BERI NG “S VO Y AGES
F.A, GOLDER
VO OLUME I
; ‘ one searnearurarien a. a
AMERIC cA N GE OGR APHICAL SOCIETY
RESEARCH SERIES NO. 2
Given in Loving Memory of
Raymond Braislin Montgomery
Scientist, R/V Atlantis maiden voyage
2 July - 26 August, 1931
KK KK KKK
Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution
Physical Oceanographer
1940-1949
Non-Resident Statf
1950-1960
Visiting Committee
1962-1963
Corporation Member
1970-1980
KKK KKK
Faculty, New York University
1940-1944
Faculty, Brown University
1949-1954
Faculty, Johns Hopkins University
1954-1961
Professor of Oceanography,
Johns Hopkins University
1961-1975
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BERING’S VOYAGES
VOLUME II
cA Tt
AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY
RESEARCH SERIES NO. 2
W. L. G. Jorerc, Editor
BERING’S VOYAGES ~~
An Account of the Efforts of the Russians to
Determine the Relation of Asia and America
BY
FF. A. GOLDER
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME II:
Steller’s Journal of the Sea Voyage from
Kamchatka to America and Return
on the Second Expedition
1741-1742
= wt BF
TRANSLATED AND IN PART ANNOTATED
BY
LEONHARD STEJNEGER
Ta = = RASS
tote Al af. aI + h ~
iad fEVULe, MOO. 5
w. H. O. I.
COPYRIGHT, 1925
BY
THE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY
OF NEW YORK
Reprinted 1935
DOUGLAS C. MCMURTRIE
NEW YORK
Reprinted from plates by the
LORD BALTIMORE PRESS, BALTIMORE, MD.
CONTENTS
PAGE
ES hee RS cy MC Se Olt. Se ae 9 1 |
PeeesweruIcAL NOTE ON STELLER 2% 2s ees I
STELLER’S JOURNAL OF THE SEA VOYAGE FROM KAMCHATKA
MeAERICA AND RETURN (205 0 sc Se wi wo oe 9
APPENDIX A: STELLER’S DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND 189
APPENDIX 5: STELLER’S LETTER TO GMELIN ABOUT THE
en) ME 1 al aed ee ee ea eee
RCMNCEADERY S02 2 iNeed a, ds she, Ome eae Se
Pema vo) EH VOLUMES (402% a ae s,s Sel
NY OO oa & W
15
16
17
LISD OF ILLUSPRATIONS
Reduced facsimile of fol. 15 of MS copy of Steller’s journal
Facsimile of corresponding page from published version of
Steller’s journal, as edited by Pallas .
Khitrov’s sketch map of St. Elias (Kayak) Island, 1741 .
Modern map of Kayak Island
Kayak Island from the southeast Led oe facing
Cape St. Elias and Pinnacle Rock from the west. . . facing
Western shore of south-central Kayak Island from the
GS SE me ee ic Ad RP Nc Cana ae ABE 721)
Rock fall on western shore of Kayak Island . . . facing
Mouth of a creek on western shore of Kayak Island, pre-
sumably at the spot where Steller landed on July 20
SOUS: ETA. ho Fla open os obo Se 3. Wee aera
Whe same spot: closer by te o =. cr. wey} daeine
A Yakut palma, or knife
Khitrov’s sketch map of the Shumagin Islands, 1741
Modern map of the Shumagin Islands
Map of the North Pacific region by the St. Petersburg
Academy of Sciences, 1758, incorporating the results of
Bering’s two expeditions and illustrating the concep-
piosmeirumesmnie— oer ey we Ce , Facing
Map of the track of the St. Peter on approaching Bering
Island, as reconstructed by L. Stejneger . cei 398
Site at Komandor Bay, Bering Island, where the ship-
wrecked expedition wintered ... ..: . . . . facing
Relics of Bering’s second expedition recovered from
eran Eslasel, (4° «2° 0 Gaeeee Merc a) ee ae eT
Page
38
44
45
IOI
130
158
159
Vi
Fig.
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
II
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Facsimile of page from published version of Steller’s jour-
nal to illustrate editorial changes from the MS by Pallas
Reduced facsimile of (approximately corresponding) fol. 76
of MS copy of Steller’s journal .
Reduced facsimile of fol. 77 of MS copy of Steller’s journal
Sketch of Copper Island seen from Bering Island .
The harbor of Petropavlovsk seen from the north . facing
The monument to Bering in Petropavlovsk . . . . facing
Mt. Steller, the highest mountain on Bering Island . facing
Cape Manati, the southeastern cape of Bering Island
facing
Steller’s Arch, on western shore of Bering Island . . facing
Yushin’s Valley on western shore of the southern end of
ere: sland te! oe Ce oeiacts, Se 20
Steller makes the first measurement of a sea cow, Bering
Tsing, [aby 12 (O.'S.), 1742). 2) A ee lee
Representation of a fur seal, a sea lion, and a sea cow on the
copy of Waxel’s chart of the voyage (in the Czar’s
library at Tsarskoe Selo in 1891) ..... . . facing
Facsimile of Steller’s handwriting, from the end of his
letter to Gmelin of November 4 (O. S.), 1742. ....
Photograph of a manuscript map prepared by Joseph
Nicolas Delisle in 1731 to show for Bering’s impending
expedition what was then known of the relation of east-
ern Asia to America (from the archives of the Service
Hydrographique de la Marine, Paris) . .. . . facing
Map of Bering Island by Leonhard Stejneger, based
mainly on the author’s surveys in 1882-83 and reduced,
with slight changes and additions in names, from Bull.
U. S. Fish Comm., Vol: 16. 1896. PI. IV... . facing
Page
164
165
166
175
186
186
194
195
195
202
228
229
248
72
208
PREFACE
ScHOLARS will be ever grateful to Bering for persuading
Steller to go with him on the St. Peter. Steller’s account of his
experiences is the most interesting of all the papers that have
come down to us. The naval officers’ log books contain the dry
facts of the voyage, but Steller’s journal gives the spirit of it,
the ‘“‘inside’’ story, the moral forces at work. The two records
supplement each other, sometimes even in matters of navigation,
and that is one reason why they are published together.
There are still other reasons. Steller was the first trained
naturalist in the North Pacific, and he had opportunities for
observation that were denied to his successors. He was the only
scientist who saw a live sea cow. He studied the habits of the
blue fox and the sea otter before they were frightened away by
man. In all that relates to these animals as well as on other
phases of natural history which he records, Steller was, is, and
will be an authority.
Steller’s journal, which is in German, his native language, was
edited and published at St. Petersburg in 1793 by the naturalist
P. S. Pallas, both serially in Volumes 5 and 6 of his Neue Nordische
Beytrdge and separately in booklet form (see the bibliography at
the end of the present volume). Steller’s description of Bering
Island, which constitutes the end of the journal, Pallas had
already published in 1781 in Volume 2 of the same series.
During the summer of 1917 I located in the archives of the
Russian Academy of Sciences at Petrograd a manuscript copy
of the journal. It seems probable that it is a direct transcript
from the original. Pallas received the original in 1767 (or 1769),
so he tells us in his two prefaces,! from Professor J. E. Fischer,
one of the Academicians who took part in Bering’s expedi-
tion in Siberia, and had it copied. That the manuscript I
1 Neue Nordische Beytrége, Vol. 2, 1781, p. 256 (‘‘einer andern kleinen
Handschrift desselben [Steller], welche ich noch im Jahr 1767 nach der
mir vom seligen Professor Fischer mitgetheilten Urschrift copiren liess’’) ;
ibid., Vol. 5, 1793, p. 131, or book form, p. 3 (‘‘Dieses merkwiirdige
Vill PREFACE
found is not the original seems apparent for two reasons: (1)
it is not in Steller’s handwriting, as a comparison with that
handwriting? will show; (2) it does not lack the sheet containing
the account of the happenings from August 4 to II, 1741, nor
is the sheet mutilated on which are described the events of
September 15, 16, 19, 20, 21, and 24—defects which character-
ized the original, Pallas says,? when it was in his hands. That
the present manuscript is also not the transcript made for Pallas
from the original seems probable because it shows no trace of his
many editorial changes or corrections, signs of which may
plausibly be expected to have been evident on that transcript.
On the other hand, that the manuscript is a direct copy from the
original seems highly probable from the fact that, in the cor-
responding places, it is practically identical, word for word,
with certain passages which J. B. Scherer quoted from the
journal when he published Steller’s ‘‘ Beschreibung von dem
Lande Kamtschatka”’ in 1774.4 In a review of the book in 1775
Tagebuch . . ist mir im J. 1769 von dem seeligen Professor der
Geschichte Herrn Fischer . . im Original mitgetheilt und eine
Abschrift davon zu nehmen erlaubt worden’’). The two prefaces are
translated below as footnotes at the beginning of the description of
Bering Island (footnote 1 on pp. 189-190) and of the journal (p. 9,
footnote 2) respectively.
2Facsimile of portion of Steller’s letter of November 4, 1742, to
Gmelin, below, p. 248. Compare with specimen pages from manuscript
also reproduced below (pp. 38, 165, 166).
3 Neue Nordische Beytrége, Vol. 5, 1793, footnotes on pp. 174 and 206
(translated below, in the journal, as asterisk footnotes following footnotes
132 and 248 respectively).
4 The following parallel passages from the manuscript, Scherer, and
Pallas are typical and may serve as an example.
M
die Ursache ist, dass wir
wahrender Zeit bey be-
standig favorablen Win-
de und Wetter nur imer
fortliefen, Himmel und
Wasser sahen, particu-
las exclamandi und ad-
mirandi von den Her-
ren Officiren héreten.
(fol. 8)
Scherer
die Ursache ist, dass wir
wahrender Zeit bey
bestandig favorablem
Winde und Wetter nur
immer fortliefen, Him-
mel und Wasser sahen,
particulas exclamandi
und admirandi von den
Herren See-Officiers h6ér-
ten.
(prefatory life of Stel-
ler, p. I0)
Pallas
Die Ursache ist, weil
man, bey _ bestandig
giinstigem Wind und
Wetter nur immer fort-
lief, nichts als Himmel
und Wasser sahe und
von den Officieren nur
Ausrufungen und Be-
wunderungsausdriicke
horte:
(N. N. EB.) Voluisan:
147; or book, p. 19)
IDENTIFICATION OF MS ix
Beckmann says® that Scherer lived for several years in St.
Petersburg prior to 1774 and there, he has reason to believe,
acquired the original manuscript of the ‘‘ Beschreibung”’ through
Professor Fischer or from his library. If Scherer had the original
manuscript of Steller’s description of Kamchatka it is not unlikely
that he also had the original of the journal in his possession at
that time. Having it, he would probably, especially in a short
passage, quote it literally, to judge by the unedited condition in
which he gave to the world the 450-page description of Kam-
chatka, a procedure for which Pallas® takes him to task.?
Whatever its exact status, the manuscript found in 1917 is of
great interest because it evidently is a faithful rendering of
Steller’s words and thus makes it possible to restore the matter
which Pallas omitted or abridged. Pallas, however, deserves
much credit for editing the journal so well. In many places he
improved on the reading of the original; in others he took liber-
ties which may have had some justification a century and a third
ago but do not have now. The pages reproduced in facsimile in
the body of the present volume afford typical examples of the
difference between corresponding portions of the manuscript
and Pallas’ version (cf. Fig. 1 with Fig. 2 and Fig. 18 with
Figs. 19 and 20).
The present is the first complete English translation of the
journal. Evenin German the journal has not been easily acces-
sible, the existence in the libraries of the United States of only
two copies in book form and six in serial form having come to
Although only the initials of J. B. S. are given on the title page of the
“Beschreibung”’ it is known from the review of the book cited in the
next footnote and from other sources that Scherer was the editor.
5 Physikalisch-Gkonomische Bibliothek von Johann Beckmann, Vol. 6,
G6ttingen, 1775, pp. 191-202; reference on p. 192.
6 Preface to Steller’s description of Bering Island, Neue Nordische
Beytraége, Vol. 2, 1781, pp. 255-256 (translated, below, p. 189, footnote 1,
at the beginning of Appendix A).
7 The deductions in this paragraph are by the editor: Dr. Golder did
not have occasion to see proofs.—EpIT. NOTE.
8 The translation published by William Coxe in the fourth edition of
his ‘‘Account of the Russian Discoveries Between Asia and America,”
x PREFACE
my knowledge.’ The translation was made from the printed
account; wherever there were essential differences in the manu-
script these variants were translated and added as footnotes.
The present translation therefore has the advantage of whatever
clarification and improvement Pallas imparted to the narrative,
while, at the same time, it retains the full text of the journal as
written by Steller. A translation was at first made by me from
the printed version which, while not literally accurate, attempted
to render its spirit. I then had the good fortune to enlist the
codperation of Dr. Leonhard Stejneger of the U. S. National
Museum. Dr. Stejneger, retaining as much as possible of the
phraseology of the first translation, made another which is as
near to the original wording as it is possible to make it. It is
this translation which is published herewith.
London, 1803, pp. 30-93 octavo impression, pp. 24-72 quarto impres-
sion, omits certain passages. The author himself says (p. 30, octavo; p.
24, quarto): ‘‘As it [Steller’s journal] contains the only circumstantial
relation of that expedition, rectifies several errors in Muller’s account,
and as it has never made its appearance in English, I deemed it neces-
sary, for the complete elucidation of the Russian Discoveries, to submit
to the public a translation of those parts which detail the principal events
of the voyage; but have omited several prolix accounts of his disputes
with the officers, and some of his frequent digressions concerning the
supposed situation of America.”’ The inclusion of Steller’s journal in the
edition of Coxe’s book that followed the publication of the journal (the
_ third edition of the ‘‘Account’’ was published in 1787; see Bibliography,
Vol. 1, p. 363) is only additional evidence of Coxe’s acquaintance with
the essential records on the Russian explorations of that period which he
acquired through his sojourn in St. Petersburg and contact with such men
as G. F. Miiller. However, the progress in science and in the knowledge of
the region in the intervening century and a quarter afford ample justifica-
tion, if any were needed, for offering the present translation.—EptIr. NOTE.
® According to H. C. Bolton: A Catalogue of Scientific and Technical
Periodicals, 1665-1895, 2nd edit., Smithsonian Misc. Colls. 1076, Wash-
ington, 1897, p. 1205, there were at that time sets of the Neue Nordische
Beytrage in the libraries of Harvard and Yale Universities, the Museum
of Comparative Zodlogy, Cambridge, Mass., and the Philadelphia
Academy of Natural Sciences. There are also sets containing Vols. 5
and 6 in the libraries of Dr. C. Hart Merriam of Washington and the
American Geographical Society. Copies in book form are in the Library
of Congress and the New York Public Library.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xi
The translation is by no means all the work that Dr. Stejneger
has done on this volume. His footnotes to the botanical and
zoblogical references in the journal are a major contribution.
Naturalists will agree that there is no man so well qualified to
discuss these matters as he. During his repeated visits to the
North Pacific region, including Kayak Island, Bering Island, and
Kamchatka, in 1882-1883 (comprising an eighteen months’ stay
on Bering and Copper Islands), in 1895 and 1896-1897 (princi-
pally to study the fur seal question), and again in 1922, Dr.
Stejneger has gone over the same ground, has studied the same
plant and animal life that Steller did, and has in this way been
able to verify Steller’s observations.
It is a pleasure to record the encouragement and help given
me by American men of science. This is particularly true of
Dr. Charles V. Piper of the U. S. Department of Agriculture and
the late Dr. Alfred H. Brooks of the U. S. Geological Survey,
one an authority on plants and the other on the geology of
Alaska. In making my translation of the journal I had the
assistance of Professor O. C. Gebert of the State College of
Washington in interpreting some of the more difficult passages
in the German. To these and to the other scholars who have
given me so generously of their time and learning I am sincerely
grateful.
F. A. GOLDER
10 The editor is indebted to Professor Lucien Gallois of the University of
Paris for locating Delisle’s manuscript map of 1731 (Pl. I) and having
it photographed, and to Professor R. DeC. Ward of Harvard University,
Mr. F. W. Hodge of the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Founda-
tion, and Dr. James T. Pilcher of Brooklyn, N. Y., for comment, in-
corporated in the footnotes, on certain climatological, ethnological, and
medical questions respectively. He is also under obligation for help in
the elucidation of material in Russian publications to Commander
N. A. Transehe, Lieutenant-Colonel N. M. Kostenko, and Captain
Nicholas George of the American Geographical Society’s staff.—EpIT.
NOTE.
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BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE ON STELLER!
By F. A. GOLDER
GEORG WILHELM STELLER was born in Windsheim, Franconia,
on March 10, 1709. After graduating from the schools of his
native city he went to the universities of Wittenberg, Leipzig,
Jena, and Halle, where he studied theology and the natural
sciences and specialized in medicine and botany. In 1734 he
went to Berlin to work under Professor Ludolf and to take an
examination, which he passed with high honor. He was now
ready for a position, but Germany had none to offer him. The
only opening that presented itself at that time, and which he
accepted, was that of surgeon on an army transport that was
about to leave Danzig for Russia with a number of invalided
Russian soldiers. This is how it came about that Steller found
himself at St. Petersburg in the winter of 1734.
Soon after his arrival he became the physician of the Arch-
bishop of Novgorod. This position provided him with a home,
but it did not give him an outlet for his energy and an oppor-
tunity for his talents. Steller desired to go to Siberia as a member
of Bering’s second expedition and there make his reputation.
With that in view he asked the Academy of Sciences to send him
to Kamchatka as botanist. His friend the Archbishop, as well
as others, backed him for the position, and in August, 1737, the
Senate, on the nomination of the Academy, appointed him
adjunct in natural history at a salary of six hundred-and sixty
rubles a year and ordered him to proceed to Kamchatka.
With such bright prospects before him Steller felt that he
was in a position to marry the lady of his choice, the attractive
1 Material for the study of the life of Steller may be found in the
biographical publications listed in the bibliography at the end of the
volume.
2 LIFE OF STELLER
widow, Brigitta Messerschmidt. She assured him that she was
ready to go with him to the ends of the world and share his
hardships, but when the time came for leaving she decided to
stay home and share his pay. Heartsick and alone he set out
for the wilds of Siberia in the last months of 1737. He followed
the much-traveled road to Tomsk, reaching there in the autumn
of 1738, and hastened from there to Yeniseisk to join his two
countrymen and fellow members of the expedition, the historian
Gerhard Friedrich Miiller and the naturalist Johann Georg
Gmelin. With them he spent about seven weeks (January 20
to March 5, 1739) telling them his disappointments, his plans,
and his ambitions, and receiving comfort and encouragement in
return.2, From Yeniseisk he pushed on to Irkutsk, Yakutsk, and
Okhotsk, where he took ship for Kamchatka and landed at
Bolsheretsk on October 2, 1740.
While on the way, at Kirensk Post on the upper Lena, Steller
had met Captain Spanberg* and asked to be taken to Japan.
2 Among the Steller papers in the archives of the Russian Academy of
Sciences there is the following list of books which Miiller and Gmelin
gave Steller when he parted from them:
Caspari Bauhini Pinax. [Gaspard Bauhin: Pinax theatri botanici,
Basel, 1596, 1623.]
Turnefortii Institutiones rei herbariae, cum corollario. [Joseph
Pitton de Tournefort: Institutiones rei herbariae, 3 vols., Paris, 1700.]
Thomae Willis Opera omnia. [Thomas Willis: Opera omnia, 2 vols.,
Geneva, 1680 (later imprints also).]
Ioann Ray Methodus emendata et aucta, 1710. [John Ray: Methodus
plantarum emendata et aucta, Leyden, 1703 (first publ. London, 1682).]
Ej.—De variis plantarum methodis dissertatio. [John Ray: De
variis plantarum methodis dissertatio, London, 1696.]
Ej.—Stirpium Europearum extra Britannias nascentium sylloge.
{John Ray: Stirpium europearum extra Britannias nascentium sylloge,
London, 1694.]
Ej.—Synopsis methodica animalium quadripedium et serpentini
generis. [John Ray: Synopsis methodica animalium quadrupedum et
serpentini generis, London, 1693, 1696.]
3 On Spanberg and his expeditions to Japan see below, in the journal,
footnote 18.
ACTIVITIES AFTER THE VOYAGE e
Spanberg agreed to do so provided the Senate gave its consent.
On April 30, 1740, Steller had sent a petition to that body and
then proceeded to Bolsheretsk to wait for a reply. Before it
came, Bering, who was at Avacha Bay on the eastern coast of
Kamchatka, notified him that he had a proposal to make to
him. Steller immediately crossed the peninsula and presented
himself before the Captain Commander on March 20, 1741.
As a result of the interview Steller agreed to go to America.
That which happened to him on his voyage is recorded in his own
journal and need not be repeated here.
On his return in August, 1742, he set about completing his
Kamchatkan investigation. During the winter of 1742-1743 he
made his headquarters at Bolsheretsk and worked out from there
in different directions. In the spring and early summer months
of 1743 he explored several of the Kurile Islands. After that
he went to Lower Kamchatka Post, where he built a boat,
engaged a small crew at his own expense, and sailed for Bering
Island and wintered there, returning early in July, 1744. A
month later, loaded with boxes of specimens of all kinds, he bade
Kamchatka goodby forever and set out for Okhotsk. He stopped
but a short time at this post, then proceeded to Yakutsk, where
he spent nearly a year studying natural history, and then went
to Irkutsk, reaching there in December, 1745. In January, 1746,
he was at Krasnoyarsk, in March at Tobolsk and Tyumen, in
April at Solikamsk, and in the summer months at Perm and in
the adjoining country, making botanical researches.
While at Bolsheretsk he had a quarrel with one of the officers,
who made a complaint to the Senate that Steller meddled in
affairs that did not concern him and that he had freed certain
Kamchadal prisoners who were held on the charge of rebellion.
That complaint came to the hands of the Senate early in 1744,
and at once instructions were despatched to Irkutsk to look into
the matter. When Steller wandered into the city in December,
1745, and was faced with the charges, he cleared himself without
trouble and was allowed to go about his business. Unfortunately
the officers in charge of the investigation delayed in making a
4 LIFE OF STELLER
report of their findings until some time after Steller had departed
on his way to the capital. When the Senate heard again of
Steller he was in the Urals. Thinking that he was trying to evade
the law, a special messenger was sent to take him back to Irkutsk
to stand trial. The messenger found him in the neighborhood
of Solikamsk and made him retrace his steps. In the meantime
the acquittal of Steller reached St. Petersburg (August 20, 1746),
and a special courier was ordered to proceed in all haste to tell
him that he was at liberty to go where he pleased. By that
time he was some distance to the east of Tobolsk. He faced
about once more, and when he had reached the neighborhood
of Tyumen he was taken ill and died on November 12, 1746,
being then only thirty-seven years of age.
The nine years of strenuous life, the hard summer of 1746,
and the marching back and forth as a prisoner had much to
do in undermining Steller’s vigorous constitution, but the
greatest single factor in causing his death was strong drink. It
is said that after his return from Bering Island in 1742 Steller
took to drinking. Each year the habit grew stronger and fastened
itself on him. More than once his friends had to put him to bed.
He was drinking heavily during the summer of 1746 and gradu-
ally ruined his health and lowered his vitality. When in the fall
of 1746 he had come as far as Tobolsk he was already a sick man
burning up with fever. His friends tried to persuade him to go
no farther and to give up drinking, but he would do neither. He
hired a sleigh and started for Tyumen. It was very cold weather,
and on the way the driver stopped at an inn to warm himself,
leaving Steller in a drunken stupor outside. After a long time
the driver returned and found Steller almost frozen. He was
hurried to Tyumen, but nothing could be done for him. His
strength was gone.
Steller was an interesting man and a great scientist. His
discoveries in America and Bering Island assure him eternal fame.
He was blessed with a retentive memory, a keen power of
observation, and an ability to generalize and to interpret his
data. The facts which he recorded and the conclusions which he
CHARACTER ESTIMATE 5
drew from his observations on the voyage have, on the whole,
stood the test of time. He sometimes erred in matters of detail;
he occasionally, owing to his strong prejudices against the naval
officers, made erroneous assumptions, but he was seldom wrong
in his scientific reasoning. Modern scientists may not wholly
accept his theories, but they cannot altogether sweep them
aside.‘
Not only intellectually but physically and temperamentally
Steller was well fitted for exploration. He was strong, tireless,
and devoted to his work. He accomplished more in one day than
the average investigator did ina month. His wants were few and
easily satisfied. His fellow scientists had cooks, servants, supply
wagons, and camping outfits, but Steller was his own cook and
servant and lived off the country. One plate, one cup, one
pocketknife, and his blankets constituted his personal baggage.
Traveling light, he covered much ground and went to places
where his more dignified and encumbered colleagues could not
follow, and in the end he achieved more than they. Gmelin and
Delisle de la Croyére had to be provided with European foods
and European wines, but Steller purposely lived on native foods
in order to ascertain their nutritive values and their effects on
white men. In a report to the Yakutsk commandant he stated
that during the winter and spring (1743-1744) which he and his
men spent on Bering Island not one of them tasted bread and
not one of them was the worse for it, and he thus convinced
himself that European food was not essential for the Russians
in Kamchatka.
Steller’s weak point was his inability to work with other
people. He lacked tact, sympathy, and appreciation of the
other man’s point of view. He was always quarreling and making
enemies. Sometimes it was with his fellow German scientists
but more often with the Russian officers in Siberia, on whom
he looked down as beneath his notice. He was ever sending com-
plaints against them, the burden of his charges being that they
4 For Steller’s published works see the bibliography at the end of the
volume.
6 LIFE OF STELLER
did not show him proper respect and did not consult him enough.
He offered advice, not only to the Siberian governors and to the
naval officers but also to the Senate and to the Synod, on naviga-
tion, military strategy, commerce, agriculture, conversion of the
heathen, education of the natives, building of forts, and more
such subjects. It is interesting to note that most of his sugges-
tions were good, and the reason for their rejection must be
sought in a large part in the manner of their presentation.
His very insistence to be heard and his air of wisdom aroused
opposition.
His cutting remarks about the officers of the St. Peter show
what a poisonous pen he had; there is reason to believe that he
had a sharp tongue as well. In describing to the Senate® the
scene that took place on board the ship, when he asked to be
allowed to land on Kayak Island, Steller says: ‘‘Then I turned
on Captain Commander Bering and in no gentle words told him
what I thought of him and what I would do if he did not let me
”
go.
If Steller treated Bering in this manner we can easily guess
what he did to Khitrov, Waxel, and to some of the smaller fry
from whom he had no favors to expect. They hated him and he
despised them, and their life on board was as disagreeable as can
be imagined. It would be worse than a waste of time to sit in
judgment and try to decide the rights and wrongs. In the first
place, we have only one side of the story, Steller’s; the other men
have left no memoirs.’ In the second place, they were all living
under abnormal conditions and were not altogether responsible.
They all suffered from disease, vermin, cold, hunger, thirst, and
despondency, and their actions and quarrels are psychologically
5 Steller’s report to the Senate, dated Bolsheretsk, Nov. 16, 1742,
published in P. Pekarski: Arkhivniya razyskaniya ob izobrazhenii
nesushchestvuyushchago nynye zhivotnago Rhytina borealis, Suppl.
No. 1 to Zapiski Imp. Akad. Nauk, Vol. 15, St. Petersburg, 1869, pp.
13-24; reference on p. 18. See also, below, footnote 67 and passage in
the journal to which it refers.
6 The ‘‘Lettre d’un officier de la marine russienne,’’ Berlin, 1753 (see
bibliography in Vol. I, p. 362), whose author is with great probability
CHARACTER ESTIMATE 7
interesting and nothing more, showing as they do how men will
act under certain conditions. In reading of their voyage it
would be much better to think less of their quarrels and more of
their glorious deeds.
identified as Lieutenant Waxel, is mainly a refutation of J. N. Delisle’s
claims concerning his part in the origin of Bering’s second expedition
and Delisle de la Croyére’s achievements on that expedition. It does
not deal with Steller.
EXPLANATORY NOTE
The present translation, as previously stated (p. ix), was made from
the journal as published by Pallas in 1793. The wording of the manu-
script copy of the journal located in 1917, wherever it differs essentially
from the published version, is indicated in footnotes.
The manuscript copy of the journal located in 1917 is referred to
throughout as ‘the MS;” the 1793 edition, as ‘‘the published version,”
“Pallas edition,”’ etc.
In paragraphing and in the separation of sentences within a paragraph
by a dash the present translation follows the published version.
Interpolations by the translator are indicated by brackets [ ]. The
parentheses ( ) used occur in the published version.
Transliteration from the Russian has been made directly from the
Russian words and names themselves and essentially according to the
Library of Congress system. This accounts for the differences from the
spellings used by Steller and Pallas, which are transliterations into
German and which are in addition sometimes based on Russian pro-
nunciation and not spelling.
Kamchadal and other native words have been spelled so as to re-
produce in English the pronunciation indicated by the German or
Russian-through-German transliteration used in the journal.
All dates in the journal itself are Old Style; in 1741-1742 they were
eleven days behind the Gregorian calendar.
Publications not cited in full in the footnotes can be identified in the
Bibliography of Vol. 1 or Vol. 2; the location of these entries can be
determined through the index, under the author’s name or otherwise.
Asterisk footnotes are footnotes by Pallas in the published version.
Unsigned footnotes dealing with variants of the MS from the published
version and footnotes followed by (S) are by Dr. Stejneger; footnotes
followed by (B) are by the late Dr. A. H. Brooks of the U.S. Geological
Survey; by (G), by Dr. Golder; by (J), by the editor.
Units of Measure and Weight Used in the Journal
rt arshin (Russian ell) = 28 inches (Engl.) = 71.19 centimeters
I sazhen (land fathom, for measuring length) = 7 feet (Engl.) = 2.1336
meters
I sea fathom (for measuring depth ) = 6 feet (Engl.) = 1.8287 meters
I verst = 0.6629 English statute mile ( 24 mile in round numbers) =
1.0668 kilometers
3 arshins = 1 sazhen
500 sazhens = I verst
1 German, or Dutch, mile = 4 nautical miles = 4.6106 English statute
miles = 7.4204 kilometers
15 German miles = 1°
1 Russian pound = 0.903 pounds avoirdupois = 0.4095 kilograms
I pood (pud) = 36.113 pounds avoirdupois = 16.38 kilograms
40 Russian pounds = 1 pood
G. W. STELLER’S
FORMER ADJUNCT OF THE IMPERIAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
JOURNAL
OF HIS SEA VOYAGE FROM THE HARBOR OF PETROPAVLOVSK
IN KAMCHATKA TO THE WESTERN COASTS
OF AMERICA AND THE HAPPENINGS
ON THE RETURN VOYAGE!
INTRODUCTION?
Having lived to set foot once more upon the sacred soil of
Russia after the conclusion of a hard voyage of fourteen months?
1 The title page of the MS reads:
II
Second Kamchatka Expedition Undertaken by
Russian High Imperial Orders
that is
Description of the Voyage
of Captain Commander Bering which was
undertaken for the exploration of the lands
lying to the northeast of Kamchatka, also of the
island on which there was opportunity to land
and on which we wintered in 1742, with which
are described, in addition to what befell us, the objects
in the three natural kingdoms that are to be found there
by
Georg Wilhelm Steller, Adjunct in Natural History
of the Academy of Sciences
of St. Petersburg
1743
2 This heading is supplied by Pallas; it is not in the MS.
Pallas introduces the journal with this ‘‘Preface by the Editor.—This
noteworthy journal by the late Steller, whose loss can never be too
greatly deplored, was communicated to me in the original [Original] in
the year 1769 by the late professor of history Fischer, a friend of the
industrious Steller, and I was allowed to make a copy of it. I have
communicated a part of it, which contains the description of Bering
10 SLTELLER’S JOURNAL
undertaken for the exploration of the shore of America situated
northeasterly from Kamchatka‘ and after despairing more than
once of either surviving or serving Russia again, I deem it my
duty to precede my further reports with a brief, impartial, and
true account of my voyage, its happenings, and the fate which
befell the ship’s company.
The great monarch Peter I, of glorious memory, was influ-
enced by the discovery of Kamchatka as well as by the represen-
tations of the Paris Academy of Sciences® to cause an investiga-
tion to be made, by sending out the then Captain Bering in
1725, as to how far America is distant from Kamchatka, the ex-
treme northeastern corner of the Empire, or whether it [America]
might not in the north be nearer to the extreme Chukchi head-
land, which the old map makers§® called Promontorium Tabin, or
even be continuous with the latter.
Island, in Vol. 2 of Neue Nordische Beytraége, p. 255 and ff., ani here
publish the journal itself, from which it will appear how correct Steller’s
judgment was in that early period of discovery about many matters
relating to the position and nature of the west coast of America and
how much it is to be regretted that the celebrated Bering on this, his
last voyage no longer had the energy and health which caused him on
his earlier voyage toward the northern strait that is named after him to
merit the praise of the great Cook.”
3 June, 1741, to August, 1742.
4 The MS reads ‘‘des Nordostlichen Ufer von America,’’ the north-
eastern coast of America, but what is meant is of course the coast of
America lying to the northeast of Kamchatka, as literally stated in the
title of the MS version (cited in footnote 1) and as implied by Pallas’
change of this phrase to ‘‘des nordostlich liegenden Ufers von Amerika.”’
5 Also by the desire to find precious metais and to win for Russia
“glory along the lines of the arts and sciences’’ (see Vol. 1, pp. 8-9,
footnote 10). (G)
6 e, g. Mercator, 1587, Quadus, 1608 (see A. E. Nordenskidéld’s “‘ Fac-
simile-Atlas to the Early History of Cartography,”’ transl. by J. A. Ekeléf
and C. R. Markham, Stockholm, 1889, Pls. 47 and 49); map B, dated
1610, on plate between pp. 966 and 967 in Vol. 2 of Witsen’s ‘‘ Noord en
Oost Tartaryen,”’ 2nd edit., 1785; Witsen, 1687, in Frederik Muller and
Co.'s ‘‘Reproductions of Remarkable Maps,’’ No. 4, Amsterdam, 1897;
and Witsen, 1692, in Teleki’s ‘‘Atlas zur Geschichte der Kartographie
der Japanischen Inseln,’’ 1909, Pl. 13, map 2. (G)
THE FIRST EXPEDITION II
Although at the time of the first attempt in the ship Gabriel?
it would have been an easy matter, without further costs or loss
of time, by sailing on a northeast or east course, between the
parallels of 51° and 64°8 north latitude, i. e. as far as the Kam-
chatkan shore extends from its extreme end at Cape Lopatka®
to Chukchi Cape, to touch at the American islands by going
twenty or thirty miles!° or at the mainland itself by sailing fifty
to seventy miles,* nevertheless the officers in command at that
time were satisfied with a short exploration of Kamchatka from
Lopatka to the so-called Serdse Kamen," which is not the same
by a considerable distance as the Chukchi Promontory, during
7 The ship used by Bering on his voyage of 1728 (see Vol. I of the
present work, p. 18, footnote 34, and Fig. 6, opp. p. 20). (G)
8 The MS has 61°. The correct latitude of Chukchi Cape is 64°,
however.
9 The southern tip of Kamchatka (see Vol. 1, Pl. I).
10 German miles, fifteen to a mean degree of latitude. One German
mile therefore equals 4 nautical miles, or 4.61 English statute miles.
* As may be noticed from various passages, Steller imagined the Amer-
ican coast [to be] quite near towards the northeast and east, while at the
present time we are quite firmly convinced of the opposite through the
discovery of the islands, their distances from each other and from
Kamchatka.—P.
1 By this is meant the equivalent of East Cape, i.e. the cape near
which Bering turned back on his first expedition, having been informed
by the Chukchis that the land turned west from here (see also Vol. 1,
pp. 18-19). According to the conception illustrated on the map by the
St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences (a redraft of which, our Fig. 14,
accompanies the English translation by Jefferys, 1761, of the account of
this expedition by Miiller in Sammlung Russischer Geschichte, Vol. 3,
1758), a conception which Steller shared, to judge by the next words in
his journal (see, however, below, p. 19, line 10), this was not the north-
eastern extremity of Asia. This extremity was represented, as shown on
the aforesaid map, by a great protuberance extending northward almost
to the 75th parallel and designated Chukchi Promontory. These con-
ceptions are best illustrated by quoting from Jefferys’ translation of
Miiller (p. 4; in German edition, pp. 117-119):
“At last they arrived, on the 15th of August, in 67 deg. 18 min. North
latitude, at a promontory, behind which the coast extended towards the
West, as the former Tschuktschi had said. From this the captain drew a
pretty plausible conclusion, that now he had reached the extremity of
12 STELLER’S JOURNAL
which they followed the Kamchatkan coast in a northerly direc-
tion and never lost sight of it except in foggy weather.—The
object of the voyage” was consequently anything but achieved,
for, if America were situated so close to Siberia, it would have
been discovered before then by the cossacks who in their baidars
(skin boats) had at various times sailed over this course from the
mouth of the Anadyr; as also the geodesist (surveyor) Gvozdev ¥
Asia towards the North East. He was of opinion that from thence the
coast must continually run to the West; and was this the case, no con-
nection with America could take place; consequently he believed that he
had fulfilled his orders. . . . It must be allowed that the circum-
stances, on which the captain founded his judgment, was [sic] false; for it
was afterwards found that this was the promontory which, by the inhabi-
tants of Anadirskoi Ostrog, is called Serdze Kamen, on account of a rock
upon it in the form of a heart. And, although the country behind it winds
to the West, yet this winding composes only a large bay, in the innermost
part of which the rock Maikol lies, according to the above account given
by the Cossack Popow. But here the coast begins again to run regularly
to the North and North East, till in the 7oth degree or more, of North
latitude, the proper Tchuktschian Noss, as a great peninsula, appears;
where, and not before, it might be said, that there was no connection
between the two parts of the world, but who on board that ship could
know this?”’
Today the name Serdze Kamen is applied to a cape, 90 statute miles
northwest of East Cape, on the side of the (modern) Chukchi Promontory
facing the Arctic Ocean, in the position indicated by Captain Cook in
the following quotation (his reference to Miiller is to the passage just
cited): ‘‘. . . and that thus far Beering proceeded in 1728; that is, to
this head which Muller says is called Serdze Kamen, on account of a rock
upon it, shaped like a heart. But I conceive that Mr. Muller’s knowl-
edge of the geography of these parts is very imperfect. There are many
elevated rocks upon this Cape, and possibly some one or other of them
may have the shape of a heart. It is a pretty lofty promontory, with a
steep rocky cliff facing the sea; and lies in the latitude of 67° 3’ and in
the longitude of 188° 11’ [E.]’”’ (James Cook, A Voyage to the Pacific
Ocean, Vol. 2, London, 1784, p. 470). (G)
12 To investigate how far America is from Asia and whether it joins
the Chukchi Peninsula (see items 2 and 3 of the instructions for the ex-
pedition, Vol. 1, p. 11).
13 For an account of this voyage, see Vol. 1, Ch. III. (G)
BEGINNING OF SECOND EXPEDITION 13
and his cossacks in the ship Gabriel later on, in 1735,!4 went much
farther, viz. to 66° north latitude.
On Captain Bering’s return the eager world consequently re-
ceived nothing more than a chart and a defective account of the
already well-known Kamchatka, besides a few verbal reports of
the Anadyr cossacks, according to which the Chukchi Promon-
tory was really separated from America by open sea, but that on
the 51st parallel, opposite Lopatka, there was a chain of islands
stretching out towards Japan, to which [islands] the cossacks, with
a few surveyors, had ventured out sometime before in very frail
vessels and [of which islands they] had actually explored thirteen.15
On Captain Bering’s return to Moscow in 1730 it was at
once realized how little the object had been attained and yet
how much reason there was still left for supposing the main-
land of America to be near. At the same time there arose a desire
to secure information about the islands lying south of Kamchatka
towards Japan. Out of these considerations, therefore, grew the
second, great Kamchatka Expedition, so costly and arduous on
account of the great distances, the remote and toilsome transpor-
tation of provisions and materials, besides many other causes
which might perhaps have been reduced considerably if an un-
biased and conscientious report on the farthest parts of Asia and
their resources, based on all the information then at hand, had
been submitted. In particular, it must have been well known to
the officers employed on the first expedition how oppressive and
injurious the transportation of the provisions, at that time rela-
tively so insignificant, had been to the few inhabitants of the
Lena regions and of Kamchatka and how many hundreds of the
latter lost their lives in the journeys from the Bolshaya River
to the harbor of Avacha.!* It would then have been easily seen
143732, Not 1735. (G)
18 The most northerly of the Kurile Islands were visited by Ivan
Kozirevski and companions in 1713; in 1720 or 1721 Luzhin and Evreinov
examined a number of these islands at the order of Peter the Great (see
Vol. 1, p. 6). (G)
16 Across the southern part of Kamchatka from its western to its
eastern side (see Vol. 1, Fig. 3 and Pl. I).
14 STELLER’S JOURNAL
that additional and much larger transportation would com-
pletely exhaust these desolate regions and be the ruin of the poor
natives there, as subsequent events have shown.!7
I pass over the ten years of laborious preparation which pre-
ceded the second voyage—the innumerable difficulties encoun-
tered, the expenses, the losses of men and beasts, etc., which took
place during the years from 1733 to 1741, as well as the circum-
stances relating to Captain Spanberg’s separate expedition,}8
17 The last two sentences do not occur in the MS and seem to be an
elaboration by Pallas.
18 Spanberg’s voyages to Japan constituted one of the two expeditions
subsidiary to Bering’s second expedition, the second being explorations
along the Arctic coast of Siberia. Spanberg, using the Bolshaya River
as a point of departure, made three voyages, one in 1738, one in 1739,
and the last in 1742. On the first he explored the Kurile Islands as far
as 45° 30’, on the second he skirted the eastern coast of Yezo and northern
Hondo as far as 39°, on the third he reached 39° 35’ without touching
land or accomplishing any new discoveries. (On Spanberg’s voyages see
the pages indicated in the following works cited in the bibliography of
Vol. 1: Miiller, Sammlung Russischer Geschichte, Vol. 3, 1758, pp. 166—
185, English transl. by Jefferys, 1761, pp. 26-34; Sokolov, Zapiski
Hydrogr. Depart., Vol. 9, 1851, pp. 345-3605 and 416-422, with map of
1738 and 1739 voyages; Lauridsen, Vitus Bering, Chicago, 1889, pp.
117-126, with copy of Sokolov’s map; Golder, Russian Expansion on
the Pacific, 1914, pp. 220-231.)
Steller’s reference, immediately below in the journal, to his request
in 1740 to join Spanberg’s second voyage to Japan relates to the voyage
which was ultimately carried out in 1742. The voyages of 1738 and 1739
were considered as a single undertaking, in which that of 1738 was a
preliminary effort which fell short of the mark.
The news of Spanberg’s 1739 voyage had at first been received with
satisfaction by the authorities in St. Petersburg, but later doubts arose
as to whether he had reached Japan at all, inasmuch as the current con-
ception, as reflected on contemporary maps, was that Japan lay on the
same meridian as Kamchatka and Spanberg reported his discoveries to
lie 11° to 12° farther west (see the works cited, e. g. Miiller, p. 183).
For this reason Spanberg was ordered to repeat the voyage. The order
reached him at Kirensk Post on the upper Lena while he was on his way
to St. Petersburg to report. Here Steller seems to have met him and asked
to be taken to Japan. Spanberg made his preparations during the
winter of 1740-1741 and actually set sail from Okhotsk in the summer
STELLER JOINS EXPEDITION 15
none of which properly come under my plan, and I shall turn my
attention solely to what relates to the expedition of Captain
Bering and of Captain Chirikov, which started on June 5, 1741,
as long as the two packet-boats fitted out for this voyage kept
together, and later to the fortunes of Bering’s crew alone until
their return to Kamchatka on August 26, 1742.
As it is well known, however, in what capacity in the year 1738
I was sent from St. Petersburg to Kamchatka only for the pur-
pose of making an investigation of the three natural kingdoms
and consequently was not to have the slightest share in the enter-
prises of the naval officers, it is necessary for me to explain
briefly how I came to be in their company nevertheless. In the
year 1740 I had addressed from Kamchatka!* an application to
the High Governing Senate humbly petitioning to be permitted
to accompany Captain Spanberg on a second voyage to Japan
which he was planning, in order that, considering the great ex-
pense incurred, thorough information about the islands along the
route as well as about Japan itself might be secured through me.
When in the meantime Captain Commander Bering learned of
my insatiable desire to see foreign lands and to investigate their
resources and curiosities, he sent me,!9 in the month of February,
1741, from the Harbor of St. Peter and St. Paul, or Avacha, a
special letter requesting me to journey to him for the purpose of
discussing certain matters with him. Perceiving at once that the
intention was to persuade me to undertake the voyage to America
in company with him, I did not hesitate long, and with only one
sluzhiv (cossack of the Siberian militia) I traveled to him by dog
team. As soon as I arrived he represented to me with many
arguments the important and useful service I could render and
of 1741, but the unseaworthiness of his newly built vessel forced him to
winter at the Bolshaya River and postpone the voyage to 1742. (J)
184 The words ‘“‘from Kamchatka,’ not in the MS, were probably
added by Pallas. Indeed, Steller seems to have sent his application
from Kirensk Post in the interior of Siberia (see the preceding footnote
and, above, p. 2). (J)
19 Steller was then at Bolsheretsk Post.
16 STELLER’S JOURNAL
how much my undertaking would be appreciated in high places,
if I should consent to go along with him. I replied that I had no
orders to do so and that I should not dare to take that decision
upon myself, especially as I had already approached the High
Governing Senate for permission to go to Japan; that conse-
quently such a decision might be regarded as a very bold and
thoughtless offense, particularly if the American voyage should
become so protracted that I should not be at hand in case the
order to go to Japan should arrive. The Captain Commander,
however, swept aside all my objections by taking upon himself
the responsibility for all the consequences. He also promised to
write about it himself to the High Governing Senate and pledged
himself to give me all possible opportunities so that I might
accomplish something worth while and to give me as many men
as I should want whenever needed, since I should have to leave
those of my own command behind. Subsequently he also sent
me a formal document, after having held a sea council of all the
officers attached to the expedition, officially charging me, it is
true, with the observation during the proposed voyage of the
mineral kingdom only. In consideration of all this I decided to
accept the offer, seeing that it could not interfere with my Kam-
chatka investigations, with which I was particularly entrusted.
I hope therefore that my venture, devoid as it was of all personal
gain, will be received the more graciously the more exclusively it
will be found to have been based upon the general good and the
advantage of the Imperial Academy of Sciences as well as upon
my own prescribed duties. I consequently expect anything but
punishment for undertaking something without orders, since the
great distance did not permit me to submit extensive representa-
tions and then await instructions for carrying out an enterprise
which could wait only a few days for my own arbitrary decision
but not for orders from far away. For this reason I venture be-
forehand to promise myself a gracious pardon, when, after an
absence of fourteen months and a six months’2° miserable and
dangerous sea voyage, I reappear with few useful discoveries,
20 June to November, 1741.
STELLER JOINS EXPEDITION 17
through no fault of mine but because the Captain Commander
kept his promise to me so poorly that he only let me see the
American mainland from a distance and was finally persuaded
at last to put me ashore on three islands, though only for a
few hours, without any assistance, like a malefactor, and with
great reluctance and many sarcastic remarks not encouraging to
my honest zeal. Moreover, no proposal of mine, not even the
most insignificant, was considered worthy of being accepted, be-
cause those in command were too much imbued with their own
wisdom, until the disastrous end and a just dispensation exposed
their unfortunately too naked vanity. It was the resentment at
having already been so long in Siberia and having to stay there
still longer which spurred these gentlemen 2? on to do in one
summer’s voyage and in one attempt that which, according to a
moderate calculation, would necessarily require two summers.
They did not take it into consideration that during the be-
ginning of July the Kamchatkan coast between 56° and 51° is
often beset with ice and that this ice cannot come, as they
alleged, from the strait between the Chukchi Promontory and
21 Kayak Island (see, below, p. 41), and Nagai (p. 77) and Bird
Islands (p. 93) of the Shumagin group, although Steller did not actually
set foot on Bird Island.
22 Pallas has modified this sentence so as to make the criticism apply
to the other officers as well, while in the MS Steller refers to Bering only.
The MS reads: “‘Likewise, he did not accept even the most insignificant
proposal of mine from a too exalted opinion of his own counsel, although
the end and the divine judgment afterwards very plainly demonstrated
how far the reason of the one [Steller] differed from the unfounded
guesses of the other [Bering] and what great respect the one [Steller],
even when most obstructed, entertained for the other [Bering], his
services, and the general good resulting therefrom.’’ The translation of
the last clause is not certain, as this clause is somewhat obscure in the
original. The translation seems plausible, however, in view of Steller’s
fair-minded estimate of Bering at the time of his death (see the journal,
below, pp. 155-157). The obscure clause reads in the original: ‘‘und wie
grose Hochachtung einer vor den andern auch in den grésten Wieder-
wartigkeiten vor seine Dienste und das daraus fliesende Interesse ge-
heget.’’ (S)
28 The MS reads ‘‘him,”’ i. e. Bering.
18 STELLER’S JOURNAL
America, because ice is absent to the northeast of the mouth of
the Anadyr and very rare from the Anadyr to Olyutora,?* while
on the other hand from Uka or Ukinski Bay?* to Kamchatka
[Bay] and from there to Lopatka it is seen every year. From this,
I say, must necessarily follow: (1) that this ice is drift ice from
the American rivers; (2) that the American continent must lie
nearest to the region where this drift ice ordinarily is observed
every year; (3) that, because this ice usually drifts ashore after
three days of continuous east wind, the nearest land in this
region must necessarily be supposed to be directly to the east-
ward; (4) that when 56° north latitude is passed there is no drift
ice and consequently no further obstacle is to be feared from it.
On the contrary, it was erroneously assumed” that this ice
comes from Chukchi Promontory and consequently would
obstruct navigation during June and July in case it was decided
to turn in a northerly direction or even to conduct a survey
opposite the Chukchi Promontory, where everybody thought
America to be nearest. It was decided, therefore, at the start,
to assume gradually a course between east and south in order to
be able, after going about 20° of longitude from Avacha, to dis-
cover, somewhere between 45° and 46° north latitude, the
alleged Company Land discovered by the Dutch,?? from which
2 River flowing into bay of same name in 61° N. (see Vol. 1, Pl. I,
where bay is spelled ‘“‘Olyutorski’’).
25 River and bay in 58° N. (see Vol. 1, Pl. I, where bay is spelled
“‘Ukinskaya’’).
26 Steller was mistaken in regard to the ice on the coast of Kamchatka.
It is part of the winter ice floes of Bering Sea and not river ice from
Alaska. The council of officers was right in not taking a northeasterly
course, as the northern part of Bering Sea is usually not clear of ice until
July. (B)
27 This was really Urup, the third island in the Kurile chain counting
from the south (see Vol. 1, Pl. I, correlated with Fig. 3), discovered by
Vries in 1643 (ibid., p. 2). Lack of knowledge of all but its southwestern
end, which Vries had coasted, led to its exaggerated extension eastward
into a large land mass and, in some cases (as in Vol. 1, Fig. 1), the identifi-
cation of its hypothetical southern coast as that of Juan de Gama Land
(see next footnote). (J)
PLAN OF EXPEDITION 19
it was believed with certainty that it would be easier to discover
America or the coasts of America projecting towards the west
reported by Gama? in this neighborhood. If, however, no land
were made on this course, it was the intention to proceed farther
between east and north, turning more and more northerly, be-
cause it was hoped towards the middle of July to find the sea
there clear of all ice and thus to lose no time. If in doing so
America should be reached, it was proposed to follow the coast
in a northerly direction until we came to the parallels of 64°
to 66°, where the farthest point of Asia, or the Chukchi Promon-
tory, is situated, toward which it was then intended to turn ina
westerly direction and, after having determined the distance be-
tween both continents in the north, to make ready for the return
to the home port. However, in view of the winds and the dis-
tance, the necessary proviso was made that the coast should be
followed only long enough for the time to admit of the port
[Avacha] being reached again by the end of September, when
it was intended to let the remaining part of the investigation be
conditioned on a second voyage the following year.
It is admittedly true that originally Captain Commander
Bering had firmly resolved to pass a winter in America and in
the spring to finish from America the remainder of the task,
which on account of the shortness of the summer and the long
distance would not have been accomplished in one [outward]
trip, and then embark upon the return voyage. In that case not
only would have been prevented the great disaster to the crew,
28 Juan de Gama, a Spanish navigator, whose discoveries of islands
on a voyage from China to New Spain appear on a map for the first time
in 1649 (see bottom inset on Buache’s map of 1754, reproduced in
Teleki’s ‘‘Atlas zur Geschichte der Kartographie der Japanischen In-
seln,’’ 1909, p. 141; also Vol. 1 of present work, pp. 2-3 and Fig. 1).
The fact that De Gama Land was sometimes merged with Company
Land (see preceding footnote), which in two passages of the log book
of Vries’ voyage (under June 21 and August 5: Leupe’s edit., 1858, pp.
100 and 157-158; Teleki’s ‘‘ Atlas,’’ pp. 118 and 126) is characterized as
part of America (see also Graaf’s map, derived from Vries’ voyage, in
Teleki’s ‘“‘Atlas,”’ Pl. 8, map 2), accounts for Steller’s statement. (J)
20 SFELLER'S JOURNAL
many of whom because of the too protracted voyage in the late
autumn died from scurvy and exposure, but an exact knowledge
of the land and information as to its people and products would
also have been obtained, while the whole expedition could have
been finished in excellent condition and to the greatest advantage
of the Empire. However, the execution of this plan had already
been rendered impossible by Fleet Master Khitrov?? and [his]
two misfortunes. First, through him all the ready supply of
biscuits for both packet-boats was lost in Okhotsk in 1740 at the
mouth of the Okhota River. Secondly, later on the supplies
destined for Avacha in place of the former had to be unloaded
at the Bolshaya River; because of the transportation of these,
which was to be undertaken by dog teams during the winter, the
Koryaks on the Tigil®° rebelled even before a start was made,
since it became necessary, in order [to be able] to deliver five
poods # of supplies per man at the port [Avacha], to gather
natives from a distance of five to six hundred versts at Bolshe-
retsk Post. During this process they were treated very harshly
by the men sent out for the purpose [of gathering them in], and
they were also led to suspect that something else might be in-
tended.—Owing to these circumstances the Captain Com-
mander as well as the other officers, in order not to incur a short-
age, found themselves compelled to organize two separate voy-
ages for the accomplishment of this task, as, even so, the delays
caused by the investigation of the rebels and the constant
drunken state of Kolessov, the commander of Kamchatka,
brought it about that we could not leave the Harbor of St. Peter
and St. Paul before the beginning of June, while in other
respects the month of May was suitable and [originally] deter-
mined on.
29 As the reader will very readily discover, Khitrov was Steller’s béte
noire. (G)
30 The Tigil River flows into the west coast of Kamchatka in 58° N.
(see Vol..1, Fi. 1).
31 One pood, containing 40 Russian pounds, equals about 36 pounds .
avoirdupois.
BEGINNING OF VOYAGE 21
ACCOUNT OF THE SEA VOYAGE FROM KAMCHATKA
TO AMERICA® [AND RETURN]
Towards the end of May, in the year 1741, all the necessary
preparations for the voyage to America were at last completed,
and the packet-boats St. Peter and St. Paul moved out of the
harbor on May 29 and anchored in the roadstead of Avacha Bay
to wait for a fair wind in order to clear the entrance. On the
St. Peter, which I also boarded, there were * Captain Com-
mander Bering as commanding officer, Lieutenant Waxel, Fleet
Master Khitrov, mate Hesselberg, second mate Yushin, assistant
surgeon Betge, assistant constable Roselius, guard marine Sint,
boatswain Nils Jansen, assistant navigator Khotyaintsov, com-
missary Lagunov,?4 surveyor Plenisner, the rest of the crew,
viz. sailors, soldiers, five sons of Kamchatkan cossacks as sailor-
apprentices, interpreters, and men supposed to be familiar with
all places on the Kamchatkan coast, one of whom was in my
service as a hunter, making a total, including the son of the lieu-
tenant, of 76 men.?5—On the other packet-boat, the St. Paul,
32 This heading is supplied by Pallas; it is not in the MS.
33 The names of members of the expedition are here and elsewhere
throughout the journal spelled in the standardized form established for
Vol. 1. The spellings used in the MS in some cases differ considerably
from these, such as Chytrew for Khitrov. Some of the differences are
doubtless due to copyists’ errors; most of these are eliminated by Pallas’
skillful hand. There would still remain the differences resulting from
transliteration from Russian into German in the one case and from
Russian into English in the other, not to speak of the instability and lack
of definiteness in the spelling of proper names prevalent in the eighteenth
century.
Hesselberg’s name is spelled thus instead of Eselberg as in Vol. 1
(pp. 226, 282, 312) because this is probably the preferable form. It is so
spelled both in the MS and the published version of the journal, in which
more information is given about him than in the cited passages in the log
book and Waxel’s and Chirikov’s reports.
34 Between Lagunov and Plenisner the MS lists ‘‘a trumpeter.”’
35 This agrees with the figure to be arrived at by adding the number
(45) of survivors on Bering Island as given in the list in Khitrov’s version
of the log book (Vol. 1, p. 235) to the number (31) of deaths as given
22 STELLER’S JOURNAL
were Captain Chirikov, Lieutenants Chikhachev and Plautin,
Professor of Astronomy Delisle de la Croyére, Fleet Master
Dementiev, mate Elagin, one guard marine, one commissary,
the assistant surgeon Lau, sailors, soldiers, as well as sons of
Kamchatkan cossacks, likewise [a total of] 76 men.%6
On June 4, about nine o’clock, we sailed at last out of Avacha
Bay into the ocean and entered on our real voyage with favorable
wind and weather. We sailed with southwest and south-south-
west winds on the initial ESE and SE by E courses, so that on
the eighth day of our journey, that is to say on June II, we found
ourselves 155 Dutch miles3? from Avacha in latitude 46° 47’.38
On June 12 we noticed for the first time rather distinct signs
of land to the south or southeast of us. The sea being quite calm
we observed various kinds of seaweed suddenly drifting about
our ship in large quantities, especially the sea oak,?? which do
in Waxel’s report (ibid., p. 282). If account be taken of the death
seemingly overlooked by Waxel (p. 282, footnote 6) the total complement
of the St. Petey would seem to have been 77. This was the figure arrived
at by Captain Bertholf (Vol. 1, p. 341).
36 This likewise agrees with the figure resulting from the addition of
the number (54) of men present on the return of the Si. Paul to Kam-
chatka as given by Chirikov in the list accompanying his supplementary
report (Vol. 1, p. 326) to the number (22) of men who died or were lost
as itemized in Chirikov’s journal and summarized in his report (bid.,
Pp. 321-322). This was also the figure arrived at by Captain Bertholf
(ibid., p. 348).
37 Designated German miles in the log book in Vol. 1; fifteen to a mean
degree of latitude (see, above, footnote 10).
38 The log book (Vol. 1, p. 56) has 15614 miles and latitude 46° 40’.
39In the MS: ‘‘verschiedene Seegewéichse, quercum marinum.”’
“*Meereiche”’ (sea oak), the word used in the published version, is only
a literal translation of quercus marina. In pre-Linnaean botanical
literature quercus marina is the name of the common alga, Fucus vesiculo-
sus Linnaeus, of the Arctic Atlantic. The representative form of this
species in the North Pacific appears to be Fucus evanescens Agardh
(Kjellman, Kongl. Svenska Vetensk.-Akad. Handl., Vol. 20 (N. S.), 1882—
83, No. 5, pp. 200 and 202, and Vol. 23 (N. S.), 1888-89, No. 8, p. 34),
which is common around the Commander Islands.
The clause ‘‘which do not . . . towards the land’’ does not appear -
in the MS. (S)
BEGINNING OF VOYAGE 23
not as a rule occur very far from the coast, inasmuch as the tide
always carries them back towards the land. We also saw gulls,
the large gulls (Diomedea exulans), and the ducks called rock
ducks in Kamchatka (Anas histrionica),*® all birds which are
never seen in the open sea or very far from land. From all these
[indications] it might be inferred that if the initial course were
continued still farther, land would be reached shortly.*! Just
at the time, however, when it was most necessary to apply reason
in order to attain the wished-for object, the erratic behavior of
the naval officers began. They commenced to ridicule sneer-
ingly and to leave unheeded every opinion offered by anybody
not a seaman, as if, with the rules of navigation, they had also
acquired all other science and logic. And at the time when a
single day—so many of which were afterwards spent in vain—
might have been decisive for the whole enterprise, the course
was suddenly changed to north. On this course for the first time
we experienced a slight storm, and our first misfortune occurred
when, owing to foggy and dark weather, the other ship, the
40 The published version reads: ‘““So sahe man auch SeemG6wen, die
grossen Méwen (Diomedea exulans) und auf Kamtschatka sogenannte
Klipp-Enten (Anas histrionica).’’ In the MS, however, this reads: ‘‘So
sahe man auch Layvos, Aernas Turnerit und Enten kamenni utki.’’ By
Laros Steller probably meant only gulls in general, but by Aernas
Turneri he certainly did not mean the albatrosses—“‘ die grossen Méwen
(Diomedea exulans).’’ Pallas has here committed a most absurd blunder
in guessing what “‘Aernas Turneri’’ might mean, absurd because nobody,
and Steller last of all, would claim that the albatross is a bird which is
never seen in the open sea or very far from land. Aernas is plainly a
misreading for Sternas, the S being so joined to the t in the manuscript
as to have the appearance of A. Turner was the first author (in 1544)
to apply that word to a tern, and Sterna turneri a hundred years after
became a generic denomination for terns in general (see Alfred Newton:
A Dictionary of Birds, London, 1893-1896, p. 955, footnote 2). The
terns seen by Steller were probably Sterna paradisaea, which is known
both from Bering Island and several of the Aleutian Islands (Stejneger,
U. S. Natl. Museum Bull. 29, 1885, pp. 85-86). ‘‘Klipp-ente,’’ or rock
duck, is the harlequin duck (Histrionicus histrionicus) which is still
known to the natives of Bering Island as kamenushka (Stejneger, op. cit.,
p. 168). (S)
41 On this point, see the next footnote.
24 STELLER’S JOURNAL
St. Paul, under the command of Captain Chirikov, became
separated from us and was not seen again during the entire
voyage.—Because even thus early a beginning had been made to
carry out another scheme, namely not to let the Captain Com-
mander, who constantly stayed in the cabin, know more than
was considered advisable, another misfortune occurred, in that
the story told by some of the men who thought that they had
seen land to the north—a story, if not infallible, at least appar-
ently very probable—was neither listened to nor considered
worthy of any consideration, until during the return voyage,
on August 24,42 unexpectedly and to the terror of all, land
was sighted on the 51st parallel, whereupon the voices of the
penitents were heard too late. This, according to the ship’s
42 Both Pallas and the MS read thus. The date should, however, be
September 24 (civil time): see the log book of the St. Peter (Vol. 1, p. 168)
and Waxel’s report (ibid., p. 275), also, below, p. 112, under September 24.
Steller’s whole argument in this paragraph is fallacious, and in this
instance his contempt for the naval officers was not justified. A con-
tinuance of the original SE by E course after June 12 would not have
led to the discovery of land, as a glance at any chart of the North Pacific
will show.
The statement that the land sighted on September 24 “‘according to
the ship’s reckoning must have been the land where we lost Captain
Chirikov’’ must be understood as referring only to the general location.
The log of the St. Peter for June 20, the day of separation of the two
vessels (Vol. 1, p. 65) gives her position as lat. 49° 22’ and long. 18° 06’
from Vaua lighthouse at the entrance to Avacha Bay; for September 24
(ibid., p. 167) as lat. 51° 27’ and long. 20° 45’ from Vaua. These two
positions are about 160 nautical miles apart; but, owing to the accumu-
lated error in longitude in the ship’s reckoning (see Vol. 1, p. 210, footnote
124), the two positions were really about 215 nautical miles apart, as
shown on Pl. I in Vol. 1. The land sighted on September 24 was prob-
- ably Adak and Atka Islands with the intervening islands (see, below,
footnote 260). Even assuming the distance of 160 nautical miles, they
would not have been visible from the St. Peter’s position on June 20.
As to the belief of some of the men that they had seen land to the
north where the two vessels lost sight of each other, there was no basis
for it in fact, as the nearest arc of visibility, that of Amatagnik Island,
did not reach to within 4o nautical miles of the ships’ northernmost -
position, just before separation, on June 19 (see Vol. 1, Pl. I). (J)
SEPARATION OF THE VESSELS 25
reckoning, must have been the land where we lost Captain
Chirikov, and already then it seemed to several persons as if
they had seen land, a circumstance at that time regarded as a
trivial matter since none of the naval officers themselves had
seen it. Moreover, they considered it then a greater honor to
run farther, along the land, so as to be able to boast of having
traveled very far and suffered much unnecessarily.
After having searched several days in vain for the lost packet-
boat and any further hope of finding it had vanished, we sailed
once more south from the s5oth to the 46th degree in the hope of
finding the St. Paul or Company Land on this course. However,
having failed in both, and as the appearance of Company Land
had now been awaited in vain a second time without its having
ever come into view in the place demanded, the conclusion to
regard it as an imaginary land—an invention of the Nuremberg
map makers, * over which either our ship or Captain Spanberg’s #
necessarily must have sailed, if it had a real existence—became
unavoidable. As if those gentlemen had not laid themselves open
to the suspicion of being capable of committing just such a
geographical blunder, by the fact alone that one of them pointed
out our course on the map of the world in the sea off Canada,*
while another asserted with all his might against me that Canton
lies on the 45th parallel and the Maldive Islands lie in the
Mediterranean Sea.—They consequently now began to repudiate
utterly said Company Land, although they could have had no
other reason for going so far south than to search for it in all
seriousness. On June 184 the beginning was made in earnest to
go east and gradually north, so that for every two or three de-
grees in longitude one degree of latitude was gained.
After we had sailed on this course for several days and had
come once more as far as the 52nd parallel, there appeared again
43 Particularly Johann Baptist Homann (see Vol. 1, p. 3). (G)
44On his voyage of 1739 (see, above, footnote 18, and maps there
mentioned accompanying Sokolov’s and Lauridsen’s accounts).
4 ij. e. in the Atlantic Ocean.
46 Should be June 26, astronomic time (see log book, Vol. 1, p. 71, and
footnote 20 on that page; also ibid., Pl. I).
26 STELLER’S JOURNAL
very many signs of a land situated not far from us to the north,
along which we ran for exactly four weeks until July 18 in such
a way that on said day, on which we actually saw land for the
first time,‘7 we were in north latitude 59° and some minutes
and 49° of longitude from Avacha, consequently nearly 500
Dutch miles away.
It should cause no wonder that I have summarized the happen-
ings of a four weeks’ voyage over such a long distance thus briefly.
The reason is that, running steadily along with constantly fair
wind and weather, we saw nothing but sky and sea and heard
only from the officers exclamations and expressions of amaze-
ment over how we could have erred so fundamentally as to be-
lieve Kamchatka to be separated by a narrow channel from
America, which now was found to be so remote. The brazen
and very vulgar snubs by the officers, who coarsely and sneer-
ingly rejected all well-founded and timely admonishings and
propositions, thinking that they were still dealing with cossacks
and poor exiles freighting provisions from Yakutsk to Okhotsk,
who had simply to obey and keep still without talking back, had
been the cause of closing the mouth of myself as well as of others
long ago. No matter what we observed and might discuss for
the benefit of the general good as well as the public interest, the
answer was always ready: ‘‘You do not understand it; you are
not a seaman; you have not4® been in God’s council chamber!’’—
For the first time 4? I had here the sad occasion to see how it
happens that often the greatest and most useful undertakings
may in the end, in spite of all care given and great expenses
[involved] and although granted all possible resources, accom-
plish very much less, as far as the public good is concerned, than
was planned for originally; while on the other hand the smallest
beginnings, through mutual and earnest codperation in word and
47 Land was actually sighted on July 16, civil time (see Vol. I, pp. 93
and 332). Steller himself says below, p. 33, “July 16, the Thursday on
which the land became for the first time clearly visible.’’ On the chro-
nology of the first sightings in general see, below, footnote 58
48 The ‘‘not’’ does not occur in the MS but is added by Pallas.
49 The MS reads “‘For the first time in the Russian service I had”’ etc.
ARROGANCE OF OFFICERS 27
deed, of minds devoid of all egotistic aims and gain, may grow
into mighty achievements which pay interest on the outlay a
thousandfold.—It should be stated here that during the ten
years in Siberia, when every one lived as he pleased and de-
manded and received so much homage from the ignorant mob
as suited his notions, the greater number of our officers com-
pletely forgot themselves and, through habit, fell into the
delusion of being infallible or feeling insulted when anyone
mentioned anything of which they were ignorant. Even Captain
Spanberg’s attitude gives a clear proof of this, as he conducted
himself towards the representatives of the Academy of Sciences
in a similar manner. *°
The reasons for which I long ago concluded that we had been
sailing close to and along the land I shall now place before every-
body for intelligent judgment, just as I presented them so often
on our trip, but in vain, to the naval officers, viz.: We saw fre-
quently floating from the north, and many times in large quanti-
ties, various seaweeds *! (Fucz), especially the sea oak (Quercus
50 Instead of ‘‘in a similar manner’’ the MS reads “‘in such a manner
that, while it might be said he knew he was a captain, nevertheless he
had not yet forgotten the lowest tricks of a sailor.”
51 Dr. Marshall A. Howe, of the New York Botanical Garden, to whom
I submitted the list of seaweed names used by Steller, has very kindly
furnished me with valuable notes on their identity, from which I quote
the following: ‘‘I have considered the evidence presented in your letter,
and I think you may be quite right in believing Steller’s Quercus marina
[the MS. has “‘quercum marinum glandiferam Bauhini’’] to have been
Fucus evanescens [see, above, footnote 39]. Alga dentata Raji was probably
a species of Odonthalia, as you suggest.”’ (As Odonthalia aleutica (Mart.)
seems to be more common than O. kamtschatica I. G. Ag., I suppose the
former species may have been meant.)
By Fucit membranacei calyciformes Dr. Howe thinks Steller is most
likely to have meant Constantinea Rosa-marina (S. G. Gmel.) Post. et
Rupr., referring to S. G. Gmelin’s ‘‘ Historia fucorum,’’ St. Petersburg,
£705, p. 102, Pl. 5, Fig. 2.
According to him the Fucus clavae effigie was probably Nereocystis
Priapus (S. G. Gmel.) Saunders, and Pallas’ footnote on Gmelin could
doubtless be completed by adding that the reference is to be found on
Pp. 231.
Tournefort’s Fucus lapathi sanguinei foliis is the Atlantic Hydro-
28 STELLER’S JOURNAL
marina); the Alga dentata Raji, which grows on rocks in two or
three feet of water; the Fuct membranacet calyciformes already
opened, which was a certain indication that they had been lying
for some time on the beach and had again been carried off by
the tide; the Fucus clavae effigie,* which grows in two fathoms
of water but nowhere around Kamchatka; the Fucus lapatht
sanguine foltis Tournef., which, if it had been drifting long at
sea, would on account of its tenderness have been quickly torn
to pieces by the waves or eaten by the sea animals which were
constantly seen in large numbers and are very fond of it. We
observed also red and white sea nettles (Priafi Lin.),* which
cling to the rocks at low tide in at least five or six feet of water
and, according to my experience in the Sea of Penzhina,*
are never met with until one has approached the coast to within
fifteen to twenty miles——One time*! it even happened that
there came drifting by the ship a large mass of the large reed
lapathum sanguineum (L.) Stackh. Dr. Howe suggests that the species
seen by Steller may have been Delesseria crassifolia Rupr., which is
recorded from the Pribilof Islands and is the only species ‘“‘in that region
that suggests Hydrolapathum sanguineum.”’ (S)
* Gmel. hist. Fucorum.—P. [For identification see preceding foot-
note, second paragraph.]
52 Steller in the MS has “‘ Urticas marinas rubras und albas,”’ by which
I take it he means the stinging jelly fishes, the North Pacific varieties or
subspecies of Cyanea capillata (Linn.) (ferruginea and postelsii if distinct)
and Aurelia aurita (Linn.). Linnaeus in first describing the former
(Fauna suecica, Stockholm, 1st edit., 1746, No. 1287) expressly says
“vulgo Urtica marina.” It is true that Pallas in the published text adds
in parenthesis “(Priapi Lin.),’’ but these are sessile actinians. Thus
Gmelin’s Actinia crassicornis (Carolus Linnaeus: Systema naturae, 13th
edit., edited by J. F. Gmelin, 2 vols. in nine, Leipzig, 1788-93; reference
in Vol. 1, Part VI, p. 3132) has among its synonyms Priapus senilis
Linn. and P. ruber Forskal as well as Urtica rubra Aldrovandi, and it is
probably these quotations which misled Pallas, for surely Steller refers
to floating organisms and not to those attached to the bottom. (S)
53 This name was at that time applied to the whole of the Sea of
Okhotsk (Krasheninnikov, Histoire et description du Kamtchatka,
Amsterdam, 1770, Vol. 1, p. 236).
54 The MS has “‘often.”’
El alin
INDICATIONS OF LAND 29
grass**55 common in Kamchatka, which was a most infallible
indication of a near coast, because this grass grows everywhere
along the beaches of the ocean, both in Kamchatka and America,
and on account of the smoothness of its straw would long have
been scattered if it had not been carried by the tide immediately
from shore towards us. Other vegetable objects which from
day to day and from hour to hour were noted down in my diary
need not be mentioned.
Even though such irrefutable indications of a near land were
submitted with reason, great respect, and patience to the
officers and they were advised to lay the course toward the
north in order to reach land sooner, and even though the Captain
Commander had always himself been of the same opinion but,
being outvoted by the other officers, had felt himself constrained
to yield without necessity and in spite of his rank and authority,
nevertheless he considered it, as did the other officers, ridiculous,
beneath his dignity, and annoying to receive such advice from
me, a man not versed in nautical matters. Therefore he used to
answer me offhand that I did not know how to judge such
affairs; in many parts of the ocean the whole sea was overgrown
with weeds; what could I say to that? It did no good to reply
that I was as fully aware of this fact as I was of the places near
the Cape Verde and the Bermuda Islands where these seaweeds,
** Gramen paniculatum arundinaceum, panicula densa _ spadicea
Stell.—P.
55 “grosses Schilfgras”’ in the text of the published version, to which
words the above footnote by Pallas refers. This Latin name, omitting
the attribution to Steller, is the term used in the MS. Pallas transferred
it to a footnote and supplied a German equivalent in his text.
Professor A. S. Hitchcock, the well-known agrostologist, to whom I sub-
mitted the matter, writes me “‘that the grass referred to is probably
Calamagrostis scabra Presl. The phrase name you quote is the one
applied by pre-Linnaean authors to the European reed, Calamagrostis
epigejos (L.) Roth. The corresponding plant on the Alaskan coast is
the one mentioned, which, however, is usually reported as C. langsdor fii
Trin., a Siberian species.””’ Both C. langsdorfi and C. arundinacea
(Linnaeus) are recorded from the Commander Islands (Fedtschenko,
Flore des Iles du Commandeur, 1906, pp. 122 and 123). (S)
30 STELLER’S JOURNAL
the names of which I also knew, were drifting about; or that I
knew the reason why plants could grow in those regions but not
here in the north, where the sea water, on account of the different
effect of the sun, was quite differently constituted; or finally
that it is no secret what the nature of these [seaweeds] is and in
what manner they have been transplanted.
It seemed to everyone absurd and incredible that anyone
should maintain the existence of a current* in the sea, although
we clearly observed its effects, inasmuch as the objects floating
in the sea kept to a definite direction frequently even contrary
to that of the winds, so that during the southwest and southeast
winds which we were having these things drifted toward us from
the north. On account of this incredulity the necessary precau-
tions which have to be observed in the ship’s reckoning on
account of the currents were not taken, either on the outward or
return voyage; consequently through cocksureness many errors,
because of the great distance between the two continents, may
have crept in.** Afterwards, indeed, on the return voyage, they
saw with their own eyes how often—almost continuously—they
had previously been sailing close to land; that the sea was full of
islands, and that consequently such currents were entirely possi-
ble; also that even the reckoning itself had failed.
Another argument from which it was to be infallibly concluded
that we were under the lee of the land and not far from it was
furnished by the frequent occurrence of marine animals which
are not commonly met with in the open sea. It is known that
the heart of the hair seals has the so-called foramen ovale as well
as the ductus arteriosus Botalli open, in consequence of which
these animals are enabled to remain a long time under water and,
* This very current, however, in connection with the other circum-
stances, should have caused Steller to reflect that it did not come from the
continuous coast of a mainland but from a channel or from several straits
between islands.—P.
56 How eminently valid this criticism was is evidenced by the error in
longitude which actually did result, amounting in the case of the Si.
Peter to about 6° and in the case of the St. Paul to over 11° (see, on this
topic, Vol..z, pp. 210,276,308, 322, and’g32).:.@)
INDICATIONS OF LAND 31
as fish-eaters, to secure their food in all parts of the ocean, even
at a considerable distance from land. Nevertheless, it has been
observed that they seldom venture ten miles from land and
never more than twenty. As we frequently caught sight of seals,
it might easily have been surmised that land must be near.
The constant occurrence of the Kamchatkan sea beaver,*
or more correctly sea otter, furnished a still stronger proof. This
animal lives solely and entirely on crustaceans and shellfish and
cannot, because of the structure of its heart, remain under water
more than two minutes without inhaling air, and it is therefore
compelled to keep close to the shore, as it is not able to look for
food at depths of sixty to a hundred fathoms, nor would it find
any even if it were able to. From all this evidence the conclu-
sion was inevitable that land was near. As the strongest evi-
dence that America was nearest to the east of and opposite the
coast of Kamchatka between 51° and 56°, I have always re-
garded the fact that in Kamchatka the sea otter is found in this
latitude only, in the sea which is therefore called the Beaver
Sea, but not farther north nor farther south.** Otherwise there
would seem to be no good reason why the sea otter should not
also be found as far north as 57° or 58°, about Olyutora, or as
far south as 49° or 50°, among the farther Kurile Islands, since
in America we met with these animals almost in latitude 60°,
in the neighborhood of Cape St. Elias, [and since] it is also well
known that they occur in latitude 10° on the American coast,
and even in Brazil, from which country Marggraf has described
them. The fact is that the sea otter is an animal peculiar to
America and only a newcomer and stranger in Kamchatka.
Owing to the wide expanse of sea and the lack of food it cannot,
on account of its organization, get across above 56° north lati-
tude or below 50° south latitude, but only through the so-called
Beaver Sea, where in a straight line it may not have more than
* Lutris Lin.—P.
** The now discovered chain of islands is a more probable explanation
of this coming over of the sea otter from the American seas to the Kam-
chatkan coast here specified.—P.
32 SELLER'S JOURNAL
twenty miles from shore to shore, a distance it can cover com-
fortably in thirty-six hours without suffering from hunger. 57
Moreover, at different times, we saw sitting on the water large
flocks of gulls which, particularly in June, always keep close to
the coast where the fishes approach the land and ascend the
streams from the sea in the greatest number and thus afford
them the most abundant food supply. We saw these gulls always
fly in a northerly or northwesterly direction until lost to our
view. How easy and necessary would it not have been to have
convinced oneself of the correctness or incorrectness of such an
obvious supposition as to the nearness of land by sailing a
few hours in a northerly direction, especially since the constant
fogs did not permit a view of more than a few miles, while the
winds on the outward trip were so fair that we could not have
wished them better for the accomplishment of a great venture.
I pass over several circumstances which gave enough occasion
for conjecture. But while other navigators on expeditions of
discovery, such as one reads of in accounts of travels, paid atten-
tion to all details and tried to profit by them, in our case on the
contrary the biggest and plainest signs and most evident reasons
were disregarded and made light of. As a result of this state of
affairs we reached land six weeks after leaving Avacha, whereas
if we had sailed on a northeast course we might have made it in
three or four days, or in ten days at the most if we had followed
the course originally agreed on, provided the above-mentioned
signs and indications of the nearness of land had been taken
57 The southern Kurile Islands were so little known that Steller was
not aware of the fact that the sea otter at that time was quite common
as far south as Yezo, or latitude 45°. Nor can he be blamed for believing
that it was the same animal which Marggraf (1610-1644) had described
from Brazil. The whole argument is therefore more or less futile. Asa
- matter of fact, the sea otter (Latax luiris (Linn.)) is a North Pacific
species which in Steller’s time occurred all the way from Lower Cali-
fornia north along the coast to the Aleutian chain and thence westward
to Kamchatka and south to Japan. The greatest gap in the distribution
of the sea otter was the stretch of open ocean between Copper Island and
Attu, the westernmost of the Aleutian Islands proper, approximately
185 statute miles. (S)
DISCOVERY OF LAND 33
advantage of.* In fact, even on July 16, the Thursday on which
the land became for the first time clearly visible, it was as good
as decided that, if land were not sighted by July 20, we would
return to Avacha because our supply of water was already more
than half consumed.
We saw land as early as July 15,°% but because I was the first
to announce it and because forsooth it was not so distinct that a
picture could be made of it, the announcement, as usual, was
regarded as one of my peculiarities; yet on the following day, in
very clear weather, it came into view in the same place. The
land was here very much elevated; the mountains,*? observed
extending inland, were so lofty that we could see them quite
plainly at sea at a distance of sixteen Dutch miles. I cannot
recall having seen higher mountains anywhere in Siberia and
* It is true that under these suppositions islands might have been
reached within the time mentioned, but not the mainland of America.—P.
58 In Yushin’s version of the log book there is a statement (Vol. 1,
p. 89, 4 P.M. entry) that the course was modified on July 14 toward
“‘the land sighted.’’ This date is according to the astronomic time used
by the navigators, which for that hour would correspond to July 13,
civil time. In view of the probable position of the St. Peter at that hour
in latitude 54° 34’ (see ‘‘Decision to Change Course,”’ zbid., p. 90), it
would have been impossible to see land then or earlier, as in this position
the vessel still had to go 190 nautical miles before entering the circle of
visibility projecting farthest out to sea in that region, namely that of
Mt. St. Elias (see map accompanying George Davidson: The Tracks
and Landfalls of Bering and Chirikof on the Northwest Coast of America,
San Francisco, 1901; or radius of circle may be computed if altitude is
known—in this case 18,008 feet—from the standard formula, e.g. in
Hermann Wagner: Lehrbuch der Geographie, toth edit., Hanover,
1920, p. 95). It is quite probable, however, that in view of her rate of
progress (see log book, Vol. 1, p. 92) the St. Peter had entered that circle
before the end of July 15, civil time (according to which Steller reckoned;
see, below, footnote 131), which would bear out Steller’s statement.
Even the official announcement of the discovery of land at 12.30 P. M.
on July 17, astronomic time (July 16, civil time) took place only 12144
hours later, inasmuch as the end of July 15, civil, represents the middle
of July 16, astronomic. (J)
59 Mt. St. Elias and other mountains in that region. For identifications
see Vol. 1, pp. 92ff.
34 STELLER’S JOURNAL
Kamchatka. The coast was everywhere much indented and
therefore provided with numerous bays and inlets close to the
mainland. °°
Once having determined to tell the truth and be impartial in
all things, I must not fail to mention one circumstance which
perhaps may not escape the notice of the high authorities but
may receive an interpretation different from the actual facts.—
It can easily be imagined how happy every one was when land
was finally sighted; nobody failed to congratulate the Captain
Commander, whom the glory for the discovery mostly con-
cerned. He, however, received it all not only very indifferently
and without particular pleasure, but in the presence of all he
even shrugged his shoulders while looking at the land. Had the
Commander survived and had he intended to take any action
against his officers because of their misdoings, they would have
been ready to point to his conduct then as evidence of his evil-
minded disposition. But the good Captain Commander was
much superior to his officers in looking into the future, and in
the cabin he expressed himself to me and Mr. Plenisner as fol-
lows: ‘‘We think now we have accomplished everything, and
many go about greatly inflated, but they do not consider where
we have reached land, how far we are from home, and what may
yet happen; who knows but that perhaps trade winds ®™ may
arise, which may prevent us from returning? We do not know
this country; nor are we provided with supplies for a wintering.”
—Now that we were close to land it was great fun to listen to the
conflicting expressions of great self-conceit and expectations of
future reward and pathetic effusions. Some would at once make
for the shore and search for a harbor. Others represented this as
very dangerous. However, everybody acted for himself, and no
one made any representations to the Captain Commander.
60 The MS reads: ‘‘and therefore provided with many islands close
to the mainland and with numerous bays and inlets in the mainland it-
self.’’
61 In the sense of persistent winds (see also footnote 144, second
paragraph); in the present case, persistent westerly headwinds.
NEARING THE LAND 35
Councils and commissions, that were so often called on shore in
case of trivial matters, were neglected’ now when we had come
to the most important business and the culmination of the ten
years’ Kamchatka Expedition, and it was quite plain that we had
nothing in common and nothing to keep us united except that
we were locked up together on the same ship.
