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J^rederic^ SaggallaY. 







Vol. 111. 


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Cambrtlige : 


lottlJoii: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, 

•luaoip: 60, WELLINGTON STREET. 

1 901 



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This volume completes the History of the College as origin- 
ally designed, and as indicated to the subscribers six years ago. 
Besides the friends already mentioned as having helped me in the 
first two volumes, I have much pleasure in recording my thanks 
to Rev. E. S. Roberts and Dr Reid, tutors, Mr Lock, bursar, and 
Mr A. M. Knight, dean, who have revised many of the proof- 
sheets ; to Mr C. E. Sayle, for his help in respect to book-rarities 
in our library, and the heraldry of the College ; to Mr J. E. Foster 
for aiding me in the description of the plate ; to Rev. W. G. Searle, 
Mr J. W. Clark, and Mr W. Hudson of Eastbourne, for advice 
and suggestions as to the deciphering of several ancient records. 
The Rev. E. Cookson, formerly of the College has helped me 
in numerous identifications of old members, and in the compilation 
of an Index of schoolmasters. The assistance of other kind friends 
will be found acknowledged in several places. 

I had hoped that a chapter by Mr E. J. Gross, former bursar, 
dealing with the history of our estates from their earliest acquisi- 
tion by the College would have found a place in this volume. 
But, though this is far advanced, it has proved impossible to 
complete it in time for insertion, without further delaying the 
execution of the promise to subscribers which illness and other 
causes have already delayed longer than was at first hoped. 


Dec, 1901. 



Biographical account of the successive Masters of the College, with extracts 

from the AnnaU, Oesta, Bursar's books, &c. ... 1 — 154 

Founders: Edmund Qonville and William Bateman 1 — 8 

Masters: 1. John Colton, 1349-1360 9 

2. William Rougham, 1360-1393 12 

3. Richard Pulham, 1393-1412 12 

4. William Somersham, 1412-1416 14 

5. John Rickinghale, 1416-1426 14 

a Thomas Atwood, 1426-1464 16 

7. Thomas Boleyn, 1454-1472 18 

8. Edmund Sheriffe, 1472-1476 19 

9. Henry Costessey, 1475-1483 20 

10. John Early, 1483-1504 21 

11. Edmund Stubb, 1504-1513 23 

12. William Buckenham, 1513-1536 24 

13. John Skipp, 1636-1640 25 

14. John Styrmin, 1540-1552 27 

15. Thomas Bacon, 1552-1559 28 

16. John Caius, 1559-1573 30 

17. Thomas Legge, 1573-1607 64 

18. William Branthwaite, 1607-1619 70 

19. John Gostlin, 1619-1626 •... 74 

20. Thomas Batchcroft, 1626-49, and 1660 85 

21. William Dell, 1649-1660 ..! 93 

22. Robert Brady, 1660-1700 105 

23. James Halman, 1700-1702 110 

24. John Ellys, 1702-1716 110 

25. Thomas Gooch, 1716-1754 115 

26. James Burrough, 1754-1764 126 

27. John Smith, 1764-1795 129 

28. Richard Fisher (Belward) 1795-1803 132 

29. Martin Davy, 1803-1839 133 

30. Benedict Chapman, 1839-1852 137 

31. Edwin Guest, 1852-1880 140 

32. Norman Macleod Ferrers 1880. 





Description and History of the College Buildings 

The Chapel: its monuments, and windows, &c. ... 

The Hall: dinner, kitchen, &c 

The Library: its principal rarities 

The Master's Lodge 

The Combination Room, Treasuiy, Porter's Lodge, and 
Physwick Hostel 

Endowments ... ... ... ... ... 

Fellowships: their history, specific provisions, &c. 

Scholarships: „ „ „ 

Prisses and Speeches 

r ••. ... ... .«• •». ..• ... .•• 

X no DUiDar ... ... ... ... ... ... 

X oe o uew^aru ... ... ... ... ..• ••• 

Chapel Officials, Key-keepers, Registrary, Porter 
Lecturers and Tutors: their history and specific duties 
Examinations ... ... 

Schools and Almshouses, with List of Masters of the Perse School ... 

The Collie Records 

The Admission Register, .Qesta, Sealing books, Libri rationales. Bursar's 
books. Absence books, the AnnaUy Lease books, &c. 

Status of the Students in College 

Commemoration of Benefactors: with detailed list of the various Gifts 

Present Antiquities remaining in the Collie 

List of the Portraits now in the College 

Description of the principal old pieces of Plate 

History of the Boat Club 

Livings in the gift of the College, with Lists of Incumbents. 














Transcripts of various Charters, Licences, Deeds, Statutes, &c 

1. Oonville Pedigree 

2. Royal Licence of Foundation, 1348 

3. Consent of the Prior of Barnwell, 1348 

4. Gonville's Deed of Foundation, 1349 

5. „ Letter of Attorney, 1349 

6. Bateman's Foundation Deed, 1351 

7. Bishop of Ely's Confirmation, 1352 

8. Chancellor of the University's Confirmation, 1352 

9. Bishop of Ely: Licence for Chapel, 1353 

10. Prior and Chapter of Ely, approval, 1353 ... 

11. Change of Site, 1353 

12. Composition of Amity, 1353 

13. Bishop's approval of same, 1353 

14 Exequies of Bp Bateman, 1354 

15. Bishop of Ely: Licence for Chapel, 1389 

16. Repair of Drains, 1393 

17. Bull of Boniface IX for Chapel, 1393 

18. Bishop of Ely: Licence for Chapel, 1476 

19. Bull of Sixtus IV : residence of Monks, 1481 

20. „ Alexander VI about Chapel, 1500 

21. Licence for College preachers, 1501 

22. Interpretation of Statute by Alexander VI, 1502 

23. Bull of Alexander VI, 1502 

24. Report of Commissioners of Henry VIII, 1546 

25. Petition to Queen Mary by the Collie, 1557 

26. Royal Injunction by Elizabeth, 1564 

27. Statutes of Oonville 

28. „ „ Bateman 

3Sva „ „ waiUB ••• ... ••• ••• ... 

30. Will of Dr Caius 

Statistical Progress of the University, 1500-1900 

Carmen Caianum 

Admissions to the College from Jan. 1, 1899, to Oct 1, 1901 
Index of Schoolmasters mentioned in the Admissions ... 

