several were cases of the raising of the dead. Au-
gustine seems to have been at pains to get full evi-
dence in each case. But his investigations would
not pass muster to-day. In the episode of the
Syrian, Bassus, for example, there is surprisingly
slim proof of all the facts. This man's daughter
was perilously ill, and he had brought her dress to
the shrine of Stephen. Upon returning home, "his
servants ran from the house to tell him she was
dead." He found the household in tears. Throw-
ing upon "his daughter's body the dress he was
carrying, she was restored to life." Augustine
speaks of "the martyr himself, by whose prayers
she was healed" — a species of superstition for
which there is no authority whatever in the Chris-
tianity of the early Church.
No doubt the most exciting of these "miracles"
was the reputed healing of Paulus and Palladia, a
brother and sister from the Cappadocian Cassarea.
Together with six other brothers and two sisters,
they had been cursed by their mother for some
wrong they had done her (Augustine inserts no
disapproval), and were all "seized with a hideous
4 City of God, Bk. XXII, Ch. VIII.
232 Augustine:: The Thinke:r.
shaking in all their limbs." The credulity of Au-
gustine in this instance is remarkably naive. Re-
luctantly one is forced to believe that it was only
the eagerness for an unanswerable defense of his
faith, that led him in old age to such artless accept-
ance of easily explained, even if unusual, occur-
rences.
Even more spectacular, but with similar results,
was the cure of Palladia. It is regrettable that so
masterful a mind as Augustine's did not break away
from the superstitions of that decadent age and
blaze a new path for himself and for the mediaeval
Church.
The labors of Augustine at this time were not
only abundant for a man of ripe years ; they were
becoming oppressive. He had requested his people
to leave him in quiet, but they had continued to
throng him as before. He was unwilling, more-
over, to leave the choice of his successor till after
his death; for experience had taught him that dis-
sension often accompanied these elections. It was
contrary to his policy to think of choosing a coad-
jutor, following the precedent set in his own case.
Accordingly, he decided to have the people appoint
a successor-designate, to whom could be intrusted
most of the responsibilities of office. We have a
most readable record, prepared by Augustine him-
self, of the proceedings which followed.^
There is little basis left us for a fair estimate of
fi See Ep. 213.
Tut FiNAi. Struggi.^. 233
the new bishop-elect. Augustine was satisfied, and
his people certainly had no question to raise. For
only four years was Bishop Eraclius to stand at the
older man's side, and then, with the tragic termina-
tion of the work in Hippo, he was to be without
further opportunity to give his particular talent full
play.
Indeed, North Africa and its Churches was al-
ready doomed. And it was a part of the bitter ex-
periences of Augustine's last year of life that one
of his trusted admirers was so intimately involved
in the inevitable ruin. For twenty-five years, the
empire was ruled by a woman, Placidia, mother of
the Emperor Valentinian III. She had placed the
province of Africa in the hands of a noble Christian
general, the Count Boniface. With him Augustine
began to have pleasant relations as early as 418.
Within a year or two his wife died, and the sorrow-
ing count was nearly persuaded to enter a mon-
astery. At this crisis, Augustine showed that the
charge of his being unpractical, sometimes made
against him, is groundless. He induced Boniface
to remain at his important post, though adding, after
the manner of his time, the advice that he should
not remarry. To this program Boniface agreed.
But, alas ! for human weakness. He was soon en-
snared by the wiles of a Vandal princess in Spain,
and married her. Augustine sought to find com-
fort in the fact that Pelagia turned Catholic with
her marriage. But his comfort could hardly have
234 Augustine: The Thinker.
been deep when rumors came to his ears that the
count was not proving true to his new wife. At
any rate, he watched the subsequent events in the
Hfe of Boniface with increasing regret.
In the court of Placidia, few had so much in-
fluence as ^tius. He was shrewd and ambitious.
In the way of his schemes stood Boniface, and he
hastened straightway to effect a plan for the Afri-
can count's downfall. First, Placidia was per-
suaded that Boniface had formed a selfish alliance
with the king of the Vandals, through the marriage
with Pelagia. Thus ^tius succeeded in accom-
plishing the recall of his rival. Simultaneously, he
wrote to Boniface urging him not to obey, since his
return from Africa would mean political ruin and
probably death. Acting upon this advice, Boniface
refused to heed the imperial mandate. The royal
mother naturally looked upon such open rebellion
as a proof of the pretended suspicions of .^tius.