Since after July 16 more noteworthy happenings occurred
daily than during the six preceding weeks, I shall from now on
continue my record according to what took place each day.®
On the 17th, the wind being light, we gradually drew nearer
the land. On Saturday, the 18th, we were so close to it towards
evening, that we were enabled to view with the greatest pleasure
the beautiful forests close down to the sea, as well as the great
level ground in from the shore at the foot of the mountains. The
beach itself was flat, level, and, as far as we could observe, sandy.
We kept the mainland to the right and sailed northwesterly in
order to get behind a high island ® which consisted of a single
mountain covered with spruce trees only. This had to be accom-
plished by continuous tacking, as the wind was contrary, the
coming night being consumed with this.
On Sunday, the 19th, we were opposite the northwestern
end of the island, about two miles distant. This morning there
arose again a petty quarrel. We had already noticed the day
before the channel between the mainland and the island, and the
thought occurred at once to me that a notably large stream must
be flowing from the land into the channel, the current of which
could be observed two miles from shore while the difference in
the water could be inferred partly from the floating matter and
partly from the lesser salinity; it was consequently my opinion
6 It will be found helpful in following this record to refer to the daily
entries in the log book in Vol. 1, as the log book and Steller’s journal often
supplement each other. In so doing the overlapping of the astronomical
dates used in the log book and the civil dates used by Steller (see; below,
footnote 131) should be borne in mind.
63 Kayak Island.
84 Northeastern or southwestern?
36 STELLER’S JOURNAL
that an attempt could have been made to enter this channel,®
where it would have been just as safe to anchor as, if not safer
than, in the place under the lee of the island selected on the 2oth.
It might even have been possible to find a harbor for our ship,
with its nine feet draught, in the mouth of the river, which was
large enough and therefore probably also deep enough. But the
retort I got was, Whether I had been there before and made
certain of it? Yet in uncertain things it is better to act on even
the slightest indication than for no reason at all and only trusting
to good luck.
The day was spent in tacking in order to get close to the island,
to enter the large bay seen from the distance, and at the same
time to come under the lee of the land. This was also accom-
plished, with the greatest apprehension, when on Monday the
20th we came to anchor among numerous islands. The outer-
most of these had to be named Cape St. Elias, because we dropped
our anchor under the lee of it on St. Elias’ day. For the officers
were determined to have a cape on their chart notwithstanding
the fact that it was plainly represented to them that an island
cannot be called a cape,** but that only a noticeable projection
of land into the sea in a certain direction can be so designated,
the same meaning being conveyed by the Russian word nos
(nose), while in the present case the island would represent noth-
ing but a detached head or a detached nose.
Orderly management as well as the importance of the matter
6 As mostly, Steller’s observation of physical phenomena was excel-
lent, in thus deducing the presence of the river now called the Bering
River and other glacial streams descending from Bering Glacier; the
naval officers, however, were correct in their decision to sail around the
southern end of Kayak Island, as the channel between it and the main-
land, according to the modern chart of the region (U. S. Coast and Geo-
detic Survey Chart No. 8513; a section reproduced in Fig. 4), shoals
to four feet before reaching the mouth of Bering River channel (Okalee
Channel). (J) j
66 The officers called the island St. Elias and its southern cape Cape
St. Elias (see Vol. 1, p. 96, footnote 36, and map mentioned in ibid., p.
99, footnote 42, i.e. our Fig. 3). The cape is still so called (see Fig. 4). (G)
QUARREL WITH BERING a7
would now have demanded a harmonious consideration of what
ought to be done, how to utilize the time and opportunity to the
best advantage, what to explore on shore and how to go about it;
furthermore, whether, considering the season and the provisions
as well as the distance, the following up of the coast should be
continued at this late time of the year, or whether we should
winter here, or, finally, try the straight way for home. However,
all this was not considered worthy the calling of a council, but
everyone kept silent and did as he pleased. Only on one point
were all unanimous, viz. that we should take fresh water on
board, so that I could not help saying that we had come only for
the purpose of bringing American water to Asia.* It was agreed,
besides, that the small yawl should be used for the transportation
of the water, while the larger one should be given to Master
Khitrov with a sufficient crew and ammunition in order that he
might explore the country, a task for which he possessed the best
qualifications. I asked to be sent with Khitrov, since after all
he himself did not know everything, but in spite of his making
the same request permission was refused. At first an attempt
was made to scare me with dreadful tales of murder, to which I
answered that I had never been so womanish as to fear danger
and that I could not guess why I should not be allowed to go
ashore, especially since that was in the line of my principal work,
my calling, and my duty and that it was my determination to
serve the Crown to the best of my ability in the future, as I had
done in the past; moreover, that, if for reprehensible reasons I
were not given the permission, I would report this action in the
terms it deserved. For this I was called a wild man, who would
not let himself be held back from business even when treated to
chocolate, which was just then being prepared. Seeing now that
* It is incomprehensible that there was no thought of a real exploration
and taking possession of the land discovered; one might almost conjec-
ture that the general instructions issued must have been insufficient, or
that in so distant parts all subordination and discipline had vanished.—P.
[As to the instructions issued, see Vol. 1, pp. 29-32, especially the end
of Article 6 and Article 13.]
20 2 ae A Mae a. aoe
FE GUTS da Be ea
ee ee a ee Fe fasome on
ates Py AL Pe: She Be = Ladies) eke a
4d. Tran fa ie 22’ 9 : if Cho
Sy ; el = ‘ oe é, tfth
FA ERT MN BOS MOPEDS TIT SIT
thtln., : » Jalen Ajit flan Ere Pik.
yy ey J es en eened a + 2, Seen?
t 7 yarns 4 A OD tinted, § af) tn}
A rapmmpich arr ipel ere oc
ee dpe cea ait thy pe ge
Df 0K
abLuL, Emm: Cty ? Soe Aer —~
tof nite Yi wie wid Jog aD) flow
an os, SA- are 22
hn le rae
Fic. 1—Reduced facsimile of fol. 15 of the MS copy of Steller’s journal
located by F. A. Golder in 1917 in the archives of the Academy of Sciences
at Petrograd. (The MS consists of 111 leaves besides the title page.)
The equivalent of this section is included between the words ‘‘the larger
one should be given to Master Khitrov,”’ p. 37, and ‘‘ship’s doctor and
physician in ordinary, since with an,” p. 41, of the present translation.
mein fefter Wille fey, der Krone wie bisher, alfo auch
ferner nad) Vermogen ju dienen; ja dah ic), wo man
nid) aus nachtheiligen Abficheen niche ablaffen wollte,
diefes Verfahren unter dem dverdienten Titel angeben
wurde: fo nannte man mich einen wilden Menfcher,
der fic) aud) niche durd) Bewirthung mit Chocolate, die
eber-_damals in det Arbeit war, von Verrichtungen woll-
te abbalten faffen, Weil ich nun fahe, daB man mid
mit Gewalt und wider meinen Willen zu. unverantwort-
licher Verabfaumung meiner Dienfe zwingen wollte,
feste.ich endlich alle Achtung aus den Augen, und. betete
ein befondres Gebet, wodurd), fic) der Herr Comman:
deur fogleich erweidhen lieB, mid) mit den Waffertragern,
ohne die gevingfte Dulfe, und ohne einen Menfdhen, als
den Cafafen Chomas Qepechin, fo ich felbft mifgenom-
men hatte, zugugeben, nad) dem Sande fahren gu laffen.
Beym Abfcdhiede vom-Fabrjzeug machte er noch eine Pro-
be, wie weit id) Gchimpf und Ernft verftinde, indem
er mit mit Trompeten nachblafer lieG; da ich denn ohne
mich ju bedenfen die Sache eben fo annabm, als fie. bee
foblen war. Sch fahe jest mehr als zu flar, warum man
ini) mitgureifen hatte ubetreden wollen. Jch follte nem-
lid) mit meiner Perfon einen Punke der Snftruction ays.
fullen, auf weldjen man. fonft die Antwort fhuldig ge-
blieben ware, nemlic) was die Unterfuchung: der Mines
ralien durch gewiffe, dazu beftandne Perfonen anbelangs
fe. Dergleidjen Seute aus Catrinenburg gu fordern hatte
man nun feit adje Sabren vergeffen, und der in Ochozé
fid) aufbaltende Prodiermeifter Fartepol war nach) Sa-
fu3E, dén Capitain Spangberg ju begleiten: abgetaffen,
fo daf man ibn bey der UAbreife niche mitnehmen fonnte.
‘So follte id) auch, nur dem Mamen nach, der ganjen
Sache ein groferes Anfebn geben, und ubrigens die
Stelle eines Schif-und seibargtes vertreten, weil man
fic) mit einem Unterroundarge gu fchledht verfehen fabe.
Fic. 2—Facsimile of page from the published version of Steller’s journal, as
edited by Pallas (Neue Nordische Beytrige, Vol. 5, 1793, Pp. 158, or book
form, p. 30), corresponding to the lower three-quarters of the section from
the MS journal reproduced on the opposite page.
40 STELLER’S JOURNAL
it was the intention to force me against my will to inexcusable
neglect of my duty, I finally put all respect aside and prayed a
particular prayer, ®? by which the Commander was at once molli-
fied so as to let me go ashore with the water carriers, without any
assistance whatever and with no other person but the cossack
Thomas Lepekhin, whom I myself had brought with me. On my
leaving the ship he again made a test as to how far I could dis-
tinguish between mockery and earnest, by causing the trumpets
to be sounded after me, at which, without hesitation, § I accepted
the affair in the spirit in which it was ordered.*? By this time I
saw only too clearly why he had wanted to persuade me to go
along. I was to fulfill in my person one point of the instructions, 7°
in regard to which it would otherwise have been impossible to
give an accounting, namely that which related to the investiga-
tion of the mineral resources by certain properly qualified persons.
For eight years it had been forgotten to requisition them from
Ekaterinburg,” and the assayer Hartepol, who was staying at
Okhotsk, had been sent to Yakutsk in order to accompany Span-
berg, so that at the departure he could not be taken along. Under
the circumstances it was intended that I, though only in name,
6? The meaning of this passage is scarcely doubtful. It is plain that
Steller was very much wrought up by the refusal to let him go ashore, and
a few lines above he had threatened to report the officers for their action.
Lauridsen (Vitus Bering, Danish edit., p. 136; American edit., p. 151)
therefore—and probably correctly—regards the “‘particular prayer’’ as
a euphemism for an oath. (S)
Steller, in his report to the Senate (for reference, see, above, p. 6,
footnote 5), said that he swore at Bering, “‘Upotrebil uzhe zhestokiya
slova’’ (I now used harsh words). (G)
68 The published version has ‘‘ohne mich zu bedenken,”’ without hesita-
tion. The MS has“ ohne mich zu bedancken,”’ without returning thanks!
62 In the MS this sentence is completed by the clause, ‘“‘as I had never
been a braggart, nor would I care for such [attentions] even if they were
really intended to honor me.”’
70 See Vol. 1, p. 31, Article II.
71 Ekaterinburg, in the Urals, was founded by Peter in 1723 and named
in honor of the Empress. This city soon became an important mining
center. (G)
LANDING ON KAYAK ISLAND 4I
should confer upon the whole affair a greater distinction and at
the same time fill the office of ship’s doctor and physician in
ordinary, since with an assistant surgeon it was considered that
[the expedition] was too poorly supplied.
The events of the day consequently relate to four distinct
parties: Half of the command, including all of the officers except
the master [Khitrov],” remained on board as watch, busying
themselves with hauling out the empty and stowing away the
filled water casks. With another party I was sent off after
water, to make watery observations, while others were out on a
windy expedition.
As soon as I, with only the protection and assistance of my
own cossack, had landed on the island and realized how scant
and precious was the time at my disposal, I seized every oppor-
72 The words in this paragraph up to this point, except ‘‘Half of the
command,” do not occur in the MS. They are editorial additions by
Pallas.
73 The landing place and other points of Steller’s route were identified
by me during a visit to Kayak Island on June 30, 1922. This visit was
made as a side trip while I was a member of the party which accompanied
the Assistant Secretary of Commerce on a voyage in the U. S. Coast
Guard vessel Mojave to examine into the conditions of the fisheries and
other industries of Alaska. From Cordova, at which port the Mojave
had called, Katalla was reached by motor boat. From here another motor
boat was used for the trip to the island. Six hours, from 6 P. M. to mid-
night, were spent on the island, during which the western shore was fol-
lowed on foot northeastward for 2 statute miles from our landing place.
This landing place was chosen after inquiring of the owner of the boat,
a local resident, where a ship wanting to take in water would be most
likely to find it. He pointed out the mouth of a creek about 7 statute
miles from the southern end of the island (see reproduction of coast
chart, Fig. 4, where marked ‘‘ Watering Place’’). On landing there we
found a small stream of clear, cold water rushing out of a dark wood of
spruce (Figs. 9 and 10). These conditions, together with the fact that
there is no other suitable watering place along this stretch of shore and
that this point is about 6 versts, or 4 miles, from a hill descending abruptly
into the sea, all of which closely agrees with Steller’s statements (see,
below, pp. 47 and 49), makes it highly probable that the mouth of the
creek was the spot where Steller landed. With this point established, it
was possible to identify other points on Steller’s route. (S)
42 STELLER’S JOURNAL
OctroBt KAdKd
eagcanttiius Bepuncoue
pp 1741 resy
Ocrronom? Cs. Firiu.
Q pucyuka ot rrodannnaso sIngpraryt
Dacmapa Tumpooa.
aan bi pied s sketch map of St. Elias (Kayak) Island (see Vol. 1, p. 99), repro-
ee sh okolov, Zapiski Hydrogr. Depart., Vol. 9, St. Petersburg, 1851.
ante aide aaa ee pa ie ona as seen from the side, laid down on the
e coasts. e cloud-ca i i
“Seeahe are are saan pped mountains on the mainland are Mt. St.
LANDING ON KAYAK ISLAND 43
(is NS SEIN ASS SY BH
BES
LS —
60°00'N
n AAs
o YAR
* Steller’s Hill
0 a
~ Watering Place
/ a
Versts
5
ed OG sn ee 3S
a a : - Statute Mil
nt@xzicn i 4 * f ae ee ik A ‘ 5 eee es : 7 *
* Ly" Cape_St. Elias : cz
Pinnacle Rock me oe yah! TM on ine q
» = {/] \ 1244s0-w. 14.4°l20°
Fic. 4—Modern map of Kayak Island (section from U. S. Coast and Geodetic
Survey Chart No. 8513). Scale, 1: 345,000.
44 alELLER’S JOURNAL
tunity to accomplish as much as possible with the greatest
possible dispatch. I struck out in the direction of the mainland
in the hopes of finding human beings and habitations. I had not
gone more than a verst along the beach before I ran across signs
of people and their doings. Under a tree I found an old piece of
a log hollowed out in the shape of a trough, in which, a couple
of hours before, the savages, for lack of pots and vessels, had
cooked their meat by means of red-hot stones,74 just as the Kam-
chadals did formerly.7* The bones, some of them with bits of
meat and showing signs of having been roasted at the fire, were
scattered about where the eaters had been sitting. I could see
plainly that these bones belonged to no sea animal, but to a land
animal, and I thought myself justified in regarding them as
reindeer bones,7* though no such animal was observed on the
island but was probably brought there from the mainland.
There were also strewn about the remains of yukola, or pieces
of dried fish, which, as in Kamchatka, has to serve the purpose of
bread at all meals. There were also great numbers of very large
scallops77 over eight inches across, also blue mussels similar to
those found in Kamchatka and, no doubt, eaten raw as the cus-
tom is there. In various shells, as on dishes, I found sweet grass*
74 There are of course no signs of the fireplace now, especially as the
shore at this point is being constantly undermined by wave action. (S)
75 Thus in the published version—‘‘nach vormaliger Kamtschadal-
ischer Art.’’ The MS has “nach anderwerts beschriebener Kamtschat-
kischer Art,’’ ‘‘just like the Kamchadals, as described elsewhere.’’ The
reference is to Steller’s ‘‘ Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka,”’
still in manuscript only when he wrote these words and not published
until 1774.
76 Steller was probably correct in identifying the bones found as those
of reindeer, or caribou. The region is a typical caribou country. The
species is probably Rangifer stonei Allen, originally described from the
Kenai Peninsula. (S)
77 “* Jacobsmuscheln,’” Jacob’s mussel, a scallop (Pecten caurinus
Gould). The blue mussel mentioned immediately after is Mytilus
californianus Conrad. The true ‘‘ Jacob’s mussel’”’ is Pecten jacobaeus. (S)
* Sladkaya trava [sweet grass in Russian] are the peeled stalks exuding
a sugary substance in drying.—P. [See the next footnote, second para-
graph.]
Ls -
Fic. 5—Kayak Island seen from the southeast. Cape St. Elias is cloud-capped.
The detached rock is Pinnacle Rock (see Fig. 4).
Fic. 6—Cape St. Elias and Pinnacle Rock seen from the west.
Fic. 7—The western shore of south-central Kayak Island seen from the west.
The hill in the left background is the one Steller climbed, which it is here pro-
posed (footnote 92) to call Steller’s Hill.
(Figs. 5 and 6 from photos by The Alaska Shop, Cordova; Fig. 7 from photo
by L. Stejneger, June 30, 1922.)
i,
3 eee
Fic. 8—Rock fall on western shore of Kayak Island, a mile and a half south-
west of the base of Steller’s Hill, seen in the middle distance. Wingham Island
faintly visible in the left background.
Fic. 9—Mouth of a creek on the western shore of Kayak Island, presumably
at the spot where Steller landed on July 20 (O. S.), 1741 (marked ‘‘Watering
Place” on Fig. 4).
Fic. to—The same spot closer by.
(From photos by L. Stejneger, June 30. 1922.)
SIGNS OF THE NATIVES 45
completely prepared in Kamchadal fashion, on which water
seemed to have been poured in order to extract the sweetness.78
I discovered further [not far from the fireplace]? beside the
tree, on which there still were the live coals, a wooden apparatus
for making fire,®° of the same nature as those used in Kamchatka.
The tinder, however, which the Kamchadals make from a spe-
cies of grass, was here different, namely a species of fountain
78 The MS from here on is confused, and Pallas has taken considerable
liberty in editing it so as to make sense. The person copying Steller’s
original seems to have transposed part of the matter, inasmuch as the
argument derived from the fire-making apparatus precedes the finding
of it. (S)
This argument, which Pallas has abridged in the passage below, read-
ing in translation ‘‘From all this I think . . . in their miserable
craft,’’ in the MS is inserted at this point, between the sentence ending
with “‘in order to extract the sweetness’? and the one beginning with
“I discovered further.’”’ The meaning of the first part of this argument
might possibly be rendered thus: ‘This grass is known to the Kamchadals
as kattch, to the Russians as sweet grass, and is a true species of Sphondy]I-
ium. The outer part of the grass is scraped with mussel shells; in this
as well as in other ways of preparing and using it for food the Kamchadals
and Americans are one. In this respect they differ from the Tungus and
the Deer Koryaks (near neighbors of the Kamchadals), who do not know
about the grass and do without it, just as, for lack of steel, they do
without steel in making fire.’’ Steller gives a detailed description of sweet
grass, or sladkaya trava, in his “Beschreibung von dem Lande Kam-
tschatka,’’ 1774, pp. 84-87. Stejneger pictures and describes it from
Bering Island (Bull. U. S. Fish Comm., Vol. 16, 1896. p. 25 and PI. 15a);
likewise Suvorov in his “Komandorskie Ostrova,’ 1912 (p. 79 and
Fig. 13). It is the cow parsnip, Heracleum lanatum Michx. The fact that
the pre-Linnaean name of the European species was Sphondylium ac-
counts for the reference in the MS.
The second part of the argument is represented by Pallas’ sentence
beginning “‘But if this is so’ and by the statements translated below in
footnote 82. (G)
79 The bracketed words are in the MS only and help clarify the mean-
ing.
80 The MS here has this additional characterization: ‘‘with which,
for lack of steel, they are in the habit of making fire by friction, just as
in Kamtchatka and other places in America,’’—in other words, a fire
drill.
46 STELLER’S JOURNAL
moss (Alga fontinalis),§! which was bleached white by the sun
and of which I have kept a sample to be forwarded.—From all
this I think I may conclude that the inhabitants of this American
coast are of the same origin as the Kamchadals,® with whom they
agree completely in such peculiar customs and utensils, particu-
larly the preparation of the sweet grass, which have not been
communicated even to the Siberian natives nearest to Kam-
chatka, for instance the Tunguses and Koryaks. But if this is so,
then it may also be conjectured that America extends farther
westward and, opposite Kamchatka, is much nearer in the north,
since in view of such a great distance as we traveled of at least
- 500 miles, it is not credible that the Kamchadals would have been
able to get there in their miserable craft.
The chopped-down trees, as I came across them here and there,
were miscut with many dull blows in such a way that in all likeli-
hood the cutting of trees must be done by these savages, as in
Kamchatka, with stone or bone axes similar to those used by the
Germans of old ® and known today as “‘thunderbolts.”
81 I owe to the kindness of Mr. R. S. Williams of the New York Botan-
ical Garden a note from Dr. M. A. Howe to the effect that ‘‘ Alga fonti-
nalis, etc. Bauhin is quoted by Linnaeus as a synonym of Conferva
glomerata, now known as Cladophora glomerata, a freshwater filamentous
alga.’’ Mr. Williams in addition expressed the opinion that some species
of Sphagnum must have been referred to by Steller as being used for
tinder. In this opinion he is upheld by Dr. Howe and Dr. Setchel. The
latter has collected algae along the Alaskan coast, and he informed Mr.
Williams that Cladophora does not occur in sufficient quantities to be
collected for tinder and that it is doubtful if it could be used as such,
even if obtainable in quantity. (S)
82 Pallas completely ignores Steller’s concurrent argument from the
identity of the fire-making apparatus given towards the end of the
transposed passage in the MS: ‘This is an almost certain proof that
this invention came from Kamchatka, consequently that both peoples
formerly had intercourse with each other or even that this people [the
American] is one with the Kamchatkan and has emigrated from it.”
Steller finally concludes: ‘‘Be that as it may, most of the American
objects and inventions are identical with or only slightly different from
the Kamchatkan, or Asiatic, ones.’’ (S)
88 The MS has in addition ‘‘ before the discovery of iron.”
SIGNS OF THE NATIVES 47
After having made a brief examination of all this I pushed on
farther for about three versts, where I found a path leading into
the very thick and dark forest which skirted the shore closely.*4
I held a brief consultation with my cossack, who had a loaded
gun, besides a knife and ax, as to what we should do in case we
met one or more persons, and I commanded him to do nothing
whatever without my orders. I myself was only armed with a
Yakut palma (dagger)® for the purpose of digging up rocks
and plants. No sooner had we taken this path than I noticed
that the natives had tried to cover it up but had been prevented
by our quick approach and as a result had made it only more
conspicuous. We saw many trees recently bared of bark and con-
jectured that they must have used it for houses or ambars*
and that these must be near by, since in whatever direction we
looked there was no lack of fine forests. However, as the first
84 This place was identified during my visit in 1922 as the point where
the shore changes its direction from northeast to north-northwest (see
chart, Fig. 4) in swinging around the hill that projects into the sea. (S)
85 Pallas uses the German ‘‘Dolch,’’ dagger, as an equivalent. The
word palma seems to be of Tungus origin (see M. A. Czaplicka: Aborigi-
nal Siberia: A Study in Social Anthropology, Oxford, 1914,
p. 360), signifying ‘‘a long knife with a wooden handle.’”’ In
R. Maak’s “‘ Vilyuiskii okrug Yakutskoi oblasti,’’ St. Petersburg,
1887, Vol. 3, p. xvi, it is stated that the palma, or batas, as
it isalsocalled, isa large knife, distinguished by its long handle,
used by the Tungus in bear hunting. An illustration is given
(op. cit., Pl. 9, Fig. 14) one-tenth natural size, which would make
the handle of the specimen figured about 17 inches and the blade
about 11 inches. A copy of this illustration is presented herewith
(Fig. 11). The palma with which Steller, when first landing on
Bering Island, killed a large number of blue foxes (see, below, foot-
note 323) is obviously the same as that he used on Kayak Island.
According to Admiral Ferdinand von Wrangell (Expedition
to the Polar Sea, New York, 1841, p. 167) the Kolyma Yakuts ee
also used the word pal’ma for their large hunting knife.
I am under obligation to Dr. T. Michelson of the Bureau of American
Ethnology for having put me on the track of the references in the first
paragraph. (S)
86 Russian word meaning storehouses or sheds.
48 STELLER’S JOURNAL
trail broke up into a number of paths through the forest, we
explored some of them for a little distance into the wood, and
after half an hour we came to a spot covered with cut grass.
I pushed the grass aside at once and found underneath a cover
consisting of rocks; and when this was also removed we came to
some tree bark, which was laid on poles in an oblong rectangle
three fathoms in length and two in width. All this covered a
cellar two fathoms deep in which were the following objects:
(1) lukoshkas, or utensils made of bark, one and a half ells®
high, filled with smoked fish of a species of Kamchatkan salmon
at Okhotsk called nerka in the Tungus language but in Kam-
chatka known by the common name krasnaya ryba.*8 It was so
cleanly and well prepared that I have never seen it as good in
Kamchatka, and it also was much superior in taste to the Kam-
chatkan;® (2) a quantity of sladkaya trava [or sweet grass,]
from which liquor is distilled; (3) different kinds of plants, whose
outer skin had been removed like hemp, which I took for nettles,
which grow here in profusion and perhaps are used, as in Kam-
chatka, for making fish nets; (4) the dried inner bark from the
larch or spruce tree done up in rolls and dried; the same is used
as food in time of famine, not only in Kamchatka but all through
Siberia and even in Russia as far as Khlynov and elsewhere on the
Vyatka;9° (5) large bales of thongs made of seaweed which, by mak-
ing a test, we found to be of uncommon strength and firmness.
Under these I found also some arrows in size greatly exceeding
87 The MS has 14% arshins. This would be about 42 inches.
88 The MS has nerka; the Pallas text has sterka; the former is correct.
Krasnaya ryba (red fish) is the usual name in Kamchatka for the red
salmon (Oncorhynchus nerka (Walbaum)). (S)
89 The position of this sentence in the MS is as here given; in the
published version it is under (2), but probably incorrectly so.
907 The MS reads ‘‘as far as Khlynov or Vyatka.’’ In Steller’s time
Khlynov and Vyatka were two neighboring towns; in 1781 they, with
two others, were combined to form the present city of Vyatka, on the
river of that name, in about lat. 58° N. and long. 50° E. By “‘as far as
Vyatka”’ is probably meant ‘‘westward as far as Vyatka.’”’ (G)
2 The ‘“‘thongs’’ of seaweed were probably WNereocystis priapus
(Gmelin). According to Saunders, the Harriman Expedition, although
UNDERGROUND HUT OF NATIVES 49
those in Kamchatka and approaching the arrows of the Tunguses
and Tatars, scraped very smooth and painted black, so that one
might well conjecture that the natives possessed iron instru-
ments and knives.
In spite of my fear of being attacked in the cellar I continued
my search but, discovering nothing more, took away with me,
as proof, two bundles of fish, the arrows, a wooden implement
for making fire, tinder, a bundle of thongs of seaweed, bark, and
grass and sent them by my cossack to the place where the water
was being taken on, with instructions to bring them to the
Captain Commander; at the same time I asked once more for
two or three men to help me further in my investigations of
nature; I also had those on shore warned not to feel too secure
but to be well on their guard. I then covered over the cellar as
it had been and proceeded, now all alone, with my project of
investigating the noteworthy features of the three kingdoms of
nature until my cossack should return. However, when I had
gone about six versts, I came to a steep rock extending so far
into the sea beyond the beach that it was impossible to go
farther.*2 I determined to climb the rock and after much diffi-
keeping a constant watch for Macrocystis pyrifera (Turner), did not see
this species north of Sitka (Harriman Alaska Expedition, Vol. 5, 1904,
p. 195). (S)
92 This rock, later in the journal referred to as a mountain, was identi-
fied during my 1922 visit as the hill about 250-300 feet high which is
shown on the chart (Fig. 4) as a bold projection from the western shore
of the island in 59° 56’ N. and which appears in the background of two of
the photographs (Figs. 7 and 8). Although I was not able to approach
its base nearer than a mile and a half, because of a comparatively
recent rock fall (Fig. 8) which made progress along the shore impossible
at this point, the general topographical relationsand theagreement of dis-
tances with those given by Steller made the identification practically certain.
This hill is without a name. It would seem eminently fitting that it
should bear the name of the naturalist who first set foot here on Alaskan
soil, and it is herewith proposed, as was previously done in regard toa
similar feature on Bering Island (Deutsche Geogr. Blatter, Bremen, Vol. 8,
1885, p. 226 and Pl. 5), that this piece of classic ground in the history
of American discovery be called ‘‘Steller’s Hill’’ (the name has thus
been inserted on our map, Fig. 4). (S)
50 STELLER’S JOURNAL
culty reached the top, where I discovered that the east side was
steep as a wall and that it was impossible to proceed farther. I
therefore turned south in the hope of getting to the other side
of the island in order to follow the beach there to the channel
and thus investigate my theory regarding the existence there of
a river and harbor. However, as I descended the mountain,
which was covered with a thick and dark forest, without finding
any trace of a path, I saw that I could not get through here.
Considering at the same time that it would be impossible for
my cossack to find me, also that I was too far away from the
others in case something should happen, and that it might be
impossible for me to return before nightfall, not to mention
other dangers, which I should not have feared had I had the
least assistance of companions, I climbed the mountain again
and looked once more sorrowfully at the barrier to my investiga-
tions, with real regret over the action of those who had in their
hands the direction of such important matters, for which never-
theless all of them had let themselves be rewarded with money
and honors.
When I was once more on the top of the mountain and turned
my eyes towards the mainland to take a good look at least at
that country on which I was not vouchsafed to employ my en-
deavors more fruitfully, I noticed smoke some versts away%
ascending from a charming hill covered with spruce forest, so
that I could now entertain the certain hope of meeting with
people and learning from them the data I needed for a com-
plete report. For that reason I returned in great haste and went
back, loaded with my collections, to the place where I had landed.
Through the men who were just ready to hurry back to the ship
in the boat I informed the Captain Commander and asked him
for the small yawl and a few men for a couple of hours. Dead
tired, I made in the meantime descriptions on the beach of the
rarer plants which I was afraid might wither and was delighted
to be able to test out the excellent water for tea.
9% The MS reads ‘‘one verst away’’; according to this version the
location of the smoke must perforce still have been on Kayak Island.
RETURN FROM KAYAK ISLAND 51
In an hour or so I received the patriotic and courteous reply
that I should betake myself on board quickly or they would leave
me ashore without waiting for me.—I reflected that God gives
to each one the place and the opportunity to do that which he is
ordered to do, so as to enable one to present one’s services favora-
bly to the highest authorities and after long waiting and untold
expenses to the Empress [i. e. Government] work out one’s des-
tinies. However, as matters now stand, it is probable that at our
departure we all saw Russia for the last time, since under the
present circumstances it is impossible to expect the divine help
on the return voyage, if wind and weather were to become as
hostile [toward us] as we have been to the general object of the
expedition and thereby to our own good fortune.—However,
since there was now no time left for moralizing, only enough to
scrape together as much as possible before our fleeing the coun-
try, and as evening was already nearing, I sent my cossack out
to shoot some rare birds that I had noticed, while I once more
started off to the westward, returning at sunset with various
observations and collections.—Here I was given once more the
strict command that, unless I came on board this time, no more
notice would be taken of me. I consequently betook myself
with what I had collected to the ship and there, to my great
astonishment, was treated to chocolate.—
Although I did not need to trouble myself for the benefit of
anybody except those who were capable of judging what I was
doing, I nevertheless showed some of the objects and made
known my ideas about various things, but only a single one of
these was accepted. Namely, an iron kettle, a pound of tobacco,
a Chinese pipe, and a piece of Chinese silk were sent to the
cellar, but in return the latter was plundered to such an extent
that, if we should come again to these parts, the natives would
certainly run away even faster or they would show themselves
as hostile as they themselves had been treated, especially if it
should occur to them to eat or drink the tobacco, the correct
use of which probably could be as little known to them as the
pipe itself—A couple of knives or hatchets, the use of which
52 STELLER’S JOURNAL
was quite obvious, would have aroused the interest of these
savages much more.* But to this it was objected that such
presents might be regarded as a sign of hostility, as if the inten-
tion were to declare war. How much more likely was it, par-
ticularly if they attempted to use the tobacco in the wrong way,
for them to conclude that we had intended to poison them! On
the other hand, we learned later how gladly the savages had
accepted a few knives from Captain Chirikov® and how eager
they were to have more.
I had been on the ship scarcely an hour when Khitrov with
his party of about fifteen men also returned in the great boat and
made the following report:9* He had discovered among the
islands lying close to the mainland a harbor where one could
anchor without any danger. Although he had seen no human
beings on land, he had nevertheless come across a small dwelling
built of wood, the walls of which were so smooth®? that it
seemed as if they had been planed and in fact as if it had been
done with cutting tools.°% Out of this building he brought with
him various tangible tokens, for instance, a wooden vessel, such
as is made in Russia of linden bark and used as a box; a stone
which perhaps, for lack of something better, served as a whet-
stone, on which were seen streaks of copper,*? as if the savages,
94 Sarychev (Voyage, St. Petersburg, 1802, Vol. 2, pp. 52-53; English
edit., London, 1806-07, Vol. 2, p. 25) relates that the natives near
Nuchek told him that an expedition like Bering’s came to Kayak and
that the people of the ship came ashore and left some knives (see also
Vol. I, p. 98, footnote 38). In the account of this incident in the log book
(Vol. I, p. 97, 4 P. M. entry) and also in Khitrov’s report (zbid., p. 99) it is
stated that two knives were ordered to be left in the cellar. (G)
95 See the journal of the St. Paul (Vol. 1, p. 304).
96 Khitrov’s report is printed in Vol. 1, p. 99. In the log book (ibid.,
Pp. 97, 9 P. M. entry) there is also a brief account of his reconnaissance.
97 The MS has ‘‘the walls of which were so smooth on the inside.”’
98 Instead of ‘‘and in fact as if it had been done with cutting tools”
the MS reads ‘‘ wherefore it would almost appear that they have instru-
ments of iron and must know the use and working of iron.”’
99 The stone on which Steller thought he recognized some stains of -
copper was probably a whetstone which had been used on some copper
RESULTS OF EXPLORATION 53
like the ancient Siberian tribes, possessed cutting tools of
copper;}°° further a hollow ball of hard-burned clay, about two
inches in diameter, containing a pebble!” which I regarded as a
toy for small children; and finally a paddle and the tail of a
blackish gray fox.
These, then, are all our achievements and observations, and
these not even from the mainland, on which none of us set foot,
but only from an island which seemed to be three miles long and
a half mile wide!? and the nearest to the mainland (which here
forms a large bay studded with many islands) and separated from
it by a channel less than half a mile wide. The only reason why
we did not attempt to land on the mainland is a sluggish obsti-
nacy and a dull fear of being attacked by a handful of unarmed
and still more timid savages, from whom there was no reason
to expect either friendship or hostility, and a cowardly home-
sickness which they probably thought might be excused, espe-
cially if those high in authority would pay no more attention to
the testimony of the malcontents than did the commanding
officers themselves. The time here spent in investigation bears
implement. It is, however, possible that the whetstone originally con-
tained pyrite or chalcopyrite, which Steller mistook for native copper.
Some native copper was obtained by the coast natives by trade with the
interior natives. This copper came from two localities, one at the head
of the White River and the other in the Chitina basin, tributary to the
Copper River. In 1899 I met a party of natives searching for native
copper nuggets on Kletsandek Creek, tributary to the upper White River.
They used caribou horns for digging in the gravel banks of the streams.
(B)
100 The reference to the whetstone is in the MS here amplified as fol-
lows: ‘‘from which I concluded that their instruments, like those of the
Kalmuks and the Asiatic Tatars of Siberia in former times, must be of
copper, because the smelting of an iron ore so rich in copper requires more
intelligence and experience than one could expect these people to have,
apt as it is to ruin the best smelting ovens.”’
10 The MS has in addition: ‘‘making a noise when the ball was
shaken.”
1022 German miles are meant. For the true dimensions and locational
relationships see Fig. 4.
54 STELLER’S JOURNAL
an arithmetical ratio to the time used in fitting out: ten years the
preparations for this great undertaking lasted, and ten! hours
were devoted to the work itself. Of the mainland we have a
sketch on paper; of the country itself an imperfect idea, based
upon what could be discovered on the island and upon conjec-
tures.
What can be said from comparison and observations at a dis-
tance may be summed up about as follows: The American conti-
nent (on this side), as far as the climate is concerned, is notably
better than that of the extreme northeastern part of Asia.1% For,
although the land, wherever it faces the sea, whether we looked
at it from near or far, consists of amazingly high mountains,1%
most of which had the peaks covered with perpetual snow, yet
these mountains, in comparison with those of Asia, are of a
much better nature and character. The Asiatic mountains are
thoroughly broken up and long since deprived of their coherency,
consequently too loose for the circulation of mineral gases and
devoid of all inner heat, accordingly also without precious
10 The MS reads ‘‘20 hours.’’ According to the log of the St. Peter
(Vol. 1, pp. 96 and 97) Khitrov was out from the sixth morning hour to
the ninth evening hour—about 15 hours; the yawl (with Steller on board)
from the tenth morning hour to presumably the same time in the evening
(Steller says, p. 51, above, ‘‘at sunset’’)—about 11 hours. The St. Peter
was at anchor from the sixth morning hour to the seventh morning hour
of the next day—about 25 hours.
104 Steller, though he speaks of ‘‘the extreme northeastern part of
Asia,’’ in fact refers to the Kamchatka Peninsula and not to the Chukchi
Peninsula, which is actually the northeastern part of Asia. Had he com-
_ pared the Chukchi Peninsula on the Siberian side of Bering Strait with
the Seward Peninsula on the Alaskan side he would have found the
physical conditions very much the same. He saw neither of these regions.
(B)
105 Steller refers to the high mountains of the St. Elias region, which
is the part of Alaska he had best opportunity to see. The mountains of
the Alaska Peninsula and Aleutian Islands, which he had some glimpses
of, have somewhat similar topography and vegetation to those of the
Kamchatka Peninsula. (B)
GEOGRAPHICAL DEDUCTIONS 55
metals.1%° On the other hand the American mountains are
solid; not naked rocks covered with moss but everywhere with
good black soil,!°’ and therefore not, as are the former, barren,
with stunted dwarf trees among the rocks, but densely covered
to the highest peaks with the finest trees; also they are decked
with short grass and herbs, some succulent, some drier, but not
with moss, marsh vegetation, and water plants.1°8 The springs,
of which I discovered so many, flow out of the valleys at the
base of the mountains, and not as in Siberia everywhere among
the rocks, often up to the summits and in stagnant hollows.1°
The plants are about the same size and appearance whether
found on the summit of the mountains or lower down, owing to
the equally distributed interior heat and moisture. In Asia,
on the other hand, the plants are often so different according to
their station that one is tempted to make different species of
the same plant if one is not mindful of this general difference,
because a plant which in the valley is two ells high often on the
mountains reappears scarcely half a foot high.—In America on
the 60th parallel one sees most beautiful forests directly on the
shore, while in latitude 51° in Kamchatka willow and alder
bushes only begin 20 versts from the sea, birch woods not nearer
than 30 to 40 versts, not to mention that no conifers are found
there but are first seen 60 versts inland from the mouth of the
Kamchatka River."° In latitude 62°, for instance from Anadyrsk
106 The student of the history of science will be interested in these and
other obsolete views, such as that immediately below on the geothermal
control of plant distribution (see also footnote 113), expressed by Steller
in this summary of the physical geography of Kayak Island.
The clause in the next sentence, ‘‘with stunted dwarf trees among the
rocks,’’ in the MS occurs at this point but in the fuller form of ‘‘ without
trees or vegetation, except here and there among the rocks a few low and
hardy shrubs.”’ (J)
107 The MS reads: “‘their rocks not covered with moss but with good
black soil.”
108 The MS here has “‘as in Asia.”’
109 In the MS the second half of the sentence reads: ‘“‘and not as in
Siberia everywhere, even on the summits of mountains and as lakes.”’
110 In about 5614° N. (see Vol. 1, Pl. I).
56 SPTELLER'S JOURNAL
on, no tree is to be met with for 300 or 400 versts inland. I
therefore hold that continuous land must extend northwards
from Cape St. Elias to about 70° or farther, which by furnish-
ing shelter against the north wind promotes the fertility of the
coast, which moreover, towards the east, is protected by the
mountains.¥2 On the other hand the Kamchatkan shores, par-
ticularly on the Sea of Penzhina, are directly exposed to the
north winds; while the eastern side is somewhat better provided
with trees, because of the protection of the Chukchi Promon-
tory.3—QOwing to the milder temperature it also comes about
that in America the fishes go up from the sea! earlier than in
Kamchatka. On July 20 we found there the fish supply already
stored, while in Kamchatka this, the day of St. Elias, indicates
the time only for the beginning of good fishing. That plants
which only start to bloom in Kamchatka at this time already
have mature seed here in America is only a partial argument,
because in the northern regions the usually longer days and the
sudden great heat and dryness contribute greatly to this result,
as I had already observed in Yakutsk in 1740.
Whoever stops to consider how much one man, without assis-
tance, can accomplish in ten™® hours on a small island will
11 Tt is of interest to note the remarkable accuracy of this deduction of
Steller’s.
12 In the MS the words following ‘‘farther’’ read as follows: ‘‘ which,
because of its protection as well as its being sheltered from the west,
causes this luxuriant growth of forest.”
113 The climate of Kamchatka is somewhat colder than that of Alaska
lying between the same parallels of latitude. Steller’s theory that the
geologic constitution of the mountains directly controls the distribution
of vegetation is without merit. Kamchatka lies within the region of
permanent ground frost, which is not true of the Pacific littoral of
Alaska. This to some extent influences the distribution of springs. The
comparisons between the soil and vegetation of Kamchatka and the part
of Alaska which he knew best are in general correct. The differences are
largely due to differences of climate. (B)
14 The MS has in addition ‘‘into the rivers.”
115 The MS here also reads ‘“‘10 hours”’ although it reads ‘‘20 hours”’
above (see footnote 103).
PLANTS OF KAYAK ISLAND 57
easily see that my failure to discover any minerals is not due to
carelessness or laziness on my part. I confess freely that I
observed nothing else than sand and gray rock. It is also well
known that close to the beach Nature is neither able nor
accustomed to produce anything outside of marcasites and
pyrites. 116
Of fruit-bearing shrubs and plants I only met with a new and
elsewhere unknown species of raspberry? in great abundance,
although not yet quite ripe. This fruit on account of its great
size, shape, and delicious taste had well deserved that a few
bushes of it should have been taken along in a box with soil and
sent to St. Petersburg to be further propagated. It is not my
fault that space for such was begrudged, since as a protester I
myself took up too much space already.—Such well-known
berries#8 as the Chamaecerast, red and black whortleberries, the
scurvy berry, Empetrum, and such like were here as plentiful as
u6 The geology of Kayak Island is not well known. The formation of
the island is probably chiefly graywacke and slate, with some igneous
rocks (see G. C. Martin: Geology and Mineral Resources of the Con-
troller Bay Region, Alaska, U. S. Geol. Survey Bull. 335, 1908). I am
unable to understand Steller’s reference to the occurrence of marcasite,
etc., on sea beaches. (B)
17 The unknown species of raspberry is undoubtedly Rubus spectabilis
Pursh, which according to Funston (Contr. U. S. Nail. Herbarium, Vol.
3, 1896, p. 329) is known all along the Northwest coast as the salmon
berry. According to Steller the berries were not quite ripe at the end of
July (July 20 O. S.). This agrees well with Funston’s account to the
effect that at Yakutat “it begins to ripen at sea level about August 5,
and at higher altitudes two weeks later.’’ (S)
18s By Chamaecerasi Steller undoubtedly meant Lonicera coerulea L.
In his ‘‘Catalogus’’ (see next footnote) he enumerates it as ‘‘Chamae-
cerasus montana fructu singulari caeruleo. C. B.’’ and adds “in magna
copia habetur.’’ This seems strange in view of the fact that L. coerulea,
although variously credited to Alaska, is not represented in the collec-
tions from there. Steller was so well acquainted with this species from
Siberia and Kamchatka, however, that it does not seem likely that he
can have been mistaken.
Red and black whortleberries: Vaccinium vitis idaea L. and V. ovali-
folium Smith. In his ‘‘Catalogus’’ Steller enumerates them as ‘Vitis
58 STELLER’S JOURNAL
in Kamchatka. The other plants collected by me in America I
have recorded in a separate list.19
The animals occurring there and supplying the natives with
idaea baccis rubris’’ and “‘ Vitis idaea fol. oblongis crenatis fr. nigricanti.
Caper.
What Steller means by ‘‘Scharbocksbeeren,”’ scurvy berries, is difficult
to make out. Among berries enumerated by him in the ‘‘Catalogus”’
as having been observed on Kayak Island there are three in addition to
the above, viz. ‘‘Sambucus racemosa rubra. C. B. P. In maxima copia,
occupat montes’’; “‘ Vitis idaea magna, quibusdam sive Myrtillus grandis,
I. P. Parce’”’ (Vaccinium uliginosum L.); and ‘‘Chamaeneri clyminum
Norvegicum”’ (Cornus suecica L.). As the berries of Sambucus in that
region (Yakutat) do not ripen until about the first of September (Funston,
Contr. U. S. Nail. Herbarium, Vol. 3, 1896, p. 329), it is not likely that
this species is meant. I am not aware that the Cornus has ever been
designated as an antiscorbutic.
On the other hand it seems strange that Steller does not include
Oxycoccos in his list. The cranberry might perhaps have been considered
by him as the scurvy berry. It is equally strange that this plant is omitted
in his list of Bering Island plants, though it occurs there plentifully
(Fedtschenko, Flore des Tles du Commandeur, 1906, pp. 23-29). It has
also been suggested that Streptopus amplexifolius (L.) D.C. may have
been the scurvy berry. Although occurring in the region (Contr. U. S.
Nail. Herbarium, Vol. 3, 1896, p. 346) I do not find it in Steller’s ‘* Cata-
logus’’ unless it be the “‘Smilax altera,’’ but in his catalogue of the Bering
Island plants (No. 4 in the archival designation mentioned in the next
footnote) it is enumerated as ‘‘ Polygonatum idem quod ad prom. Eliae.”’
Empetrum is Empetrum nigrum L. (S)
19 The MS here continues ‘“‘at the end, which is appended to the
description of the rarer and peculiar plants of the region.’’ This list is
one of five manuscript documents in Latin in the archives of the Academy
of Sciences at Petrograd (Arkhiv Konferentsia, Bundle 13 C, Nos. 4-8, Q),
four of them lists of plants and the fifth the description of the rarer
plants just referred to. The list here in question (Bundle 13 C, No. 5 Q)
is entitled ‘‘Catalogus plantarum intra sex horas in parte Americae
septentrionalis iuxta promontorium Eliae observataram anno 1741 die
21 LIulii sub gradu latitudinis 59.’’ Photostatic copies of these documents
are now in the Library of Congress and the library of the American
Geographical Society. Mr. Litvinov, the curator of the Academy’s
herbarium, told me in 1917 that only a few of these specimens are now
in the Academy; the greater part of them were sold to the British Museum
by Pallas. (G)
ANIMALS AND BIRDS 59
their meat for food and with their skins for clothing are, so far
as I had opportunity to observe, hair seals,!2° large and small
sharks,!21 whales, and plenty of sea otters, the excrements of
which I found everywhere along the shore; from this circumstance
it may also be concluded that the natives, because otherwise
sufficiently provided with food, do not trouble themselves greatly
about them, since otherwise these animals would not have come
ashore, any more than they now do in Kamchatka, where there
are sO many people interested in their pelts. Of land animals,
aside from what has been inferred above about the reindeer, I,
as well as others, saw at various times black and red foxes!”
and did not find them particularly shy, perhaps because they
are hunted but little-—Of birds I saw only two familiar species,
the raven and the magpie;} however, of strange and unknown
ones I noted more than ten different kinds, all of which were
easily distinguished from the European and Siberian [species] by
their very particularly bright coloring. Good luck, thanks to
my huntsman, placed in my hands a single specimen, of which I
remember to have seen a likeness painted in lively colors and
described in the newest account of the birds and plants of the
Carolinas published in French and English, the name of the
author of which, however, does not occur to me now.* This bird
1220 The ‘‘Seehunde’’ mentioned are probably referable to the Pacific
harbor seal (Phoca richardit Gray), which occurs from California to the
Aleutian Islands and eastern Bering Sea (see Allen, Bull. Amer. Museum
of Nat. Hist., Vol. 16, 1902, pp. 459-499). (S)
121 The number of species of sharks known from Kamchatkan and
Alaskan waters is not great. The large and small sharks seen by Steller
may well have been the mackerel shark (Lamna cornubica (Gmelin))
and the dogfish (Squalus sucklii (Girard)), both common in the region.
(S)
122 Black and red foxes, probably Vulpes kenaiensts Merriam. (S)
1223 Raven: Corvus corax principalis Ridgway; magpie: Pica pica
hudsonia (Sabine). (S)
* The late lamented [Steller] refers to the work of the English traveler
Catesby [Mark Catesby: The Natural History of Carolina, Florida, and
the Bahama Islands, etc., 2 vols., London, 1731-43] and to Plate 15 in
Vol. 1 of the English edition, on which the North American blue jay
60 STELLER’S JOURNAL
proved to me that we were really in America. I would have
enclosed the drawing herewith, were it not that I had to leave it
behind, as my return voyage had to be made on foot from Avacha
to the Bolshaya River, and consequently it will have to be for-
warded at some future time.!4
After this brief sketch of the discovered land, I proceed with
the account of our voyage.
On July 21 in the morning, two hours before daybreak, the _
Captain Commander, much against his usual practice, got up
and came on deck and, without consulting anyone, gave orders
to weigh anchor. Although Lieutenant Waxel earnestly re-
quested that we might stay long enough at anchor until all the
casks were filled with water, twenty being as yet empty, and
nothing but homesickness compelled us to hurry, nevertheless
and in spite of all the order was carried out, and we stood out
of the bay, gradually gaining the sea. It was considered reason
enough that the wind just then blew favorably for getting out
[Cyanocitia cristata (Linn.)] is figured, to which the bird observed by
Steller, it is true, has considerable resemblance, but is a different species,
as is sufficiently clear from Steller’s description which will be published
elsewhere. This bird, consequently, could give no proof as to America.
But nobody, notwithstanding, will doubt that Steller really has been in
America.—P.
Pallas is right with regard to Catesby, but singularly wrong in denying
that Steller’s bird furnished proof of its American origin. It was de-
scribed by Gmelin, 1788, as Corvus stelleri and is a member of the same
genus as our blue jay, which genus, Cyanociita, is exclusively American,
-Cyanocitta stelleri, consequently, furnished conclusive proof that the
expedition had reached America and vindicates Steller’s excellent
judgment. He must have had not only a wonderful memory to be able
to remember Catesby’s figure so well, but also a fine appreciation of
zodogeographical relations to draw the above conclusion in 1741. (S)
124 Steller sent twelve drawings of American and Asiatic birds, but
when the package reached the Academy Miiller examined it and made
the following note: ‘“‘es sind nur 5 Zeichnungen von Végeln and fehlen
sieben’’ (see Pekarski, Zapiski Imp. Akad. Nauk, Vol. 15, Suppl. 1, 1869,
pp. 26-27). While in Petrograd in 1917 I made a search for the five
but could not locate them. (G)
RESUMPTION OF VOYAGE 61
and contrary for going into the harbor. When a few days later
a light gale arose, there was consequently no little rejoicing over
the fact that we were out of the bay and far from land. The
Captain Commander then announced his opinion, which was to
the following effect: Because of the approach of August and our
ignorance of the land, the winds, and the sea, we should be satis-
fied for this year with the discovery already made and should
not follow up the land farther nor hug the coast closely in making
the home trip but should sail back on our former course.
Although it might now be inferred that the land continued
farther in a westerly direction, nobody could know whether it
did not extend farther south towards Kamchatka, in which case
we might run blindly on land at night or in a fog or be wrecked
during the autumn gales on islands in an unknown sea. However,
as this decision was given only in conversation and without
being submitted to a sea council and though I did not hear the
reply, I could clearly see from the subsequent actions of Lieu-
tenant Waxel and Master Khitrov that they were not pleased
with the project, and consequently we continued to keep near
land until July 26, as these gentlemen thought it necessary always
to follow the land along the coast, instead of which it might
have been sufficient every time after sailing a hundred versts}25
to try to go north one or two degrees. Thus it happened that
during the night of July 27 with a light gale we got bottom at
60 fathoms, being a bank extending from shore into the sea,
though fortunately for us the land itself was so far away that it
was not seen.?76
On July 28 and 29 we had continuous stormy and wet weather.
We had signs of the nearness of land by the same kind of floating
125 The MS has “miles’’ (i.e. German miles), which seems more
plausible.
126 The MS here continues: “‘and they might then already have been
able to understand the danger, to which, by running too close to land,
we all were afterwards wantonly exposed to no purpose whatever and
without there being exercised even a semblance of experience in nautical
affairs.” The location was probably south of Tugidak Island (see
Vol. I, p. 335, end of footnote 5).
62 STELLER’S JOURNAL
objects as on the outward voyage, and I noticed them afterwards
always prior to and before our coming in sight of land, which
happened very often.
During July 30 and 31, as well as on August I, we had beau-
tiful, clear weather, a quiet sea, a favorable southeast wind,
and made pretty good progress. About one o’clock in the night
of August 1127 it was discovered on sounding that the ship was
in four fathoms of water, though it was reported differently to
the Captain Commander. The weather being calm, the ship was
finally worked out so far from land that we reached eighteen
and twenty fathoms, where we dropped anchor and waited for
daylight.
We found ourselves on the morning of August 2 only about
three versts distant from a rather large and wooded island.!”8
The weather was unusually pleasant and warm, sunshiny, and
absolutely calm. Towards noon a sea lion!?® appeared near the
ship and swam continuously around it for more than half an
hour. I asked the Captain Commander, as the wind and weather
were so favorable, to let me go ashore for a couple of hours in the
small boat to continue my investigations, but we got into a slight
altercation on the subject with the result that he finally called
a sea council in which it was agreed that in the future nobody
should upbraid me, as if I, on my part, had not wanted to do my
duty most zealously, to the best of my ability, and at every oppor-
tunity; this everybody promised, and I let it go at that. Towards
evening I caught with the hook two unknown fishes of the same
genus as the so-called Scorpii marini (Cottus).8° I made at
once a description of them and preserved them in spirits, but
127], e. 1 A.M., August 2, even according to Steller’s reckoning by civil
time. For a parallel account see the log book entry of that hour (Vol. 1,
p. 111); for comment see Vol. I, pp. 334-335.
128 Chirikov Island, not so named by this expedition (see Vol. 1, p. 111,
footnote 53).
1222 The northern sea lion (Eumetopias jubata (Schreber)), usually
known as E. stelleri (Lesson)). (S)
130 The two unknown sculpins are evidently the Hemilepidotus hemi-
lepidotus (Tilesius) and Megalocottus platycephalus (Pallas), both names
based, at least in part, on Steller’s descriptions. (S)
LANDFALL: SEMIDI ISLANDS 63
they, with other rare collections, were lost during the disastrous
stranding of the vessel in November. Towards evening we
weighed anchor, passed by the island, and went out to sea in a
westerly direction.
On August 3%! the mainland once more came into sight in
latitude 56° and we saw it in NNW14W about fourteen miles
from us, yet uncommonly distinct, owing to the high, snow-
covered mountains. With an easterly wind we headed south
because on the west the land was in our way. In fact we found
ourselves, as it were, in a bay, since to the west and north we
had the mainland and on the east the island under the lee of
which we stood on August 2.
* On August 4, going on the southerly course, we finally sighted
also between south and west, about two or three miles from us,
many high, large, and wooded islands,!3 so that we were hemmed
in by land all around. Wherever we wanted to get out there was
land in the way, but the winds, which at this time and until
August 9 were mostly east or southeast and could have advanced
us several hundred miles on the straight course to Kamchatka,
were now utilized fruitlessly in tacking up and down.
During all this time (until the gth) #4 we saw large numbers of
hair seals, sea otters, fur seals, sea lions (Phoca ursina and
leonina), dolphins, and storm fishes.%* On this occasion as well
131 The MS has in addition “‘towards noon.”’ This sighting of land
is the same as that recorded in the log book on August 4 just after midday
(Vol. I, p. 113). This and other references indicate that Steller’s time
reckoning is according to civil time.
132 Mt. Chiginagak (see Vol. 1, p. 113, footnote 57) and others at the
head of Chiginagak Bay (57° N. and 15634° W.; see Vol. 1, Pl. I).
* What follows from here to August 11 had to be taken from a Russian
translation of this journal, because a whole sheet was missing in the
original—P. [On this point, see the Preface, p. viii, above; see also
Pallas’ footnote, between footnotes 248 and 249, below.]
133 Semidi Islands (see Vol. 1, p. 113, footnote 58).
134 Instead of ‘‘ (until the 9th),’”’ which is probably an interpolation by
Pallas or the Russian translator and is less plausible, the MS reads
“that we were near land or surrounded by it.”’
135 The published text has ‘‘ Delphine und Sturmfische,’’ the MS “‘ See-
64 STELLER’S JOURNAL
aslater on I learned from repeated experience that whenever these
animalsweretobeseenunusuallyoftenin a very quiet sea, a storm
followed soon after; and that the oftener they came up and the
more active they were, the more furious was the subsequent gale.
On August 10 we saw a very unusual and unknown sea animal,
of which I am going to give a brief account since I observed it
for two whole hours.—It was about two Russian ells in length;
the head was like a dog’s, with pointed, erect ears. From the
upper and the lower lips on both sides whiskers hung down. 6
The eyes were large; the body was long, rather thick and round,}37
tapering gradually towards the tail. The skin seemed thickly
covered with hair, of a gray color on the back, but reddish white
on the belly; in the water, however, the whole animal appeared
red, like a cow.38 The tail was divided into two fins, of which the
upper, as in the case of roosters, 138 was twice as large as the lower.
Nothing struck me as more surprising than the fact that neither
forefeet!39 nor, in their stead, fins were to be seen. In default of
a more detailed description one can do no better than compare
the shape of this animal with the picture which Gesner received
from a friend and which he has published under the name of
Simia marina danica in his book on animals. At any rate, our sea ©
animal deserved this name because of its resemblance to Gesner’s
Schweine, Phocaenen.”’ ‘‘Seeschwein”’ or ‘‘ Meerschwein”’ is the ordinary
German equivalent for Phocaena, the porpoise. The Russian equivalent
according to Pallas (Zoogr. rosso-asiat., Vol. 1, 1811, p. 284) is, changed
to English transliteration, morskaya svinya. ‘‘Sturmfisch’’ is evidently
meant for the same, for in another place (passage at footnote 253) we
find ‘‘Swinki oder Sturmfische.’’ Steller consequently only meant
porpoises and not also other species of dolphins. (S)
136 The MS has besides: ‘which made it look almost like a Chinaman.”’
137 Instead of “‘long, rather thick and round”’ the MS reads “longish
round and thick.”’
138 Instead of ‘‘red, like a cow”’ the MS reads “entirely reddish and
cow-colored.”’
13888 The MS reads ‘‘wie bey den gallis’’ which Pallas literally turns into
‘‘wie bei Hahnen,’’ as in roosters. ‘‘Gallis’’ is probably a copyist’s
error for galeis, sharks (see, below, p. 117 at note 265). (S)
139 The MS has in addition: ‘‘as in the marine amphibians.”
—
THE “SEA MONKEY”’’ 65
sea monkey as well as on account of its wonderful actions, jumps,
and gracefulness. For over two hours it swam around our ship,
looking, as with admiration, first at the one and then at the other
of us. At times it came so near to the ship that it could have
been touched with a pole, but as soon as anybody stirred it
moved away a little farther. It could raise itself one-third of
its length out of the water exactly like a man, and sometimes it
remained in this position for several minutes. After it had
observed us for about half an hour, it shot like an arrow under
our vessel and came up again on the other side; shortly after, it
dived again and reappeared in the old place; and in this way it
dived perhaps thirty times. There drifted by a seaweed,1!°
club-shaped and hollow at one end like a bottle and gradually
tapering at the other,* towards which, as soon as it was sighted,
the animal darted, seized it in its mouth, and swam with it to
the ship, making such motions and monkey tricks that nothing
more laughable can be imagined.' After many funny jumps
and motions it finally darted off to sea and did not appear again.
It was seen later, however, several times at different places of
the sea.142
140 Instead of ‘‘a seaweed”’ the MS reads ‘“‘a large American seaweed
3 to 4 fathoms long.”’
* Gmelin histor. fucor.—P. [For identification see, above, footnote 51,
second paragraph.]
141 The MS here has in addition the following passage, the last words
of which replace the next sentence in the published version: ‘‘once in a
while biting a piece off and eating it. Having now observed it for quite
a while I had a gun loaded and fired at this animal in order to get posses-
sion of it for a more accurate description, but the shot missed. Though
somewhat frightened it reappeared at once and gradually approached
our vessel. However, it went off to sea as a second shot was fired at it
without effect or perhaps only slightly wounding it and did not appear
again.’”” The MS then continues like the published version with the
words, “‘It was seen later,” etc.
142 Tt is very difficult to explain satisfactorily Steller’s account of this
extraordinary occurrence. Various animals have been suggested as pos-
sible objects of Steller’s description, as for instance the sea otter, hair
seal, sea lion, etc. But with all these Steller was so familiar that it is not
easy to believe that in his sober senses or by daylight he could have failed
66 STELLER’S JOURNAL
On August II, as we were by now out of the bay, we sailed
westerly with a light southeast wind. On the 12th, however, it
was calm, and a sea council was held in which it was decided,
because of the approaching autumn and of the long distance, to
to recognize any of them after watching it for two hours, sometimes so
near that it could be reached with a pole. It is hardly necessary to
affirm that there is no animal in the sea or on land which combines the
characters assigned to it by Steller. But if purely imaginary, from where
did he get the general idea and the details of his vision?
Steller suggests the resemblance of the alleged animal to Gesner’s
account in his “Historia animalium”’ of a Simia marina danica, or
Danish sea monkey. A search through Gesner’s work (Konrad von
Gesner: Historia animalium, 4 vols., Zurich, 1551-58) fails to disclose
any description or illustration which even remotely recalls the general
habitus of Steller’s creature. In the chapter headed ‘‘ De simia marina’”’
(p. 1053), it is true, Gesner speaks of a ‘‘fish’’ of which a picture is given
which was sent from Denmark (i. e. Dania) to his friend Io. Kentmann
under the name of ‘“‘ Meeraff,’’ or seaape. The woodcut (on p. 1054)
unquestionably represents the chimaera (Chimaera monstrosa Linn.)
and in no feature whatever recalls Steller’s account, as it has large front
fins, a long whip-shaped tail, no mustache, and no ears. Moreover, the
chimaera is not a surface fish at all. It is evident that Steller did not
have this picture in mind, and that his wonderful memory failed him in
this particular. However, Steller had a faculty for remembering just
such things (Pallas’ note, pp. 59-60, above). It was therefore natural to
search Gesner’s book for the prototype of Steller’s sea ape. No single
picture, however, corresponds to it, but several of the most prominent
features are recognizable in various woodcuts. Thus the pointed ears
are a very prominent feature in the “‘monstrum marinum”’ on p. 522,
which also has hair on the head, if not on the body. On p. 1248 there is
-a chapter ‘“‘De vulpe marina, Bellonius, ipse quidem simiam marinam
appellavit’’ with a picture of a shark showing a most extravagantly
elongated upper lobe of the caudal fin, exactly as described by Steller.
In none of Gesner’s figures of sea monsters do we find the “beard hang-
ing down from both the upper and the lower lips,’’ except possibly in the
grotesque figure on p. 246 of the ‘‘bearded whale.’’ The only feature
which cannot be matched is the lack of fore limbs.
The behavior of the strange creature, it should be added, recalls other
accounts of the playfulness of the sea otter. Are we permitted to sup-
pose that Steller had this fantastic vision at dusk and that, having had
up to that time no opportunity to watch a sea otter at close quarters,
though otherwise familiar with it, he did not recognize the details of the
—————
DECISION TO RETURN 67
enter at once upon the return voyage to Avacha without making
any attempt to search for the direction in which the mainland
might extend. I confess that this council and what was decided
in it seemed highly remarkable to me. The immediate return
was decided upon, and the report™* to that effect was signed by
all the officers down to the boatswain’s mate, though, as usual,
not by me; consequently they were intent upon Avacha,; how-
ever, the straight course was not taken, but we sailed along the
land, which of course amounted to following the American coast.
On account of the contrary west winds the intention was to
attempt advancing in a more westerly direction by tacking be-
tween south and north on the 53rd parallel; the mainland could
be suspected at least in latitude 54°, since it had been seen in
latitude 55°.!44 It could also be clearly inferred from the con-
strangely acting animal’s make-up and supplied these from his frag-
mentary recollection of Gesner?
In this connection it is interesting to note that the “large American
seaweed’’ with which this remarkable creature played is apparently
the one named Ulva priapus by Gmelin (S. G. Gmelin, Historia fucorum,
St. Petersburg, 1768, p. 231) from a description furnished by Steller, who
found it ‘‘about the Kamchatkan coasts’’ (ad littora Kamtchatica
Stellerus invenit). Pallas, in the footnote, also refers to Gmelin’s “ His-
toria fucorum.’’ Gmelin’s description refers to a fragment of the species
formerly generally known as Nereocystis lutkeanus Mertens, which accord-
ing to Saunders (Proc. Washington Acad. of Sct., Vol. 3, 1901, p. 431,
Pl. 58; idem, Harriman Alaska Expedition, Vol. 5, 1904, p. 195) should
be recognized as Nereocystis priapus (Gmelin). The floating fragment
here described by Steller was evidently quite similar to the one de-
scribed by Gmelin and credited to Kamchatka. Is it significant that in
the latter description there is no reference to its having been observed in
American waters? It should be noted in justice to Steller that the species
is abundant on the American side from Puget Sound to the Shumagin
Islands. (S)
143 Ror the text of this report see Vol. 1, p. 120.
144 Steller’s meaning appears more clearly when the MS version of the
passage from ‘‘consequently they were intent’’ down to this point is
restored. The MS reads: ‘‘And they did not want to give up their old
plan and, in view of the contrary west winds, go several degrees farther
south but [persisted in wanting to go] to Avacha along the Avacha
68 STELLER’S JOURNAL
stant signs of animals and drifting objects that we were still near
land and could expect it yet farther south; while at the same time
the adverse west wind was an indication of land ahead of us.
On the contrary, other and more favorable winds could with all
the more certainty be hoped for in latitudes 49° and 50° as there
is no instance of trade winds in such latitudes or outside the
tropics at all. However, although the Captain Commander
came to agree with me, nevertheless he would not issue any order
accordingly but merely talked about it and allowed his opinion
to be rejected without contradiction.!45
parallel of 53°, although it could certainly be assumed that land, since
it had been found in latitude 54°, might extend farther south, which
[plan] thus amounted to constantly sailing along the land and refusing
to avail oneself of the shortest way home at a distance away from the
land America.”’
Steller’s argument was that it would have been wiser to go south to
latitude 49° or 50° before turning west, as the land probably extended
farther south and the winds would at least not be persistent head winds
(it is in the sense of persistent and not of easterly winds that the subse-
quent reference in the journal to trade winds is to be understood).
The likewise immediately subsequent reference to the west wind as
evidence of land ahead, as well as similar statements later in the journal
(passages to which refer footnotes 242 and 289), seem to indicate that
Steller believed that such a relation existed. What was the basis of this
belief is, according to Professor R. DeC. Ward of Harvard University,
to whom the question was submitted for comment, hard to say. The
prevailing winds of the region in summer are southwesterly and southerly,
and the generally westward course of the St. Peter would naturally cause
her to meet with land constantly because of the southward sweep of the
Aleutian Islands arc. Although this simple combination of existing
conditions accounts for the actual circumstances it is probable that
Steller’s deduction was based on a conception of local winds commen-
surate with meteorological knowledge at the beginning of the eighteenth
century. Steller’s view that northwestern North America approaches
Asia as a much larger and more compact land mass than is actually the
case (see, below, footnote 418) may have had something to do with his
deduction. (J)
145 The MS continues: “If I now draw the logical conclusion, from a
comparison between the object of the sea council and their subsequent
acts, it must certainly be as follows: ‘These gentlemen want to go home,
and that by the shortest road but in the longest way.’ ”
LAND CONJECTURED 69
Meanwhile it is singular that the winds had never been so
steadily contrary before as they were after August 12. From the
13th to the 17th the time was spent in constant tacking between
north and south without gaining much thereby.
On the 18th another singular event took place. About four
o’clock in the morning I heard those on deck speak about land.
I rose at once and went above. However, it may already have
been agreed that no one should say anything about having seen
land, especially in such a singular place, namely in the south.
Although this land, which before sunrise had been seen plainly,
was hidden later on by a fog, nevertheless it could still be dis-
tinctly recognized.46 That it was not far from us could also be
inferred from the quantities of kelp floating from that direction.
The fact that the westerly wind died down suddenly served as an
additional proof that we were sailing between America and
some island to the south of us. Our officers were long since
weary of meeting land; but it was nevertheless indefensible to
leave it without an investigation to assure themselves of its
existence and to plot it on the chart. When I inquired of them
146 There is of course no land in this region (about 5214° N. and
158° W.; see Vol. 1, Pl. I). Whatever Steller may have heard said on
deck, it is not known whether the officers thought there was land there.
At all events they did not record it in the log book (see Vol. 1, p. 128),
although, to be sure, according to Steller’s view of their duplicity, this
would not necessarily prove their disbelief in the presence of land. That,
on being asked what land they thought it was, they said Juan de Gama
Land, as Steller states immediately below, may simply have been to send
him about his business, impatient as they were of his constant insistence
on his point of view. In spite of what Steller goes on to say about their
alleged misconception of Juan de Gama Land, from all the records it
would appear that they did not consider this land (about which see Vol.
I, pp. 2-3 and Fig. 1, and, in this volume, footnotes 27, 28, and 148, last
paragraph) at the most to extend farther east than longitude 180°, where
they had disproved its existence on June 25 (see Vol. 1, Pl.I and p. 71).
Whatever the merits of the case, it seems probable that Steller was
partially led into this error of judgment, as he had been in his belief
that a continuance of the ESE course after June 12 would have led to
the discovery of land (see, above, footnote 42), by his contempt for the
opinion of the officers. (J)
70 SLELLER’S JOURNAL
what land they considered it to be, as incontestably it must be a
large island (of which on this voyage we had seen so many that
America cannot be less provided with them on this side than in
the Western Sea!47), I received the answer that it must be Juan
de Gama Land. From this answer I could judge how splendidly
they had understood the large chart of Monsieur Delisle!4é
147 ij, e. the Atlantic Ocean. The last clause reads in the MS as fol-
lows: ‘‘that America on the western side is provided with as many
islands near shore as on the eastern side.”’
148 A photograph of this manuscript map, which has hitherto never
been reproduced, is presented herewith as Pl. I. This map was prepared
in 1731 at the request of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences by the
French astronomer and geographer Joseph Nicolas Delisle, a member of
the Academy, to show what was then known of the relation of eastern
Asia to America. The order to procure this information came to the
Academy from the Senate. In 1731 the map was presented to the Em-
press Anna and to the Senate (so stated in a note, not in Delisle’s hand-
writing, on the back of one of the Delisle MSS in the archives of the
Service Hydrographique de la Marine, Paris, marked Vol. 115, X XVI,
3, B, according to information received from Professor Gallois, mentioned
below; this statement, together with the date 1731 on the map itself,
would seem to refute Miiller’s denial in Sammlung Russischer Geschichte,
Vol. 3, 1758, p. 139, Jefferys’ transl., 1761, p. 15, that the map was made
as early as that year). Delisle prepared an accompanying memoir in
French, which he read before the Academy of Sciences in 1732,in which
he described the sources on which the map was based and discussed
feasible routes between Asia and America. This memoir has been pub-
lished with a translation as Appendix F (pp. 302-313) to Golder’s
“Russian Expansion on the Pacific,’’ 1914. Whether the map still
existed and, if so, where, was not known.
At the request of the American Geographical Society M. Lucien Gal-
lois, senior professor of geography on the Faculté des Lettres of the Uni-
versity of Paris, kindly made a search for the map in various archives in
Paris. It was finally found in the archives of the Service Hydrographique
de la Marine, where it is preserved in Portefeuille 172, Division 2, as
Piéce 1. That it is the original map compiled by Delisle is practically
certain when it is compared with statements made in the memoir, often
identical in phraseology with those appearing on the map. De Gama
Land is stated in the memoir (Golder, op. cit., pp. 308, 312) and is shown
on the map to lie east of Company Land, with a number of islands be-
tween the two and with Company Land limited on the east by a coast,
as on the last maps of Guillaume Delisle (died 1726), and not left in-
LAND CONJECTURED 71
which [their] stupidity had scoffed at so often; for De Gama Land
was hitherto the name of the unknown coast of America, located
in the north and extending from east to west and could not be
regarded as a land separate from America. Nor could this land
be more than fifteen [German] miles wide, as otherwise we should
have sailed over it, or at least seen it, on our outward voyage.
definitely open, as on the Dutch maps. Yezo, which on the Dutch charts
is similarly unbounded on the west, is described (ibid., p. 312) and shown
as an island separated by a strait from the Asiatic mainland. Japan is
described (p. 310) as being plotted from the accurate observations of the
Jesuits and subsequently the Dutch; the use of this accurate material is
attested by the detailed mesh into which the normal grid of the map has
been subdivided in this region. The coasts of northeastern Asia are
stated (p. 310) to be shown, and are so shown, according to the results of
Bering’s first expedition (cf. Vol. 1, Fig. 5). On the American side atten-
tion is called (p. 304) to the opening on the Pacific coast discovered by
Martin Aguilar (the mouth of the mythical River of the West), shown
on the map, and (p. 306) to the fact that the gulfs and bays followed in
the search for the Northwest Passage, such as Hudson Bay and Baffin
Bay, are essentially closed at their heads—a condition which is portrayed
on the map. Two routes of vessels are stated (p. 302) to be indicated,
that of Juan de Gama from China to New Spain and that of a French
vessel called the St. Antoine in the reverse direction: the latter route
appears clearly and so designated on the map, the former faintly without
designation along the coast of De Gama Land. Longitude is stated (p.
310) to be, and is, reckoned from the prime meridian of Ferro. All the
correspondences so far enumerated can be established by comparing the
memoir with the photograph of the map (Pl. I). Comparison with the
map itself, so Professor Gallois informs us, furnishes seemingly conclusive
corroborative evidence in that the different countries are colored exactly
as stated in the memoir: red for China including Korea (p. 308), green
for the Russian dominions (p. 310), yellow for Japan (p. 310), and blue
for Yezo and the adjacent islands (p. 310).
Whether the map in the archives of the Service Hydrographique de la
Marine is the identical map that Bering had with him on the St. Peter is
open to question. The passage in Miiller, op. cit., p. 194, reading in Jef-
ferys’ translation, p. 38, ‘‘de Lisle’s map . . ., of which I have mentioned
above that it had been presented by the academy to the Senate; the
Senate had given it to the captain commander, that he might be directed
by it. De la Croyere had also a copy of it, which he produced in the
council’ would seem to imply that Bering had the original map. Laurid-
sen, however, says (Vitus Bering, Chicago, 1889, p. 132) “When the
72 STELLER’S JOURNAL
Meanwhile, I pass over the fact that there was no desire to
make sure about this land [island] or to indicate it on the chart,
but I am greatly astonished that the officers did not yet guess the
reason for the constant west wind or let themselves be induced
second Kamchatkan expedition left St. Petersburg a copy of De I’Isle’s
map was given to Bering as well as to La Croyére.’’ This, on the whole,
seems more probable. The Service Hydrographique map seems to have
been folded by its users, to judge by the tears along its creases; a naviga-
tor is more likely to have kept a map in the form of a roll, possibly
mounted on cloth. But a more cogent reason than this for believing that
the original was not used by Bering is the fact that the present map was
found in Paris, with other Delisle documents dating from Delisle’s so-
journ in Russia (1726-1747), while most of the Bering documents are, or
were before the war, in Petrograd. In this connection it should be noted
that Golder (Guide to Materials for American History in Russian Ar-
chives, 1917, p. 131) lists an enlargement to 10 by 8 feet of Delisle’s map
(the Service Hydrographique original measures 7 by 4 feet along the
black-line border, exclusive of title, etc.) as being in 1914 in the archives of
the Hydrographic Section of the Ministry of Marine in Petrograd under
MS charts, 1732-1742 (?), No. 2990, on which the new discoveries had
been added subsequently. This is probably the copy that Sokolov says
he used in his studies (Zapiski Hydrogr. Depart., Vol. 9, 1851, p. 437).
Whatever the exact status of the Service Hydrographique map here
presented in Pl. I, there is no doubt that the map that Bering had with
him and to which Steller refers in the above passage was, in content, its
exact equivalent and that it may therefore illustrate his remarks. Stel-
ler’s immediately following statement that De Gama Land was the
east-west trending coast of northwestern North America is entirely in
consonance with one view that prevailed with regard to this land and
which is reflected in the text of Delisle’s memoir (Golder, Russian Ex-
pansion, p. 304). This passage reads: ‘“‘Ces cétes vues par Dom Jean de
Gama .. . font peut étre partie d’un grand continens qui seroit
contigu a l’Amérique et qui iroit rejoindre au nord de la Californie la
cote septentrionale de l’entrée decouverte par Martin Aguillar: au moins
trouve-t-on dans quelques anciennes cartes une longue céte marquée
dans tout ce trajet.’”’ This view goes back to Texeira’s map of 1649, the
first on which De Gama Land was shown (see Vol. I, p. 2; the map is
reproduced as the bottom inset of Buache’s map of 1754 in Teleki’s
“Atlas zur Geschichte der Kartographie der Japanischen Inseln,’’ 1909,
p. 141). That Delisle did not on the map show De Gama Land extending
so far eastward as to join California is probably due to the fact that even
he considered this phase of the problem conjectural. (J)
Golder: Bering’s Voyayes, Vol. 11 Amer. Geogr. Soc. Research Series No. 2, Pl. I
r
CAr TH DRESSEE eni731 Pour Servir ala recherche des
FERRES\et des Mes Situees AU NORD DE LAMER DUSUD
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Copyright, 1925, by the American Geographical Society of New York
Photograph of a manuscript map prepared in 1731 at the request of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences by the French astronomer and geographer Joseph Nicolas Delisle
Academy, to show for Bering’s impending expedition what was then known of the relation of eastern Asia to America (see footnote 148). The map is here reproduced for the first time, by per-
mission of the Service Hydrographique de la Marine, Paris, in whose archives it is preserved in Portefeuille 172, Division 2, as Piéce 1 It}measures 210 by 120 centimeters along the black-
line border, exclusive of title, etc.
a It wee Brcbatly an exact copy of this map that Bering had with him on the voyage of 1741. Its conceptions had a dominating influence on his selection of a route, especially in the search for De
sama Land,
>, a member of the
<*_ —e
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i
Pant
CONTINUING ON COURSE 73
thereby to try a more southerly course, until according to the
reckoning we should be opposite the open strait,!49 where other
winds might be looked for, the more so as in the fall continued
north and northeast winds have been observed in Kamchatka
as well as during the Captain Commander’s first voyage.
About three hours after midnight on August I9 we got a
favorable east wind with which we sailed due west, but towards
noon it began to go down. The horizon cleared, enabling us to
recognize rather distinctly the mainland to the north of us.1°°
We were also warned of its nearness by the sudden drift towards
us of seaweeds and refuse from shore, as well as by many animals
149 The MS reads “Canal Uries’’ (i.e. Vries; ‘‘Det[roit] d’Uriez’’ on
Delisle’s map, Pl. I). Vries Strait was the name given to the strait be-
tween Company Land (the modern Urup; see, above, footnote 27) on
the east and State Island (the modern Iturup and Kunashiri considered
as one) on the west. (Delisle’s application, Pl. I, of the name to the
strait between Yezo and State Island is unusual; this strait was generally
called Canal Pieck or Pico after Vries’s peak Antony on Yezo.) The ex-
aggerated expansion eastward of Company Land and its identification
with De Gama Land as the northwestern part of North America (see,
above, footnotes 27, 28, and 148) made Vries Strait, therefore, according
to this conception, the first open channel leading past the land barrier of
America on the west. Steller often refers to it simply as ‘“‘the Channel.’’
(J)
160 From the position of the St. Peter at noon on August 19 (civil time)
it was not possible to see land to the north. The vessel was then in about
lat. 52°15’ N., long. 159° W. (see Vol. 1, Pl. I; the latitude is calculated
from the latitude by observation on August 18 as given in Khitrov’s
journal, ibid., p. 128, which differs by 7’ from the latitude by dead
reckoning given for August 19 in Yushin’s journal, p. 129). The arc of
visibility which extends out from the land farthest toward this position
is that of Pavlov Volcano on the Alaska Peninsula in about 5514° N.
and 162° W., 8900 feet high (on the calculation of arcs of visibility see,
above, footnote 58). But the radius of this arc is only 108 nautical miles,
while the St. Peter was about 215 nautical miles away. The land nearest
to the St. Peter was the Shumagin Islands, but their highest point, a
2270-foot mountain in the center of Unga Island, is only visible 54
nautical miles, and from that peak the vessel was 195 nautical miies
away. It must therefore be concluded that Steller was again misled in
his belief that he had seen land. (J)
74 STELLER’S JOURNAL
and land birds, and even by a change in the water—evidence
which had already so often proved correct. But nobody except
myself and a few others would believe or see it, though confirmed
by the diminishing force of the wind and its change to and from
land.15!_ Nevertheless we steered a little more southerly, and,
when on August 20 we were so far out that neither the land
itself nor the above-mentioned signs of it were visible, I was
asked mockingly whether I was still seeing land, although I
had not laughed when these gentlemen were seeing land even
on the 51st parallel or thrown in their faces the fact that they
could see no farther than nature and experience permitted them.
From the 20th to the 23rd we tacked on the parallel of 53°.
I saw at this time whales!® very frequently, no longer singly but
in pairs, swimming together side by side or pursuing one another,
which made me think that this must be their mating time.
On the 25th a heavy storm from the west compelled us to
drift. The 26th was spent in tacking. On the 27th the horizon
was quite clear. The weather was cold and bright, and the wind
straight out of the west. In a sea council, held during the day,
it was suddenly decided,!*4 on account of the contrary winds
and the threatened shortage of water (as only twenty-six full
1451In the MS the clause beginning with ‘“‘though confirmed” reads:
“though confirmed by the diminishing wind and its change according to
the well-known rule and observation of seamen, namely that near land
the wind blows from shore during the day and from the sea towards the
shore during the night.’’ Possibly this misstatement of the habitus of
land and sea breeze is due to a copyist’s error.
132 Tt is probable that by the term ‘‘Wallfische’’ Steller means the
whalebone whales as distinguished from the dolphins and porpoises. In
that case the whales he saw must have been one or more species of the
five known from the North Pacific (see F. W. True: The Whalebone
Whales of the Western North Atlantic Compared With Those Occurring
in European Waters, With Some Observations on the Species of the
North Pacific, Smithsonian Contr. to Knowl. No. 1414, in Vol. 33, Wash-
ington, 1904; reference on pp. 269-296). (S)
153 In the MS the 24th is accounted for in this sentence, which there
reads: ‘‘We had a heavy storm from the west on the 24th and 25th.”
184 For the text of the decision, see Vol. 1, p. 138.
LANDING ON SHUMAGIN ISLANDS 75
casks were still on hand), to sail on a northeast course towards
the land. This would not have been necessary had we filled at
Cape St. Elias those twenty empty barrels which, without reason,
were left behind.—This sea council was barely ended, the deci-
sion made and signed, when in the afternoon the wind suddenly
shifted and with it, consequently, the plan. The ship had no
more than put about when the wind shifted once more, blowing
again from the west and, by continuing steadily, compelled us,
after all, to make a run for the land.
We kept this course towards the land on the 28th, and toward
four o’clock in the.evening we saw signs of it, such as sea lions,
a species of cod!*§ which lives on the banks at a depth of ninety
fathoms at the most, and a black gull (Diomedea).** Shortly
afterwards land itself was seen to the N by E, though very
indistinctly.” During the night, however, we made so much
headway that on August 29 in the morning we could make out
plainly five islands, beyond which the mainland appeared ten
or twelve miles distant. The weather during the day was very
pleasant and perfectly favorable for our purpose of going close
to the land in search of a harbor or shelter. About three o’clock
in the afternoon we reached the outer one of the aforementioned
islands,!*8 which lay north and south, and late in the evening we
anchored alongside a rocky and bare island, three versts to
the east of the first one.