Addenda et Corrigenda 

Oeneral Index to VoL III 











Portrait of the Author 

Plan of Original Site of Gonville Hall 
Plan of Collie before Dr Caius' Additions 

Portrait of Dr Caius 

First and Second Coll^;e SeaLs 

Gate of Honour, from the Court 

„ „ „ Senate House Passage 

Gate of Humility, in present site 

Gate of Virtue 

Caius Court 

Hamond's Plan of Cambridge, 1590 
Legge Buildings and Gate of Humility, 1841 (Le Keux) 
Ancient Cubicle in Legge Building (from Willis and Clark's 
Loggan's Plan of Cambridge, 1688 

„ View of the College, 1688 
Gonville Court ... 

Plan of the Coll^;e, 1860 

Barraclough's Building, 1868 

Fellows* Garden, 1841 (Le Keux) 

Present Front Gate of College, 1900 
FeUows' Garden, Apse of Chapel, &c., 1900 

Bird's-eye View of College, 1900 

The Chapel, 1841 (Le Keux) 

„ ,, XO</t/ ••• ••• ••• •■• 

Monument to Dr Caius 

Dr Gbstlin 

Dr L^ge 

i^r X erse ••• •.• ••• 
CoU^e Hall, from the Street, 1900 

The Library, 1899 

The Master's Garden, 1900 

Bmi's-eye View of Master's Garden, 1900 

Plan of the College, 1900 

Statistical Chart of growth of University... 



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4 1,^ Nobis reges nil dedere, 

Nil reginffi oontnlere : 
^ Opibns privatis vere 

Samns institnti. {Carmen Caianum.) 

Ant account of the roasters of Gonville Hall must in duty commence with 
some account of Cronville* himself. His family occupies a somewhat remarkable 
position in English, and County, history. It is not one of those which gradually 
emerged into importance by their wealth. It did not spring at once into rank 
and fame by royal favour. There are no vicissitudes or tragedies in its brief 
history. From the first it occupied a. uniformly good position in ihe county and 
state : held this for five generations : and then died out. Our college owes much to 
the Gonvilles. The first member of the family about whom anything is really 
known was Edmund, our founder. The last, the Lady Anne Scroope, was a chief 

Edmund Gonville was the son, not, — as our Commemoration Service erroneously 
states, — of Nicholas, but of William*. All that is known of William is the 
statement, in the return to a writ as to the property of the lay subjects of the 
King of France in Norfolk and Suffolk in 1295, that he was a native born subject 
of the King of France "commorans in Anglia," and that he held the manor of 
Lerling, with other property in Foulden and Palgrave. He had two sons; 
Nicholas, a knight^ who married a daughter of Sir William Lerling, and Edmund, 
who, like many of the family, was a priest. Edmund was rector of Thelnetham, 
Suff., 1320-26; of Rushworth, Norf., 1326-43; and of Terrington, 1343 till his 
death. He was evidently held in high estimation for his business capacity, as he 

^ The earliest spelling of his name appears to be Gonvile; but, for uniformity, I have 
adhered to the cnstomaiy spelling. 

* The pedigree in the Appendix will show what is known about the family. It is extracted 
from Dr Bennet*8 Rushworth College, to whom is due most of our knowledge about the 
family. Our Ck>mmemoration Service,— carelessly compiled early in the last century,— is of no 
authority whatever. Blomefield is correct as to the parentage, but wrong as to the marriage, 
of Nicholas Gonvile. 

C. III. 1 


was appointed steward, about 1318, to the powerful William Earl Warren, 
owner of very large property in the neighbourhood. He afterwards held the 
same office to the Earl of Lancaster. Subsequently he was Commissioner of the 
Marshlands of Norfolk, and was also Commissary to the bishop of Ely. The first 
sign of his active interest in spiritual matters, beyond the limits of his own parish, 
was shown in the House of Friars Preachers of Thetford, established, at his sug- 
gestion apparently, by the Earl of Lancaster, about 1 330. This was followed by the 
foundation of Rush worth College, Aug. 31, 1342. It may well be asked how a 
parish priest, a younger son whose brother had heirs, became possessed of property 
for such a foundation. It was brought about, apparently, in this way. Edmund's 
brother. Sir Nicholas, had four sons. The eldest, John, succeeded to the family 
entate in Rush worth : the three others became priests, and held benefices in the 
neighbourhood. John was something of a mauvais sujet^ was frequently absent 
and in hiding, and finally, in 1342, assigned all his lands in Rush worth and 
Lerling to two of his brothers, leaving only a portion of his property to his infant 
son. Apparently the influence of the uncle of the young men prevailed for the 
appropriation of the property to the foundation of a college at Rushworth, of 
which parish Edmund was at that time rector. 

The peculiar nature of this college deserves notice; for, though others were 
afterwards founded on similar lines, it appears to have been a new experiment at 
the time. It differed widely from the ordinary monastic conception. It was " a 
college, or simple community, of priests living together in God's service, under the 
direct control of the Bishop of the Diocese, holding their property on condition 
of strict obedience to statutes and regulations ordained by their founder, and 
subject at every point of their conduct to the Bishop's visitation and authority " 
(Bennet). It consisted of a master and four fellows, who were bound to reside 
constantly, and to wear a peculiar dress. They had the spiritual charge of the 
church and village of Rushworth, and were bound to a certain round of daily 
services, commemoration of benefactors, and similar duties; but they diverged 
widely from the monastic ideal in being exempt from the usual vows of obedience 
and poverty, and in not having their time occupied in a nearly continuous 
succession of services. In later times a school was added to the foundation ; but 
it must not be supposed that either this, or the college itself, was in any way 
intended as a feeder for his later and grander foundation at Cambridge. Gonville 
soon handed over to his college the rectory of Rushworth, as part of their endow- 
ment, and went to his new living, Terrington near Lynn. Besides his endowment 
of Rushworth, he appears to have built the church and college there. 

The college survived for two centuries, having on the whole done its prescribed 
work well : escaping all scandal, and from time to time adding to its endowment 
by further benefactions. As a religious corporation it fell at the Reformation, 
with the monasteries and chantries, being suppressed Dec. 6, 1541. 

This fine foundation had not, however, exhausted Uie fortune at €k>nville's 
bestowal. In a return of 1346 (Close rolls) of sums advanced to the king for his 
projected passage into France, Edmund Gonville ranks amongst the greatest 
churchmen, being rated at 300 marks : the sum assigned to the priors of Ely and 


Norwich, Uie bishop of Hereford, and other prominent church dignitaries. Still 
devoted to good works, whilst at Terrington he founded, or was a great benefactor 
to, the Hospital of St John at Lynn. He was at this time Commissioner of the 
Marshlands of Norfolk. 