Three armies were sent against Boniface, and he
defeated them all. But he knew too well his com-
parative weakness, and the certainty of his ultimate
overthrow. In his desperation, and all unheeding
the treachery of the unscrupulous yEtius, he sent
to Gonderic, king of the \^andals in Spain, an offer
of alliance. It was agreed at length that Boniface
should yield control of two-thirds of the provinces
to his new allies. Gcnseric, brother of Gonderic,
and after the lattcr's death his successor, made im-
mediate preparations for the expedition. In Spain
The Final StruggIvE:. 235
his people were without a rival since the expulsion
of the Visigoths. But Africa offered a field for
even wider empire. With an unwieldy army of
over fifty thousand men, Genseric set sail across the
strait to Africa, early in 429.
Until Boniface was deep in the meshes of his
fatal alliance, Augustine found no opportunity of
addressing him. Everything was uncertain, and
messengers were not to be relied upon. But the let-
ter which finally reached the count, from the feeble
bishop, proved that Augustine's mental power and
great courage were not failing, as he beheld old
age and grave dangers approaching. There is no
mincing of words and no fruitless flattery in the let-
ter. It is the wise, sympathetic, anxious word of a
father counseling his erring son. Augustine ap-
pears ignorant of the fraud of which his distin-
guished friend was the victim, and for that reason
rather misjudges his motives. But even so, he can
not quite reconcile the earlier zeal by which Boni-
face tended to perpetuate the Church in Africa,
through imperial protection, with his present self-
ishness in allowing the Vandals to lay waste the
entire province. It was not "secular counsel" which
the count needed. Therefore Augustine frankly
avows he has none to give. He turns to the more
difficult task of counseling him "in reference to
God," understanding well how slow friends are to
offer such advice. There is sympathetic recognition
of the embarrassments into which the unfortunate
236 AuGUSTiNi:: The: Thinker.
mail has fallen. But Augustine dares to suggest
that, had it not been for Boniface's **love of the
good things of the world," he would not now be in
such peril. In short, he can offer but one way of
escape : let him renounce his whole present position.
"Show you are a brave man. \"anquish the desires
with which the world is loved. Do penance for the
evils of your past life. Give alms, pour forth
prayers, practice fasting." Here was a dignified,
uncompromising call to duty. Augustine saw that
the one hope for Boniface, whatever became of
Africa, was to rise to the moral height of the Chris-
tian demands upon him. Besides such considera-
tions, ''secular counsel" (the absence of which, in
the letter, is so bitterly lamented by writers like
McCabe), was of no importance.^
Looking at it merely from the secular side, we
may say that Count Boniface fortunately was
spared the necessity of doing anything so heroic.
At any rate, he was freed from the embarrassment
of being at enmity with the ruling powers. Placidia
sent a trusted ambassador, Count Darius (whose
favor and friendship Augustine was delighted to
win, though they did not meet^), to seek peace with
Boniface. The plot of ^tius was quickly laid
bare, and the Count of Africa returned to his former
allegiance. But it was then too late to close the
flood gate. The restless, blue-eyed, covetous bar-
barians were not to be swept back.
6 See Ep. 220. 7 Sec Eps. 229-231.
The Final StruggIvE. 237
The Vandals were in the hands of a far-seeing,
fearless leader. For fifty years after these events.
Genseric continued to push his conquests in all di-
rections. He ruled the Mediterranean, and swept
down upon Rome with torch and sword. If Attila
was ''the scourge of God," Genseric was His light-
ning. He was both dreadful and cunning. He held
back neither from cruelty 'nor treachery, if he might
satisfy his all-consuming avarice. With his fol-
lowing of wild Vandals and nomad Moors, he had
already devastated a large area of Mauritania.