In the early morning of August 30 the start was made to
185 This is the North Pacific codfish, Gadus macrocephalus Tilesius, if
indeed specifically different from the Atlantic G. morrhua Linnaeus. (S)
1386 ‘‘(Diomedea)’’ is not in the MS and is an addition by Pallas. It
is very doubtful if Steller meant a black albatross (Diomedea albatrus)
as a sign of the nearness of land. More likely it was a young gull (Larus)
in the dark plumage. Pallas relates (Zoogr. rosso-asiat., Vol. 2, 1826,
p. 308) that Steller in his manuscript on birds refers to the albatross as
“Larus maximus niger vel albus.’’ (S)
157 The log book first mentions the sighting of land, which was the
Shumagin Islands, at 8 A.M., August 29 (civil time) (see Vol. 1, p. 140).
188 Nagai Island (see Vol. 1, p. 142, footnote 84, and p. 336; also,
below, Fig. 13).
159 Near Island (ibid.).
76 STELLER’S JOURNAL
Seesseaene UMMM
| 2 III
FTA
= yy Le.
28
; eel ae
Koniuji I
+4 * Mountain
25 600 40
43 45
50
Fic. 12—Khitrov’s sketch map of the Shumagin Islands from the end of the
entry of September 5, 1741, in the log book kept by him (also reproduced in Vol. 1
in Fig. II).
Fic. 13—Modern map of the Shumagin Islands (section from U. S. Coast and
Geodetic Chart No. 8802). Scale, 1:1,050,000.
LANDING ON SHUMAGIN ISLANDS 77
carry into effect a double program, viz. to look around for the
nearest place where fresh water could be had and, as a fire had
been seen burning in the night on the island!®° to the north of
us, to send Master Khitrov with a crew to it in order to recon-
noiter the place and search for people. In order that the naval
officers might have the honor of the expected discovery, they
asked me of their own accord if I did not wish to go ashore.
Although it was easy to perceive their intention, I nevertheless
accepted their offer very kindly and went ashore! with the
water carriers in the hope that both parties might discover
something useful, although there was little of that to be ex-
pected on a bare and wretched island.
No sooner had I landed than I made efforts at once to locate
a watering place and found several springs which had good and
wholesome water. In the meantime the sailors had chosen the
first and nearest stagnant puddle and already started operations.
I found fault with this water because it was stagnant and alka-
line, as proven at once when boiled for tea and later on when
tested with soap, and also because I observed at the beach that
it fell and rose with the sea and consequently must be brackish,
as it also betrayed to the taste when boiled. I therefore proposed
that the springs found by me should be used for taking water and
sent on board a sample of their water with an oral report, point-
ing out particularly that by using the [other] water the scurvy
would quickly increase and that, because of its lime content, the
people would become dried up and lose strength and that this
water, after a short while in the vessel, would even increase in
salinity from day to day and finally through standing become
salt water, while on the other hand none of this had to be feared
from the spring water.—But although in this matter I ought
to have been listened to in my capacity of physician,!® neverthe-
160 Turner Island (see Fig. 13). See also log book for August 30 (Vol. 1,
p. 141), entry for 3 A. M. and footnote 83.
161 On the eastern side of Nagai Island.
162 The MS here has the additional clause ‘‘and although so much
damage, even our final misfortune, resulted from it’’ [use of the bad
water].
78 STELLER’S JOURNAL
less my proposition, most honestly made in order to preserve the
life of my fellow beings as well as my own,!® now fallen into
the power of others, was rejected from the old overbearing habit
of contradicting.—The answer was: ‘‘Why, what is the matter
with this water? The water is good, fill up with it!’ Even
though in the meantime I had found a still nearer watering
place than the beloved salty puddle and proposed it in case the
spring water should not please, it should and must not be so, in
order that they might deny me all sense and all knowledge.
As I was already accustomed to such treatment I paid no
more attention to it and began to reconnoiter the land. I
observed that the island on which we were was the largest of
eight lying round, about three or four German miles long and
about three or four versts broad from east to west.’ On the
north and west the mainland was visible at a distance of about
ten miles from it.* Yet it remains undecided whether the island
163 In the MS this clause reads only “‘in order to preserve my own life
and health.”
* Steller according to his once preconceived opinion thought he saw
the mainland everywhere, where probably islands lying close together
or behind each other caused such an impression.—P.
Steller, however, was right, for 10 [German] miles, or 40 nautical miles,
back of him lay the mainland of the Alaska Peninsula. Even if this
land had not literally been the mainland, in principle his observation
was correct, for it was the main mass of land. In such matters the broader
conception will prove more fruitful. For example, in this very region,
Unimak Island (55° N. and 164° W.; see Pl. I) is by strict definition an
island; but the fact that crustal forces have happened to cut it off from
the Alaska Peninsula by a narrow and insignificant strait makes it no
less a part of the land mass of the peninsula. Severance might just as
well have taken place farther east, at Port Moller, or been deferred, as
it were, to the major channel of Unimak Pass to the west. Indeed the
Alaska Peninsula and the Aleutian Island chain together should be
viewed as the submerged mountain arc that they are. From this stand-
point it is futile, as has been done, to contend that the Bering expedition
discovered little of the mainland of America. It remains that the expe-
dition was the first to outline the whole unknown coast of northwestern
North America throughout the great arc in which it sweeps, as mainland
around the Gulf of Alaska, and asislandsin the Aleutian chain, from the
fiord coast of the Alaska Panhandle to the northeastern shores of Asia. (J)
EXPLORATION OF NAGAI ISLAND 79
did not connect towards the north with the mainland and form
a peninsula, as we could not see the end of it in that direction.
This island, as well as all the others, consists only of high solid
rocks covered with vegetation. The rock is mainly a coarse,
gray and yellowish graywacke,!** in some places a gray sand-
stone; a black, thick slate occurs also. The shore is everywhere
stony and rocky; springs and small brooks [are] in abundance.
Of animals I met a black fox!® right at the start, which, as he
barked at me like a dog and was not shy at all, I took to bea
dog at first. After close ‘nspection, however, I realized my mis-
take and thought of having him shot either by Plenisner or my
huntsman, in order to take him along as a piece of evidence,
but [the plan] miscarried. Red foxes!** were seen by us in dif-
ferent parts of the island; yevrashkas, or small marmots, * 1 were
found in great abundance. Besides these, I noticed the track of
an entirely unknown animal. The footprints, made on the
clayey beach of a small lake, resembled the track of a wolf but
by their expanse and the great size of the claws indicated that a
different and larger animal, or a very big species of wolf, must
live here.1®7
4 The MS has only ‘Felsen Stein,’’ which Pallas has changed to
“‘Graufels.”’ On the probable occurrence of graywacke on Kayak Island
see, above, footnote 116.
165 Black and red foxes: possibly, as on Kayak Island (see, above,
footnote 122), Vulpes kenaiensis Merriam. (S)
* Mus Citillus.—P.
166 The yevrashka (Mus citillus according to Pallas’ footnote) is Citellus
nebulicola Osgood, which was described from Nagai Island in the Shu-
magin group (Proc. Biol. Soc. of Washington, Vol. 16, 1903, p. 26). (S)
167 The large tracks seen by Steller cannot well have been of any
other animal than those of a wolf, as of course he was familiar with bear
tracks. I am not aware that any form of wolf has been definitely recorded
from the Shumagins or from the Alaska Peninsula, so it is not possible to
say with certainty definitely what species originated the tracks. How-
ever, it is not likely to have been any of the timber wolf races, as the
region in question is destitute of forests. It is most probable, therefore,
that the species is Canis tundrarum Miller (Smithsonian Misc. Colls.,
Vel: 59; No. 15, 1912, p. 1): (S)
80 STELLER’S JOURNAL
All sorts of water birds!®8 in abundance were seen, such as
swans,'®* two kinds of urili (Pelecant),!7° auks (Torda),17 ducks,
snipes, sandpipers, various kinds of gulls,!” divers, among them
a very remarkable and unknown species,!8 Greenland pigeons,174
sea parrots (Alca arctica)! and muichagatkas (Alca cirrata).17%
168 In the following enumeration of birds and fishes the Latin names
are not in the MS; they have been added by Pallas. The following notes
give identifications on the basis of present knowledge and in terms of
current zodlogical nomenclature.
169 The swans seen must have been Olor columbianus (Ord), which has
been recorded by Dall from Sannak Island, about 100 statute miles
farther southwest, in September (Dall, Proc. California Acad. of Sci.,
Vol. 5, 1873-74, D. 275). (S)
170 The two species of urili are the violet-green cormorant (Phalacro-
corax pelagicus robustus Ridgway) and the white-crested cormorant (Ph.
dilophus cincinnatus (Brandt)). (S)
171 Of course they were not Alca torda Linnaeus, which does not occur
in the Pacific. The nearest approach in appearance in this region are
the murres (Uria), but Steller would probably have recorded these as
avi, not as auks. Moreover, murres seem to be rare at the Shumagins.
Dall (Proc. California Acad. of Sci., Vol. 5, 1873-74, p- 34) says expressly
that they were not noticed, and Bean (Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol.
5, 1882, pp. 174-175) does not mention them. It is most likely that Steller
in the term auk included the various auklets so characteristic of the
North Pacific. (S)
172 Ducks, snipes, sandpipers, various gulls: mumerous species are
common in this region. (S)
173 It is not likely that Steller by using the word ‘‘Taucher’’ meant to
indicate a species belonging to the genera Colymbus (Podiceps) or Gavia
(Urinator) but rather in general a diving bird unknown to him (see also,
below, footnotes 239 and 285). In that case it is probably permissible to
guess at Cerorhinca monocerata (Pallas) or Ptychoramphus aleuticus
(Pallas), none of which he had seen in Kamchatka. (S)
174 The ‘‘Greenland pigeons’’ are undoubtedly the pigeon guillemot
(Cepphus columba Pallas), which Dall records as breeding on the Shuma-
gins (Proc. California Acad. of Sci., Vol. 5, 1873-74, p. I1). (S)
175 ‘*(Alca arctica),’’ added by Pallas, refers to the Atlantic species.
The one seen by Steller is Fratercula corniculata (Naumann), the horned
puffin. (S)
176 Michagatka is the name used by the western Kamchadals for Lunda
cirrhata Pallas, the tufted puffin. (S)
ZOOLOGY OF NAGAI ISLAND 81
Of land birds, however, I observed only ravens, flycatchers
(Grisola),177 snowbirds (Emberiza nivalis),178 willow ptarmigans
(Tetrao Lagopus),!79 and no others whatever.
The fishes which we saw were the malma (a kind of salmon)1!%°
and ramsha (Cottus scorpius).'8! Of trees, not a single one was
to be seen on any of the eight islands lying here together in a
circumference of six German miles; [it was] otherwise on those
which we saw on August 4 on the same parallel!8? and which
cannot have been more than 40 miles from here. All the islands
situated between here and Kamchatka, at least those which we
177 The ‘‘flycatcher’’ seen by Steller on Nagai Island (Pallas by adding
the word Grisola probably only means to conjecture that it was a gray
flycatcher) was neither a muscicapine nor probably a tyrannine bird.
The Old World flycatchers are not represented in the western hemisphere,
and the only American flycatcher which suggests itself, viz. the western
wood pewee (Myiochanes richardsoni (Swainson)), is not known from
that part of Alaska. It is much more likely that Steller mistook the dwarf
thrush (Hylocichla guttata (Pallas)) for a flycatcher, a not unnatural mis-
take, especially when we consider that Pallas, with specimens before him,
described it as Muscicapa guttata (Zoogr. rosso-asiat., Vol. 1, I81II, p.
465). The dwarf thrush is recorded from the Shumagins by Keeler
(Harriman Alaska Expedition, Vol. 2, 1910, p. 228). (S)
78 The ‘‘snowbird’”’ is undoubtedly the snowflake, Plectrophenax
nivalis (Linnaeus), of which specimens from the Shumagins are in the
U. S. National Museum. (S)
179 The willow ptarmigan (Lagopus lagopus (Linnaeus)) is probably
the form alexandrae Grinnell, recorded as occurring as far west as the
Shumagin Islands (Check-List of North American Birds, Prepared by a
Committee of the American Ornithologists’ Union, 3rd edit., New York,
IQIO, p. 141). It was collected on Unga Island of that group by Bean
(Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol. 5, 1882, p. 163). (S)
180 The malma is a charr (Salvelinus malma (Walbaum)), also known in
Russian as the golets, and common throughout the region. (S)
181 Ramsha is the name by which the Russians in Kamchatka know the
red sculpin (Hemilepidotus hemilepidotus (Tilesius)), recorded by Pallas
as Coltus scorpius (Zoogr. rosso-asiat., Vol. 3, 1831, p. 130), which name
properly belongs to the European sculpin (Myoxocephalus scorpius (Lin-
naeus)). (S)
182 Semidi Islands. They are on the 56th parallel, the Shumagins on
the 55th.
82 STELLER’S JOURNAL
afterwards saw, were equally bare and without any woods.1%8
I have not been able to find any explanation beyond the follow-
ing:
(1) These islands have a twofold position. Those from here
on towards America bear northeast and southwest, while on the
other hand, those in the Channel and nearer Kamchatka1* trend
northwest and southeast, and I have noticed both with regard
to the large and the small rocks that they strike in the same
direction.
(2) In addition, all have the peculiarity that they are very
long and at the same time their breadth is quite out of propor-
tion, for example: Shumagin’s Island1* is from twenty to thirty
versts long [and] two to three broad, Bering’s Island is thirty
miles long and only four, or at most seven, versts broad. All the
islands, of which we noticed seven!8* between here and Bering’s
Island, were quite similarly formed. From this it follows that,
as they lie exposed to the north and south and consequently
suffer the most rapid changes of heat and cold, and on account of
such a slight breadth are moreover swept freely by the exceed-
ingly severe storms of these regions, neither tree nor shrub can
grow or get rooted.!8? Even the smallest shrubs grow so crooked
and interwoven that it is impossible to find in the entire region a
183 Tt is interesting to note this observation of Steller’s on the western
limit of tree growth on the offshore islands of the Alaska Peninsula and
its continuation, the Aleutian Islands. The general features of the vege-
tation according to present knowledge may be studied on two maps by
the late Dr. A. H. Brooks (U. S. Geol. Survey Prof. Paper No. 45, 1906,
Pl. 12, and Geogr. Rev., Vol. 15, 1925, Pl. I, land classification map). (J)
184 By ‘‘those in the Channel and nearer Kamchatka”’ Steller means
Bering and Copper Islands and the westernmost of the Aleutian Islands
proper, ending in Attu. On ‘‘the Channel’”’ see, above, footnote 149.
185 Now Nagai Island (see Vol. 1, p. 142, footnote 86).
186 Possibly the following are meant according to the identifications
made in the present work: Atka, Adak, Kiska, Buldir, two of the Semichi
Islands, Copper Island. (J)
187 Steller is probably right in his theory that the lack of shelter from
severe winds accounts for the absence of timber on narrow islands whose
axes are parallel to the prevailing high winds. (B)
CONTRASTED ISLANDS 83
straight stick two feet long. Similarly, it is observed in Kam-
chatka that those districts that have a sufficient breadth of land
from north to south are most prolific in forests and other needful
things. On the contrary, the narrower the land gradually be-
comes, the more obvious is the change, as for example between
the Bolshaya River and [Cape] Lopatka. On the other hand, the
region opposite Karaga,!88 where the land is still narrower and
the latitude, in addition, six degrees farther north, is conditioned
quite differently. With regard to the islands situated in the
Channel!8* the explanation is even more obvious.!% The fact
that the eastern islands, though similarly situated and narrow,
were found to be forested has its demonstrable explanation in
the circumstance that they lie close under the mainland and
thereby are protected,!% while a hypothetical explanation is my
conjecture that the corner of America projecting towards Asia
decreases in width towards the west and is of the same nature on
its northwestern coast as Kamchatka on its northeastern.!
188 The narrow neck of the Kamchatka Peninsula in 59° N. (see Vol.
jae Sl OO)
189 See footnote 184.
199 The MS here has the additional clause: ‘‘as on their narrow end
they are exposed without protection to all the violent winds originating
between northeast and southwest.”
191 It is interesting to compare this explanation of Steller’s with the
similar reflection of modern naturalists visiting the same region. I quote
the following from Osgood (North Amer. Fauna No. 24, 1904, pp. 23-24).
‘Just what are all the causes determining the non-existence of coniferous
trees on the greater part of the [Alaska] peninsula can hardly be ascer-
tained until more work is done. Possibly one of the most effective checks
to the extension of timber southward is the prevalence of wind and storm
regardless of temperature. The topography and situation of the peninsula
are most favorable for stormy weather. Being long and narrow, with a
ridge of high mountains extending throughout its length, and situated
as it is between Bering Sea and the North Pacific Ocean, it must neces-
sarily receive at nearly all seasons the force of many atmospheric dis-
turbances. In the fall it is swept by fierce winds, whether the temperature
be moderate or not. Such conditions would restrict arborescent vegeta-
tion in almost any latitude.’’ (S)
1922 The MS here has the following sentence concluding the argument:
‘‘For these reasons, then, the islands situated to the east are wooded on
84 STELLER’S JOURNAL
Of the plants which grow on these islands other than the willow
bushes, which are barely two ells high, a separate list has been
given.!% Upon the whole, I only remark that the greater number
of the rare and rock-inhabiting American plants described at
Cape St. Elias were still met with here and, in addition, a few
already which were seen on Bering’s Island in 1742 and, later on
in the fall, in similar localities in Kamchatka. However, as far
as concerns those plants which grow in the valleys and in the low
and damp places, they are, with a few exceptions, the same as
those in Europe, Asia, and America in the same latitude. Aside
from the red whortleberries and the black crowberry, or shiksha
(Empetrum), which are found here in the greatest abundance,
the products of the vegetable kingdom of greatest use to us were
the glorious antiscorbutic herbs, such as Cochlearia, Lapathum
folio cubitali,* Gentiana and other cresslike herbs,!%* which I
account of the better protection and the breadth of the land toward the
north, and the westerly ones bare on account of the opposite conditions,
whether they are nearer to Asia, such as the first, second, and third
Kurile Islands and the two islands we saw on October 30 [Semichi
Islands], or nearer to America, like all those we observed in September
and October.”’
1983 The MS reads: “‘has been given at the end.’’ Among the five manu-
script botanical documents mentioned above in footnote 119 there is no
plant list specifically devoted to the Shumagin Islands. The ‘‘Catalogus
plantarum .. . iuxta promontorium Eliae observatarum’’ there
referred to contains throughout references to plants observed ‘‘on the
island on September 1”’ and one reference to Shumagin Island. It is
therefore probable that this is the separate list here referred to or else its
embodiment.
* Rheum palmatum, which Steller used to designate thus in his manu-
scripts.—P. [See next footnote, third paragraph.]
194 The red whortleberries are Vaccinium vitis idaea L., and the
Empetrum is E. nigrum L.
The Cochlearia occurring in this region is now known as C. oblongifolia
D.C. It is probably identical with the water cress occurring on Bering
Island and variously recorded as C. oblongifolia and C. officinalis.
By Lapathum folio cubitali, dock with leaves a cubit long, Steller
probably meant Rumex occidentalis S. Wats., which is credited to Alaska.
Pallas’ reference in the footnote to Rheum palmatum is quite unintelligi-
PLANTS OF NAGAI ISLAND 85
gathered solely for my use and that of the Captain Commander.
For although I had made representations that our medicine
chest, from the very beginning, had been miserably supplied,
inasmuch as it was mostly filled with plasters, ointments, oils,
and other surgical remedies enough for four to five hundred men
in case of a battle but had none whatever of the medicines most
needed on sea voyages and serviceable against scurvy and
asthma, our commonest cases; and although I had therefore
requested the detail of several men for the purpose of collecting
such quantity of antiscorbutic herbs as would be enough for
all, nevertheless even this proposition, so valuable to all and for
which I merited gratitude besides, was spurned. Later, however,
there were regrets enough, and when we had scarcely more than
four able-bodied men left on the vessel, I was tearfully begged to
help and assist, which then, though with empty hands, I did to
the utmost of my strength and means, although it was not my
office and my services had always been scorned before the dis-
aster. It!%° must also at last have caused even the coarsest and
ble, as no true rhubarb is known to occur in any of the regions in which
Steller collected. The confusion may be due to the fact that some of the
species of Rumex have been used as substitutes for rhubarb and were
known under various names, as monk’s rhubarb, false rhubarb, etc.
R. occidentalis has been collected on the Shumagins both by J. Kincaid
and by Dr. F. A. Golder (specimen in the U. S. National Herbarium).
Of Gentiana several species are known from the Shumagins. The one
referred to by Steller is probably G. acuta Michx. or G. frigida, of which
specimens collected by Dr. Golder in the Shumagins are in the U. S.
National Herbarium.
In this connection it is interesting to read the following explanation
of the name Herba britannica for Rumex aquaticus, also known as water
rhubarb, as given in ‘‘Allgemeines Polyglotten-Lexicon der Natur-
geschichte,’’ Vol. 2, Hamburg, 1794, col. 1184: ‘““The name Britannica,
according to Munting, is said not to be derived from the island of that
name, but to be compounded from the Frisian brit, to make fast; tan,
a tooth; ica or hica, ejection, and consequently to denote the power of
the plant to make loose or rickety teeth fast again.’’ (S)
195 Instead of “‘It’’ the MS has: ‘‘My services to them, under the
Divine blessing.”
86 STELLER’S JOURNAL
most ungrateful persons to take notice when the Captain Com-
mander, who from scurvy and confinement had entirely lost the
use of his limbs, was restored by me to such an extent simply by
his partaking of the fresh spoonwort that within eight days he
could get out of bed and on deck again and felt as well as at the
beginning of the voyage, and also when the use of Lapathum for
only three days, according to my direction, made the teeth of
most of the sailors firm again.
Because of the rain which began towards evening I had already
built myself a hut and intended to spend the night on the island;
I decided nevertheless finally to return to the vessel in order once
more to present emphatically and with the greatest respect my
opinion on the bad water and on the collecting of the herbs.
However, when I saw my opinion concerning the water again
spurned and coarsely contradicted and had to hear myself, like
a surgeon’s apprentice belonging to the command, ordered to
gather the herbs, and that this important work, which affected
the health and lives of all, was not considered worth the labor of
a few sailors, I repented of my good intentions and resolved that
in the future I would only look after the preservation of my own
self without wasting another word. With this in mind, I went
ashore again on the morning of August 31, continued my work,
and together with Mr. Plenisner explored the land. However,
towards evening, we were hurriedly called on board by a sluzhtv
[servant] with the announcement that because of an appre-
hended storm, of which, however, we had not the slightest signs
on land, all the men were being assembled on board so as to be
ready to go to sea in case the anchors did not hold in the rising
gale, as the place where we were standing was highly dangerous,
although previously, in spite of all protests, it was pronounced
protected on all sides——Immediately we all ran as fast as we
could to the eastern shore of the island, a distance of over a mile,
and discovered everything there as we had been told. We also
found that the confusion on shore, on account of the sick who
had been brought here the day before and who now could be
dragged into the boat only with difficulty because of the high
AT ANCHOR OFF SHUMAGINS 87
surf on the beach, was so great that we decided to wade waist
deep to the boat through the burun (the breakers) and, trusting
to luck, to let ourselves be ferried over in it. On this day we
buried the first of our crew, the sailor Shumagin, who had died
on the previous day almost as soon as he got ashore. The island
is since called Shumagin’s Island after him.196
When after some anxiety we arrived on board there was the
greatest lamentation because Master Khitrov and his men were
not yet at hand and it might be necessary to leave them on shore.
I now thanked God that through the cunning plots of the naval
men I had been kept away from his company. However, soon
after our arrival a big fire was observed not far from the spot
where we had been taken into the boat, and, judging from the
position, I concluded that Master Khitrov and his men must be
stopping at the lake where I had the second time advised that
water should be taken.—In the meantime the gale increased,
and it was our great good luck that, although the wind began in
the northeast, it suddenly shifted to the west, then to the south
and again back to west, but finally became northwest,!97 from
which quarter we were sheltered by the land and in no great
danger. It was very lucky for us that during the first storm, at
midnight, the Captain Commander did not permit the anchor
[cable] to be needlessly cut in order to drop another, supposed to
be better, in its place, as otherwise, in such a dark night and with
the usual confusion, we surely should have drifted on the rocks
and been wrecked.—This same evening I learned that the officers,
although too late, had changed their mind and from fear of
death sent ashore a few barrels to be filled, for their own con-
sumption, with spring water from the place I had indicated.
But Fate would not let them benefit by it, for, in the great hurry
196 The name Shumagin is now given to the whole group; as already
mentioned in footnote 185, the Shumagin Island of Steller is now called
Nagai (see also Vol. 1, p. 142, footnote 86). (G)
197 The MS reads more plausibly as follows: ‘‘although the wind began
in the northeast, the wind suddenly shifted, and changed to southwest,
then west, and then northwest.”’
88 STELLER’S JOURNAL
and because the boat had to be loaded with the sick, the barrels
were left behind on shore.
On September 1 the wind was still very strong and with steady
rain. The day was spent in anxious deliberations as to how the
Master was to be brought back to the vessel and how to get away
from the land. If he had not gone at all or if, on not meeting
anybody, he had returned betimes and thereby had not delayed
the watering by depriving us of the yawl, we could have gotten
out with the fair gale and been more than a hundred miles
farther on our course. But on his account we all had thus to
remain in danger near land without being able to take advantage
of the fair wind, which continued for five days after. Everyone
grumbled because whatever that man had touched, from Okhotsk
on until the return voyage, had gone wrong and had brought
misfortune. Similarly, at Cape St. Elias, by his long and fruitless
absence, he was also the cause of so many casks having to remain
empty because of the lack of the yawl for carrying the water,
thereby making it necessary to approach land a second time,
which step he also was the first to counsel. On the whole, he was
observed to be very anxious to give daring advice1*8 but when
facing disaster to be without decision and wits and to complain
and try to hide himself.*
On September 2 we got a southeast wind, and the large boat
with eight men was sent ashore to bring Master Khitrov and his
party on board, as of necessity the yawl had to be left behind.
In the meantime we weighed anchor and with the southeast
wind moved up along land farther towards the north, in order
to pick up the oncoming boat more easily, and there came to
anchor. It rained and blew very hard all day, so that for the
sake of greater safety the other anchor was also thrown over.
But, as towards evening there suddenly blew up from the south-
198 The MS here has in addition: ‘“‘leaving the execution to others.”
* How does this agree with what Steller says about him above and
with the character attributed to this man in the “Sammlung Russ.
Gesch.’’?—P. [The work referred to is the account of the expedition by
G. F. Miiller cited in the bibliography in Vol. 1, p. 359, second item.]
AT ANCHOR OFF SHUMAGINS 89
east a violent squall, the third anchor was also kept ready in
case one of the other two [cables] should break. But, God be
thanked, the wind shortly afterwards shifted to the southwest,
- from which quarter we lay sheltered, and became more quiet,
but the boat remained ashore over night.
During the entire day on September 3 the weather was un-
commonly pleasant and quiet. The wind continued south-
westerly. In addition to this we had towards morning the
further satisfaction of getting the boat with Master Khitrov
and all the rest of our men aboard again without losing a man.
The little yawl, however, was left on the island on purpose; a
hawser!% out of forgetfulness, besides a few other objects as
souvenirs;2°° however, constable Roselius brought back with
him all the guns, powder, and lead entrusted to him.
We immediately weighed both anchors and with a southwest
wind turned around the rock?" as far as the outermost island?”
situated to the southeast, because we could not get out of the
bay into the sea in a southerly direction. Master Khitrov,?%
who had become uncommonly happy because of his deliverance
and jolly over his welcome, took the lead in hand and at the
first attempt left it on the bottom of the sea, which incident the
common sailors interpreted as an evil omen and called to mind
199 The printed German text has here the word ‘‘Pierleine.’’ It does
not occur in the MS. There is no such word in the German language.
It is evidently a direct rendering of the Russian perlin, which means
“hawser, warp, towline, small cable, or cablet,’’ again a foreign word
borrowed from the Danish pertline. Many of the naval officers of Peter
the Great, Bering among them, were Danes. (S)
200 The sentence up to this point in the MS reads: “‘The little yawl as
well as a few needed objects were without any necessity left behind on
land as souvenirs.’’ The rest of the sentence as given in the printed text
does not occur in the MS.
201 j.e. rocky islet (see, in the journal, the description to which foot-
note 159, above, refers), namely Near Island.
202 Bird Island. For the track of the St. Peter see Khitrov’s sketch map
(Fig. 12), adjusting the relations to the correct outlines as shown on the
modern map (Fig. 13).
203 The MS reads: ‘‘who, with the rest, had become’”’ etc.
go STELLER’S JOURNAL
that just a year ago today the provisions were lost at the mouth
of the Okhota through this same man’s cleverness. At two
o’clock in the afternoon we came to anchor behind this outer-
most island two versts from shore.
On September 4, likewise with quiet weather, we attempted
to get out to sea by going round the western side of this island,
but as it could not be done on account of the west wind we found
ourselves compelled to turn back east to our former position,
which we finally reached2%* and dropped anchor. Through this
event it came about that without expectation or search we
chanced to meet with Americans. We had scarcely dropped the
anchor when we heard a loud shout from the rock to the south
of us, which at first, not expecting any human beings on this
miserable island twenty miles away from the mainland, we held
to be the roar of a sea lion. A little later, however, we saw
two small boats paddling toward our vessel from shore. We all
waited for them with the greatest eagerness and full of wonder
in order, on the arrival of these islanders, to pay special attention
to their appearance and characteristics—When yet about half
a verst distant from us both men in their boats began, while still
paddling, simultaneously to make an uninterrupted, long speech
in a loud voice of which none of our interpreters could understand
a word. We construed it therefore as either a formula of prayer
or incantation, or a ceremony of welcoming us as friends,?°%
since both customs are in use in Kamchatka and the Kurile
206 The MS has in addition: ‘‘at four o’clock in the afternoon.”’ This
tallies with the entry in the log book for 4 P.M., September 5 (i.e. Sep-
tember 4, civil date); see Vol. I, p. 147.
205 In order to secure the viewpoint of modern ethnology on this and
other matters, the whole passage describing the meeting with the Aleuts
was submitted for comment to Mr. F. W. Hodge of the Museum of the
American Indian, Heye Foundation, New York. Footnotes 207 (partly),
211, and 216 (partly) are based on the information kindly supplied by Mr.
Hodge.
With regard to the ‘‘uninterrupted long speech in a loud voice’”’ Mr.
Hodge knows of no explanation other than the second here suggested by
Steller, which is also given by Captain Cook (see Vol. 1, p. 148, footnote
92). (J)
FIRST MEETING WITH NATIVES gI
Islands.2°° As they now came gradually nearer constantly shout-
ing while paddling, they began to talk to us intermittently, but,
as nobody could understand their language, we only beckoned
with our hands, that they might come nearer without being
afraid of anything. They, in turn, however, pointed with the
hand towards the land that we should come to them there,
besides pointing with their fingers to the mouth and scooping up
sea water with their hands as if to indicate that we could have
food and water with them. We beckoned them again over to us,
and, as we shouted to them the word ‘‘nichi,’’ which occurs in
Baron Lahontan’s description of North America and means
water,?°? they repeated it many times and pointed again to the
206 The MS here adds: ‘‘as may be seen in detail in my historical
description of the Kuriles.’’ The reference is presumably to one of the
numerous manuscript reports which Steller prepared, which are hard to
trace at the present day. This report is not in the list by Krasheninnikov
of those of Steller’s papers that were delivered to the Academy of Sci-
ences by Berckhan, painter of the expedition, as published in Pekarski’s
life of Steller (Historiya Akademii Nauk, Vol. 1, St. Petersburg, 1870),
pp. 613-616.
2077 Mr. Hodge comments: ‘‘Lahontan (Nouveaux Voyages dans
l’Amérique Septentrionale, 2 vols., The Hague, 1703; reference in Vol.
2, p. 204; English edit., London, 1703, Vol. 2, p. 297) correctly gives nibi
or nipi (not nichi) as the Algonquian term for water (Natick, nippe;
Chippewa, nebbi, neebi, nipi, according to the vagaries of orthography;
Abnaki, nebi, etc.). In addressing the Aleut, however, Bering’s men
might as well have used a Greek or a Zulu word, as it would not have
been less intelligible.”’
Miiller had already perceived the incongruity of this assumption.
On this point he says (Sammlung Russischer Geschichte, Vol. 3, 1758,
p. 220; Jefferys’ translation, p. 48): “‘What might be farther added here
is only this, that a certain person maintains that he made himself under-
stood, in some measure by these people by the list of words, which La
Hontan has subjoined to his description of North America. For having
pronounced according to the said list, the words water, or wood, the people
had pointed to such parts where these things are found; but, I think, this
they may have done by chance, or the gestures, which accompanied the
words, may have contributed to render them intelligible; for La Hontan
is not to be placed among the conscientious and credible writers of
travels. But, setting aside this, the distance between the countries is two
g2 STELLER’S JOURNAL
shore as if they wanted to call attention to it.2°* Nevertheless
one of them came very near to us, but, before approaching quite
close, he reached into his bosom, pulled out some iron- or lead-
colored shiny earth, and with this he painted himself from the
wings of the nose across the cheeks in the form of two pears,
stuffed the nostrils full of grass (the nose wings on each side,
however, were pierced with fine pieces of bone), and then took
from the sticks lying behind him on the skin boat one which
was like a billiard cue, about three ells long, of spruce wood and
painted red, placed two falcon wings on it and tied them fast
with whalebone, showed it to us, and then with a laugh
threw it towards our vessel into the water. I can not tell whether
it was meant as a sacrifice or a sign of good friendship. On our
part we tied two Chinese tobacco pipes and some glass beads
to a piece of board and tossed it to him. He picked it up, looked
at it a little, and then brought it over to his companion, who
placed it on top of his boat. After this he became somewhat
more courageous, approached still nearer to us, though with the
greatest caution, tied an eviscerated entire falcon to another
stick and passed it up to our Koryak interpreter in order to
receive from us a piece of Chinese silk and a mirror. It was not
at all his intention that we should keep the bird but that we
should place the piece of silk between the claws so that it would
not become wet. However, as the interpreter held the stick fast
and by it pulled the American, who held the other end in his
hand, together with his boat toward our vessel, the latter let go
the stick, became frightened, and paddled a little to one side,
and would not come so near again. Therefore the mirror and
silk were thrown to him, with which they both paddled towards
[sic] great for one and the same language to be spoken in them; not to
maintain, that an European, particularly a Frenchman, will hardly con-
ceive and write the words of such a language in such a manner as to be
intelligible to another nation, that speaks nearly the same language.”’ (J)
208 That the ‘‘it’’ of the published version refers to water is evident
from the clearer wording of the MS, which reads after ‘‘shore’’: ‘‘doubtless
in order to call attention that water was to be had there.”
FIRST MEETING WITH NATIVES 93
shore and beckoned us to follow in order that they might give
us to eat and drink. All the time while these two islanders stayed
around the vessel their companions on land called continually
and shouted loudly without our being able to make out their
purpose.
After a short consultation the boat was let down, in which I,
besides Lieutenant Waxel, the Koryak interpreter, and nine
sailors and soldiers decided to pull ashore. We provided our-
selves with lances, sabers, and guns but covered all with canvas
so as not to arouse suspicion. In addition we took along biscuits,
brandy, and other trifles, in order to be able to make presents to
the islanders. The greatest misfortune was that we were not
able to make a landing, because the beach was very rocky, the
tide rapidly rising; wind and waves were likewise so high that
with the greatest difficulty we kept the boat from being dashed
to pieces. From the place on the beach where their boats and
also our presents were lying scattered about unappreciated, both
men and women, who because of the uniformity of the dress
could hardly be distinguished from each other, all came to meet
us at our approach, full of wonder and friendliness and continu-
ally beckoning with their hands towards land. As we saw that
we ourselves had no hope of getting ashore, we let our interpreter
and two other persons undress and go through the water to them,
in order that they might observe a thing or two. The islanders
received the interpreter and the others in a very friendly way
and led them by the arms, quite deferentially as if they were
very great personages, to the place where they had been seated,
presented them there with a piece of whale blubber, talked a bit
with them, though nobody understood the other, and pointed at
the same time frequently over the mountain, perhaps to indicate
that they had come here on our account only but that they had
their dwellings on the other side of the mountain, as, indeed,
[later] in going to sea towards the east around the island we got
sight of a few huts from a distance. A part of the islanders re-
mained standing on the beach abreast of us, gazing at us without
taking their eyes away, and frequently inviting us to them by
94 STELLER’S JOURNAL
beckoning. However, as we gave them to understand with
various signs why that was impossible for us, one of them got
into his boat, which he had lifted with one hand and carried
under his arm to the water, and came paddling up to us. He
was made welcome with a cup of brandy, which, following our
example, he emptied quickly, but also immediately spit out again,
and acted strangely, as if he did not seem to be any too well
pleased with this fancied deception. Although I advised against
such things as tobacco and pipes, our gentlemen opined never-
theless that the Americans had the stomachs of sailors and
consequently, intending to neutralize the first displeasure with
a new one, gave the stranger a lighted pipe of tobacco, which he
accepted indeed, though paddling away quite disgusted. The
smartest European would have done just the same if he had
been treated to fly mushroom or rotten fish soup and willow bark,
which the Kamchadals, however, consider such delicacies.—As
in the meantime the surf and wind were increasing more and
more, our people were called back to the boat. The kind island-
ers, on the other hand, wanted their company still further and
would not at all let them off to the vessel. They manifested espe-
cially great inclination towards our Koryak interpreter, who
quite resembled them in manner of speech and in facial appear-
ance. At first they presented them with more whale blubber and
iron-colored paint; but, as they would not let themselves be in-
fluenced by gifts, they tried to hold on to them by violence,
seized them by the arms, and kept them from the boat by force.
Another party took hold of the painter with which our boat was
made fast and intended, perhaps not with evil design but from
sheer thoughtlessness, not realizing our danger, to haul the
boat with its occupants ashore, where it would have been
wrecked on the rocks. As in this confusion and danger there was
no time to be lost and as the islanders could not be dissuaded
from their purpose by sign language, shots were fired simultane-
ously over their heads at the rocks from three muskets loaded
with balls, by which unheard-of occurrence they became so
frightened that they all fell down on the ground as if hit by
FIRST MEETING WITH NATIVES 95
thunder, letting go of everything in their hands. Our men ran
at once through the water and got safely into the boat. Laugh-
able as was the consternation to behold, it was nevertheless even
more funny how they at once rose up again, scolded us because
we had rewarded their good intentions so badly, and waved their
hands to us to be off quickly as they did not want us any longer.
Some of them in getting up picked up stones and held them in
their hands; we, however, were obliged hurriedly to cut the
rope of the boat anchor, which held fast to a rock, and returned
to the ship rather dissatisfied, as we had not been able to observe
what we had intended but on the other hand had met what we
had not expected. Soon, however, we had reason for thanking
God that we were on the vessel and that this was so well shel-
tered, for immediately there arose a heavy storm from the south,
and shortly after rain also began to fall, which lasted all through
the night. Our Americans, however, had lighted a fire on shore
and kept us pondering on what had happened.
I must here mention a few circumstances which I observed in
the course of the quarter of an hour we were at the shore. The
American boats?°? are about two fathoms long, two feet high, and
two feet wide on the deck, pointed towards the nose but truncate
and smooth in the rear. To judge by appearances, the frame is
of sticks fastened together at both ends and spread apart by
crosspieces inside. On the outside this frame is covered with
skins, perhaps of seals, and colored a dark brown. With these
skins the boat is [covered] flat above but sloping towards the
keel on the sides; underneath there seems to be affixed a shoe
or keel which at the bow is connected with the bow by a vertical
piece of wood or bone representing a stem piece, so that the
upper surface rests on it. About two arshins 2° from the rear
on top is a circular hole, around the whole of which is sewn
209 Cf. the illustrations, Vol. 1, Fig. 12, upper and lower. The upper
drawing, by Waxel. represents one of the two Aleuts who approached the
St. Peter He is seen holding the stick with the falcon feathers men-
- tioned above in the journal. p. 92.
210 Less than five feet (1 arshin = 28 inches).
96 STELLER’S JOURNAL
[a strip made of] whale guts having a hollow hem with a leather
string running through it, by means of which it may be tightened
or loosened like a purse. When the American has sat down in
his boat and stretched out his legs under the deck, he draws this
hem together around his body and fastens it with a bowknot
in order to prevent any water from getting in. Behind the
paddler on the boat there lie ten or more red-painted sticks,
pointed at one end, all made in the same way as the one we
secured but for what purpose?" I cannot imagine, unless per-
haps they serve to repair the boat in case the frame should break.
The American puts his right hand into the hole of the boat and,
holding the paddle in the other hand, carries it thus because of
its lightness on to the land anywhere he wants to and back from
the land into the water.22 The paddle consists of a stick a
fathom long, at each end provided with a shovel, a hand wide.
With this he beats alternately to the right and to the left into the
water and thereby propels his boat with great adroitness even
among large waves. On the whole, this kind of boat is very
little different, if at all, from those used by the Samoyeds and
by the Americans in New Denmark.?"
As far as the personal appearance of the islanders is concerned,
of whom I counted on the beach nine, mostly young or middle-
aged people, they are of medium stature, strong and stocky,
yet fairly well proportioned, and with very fleshy arms and legs.
The hair of the head is glossy black and hangs straight down all
around the head. The face is brownish, a little flat and concave.
The nose is also flattened, though not particularly broad or large.
The eyes are as black as coals, the lips prominent and turned up.
In addition they have short necks, broad shoulders, and their
body is plump though not big-bellied. All had on whale-gut
211 Dr. W. Jochelson, the authority on the tribes of northeastern
Siberia and on the Aleuts, whom Mr. Hodge kindly consulted on this
point, stated that he can offer no explanation of the purpose of the red
sticks other than the one suggested by Steller. (J)
212 The MS reads instead: ‘carries it . . . from the land to the water.
seats himself in it, and fastens himself in.’’
213 1, e. the Eskimos of Greenland.
ETHNOGRAPHICAL DEDUCTIONS 97
shirts with sleeves, very neatly sewed together, which reach to
the calf of the leg. Some had the shirts tied below the navel with
a string, but others wore them loose. Two of them had on boots
and trousers which seemed to be made after the fashion of the
Kamchadals out of seal leather and dyed brownish-red with
alder bark. Two had hanging on their belt, like the Russian
peasants, a long iron knife in a sheath of very poor workmanship,
which may have been their own and not a foreign 2!4 invention.
Although I asked that one of these knives might be obtained in
exchange by offering? three or more of ours, of which our stores
had plenty, because it was very important and perhaps marks
might be found on them from which it might be possible to
conclude with what nation these islanders had communication,
nevertheless this also was not done. From the distance I observed
the nature of this knife very carefully as one of the Americans
unsheathed it and cut a bladder in two with it. It was easy to
see that it was of iron and, besides, that it was not like any Euro-
pean product. From this, then, might be concluded that the
Americans not only have iron ore, of which thus far few or no
traces at all have been discovered in Kamchatka, but that they
also know how to smelt and work it. And it would seem indis-
putable from the smooth workmanship observed, [both] on the
arrows found at Cape St. Elias and on the hut there, that the
savages must have knives,246 whether they be of iron or of
214 MS: “European.”
21° The MS from here on has slightly different expressions, as follows:
“by offering two, three, or more of ours, as it was very important, be-
cause, in case it was not their own work, it might be possible to ascertain
from some mark stamped on it with what European nation they were in
communication, nevertheless this was not done, although there were
several hundred [knives] among the gifts in our stores.”’
216 It is more than probable that Steller did see iron knives. A party
of Russian hunters who spent the years 1759 to 1763 among the Aleuts
of Unimak and Unalaska reported that the inhabitants ‘‘made knives
out of iron, which iron they obtain from the islands to the eastward,
which islands are wooded, in exchange for furs and clothing.” In 1767
the officers of the Krenitsin and Levashev expedition saw and sketched
these knives. It is not likely that the natives to the eastward knew how
98 STELLER’S JOURNAL
copper.27 On the other hand I know from quite reliable infor-
mation that the Chukchis traded from the second Chukchi
island*48 with America and that, although for some years this
commerce was interrupted because a misunderstanding arose,
this trade is still carried on by the inhabitants of the islands; the
principal articles are knives, axes, lances, and iron arrow points,”!9
which the Chukchis acquire at a very high price from the Rus-
sians at Anadyrsk and exchange with the Americans at a many
to smelt iron. They probably obtained this metal in some indirect way
either from the white men or from wrecked vessels. In a report of a
Russian hunter (about 1765) a statement is made that the Aleuts told
him a large ship had been driven ashore to the eastward. (G)
Independently of this note by Dr. Golder, Mr. Hodge supplies the
following comment: ‘‘No American aborigines smelted iron ore; indeed,
iron ore was unknown until introduced by trade or found with wreckage
that had been cast ashore. Copper, however, was used in prehistoric
times.’’ On the use of copper see also, above, footnote 99 by Dr. Brooks.
The reader will notice that, in the journal as originally written, Steller
himself advances two arguments against the likelihood of the natives’
knowing how to smelt iron: (1) the obvious dullness of the tools with
which the trees on Kayak Island had been felled (see the next footnote) ;
(2) the high price which the natives of Alaska were reported to be willing
to pay for Russian knives secured through trade with the Chukchis. (J)
27In the MS this sentence is replaced by the following: ‘‘Yet the
following reasons seemed to oppose this opinion: (1) If they can forge
knives, why should they be ignorant of how to make an ax or some
similar instrument for cutting down trees? However, at Cape St. Elias
the felled trees, hacked to pieces with many dull cuts, demonstrated to
me that the Americans used axes of stone or bone like the Kamchadals,
though at the same time their smoothly worked arrows and also the
well-built hut made a different impression, namely that at least they
must have knives, be they iron or copper.’’ In the MS then follows as
point (2) the sentence beginning ‘‘on the other hand,” just as in the
published text.
218 The text reads literally ‘‘the other Chukchi island.’’ Probably by
this is meant Little Diomede Island, the smaller and more easterly of
the two Diomede Islands, which lie midway between East Cape, Siberia,
and Cape Prince of Wales, Alaska, i.e. the narrowest part of Bering
Strait. (J)
29 The words ‘‘lances, and iron arrow points’’ do not occur in the MS.
ORIGIN OF ALEUTS 99
times higher price for sea otters, martens, and foxes,?2° some of
which are brought to Russia by way of Anadyrsk. Therefore, if
the Americans themselves could smelt iron and make said articles,
why should they buy them at a high price from others? At the
same time, it is remarkable that the cossacks on the Anadyr
River traded with the Americans before the Kamchatka Expedi-
tion had obtained any knowledge of the country itself. For this
a two-fold reason may be advanced as regards the cossacks: (1)
selfishness and perjury of the commanders, (2) fear, because
usually the one who in these remote places suggests anything
new for the benefit of the Empire is compelled to carry it out
himself and in place of [receiving] thanks loses all his goods and
property.—On the other hand, the officers are too haughty to en-
gage in conversation with common people and too negligent and
incredulous even when anything is reported to them. Upon my
arrival in Kamchatka in the year 1740, I eagerly took pains to
obtain such information, questioning all newcomers, traders,
cossacks with the greatest friendliness, and, in case I got nothing
out of them with fair means, brought them to confession with
brandy, as the most pleasant torture. But when I had acquired
so much information of that kind that I could prove with more
than twenty conclusive reasons where the land is nearest”!
220 Pallas has: ‘“‘Seebiber, Marder und Fiichse.” The MS has: ‘“‘See-
biber, Iltiss und Fiichse.’’ The ‘‘Marder,’’ marten (Martes), is undoubt-
edly substituted by Pallas because no “‘Iltiss,’’ polecat (Putorius), was
known from America at that time. (S)
221 Namely opposite the Chukchi Peninsula, according to Krashenin-
nikov’s rendering of Steller’s views (Histoire et description du Kam-
tchatka, 2 vols., Amsterdam, 1770; reference in Vol. I, pp. 398-
399). According to this view Steller, while believing that the two conti-
nents approach most closely there, thought that they are near to each
other throughout the whole extent from latitude 52° to 60° N., in which
he believed the American coast to trend southwest-northeast practically
parallel to the coast of Kamchatka. It is this conception that is reflected
in the great southwest-projecting land mass shown in the St. Petersburg
Academy of Sciences map mentioned, below, in footnote 223, third para-
graph (our Fig. 14). This nearness of the two continents led Steller to
believe, according to Krasheninnikov, that they were formerly connected,
100 STELLER’S JOURNAL
and in what direction the voyage ought to be undertaken, and
brought all this before the Captain Commander, my numerous
efforts were considered unworthy even of being laid before the
other officers in council, the whole supreme judgment amount-
ing to this: ‘People talk much; who would believe a cossack?
I place no confidence whatever in it.”—Now, however, this in-
formation is corroborated by these gentlemen’s own journals
and charts, and many have even died and are buried in conse-
quence [of this disregard]. One might perhaps even get the
notion that the chart of the First Expedition is still less trust-
worthy, since it has forgotten the islands along Kamchatka
opposite Olyutora, likewise the fine harbors at the Avacha,
before Avacha at the Uka and Olyutora,”” and since according
to its indication no land was found within thirty miles of Kam-
chatka, although Bering’s Island is distant only twenty miles
directly to the east of it.
for which Steller adduces four reasons: (1) the outline of the Kamchat-
kan and American coasts, which indicate violent separation; (2) the nu-
merous capes which project as much as 30 to 60 versts into the sea; (3) the
numerous islands in the sea between Kamchatka and America; (4) the
situation of the islands and the small extent of this sea. (G)
222 Although this passage is obscure, possibly owing to repetition of
words and other errors by thecopyist, the meaning may be that the chart
of the first expedition (Vol. 1, Fig. 5) failed to show the harbors on the
Avacha and Uka coasts (in the sense defined by Krasheninnikov, op. cit.,
Vol. 1, pp. 238-239, of the coasts around Avacha Bay and north of the
Kamchatka River, respectively). The reference to islands opposite the
Olyutora coast is not clear, as there are none in this location. (J)
223 The MS has in addition: ‘‘and the mainland forty miles.’”” The
reference is to the attempt Bering made in the summer of 1729 to find
land east of Kamchatka, the year after his main voyage to Bering Strait
(see Vol. 1, p. 20, and map, Fig. 6). Bering sailed from the mouth of the
Kamchatka River on June 5 and, according to Berkh’s abstract of the
midshipman Peter Chaplin’s log book (Berkh, pp. 72-73, Dall’s transla-
tion, p. 769; for references see bibliography in Vol. 1, pp. 363-364 and 366—
367 respectively), sailed 114 nautical miles on an E by S course before
abandoning the search on June 9. This distance and the position in lati-
tude and longitude by reckoning as given in Chaplin’s log book would
place the vessel not far from the northern end of Bering Island. It is one
of the ironies of fate that Bering did not see the island, as a knowledge of
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SECOND MEETING WITH NATIVES 101
On September 5 it,rained very hard during the forenoon. In
the afternoon it seemed several times as if it might clear, but
its relation to Kamchatka might have proved of incalculable value to him,
possibly even preventing his death on its very shores twelve years later.
Steller’s reference to no land having been found within 30 miles of
of Kamchatka tallies with the above distance of 114 nautical miles inas-
much as he means German miles and 30 German miles are equal to 120
nautical miles. So does Bering’s statement of the distance (Vol. 1, p. 20)
as 200 versts.
Steller’s figure of 20 German miles for the distance from Bering Island
to Kamchatka is somewhat low, as even from the nearest land, Cape
Kamchatka, the island is 100 nautical, or 25 German miles away (see
Wei.t, Pi I).
The statement, omitted by Pallas, that the mainland is in this region
only 40 miles from Kamchatka tallies with Steller’s conception as ex-
pressed later in the journal (see, below, footnote 418). According to this
passage he considered the land alleged to have been seen to the east from
Bering Island to be the westward extension of the American mainland.
This is in conformity with the view entertained by the members of the
expedition in general that what we now know as the Aleutian Islands -
was, taken as a whole, the mainland coast of America (see, below, foot-
notes 260 and 418). Steller’s conception is illustrated by the map incor-
porating the results of Bering’s two expeditions published by the St.
Petersburg Academy of Sciences, a redraft of which accompanies Jef-
ferys’ translation, London, 1761, of Miiller’s account of these expeditions
in Sammlung Russischer Geschichte, Vol. 3, St. Petersburg, 1758 (section
reproduced in our Fig. 14) and the compilation of which is discussed in
the same works, viz. Miiller, pp. 279-302, Jefferys, pp. 67-75. This
map (of which Bellin’s map of 1766, reproduced in Teleki’s ‘‘Atlas zur
Geschichte der Kartographie der Japanischen Inseln,’’ 1909, Pl. 15, is
essentially a copy) shows an immense projection of land extending south-
west from the northwestern corner of North America. The coast limiting
it on its southeastern side consists of the landfalls of Bering’s second expe-
dition, with the islands which the expedition recognized as such indicated
as offshore islands. The southwestern end of the projection approaches to
within the same distance of Bering Island that Bering Island is from
Kamchatka—thus corresponding, relatively, to Steller’s figures, although,
absolutely, the distances shown on the map are more than his 20 and 40
miles.
Incidentally, Pallas’ omission of Steller’s statement that the American
mainland was only 40 miles from Kamchatka is in keeping with his
102 STELLER’S JOURNAL
clouded over again each time. We could not”4 stay longer in
this place, as the wind had now veered to the southwest; we
therefore weighed anchor about two o’clock in the afternoon and
just then saw two Americans in their boats paddling towards
shore. We tried to reach a place where we could again stay pro-
tected on the west by the island, and a place such as we wanted
was found about five o’clock, and we anchored once more.”
About half an hour later we again saw nine Americans in their
boats paddling in single file towards the ship, with similar
shouts and ceremonies as the first time. However, only two of
them came near to our vessel and once more made us presents
of sticks with falcon feathers and of iron-colored face paint. On
their heads they had hats made of the bark of trees, colored
green and red, that resembled in shape the eye shades that are
usually worn around the head; the crown was uncovered, and
these hats appeared to have been invented only for the purpose
of shading the eyes from the sun.”@ Between the hat and the
forehead some had placed a few variegated falcon feathers,
others tufts of grass,227 in the same manner as the Americans on
the east side, about Brazil, decorate themselves with feather
tufts. From these hats an argument might again be derived for
the supposition that the Americans came from Asia, because the
direct reversal of Steller’s corresponding statement later in the journal
(footnote 418). By the time Pallas published Steller’s journal (1793) the
geography of the northwestern part of the continent was known in its
broad outlines, mainly through the work of Captain Cook, and Pallas
therefore used his editorial prerogative in this case to adjust his author’s
views to the known facts, although elsewhere (e.g. note between foot-
notes 163 and 164, above) he supplies necessary corrections in the form
of footnotes. The present instance, however, illustrates the value of
having the MS of the journal at hand to supplement the published ver-
sion. (J)
224 In the printed text the word “‘leicht,’’ easily, is a misprint for
“‘nicht,’”’ not, as correctly given in the MS.
225 Off Bird Island (see Vol. 1, p. 337, and, above, Figs. 12 and 13).
226 For a representation of one of these hats, see Vol. 1, Fig. 12, lower.
227 The published text has ‘‘buschigt Grass’’; the MS, gramen panicula-
tum,
SECOND MEETING WITH NATIVES 103
Kamchadals and the Koryaks are in the habit of wearing
exactly similar hats, several kinds of which have been purchased
for the Art and Natural History Cabinet.—By much gesticula-
tion we gave the Americans to understand that we desired one
of their hats, and they handed us two. On one of these there was
fastened a small carved image, or sitting idol, of bone, with a
feather sticking out from behind, intended no doubt to represent
the tail. In return we presented them with a rusty iron kettle,
five sewing needles, and some thread. After having considered
the exchange and consulted with each other, they paddled
towards the shore without any further ado, built a big fire, and
shouted very loudly for a while. It grew dark soon after, and
after that we did not see them again.
I noticed on this occasion once more that these people regard
it as a special ornament to pierce holes anywhere in their faces,
as we do in the lobes of the ear, and to insert in them various
stones and bones. One of these fellows had stuck a slate pencil,
about 2% inches long and exactly like those with which we write
on ciphering slates, through the nasal septum. Another had a
piece of bone three inches” long stuck through crosswise above
the chin just under the lower lip. Still another had a bone like
it fastened in the forehead, and another, finally, had a similar
one in each of the wings of the nose. From this it may be seen
how thoughtlessly I had been contradicted in the year 1741,
before the departure from Avacha, when among other things I
announced that I held the Chukchis to be Americans or at any
rate believed that Americans lived among them, inasmuch as I
had heard from more than ten different persons that there were
among them people who wore pieces of walrus teeth inserted in
the nose and cheeks, such as all those who live on the mainland
opposite are said to wear as ornaments, according to the reports
of the Russians who have had indirect communication with the
Chukchis.?29
228 The MS has “Ir inch.”
229 Instead of the clause ‘‘such as all those . . . Chukchis’”’ the MS
has: ‘‘and when the Russians asked the meaning of it they were told
104 STELLER’S JOURNAL
Finally, I observed also on all these Americans that they had
a very scant beard, but most of them none at all, in which
respect they again agree with the inhabitants of Kamchatka and
with other East Siberian peoples.?%°
In spite of all this there still remains to be discussed the
question whether these Americans may be inhabitants of the
mainland or only of the islands. I hold that these people do not
live constantly on the islands but are there only during the
summer and spend the winter on the mainland.?3! These people
may in part be attracted hither by the large numbers of birds
and birds’ eggs, which the Kamchadals, at the greatest peril,
likewise gather among the cliffs, although every year some of
them break their necks in the attempt;”? in part they may per-
haps go after whales cast up on the off-lying islands and after
the seals which are more numerous there, the blubber of which
is preferred also by the Kamchadals to all other delicacies. Their
return in winter to the mainland, however, is the more probable
that everybody on the mainland opposite made use of similar ornaments,
facts which I have now verified with my own eyes to be as I had noted
them down a year before in the historical account of Chukotski Nos”
{Chukchi Cape]. (S)
The historical account of the Chukchi Cape region was never pubs
lished, and there is no record that it ever reached the Academy. (G)
230 The MS does not have: ‘‘and with other East Siberian peoples.”
231 Steller was mistaken; the natives did have their homes on these
islands. (G)
222 The MS from this point to the end of the paragraph reads as follows:
“It is likewise generally known concerning Kamchatka that no food is
preferred to the whale and seal blubber as being more delicious; now,
since the seals are most numerous about these islands and since also the
dead whales thrown out by the sea cannot be brought to the mainland
because of the islands lying in the way but become stranded on them, it
is quite credible that they [the natives], because of this circumstance
alone, repair hither in summer but go to the mainland in winter. The less
possible it is to winter here, because of lack of wood for building and
fuel, the more reason there is for believing that the island on which we
watered is continuous in the north with America, from which all the
others are not very distant.”
LEAVING SHUMAGIN ISLANDS 105
the less possible it is to winter here* on account of lack of wood
for building and for fuel and, moreover, because the island on
which we watered seems to be continuous with the mainland in
the north,?* while none of the others seem to be very distant
from it.
Even though the weather on September 6 was cloudy through-
out the day, yet because the wind was SW by S and serviceable
for our getting away, we went around the eastern side of the
island? out to sea between two islands.%35 The Americans on
shore raised their voices once more as a farewell, and it seemed
to us as if we saw people and huts on the near-by low island lying
opposite to the east.2@ When we were out to sea about half a
mile, we were especially astonished at the untold numbers of
sea birds which we saw on the northern side of the island. I
noted here, besides the urili (Pelecant), auks, sea parrots, gulls,
glupyshi®’ (Procellaria glacialis), and Greenland sea pigeons,
an entirely black snipe, with red bill and feet, which constantly
moved the head like Ray’s redshank;”38 further a very beautiful
* Steller did not know the underground huts of the islanders and their
cold- defying hardiness like that of the Greenlanders; nor did he consider
that almost everywhere on the islands they can have a sufficient supply
of driftwood, about which more may be read hereafter.—P.
233 Nagai Island is, of course, not continuous with the mainland.
234 Bird Island.
235 Bird Island and Chernabura Island (see Vol. 1, p. 337, and, above,
Figs. 12 and 13).
238 As Chernabura Island is “high and mountainous’ (United States
Coast Pilot, Alaska: Part II, Yakutat Bay to Arctic Ocean, U. S. Coast
and Geodetic Survey, Washington, 1916, p. 168) it is not clear which
Steller means by “‘the near-by low island”’ although Chernabura otherwise
fits the location indicated. Possibly the ‘‘rocky islet’’ which “‘lies off its
northern end’’ (Coast Pilot, p. 168) is meant.
237 Hrom a Russian word meaning fool, stupid fellow, etc., used by the
Russians in Kamchatka for the fulmar, the Pacific form of Fulmarus
glacialis (Linnaeus). See Stejneger, U.S. Nail. Museum Bull. 20, 1885, p.
or. On the birds in this list not here identified, see, above, p. 80. (S)
28 This bird was Haematopus bachmani (Audubon), originally de-
scribed as a snipe (black snipe, Thomas Pennant: Arctic Zodlogy,
Vol. 2, London, 1785, p. 469, Scolopax nigra Gmelin). It occurs from
106 STELLER’S JOURNAL
black-and-white pied diver, never before seen;?°° not to speak of
other wonderful and hitherto unknown birds. As for the rest,
the wind was so favorable that we lost sight of the mainland and
islands towards two o’clock in the afternoon. However, the
many whales which we met, one of which rose straight up-
right in the water for more than half its length, gave us never-
theless to understand that a storm was at hand.
On September 7 the wind and the weather were as on the day
before. Toward twelve o’clock noon we were already over
twenty miles away from the last island. In the afternoon the
wind increased in force, and the rising sea compelled us to shorten
sail. It stormed very hard all night through, so that we ran with
the spanker only. Under these conditions, the late autumnal
season and the great distance from Avacha, the courage of our
sailors and officers dropped all of a sudden. The unwholesome
water lessened the number of healthy men from day to day,
and very many were heard to complain of hitherto unwonted
disorders. For that reason some began to be doubtful about
getting home and to discuss the question of whether we ought
Kiska, Aleutian Islands, to Lower California. Dall found a nest with
eggs on Range Island, between Popof and Unga Islands (16014° W.) on
June 23, 1872 (Proc. California Acad. of Sci., Vol. 5, 1873-74, Pp. 28).
The true redshanks, Tofanus totanus (Linnaeus) and Totanus fuscus
(Linnaeus), are west palearctic in their distribution and are not found in
eastern Siberia or Alaska. Pallas (Zoogr. rosso-asiat., Vol. 2, 1826, p.
187) referred Steller’s observation to the latter species, but erroneously.
(S)
29 The beautiful black-and-white diver which Steller had never seen
before may well have been the Synthliboramphus antiquus (Gmelin), the
starvik of the Russians (see the journal at footnote 285, where, as well as
here, this bird is referred to as a ‘‘ Taucher”’ in the German text). The
generic term Mergus used in the MS recalls Pallas’ quotation (Zoogr.
rosso-asiat., Vol. 2, 1826, p. 237) of Steller’s description of the bird:
“‘Mergulus marinus niger, ventre albo, plumis angustis albis auritus.”’
It should be noted that in this diagnosis the bird is also described as
black-and-white, and seen at a distance it may well have given this im-
pression. Steller apparently did not secure any specimens. This species |
breeds from Kodiak westwards. (S)
CONTINUANCE OF WESTWARD VOYAGE _ 107
to winter in Japan or America, although there was no particular
desire for either.
On September 8 the weather was thick all day. The wind,
however, decreased and shifted so that in the forenoon it blew
west by north and in the afternoon west by south, for which
reason we gradually worked south with both winds and by
evening found ourselves on the parallel of Avacha, latitude 53”.
During the night the wind died down completely.
Towards morning on September 9 we got a light wind from the
east, by the aid of which we made progress of a knot and a half
to two knots until eight o’clock. Thereafter it increased so that
towards ten o’clock we were driven forward at the rate of four
knots, or a mile an hour. During the morning it rained, and the
sky was overcast; in the afternoon, however, the horizon became
very clear, though without sunshine. According to the reckoning
kept it was believed that at 12 o’clock we were still 312 Dutch
miles distant from Avacha.2
On September Io it rained in the morning, the sky being over-
cast. Nevertheless, towards noon the sun showed itself a little,
and later it cleared gradually on the horizon. The wind was at
first SSW, then SW by S. At noon the reckoning was 298 from
Avacha.2t It is marvelous that after such protracted and oft-
repeated experiences it was not yet understood that these
240 The log book (Vol. 1, p. 152) gives 31634 German (= Dutch)
miles. From this and other references it is clear that Steller uses the
astronomical day for the unit of calculation of the day’s run, as he
naturally would inasmuch as he could only get these figures from the offi-
cers’ records, who kept them in this manner. For his own record of hap-
penings, Steller, however, adhered to the civil day, as we have seen (foot-
note I3I).
The slight discrepancy often occurring between Steller’s figure for a
given day’s distance from Avacha and that in the log book seems to indi-
cate that he secured these data from some one other than Yushin, whose
version of the log book is followed for the greater part in Volume tI of the
present work. However, even in one case in which he cites Yushin as the
source of his figures (p. 121) they do not tally with Yushin’s figures as
given in the log book (footnote 274).
241 The log book (Vol. 1, p. 153) gives 30114 miles.
108 STELLER’S JOURNAL
changes of wind were again due to the nearness of land and
that consequently we ought to turn more to the south without
paying attention to the parallel, inasmuch as the land extended
farther south and infallibly was to be expected farther south.?#
This was further corroborated by our noticing sea parrots [and]
the John of Ghent [John of Gaunt] (Pelecan. Bassanus) and other
gulls?44 flying constantly from north and west to the south,
242 See, above, footnote 144, last paragraph.
243 Instead of ‘‘and infallibly was to be expected farther south’”’ the
MS has: ‘‘and doubtless was to be expected on the 54th degree.’ See
also, above, footnote 144, first two paragraphs.
244 Instead of ‘‘sea parrots . . . other gulls’ the MS has: ‘“‘anates
arcticas Clasii, Larum Joh. v. Rent [sic] dictum, Laros Wayel [sic]
Anglis dictos.’”” By Anas arctica the pre-Linnean writers generally under-
stood the Atlantic puffin, Fratercula arctica (Linnaeus), and John Ray
(Synopsis methodica avium et piscium, London, 1713, p. 120) describes
it as Anas arcticus Clus. The “‘ Clasii’’ in the MS is undoubtedly a lapsus
for ‘‘Clusii.’’ Pallas correctly renders it ‘‘Seepapageien.’’ The Pacific
representative, which Steller saw, is Fratercula corniculata (Naumann).
“‘Larum Joh. v. Rent dictum,” the gull called John of Ghent, of the
MS is hard to interpret. Pallas in the printed text suggests the gannet,
Pelecanus bassanus ( = Sula bassana (Linnaeus) ), and in his ‘‘ Zoographia
rosso-asiatica’’ (Vol. 2, 1826, p. 307) he specifically states that Steller
during his American voyage saw it rather frequently flying among the
petrels. However, a few pages later, under Catarractes skua, with which
he synonymizes Ray’s ‘‘Cornish gannet’’ (Ray, Synopsis, p. 128) and
Clusius’ “ Skua hojeri,’’ he says that this was undoubtedly the bird which
Steller on various occasions had taken for an albatross. It is to be noted,
however, that neither the gannet nor the skua occur in the North Pacific.
While it is true that the Dutch by ‘‘Jan van Ghent’? mean the Sula
bassana it is highly probable that Steller did not know this bird except
from description, and as there is no reference to the name Jan van Ghent
in Ray’s ‘“‘Synopsis,’’ the book on birds we know Steller had with him, it
is permissible to suggest that he confused this name with that of ‘““Skua
hoiert”” and “Sula hotieri’’ of Clusius as quoted by Ray (Synopsis, pp.
128 and 123). The former is the true skua (Megalestri skua (Bruennich)),
but Ray says he “‘believes it to be the gannet of the Cornish,’’ while the
former he refers, though somewhat doubtfully, to his Anser bassanus,
the true gannet. It is consequently not possible even to say whether the
birds seen by Steller were white or black, though more probably the lat-
ter, since the only light-colored bird in the North Pacific which even —
CONTINUANCE OF WESTWARD VOYAGE __ 109
while already some seaweeds came floating by, as happens when
land is approached.
On September 11 the wind and weather were as on the previ-
ous day. In the twenty-four hours we sailed twenty miles and
at noon calculated we were still 278 miles from Avacha.?** Signs
of land were seen today as yesterday.
On September 12 the weather was cloudy and dark throughout
the day, and calm besides; the signs of birds and floating objects
were the same as before. Instead of the favorable wind expected
towards the evening, we encountered a wind directly from the
west with rain and progressed only two miles? during these
twenty-four hours.
The 13th of September was a bright day. In the morning a
NW by W wind arose, held on until two o’clock in the afternoon,
and then died down.?47 Moreover, many whales were seen at
play, and we expected nothing good.
On the 14th it stormed very hard all day and night from the
northwest, and we found ourselves compelled at noon to
remotely corresponds to the gannet in color is Rodger’s fulmar (Fulmarus
rodgerst), while there are several dusky species.
Steller’s ““Laros Wayel Anglis dictos,’’ gulls called Wayel by the Eng-
lish, causes no special difficulty. Ray (Synopsis, p. 130) mentions ‘‘the
great gray gull’’ to which he refers the ‘“‘Wagellus cornubiensium,” the
Wagel of the Cornishmen. Whether Newton be right that this is meant
for the skua (Alfred Newton: A Dictionary of Birds, London, 1893-96,
p. 1017) or, as others believe, for a young Larus marinus Linnaeus, there
can be little doubt that the birds observed by Steller were the young of
the glaucous-winged gull (Larus glaucescens Naumann), which is very
common in the region. (S)
245 The log book (Vol. 1, p. 154) gives nearly 21 German miles (83.7
knots) for the 24-hour run and 28314 miles for the distance from Avacha.
24 The log book (Vol. 1, p. 155) gives nearly 8 miles (311% knots).
247 This hardly tallies with the log book, which indicates (Vol. 1, p.
156, entries for 7 and 9 A. M.) a light S to S by E wind in the morning
veering to a stronger SSW and WSW wind in the evening (p. 157, entries
for 7 and 8 Pp. M., September 14, astronomical day, i. e. September 13,
civil day).
110 STELLER’S JOURNAL
drift, at which hour we calculated we were 258 miles from
Avacha.?48
* On the 15th we enjoyed a pleasant day. Towards noon the
long-wished-for sun appeared again.?49 The unusual chilliness
gave hope of a northerly wind, with the aid of which we might
gradually get back on our old course. This might perhaps also
have happened thus if we had been farther west in the Channel?*°
or a couple of degrees farther south. As it was, however, we
were too near land, so that towards evening even an owl?!
248 The MS reads ‘‘288 miles.’’ This is clearly an error, as the MS itself
reads farther up that on September 11 the vessel was only 278 miles from
Avacha. The figure in the printed version agrees exactly with that given
in the log book (Vol. 1, p. 157).
* Since one half of a leaf in the German original was greatly damaged
all matter concerning September 15th and 16th, as well as concerning
September 19th to 21st and the 24th had to be supplemented from the
[Russian] translation.—P. |See also Pallas’ footnote, between footnotes
132 and 133, above, and the Preface, p. viii, above.]
249 Hrom here to the end of the paragraph the MS reads: ‘‘Towards
evening the unusual chilliness increased our hope for a north wind, as
with a NW wind since five o’clock in the morning we had again been able
gradually to get back on our course, which perhaps also might have hap-
pened thus if we had been 4o [or this might be the figure 10 corrected into
20] miles farther west in the Channel, in which they erroneously tried to
persuade themselves to be, [and] a couple of degrees farther south. As it
was, however, we were close to and behind the land, which nobody, how-
ever, would believe, although towards evening an owl, sych, which came
from land, appeared for half an hour about our vessel. Many river gulls
also [showed themselves], and more than two svinki were seen to rush
about, carrying on their play for a quarter of an hour and thus causing
us to reflect doubly: first, that we were near land and, second, that once
more a storm was to be apprehended, because these animals in particular
indicate changes at sea and are, as is well known, thereby incited to such
play.”
230 See, above, footnote 149.
251 As just indicated, Steller in the MS adds the Russian word sych.
This name Pallas assigns in his ‘“‘Zoographia rosso-asiatica’’ specifically
to the pearly owl (Cryptoglaux tengmalmi (Gmelin) = Siryx passerina
Pallas, Zoogr. rosso-asiat., Vol. 2, 1826, p. 323, but not of Linnaeus),
which is a bird of the wooded interior and does not occur in the region
visited by Steller. On the other hand the same name is used by the na-
CONTINUANCE OF WESTWARD VOYAGE i111
appeared about the vessel. River gulls*®? also showed them-
selves, and about six svinki,253 or storm fishes, gamboled around
us, from which we could plainly enough presage the coming storm.
On September 16, soon after midnight, there came up a south-
east wind which lasted until nine o’clock, when it suddenly
jumped from south to west and from there to north, then went
back to west again, and became south-southwest towards three
o'clock in the afternoon, when it began to rain. However, during
the forenoon we had progressed so far that at twelve o’clock we
figured we were yet 240 miles from Avacha.*54 This was the first
contest with the southeast wind, which we afterwards met so
often and became so well acquainted with, that we-really knew
its shifts beforehand.—In the afternoon we saw a very large
quantity of seaweed drifting towards our vessel from the north,
also the same kind of large bundles as on August 2 and the days
following, when we were among and between the American
islands.255
tives of Bering Island for the snowy owl (Nyctea nyctea (Linnaeus),
Stejneger, U. S. Natl. Museum Bull. 29, 1885, p. 223), but it is not likely
that the bird seen by Steller belonged to this conspicuous species, and he
does not definitely identify itas such. Itis more probable that by sych he
meant to indicate one of the smaller species, in this case undoubtedly
the short-eared owl (Asio flammeus (Pontoppidan) = A. accipitrinus
(Pallas), which occurs throughout the Aleutian chain, specific reports
being had from Attu, Atka, and Unalaska, etc. (S)
22 No true river gulls live in the Aleutian Islands. It is therefore
probable that Steller mistook some other small gull for river gulls. It is
then permissible to conjecture that the species seen by him was the red-
legged kittiwake, Rissa brevirostris (Bruch), which has bright red feet,
like the river gulls, and inhabits the Aleutian Islands from Bering Island
to Sannak (163° W.). (S)
233 Syinka (understood morskaya) means little sea pig and, like that
and the German “‘Sturmfisch,”’ is a general term for the common porpoise
(see also, above, footnote 135).
254 The log book (Vol. I, p. 159) gives 24114 miles.
255 Steller under date of August 2 and the following days has nothing
about drifting bundles of any description. Perhaps he meant to refer to
the reed grass, Calamagrostis, mentioned by him in the journal (see,
above, p. 29 and footnote 55) without there assigning a date. (S)
ri2 STELLER’S JOURNAL
On September 17 we had a violent and, in addition, very
changeable wind though mostly from NW by W. At noon we
reckoned ourselves to be 234 miles from Avacha.%* During the
entire day birds were seen flying from the north to the west.
On September 18 we had showers; the wind was SW by W.
At noon we were 229 miles from Avacha.*7 At sunset I observed
large flocks of small snipes and other land birds flying from
north to west.
On September 19 the weather was clear but rather cold. The
wind was NW by W. At noon we were 226 miles from Avacha,?*8
and saw sea otters repeatedly. On the 20th wind and weather
were as on the day before, and in the night there was a complete
calm.
The 21st brought very pleasant weather with sunshine. The
sea was quieter than we had seen it for two months. Towards
evening a southeast wind came up, but about two o’clock?59
after midnight the wind shifted to NW by W.—The 22nd was
very pleasant, the wind NW by N.—On the 23rd it stormed all
day and night, and we sailed northerly with a southwest wind.
This evening the second man on our vessel died, the grenadier
Tretyakov.
On the 24th of September the weather was gloomy almost the
whole day. Towards evening to our great dismay we saw land
ahead of us in latitude 51°, and many islands seemed to lie only
three or four miles from us.2® We took the bearings of the land,
26 The log book (Vol. 1, p. 160) gives practically the same distance,
23314 miles.
27 The log book (Vol. I, p. 161) gives 22714 miles.
28 The log book (Vol. 1, p. 162) gives 22434 miles.
29 The MS has ‘‘one o’clock.’’ The log book (Vol. 1, p. 165) records a
N by W wind at 1 A. M. and a NNW wind at 3 A. M.
200 Instead of ‘‘and many islands . . . from us’ the MS reads:
“‘The mainland and the high, snow-covered mountains we saw at a dis-
tance of 6 to 8, the many islands, however, only 3 to 4 miles from us.”
The land seen was probably Adak and Atka Islands with the intervening
islands. One of the high snow-covered mountains seen was probably the
volcano on Great Sitkin Island (on these identifications see Vol. 1, p.
168, footnotes 100 and 101, and p. 338). The conception of the members
LANDFALL: ADAK AND ATKA ISLANDS 113
but, because we were too near and too far north and also because
with the southwest wind we were going straight towards land
without being able to pass to the south of it, we turned hurriedly
towards the east back to sea. This would not have been necessary
if we had let ourselves be warned by the signs of land, known so
long and so often called to mind, and gone farther south. But
even this very morning Khitrov’s unlucky proposition to go still
farther north, because he thought that the land extended straight
west in latitude 56°, and imagined that he was already in the
Channel,?* came near being approved.—It was most fortunate
that we caught sight of the land while yet day and before the
storm came up which did shortly afterwards, for otherwise we
should certainly have run onto it in the night, or else, in spite of
ourselves and without any means of escape, should have been
driven by the southeast wind and been wrecked on it. In the
excitement it was incidentally hinted at among the officers that
this was surely the place where we had parted from Captain
of the expedition was that they were still skirting the mainland of America
and that the islands which they recognized as such were offshore islands.
This conception is reflected in two maps by the officers themselves show-
ing the results of the expedition, one showing Bering’s and Chirikov’s
tracks according to their own calculations, published by Sokolov in
Zapiski Hydrogr. Depart., Vol. 9, St. Petersburg, 1851 (copied by Laurid-
sen in his “‘ Vitus Bering’’), and the other by Lieutenant Waxel, published
by Dall as Pl. 70 in Appendix No. 19, U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey
Rept. for 1890 (for references see bibliography in Vol. 1, pp. 365, 366,
and 366-367; see also, below, title of Fig. 29). On both maps the main-
land is shown to extend west about as far as this point (see also, above,
Fig. 14).
Although, as stated in Vol. 1, p. 338, no name is recorded in the log
book to have been given to this land, Miiller (Sammlung Russischer
Geschichte, Vol. 3, 1758, p. 223) says that one of the highest mountains
was named Mt. St. John as it was the church day of the conception of
John the Baptist. Davidson (Tracks and Landfalls of Bering and
Chirikof, 1901, p. 40) repeats this statement and seems, on his accom-
panying map and in the text, to identify Korovin Volcano, 4852 feet
high, as Mt. St. John (Great Sitkin volcano is 5033 feet). The name,
in the form of ‘‘The Mountain of St. John’’, also occurs on the map by
Waxel just referred to. (J)
261 See, above, footnote 149.
114 STELLER'S JOURNAL
Chirikov.2® And it is quite true that on that occasion, when we
went south after having weathered the storm, we were told by
the men that land had been seen to the north, which at the time
we would not believe, and thus missed the right way. Captain
Chirikov has without doubt touched land here,?® a circumstance
of which I have already made mention in the beginning of this
account. *
On September 25 with an increasing and continuous storm we
scudded until noon under the lower sails, spanker, and fore-
course (just as on the night before) in order to get away from the
land in a southeasterly direction, being in constant danger of
losing spars and masts because of the very violent wind. In the
282 On this point see, above, footnote 42, last two paragraphs.
263 Chirikov did touch land in this region, anchoring off Adak Island on
September 9 (see Vol. I, pp. 302-306, 319-320, 346-347). Steller knew
that Chirikov had struck land on that date, for, although Steller reached
Petropavlosk after Chirikov had left for Okhotsk (see Vol. I, pp. 280 and
329), copies of Chirikov’s journal and report were doubtless available to
him, either there or at Bolsheretsk, right across the peninsula, where he
prepared the present journal during the winter of 1742-1743 (see below,
p. 190, footnote 1). However, from that information he must have
assumed that the landfall of the St. Peter on September 24 was about
214° in longitude to the west of the landing place of the St. Paul on Sep-
tember 9 (longitude of the former vessel from Vaua, 20°45’, according
to the log book, Vol. 1, p. 167; longitude of the latter, about 23°, accord-
ing to the implication of the corrected distance in Chirikov’s report,
Vol. 1, p. 320; see also map in Zapiski Hydrogr. Depart., Vol. 9, 1851, men-
tioned in footnote 260; see Vol. 1, Pl. I) while it really was about 114° to
the east.
By his previous reference to Chirikov to which Steller alludes in the
next clause, he probably means his mention, on pp. 24-25, above, of the
land alleged to have been seen to the north at the time the two ships
parted company. (J)
* The location of the land here mentioned and noticed during Bering’s
outward voyage and on the return on the sist parallel agrees fairly well
with the now well-known Aleutian Islands, and the actual difference is
doubtless attributable to the chances of a stormy navigation.—P. [That
this land could not have been noticed on Bering’s outward voyage has
already been dealt with in footnote 42, last paragraph. This does not,
of course, affect the correctness of Pallas’ identification of the landfall.
of September 24. (J)]
DRIVEN BACK BY STORMS 115
afternoon we began to run only under the spanker, because we
were already tolerably far from land and, on account of the
west wind, need not fear being driven on the land.
On September 26, although the west wind died down some-
what, the sea remained turbulent, and we were now already
three days retreating towards the southeast.
On September 27 we again had a very violent storm from the
southeast, which, however, after an hour veered to the west and
continued with extreme violence. Every now and then we could
hear the wind rush as if out of a narrow passage, with such
terrible whistling, raging, and blustering that we were every
minute in danger of losing masts or rudder or else of seeing the
vessel itself damaged by the force of the waves, which pounded
it as when cannons are fired, so that we were expecting every
moment the last stroke and death. Even the old and experienced
pilot, Andreas Hesselberg,?** could not recall among the experi-
ences of his fifty years at sea having passed through a storm
which even resembled it.
On the 28th of September the storm continued with even
greater violence, together with hail, lightning, and rain. We were
now for the fifth day being continuously driven back towards
the southeast.
On the 29th it seemed throughout the day as if it might abate.
Towards 10 o'clock at night, however, the wind, suddenly shift-
ing to the southeast, once more heralded a most terrific storm,
then shifted again to west, and continued as before.
On the 30th, about five o’clock in the morning, we encountered
a storm from the southwest of such redoubled violence as we
never have experienced before or since; we could not imagine
that it could be greater or that we should be able to stand it out.
Every moment we expected the destruction of our vessel, and
no one could lie down, sit up, or stand. Nobody was able to
remain at his post; we were drifting under the might of God
whither the angry heavens willed to send us. Half of our crew
lay sick and weak, the other half were of necessity able-bodied
264 On the spelling of this name, see above, footnote 33, last paragraph.
116 SfELLER’S JOURNAL
but quite crazed and maddened from the terrifying motion of the
sea and ship. There was much praying, to be sure, but the curses
piled up during ten years in Siberia prevented any response.
Beyond the ship we could not see a fathom out into the ocean
because we continuously lay buried among the cruel waves.
Furthermore, we could neither cook nor have anything cold to
eat except half-burnt biscuits, which were already beginning to
run short. Under such conditions no one any longer possessed
either courage or counsel. They began too late to regret that
matters had not been managed right and that various things
had been overlooked.—Let no one imagine that our situation is
here represented as too dangerous, let him rather believe that
the most eloquent pen would have found itself too weak to de-
scribe our misery.
During October 1 this terrible southwestern storm continued
with equal violence. Now for the first time the officers began to
consider that, if God would help in weathering the storm, they
should seek a harbor in America, in consideration of the fact that
the weather thus late in the fall is too severe and unsettled, that
we had already been driven back too far east, and that most of
the men were sick and weak. For to go a couple of degrees
farther south was too much out of the way for them. But even
now I could not believe that they were earnest in their decision,
as every one of them had his goods and their caretaker (prikash-
chik) in Kamchatka.—Today, and before as early as September
24, I observed two phenomena that I had never seen before in
my life, namely, the zgues lambentes, or Castor and Pollux, which
the sailors call St. Elmo’s fire, and then the terribly rapid flight.
of the clouds which, during the storm with incredible swiftness
shot like arrows past our eyes and even met and crossed each
other with equal rapidity, often from opposite directions.
On October 2 it began at last to moderate, which, however, it
took the sea more than twenty-four hours to do. Nevertheless,
the wind remained southwest and the sky was dark. Since Sep-
tember 24 we had been driven back towards the east over fifty
miles. We had twenty-four men sick and two dead.—As I had
DRIVEN BACK BY STORMS 117
supposed, so it also came to pass: there was again talk of Kam-
chatka, which, however, God was not willing we should reach
this year.—But the joy did not last long, for towards ten o’clock
at night we again encountered a southeast wind with the usual
violent gusts and storm, so that the minds of all again became as
shaky as were their teeth already from the scurvy.