There remains the great foundation by which he is known at the present day. 
Large as his benefactions had already been, he was still a rich man. He had 
established a college of secular priests, and a hospital : where should he seek now 
for a fresh field of usefulness? For the ancient monastic system he had apparently 
no high esteem, and it was many years since he had shown an interest in the 
Orders of Friars. Possibly a recent residence in Cambridge, — where he is said 
to have obtained the degree of Doctor of Divinity, —may have convinced him, 
by the example of two or three new foundations, that there was another and a 
better way, than that which followed the old monastic ideal, of serving God and 
promoting the cause of His Church. Peterhouse had been in existence since 1284, 
followed by Michaelhouse in 1324, University Hall (afterwards refounded as 
Clare) in 1326, and King's Hall in 1337. The idea was evidently "in the air" 
at this time, as almost simultaneously with Gonville's own college. Trinity Hall, 
Pembroke and Corpus came into existence. This close coincidence in time with 
Trinity Hall is significant. Gonville was a friend of Bateman, and left him, as 
his executor, to carry out his project. One cannot but think that he and the 
bishop must have often discussed the subject together ; and however they differed 
as regards the relative importance of Theology and Canon Law, must have been in 
agreement in holding that the main hope of the Church then lay in the wise en- 
couragement of houses for the secular clergy in the Universities. 

His first step of which we have any evidence was the purchase, from John 
Brunne and Daniel Festede, March 5, 1346-7, of 'three messuages and a garden 
with appurtenances, in Lurthebume Strete,' now Freeschool Lane: the original* 
site of the college, afterwards exchanged with Corpus. The next step consisted in 
procuring the necessary licencea That of the king is dated at Westminster 
Jan. 28, 1347-8. Recognizing, through his escheator, that such a foundation 
would not be to the royal loss or damage, he grants permission to Edmund Gonville 
' to erect and create anew a certain college of twenty scholars in the University of 
Cambridge, in dialectics and other sciences of students, and to give a name to the 
same coUege, and that he may grant and assign to a certain master and scholars 
his messuages and garden with its appurtenances in the street called Luri^ebume 
Strete in the same town...' (v. Appendix). It deserves notice that in these 
Letters Patent it is expressly stated that the permission is granted at the request 
of Sir Walter de Manny, the famous* warrior. This was followed by two deeds 
conveying the assent of those from whom the land was held in fief, viz. one by 

^ It was a small piece of ground, now mostly inolnded in the master's garden, having one door 
from the lane, and one from St Botolph's churchyard. It was only held for five years. The 
deed is in our Treasory (Box I. 8). The plan will explain the position of the ground. 

* Manny was an intimate friend of the Earl of Lancaster, himself the friend and patron of 



Thomas Norys, burgess of Cambridge, dated Dec. 6, 1348; and one by the prior 
and convent of Barnwell, dated the same day (Appendix). 

After this came the deed of foundation, dated at Terrington, on June 4, 
1349, — towards the height, it may be remarked, so far as Norfolk is concerned, 
of the awful plague, 'Hhe Black Death/' This is the first document in which 
John Colton is mentioned as master of the Hall. The "scholars " (i.e. fellows) are 
also referred to, but whether they had yet been actually nominated is not certain : 
they are first mentioned by name in 1354 in the deed of conveyance of the manor 
of Triplow (Dr Caius has erroneously antedated their names. The deed is dated 
* Thursday after the feast of St Mathias the Apostle, 28th Edw. III.' ; i.e. Feb. 27, 
1353-4). On the above-mentioned day, June 4, 1349, Gonville appointed Richard 
Ely, rector of Thelveton, his attorney. This is the last document we have during 
his lifetime (v. Appendix). 

He then proceeded to draw up a body of Statutes (v. Appendix), but whether 
these ever obtained any formal sanction seems very doubtful. We have a copy 
in our Treasury (Box I. 10), transcribed by Sheriffe in his Evidences^ but the 
date is not filled in ; and though the statutes are followed by acknowledgements 
of approval by the Master (John de Tyrington) and by the Vice-Chancellor (Adam 
de Grantchester) these persons are only indicated by initials. It looks, in fact, as 
if these documents were only drafts. They have evidently never had any seal 

Gonville did not live to carry out his designs any further than this; but left it 
to Bateman, bishop of Norwich, as executor, to complete his foundation. The 
exact date of his death is not known, but it was some time in 1351 ; and he was 
therefore not, like so many of his fellow parish clergy, a victim of the Pestilenoa 
He was certainly alive March 20, 1350-1 (Feast of St Cuthbert, 24th Edw. Ill:— 
deed amongst the Buxton MSS.*); and his successor at Terrington was instituted 
Oct. 18, 1351. After careful search, no trace of his Will or Inquisition post 
mortem has been found. 

Though we rightly regard Gonville as our founder, it is not certain that we 
owe to him any part of our endowment. He is known to have been a rich man, 
as already stated, or at least to have had ample means at his disposal Dr Caius 
says (AnncUs) that he supported the master and fellows during his life-time, 
viz. for about three years ; and that he left a large sum in the hands of his executor 
in order to provide a permanent endowment. What became of this money is not 
clear : very possibly it was employed in the purchase of advowsons as presently 

^ E. E. Bennet, Ruihworth College. (This has been issued separately, but is also published 
in Vol. X. of Norfolk Arch4gology.) 













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Bateman, when the completion of the work was thus put into his hands in the 
autumn of 1351, had not really a longer span of life before him than had been 
allotted to Gronville when he first commenced it. And he was, as he says in 
a deed of confirmation, already over-burdened with his own special foundation of 
Trinity HalL In less than three years he started for Avignon, on an important 
mission of State. There he died', Jan. 6, 1354-5, and was buried in the cathedral 
with great pomp, all the resident cardinals attending his funeral, which was 
celebrated by the patriarch of Jerusalem. There is no trace of any tomb, or 
monument to his memory, to be found in the church. 

Before his death however Bateman had had time to carry out all the necessary 
steps for establishing the college on a tolerably firm footing ; viz. by the confirma- 
tion of Gronville's foundation, drawing up a code of statutes, conferring a name, 
confirming or granting a seal, securing some permanent endowment, and by a 
'' Treaty of Amity " with his own special foundation of Trinity Hall. These shall 
be noticed in order. 