"Soon they reached the broad roads that the
Romans had constructed along the coast and the
outlying towns. They poured themselves over the
fields and orchards, leaving only a waste of black-
ened stubble and uprooted trees behind them. They
swept down upon the cities with a bitter scorn for
their civilization or their Trinitarian religion, and
an insatiable thirst for gold." The student of Gib-
bon will recall how these rapacious Arians made
cruel use of their difference of faith to demolish
Christian churches and subject the members and
priests to horrible, inhuman treatment.
But now Boniface was ready to restore the
provinces to peace and order. He sent word to
Genseric that there was no further need for him
in Africa, and he might lead his plunderers back to
his empire in Spain. But the rich plains of Numidia
were just in sight, and the Vandal king had meas-
ured his strength. His back was turned to a desp-
23S Augustine: The Thinker.
late country, and he faced a land of promise whose
people were disorganized. A brief truce was de-
clared, during which Genseric haughtily spurned
the proposition of Boniface to buy him off. He
saw farther than a paltry ransom. And, as his only
barrier to success was the army of the count of
Africa, it was necessary for them to cross swords
at once. A bloody battle ensued, in which Boniface
exhausted his skill in a final effort in behalf of the
empire. The fury of Genseric could not be stayed.
Forcing his enemy into the walled city of Hippo,
he sat down before its gates to await his day.
What was the state of mind of the bishop of
Hippo on that memorable day of ^lay, 430, when
the siege was begun, can be only conjectured. Cer-
tainly he could expect nothing but defeat, however
long delayed. Hippo occupied a strong defensive
position. But help must come mostly from within.
The empire was held too loosely together for Rome
to hear and heed the cry for help. Moreover, the
ruin of Xumidia, and of the bishopric of Hippo,
meant to Augustine the ruin of all his life-work. It
was a sad picture that met his eyes, as he stood upon
the central hill of the city, and beheld the surround-
ing province wreathed in lurid lines of smoke.
Strange indeed was the contrast between all this
tumbling into oblivion of his prodigious efforts, and
the inner consciousness that North Africa was now
his and the Church's. The old enemies of the Cath-
olic doctrine were in full retreat. Paganism was
The: Finai, Struggle. 239
being forg-otten as a relic. The Militant Church of
Christ was dominant everywhere. But now, con-
flagration and waste met his anxious gaze on every
hand. And the Arian Vandal held the entire city
in a tightening grip.
But Augustine was not dismayed. His calm
faith in God led him to look upon the situation
without a tremor. Each day, as long as the wan-
ing strength of his seventy-six years would allow,
he preached to the wondering populace, inspiring
them with fresh courage.
Thus the siege wore on for many a weary month.
Pearly in August a fever laid hold of the venerable
bishop, and he was forced to remain in his room.
Possidius relates how, on his bed of sickness, a sick
man was brought to him, and Augustine was be-
sought to cure him. At first he refused. If he
were able to work miracles, he said jocosely, he
would heal himself. But they urged him till he
stretched forth his hands, and the man was won-
drously cured. This is the only miracle with which
Augustine is credited. A fortnight before his death
he bade his friends farewell, and ordered that he
be left alone in his own room, except for the neces-
sary visits of his physician and attendants. Writ-
ten large on the walls beside him were the psalms
of penitence. On the twenty-eighth of August, 430,
the end came. He died in full possession of his
faculties and in full peace. Thus, amid the tumults
of the City of Men his soul passed on to the long-
240 AuGUSTixE: Thk Thinker.
cherished sight of the holy City of God. ''He made
no will," says Possidius (who was with Augustine
until the last), ''since he was one of God's paupers
and had nothing from which to make one. His
library he ordered should be given to his Church,
and all his writings, forever guarded by posterity."
Nearly a year passed after the death of Augus-
tine, and Hippo was still intact. In the fourteenth
month, Genseric was obliged to raise the siege, and
the inhabitants escaped, by sea, to Italy. But the
city was lost to the empire, through a second defeat
of Boniface, while the Vandals poured through the
gates to plunder and burn. The precious books of
Augustine, the record goes, and his church, were
preserved amid the general disaster. Two cen-
turies later, the Arabs completed the ruin of the
former city, leaving to coming centuries a dust-
heap and an imperishable memory.