On October 3, because of the excessively violent storm, we
scudded under the spanker. For the first time the weather was
very clear and unusually cold.—On the 4th it began to moderate
a little; the air continued clear and very cold, although we had
sunshine for a few hours; we also used the lower sails. However,
this luck did not last long but was suddenly interrupted by a
southeast wind with rain, followed by a violent storm from the
southwest. But we had by this time become quite accustomed
to the storms as well as to the daily deaths.—Also on October
5 we still scudded under the spanker. With the violence of the
gale the weather was very clear and unusually cold.
On October 6 we scudded likewise under the spanker; for,
although the storm had gone down somewhat, the sea was still
running too high. During the greater part of the day the sun was
visible; at times, however, hail and snow squalls occurred, and,
shortly after, we saw rainbows twice; at the same time it was
very cold. Towards evening many sharks (Canes Galeos)?®
were seen for the first time on this voyage, swimming about our
ship. During the night the wind died down. This day our ship’s
brandy gave out.
On October 7 the air was cold and clear. At seven o’clock in the
morning we began again to make use of the lower sails but with
poor success on account of the high sea. The wind was SW by W.
On October 8 the wind and the weather during the day were
as on the day before, but towards evening, about three o’clock,
the unlucky southeaster suddenly started in with greatest force.
Two hours later with a westerly wind we again encountered a
very severe gale with mixed rain and hail. It seemed now as if
it would finally be decided to go to America, since, with the lower
265 See, above, footnote 121. (S)
118 STELLER’S JOURNAL
sails set even in this gale, we were running toward the north-
east.
On October 9 the storm became even more violent, conse-
quently we scudded northeast the whole day. However, we had
sunshine today and a very clear night. During the 1oth the
storm continued with equal violence. Lieutenant Waxel very
eagerly made it his business to persuade the Captain Com-
mander, who, because of too much inactivity, was laid up very
badly with the scurvy, to agree that we should approach the
mainland of America in order to winter there, as the impossi-
bility [of reaching Kamchatka] was obvious and as within a few
days we should no longer be able to handle the sails and the ship
with so many sick persons, when it would seem that one and all,
with the whole equipment, must be irretrievably lost. But the
Commander, who had been imposed upon so often, placed now
as little faith in the one as in the other and encompassed his un-
qualified opinion in the command that a vow might be made for
the purpose of collecting money, by the Russians for the church
of the expedition in Avacha but by the Lutherans for the church
at Viborg.?6
On the 11th of October we got very beautiful bright weather
and sunshine. The wind was WNW, and with it we sailed south-
west. Towards night the wind died down completely, and it
became as calm as on September 21. However, about one o’clock
after midnight a strong south wind began to blow, with which
we scurried westward at such a rate that we made more than
one and three-quarter miles an hour. On the 12th we ran with
this wind W by N; but towards noon the wind shifted to south-
west, and about six o’clock in the evening we again got a fierce
storm with snow, rain, and hail. A rainbow was also seen.
On October 13 the storm moderated. Owing to the contrary
266 In the MS the last clause reads: ‘“‘a vow might be made and money
collected, one half to be given to the Russians for the church of the expe-
dition at Avacha, but the other half to the Lutherans for the church in
Viborg.’’ Doubtless Viborg, Finland, not Denmark, is meant, inasmuch
as Bering lived at the former place.
WESTWARD AGAIN 119
westerly wind we tacked between south and northwest. During
the forenoon the sun was seen frequently, but in the afternoon it
began alternately raining and hailing, and towards evening a
rainbow was again seen. On the 14th the sea quieted down
completely; the air at the same time was clear, the sun shone,
but it was rather cold nevertheless. On this day the talk of
America was again started.27 On the 15th we had sunshine all
day, moderate northwest winds, and a quiet sea.
On October 16 the weather was very pleasant and warm and
the sea still. Towards evening, about six o’clock, God sent us a
strong south wind with which at first we sailed [at the hourly
rate of] three, and soon after four knots. During the night the
wind shifted to the east, so that we made five, six, and six anda
half [knots]. At the break of day it veered to the northeast and
became so strong that we dared to run only under the lower sails.
On October 17 it rained the whole day. For the first time we
now sailed twenty-four hours with a steady northeast wind,
though it was altogether too strong. After we had advanced
24 miles in twenty hours, the wind increased to such a degree
that from four o’clock in the evening we had to lay to. At night
it stormed rather hard, but in the morning it began to moderate.
On the 18th of October the weather was by turns bright and
dark, though very cold, the sea rather quiet, and the wind NW
by N. We sailed all day SW by W [at the rate of] two and two
and a half knots. By this time we had thirty-two sick persons.
However, both the sick and those who of necessity were up were
extremely depressed because of the changeable wind. During
the 19th the wind, course, and weather were as on the day pre-
ceding. Grenadier Kiselev’*® died.—On the 20th the wind,
27 In the MS there here follows this sentence: ‘‘But as our officers
constantly prate only about what gets into their heads, I am not going to
heed their talk until they shall reflect beforehand upon what they intend
to say, since up to this time I credit them with no brain work, as they
only think, do, and talk according to and to the extent of what they see
with their eyes.”’
“8 Spelled “‘Kisselow”’ in the Pallas text, which in English translitera-
tion would be Kisselov.
120 STELLER’S JOURNAL
course, and weather were the same as on the day before, though it
stormed in the night. The sluzhiv [servant] Kharitonov died.—
There was no change in the wind and the course on the 2!st;
towards the evening, however, we encountered a storm, and the
soldier Luka Zaviakov?*? died.
On October 22 we had bright weather, sunshine, heavy frost,
and westerly wind, and the course was set N by E straight for
the mainland, a decision taken suddenly, since it was reported to
Lieutenant Waxel that there were only fifteen casks of water on
hand,?7° of which three271 had become damaged and were almost
empty. Because of the many other heavy expenses nobody had
been willing to be responsible for iron hoops on the barrels,
although on board wooden hoops decay during such a long
voyage.?”
On the 23rd of October the wind changed and, with the wind,
the eagerness of the officers to go to America. During the fore-
noon, therefore, we ran with southeast wind and in the afternoon
and night with east wind at such a rate," in spite of the bad
weather and hail showers, that in twenty-four hours we made 31
miles, and thus, with thirteen casks of water, we pushed on close
to America with the intention of either reaching Kamchatka or
stopping at the earliest opportunity at the nearest convenient
island. This was proclaimed openly in order to discourage the
sick still more.
On October 24 the wind and the weather were as on the day
before; in the evening, however, the wind became northerly.
We had progressed with it so far that, according to Mr. Waxel’s
reckoning, we were believed to be 134 and, according to second
29 Spelled ‘‘Sawialow’’ in the Pallas text, which in English translitera-
tion would be Savialov or Zavialov.
270 On this decision see the log book for October 23 (Vol. I, p. 196),
I P.M. and footnote 108.
271 The MS has “‘two,”’ which tallies with the statement in the next
paragraph.
272 In the MS this sentence differs considerably but is too obscure to
admit of translation. (S)
273 The MS has in addition: ‘“‘toward the west.”
LANDFALL: KISKA ISLAND 121
mate Yushin’s, 122 miles from Avacha.?74 We were gradually
nearing the parallel of 53° because it was believed that there was
no more land in the way, and the decision was made to keep
steadily on 52°, so that, in case of eventual extreme lack of water,
we might be in a position to make use of any wind blowing along
the land of Kamchatka. If the wind should become northerly,
we would run between the first and second Kurile Islands and
anchor there; however, if the wind should come from the south
we could make the port of Avacha with even less difficulty;
besides, easterly winds would be advantageous in all events.
This project, brought upon the tapis by Lieutenant Waxel, was
indeed the most reasonable, in case they wanted to go to Avacha
without letting themselves be turned away by something else.
But time will tell how constant they were in this matter and why,
likewise at whose instigation, five days later, without any reason
whatsoever they wickedly deviated from it, which might have
been the destruction of many [men] and of the vessel, nay of us
all, if God, manifestly by a miracle, had not preserved us, wherein
the officers had as little part as their own understanding and
conscience probably has persuaded them that they have.—
Moreover, misery and death suddenly got the upper hand on our
ship to such an extent that not only did the sick die off, but those
who according to their own assertion were well, on being relieved
at their posts, dropped dead from exhaustion. The small allow-
ance of water, the lack of biscuits and brandy, the cold, damp-
ness, nakedness, vermin, fright, and terror were not the least
important causes.
On October 25 we had very clear weather with sunshine.
Still, there were occasional hailstorms in the afternoon. In the
morning we discovered to our astonishment to the north of us,
on the 5Ist parallel, a large and high island275 which on the
274 For the day’s run to noon of October 24 the log book as published
in Vol. 1 (p. 197), which is the one kept by Yushin, records a distance of
14234 miles.
273 Probably Kiska Island. As to the basis for this identification, see
Vol. 1, p. 199, footnotes 111 and r1Io.
122 STELLER’S JOURNAL
outward voyage we had forty miles to the east of us.27@ At
noon we were in 50° 35’ north latitude.277
On the 26th of October the sea was very quiet, the air gloomy,
frosty, and frequently alternating snow and hail. At noon the
reckoning was yet 103 miles from Avacha.?78
On October 27 after one o’clock in the night we got a SSW
wind with which we sailed northwest throughout that night
and day in order to make the latitude of 52° as agreed upon.
The calculation at noon gave still 90 miles from Avacha.?79
In the afternoon the wind changed to a gale; however, now that
the men have become bolder and have learned to know the vessel
and our masts better, the topsails were kept standing all day. It
was now quite evident that we were in the Channel,?8° because
the waves, even when a storm arose, were not so high and the
winds were not subject to such sudden changes. I also observed
now that the waves, with winds of the same force, did not rage
so furiously as in September, probably because now the air was
heavier and stronger?*! and consequently exercised a greater
276 Tt is not readily evident how Steller derived this incorrect estimate.
According to his own statement the island lies on the 51st parallel; on
the outward voyage it was on June 7, at noon, that the St. Peter crossed
this parallel (see log book, Vol. 1, p. 52). The log book gives the longi-
tude from Vaua of that position as 5° 05’ while that of October 25 is
given (Vol. 1, p. 198) as 13° 09’. The difference, representing the dis-
tance between the two points on an east-west line, would be about 8°,
or, in this latitude, 303 nautical miles. As compared with this, 40
[German] miles are 160 nautical miles. Even 8° is too little, owing to
the error in longitude accumulated during the voyage (see Vol. I, p. 210,
footnote 124); the real difference in longitude between. the two points
is about 14° (see Vol. 1, Pl. I), or 530 nautical miles. (J)
277 The log book (Vol. I, p. 198) gives 50° 40’ by dead reckoning and
50° 50’ by observation. Ona matter bearing on the true latitude of the
vessel at this time see, however, Vol. 1, p. 199, footnote I10.
278 The MS reads 108 miles. The log book (Vol. I, p. 199) gives 1114
miles.
279 The log book (Vol. 1, p. 200) gives 10014 miles.
280 See, above, footnote 149.
281 Instead of ‘“‘stronger’’ the MS has “‘colder.”’
LANDFALL: BULDIR ISLAND 123
pressure on the surface of the sea.2* The same reason will also
explain the fact that now the air is clear and brighter, while on
the other hand nothing but fog and thick and dark atmosphere
prevail in spring and summer, inasmuch as the west, southwest,
and south winds, which mostly blow steadily through the spring
and summer, fill the atmosphere with vapors which are only
driven hither and thither, but not dispersed, by the occasional
north winds. However, through the coldness of the air these
vapors are condensed in the form of hail and snow and conse-
quently are precipitated, so that the air becomes clearer after each
squall; whereupon it remains calm for a while, until new vapor
has gathered at the same place.?*
On the 28th of October, in the morning, we were surprised
again by something new: When the day broke we observed:a
great change in the water, from which it was not difficult to
conclude that we must be near land. When the lead was heaved
we found ourselves in fourteen fathoms. A little later the atmos-
phere cleared and we saw an island ahead of us, straight on our
2 In the MS the following passage, of which the first sentence may
be considered parenthetical, here intervenes: ‘‘In this I saw an explana-
tion of the phenomenon that the waves, with a wind of the same force
in both cases, reach the shores twice as high in autumn and winter as
they do in spring and summer, because the pressure is from the center
towards the periphery and the shores offer resistance. Also [continuing
the argument on the less turbulent sea], the air is cleared in autumn by
the frequent falls of hail and snow, and these, in falling, deaden the
motion of the waves by their pressure.”
23 Tf Pallas’ text be read in conjunction with the MS, of which the only
essential variant has been quoted in footnote 282, Steller’s thought in
this passage may possibly be rendered as follows: The heavy and cold air
of autumn and winter has, as compared with the conditions existing in
spring and summer, a deadening effect on wave formation in the open
sea, both by exerting greater pressure on the surface of the water and
by the blanket of hail and snow which results from the condensation of
moisture in this form at this season of the year. On the other hand,
because this pressure is from the center outwards and because this
pressure is greater in autumn and winter than in spring and summer, it
causes higher waves to strike the shore in the former seasonal half of the
year than it does in the latter half.
124 STELLER’S JOURNAL
course, only about a mile distant. It lay NE and SW in
relation to the mainland of America and did not seem to be very
high, but rather low, with flat and sandy beaches. For the second
time we had here occasion to see plainly God’s gracious help,
as we should have been done for without fail if we had come into
this situation a couple of hours sooner and in the dark of night,
or if God, even now, had not driven the fog away. We might
well conclude that, in addition to the islands seen, there must
have been many others here and there along our course, which
we may have sailed past at night and in foggy weather, indicated,
it is true, by the seaweed constantly drifting from land towards
us. Similarly, about this time a small species of diver, known as
starik,25 flew aboard our vessel during the night; these birds
habitually pass the night on the rocks and fly against everything
284 Buldir Island (see Vol. 1, p. 201, footnote 114, and p. 339). Astoa
different identification, namely as Kiska Island, see Vol. 1, p. 199, foot-
note 111. Steller’s immediately following statement, that the island
trends NE-SW, to a certain extent fits Kiska better, although it might
apply to the transverse southeastern portion of Buldir, but the specific
statement in Khitrov’s journal (Vol. 1, p. 201, footnote 115) that the
island sighted on October 28 trended WNW-ESE, which is precisely
the trend of the longitudinal, or main, portion of Buldir (U. S. Coast
Chart No. 9102), would seem to confirm the identification as Buldir.
Steller’s description of the island as not very high (see, however, Yushin’s
log book 7 A.M. entry “‘sighted high land,’’ Vol. 1, p. 201) would apply
equally to Buldir and to the southern part of Kiska, both of which do
not exceed 1200-1500 feet in height (the northern part of Kiska, con-
sisting of a volcanic cone of 4050 feet altitude, may even have been
thought by the officers of the St. Peter to be a separate island; see Vol.
I, p. 199, footnote 112); but Steller’s statement that the island’s beaches
were flat and sandy could only apply to Buldir, as Kiska’s shores are
described as ‘‘hilly and rocky’”’ (U. S. Coast Pilot, Part II: Yakutat Bay
to Arctic Ocean, U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey, Washington, 1916,
p. 222). If to these criteria be added the probable position of the St. Peter
at the time of sighting the islands in this region, as discussed in Vol. 1,
p. 199, footnote 111, the identification as Buldir seems highly probable.
(J)
285 Starik (a Russian word meaning old man; so called probably from
the white hairlike feathers on the head; hence Gmelin’s name Alca-
antiquus and Pallas’ Uria senicula) is the ‘‘ancient murrelet’”’ (Synthli-
LANDFALL: SEMICHI ISLANDS 125
that they see only dimly near at hand, like owls in the daytime.?*6
Because of this, large numbers of them around Avacha are caught
alive with the hands* by merely sitting down near them cov-
ered with a mantle or kuklanka (a fur coat of the Kamchadals),
under which they then gather as if in a ready nest.—Under the
circumstances it was our luck that Master Khitrov’s unfortunate
proposition was not accepted: he would that we should anchor
here out in the open sea and lower the boat in order to fetch water
from shore, regardless of the fact that only ten feeble persons
were left, who, though able to lend a hand, were yet in no con-
dition to hoist the anchor again from the bottom; so that in the
storm which ensued three hours later we should assuredly all
together have found our grave in the waves.
On October 29 we continued our course with the same wind.
At intervals it rained throughout the day. On the 3oth, likewise
in the morning, we saw in latitude 50° and some minutes two
islands,?87 lying close to one another, which were separated from
boramphus antiquus (Gmelin)), which is a common breeding bird in the
region where Steller observed it (records: Commander Islands, Attu.
Agattu, Semichi, Atka, Unalaska, etc.). The suggestion in Pallas’ next
footnote that this bird was probably one of the small auks mentioned in
his “‘Spicilegia’’ is not correct, as admitted later on by Pallas himself
(Zoogr. rosso-asiat., Vol. 2, 1826, p. 368). In the latter work he quotes
Steller’s account of how the Kamchadals catch these birds, knowledge
of which Steller evidently first obtained after his return to Kamchatka
in 1742. See also, above, footnote 239. (S)
28 Thus reads the MS, which seems a more reasonable statement
than that of the published version, which reads: ‘‘and, like owls, in the
daytime fly against everything that they see only dimly in the darkness.”’
* This seems to have reference to that rare species of Alca which is
described and figured in Pallas’ Spicil. Zool—P. [‘‘Spicilegia zoologica,”’
Berlin, 1767.]
287 The Semichi Islands (see Vol. 1, p. 202, footnote 117). They consist
of three islands, but possibly only two were seen, or, if the whole group
was taken for two islands, this may have been due to the fact ‘‘the two
eastern ones are low and the western one higher’ (U. S. Coast Pilot,
Part II: Yakutat Bay to Arctic Ocean, U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey,
Washington, 1916, p. 223).
According to the log book (Vol. 1, p. 202) the islands were first sighted
126 STELLER’S JOURNAL
each other by a narrow channel. These were taken for the first
two Kurile Islands, especially on the statements of and the land-
marks indicated by the Kamchatkan natives who were on board
the vessel. But as no one would venture to assert it positively,
the officers disregarded it recklessly, nor would they listen to
those who thought they saw the mainland beyond. And yet four
other reasons might be advanced for this, viz.: (1) the many sea
otters which now appeared about our ship and never before dur-
ing the voyage had come in sight so frequently, while at the
Kurile Islands they really are so numerous;?8 (2) the west
wind, which we encountered here suddenly, as an indication that
at I0 A.M., October 29 (both civil and astronomical date)—not on
October 30.
The latitude of ‘‘50° and some minutes,’’ which was partly responsible
for the fallacious identification of the Semichi Islands as the ‘“‘first’’ (i. e.
northernmost) two Kurile Islands, is, of course, incorrect. The Semichi
Islands lie in 52° 45’ N. How this large error, for latitude, came about is
not quite clear. The log book for October 29 (Vol. 1, p. 202) records a
latitude of 52° 31’ at noon, two hours after sighting the islands, which,
although probably a little short, was much closer to the truth. There is
evidence in the other records of the expedition of uncertainty in the de-
termination of latitude at this time. The log book records the latitude of
50° 50’ by observation for noon of October 25 (Vol. 1, p. 198), while
Khitrov’s journal gives 51° 11’ as the latitude of the vessel’s probably
slightly more southerly position four hours earlier (Vol. I, p. 199, foot-
note 110), which seems to be much nearer the truth. Likewise, Waxel
in his report records (Vol. 1, p. 276) that, from the later more accurately
determined latitude of the landing place of the expedition on Bering
Island, it was evident that the ship’s reckoning was out by about one
degree of latitude when they passed Copper Island on November 4 (see
also Vol. 1, p. 208, last entry in log book under November 4). In addition
to the unrealized effect of currents and tidal rips these errors may pos-
sibly legitimately be ascribed to the scurvy-stricken condition of the
officers and crew (J).
288 What Steller says here about the sea otter being so numerous on the
Kurile Islands does not conflict with his previous statement (p. 31,
above). Steller only knew of their occurrence at the first two Kuriles
(see also footnote 57, above). (S)
CONJECTURES AS TO POSITION 127
we were near land;28? (3) the observed latitude,* which corre-
sponded to that of the first Kurile Islands;2%° (4) the heavy fog
which in the west seemed to hide the land, while on the contrary
it was clear in the east. Likewise, if the position of Lopatka and
the first Kurile Islands be compared with the five days’ course
kept from there directly north and the distance run then west
by south until we came to Bering Island—the position of which,
as we learned later, is twenty miles straight east of the mouth of
the Kamchatka River—it will be seen that without any doubt
we have been at the first two Kurile Islands,?*! though the officers,
289 See, above, footnote 144, last paragraph.
* If this single reason had not been against it, I would much rather
regard it as certain that the two islands in question were the westernmost
of the nearer, properly so-called Aleutian Islands; at least, this conjec-
ture is a very probable one.—P.
290 The latitude of ‘‘50° and some minutes’”’ does correspond to that of
the ‘‘first,’’ or northernmost, Kurile Island but not to that of the Semichi
Islands, as we have just seen in footnote 287, nor to that of ‘‘this western-
most of the nearer Aleutian Islands,’’ as Pallas in his footnote nearly
correctly identifies the islands sighted on October 29. (J)
291 This deduction does not seem permissible even on the basis of
Steller’s own statements. For the meaning of this passage would seem to
be: “If our route be plotted from the point where we sighted the two
islands (= ‘from there’) as it led northwards for five days (see, below,
p. 129, and footnote 296) and then W by S until we came to Bering Island
and if this route be considered in relation to the now known position of
Bering Island as 20 [German] miles due east of the mouth of the Kam-
chatka River, then the initial point of this route at the two islands will be
seen to coincide with the known position in latitude of the first Kurile
island in 50° and some minutes.’’ These relations can be visualized better
in the form of a right-angled triangle (see Vol. 1, Pl. I) in which the
southern apex is represented by the point at which the Semichi Islands
were sighted, the right angle by the point at which the course changed
from northward to westward, and the northwestern apex by the mouth of
the Kamchatka River, the two included sides of the right angle being
represented respectively by the northward course and by the westward
course with its extension to the mouth of the Kamchatka River. This
leaves the third side of the triangle, with its northwest-southeast trend,
to represent the eastern coast of Kamchatka. Steller’s argument would
thus be understandable if he thought that this coast trended northwest-
southeast. But a few pages below (p. 134) he tells us precisely that it
128 SLELLER'S JOURNAL
to this hour, will neither admit nor believe it. Besides, to the
question, why they went as far north as 56°, consequently devi-
ating from their own decision not to go beyond 52°, thereby caus-
ing our non-arrival and the final ruin of the ship, they will not
in all eternity be able to return an answer.
Accordingly, against all reason we sailed northward because,
as Master Khitrov told Lieutenant Waxel, otherwise our dead
reckoning would not come out even,?” since it indicated still over
sixty miles from Avacha. They would rather jeopardize the
welfare of us all than appear to have made a mistake, whereby,
in addition, the whole chart, as well as the reckoning, would be
incorrect and uncertain, if the error were only covered up and not
pointed out, especially since, in view of the long voyage, the
many storms gone through, the unknown currents,?% the beating
to windward, etc., and also in view of the fact that the method
used in determining the longitude (though the best, in default of
a better one) is nevertheless subject to very many inaccuracies,
an error of thirty to forty miles would not be considered bad,
while on the contrary a too precise exactness must to intelligent
people appear either a miracle or humbug.
Apart from this baseless excuse, there seems, judging from
many circumstances, to have been hidden behind it quite a secret
motive which had egotistical designs for its object. Namely,
they preferred to go north in order to be able to use the dire
necessity as a pretext why they would have to enter the mouth
of the Kamchatka River and not Avacha [Bay]. This we under-
trends northeast-southwest. The only basis for his deduction is thereby
removed, and it remains unclear how he arrived at it.
In this connection it should be remarked that Bering Island is not due
east of the mouth of the Kamchatka River, that point being in latitude
about 56%4°, while Bering Island is bisected by the 55th parallel. (J)
292 On the error in longitude in the ship’s reckoning see Vol. I, p. 210,
footnote 124, and pp. 276 and 332.
293 The printed text has “bei . . . nicht bemerkten Str6mungen,”’
strictly ‘‘in view of currents that were not noticed”; the MS has “‘bey so
vielen . . . observirten Stréhmen,’’ “in view of the many currents
whose presence was observed.”
THE, LAST STRETCH 129
stood well enough, partly from the bad terms they were on with
the Captain Commander and partly from the jealousy between
Lieutenant Waxel and Master Khitrov.?%
On October 31, as well as on November I, 2, and 3, nothing
unusual occurred except that our patients were dying off very
rapidly2®%° and many at a time, so that it was scarcely possible to
manage the ship or make any change in the sails. At God’s
mercy, under two leaders, betrayed and sold, we proceeded north-
ward, through the 5Ist, 52nd, 53rd, 54th, 55th, and as far as the
56th parallel. On November 4, in the middle of the night, we
started to run W by S with a suitable wind.2** On the 5th in the
morning the order was given to shorten sail so as not to run on
the land. Everybody stood on deck and looked about for the
land, as the thing was announced with very great mathematical
certainty. To our great astonishment it chanced that towards
nine o'clock land was seen.297 It is impossible to describe how
great and extraordinary was the joy of everybody at this sight.
The half-dead crawled up to see it, and all thanked God heartily
for this great mercy. The Captain Commander, who was a very
sick man, became not a little aroused, and all talked of how,
“eé
294 In the MS the sentence is here completed with the clause: ‘‘and
our subsequent ruin is therefore attributable more to artificial than to
natural winds.”’
25 The log book (Vol. 1, pp. 204, 206, 208) and Waxel’s report (ibid.,
p. 281) record the death of four persons in these four days (civil dates).
26 Thus, according to Steller, the course was northward from the
morning of October 30 (see, above, p. 125 combined with p. 127)—
equivalent in his chronology to the time of sighting the two islands—to
the middle of the night of November 4 (p. 129), agreeing with his pre-
vious reference (p. 127) to the ‘“‘five days’ course . . . directly north.”
This does not agree with the log book. According to this record the
northward course lasted 314 days—from the time of sighting the two
islands (actually, on the morning of October 29) to 5 Pp. M. of November
I (civil date, or November 2, astronomical date; see Vol. 1, p. 206). It
was on that date, and not on November 4, according to the log book, that
the course was changed to westward (see also Vol. 1, Pl. I). (J)
297 Copper Island (Medni Island); see Vol. 1, p. 208, footnote 120.
According to the log book it was the morning of November 4 (both civil
and astronomical date).
130 STELLER’S JOURNAL
after having suffered such terrible misery, they were going to
care for their health and take a rest. Little cups of brandy con-
cealed here and there made their appearance in order to keep up
the joy. These cool words were heard trumpeted forth with the
voice of a herald: ‘‘Even if there had been a thousand navigators,
they could not have hit it off to a hair like this in their reckoning;
we are not a half mile off.’”"—The sketches of Avacha were pro-
Decided to make
for shore Nov 5,
-9 A.M. v-Tacking northward
Ba a ae
55°
Tried to a Be
get de ‘N
around cape 4 .
bearing SE" \ Uipst gon of lana
Nautical Miles
10 20 30
5
German Miles
Fic. 15 —Track of the St. Peter on approaching Bering Island, November 4-5,
1741, as reconstructed by L. Stejneger. Scale, 1:2, 560,000. (This should replace the
representation in Vol. 1, Pl. I.)
duced and the land was found to agree exactly with them; Isopa
[Cape], Cape Shipunski, the mouth of the harbor, and the mayak
(lighthouse] were pointed out.298 Although it might have been
known from the dead reckoning that we were at the very least on
the 55th parallel, while Avacha is two degrees farther south, yet,
because a headland was seen which was taken to be Shipunski,
our course was set northerly. When we had doubled the sup-
298 Tsopa Cape is the modern Cape Povorotni south of Avacha Bay;
Cape Shipunski is north of the bay. The lighthouse was on the headland
on the northern side of the entrance to the bay. (For locations see Vol.
I, Pl. I, inset, also p. 49, footnote 5.)
APPROACHING BERING ISLAND 131
posed Isopa, which was, however, the extreme point of the first
island,?9® and already were in the arm of the sea between the
first and the second island,? though before the channel [between
them] could be seen or their nature as islands ascertained, it
happened that the noon sun permitted an observation to be
taken, according to which we were between the 55th and 56th
degrees of north latitude, and we consequently began to doubt,
quite naturally, that this was the region about Avacha. We
attempted to get back around the first island’s end, which lay to
the southeast 2? and had been taken for Isopa, but in vain, though
299 Copper Island.
300 Bering Island.
soa A careful study of the movements of the St. Peter as related by
Steller possibly affords a surer clue to the track of the vessel on approach-
ing Bering Island than the log book alone. For this reacon the following
analysis is here offered as affording possibly a more satisfactory recon-
struction of her track in these waters than shown on Pl. I in Vol. 1.
In the otherwise admirable plotting of the track by the late Captain
Bertholf on that map he used Steller’s journal as well as the log book
(see Vol. 1, p. 330, footnote 1). But in the translation of the journal
available to him at that time the words at this point, ‘‘das nach Siidosten
gelegne Ende der ersten Insul’’ were rendered by ‘‘the southeastern end
of the first island’’ instead of ‘‘the first island’s end, which lay to the
southeast.’’ The log book is not explicit enough alone to counteract the
resulting misconception; but its details, when applied to the interpreta-
tion here given, will, it is thought, be found to fit well. This interpreta-
tion, which is illustrated on Fig. 15, is as follows:
During the night of November 4 (astronomical; we accept the chron-
ology of the log book in preference to that of Steller) the St. Peter was
approaching the Commander Islands on a WSW course. On the follow-
ing morning towards nine o’clock (Steller; log book) land was sighted
SW by S, 4 German miles away (log book, Yushin’s version). This
bearing, which need not be taken too literally, however, would indicate
the higher parts of south-central Copper Island. As more land gradually
came into view the northwestern cape of Copper Island covered the
southern end of Bering Island to such an extent that the two islands
appeared as one continuous land with a deep embayment beyond the
northwestern cape of Copper Island. This was the situation which led to
identification with the Avacha Bay region. The northwestern cape ot
Copper Island was taken for Isopa Cape (the modern Povorotni; see
Vol. 1, Pl. I), some headland on the eastern shore of Bering Island for
132 STELLER’S JOURNAL
we tried to do so by tacking until evening.—Towards evening
we turned northward, in order to get away from land, because a
storm was expected, that actually broke out in the night. The
shrouds of the mainmast broke from the violent force of the
wind and [the weight of] the sails, since the topsails and courses
remained set as they had stood during the day without being
reefed and since it was impossible for the feeble remnant of the
crew to take them in during the middle of the night in the grow-
ing storm; so that in the morning, after the turbulent and stormy
night had changed into a most pleasant day and weather, we did
not dare carry all the sail we could and should have carried. On
November 6,3! Master Khitrov, who had already won Lieutenant
Waxel over to his side and also brought around the petty officers
and the crew, therefore proposed that, in view of the late autumn
Cape Shipunski, and the reéntrant between them for the embayment
at the head of which lies Avacha Bay. When the vessel had passed be-
yond the northwestern cape of Copper Island and the noon observation
of the sun had shown that they were not in the latitude of Avacha, they
tried to get back around (Steller: ‘‘um das Ende zuriicke herumzu-
kommen’”’) the point which was then to the southeast of them, viz. the
northwestern cape of Copper Island. This they had difficulty in doing,
and in order not to be driven on a lee shore during the night (a northeaster
was blowing), they changed to a N/E and N course by tacking. On
thus changing their course at 5 Pp. M. the northwestern cape of Copper
Island bore SE % E (Khitrov’s version of the log book: Vol. 1, p. 210,
footnote 122; for thus his ‘“‘S point’? may reasonably be interpreted
inasmuch as to them it was Isopa, the point limiting the embayment
on the south). All during that night in their enfeebled condition they
fought against that northeasterly gale. While not able to keep a straight
northerly course, they had succeeded in keeping far enough away from
Bering Island so that in the morning they were still at an estimated dis-
tance of six German miles (Steller) to the east of it. The “‘S point”
recorded by Yushin as bearing SE 14 E 3 German miles at 5 A. M. may
again be taken to refer to the northwestern cape of Copper Island sighted
over the stern. At 8 A. M. the decision was made to steer straight for
the shore in sight, and accordingly the course was changed to WSW,
which led the vessel to Komandor Bay on Bering Island. (S)
301 On November 5 (civil and astronomical), according to the log book
(Vol. I, p. 209, 8 A. M. entry, and p. 210, footnote 123).
APPROACHING BERING ISLAND 133
season, the bad weather,%°? the unserviceable mast, as well as the
distance from Avacha, and the small number of sailors and sol-
diers, feeble and sick, the Captain Commander should call a
council, in which it should be decided to land in the bay to the
west of us, where, at an estimated distance of six miles, a harbor
was suspected. And this was accomplished in the following
manner :—The Captain Commander, it is true, insisted that since
we had already risked and endured worse and could still use the
foremast and since we had yet six casks of water, an attempt
should be made to reach the port [Avacha]. However, both
officers opposed his proposition, insisted on a landing in the bay,
and persuaded all the petty officers and crew, who likewise
assented but nevertheless were only willing to sign on condition
that, as non-experts, they could be assured that this land was
Kamchatka; if it was not, they would be prepared still to risk
the utmost and work to the last. As Master Khitrov now assured
them that, if this were not Kamchatka, he would let his head be
cut off, the outcome depended upon a few only, some of whom,
however, by smooth as well as hard words were compelled to
sign against their will—The Captain Commander thereupon
ordered the adjutant, at that time reduced to the rank of sailor,
at present the Lieutenant Ovtsin, to express his opinion.?% But
as he concurred in the opinion of the Captain Commander, the
order of both the officers was: ‘‘Get out, shut up,3°4 scoundrel,
302 The MS has as an additional reason: ‘“‘the broken shrouds.”
303 Lieutenant Dimitri Ovtsin, on the expedition subsidiary to Ber-
ing’s the purpose of which was to explore the Arctic coast of Siberia (see,
above, footnote 18), was detailed in 1734 to survey the coast from the Ob
to the Yenisei, which he did in 1737. But because of friendly relations
with the exiled Prince Dolgoruki, Ovtsin was reduced to the rank of
sailor and was sent to Okhotsk to join Bering. Bering, apparently, used
him as an adjutant, or assistant. See also his later counter-statement on
the condition of the St. Peter after the landing on Bering Island (Vol. 1,
PP. 231-232). (G)
304 Both in the printed version and the MS these two expressions are
given in German transliteration of the Russian, which, in English trans-
literation, would be: von, get out; malshi (in the printed version, mashi),
i. e. molchi, hold your tongue.
134 SLrELLER’S JOURNAL
rascal!’ and so he had to leave the council. At last, according
to the favorite*® order of precedence, my turn came also; but
warned by the example of Ovtsin I answered: “I have never been
consulted in anything from the beginning, nor will my advice
be taken if it does not agree with what is wanted; besides, the
gentlemen themselves say that I am not a sailor; therefore I
would rather not say anything.’’—I was next asked if I, asa
person worthy of belief (being now for the first time so consid-
ered) would not at least add a written certificate regarding the
sickness and the miserable condition of the crew.—This I there-
upon undertook to do, in accord with my conscience.—And thus
it was decided to enter the bay and to land there but to send
from there to Lower Kamchatka Post for podvods (posthorses)
to transport the men.
Although the situation contradicted the opinion that this was
Kamchatka, because the mainland of Kamchatka from Chu-
kotski Nos to Lopatka lies NE-SW, while the island before us,
afterwards called Bering’s Island, lay NW-SE, yet the hope re-
mained that it might be a nos (headland) of Kamchatka, most of
which have such a position. On the other hand, the land seemed
too large to be a nos of Kamchatka, as no headland in Kam-
chatka is known that equals the fifteen-mile-long Shipunski,
while by eye measure the island before us was at least twenty-five
miles long *** and, besides, other projections extended from it very
far out to sea, so that by good rights it might have been con-
sidered a separate land rather than a promontory. In the end,
therefore, the conclusion would probably have to be drawn that
it could be neither the mainland of Kamchatka nor a promontory
of it, which [promontory, if it were a promontory], moreover,
no one on our vessel professed to know. However, the erroneous
305 “‘favorite’’ does not occur in the MS.
305a This probably refers to the whole stretch of land as it lay before
them, from the southeastern cape of Copper Island to the northeastern
cape of Bering Island. For this distance 25 German miles is a reasonable
approximation. Cape Shipunski may be considered 15 German miles
long if measured from its tip to midway of the embayment constituting
the Gulf of Kronotski (see Vol. 1, Pl. I). (J)
—
LANDING ON BERING ISLAND 135
idea originating from Bering’s first expedition was too deeply
rooted, that there could exist no island so near Kamchatka,
especially in this latitude where the sea was said to have been
explored for fifty miles from land.3%
Accordingly they went, without further concern, straight
towards the land into the bay. When towards four o’clock in the
evening we were so near land that it appeared to be scarcely a
mile away from us, and for three hours no officer had shown
himself on deck, as was usual on all dangerous occasions, and all
were gently and sweetly sleeping, I went to the Captain Com-
mander and begged that he might order that at least one of the
officers should remain at his watch,3% since it looked as though
they were intending to run ashore without further precaution.
Both officers were indeed ordered on deck, but they evinced no
further concern than to order the course to be held straight for
land. When towards sundown we had arrived within two versts
of shore, they began to heave the lead and advanced about
another verst, where at last they anchored in nine fathoms. It
was now already night but very light on account of the moon,
and after the lapse of half an hour such a heavy surf, or burun,
began to run at this place that the ship was tossed about like a
ball and threatened to strike against the bottom. It also snapped
the anchor cable, so that we expected nothing short of being
wrecked. The confusion became still greater by the constant
breaking of the waves, the shouting and the wailing, so that no
one any longer knew who should give or who should take orders.
All that the officers, terrified and seized with the fear of death,
did was to shout that the [cable of the] second anchor be cut
and a new [anchor] thrown over into the burun. When they had
306 Instead of “‘from land’’ the MS reads ‘‘to the east.’’ On this sally,
made during the first expedition, see, above, footnote 223. In the earlier
passage of the journal (p. 100) it was said that no land was found within
thirty miles of Kamchatka. Possibly these somewhat divergent figures
may be due to a misreading by the copyist of the figure 30 as 50.
307 In the MS the following clause is here inserted: ‘‘in order to decide
on the place to anchor.”
136 STELLER’S JOURNAL
thus lost two anchors in half a quarter of an hour, the present
Lieutenant Ovtsin and the boatswain came forward at last and
forbade the throwing over of any more anchors, because it was
to no purpose so long as we were tossed about among the waves
on the reef; they advised on the contrary to let the vessel drift.
—When we had thus passed inside the bar and the surf, these
men, who alone had retained their reason, let the last anchor
drop, because we now lay between the burun and the shore as in
a placid lake, all at once quiet and delivered of all fear of strand-
ing.—The wise sayings which were uttered while we were in
imminent peril of death, and about which one could scarcely
keep himself from laughing?°8 even in the midst of the danger,
can be judged, among other things, by the fact that someone
asked whether the water was very salty, as if death in fresh water
would be more delightful—Another, for the better encourage-
ment of the panic-stricken men shouted: ‘Oh, God! It is all
over with us! Oh, God, our ship! A disaster has befallen our
ship !’’ God now laid bare the resoluteness of the hearts which
ordinarily were bursting with courage. He who until now had
been the greatest talker and advice-giver**® kept himself con-
cealed, until others, with God’s help, had found a way out,
whereupon he began valiantly to preach courage to the men,
though he himself from high-heartedness was as pale as a corpse.
—In the midst of this hubbub another ridiculous performance
took place. For several days we had been carrying with us the
dead trumpeter and a soldier*!° in order to bury them ashore,
308 A somewhat different aspect is furnished by this passage as given
in the MS. It there reads: ‘‘How strange the behavior and the wise
sayings uttered at this time were, can be judged by the fact that some, in
spite of the imminent peril of death, could not refrain from laughing,
and that someone asked whether the water was very salty,” etc.
309 Probably Khitrov is meant.
310 Instead of ‘‘the dead trumpeter and a soldier’’ the MS reads “‘the
bodies of several soldiers and of the trumpeter.’’ The entries in the log
book would seem to confirm the published version as edited by Pallas,
as, of all who died between October 31 and November 5, the bodies of .
all but two (the grenadiers Alexei Popov and Ivan Nebaranov; Vol. 1,
— =.
oo
FIRST DAYS ON BERING ISLAND boy
but now they were thrown without ceremony neck and heels
into the sea, because some superstitious fellows, at the beginning
of the terror, regarded the dead bodies as the cause of the
commotion.
The night was otherwise very pleasant and light. On Novem-
ber 741 we had again a very pleasant day and a northeast wind.
I spent the morning in packing so much of my baggage as I
could get hold of near by. Because I could see plainly that our
vessel could not hold together longer than till the first violent
storm, when it must either be driven out to sea or dashed to
pieces against the beach, I, with Mr. Plenisner, my cossack, and
several of the sick men went ashore first.
We had not yet reached the beach when a strange and dis-
quieting?” sight greeted us, inasmuch as from the land a number
of sea otters came towards us in the sea, which from a distance
some of us took for bears, others for wolverines, but later on we
learned to know, unfortunately, only too well.—As soon as we
had landed, Mr. Plenisner went to hunt with the gun, while I
investigated the natural conditions of the surroundings. After
having made various observations, I returned towards evening
to the sick men, and there I also found Lieutenant Waxel, who
was very weak and faint. We refreshed ourselves with tea.
Among other things I remarked: ‘‘God knows whether this is
Kamchatka !’—receiving, however, from him [Waxel] the reply:
“What else can it be? We shall soon send for podvods (horses);
the ship, however, we shall cause to be taken to the mouth of
the Kamchatka River by cossacks, the anchors can be had any
time, the most important thing now is to save the men.’’—In the
pp. 208 and 209) are mentioned as having been cast inta the sea. Also,
there is no mention of a trumpeter among the dead prior to landing on
Bering Island; subsequent to that date, however, on November 11
(astronomical; November 10, civil) is recorded (ibid., p. 215) the death
of the trumpeter Mikhail Toroptsov.
311 According to the log book, on November 6, as far as events can be
correlated from the brief record in that document.
312 The words “‘and disquieting”’ are not in the MS.
138 STELLER’S JOURNAL
meantime Mr. Plenisner also came back, told what he had seen,
and brought half a dozen ptarmigans,** which he sent on board
to the Captain Commander with the Lieutenant, in order to
revive him by means of the fresh food. I, however, sent him
some nasturtium-like herbs*!4 for a salad.—Later two cossacks
and a cannoneer arrived, who had killed two sea otters and two
seals, news which appeared quite remarkable to us. When we
reproached them for#® not bringing the meat in for our refresh-
ment, they fetched us a seal, which seemed to them preferable
to the sea otter for eating. As evening came I made a soup from
a couple of ptarmigans and ate this dish with Mr. Plenisner,
young Waxel, and my cossack. In the meanwhile Mr. Plenisner
made a hut out of driftwood and an old sail, and under it we slept
that night alongside the sick.
On November 8 *46 we again enjoyed pleasant weather. This
morning Mr. Plenisner made the agreement with me that he
should shoot birds, while I should look for other kinds of food,
and that we should meet again towards noon in this place. With
my cossack I went at first along the beach to the eastward,
gathered various natural curiosities, and also chased a sea otter;
313 The ptarmigan of the Commander Islands is a distinct species pecul-
iar to those islands (Lagopus ridgwayi Stejneger). A full account of the
natural history of this bird has been given by me in U. S. Natl. Museum
Bull. 20, 1885, pp. 194-202, and a colored plate has been published in
Zeitschr. fiir die Gesammte Ornithologie, Vol. 1, 1884, Budapest, Pl. 5. (S)
314 The MS reads: ‘‘Nasturcische Krauter und Bach Brung.’’ The
nasturtiums were undoubtedly Cardamine pratensis L. and C. hirsuta L.
(C. umbellata Green), probably also Cochlearia officinalis L., all of which
are common on Bering Island. ‘‘Bach Brung”’ is a lapsus for Bachbung
(Veronica americana Schwein.), the American brooklime. The European
Veronica beccabunga L. and the above crucifers are used extensively as
salads in Northern Europe and are credited with antiscorbutic prop-
erties. (S)
315 To render the wording of the MS, insert here, between ‘“‘for’’ and
“not” the words ‘‘having taken the skins and.”’
316 Judging by the later reference to anchoring the vessel more securely,
this day was November 7 (civil date) according to the log book (Vol. 1,.
Ds BE2).
FIRST DAYS ON BERING ISLAND 139
my cossack, however, shot eight blue foxes,?!7 the number and
fatness of which as well as the fact that they were not shy aston-
ished me exceedingly. Moreover, since I saw the many manati*!8
317 In the MS: “blue pesci.’’ The blue fox, or Arctic fox (Alopex lago-
pus (Linnaeus)) of the Commander Islands has been described by Mer-
riam as a separate form under the name Vulpes beringensis (Proc. Biol.
Soc. of Washington, Vol. 15, 1902, p. 171). The pesets, as it is called
by the Russians (pestsi in the plural, whence pesci, the German form of
transliteration in the MS), is still common on the island and is of consider-
able economic importance (see Stejneger, Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol.
6, 1883, pp. 87-88; idem, Asiatic Fur-Seal Islands, 1898, pp. 30, 42-44). (S)
318 j, e. sea cows. The sea cow (Hydrodamalis gigas, also known as
Rhytina gigas or stelleri) possesses great interest on account of its early
extermination by man, which took place in 1768, twenty-seven years
after its discovery by Steller. He gave a very full description of this
animal in his famous treatise ‘‘De bestiis marinis’’ (Novt Commentarit
Acad. Sci. Imp. Petropol., Vol. 2, 1751). Skeletons and parts of skeletons
are preserved in various museums, such as Petrograd, Helsingfors, Stock-
holm, etc. The U. S. National Museum in Washington possesses one
whole and several partial skeletons together with an unequaled series of
skulls from Bering Island. Most of this material was secured by L.
Stejneger in 1882-1883.
The sea cow was an herbivorous animal, anteriorly shaped somewhat
like a seal, but with a large caudal fin like that of a whale and without
hind legs. It belongs to the mammalian order Sirenia, which represents
an ‘‘aquatic modification of the Ungulate type.’’ The Sirenians are
therefore not related to the seals and whales but more probably to
the elephants. The members of this once numerous group are nowa-
days represented only by the true manatees and the dugong, which
inhabit only the tropical waters of both hemispheres. The only northern
form known is Steller’s sea cow. There is no indisputable evidence of its
having ever inhabited other coasts than those of the Commander Islands,
as the find of a rib on Attu, the westernmost of the Aleutian Islands
proper, does not necessarily prove that the animal once lived there,
though that is not improbable. The history of this animal, imperfectly
known as it is, fills volumes, and all we can do in the present connection
is to refer to some of the more recent literature, viz. Stejneger: On the
Extermination of the Great Northern Sea-Cow (Rytina), Bull. Amer.
Geogr. Soc., Vol. 18, 1886, pp. 317-328; idem, How the Great Northern
Sea-Cow (Rytina) Became Exterminated, Amer. Naturalist, Vol. 21,
1887, pp. 1047-1054; idem, Investigations Relating to the Date of the
Extermination of Steller’s Sea-Cow, Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol. 7,
1884, pp. 181-189. (S)
140 STELLER’S JOURNAL
near shore in the water, [animals] which I had never before seen
and even now could not well make out as they lay all the time
half in the water, but concerning which my cossack asserted that
they were known nowhere in Kamchatka,*!° and likewise since
nowhere any tree or shrubbery was to be seen, I began to doubt
that this was Kamchatka, especially as the sea sky over in the
south indicated sufficiently that we were on an island surrounded
by the sea.*?°
Toward noon I returned to the hut and after dinner decided
to go with Mr. Plenisner and our cossack westward along the
beach in order to search for forests or small timber; we found
nothing whatever, but saw a few sea otters and killed various
319 The MS is somewhat differently worded regarding the manati:
‘“‘and moreover, since I saw the many manati near shore, which I had
never seen before nor could know what kind of sea animal it was because I
saw one half all the time under water, and as my cossack, to the question
whether this were not the plebun or the makoai of the Kamchadals,
about which I had only gathered verbal information, replied that this
animal occurs nowhere in Kamchatka,”’ etc.
Plevun, according to Pallas (Zoogr. rosso-asiat., Vol. 1, 1811, p. 287),
is the Russian name for the sperm whale. In the form ‘‘pla-un’’ it is
used by the present inhabitants of the Commander Islands for one of the
ziphoid whales (Berardius bairdii Stejneger; see Proc. U. S. Natl. Mu-
seum, Vol. 6, 1883, p. 76). Steller, in his ‘‘Beschreibung von dem Lande
Kamtschatka,’’ 1774, p. 105, has this to say on the plevun: ‘‘Man hat
noch ein grosses Seethier, so einem Wallfisch gleichet, aber kleiner und
in der circumferenze nach Proportion viel dinner ist, dieses nennen die
Russen Morskox Woik [morskoi volk], einen Seewolf; die Italmen [natives
of Kamchatka] Plebun.”’ (There is another large marine animal, which is
like a whale, but smaller and proportionately much less in girth. The
Russians call it morskoi volk, a sea wolf; the Itaelmens, plebun.)
Makoai, also according to Pallas (op. cit., Vol. 3, 1831, p. 63), is the
Kamchadal name for the large shark occurring in the waters off the east
coast between Capes Kronotski and Lopatka. This may be the Somniosus
microcephalus (Bloch), which is said to occur in Bering Sea, or Lamna
cornubica (Gmelin), which has been taken in Avacha Bay. (S)
320 After the words ‘“‘that this was Kamchatka’”’ the MS reads: “‘[and
to think] rather that it might be an island, wherein the sea-sky over in the
south confirmed me still more [in my conviction] that the land was not
wide and therefore was an island everywhere surrounded by water.”
FIRST DAYS ON BERING ISLAND 141
blue foxes and ptarmigans. On the way back we sat down at a
small stream, regaled ourselves with tea, and thanked God
heartily that once more we had good water and under us solid
ground, at the same time recalling how wonderfully we had fared
and remembering the unjust conduct of various people.
During the day an effort was made by the disposition of the
anchors, large and small, as many as we had, to make the ship
secure to the land*®# in the best possible manner, and for that
reason the boat did not come ashore. In the evening, as we were
sitting around the camp fire after having eaten our meal, a blue
fox came up and took away two ptarmigans right before our eyes.
This was the first sample of the many tricks and thefts which
those animals practiced on us later.—I had to encourage my sick
and feeble cossack, who regarded me as the cause of his mis-
fortune and reproached me for my curiosity which had led me
into this misery, [thus] making the first step to our future com-
panionship. ‘Be of good cheer,’ I said, ‘God will help. Even
if this is not our country, we have still hope of getting there;
you will not starve; if you cannot work and wait on me, I will
do it for you; I know your upright nature and what you have
done for me; all that I have belongs to you also; only ask and I
will divide with you equally until God helps.’”—But he said:
“‘Good enough; I will gladly serve Your Majesty, but you have
brought me into this misery. Who compelled you to go with
these people? Could you not have enjoyed the good times on the
Bolshaya River?’’—I laughed heartily at his frankness and said:
“God be praised, we are both alive! If I have dragged you into
this misery, you have in me, with God’s help, a lifelong friend
and benefactor. My intentions were good, Thoma, so let yours
321 In the MS the words “‘to the land”’ do not occur. Also, the word at
the beginning of the sentence here translated by ‘‘disposition’’ reads
“‘Anbringung”’ in the published text, but ‘‘Ausbringung’’ in the MS. In
the MS the meaning of the passage would rather seem to be that the ves-
sel was anchored more securely where she lay, but not secured to the
land—a construction which seems more in keeping with the description
of this measure as given in the log book (1 P. M. entry, November 8,
astronomical, in Vol. I, p. 212).
142 STELLER’S JOURNAL
be good also; moreover, you do not know what might have hap-
pened to you at home.”
In the meantime I took this as a cue to consider how we could
protect ourselves against the winter by building a hut, in case it
turned out that we were not in Kamchatka but on an island.
That evening, therefore, I started to confer with Mr. Plenisner
about building a hut for all eventualities and assisting each other
with word and deed as good friends, no matter how the circum-
stances might shape themselves. Although for appearance’s
sake, in order not to discourage me, he did not assent to my
opinion that this was an island,?2 nevertheless he accepted my
plan in regard to the hut.
On November 9 the wind was from the east and the weather
rather bearable. In the morning we went out to look for a site
and to collect wood and selected during the day the spot where
we built later on and where the whole command also set up their
huts and wintered.—However, we were far too busy killing
blue foxes, of which I and Mr. Plenisner in one day got sixty,
partly knocking them down with the axe and partly stabbing
them with a Yakut palma.*%8—Towards evening we returned to
our old hut, where again some of the sick had been brought
ashore.
On the 10th of November the wind was from the east; in the
forenoon it was clear, in the afternoon cloudy, and during the
night the wind whirled much snow about. We carried all our
baggage a verst away to the place which we had selected the day
before for the building of a dwelling. In the meantime more
sick were brought ashore, among them also the Captain Com-
mander,?24 who spent the evening and night in a tent. J, with
322 The published version has ‘‘keine Insel,’’ which is a misprint. The
MS has “eine Insel.”
323 The published version has pama, instead of palma as correctly
rendered previously (p. 47). On this type of knife see, above, footnote 85.
324 According to the log book (Vol. I, p. 213) this took place at 2 P. M.
on November 9, astronomical time, or November 8, civil time (which is
the time used by Steller in this journal). Waxel’s report (ibid., p. 277)
gives the date as November 8, presumably astronomical time, as in other
CONJECTURES AS TO LOCATION 143
others, was with him and wondered at his composure and singu-
lar contentment. He asked what my idea was about this land.—
I answered that it did not look to me like Kamchatka; the great
number and tame assurance of the animals of itself clearly indi-
cated that it must be sparsely inhabited or not at all; but never-
theless it could not be far from Kamchatka, as the land plants
observed here occur in the same number, proportion, and size
as in Kamchatka, while on the other hand the peculiar plants
discovered in America are not found in the corresponding locali-
ties. Besides, I had found on the beach a poplar-wood window
shutter, with cross moldings, that some years ago the high
water had washed ashore and covered with sand near the place
where we later built our huts; I showed it and pointed out that
it was unquestionably of Russian workmanship and probably
from the ambars which stood at the mouth of the Kamchatka
River. The most likely place for which this land might be
taken *®25 would be Cape Kronotski. Nevertheless, I did not fail
to make known my doubts as to this, based on the following
experience: I showed, namely, a piece of a fox trap that I had
found on the beach during the first day; on this the teeth, in-
stead of being of iron, consisted of so-called Entale,326 of the
instances the unit used in the report is the same as that used in the log
book. For 2 Pp. M. this would correspond to the civil date of November 7.
If, however, the 2 P. M. entry is not exact and Bering’s removal from the
ship took place a few hours earlier, both the astronomical and the civil
date would be November 8.
32% In the MS the following words are here inserted: ‘‘in default of
reliable information.’’ The meaning of course is: If this is Kamchatka—
which is not probable—the most likely place is the Cape Kronotski
region.
32 The MS reads: ‘‘consisted of a shell, the Entale of authors.’’ The
shell alluded to is the well-known toothshell, or tuskshell (genus Den-
talium, from which systematic name the common name, “Entale,”’
was derived), so called because of its shape, which resembles a walrus or
elephant tusk. No Dentalium, as far as I have been able to ascertain, has
been found in Kamchatka, and in that respect Steller’s argument seems
to be sound. A species (D. rectius Carpenter) occurs in Alaska and the
eastern part of Bering Sea, but it is very brittle, entirely unsuited to serve
144 STELLER'S JOURNAL
occurrence of which in Kamchatka I have no information and
regarding which it consequently is to be supposed that the sea
must have washed this token over from America, where, in de-
fault of iron, this invention may well have been made use of,
while in Kamchatka, where iron already is plentiful through
trade, it would be superfluous. I mentioned at the same time the
unknown sea animal, manati, which I had seen, and the char-
acter of the water sky opposite in the south.—To all this I got
the reply: ‘‘The vessel can probably not be saved, may God at
least spare our longboat.”
In the evening after having eaten in company with the Com-
mander the ptarmigans which Mr. Plenisner shot during the
day, I told Betge, the assistant surgeon, that he might live with
us if he liked, for which he gave thanks; and thus our company
now consisted of four. We therefore walked over to the place of
our new quarters, sat by the camp fire, and discussed, over a cup
of tea,how we would put our plan into execution. I built near by
a small hut which I covered with my two overcoats and an old
blanket; the openings on the sides were stopped up with dead
foxes which we had killed during the day and were lying about in
heaps, and then we retired to rest, but Mr. Betge returned to
the Commander.
Towards midnight a strong wind arose, which was accom-
panied by much snow, tore off our roof, and drove the three of
us from our quarters. We ran up and down the beach in the dark
gathering driftwood, carried it to a pit dug like a grave for two
as teeth in a fox trap. Nor is it known to have been utilized by the in-
habitants of those regions for any sort of implements. It is, or was, ex-
tensively used, however, for ornamental purposes, and it seems possible
that the object found by Steller may have been not a trap, but a fragment
of some wooden article to which the Dentalium had been fastened as an
ornament, for instance, a wooden hat or mask. However, there isin the .
anthropological collection of the U. S. National Museum a part of a trap
made of bone (No. 260,155), from Kotzebue Sound, which has inserted
in it a pointed tooth of walrus ivory suggesting in size and shape a Den-
talium. Is it possible that the one picked up by Steller can have been a
child’s plaything made in imitation of one like this? (S)
BUILDING OF HUTS 145
persons, and decided to pass the night there. We laid the wood
crosswise over it and covered the top with our clothes, overcoats,
and blankets, made a fire to warm ourselves, went to sleep again,
and thus, God be thanked, passed a very good night.
On the following day (November 11) I went down to the sea
and fetched a seal, the fat of which I cooked with peas and ate in
company with my three comrades, who in the meantime had
made two shovels and begun to enlarge our pit.—In the after-
noon the Captain Commander was brought to us on a stretcher
and had a tent, made of a sail, put upon the spot that we had
originally chosen for our dwelling place. We entertained him, as
well as the other officers who had come to our pit, with tea.—
Towards evening both officers returned to the ship. Master
Khitrov even proposed to Lieutenant Waxel that they should
winter on board the vessel in the open sea, because, according to
his idea, more warmth and comfort could be had there than on
land, where, for lack of wood, one would have to endure the
winter in a tent. This proposition was now approved as very
sensible, yet three days later*2? the Master, on his own accord,
came ashore and could not be brought back on board the vessel
by any orders when later he was to haul it up on the beach.—
However, we continued to enlarge our underground home by
digging and collected everywhere on the beach wood for a roof
and inside coating.—This evening*8 we fixed up a light roof
and in the person of assistant constable Roselius obtained the
fifth member of our party. In the same manner a few others,
who still had strength left, began also to dig a four-cornered pit
327 This does not seem to tally with the log book. Khitrov is himself
the author of the entries as published in Volume I covering this period,
and there are references which imply he was still on board the St. Peter
as late as November 21 (astronomical; ibid., p. 225). By November 26
(ibid., p. 229) there is a statement implying that he was then on shore.
328 The MS reads “‘every evening.”’
329 A November 21 entry in the log book (Vol. 1, p. 225) would seem to
imply that Roselius was still on board the vessel at that date. Thereisa
reference, however (ibid., p. 214), to his being ashore on November 9
(civil date), which is probably equivalent to Steller’s November 11.
146 STELLER’S JOURNAL
in the frozen sand and covered it over the next day with double
sails in order to shelter the sick.
On November 12339 we worked with the greatest industry on
our habitation, observed also that others, following our example,
dug for themselves in the same manner a third habitation which
received its name from its founder, the boatswain Alexei Ivanov.
—During the day many of the sick were brought from the vessel,
some of whom expired as soon as they came into the air, as was
the case with the cannoneer; others in the boat on the way over,
as the soldier Savin Stepanov; some right on the beach, as the
sailor Sylvester.**\—Everywhere on the shore there was nothing
but pitiful and terrifying sights. The dead, before they could be
interred, were mutilated by the foxes, who even dared to attack
the living and helpless sick, who lay about on the beach without
cover, and sniffed at them like dogs. Some of the sick cried be-
cause they were cold, others because hungry and thirsty, since
the mouths of many were so miserably affected by the scurvy
that they could not eat anything because of the great pain, as
the gums were swollen like a sponge, brown black, grown over
the teeth and covering them.
The blue foxes (Lagopus) 3344 which by now had gathered about
us in countless numbers, became, contrary to habit and nature,
at the sight of man more and more tame, mischievous, and to
such a degree malicious that they pulled all the baggage about,
chewed up the leather soles,*2 scattered the provisions, stole and
carried off from one his boots, from another his socks, trousers,
gloves, coats, etc., all of which were lying under the open sky
and could not be guarded because of the lack of well persons.
330 According to the date indicated in the log book (Vol. I, p. 215) for
Ivanov’s activities, this would be November 10 (civil date).
331 In the log book (Vol. 1, pp. 219-220) and Waxel’s report (zbid., p.
281) the deaths are stated to have taken place on the following dates: the
cannoneer (Ilya Dergachev) and the sailor Seliverst (= Sylvester)
Tarakanov on November 15 (astronomical), the soldier Savin Stepanov
on November 16 (astronomical). The last is stated to have died on board.
3314 See, above, footnote 317, and, below, pp. 211-216.
332 The MS reads “‘leather bags.”’
MOLESTED BY FOXES 147
Even objects made of iron, and other kinds which they could
not eat, were nevertheless sniffed at and stolen. It even seemed
as if these miserable animals were to plague and chastise us
more and more in the future, as actually happened, perhaps in
order that we, like the Philistines, might also be punished by
the foxes for our eagerness for the precious Kamchatkan fox
skins. It even seemed that the more of them we killed and
tortured for revenge most cruelly before the eyes of the others,
letting them run away half-skinned, without eyes, ears, tails,
half roasted, etc., the more malevolent and audacious became
the others, so that they also broke into our habitations and
dragged out of them whatever they could get hold of, though
occasionally, in spite of our misery, they moved us to laughter
by their cunning and funny monkey tricks.*%4
November 14.%° This afternoon, with Mr. Plenisner and Mr.
Betge, I went hunting for the first time, or, as we afterwards used
to say in the Siberian way, went on the promysl. We clubbed four
sea otters, half of which we threw into a creek, which therefrom
afterwards retained the name Bobrovaya Ryechka [Sea Otter
Creek] and the place where we killed them Bobrovoe Pole
[Sea Otter Field],336 but the best meat, together with the skins
333 The allusion is to Judges xv, 4 and 5.
334 In the MS the whole passage beginning with the words ‘‘Every-
where on the shore’’ in the middle of the preceding paragraph, down to
this point, ending with ‘‘monkey tricks,’’ follows after the words “from
Lyesnaya Ryechka (Wood Creek), thus named by us,”’ on page 150 below.
What led Pallas to make this transposition, other than a more orderly
presentation of topics, is not clear, as it leads him into creating a confu-
sion in the sequence of events (see the next footnote) as given in the MS.
333 The MS has no date here, the account continuing as under date of
November 13 follow, both in the printed text (see, below, p. 150) and
in the preceding footnote. It should be noted that the happenings of
November 13 follow, both in the printed text (see, below, p. 150) and
in the MS; also that in both November 15 follows the 13th. Hence the
sequence in the MS is Nov. 12, 13, 15; in the printed text Nov. 12, 14,
Ey. E52
333 As Steller does not say whether they went east or west from their
camp, it is not possible to locate his Bobrovaya Ryechka and Bobrovoe
Pole with certainty. The nearest creek to the east is Chigachiganakh,
148 STELLER’S JOURNAL
and the entrails, we carried home, where we did not arrive until
night. From the liver, kidneys, heart, and the meat of these
animals we made several palatable dishes and ate them grate-
fully and with the wish that Providence would not deprive us of
this food in the future or put us in the necessity of eating the
stinking, disgusting, and hated foxes, which nevertheless, out of
prudence, we did not want to exterminate but only to frighten.
The precious skins of the sea otters we regarded already as a
burden which had lost its value to us, and, as we had no leisure
to dry and prepare them, they were thrown about from one day
to another until finally they spoiled, together with many others,
and were chewed to pieces by the foxes. On the other hand, we
now began to regard many things as treasures to which formerly
we had paid little or no attention, such as axes, knives, awls,
needles, thread, shoe twine, shoes, shirts, socks, sticks, strings,
and similar things which in former days many of us would not
have stooped to pick up. We all realized that rank, learning,
and other distinctions would be of no advantage here in the
future or suffice as a means of sustenance; therefore, before being
driven to it by shame and necessity, we ourselves decided to
work with what strength we had still left, so as not to be laughed
at afterward or wait until we were ordered. Thus we five?
introduced among ourselves a community of goods with regard
to the victuals we still had left and arranged our housekeeping
in such a manner that at the end there might be no want. The
others of our party, three cossacks, and the two servants of
the Captain Commander,**8 whom we later took over, we man-
about 3 miles to the east (see map, Pl. II). To the northwest there are
several small creeks much nearer, the first one about 2% mile, the third one
a little more than 114 mile distant. One of these is probably meant. (S)
337 The MS reads ‘‘we five Germans.’’ The following persons are meant:
Steller, Betge, Plenisner, Roselius, and Boris Sand, the addition of the
last-named to the group, if it be he, being mentioned below under Novem-
ber 15 (p. 151; see also, below, footnote 348). (G)
333 This is obviously the meaning, although strictly the published ver-
sion reads: ‘‘The other three cossacks of our party and the two servants.”
ORGANIZATION OF CAMP LIFE 149
aged, though not exactly as before, yet in such a way that they
had to obey when we decided anything jointly, since they re-
ceived all household goods**® from us. Nevertheless, we began
in the meantime to address everybody somewhat more politely
by their patronymics and given name, so as to win them over
and be able to rely more on their fidelity in case of misfortune
later on; and we soon learned that Peter Maximovich was more
ready to serve than Petrusha* was formerly. This evening we
talked over how we would arrange our household affairs in the
future, prepare beforehand against all unexpected mishaps, and,
as far as possible, try to keep alive the hope of returning to Asia ;#4
we also discussed the unfortunate circumstances in which we had
been placed in such a short time that, setting aside the decencies
of life to which everyone was entitled, we now were obliged to
work in this unaccustomed way simply to sustain a miserable
existence. Nevertheless, we encouraged one another not to lose
heart but with the greatest possible cheerfulness and earnestness
etc. (Die iibrigen drey Kosaken unsrer Gesellschaft und die . . . zwey
Bedienten). The MS lacks the words “‘unsrer Gesellschaft’’; if a comma
be inserted between “‘iibrigen’”’ and ‘“‘drey,’’ the original meaning appears.
That this comma is omitted in the MS is not surprising in view of its
general lack of punctuation.
Steller has already mentioned his own cossack; and it is likely that
two other members, probably Plenisner and Betge, each had a cossack
as a body servant. The names of the two servants of the Captain Com-
mander were Ivan Maltsan and Maffei Kukushkin (see list, Vol. 1, p.
235)-
339 The MS here has in addition: ‘‘and other necessaries.”’
40 The MS here has in addition: ‘‘and in order to be one move ahead,”
i. e. prepared for eventualities.
* According to Russian custom only an equal or a person of higher
rank is addressed, in addition to his Christian name, by the name of his
father, to which is appended the syllable vich, which may be said to be
the equivalent to the Irish prefix Fitz and the Scotch Mac. Less polite is
the bare Christian name, especially when made into a diminutive.—P.
341 The MS seems rather to read: ‘how we would arrange our house-
hold affairs in the future, in case this or that misfortune should occur,
inasmuch as the hope of returning to Asia, so far as we were concerned,
had not been completely given up.”’
150 STELLER’S JOURNAL
to work for our own benefit as well as for the welfare of the others
and by our exertions to support loyally their strength and under-
takings.
Today * I brought the Captain Commander a young, still
suckling sea otter and counseled him in every way and manner
to let it be prepared for himself in default of other fresh food,
but he showed a very great disgust at it and wondered at my
taste, which adapted itself to circumstances. He much pre-
ferred to regale himself with ptarmigans as long as possible, of
which he received from our company more than he could eat.
On November 13 the building of dwellings was continued. We
divided ourselves into three parties; the first went on the vessel
to work in order to bring the sick and the provisions ashore; the
others dragged home great logs a distance of four versts from
Lyesnaya Ryechka*** (Wood Creek), thus named by us; I, how-
ever, and a sick cannoneer** remained at home, I attending to
the kitchen and the other making a sled for hauling wood and
other supplies. While thus taking upon myself the office of cook
342 Owing to the transposition mentioned in footnote 334 this episode
in the MS still falls under November 12.
843 An educated Englishman, the late Captain H. J. Snow, than whom
no white man had more experience with the sea otter, has this to say on
the same subject: ‘‘Steller, in speaking of the flesh of the otter, describes
it as savory and delicious. There is no accounting for taste, of course. I
have tried it on many occasions cooked in various ways, but a more dis-
agreeable, ranker-tasting meat I have yet to find. Not a hunting season
would pass without someone trying it. The sailors, both Chinese and
Japanese, whom I had at different times, ate crow, shag, gull, fox, whale,
and, of course, seal, fur-seal and sea-lion, but they always gave otter-flesh
the go-by”’ (In Forbidden Seas, London, 1910, p. 279). (S)
344 This is the stream debouching at ‘‘Polovina’”’ on the map of Bering
Island (Pl. II); its valley forms part of a transverse depression across the
island terminating on the other side in Gladkovskaya Bay. (S)
345 Probably Michael Chechuev, mentioned as cannoneer in the list in
Vol. I, p. 235. The only other cannoneer of the expedition, Ilya Derga-
chev, does not come into consideration, as, according to Steller, he had
already died or, according to the log book, was to die in two days (see,
above, footnote 331).
COMPLETION OF MAIN HUT 151
I also assumed a twofold minor function, namely, to visit the
Captain Commander off and on and to assist him in various ways,
as he could now expect but little service from his two attend-
ants.*4 Furthermore, as we were the first to set up housekeep-
ing, it also became my duty to succor some of the weak and sick
and to bring them warm soups, continuing this until they had
recovered somewhat and were able to take care of themselves.
This day the ‘‘Barracks’’ were completed, and during the after-
noon many of the sick were carried in but on account of the
narrowness of the space were lying everywhere about on the
ground covered with rags and clothing. No one was able to
care for another, and nothing was heard but wailing and lament-
ing, the men times out of number calling down God’s judgment
for revenge on the authors of their misfortune. And, truly, the
sight was so pitiful that even the bravest might lose courage
thereat.
On November 15,47 at last, all of the sick had been brought
ashore. We took one of them, by name Boris Sand,?48 to be
cared for in our dwelling, whom God withal helped back to
health within three months. Master Khitrov also implored us
for God’s sake to take him into our company and give him a
corner, because he could not possibly longer remain among the
crew, who day and night let him hear reproaches and threats for
past doings,##? but as our dwelling was already filled up and as
nobody was allowed to undertake anything without the assent
of the others, all of us objected, as all were equally insulted by
34 The MS here has in addition: ‘‘who often were not present when
he asked for a drink of water.”’
347 In the MS there is no entry for November 14. See, above, footnote
335-
348 No such name appears in the list of survivors in Waxel’s report
(Vol. I, p. 235). It is possible, however, that it is identical with that of
midshipman Ivan Sint in that list.
38 The MS reads: ‘‘who day and night reproached him for all kinds
of past doings, accused him of all kinds of ill-treatment, and made all
sorts of threats, so that he could not stand it any longer, and he would
otherwise have to die under the open sky.”’
152 STELLER’S JOURNAL
him, and refused him absolutely, especially because he was
mostly sick from laziness and was the chief author of our mis-
fortune.
During the days that followed our misery and work grew
apace. Finally Waxel himself was also brought ashore. He
was so badly ravaged by the scurvy that we abandoned all hope
for his life, but nevertheless we did not fail to come to his help
with both food and medicine, without a thought of former treat-
ment. We were all the more anxious for his recovery, as it was
to be feared that, after his decease, when the supreme command
would fall to Khitrov, the universal hatred would destroy all
discipline and delay, or even prevent, the enterprises necessary
for our deliverance. We also induced our men to build a separate
hut for him and a few other patients, but until it was erected
he had to stand it in the Barracks.
In these days we also received the news, which depressed
everybody still more, that our men sent out to scout had not
found any indication in the west*? of a connection of this land
with Kamchatka or even the slightest trace of human inhabi-
tants. Besides, we were in daily fear that our vessel, in view of
the constant storms, might be driven out to sea and that with
it we should lose at one stroke all our provisions and our hope of
deliverance. Because of the high waves we were often unable
for several days to reach the vessel in the boat for the purpose of
landing as many of the supplies as possible. In addition ten or
350 In the MS this sentence is preceded by: ‘“‘All the sick had been
landed and.”’
351 In the MS this clause is represented by the following fuller state-
ment: ‘‘In spite of his urgent entreaty we could not take him into our
hut, but we promised to assist so that a separate one could be built for
him and a few other patients, which we induced our men to do.”’
352 In the MS the passage up to this point reads: ‘‘On this day we also
received the disheartening news from three of the men who had been
sent out, which depressed the rank and file still more and made them less
tractable, that no indication had been found in the west,”’ etc.
The three men were Roselius and two men from Kamchatka (see
Yushin’s journal, Vol. 1, p. 229, footnote 126, last paragraph).
383 Instead of this sentence, the MS has; “‘as because of the high waves
BEACHING OF THE VESSEL 153
twelve men were likewise taken sick who until now had worked
steadily and beyond their strength and who until the end of the
month often stood in the cold sea water to their armpits.*4
Altogether, want, nakedness, cold, dampness, exhaustion, ill-
ness, impatience, and despair were the daily guests.**®
By a stroke of good luck the vessel, towards the end of Novem-
ber, was finally thrown up on the beach in a storm in a better
way than perhaps might ever have been done by human effort.#*6
As thereby the hope of preserving the food on hand, scant as it
was, as well as materials had been greatly raised, while at the
same time the task of wading through the water to the vessel
was rendered unnecessary, we began after a few days to give up
all work for the present and to recover. Only the necessary
household tasks? were continued. Three men*® were again
we were unable for the next three or four days to reach the vessel in the
boat; moreover, on account of Master Khitrov, although he had already
been ordered a long while ago to beach the vessel, too many difficulties
occurred.”’
854 In the MS this sentence reads: ‘‘In addition ten or twelve men who
until now had worked beyond their strength and without being relieved
and until the end of the month had often been obliged to wade in the cold
sea water up to their armpits, were so exhausted that complete cessation
of work was in prospect.”’
355 The MS has this sentence in addition: ‘‘Even what little rest [we
had] was taken on the implied condition of gaining strength thereby for
still harder and more unceasing tasks, as far as could be foreseen.”’
356 In the MS the following sentences are here inserted: ‘I consider it
unnecessary after this to note down everything that happened to us from
day to day in the order of my diary, as from this time on scarcely any-
thing particular presented itself, except the weather, which I am going
to treat of separately, and the everyday tasks. Nevertheless, extraor-
dinary happenings will not be omitted in the proper place with notation
of time.’’ Steller’s separate discussion of the weather and climate of
Bering Island forms part of the description of that island which in the
MS follows immediately after the narrative of the voyage. Pallas pub-
lished this description in Neue Nordische Beytraége, Vol. 2, 1781, pp.
255-301 (discussion of weather, pp. 269-272), twelve years prior to his
publication of the journal in the same serial. This section appears in
Appendix A, below on pp. 205-207.
357 The MS here has: ‘‘ which, however, were very heavy.”’
38 Anchiugov and two men from Kamchatka (see Khitrov’s journal
154 STELLER’S JOURNAL
sent out to go into the country eastward and gather information.
For all hope had not yet been abandoned that this might be
Kamchatka and, since an error in the latitude might have been
made, perhaps the region about Olyutora,**? the large number of
foxes there also apparently lending probability to this view.
Others believed this to be Cape Kronotski, and, although the
error was easy to see, they loved to lull themselves into pleasant
dreams with such hopes.
A number of persons died ashore at the very beginning. Among
them we were particularly grieved over the old and experienced
mate, Andreas Hesselberg,*® who had served at sea for more
than fifty years and at the age of seventy was discharging his
duties always in such a way that he carried to his grave the
reputation of a preéminently useful man, whose disregarded
advice might perhaps have saved us earlier.?* Besides him
there died two grenadiers, one cannoneer, the master’s servant,
one sailor, and finally, on December 8, Captain Commander
Bering passed away, from whom this island was afterwards
named. Two days after him his former adjutant, the master’s
under Dec. 1 in Vol. 1, p. 230, and Yushin’s journal, zbid., footnote 127,
last paragraph).
39 About 6014° N. on the east coast of Kamchatka (see Vol. 1, Pl. I;
there spelled ‘‘Olyutorsk’’). Cape Kronotski is in about 55° N. The
seemingly divergent directions in which this reconnaissance is stated to
have been undertaken—east by Steller and south by Yushin—do not
conflict, nor do the directions of the previous trip—west according to
Steller, and north according to Yushin—inasmuch as the shore of Bering
Island at the point where the St. Peter had stranded has a local trend of
east-west as compared with the predominant north-northwest trend of the
coast north of this point and the south trend south of it (see Pl. II). (J)
360 Hesselberg died on November 22. On the spelling of his name see,
above, footnote 33, last paragraph.
%61 The passage ‘‘discharging . . . saved us earlier’ in the published
version is much briefer than the original in the MS, which reads: “‘dis-
charging his duties as befits a faithful servant. Although he left behind
many upright people in the fleet who knew his worth and who had also
in part profited by it, he had nevertheless to suffer the misfortune now ©
to be treated as a silly child and idiot by men scarcely half his age and
DEATH OF BERING 155
mate Khotyaintsov, died, and on January 8 the ensign Lagunov,
the thirtieth in the sequence and the last one of our number [to
die].3&
Inasmuch as the tragic end of the late Captain Commander
has made different impressions on different people, I cannot but
pause here awhile to make a few remarks regarding his past.
Vitus Bering was by birth a Dane, a righteous and devout
Christian, whose conduct was that of a man of good manners,
kind, quiet, and universally liked by the whole command, both
high and low. After two voyages to the Indies he entered the
service of the Russian navy in 1704 as a lieutenant and served in
it with the utmost fidelity until his end in 1741, having worked
his way up to the rank of Captain Commander. He was em-
ployed in the execution of various undertakings, of which the
two Kamchatka expeditions are the most noteworthy. Fair-
minded persons cannot but admit*® that to the best of his
one-third his skill, who had also learned lately from him part of what
they knew, and to see himself scorned to such an extent that one had to
wonder at his fate with particular pity that so miserable and ignominious
an end could follow such long and honorable service and good behavior.
This came to pass solely and alone because the Captain Commander, as
well as the others, in their foolish conceit and pride took no more notice
of his remonstrances than of the opinion of anybody else who did not
agree with them and as a consequence did everything alone that they
wanted to, with the result of what afterwards happened.”
32 Compare this enumeration of those who died after Hesselberg with
the corresponding portion of the list appended to Waxel’s report (Vol. 1,
p. 282). The ‘‘marine grenadier’’ and ‘‘marine soldier’’ there named may
be the same as Steller’s ‘‘two grenadiers.’’ Steller’s ‘‘master’s servant”
may be included in the ‘‘Personal servants of the officers, two men”’ of
that list, his ‘‘sailor’’ may be the ‘‘admiralty calker.’’ According to the
log book (ibid., p. 230) and that list Khotyaintsov died the day after
Bering died, and the wording in the MS is to that effect. As to the total
number of members of the expedition to die, it seems to have been 32
(see Vol. 1, p. 282, and footnote 6 on that page).
363 In the MS this sentence is preceded by the clause ‘‘Although there
are various sources from which to arrive at a judgment as to his conduct
on this second, important, and, on account of our many sufferings, trying
expedition.”
156 STELLER’S JOURNAL
strength and ability he tried at all times to carry out the task
imposed on him, though he himself confessed and often lamented
that his strength was no longer equal to so difficult an expedition,
that it had been made larger and more extensive than he had
proposed, and likewise that at his age he could have wished to
have the whole task taken out of his hands and put into those
of a young and active man#4 of the Russian%®> nation.—As is
well known, the late lamented was not born to quick decisions
and swift action; however, in view of his fidelity, dispassionate
temper, and circumspect deliberateness, the question remains
whether another with more fire and heat would have overcome
equally well the innumerable difficulties of and obstacles to his
task without entirely laying waste these remote regions, when a
commander such as he was, free from all self-interest, could
scarcely keep his subordinates sufficiently under control in this
matter.*6*—The only blame which can be laid against this excel-
lent man is that by his too lenient command he did as much
harm as his subordinates by their too impetuous and often
364 In the MS this phrase reads: ‘‘a young, active, and resolute man.”
365 This qualifying adjective appears only in the MS, and the thought
is there amplified by this clause following the word ‘‘nation’’: ‘‘who in
many cases could act more fearlessly and more successfully than an old
man and a foreigner.’’
366 The passage ‘‘would have overcome . . . in this matter’’ in the
MS reads as follows: ‘‘would not, in view of the innumerable disagree-
ments and difficulties, have delayed the work more or by too despotic
action entirely ruined the regions hereabout, when this careful man, free
from all private interest, was unable, because of the size of the command
and the divergent inclinations of the subordinates, to prevent that,
while he was busy putting out a fire [i. e. putting down trouble] in one
place, another started up somewhere else.’’ By the reference to laying
waste or ruining these regions is probably meant that a more impetuous
man would have favored a policy of exploiting and abusing the natives—
a condition which Steller at the beginning of this journal (p. 13) says
actually obtained during the first expedition, although this was probably
not with the approval of Bering himself.
367 The MS reads ‘“‘half as much harm.”’ This sentence in the MS differs
in other respects, all unessential, from the published version.
ESTIMATE OF BERING 157
thoughtless action.%*8 He also had a somewhat too high esteem
for his officers and too good an opinion of their intelligence and
experience, and as a result they finally became too conceited,
looked with contempt on all those near them and finally on the
commander himself, and forgot their subordination, without
thought of gratitude.?*9
While the departed often used to recall, with thanks to God,
how from his youth up everything had come his way and how
only two months before he had been in happy circumstances, the
more is his sad and miserable end to be pitied. He would un-
doubtedly have remained alive if he had reached Kamchatka
and had only had the benefit of a warm room and fresh food.
368 In the MS there here follows this sentence: ‘‘Examples of both are
at hand.”’
369 The MS here has a long, highly sarcastic, and partly enigmatical
harangue of the officers and defense of Bering, which Pallas has omitted
in the printed text. As far as it is intelligible it may be translated as
follows: ‘‘They demonstrated all too plainly that they were much too
narrow-minded for this high opinion, which, very conscious of their own
strength, they regarded as a result of fear and poor judgment. It there-
fore came to pass that when he promoted a [certain] mate, they were com-
pletely convinced that it happened according to natural and international
law. Their unenlightened intellect wandered about in all parts of the
world’s wisdom, according to their own opinion, like the magnetic needle
at the pole. It could therefore not turn out otherwise than that their
measures deviated as widely from the goal in view as the reasons for their
enterprises from rational practice itself [?]. However, as a result of all
this the reward he finally received as thanks consisted in this, that, be-
cause in the slimy environs of Okhotsk and Kamchatka he tried to lift
out and up everybody who had fallen into the mire, they leaned so heavily
on him that he himself must sink. As he took with him to his grave every-
one’s receipted bill, he undeservedly received this funeral text [?; word
not clearly decipherable]: that he was buried like the godless [because in
unconsecrated ground?] and died like a rich man. The explanation will be
understood by those who know that he took with him on the voyage a
man whose most outstanding crimes he intended to justify in Kamchatka
and, after a lucky termination of the voyage, to free from all blame by
sending him to St. Petersburg, [the same man] who afterwards contra-
dicted him in everything, became the author of our misfortune, and after
his [Bering’s] death his greatest accuser.”’
158 STELLER’S JOURNAL
As it was, he perished almost from hunger, thirst, cold, hardship,
and grief. The edematous swelling of the feet, which he had
already had a long time from a suppressed tertian fever, was
increased by the cold and forced into the abdomen and chest,
and finally his life was ended by the inflammation in the lower
abdomen on December 8, two hours before daybreak.37° As
deplorable as his death appeared to his friends,?74 so admirable
370 In the MS this sentence reads: ‘‘As it was, he perished rather from
hunger, cold, thirst, vermin, and grief than from any disease. The fluid
which already [had formed] a long time before in a swelling of the feet
originating from a prematurely suppressed tertian fever, retarded by
constrictiones artuum atonia [atonic constriction of the joints] of the in-
ternal and external parts caused by the cold, entered the abdomen. At
the same time a fistula ani appeared, which, however, as soon as it
opened, displayed ichor lividus [dark discharge] as a sign of internal
gangraena [gangrene], followed shortly after by sphacelus [mortification
of the tissues] and death itself on December 8, two hours before day-
break.’’ In the MS the word here rendered gangraena reads gangrava.