Within a few months of Gonville's death, viz. on Dec. 21, 1351, Bateman drew 
up a ** stabilitio " of the foundation. It is dated at his manor of Hoxne, Sufiblk, 
and records that Gk>nville ' had proposed to found a college ; but being prevented 
by death was unable to complete his design. We therefore, the bishop, though 
heavily burdened by our foundation and endowment of Trinity Hall, lest such a 
praiseworthy design should fall into entire ruin, establish, &c., the said college, 
and desire that it shall be called the Hall of the Annunciation of the Blessed 
Virgin Mary. We propose so to endow it with rents and privileges (redditihua et 
fcictdUUibvs) as to provide it with a permanent sufficiency. And we reserve free 
power to assign to it such rules and statutes as to our conscience shall seem 
necessary or useful ' (for the exact expressions see the Appendix), It must be 
observed that this " stabilitio," though confirmed by the bishop of Ely, and by the 
Chancellor of the University, fell short of what was necessary. Bateman did not 
secure any royal charter of incorporation ; and so left the college, as Caius and 
Brady point out, in a very precarious legal position. This was not remedied until 
Caius himself, more than two centuries later, procured such a charter. Meanwhile, 
as he says (vlnwa/»), they enjoyed their property and *were what they thought they 
had been, rather by the piety, goodness, and simplicity of those ages than by any 
right of law.* 

Next came the assignment of Statutes*, which of course superseded those 
sketched out by Gonville. They are dated at Hoxne, Sept. 7, 1353. 

1 The best account of Bateman's life and work is to be found in a paper by Prof. E. C. Clark 
(Proc, of Comb, Ani. Soc., xxxix.). 

' We have two copies of Statutes by Bateman in our Treasury, both dated on the same day 
(Sept 7, 1353) at his manor of Hoxne, but different. The first of these (Box I. 16) is very short, 
and is endorsed (in Caius* hand) •prima hec Ep» statuta cassata sunt per secunda ejusdem dati, 
oontinentia hec et multa alia.* It has a good impression of the Bishop's private seal attached. 
The second, as we have it (Box 1. 16), is an official notary's copy of the original, and is dated at 


The college was governed by these statutes of Bateman alone, for about 
two centuries; and by these, as modified by those of Caius, for about three 
centuries more; viz. till 1860. They are printed in the Appendix^ with a few 
notes which will save any detailed discussion here. Their exact relation to those 
of Gonville has been frequently discussed. Bateman has always ranked as a 
second founder, and is described by many as having carried out Gonville's 
designs. Others speak as if he had thrust himself into the real founder's place, 
and perverted his intentions. Amongst these is Mr MuUinger who says (Hist i. 
247) " Bishop Bateman is spoken of as having " carried out " Gonville's intentions 
in giving statutes to Gonville Hall. For "carried out" we might read "frustrated".'* 
There is, undoubtedly, a considerable difference between the regulation of Gonville, 
that his fellows should, as a general rule, 'after Arts proceed to Theology,' and 
that of Bateman that they should proceed to ' Civil or Canon Law, to Theology, or 
to Medicina' It sounds like the difference between making the principal aim that 
of training theologians and that of training civilians. But surely in interpreting a 
body of statutes we ought not to lay the stress entirely upon the legal significance 
of a single clause, but also to look to the historic development of the college. If it 
were really the case that Bateman intended to found two schools of Civil or Canon 
Law in Cambridge, we can only say that his success was as complete in one case as 
was his failure in the other. Of the first ten masters of our college all but 
one were divines, and the other, though a doctor of medicine, was possibly in 
Holy Orders. Similarly with the early fellows. They are to be found in many 
departments of church work as theologians, but seldom as lawyers or doing legal 
work. On the other hand, nearly all the early masters of Trinity Hall were 
primarily Civilians or Canonists. 

The complaints against Bateman's conduct advanced by Dr Caius, and 
Dr Brady, are different. What they mainly object to is his having suppressed the 
name of Gronville, which had been by him definitely assigned to the college, 
and having passed himself off as the substantial founder. Caius, for instance, 
says (Annals) that *he caused it by his own power to be called the College of 
the Annunciation ' ; and, elsewhere, that the college * acknowledged the bishop 
as their founder, when they only owed that acknowledgement to Gonville.' Brady 
delivers himself still more strongly. He speaks of Bateman's "device in his 
pretended and fictitious deed of Foundation"; adds that "he no ways discharged 
his trust according to Gonville's intention"; and even hints at malversation, 
" Gonville designed a master and 20 fellows, and without doubt left a sufficiency 
for that purpose " (MS. 709). Of his statutes he says " He laid aside the statutes 
of Gonville, better and more rational than those he imposed." It will be seen that 
neither of these critics alludes to what, in later times, would be regarded as the 

the epifloopal registry, Norwioh, May 19, 1855 ; that is, shortly after the bishop's death. It is 
maoh longer than the other. What may be called the authoritative working copy of this latter 
was long kept in our Treasozy, and is now in the Library. It is a small paper volume, evidently 
drawn up for Dr Cains and signed by him. It contains Bateman's Statutes, together with tboee 
of Gains, and a few other documents. 


narrowness of spirit with which endowments were confined by Bateman to the 
Norfolk diocese, when Gronville himself had left them unrestricted. 

As regards the early college seal * there is some doubt. Caius says that it was 
granted by Bateman, and it is possible that he is right. On the other hand, 
in Sheriffe's Evidences there is a marginal note by Dr Brady stating that the 
** approbation " of GonviUe's statutes by Colton and the fellows, as also the counter- 
part of GonviUe's deed of foundation, are signed with the common seal of the 
college. If this were so, — and Brady is a much more trustworthy guide in such 
matters than Caius, — documents with such a seal are now missing. 

The first endowment of the college, as effected by Bateman, consisted in the 
appropriation of the rectorial tithes of Mutford, Foulden, and Wilton. This was a 
very common method of enriching the monasteries. The deed of conveyance of the 
advowson of Mutford, by the patron, Sir Edmund Hemgrave, 'for a certain sum of 
money,' is dated May, 1354. Then follows the King's licenca The licence of the 
bishop is dated June 16, following. It grants to the college, which was in- 
sufficiently endowed, all the proceeds of the living, reserving ten marks, and a 
suitable house, for the vicar. On a vacancy the college is to present two priests, 
of whom the bishop will select one. As recompense for the first-fruits, the college 
is to pay the bishop £1 annually : — this last condition deserves notice : the bishop 
of Norwich, unlike his brethren, had a claim to the first-fruits of livings in his 

The deed of conveyance of Foulden, by the patrons, the prior and convent 
of Lewes, is dated Sept. 26, 1354. The licence of the bishop, on the 28th Sept., 
is similar to the above. The bishop presents in the same way, and receives an 
annual pension oi £1. To the vicar is reserved £10. Similarly with Wilton, 
like Foulden, the patronage was in the hands of Lewes Priory. It was con- 
veyed to the college, and the licence of the bishop was granted, on the same 
days and in the same terms, as had been arranged in the case of Foulden. 