Darkness closes over these outward remains of
the work of Augustine, but not over his name. Ad-
mitting the presence in him of divers deplorable de-
fects, we are far from grudging a tribute to the
commanding genius of a man who stands out in
marked contrast to the dark, unstable age in which
he lived, and has shed an influence for good over
all succeeding ages. Augustine saw past the fading
glories of this world, and riveted the attention of
men upon the things of enduring value. He was
exemplary also as a loyal Catholic. We can not
impeach the zeal and self-repressive devotion with
Th^ Final Struggi^E. 241
which he gave himself to the aggrandizement of the
Church. He has made the world see her majesty — .
in the words of Renter, ** the grandeur of her organ-
ization, the ordered ranks of her episcopate, the
authority of her tradition, the rich resources of
her means of grace/' His "theology of grace" has,
at least, had the credit of lifting up the indispensable,
absolutely essential preparatory work which God
has done for our salvation. He has enriched liter-
ature and human life by all he contributed of mind
and heart. It is not saying too much, to declare
that he was as necessary to his age as was Paul to
his, or Luther and Cromwell and Lincoln to theirs.
It was God who gave them all, each one to his own
time.
le
CHAPTER XVI.
THE STREAM OF AUGUSTINIANISM.
One: is not to suppose that Augustine's identity
with his own age shuts him off from a masterful
influence upon succeeding generations. It is not
merely that he turned out to be the schoolmaster of
the Middle Ages. There is a silent pressure of his
power felt in every period of the history of the
Church and of Christian doctrine. Indeed, it is but
very recently that admission has been made of the
decadence of his teaching. Although the Augustin-
ian view of things has held sway for nearly a mil-
lennium and a half, writes one critic, to-day his
"empire over religious thought is trembling."^ An-
other makes complaint of the ''lingering hold of
Augustine upon the modern mind." He judges that
**the tenets of the Bishop of Hippo have been for so
many years identified with divine revelation, that it
requires an intellectual revolution in order to attain
the freedom to interpret correctly, not only the early
Fathers of the Church, but Scripture itself."^ This
is undoubtedlv true. But it must not be overlooked
1 Briefly, The Eternal Religion, p. 36.
2 Allen, Continuity of Christian Thought, p. 11. Cf. also the remark-
able charge made on page 170.
242
Thk Stream oi^ Augustinianism. 243
that the necessary ''intellectual revolution" has al-
ready taken place.
With almost equal enthusiasm, and of course for
very opposite reasons, Augustine has been esteemed
by both Protestants and Romanists. His canoniza-
tion by the latter was most fitting, and has long since
ceased to excite wonder. Perhaps it is an exaggera-
tion to say he was the Father of Roman Catholicism.
Justice requires a moderation of that oft-repeated
statement. Certainly he never would have given
conscious consent to the later extraordinary devel-
opments of his conceptions of the Church. But it
must be conceded that Catholicism had its roots in
Augustine, and it is not inconceivable that the
growth was a natural one.^
Extended reference has previously been made to
Augustine's doctrine of the Church. He regarded
the Church as a thoroughly equipped, omnipotent
society, whose organization, institutions, and
heaven-given rights were not to be called in ques-
tion. Of the necessity for a supreme organ of in-
fallible authority, such as later became centralized
in Rome, he had not even a remote idea. But there
were elements in him, such as his insistence upon
the universality and exclusiveness of the Church,
his doctrine of baptism, and his intolerant treatment
3 Cf. Robertson, in Regnum Dei : " He registers for us the beginning
of a process the full nature of which he could not fully realize; a process
which could only be embodied, in fact, in conditions which Augustine
neither knew nor foresaw, but which were none the less, even then, on
their way to fulfillment."
244 AuGUSTiNK: The ThinkKR.
of heretics, which made possible the papacy. He
appropriated the saying of Cyprian: ''Outside the
Church salvation Is impossible." And he added : "I
would not believe the Gospel except the authority
of the Catholic Church had moved me."