This is probably an error due to the copyists’ unfamiliarity with medical
Latin. In the original the word may have been written gangrdna.
This passage was submitted to Dr. James T. Pilcher of Brooklyn,
N. Y., for comment from the viewpoint of modern medicine. Dr. Pilcher
kindly writes: ‘‘The account of Bering’s last illness does not give a
very satisfactory clinical picture. He may have had a nephritox, which
caused the edema of the legs and subsequent extension of the edema into
the abdomen. The extension being accounted for by a prematurely
suppressed tertian fever has no basis in real etiological pathology.
“‘The final sentence, however, relative to a fistula ani from which
developed a gangrene, is extremely interesting. This is a very rare record,
there having been but three reports of such cases in the present-day
literature. Bering’s case was undoubtedly one of gas gangrene which
developed from the infection of the anal fistula by what we now know as
the bacillus Welchii. This is an infection wherein gas is formed in the
affected tissues, hence the name. To infection with bacillus Welchii are
to be ascribed the numerous cases of gas gangrene resulting from gunshot
wounds during the World War.’’ The three cases in present-day medical
literature referred to by Dr. Pilcher were described by Thibaut and
Schulmann, Bull. et Mém. Soc. Méd. des Hépitaux de Paris, Vol. 63,
I919, Jan. 31, p. 70; by Berkow and Tolk, Journ. Amer. Med. Assoc.,
Vol. 80, 1923, June 9, p. 1689; and by himself, Annals of Surgery,
Jan., 1925, pp. 208-212. (J)
371 ‘to the world”’ in the MS.
CSggr ‘aourysojo A ‘jop <q 0}04q) ‘dn snp
ey} AG Synosnp ay} 49};e YING a19M
JoyM jods 9Y} UO ST dpIsT[iy
Pq JOpURWIOY, 3B 9}IG— gr ‘Ory
919M ZT “SIT UL UMOYS Soler ay} J19YM ALOU ST jU9} 94, ‘P9pooy ai1am wive14s dy} JO opis
OIG SINY AOUMUUNS OY} JO 9}IS 94} ST 4J9] 9Y} 0} AdyIAe.] “poling usoq 9ALY 0} pasoddns st Suliog 9
94} WO JYSII 9Y} 0} SsOtd OY, *posszUTM “UOT}Tpedxe payooaimdrys ay} oy ‘puURIsy, SuLiag ‘At
‘UO poyo}IS SEM Pp [arys
24} YOIYM YPM payor}ye [[YS pvsty} JO spuBULUAL YIM pojesojasod 91v saspa ayy, “dvo s.s91pvueis v yo aoo1d yUOAZ OY} PoUts04
IALY O} PISIULINS ‘(patojsat) SWI JO 7LOD UISSNY IY} SUTMOYS SdIINSY passoqwesa Y}IM ploalys Ssviq UI} v FO SjUsUTseIY 244.51]
‘yoojq Aoyjnd ev
Wo1f VAvIYS UIpooM ‘Z fsayIds pue sjreu uot ‘9 ‘S$ ‘bh ftapModuns Jo dun] *f fsyopado uodl ‘eZ ‘1 “4aJag "FS IY} WOAF SOIPAY 24597]
“(uMesnyT [BUOTILNY “S “fF VY} FO SUOTPOT[OD [eOLLO4STY
oy} UL MOU) puUTYyeq Jay 9q 0} PRY }eY} Pot0js SUVA [PI1a}eUL Df} YOIYM UT poOoOjs DUIZESeUL 9Y} 10 [ING SBM JAaSSaA MoU JY} I19YM
puUr[S] SUlIog UO 9}IS 94} WOTY ‘zQQI ‘of Ysnsny ‘19as9ulayg “YT AQ pat9A0II1 UOT}Ipadx9 puodas S Sul1sg JO Soljay——ZI ‘DIY
ESTIMATE OF BERING 159
was his calmness and earnest preparation for the parting, which
came while [he was] in full possession of his reason and speech.
He himself was convinced that we had been cast away upon an
unknown land, yet he did not want to dishearten the others by
saying so but on the contrary cheered them on to hope and
activity in every way.3*—On the day following we buried his
lifeless body according to the rites of the Protestant church?’
near our dwelling, where he lies between his adjutant, a com-
misary, and two grenadiers.’7* At our departure we placed a
wooden cross*5 on the grave as a monument, which would like-
wise serve as a sign of our having taken possession of the coun-
try.376
After the death of our leader we had made so much progress
that the entire command found itself in five underground
dwellings secure against the severity of the winter. They were
all located alongside one another on the site that had been first
selected for quarters and were named as follows: the Barracks,
the Lieutenant’s yurt [hut], mine, Alexei Ivanov’s, and Luka
372 This sentence is an abridgment of a longer passage in the MS which
reads: ‘‘Although he was fully aware that he had discovered an unknown
land for his burial place yet he did not want to lessen their courage still
more by announcing it inopportunely. It could also easily be seen that he
was only concerned for the welfare of his command, without care for his
own life, and that he had no more heartfelt wish than our deliverance
from this country and his own complete [deliverance] from his misery.
He could hardly have found a better place to prepare for the long eter-
nity than this deathbed under the open sky.”’
373 The MS reads: ‘‘with rites similar to those of our church.”’
374 By the ‘“‘adjutant’’ may be meant Khotyaintsov, who is mentioned
in that capacity by Steller a few pages above (p. 154). According to
Steller (Joc. cit.) he died two days after Bering, or, according to the log
book (Vol. 1, pp. 230 and 282), he died the day after Bering. The ‘‘two
grenadiers’’ might be Alexei Popov and Ivan Nebaranov (see footnote
310), who died on November 4 and 5 respectively (Vol. 1, pp. 208, 209,
and 281). As to the “commissary” no identification can be suggested.
375 See Fig. 16 (the cross shown was erected in 1880: Suvorov, Ko-
mandorskie Ostrova, 1912, Fig. 1 and p. 83).
376 In the MS this clause reads: ‘‘which, according to the custom of the
Russians in Siberia, is likewise the sign of a new country which has been
subjected to the Russian Empire.”’
160 STELLER’S JOURNAL
Alexeiev’s yurts. In front of each dwelling stood several barrels
which served instead of a storehouse for keeping our supply of
meat from the foxes. We had also erected scaffolds upon which
to hang all kinds of clothing and effects. By holy Christmas Day
most of the men had been restored to health alone by means of
the excellent water and the fresh meat of various sea animals,?77
and we were only concerned with gathering more and more
strength so as to be able by spring to start the work for our
delivery more vigorously. Our efforts to this end were divided
into three main tasks. [The] first [was], because of lack of suf-
ficient supplies, to kill sea animals in order to provide the greater
part of our food, reserving bread only as a delicacy. From the
middle of November to the beginning of the month of May each
man received monthly thirty pounds of flour; in July and August
even that ceased, so that we had to be satisfied with meat alone,
since, with the consent of all, twenty-five poods of flour were set
aside for our voyage to Kamchatka. Nevertheless, everybody
was so economical with his provisions that few were without
bread even during the last months?’8 and every hut could still
make biscuits for the voyage, half of which, besides 20 poods of
flour, were taken to the port [Avacha]. We were only unfortunate
in that the flour had been lying pressed hard into leather sacks
for two or three years and, at the stranding of the ship, had been
impregnated with substances dissolved in the salt water in the
hold, particularly gunpowder, to such a degree that in eating it
one did not dare consult one’s taste. Until we got used to it, our
bodies became distended like drums from flatulence. Because
no real bread could be baked, as we had no oven,%7 small cakes
(olad1) 8° were fried from this [flour] in the Russian manner
377 The MS adds: “‘and as a result of rest.”’
378 In the MS this clause reads: ‘‘that on no day from beginning to end
did we entirely lack bread.’’
379 The MS adds: ‘‘nor did we want to because of the ménage.”’
380 The published version has aladi. The word, however, is oladya,
sing., oladi, plur. Steller apparently always renders the initial accented
“ae ”
o”’ with ‘‘a,’’ as pronounced. The MS has: ‘‘Siberian calatsches
[kalaches], or cakes, were baked fresh every day.”’
LAYING IN PROVISIONS 161
in seal fat or whale oil, but towards the end in manati [sea cow]
fat, and distributed among the men one by one. Not until nearly
twelve months after, when just before our departure we suc-
ceeded in putting up two ovens, did we experience the luxury of
once more eating bread.**! Game we could have had plentifully
without much effort had not our men, by raging among the ani-
mals without discipline and order, often only to amuse each
other, driven them quite early from our neighborhood and, later
on, for the purpose of sacrificing the skins to their covetousness
and gambling passion, killed the sea otters and thrown their
flesh away, so that towards the end we were obliged to go to the
most distant parts of the island to hunt.%*
381 The MS has in addition: ‘‘I and a few others who were supplied
with our own provisions added them jointly to the naval stores and re-
ceived thereafter even share with the others.”’
382 In the MS this section is much more detailed, as follows: ‘‘As far as
our principal food, viz. the meat of the sea animals was concerned, we
were sufficiently supplied, yet not without amazing trouble and labor,
which we could have dispensed with if we had had any order among us
and had not been living in statu naturali [a savage state], on account of
envy and ill-will, making the animals shy by constant pursuit both day
and night, and from the beginning driving them from the neighborhood.
In the chase of these animals everyone tried to defraud everybody else
and in every way and manner to cheat the more the nearer spring ap-
proached and the hope rose of being able to transport the skins to Kam-
chatka with great profit. In addition, the sickness had scarcely sub-
sided, when a new and worse epidemic appeared, I mean the wretched
gambling with cards, when through whole days and nights nothing but
card playing was to be seen in the dwellings, at first for money, now held
in low esteem, and, when this was gambled away, the fine sea otters had
to offer up their costly skins. In the morning, at inspection, no other
topic of conversation was heard than: this one has won a hundred rubles
or more, and that one has lost so and so much. He who had totally
ruined himself tried to recoup himself through the poor sea otters, which
were slaughtered without necessity and consideration only for their skins,
their meat being thrown away. When this did not suffice, some began to
steal, and stole the skins from the others, whereby hate, quarrels, and
strife were disseminated through all the quarters. Though on many occa-
sions [I] remonstrated with the officers about the unfairness of this and
that they should prohibit it, I could accomplish nothing, inasmuch as the
officers themselves were devotees and tried to stimulate the passion with
162 STELLER’S JOURNAL
The second main effort consisted in transportation of wood,
which was regarded as one of the biggest and hardest tasks, since
except for the low willow shrubs* not a tree was to be found on
the whole island, while the driftwood thrown out by the sea, not
too common at that, was buried under the snow, sometimes an
arshin,**t sometimes a fathom deep. That which was found in
the neighborhood had been gathered early for building the huts
and for fuel; in December we were already obliged to drag it in
from a distance of four versts, in January and February from
about ten versts,**° and finally in March even from fifteen to
sixteen versts. In April, however, when the snow settled3%6
this labor came to a sudden stop, because not only did enough
driftwood come in sight near by, but from the breaking up of the
new-fangled [schemes] when the men had become disgusted, in order to
accomplish the double purpose: (1) [to get] the money and the furs of
the men; (2) by this vile familiarity to bring the crew to forget the old
general hate and former bitterness. In the meantime the gambling pas-
sion got the upper hand to such an extent that nobody paid much atten-
tion to our delivery, the building of the vessel progressed sleepily, many
necessary materials and objects in the vessel were ruined, having been
left in the water, such as compasses and the general journal itself, regard-
ing which [I] had made so many admonitions and received so many mar-
velous answers, so that our delivery might perhaps not have come to
pass during the present year, if a few upright petty officers had not with
all their might insisted on the total abolition of the gambling, which,
when it took place in June, at once brought about an entirely different
aspect of affairs.”
There then follows in the MS a long description of the sea otter. In the
present work this forms the part of Appendix A under that heading (pp.
214-222). In the version published by Pallas it forms part of the Descrip-
tion of Bering Island which he published twelve years earlier than the
journal in Neue Nordische Beytraége, Vol. 2, 1781, pp. 255-301 (the de-
scription of the sea otter is on pp. 279-286).
383 At least five species of willow (Salix) occur on the island. The one
here referred to forms low thickets in suitable localities. The species is
Salix arctica Pallas, recorded under various names, such as S. pallasii, S.
crassijulis, and S. diplodictya. (S)
384 28 inches.
385 The MS has: ‘‘from six to ten versts.”’
336 The MS has in addition: ‘‘and disappeared from the beach.”
HAULING WOOD 163
old ship and building of the new vessel there was enough refuse
for heating and cooking purposes. However, we carried #87
both the sea animals and the wood by means of a piece of wood
across the breast tied with ropes; a common load weighed sixty
and mostly up to eighty pounds, not counting axes, pots, and
shoemaker’s and tailor’s tools, which everyone always had to
have with him in order to mend the worn-out clothes and shoes
as soon as a tear occurred. For this purpose as well as for soles
the leathern provision sacks and knapsacks were cut up little by
littie.*#*
The third task consisted in the management of the household
matters, since cooking had to go on all the time, so that the
workmen, no matter when they came home, might have enough
to eat. In our [household] the arrangement was accordingly
made that daily one or a couple of Germans and Russians went
hunting, while the others went for wood, and one German to-
gether with one Russian attended to the kitchen. This arrange-
ment was afterwards copied by all the others. Thus circum-
stanced, we celebrated all holidays and entertained after our own
fashion.389
387 The MS adds: ‘‘on the back.”
388 The MS is somewhat longer, as follows: ‘‘We had only a three
months’ supply of summer clothing and shoes, but as so much became
torn every day because of the hard work, the Sunday clothes—overcoats
and coats—had to be made into work blouses, the chamadoxes into boots,
the leathern provision sacks into soles. Since nobody would work for
money, everyone had to act as shoemaker, tailor, glover, butcher, car-
penter, cook, and footman as best he could, so that henceforth they would
have been able to earn an ample living in all these trades.”
The word chamadoxes of the MS (there spelled, in German translitera-
tion, T’schamadoxen) Pallas has rendered by “‘lederne . . . Tornister,’’
military knapsacks of leather. Dr. Golder thinks that the word is in-
tended for ‘‘the Russian word chemodan, which means box or portman-
teau. The older type, the kind used in Siberia, was usually covered with
skin.”’ (S)
389 Beginning with the equivalent of the second sentence of this para-
graph the MS is considerably more detailed, as follows: ‘‘In our yurt we
had made an arrangement which thereupon the others adopted and re-
tained as a permanent regulation. Our [household] consisted of five Ger-
‘wir bie Wollut einmal wieder Brod gu effern. — Das
Mild wiirden wie ftets gure Nabrung in Menge, ohne
viele Muhe gehabt haben, wenn nicht die Leute, ohne
Qucht und Oronung darunter gewrthet und die Thiere
gar bald aus unfrer Machbarfdaft, oft einander nur gum
Poffen, verfcheucht, und nacmals, blog um die Felle
ihrem Geiz und Spicifudhe gu opfern, -die Ortern gefdhlae
gen und das Sleifd) weggeworfen Hatten; fo daB wir ends
lid) in die entferntefte Gegend der. Ssnfel auf.die Sagd gu
geben genothiget waren,
Die sweyte hauptfachlide Bermibung beftand int
Holstragen, weldhes fur eine der groften und fchwerfter-
Arbeiten gehalten wurde, da.aufer nicdrigem Weibenges
bifchh nicdhé ein Baum auf dem gangen Cilande angutvefs
fen war, das yon dev See ausgeworfne Hols aber niche
alljuhaufig, bald eine Arfchin, baid bis auf cinen Faden,
unterm Schnee begraben fag. Was davon in der Mabe
vorhanden war, wurde im Anfang fogleid) gum Bau der
Hiitten und gum Brennen weggefamlet; im December
muften wir es fdon auf vier Werfte her, im Januar
und Februar wohl auf sehn Werfte, im Marg endlich
gar 15 bis 16 Werfte fepleppen. Dodh horte im April,
Da fid) Ser Schnee fegte, dice Arbeié mit eiumabl auf,
da nidjt allein Hols genug in der Mabe jum Vorfdein
fam, fondern aud), beym YAufbrechen des Sdhiffs und
Bau bes neuen Fahrzeugs, genug abfiel, um dami€
Heigen und fodjen gu finnen. Wir trugen aber fowobhf
dle Seethlere, als das Hols, vermittelft eines Onerholzes
‘vor ber Bruft, mit Sericfen gebunbden und eine gewohns
Viche Saburig betrug 60 und mehréntheils bis go Dfund,
ohne die Merte, Keffal, Schufter? unb Sdneidergeraths
fdaft, die ein jeder bey fic haber mufte, um dte gang
abgetragne Rieider-und. Sdhube immer gu flicken, fo wie
fic) ein KiB davan ereignefe; wogy bie ddernen Provie
Fic. 18—Facsimile of page from the published version of Steller’s jour-
nal (N. N. B., Vol. 6, 1793, p. 11; or book form, substantially p. 118:
see Bibliography) to illustrate editorial changes from the MS by Pallas.
The upper third of this page is an abridgment of the MS between line
16 of fol. 76 (Fig. 19) and line 25 of fol. 77 (Fig. 20), which matter is trans-
lated in our footnotes 381 and 382. The equivalent of the lower two-thirds
of this page does not occur in the MS for some folios to come.
rfh fotefot x m8 [spun a. ih) Tal a bat do Co Brtgenne
BS eae. on mie .
1 Pais s
pe eng? ee
on f -2 = . : ne viel ) aE G =) ey 2 3
OveeSng ces! RR JOY 4 Pe a Se avn #3 5
=F Se Lage arghrfitel rskavech Sr nl ue ;
Gh New kf nl gy mecaaad, ellie: J ee yf 2 Ane
arage ip ¢ oD M4 . Gon b. a — CG —_— s
Dee
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a heer 2 glee
shin Wuplowrf ra. ae Lb. PE RY ns
mee, On alee AD Pe Dy ne Ober ef afl QoS
eee it Q Ofas mehorA, - ie
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9 wh. Clot Ryn Ylowecnt ren ° acme
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Qubat URS EG: ee Sie ae we Z we
ZZ "~ > ; 5 , y
Lista Cy og EGE PE Ie de
Gites A Bo iwn TS CB EA obo
Dicifo mip frrerinn Bob Li Snbipon tomtom Bont
‘ lia C BO GEC Deis
Fic. 19—Reduced facsimile of fol. 76 of MS copy of Steller’s journal
located by F. A. Golder in 1917 in the archives of the Academy of Sci-
ences in Petrograd.
The beginning of this folio corresponds to the words ‘“‘in that the flour
had been lying pressed hard into leather sacks,’’ p. 160.
VJ pp Gi CeO eng
°
; ; oy, EQie Bes 23.
SE fos: ce Bilis 2 Sofi sep P nna
; a3 = Crlnayln- Vom ae eA Lee 4? Cre OE Ot A Zr PA
Se oS Deter ee Pas ate Boe. on. a2 4 Gaye yea > Crass A
ee stew : xf 20 C336 Lf Bag Si 4,
Caer 2a) eYehaia ida» sue efta2s Bed April” Ed Ine
(ekg Bs: Coo ye. mal . Bo. 4b Depry in Prox y~>
OAL bomifzel pe D> Ispoe Oe Pee:
SH Po ie nla: Sof Youriwn oyna Go Ebb ee foil sn
{ ALP . QL) rth Pavan de - aa a “oe [ vue
Oe s pea” SUSE Ss Pench oe: nm 4 etree ee
2 7 e-n zx e - ae ; a4,
>) 7 z nLlby fF Ben xe Ricca Gi Gen ace Yhke -
Ka Ee inbege 25 r§ “olla fon a ee omen
nif fl BE Ob mcSID) De Wb P Barpne Woe Dna Hfrcé,
2.3 A. gira Ae 3 enema wih 7 - LBIES $55 Mee.
ae ee Prony fon gragnn Smal Cea, fo ork Afi aty
Fic. 20—Reduced facsimile of fol. 77 of MS copy of Steller’s journal.
The section on the sea otter beginning at line 26 of this folio does not
appear in the corresponding place in the published version (see Fig. 18)
as Pallas had already published it in Neue Nordische Beyirige Vol. 2,
1781, pp. 279-286, as part of the Description of Bering Island, to which
he had transferred it. The translation of this section is given below in
Appendix A under ‘‘Sea Otter, pp, 214-222,”
SCOUTING EXPEDITIONS 167
On December 26 the scouts whom we had sent out a second
time returned with the report that we were on an island which
they had walked around in an easterly direction.*%° They had
found, however, on the beach so many signs, such as rudders,?*
bottoms of fish barrels, and similar objects, that no other conclu-
mans, three common Kamchatka cossack sons, besides the two servants
of the Captain Commander, whose guardian I had become by his last
will, consequently altogether ten persons. One of us [Germans] and one
of the privates, or in our discretion two of each category, went on the
promysel [hunt], the others went for wood; one German and one Russian
were cooks. We thus had the advantage that we [Germans] did not have
to build fires, fetch water, nor open or close the chimney. Furthermore,
after meals, the kitchen and table utensils were rinsed and put away by
them [the privates], in return for which they received from us kettles,
dishes, plates, spoons, tablecloths, and other effects. Besides recognizing
that we were head-cooks and they under-cooks, they had at all times to
obey us also in all other matters and be at our service so that everything
might be done in an orderly manner. Consequently everyone knew at all
times his duty and business without having to be reminded of it. This
arrangement made all labor bearable and resulted in cheerfulness and
good feeling among us and in our having greater abundance of better pre-
pared food and drink than all the other households. At the same time
everybody was nevertheless permitted, when we deliberated about some-
thing, to express his opinion, and the best advice was taken without re-
spect of persons. Thus circumstanced, we celebrated Sundays and holi-
days, [including] holy Christmas, as if we were in the [proper] place and
situation [at home]. On the public high political [national] holidays we
entertained: the officers were invited, and with many pleasant speeches
and toasts over the tea, for lack of other kinds of drink, we felt the same
enjoyment in this shadowy place as in other places where everything is
in abundance.”
390 The log book (see Vol. 1, p. 230, under Dec. 27 and footnote 127)
is somewhat more qualified in its reports of the result of this reconnais-
sance. Khitrov’s version reads: ‘‘The sailor Timofei Anchiugov returned
without bringing any information about the land [we are on].’’ Yushin’s
version reads: ‘‘The sailor Anchiugov, with the two men from Kamchatka
already mentioned, were ordered south to obtain information. He was
gone about four weeks but did not learn anything definite. He said that
he thought we were on an island. He could not follow the shore for any
considerable distance because of the cliffs.”
391 The MS has ‘‘Kamchatkan rudders.”
168 STELLER'’S JOURNAL
sion was possible than that Kamchatka must be a short distance
from here.
On January 29 [1742] our company killed the first sea lion.3®
The meat was found to be of such exceptional quality and taste
that we only wished soon to get hold of more. The fat was like
beef marrow, and the meat almost like veal.
On February I a violent northwest gale and very high tide
carried our ship so far up on the beach that we experienced no
little hopes of being able to float it off to sea at high water, if
only we could succeed in raising the anchors again in the spring,
because we believed that, as the ship held the water it had taken
in, the bottom could not be much damaged. This erroneous
belief was due to the fact that the vessel was almost filled with
sand inside, so that the water could not run out. Nevertheless,
this setting of the ship so high up on the beach saved us much
trouble later when we came to break it up.
On February 25 the hitherto mild weather tempted us to
send out a third expedition to examine the land to the westward.
For this purpose the assistant navigator Yushin and four men
were sent off. In six days, however, they only got as far as the
headland projecting to the north, sixty versts from our dwell-
ings,3%* and, after the whole exploration had turned into a sea
otter hunt, they returned, as the weather by March 8 had again
become worse, with the report, afterwards found to be false, that
because of the precipitous cliffs extending into the sea they had
not been able to go farther.*%4
On March Io we held another council and decided to order the
boatswain, Alexei Ivanov, who was unanimously nominated, to
392 See, below, footnote 422, especially the last paragraph.
33 Probably Cape Waxel, the northeastern point of the island, is
meant (see map, Pl. II). (S)
394 In the MS this passage reads: ‘‘and, after they had turned the
whole exploration into a bobr [sea otter] hunt, they returned on March 8
with the bad report, afterwards found to be false, which they now gave
out as the cause of their return, that . . .”
The log book confirms March 8 as the date of the return of the party |
(see Vol. 1, p. 232, under that date).
SCOUTING EXPEDITIONS 169
go south across the country at Lyesnaya Ryechka** and then to
follow the shore until he came either to the end of the island or
to the mainland itself, in case it were united with the latter,
since it was still believed that we were stranded on Cape Kro-
notski.3% These scouts began the trip on March 15 but returned
unexpectedly on the 19th, again with the report that they could
go no farther in the south because of the steep rocks which
extended into the sea. However, they, too, had missed the right
way, as I discovered later on my trip. Nevertheless, they
brought back two noteworthy pieces of information for us, viz.,
first, that they had found chips and fragments of the pinnace that
had been built in Avacha the winter before; the carpenter Aku-
lev®" recognized definitely the chips which he had hewn off in
Avacha. Next they described to us an animal which they had
seen for the first time on land and alive, and which, from their
description, we took to be a sea bear [fur seal].
On March 22 this same boatswain with his former companions
started off again under the former instructions with the changed
order to go on the north side as far as the point projecting north,
from there continue his way southward overland, and in case
he met obstacles in the south, he should once more go northward
across or along the mountains and keep on until he came to some
mainland or to the other end of the island. In the latter case all
of them should come back quickly in order not to put any further
obstacles in the way of the building of the new vessel. If, how-
ever, they came to the mainland or to Kamchatka, half of the
party should [proceed] to Avacha with the reports, the other half
return to the command with the information. With three others
from our yurt I accompanied these scouts and at Lyesnaya
395 See, above, footnote 344. By “south”’ is meant west (see, above,
footnote 359).
36 The headland on the Kamchatkan shore directly opposite in the
same latitude (see Vol. 1, Pl. I).
37 The MS reads: ‘‘ The carpenter and soldier Akulev.’”’ This is proba-
bly the soldier whose name is spelled Okulov in the list in Vol. I, p. 235.
38 The MS adds: ‘‘and with which later on we became well ac-
quainted.”’
170 STELLER’S JOURNAL
Ryechka went across the island for the first time, where on the
same day we effected a great slaughter among the sea otters, as
they were feeling secure and lying together in herds," so that we
could have killed probably a hundred had we not thought more
of the meat and the general welfare than of the precious skins.
Now that in the spring the snow had settled and it was possible
for us to go across the land to the south, where the sea otters and
seals had not yet been frightened away and were found by us in
great numbers, our hopes rose not a little and we visited the new
localities frequently, notwithstanding the fact that the way was
very long and toilsome because of the mountains. Three times,
however, there happened such disastrous accidents on this trail
that almost a third of our men might have been lost.—On April
I constable Roselius, 4° assistant surgeon Betge, guard-marine
Sint, and a cossack left our camp as usual to hunt. Towards
evening there rose such a violent storm from the northwest that
no one could keep on his feet or see a step ahead of him. Inaddi-
tion six feet of snow fell during the night. We had never before
had such a tempest here. The men who had gone hunting, about
whom we all were greatly worried, came all near perishing.
After having passed the entire night lying under the snow, they
were hardly able in the morning to dig themselves out and reach
the beach. The guard-marine, however, had become separated
from the others and seemed lost. Fortunately for all of them the
snow stopped falling at the break of day, and we had hardly dug
out [a passage] from the entrance to our hut *! when the three of
399 The MS adds: ‘“‘killing ten.’’ This may have been at or near the
South Rookery (of 1883) shown on PI. II.
400 In the published version the name is given as ‘“‘Rosdig.’’ This
would seem to be a misreading of the correct form, Roselius. That this is
the correct form is attested by many references in the log book (Vol. 1,
PD. 214, 225, 229, 235, 241, 242). The MS also reads Roselius here, al-
though the handwriting makes it plausible how the misreading could
occur.
401 This clause in the MS is expanded to: ‘‘The next day we worked
several hours before we could dig ourselves out of our quarters when, just
as the entrance was fortunately cleaned out, three of our men . 6
NARROW ESCAPES 171
our men who had kept together reached us out of their mind and
unable to speak, as stiff as machines, and the assistant surgeon
quite blind.4 We undressed them at once, covered them with
feather beds, and revived them with tea.*% An hour later the
guard-marine, in a still more pitiful condition and wandering aim-
lessly about on the beach, was found by three men and brought
to us. During the night he had fallen into a brook and all the
clothing on his body and even his limbs were frozen almost solid,
so that we feared he would lose his hands and feet. His strong
constitution pulled him through, however.*® But the assistant
surgeon did not regain the use of his eyes until eight days after.
Another time, April 5, believing that we were forecasting the
weather better,*% Mr. Plenisner, I, my cossack, and the Captain
Commander’s servant went4°? hunting, as we were out of meat,
the weather being most pleasant and sunshiny. As soon as we
reached the beach we killed as many otters as we could carry
and seated ourselves near a cliff around a camp fire in order to
pass the night. Before we knew it, the same storm [i. e. as on
April 1, viz. from NW] rose towards midnight and brought so
much snow that we should have been covered in a short time had
we not constantly run to and fro and given each other no rest. In
the morning, after we had been searching long in vain for a crevice
se
402 The equivalent of what follows “‘as stiff’’ reads in the MS: “and
so stiff from the cold that, like rigid machines, they could scarcely still
move their feet, while the assistant surgeon, totally blind, kept walking
behind the others without seeing.”’
403 The MS has in addition: ‘‘and other remedies.”’
40¢ The MS has instead: ‘‘During the whole night he had been lying
in a brook.”’
40 The MS has instead: ‘‘God, however, pulled him through without
harm.”
406 In the MS the recital of this episode begins as follows: ‘‘Although
this [experience] alarmed us greatly, we others undertook to handle the
matter more skillfully and, when it was imperative to go, to forecast the
weather better; hence, on April 5,’’ etc.
407 The MS has: “‘went south.’’” The party presumably again went by
way of the transverse depression (see, above, footnote 344) to the west-
ern shore. (S)
172 SEBLLER’S JOURNAL
or other refuge and were already quite desperate, the cossack
succeeded finally in finding in a cliff a very wide and spacious
cave, which apparently had been caused by a great earthquake.‘
Loaded with wood and meat we made ourselves at home there
and found a safe refuge against all snow and wind which in the
future could be of great use in similar cases. We found there not
only room enough but also a side cave,*°? in which we could keep
our supplies safe from the thievish*!® foxes, and even a chimney
formed by Nature, through which the smoke found an outlet
through the cracks in the rock, without in the least annoying us
in our quarters, which became properly heated from the fire.*!
Here we spent, with hearts very thankful to Providence,*” three
days in hunting“? and resting alternately, and returned on the
408 The account in the MS is much more detailed, as follows: ‘‘Towards
midnight we got such a violent northwest storm with much snow that,
without our being able to get under shelter, the cossack soon lay buried
covered deep with snow without moving, while I sat in the snow and by
constantly smoking tobacco tried to keep myself warm and banish the
bitterness of death, and the other two were running incessantly to and
fro like true hemerodromi [couriers, coursers], though one could hardly
keep on one’s feet because of the wind. As day broke, though hardly to
be distinguished from the darkest night, and as my other companions
would not let me rest under the snow, I finally got up in order to search,
together with them, for a cave and crevice in the rocks. After having
wandered about for a long time without having found a refuge we came
back full of despair and half dead. My cossack, who, when I spoke to
him, would not [get up], we dug out of the snow by force. We agreed
once more to make an attempt in two parties in order to save our lives in
the incessant storm. The cossack, more successful in this than we, after
half an hour’s search found a very wide and spacious cave in a cliff which
without doubt had been caused by a great earthquake. After receiving
the news we went there with the greatest expectation.”
409 Thus the published version. The MS has ambar, Russian for ware-
house, provision chamber. ‘‘Side cave’’ would seem to be Pallas’ infer-
ence by extension.
410 The MS adds: ‘‘and malicious.”’
411 The MS adds: ‘‘and in which we could cook conveniently.”
412 The MS has instead: ‘‘Here we revived at once, gave thanks to
God, and spent. . iki
413 The MS has in addition: ‘‘as the foxes had devoured our provisions
during the storm.”’
NARROW ESCAPES 173
fourth with much booty and good news to our people, who were
already fearing that we would never appear again. The cave, as
well as the bay, was afterwards named for me.*!4 At our first
entrance into this cave we found many foxes in it; they retreated
into a crevice in the rock through which afterwards the smoke
passed from the fire we made so that there started among them
such a sneezing and spitting that we had enough to laugh at.
At night, however, they gave us no rest, as they pulled off the
cap first of one and then of another and performed other tricks. +415
A few days before us the assistant navigator Yushin had gone
hunting with our only ship’s carpenter, who had undertaken to
build alone a new vessel from the wreck and on whom conse-
quently rested all hope of our delivery, and three other persons.
When they, too, were forced by a storm to seek a crevice for
shelter and found one close to the water, it happened that they
were kept imprisoned there by the high tide for seven days, with-
out provisions and wood, and only returned on the ninth day,
at which time we had believed them either drowned or crushed
to death by snow dashing down from the mountains.
When we came home on April 8 we were greeted by the glad
news that this person,*!* so indispensable to us, had made his
appearance again, and furthermore that the boatswain‘!? had
come back on April 6 with the information that we were really
on an island and that they thought they had seen high mountains
in the northeast. According to the latitude in which we were, I
am of the opinion that these must not be regarded as a part of
America but as another island* unknown in Kamchatka. #18
44 The MS has in addition: ‘‘as it was discovered on my trip.”
The location of this cave cannot be indicated with certainty. It may have
been near Dikaya Bay (PI. II; see below, p. 197, footnote 35) southeast
of the mouth of the transverse depression. (S)
415 The last two sentences are not in the MS.
416 The MS has the plural, ‘‘these persons. . . .”’
417 Alexei Ivanov, who had left on March 22 (see the journal, p. 169,
above).
* Indeed, subsequent events have shown in this case also that Steller’s
surmise was correct. For these mountains, seen from Bering Island in
174 STELLER’S JOURNAL
Since, according to this, there seemed to be no other way to
get away from here and to reach Kamchatka, in default of any
forest, than to break up the old vessel and build a smaller one
the northeast, were the now well-known Copper Island (Mednoi Ostrov).
—P. [On the incorrectness of this interpretation see the next footnote,
next-to-last paragraph.]
413 In the MS this sentence has directly the opposite meaning. It
there reads: ‘‘And I was of the opinion, according to this latitude, that it
could be nothing else than the American mainland, seeing that this [i. e.
Bering Island] is an island of which nothing is known in Kamchatka.”
Clearly this, and not the published version, represents Steller’s opinion.
It may be ascribed to the fact, previously referred to (asterisk footnote be-
tween 163 and 164, last paragraph, and footnote 260), that the general
conception of the members of the expedition was that, in what we now
know as the Aleutian Islands, they had been skirting the mainland coast
of North America. With Steller’s correct inference, from the reports of
natives, of the nearness of Asia and America farther north (see the
journal, pp. 18 and 99 and footnote 221, above) he may well have
believed that the two continents approached closely in this region also
(see also the next-to-last sentence of footnote 149 for his conception on
the outward voyage, which nothing occurred on the return voyage to
change). That this was his belief seems to be confirmed by the 1758 map
of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences (our Fig. 14), which embodied
the expedition’s discoveries and conceptions.
The underlying argument of the clause ‘‘seeing that Bering Island is an
island of which nothing is known in Kamchatka’’ may possibly be ex-
plained as follows: Even Bering Island, presumably close to Kamchatka,
is unknown there. All the more reason why a land beyond it would be
unknown.
The report of land northeast of Bering Island had already been brought
back from Yushin’s reconnaissance a month earlier (log book under March
8, Vol. 1, p. 232, and third paragraph from bottom of p. 237). The fallacy
of this report has already been pointed out (in the same paragraph on p.
237). In extension of the statement there made it may be said that, even
allowing for the probable magnetic declination in that region at that time
(given in the log book as 114 rhumb, or about 14°, E for a position off the
southern end of Bering Island six months later; see Vol. 1, p. 244, ‘‘Varia-
tion of Compass’’), Copper Island could not have been the basis of the
report, for it lies east and southeast of the southern end of Bering Island
and the position from which the land was reported to have been seen in
the northeast was, in the case of both Yushin and Ivanov, the northeast-
ern point of Bering Island, viz. Cape Waxel (see, above, footnote 393 and
DECISION TO BUILD NEW VESSEL 175
from it, such a decision*!® was taken in a council held on April 9
and the following arrangement was made, which was to remain in
force from the date when the breaking up should begin until the
building of the new vessel should be completed: (1) that the
twelve men skilled in the use of the ax should work continuously
on the carpenter work; (2) that the others, with the exception
only of the two officers and myself, should hunt and work in such
a manner that, when one party returned home from the hunt,
though indeed having a day for rest, they should nevertheless
also attend to the housework and afterwards mend clothing and
shoes but on the third and following days they should assist with
the work on the vessel, until their turn to hunt came around
again; (3) that all meat should be brought to one place and every
the journal, p. 169—“‘the point projecting north’’). Furthermore, the
height and distance of Copper Island are such that it was in plain view on
every clear day from the huts of the shipwrecked crew (see Fig. 21) and
Mt Preobrazhente'
1925 Ft.
3 2
ve $
2 c ~
SS
$ 38 3
s 3 8
Y e
N s
= = &
= =
cal
Fic. 21—Copper Island seen from spot near camp of shipwrecked crew on Bering
Island marked ‘‘Polovina”’ on Pl. II. Sketch by L. Stejneger, April 21, 1883.
Because of the deep Bobrovi Valley Copper Island at this distance appears as
two islands. Mt. Stejneger was so named and its elevation determined as 637 meters
by J. Morozewicz (Mém. Comité Géol., Vol. 72 (N.S.), St. Petersburg, 1912, p. 45).
was therefore known to them. From Cape Waxel it was barely within
the arc of visibility, but in an even more southeasterly direction than
from the camp.
In conformity with the report an island is shown northeast of Bering
Island on Waxel’s map (this section reproduced in Mémoires Acad. Imp.
des Sci. de St. Pétersbourg, Series 7, Vol. 38, No. 7, 1891, and our Fig. 29;
modified copy in Dall, U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey Rept. for 1890,
Pl. 70, referred to above in footnote 260), a representation which per-
sisted on many of the later maps (e. g. our Fig. 14). (J)
419 For the wording of that -decision see the log book under April 9
PVol..1)) p. 239).
176 STELLER’S JOURNAL
morning a petty officer should distribute to the cooks of each
party their share, so that the carpenters might not suffer want.
After this had been unanimously agreed to and signed, the first
preparations were already started on the next day. Everything
was taken out of the vessel, and the materials were brought to-
gether in one place on the beach; grindstones were dressed and
placed in troughs, tools were cleaned of rust and sharpened, a
smithy erected, crowbars, iron wedges, and large hammers
forged, wood gathered, and charcoal made. This last work was
arduous and caused most of the delay.
While many difficulties were expected because the hunting
was so far off, since the animals were already frightened away by
us for a distance of eighteen to twenty versts, our courage was
nevertheless unexpectedly again raised by the following dispen-
sation: on April 18 and 19, namely, two sea bears [fur seals] were
killed, each of which, including meat and fat, weighed at least
20 poods, two or three being apparently sufficient to support the
command for a whole week. Likewise, since the migrations of
these animals, as observed from the coast of Kamchatka, were
well known to us, there was hope, which was also soon realized,
that more of these animals would shortly follow. ‘2°
A quite fresh whale caused us still more encouragement and
comfort, having been thrown ashore at Kozlovo Pole, five
versts to the west of our dwellings, on April 20, the day before
we began to break up the old vessel. It was 15 fathoms long,
and in two days we collected so much blubber and oil from it
420 In the MS this sentence is more detailed and is followed by a long
passage dealing with the fur seal. This sentence and the subsequent
passage are omitted by Pallas in the published version of the journal,
inasmuch as he had already published them twelve years earlier (Neue
Nordische Beytrége, Vol. 2, 1781, pp. 288-290) with Steller’s description
of Bering Island, as a part of which they are translated below in Appen-
dix A on pp. 225-226. The sentence begins with the words “‘ As I had fur-
thermore already learned in Kamchatka’’; the passage ends with the
words ‘“‘cover the way out and back in one day.”
421 For location, see map, PI. II.
FUR SEALS FOR FOOD E77,
that at our departure a few barrels thereof were left be-
hind. 422
During the whole of May and half of the month of June we
lived on the meat of the young and female sea bears which are
much more tender to eat.
On May 5%” by erecting the sternpost and the stem on the keel
the start was made on our vessel and our future deliverance.
Lieutenant Waxel thereupon invited all and everybody to him
and, in default of other drinks, treated us to Mongolian satu-
ran,*4* or tea soup, which is prepared with flour and butter, at
422 In the MS the following here intervenes: ‘‘Shortly after this sea
lions, in Kamchatka called sivuch, also appeared frequently, but nobody
dared to kill this ferocious animal. One which had been wounded in
Kamchatka with a nosok, or harpoon, and escaped was cast ashore near
us dead but still fresh, and we set to work on this one too.”’
This passage is omitted by Pallas in the journal but occurs (Neue
Nordische Beytrage, Vol. 2, 1781, p. 290, lines 7-12) in Steller’s description
of Bering Island as Pallas had published it twelve years previously
(see, below, Appendix A, p. 226). The passage is there completed by the
following sentences (loc. cit., lines 12-17, and, below, Appendix A, p. 226):
“The most delicate part of this animal is its flippers. When being
boiled they swell up a great deal and can then easily be skinned, while
when raw it is not possible to remove the skin. I have discussed the main
matters of interest concerning this animal in the previously mentioned
description of sea animals.’’ [The reference is to Steller’s ‘‘De bestiis
marinis,’’ pp. 360-366 (see also, below, p. 224, footnote 125).]
The sea lion (Eumetopias jubata (Schreber)) is known in Kamchatka
under the name sivuch. The full-grown male is a large and formidable
animal. In view of Steller’s own statement on p. 168, above, that ‘‘on
January 29 our company killed the first sea lion’’ it would appear that
the one then killed was a female or young male, a supposition corrobo-
rated by his saying that the meat was almost like veal, a quality which
even he would hardly attribute to that of the old sivuch. (S)
423 In the log book (Vol. 1, p. 234) this event is dated May 6.
424 According to Admiral Ferdinand von Wrangell (Expedition to the
Polar Sea, New York, 1841, pp. 84-85) the saturan is prepared as follows:
“*The meal is roasted in a pan, and butter or train oil mixed with it so
as to bring it to a paste, which is then thinned by the addition of boiling
water. When the drink is carefully made, and with good butter, it has
an agreeable flavor, and is very nourishing and warming; it may be com-
178 STELLER’S JOURNAL
which, with many wishes and longings, we enjoyed ourselves
fairly well. The pleasant spring weather brought us still other
advantages, besides the mild air, for, after the snow had thawed,
we discovered here and there on the beach so much wood that
we felt quite encouraged with regard to the charcoal necessary
for the work in the smithy. We furthermore obtained many
edible and palatable herbs and roots, which, besides being a
change, served as medicine for our emaciated bodies.!
pared to Rumford’s ‘spare soup.’ It is drunk hot, like tea, out of glasses
or cups.’’ (S)
425 In the MS there is here added an enumeration, omitted in the pub-
lished version, of these plants and roots. In the following translation the
superior letters have been added; they correspond to the botanical identi-
fications given below.
‘‘Among these the following were the most notable: the Kamchatkan
sweet grass Sphondylium;@ the bulbs of the lilium fl. reflexo atro pur pureo,»
much more plentiful and larger than in Kamchatka; a kind of herb¢ the
leaves of which resemble celery in taste and shape while the root re-
sembles parsnip in taste; as well as the roots of kutakhshu.4 Besides
these we ate the leaves of Ceronthe;¢ the turions [young shoots] of Cham-
naerion speciosum; the roots of the bistort.g Instead of bohea tea we made
infusions of the leaves of Vitis idea buxi folio,» and in place of green [tea],
of the leaves of Pyrolai and, as second choice, of Veronica humilis mon-
tana, flore amplo.i As salad herbs we had Cochlearia,‘ beccabunga,! and
Cardamine nasturtium,.’’™
In the MS some of the plant names are mutilated by the copyist, but
they are nevertheless quite recognizable as just given. The identifica-
tions, using modern nomenclature, are as follows:
(a) Heracleum lanatum Michx. See also, above, footnote 78.
(b) the Saranna lily, Fritillaria kamtschatcensis (L.).
(c) Conioselinum kamtschaticum Rupr. (Selinum benthami Watson).
(d) the Kamchadal name, variously spelled Rkutachtschu or koutakschin,
for a kind of angelica, Coelopleurum gmelini (D, C.), often erro-
neously referred to as Archangelica officinalis.
(e) the sea lungwort, Mertensia maritima (L.), which in some places is
extremely abundant on the beaches, a single plant covering a
large area.
(f) Chamaenerion (or Epilobium) angustifolium (L.), the purple fire-
weed. Chamnaerion (in the MS the word occurs in the genitive,
“Chamnaerii’’) is probably a lapsus for Chamaenerion.
(g) Polygonum viviparum L.
(h) the upland cranberry, Vaccinium vitis idaea L. The word in the
BREAKING UP THE OLD VESSEL 179
On May 11 and the following days not only did the snow
begin to thaw rapidly, but the steady rains that came with south-
east winds caused, in addition, such high water that the creeks
overflowed so much that we could scarcely remain in our under-
ground homes, which had one or even two feet of water in them.
This influenced us after the rain ceased to abandon the winter
huts and build summer homes above ground.#2° In the meantime
the building of the vessel was likewise delayed for some days,
but afterwards it was resumed with increased zeal, the more so
because of the headway “7 made in the breaking up of the ship,
which in the beginning we had almost despaired of being able
to accomplish, as the vessel was new and very well built while
MS for what is known in English as ‘‘bohea,’’ or black tea, is
““Theeboy,”’ which, with ‘‘Theeboh”’ and ‘‘Theebuh,’’ are the
contemporary German equivalents.
(i) Pyrola minor L., one of the true wintergreens, or shinleaves.
(j) Veronica aphylla var. grandiflora (Gartn.) (or kamtschatica L. fil.),
one of the four species of speedwells found on Bering Island.
(k) the scurvy grass, Cochlearia officinalis L.
(1) the American brooklime, Veronica americana Schwein.
(m) the bitter cress, Cardamine pratensis L., as well as C. hirsuta L.,
both of which occur. See also, above, footnote 314.
Upon his return to Kamchatka Steller sent a full catalog of all the
plants observed by him on Bering Island, which is preserved in the
archives of the Academy of Sciences in Petrograd (under Arkhiv Konfer-
entsia, Bundle 13 C, No. 1 Q: see, above, footnote 119; photostat copies
are in the Library of Congress, Washington, and the library of the
American Geographical Society). In this ‘‘Catalogus plantarum in insula
Beringii observatarum, 1742’’ he enumerated 218 species, some of which,
however, are only varieties. Most of these have been relocated by subse-
quent collectors, and a number of other species added, but a few species
recorded by Steller still await verification. Of Spermatophytes and
Pteridophytes 252 species were known in 1921 from Bering and Copper Is-
lands, two of which have not been found elsewhere, viz. Saussurea moro-
zeviczt Fedtsch. and Alopecurus stejnegeri Vasey. Dr. Boris Fedtschenko
has published a general account of the plants under the title ‘‘Flore des
{les du Commandeur,” Cracow, 1906. (S)
426 The MS has in addition: ‘‘although after the water had receded
they were again visited.”
#27 The MS reads: ‘“‘because of the unexpected headway.”
180 STELLER’S JOURNAL
we were almost without tools.“8 The building of the new vessel
made equally good progress daily, and the eagerness to work rose
with hope, so that soon there was no doubt that we should be able
to start for Kamchatka in the month of August.#? In order still
more to accelerate the work, a beginning was made to facilitate
the victualing of the crew by catching the sea cows in the neigh-
borhood, in order to have that much more time and help for
building the ship and in order to spare the men, who were already
pretty destitute of shoes and clothes, the hard road over the
mountains.*3° This chase, so profitable to us, I have recounted in
detail in the description of Bering Island.*4*
As the work thus could be advanced more and more “? and as
428 In the MS the last clause reads: ‘‘and the necessary tools for break-
ing up the ship were lacking.”
429 The last clause in the MS after ‘‘with hope’’ is amplified as follows:
““As towards the end of the month of May all the frame timbers were
ready and set up on the keel, we began no longer to doubt that it would be
possible to leave here for Kamchatka in the month of August.”
430 The equivalent of this sentence is somewhat more detailed in the
MS, as follows: ‘‘Our only concern was how to obviate the difficult trans-
portation of the meat and obtain the food near home by catching the sea
cows which were daily present in great numbers before our eyes near the
shore. The work would thereby progress much faster in view of the fact
that the men were already lacking strength, shoes, and clothes, which
were being worn out very much on the extremely toilsome road south-
ward across the country and over the mountains.”
* See Part 4 of these Nordische Beytrige.—P. [See the next footnote.]
431 ‘‘Part 4”’ in Pallas’ note is a typographical error for Part (or Vol.) 2,
published in 1781. The passage on hunting the sea cow is on pp. 290-292.
Pallas had transferred it from the MS, where it occurs at this point in
chronological order under May 21, and added it to the Description of
Bering Island. (The sentence ‘“‘This chase . . . description of Bering
Island”’ is Pallas’ and is therefore not in the MS.) Both in the MS and
in the published version (ibid., pp. 292-299) this passage is immediately
followed by an account of the natural history of the sea cow. In the
present work this passage and account are published in Appendix A
under the heading ‘‘ The Sea Cow,” pp. 226-237, below.
432 In the MS this clause reads: ‘‘As now all difficulties both in regard
to the breaking up of the vessel and the provisioning were solved and as,
in addition, we sometimes for a change got so many fishes in our half-
rotted fish nets that we were supplied for eight days from one haul.”
COMPLETION OF THE NEW VESSEL 181
the constant efforts and encouragement by Lieutenant Waxel
raised the spirit of the men, it came to pass ** that in the month
of July the vessel, 36 feet long at the keel and 42 feet from stem
to stern,‘**4 stood ready on the stocks as far as the hull was
concerned. The remaining time until August 13 was consumed
in making rigging, trying out tar from old ropes,*® and finally
also in building ways for launching the vessel. This last caused
us great trouble since we were so poorly provided with timber
and other material. The wood “* was hauled from the farthest
parts of the shore; their stability [i. e. of the ways] was secured
by placing the cannons on them. In the meantime some built a
magazine in which to store the materials to be left behind;
others were occupied in erecting an oven and in baking biscuits
for the voyage; some overhauled the casks which had to be
bound for the voyage with iron hoops and ropes;*7 some ex-
amined the bottom of the bay;*8 and altogether there was no
one who wanted to be idle, because everyone was exceedingly
anxious for deliverance from this desert island.‘
33 The MS reads: “‘it came to pass, as a result of [the work of] many
hands, redoubled courage, and the constant efforts and friendly encour-
agement of Lieutenant Waxel, that in,”’ etc.
434 This clause giving dimensions does not occur here in the MS (for its
position see, below, footnote 444). The log book under May 6 (Vol. 1,
Pp. 234) states that the vessel was to have ‘‘a length of 36 feet, a 12-foot
beam, and depth of 5 feet 3 inches.’’ These figures in Khitrov’s version of
the log book are repeated in Yushin’s version (zbid., p. 239, footnote 133).
Under August 10, 5 P.M. entry (ibid., p. 240) it is stated that the vessel
‘“‘measured 36 feet in length, 11 feet in beam, 5 feet in depth, and 41 feet
from stem to sternpost.”’
43 The MS reads: ‘‘in making rigging, spars, and masts, in black-
smithing, in the toilsome trying out of tar from old ropes.”’
43 The MS adds: ‘‘for the ways.”
437 The MS adds: ‘‘because this had previously been neglected in
Okhotsk.”’
438 The log book gives the reason—to find the anchors (entries of July 1
and July 24; see Vol. I, p. 234).
439 The MS has in addition: ‘‘Although the hope of procuring more
otter pelts made some of the men desirous of spending another winter, at
the last moment they did not, for shame, want to acknowledge it.”
182 STELLER’S JOURNAL
As on August 8 all was in order and ready for the voyage, a
public prayer was offered up in the afternoon, in which we prayed
to God for a successful launching of the vessel, which we dedi-
cated to the apostle St. Peter and named after him. Whereupon
everybody lent a hand to the launching. To our great consterna-
tion the weight of the ship pressed down the too low foundation
and she stuck during the launching. However, we lifted her up
with jacks, retrieved the error by placing some planks under her,
and thus got her off the land. But by that time the high water
had already receded, and only on the following day at the next
flood could she be completely floated into the sea. ;
After this, we worked day and night. On the 11th the mast
was set and made fast with its shrouds. Water and provisions
were next brought on board, and lastly everybody’s baggage, a
limited amount only being allowed each person.**° In the mean-
while the carpenters were still at work on a small boat which
could be placed on deck.*#! Our supplies consisted of twenty-five
poods of rye flour, five barrels of salted sea cow, or manati,
meat, two poods of peas, and a barrel of salt beef that in spite of
all our want had nevertheless been saved for the home voyage.
Each man was handed, in addition, four pounds of butter; and
most of the men, who had managed economically, were able to
bake for themselves from the stores they had saved up perhaps
half a pood of biscuit for the trip; those, however, who could not
do this provided themselves with dried manati meat.*”
On August 13 all left their huts with much inner emotion and
went on board the vessel, which was going either to bring us
back to our country or to decide our fate in some manner or
440 Instead of the last clause the MS has: ‘‘Everyone had to submit in
writing how much in weight he wanted to take; what was in excess of the
agreed weight had to be left behind.’’ For the text of the agreement and
the list of baggage see the log book (Vol. 1, pp. 236 and 235, respectively).
441 The MS has in addition: ‘‘so that we could use it in case of any
eventuality.”
442 In the MS this clause reads: ‘‘those, however, who had previously
lived too luxuriously, made themselves biscuits of dried manati meat.”’
DEPARTURE FROM BERING ISLAND 183
another.*# When we were all together on the vessel we realized
for the first time how cramped the quarters were and what a
hard voyage it would be on that account; we were lying one on the
other and crawled over each other. Lieutenant Waxel, Master
Khitrov, I, and the son of the Lieutenant had, after all, the best
place, in the cabin. The other forty-two men were lying in the
hold, which was crammed so full with water casks, supplies, and
baggage that the people could hardly lie down between them
and the deck. As the crew was divided into three watches, two
places were assigned to three men. However, as the space was
still too narrow, we began to throw into the sea pillows, bedding,
and clothing, which had been brought from land.“ Meanwhile
we watched the foxes on shore ransacking our dwellings44® with
the greatest glee and activity and sharing among themselves what
was left of fat and meat.
In the morning of August 14“* the support of the Almighty
was invoked in a special prayer for a good voyage, whereupon the
anchors were weighed. Because the west wind helped us to pass
the eastern 447 point of the island, it was decided, although the
443 In the MS the relative clause reads as follows: ‘‘which was going to
bring us back to the border of Asia and of our beloved country or to
decide the outcome of our miserable pilgrimage after so much toil, hope,
and longing according to the will of the Almighty.”
444 In the MS the statement of the length of the vessel, which occurs in
the published version as here translated on p. 181, above, is inserted
at this point, in a paragraph by itself.
44 The MS continues from here on: ‘‘and occupying them as living
quarters. It seemed to them very curious that nobody interfered with
them as formerly and, in addition, that they had all at once come into
secure possession of so much fat and meat left over, a pleasure to which,
on our part, they were heartily welcome.”
4% According to the log book (Vol. 1, p. 243) the departure took place
on the morning of August 13 (both astronomical and civil date; the dis-
crepancy can therefore in this case not be ascribed to the fact that Steller
reckoned by civil time—see, above, footnote 131—and the officers in the
log book by astronomical time).
447 The MS has, more precisely, ‘‘southeastern,’’ which term is also
used a few lines farther on in the published version. In the August 14
entry of the log book (Vol. 1, p. 244) under 3 P. M., 8 P. M., I2 M., it
184 STELLER’S JOURNAL
mouth of the Kamchatka River was twice as near and our ship
hardly in condition to withstand an autumn storm, nevertheless
to set a direct course for Avacha Bay. With a light wind we
made such progress that in the afternoon we were in the strait
between Bering Island and the island five versts*® opposite to
the east and parallel with it, and by evening we had reached the
southeastern end of our island. This day44® was enjoyed very
much, as in the clear and pleasant weather we coasted along the
island, on which we knew every mountain and valley which with
much toil we had climbed so often in search of food or on some
other reconnaissance and to which we had given names from
various circumstances.*® Late in the evening we had come, God
be praised, so far that we were opposite the extreme point of the
island.
On Sunday, the 15th, the wind was light during the forenoon,
and the southern side of the island was still in sight. Towards
evening the wind increased in force, and, after we had cut adrift
the large ship’s yawl**! that had till now done us so much service
‘
is termed the ‘‘southern’”’ point. Cape Manati of course is meant (see
Pl. II). The name was given at this time (see 12 M. entry of that date
in the log book).
448 The MS has more correctly five miles, i. e. German miles, 15 toa
degree of latitude. The shortest distance between Bering Island and
Copper Island is about 30 nautical miles (see, above, Fig. 15). Steller’s
estimate of 5 miles is therefore one-third short. (J)
449 The MS has “‘this afternoon.”
450 The MS has in addition: ‘‘and incidents.’’ There then follows this
passage, omitted from the published version: ‘‘The grace and mercy of
God became evident to all, the more particularly [when considering] in
what miserable condition we came to this barren island on November 6,
how wonderfully we were fed, and how in spite of astounding toil we
steadily gained in health and became more and more hardened and
strengthened, and the more we gazed at it in parting the plainer appeared
to us, as in a mirror, God’s wonderful and loving guidance.”’
451 The published version has ‘‘ Schiffs-Zoll.’’ The Z is a misprint for
J, as correctly given in the MS.
In the log book (Vol. 1, p. 245) this incident is mentioned under 4
Pp. M., August 15 (astronomical date). This would be August 14, civil
date—the time according to which Steller reckoned. August 15, 1742,
is, however, correctly designated as Sunday.
HOMEWARD FROM BERING ISLAND 185
but which was now hindering the progress of our vessel, the island
was lost entirely from view. The wind and weather being very
favorable, we now continued on the course towards Avacha west
by south. However, towards midnight we were suddenly fright-
ened in the extreme, because the ship began filling with water
from an unknown leak. Owing to the cramped space and full-
loaded condition of the vessel it was very difficult to locate the
leak quickly. The pumps, since it had been forgotten to place
kettles [strainers?] under them, were soon clogged up with chips
which had been left in the hold, and with each minute the danger
became greater, as the wind was high and our craft was not too
strongly built. Under these circumstances the sails were short-
ened at once; some moved baggage out of the way in order to
look for the leak, others bailed out the water with kettles without
stopping, and still others threw into the sea the cannon balls and
grapeshot which we had taken with us from shore. To our great
good fortune the carpenter, after the ship had been lightened,
succeeded in locating the leak, by conjecture, below *® the water
line and plugged it up, so that we were saved this time also from
the danger of foundering. Warned by this accident steps were
taken to correct the defect and to set kettles [strainers?] under the
pumps in the bilge. The leak, however, was really due to the
straining of the frame by the action of the jacks while lifting the
ship at the launching. **3
On August 16 we continued on the same course. Early on
Tuesday, the 17th,** we suddenly caught sight of the mainland
42 The MS has ‘‘above.’’ This diametrically opposite statement pos-
sibly implies that through the lightening of the ship the leak had changed
in position from below to above the water line.
453 This sentence is fuller in the MS and reads as follows: ‘‘It was also
observed that the leak had developed at the time when the vessel had
been raised from the sagging ways by means of jacks whose upper parts
were placed below the water line, and the planks were displaced the more
easily since they were fastened only with iron nails without any wooden
pins, in order to hasten the construction.”’
454 Here Steller’s reckoning coincides with that of the log book (Vol. 1,
Pp. 247, footnote 134), in which the sighting of Cape Kronotski is recorded
at 9.30 A. M., August 17 (both astronomical and civil date).
186 STELLER’S JOURNAL
of Kamchatka. We made it just in the neighborhood of Cape
Kronotski and on account of the thick and foggy weather did not
see it until we were about a mile*® from shore. Nevertheless,
the decision to go to the port [Avacha], from which we were yet
30 miles away, was adhered to. However, as under the lee of
Kamchatka we had either complete calm or head winds the whole
time, we spent nine days more in tacking, until at last, on the
26th of August, in the night, we arrived at the entrance of the
bay [of Avacha], after having used the oars for twenty-four hours
without a break, and on the 27th, in the evening, in the long
desired harbor [of St. Peter and St. Paul] itself.
Great as was the joy of everybody over our deliverance and
safe arrival, nevertheless the news**?7 which we received from a
Kamchadal** at the very entrance caused a much greater ex-
citement.“? We had been regarded by everybody as dead or
lost; the property which we had left behind had fallen into the
hands of strangers and had mostly been carried away. There-
fore, in a few seconds joy turned to anxiety in the hearts of all
of us.° However, we were all by this time so much used to
455 The MS has “‘scarcely a mile.’’ The log book (Vol. 1, p. 247), 10
* A.M. entry on August 17 (both astronomical and civil), gives 3 German
miles.
456 The log book (Vol. 1, p. 256) says that the entrance to Avacha Bay
was reached at 5 A. M. on August 26 (both astronomical and civil), that
the vessel anchored there until Ir A. M., when she proceeded to the
Harbor of St. Peter and St. Paul in the interior of Avacha Bay, reaching
the harbor at 2 P. M. on August 27 (astronomical; August 26, civil).
457 The MS has: ‘‘the adverse and unexpected news.”’
48 The MS has in addition: ‘‘who paddled out to the vessel in his
baidar.’’ See the log book, August 27, astronomical date, 8 A. M. entry
(Vol: z, p. 256).
49 The MS has in addition: ‘‘and complete forgetting of self.’’
460 This sentence in the MS reads: ‘‘Therefore joy alternated with
sorrow repeatedly in a few seconds according to the nature of the news
about general and special happenings.’’ This may possibly be interpreted
to mean that some heard that their belongings were still there and could
be regained, others that theirs had already been dissipated; also that
some, on hearing a general situation described, believed themselves un-
affected by loss, but on questioning about their own particular property,
found that they had lost it.
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ARRIVAL AT PETROPAVLOVSK 187
misery and sorrow that, instead of looking forward anew, we
only thought of continuing the old life and regarded the present
circumstances as in a dream.
The next day, after we had heartily thanked Almighty God in
a common prayer for‘4®! our wonderful preservation and safe
return to Asia,*®2 the naval officers decided still to proceed to
Okhotsk this autumn. I, however, took leave of them and made
myself ready to travel the 30 miles to Bolsheretsk Post *% on
foot, in order to get to my own people,‘ arriving there safely on
September 5 and joining in the celebration of the august name
day“ of our most gracious monarchess. A few weeks later we
received in Bolsheretsk the news that the ship, after starting for
Okhotsk, had, because of contrary and heavy winds, put back
to the harbor.*8* Meanwhile, the news of our return when re-
ceived at Bolsheretsk was not forwarded, owing to the negligence
of the commander, through the galiot Okhotsk, then just ready to
sail,“*7 although she did not leave until three days after the
receipt of the news.“8 In this way we were consequently re-
garded at headquarters as dead for eight months longer.
461 The MS here has in addition: ‘‘His gracious protection.”’
42 The MS here has in addition: ‘‘and our respective native lands.”
468 The MS has “‘to the Bolshaya River,’’ on which lies Bolsheretsk
Post, on the other side from Avacha Bay of the here narrow Kamchatka
peninsula (see Vol. 1, Pl. I and Fig. 3).
464 The MS has: ‘‘to my own long longed-for people.”’
465 Elizabeth, the youngest daughter of Peter the Great, who had
become Empress in December, 1741. The name day of St. Elizabeth,
her patron saint, falls on September 5 in the Greek church calendar.
466 The MS adds: ‘‘in order to winter.’’ On the return of the vessel to
Avacha Bay and the Harbor of St. Peter and St. Paul, see also the log
book, under dates of September 3-6 (Vol. I, pp. 264-268).
487 ‘‘then just ready to sail’’ does not occur in the MS.
4688 In the MS the last clause reads: ‘‘although she did not leave the
estuary [of the Bolshaya River] until three days after receipt of the news
at the port.”’
468 In the MS the last sentence reads: ‘‘Through these two circum-
stances we had to endure being counted among the dead eight months
longer than would have been necessary.”
: He
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Manes:
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He Me
APPENDIX A
TOPOGRAPHICAL AND PHYSICAL
DESCRIPTION
OF
BERING ISLAND
WHICH LIES IN THE EASTERN SEA OFF THE COAST
OF KAMCHATKA!
To give a description of Bering Island and the natural re-
sources found on it is all the more important? as thereby in the
1 The sections on the sea otter and the sea cow (pp. 214-222 and 226—
237, below) have been translated and annotated by Dr. Stejneger. The
remainder of the Description of Bering Island has been translated and,
except where indicated otherwise, annotated by the editor, in which task
he has had the benefit of a reading by Dr. Stejneger. The symbols used
are the same as in the journal (see p. 8).
Pallas introduces the Description of Bering Island with this ‘‘Pre-
face.—A man of so thorough learning, unlimited zeal for his science, and
true merit as was the former adjunct of the Imperial Russian Academy
of Sciences, Georg Wilhelm Steller, famed for his voyage to Kamchatka
and America, would have deserved a less partisan and more understanding
biographer than it was possible for the editor of his ‘Beschreibung von
dem Lande Kamtschatka’ to be. In Volume 8 of the esteemed Physikal-
isch-dkonomische Bibliothek of Professor Belc]kmann I have already
refuted the most reprehensible of the tales with which the editor had
tried to darken the last events of the life of this worthy naturalist, and
therefore no longer need to dwell on this matter. But, because that
work of the late lamented on Kamchatka, printed with all its imper-
fections from a mere first draft, which furthermore has been loaded with
copying and typographical errors that are inexcusable and betray
gross ignorance, does not give the most favorable idea of Steller’s capa-
bilities, I wish to try and destroy that unfavorable impression by the
publication of another small manuscript of his, which I caused to be
copied in the year 1767 from the original [Urschrift] communicated to
me by the late Professor Fischer, and to demonstrate what one could
have expected of Steller if he had not been prevented by death from
revising his manuscripts at leisure.
“‘This manuscript is a topographical-physical description of Bering
190 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
main? a conception may be gained of all the other numerous
islands which lie in the Canal de Pico,* which [islands], so far as
Island, on which Steller, shipwrecked, was forced to winter in the year
17[41-]42 and where Captain Commodore Bering, whose vessel stranded
there, died of scurvy and left his name to this island. This description
really forms the conclusion of Steller’s journal of his sea voyage under-
taken in Bering’s company from Kamchatka for the discovery of the
mainland of America. It, as likewise this journal, has, to be sure, been
inserted in abridged form by the world-renowned State Councilor
Miiller in his ‘Sammlung Russischer Geschichte’; but it certainly
deserved to be printed in its entirety as Steller put it on paper. The
author seems to have written it down, in complete leisure from first-
hand materials and while fresh in his memory, in Kamchatka, where he
stayed for a while after his return from this island; hence in the original
almost nothing was crossed out. Except for the correction of certain
carelessnesses of style I publish it unchanged so that Steller’s powers of
observation may appear unadulterated. Perhaps I shall later let follow
the journal of his sea voyage, a copy from which I also possess. The
following are Steller’s words.”’
The editor of Steller’s ‘* Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka”’
was J. B. Scherer (see, above, p. viii and footnote 4 on p. ix). The
‘‘reprehensible tales’? against which Pallas protests occur in a life of
Steller with which Scherer introduces the volume. This is written in
a careless and rambling manner and is controversial in tone. Scherer
makes (loc. cit., pp. 15-16) Steller after his return to Russia retrace his
steps from near Novgorod across two-thirds of Siberia to Irkutsk, then
turn westward again and get as far as the vicinity of Moscow,. and
finally resume his eastward march, to die in Tyumen in western Siberia.
The facts are, however, as set forth in the biographical note in the
present volume (see above, pp. 3-4). With regard to the immediate
cause of Steller’s death Scherer’s account does not differ materially from
Pallas’ account. In this account Pallas, however, adds valuable authentic
details. Pallas’ strictures as to Scherer’s careless editing of Steller’s
‘“‘Beschreibung’”’ are fully justified, although it should be remembered
that this work thus became available to posterity, an advantage which
many of Steller’s other manuscripts did not share.
2 In the MS the description of Bering Island, as stated above, p. vii,
forms an integral part of the account of the expedition, as, indeed, is
stated in its title page (see above, p. 9, footnote 1). The description of
the island follows the narrative of the voyage without even so much asa
paragraph indentation to mark the break. The first few lines, which
Pallas has condensed into the words up to this point, there read: ‘‘ Now
that the happenings of our voyage from June 5, 1741, to our arrival in
POSITION AND SIZE 191
they were met with on our voyage, seemed to have the greatest
similarity with Bering Island.‘ I shall divide this discussion into
two parts, of which one is to deal with the nature of the land and
the other with all the organisms present on it.
[PosITION AND S1zE]*#
This island, which received the name Bering Island from the
late Captain Commander, chief of the Kamchatkan expedition,
his death and burial,® [trends] northwest-southeast [and] lies off
the coast of Kamchatka in latitude 55° to 56°.7. Its northwestern
Kamchatka have been related, it remains to give a short account of
Bering Island itself, the objects of Nature that are to be found on it,
and her wonderful creatures that were disclosed to us in surprising
numbers.’”’ In spite of the implication of these words, of the title page,
of the last sentence of the present paragraph as worded in footnote 5,
and of the paragraph introducing the discussion of the streams of the
island (below, p. 208), the description in the MS does not include—
to use the phraseology of that time—the objects of the vegetable or
animal kingdoms (see, below, footnote 73). The title of ‘‘ Topographical
and Physical Description’’ that Pallas supplied also seems, it will be
noted, to reflect this condition.
3 Instead of ‘‘as thereby in the main’”’ the MS has ‘‘as from a com-
plete description of this island.”’
* By Canal de Pico Steller means the sea between Kamchatka and
the western coast of America, which he thought is much narrower than
it really is, because a part of the island[s] seemed to him still to belong
to the mainland of America.—P. [See, above, p. 73, footnote 149.]
4 This relative clause is not in the MS. Its place is there taken by the
following: ‘‘all the more so as this account may serve the general interest.”’
5 Instead of “‘ with all the organisms present on it’’ the MS has “‘with
everything that is present on it.”
5a The headings are neither in the MS nor Pallas’ version but have
been inserted by the present translator.
6 Instead of ascribing the naming of Bering Island also to his death
and burial, as does Pallas’ version, the MS reads: ‘‘of whose death and
burial we have told.”’
7 For the general relationships and the dimensions of Bering Island,
as compared with those given in this section, see Pl. I in Vol. 1 and
Pl. II in the present volume. In all that follows it should be borne in
mind that Steller calls the northeast- and east-facing coast of the island
the northern coast, and the southwest-facing, the southern (on this
point see also Bull. U. S. Fish Comm., Vol. 16, 1896, p. 39, footnote I).
192 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
point, due east or east by south of the mouth of.the Kamchatka
River or of Cape Kamchatka, is distant about 20, and the south-
eastern part 60, Dutch miles from Avacha Bay and the Harbor
of St. Peter and St. Paul within it. The island itself is 234% Dutch
miles, or 165 versts, long and of varying width. The southeastern
end is only 3 to 4 versts wide for two miles of its length toward the
west, to the place which was called by us Ne Obkhodimyi Utes?
(The Impassable Rock); from there to the Sivucha Guba? (Sea
Lion Bay), 5 versts; at the Bobrovoe Utes?® (Sea Otter Rock),
6 versts; at Kitova Ryechka™ (Whale Creek),!2 where a large bay
occurs to the south, likewise 5 versts; directly across from our
dwellings, 7 versts; at Lyesnaya Ryechka® (Wood Creek), 8
vetsts. Thence the width of the island increases slightly more
and more until finally its greatest width, towards Syevernoi
Nos,!® or the cape extending out to the north, which is 115 versts
from the southeastern cape, amounts to 23 versts, or 314 miles.
From here the land likewise continues to the northwest and
gradually decreases in width to such an extent that, 135 versts
from the southeastern cape, it is only 5 versts and, 15 versts
beyond that,!* only 3 versts across, and so on until it again de-
8 The nepropusk at Peregrebnoi Mys, or Cape Khitrov (Deutsche
Geogr. Blatter, Vol. 8, 1885, pp. 255-256). A nepropusk is a portion of
the shore at which the rocks descend abruptly into the sea without any
shelf at their foot, making impossible any passage around it by land
(ibid., pp. 236-237). (S)
9 Serebrenikova Bay? (Pl. II). (S)
10 Possibly the projecting corner south of Tolstoi Mys, before the
nepropusk (Pl. II). (S)
11 Possibly the larger stream south of Tolstoi Mys (PI. II), the “large
bay to the south”’ being Lissonkovaya B. (S)
12 The MS has in addition ‘‘opposite Alexei Ivanov’s stan.’”’
13 The stream debouching at Polovina (Pl. II) from the major trans-
verse valley. See also, above, p. 150, footnote 344. (S)
14 “‘slightly’’ not in the MS.
18 Meaning Northern Cape. This is Cape Waxel in 55° 18’ (Pl. II). (S)
16 The words ‘15 versts beyond that’ are changed from the MS
reading of ‘‘at a distance of 150 versts,’’ which amounts to the same thing.
TOPOGRAPHY AND GEOLOGY 193
creases to the other [northwest] cape!’ to the minimum width of
1 verst. The width of this island therefore bears an entirely
unequal relation to its length; the same holds true of all the other
islands we saw near America and in the Channel.8
[TOPOGRAPHY AND GEOLOGY ]
Bering Island consists of a series of bare adjoining cliffs and
mountains which, although they are separated from each other
by many north-south’® trending valleys, rise from the sea like
one single rock mass. The question as to the manner of origin of
this island, whether it is not a remainder of the mainland through
which Asia and America were formerly connected, I leave to
more competent persons to decide.” At all events, no little basis
and cause for such conjectures is afforded by the broken shore
line of Kamchatka as well as America, the many rocky headlands
which extend out to sea five to ten miles, the numerous islands in
the Channel, their position and consequent form, as well as the
narrow width of the Channel itself.
Because of its altitude this island in clear weather can be seen
17 Instead of ‘‘to the other cape”’ the MS has “‘up to 165 versts, which
constitutes the whole length of the island.”’
18 The clause here following the semicolon reads in the MS: “‘and I
do not recall ever having heard or read that such islands exist in other
parts of the world, although the islands seen by us near America and in
the Channel are without exception so proportioned.’ On the Channel
see above, p. 73, footnote 149.
19 j.e. northeast-southwest; in other words, transverse valleys.
20It is in the spirit of this frank admission that Steller’s following
comment on the geology of the island should be judged. While his
observations on this subject, because it was not his specialty and because
it had not yet reached as high a stage of development, do not have the
same value as his botanical and zodlogical observations, they are of
interest as reflecting to a certain extent the status of geological knowledge
at the beginning of the eighteenth century. They likewise reflect the
universality of knowledge presupposed in the man of science of that time
and, by the range of his observations, how Steller’s zeal enabled him to
meet that expectation even in this less familiar field. Incidentally it is
of interest to note the progress in geology in the intervening half century
as revealed in Pallas’ footnotes.
194 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
at least ten to twelve miles at sea, and it is consequently quite
possible that on a voyage from Kamchatka to this island that
land as well as this island can be seen simultaneously, although it
is not possible to see one from the other. The inhabitants of
Kamchatka have long supposed that a land must lie to the east
opposite the mouth of the Kamchatka River for the reason that
fog was constantly visible there, however clear the rest of the
horizon may have been.
The highest mountains on Bering Island are vertically not
over 1000 fathoms high. To the depth of half a foot they are
covered with common yellow clay, below which to a depth of
two to three feet” a layer of poor yellowish disintegrated rock is
met with, until one reaches, continuing uniformly into the depth,
the bed rock proper which can be observed in the steep rocks of
the coast.23 In general the mountains in those parts which face
the sea towards the north and the south are solid and undivided
in structure, whereas those [parts] which open up inland to the
east and west by valleys are cleft and decomposed as a result of
the heavy precipitation which in winter through freezing splits
the rocks. The mountains throughout maintain the same north-
east-southwest strike. The valleys as well as the mouths of the
streams and rivulets all open north and south to the sea, and the
latter from their source flow from the southeast toward the
southeastern end and from the northwest toward the northwest-
ern end, as I invariably observed on my trip around the island
and noted day by day in my diary. Inland no level plains are
21 As the Russian fathom of seven feet seems to be meant, this upper
limit of 7000 feet is, of course, much too high. The highest mountain
on Bering Island is Mt. Steller, sonamed by me, about 2200 feet (Deutsche
Geogr. Blatter, Vol. 8, 1885, pp. 226 and 240; Bull. U. S. Fish Comm.,
Vol. 16, 1896, pp. 36-37). (S)
22 The MS reads “‘ 23. Schuhen.’’ Pallas’ change is, however, probably
correct.
23 From ‘“‘below which’’ the end of the sentence seems in the MS
rather to read: ‘* below which at a depth of 23 feet a layer of poor yellowish
disintegrated rock begins and continues homogeneously down to bed
rock [Grund], as [I] observed at the steep rocks on the coast.”’
2 The meaning of this is not clear.
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TOPOGRAPHY AND GEOLOGY 105
anywhere to be found, only high mountains and narrow valleys.
Because, however, the valleys are generally occupied by streams,
one is forced to pick one’s way over the lowest mountains when
wanting to go from one side of the island to the other.* This was
very burdensome to us, as, loaded down with animal [carcasses]
and fish,2* we often had to make our way over them laboriously.
Level spots must therefore be looked for only along shore, there
where the mountains withdraw half a verst or at the most one
verst from the beach in the form of a half circle; and such spots
are found wherever streams occur. And the following uniform
relationship is to be observed, namely that, wherever a mountain
extends southward or northward into the sea in a headland or
point, the shore behind it becomes level and wide. The steeper
the headland of the mountain, the smaller is the flat behind it;
the gentler and the more gradual its slopes, the greater is the
plain back of it. This is also the case when the mountains trend
southeast-northwest lengthwise with the land. The larger the
level area and the lower the mountains, the larger are the streams
issuing from it; the steeper the mountains when they reach
the shore, the smaller, but also the more numerous, are the
streams. Where the shore and the mountains fall off on the land-
ward side as a compact and steep mass, inland lakes are always
to be found within one or one-half verst from the shore, which
drain to the sea through streams. The reason for this seems to
me to be that the water resulting from snow, rain, and fog?’ is
precipitated all at once in such steep places and washes away
the soft surface deposits down to the bed rock that forms the
basin of these lakes; whereby the springs that occur at the
foot of these mountains have room to develop such lakes because
the mountains recede in these places. Their origin is therefore
2s The MS reads “‘when wanting to go to the southern side of the
island.”’
26 The MS reads ‘‘Fleisch,’’ meat, which is more plausible.
27 The MS reads “‘Ausdiinstung,”’ evaporation; the published version
““Nebel,’’ fog.
28 Instead of ‘‘and washes away . . . in these places’’ the MS has:
““but the springs break out at the foot of the mountains, whereby the
196 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
to be explained quite differently from that of inland lakes in —
large plains, which generally have a mucky or clayey bottom.”
Where, on the other hand, the mountains descend gradually
the water forms a continuous valley in the bottom of which a
stream flows.
All the mountains of the island consist of a common gray rock
(granite). Where, however, they run parallel to the sea the
headlands that extend out into the water are generally trans-
formed into a clear, grayish, solid sandstone which can be used
for whetstones. This is a circumstance that seems quite remark-
able to me, as it almost has the appearance as if the transforma-
tion of this rock, whose structure is quite different, were due to
contact with the sea water.
In many places the shore below the rocks is so narrow that
one can hardly get by at high water; in some one can only pass
at low water. In two places, of which one is not far from the
southeastern, the other not far from the northwestern point,
even this is absolutely impossible. These have probably been
caused by earthquakes, high seas, undermining of the land
through wave action, and splitting®! of the rock through freezing
of the water. Of this there is evident proof partly in the large
boulder heaps and partly in the pillars and rocks that have
been torn off from the shore and stand up by themselves in the
water, of which many are to be found in such places. The
southern shore of the island is in general much more broken,
ground becomes soft and porous and from time to time is loosened and
washed away, until finally, the upper layer being dispersed, the other,
namely the disintegrated rock and gravel, remains, which then con-
stitutes the bed of these shores and rivers.’’ For the word here trans-
lated ‘‘dispersed’’ the MS has ‘“‘verstopft,’’ clogged, obstructed.
Probably this is a copyist’s error for ‘‘verstobt,’’ dispersed.
22 The MS here has in addition: ‘‘but where the mountains are steep
and do not gradually descend to the [lower] land, more space remains
at the foot of the mountains for water and makes it possible for it to
collect, thus supplying the location for a lake.”
30 The MS here has in addition: ‘‘to the level land.”’
31 The MS has ‘“‘annual splitting.”
——
TOPOGRAPHY AND GEOLOGY 197
rocky, and characterized by cliffs than the northern. On the
northern side the shore can everywhere be followed except at
the Ne Obkhodimyi Utes®? and behind the point*®* that extends
towards the north, which is very abrupt and along the shore of
which there are many cliffs and fallen rocks. Here and in several
other places I have met with unusual aspects and effects of
nature among these rock ruins,** as in the case of the peshchera
named after me (Steller’s Cave),35> where the mountains closely
resemble a wall, and their outliers [resemble] bastions and other
parts of a fortress. Back of the cave a number of separate cliffs
are dispersed here and there along the shore, which one can
imagine to be ruins of walls and columns, vaults, and arches,*
and under some of which one can walk.
I have also observed the following difference between the
opposite shores: that, if on the northern side a bay extends into
the land as, for example, near our dwellings, the land lying
directly opposite in the south extends out into the sea as a
headland; if a section of the northern shore is wide and sandy
then the opposite section to the south is all the narrower, rockier,
and broken; if on the other hand on the northern side the shore
32 See, above, footnote 8.
33 Cape Waxel (see, above, footnote 15).
34 In the MS this sentence reads to here as follows: ‘‘in several other
places I have met with similar wonderful, unusual prospects which at
first glance were more like the ruins of large cities and buildings than
an aspect of nature.”’
35 Although in 1882 I identified (Deutsche Geogr. Blétter, Vol. 8, 1885,
p. 237) the area of ruined natural walls and columns, vaults, and arches
back of which Steller states that his cave lay as lying immediately south
of Poludennyi Mys (on the western shore in 55°; Pl. II), I do not now
hold the opinion that Steller’s Cave lay in that vicinity. There is not at
present known any cave that corresponds to Steller’s description, the
nearest approach being the caves or Dikyi Mys farther southeast along
the shore (near Dikaya B., Pl. II), and it is more likely that the cave was
located in that general neighborhood. (S)
36 One of these arches I have named Steller’s Arch (loc. cit.). It lies
on the shore immediately southeast of Poludennyi Mys (PI. II; for views
of the arch see the present sketch, Fig. 26, and a photograph, Bull. U.S.
Fish Comm., Vol. 16, 1896, Pl. 27b). (S)
198 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
is hardly or not at all passable then it is all the more wide, level,
and sandy on the southern.
Caves and fissures which seemingly have been caused at
different times by earthquakes are to be found in various types
and at different places. The cave named after me, just referred
to, and Yushin’s Sherlop®’ are the most important.
On the highest mountains and their uppermost summits I have
observed that a heart or core, as it were, projects from their
center and ends in a bare, conical, upright rock, which, while it
does not differ from the rest of the rock formation, is at least
much softer and purer and in addition has a definite shape. I
met with such quartz** points in 1739 in the mountains along
Lake Baikal and on Olkhon Island, which lies in it. From
Anadyrsk I received another kind of rock, green almost like
malachite, somewhat transparent and fibrous like stalactites,*
with the information that this type of rock there also projects
from the summits of the mountains in the same manner and
that when broken off it is even said to grow again*°—which, if this
is so, would possibly have to be explained by the inward pressure.*
When the land suddenly changes its direction and abruptly
continues toward a different region I have always observed that
the shore for one or two versts first becomes very rocky and
that the mountains extend out to the shore, are very steep, and
are broken up at their ends in separate cliffs and columns.
Moreover, Bourguet’s observation in the Pyrenees, that the
surface of the mountains because of many ridges running in
37 Its location cannot be identified, nor is the meaning clear of ‘‘Sher-
38 The MS has “‘alabaster.”’ [lop,’’ which may be a garbled word.
39 Instead of “‘ green almost like malachite, somewhat transparent and
fibrous like stalactites’’ the MS has ‘‘which is like malachite, green,
somewhat transparent, and resembles stalactites.”
40 From here to the end of the paragraph the MS reads: ‘‘and this
seems to be the result of internal movements and especially the pressure
of the mountains toward the center, and these points consequently
[seem to be] a kind of rock crystal—material, at first pliable but then
solidified, which represents the real inner nature of the rock.”’