Finally a *' Treaty of perpetual Amity " was drawn up by Bateman between 
what may be called his child and his foster-child. This curious document is 
printed in the Appendix, It is in the form of an agreement, dated Sept. 17, 1353, 
between the two colleges, and is followed by the formal sanction of the bishop, 
giving it the force of a statute. It provides that all the fellows of the two colleges 
shall live in amity *'tanquam fratres amicissimi ex uno fundationis stipite pro- 
deuntes " ; that in all legal and other difficulties they shall take counsel together 
and give mutual help ; that they shall combine in all University and other public 
ceremonies; but that, on such occasions, those of Trin. Hall'^, *'tanquam fratres 
primogeniti,'' shall take precedence : and finally, as a sign of such affection, they 
shall wear robes or cloaks of the same pattern {de una 8ecta)y both in the schools and 
abroad. Such a treaty sounds strange to modem ears, but was probably of real 

^ An impression of this ancient seal, together with one of the modem seal, will be found 
further on, in the aoooont of Dr Caius. 

' As bearing on the complaint, that Bateman set aside Oonville's title and claimed for himself 
the title of founder, this priority is very significant. The sons of Qonville were, of course, really 
the** firstborn." 


service in days when colleges were constantly having to appeal to King or Pope or 
Bishop to secure some privilege, or to escape from some attack. 

Bateman's work in behalf of the college did not stop here. Besides securing 
the appropriation of the three livings above mentioned, be had already, it appears, 
conveyed the manor of Triplow, Cambs. We have the deed of conveyance^ dated 
Feb. 27, 1353-4 ; but either the transfer was never completed or the manor was 
soon in some way lost, for there is no trace of its possession amongst our records. 
Brady considers (MS. 617) that the master and fellows may have alienated the 
property at an early date : " haply they, or some of their successors, might sell it 
and convert the money to their own use. The law did permit such alienations in 
those times." 

He also carried out the change of site from the original position in Lurthebume, 
or Freeschool Lane, to that which it now occupies. Some account of this is given 
presently, under John Colton. 

It should be added that before this change was effected two other adjoining 
plots had been purchased, one from the University and one from the Hospital of 
St John. They were bought in 1352, and thus were in possession of the college 
for only about a year. Their positions are indicated in the plan^ 

Besides granting or securing the above endowments, Bateman also enriched the 
college with a number of valuable gifts. They are thus described in the Annals, 
* He gave also certain vestments of white linen embroidered with gold, these being 
amongst our most precious vestments, and used, within my recollection, upon the 
more solemn festivals of the Virgin. But these were divided and dispersed, in 
various iniquitous ways, under llldward VI., amongst the master and fellows, and 
converted, like other things, into ornaments for their beds. He also gave two 
pallia or copes of silk velvet, green and elaborately wrought; our most valuable 
silver cups, and many silver vessels. He also gave us books, as may be shown 
from our statutes.' 

Bateman's services to the University were acknowledged by the appointment 
of a day for his exequies, viz. the first Friday in Advent. As this statute seems to 
have been lost from the University records, I have given it (from our MS. No. 714) 
in the Appendix, There seem two rather curious points about it. In the first 
place the exequies were established whilst the bishop was yet alive, viz. Oct. 21, 
1354 ; and in the second place the ground of obligation towards him is assigned, 
not to the foundation of his own college of Trinity Hall, but to that of Gonville's 
college, to which he only succeeded as executor. 

1 The date of aoqnisiiion of the small plot marked *' John de Lenna " is uncertain, bat it was 
probably in 1352 or shortly before. 



John Colton, or John of Tyrington, as he is also called, from his birthplace ^ is 
a man whose history belongs rather to the Church and the State, than to our 
college or to Cambridge. We have no direct evidence, indeed, of his having ever 
resided within our walls, though it is practically certain that he must have done 
so; since a small and newly-founded college could hardly have commenced its 
existence with a non-resident head. He was a chaplain of Bishop Bateman, and is 
said to have graduated as doctor of Canon Law in 1348', presumably on his 
appointment to the mastership of Gronville's new foundation, to which he was 
nominated in the original deed of June 4, 1349. His name appears as that of 
'* custos " in two or three of our early deeds and charters, and he remained master 
till 1360, and possibly a little later. 

For the next twelve years nothing is known about him. In 1372 he was 
already in Ireland, for in that year he levied at his own cost a body of twenty-six 
knights, and defeated a party of plunderers who had burned the Priory of Athy in 
KOdare. In 1373 he was appointed Lord Treasurer, and in 1374 dean of 
St Patrick's, Dublin. The former office he surrendered in 1380 on his appointment 
as Chancellor of Ireland : — according to the Patent roll he was at this time only a 
deacon. From about 1378 he was in England for two years, and during this time 
he was one of the commissioners for enquiring into a complaint concerning the 
affikirs of Queen's College, Oxford. He had been appointed a prebendary of York 
in 1377, but only held this for about a year. In 1381 he succeeded Eklmund 
Mortimer as Lord Justice of Ireland. In 1382 he was appointed Archbishop of 
Armagh, an office which he held till shortly before his death. He died on the 27th 
April, 1404, and was buried in the church of St Peter, Drogheda. 

As regards his general character, and position in the Church and State, he 
occupied a high place. "He enjoyed the confidence of his Sovereign, and was 
employed in diplomatic agency at the Court of Roma Nor was this remarkable 

' According to Fuller (Worthies) he soooeeded Gonville as rector of Terrington, but this seems 
oertamly a mistake. 

' Tanner identifies him {BibU Brit.) with a John Colton who was a resident Oxford graduate 
in 1329. If this be so he mnet have been considerably over 90 at the time of his death. 


man less distinguished in an ecclesiastical than a civil capacity: he was of high 
reputation for virtue and learning, dear to all ranks of people for his affabUity and 
sweetness of temper ; while in discharging the functions of his exalted office in the 
Church the same energy and decision which nuu*ked his political life were here also 
conspicuous*' (Reeves, p. ii.). 

The account of lus Visitation of the Diocese of Derry, commencing October 8, 
1397, has been published by Dr Reeves from the original roll (Irish Arch, iioc., 
1850). His " Provincial Constitutions," or regulations concerning the government 
of his Province, are partially preserved amongst the records of Armagh (Reeves). 
According to Tanner {Bibl. Ang.) he also wrote a treatise directed against the 
Papal schism : ** De Causis Schismatis, et de Remediis ejusdem.'' Tanner, who 
speaks very highly of his learning, says that this treatise had a great influence 
in inducing other English churchmen and writers to study the subject. From 
Leland's aceount it seems to have been preserved, in his time, in the library of 
Westminster Abbey, under the title TraclciHu Joannis CoUoUj pro aecUUione 
8chi8iHcU%8 (De JUbus Brit. CoU., in. 49. Ed. 1715). 