The immediate results of such extreme ideas are
difficult to trace. Scarcely a decade had passed
after Augustine's death, before Leo the Great de-
manded supremacy for the authority of Rome, thus
establishing the papacy upon a claim which has
never been yielded. A century and a half later,
Pope Gregory I, building upon Augustinian founda-
tions, made salvation dependent upon meritorious
works, and purgatory a necessity. This type of
teaching — "a sacred tradition, attested by ecclesias-
tical authority, the validity of which it was impious
to doubt" — was passed on to the Middle Ages by
the influences of hierarchical prerogative. Scholas-
ticism, proclaiming the infallibility and superior
rights of the pope, followed hard upon. Its re-
nowned champion, Thomas Aquinas, was in many
respects an echo of Augustine, so that the saying
goes, ''There is but one path to Augustine ; it is by
way of Aquinas." The most striking modern phase
of this stream of tendency was the Tractarian Move-
ment, with John Henry Newman as its leading
spirit. On him the marks of Augustine are pro-
liounced."*
4 Cf. Fisher : •' Newman's memory was haunted by the sounding
phrase of Augustine, ' Securus judical orbis terrarum.' " History of Chris-
tian Doctrine, p. 459.
The: Stre;am of Augustinianism. 245
We must conclude, therefore, that in Augustine
were the germs of the mighty Roman Church. He
was the defender of CathoUc authority, and the
apostle of ecclesiastical imperialism. In this, that
part of the Church which acknowledges the sole au-
thority of a Divine Person, speaking through an
unfettered conscience, can not follow him. There
is, however, something to be said in Augustine's
favor. He could not have foreseen the inevitable
outworkings of his own theories. Moreover, as we
have seen, there was a special appropriateness to
that age in the idea of a high ecclesiastical author-
ity. In the presence of the oversweeping forces of
a crude barbarism the majestic power of an organ-
ized Church was simply "a, providential adaptation
of Christianity to a lower environment." Accord-
ing to Guizot, it was only such a Church that could
defend itself against the barbarians and the internal
decay of the empire.
On the other hand, Augustine has made a deep
impress upon certain ideas classed as essentially
Protestant. Dissent from the principle of predes-
tination early asserted itself in Hilary of Aries, and
in John Cassian. Still later (about 850), when the
monk Gottschalk announced a rigid Augustinian
doctrine of election, he was condemned, scourged,
and imprisoned for life. But the pronounced pre-
destinarian notion was only slumbering. Luther —
together with Wiclif and Huss — was a profound
student of Augustine, whom he considered the
246 Augustine: The; Thinker.
mightiest of the Fathers. And he revived the char-
acteristic teaching about election in all its rigor ;
every separate sin, in his view, is determined by
the sovereign will of God. Space will not permit
of a close pursuit of this stream of thought. Augus-
tine begot Calvin. Jansenism, the Thirty-nine Ar-
ticles, the Westminster Confession, the Federal
theology of the seventeenth century, the later writ-
ings of Edwards and ]\Iozley and the Princeton
theologians, the sermons of Spurgeon, and the latest
contentions of Professor Orr, — all bear witness
to the virility of the predestinarianism so stoutly
asserted by Augustine.
Happily and hopefully, the Protestant world is
refusing more and more to accept the repugnant de-
terministic elements of Augustine's theology^ "A.
reduction of the area of Calvinism" is admitted by
so eminent an authority as Professor Fisher.^ An
even more recent writer speaks of "the almost uni-
versal abandonment of that merciless logic which
reads in the will of God the denial of the human
will, and the absolute, irrevocable doom before their
birth of a majority of the human race."® At all
6 History of Christian Doctrine, p. 549.
6 Professor C. T. Winchester, The Life of John Wesley, p. 209. In
this exceedingly able book. Professor Winchester's remark p. 105) that
" the evangelist, though he may think like a Calvinist in his study, must
preach like an Arminian in the fields and the streets," reminds one of
Richard Garnet's mot about the mother of Carlyle : "As a Calvinist she is
certajn that Tom's fate is fixed from eternity, and as a mother is equally
sure that he may go to heaven if he will." Certainly an evangelist ought
to be able to preach anywhere what he believes, and vice versa.