* Denudation and erosion of the enclosing rpck, whereby such a core
may be increasingly exposed, seem to me more natural causes.—P.
TOPOGRAPHY AND GEOLOGY 199
the same direction resembles the waves of the sea and that [this
configuration] discloses the probable marine origin of the
mountains,*! I have also made in the mountains not only of
this island but generally in Kamchatka and Siberia. I also find
correct in this part of the world what he says about the develop-
ment® of valleys and the spurs lying opposite the reéntrants,*
likewise the deduction drawn from this to the effect that these
changes have been caused gradually by high floods, earthquakes,
and other circumstances.
As regards the shore of this island, it is so remarkably con-
stituted that without incurring suspicion one may say that we
were preserved by a miracle of God on this island and saved
from complete destruction. Although the length of the island is
23 Dutch miles there is nevertheless on the whole northern side
not a single place that could in any way serve as a harbor,
even for a small vessel. For two to three, and in some places
four to five, versts out to sea the shore is occupied entirely by
rough reefs and rocks, so that at low tide one can walk out to
sea dryshod for this distance, which is afterwards covered at
high tide; and with the falling tide the waves are so high and
41 The words here translated by ‘‘because of many ridges running in
the same direction’’ in the published version read: ‘‘durch viele, nach
gewissen Gegenden laufende Absatze.”’
Louis Bourguet (1678-1742), a French naturalist and archeologist
long resident in Neuchatel, Switzerland, where a chair of philosophy and
mathematics was established for him. His theories of the marine origin
of mountains and the development of valleys, to which Steller refers,
are probably discussed in his ‘‘Mémoire sur la théorie de la terre,’’ which
forms part of his ‘“‘Lettres philosophiques sur la formation des sels et
des cristaux, etc.,’’ Amsterdam, 1729 (see also Nouvelle Biographie
Génerale, edited by Hoefer, Firmin Didot, Paris, Vol. 7, 1855, col. 92:
“c'est ainsi qu’un des premiers il fit remarquer la correspondance des
angles saillants et des angles rentrants dans les chaines de montagnes’’).
42 The MS has ‘‘shape.”’
* Steller had not been in the higher mountains on the border of
Siberia. In mountains of lower and middle elevations, where the valleys
have been eroded by rain, streams, and springs, Bourguet’s rule is indeed
valid.—P.
200 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
strike these reefs with such noise that we often could not view
it from the land without terror. From the continual pounding
the sea water becomes so foamy that it looks like milk. We came
to know of only one narrow passage on this side that is free
from ledges, so that one can anchor there when the sea is calm,
and this is precisely the stretch about 80 fathoms wide to which,
as, disheartened and in desperation, we were blindly sailing
full tilt on to the land and to our doom, God in his wisdom and
love directed us, and also led us out again through the same
gate. At this same place, also, is the largest bay on the whole
northern shore.
From all circumstances it can be seen that this island in former
times was much larger and wider than it is now; and clearly the
reefs lying in the sea are the ruins and limits of its original size,
which is evident for three“ reasons. First, the rocks in the sea
strike in the same direction as the mountains on the land;
second, the course of the streams which debouch from the
valleys is continued to sea in an open channel;* third, the
black, green, and white (from quartz)** seams and veins in the
reefs in the sea can be followed without interruption to the
land and to the foot of the mountains, as a positive indication
that they once were one with the land.—Fourth, while it is
otherwise an established principle that, where mountains
descend gradually to the sea or the land in itself is low and has
a sandy shore, the sea is likewise shallow near the land and
only gradually grows deeper; where, on the other hand, the
shore is steep and abrupt, the sea deepens suddenly quite close
to the land and often has a depth of 60 to 80 fathoms in a distance
of 20 fathoms—in the case of this island, on the contrary, the
sea is not deeper under the abrupt cliffs than it is elsewhere,
because the sea floor is filled with fallen cliffs. Finally, we
43 This is the reef-free sandy stretch at Komandor Bay (Pl. II). (S)
44 The MS has the numeral 3 changed into a 5, to conform with the
five reasons, which there are individually numbered.
45 In the MS the second reason reads: ‘‘the streams debouching from
the valleys have an open channel through the reefs also.”
46 Instead of ‘‘ white (from quartz)’’ the MS has “‘of alabaster.”
TOPOGRAPHY AND GEOLOGY 201
ourselves were witnesses of the gradual decrease in size of this
island as, for instance, when in the winter of 1741 at Yushini
Pad* (Yushin’s Valley) a considerable amount of material was
washed off the mountains and in the spring, split by the frost,
plunged down of its own accord. It also happened that, after
I had gone westwards along shore under a cliff on June 18, I
found on my return after several days that the whole rock mass
had fallen into the sea in this short time and that the whole
region had thus acquired a different appearance.
As regards its shore, the southern side of the island is entirely
different from the northern; and, although the shore is much
more rocky and broken up, there are two places along it where
one can land without any danger and, in small or flat boats, for
instance skerry boats, can enter the mouths of the streams, or
rather of the inland lakes that empty into the sea through a
short canal, and find refuge as if in a harbor. The first place is
7 Dutch miles from the southeastern cape in a large bay which
can readily be identified at sea from the rock pillar lying at the
western headland. It is this place that was called by us Yushini
Pad* (Yushin’s Valley) after its first discoverer, navigator
Yushin.
The other place® is 115 versts from the southeastern cape and
50 from the northwestern and is still more readily identifiable
because the land at this point turns from north to west, in the
angle of which a little river*! empties, which is the largest in the
47 See, below, footnote 49.
48 Instead of “‘at the western headland”’ the MS reads ‘‘at the south-
eastern end.”’ If the former reading is correct, probably Ostrovnoi Mys
(Pl. II) is meant; if the latter, the rocks off the southern entrance to
Lissonkovaya Bay. (S)
49 This is Lissonkovaya Bay (Pl. II; see Deutsche Geogr. Blatter,
Vol. 8, 1885, p. 245, and Bull. U. S. Fish Comm., Vol. 16, 1896, p. 38).
‘7 Dutch miles” is probably a copyist’s slip for 2 Dutch miles. (S)
50 The site of the present settlement of Nikolski (Pl. II), the largest
on the island. (S)
51 The stream flowing out of Gavanskoe Ozero, or Gavan Lake
(Pl. II; see also Deutsche Geogr. Blatter, Vol. 8, 1885, p. 229, and Bull.
U.S. Fish Comm., Vol. 16, 1896, p. 38). (S)
202 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
island and at high water has a depth of 6 to 8 feet ® at its mouth.
This river flows out of* the largest inland lake* of the island
and increases in depth from the sea to the lake, so that through
it without much trouble one can reach the lake, which lies a
verst and a half from its mouth, and can find shelter there all
the more securely because the lake is surrounded by steep slopes
like walls, which afford protection against all winds. I have
called this river Ozernaya.® The place can also be distinguished
by the fact that opposite its mouth to the south lies a small
island** having a circumference of a mile and lying only a mile
away from the mouth of the river. From this point toward the
west the shore is sandy, level, even, and devoid of reefs for
five versts, because I was never able to observe either at rising
or at falling water®7 a movement of the waves (burun) betraying
such sunken rocks, although I spent three days at this place for
this purpose.
[LAND VISIBLE FROM THE ISLAND]
From the highest mountains of Bering Island one sees in
sunshiny and clear weather on the southern side two islands, *
52 The MS has “‘6 to 7 feet.”’
83 Instead of ‘‘flows out of’’ the MS reads “‘flows into’’— presumably
a copyist’s error.
54 Gavanskoe Ozero is not the largest lake of the island. This position
is held by Saranna Lake (PI. II). This incorrect statement by Steller
is rather good evidence that he did not visit the part of the island oc-
cupied by Saranna Lake, unless possibly when it was covered with ice
and snow (Deutsche Geogr. Blétter, Vol. 8, 1885, p. 229, and Bull. U. S.
Fish Comm., Vol. 16, 1896, p. 38). (S)
55 Meaning Lake River (Deutsche Geogr. Blatter, Vol. 8, 1885, p. 229,
footnote 4). (S)
56 Toporkov Island (Pl. II; see also ibid., footnote 5). (S)
57 The words ‘‘either at rising or at falling water’’ do not occur in
the MS.
* It was forgotten to show these nearer islands, stated to lie off the
southern side, on the map of the islands between Kamchatka and America
published in Vol. 1 of the Nord. Beytr. On the other hand according to
several maps by Russian navigators two islands were there shown off
the northern side at a somewhat greater distance which presumably
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LAND VISIBLE FROM THE ISLAND 203
of which one*®’ is about a mile in circumference, long in shape,
and lies distant from the shore of Bering Island 50 versts,
or 7 miles, from [a point] one mile to the south of the north-
western cape; the other* consists of two high split rocks in the
sea which have a circumference of two to three versts and may
be about two miles distant from the island. This latter island
lies directly opposite the northwestern cape to the southwest.
From the northwestern® cape itself very high and snow-
covered mountains may be seen to the northeast at a distance
of about I5 or 20 miles, and I consider this to be a headland of
the mainland of America® rather than an island, because these
mountains seem too high to belong to an island and also because
from our dwellings® on the northern side white mountains of
equal height were clearly observed many times at the same
distance.** Indeed, between this surmised mainland and the
were the land seen with high mountains which he mentions in what
follows. For Steller’s opinion that the mainland of America stretches
out thus far is now sufficiently disproved bythe more recent voyages.—P.
[The map referred to, which shows the status of knowledge in 1780
of the region from the mouth of the Amur to the coast of California and
between latitudes 47° and 71°, was compiled by Pallas and accompanies
Neue Nordische Beytrége, Vol. 1, 1781, as Pl. 4. Its compilation and
sources are explained in ‘‘ Erinnerungen, die beygefiigte Karte betreffend’”’
on pp. 265-272.]
588 Probably Toporkov Island is meant. The MS, namely, has instead:
“and lies to the south one mile distant from the shore of this [Bering]
island, [at a point] 50 versts, or 7 miles [5 versts, or 1 mile?], from the
northwestern cape of this Bering Island.’’ (S)
59 Allowing for errors in direction and for overestimated distances (see
footnote 7, above), this island is undoubtedly Ari Kamen (see Pl. II),
as otherwise the description fits it well. (S)
60 Northeastern? (see, above, footnote 393 and next-to-last paragraph
of footnote 418, in conjunction with Vol. 1, p. 232, entries under Febru-
ary 23 and March 8, 1742).
61 On this point see, above, footnote 418 and Fig. 14.
62 Instead of ‘‘from our dwellings’’ the MS reads ‘‘from the mountains
at our dwellings.”’
68 The MS has in addition: ‘‘and [I] judged from the height and trend
of the mountains that it must be the mainland of America.”’
204 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
island another island* could several times be seen. And from
the southeastern cape I saw, although very indistinctly, in very
sunny and clear weather still another island ®™ to the southeast.
Similarly in the clearest weather I have always observed fog to
the west and southwest, namely over Kamchatka, and from this
deduced the nearness of this land.
On the northern side there lies opposite Bering Island another
considerable island, which we estimated to be 12 to 15 miles
long,* likewise trending northwest-southeast and _ therefore
parallel to it. The channel between both is only about three
miles wide in the northwest,® and the island extends eastward
to sea far beyond Bering Island. The mountains on it are lower
than those on Bering Island, and at both its capes many high,
separate rock chimneys and pointed pillars rise from the sea.
It was this island that we first sighted and took to be Kamchatka
and, because the channel was obscured from our sight by the
land, [thought] it was connected with Bering Island. We did
not notice this mistake during the foggy and dark autumn
weather until some time after we had been shipwrecked on
Bering Island. If we had seen this channel before we had
landed we could have satisfactorily concluded that it was not
Kamchatka that we had before us, because off its shore in this
latitude no such island is known, and we could then have con-
tinued our voyage through this channel to Kamchatka just as
well as we did in 1742 on our return in the new vessel.®
64 There is no basis in fact for Steller’s assumption of the existence of
these islands, unless they be the two parts of Copper Island as viewed
from Bering Island (see, above, Fig. 21, and Vol. I, p. 237, next-to-last
paragraph of footnote 130), although Steller, to judge by the next para-
graph, seems to realize quite correctly the general relationships of Copper
Island. More probably, asin a similar case (loc. cit., third paragraph from
bottom) a cloud bank was taken for land.
* This is the island later become known by the name of Mednoi
Ostrov (Copper Island).—P.
65 The MS here has in addition: ‘‘and 5 miles wide opposite the
southeastern cape of Bering Island.”’
66On the confused orientation of the members of the expedition as the
Si. Petey was nearing the Commander Islands, see, above, pp. 130-135.
CLIMATE AND EARTHQUAKES 205
[CLIMATE AND EARTHQUAKES]
As to the weather prevailing on Bering Island, it is not much
different from that on Kamchatka. However, the storm winds
are much more violent and perceptible because the island lies at
sea without any protection and is at the same time very narrow
and unforested. Moreover, when the wind blows through the
depressions and narrow valleys, its violence is increased to such
an extent that one can barely stay on one’s feet, and it is accom-
panied by a terrible whistling and roaring the frightfulness of
which is enhanced by the violence of the sea breaking on the
rocks on shore and filling the air with its thunder. The most
violent storm winds occurred in February and April from the
southeast and the northwest. With an east wind we had mild
and clear, with a north wind cold and clear weather. The highest
stage of the sea occurred on the first of February with northwest
winds. The other occurrence of a flood was caused by melting
snow and heavy rain in the middle of May.
Earthquakes occurred three times; of these that which occurred
on February 7 at one o'clock in the afternoon with a west wind
was the most violent and lasted for six whole minutes. I was
at the time in our underground hut and, as did others, heard
several minutes before this a sound and a strong subterranean.
wind® which seemed to proceed with violent hissing and roaring
from south to north and which became stronger the nearer it
approached us. After the roaring had stopped the tremor
began; it was so violent and perceptible that the posts in our hut
moved and everything began to crack. I immediately ran out
of the hut to the sea to see what took place in nature. Although
67 In this reference to a subterranean wind in connection with earth-
quakes and, to a lesser degree, in the preceding and subsequent references
to the direction of the surface wind, there is more than an echo of the
seismological views of antiquity (see Montessus de Ballore: La science
séismologique, Paris, 1907, pp. 16-17; J. K. Wright: The Gzographical
Lore of the Time of the Crusades, Amer. Geogr. Soc. Research Series No.
15, New York, 1925, p. 32). (J). The sound which I heard accompany
an earthquake at Nikolski, Bering Island, in 1922 was like that of a
heavy truck moving quickly over a very rough stone pavement. (S)
206 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
the tremor continued on land I could not observe the slightest
unusual motion in the sea. The air, moreover, was sunny and
clear and the weather pleasant. The other earthquake occurred
on the first of July towards evening at five o’clock during very
clear and pleasant weather with the wind from the east.
We had not the least cause to complain of great cold, and in
the two years 1740 and 1741 it did not happen that ice collected
in the sea and could be driven here from the mainland, as I had
often desired, in order thereby to confirm my opinion that the
drift ice in Kamchatka [was derived] from the American rivers
and that the sea otters went on it when it was passing the
islands of the Channel® and was driven about by the wind for a
time in their vicinity.
At our arrival on the island on November 6 we did not find
any snow except only on the high mountains; by contrast snow
up to an arshin deep falls as early as the middle of October not
only at Kamchatka but also two degrees farther south on the
Kurilian Lopatka [Cape Lopatka] and at Avacha [Bay].® But
the snow remains all the longer [on Bering Island] and does not
melt in the level places before the middle of May, in the moun-
tains not before the end of June, and on their highest summits
and the northward slopes not at all. The amount of snow is as
in Kamchatka, namely lying on level ground to a depth of about
14 fathoms. The narrow valleys between mountains are often
drifted full of snow from top to bottom because of the violent
winds. It happens not infrequently that whole mountains,
especially in the spring, divest themselves of their snow at
once; we therefore were in no little danger, as necessity forced
68 See, above, p. 73, footnote 149.
69 The MS reads: ‘‘not only at Kamchatka but also four degrees
farther south at Lopatka and about Avacha.’’ By Kamchatka is prob-
ably meant Lower Kamchatka Post or its equivalent, the mouth of the
Kamchatka River. The difference in latitude between these points and
Cape Lopatka is about 5° (see Vol. 1, Pl. I), but Steller believed that the
mouth of the Kamchatka River lay in the same latitude as Bering Island,
which he knew to be near the 55th parallel (see, above, p. 130). But
the mouth of the Kamchatka River lies in 56°; hence his figure.
CLIMATE AND EARTHQUAKES 207
us constantly to pursue [animals for] our food at their base. It
is well known that in Kamchatka many men are lost every year
through such accidents while hunting sable and wild sheep.*
From the middle of the month of May to the middle of June
we mostly had gloomy weather and rain; the best weather
occurred from then to the middle of July. Although during this
time considerable heat prevails, the evenings and the nights
are so cool that one can stand warm furs. During the whole
period of our sojourn on this island we never heard thunder.
Aurora borealis I also did not observe.
The greatest changes on this island probably occur as a result
of earthquakes and high floods. Clear evidence of the great
floods is afforded by driftwood, whalebones, and whole sea cow
skeletons which have been swept far inland and into the moun-
tains. From the age of the wood I was able to conclude quite
certainly that, at the time of the flood that struck the Kamchat-
kan shore and the Kurile Islands in 1738, the water rose to a
height of 30 fathoms at Bering Island also, a circumstance to
which bear witness whole trees which I came across in the
mountains at that elevation and also the sand hills and new
hillocks that had been deposited near the beach and among
which large trees still stand erect without having decayed.* With
regard to these hills that had been built up by the floods it
seemed to me remarkable that they coincided completely in
form, position, number of summits, and valleys with the high
mountains at the foot of which they had only recently been
formed; hence the dissection and origin of the higher mountains
may in all probability likewise be attributed to the force of the
waves.”
69a Instead of ‘‘wild sheep’’ the MS has ‘‘mosimont,”’ i.e. Ovis
musimon, the mouflon. The Kamchatkan species, however, is Ovis
nivicola. (S)
* As the result of similar but much greater floods is to be explained
[the presence of] a large amount of petrified wood in the sandstone strata,
deposited as silt, on the western side of the Ural Mountains and else-
where.—P.
70 The MS has in addition: ‘‘and the origin of the larger may be
208 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
[STREAMS]
With regard to the objects of the threefold natural kingdom
which occur on this island, the excellent and wholesome water is
doubtless the most important among the minerals.
Although the island is narrow compared with its length and —
no stream has a course of more than five or six versts from its
source, the amount of water that occurs on it in the form of —
springs is remarkable, inasmuch as the number of such streams —
is over sixty and there are as many streams as there are valleys.
Some among them, especially those that flow out of inland
lakes, are so large besides that they have a width at their mouths
of 8, 10, to 12 fathoms, and a depth at high water of 2 to 3, some —
few of 4 to 5 feet. The greater number of streams, however,
have no depth at their mouth, for the following three reasons:
that, although the land slopes down toward the sea, it suddenly —
rises directly at the shore; that therefore the streams have a
rapid flow and at the obstacle at the shore divide into many
arms and are too weak to develop a regular channel; and that
for this reason they often shift their mouths and are choked here —
and there™ by the sand washed up from the sea.
In this respect the month of May is the most convenient to —
look for a harbor on the island. For, when in July and August —
the snow has completely melted, most of the streams are so —
small that they hardly have a foot of water at their mouths. An
exception to this is the Ozernaya River, to which reference has
been made before.” At that time [May], however, the streams
rise to such an extent after a continuous rain of two or three —
days that they overflow their banks.
Among the streams of this island there are many which
plunge down from high cliffs and mountains with great noise |
and afford pleasing prospects. One stream I noticed that falls
rationally explained from the casual development of the smaller.’’ The —
passage referred to on the origin of mountains is above on pp. 198-199. —
71 Instead of ‘‘here and there’’ the MS reads “‘constantly.”
72 Above, pp. 201-202.
7 Golder «Bering ages, Vol.IT
NORTH ROOKERY
+ “(Northeast Point)
(Cape Waxel)
_»«Syeverovostochnyi fe (Syevernoi Nos)
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MAP
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BERING ISLAND : ee
by g ws eae
(Cape Khitrov)
Leonhard Stejneger Ostrovnoi Mysg
Based mainly on the author's surveys in1882-83
Reduced, with slight changes and additions in i,
from Bull. U.S.Fish Comm.,Vol. 16,1896, P1.IV.
1: 500,000
Russian versts
10 =| Govorushechiya B.
hee 8 10 ] I ay; Nepropusk
English statute miles PAN Nikancrinn
k ” 1kanakh
>.
ee miles . os
\ shi 4
6 oieaite
Nautical miles Stochnoi Mys . °.
(Cape Manati)
Heights inEnglish feet
Soundings tn English fathoms
Names used by Steller, so far as localities can
be identified, are shown thus: Ozernaya R.
Copyright, 1925, by the American Geographical Society of New York
Ah ve
STREAMS 209
down step by step over a rock which has been worn down in
the form of a wide stairway, as if an artist had sculptured it thus.
All the water, that of the inland lakes as well as the streams, is,
because of the stony bottom and the rapid motion, unusually
cold, pure, and light, in other words, wholesome. Its good effect
on our sick and emaciated bodies we all experienced with great
profit and joy.”
[THE BLUE Fox]74
Of four-footed land animals there occur on Bering Island
only the stone or Arctic foxes (Lagopus), which doubtless have
been brought there on drift ice and which, fed on what was cast
up by the sea, have increased indescribably. I had opportunity
during our unfortunate sojourn on this island to become ac-
quainted only too closely with the nature of this animal, which
far surpasses the common fox in impudence, cunning, and
roguishness. The story of the countless tricks that they played
on us can compete successfully with the monkey story of Albertus
Julius on the island of Saxenburg.”% They crowded into our
73 The MS ends here. What follows in the description of Bering Island
as published by Pallas has been taken from the preceding part of the
journal and possibly from other of Steller’s manuscripts which passed
through Pallas’ hands. In so far as can be done, the source will be in-
dicated of the sections now to follow.
74 From what manuscript of Steller’s Pallas took the description of the
blue fox, which begins here and continues to p. 216, is not clear. It may
have been from the report on land animals sent with Steller’s report of
July 12, 1743, to the Senate but not received by that body (No. 18 in
Steller’s accompanying list; see Pekarskii, Zapiski Imp. Akad. Nauk,
Vol. 15, Suppl. 1, 1869, p. 26) or from Steller’s descriptions of land
animals listed by his fellow-explorer Krasheninnikov (Nos. 31, 32, 33;
see Pekarskii, Istoriya Akademii Nauk, Vol. 1, St. Petersburg, 1870,
p. 615).
There are numerous references to the blue fox in the journal, thus on
pp. 139, 142, 146-147, 173 (about which see footnote 415), and 183 (see
also note 445), above, and p. 216, below. For the modern zodlogical
identification of this animal see, above, footnote 317.
7 Steller’s allusion to the monkey story of Albertus Julius on the
island of Saxenburg refers undoubtedly to J. G. Schnabel’s famous novel
“Die Insel Felsenburg,’’ which was published pseudonymously (‘‘dem
Drucke iibergeben von Gisandern’’) first at Nordhausen, in 1731 (pub-
210 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
dwellings by day and by night and stole everything that they
could carry away, including articles that were of no use to
them, like knives, sticks, bags, shoes, socks, caps, and so forth.
They knew in such an unbelievably cunning way how to roll
off a weight of several poods from our provision casks and to
steal the meat from thence that at first we could hardly ascribe
it to them. While skinning [sea] animals it often happened that
we stabbed two or three foxes with our knives, because they
wanted to tear the meat from our hands. However well we might
bury something and weight it down with stones, they not only
found it but, like human beings, pushed the stones away with
their shoulders and, lying under them, helped each other [do this]
with all their might. If we cached something up in the air on a
post they undermined the post so that it had to fall down or one of
them climbed up it like a monkey or a cat and threw down the
object with incredible skill and cunning. They observed all
that we did and accompanied us on whatever project we under-
took. If an animal was cast up by the sea they devoured it even
before one of us could reach it, to our great detriment; and if
they could not eat it all up at once they dragged it piecemeal to
the mountains, hid it from us under stones, and ran back and
forth as long as there was anything left to drag. While doing
this others stood guard and watched out for the arrival of any
of the men. If they saw someone coming from afar the whole
pack combined and dug together in the sand until they had the
sea otter or fur seal so well concealed under the ground that no
trace of it could be seen. At night when we camped in the open
they pulled the nightcaps and the gloves from and under our
heads and the sea otter covers and skins from under our bodies.
lisher: Johann Heinrich Gross), under the title ‘“Wunderliche Fata einiger
See-Fahrer, absonderlich Alberti Julii, eines gebohrnen Sachsen,” etc.,
and has since appeared in numerous editions, the last one a verbatim
reprint of the first edition, in 1902 (Deutsche Litteraturdenkmale, Nos.
108-120, B. Behr’s Verlag, Berlin). Albertus Julius, the Saxon ‘‘Robin-
son Crusoe,” tells, on pp. 237-269 (1902 reprint, pp. 181-205), of his
encounters with the monkeys on the island. (S)
THE BLUE FOX att
When we lay on the sea otters which had just been killed in
order to keep them from being stolen by them [the foxes], they
ate away from under us the meat and the entrails from the car-
cass. We therefore always slept with clubs in hand so that when
they waked us we could drive them away or knock them down.
Where we sat down by the wayside they waited for us and
played innumerable tricks in our sight, became constantly more
impudent, and when we sat still came so near that they began
to gnaw the straps on our new-fashioned, self-made shoes, and
even the shoes themselves. If we lay down as if sleeping they
sniffed at our nostrils to see whether we were dead or alive; if
one held one’s breath they even nipped our noses and were about
to bite. When we first arrived they bit off the noses, fingers, and
toes of our dead while their graves were being dug; they also
attacked the weak and ill to such extent that one could hardly
hold them off. One night when a sailor on his knees wanted to
urinate out of the door of the hut, a fox snapped at the exposed
part and, in spite of his cries, did not soon want to let go. No
one could relieve himself without a stick in his hand, and they
immediately ate up the excrement as eagerly as pigs or hungry
dogs. Every morning these impudent animals were seen patrol-
ling among the sea lions and fur seals that were lying on the
beach and sniffing at those who were asleep to see whether there
were not some dead among them. If they found one they immedi-
ately went at devouring it, and they could all be seen helping to
drag it away. Because especially the sea lions often smothered
their young while sleeping at night they [the foxes], as if aware
of the circumstance, examined [the animals in] the herds one
by one every morning and dragged away the dead cubs like
scavengers.
Inasmuch as they left us no rest by day or night we indeed
became so embittered against them that we killed young and
old, did them all possible harm, and, wherever we could, tortured
them most cruelly. Whenever we awoke from sleep in the
morning two or three that had been killed lay at our feet, and I
personally may well have been responsible during my sojourn on
2i2 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
the island for having killed over two hundred. The third day after
my arrival I killed with an axe within three hours over seventy,
from whose skins the roof over our hut was made.—They were
so voracious that one could hold a piece of meat before them in
one hand and hold an axe or stick in the other to knock them
down. We would lay down a seal, stand only two paces away
with a stick, and close our eyes as if we did not see them; soon
they crawled up on it, began to eat, and were killed without
causing the others to take it as a warning and run away. We
would then dig a hole or ditch and throw meat or their dead
comrades into it; before one was aware of it the whole ditch was
full, whereupon we killed everything with clubs. Although we
did not care for their fine pelts, of which more than a third here
were of the blue variety, nor even skinned them, we were en-
gaged in constant warfare against them as our sworn enemies.
Every morning we dragged by their tails for execution before the
Barracks our prisoners who had been captured alive, where some
were beheaded, others had their legs broken or one [leg] and the
tail hacked off. Of some we gouged out the eyes; others were
strung up alive in pairs by their feet so that they would bite
each other to death. Some were singed, others flogged to death
with the cat-o’-nine-tails. It is most ludicrous when, being held by
the tail, they pull with all their might and some one then cuts
off the tail; they start forward a few steps and, when they miss
their tail, turn around in a circle over twenty times. Nevertheless
they would not be warned and keep away from our huts; and
finally countless numbers could be seen running about the
island without a tail or on two or three legs.
When these busybody animals could not do any damage to an
article, as for instance clothes which we had taken off, they would
befoul them; and then hardly one [of them] would pass by that
did not do the same. From all this it could be inferred that they
must never have seen a human being here and that fear of man is
not inherent in animals but is based on long experience.
In October and November, like the [common] foxes,’ they
76 i.e. the common red fox (Vulpes vulpes or vulgaris). (S)
THE BLUE FOX 213
were in the best condition and their fur was thickest. The three-
year-olds seemed to be the best, as is also true of the [common]
foxes. In January and February their fur is too thick; in April
and May they begin to lose their hair; in June and July they
only had the wool on them and looked as if they were going about
in shirts. In June they give birth to their young, nine to ten
cubs, in caves and crevasses. They specially like to have their
lairs up in the mountains or on the edge of the mountains.
Their young ones they love so deeply that they betray the
location of their burrows by barking at human beings like dogs
in order to keep them from their young. This explains the
origin of the name fesets (little dog), by which name the Russians
call this animal. As soon as they notice that their burrow has
been discovered they carry away their young in their mouths if
not disturbed and endeavor to conceal them at a more secluded
place. If you kill the young the mothers follow you with loud
howling day and night for a hundred versts or more and do not
desist until they have played a trick on [you], their enemy, or
have been killed themselves.
They stink much worse than the red foxes. In rutting time
they buck day and night and like dogs bite each other cruelly
for jealousy. Copulation itself takes place amid much cater-
wauling like cats. When there is a storm and much snow falls
they dig into the snow, roll into a ball like dogs, and lie there as
long as the bad weather lasts. When winter has set in for good
they always have their burrows and holes in the snow in deep
valleys, at sources and rivers. They are very agile at swimming
across rivers. In addition to [securing] what is cast up by the sea
or animals that have died they also catch the sea birds that have
settled on the cliffs to sleep, and sometimes they clean up a
whole rockfull. I once saw a large sea eagle, which had caught a
fox in his talons and risen high in the air with him, drop him
on the rocky ground and then devour him.” The white ger-
77 This and the next sentence, which, in the reversal of the struggle
described, fail to carry out the previous argument, represent observations ©
214 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
falcons? on Kamchatka catch them in the same way as [they
do] the [common] foxes and break their necks while they
run.
The blue foxes that we found in indescribable numbers on
this island are in appearance exactly the same as those which are
caught near Olyutora on the mainland; and this species, inasmuch
as there are no other land animals on the island, probably came
from there or from America on drift ice a long time ago. We
also found them in America, but a good deal poorer and smaller
than the Siberian blue stone-foxes.
[THE SEA OTTER]78
With warm-blooded sea animals the Bering Island region is
more copiously provided. When we arrived there the sea
beavers (or sea otters,”? Lutris) were present in large numbers.
In November and December we killed them 3 to 4 versts from
our quarters at the so-called Bobrovoe Pole* (Beaver [i.e. Sea
Otter] Field) and Kozlova Ryechka;® in January, 6 to 8 versts
at Kitova Ryechka® (Whale Creek); in February, 20 versts* at
made by Steller on Bering Island which for want of a better place have
been inserted here, possibly by Pallas.
77a Falco islandus Briinnich. (S)
78 The section on the sea otter occurs in the MS after the end of the
passage in the MS translated above in footnote 382, pp. 161-162. It
is followed by the passages the published version of which is translated
above beginning on p. 162. The excision by Pallas from the MS of the
section on the sea otter can be traced on the facsimile reproductions
above (Figs. 18, 19, 20) of the corresponding pages of the published
version and the MS. On the present translation see p. 189, footnote I.
79 See above, p. 32, footnote 57.
80 These are two introductory sentences inserted by Pallas.
81 On the location of Bobrovoe Pole see, above, footnote 336.
82 Possibly the short stream debouching into Kozlovo Pole at the
southeastern end of the sandy beach at Polovina (Pl. II).
83 On the location of this stream, see, above, p. 192, footnote 11, and
[5 OR
8% The MS has “20 to 30 versts.”’
THE SEA OTTER 215
the Utes® and Bolshaya Laida* (Large Cliff). In March and
April, when the sea otters were driven entirely away from the
north side about our quarters, we went overland to the south
side and brought the otters by carrying them 12, 20, 30, to 40
versts. The chase of these animals by us took place in the
following manner: These animals at all seasons of the year, more,
however, during the winter than in summer, leave the sea for
the shore in order to sleep, rest, and play all sorts of games
with each other. At low tide they lie on the rocks and the
uncovered beaches, at high water on land in the grass or on the
snow a half’ or even a whole verst from shore, though mostly
near the shore. In Kamchatka and on the Kurile Islands they
never, or at least very rarely, go ashore; so that from this also
it is evident that on this island they had never been disturbed
by man in their quiet and play.’8 Usually in the evening or at
night,’° in groups of two, three, or four persons provided with
long and strong poles of birch wood, we went quietly along the
beaches as much as possible against the wind, looking diligently
about everywhere. When a sea otter was seen lying asleep one
fof us] went quietly towards him, even creeping when near by.
The others in the meantime cut off his passage to the sea. As
soon as he had been approached so closely that it was thought
he could be reached in a few jumps, the man sprang up suddenly
and tried to beat him to death with repeated strokes on the head.
85 Probably either Ne Obkhodimyi Utes (above, p. 192, footnote 8)
or Bobrovoe Utes (above, footnote 10) is meant.
86 Probably the same as Bobrovoe Utes.
87 In the MS this is preceded by ‘‘a quarter.”
88 In the MS the two parts of this sentence are in reversed order, and
what is here the second part is there stated more fully as follows: ‘‘Since
they have never seen a human being on this uninhabited island nor been
frightened by any, they are quite secure, play their mating game on
shore, and bring forth their young there.’’ The equivalent of what is
here the first part then follows, beginning with the words: ‘‘—different
from [what they do] in Kamchatka and the Kurile Islands, where they
never’”’ etc.
89 Instead of ‘‘at night’’ the MS has ‘‘at night when the moon was
shining.”’
216 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
However, if he ran away before he could be reached, the other
men together chased him from the sea farther inland and gradu-
ally closed in on him by running, whereupon, no matter how
nimbly and adroitly the animal might be able to run, he would
finally tire® and be killed. If, as often happened, we came upon
a whole herd together, each of us selected the animal that
seemed nearest to him, in which case the affair went off still
better. In the beginning we needed but scant effort, stratagem,
and dexterity, as the whole shore was full of them and they were
lying in the greatest security. Later on, however, they learned
to know our earpicks* so well that, when we spied upon them, we
saw them go ashore with the greatest care. They first looked
well about them everywhere, turned their noses in all directions
in order to catch a scent; and, when after long looking about
they had settled down to rest, one would sometimes see them
jump up again in fright, look about anew, or go back to sea.
Watchers were posted by them wherever a herd was lying.
The malicious foxes, by waking them out of their sleep violently
or keeping them watchful, also thwarted us. We were therefore
compelled to search constantly for new places and to go hunting
farther and farther away, also to prefer dark nights to light ones
and blustering to quiet weather in order to get them, as our
maintenance depended upon it.% In spite of all these obstacles,
from November 6, 1741, to August 17, 1742, over seven hundred
90 Instead of ‘‘he would finally tire’’ the MS has “‘he would finally
fall into our hands exhausted.”
91 ‘‘Ohrl6éffel.”” This word is facetiously used by Steller to designate
the clubs with which the sea otters were slain. Professor A. F. W.
Schmidt, of George Washington University, kindly furnished me with
the following quotation from Grimm’s Worterbuch: ‘‘Bohemian earspoon
or simply earspoon: a club-shaped, stout stick, cudgel (the Bohemian
peasants formerly carried stout cudgels which at the lower end had a
thick knob and because of their shape might be compared to an ear-
spoon).”’ (S)
92 Instead of ‘‘to catch a scent’? the MS has “‘to ascertain by smell
what was hidden from their eyes.”
9% From ‘‘in order to get them”’ to this point the MS reads only “in
order to steal upon them.”
THE SEA OTTER 217
otters were nevertheless killed by us, eaten, and their skins
taken along to Kamchatka as tokens. However, as they were
often clubbed needlessly and only for the sake of the skin or
even frequently left lying about with pelt and flesh when they
were not black enough, matters came to such a pass through our
wicked persecution of these animals™ that we nearly lost hope of
being able to build a vessel. For in spring, when the stock of
provisions had been consumed and the work was to begin, these
animals had been driven away for 50 versts on either side
of our dwellings. We would gladly have been satisfied with
seals, but these were too crafty to venture farther inland, so
that it was great luck when we could steal upon a seal.
The sea otter, which, because of the nature of its fur,%* has
been erroneously regarded” as a beaver and therefore called
Kamchatka bobr, is a real otter and differs from the river otter
only in this, that the former lives in the sea, is almost one half
larger, and in the beauty of the fur is more like a beaver than
an otter. It is indisputably an American sea animal, occurring
in Asia only as a guest and newcomer which lives in the so-called
Beaver Sea® (Bobrovoe More) from [latitude] 56° to 50°, where
America is nearest and both continents are possibly %’ separated
by a channel* only 50 miles wide, which, moreover, is filled
with many islands, making the transit of these animals to
Kamchatka possible in this region, as otherwise they are not able
% “‘through our wicked persecution of these animals’’ is not in the
MS.
95 The MS reads instead “‘we got along with seals.”’
96 ‘* because of the nature of its fur”’ is not in the MS.
97 The MS has in addition “‘by the Russians.”’
98 On the Beaver Sea, see also what Steller says in the journal (above,
p. 31) and Krasheninnikov’s definition (Histoire et description du Kamt-
chatka, 1770, Vol. I, p. 238).
99 *“possibly’”’ is not in the MS.
* This is based on the assumption, to which Steller greatly inclined,
that most of the coasts seen on Bering’s voyage were parts of the main-
land of America.—P. [On this point see, above, footnote 149; asterisk
footnote between footnotes 163 and 164; and footnote 260.]
100 Instead of ‘‘only 50 miles wide’”’ the MS has “‘ 4o to 50 miles wide.”’
218 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
to cross a wide sea. According to information derived from
the Chukchi nation I am certain that these animals are to be
met with opposite in America from 58° to 66°, and pelts from
there have also been received in trade by way of Anadyrsk.
That on the Kamchatkan coast, however, no sea otter is to be
found above 56° is possibly due to the fact that Kamchatka
from there on may extend more northerly but America more
easterly,* whereby the sea lying between them assumes a
greater width and depth! than these animals, which only find
food on the bottom of the sea and, because they can not long
endure without inhaling air, must not let themselves down to a
great depth, are able to cross; particularly as perhaps no
islands occur there, which is all the more probable because all
islands must be regarded as remnants of the mainland.“ From
56° to 50° we found sea otters on the islands in sight of the
American mainland and on 60° near the mainland, at Cape
St. Elias itself, 500 miles east of Kamchatka. Probably! this
sea otter is the same animal which the Brazilians on the west-
ern side of America according to the testimony of Marggraf!”
101 The migration of the sea otter Steller also discusses in the journal
(pp. 31-32, above; see also p. 32, footnote 57).
* According to what is now known of the sea between the two con-
tinents the reason for this lies in the chain of islands which abuts just
in the region where the sea otters arrive in Kamchatka and [thus] leads
these animals over.—P.
102 ‘and depth”’ is not in the MS.
108 The words from ‘‘which only find food”’ to this point are not in
the MS.
10 The relative clause in the MS reads: ‘“‘ which is natural to believe,
as the islands must be regarded as remnants torn from the mainland by
certain accidents.’’ It is not at all sure, therefore, that Steller generalized
the origin of all islands as rendered by Pallas. (J)
105 Instead of ‘‘Probably’”’ the MS has ‘‘ Without any doubt.”
106 Thus both in the MS and Pallas. Should be “‘eastern’’; see also a
few lines below.
107 The MS has in addition ‘‘and of Ray,” i.e. John Ray (for some of his
works see above, p. 2, footnote 2, and p. 108, footnote 244).
THE SEA OTTER 219
called jiya!® and cariguebeju;* and consequently this animal
occurs, if not in all, at least in most places on the western as
well as the eastern side of America.—Accordingly, my former
hypothesis would now also seem to be confirmed as a truth, that
the sea otters which in winter and spring time arrive in great
numbers with the drift ice at the Kamchatkan coasts have been
brought hither not only from the mainland of America itself but
also mostly from the islands in the Channel which the ice must
pass. For I have seen with my own eyes how much these animals
like to lie on the ice; and, although on account of the mild winter
the ice floes were thin and few, they were nevertheless carried
on them, asleep or awake,! towards the sea by the ebbing tide.
The sea otter is usually 5 feet long and 3 feet in circumference
at the breast bone, where the body is thickest. The largest
weighed, with the entrails, 70 to 80 Russian pounds. In shape
it resembles an otter, the hind feet only excepted, which are
smooth! and agree in structure with the hind flippers of seals.**
The entrails are likewise conditioned as in the otter. The skin,
which lies as loose on the flesh as in dogs and shakes all over
when [the animal is] running, so far surpasses in length, beauty,
108 The MS perhaps reads icya. Georg Marggraf (Historiae rerum
naturalium Brasiliae libri octo, in G. Piso: Historia naturalis Brasiliae,
Leyden, 1648) has jiya.
* T am fully convinced that Marggraf’s sea otter is an entirely different
animal.—P. [The Brazilian otter described by Marggraf is an entirely
different animal, as correctly surmised by Pallas. It is a river otter
known as Pteronura brasiliensis (Blumenbach). On Steller’s reference
to this question in the journal see, above, p. 31 and footnote 57 on
p. 32. (S)]
109 From ‘‘and although on account of”’ to this point the MS reads:
“‘and are carried, asleep or awake, with the few soft and thin winter
ice floes.”’
10 The Pallas version reads ‘“‘glatt,’’ smooth; the MS “‘platt,”’ flat.
The MS is correct.
** This is not the place to explain the relationship of the Kamchatkan
sea otter to the seal. With respect to the teeth, the feet, and the [other]
characteristics it is so considerable that this animal may be declared an
intermediate between seals and otters, almost more closely related to the
former.—P.
220 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
blackness, and gloss of the hair [that of] all river beavers that
the latter cannot be compared with it. The best pelts bring in
Kamchatka 20 rubles, in Yakutsk 30, in Irkutsk 40 to 50,4
and at the Chinese frontier, in exchange for their wares, 80 to
100 rubles. The meat is fairly good to eat and palatable;1!2 the
females, however, are much tenderer, and, against the course of
nature, are most fat and delicious shortly before, during, and
after parturition. The suckling otters which, because of their
poor skin, are called medvyedki, or young bears, can, because of
their daintiness, both roasted and boiled, at any time compete
with suckling lambs. The male has a bony penis like [sea-]dogs
[=seals] and all other warm-blooded" marine animals. The
female has two mammae beside the genitals. They copulate in
the human manner. Altogether, in life it is a beautiful and
pleasing animal, cunning and amusing in its habits, and at the
same time ingratiating and amorous. Seen when they are run-
ning, the gloss of their hair surpasses the blackest velvet. They
prefer to lie together in families, the male with its mate, the
half-grown young, or koshloki, and the very young sucklings,
medvyedki. The male caresses the female by stroking her, using
the fore feet as hands,™ and places himself over her; she, however,
often pushes him away from her for fun and in simulated coyness,
as it were, and plays with her offspring like the fondest mother.“
Their love for their young is so intense that for them they expose
themselves to the most manifest danger of death. When [their
young are] taken away from them, they cry bitterly like a small
child and grieve so much that, as we observed from rather
111 The MS has only 4o.
112 On this point, see, above, footnote 343.
113 ‘‘warm-blooded’”’ is not in the MS.
114 Instead of ‘‘ wie Hande,’’ as hands, the MS has ‘‘ wie Hunde,”’ like
dogs.
115 In the MS this sentence ends with ‘‘for fun,’’ and the clause about
playing with the offspring is part of the next sentence, which there begins
as follows: ‘“‘As to playing with their offspring even the fondest mother
cannot approach them, and they love their young to such a degree
that,”’ etc.
THE SEA OTTER 221
authentic cases,° after ten to fourteen days they grow as lean
as a skeleton, become sick and feeble, and will not leave the
shore. In flight!” they take the suckling young in the mouth,
but the grown-up ones they drive before them. If they have the
luck to escape they begin, as soon as they are in the water, to
mock their pursuers in such a manner that one cannot look on
without particular pleasure. Now they stand upright in the
water like a man and jump up and down with the waves and
sometimes hold the fore foot over the eyes, as if they wanted to
scrutinize you closely in the sun;"8 now they throw themselves
on their back and with the front feet rub the belly and the
pudenda as do monkeys;" then they throw the young ones into
the water and catch them again, etc. If a sea otter is overtaken!
and nowhere sees any escape it blows and hisses like an angry
cat. When struck it prepares itself for death by turning on the
side, draws up the hind feet, and covers the eyes with the fore
feet. When dead it lies like a dead person, with the front feet
crossed over the breast.
The food of the sea otter consists of marine crustaceans,
mollusks, small fishes, a little seaweed, also meat. I have no
doubt that if one were not to grudge the expense,” a few of
these animals could be brought to Russia and made tame;
indeed, they would multiply perhaps in a pond or river, for
they care but little for the sea water, and I have seen that they
stay for several days in lakes and rivers for the fun of it. More-
over, this animal deserves from us all the greatest reverence, as
for more than six months it served us almost exclusively as food
and at the same time as medicine for the scurvy-stricken.!”
116 Instead of ‘‘as we observed from rather authentic cases’’ the MS
has ‘‘as [I] came to know on several occasions.”’
117 Instead of ‘‘In flight’’ the MS has ‘‘ When frightened.”
118 Instead of ‘‘asif . . . in the sun”’ the MS has “‘and look at you
as if the sun troubled them.”’
u9 After ‘‘front feet’’ the MS has only ‘‘rub the nose.”
120 Instead of ‘‘overtaken’”’ the MS has ‘‘attacked.”’
11 The MS has ‘‘the slight expense.”’
122 Instead of ‘‘for the scurvy-stricken’’ the MS has “‘for the sick.”’
222 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
Those wishing detailed information about this animal may find
it in my “‘Beschreibung von Seethieren.”’ *
[HUNTING THE SEA OTTER] 123
Because in the year 1743 I went to sea myself in a baidar at
the nearer Kurile Islands in order to see how these animals are
hunted, at which time the above-mentioned “Beschreibung” had
already been completed, I believe it is not out of place here
incidentally to describe this chase also.—The Kurile Islanders
in spring go to sea for a distance of 10 versts or more in leather
boats or baidars, in which there are six oarsmen, one steersman,
and one hunter. When they see a sea otter they row towards it
with all their strength, but the otter also spares no effort to
escape. When they are near enough, the steersman and the
hunter, who sits in the bow, shoot at the otter with arrows; if
they do not hit the animal right away they force it to dive and
do not let it rise without immediately again shooting an arrow
at it in order to prevent it from getting air. From the rising
* As is known, this excellent work of the late Steller, to which he also
was not able to give the finishing touches, is printed in Latin in Vol. 2
of Novi Comment. Petropol., and the German translation is separately
printed: G. W. Steller’s ausfiihrliche Beschr. von sonderbaren Meer-
thieren, Halle, 1753, 8vo with copper plates—P. [On these works and
Walter and J. E. Miller's English translation see the Bibliography
below, p. 255. The section on the sea otter is on pp. 367-398 of ‘“‘De
bestiis marinis’’ and pp. 161-208 of the German edition. Only pp. 382-
398 are included in the English translation, viz. on pp. 210—218.]
123 This section is notin the MS. As init are incorporated observations
made in 1743 it was probably written later not only than the ‘‘De
bestiis marinis,’” as Steller says, but also than the journal and the
description of Bering Island. It may have formed part of No. 53, on
the method of hunting various animals, of the Steller manuscripts listed
by Krasheninnikov (Pekarskii, Istoriya Akademii Nauk, Vol. 1, St.
Petersburg, 1870, p. 616). In that list the observations made by Steller
in 1743 are represented by at least two documents (No. 38, on birds;
No. 41, on fishes). The corresponding section on hunting the sea otter
in ‘‘De bestiis marinis,’’ of which the present is in the nature of an
amplification, is on pp. 386-391; German edition, pp. 191-198; English
translation, pp. 212-215.
HUNTING THE SEA OTTER 223
bubbles they constantly notice in which direction the animal
goes, and the steersman steers the boat thither; the man in the
bow, however, with a pole to which there are fastened small
crosspieces like a brush, fishes up the arrows from the water as
they appear. If the animal has a young one with it, this first
loses its breath and drowns, as the mother, in order to be able
more easily to save herself, throws it from her. The young one
is picked up, and generally it revives in the bazdar. Finally the
mother or the male animal also becomes so breathless and ex-
hausted that it cannot stay under water for a minute. Then
they dispatch it either with an arrow or often, when near by,
with the lance.
When sea otters get into the nets, in which it is also customary
to catch them, they are seized with such desperation that they
bite each other terribly: at times they bite off their own feet
either in rage or, because these are entangled, in desperation.
Nothing is more terrible to see than the arrival of the so-called
prival, or ice drift, at which time the sea otters are hunted on
the ice drifting in from the sea and are killed with clubs. Gener-
ally such a storm and blizzard then reigns that one can hardly
keep on one’s feet, but nevertheless the hunters do not hesitate
to use the night time. Also, they run along on the ice without
heed, even when it is drifting and is being lifted on the waves
to such an extent that they appear now to be on a mountain
and then to plunge into an abyss. Each man has a knife and
a stick in hand and long snowshoes laced to his feet, to which
are attached bone hooks or horns to prevent sliding on the ice
or falling from it where it piles up. The skins must be taken off
immediately on the ice, and in this the Kurile Islanders and the
Kamchadals are so skillful that they often flense 30 to 40 [animals]
in two hours. If luck is with them they [are able to] bring these
spoils on land; sometimes, however, when the ice is being driven
completely away from the shore, they must abandon everything
in order to try to save themselves. In that case they resort to
swimming and tie themselves with a small rope to their dog,
which by swimming faithfully drags them to shore. However, in
224 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
this chase they pay close attention to ebb and flood tide and as to
whether the wind blows toward the land. In favorable weather
they run so far out on the ice that they lose sight of land; indeed
[they run] across the channel between the first two Kurile
Islands.1%4
But I return to the sea animals which I had the best oppor-
tunity to observe on Bering Island.
[THE SEA LION AND THE FuR SEAL]?
The sea lion and the sea bear [fur seal], the most formidable
of the marine animals there, have been dealt with in detail in
my above-mentioned treatise. Sea lions? occur indeed at all
times of the year and during the winter in lesser numbers on the
steepest rock shores of the island, but the real migration comes
in the spring at the same time as [that of] the sea bear or some-
what later.
Our men killed the first sea bear”? on April 18 and another
on the 19th. Each, including fat and meat, weighed at least
20 poods (800 Russian pounds). It was a great consolation to
124 The northernmost, i.e. Shumshu and Paramushir (see Vol. 1, Pl. I,
where they are spelled somewhat differently).
125 The first and last paragraphs of this section do not occur in the MS
and may have been added by Pallas. The long second paragraph, on
the fur seal, is on fols. 88 and 89 of the MS, at the point where, in Pallas’
version of the journal, occur the words ‘‘on April 18 and 19, namely,
two sea bears were killed’? (above, p. 176). The first two sentences of
the third paragraph occur soon after in the MS at the point indicated
by footnote 420, above. The rest of the paragraph seems to have been
derived from some other source.
The sections on the sea lion and on the fur seal in ‘‘ De bestiis marinis”’
are respectively on pp. 360-366 and 331-359; German edition, pp. 152-
161 and 107-151. Pages 361-366 and 346-359 are included in the English
translation, on pp. 208-210 and 201-208.
126 On the sea lion see, above, footnotes 129 and 422.
127 j.e. fur seal, Callotaria ursina (Linnaeus). An exhaustive account
of this animal was given by David Starr Jordan and associates in “The
Fur Seals and Fur Seal Islands of the North Pacific Ocean,’’ 4 vols.,
Treasury Dept., Washington, 1898-1899. A supplementary report on
the fur seals of the Pribilof Islands was published in Bull. Bur. of Fish-
eries, Vol. 34, 1914, by W. H. Osgood, E. A. Preble, and G. H. Parker. (S)
THE SEA LION AND THE FUR.SEAL 225
us to find!’ that our command could be sustained a whole
week on two or, at the most, three such animals. As I had
furthermore already learned in Kamchatka that these animals
migrate in herds every spring to the east upwards [northwards]
past the Kurile Islands and the coast of Kamchatka and in
September back again from there to the south, also that the
females are generally all found to be pregnant during the first
part of the migration,”® I immediately concluded that these
and other islands in the Channel! must doubtless be the summer
grounds of these animals where they bear their young, and I
now surmised that these were only an advance guard of a larger
movement. In this hope we later indeed were not deceived,"™!
as soon countless herds followed and within a few days covered
the whole beach to such an extent that it was not possible to
pass without danger to life and limb; indeed, in certain places
where they completely covered the ground they often forced us
to make a detour over the mountains. But with this unexpected
abundance and blessing a twofold difficulty shortly arose.
The first was that the animals landed only on the south side of
the island, [namely] that facing Kamchatka; consequently,
they had to be dragged not less than 18 versts from their nearest
grounds to our huts. In the second place the meat of these
animals smelled like fresh white hellebore, thereby became re-
pulsive to the taste, and in the case of many of the men induced
violent vomiting with diarrhea. Soon, however, we found out
that another, smaller, kind of sea bear, grayish in color,!”
which appeared in even greater numbers, had much more tender
123 Instead of ‘‘It was a great consolation to us to find’”’ the MS has “‘We
saw.”
129 The words ‘‘during the first part of the migration’’ do not occur
in the MS.
130 Instead of ‘‘these and other islands in the Channel’’ the MS has
“‘these islands.”’ On the Channel see above, p. 73, footnote 149.
131 In the MS a parenthetical clause here intervenes, as follows:
with the assistant surgeon I later killed another.”’
1322 This was not a different species, only the younger males and the
females. The old males arrive on the island a long time ahead of these. (S)
er
and
226 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
and palatable meat, devoid of odor, which therefore could be
eaten without distaste. Furthermore, later we also discovered
a shorter route just abreast of our quarters to the south which
amounted to less than half the former one [in length].1%3 It was
therefore decided to keep two men there constantly in shifts
who were to kill the sea bears and always have enough meat on
hand so that the men who were sent there daily could immedi-
ately pack it on their backs and cover the way out and back in
one day.
The sea lions finally also appeared in numbers during May,
but no one liked to try to kill these ferocious animals. But we
soon set to work on and devoured one that had been wounded
in Kamchatka and escaped and was cast up by the sea dead
but quite fresh. The most delicate part of this animal is its
flippers. When being boiled they swell up a great deal and can
then easily be skinned, while when raw it is not possible to
remove the skin. I have discussed the main matters of interest
concerning this animal in the previously mentioned description
of sea animals.
Of seals there occur around Bering Island all the different
species which are found on the eastern coast of Kamchatka and
to discuss which would here lead us too far. All species very soon
became frightened at us and no longer dared go on accessible
ee [THe Sea Cow]*
Along the whole shore of the island, especially where streams
flow into the sea and all kinds of seaweed are most abundant,
133 This route lay up the right branch of the south-flowing stream
emptying into Komandor Bay and across the divide leading to Yushin’s
Valley (Lissonkovaya Bay; see Pl. II and Fig. 27). (S)
134 For the exact wording of these two sentences in the MS, see, above,
footnote 422.
135 The whole of this section, except for the first two sentences ending
in ‘‘more easily from them,’’ occurs on fols. 90 to 96 of the MS at the
point in the journal indicated by footnote 431, above, which see for
further details. On the present translation see p. 189, footnote I.
The section on the sea cow in ‘‘ De bestiis marinis”’ is on pp. 294-330;
German edition, pp. 48-107; English translation, pp. 182-201.
———=.—
THE SEA COW 227
the sea cow! (morskaya korova), so called by our Russians,
occurs at all seasons of the year in great numbers and in herds.
After the supplying of ourselves with provisions began to become
difficult because of the frightening away of the sea otters from
the northern side, we considered ways and means to secure these
animals and, because they were near to us, to derive our nourish-
ment more easily from them. On May 21, therefore, the first
attempt was made to throw a large manufactured iron hook, to
which was fastened a strong and long rope, into this powerful
and large sea animal and haul it ashore; but in vain, because
the skin was too tough and firm and the hook was much too
dull.” It was changed in different ways, and several other
attempts were made; but these turned out still more poorly, so
that the animals escaped from us out to sea with the hook and
the rope attached to it. Finally necessity forced us to make
preparations for harpooning.“8 For this purpose towards the
end of June the yawl, which had been badly damaged on the
rocks in the autumn, was repaired, a harpooner with a steersman
and four oarsmen? put into it, and a harpoon given to the first
together with a very long line, coiled in proper order as in
whaling, its other end being held on shore by the other forty
men. We now rowed very quietly towards the animals, which
were browsing in herds along the shore in the greatest security.
As soon as the harpooner had struck one of them the men on
shore gradually pulled it toward the beach; the men in the yawl
136 On the zodlogy of the sea cow, see, above, footnote 318.
137 The words “‘and the hook was much too dull”’ do not occur in the
MS.
138 This sentence in the MS reads more fully: ‘‘ Finally, extreme neces-
sity forced us to invent the most effective means, as the men for the
above reasons were not able to continue the former hunting any more.”
139 Instead of ‘“‘with a steersman and four oarsmen”’ the MS reads:
“with five other men to row and steer.”’
140 Instead of “‘and a harpoon . . . as in whaling’’ the MS reads:
“who had lying in it a very long line coiled in proper order in the same
manner as in the Greenland whale fishery, of which one end was fastened
to the harpoon, its other end being held,”’ etc.
228 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
rushed upon it and by their commotion tired it out further; when
it seemed enfeebled they jabbed large knives and bayonets into
its body until it had lost almost all its blood, which spouted
from the wounds as from a fountain, and could thus be hauled
on the beach at high tide and made fast. As soon as the water
went out again and the animal lay on the dry beach the meat
and fat were cut off everywhere in pieces! and carried with
rejoicing to our dwellings, where the meat was kept in barrels
and the fat hung up on high frames. We now soon found our-
selves so abundantly supplied with food that we could continue
the building of our new vessel without hindrance.”
This sea animal, which became so valuable to us, was first
seen by the Spaniards in America and described with many
intermingled untruths by the physician Hernandez.1* The
Spaniards called it manati, the English and Dutch have named
it sea cow. It is found both on the eastern and on the western
1441 The MS has “‘in large pieces.”’
142 In the MS this sentence reads: ‘‘ At last we found ourselves relieved
at one stroke from all trouble and enabled to continue the building of
the new vessel with twice the number of workmen.”’
1443 In the MS this sentence is completed by the following: ‘‘and after
him by Carolus Clusius and others.”
Francisco Hernandez was physician to Philip II of Spain, by whom
he was sent to New Spain (1571-1577) to examine its natural resources.
His main published work incorporating the results of this investigation
is ‘‘Quatro libros de la naturaleza y virtudes de las plantas y animales
que estan recevidos en el uso de medicina en la Nueva Espafia,’’ Mexico,
1615, of which an abridgment was published in Rome, 1651, under the
title of ‘‘Rerum medicarum Novae Hispaniae thesaurus, seu plantarum,
animalium, mineralium mexicanorum historia, etc.’’ The discussion of
the manati constitutes Book 4, Part I, Ch. 8, on leaves 183-184, of the
Mexico, 1615, edition. There are two modern reprints of this edition,
one by Antonio Pefiafiel, Mexico, 1888, the other by Nicolas Leén,
Morelia, 1888.
Carolus Clusius is the Latin form of the name of the French botanist
Charles de Lécluse (1526-1609). The reference to the manati is pre-
sumably in his ‘‘Exoticorum libri decem, quibus animalium, plantarum,
aromatum, aliorumque peregrinorum fructuum historiae describuntur,”
Antwerp, 1605.
1444 In the MS this sentence reads: ‘‘The English either call it, The
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THE SEA COW 229
side of America and has been observed by Dampier with sea
bears and sea lions in the southern hemisphere and by me and
others in the northern.* The largest of these animals are 4
to 5 fathoms (28 to 35 English feet™*) long and 3!% fathoms
thick about the region of the navel, where they are thickest. To
the navel this animal resembles the seal species; from there on
to the tail, a fish. The head of the skeleton is in general shape
not different #46 from the head of a horse, but when covered with
Sea Cow, with the Dutch, or Mannetes, with Dampier, from the Spanish
language.”
1445 The MS here adds: ‘‘ which is very remarkable.”’
Dampier’s observations on the manati all, except one, relate to the
tropics within the northern hemisphere. Steller’s impression that
Dampier describes this animal as occuring at the island of Juan Fernandez
in the southern hemisphere is not correct (see, below, footnote 177).
Dampier’s main discussion of the manati is found in his ‘‘A New Voyage
Round the World,’”’ London, 1697, Ch. III (pp. 33-37 in 3rd edit., 1698;
pp. 64-67 of Vol. 1 in Dampier’s Voyages edited by John Masefield,
2 vols., London, 1906), where he says that, along the Gulf of Mexico
and the Caribbean, he has observed them near the mouth of the Tabasco
River, in the Gulf of Campeche (separate discussion: Masefield edit.,
Vol. 2, p. 205), on the Mosquito coast of Nicaragua, at the Bocas del
Toro west of the Chiriqui Lagoon, and among the keys on the southern
side of Cuba, and, in the East, at Mindanao in the Philippines and on
the coast of Australia (this was on the west coast in about 17° S.). He
also says he had heard of their being found on the north of Jamaica and
in the rivers of Dutch Guiana.
* State Councilor Schreber has quite correctly observed in his excel-
lent work on mammals, Part 2, p. 276, that Steller’s sea cow of the
western sea of America has, to be sure, a great resemblance with the
manati of the Spaniards but must certainly be considered a separate
species, [as it is] differentiated by distinct characters—P. [The work
referred to is J. C. D. von Schreber’s (1739-1810) ‘‘ Naturgeschichte der
Sdugetiere,’” Erlangen, 1775-1824 (continued by Goldfuss and Andreas
Wagner).]
146 The transformation into English feet is not in the MS. The con-
version factor applied by Pallas is evidence that he considered the
fathom used by Steller to be the sazhen of 7 feet (see, above, p. 8).
147 Instead of “‘the seal species’’ the MS reads ‘‘a land animal.”’
1448 Instead of ‘‘is in general shape not different’? the MS reads ‘“‘is
not in the least different.”’
230 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
skin and flesh it resembles in some measure a buffalo head,
particularly as concerns the lips. In the mouth it has on each
side!” in place of teeth two wide, longish, flat, loose?*® bones, of
which one is fastened above to the palate, the other to the inside
of the lower jaw. Both are provided with many obliquely con-
verging furrows and raised welts with which the animal grinds
up the seaweeds, its usual food. The lips are provided with
many strong bristles, of which those on the lower jaw are so
thick that they resemble quills of fowls and clearly demonstrate
by their internal hollowness the structure of the hairs. The
eyes of this animal in spite of its size are not larger than sheeps’
eyes [and are] without eyelids. The ears are so small and hidden
149 “on each side”’ is not in the MS.
150 ‘‘longish, flat, loose’’ is not in the MS.
151 The two “‘flat bones’’ mentioned by Steller were in reality horny
structures, as demonstrated by Professor J. F. Brandt of the St. Peters-
burg Academy of Sciences, who, finding part of these plates attached to
a skull in the collections of the Academy, has made and published a
thorough microscopic examination of their minute structure. He demon-
strated the cellulo-epithelial and partly tubulo-papillar nature of these
plates and correlated them with the horny tuberculate plates in the
mouths of the dugong and manati (J. F. Brandt: Uber den Zahnbau
der Steller’schen Seekuh, Mémoires de l’Acad. Imp. des Sci. de St. Péters-
bourg, Ser. 6, Vol. 2, 1833, pp. 103-118; Symbolae Sirenologicae, Fasc.
ii et iii, 1868, pp. 102-108).
152 Instead of ‘‘ obliquely converging’’ the MS has “‘krumm,” crooked,
curved.
153 Instead of ‘‘the structure of the hairs’’ the MS reads: ‘“‘the real
nature of hairs in general, which likewise are hollow.’’ A piece of the
skin of the Bering Island sea cow was discovered by Dr. Alexander
Brandt in 1871 among some miscellaneous old collections in the Academy
of Sciences, St. Petersburg. In the elaborate paper describing it he shows
that the structure of the skin does not essentially differ from that of the
other known sirenians. It is constructed of elongate filamentary cuticular
papillae, which Steller mistook for hairs (Alexander Brandt: Uber die
Haut der nordischen Seekuh, Mémoires de l’Acad. Imp. des Sct. de St.
Pétersbourg, Ser. 7, Vol. 7, 1871, 28 pp. with 1 pl.; James Murie: On the
Skin etc. of the Rhytina, Suggested by a Recent Paper by Dr. A. Brandt,
Annals and Magaz. of Nat. Hist., Ser. 4, Vol. 9, London, 1872, pp. 306—
313, with Pl. 19).
THE SEA COW 231
that they cannot at all be found and recognized among the
many grooves and wrinkles of the skin until the skin has been
taken off, when its polished blackness reveals the ear opening,
which, however, is hardly large enough for the insertion of a pea.
Of the external ear there is not the slightest trace. The head is
connected with the rest of the body by a short neck not set off
from it. On the underside the unusual forefeet and the breasts
are worthy of observation. The feet consist of two joints, the
extreme end of which has a rather close resemblance to a horse’s
hoof; they are furnished underneath with many short and closely
set bristles like a scratch brush.%4 With these front feet, on
which neither fingers nor nails can be distinguished, the
animal swims ahead, knocks the seaweeds from the rocks on the
bottom, and, when lying on its back getting ready for mating,
one embraces the other as with arms. Under these forefeet are
found the breasts, with black, wrinkled, two-inch long teats, at
the extreme end of which innumerable milk ducts open. When
pulled hard these ducts give off a great amount of milk, which
surpasses the milk of land animals in sweetness and richness
but is otherwise not different.—The back of this animal is
formed almost like that of an ox. The median crest of the
backbone is raised up high. Next to this [projection] on both
sides there is a flat hollow along the back. The flanks are oblongly
rounded. The belly is roundish and very distended and at all
times stuffed so full that at the slightest wound the entrails at
once protude with much whistling. Its relative size is like the
belly of a frog. From the genitals on the body suddenly de-
creases greatly in circumference. The tail itself, however, be-
comes gradually thinner towards the flipper, which serves as
hind feet; yet immediately in front of the flipper it is still two
feet wide. Moreover, this animal has no other fin than the tail
154 The MS here has in addition: ‘‘and I hesitate whether to call them
hands or feet for the reason that with the exception of the birds we do
not have a single two-footed animal.”’
155 ‘on which neither fingers nor nails can be distinguished’”’ is not in
the MS.
232 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
flipper [and none] on the back, in which it differs from the
whales. The tail flipper is horizontal"®8 as in the whale and the
porpoise. The organ of the male is like that of an ox in [relative]
length, almost a fathom long and with the sheath fastened
under the navel; in shape and nature it is like that of a horse.
The female organ is [situated] immediately over or before the
anus, nearly elongate quadrangular and at the anterior part
provided with a strong, sinewy clitoris an inch and a half long.
These animals, like cattle, live in herds at sea, males and
females going together and driving the young before them about
the shore. They are occupied with nothing else but their food.
The back and half the body are always seen out of the water.
They eat in the same manner as the land animals, with a slow
forward movement. They tear the seaweed from the rocks with
the feet and chew it without cessation. However, the structure
of the stomach taught me that they do not ruminate, as I had at
first supposed. During the eating they move the head and neck
like an ox, and after the lapse of a few minutes they lift the head
out of the water and draw fresh air with a rasping and snorting
sound after the manner of horses. When the tide falls they go
away from the land to sea but with the rising tide go back
again to the shore, often so near that we could strike and reach
them with poles from shore. They are not afraid of man in the
least, nor do they seem to hear very poorly, as Hernandez
asserts!® contrary to experience. Signs of a wonderful intel-
ligence, whatever Hernandez may say,!® I could not observe, but
indeed an uncommon love for one another, which even ex-
156 Instead of ‘‘on the back’’ the MS reads ‘‘on the back or on the
sides.”’
157 Instead of ‘“‘in which it differs from the whales’”’ the MS has “‘in
which it again differs from the whales and other sea animals.”
158 Instead of ‘‘horizontal’’ the MS has “ parallel with the sides.”’
159 The MS here has in addition ‘‘and situation.”
160 The MS reads “‘like cattle on land.”
161 Work cited above, p. 228, footnote 143, Mexico, 1615, edition,
leaf 184 recto.
162 7bid., leaf 183 verso.
—_-
THE SEA COW 233
tended so far that, when one of them was hooked, all the others
were intent upon saving him. Some tried to prevent the wounded
comrade from [being drawn on] the beach by [forming] a closed
circle [around him]; some attempted to upset the yawl; others
laid themselves over the rope or tried to pull the harpoon out
of [his] body, in which indeed they succeeded several times.
We also noticed, not without astonishment, that a male came two
days in succession to its female which was lying dead on the
beach, as if he would inform himself about her condition. Never-
theless, no matter how many of them were wounded or killed,
they always remained in one place.
Their mating takes place in June, after protracted preludes.
The female flees slowly before the male with continual turns
about, but the male pursues her without cessation. When,
however, the female is finally weary of this mock coyness1® she
turns on her back and the male completes the mating in the
human manner. When these animals want to take a rest on
the water they turn on their backs in a quiet place in a bay and
allow themselves to drift on the water like logs.1
These animals are found at all seasons of the year everywhere
around the island in the greatest numbers, so that the whole
population of the eastern coast of Kamchatka would always
be able to keep itself more than abundantly supplied from them
with fat and meat.
The hide of the sea cow has a dual nature. The outer skin
or coating is black or blackish brown, an inch thick and of a
consistency almost like cork, full of grooves, wrinkles, and
holes about the head. It consists entirely of perpendicular fibers
which lie close upon one another, as in fibrous gypsum.1® The
bulbs of the individual fibers stand out round on the inner
side of this coating and fit into delicate cavities in the skin
163 Instead of ‘‘mock coyness’’ the MS reads ‘‘mock flight and fruit-
less incitations.”’
164 Instead of “‘like logs’’ the MS has ‘‘in that position.”’
165 Instead of ‘‘as in fibrous gypsum” the MS reads “‘as in a cross-
sectioned Spanish reed or cane.”’
234 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
underneath, which thereby almost looks like the surface of a
thimble. This outer coating, which can easily be detached from
the skin, is, in my opinion, a crust that has coalesced from
juxtaposed transformed hairs, which type I have also found in
whales.1 The inner skin is somewhat thicker than an oxhide,
very strong and white in color. Under both of these the whole
body of the animal is surrounded by a layer of fat or blubber1®
four fingerbreadths thick, after which comes the meat. The
weight of this animal with skin, fat, meat, bones, and entrails
I estimate at 1200 poods, or 480 long hundred-weights. The fat
of this animal is not oilyor flaccid, but somewhat hard and granu-
lar, snow-white and, when it has been lying a few days in the sun,
as agreeably yellow as the best Holland butter. The fat itself
when boiled surpasses in sweetness and taste the best beef fat;
when tried out, it is like fresh olive oil in color and liquidity and
like sweet almond oil in taste and is of such exceptionally good
flavor and nourishment that we drank it by the cupful without
experiencing the slightest nausea. In addition it has the virtue
that when taken somewhat often it acts as a very mild laxative
and diuretic, for which reason I consider it a good remedy against
protracted constipation as well as gallstone and retention of the
urine. The tail consists wholly of fat which is much more agree-
able even than that found on the other parts of the body. The
fat of the calves is entirely like the meat of young pigs; the meat
itself, however, like veal. It is boiled through in half an hour and
swells up to such an extent that it takes up twice as much space
as before. The meat of the old animals is not to be distinguished
166 These two sentences in the MS read: ‘‘ The individual bulbs of the
fibers are round underneath, and the upper crust can therefore easily
be detached from the true skin. In the skin itself, however, the acetabula
bulborum [cavities of the bulbs] remain and cause the surface of it to
appear like the top of a thimble. In my opinion the outer skin is con-
sequently a composite of many hairs into a continuum corpus crustae
[continuous crustal body].’’ See also, above, p. 230, footnote 153.
167 Instead of ‘‘by a layer of fat or blubber’’ the MS reads “‘by the
paniculus adiposus, i.e. a layer of fat.”
— —_—
THE SEA COW 235
from beef; but it has this remarkable property! that, even in
the hottest summer months and in the open air, it will keep for
two full weeks’and even longer without becoming offensive, in
spite of its being so defiled by the blowflies as to be covered with
worms all over. This property of the meat would seem to be
attributable in part to the diet of the animal. It also has a much
deeper red color than the meat of all other animals and almost
looks as if it had been reddened by saltpeter.16° All of us who had
partaken of it soon found out what a salutary food it was, as we
soon felt a marked improvement in strength and health; this
was the experience especially of those among the sailors who until
then had constant relapses of scurvy?”° and who until that time
had not been able to recover. With this sea cow meat we also
provisioned our vessel for the voyage—[a problem] that we
surely should not otherwise have known how to solve.!!
With regard to the internal structure of this wonderful creature
I refer the interested reader to my elaborate description of the
sea cow.!” Here I will only note briefly that the heart of this
animal is, contrary to the usual order, divided or double”
and that the pericardium does not surround it directly but forms
a distinct cavity; furthermore, that the lungs are enclosed in a
168 Instead of ‘‘but it has this remarkable property”’ the MS reads:
‘‘and it differs from the meat of all land and sea animals by this remark-
able property,”’ etc.
169 The equivalent of these two sentences reads in the MS: “‘I attribute
this to the diet of [sea]}weeds and the saltpeter salt commonly incor-
porated in them, from which also the meat itself acquires a more reddish
color than the meat of land animals and carnivorous sea animals.”’
170 ‘fof scurvy”’ is not in the MS.
171 This sentence reads in the MS: ‘‘On this account the doubts were
now also dismissed as to the kind of provisions with which we were to
go to sea; through sea animals it pleased God to strengthen us who had
come to grief through the sea.”’
172 Of the section of ‘‘De bestiis marinis’’ devoted to the sea cow (see
above, p. 226, footnote 135), pp. 309-318 deal with its internal structure
(German edition, pp. 71-88; English translation, pp. 190-195).
173 Instead of ‘‘divided or double’”’ the MS reads ‘‘divided into two
parts and consequently double.”’
236 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
strong tendinous membrane and are situated at the back, as in
birds, for which reason it [the sea cow] can remain longer under
water without drawing breath. In the third place it has no gall
bladder, but only a wide gall duct after the fashion of horses;
also its stomach and entrails have some similarity to the intes-
tines of a horse; and, finally, the kidneys, like those of [sea] calves
and [sea] bears, are composed of very many small kidneys, each
of which has its own ureter, pelvis, traps [?],!4and papillae, and
they weigh 30 pounds and are 2) feet long. From the head of
their manati the Spaniards are said to take out! a stone-hard
bone, which among druggists goes under the erroneous name of
lapis manatt. This I have vainly searched for in so many ani-
mals that I have come to think!” that our sea cow may be a
different kind of these animals.177 Moreover, it has caused me no
little wonder that, notwithstanding that I made careful inquiry
about all animals while in Kamchatka before my voyage and
never heard anything about the sea cow, nevertheless after my
return I obtained the information that this animal is known from
Cape Kronotski to Avacha Bay, and that it is occasionally
174 The MS has ‘‘Fallen,’’ plural of ‘‘Falle,’’ a trap; Pallas’ version
has ‘‘Fallklappe,’’ a trap board or trap door. There being no valves,
it is possible that Steller by ‘‘Fallen’’ meant the renal calyces. In his
‘‘De bestiis marinis,’’ p. 318, the word arteriola, little artery, takes its
place, and in a separate sentence the pelvis [renalis] is said to be “‘as in
the elephant.”’
175 Instead of ‘‘are said to take out”’ the MS reads “‘are in the habit of
taking out.”
176 The MS here has in addition ‘‘that the climate may be the cause
of it or”’ etc.
177 In the MS the sentence is concluded with ‘‘especially since the
inquiring Dampier mentions two kinds at the island of St. Ferdinand.”
The island is called John Fernando by Dampier: Juan Fernandez in the
South Pacific is meant. This statement of Steller’s rests apparently on
a mistaken remembrance of Dampier’s account, who (A New Voyage
Round the World, 3rd edit., London, 1698, p. 90; Masefield edit., 1906,
Vol. 1, p. 118) on the island of Juan Fernandez found, besides seals,
only the sea lion, but not the manatee. ’
BIRDS AND FISHES 237
thrown ashore dead. For lack of a special name the Kamcha-
dals!”8 have given it the name ‘‘ cabbage eater.’’1”9
[BIRDS AND FISHES]13?
The sea birds and the migratory birds that I had opportunity
to observe on Bering Island are almost the same as those one
meets with on the eastern coast of Kamchatka. However, a
special kind of large sea raven!*! with a callow white ring about
the eyes and red skin about the beak, which is never seen in
Kamchatka, occurs there but only on the rocks near Steller’s
Cave. Of rarer birds not seen on the Siberian coast I have met
with a special sea eagle!®2 with white head and tail [and] the white
sea raven}® (Pelec. Bassanus). It is impossible to reach the latter
because it only alights singly on the cliffs facing the sea; the
former nests on the highest rocks, and at the beginning of June
178 Instead of “‘the Kamchadals’”’ the MS reads “‘they.”’
179 ‘* Krautfresser’’ in the German; this is a translation of the Russian
kapustnik, cabbage eater, the sea cow being so called because of its
feeding on seaweeds, in Russian morskaya kapusta, or sea cabbage.
180 The source of this section is not known. Several of Steller’s manu-
script reports listed by Pekarskii deal with this topic (in Zapiski Imp.
Akad. Nauk, Suppl. 1, 1869, p. 26; No. 9, on birds; Nos. 7 and 8, on
fishes; in Istoriya Akademii Nauk, Vol. 1, St. Petersburg, 1870, pp.
614-615: No. 21, on plants, animals, birds, and fishes; Nos. 36 and 45,
on birds; Nos. 39, 42, and 43 on fishes).
181 The spectacled cormorant, Phalacrocorax perspicillatus Pallas,
extinct since about 1850. See Stejneger, U. S. Nail. Museum Bull. 20,
1885, pp. 180-181, and Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol. 6, 1883, p. 65,
and Vol. 12, 1889, pp. 83-88. (S)
182 Haliaeetus leucocephalus (Linnaeus). See Stejneger, U. S. Nail.
Museum Bull. 20, 1885, pp. 209-213, and Proc. U. S. Nail. Museum,
Vol. 6, 1883, pp. 65-67. The northwestern race of this bird indicated by
me (loc. cit.) has since received the subspecific name H. I. alascanus
Townsend. Steller describes this eagle also in his ‘‘Beschreibung von
dem Lande Kamtschatka,” 1774, pp. 193-194. (S)
183 See, above, footnote 244. As in the case there discussed the Latin
name had been added by Pallas, it is probable that “‘Pelec. Bassanus”’
here, too, is an addition by Pallas. The bird he had in mind is not
identifiable. (S)
238 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
they have young ones that are completely covered with white
down.
The sea in this region likewise has no fishes or other products
of the sea that do not occur in the waters laving the Kamchatkan
coasts.
[PLANTS] !*4
Of plants I was not able to find more than 211 species during
my ten months’ sojourn on this island although I spent the
greater part of a summer there and had to travel through all
parts of the island frequently. Among these there are over one
hundred that this island has in common not only with Siberia
but also with the mountain regions of Europe; the rest are like-
wise to be found practically in all of eastern Siberia, at least
on the mountains, or else about Okhotsk and in Kamchatka;
and among the latter there are several that Kamchatka has in
common with America and that, because they disappear towards
the interior of Siberia, seem to’ be of American origin. But at
Cape St. Elias I collected several plants that are to be met with
neither on this island nor on Kamchatka.* Of shrubs there are to
188 The source of this section is also not positively known. However,
unless it is a verbatim copy from some manuscript of Steller’s, it may be
permissible to conjecture that it was in part abstracted by Pallas from
Steller’s “‘Catalogus plantarum in insula Beringii observatarum 1742”
(see, above, p. 179, footnote 425). The plants enumerated in the present
section are listed in Steller’s “‘Catalogus,’’ and the number of species
there listed (218) agrees quite closely with the number here given (211).
Many of the edible plants and roots here enumerated are mentioned in
the passage in the MS journal quoted and annotated in footnote 425,
above.
* Of this type [there are known to me or there have come into my
hands (the verb is missing)] from Steller’s collection of plants especially
Mimulus luteus, Tiarella trifoliata, Heuchera, a prickly kind of Croton,
and several Potentillae. Plants that are common to Kamchatka and
North America and that seem to be of American origin are especially
the following: Trillium erectum, Helleborus trifolius, Claytonia, Sanguisorba
canadensis, Fumaria cucullaria, Pteris pedata, Polypodium fragrans,
Lycopodium rupestre, besides several other species partly not yet de-
scribed.—P. [Pallas, in separating out these categories, may also have
PLANTS 239
be found on the whole island only in that part where it is widest,
not far from the northern point, a few pointed-leaved alder
shrubs! that are able to rise above the ground; in the same
place wild roses!** are also to be found. Occasionally there are to
be found the small round-leaved birch!’ (Betula nana) in the
swamps, very small juniper bushes! on the hills, and equally
small mountain ash!8° (Sorbus aucuparia). Of low shrubs there
are the Kurile tea! (Potentilla fruiicosa), Labrador tea! or
Ledum, Andromeda _ polifolia, huckleberries,!% bearberries}%4
(Uva urst), cranberries! and crowberries!% (Empetrum), and the
yellow-flowered snow rose!” (Chamaerhododendros laurifolio, flore
flavo). Also blackberries? (Rubus arcticus) and yellow raspber-
ries! (Chamaemorus) and Cornus herbacea?® are there in abun-
dance, and of edible roots and plants the Kamchatkan sweet
grass2" (Sphondylium), whose root resembles parsnip and is as
used Steller’s manuscript ““Catalogus plantarum intra sex horas in
parte Americae septentrionalis iuxta promontorium Eliae observatarum
anno 1741 die 21 I[ulii sub gradu latitudinis 59’’ (see above, p. 58,
footnote 119).]
185 Betula ermanit Cham. (Footnotes 185 to 218 inclusive are by Dr.
Stejneger.)
186 Rosa cinnamomea L.
187 Betula nana L.
* 188 No juniper has been found on the island by later collectors. The
probability is that some ericaceous plant was mistaken for it.
189 Sorbus sambucifolia (Cham. et Schlecht.).
190 Potentilla fruticosa L. Not recorded from the island by later
collectors.
191 Tedum palustre L.
1922 The wild rosemary, Andromeda polifolia L.
193 Vaccinium uliginosum L.
194 Arctostaphylos arctica (L.).
198 Upland cranberries, Vaccinium vitis idaea L.
196 Empetrum nigrum L.
197 Rhododendron chrysanthum Pallas.
198 Rubus stellatus Smith.
199 Rubus chamaemorus L.
200 Cornus suecica L.
201 Heracleum lanatum Michx. See also, above, p. 45, footnote 78.
240 DESCRIPTION OF BERING ISLAND
eatable as the stalk; a species of Angelica,2 which in Kamchatka
is called kutakhshu; Ulmaria,2™ used in Kamchatka under the
name of shalamai; the Kamchatkan brown lily;2 the Alpine
bistort2% (Polygonum viviparum); the purple fireweed2% (Epilo-
bium angustifolium); wormwood;?” the common goose grass;?%
sorrel ;2 and a species of celery.24° Of herbs we used for salads
there were Pulmonaria mariltima,~! watercress, Cochlearia
danica,22 beccabunga,”*3 and several cardamines.244 Instead of
tea we made an infusion with cranberry leaves,” with Pyrola,”
with a special large-flowered speedwell,?!” and with Kurile tea#4’—
so that we lacked nothing for the bare maintenance of our health;
and for fuel enough wood drifts ashore even if it cannot grow on
the island itself.
[ConcLusIon ]229
Not without the keenest realization of the miraculous and
loving guidance of God did we all leave this island; and surely we
202 Coelopleurum gmelini (D. C.). See also, above, footnote 425, under
(d). Also discussed by Steller in his “Beschreibung von dem Lande
Kamtschatka,”’ 1774, p. 88.
203 Filipendula kamtschatica (Pallas).
204 Fritillaria kamtschatcensis (L.).
205 Polygonum viviparum L.
206 Epilobium angustifolium L.
207 Artemisia vulgaris L.
208 Potentilla anserina L.
209 Rumex arcticus Trautv.
210 Conioselinum kamtschaticum Rupr.
211 Mertensia maritima (L.). See also, above, footnote 425, under (e).
212 ‘‘Brunnenkresse, die Cochlearia danica,’’ probably meant for the
same plant (C. officinalis L.), as the true Brunnenkresse, Nasturtium
officinale, is not found on the island. In 1882 I collected Nasturtium
palustre (Leysser) at Komandor, near Bering’s grave.