Colton's short time of office, as master, was divided between the original site in 
Lurthburgh Lane and that which was received in exchange for this in 1353. The 
latter comprises approximately one half of the present extent of the college. It 
includes the area of the Gronville Court, with the Hall, Kitchen, and Master's 
Lodge and garden. It was bounded to the North and West by what are now 
called Trinity Lane and Trinity Hall Lane, but which then went by the names of 
Michaelhouse lane and Milne street. On the South- West it included a garden 
belonging to the estate of Sir John de Cambridge (afterwards the master's garden), 
and on the East, towards the present Trinity Street, were dwelling houses and 
gardens. The remainder, — viz. the ground to the South-East, now comprising the 
'* President's garden," and the New Buildings round the Gate Tower, — contained 
a stone house belonging to the prior of Anglesey Abbey, and the rectory house and 
garden of St Michael's. The ground of which Gonville's executor, Bateman, thus 
came into possession comprised, for over two centuries, nearly the whole extent of 
the college. The entrance^ to it was from the present Trinity Lane. Corpus, from 
which Bishop Bateman acquired it, held it in capite from Anglesey Abbey, to which 
our college paid in consequence an annual rent of five shillings. The only near 
collegiate neighbour at the time was Michaelhouse, on the other side of the lane, 
somewhat further down. After 1393 Phys wick's Hostel, a sort of annexe of 
Gronville Hall, stood opposite to it. The reason commonly assigned for this change 
of site b the desire of Bateman to have the two foundations in which he was 
interested in close proximity ; but it was evidently a mutual convenience to the 
exchanging parties. Each of the two colleges, Corpus and Gonville Hall, secured a 
prospect of expansion which they could never have enjoyed on their first restricted 
sites. The agreement for exchange, in our Treasury (Box I. 18), is between 
Henry, Earl of Lancaster, as alderman of the Guild of Corpus Christi, on the one 

^ There was a seoond entrance nearly opposite the present ** Bishop's Hostel'' of Trinity 
CioUege, then Garret's Hostel. It was probably mostly used for the kitchen and service work. 
In 1620 there is an entry, 'spent on reboilding the Postern gate, £7. 13f. lid.' 



hand, and the master and fellows of our college on the other. The expenses of the 
transfer are to be shared, Corpus paying those in the town of Cambridge and Con- 
▼iUe Hall those in the King's court. The deed is dated June 1, 1353. 

There were already two dwelling-houses standing on the site, sufficiently good 
for the fellows to occupy; viz. the '' Stone-house '' of Sir John Cambridge*, and a 
messuage formerly belonging to John Goldcom. Besides these there were various 
out-houses, dec, described in the deed of conveyance as 'schools', shops, gardens, 
walls, and other appurtenances ' (Deed in Corpus Treasury, quoted in Willis-Clark, 
I. 158). Some alterations were of course necessary to adapt the dwelling-houses to 
college purposes. They were probably forthwith united by a gateway, over whi<)b 
was built a room for the master. As Caius says, ^'Custodis cubiculum portn 
septentrionali incubuit, sociorum cameris utrinque constitutis.'' The Stone-house 
may have been retained much as it was, but the other must have been considerably 
altered, for Loggan's picture shows a nearly uniform frontage on this side ; and we 
know from the statement of Caius, and the evidence of our accounts', <kc., that no 
important change was made, after the firsts for very many years. In fact the 
uorth side underwent only ordinary repairs until it was rebuUt in 1753. The 
ground thus occupied by the college was probably only slightly fenced off from the 
neighbours around, for the building of the walls is expressly assigned to later 
benefactors in the next century. 

A licence to build a chapel was procured from the bishop and prior of Ely 
(v. Appendix) at a very early period, viz. April 1, 1353, — two months before the 
actual change of site, — but the cha))e] was not completed for many years. Blome- 
field says (CoUectaneay p. 43) that the north aisle of St MichaeFs was appropriated 
to the college, but he gives no authority for this. I am inclined to think however 
that he is right, for not only was it a common practice at first for a college to use 
the parish church, but we find that Somersham, the master, who died in 1416, 
desires, in his will, to be buried * in the chapel of the Annunciation of the church 
of St Michael ' (in capella Annunciationis beatse Marise ecclesise Beati Michaelis 

^ This house most have been buUt between 1280 and 1811 (WiUisGlark, i. 159). The only 
stone hoose of this, or an earlier period, now existing in Cambridge, is the so-called School of 

* Aooording to B. Parker {Skeletos) there was an old tradition that Goldoom*8 bouse had 
formerly been employed as University ** schools." He says *Ubi prisoo illo secnlo flomisse 
echolas philosophicas pervetusta hujns oollegii munimenta testantur.* The above word in this 
deed of conveyance is the only evidence I have seen in support of this belief. 

' For instance, Hnmfrey Busbey (Vol. i. 53) put a stone window in his college chamber in 1564. 
It was found there with its original inscription in 1753, having been built up or plastered over. 

12 1CA8TER& 


William Rougham, second master (1360-93), was in all probability one of the 
original fellows ; at any rate he appears in the first list we have, viz. in the deed ot 
gift of the manor of Triplow by Bateman, in 1353-4. He was a doctor of 
medicine, and ruled over the college from about 1360 to 1393. It was during his 
time, and by his agency, that our foundation first emerged from a couple of adapted 
buildings into the commencement of a college. He is principally known by his 
cpmpletion of the chapel (see under Chapel). This building stood substantially as he 
left it for nearly 250 years. It had two windows on each side, and one at the East 
end. The latter, and one of the former, contained, according to Caius, the 
inscription, OrcUe pro auima WUM de Rougham qui fecit istam capelkun fieri. 

Even at this early date, one pensioner, — fellow-commoner he would now be 
called, — was in residence, viz. John Ufford, a son of the E^l of Sufiblk. He was 
archdeacon of Suffolk, and died at Cambridge, in 1375. He marked his stay by 
the gift of a window to the college chapel. 

The science of the day, — in mathematics and astronomy, — was represented by 
Elvedon and Wate : both probably residents at this period. 


Richard Pulham, third master (1393-1412), was probably, like his predecessor, 
one of the original staff of fellows : at any rate his name appears on the list 1354. 
In 1345 he was rector of Belton, Suff He appears to have been, like Colton, a 
chaplain of Bishop Bateman or in some way in his service. In 1346, being at 
the time a chaplain of St Peter's altar in Lincoln, he obtained permission from the 
pope to receive the fruits of his chaplaincy for three years, whilst engaged in the 
service of Bishop Bateman. In 1363 he obtained, at the request of the University, 
permission to hold a benefice in the diocese of Rochester (Caletidar of Papal 
Jiegisters, ill. 211 ; and Petitions, i. 407). He was ordained deacon' by the bishop 
of Ely rather late, viz. May 27, 1374, *ad titulum coUegii sive aule Annunciationis 
Beate Marie Virginis': the earliest such reference to the college that I have seen. 
He is mentioned in the will of John Ufford, archdeacon of Suffolk, who was for 
some time resident as a pensioner in the college. 