The Stream of Augustinianism. 247
events, there are few nowadays who would ac-
quiesc in the quaint judgment of Cotton Alather,
expressed in the Magnalia: "During the first sev-
enty-five years of New England there had flourished
so many regenerate souls that one might almost
statistically infer that New England was specially
favored of God." Even in Scotland, I am per-
suaded that Professor Denney's commentary on the
Westminster Confession would be considered too
hard and narrow ; for he says : "Calvinism is strong
because, when necessity and chance are offered to
it as the alternative explanations of the universe,
and even of man's destiny, it elects for necessity."^
Dr. Stalker insists that "God is calling all, and that
Christ is offered to all without distinction."^ And
Professor George Adam Smith eloquently pleads
in behalf of a love in God "Svhich dares and ven-
tures all with the worst, with the most hopeless of
us."® The modern mind in this matter is mirrored
in the noble message of ''In Memoriam :"
" Our wills are ours, we know not how ;
Our w411s are ours, to make them Thine."
With this the earlier judgment of Augustine him-
self was in perfect accord. "God does everything
to save us," he declares, "except deprive us of our
free will."
7 Gospel Questions and Answers.
8 John Knox : His Ideas and Ideals, p. 165.
» The Book of Isaiah, xl-lxvi.
248 Augustine: The Thinke:r.
Most of all, Augustine's tenets regarding sin and
grace have found a place in the Christian thought
of the centuries. It is unnecessary to revert to the
perverted and undiscriminating notions of original
sin. Every student of doctrine is familiar with the
reappearance of those ideas in Anselm, Peter Lom-
bard, and Aquinas. Melanchthon, with the other
Lutheran Reformers, surpassed even the schoolmen
in his clouding of the question of personal respon-
sibility for personal sin. ''By reason of our native
corruption," he writes, "we are born guilty ; and if
any one chooses to add that men are guilty, also, for
the fall of Adam, I make no protest." Such ab-
horrent ideas as these were transmitted to the pres-
ent generation by the Westminster Confession,
Jonathan Edwards, Professor Charles Hodge, and
kindred influences. But it must be believed that a
growing clearness of thought will result in a uni-
versal abandonment of Augustinian confusions on
this subject. Racial corruption and a relentless law
of heredity must be admitted. But, as some one
has remarked, a man's accountability is not for the
disposition with which he was born, but for the dis-
position with which he dies.
Augustine's great service was in his stern and
unyielding reprobation of all that is sin. He was
not the man to adopt the calm optimism of a Whit-
man : "There is no evil ; or, if there is, I say it is
just as important to you, to the land, or to me, as
anything else." Nor would he assume the arro-
The: Stream oi<' Augustinianism. 249
gance of another modern spirit, who unctuously
proclaims that *'the superior man" has ceased to be
troubled about his sins. One reason why the "Con-
fessions" continue to be read is, that they brand sin
with its right name, and make no attempt to hide the
worst that is true of human life. In its pages many
a college boy has seen a portrait of himself, and
been led thereby to a repentance that is not unto
death.
It was this settled conviction of the tragedy of
sin, coupled with an experimental appreciation of the
meaning of grace, that has made the piety of Au-
gustine, both in its depth and in its ardor, a type.
It was reproduced in Bernard of Clairvaux, and in
Richard Baxter. Its fundamental position, that
"whatsoever is without God is not sweet," gives us
an impressive insight into the more spiritual side
of the doctrine of sovereign will. Had Augustine's
thought of God ended with devotional yearnings
and aspirations, instead of breaking over into dis-
avowal of human freedom, there would be less in
him to regret.
With ail his passion and piety, for which he will
continue to remain a spiritual guide to thousands, I
must believe that the final judgment about Augus-
tine will be that he does not represent the highest
(the New Testament) view of Christianity. He
had glimpses of it. Sometimes he touches pro-
foundly some of the vital things. But the sweep-
ing, organic thought of Christianity did not seize
250 AuGusTfNE: The Thinker.
upon him. There is in him no central place for the
illuminating, all-determining person and work of
our Lord. And he dwells little upon the unflagging
ministry of the Holy Spirit. It is equally true that
Augustine fails in estimating human nature. He
never grasped the meaning of personality. Mitiga-
tions and explanations there may be, and are, a
plenty. But we are not to permit the glamour of
his own story, told with such spiritual fascination,
or the passionate piety with which he acknowl-
edged his debt to the Church and to the "irresisti-
ble" grace of God, to win us to an unqualified ap-
proval of all his doctrinal conclusions as if they were
inerrant.
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