213 Veronica americana Schwein.
24 Cardamine pratensis L. and hirsuta L.
215 See, immediately above, footnote 195.
218 Pyrola minor L. See also, above, footnote 425, under (i).
217 Veronica aphylla L. var. grandiflora (Gartn.).
218 See, immediately above, footnote 190.
29 This concluding paragraph is probably based on the passage in the
MS quoted above, p. 184, footnote 450.
CONCLUSION 241
could be all the more thankful not only for our rescue from the
most imminent perils of the sea but also for our preservation on
this barren island in view of our miserable arrival there in No-
vember, 1741, and the wonderful manner in which Providence
nourished us there not only but strengthened us greatly also and
in spite of the prodigious labor made us increasingly well and
hardened us more and more.
APPENDIX B
STELLER’S LETTER TO GMELIN ABOUT
THE VOYAGE!
Honored and Respected Doctor, Esieemed Friend and Patron:
Your Highness’ last letter from Krasnoyarsk I received at
Bolshaya River, Kamchatka, in September, 1742, and was glad
to learn from it of Your Highness’ health and recall to St. Peters-
1 Published in the original German in: Joannis Georgii Gmelini . ‘
Reliquias quae supersunt commercii epistolici cum Carolo Linnaeo,
Alberto Hallero, Guilielmo Stellero et al., Floram Gmelini sibiricam
ejusque Iter sibiricum potissimum concernentis, ex mandato et sumtibus
Academiae scientiarum Caesareae Petropolitanae publicandas curavit
Dr. Guil. Henr. Theodor Plieninger, Stuttgart, 1861, pp. 181-185, with
facsimile of beginning and end of letter (the latter reproduced in our
Fig. 30).
The letter is reprinted from the above in Otto Gmelin, edit.: Johann
Georg Gmelin, 1709-1755, der Erforscher Sibiriens: Ein Gedenkbuch,
Munich, I91I, pp. 128-132.
Johann Georg Gmelin (1709-1755), who had come in 1727 from his
native Tiibingen to St. Petersburg and became in 1731 professor of
chemistry and natural history at the newly founded St. Petersburg
Academy of Sciences, was one of the three scientists originally appointed
to join Bering’s second expedition, the other two being the historian
Gerhard Friedrich Miiller and the astronomer Louis Delisle de la Croyére
(see Vol. 1, p. 32). The scientists began their journey in August, 1733,
and in the next four years Gmelin explored the Irtysh and Ob region,
Transbaikalia to the Chinese frontier at Kyakhta, and the Lena valley
down to Yakutsk. The plan was to continue to Kamchatka. But news
arrived that the authorities might not be able to provide sufficient pro-
visions. Hence Gmelin, who was discouraged by the passive resistance
to which the scientists had constantly been subjected by the local
Siberian officials, considered abandoning the journey to Kamchatka. He
retraced his steps up the Lena, went to Irkutsk to try to get the officials
to act, but, failing in this, he continued down the Angara and Upper
Tunguska to Yeniseisk. It was here that Steller, who had been appointed
as his assistant in natural history, joined him in January, 1739 (see above, ~
p. 2). Steller’s voluntary offer and zeal to undertake the investigation
THE AMERICAN VOYAGE 243
burg,? on which I extend hearty congratulations and can wish
nothing better than to see Your Highness there soon.
On the American voyage that I undertook I have been more
than abundantly penalized for my curiosity and hardly escaped
with my life, but nothing hurt and distressed me more than to
have had the most excellent opportunities for being able to
accomplish something worth while and not to have been per-
mitted to make use of them owing to the lazy and pompous
conduct of the officers Waxel and Khitrov, who played nothing
short of a tragedy, which opened airily and joyfully and ended
mournfully with the wreck of our ship on an unknown and un-
inhabited island. We landed on the island on November 6, 1742.3
Thirty‘ of our party died miserable and pitiable deaths, among
them the Captain Commander, who died miserably under the
open sky on December 8, almost eaten up by lice. Had my pro-
posal been accepted, based, as it was, on accurate and carefully
collected information in Kamchatka, we should, on the second
of Kamchatka, which was part of the task allotted to the scientists,
and his obvious competence and fitness, removed a great burden from
Gmelin’s mind. He decided to leave this work to Steller and to request
permission to return to St. Petersburg. This was granted. The return
journey consumed three years, as on it Gmelin continued his investiga-
tions. It included the descent of the Yenisei to Turukhansk near the
Arctic Circle, the crossing of the Baraba Steppe between the upper
Irtysh and the upper Ob, a study of the Caspian region, and a detailed
investigation of the mineral districts of the Urals. He reached St. Peters-
burg in February, 1742 (Robert Gradmann, prefatory life of Gmelin in
Otto Gmelin, op. cit., pp. 7-II).
Gmelin’s main contributions were in the field of botany. His main
work, which contains many geographical and phytogeographical observa-
tions, is ‘“‘Flora sibirica,’’ 4 vols., St. Petersburg, 1747-69. His travels
were described in his ‘“‘ Reise durch Sibirien,’’ 4 vols., G6ttingen, 1751-52.
2 As the preceding footnote shows, Gmelin’s recall was solicited. It
came as a great relief to him.
3 This should, of course, be 1741.
4 This count tallies with Steller’s statement in his journal (above, p.
154) but not with Waxel’s official list (Vol. 1, pp. 281 -282; but see there
p. 282, footnote 6).
'
244 LETTER TO GMELIN
day after our departure, have found the islands in the Channel
between Kamchatka and America, which is not over forty miles
due east of the mouth of the Kamchatka River. But as the
exalted spirit of the navigators would not listen to reason and
they first wanted to locate Company Land and wanted to find
America outside of the Channel, we found it, to be sure, but five
hundred Dutch miles from Avacha, whence we had sailed, in
latitude 59°, after having roamed about the sea for over seven
weeks and run all the time under and along the land. On a
northerly course any day within twenty-four hours we could have
reached land, which I constantly suspected from innumerable
signs at sea and [which procedure] was repeatedly but in vain sug-
gested by me as well as others. I was not a little astonished at the
behavior of the Captain Commander, who was ever eager to go
home but allowed neither me nor any one else to do anything
worth while. What I did, I did alone at the risk of my life and
without any assistance, although this constituted the most im-
portant part of their discoveries, for which, into the bargain, they
wanted to deny me the credit and which they wanted to claim
for themselves.
Especially is it worthy of note how we lived and sustained
ourselves through the winter on the island on which we were
wrecked, how we built a vessel in the spring and were delivered
from the island. The island is twenty miles from the mouth of
the Kamchatka River and sixty from the port of Avacha. With
Mr. Plenisner® I built the first hut, [making use] of driftwood for
lack of forests, established a colony, and placed all of us on an
orderly footing; this was copied by the others, and in this manner
forty-six’? of us spent the winter in five huts. We lived on sea
5 See, above, p. 73, footnote 149, and Fig. 14.
6 Plenisner in the baggage allotment list (Vol. 1, p. 235) is listed as
““Corporal of Okhotsk Harbor.’’ Steller (above, p. 21) calls him sur-
veyor. He was a compatriot of Steller’s (see above, p. 148, footnote 337)
and seems to have accompanied him on most of his hunting and exploring
expeditions.
7 The list of survivors as given in Khitrov’s version of the log book
(Vol. I, p. 235) contains forty-five names.
SEA ANIMALS 245
otters or bosop,’ sea lions or stbucha,? sea bears or kot,!° as Dam-
pier calls them, sea dogs," sea cows or manati, all kinds of sea
birds and plants. We brought back nine hundred sea otter skins,
of which I alone received eighty as my share. These animals
and their characteristics I have described” in such a manner
that it will be impossible to add anything, because, so to speak,
we had constant intercourse with them, at all times and of all
ages. I only regret that I was not able to make real anatomical
observations; these were impossible in our dark underground huts
and, without adequate assistance, because of the size of these
animals.
The Channel between Kamchatka and America is not over
forty to fifty miles in width and full of islands on which such an
abundance of sea animals is to be met with that from them the
costs of the most expensive expedition could be regained without
much trouble in a few years. These sea animals live on the
islands in large numbers and in security just like land animals,
because since the beginning of the world they have never seen a
human being or been disturbed. I would not exchange the ex-
perience of nature that I acquired on this miserable voyage for
a large capital, and I regret that, owing to the lack of a ship, I
was not able to bring to Kamchatka my collections, rare skele-
tons, and skins [exuvia]. For my part I did not spend an idle
moment: I refer Your Highness to my detailed description of the
8 This may be a misreading of Steller’s handwriting, as the Russian
word for sea otter is bobr.
9 The word is written in Russian sivuch.
10 Strictly morskoi kot, sea cat, i.e. the fur seal. Dampier (work cited
in Appendix A above, p. 229, footnote 145) nowhere calls the fur seal
kot, although he discusses seals in various passages. Probably in copying
Steller’s letter this phrase became displaced from its original position.
It probably read “‘sea bears or kot, sea dogs, sea cows or manati, as
Dampier calls them.’’ This would correspond to the facts (see, above,
p. 229, footnote 145).
11 i.e. seals.
12 In Steller’s ‘‘De bestiis marinis’’ (see, above, Appendix A, p. 222,
asterisk footnote preceding footnote 123).
246 LETTER TO GMELIN
voyage,!8 which I will despatch from here in the spring of 1743.
Just now I am sending a small portion of the seeds collected in
America that I was able to save from spoiling; the remainder
I will forward in the spring of 1743, together with the plants
and other noteworthy objects, of which Your Highness shall have
your share. I have christened a new genus of plants in America
with your most worthy name and called it Gmelina in order to
regain your eternal friendship! by means of a scientific god-
fathership. If, however, by a hard and inevitable fate I am
consigned to be an anonymous one of your friends or a pseudo-
friend I should feel it all the more keenly as I see Linnaeus in
his “Critica botanica’’ quite rightly taking strong exception
to the matter.% When Fortune shall deliver me into your hands
you will learn from me the whole secret, my rashness, and my
innocence; and, although the mistake I committed was against
my will, yet, in keeping with my regard for Your Highness and
your merits, I will most gladly concede whatever reparation you
may claim. In the meantime the assurance of a pardon would
give me great peace of mind and promote my affairs.
I should also like to report that Professor Fischer has not yet
13 j.e. the journal which forms the main part of the present volume.
14 Tt seems that relations between Gmelin and Steller had been strained
for a time because Steller sent his reports directly to St. Petersburg
instead of to Gmelin, to whom he had been assigned as assistant (Otto
Gmelin, op. cit., p. 130, second footnote). (J)
The genus named Gmelina by Steller is now called Lagotis Gartner and
the species he collected, Lagotis glauca var. gmelini (Cham. et Schlecht.).
It is described by him in one of the five manuscript documents in Latin
referred to above, p. 58, footnote 119, namely as the first entry in the “ De-
scriptiones L. plantarum rariorum in insula Beringi 1742 observatarum
una cum catalogo plantarum omnium in dicta insula obviarum”’ (see
Bibliography below, p. 254). (S)
Linné, however, as he states in a letter to Gmelin dated April 4, 1744
(Otto Gmelin, op. cit., p. 137, and Plieninger edit., p. 19), in the second
edition of his ‘‘Genera plantarum,’’ Leyden, 1742, had bestowed the
generic name Gmelina upon Gmelina asiatica L., and Steller’s American
Gmelina therefore had to withdraw before Linné’s Asiatic genus. (J)
18 The “Critica botanica’’ was published at Leyden in 1737.
A STUDENT ASSISTANT 247
arrived?* and that I shall not detain the artist Berkhan, unless
unavoidable necessity and the interest of the Academy force me
to do so, should I be obliged to wait longer for the same
[Fischer (?)] than there is work for me and him [Berckhan (?)]
to do at the Sea of Penzhina.
The excerpt on marine plants from Ray’s “‘Synopsis’’!8
which was sent from Krasnoyarsk on February 28, 1740, I have
not yet received and am eagerly waiting for it.
That the student Gorlanov?® was in great need, as he wrote to
Your Highness as well as to Professor Miiller, is a gross lie, and
I assure Your Highness that all my affairs are in the best of
order and regularity and that no one in my party can complain
of being in want, notwithstanding the fact that we received our
first [allowance of] provisions from the general fund only in 1742.
Never before has Gorlanov had a year’s pay on hand at the end
of the year, as he has now, never before has he been out of debt
as now, and never before has he had such good clothes and linen
as now. But he surely deserves no credit for this. That he may
at times be short of brandy, I admit willingly that I am the
cause of that; and most diligently so. How clear my conscience
is and how justified my diligence is apparent from the fact that
when I unexpectedly found a copy of that letter at his quarters
[bei ihm] I did not even deign to call to account this imprudent
1% Johann Eberhard Fischer (1697-1771) replaced G. F. Miiller as
historian on the Siberian expedition, when Miiller, who with Gmelin
had asked to be relieved, returned to Russia. Fischer’s appointment
dated from May,1738, and was confirmed by the Senate in March, 1739,
whereupon Fischer set out upon his journey (Pekarskii, Istoriya Akademii
Nauk, Vol. 1, St. Petersburg, 1870, pp. 617-618).
17 Johann Christian Berckhan was one of the artists assigned to the
expedition. His zealous and accurate work in depicting the plants and
animals found on the expedition led, on his return, to his appointment as
an adjunct, or assistant, of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences
(preface to J. G. Gmelin’s ‘‘Flora sibirica,’’ as reprinted in Otto Gmelin,
op. cit., pp. 66-67).
18 Probably John Ray: Synopsis methodica stirpium britannicarum,
London, 1690 (2nd edit., 1696; 3rd edit., 1724), is meant. (S)
19 Gorlanov was a student assistant.
248 LETTER TO GMELIN
person but admonished him to report only the truth about my
whole behavior. I yield to none in [the protection of] the honor
of my institution, my services, or the welfare of the general fund,?°
ater fe Fe ght fe PAR ae db Mer
Libre , NI IH}, ww abe Oe
pe tot
Gray wilhtin Cpelunr
Fic. 30—Facsimile of Steller’s handwriting, constituting the end of his
letter to Gmelin of November 4, 1742. (From Plieninger, Reliquiae . e e
commercii epistolici, Stuttgart, 1861.)
and on my return I regard it as my greatest riches that I shall
leave behind in Siberia neither sighs, nor debts, nor a bad reputa-
tion, nor accusations.
May I beg Your Highness to be good enough to see to it that
I at least receive from the chancellery of the Academy an assur-
ance as to whether they received my reports and collections.
To date I do not know whether they got a single one from me,
20 This passage in German reads: “‘ich vergebe weder der Ehre meines
Collegii, meiner Dienste, noch dem Interesse der Cassa das Geringste.”
21 It is difficult to identify these. The Academy received a report from
Irkutsk dated February 13, 1740, and two reports from Kirensk Post
dated April 30, 1740 (Pekarskii, Zapiski Imp. Akad. Nauk, Vol. 15,
FUTURE PLANS 249
although I have already sent five. This winter I will have clean
copies made of all my observations and will send them in the
spring. In the summer I intend to go to Lower Kamchatka Post
and in the [following] winter to Anadyrsk. Should I, however,
be recalled I should be quite content also. My field notes I will
send in the rough because I have neither the time nor the skill
of a formal historiographer, nor, moreover, is that my function.
Mr. Plenisner has been recalled and is spending the winter with
me at Bolshaya River. He is a great fur temporis [thief of time].
He and Mr. Berkhan wish to be remembered kindly to Your
Highness. Also please give my kindest regards to Professor
Miiller,22 Dr. Amman,” Mr. Delisle,24 and Secretary Fedrowiz.*
I ask again most earnestly for your gracious favor and a word
from you, especially about matters that concern me.
With hearty good wishes to Your Highness for all possible
health and pleasure, I remain,
Your Highness’ most humble servant,
GEORG WILHELM STELLER
Bolshaya River
Nov. 4, 1742°6
Suppl. No. 1, 1860, p. 28). Steller sent to Gmelin for transmission to the
Senate a report and some plants from Okhotsk on August 20, 1740
(Plieninger, Reliquiae . . . commercii epistolici, 1861, p. 173). In
his report to the Senate of November 16, 1742, Steller mentions (Pekar-
skii, op. cit., p. 13) that he had sent a report to the same body on March
31, 1741, from Bolsheretsk. Some of these reports may be among those
here referred to.
2G. KF. Miiller. See, above, this appendix, footnote I.
23 Johann Amman (1707-1741), member of the St. Petersburg Academy
and professor of botany.
24 Joseph Nicolas Delisle. See Vol. 1, p. 32, and the present volume,
p. 70, footnote 148.
2s This person cannot be identified. As he is not mentioned in Pekarskii,
Istoriya Akademii Nauk, Vol. 1, St. Petersburg, 1870, no secretary of
the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences seems to be meant.
* The letter was received by Gmelin on October 29, 1743. Gmelin
was by that time in St. Petersburg.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Biographical Material on Steller
STOLLER, AUGUSTIN. [Life of Steller.] Ergétzungen der Verniinfligen Seele
aus der Sittenlehre und der Gelehrsamkeit Uberhaupt, Vol. 5, No. 1,
Leipzig, 1747 or 1748. [This biographical sketch by Steller’s brother
(the name was originally spelled Stdller) is reliable for the period to
Steller’s departure for Russia but not for his subsequent activities,
partly because it was written before authentic news of Steller’s last
movements had reached Germany. This sketch was reprinted or
copied in contemporary German newspapers and periodicals, thus in
the Hamburgische Correspondent, Nos. 199-202, the Frankfurtische
Zeitung, and the Beytrige zur Historie der Gelahrtheit (see below).]
Geschichte des Herrn Georg Wilh. Stéller, der Russisch-Kayserl. Acade-
mie der Wissenschaften zu St. Petersburg Adjuncti und Mitgliedes.
Beytrége zur Historie der Gelahrtheit Worinnen die Geschichte der Ge-
lehrten Unserer Zeiten Beschrieben Werden, Hamburg, Vol. 1, 1748,
pp. 111-124. [Reprinted from Augustin Stdller’s biographical sketch
of his brother; see above.]
Leben Herrn Georg Wilhelm Stellers, gewesnen Adjuncti der Kayserl.
Academie der Wissenschaften zu St. Petersburg, worin die bisher be-
kanntgemachten Nachrichten von dessen Reisen, Entdeckungen und
Tode theils widerlegt, theils ergantzt und verbessert werden. Frank-
fort, 1748. 38 pp. [Although the authorship of this book is attributed
to Johann Georg Gmelin by contemporary and other sources, there is
at least grave doubt as to this from internal evidence, according to a
note in Otto Gmelin, edit.: Johann Georg Gmelin, Munich, I91I, p.
145. Copies are rare: there is one in the Prussian State (formerly
Royal) Library in Berlin and one in the Kiel University library. There
is a Russian translation in the library of the St. Petersburg Academy
of Sciences (Pekarskii, Istoriya Akademii Nauk, Vol. 1, p. 587), Manu-
script Division, under the archival designation No. 17.8.8.]
GMELIN, JOHANN GEorG. [Two passages dealing with Steller in his]
“Flora sibirica,’’ 4 vols., St. Petersburg, 1747-69, and ‘‘ Reise durch
Sibirien,’’ 4 vols. in two, Géttingen, 1751-52. [Both passages easily
accessible in Otto Gmelin, edit.: Johann Georg Gmelin, Munich, ro11,
pp. 68-71 and 114-117 respectively.]
REICHARD, , transl. Die heutige Historie, oder der gegenwartige
Staat aller Nationen in Europa (translated from the English of H.
Salmon and H. von Hoch), Altona and Leipzig, 1752. [Pp. 574-578
252 BIBLIOGRAPHY
deal with the life of Steller. Reichard, who was a pupil of Steller’s at
the University of Halle, corrects errors in Augustin Stdller’s account
(see above) but is himself inaccurate as to the circumstances under
which Steller died.]
S[CHERER], J. B. Leben Herrn Georg Wilhelm Stellers, gewesenen Mit-
gliedes und Adjuncti der Russisch-Kayserlichen Academie der Wissen-
schaften. In G. W. Steller: Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka,
dessen Einwohnern, deren Sitten, Nahmen, Lebensart und verschie-
denen Gewohnheiten, herausgegeben von J. B. S[cherer], Frankfort
and Leipzig, 1774, pre-pp. I-24. [This is an uncritical and discursive
account, unreliable in many details. Beckmann states (Physikalisch-
6konomische Bibliothek, Vol. 6, 1775, Pp. 192) that the author was
Scherer, who had lived several years prior to 1774 in St. Petersburg
and been in touch with Professor J. E. Fischer (see above p. 247,
footnote 16) and others who knew Steller. It was mainly to rectify the
errors in this account that Pallas wrote the letter listed in the after-
next entry.]
BECKMANN, JOHANN. [Review of Steller’s ‘‘ Beschreibung von dem Lande
Kamtschatka,’’ Frankfort and Leipzig, 1774.] Physikalisch-
6konomische Bibliothek, Worinn von den Neuesten Biichern, Welche die
Naturgeschichte, Naturlehre, und die Land-und Stadtwirthschaft Betreffen,
Zuverlissige und Vollstindige Nachrichten Ertheilet Werden, von Johann
Beckmann, Gottingen, Vol. 6, 1775, pp. 191-202. [On pp. 193-196 are
given certain details about Steller’s life and the manner of his death,
to correct misstatements in Scherer’s life of Steller (see above).]
[PaLLas, P. S.] Zuverlassige Nachrichten von den letzten Schicksalen
desHerrn Georg Wilhelm Steller. Physikalisch-Gkonomische Bibliothek
. von Johann Beckmann, Gottingen, Vol. 8, 1777, DP. 453-464.
[Additional details on Steller’s life and last days called forth by the re-
view of Steller’s ‘‘Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka’”’ (see
above) and sent to Beckmann by Pallas in a letter dated July 27, 1777.
The letter contains a transcript of Steller’s testament (pp. 461-463),
which he gave Professor J. E. Fischer near Solikamsk when he was
ordered to return to Irkutsk and report for trial (see, above, p. 4). This
is the note to which Pallas refers in his preface to Steller’s description of
Bering Island (see, above, p. 189, footnote 1).]
[Scattered references to Steller in:] ‘“‘Allegemeine Historie der Reisen zu
Wasser und Lande,” Leipzig, Vol. 19, about 1772, p. 79; A. F. Bisching’s
Wéchentliche Nachrichten, 1774, No. 21, pp. 163-167, and No. 24, pp.
185-187; Allgemeine Deutsche Bibliothek, Berlin and Stettin, Vol. 25,
1775, PP- 537-543:
PEKARSKI, PETR. [Biography of] Georg Wilhelm Steller, naturalist.
In his ‘“‘Istoriya Imperatorskoi Akademii Nauk v Peterburgye,”
Vol. 1, Division of Russian Language and Literature of the Imperial
STELLER’S WORKS 253
Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg, 1870, pp. 587-616. [This is the
best study of Steller. It is based on the sources; these are discussed
critically on pp. 587—588.]
Steller’s Works
(Steller wrote numerous botanical, zodlogical, and other
reports during the expedition. Some of these he sent to St.
Petersburg, some were transmitted to the authorities there by
others after his death, some never reached their destination. At
the present day it is therefore difficult to reconstruct a list of
them, still more so to indicate their whereabouts. Those that
were published are listed below under (0); those in manuscript
form whose location is known are listed immediately below,
under (a). As regards the large remainder, several references
afford a clue to their identity: (1) list of the reports sent to
the Senate by Steller with his communication of July 12, 1743
(Pekarskii, Zapiski Imp. Akad. Nauk, Vol. 15, Suppl. No. 1,
1869, p. 26), a number of which could not be located when an
investigation was made in 1746 (ibid., p. 26); (2) list by Krash-
eninnikov of reports by Steller transmitted to the Academy of
Sciences by the painter Berckhan after Steller’s death (Pekarskii,
Istoriya Akademii Nauk, Vol. 1, 1870, pp. 613-616); (3) reports
mentioned in the biographies of Steller in Beytraége zur Historie
der Gelahrtheit, Vol. 1, 1748, p. 120, and in “‘ Beschreibung von
dem Lande Kamtschatka,’’ 1774, pre-p. 20 (the latter probably
taken by Scherer from the former or its equivalent). Several of
Steller’s zodlogical reports, including the “‘ Ornithologia sibirica’”’
and the ‘“‘Ichthyologia sibirica’’ were in Pallas’ hands in 1777,
so he tells us (Physikalisch-6konomische Bibliothek von Johann
Beckmann, Vol. 8, 1777, pp. 459-460). He likewise says that
J. G. Gmelin had utilized the botanical reports. Pallas himself
incorporated statements from Steller’s reports, as indicated by
numerous passages in his “‘ZoGgraphia rosso-asiatica,’’ I81I-
1831; likewise Krasheninnikov in his ‘‘ Histoire et description
du Kamtchatka,’’ 1770.
(a) Manuscript
II. Zweyte auf Russisch hohen Kayserlichen Befehl unternommene
Kamtschatzkische Expedition, das ist Beschreibung der Reise des
Hn. Capitain Commendeur Behrings welche zur Untersuchung der
von Kamtschatka Nord Ostlich gelegenen Lander angestellet, auch
derjenigen Insuln worauf an Land zu gehen Gelegenheit gehabt und
wo wir 1742 iiberwintert. Dabey nebst unsern Schicksaalen die
darauf befindlichen Subjecta des 3. fachen Natur Reiches recensiret
254 BIBLIOGRAPHY
werden. Von Georg Wilhelm Steller, Adjuncto Historiae Naturalis
Academiae Scientarum Petrop. 1743. Title page and III pages.
Archives of the Academy of Sciences, Petrograd. [This is the MS copy
of the journal located in 1917 and used in the present translation in
comparison with the published version. Photostat copies are in the
Library of Congress, Washington, D. C., and the libraries of the Uni-
versity of Washington, Seattle, Wash., and the American Geographical
Society.]
[Translation from German into Russian of Steller’s journal of his voyage
from Kamchatka to America.] 87 pp. Archives of the Academy of
Sciences, Petrograd, Manuscript Division, No. 120.32.13.13. [This
translation, by V. Lebedev, is referred to by Pekarskii, Istoriya Aka-
demii Nauk, Vol. 1, p. 597. It is also listed in Golder’s ‘‘Guide to
Materials for American History in Russian Archives,” p. 147, and
Dall and Baker’s ‘‘ Partial List of Charts, Maps, and Publications
Relating to Alaska,”’ p. 352. The Russian translation used by Pallas
to replace pages missing from the German original (see above, p. viii
and asterisk footnotes on pp. 63 and 110) may have been this document
or a copy from it.]
Catalogus plantarum intra sex horas in parte Americae septentrionalis
iuxta promontorium Eliae observatarum anno 1741 die 21 Iulii sub
gradu latitudinis 590. 11 pp. Academy of Sciences, Petrograd, Arkhiv
Konferentsia, Bundle 13C, No. 5Q. [Photostat copies in the Library
of Congress and the American Geographical Society.]
Catalogus plantarum in insula Beringii observatarum 1742. 18 pp.
Academy of Sciences, Petrograd, Arkhiv Konferentsia, Bundle 13C,
No. 4Q. [Reprinted in Fedtschenko, Flore des Tles du Commandeur,
1906, pp. 23-29. Photostat copies in the Library of Congress and the
American Geographical Society.]
Descriptiones L. plantarum rariorum in insula Beringi 1742 observatarum
una cum catalogo plantarum omnium in dicta insula obviarum, autore
Georgio Wilhelmo Stellero, Academiae Scientiarum Petropolitanae
Adjuncto. 76 pp. Academy of Sciences, Petrograd, Arkhiv Konferent-
sia, Bundle 13C, No. 8Q. [Photostat copies in the Library of Congress
and the American Geographical Society.]
Mantissa plantarum minus aut plane incognitarum. 14 pp. Academy of
Sciences, Petrograd, Arkhiv Konferentsia, Bundle 13C, No. 6Q.
[Photostat copies in the Library of Congress and the American Geo-
graphical Society.]
Catalogus seminum anno1741 in America septentrionali sub gradu lati-
tudinis 59 & 55 collectorum quorum dimidia pars d. 17 Nov. 1742
transmissa. 7 pp. Academy of Sciences, Petrograd, Arkhiv Kon-
ferentsia, Bundle 13C, No. 7Q. [Photostat copies in the Library of
Congress and the American Geographical Society.]
ee
STELLER’S WORKS 255
(b) Published
STELLER, G. W. De bestiis marinis. Novi Commentarit Academiae Sci-
entiarum Imperialis Petropolitanae, Vol. 2 for 1749, St. Petersburg,
1751, pp. 289-398, with Pls. 15 and 16.
STELLER, G. W. Georg Wilhelm Steller’s ausfiihrliche Beschreibung von
sonderbaren Meerthieren, mit Erlauterungen und néthigen Kupfern
versehen. Halle, 1753. 218 pp. [A German translation of the ‘‘De
bestiis marinis.’’ Only pp. 41-208 constitute this translation. After a
“‘Vorbericht dieser Ausgabe’’ and “Inhalt dieser Ausgabe’”’ without
pagination, pp. I-35 are occupied by “Zur Einleitung: Anatomie eines
Meerkalbes, von Johann Adam Kulmus, in Actis Nat. Cur. Vol. I.
Obs. 5;’’ pp. 36-40 by ‘‘Auszug der kayserlichen Academie zu Peters-
burg von G. W. Stellers Beschreibung sonderbarer Meerthiere,”’ a
prefatory summary of Steller’s work; pp. 208-218 by ‘‘Anhang: Er-
fahrungen vom Meereinhorn, Narhual.’’]
MILLER, WALTER, and J. E. MILLER, transls. The Beasts of the Sea, by
George William Steller. In: The Fur Seals and Fur-Seal Islands
of the North Pacific Ocean, by D. S. Jordan and associates, Vol. 3,
Washington, 1899, pp. 179-218. [‘‘A translation of those parts of
Steller’s report which treat of [zodgeography, pp. 289-293], the manatee
or sea cow (Vol. II, pp. 289 [294]—330), and the natural history of the
sea bear (fur seal) (pp. 346-359), sea lion (pp. 361-366), and sea otter
(pp. 382-398). The measurements and descriptions of the last three
are omitted’’ (translators’ preface, p. 179).]
STELLER, G. W. G. W. Stellers vormaligen Adjunkts bey der Kaiserl.
Akademie der Wissenschaften Tagebuch seiner Seereise aus dem
Petripauls Hafen in Kamtschatka bis an die westlichen Kiisten von
Amerika und seiner Begebenheiten auf der Riickreise. Neue Nordische
Beytrége zur Physikalischen und Geographischen Erd- und V6lker-
beschreibung, Naturgeschichte, und Oekonomie, St. Petersburg and Leip-
zig, Vol. 5, 1793, pp. 129-236, and Vol. 6, 1793, pp. I-26 (second title
page reads Neueste Nordische Beytrége, etc., Vols. 1 and 2 respectively).
[P. 129 is the title page, p. 130 is blank, and pp. 131-132 are occupied
by Pallas’ preface; Steller’s words begin on p. 133. Translated in the
present work, pp. 9—-187.]
STELLER, G. W. G. W. Steller’s ehemal, Adjunkts der kays. Akademie
der Wissenschaften zu St. Petersburg Reise von Kamtschatka nach
Amerika mit dem Commandeur-Capitén Bering. Ein Pendant zu
dessen Beschreibung von Kamtschatka. St. Petersburg, 1793. 133 pp.
[The journal issued in book form from the type in Neue Nordische
Beytraége, Vols. 5 and 6. Except for slightly different running heads the
pages in the periodical version and the book form coincide exactly as
far as and including N.N.B., Vol. 5, p. 235, and book form p. 107.
256 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Page 108 in the book contains the matter on p. 236 of Vol. 5 and all
but the last seven lines of Vol. 6, p. 1. Thence this discrepancy is as
follows: p. 111 four lines short of p. 4; p. 112 three lines short of p. 5;
pp. 113-121 two lines short of pp. 6-14; p. 122 three lines short of p.
I5; pp. 123-132 two lines short of pp. 16-25; p. 133 two lines in excess
of p. 26. The title page of the periodical version serves as the half title
of the book.]
Coxe, WILLIAM, transl. Steller’s journal of Beering’s voyage of discovery
from Kamtchatka to the coast of America in 1741. In his ‘* Account
of the Russian Discoveries between Asia and America,’’ 4th edit.,
London, 1803, octavo impression, pp. 30—93; quarto impression, pp.
24-72. [See above, pp. ix—x, footnote 8.]}
STELLER, G. W. Topographische und physikalische Beschreibung der
Beringsinsel, welche im ostlichen Weltmeer an der Kiiste von Kam-
tschatka liegt. Neue Nordische Beytrége zur Physikalischen und Geo-
graphischen Erd- und V 6lkerbeschreibung, Naturgeschichte, und Oekono-
mie, St. Petersburg and Leipzig, Vol. 2, 1781, pp. 255-301. [Pp. 189-
190 and part of I91 are occupied by Pallas’ preface; Steller’s words
begin on p. 191. Translated above, pp. 189-241. See there also foot-
notes I and 2, pp. 189—191.]
STELLER, G. W. Georg Wilhelm Stellers gewesenen Adjuncto [sic] und
Mitglieds der Kayserl. Academie der Wissenschaften zu St. Petersburg
Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka, dessen Einwohnern, deren
Sitten, Nahmen, Lebensart und verschiedenen Gewohnheiten, heraus-
gegeben von J. B. S[cherer]. Frankfort and Leipzig, 1774. [viii]-+28
+384+72 pp. [As to the identity of the editor as here indicated see
above, p. ix, end of footnote 4 and footnote 5.]
STELLER, G. W. Steller’s Briefe [an J. G. Gmelin]: I, [von] Irkutsk, ro.
Mai 1739; II, [von Irkutsk], 17. Nov. 1739; III, [von] Ochotsk, 20. Aug.
1740; IV, [von] Bolschaja Reka, 1. Marz 1741; V, [von] Bolschaja
Reka, 4. Nov. 1742. In: Joannis Georgii Gmelini . . . Reliquias
quae supersunt commercii epistolici cum Carolo Linnaeo, Alberto
Hallero, Guilielmo Stellero et al., Floram Gmelini sibiricam ejusque
Iter sibiricum potissimum concernentis, ex mandato et sumtibus
Academiae scientiarum Caesareae Petropolitanae publicandas curavit
Dr. Guil. Henr. Theodor Plieninger, Stuttgart, 1861, pp. 157-185.
[Letter V is translated above, pp. 242-249. Letters II and V are re-
printed in Otto Gmelin, edit.: Johann Georg Gmelin, Munich, rg11,
pp. 123-132.]
Publications Relating in General to the Commander Islands (Bering and
Copper Islands) and Adjacent Regions
NORDENSKIOLD, A. E. Et Beség paa BeringsGen. Geografisk Tidsskrift,
Copenhagen, Vol. 3, 1879, pp. II17-120.
— =
COMMANDER ISLANDS 257
NORDENSKIOLD, A. E. [Account of Bering Island in] ‘‘ The Voyage of the
Vega Round Asia and Europe,”’ 2 vols., London, 1881 (listed in Bibliog-
raphy of Vol. 1, p. 370), Ch. 15 in Vol. 2, pp. 257-295.
ANUCHIN, D. G. Sbornik glavnyeishikh offitsialnykh dokumentov po
upravleniyu vostochnoyu Sibiriyu. Izdaetsya po rasporyazheniyu
General-Gubernatora Vostochnoi Sibiri D. G. Anuchina. (Collection
of the most important documents on the government of Eastern
Siberia. Published by order of the Governor General of Eastern Siberia,
D. G. Anuchin.) Vol. 3: Kamchatka i Komandorskie Ostrova (Kam-
chatka and the Commander Islands), Part 2-i: Komandorskie Ostrova
(The Commander Islands). Irkutsk, 1882. 170 pp.
GREBNITSKII, N. A. Zapiska o Komandorskikh Ostrovakh (Note on the
Commander Islands). In: D. G. Anuchin, Sbornik glavnyeishikh
offitsialnykh dokumentov po upravleniyu vostochnoyu Sibiriyu, Vol. 3,
Part 2, Irkutsk, 1882, pp. 43-124.
ALEKSYEEV, , and EGERMANN, Lotsmanskiya zamyetki
(Pilot notes). Morskozt Sbornik, St. Petersburg, 1884, No. II, pp. I-19.
BEKLEMISHEV, O Komandorskikh Ostrovakh i kotikovom
promyslye (About the Commander Islands and their seal industry).
St. Petersburg, 1884.
DysBowskI, B. I. Soobshchenie o Komandorskikh Ostrovakh v ekonom-
icheskom i statisticheskom otnoshenii (Account of the Commander
Islands in an economic and statistical sense). IJzvyestiya Imp. Russ.
Geogr. Obshchestva, Vol. 20, 1884, pp. 196-201. [Abstract of a lecture
held before the society, March 7, 1884.]
GUILLEMARD, F.H.H. [Account of Bering Island in] ‘‘ The Cruise of the
Marchesa to Kamchatka & New Guinea”’ (listed in Bibliography of
Vol. 1, p. 370), 1st edit., London, 1886, Ch. 9 in Vol. 1, pp. 187-208.
TORNEBOHM, A. E. Under Vega-Expeditionen insamlade Bergarter,
petrografisk beskrifning. In ‘‘Vega-Expeditionens Vetenskapliga
Iakttagelser,’’ Vol. 4, Stockholm, 1887, pp. 113-140. [Bering Island
discussed on pp. 135-138.]
Krykov, M. A. Gidrograficheskii obzor russkikh beregov Vostochnago
Okeana: Komandorskie Ostrova (Hydrographic synopsis of the Rus-
sian coasts of the Eastern Ocean: Commander Islands). St. Peters-
burg, 1888. 243 pp.
Dawson, G. M. Geological notes on some of the coasts and islands of
Bering Sea and vicinity. Bull. Geol. Soc. of America, Vol. 5, 1894, pp.
117-146. [The Commander Islands are discussed on pp. 123-127.]
SAVIcH, K. I. Otchet po komandirovkye v 1893 godu na Komandorskie
Ostrova prichislennago k Departamentu Torgovli i Manufaktur Minis-
terstva Finansov Konstantina Savicha (Account of the mission in
1893 to the Commander Islands of the attaché of the Department of
258 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Commerce and Manufactures of the Ministry of Finance, Constantine
Savich). [St. Petersburg], 1894. 78 pp.
SLYUNIN, N. Promyslovyya bogatstva Kamchatki, Sakhalina i Koman-
dorskikh Ostrovov: Otchet Dra N. Slyunina za 1892-1893 gg. (Eco-
nomic resources of Kamchatka, Sakhalin, and the Commander Islands:
Account of Dr. N. Slyunin in 1892-1893). Ministry of Government
Domain, St. Petersburg, 1895. I1I7 pp.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. Aleut baidarkas in Kamchatka. Science, Vol.
2 (N. S.), 1895, pp. 62-63.
[SLYUNIN, N.] Syevero-Vostochnaya Sibir, II: Komandorskie Ostrova
(Northeast Siberia, II: The Commander Islands). Pravitelstvennyi
Vyestnik, St. Petersburg, 1897, No. 27, 2/14 Feb., p. 2.
GREBNITSKII, N. A. Komandorskie Ostrova: Ocherk k vystavlennym
fotografiyam N. A. Grebnitskago (The Commander Islands: Note on
the photographs exhibited by N. A. Grebnitskii). Dept. of Agric.,
Ministry of Agric. and Domain, St. Petersburg, 1902. 41 pp.
GREBNITSKII, N. A. Commander Islands. Translated by Louise
Woehlcke, Dept. of Agric., Ministry of Agric. and Domain, St. Peters-
burg, 1902.
Morozewicz, J. [On the occurrence of copper on the Commander
Islands]. Mém. Comité Géol., St. Petersburg, Vol. 72 (N.S.), 1912. 88 pp.
Suvorov, E. K. Komandorskie Ostrova i pushnoi promysel na nikh
(The Commander Islands and the fur industry on them). Dept. of
Agric., St. Petersburg, 1912. 342 pp. [With a bibliography, pp. 320-
324.]
Publications Relating to the Botany and Zodélogy of the Commander Islands
and Adjacent Regions
PENNANT, THomAs. [More plants of Behring’s Isle]. Suppl. to ‘‘ Arctic
Zoology,’’ London, 1787, p. 38.
Paias, P. S. Zodgraphia rosso-asiatica, sistens omnium animalium in
extenso imperio rossico et adjacentibus maribus observatorum recen-
sionem, domicilia, mores et descriptiones, anatomen atque icones
plurimorum. 3 vols., St. Petersburg, 1811-1831.
DALL, W. H., and H. M. BANNISTER. List of the birds of Alaska, with
biographical notes. Trans. Chicago Acad. of Nat. Sct., Vol. 1, 1869,
pp. 267-310.
PEKARSKI, PETR. Arkhivnyya razyskaniya ob izobrazhenii nesushchest-
vuyushchago nynye zhivotnago Rhytina borealis. (Archival researches
concerning pictures of the now non-existent animal Rhytina borealis).
Zapiski Imp. Akad. Nauk, Vol. 15, Suppl. No. 1, St. Petersburg, 1869.
[Aside from its zodlogical interest, this paper is important because it
publishes Steller’s report to the Senate of Nov. 16, 1742 (pp. 13-24),
part of his report of July 12, 1743, to the same body (pp. 25-28),
Sg ee ee ee ee
a
a i
—S it, ss * .
COMMANDER ISLANDS 259
and the portion of Khitrov’s log book dealing with Bering Island (pp.
28-31; translated in Vol. 1, pp. 236-238.]
Finscu, O. Zur Ornithologie Nordwest-Amerikas. Abhandl. Naturwiss.
Ver. Bremen, Vol. 3, 1872, pp. 17-86.
DALL, W. H. Notes on the avi-fauna of the Aleutian Islands, from Una-
lashka eastward. Proc. California Acad. of Sci., Vol. 5, 1873-74, pp.
25-35.
Da.LL, W. H. Notes on the avi-fauna of the Aleutian Islands, especially
those west of Unalashka. Proc. California Acad. of Sci., Vol. 5, 1873-
74, pp. 270-281.
BEAN, T. H. Notes on birds collected during the summer of 1880 in
Alaska and Siberia. Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol. 5, 1882, pp. 144-
£73:
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. Fra det yderste Osten: [I, no separate title],
Naturen, Christiania, Vol. 6, 1882, pp. 177-183; II, Andre fjorten Dage
i Kamtschatka, ibid., Vol. 8, 1884, pp. 5-10; III, Ostrof Mednij, zbid.,
Vol. 8, 1884, pp. 33-40 and 49-57; IV, Kapitlet om Berings-Oen i
Nordenskidld’s ‘‘ Vega-faerden,”’ ibid., Vol. 8, 1884, pp. 65-69; V, En
Baadtur rundt BeringsGen, ibid., Vol. 9, 1885, pp. 150-157 and 167-
174, and Vol. 10, 1886, pp. 33-36 and 49-52. [Incompletely listed in
Vol. 1, p. 365.]
KJELLMAN, F. R. The algae of the Arctic Sea: A survey of the species,
together with an exposition of the general characters and the develop-
ment of the flora. Kongl. Svenska Vetensk. Akad. Handl., Stockholm,
Vol. 20 (N. S.), 1882-83, No. 5, pp. 1-350.
RipGway, ROBERT. Descriptions of some birds, supposed to be unde-
scribed, from the Commander Islands and Petropaulovski collected by
Dr. Leonhard Stejneger, U. S. Signal Service. Proc. U. S. Natl.
Museum, Vol. 6, 1883, pp. 90-96.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. Notes on the natural history, including descrip-
tions of new cetaceans (Contribs. to the History of the Commander
Islands, No. 1). Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol. 6, 1883, pp. 58-89.
DALL, W. H. Report on the Mollusca of the Commander Islands, Bering
Sea, collected by Leonhard Stejneger in 1882 and 1883 (Contribs.
to the History of the Commander Islands, No. 3). Proc. U. S. Natl.
Museum, Vol. 7, 1884, pp. 340-349.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. Investigations relating to the date of the ex-
termination of Steller’s sea-cow (Contribs. to the History of the
Commander Islands, No. 2). Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol. 7, 1884,
pp. 181-189.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. Diagnoses of new species of birds from Kam-
tchatka and the Commander Islands. Proc. Biol. Soc. of Washington,
1884, pp. 97-98. 4
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. Uberblick iiber meine Reise nach Kamtschatka
260 BIBLIOGRAPHY
und den Commander-Inseln (1882 und 1883). Deutsche Geogr. Blatter,
Bremen, Vol. 7, 1884, pp. 106-108.
DysBowskI, B. Wyspy Komandorskie. Lwow, 1885.
G. g. Die Commodore-Inseln. Ausland, Vol. 58, 1885, p. 777.
Gray, AsA. Notes upon the plants collected on the Commander Islands
(Bering and Copper Islands) by Leonhard Stejneger (Contribs. to the
History of the Commander Islands, No. 4A). Proc. U. S. Nail.
Museum, Vol. 7, 1885, pp. 527-529.
NORDENSKIOLD, A. E. BeméGtande af anmarkningar, som riktats mot
min skildring af Vegas fard kring Asien och Europa. Ymer, Stockholm,
Vol. 5, 1885, pp. 246-267. [On pp. 254-258 a reply to Stejneger’s
criticism of Nordenskidld’s discussion of the date of extermination of
the sea cow.]
NORDENSKIOLD, A. E. Reply to criticisms upon ‘‘The Voyage of the
Vega Around Asia and Europe.’”’ Bull. Amer. Geogr. Soc., Vol. 17,
1885, pp. 267-298. [Translation of the Ymer article, above. Date of
extermination of sea cow dealt with on pp. 279—285.]
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. Additional notes on the plants of the Com-
mander Islands (Contribs. to the History of the Commander Islands,
No. 4B). Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol. 7, 1885, pp. 529-538.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. Eine Umsegelung der Berings Insel, Herbst
1882. Deutsche Geogr. Blatter, Bremen, Vol. 8, 1885, pp. 225-273.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. Results of ornithological explorations in the
Commander Islands and in Kamtschatka. U.S. Nail. Museum Bull.
29. Washington, 1885.
TRUE, F. W. Description of a new species of Mesoplodon, M. stejnegeri,
obtained by Dr. Leonhard Stejneger in Bering Island (Contribs. to
“the History of the Commander Islands, No. 5). Proc. U. S. Nail.
Museum, Vol. 8, 1885, pp. 584-585.
Dat, W. H. Report on Bering Island mollusca collected by Mr.
Nicholas Grebnitzki (Contribs. to the Natural History of the Com-
mander Islands, No. 6). Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol. 9, 1886, pp.
209-219.
KJELLMAN, F. R. Ueber die Phanerogamenflora der Kommandirski
Inseln. Botan. Centralblatt, Cassel, 1886, No. 14, p. 31.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. On the extermination of the great northern sea-
cow (Rytina). Bull. Amer. Geogr. Soc., Vol. 18, 1886, pp. 317-328.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. ‘ Toporok’”’ tufted puffin (Lunda cirrhata)
Pall. Random Notes on Nat. Hist., Providence, R. I., Vol. 3, 1886,
17-19.
TRAUTVETTER, E. R. Plantas quasdam in Insulis Praefectoriis nuper
lectas lustravit. Acta Horti Petropolitani, St. Petersburg, Vol. 9,
fasc. 2, 1886.
ALMQUIST, ERNST. Die Lichenenvegetation der Kiisten des Berings-
COMMANDER ISLANDS 261
meeres. In ‘“‘ Vega-Expeditionens Vetenskapliga Iakttagelser,’’ Vol. 4,
Stockholm, 1887, pp. 509-541. [Bering Island discussed on pp. 518-
519, 521, and 529-531.]
KJELLMAN, F. R. On Kommandirskidarnas fanerogamflora. In ‘‘ Vega-
Expeditionens Vetenskapliga Iakttagelser,’’ Vol. 4, Stockholm, 1887,
pp. 281-309.
LILLJEBORG, W. On the Entomostraca collected by Mr. Leonhard
Stejneger on Bering Island, 1882-1883 (Contribs. to the Natural
History of the Commander Islands, No. 9). Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum,
Vol: 16,.1887, pp. 154-156.
NELSON, E. W. Report upon natural history collections made in Alaska
between the years 1877 and 1881. War Dept., Washington, 1887.
SAHLBERG, JOHN. Coleoptera och Hemiptera, insamlade af Vega-Expedi-
tionens medlemmar pa Beringsden den 15-18 Augusti 1879. In “‘ Vega-
Expeditionens Vetenskapliga Iakttagelser,’’ Vol. 4, Stockholm, 1887,
Pp. 59-71.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. How the great northern sea-cow (Rytina) be-
came exterminated. Amer. Naturalist, Vol. 21, 1887, pp. 1047-1054.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. Revised and annotated catalogue of the birds
inhabiting the Commander Islands (Contribs. to the Natural History
of the Commander Islands, No. 7). Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol.
1G. Loo7, DD. LL7—EA5.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. Lundefuglene i det Stille Hav. Naturen, Chris-
tiania, Vol. 11, 1887, pp. 33-38.
VASEY, GEORGE. Description of Alopecurus stejnegeri, a new species of
grass from the Commander Islands (Contribs. to the Natural History
of the Commander Islands, No. 8). Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol.
TOWTSS 7, P- 153-
WESTERLUND, C. A. Land- och sétvatten-mollusker. Insamlade under
Vega-Expeditionen af O. Nordquist och A. Stuxberg. In ‘‘Vega-
Expeditionens Vetenskapliga Iakttagelser,’’ Vol. 4, Stockholm, 1887,
pp. 141-220. [Bering Island discussed on pp. 161-162 and 219~-220.]
TURNER, L. M. Contributions to the natural history of Alaska: Results
of investigations made chiefly in the Yukon district and the Aleutian
Islands, conducted under the auspices of the Signal Service, U.S. A.,
extending from May, 1874, to August 1881. U. S. A. Signal Service
Arctic Ser. No. 11, Washington, 1886.
KJELLMAN, F. R. Om Beringhafvets algflora. Kongl. Svenska Vetensk.
Akad. Handl., Stockholm, Vol. 23 (N. S.), 1888-89, No. 8, pp. 1-58.
Lucas, F. A. Description of some bones of Pallas’ cormorant (Phalacro-
corax perspicillatus) (Contribs. to the Natural History of the Com-
mander Islands, [No. 10]B). Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol. 12, 1889,
pp. 88-94.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. Contributions to the history of Pallas’ cormorant
u
262 BIBLIOGRAPHY
(Contribs. to the Natural History of the Commander Islands, [No.
10JA). Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol. 12, 1889, pp. 83-88.
BUCHNER, EUGEN. Die Abbildungen der nordischen Seekuh (Rhytina
gigas Zimm.), mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung neu aufgefundener
handschriftlicher Materialien in Seiner Majestéat Hodchst Eigenen
Bibliothek zu Zarskoje Sselo. Mémoires Acad. Imp. des Sci. de St.
Pétersbourg, Series 7, Vol. 38, No. 7, 1891. [Aside from its zodlogical
interest, of value because it calls attention to Waxel’s manuscript
journal (see below, p. 264, and above, Fig. 29).]
RIDGWAY, ROBERT. Catalogue of a collection of birds made in Alaska by
Mr. C. H. Townsend during the cruise of the U. S. Fish Commission
steamer ‘‘ Albatross’”’ in the summer and autumn of 1888. Proc. U.S.
Nail. Museum, Vol. 16, 1893, pp. 663-665.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. Skeletons of Steller’s sea-cow preserved in the
various museums. Science, Vol. 21 (N.S.), 1893, p. 81.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. Arctic notes on the habits of certain rare north-
ern birds in Commander Islands and Kamtchatka. Museum, Albion,
N. Y., Vol. 1, 1894-95, Dp. 53-58, 85-87, and 101-102.
TANNER, Z. L. Report upon the investigations of the U. S. Fish Com-
mission steamer “‘ Albatross’’ for the year ending June 30, 1892. Repl.
U.S. Fish Commission, 1892, pp. 1-64. [Commander Islands discussed
on pp. 35-42.]
Lucas, F. A. The cranium of Pallas’s cormorant (Contribs. to the
Natural History of the Commander Islands, No. 11). Proc. U. S.
Nail. Museum, Vol. 18, 1895, pp. 717-719.
BEAN, T. H., and B. A. BEAN. Fishes collected at Bering and Copper
Islands by Nikolai A. Grebnitski and Leonhard Stejneger (Contribs.
to the Natural History of the Commander Islands, No. 12). Proc.
U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol. 19, 1896, pp. 237-251.
CovILLeE, F. V., and FREDERICK FUNSTON. Botany of Yakutat Bay,
Alaska. Contribs. U. S. Natl. Herbarium, Vol. 3, 1896, pp. 325-353.
[Field report by Frederick Funston, pp. 325-333; botanical report by
F. V. Coville, pp. 334-351.]
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. The Russian fur-seal islands. Bull. U. S. Fish
Commission, Vol. 16, 1896, pp. 1-148. [Also issued separately, Wash-
ington, 1896. Also in ‘‘Seal and Salmon Fisheries of Alaska’’ in four
volumes, Vol. 4, Washington, 1898, pp. 613-754. Reviewed in Geogr.
Journ., Vol. 9, 1897, pp. 322-324.]
[BARRETT-HAMILTON, G. E. H.]. The draught dogs of the Kommandorski
Islands. Our Dogs, 1897, Dec. 18, p. 1502.
GERASIMOV, A. Komandorskie Ostrova i kotikovyi promysel na nikh,
po knigye Leonh. Stejneger’a: ‘‘The Russian fur-seal islands’’ (The
Commander Islands and the seal hunting on them, after Stejneger’s
a
COMMANDER ISLANDS 263
book, etc.). Isvyestiya Vostochno-Sibirskago Otdyela Imp. Russ.
Geogr. Obshchestva, Irkutsk, Vol. 28, 1897, pp. 109-135.
ASHMEAD, W. H., edit. Reports upon the insects, spiders, mites, and
myriapods collected by Dr. L. Stejneger and Mr. G. E. H. Barrett-
Hamilton on the Commander Islands. In Jordan’s ‘‘The Fur Seals
and Fur-Seal Islands of the North Pacific Ocean’’ (4 vols., Washing-
ton, 1898-99), Vol. 4, pp. 328-351.
CoviLt_E, F. V., and J. N. Rose. List of plants collected by Dr. and Mrs.
Leonhard Stejneger on the Commander Islands during 1895 and
1897. In Jordan’s ‘‘The Fur Seals and Fur-Seal Islands of the North
Pacific Ocean’”’ (4 vols., Washington, 1898-99), Vol. 4, pp. 352-361.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. The Asiatic fur-seal islands and fur-seal indus-
try. Constituting Vol. 4 of Jordan’s ‘‘The Fur Seals and Fur-Seal
Islands of the North Pacific Ocean”’ (4 vols., Washington, 1898-99).
384 pp. [With a bibliography, pp. 232—236.]
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. The rookeries of the Commander Islands. In:
Second Preliminary Report of the Bering Sea Fur-Seal Investigations,
by D. S. Jordan, assisted by Leonhard Stejneger, F. A. Lucas, and
G. A. Clark, Treasury Dept. Doc. No. 1994, Washington, 1897, pp. 35—
38.
STEJNEGER, LEONHARD. Report on the rookeries of the Commander
Islands, season of 1897. Treasury Dept. Doc. No. 1997. Washington,
1897.
JORDAN, D.S., and C. H. GItBertT. The fishes of Bering Sea. In Jordan’s
“The Fur Seals and Fur-Seal Islands of the North Pacific Ocean”
(4 vols., Washington, 1898-99), Vol. 3, pp. 433-492.
KISHINOUYE, K. A new species of stalked medusae, Haliclystus stejne-
geri (Contribs. to the Natural History of the Commander Islands, No.
13). Proc. U. S. Natl. Museum, Vol. 22, 1900, pp. 125-129.
CoviLLE, F. V. Harrimanella, a new genus of heathers. Proc. Washing-
ton Acad. of Sci., Vol. 3, 1901, pp. 569-576.
ALLEN, J. A. The hair seals (family Phocidae) of the North Pacific
Ocean and Bering Sea. Bull. Amer. Museum of Nat. Hist., Vol. 16,
1902, Pp. 459-499.
CarpoT, J., and I. THERIOT. The mosses of Alaska. In ‘‘ Harriman
Alaska Expedition,’’ Vol. 5, New York, 1904, pp. 251-328. [Originally
published in 1902 in Proc. Washington Acad. of Sci., Vol. 4, pp. 293-
372.]
CoviLLe, F. V. Arcterica, the rarest genus of heathers. Botanical
Gazette, Vol. 37, 1904, pp. 298-302.
CumMINGS, C. E. The lichens of Alaska. In ‘‘ Harriman Alaska Expedi-
tion,’’ Vol. 5, New York, 1904, pp. 65-152.
Evans, A. W. The Hepaticae of Alaska. In ‘‘ Harriman Alaska Expedi-
264 BIBLIOGRAPHY
tion,’’ Vol. 5, New York, 1904, pp. 339-372. [Originally published in
1900 in Proc. Washington Acad. of Sci., Vol. 2, pp. 287-314.]
Oscoop, W. H. A biological reconnaissance of the base of the Alaska
Peninsula. North Amer. Fauna No. 24. U.S. Dept. of Agric., Wash-
ington, 1904.
SaccaArpbo, P. A., C. H. PECK, and WILLIAM TRELEASE. The fungi of
Alaska. In ‘‘ Harriman Alaska Expedition,’’ Vol. 5, New York, 1904,
pp. 11-54.
SAUNDERS, DE ALTON. The algae of the expedition. In ‘‘Harriman Alaska
Expedition,”’ Vol. 5, New York, 1904, pp. 153-250. [Originally pub-
lished in 1901 in Proc. Washington Acad. of Sci., Vol. 3, pp. 391—486.]
TRELEASE, WILLIAM. Alaskan species of Sphagnum. In ‘Harriman
Alaska Expedition;’’ Vol. 5, New York, 1904, pp. 329-337.
TRELEASE, WILLIAM. Ferns and fern allies of Alaska. In ‘“‘Harriman
Alaska Expedition,’”’ Vol. 5, New York, 1904, pp. 373-398.
FEDTSCHENKO, Boris. Flore des Iles du Commandeur. Acad. of Sci.,
Cracow, 1906. [With a bibliography.]
GRINNELL, JOSEPH. Birds of the 1908 Alexander Alaska Expedition,
with a note on the avifaunal relationships of the Prince William Sound
district. Univ. of California Publs. on Zoodlogy, Vol. 5, 1910, pp. 361-—
428.
KEELER, CHARLES. Days among Alaska birds. In ‘‘Harriman Alaska
Expedition.”’ Vol. 2, Washington, 1910, pp. 205-234.
ADDENDA TO BIBLIOGRAPHY OF VOL. I
Bering’s Expeditions: Accounts of Participants or Persons Directly
Concerned
(a) Manuscript
WAXEL, SVEN. Auszug So wohl aus meine als aus andere Officiers, auf
den kamschatsischen Expedition halltende Journalen, welche A° 1733
Von St. Petersburg abgefadrtiget wiirde; worinnen Ist in der Kiirtze
angefiihret die Absichten dieser Expedition, dessen fortsetzung, neue
Entdeckungen, Zustossende ungliicksfalle und Endigung; welches
durch ein geschicktere Feder wie der meinige deutlicher, umstandlicher,
wie auch weitlauftiger kan ausgefiihret werden, ohne etwas Von der
Materia oder Sache an sich selbsten zu verendern. Von Swen Waxell,
Capitain von der Flotte zu Russland. At least 185 pp. In 1891 in the
Czar’s library at Tsarskoe Selo. [This manuscript was located about
in 1891 in the library indicated (Biichner, Mémoires Acad. Imp. des
Sci. de St. Pétersbourg, Series 7, Vol. 38, No. 7, 1891, who also cites
certain passages on pp. 22-24). It is longer than Waxel’s report of.
Nov. 15, 1742, to the Admiralty College on the voyage of the St. Peter
ADDENDA TO VOL. I 265
(our Vol. 1, Ch. 6). It is accompanied by a map showing the results
of the expedition (see caption of Fig. 29, above, third paragraph) and
a larger drawing of a fur seal, a sea lion, and a sea cow. An earlier map
by Waxel (archives of the Hydrographic Section of the Ministry of
Marine No. 1940) accompanied his report of Nov. 15, 1742. On these
appeared cruder pictures of the sea animals (reproduced by Pekarskii,
Zapiski Imp. Akad. Nauk, Vol. 15, Suppl. 1, St. Petersburg, 1869) and
the picture of the Aleut in his baidarka reproduced in our Vol. 1, Fig.
12.]
(b) Published
[WAXEL, SVEN.] A letter from a Russian sea-officer to a person of dis-
tinction at the court of St. Petersburgh, containing his remarks upon
Mr. de I'Isles’s chart and memoir relative to the new discoveries north-
ward and eastward from Kamtschatka, together with some observa-
tions on that letter by Arthur Dobbs, Esq., Governor of North Caro-
lina. To which is added Mr. de I'Isle’s explanatory memoir on his
chart, published at Paris and now translated from the original French.
London, 1754. 83 pp. [This is the English translation of Waxel’s
“‘Lettre d’un officier de la marine russienne”’ listed in the Bibliography
of Vol. 1, p. 362. The booklet consists of the following: pp. I-33, the
letter; pp. 37-51, ‘‘Observations upon the Russian Discoveries Men-
tioned in a [the] Letter’’ by Arthur Dobbs; pp. 56-71, J. N. Delisle’s
“*An Explanation of the Map of the New Discoveries Northward of the
South Sea’”’ (translation of Delisle’s 1752 memoir listed in Vol. 1, p. 360) ;
pp. 72-81, Admiral de Fonte’s letter (see Vol. 1, top of p. 361); pp.
82-83, extract from the register of the Paris Academy of Sciences,
Naver, 1'751.]
KRASHENINNIKOY, S. P. Histoire et description du Kamtchatka, conte-
nant I, Les moeurs & les coutumes des habitants du Kamtchatka, II,
La géographie du Kamtchatka et des pays circonvoisins. Traduit du
russe. 2 vols., Amsterdam, 1770. [This is the French translation
mentioned in the Bibliography of Vol. 1, p. 360, third item.]
GMELIN, OTTO, edit. Johann Georg Gmelin, 1709-1755, der Erforscher
Sibiriens: Ein Gedenkbuch. Munich, 1911. [Toa biographical sketch
by Robert Gradmann (pp. 3-20) are added the preface (1747) from
Gmelin’s ‘‘Flora sibirica’’ and from his ‘‘ Reise durch Sibirien’’ (see
Bibliography in Vol. 1, p. 360, first item) and excerpts from the latter.
Letters that passed between Gmelin and Linné, Steller, Haller are also
reprinted.]
Near-Contemporary Accounts of Bering’s Expeditions,
and Compendiums
ROBERTSON, WILLIAM. The history of America. 2 vols., London, 1777.
[In Book IV, on pp. 273-277, of this history, which was widely read
266 BIBLIOGRAPHY
at the time, the Russian discoveries are discussed, based partly on
Miiller but also on direct connections of the author with St. Peters-
burg.]
Modern Discussions of Bering’s Expeditions
BerG, L. S. Otkrytie Kamchatki i Kamchatskie Ekspeditsii Beringa.
(The Discovery of Kamchatka and the Kamchatka Expedition of
Bering.) Biblioteka Puteshestvii, Series 3, edited by Prof. A. A.
Kruber, No. 4, Moscow and Petrograd, 1924. 246 pp. [Important
recent study of Bering’s second expedition. Discussion of sources,
with bibliography, pp. 227-234.]
INDEX TO BOTH VOLUMES
Aborigines. See Natives
Academy of Sciences. See St. Peters-
burg Academy of Sciences
Acknowledgments, I, ix; II, xi
Actinia crassicornis, II, 28
Adak Island, landfall of the St. Paul on,
I, 303, 317, 320, 346; landfall of the
reel eter on, 1; 168, 275; 338; LE; 24
82, II2
Addington, Cape, discovery by Chiri-
kov, I, 291, 313, 342
Address, Russian form of, II, 149
Admiralty College, I, 11, 29; Chirikov’s
report to, on the voyage of the St.
Paul, I, 312-323; Chirikov’s supple-
mentary report, I, 324-327; instruc-
tions—secret and public, I, 31; mis-
carriage of plans for second expedi-
tion, I, 33; Waxel’s report to, on the
voyage of the St. Peter, I, 270-281
Aerna Turneri, II, 23
Afognak Island, I, 298, 346
Agai, I, 296, 311, 317, 344
Agattu Island, I, 307, 321, 324, 347
Aguilar, Martin, II, 71, 72
Akulev. See Okulov
Aladi, II, 160
Alaska, algae, II, 46; card bibliography,
I, 352; coast sailed along by the St.
Peter, 1, 101, 272, 332; Gulf of, II, 78;
point first reached by Steller, II, 49;
Stejneger’s visit, II, 41
Alaska, Gulf of, II, 78
Alaska Peninsula, II, 54; mainland, II,
78; vegetation, II, 82
Alaskans, I, 96, 97, 98, 99; trade with
the Chukchis, II, 98
Alavenishkov, Dimitri, I, 235
Albatrosses, II, 23, 75, 108
Alca antiquus, II, 124
Alca arctica, II, 80
Alca cirrata, II, 80
Alca torda Linnaeus, II, 80
Alder, II, 55; pointed-leaved, II, 239
Aleksyeev, Lios 7
Aleutian Islands, II, 82; Alaska Penin-
sula and, II, 78; landfalls of the St.
Paul, I, 347; mainland of America
and, II, 101, 174; vegetation, II, 82
Aleuts, I, 148, 275; in a baidarka (ill.),
Aleuts (continued)
I, opp. 149; description, II, 96; homes
on islands or mainland, II, 104; lan-
guage, II, 91; man from Unalaska
(ill.), I, opp. 304; meeting with, II,
90; presents received from, II, 102;
weapons and implements (ills.), I,
Opp. 304, opp. 305; woman from Un-
alaska (ill.), I, opp. 305
Alexeiev, Luka, I, 235, 242; II, 159-
160
Alga dentata Raji, II, 27, 28
Alga fontinalis, II, 46
Algae, II, 22; Alaskan, II, 46
Algonquian term for water, II, 91
Allen, J. A., II, 263
Allgemeines Polyglotten-Lexicon der
Naturgeschichte, II, 85
Almquist, Ernst, II, 260
Alopecurus stejnegeri Vasey, II, 179
Alopex lagopus (Linnaeus), II, 139
Ambars, II, 47, 143, 172
Amchitka Island, I, 199, 200
America, II, 3; Asiatic connection, I,
4,6; 205.328 Vie 11 ae AG-70, 674,
244; Asiatic connection, former, II,
99-100; Bering’s plan to stay in, II,
I9; mainland conceived as close to
Asia (St. Petersburg Acad. of Sci.
map, 1758), II, opp. 101; mainland
distance from Kamchatka, II, ror;
mainland as discovered by Bering, II,
78; mainland reached by the St. Peter,
II, 35; mainland supposed visible
from Bering Island, II, 203; moun-
tains compared with Asiatic, II, 54;
northeastern coast, meaning, II, 10;
plan of exploration lacking, II, 37
American coast, I, 120, 328
American Geographical Society, II, 70,
254
Americans. See
Natives
Amman, Johann, II, 249
Anadyr River, I, 22, 328; II, 12, 18
Anadyrsk, II, 198, 249
Anadyrski Cape, I, 22
Anas arctica, II, 108
Anas arcticus Clus., II, 108
Anas histrionica, II, 23
Alaskans; Aleuts;
268
Anchiugov, Timofei, I, 228, 230, 235,
278; II, 153, 167
Anchors lost by the St. Peter, Il, 135,
136, 137, 168, 181
Andrews, C. L., I, 311
Andromeda polifolia L., II, 239
Andryevich, V. K., I, 354
Angelica, II, 178, 240
Animals, bones found, II, 44; hunting
and killing, II, 161; Kayak Island, II,
58; marine, II, 30
Annahootz, Chief, I, 311
Anowik Island, I, 335
Anser bassanus, II, 108
Antimony, I, 320
Antipin, Mark, I, 224, 282
Antiscorbutic herbs, II, 84, 85, 138, 178
Antropov, Maffei, I, 235
Anuchin, D. G., II, 257
Appendix A, II, 189
Appendix B, II, 242
Apraksin, F. M., I, 8, 11
Archangelica officinalis, 11, 178
Archdeacon Stephen Island, I, 112, 113
Archeological Commission, St. Peters-
burg, I, 354
Arches, natural, on Bering Island, II,
197
Archives, Russian, I, 349, 371
Arctic coast, charting, I, 26, 27; explora-
tion, I, 29, 328
Arctic foxes, II, 139, 209. See also Blue
foxes
Arctostaphylos arctica (L.), II, 239
Ari Kamen, II, 203
Arrows, II, 48, 49, 97, 98
Arshin, I, 98; II, 8, 48, 95
Artemev, Semen, I, 282
Artemisia vulgaris L., II, 240
Arteriola, II, 236
Aru, I, 291
Asia, American connection, I, 4, 6, 328;
II, 11, 12, 46, 70, 174; American for-
mer connection, II, 99—100; coast, I,
328; Delisle map, II, 71; farthest
point, II, 19
Asio accipitrinus (Pallas), II, 111
Asio flammeus (Pontoppidan), II, 111
Asterisks, meaning, II, 8
Astronomical day, I, 50, 332; II, 33, 35,
107
Atka Island, Chirikov and, I, 329;
landfall of the St. Peter, I, 168, 275,
338° Lb eA, 32) E12
Atlantic Ocean, II, 70
Attu Island, I, 307, 329, 347; II, 82
BERING’S VOYAGES
Auks, II, 80, 105, 125
Aurelia aurita (Linn.), II, 28
Aurora borealis, II, 207
Avacha Bay, I, 36, 49, 270, 271; II,
3, 13, 19, 20, 21, 22, 100, 206; arrival
of Bering, Oct. 6, 1740, I, 34; hooker
St. Peter enters, I, 256, 264; II, 186;
mistake of the St. Peter concerning
approach on Nov. 4, II, 130, 131;
return of the St. Paul to, I, 310, 322,
348; St. Paul in, I, 313
Avacha Volcano, I, 49, 310
Avechin, Vasili, I, 235
Axes, II, 98; stone or bone, II, 46
(B), meaning, II, 8
Bachbung, II, 138
Bacillus Welchii, II, 158
Baer, K. E. von, I, 351, 352, 353, 304;
365
Baggage list for each member of the first
expedition, I, 235
Baiarkin, Astafei, I, 235
Baidarkas, I, 147, 148, 149, 273, 274,
275, 337, 347; Aleut in baidarkea (ill.),
I, opp. 149; Unalaskan in baidarka
(ill.), I, opp. 149
Baidars, 1, 22, 148, 256; II, 12, 186, 222
Baikal, Lake, II, 198
Ball of burned clay, II, 53
Ballast, salt water, I, 80
Bancroft, H. H., I, 352, 353, 366
Bannister, H. M., II, 258
Bark, II, 48, 49; hats of, II, 102; uten-
sils of, II, 48
Barracks, II, 151, 152, I59
Barrel hoops, II, 120
Barrett-Hamilton, G. E. H., II, 262
Bartolome, Cape, I, 342
Baskets, I, 97, 98, 99, 271, OPP. 305
(ill.)
Batas, II, 47
Bauhin, Gaspard, II, 2
Bean, B. A., II, 262
Bean, T. H., II, 80, 81, 259, 262
Bearberries, II, 239
Beards, I, 305; II, 104:
Beaver Field, II, 214
Beaver Sea, II, 31, 217
Beccabunga, II, 178, 240
Beckmann, Johann, II, ix, 189, 252
Beechey, F. W., I, 369
Beer from cedars (nut pine), I, 262
Beklemishev, , IL 2sa
Bellin’s map of 1766, II, ror
Berckhan, J. C., II, 91, 247, 249
INDEX 269
Berg, L. S., II, 266
Bering, Vitus Ivanovich, II, 10; attempt
in 1729 to find land east of Kamchat-
ka; Ii, roo, 135; biography, I, 8:
biography by Steller, II, 155; blamed
for delays of second expedition, I, 33;
brought ashore ill at Bering Island,
II, 142; burial, II, 159; complaint on
death bed of lack of support, I, 34;
cross erected in memory of, I, 243,
340; II, 159; death, I, 230, 278, 340;
II, 154, 157, 243; discovery of land
(Vite seer rlias)., Ie (o25 03) 2715 332°
grave on Bering island (ill.), II, opp.
158; interview with Steller in March,
1741, II, 3; map in his possession,
question of, II, 71, opp. 72; monu-
ment to, in Petropavlovsk (ill.), II,
opp. 186; offer to Steller to join
second expedition, II, 15; property
and family, I, 329; proposal of a
second expedition, I, 25; rank, I, 31;
recommended as commander, I, 7;
remarks to Steller on the discovery of
land, II, 34; report of first expedition
unsatisfactory, I, 25; report to
Catherine on his first expedition, I,
9, 358, 359, 362; sickness, I, I9I, 193,
205, 208, 200, 277, 338; II, 86, 118;
signature, with those of his officers—
facsimile, I, 39; Steller’s criticism of
and conduct toward, II, 6, 17, 40, 155.
See also Bering’s expeditions; Ber-
ing’s first expedition; Bering’s second
expedition
Bering Glacier, II, 36
Bering Island, II, 4, 5, 82, 131; birds
and fishes, II, 237; climate and
earthquakes, II, 205; deaths from
scurvy, II, 146, 154, 155; description
by Khitrov, I, 236; description by
Waxel, I, 278; discussion with Bering
as to its identity, II, 143; distance
from Kamchatka, II, 101; earth-
quakes, II, 205; expedition’s concep-
tion of, and of its relations to sur-
roundings as shown by Waxel’s
chart (ill.), II, opp. 229; fishes,
II, 237, 238; geology, II, 193; land
visible from, II, 202; landing of the
St. Peter, I, 209, 276, 339; II, 136, 137;
life of the crew of the St. Peter on,
I, 233, 276; II, 148, 244; mistaken for
Kamchatka, II, 134; name, I, 236,
281; II, 134, 191; plants and roots,
list, with identifications, II, 178, 238;
Bering Island (continued)
position and size, II, 191; recon-
naissances, II, 152, 153, 167, 168, 1690;
track of the St. Peter on approaching
(map, reconstructed), II, 130; sea
lions and fur seals, II, 224; site where
wrecked expedition wintered and of
grave of Bering (ill.), II, opp. 158;
size, II, 191; size in former times, II,
200; Stejneger’s studies, II, xi; Stej-
neger’s surveys in 1882-83 (map), II,
opp. 208; streams, II, 195, 200, 201,
208; topographical and _ physical
description (Appendix A), II, 189;
topography and geology, II, 193;
weather and climate, II, 153
Bering River, II, 36
Bering Sea, ice, II, 18
Bering Strait, discovery, I, 5
Bering’s Cross, I, 237, 244
Bering’s expeditions, account of partici-
pants, etc., references, I, 357; II, 264;
later voyages in the region, references,
I, 367; modern discussions, refer-
ences, I, 363; II, 266; non-contempo-
rary accounts and compendiums,
references, I, 362; II, 265; official
documents and bibliographies, refer-
ences, I, 371
Bering’s first expedition, 1725-1730, I,
6; chart made on, II, 100; orders from
Peter the Great (Dec. 23, 1724) and
reports, I, 7; report to Catherine, I,
9; report, eastern section of map
accompanying; facsimile of Swedish
copy (map), I, 14-15; results, II, 13;
return route, I, 20; route (map), I, 10;
route from Okhotsk to Bering Strait
and return according to Berkh (map),
I, opp. 20; sea voyage, I, 19; towns
passed en route, I, 11; turning back,
I re ets
Bering’s second expedition, advance
parties, I, 32; chart, with accom-
panying note, I, 330-348 and opp.
348; delays and difficulties, I, 33;
end, I, 328; expenses, I, 33; fate of
surviving officers, I, 328-329; in-
ception, I, 25; II, 13; instructions
from the Admiralty College, secret
and public, I, 31; land versus sea ex-
pedition, I, 27; log book of the St.
Peter and of the hooker St. Peter, I,
36-269; naval preparations, I, 28;
official order, I, 28; pay of partici-
pants and rank of officers, I, 31;
270
Bering’s second expedition (continued)
preparation, II, 14; preparation for
sea voyage, I, 34; route, I, 32, opp.
348 (map); summary of instructions,
I, 29. See also Bering; Chirikov; St.
Paul (ship); St. Peter (ship)
Berkh, VoNawwliish1,.3632)304;: 26052 II,
roo; route of Bering’s first voyage
from Okhotsk to Bering Strait and
return, reconstruction (map), I, opp.
20
Bernard, J. F., I, 356
Berries, II, 57
Bertholf, E. P., II, 131; acknowledg-
ments, I, ix; chart of the voyage of
Bering and Chirikov, I, opp. 348;
note to accompany the chart of the
voyage of Bering and Chirikov, I,
330-348
Betge, Matis, I, 120, 235; II, 21, 144,
147, 148, 149, 170
Betula ermani Cham., II, 239
Betula nana, II, 239
Betula nana L., II, 239
Bibliographical note, I, 349
Bibliography, I, 353; II, 251
Bidarkas. See Baidarkas
Bidars. See Baidars
Billings, Joseph, I, 98, 328, 368
Birch, II, 55, 239
Bird Island, I, 146, 273, 337; II, 17, 89,
102, 105
Bird’s claws and feathers, I, 147, 148,
274; II, 92, 95, 102
Birds, II, 23, 50, 81, 106, 112; Bering
Island, II, 237; Kayak Island, II, 59;
marine, II, 105; Steller’s book (i.e.
Ray’s Synopsis), II, 108; Steller’s
drawings, II, 60; water birds, II, 80
Birds’ eggs, II, 104
Bistort, II, 178; Alpine, II, 240
Bitter cress, II, 179
Black Point, Sitkalidak Island, I, 104,
333, 334
Blackberries, II, 239
Blanco, Cape, I, 328
Blizzards, I, 17
Blue foxes, II, vii, 47, 139; detailed de-
scription of their ways on Bering
Island, II, 209; habits, II, 212, 213;
killing on Bering Island, II, 142, 211;
pranks, II, 141, 146, 211. See also
Foxes
Blue jay, II, 59, 60
Boats, Aleutian, II, 90, 95; American,
and the St. Paul, I, 296, 316, 344;
BERING’S VOYAGES
Boats (continued)
skin, I, 148, 320. See also Baidarkas;
Baidars
Bobr, II, 168, 217, 245
Bobrovaya Ryechka, II, 147
Bobrovi Valley, II, 175
Bobrovoe More, II, 217
Bobrovoe Pole, II, 147, 214
Bobrovoe Utes, II, 192, 215
Bogdriev, Stepan, I, 201, 281
Bohea, II, 178, 179
Bohemian earspoons, II, 216
Bolshaya River, I, 16; II, 13, 14, 15,
187, 242, 249; Bering’s second expe-
dition at, Sept., 1740, I, 34; freight
boats, I, 34, 35
Bolshaya zemlya, I, 21, 22, 25, 29;
reports and instructions, I, 30
Bolsheretsk, I, 16, 266, 325; II, 2, 3,
20, 187, 249
Bolton, H. C., II, x
Bones of animals, II, 44
Borshch, I, 238
Bosop, II, 245
Botanical documents, manuscript, II,
58, 84
Botanical list, II, 178
Bourguet, Louis, on the marine origin
of mountains, II, 198, 199
Box, II, 52
Brandt, Alexander, on the sea cow, II,
230
Brandt, J. F., on the sea cow, II, 230
Brandy, II, 93, 94, 99, 117, 121, 130
Brazil, sea otters in, II, 31, 32, 218,
219
Bread, II, 160, 161
Britannica, name, II, 85
Brooklime, American, II, 138, 179
Brooks, A. H., II, xi, 8, 82
Broughton, W. R., I, 369
Brunnenkresse, II, 240
Buache, Philippe, I, 361
Buache’s map of 1754, II, 19, 72
Biichner, Eugen, I, 350; II, opp. 229,
262]
Buckwheat mush, I, 308, 318, 347
Buldir Island, I, 199, 201, 339; landfall
of the St. Peter, I, 201, 275, 339; Il,
O2.Fas ESA
Buldirev, Stephen, I, 201, 339
Burhen, Raymond, I, x
Burney, James, I, 363, 370
Burning Volcano, I, 49, 254, 310
Burun, II, 87, 135, 136, 202
Bystra River, I, 17
INDEX oy gd
Cabbage eaters, II, 237
Cahen, Gaston, I, 355
Cakes, II, 160
Calamagrostis, II, 111
Calamagrostis arundinacea (Linnaeus),
II, 29
Calamagrostis epigejos (L.) Roth, II, 29
Calamagrostis langsdorfit Trin., II, 29
Calamagrostis scabra Presl., II, 29
Calendar, I, 50, 332; II, 8, 107
California, I, 312, 314
Callotaria ursina (Linnaeus), II, 224
Campbell, John, I, 362
Canada, II, 25
Canal de Pico, II, 190, ror.
‘*Channel, The”’
Canes galet, II, 64, 117
Cants tundrarum Miller, II, 79
Cannon, I, 110, 128
Cannoneer, II, 146, 150
Canton, II, 25
Cape, II, 36
Card playing, II, 161, 162
Cardamine hirsuta L., I1, 138, 179, 240
Cardamine pratensis L., II, 138, 179,
240
Cardamine umbellata Green, II, 138
Cardamines, II, 240
@ardot, J.;. Il, 263
Caribou, II, 44
Caribou horns, II, 53
Cariguebeju, II, 219
Castor and Pollux, II, 116
Catarractes skua, I1, 108
Catesby, Mark, II, 59, 60
Catherine I, I, 9; Bering’s report to, on
his first expedition, I, 9
Caves on Bering Island, II, 172, 173,
198
Cedar (Pinus cembra) as remedy for
scurvy, I, 262
Celery, II, 240
Cellar discovered on Kayak Island, II,
48, 49, 51
Cepphus columba Pallas, II, 80
Ceronthe, II, 178
Cerorhinca monocerata (Pallas), II, 80
Chamadoxes, II, 163
Chamaecerasi, II, 57
Chamaemorus, II, 239
Chamaenerion angustifolium (L.), II,
178
Chamaerhododendros jlore
flavo, II, 239
fichannel.— bhe,~ Il. .73, 82,83; Er3;
122, 193, 206, 219, 244, 245
See also
laurtfolio,
Chaplin, Peter, I, 10, 11, 19, opp. 20,
351, 357, 364, 367; II, 100
Chappe d’Auteroche, Jean, I, 362
Charcoal, II, 176, 178
Charlevoix, P. F. X. de, I, 356
Charr, II, 81
Chart of the voyage of Bering and
Chirikov, I, opp. 348; note to accom-
pany the chart, I, 330-348
Chauska Post, I, 20
Chechuev, Michael, I, 235; II, 150
Check-List of North American Birds,
LY, Sr
Chekalov, Prokofei, I, 235
Chemodan, II, 163
Chentsov, Osip, I, 208, 281
Chernabura Island, I, 337; II, 105
Chernishev, Count, I, 22, 357
Chigachiganakh, II, 147
Chiginagak, Mt., I, 113, 335: II, 63
Chiginagak Bay, II, 63
Chignik Bay, I, 335
Chikhachev, Lieutenant, I, 2097, 306,
306. 3b2 st 24-11 222. death, 5,
310, 321, 348
Chimaera, II, 66
Chimaera monstrosa Linn., II, 66
Chin piercing, II, 103
Chinese silk, I, 274; II, 92
Chinese tobacco (shar log), I, 31, 97,
99, 274, 304, 315
Chiniak, Cape, I, 346
Chirikov, Alexei, I, 7, 8; II, 15, 22, 25;
command of one ship, I, 30; command
of the St. Paul, I, 283; death, I, 310;
decision to return, I, 297, 317, 324,
344; discovery of land (Cape Adding-
ton), I, 291, 342; fate, I, 328-329;
instructions to Dementiev, I, 315;
instructions to Savelev, I, 316, 323;
landfall at Adak Island, II, 114;
note on loss of his men, I, 311; rank,
I, 31; report on the voyage of the
St. Paul, I, 312-323, 358; sickness, I,
306, 308, 311, 322, 324-325, 347, 348;
supplementary report to the Ad-
miralty College, I, 324-327; at Ya-
kutsk, I, 13
Chirikov Island, landfall of the St.