He may be ranked amongst the founders of our library, by the gift of two MSS. 
of Aristotle (viz. 458, 509), which we still possess. There was, of course, no regular 
library at this time : the few books possessed by the college being probably kept, 
with the muniments, in a chest. 

One or two important additions were made to our endowments about this time. 
In the first place, William Physwick, University bedell (by will dated March 29, 

^ I presume that these referenoes belong to one and the same man. The fact of his not 
being in deacon's orders is no fatal objection to his having held a living at that date. 


1393), left to the college his house od the opposite side of Trinity Lane ; well known 
afterwards, under the name of Physwick Hostel, as a popular annexe of the 
college. In our Commemoration Service it is referred to as if it had already been 
a student's hostel; but the terras of the will do not suggest this. He simply 
leaves * integram habitationem meam ' to his wife Joan, and Julian, widow of 
Richard Bedell : and after their death to Gronville Hall. There is no hint that it 
had been, or was to be, a hostel. The deeds ^ by which these ladies conveyed it to 
the college were drawn up in the following year. For more about this building see 
under Phyatmck Hostel. 

Another important endowment was that of the advowson of Mattishall (see 
under Property)'; for though the deed under which Sir Ralph Hemenhale conveyed 
it to the collie was drawn up in 1370, it was not until the occurrence of a 
vacancy in the living, in 1393, that the college obtained the benefit of the endow- 

An interesting benefaction recorded by Dr Caius {AnnaU) is that of Thomas 
Aylwards' "chest" (Vol. i. 4). This was a common form of endowment in early 
days, when students were very poor, and often in sore difficulties how to raise a little 
money to pay their way or to find a pledge for the performance of their necessary 
"Acts." Ay 1 ward gave £20 \ of which £10 was for loans to the master and 
fellows, and to be kept in an iron chest. The remainder was to be used from time 
to time for the purchase of firing, food, i&c., when needed ; but was to be regularly 
replaced. The funds having been wasted were replaced in 1493 by the benefactress. 
Lady Elizabeth Clere'. Dr Caius reports that, in his time, the chest was still 
there, but that, owing to the negligence of former masters, the contents had dis- 
appeared. He claims, however, to have recovered some of the money. 

The sanitary condition of the neighbourhood' of the college about this time is 
indicated by a curious letter from Richard II. to the chancellor of the University. 
It is dated June 13, 1393, and states that it has come to the king's knowledge that 
the masters of Gonville Hall and Michaelhouse allow certain open and noxious 
gutters in the road by them ; that such a stench arises, and the air is so infected, 
that a " horror abominabilis " strikes the graduates and scholars who pass thereby 
on their way to the schools. The aforesaid masters are to see that these drains 
are cleansed at once. Otherwise 'we shall provide another and more severe remedy 
for you and for them\' 

^ Their deeds are dated Not. 21, 1894 (i.e. * Saturday next before the feast of St Katherine, 
18th Rich, n.*), and are transcribed in Sheriffe's Evidencet. In the same volume there is a 
truiacript of the will of William Physwick or *Fissbewyk.' 

* So Caius says (AwmlU) ; but he is possibly thinking of her gift to one of the public chests, 
recorded in the University Commemoration Service. 

' Viz. Trinity Lane, or Bfichaelhouse Lane as it was called. It long had a bad repatation» 
Dr Brady (MS. 707) calls it ontright by the particularly coarse name it then commonly bore. 
It may be mentioned that the charges for paving and repairs, both of this lane and Trinity Street, 
were mainly borne by our college (v. Bur$a^t Book passim, e.g. 1619). 

« Clo9€ RoU, 16th Bichard IL It is copied in Hare*s MS., Unw. Registry, z. 251. Cambridge 
residents of recent years may be inclined to think that the prompt and e£fective methods, 
occasionally adopted five centuries ago, had certain merits. For the substance of this Boll see 


The chapel having been now completed, formal licences were obtained for the 
performance of services there. The iirst of these was a temporary one from the 
bishop of Ely in 1389 : this was followed, Nov. 13, 1393, by a bull of Boniface IX., 
which conveyed a permanent licence (see under Chapel). 


William Somersham, fourth master (1412-16), was probably elected fellow 
shortly before 1376. He was ordained acolyte by the bishop of Ely March 29, 
1376, being then described as a fellow of the college ; deacon, Sept. 20 ; and priest, 
Dec. 20, of the same year. He graduated D.D. on becoming master of the college. 
He was vicar of Wilton, Norf., 1386 to 1393 ; and afterwards rector of Hevingham, 
1393 to his death in 1416. On his appointmoQt to Wilton he is described as ''of 
Lynn.'' His resignation of Wilton was formally made in the college chapel, and 
is preserved in Sheriffe's Evidences. 

The examination of his will has corrected a long-standing error as to the date 
of his death, and consequently of that of Rickinghale's succession to the master- 
ship. He died in October 1416, not, as stated in the Calendar and elsewhere, 
in 1423. 

His will, dated Oct. 6, 1416, proved (P.C.C.) Oct. 27, 1416, describes him as 
rector of Hevingham. He commits his soul to the Blessed Virgin, to all the 
saints, and to St Michael the Archangel. Desires to be buried ' in the chapel * of 
the Annunciation of the Virgin, of the church of St Michael, Cambridge.' Leaves 
to the master and fellows of the college 40«. ; 10«. to the master, and the rest to be 
divided amongst the fellows. To the fellows of Trinity Hall 20«. To the college 
of the Annunciation, 'a cup (murra) with a cover, and a silver enamelled tablet, 
and a powder box of silver.' To his successor as master 'a silver-gilt girdle.' 
To each fellow of the Hall of the Annunciation vi* viii^, and a silver spoon. 
There are gifts to Mr Henry Fowldon, Henry Osbeme, and Peter Neylond ; and 
to the poor of his parish of Hevingham. To the vicars of Foulden, Mattishall, 
and Mutford, he leaves a cope. Henry Fowldon and Peter Neylond are 


John Rickinghale, fifth master (1416-26), does not appear to have been 
previously a fellow of the college. At his ordination as acolyte by the bishop 
of Ely, in 1376, he is described as of Little Shelf ord, Cambs. He was rector of 
Thorpe Abbots, Norf., 1381-99 ; rector of Brunstead, in the same county, 1397 ; 
and vicar of the mediety of Fressingfield, Suffolk, 1399-1421. He was archdeacon 
of Northumberland in 1408 and 1411 ; chancellor of York, 1410-26 ; and dean of 

^ Presomably ttie north aisle of the choroh, used as a ohapel by the college ontil the 
completion of their own chapel, and, until 1500, for the burial of their dead (v. p. 11). 