Pelryl TLE, LES. 272. 325- I. 62
Chitina basin, II, 53
Choris, Louis, I, 369
Christian names, II, 149
Chukchi Cape, I, 30; II, 11; historical
account, II, 104. See also Chukotski
Cape
272 BERING’S VOYAGES
Chukchi country, I, 313
Chukchi Peninsula, II, 12, 54
Chukchi Promontory,: £1, 71, '33, 17,
18, I9; conception as extending to
the north of and beyond East Cape,
II, II, opp. ror (map)
Chukchis, I, 18; II, 110; Cossacks and,
I, 21; Gvozdev’s report, I, 22; Melni-
kov and, I, 30; trade with America,
II, 98
Chukotski Cape, I, 19, 22. See also
Chukchi Cape
Chukotski Nos, II, 134
Chulym River, I, 20
Chytrew. See Khitrov
Citellus nebulicola Osgood, II, 79°
Civil-day,1,°50, 332; 11,.33; 35, 63,107
Cladophora glomerata, II, 46
Clay, II, 194
Claytonia, II, 238
Cleare, Cape, I, 333
Cliffs on Bering Island, II, 197, 200
Climate, Alaska and Kamchatka
compared, II, 56; American, II, 54,
56; Bering Island, II, 153, 205
Clothing, shortage, II, 163, 180
Clouds in rapid flight, II, 116
Clusius, Carolus, II, 228
Clusius’ ‘‘ Skua hojeri,’’ II, 108
Cochlearia, II, 84
Cochlearia danica, II, 240
Cochlearia oblongifolia D. C., II, 84
Cochlearia officinalis L., 84, II, 138, 179,
240
Cocks, Richard, I, 1
Codfish, II, 75
Coelopleurum gmelini (D. C.), II, 178,
240
Color of sea water, I, 290, 298, 299, 306,
318
Colymbus (Podiceps), II, 80
Commander Islands, I, 339; II, 131;
flora, II, 29; ptarmigan, II, 138;
publications relating in general to,
II, 256; seaweed, II, 22
Community of goods, II, 148
Company Land, I, 2, opp. 2, 328; II,
18, 19; 244; Delisle map, II, 70;
Gama Land and, II, 73; unreality,
TES
Compass variation, I, 52
Conferva glomerata, II, 46
Conifers, II, 55; absence from Alaska
Peninsula, II, 83
Conioselinum kamischaticum Rupr., II,
178, 240
Constantinea Rosa-marina, II, 27
Cook, James, I, 353, 367; I1,. 'r2, 90;
I02; on a decoction of pines for
scurvy, I, 262; on native method of
greeting, I, 148; on wooden caps of
the Aleuts, I, 275
Cooking, in camp, II, 163
Coéperation, lack of, II, 26
Copper, II, 52, 53, 98
Copper (Medni) Island, I, 208, 234,
237, 276; Il, 82; 126,820) eats vegas
184, 204; seen from Bering Island
(ill.), Il, 175
Copper-stained stone, I, 97, 98, 99, 271
Cordova, II, 41
Cormorants, I, 291, 306; II, 80, 237
Cornish gannet, II, 108
Cornus herbacea, II, 239
Cornus suecica L., iI, 58, 239
Coronation Island, I, 291
Corvus corax principalis Ridgway, II, 59
Corvus stelleri, II, 60
Cossacks, II, 21, 22, 148, 149; charac-
ter, II, 99, 100; Chukchis and, I, 21;
Steller’s servant, II, 141, 172; trade
with Americans, II, 99
Cottus scorpius, II, 81
Coville, F. V., II, 262, 263
Cow parsnip, II, 45
Coxe, William, I, 352, 363; II, ix, 256
Cranberries, II, 58, 239; leaves used
for tea, II, 240; upland, II, 178, 239
Cress, II, 84, 179
Cross, Cape, I, 292, 342
Cross, wooden, II, 159
Croton, II, 238
Crowberries, II, 239; black, II, 84
Croyére. See Delisle de la Croyére
Crucifers, II, 138
Cryptoglaux tengmalmi (Gmelin), II, 110
Cummings, C. E., II, 263
Currents, J; 308, 322, 332; II, 30) 120
Cutting tools, II, 52, 53, 98
Cyanea capillata (Linn.), II, 28
Cyanocitta cristata (Linn.), II, 60
Cyanocitia stelleri, II, 60
Czaplicka, M. A., II, 47
Dagger, II, 47
Dahlgren, E. W., I, 365
Dall, W. H., I, 9, 14, 19, 353; 3600;.36%5
370, 371; II, 80, 100, 106, 113, 175,
Opp. 229, 258, 259, 260
Dampier, William, on manati, II, 220,
236; on sea bears (fur seals), II, 245
Danes, II, 89
INDEX
Danish sea monkey, II, 66
Darafeev, Fedor, I, 235
Dates, II, 8. See also Day
Davidov, Ivan, I, 208, 281
Davidson, George, I, 367; II, 33, 113;
Chirikov’s lost men, I, 311, 345;
on the St. Peter’s course through
Douglas Channel, I, 334, 335
Dawson, G. M., II, 257
Day, civil and astronomical, I, 50, 332;
II, 33, 35, 63, 107
Dead reckoning. See Reckoning
Deaths, on Bering Island, II, 146, 154,
Ma Seon ecne: ot. Leter,. i, L927 1275+
281-282 (list), 338; II, 129
Decorations of the Aleuts, II, 102, 103
Deer, riding on, I, 13, 16
De Gama Land. See Gama Land
Delesseria crassifolia Rupr., II, 28
Delisle, Guillaume, I, 32, 356; location
of Yezo, I, 3; northern hemisphere,
section, July, 1714 (map), I, opp. 2
Welisile: jz Nz, [, 32, 350, 350; 357.359,
360, 361; II, 6, 265; manuscript map
of 1731, I, 358-359; II, 70, opp. 72
(ill.)
Delisle de la Croyére, Louis, I, 29, 32,
Reels) 0. 22, 78, 242° death i,
311, 322, 348; decision on first course
to) sail, May 4, r74r, I, 385. 284;
instruments used, I, 365; location of
Gama Land, I, 312, 332; location of
Petropavlovsk, I, 36-37; location of
Vaua, I, 283; sickness, I, 308
Dementiev, Avraam, I, 292, 312, 315,
323, 343, 345; II, 22; Chirikov’s writ-
ten instructions to, I, 315, 345; failure
to return to the St. Paul, I, 295, 316,
343
Dentalium, II, 143
Dentalium rectius Carpenter, II, 143
Derbi River, I, 13
Dergachevy, Ilya, I, 219, 281; II, 146,150
Dikaya Bay, II, 173, 197
Dikyi Mys, II, 197
Diomede Islands, II, 98
Diomedea albatrus, II, 75
Diomedea exulans, II, 23
Dippers (hats), I, 305
Divers, II, 80, 124; black-and-white, II,
106
Dixon, George, I, 368
Dixon’s Entrance, I, 342
Dobbs, Arthur, II, 265
Dobell, Peter, I, 369
Dock, II, 84
273
Dogfish, II, 59
Dolgoruki, Prince, I, 8; II, 133
Dolphins, II, 63, 64
Doshcheniki, I, 11
Douglas, Mt., I, 298, 346
Douglas Channel, I, 334, 335
Drift ice, II, 206; sea otters on, II, 219
Driftwood, I, 83, 87, 88, 94, 2II, 279,
290; II, 105, 138, 144, 162, 207, 235,
240
Drunkenness, IJ, 20; Steller’s, II, 4
Ducks, I, 290, 291, 292, 298, 300, 301,
302, 3175 11523580
Dugong, II, 139
Du Halde, J. B., I, 362
Dutch discoveries, II, 18
Dutch East India Company, efforts to
find El Dorado, I, 2
Dutch mile, II, 8, 22
Dwelling discovered on Kayak Island,
iene
Dybowski, B. I., II, 257, 260
Eagles, II, 237
Earpicks, II, 216
Earthquakes on Bering Island, II, 172,
198, 205, 207
Bast Capes. 10.25, 25-0
Edgecumbe, Cape, I, 292, 342
Edward, Cape, I, 292, 343, 345
Efintsov, Prokofei, I, 230, 282
Egermann, So
Ekaterinburg, II, 40
Ekeléf, J. A., II, ro
Elagin, Ivan, I, 297, 312, 317, 324, 248;
II, 22; commendation and promo-
tion, I, 322; manuscript map of Petro-
pavlovsk in 1740, facsimile (map), I,
Opp. 34
Flias. See Kayak Island; St. Elias, Cape
Elizabeth, Cape, I, 298, 346
Elizabeth, Empress, II, 187
Emberiza nivalis, II, 81
Emelianov, Ivan, I, 219, 281
Emmons, G. T., on loss of Chirikov’s
men, I, 311
Empbetrum, II, 239
Empetrum nigrum L., II, 57, 58, 84, 239
Entale, II, 143
Epanchin. See Turinsk
Epilobium angustifolium (L.), II, 178,
240
Errors in longitude, I, 210, 256, 276,
B08. 322.332° Ll, 30, 107, £22,126;
128
Eselberg. See Hesselberg
274 BERING’S VOYAGES
Eskimos of Greenland, II, 96
Eudoxia Islands, I, 113
Eumetopias jubata (Schreber), II, 62,
177
Eumetopias stelleri (Lesson), II, 62
Evans, A. W., II, 263
Evreinov, Ivan, death, I, 7; mission
from Peter the Great, I, 6; II, 13
Expeditions, minor, I, 357
Explanatory note, II, 8
Exploration, lack of plan, II, 37
Eye shades, II, 102
Face, holes pierced in, II, 103
Face paint, II, 92, 102
Fadiev, Sidor, I, 295, 316
Fairweather, Mt., I, 297, 318, 346
Falco, I, 318
Falco islandus Briinnich, II, 214
Falcon feathers, II, 92, 102
Fallen, II, 236
Fallklappe, 11, 236
Fathom, II, 8, 194
Fedorov, Evdokim, I, 326
Fedrowiz, Secretary, II, 249
Fedtschenko, Boris, II, 29, 58, 179, 264
Filipendula kamtschatica (Pallas), II,
240
Finsch, O., II, 259
Fir trees, I, 291, 314
Fire, on one of the Shumagin Islands,
LSS ays RN oe I By
Fire drill, II, 45
Fire-making apparatus, II, 45, 46, 49
Fireplace, I, 96, 98, 99, 145, 271, 2733
Il, 44, 45
Fireweed, purple, II, 178, 240
Mischer. Jets, Wl.20, 353, 2547.11, Vil,
ix, 9, 246, 247
Fish, II, 81; Alaska, II, 56; Bering
Island, II, 237, 238; dried, II, 44;
smoked, II, 48, 49
Fish nets, II, 48
Fistula ani, II, 158
Flatulence, II, 160
Floods on Bering Island, II, 207
Flour, II, 160
Flycatchers, II, 81
Fog, II, 123, 124, 127; Bering Island
and, II, 194, 195
Foggy Island. See Tumannoi Island
Fonte, Admiral de, I, 360-361; II, 265.
See also Fuentes
Food, Bering Island, I, 238, 279; II,
147, 148, 150, 160, 161; hooker Sé.
Peter’s supplies, II, 182; on the St.
Food (continued)
Paul, I, 318, 319, 347: ‘onuthe on
Peter, 1, 76; shortage, I, 276
Footnotes, treatment of, II, 8
Forests, II, 47, 55
Forster, J. R., I, 363
Fortune (ship), I, 16, opp. 20
Fountain moss, II, 45
Four Mountains, Islands of, I, 302, 319,
» 346
Fox skins, II, 147
Box tail kios3
Fox trap, II, 143, 144
Foxes, I, 96, 99; II, 99, 212; Arctic, II,
139, 209; black and red, II, 59, 79;
blue, II, 47. See also Blue foxes
Fratercula arctica (Linnaeus), II, 108
Fratercula corniculata (Naumann), II,
80, 108
Fritillaria kamtschatcensis (L.), II, 178,
240
Froidevaux, Henri, I, 361
Fruits, II, 57
Fuci membranacei calyciformes, II, 27,
28
Fucus clavae effigie, II, 27, 28
Fucus evanescens, II, 22, 27
Fucus lapathi sanguinei foliis Tournef.,
Lh, 27,28
Fucus vesiculosus Linnaeus, II, 22
Fuentes, Bartolomé de, I, 356, 361
Fulmars, I, 302; II, 105
Fulmarus glacialis (Linnaeus), II, 105
Fulmarus rodgersi, II, 109
Fumaria cucularia, II, 238
Funston, Frederick, II, 57, 58, 262
Fur seals, II, 63, 169, 176, 224; drawing
of an individual by Waxel (ill.), II,
opp. 229. See also Seals
(G), meaning, II, 8
Gabriel (ship). See St. Gabriel
Gadus macrocephalus Tilesius, II, 75
Gadus morrhua Linnaeus, II, 75
Gallois, Lucien, II, xi, 70, 71
Gama, Juan de, I, 2, opp. 2; II, 19, 71
Gama Land, I, 3; Il, 18, 190,.72= Hee
ing’s search for in the St. Peter, I,
55, 58, 67, 332; Chirikov’s search for
in the St. Paul, I, 284; Company
Land and, II, 73; location, I, 71, 312;
non-existence, I, 328, 332; officers’
answer to Steller, about, II, 69, 70;
search for, I, 313, 332
Gambling, II, 161, 162
Gannet, II, 108
a
yo 7; oe
——
—. =o
INDEX
Gardebol. See Hartepol
Gas gangrene, II, 158
Gavan Lake, II, 201
Gavanskoe Ozero, II, 201, 202
Gavia (Urinator), II, 80
Gebert, O. C., II, xi
Gentiana, II, 84, 88
Gentiana acuta Michx., II, 85
Gentiana frigida, II, 85
Geodesists, I, 7, 31, 32
Geology of Bering Island, II, 193; of
Kayak Island, II, 57
George, Nicholas, II, xi
Gerasimov, A., II, 262
Gerfalcons, II, 213-214
German mile, I, 49; II, 8, II, 22, 53,
IOI, 184
Gesner’s sea monkey, II, 64, 65, 66
Gibbs, George, I, 370
Gilbert, C. H., II, 263
Gladkovskaya Bay, II, 150
Glass beads, II, 92
Glupyshi, II, 105
Gmelin, Johann Friedrich, II, 28
Gmelin, Johann Georg, I, 29, 351, 360;
II, 2, 5, 251; life and works, brief ac-
count, II, 242; relations with Steller,
II, 246; Steller’s letter to, about the
voyage (Appendix B), II, 242; Stel-
ler’s letters to, II, 256
Gmelin, Otto, II, 242, 251, 256, 265
Gmelin, Samuel Gottlieb, II, 27, 28,
67
Gmelina, generic name, II, 246
Gold islands, I, 2, 355
Golder, F. A., I, 349, 357, 359, 367,
371; II, ix, 65; biographical note on
Steller, I, 1; ‘‘Guide to Materials,”
Ley 72>) plants? collected, .di,; 85:
preface to Steller’s journal, II, vii;
“‘Russian Expansion,”’ II, 70, 72
Golets, II, 81
Golovin, Nikolai, proposal of sea ex-
pedition from Russia to Kamchatka,
I egg
Goose grass, II, 240
Gorbea River, I, 13
Gorelaya (Burning) Volcano, I, 49
Gorin, calker, I, 295
Gorlanov, student, II, 247
Graaf’s map, II, 19
Gradmann, Robert, II, 243, 265
Gramen paniculatum, II, 102
Gramen paniculatum arundinaceum,
Tf. 26
Granite on Bering Island, II, 196
275
Grass, decorations of, II, 102; floating,
E207, S00, 300, 308, 321; Toots
stuffed in the nose, I, 305, 320; sea,
I, 289, 321. See also Sweet grass
Grass mat (ill.), I, opp. 305
Gray, Asa, II, 260
Graywacke, II, 57, 79
Great Sitkin Island, I, 168, 275, 332;
volcano on, II, 112, 113
Grebnitskii, N. A., II, 257, 258
Greely, A. W., I, 361, 362, 367
Greenland, II, 96
Greenland pigeons, II, 80, 105
Grinnell, Joseph, II, 264
Grisola, II, 81
Guillemard, F. H. H., I, 370; II, 257
Gulls, I, 290, 292, 298, 300, 301, 302,
318) bl. .23) 32, 105, 208, Foo. black
gull, II, 75; river gulls, II, III; vari-
ous kinds, II, 80; Wayel, II, 109
Gunfire, I, 147, 148, 274; II, 94
Gvozdeyv, Mj" S2 15 352, 3572001, 123
voyage to America in 1732, I, 21
Haematopus bachmani (Audubon), II,
105
Maly lil rn, 122) 123
Hair seals, II, 30, 590, 63. See also Seals
Haliaeetus leucocephalus alascanus
Townsend, II, 237
Haliaeetus leucocephalus (Linnaeus), II,
237
Hallager, Morten, I, 363
Harbor of St. Peter and St. Paul. See
Petropavlovsk
Harlequin duck, II, 23
Harriman Alaska Expedition, II, 48,
49, 67, 81
Harris, John, I, 362
Hartepol (Gardebol MHerdebol), the
assayer, I, 320; II, 40
Hats, wooden, I, 149, 274, 275, 305,
320; II, 102, 103; specimen (ill.),
I, opp. 304
Hawk, I, 318
Hawser, II, 89
Hazy Islands, I, 292, 342
Head winds on the St. Peter along 53rd
parallel, I, 127; II, 67, 69
Heeres, J. E., I, 355
Helleborus trifolius, I1, 238
Hemilepidotus hemilepidotus (Tilesius),
II, 62, 81
Heracleum lanatum Michx., II, 45, 178,
239
Heracleum sphondylium, II, 45
276 . BERING’S VOYAGES
Herba britannica, name, II, 85
Herbs, II, 86. See also Antiscorbutic
herbs; Plants
Herdebol. See Hartepol
Hernandez, Francisco, II, 228, 232
Hesselberg, Andreas, I, 312; II, 21,
115; death, I, 226, 282; II, 154
Heuchera, II, 238
Hinchinbrook, Cape, I, 98, 100, 333
Histrionicus histrionicus, II, 23
Hitchcock, A. S., II, 29
Hodge, F. W., II, xi, 90, 91, 96, 98
Holmberg, H. J., I, 370
Homann, J, Bs; 1, 3, 3847025
Hondo, II, 14
Hooker St. Peter, arrival at Petropav-
lovsk, I, 257, 280, 341; attempt to
reach Okhotsk, I, 263; 280; begin-
ning of construction, I, 234, 278, 341;
II, 177; crowded quarters, II, 183;
decision at consultation on Sept. 4,
1742, I, 266; decision to build, I,
233, 278; II, 174, 175; departure from
Bering Island homeward, I, 243,
280, 341; II, 183; dimensions, I, 239,
240, 278, 341; II, 181; final return to
Petropavlovsk, I, 267, 280; launch-
ing, I, 239, 240, 280, 341; II, 181, 182;
leak, 1, 245, 258, 266, 280, 341; II,
185; log book, I, 239-260; prepara-
tions for sailing, I, 241, 279; II, 181;
supplies, II, 182
Hoops on barrels, II, 120
Howe, M. A., II, 27, 28, 46
Hoyt, sam, 1; 5
Huckleberries, II, 239
Hudson Strait, I, 314
Huts, building for winter quarters on
Bering Island, II, 138, 142; Kayak
Island, I, 97, 98, 99, 271; Unalaska
(ill.), I, opp. 305; underground native,
II, 105
Hydrodamalis gigas, II, 139
Hydrolapathum sanguineum (L.) Stackh,
II, 28
Hylocichla guttata (Pallas), II, 81
Ice, Bering Sea, II, 18; Kamchatka
eoast, Ulin
Icya, II, 219
Ieso. See Yezo
Ignes lambentes, II, 116
Images, ivory, I, 149, 274-275, 305
Impassable Rock, II, 192
Initial signatures, meaning, II, 8
Instructions, secret and public, I, 31
Irkutsk, I, 12, 355; II, 2, 3, 4, 248
Iron, II, 49, 52, 53, 97, 143, 144; arrow
points, II, 98; kettle, II, 103; ore,
American aborigenes and, II, 98
Islands of Four Mountains, I, 302, 319,
346
Isnard, Albert, I, 361
Isopa Cape, I, 49, 310; II, 130, 131
Iturup, II, 73
Ivanov, Alexei, I, 235, 281; exploration
of Bering Island, I, 233, 237; II, 168,
173; habitation on Bering Island, I,
215; II, 146, 159; search for anchors,
I, 234; Waxel’s report sent by, I,
270, 281
Ivanov, Gulakhition, I, 235
Ivanov’s (Alexei) stan, II, 192
Ivonik, Ignatius, I, 235
Izmailov, Grigori, I, 235
Izmailov, Mikhaelo, I, 12
(J), meaning, II, 8
Jacob’s mussel, II, 44
Jansen, Nils, I, 212, 281; II, 21
Japan, I, 26, 328; on Delisle map, II, 71;
Spanberg’s voyages to, II, 2, 14
Jefferys, Thomas, I, 359; II, 11, 71, 91,
IOI
Jelly fishes, II, 28
Jiya, II, 219
Jochelson, Waldemar, I, 370; II, 96
John of Ghent gull, II, 108
Jordan, D.'S:, 11,224,263
Journal, use of the word, I, 36
Journal of the St. Paul, I, 283-311, 358;
facsimile of a page (ill.), I, opp. 290
Journal of G. W. Steller. See Steller’s
journal
Juan de Gama Land. See Gama Land
Juan Fernandez Island, II, 229, 236
Julius, Albertus, II, 209
Juniper, II, 239
Kachikov, Osip, I, 308
Kaempfer, Engelbert, I, 356
Kaigorodal, Grigori, I, 235
Kalodin, Dimitri, I, 235
Kamchadals, I, 17, 256; diet, II, 104;
grass used as food, II, 45; method of
catching the starik, II, 125; origin of
American natives and, II, 46
Kamchatka, II, viii, 1, 10; Bering
Island mistaken for, by the St. Peter,
I, 208, 276, 339; Il, 133; climate; Tis
56; coastal ice, II, 17; discovery, I, 4;
flood of 1738, II, 207; harsh treat-
I
ge Ge gag ON
INDEX 277
Kamchatka (continued)
ment of natives, II, 13; instructions
about, for Bering’s second expedi-
tion, I, 29; Luzhin and Evreinov in,
f, 6; Tl, 23; natives, I, 17; sea otters,
II, 31, 215; sighted from the hooker
ior. Peter, 1, 247; snow, II, 206;
Steller in, II, 2; supposed sight of,
from Bering Island, II, 204; survey of
southern part, I, 20
Kamchatka Cape, Gvozdev’s expedi-
tion, I, 22
Kamchatka Peninsula, II, 54
Kamchatka River, II, 127, 128, 206,
244; Bering’s first voyage from, I, 18;
Gvozdev’s expedition, I, 22
Kamchatkan sea beaver, II, 31
Kamenushka, II, 23
Kapustnik, I1, 237
Karaga, II, 83
Karaginski Island, I, 26
Kasha, I, 308, 318, 347
Katalla, II, 41
Kattch, II, 45
Kayak (St. Elias) Island, I, 96, 98,
271, 332; Il, 17; departure from, I,
97; II, 60; from the southeast (ill.),
II, opp. 44; geology, II, 57; Khitrov’s
sketch map (ill.), II, 42; landfall by
thepst. weeter, lO 7, 02/71; 332> lly 35:
36; modern map, II, 43; physical
geography, summary, II, 55; report
on, from Khitrov’s journal, I, 90;
rock (mountain) extending into the
sea, II, 49; rock fall on western shore,
II, opp. 45 (ill.), 49; Stejneger’s visit
to, II, 41; Steller’s route on, identifi-
cation, II, 41; watering place, II,
AI, Opp. 45 (ills.); western shore seen
from the west (iil.), II, opp. 44
Keeler, C. A., II, 81, 264
Kenai Peninsula, I, 298, 318, 346; II, 44
Kestrel, I, 318
Khakhalcha, I, 309
Kharitonov, Nikita, I, 193, 281; II, 120
Khitrov, Sofron, I, 235, 312; II, 21, 61,
128; on Bering Island, II, 133, 145,
151; description of Bering Island, I,
236; feeling against, II, 152; journal,
I, 211; Kayak Island, exploration, I,
96; II, 37; Kayak Island, report, I, 98,
99, 271, 332; II, 52; Kayak Island,
sketch map, I, 99; II, 42 (ill.); log
book of the St. Peter, I, 36, 358; log
book of St. Peter, facsimile of page, I,
opp. 148; misadventures and misman-
Khitrov (continued)
agement, II, 20, 88, 89, 113, 125;
mistake about Kamchatka, II, 133;
Nagai Island, I, 141, 142; II, 87; pro-
motion in 1753, I, 329; Shumagin
Islands, I, 141, 142, 273, 336; II, 87,
89; Shumagin Islands, facsimile of
map of, I, opp. 148; II, 76; sickness, I,
226, 229, 277; II, 152; statement of
condition of St. Peter on Bering
Island, I, 231, 232; Steller’s criticism,
II, 20, 88, 152, 243, and passim;
Wingham Island, I, 96
Khitrov, Cape, II, 194
Khlynoy, II, 48
Khotyaintsov, Nikita, I, 120, 230, 282;
Dip20 6555-050
Kincaid, J., II, 85
Kirensk Post, II, 14, 15, 248
Kiselev (Kisselov), Alexei, I, 192, 281;
LEE sana,
Kishinouye, K., II, 263
Kiska Island, II, 82, 106; landfall of
the St, Peter, 1; 500; 275, 339; Ll, 121,
124; St. Paul’s approach, I, 347
Kisselov. See Kiselev
Kitova Ryechka, II, 192, 214
Kittiwake, II, 111
Kittlitz, F. H. von, I, 370
Kjellman, F. R., II, 22, 259, 260, 261
Klementev, Alexei, I, 230, 282
Kletsandek Creek, II, 53
Klinckofstrém, Baron, I, 15
Klipp-ente, Il, 23
Klykov, M. A., II, 257
Knives, I, 304: If, 40, 51, 52, 97, 98:
native (Unalaska) (ills.), I, opp. 305;
balma, II, 47 (with ill.), 142
Kodiak Island, I, 334; II, 106
Kolessov, commander of Kamchatka,
re 20
Kolyma River, I, 19, 20, 25, 29, 328
Kolyuchin Island, I, 328
Komandor Bay, II, 132, 200, 226, 240;
site where wrecked expedition win-
tered (ill.), II, opp. 158
Konavaloy, Arkhip, I, 235
Korovin Volcano, II, 113
Koryak interpreter, II, 92, 93, 94
Koryaks, I, 18; II, 20
Koryatskaya Volcano, I, 49
Koshloki, II, 220
Koslov, Fedor, I, 7
Kostenko, N. M., II, xi
Kot, II, 245
Kotzebue, Otto von, I, 369
278
Kotzebue Sound, II, 144
Kozelskaya Volcano, I, 49
Kozirevski, Ivan, II, 13
Kozlova Ryechka, II, 214
Kozlovo Pole, II, 176, 214
Kransnoi, Andrei, I, 235
Krasheninnikov, S. P, I, 29, 351, 360,
363; II, 28, 91, 99, 100, 209, 222,
265
Krasilnikov, Andrei, I, 32
Krasnaya ryba, II, 48
Krasnoyarsk, II, 3, 242
Kronotski, Cape, I, 247; II, 143, 154,
169, 185, 186
Kronotski, Gulf of, II, 134
Kruber, A. A., II, 266
Krusenstern, A. J. von, I, 353, 369
Kuklanka, Il, 125
Kukushkin, Maffei, I, 235; II, 149
Kuleksa, Dimitri, I, 235
Kuliki, I, 298
Kunashiri, II, 73
Kurile Islands, II, 84, 90, 91; confused
with Semichi Islands, II, 126,*127;
discovery, I, 4; flood of 1738, II,
207; Luzhin and Evreinov among, I,
6; II, 13; sea-otter hunting, II, 222;
sea otters, II, 32, 126, 215; Span-
berg’s voyage to, II, 14; Steller’s ex-
ploration, II, 3; Vries and, I, 2; II, 18
Kurile tea, II, 239, 240
Kurils (tribe), I, 17
Kutakhshu, II, 178, 240
Kuznetsov, E. V., I, 354
Labrador tea, II, 239
Lagopus, II, 209
Lagopus lagopus (Linnaeus), II, 81
Lagopus ridgwayi Stejneger, II, 138
Lagotis Gartner, II, 246
Lagotis glauca var. gmelini (Cham. et
Schlecht.), II, 246
Lagunov, Ivan, I, 230, 282; II, 21, 155
Lahontan, A. L. de, II, 91
Lake River, II, 202
Lakes on Bering Island, II, 195, 201,
202
Lamna cornubica (Gmelin), II, 59, 140
Lamuts, I, 16
Lances, II, 98
Land, first sighted by the St. Peter,
July 16, I, 93, 332; II, 26, 33; imagi-
nary sight from St. Peter on Aug. 18
and 19, II, 69, 73, 74; nearness ac-
cording to Steller, II, 27, 30, 32;
nearness evidenced by west winds,
BERING’S VOYAGES
Land (continued)
II, 68, 108, 126; sighted on Sept. 24,
II, 24
Langsdorff, G. H. von, I, 369
Language of the Aleuts, II, 91
Lapathum, II, 86
Lapathum folio cubitali, II, 84
Lapérouse, J. F. de G., I, 353, 368
Lapis manati, II, 236
Lappo-Danilevski, Professor, I, x
“‘Large country.”’ See Bolshaya zemlya
Lari, Il, 23
Larus glaucescens Naumann, II, 75, 109
Larus marinus Linnaeus, II, 109
Latax lutris (Linn.), II, 32
Lau, assistant surgeon, II, 22
Lauridsen, Peter, I, 352, 353, 366; II,
7t, EES
Lazukov, Alexei, I, 235
Leak of the hooker St. Peter, I, 245,
258, 266, 280, 341; II, 185
Leathern knapsacks, II, 163
Lécluse, Charles de, II, 228
Ledum, II, 239
Ledum palustre L., II, 239
Lena River, I, 13
Leningrad. See Petrograd; St. Peters-
burg
Lepekhin, Thomas, I, 235; II, 40
Lettre d’un officier de la marine rus-
sienne, I, 362; II, 6, 265
Leupe, P. A., I, 355
Levashev, Ensign, I, 310
Library of Congress, I, 353, 358; II, 254
Lice, II, 243
Lighthouse (Mayachni) Cape, I, 49;
If.r30
Lilies, Kamchatkan brown, II, 240;
Saranna, II, 178
Lilljeborg, W., II, 261
Lime in water, II, 77
Linnaeus, Carolus, ‘‘Critica botanica,”
II, 246; ‘‘Fauna suecica,”’ II, 28;
“‘Systema naturae,”’ II, 28
Linné, Karl von, II, 246.
Linnaeus, Carolus
Liquor, I, 18, 147, 148, 274; II, 48
Lisianski Strait, I, 293, 345, 346
Lissonkovaya Bay, II, 192, 201, 226
Listvennik, I, 18
Litvinov, Mr., II, 58
Lodiya (boat), I, 16
Log book of the hooker St. Peter, I, 239-
269
Log book of the St. Paul, I, 283, 339,
358. See also Journal of the St. Paul
See also
INDEX
Log book of the St. Peter, I, 36-239, 358;
arrangement of columns, I, opp. 52;
fascimile of a page, I, opp. 52; fac-
simile of a page kept by Khitrov,
I, opp. 148; method of keeping, I, 50,
332; several copies, differences, etc.,
I, 36; symbols, meaning, I, 50
Longitude, errors in, I, 210, 256, 276,
aOS422-0332- Il, 30; 107, £22, 120;
128
Lonicera coerulea L., II, 57
Lopatka, Cape, II, 11, 13, 18, 127, 134,
206
Lower Kamchatka Post, I, 17; II, 3, 249
Lucas, F. A., II, 261, 262
Ludolf, Professor, II, 1
Lukoshka, II, 48
Lunda cirrhata Pallas, II, 80
Burts Line, Ll, 31, 214.
Luzhin, Fedor, I, 7; II, 13; mission
from Peter the Great, I, 6
Lycopodium rupestre, II, 238
Lyesnaya Ryechka, II, 147, 150, 169,
I69-170, 192
Maak, R., II, 47
Mackerel sharks, II, 59
Macrocystis pyrifera (Turner), II, 49
Magpies, II, 59
Maikov, L. N., I, 358
Mainland, II, 78; reasons for not land-
ing on, II, 53. See also America
Makoai, II, 140
Makovska, I, 12
Maldive Islands, II, 25
Malma, II, 81
Maltsan, Ivan, I, 235; II, 149
Manatee (tropical), II, 139, 229, 236
Manati (northern sea cow), II, 139, 140,
228; dried and salted meat, II, 182;
fat, II, 161. See also Sea cows
Manati, Cape, I, 236, 244, 278; II,
184, opp. 195 (ill.)
Manuscript sources, I, 349; II, 253, 264
Map makers, II, 10, 25
Marcasites, II, 57
Marggraf, Georg, II, 31, 32, 218, 219
Marine animals, as indication of near
land, II, 30
Markham, C. R., II, 10
Marmots, II, 79
Martes, II, 99
Martin, G. C., II, 57
Masefield, John, II, 229, 236
Mayachni Cape, I, 49
Mayak, II, 130
279
Measures and weights, II, 8
Medical discussion of Bering’s death, II,
158
Medicines, II, 85, 178
Medni Island. See Copper Island
Mednoi Ostrov, II, 204. See also
Copper Island
Medvyedki, II, 220
Meeraff, 11, 66
Meereiche, II, 22
Megalestri skua (Bruennich), II, 108
Megalocottus platycephalus_ (Pallas),
II, 62
Melnikov, Afanasi, I, 30
Mercator, Gerardus, II, 10
Mergus, II, 106
Merriam, C. H., II, x, 139
Mertensia maritima (L.), II, 178, 240
Messerschmidt, Brigitta, II, 2
Mezhov, V. I., I, 352, 354
Michagatka, II, 80
Michelson, T., II, 47
Middendorff, A. T. von, I, 369; II, opp.
229
Mile, German and other, I, 49; II,
Oo.) EE, 22.553) LOL, rod:
Miller, J. E., II, 255
Miller, Walter, II, 255
Mimulus luteus, II, 238
Mineral resources, II, 40, 57
Ministry of Marine, Paris, I, 350. See
also Service Hydrographique de la
Marine
Ministry of Marine, Petrograd, ar-
chives, I, 371; manuscripts, I, 349
Mirror, II, 92
Mojave (ship), II, 41
Monkey story of Albertus Julius, II,
209
Montague Island, I, 100, 333
Montessus de Ballore, F. de, II, 205
Moozemleck River, I, 314
Morozewicz, J., II, 175, 258
Morskaya kapusta, I1, 237
Morskaya korova, I1, 227
Morskaya svinya, I1, 64
Morskoi kot, 11, 245
Morskoi Sbornik, 1, 353, 357
Morskoi volk, I1, 140
Mosimont, II, 207
Mouflon, II, 207
Mountain ash, II, 239
Mountains, I, 203, 297, 303, 305, 318,
319, 321; American and Asiatic
compared, II, 54; Bering Island, II,
194; marine origin, II, 198, 199;
280
Mountains (continued)
seen from Bering Island in the north-
east, II, 173, 174; sighted on the
Si. Peter. july 16; 11; 33
Muller, Frederik, II, 10
Miller, (Goh. I, 20; 3522 352; 6350;
ES x, .2, 54, 70, OL, TOT SEF, 100; 242,
247, 249
Murie, James, II, 230
Murrelet, II, 124
Murres, I, 291; II, 80
Mus citillus, II, 79
Muscicapa guttata, I], 81
Mussels, II, 44
Myiochanes richardsoni (Swainson),
LE. Sx
Myoxocephalus scorpius (Linnaeus),
II, 81
Mytilus californianus Conrad, II, 44
Nachod, Oskar, I, 355
Nadezhda (ship), I, 49
Nagai Island, I, 142, 336; II, 17, 75,
77, 82, 87, 105; Steller’s visit, II, 77
Names of members of the expedition,
15.235, 281, 325
Nartov, A. K., I, 358
Nasturtium officinale, I1, 240
Nasturtium palustre (Leysser), II, 240
Nasturtiums, II, 138
Natives (American), Alaskans, I, 96,
97, 98, 99, 272; Aleuts, I, 148, 275;
II, 90, 96; attempt to detain inter-
preter, I, 147, 148, 274; first meeting
with, I, 147, 273, 303, 320, 337, 3473
II, 52, 90; greeting by shouts, lI,
147, 148, 273; II, 90, 93; origin similar
to Kamchadals, II, 46; report on
bringing them to St. Petersburg, I,
325-326; signs of, found by Steller,
II, 44. See also Aleuts; Tlingits
Ne Obkhodimyi Utes, II, 192, 197, 215
Near Island, I, 142, 336; Il, 75, 89
Nebaranovy, Ivan, I, 209, 281; II, 136,
I59
Needles, I, 304, 315; thread and, II, 103
Nelson, E. W., II, 261
Nephritox, II, 158
Nepropusk, II, 192
Nereocystis lutkeanus Mertens, II, 67
Nereocystis priapus (Gmelin), II, 27,
48, 67
Nerka, II, 48
Nettles, II, 48; sea, II, 28
Neue Nordische Beytraége, I, 360; II, vii,
X, 255, 256; Pallas’ map, II, 202, 203
BERING’S VOYAGES
New Denmark, II, 96
New Russia, I, 281
Newton, Alfred, II, 23, 109
Nibi, II, 91
Nichi, II, 91
Nikiforov, Stepan, I, 235
Nikolski, II, 201, 205
Nizhegorodok, Vasili, I, 310
Nordenskidld, A. E., I, 366, 370; II,
10, 256, 257, 260
North Pacific Ocean, extent of knowl-
edge at beginning of eighteenth cen-
tury, I, 1, opp. 2 (Delisle map of
I714); navigators, I, 353; references
on knowledge of, prior to Bering, I,
355; Russia’s work in charting
coasts, I, 4
North Pacific region, map by the St.
Petersburg Academy of Sciences,
1758, showing results of Bering’s
two expeditions, II, opp. ror
Northeast passage, I, 328
Northern Cape, Bering Island, II, 192
Nos, II, 36, 134
Nose, piercing, II, 103
Nosok, II, 177
Novaya Zemlya, I, 328
Novgorod, Archbishop of, II, 1
Nuchek, II, 52
Nuremberg map makers, II, 25
Nyctea nyctea (Linnaeus), II, 111
Nystad, Peace of, I, 6
Ob River: 1; 725355
Ocean Cape, I, 346
Odonthalia sp., II, 27
Odonthalia aleutica (Mart.), II, 27
Odonthalia kamtschatica I. G. Ag., II,
27
Officers, behavior to Steller, II, 23,
24, 26; criticized by Steller, II, 157;
haughtiness, II, 99; rank and pay, I,
31
Ohrléffel, II, 216
Okalee Channel, II, 36
Okhota River, I, 35; II, 20
Okhotsk, I, 13; attempt of the hooker
St. Peter to reach, I, 263;,28e7 01°
187; Chirikov and, I, 280, 325, 329;
departure of second expedition, June,
1740, I, 34; miscarriage of plans for
second expedition, I, 32; Pisarev and,
I, 28, 32; shipbuilding, I, 34; ships for
the second expedition, I, 30, 32; Span-
berg and, II, 14; Steller at, II, 2, 3
ORhotsk (galiot), I, 310; II, 187
INDEX
Okhotsk, Sea of, II, 28
Okulov, Ivan, I, 235, 281; II, 169
Oladi, II, 160
Olkhon Island, II, 198
Olor columbianus (Ord), II, 80
Olson, J. E., 1, 366
Olyutora, II, 18, 100, 154, 214
Olyutorsk, II, 154
Ommaney, Cape, I, 292, 314, 342
Omont, H., I, 361
Oncorhynchus nerka (Walbaum), II, 48
Osgood, W. H., II, 224, 264
Ostrovnoi Mys, II, 201
Ostyaks, I, 12
Otter Strait, I, 337
Otters. See Sea otters
Ovens, II, 160, 161, 181
Ovis musimon and nivicola, II, 207
GQursmes Dimitri, 2353. I, 133,, 136;
counterstatement on condition of
St. Peter on Bering Island, I, 231;
rank in 1757, I, 329
Ovtsin, Nikita, I, 223, 282
Owls vil, TiO; TIT; r25
Oxycoccos, II, 58
Ozernaya River, II, 202, 208
Pacific Ocean. See North Pacific Ocean
Paddles, II, 53, 96
Painting the face, II, 92
Palisa: le3535, 300° IT, 8; 6; 2h,
252, and passim; map in Vol. I of
Neue Nordische Beytrage, 11, 202,
203; omission of Steller’s statement
as to American mainland, II, 101;
Preface to Steller’s description of
Bering Island, JI, 189; publication of
Steller’s work, II, vii, x; ‘‘Zodgraph-
ia rosso-asiatica,’’ II, 75, 258
Palma, II, 47 (with ill.), 142
Pamyatniki Sibirskoi Istorii, I, 351, 354
Panov, Fedor, I, 230, 282
Paramushir Island, II, 224
Paris, Ministry of Marine at, I, 350.
See also Service Hydrographique de la
Marine
Paris Academy of Sciences, II, 10, 265
Parker, G. H., Ii, 224
‘*Particular prayer,’ II, 40
Partinyagin, Ivan, I, 235
Pashennoi, Karp, I, 204, 281
Patronymics, II, 149
Pavlov Volcano, II, 73
Pavlutski, Dmitri, I, 21, 30
Pay of members of second expedition,
TE
281
Peck; C: H., Il, 264
Pecten caurinus Gould, II, 44
Pecten jacobaeus, II, 44
Pekarskii, Petr, II, 6, 60, 91, 209, 222,
237, 247, 249, 252, 253, 258
Pelecant, II, 80, 105
Pelecanus bassanus, II, 108, 237
Peleduye, I, 20
Pennant, Thomas, II, 105, 258
Penzhina, Sea of, II, 28, 56, 247
Peregrebnoi Mys, II, 192
Perfieev, Vasili, I, 235
Peril Strait, I, 311
Perlin, II, 89
Perm, II, 3
Pesci, II, 139
‘Peselsatl, ¥30,,. 213
Peshchera, I1, 197
Peter the Great, I, 364; II, 10, 13, 187;
death, I, 8; facsimile of orders for
Bering’s first expedition with com-
ments in his own handwriting (ill.),
I, opp. 7; interest in the problem of
the relation of Asia and America,
I, 4, 6; orders (Dec. 23, 1724) for
Bering’s first expedition, I, 6
Petrels, II, 108
Petrified wood, II, 207
Petrograd, Ministry of Marine, I, 349,
371; Steller’s journal, II, vii. See
also St. Petersburg
Petropavlovsk, II, 20; arrival of Ber-
ing, Oct. 6, 1740, I, 34; arrival of the
hooker St. Peter, I, 257, 280; II, 186; -
facsimile of manuscript map by
Elagin, 1740 (map), I, opp. 34;
final return of the hooker St. Peter,
I, 267; harbor from the north (ill.),
II, opp. 186; hooker St. Peter enters,
I, 256, 267; latitude and longitude,
I, 36; list of men registered, Dec. 9,
1741, I, 327; looking south (ill.), I,
Opp. 35; Monument to Bering (ill.),
II, opp. 186; return of the St. Paul
to, I, 310, 348
Petrov, Ivan, I, 206, 281
Pewee, II, 81
Phalacrocorax dilophus cincinnatus
(Brandt), II, 80
Phalacrocorax pelagicus robustus
Ridgway, II, 80
Phalacrocorax perspicillatus Pallas, II,
237
Philophei (Leszczynski), I, 12
Phoca Richardti Gray, II, 59
Phoca ursina and leonina, II, 63
282
Phocaena, II, 64
Physical geography of Bering Island, II,
1890; of Kayak Island, II, 55
Pica pica hudsonia (Sabine), II, 59
Pico, Canal de, II, 190, 191. See also
“Channel, The”’
Pierleine, II, 89
Pigeon guillemot, II, 80
Pilcher, J. T., II, xi; comment on Ber-
ing’s death, II, 158
Pine, I, 94, 291, 314; prostrate nut, I,
262
Pinnace, II, 169
Pinnacle Rock, I, 95, 333; II, opp. 44
(ills.)
Pinus cembra, I, 262
Piper. Co Va, Li, xi
Pisarev, Grigori, instructions in relation
to Bering’s second expedition, I, 28;
worthlessness, I, 32
Pits dug on Bering Island, II, 144, 145,
146
Plants, II, 56; Bering Island, list of
chief plants and roots with identifi-
cations, II, 178, 238; distribution, II,
55; edible, II, 239; St. Elias, Cape, II,
238; Shumagin Islands, II, 84; Stel-
ler’s plant catalogues (see under
Steller, G. W.); Steller’s collection,
II, 50
Pla-un, II, 140
Plautin, Michael, I, 297, 308, 312, 317,
324; II, 22; death, I, 310, 321, 348
Plectrophenax nivalis (Linnaeus), II, 81
Plenisner, Frederic, I, 235; II, 21, 34,
86, 137, 138, 142, 147, 148, 149, 171,
244, 249
Plevun (plebun), II, 140
Plieninger, W. H. T., II, 242, 246, 248,
249, 256
Podvods, II, 134, 137
Polecat, II, 99
Polkovnikov, Nariazhev, I, 295
Polnoe Sobranie Zakonov Rossiiskoi
Imperii, I, 351, 371
Polonskii, A. S., I, 357, 364
Polovina, II, 150, 175, 192, 214; Mt.
Steller from (ill.), II, opp. 194
Poludennyi Mys, II, 197
Polygonum viviparum L., II, 178, 240
Polypodium fragrans, II, 238
Pood (pud), I, 13, 48; II, 8, 20
Popkov, Vasili, I, 219, 218
Popof Island, II, 106
Popov, Alexei, I, 208, 281; II, 136, 159
Popov, M., I, 355
BERING’S VOYAGES
Popov, Simeon, I, 32
Porpoises, I, 290, 317; II, 64, 111
Port Moller, II, 78
Possession of a new country, mark of,
II, 159
Potentilla, II, 238
Potentilla anserina L., II, 240
Potentilla fruticosa L., II, 239
Pound, Russian, II, 8
Povorotni Cape, I, 49; II, 130, 131
Prayers, II, 116, 182, 183, 187
Preble, E. A., II, 224
Precious metals, I, 31
Prefaces, I, ix; II, vii; Pallas’ preface
to Steller’s description of Bering
Island, II, 189; to Steller’s journal,
II,9
Presents for natives, I, 31, 97, 98, 99,
I4I, 147, 148, 149, 272, 274, 304,
315; II, 51, 92, 93, 103
Priapi Lin., II, 28
Pribilof Islands, II, 28, 226
Prikashchik, II, 116
Prince William Sound, I, 98, 333
Prival, II, 223
Procellaria glacialis, II, 105
Promysel, II, 147, 167
Providence, Cape, I, 335
Provisions, list of baggage and, of each
member of first expedition, I, 235
Ptarmigans, II, 81, 138, 141, 144, 150
Pteridophytes, II, 179
Pteris pedata, II, 238
Pteronura brasiliensis (Blumenbach),
II, 219
Ptychoramphus aleuticus (Pallas), II, 80
Published sources, I, 351
Pud. See Pood
Puffin Point, I, 292, 342
Puffins, II, 80; Atlantic puffin, II, 108
Pulmonaria maritima, II, 240
Purga, I, 17
Pustolga, I, 318
Putorius, II, 99
Pyrenees, II, 198
Pyrites, II, 57
Pyrola, II, 240
Pyrola minor L., II, 178, 179, 240
Quadus, Matthias, II, ro
Quarrels, Steller’s, II, 6, 7
Quartz on Bering Island, II, 198, 200
Quast, Mathijs, I, 2, 355, 356
Quercus marina, II, 22, 27
Rain water, I, 297, 309, 319
INDEX
Rainbows, II, 117, 118, 119
Rakovaya Bay, I, 47
Ramsha, Il, 81
Range Island, II, 106
Rangifer stonei Allen, II, 44
Rank of officers, I, 31; of officers and
crew of the St. Paul, I, 326, 327; of the
See eter, 1,:235
Raspberries, II, 57; yellow, II, 239
Ravens, II, 59, 81, 237
Ray, John, II, 2, 218; ‘‘Synopsis metho-
dica avium et piscium,’’ II, 108;
“Synopsis methodica stirpium britan-
nicarum,”’ II, 247
Ray’s Cornish gannet, II, 108
Ray’s redshank, II, 105
Reckoning, errors, I, 210, 256, 276,
206, 322, 3327 II, 30; 107, 122, 126,128
Red-hot stones, II, 44
Redshanks, II, 106
Reed grass, II, 28
Reefs on Bering Island, II, 197, 200
References, I, 353; II, 251
Reichard, a5 7
Reindeer bones, II, 44
Relics of Bering’s second expedition re-
covered on Bering Island in 1882
(ills.), II, opp. 159
Remezov, S., I, 355
Renal calyces, II, 236
Rheum palmatum, II, 84
Rhododendron chrysanthum Pallas, II,
239
Rhubarb, II, 85
Rhumb, two meanings, I, 37
Rhytina gigas or stelleri, II, 139
Ridgway, Robert, II, 259, 262
Rissa brevirostris (Bruch), II, 111
River gulls, II, 111
River otters, II, 217, 219
Robertson, William, II, 265
Rock ducks, II, 23
Rocks, on Bering Island and the sea
around, II, 196, 198, 200; growing,
II, 198
Rodger’s fulmar, II, 109
Roots stuffed in the nose, I, 305, 320
Rosa cinnamomea L., II, 239
Roselius, Boris, I, 214, 225, 229, 235,
241, 242, 277; II, 21, 89, 145, 148,
152, 170
Rosemary, wild, II, 239
Roses, wild, II, 239
Routes of Bering’s expeditions (maps),
first, I, 10, opp. 20; second, I, opp.
348
283
Rubus arcticus, II, 239
Rubus chamaemorus L., II, 239
Rubus spectabilis Pursh, II, 57
Rubus stellatus Smith, II, 239
Ruge, Sophus, I, 357
Rumex aquaticus, II, 85
Rumex arcticus Trautv., II, 240
Rumex occidentalis S. Wats., II, 84, 85
Russia’s solution of connection between
Asia and America, I, 328
Russian Academy of Sciences. See
St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences
Russian archives, I, 349, 371
Russian Senate, instructions for Ber-
ing’s second expedition, I, 28; Stel-
ler’s report to, II, 6, 249, 258
Russians, advance in Siberia in early
eighteenth century, I, 3
Ryabushinski, F. P., I, 370
(S), meaning, II, 8
Saccardo, P. A., II, 264
Sahlberg, John, II, 261
St. Abraham Island, I, 202, 275, 339
St. Antoine (ship), II, 72
St. Aphinogena, I, 92, 93
St. Elias, Cape, I, 95, 271, 332; II, 36;
from the southwest (ill.), II, opp. 44;
plants, II, 238
st. Elias, Mt., J, 92, 93, 271, 332;_11,
33, 42 (zll.)
St. Elias Island, II, 36. See also Kayak
Island
St. Elmo’s fire, II, 116
St. Gabriel (ship), I, 18, opp. 20, 22;
EM, 1733
St. Hermogenes, Cape, IJ, 333
St. John, Mt., II, 113
St. Lawrence Island, I, 18, opp. 20
St. Mariny Point, I, 92, 93
St. Markiana Island, I, 198, 199, 275,
339
St. Paul (ship), II, 21; Chirikov’s re-
port on the voyage, I, 312-323; com-
plement, I, 326, 348: II, 22; con-
struction and launching, I, 34; course
changed after search for Gama Land,
I, 284, 313, 341; decision to return,
I, 297, 317, 324, 344; discovery of
Land (Cape Addington), I, 291, 313,
342; first-hand records, existing, I,
283; journal, I, 283-311; landfall:
Adak Island, II, 114; landfall:
Agattu Island, I, 307, 321, 347; land-
ing in Lisianski Strait, I, 293, 315,
345; log book, I, 283, 330; loss of
284
St. Paul (ship) (continued)
men and boats sent ashore, I, 295,
317, 343; loss of men and boats—
identification of place, I, 344; loss of
men—question as to their fate, I,
311; meeting with natives on Adak
Island, I, 303, 320, 347; return to
Petropavlovsk, I, 310, 323, 348;
reckoning, I, 283, 284, 308; search
for Gama Land, I, 284, 313, 330;
separation from the St. Peter, I,
58, 63, 65, 271, 287, 313, 331, 341;
II, 23-24; start on return voyage, I,
297, 317, 346
St. Peter, hooker (ship). See Hooker
St. Peter
St. Peter (ship), I, 34; II, vii, 21; begin-
ning of voyage, I, 50, 271, 330; com-
plement, I, 235, 341; II, 21, 22;
construction and launching, I, 34;
course changed, after search for
Gama Land, for America, I, 58, 71,
270, 331; death of Bering, I, 230,
278, 340; deaths from scurvy, I,
192, 275, 281-282 (list), 338; II,
129; decision to break up, I, 233,
278; II, 174, 175; decision, July
I4, 1741, to change to more north-
erly course, I, 90, 271, 332; deci-
sion, Aug. 10, 1741, to hasten return,
I; 192272), 336- 1N,. (66, 68; dis-
covery of land, July 17, 1741, I,
93, 271, 332; II, 35; driven back by
storms, Sept.—Oct., 1741, I, 170, 275,
338; II, 111, 118; first meeting with
natives, I, 147, 273, 337; II, 90; head
winds along 53rd parallel, I, 121, 273,
336; II, 67, 69; journal lost, I, 350;
landfall: Adak and Atka Islands, I,
TOR, 275, 337,11, Pr2:) landfall:
Buldir Island, I, 201, 275, 339; II,
123, 124; landfall: Chirikov Island,
LI RPED, 27210335. Ll; 622, landiall:
Kiska Island, I, 199, 275, 339; II, 121;
landfall: Semidi Islands, I, 113, 272,
335; II, 63; landing on Bering Island,
I, 209, 276, 339; II, 136, 137; landing
on Kayak Island, I, 97, 271, 332; Il,
41; landing on Shumagin Islands,
I, 141, 273, 336; II, 77; landward for
water. P1137. 273. 3367 51, 175),, last
stretch westward, I, 203, 275, 339;
II, 125; log book, I, 36-239; mate-
rials, supplies, and provisions taken
on board, I, 48; preparations for
sailing, I, 37; relics recovered on Ber-
BERING’S VOYAGES
St, Peter (ship) (continued)
ing Island in 1882 (ills.), II, opp. 159;
repcrt on saving the ship, I, 228, 277;
saving the ship, vain attempts, I,
227, 277; search for Gama Land, I,
55, 58, 67, 270, 330; separation from
the St. Paul, I, 58, 63, 65, 271, 287,
313, 331, 341; II, 23-24; skirting
the Alaskan coast, I, I0I, 272, 333;
statement and counterstatement of
condition after wreck on Bering
Island, I, 231, 232; Steller’s account
of movements on approaching Bering
Island, II, 131; survivors’ fate, I, 341;
II, 186; track on approaching Bering
Island (map, reconstructed), II, 130;
water supply, I, 90; II, 33 (see also
Water supply); Waxel’s report on the
voyage, I, 270-281; westward voyage
continued, I, 151, 185, 275, 337, 3393
wrecked on Bering Island, I, 230,
233, 277, 278, 340; II, 153, 168
St. Peter and St. Paul, Harbor of. See
Petropavlovsk
St. Petersburg. See Petrograd
St. Petersburg Academy: of |Sciences,
II, 250, 251; Delisle de la Croyére
and, I, 32; map of results of Bering’s
two expeditions, II, 101, opp. 101,
174; members joining Bering’s second
expedition, I, 29; Steller’s journal,
II, vii
St. Stephen Island, I, 199, 201, 275,
339
Salad, II, 138, 240
Salix arctica Pallas, II, 162
Salix sp., II, 162
Salmon, II, 81; red, II, 48
Salmon berry, II, 57
Salvelinus malma (Walbaum), II, 81
Sambucus, II, 58
Sammlung Russischer Geschichte, II,
14, 9I, IOI, I13, 190
Sand, Boris, II, 148, 151
Sanders, Admiral, proposal of sea ex-
pedition from Russia to Kamchatka,
27
Sandpipers, I, 298; II, 80
Sandstone, II, 79, 198
Sanguisorba canadensis, II, 238
Sannak Island, II, 80
Saranna Lake, II, 202
Saranna lily, II, 178
Sarokin, Denis, I, 235
Sarychev, Gavriil, I, 98, 368; II, 52
Saturan, II, 177
INDEX
Sauer, Martin, I, 98, 368; on skin boats,
I, 148
Saunders, De Alton, II, 48, 67, 264
Saussurea morozeviczi Fedtsch., II, 179
Savelev, Sidor, I, 295, 316, 343; Chiri-
kov’s instructions to, I, 316, 323
Savialov. See Zaviakov
Savich, K. I., II, 257
Saxenburg, II, 209
Sazhen, II, 8, 229
Scallops, II, 44
Scharbocksbeeren, II, 58
Scherer, J. B., I, 363; II, viii, 190, 252
Schilfgras, II, 29
Scumidt, A. EF. W., Il, 216
Schnabel, J. G., II, 209
senor, C.cA.,, 1, 367
Schreber, J. C. D. von, II, 229
Schwatka, Frederick, I, 366
Scolopax nigra Gmelin, II, 105
Scorpii marini (Cottus), II, 62
Sculpins, II, 62, 81
Scurvy, I, 120, 196, 209, 272, 276, 306,
308, 319, 321, 338, 347; II, 20, 77,
85, 118, 126, 146; Bering Island, I,
237, 238; II, 146; deaths on the
Si lau, 1. 306, 308, 310, 311, 321,
322; deaths on the St. Peter, I, 167,
192, 201, 208, 219, 230, 275; deaths
on the St. Peter—list of names and
dates, I, 280, 281; effects, I, 325;
remedies, I, 238, 262; II, 84, 85, 86,
138, 178; water in which cedar had
been boiled as remedy, I, 262
Scurvy berries, II, 57, 58
Scurvy grass, II, 179
Sea animal, strange, II, 64
Sea bears (fur seals), II, 169, 176, 177,
224. See also Fur seals
Sea beavers (sea otters), II, 31, 214.
See also Sea otters
Sea biscuit, I, 319
Sea cabbage, I, 298, 300, 302, 306; II,
237
Sea COWS, .§;- 2375 235,270, 305; LI, vil;
drawing of an individual by Waxel
(ill.), II, opp. 229; hide, II, 230, 233,
234; hunting, II, 180, 227; measure-
ment by Steller (ill.), II, opp. 202;
meat and fat, II, 234; Steller’s
sea cow, II, 139; Steller’s sea cow,
detailed description, II, 226; struc-
ture, II, 229, 233; structure, internal,
II, 235
Sea eagles, II, 237
Sea grass, I, 289
285
Sea Lion Bay, II, 192
Sea’ lions, 1, 115, 237; (238, 279, 2901,
292, 314, 317; Il, 62, 63, 75, 177;
224, 226; drawing of an individual by
Waxel (ill.), II, opp. 229
Sea lungwort, II, 178
Sea monkey, II, 64
Sea nettle, I, 289; II, 28
Sed Oak, le 225 27
Sea Otter Creek, II, 147
Sea Otter Field, II, 147, 214
Sea Otter Rock, II, 192
Sea otters, I, 115, 230, 237, 238, 279:
Mee vile 31. (03> 190. / 1129820, 245°
Bering Island, II, 137, 138, 140, 147,
FOSs 2700 Tu braziian, Ulan. 32.
218, 219; description, II, 162; de-
tailed description, II, 214; as food,
Le E47, 150: habitat, Ll, 31.32.2173
habits, II 220; hunting, II, 215, 222;
Kayak Island, II, 59; migration, II,
Bik 32 2006 2ro, Skins, Lbs 148, 10K,
EOE 2 7 e2Lo
Sea parrots, IJ, 80, 105, 108
Sea pigeons, II, 105
Sea pigs, II, 111
Sea ravens, II, 237
Sea water, color, I, 290, 298 299, 306,
318
Sea wolf, II, 140
Seals, I, 237, 238, 270;-300-" 11, 104,
138, 144, 226; blubber, II, 104; fur
seals, II, 63, 169, 176, 224; hair seals,
II, 30, 59, 63. See also Fur seals;
Sea bears
Seaweeds, II, 22, 27, 29, III, 124; bottle
shaped weed, II, 65, 67; thongs made
of, II, 48
Seehunde, II, 59
Seepapageien, II, 108
Seeschwein, II, 64
Selinum benthami Watson, II, 178
Semenov, Ivan, I, 235
Semichi Islands, I, 202, 275, 307, 339,
347; II, 82, 84, 125, 126; mistaken
identification as Kurile Islands, II,
126
Semidi Islands, landfall of the St. Peter,
Lehi 4272.) 33 5.00l O35. Sr
Senate. See Russian Senate
Serdze Kamen, IJ, 11, 12
Serebrenikova Bay, II, 192
Servants, II, 148, 149
Service Hydrographique de la Marine,
Paris, 11, 70;71, 72, ODD> 72
Setchel, W. A., II, 46
286 BERING’S VOYAGES
Severgin, Vasili, I, 235
Seward Peninsula, II, 54
Sgibnev, A. S., I, 357
Shaitany, I, 13
Shalamai, II, 240
Shamans, I, 13
Shar log. See Chinese tobacco
Sharks, II, 59, 64, 117; makoat, II, 140
Sheep, wild, II, 207
Sheganoyv, Andrei, I, 310
Shelekhov, Grigorii, I, 368
Shestakov, Afanasi, I, 21
Shiksha, II, 84
Shinleaves, II, 179
Shipbuilding, instructions for Bering’s
second expedition, I, 30, 32; Okhotsk,
I, 34
Shipunski, Cape, I, 253, 276, 310, 348;
EE r30;.132, 134
Shoes, II, 163, 180
Shots fired, I, 147, 148, 274; II, 94
Shouting, I, 147, 148, 274; II, 90, 93
Shovel, I, 97, 98, 99, 271
Shumagin, Nikita, I, 142, 281, 336;
Ly 87
Shumagin Island, (Nagai Island), I, 142
144, 275, 336; II, 82
Shumagin Islands, I, 140, 142, 273,
336; II, 73, 75, 87; Khitrov’s map,
facsimile, I, opp. 148; II, 76; modern
map (ill.), II, 76; natives met by the
Sh Peer. tl, cA7s Vi,.90; ‘plant list, 1,
84; St. Peter’s landing on, I, 141, 273,
336; II, 77
Shumshu Island, II, 224
Siberia, II, 17; charting northern coast,
I, 26, 27; early maps, I, 4; exploration
of northern coast, I, 29; life in, II, 27;
referenceson history of,I, 354; Russian
advance in, early eighteenth century,
I, 3; Steller in, II, 2, 4; ukase to the
governor (Jan. 1725) as to Bering’s
first expedition, I, 8
Sibucha, II, 245
Sickness, Bering Island, I, 209, 211,
219, 225; II, 134, 146, 151; on the St.
Paul, I, 306, 308, 310, 319; on the
St. Peter, I, 120, 128, 132, 135, 143,
E50; /LOr,, 163.164,’ 160, 186, Tar.
192, 193, 205, 208, 276; II, 106, 119,
I21I; recovery from, II, 160
Sievers, Vice-Admiral, I, 8
Signal code for the St. Peter and St.
Poul Ui cAz
Signatures, initial, meaning, II, 8
Simia marina danica, II, 64, 66
Sint, Ivan, I, 23530], 21, 5514 170, 512
report and list of baggage and pro-
visions, July 1, 1742, I, 234, 235
Sirenians, II, 139
Sitka Sound, I, 292, 311, 342
Sitkalidak Island, I, 104, 272, 333
Sivuch, II, 177, 245
Sivucha Guba, II, 192
Skin boats, I, 148; II, 12, 95
Skua, II, 108, 109
Skua hoieri, II, 108
Sladkaya trava, II, 44, 45, 48
Slanets, I, 262
Slate, II, 57, 79
Slovtsov, P. A., J, 353, 354
Sluzhiv, II, 15, 120
Slyunin, N., I, 370; II, 258
Smelting, II, 53, 97, 98
Smetanik, Lavrenti, I, 235
Smoke, II, 50
Snipes, II, 80, 112; black, II, 105
Snow, II, 122, 123, 144, 162, 206; vio-
lent storm, II, 170, 171
Snow, H. J., II, 150
Snow rose, yellow-flowered, II, 239
Snowbirds, II, 81
Snowflakes (birds), II, 81
Sokolov, Aleksandr, I, 350, 351, 352,
364, 365; II, 42, 71, 72, 113
Solikamsk, II, 3, 4 :
Somniosus microcephalus (Bloch), II,
140
Sorbus aucuparia, II, 239
Sorbus sambucifolia (Cham. et
Schlecht.), II, 239
Sorrel, II, 240
Sounding lead lost by Khitrov, II, 89
Sources, manuscript, I, 349; published,
I, 351; secondary, I, 352
South Rookery, II, 170
Spanberg, Martin, I, 7, 8, 311, 3253
conduct, II, 27; at Okhotsk in 1735,
I, 32; route from Yudoma Cross to
Urak (drawing), I, opp. 13; sails for
Bolshaya River, I, 16; at Ust-Kut,
1; 22, 13° ‘voyages, I, ix; Il, zyoms
Spears (ills.), I, opp. 304
Speedwells, II, 179, 240
Spellings, II, 8, 21
Spermatophytes, II, 179
Sphagnum, II, 46
Sphondylium, II, 45, 178, 239
Splavshikov, Semeon, I, 323
Spoonwort, II, 86
Springs, II, 55, 56; Bering Island, II,
196; Nagai Island, II, 77, 79
INDEX
Spruce forest, II, 50
Squalus sucklii (Gerard), II, 59
Starichkov Island, I, 265
Startk, II, 106, 124
Starodubtsov, Sava, I, 235
State Island, I, 2; II, 73
Stealing, II, 161
Stejneger, Leonhard, I, 365; II, x, 8,
111; Bering Island surveys in 1882-
83 (map), II, opp. 208; reconstructed
tract of St. Peter on approaching Ber-
ing Island (map), II, 130; reconstruc-
tion of Steller’s first measurement of a
sea cow (ill.), II, opp. 202; relics of
Bering’s second expedition recovered
on Bering Island in 1882 (ills.), II,
opp. 159; sketch of Bering’s monu-
ment in Petropavlovsk (ill.), II, opp.
186; sketch of Copper Island in 1883
(ill.), II, 175; sketch of Mt. Steller
(ill.), II, opp. 194; sketch of Yushin’s
Valley (ill.), II, opp. 202; sketches
of Cape Manati and Steller’s Arch
(ills.), II, opp. 195; on Steller’s sea
cow, II, 139; translation by, II,x;U.S.
Natl. Museum Bull. 20, II, 23, 260;
visit to Kayak Island, II, 41; workson
botany and zodlogy of Commander
Islands, II, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263
Stejneger, Mt., II, 175
Steller, G. W., I, 29, 235; acceptance of
Bering’s offer to join second expedi-
tion, II, 16; on Bering Island, I, 233,
238, 279; II, 134; Bering’s navigation
on July 27, 1741, I, 335; Il, 61; Ber-
ing’s plan for second sea voyage, I,
35; ‘‘Beschreibung von dem Lande
Kamtschatka,’’ I, 359; II, viii, 44, 45,
189, 190, 256; ‘‘Beschreibung von
P . Meerthieren,’’ II, 222, 255;
biographical material on, II, 251;
biographical note, II, 1; books pos-
sessed by him, II, 2; ‘‘Catalogus
plantarum in insula Beringii observa-
tarum,”’ II, 179, 238, 254; ‘‘Catalogus
plantarum . . iuxta promontori-
um Eliae observatarum,” II, 57, 58,
84, 239, 254; Chirikov Island, I, 334-
335; Il, 62; complained of to the
Russian Senate, II, 3; criticisms of
Bering, II, 17; ‘‘De bestiis marinis,”’
II, 139, 222, 224, 226, 236, 245, opp.
202, Opp: 220; 255; death, II, 4;
discoveries and character, II, 4;
Gmelin, J. G., and, II, 242, 246;
handwriting, facsimile, II, 248; in-
287
Steller (continued)
terview with Bering in March, 1741,
II, 3; Kamchatka appointment, II, 1;
on Kayak Island, I, 271; II, 36, 37, 40,
51; letter to Gmelin about the voy-
age (Appendix B), II, 242; letters to
J. G. Gmelin, IJ, 256; measuring a
sea cow (ill.), II, opp. 228; on Nagai
Island, II, 77; plant catalogues, II,
254; “‘Reise von Kamtschatka nach
Amerika,” I, 351, 359; on Shumagin
Islands,” le 336-, Ll, 77: ‘storm. of
Sept. 30, 1741, I, 338; II, 115; treat-
ment of Bering and others, II, 6, 40;
voyage to America, II, 3; weaknesses,
II, 4, 5; work after returning from
Amerika, II, 3; works in manuscript,
II, 253; works published, II, 5, 255,
See also Steller’s journal
Steller, Mt., II, 194, opp. 194 (ill.)
Steller’s Arch, II, opp. 195 (ill.), 197
Steller’s Cave, II, 197, 237
Steller’s Hill, II, opp. 44 (ill.), 49
Steller’s journa!, account of voyage, IT,
21-187; facsimile of fol. 15 of MS
found in 1917 (ill.), II, 38; facsimile
of folios 76 and 77 of MS copy
(ills.), II, 165, 166; facsimile of
pages of Pallas’ edition in German in
1793 (ills.), II, 39, 164; first complete
English translation, II, ix; first pub-
lication, II, vii; German copies, II,
ix; manuscript copy, II, vii, 253-254;
present translation, II, x; Russian
translation, II, 63, 110, 254; title
page and introduction, II, 9
Steller’s sea cow, II, 139. See also
Manati; Sea cows
Steller’s sea monkey, II, 64, 65, 66
Stepanov, Savin, I, 220, 281, II, 146
Sterna paradisaea, II, 23
Sterna turneri, II, 23
Stibnite, I, 320
Stickleback, I, 309
Sticks with feathers, I, 147, 148, 274;
KES 92;.05. Fo2
Stinging jelly fishes, II, 28
Stoller, Augustin, II, 251
Storehouses, II, 47
Storm fishes, II, 63, 111
Storms, American coast, I, 120; St. Peter
driven back by, Sept.—Oct. 1741,
Ty. «n70;. 275; 3385 11, r00-FE8s. St:
Peter’s approach to Bering Island, II,
132; signs of, II, 106, 110, I11; snow
on Bering Island, II, 170, 171
288 BERING’S VOYAGES
Strahlenberg, P. J. von, I, 356
Streams on Bering Island, II, 195, 200,
201, 208
Strelechnaya Volcano, I, 49
Streptopus amplexifolius (L.) D. C., II,
58
Stryx passerina Pallas, II, 110
Sturmfisch, 11, 63, 64, 111
Subterranean wind, II, 205
Suckling, Cape, I, 92
Sukachev, V. P., I, 355
Sula bassana (Linnaeus), II, 108
Sula hoieri, I1, 108
Supplies, disposition on leaving Bering
Island, I, 236, 280; II, 182
Sutwik Island, I, 335
Suvorov, E. K., II, 45, 159, 258
Svinki, II, 110, III
Swans, II, 80
Sweet grass, I, 238; II, 44, 45, 46, 48,
49, 178, 239
Sych, II, 110, 111
Syevernoi Nos, II, 192
Symbols in log book, meaning, I, 50
Synthliboramphus antiquus (Gmelin), II,
106, 124-125
Tabin, Promontorium, II, 1o
Tanner, Z. L., II, 262
Tarakanov, Seliverst (Sylvester), I,
219, 281; II, 146
Tasman, (Ac fib; 2
Tasman and Quast’s voyage, I, 355
Taucher, II, 80, 106
Tea, II, 144, 145, 171, 178; black, II,
179; herbs used for, II, 240
Tea soup, II, 177
ibelekiss Atlas;s)1,.355, (i, 20, 10, 72,
IOI
Teneriffe Island, I, 283, 314
Terns, II, 23
Terre de la Compagnie. See Company
Land
Tertian fever, II, 158
Tetrao Lagopus, II, 81
Texeira’s map of 1649, I, 2; II, 72
Theeboy, II, 179
Theodosius Island, I, 105
Thériot, I., II, 263
Thoma, cassack servant, II, 141
Thongs of seaweed, II, 48, 49
Thread and needles, II, 103
Throwing stick (ill.), I, opp. 304
Thrush, dwarf, II, 81
Thunder, II, 207
Tiarella trifoliata, II, 238
Tigil River, II, 20
Timber, I, 99, 272; II, 81, 82, 83
Time, astronomic and civil, I, 50, 332;
II, 33, 35, 107
Tinder, II, 45, 46, 49
Titov; Av. Ay lyig545255
Tlingits, I, 311
Tobacco, II, 172; presented to natives,
BS St
Tobacco pipes, II, 92, 94
Fobolsk, J, 1153545 11,34
Tolstoi Mys, II, 192
Tomsk, II, 2
Tonkikh, Jeremiah, I, 235
Tools, II, 163, 176, 180
Toothshell, II, 143
Toporkov Island, II, 202, 203
Torda, II, 80
Tornebohm, A. E., II, 257
Toroptsov, Mikhail, I, 215, 281; II, 137
Totanus fuscus (Linnaeus), II, 106
Totanus totanus (Linnaeus), II, 106
Tournefort, J. P. de, II, 2, 27, 28
Toy for children, II, 53
Track of the St. Peter and the St. Paul,
(map), I, opp. 348
Tracks, animal, II, 79
Trade winds, II, 34
Transehe, N. A., II, xi, opp. 184
Transliteration, II, 8, 21, 133
Trap My 7437 nas
Trautvetter, E. R., II, 260
Trees, absence of, II, 81, 82; cutting
down of with blunt tools, II, 46;
Shumagin Islands, II, 81
Trelease, William, II, 264
Tretyakov, Andrei, I, 167, 281
Tretyakov, Ivan, I, 230, 282; II, 112
Trillium erectum, II, 238
Trinity Islands, I, 334, 335
Trubeshin, Grigori, I, 266
Trubitsin, Grigori, I, 291, 314
True, F.)W., Il, 74, 260
Trumpet blown, II, 40
Trumpeter, II, 21, 136
Tugidak Island, I, 335; II, 61
Tulen, I, 279
Tumannoi (Foggy) Island, I, 112, 113,
272, 335
Tungus, I, 13, 16, 28
Tunguska (Upper) River, I, 12
Tura, Upper. See Verkhotura
Turinsk (Epanchin), I, 11
Turner, L. M., IJ, 261
Turner, William (d. 1568), II, 23
Turner Island, II, 77
INDEX
Tyumen, i, II, 355; LE; 3,4
Uka, II, 18, 100
Ukinski Bay, II, 18
Ulmaria, II, 240
Ulva priapus, II, 67
Umnak Island, I, 346
Unalaska, II, 97; hut (ill.), I, opp. 305
Unalaskans, I, 275; man (ill.), I, opp.
304; native in baidarka (ill.), I,
opp. 149; weapons and implements
(ills.), I, opp. 304, opp. 305; woman
Gil); 5, opp: 305
Underground huts of island natives,
II, 105
Unga Island, II, 73, 81, 106
Unimak Island, II, 78, 97
U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey chart
No. 8513, II, 36; section (map), II, 43
University of Washington, I, 353, 358;
II, 254
Upper Kamchatka Post, I, 17
Upper Tura. See Verkhotura
Urak, route to, from Yudoma Cross
(drawing), I, opp. 13
Uria, II, 80
Uria senicula, II, 124
Uris, I, 2091; II, 80, 105
Urtica marina, II, 28
Urup, II, 18, 73
Usachev, Michael, I, 306
ist-Kut, I, ir; 12, 13
Uva ursi, II, 239
Vaccinium ovalifolium Smith, II, 57
Vaccinium uliginosum L., II, 58, 239
Vaccinium vitis idaea L., II, 57, 84,
178, 239
Vakhtin, V., I, 351, 366
Vancouver, George, I, 111, 368
Vasey, George, II, 261
Vasilev, Martin, I, 235
Vaua, landmark, I, 283; lighthouse, I,
49, 51, 313; St. Paul’s return and, I,
310
Vaugondy, Robert de, I, 356
Vegetation and winds, II, 81, 82, 83
Veniaminov, Ivan, I, 370
Verkhaturov, Peter, I, 235
Verkhotura (Upper Tura), I, 11
Vermin, II, 121
Veronica americana Schwein., II, 138,
179, 240
Veronica aphylla var. grandiflora
(Gartn.) (or kamtschatica L. fil.),
II, 179, 240
289
Veronica beccabunga, L., II, 138
Verst, II, 8
Vich, syllable, II, 149
Vilyuchensk Island, I, 265
Vilyuchensk [Vilynchin] Volcano, I, 49,
253, 255, 310
Visibility, arc of, I, 199-200; II, 73
Vitim River, I, 13
Vizcaino, Sebastian,
Dorado, I, 2, 355
Volcanoes, American, I, 272; Avacha
Bay vicinity, I, 49; Kamchatka, I,
279
Voloshinov, Colonel, II, opp. 158
Vow, religious, II, 118
Voyage of Bering and Chirikov, chart
by E. P. Bertholf, I, opp. 348
Voyages, bibliography, I, 367
Vrange, Navigator, I, 297, 312, 317;
death, I, 310, 321, 348
Vries Me Gn foo isss3560- Il rs
Vries Strait, II, 73
Vulpes beringensis, II, 139
Vulpes Rkenaiensis Merriam, II, 59, 79
Vulpes vulpes or vulgaris, II, 212
Vyatka, II, 48
search for El
Wagellus cornubiensium, II, 109
Wagner, Hermann, II, 33
Wallfische, II, 74
Walrus, I, 292, 2095, 298, 317; teeth,
Il; 1037 tusk; [lj rAg.-1r44
Ward, R. DeC., II, xi, 68
Washington, University of, I, 353, 358;
LE 254
Water, Algonquian term for, II, 91
Water birds, II, 80
Water cress, II, 84, 240
Water supply, II, 77, 106; St. Peter,
0037 11) 333, 37, (0055. eter, at
Nagai Island, II, 77; shortage on the
St. Paul, I, 297, 304, 306, 308, 317,
318, 322, 324; shortage on the St.
Peter, I, 137, 138, 196, 209, 273, 276,
336; II, 74, 120
Watering place on Kayak Island, II,
4I, Opp. 45 (ills.)
Waves, II, 122, 123
Waxel, Sven, I, 235; II, 21, 60, 61, 118,
E205) ¥2i,) 128) 120-0177. ekore 302
anonymous pamphlet, I, 362; II, 6,
265; chart of results, of expedition,
E3665) 3672-99113, £75..0DD, 220
(ill.); drawing of an Aleut, I, opp.
149 (ill.); II, 95; encounter with na-
tives, I, 147, 148; fate, I, 329; landing
290
Waxel (continued)
on Bering Island, I, 209, 214, 225;
manuscript account of the expedition,
II, 264; report on saving the St.
Peter, I, 228, 277; report on the voy-
age of the St. Peter, I, 270-281, 358;
sickness, I, 209; II, 137, 152; state-
ment of condition of St. Peter on
Bering Island, I, 231, 232; Steller’s
criticism of, II, 243
Waxel, Cape, II, 168, 174, 175, 192, 197
Wayel, II, 109
Weather on Bering Island, II, 153
Weber, —, I, 362
Weights and measures, II, 8
West wind, II, 68, 108, 126
Westerlund, C. A., II, 261
Western Sea, II, 70
Whale blubber, I, 148, 274; II, 93, 94,
104
Whale Creek, II, 192, 214
Whalebones, II, 207
Whales, I, 86, 115, 116, 279, 290, 292,
299, 302, 317; II, 59, 74, 104, 106,
109; as food, I, 238; fresh whale
ashore on Bering Island, II, 176;
sperm whale, II, 140; ziphoid whale,
II, 140
Whetstone, II, 52, 53
White River, II, 53
Whortleberries, II, 57, 84
Wickersham, James, I, 352
Wild roses, II, 239
Williams, R. S., II, 46
Willis, Thomas, II, 2
Willow, II, 55, 162
Willow ptarmigans, II, 81
Winds, Bering Island, II, 205; head
winds along 53rd parallel and the
St. Peter, I, 121; II, 67, 69; land and
sea breeze habitus, II, 74; southeast,
II, 111, 112; subterranean, II, 205;
vegetation and, II, 81, 82, 83; west
winds as evidence of land ahead, II,
68, 108, 126
Wine, I, 319
Wingham Island, I, 96, 332; II, opp.
45 (ill.)
Wintergreens, II, 179
Witsen, Nicolaas, I, 356; II, ro
Woehlcke, Louise, Il, 258
BERING’S VOYAGES
Wolves, II, 79
Wood, II, 163, 178, 181; on Bering
Island, II, 142, 145, 150, 162
Wood Creek, II, 147, 150, 192
Wooded Islands, I, 333
Wooden hats, I, 149, 274, 275, 305,
320; II, 102, 103; specimen (ill.), I,
Opp. 304
Wormwood, II, 240
Wrangell, Ferdinand von, I, 328, 369;
TE, 47.277
Wright, J. K., II, 205
Yakutat Bay, I, 92, 346; II, 57
Vakuts, T. 1356
Yakutsk,. I, 12/20; 35-703; 2593
Yawl, II, 88, 89, 184
Yedzo. See Yezo
Yellow raspberries, II, 239
Yenisei River, I, 12
Yeniseisk, I, 12; II, 2, 242
Yevrashka, II, 79
Yezo,. I, 1, 328,) 356; 001, \aaeg2-mem
Delisle map, II, 71
Yudin, G., I, 355
Yudin Collection, I, 353
Yudoma Cross, I, 13; route from,
to Urak (drawing), I, opp. 13
Yudoma River, I, 13
Yukola, II, 44
Yulov, midshipman, I, 323, 324
Yurts, II, 159, 160, 163, 169
Yushin, Kharlam, I, 235; II, 21; Ber-
ing Island reconnaissance, I, 232;
II, 168, 173, 174; description of
Bering Island, I, 236; journal of the
hooker St. Peter, I, 239; log book of
the St. Peter, I, 36, 211, 358; Tiarayz
I21; page of log book, facsimile, I,
opp. 52; scurvy, I, 196, 206
Yushini Pad, II, 201
Yushin’s Sherlop, II, 198
Yushin’s Valley, II, 201, opp. 202 (ill.),
226
Zapiski Hydrograficheskago Departa-
menia, I, 351, 352, 357, 364, 365
Zaviakov (Savialov, Zavialov), Luka,
I, 195, 281; II, 120
Zhegalov, Stepan, I, 235
Zykov, Elizar, I, 235
p.
p.
ERRATA
VOL. I
2, line 12 from bottom: transpose came to beginning of next line.
2, lines 11-9 from bottom: Instead of sentence beginning with ‘‘ One of these”’ read:
The two southernmost of these, Kunashiri and Itorup, he thought were one island,
which he named State Island and the other, Urup (which he thought to be part of
the American continent), Company Land.
Opp. p. 20, title of Fig. 6, next-to-last line: for August 22—-September, 1727 read
p.
p.
August 22—September 2, 1727.
22, line 13 from bottom: for baidaras read baidars.
32, large type, line 7 from bottom: for Pizarev read Pisarev.
Opp. p. 35, title of Fig. 8: As evident from the description of the St. Peter and the
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St. Paul on p. 34, the ships in the view are not these vessels. Add to From an old
engraving the words practically identical with an engraving in Steller’s ‘‘ Beschrei-
bung von dem Lande Kamtschatka,”’ 1774, opp. p. 17.
98, two last lines of footnote 38: for 1806, Part II, pp. 52-53 read 1807, Vol. 2,
Dp: 25.
120, line 7 from bottom: for Khatianintsov read Khotyaintsov.
148, line 4 of footnote 91: for Fig. 11 read Fig. 12.
237, line 11: for cape read camp.
256, 11 A. M. entry: for went into read proceeded to.
311, re loss of Chirikov’s men: Pallas says (Neue Nordische Beytrage, Vol. 1,
1781, p. 272) that on Heceta’s expedition of 1775, in lat. 56° near the coast, a party of
very white and blond natives in thirty canoes was met with, and he queries whether
these might have been descendants of Chirikov's men.
324, last line: for sleep read deep.
. 325, lines 12-7 from bottom: The quotation from Steller’s journal is not literally
coincident with the same passage in the present volume (p. 61) because it was taken
from Dr. Golder’s and not Dr. Stejneger’s translation (see above, p. x).
335, line 8: for Chiginigak read Chiginagak.
339, line 3 from bottom, and Pl. I: interpretation of track of St. Peter on approach-
ing Bering Island from the east should be modified according to Fig. 15 and footnote
3004 of the present volume.
. 357, line 10: for Mikhael read Mikhail.
. 360, line 4: for 1795 read 1793.
. 364, line 13: for 67° 18’ N. read 65° 30’ N.
. 365, line 2 from bottom: for Vol. 3, 1885, read Vol. 8, 1885.
365, line 23: for svyedenie read svyedyenie.
. 367, line 8: for Fig. 5 read Fig. 6.
. 370, line 7 from bottom: for SLUININ read SLYUNIN.
371, line 7: for dyyl read dyel.
VOLES AL
6, line 7 from bottom; p. 60, line 3 from bottom; p. 91, line 6 of footnote 206: for
Pekarski read Pekarskii.
38, line 3 of title of Fig. 1: for leaves read pages.
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