St Mary's Collie, Norwich, 1405—26. We have no proof of his having had any 
previous connection with our college ; but he must have been a man of note in the 
University, at the time of his election to the mastership, as he had already held 
the high office of Chancellor of the University for a year, having been appointed 
to this in 1415. He retained this office for seven years, being continued in it, as 
R. Parker says (Skeleioa), on account of his services during the serious disputes 
between the University and Town. He was a strenuous supporter of the privil^es 
of the former. He was confessor to John, Duke of Bedford, by whose interest, it 
is said, he gained his next advance. He was one of the assessors of Bp Spencer of 
Norwich in 1399, when William Chatris, or Sautre, renounced, in the church 
of the Hospital of St John at Lynn, the reformed principles for which he was 
subsequently burnt (Blomef. viii. 525). He was consecrated bishop of Chichester 
in Mortlake church, Surrey, June 3, 1426; and shortly afterwards, viz. July 12, 
resigned the mastership. His personal history as regards the bishoprick seems to 
be as entirely a blank as it is in regard to our ooU^e. He died in the summer of 

During his mastership commences the first of our contemporaneous records, viz. 
a Computus, or, as we should now call it, a bursar's book. It starts from the year 
1 423, but its information is very meagre, containing little more than the names of 
the fellows, and the amounts due to them. 

His will, dated Ap. 2, 1429, proved July 14 following, is at Lambeth. He 
commits his soul to the Holy and undivided Trinity, to the Blessed Virgin, 
to the blessed confessor Richard, and to all the saints. Desires to be buried in 
Chichester Cathedral ; and requests that a marble monument, with episcopal effigy 
and his name inscribed, should be erected as soon as possible. Gives to the 
cathedral 'his best girdle and silver-gilt cross with its shaft.' To the parish 
church of Thorpe Abbots, Norf., *primum portiforium meum vetus, primum 
missale, et vestimentum sericum de armis recolendae memorie Henrici Spencer,' 
late bishop of Norwich. Five marks for completing the roof of Thorpe church, 
and 20«. to be distributed amongst the poor there. To the collegiate church of 
St Mary in the Fields, Norwich, ' a vestment of red silk, with the image of the 
crucifixion on the back.' To the dean of that coll^;e 20«. ; to each of the resident 
canons ISs. \d. To the parish church of Fressingfield 'his red and gold vest- 
ment'; and 40«. for the poor there. All his domestic servants to be remu- 
nerated at his executors' discretion ; who are also to dispose of the residue of his 
property 'prout eis videtur Deo magis placere, et animse mese melius expedire.' 
Executors; Peter Shelton, treasurer of Chichester Cathedral; Edward Hunt, 
canon ; John Eppe, rector of Anderby, Lines. ; and his nephew John Mannyng. 
John Durward, supervisor. 

Gkxlwin gives {De Presul. Ang, il 89) his epitaph, as follows : 

Tu mode qualis eris? quid mundi quffiris honores? 

Crimina deplores, in me nunc te q)eculeris. 

En mors ante fores, quae clamitat omnibus, Adsum. 

Tradition assigns, as his, an episcopal tomb under a niche in the north wall 
of the aisle of the Cathedral (Dallaway, i. 133). 


The following extracts from our earliest Computus book refer to this period : 
they are given as translated in Mr Riley's report (1871) to the Hist. MSS. Com> 

1423. ^ Expenses for celebrating the obsequies of the Founder, from a.i>. 1422. First, 
for ale, 12'*. Also, for 3 gallons of red wine, 30*. Also for 2 J gallons of sweet wine, 40*. 
Also for 3 quarters of a pound of wax, 3*. For making wax tapers, 4*. For a poimd of 
dragged (small comfits) 17*. For 3 baskets (cophinis) 3*. For 3 bushels of coals 6*. - Paid 
to Thomas, the steward, 3» 4*. For one wooden stovU (? stool) 3J*. Paid for the making 
of table-napkins, to wash (lavabilium) 3*. For leading out manure for 3 days, 2" 11*. For 
dinner of the carter at that time, 5*. For a cartload of straw, for building a wall, 15*. 
For a lock to the aumbry in the kitchen, 4*. For repairing a barrel for cdegre (alegar, 
or ale turned sour) 7*. 

First, paid on the exchange of 6 pieces of pevtyr (pewter) 9*. Paid for 3 fossoresy in 
English called ^weggys,* of iron, weighing 16 poimds, 2". Paid for the redemption of books, 
to Norgate, 20*. For the dinner of Thomas Norgate and his companion, when they 
delivered the said books, 4*. For a lock to the door of the storehouse, 4*. Paid to Thomas 
Wer3mg for writing the indentures concerning Foulden, 2*. For making a coat (tunicae) 
for Little John, 6*. For 2 stalls and 4 standards, and other things remaining (remanenti- 
bus) of the Chapel, 3*. For repairing the fireplace (ignitorii) in the kitchen, a day and a 
half, 6*. 

1424. Paid at the obsequies of the foimder. For sweet wine, 3 gallons, 4" 4*. For 
2 J pounds of confectures, 2" 11*. For draggis (called anneys draggis, aniseed comfits, 
elsewhere) IJ pounds, 12*. For 14 gallons of ale, 21*. For rushes, 3*. For 1 J pounds of 
wax, 7*. For making the wax tapers, 2*. For the pay of Thomas, the butler, for 
Michaelmas term, 6* 8*. For little John, 6*. For making the well in the road (fontis in 
via) 6* 3*. For a pair of shoes, 4*. For the expenses to Wilton and Soham, in canying 
five books thither, 18*. For the pavement made before the well, 2*. For cleaning the 
latrine, 18*. For building a wall towards the Chapel, 2". For straw to cover the wall, 
6* 8*. For pruning the vineyard, 12*. 

Paid for the wall near to the bocard (the name given very generally in Cambridge to 
the latrine in the 14**» and 15**» centuries), 4' 4*." 


Thomas Atwood, sixth master (1426-1454), was a fellow of the college in 1399, 
when he was ordained by the bishop of Ely : acolyte Sept. 20, sub-deacon Dec. 20, 
and deacon March 13, 1399-1400. He was vicar of Lopham, Norfolk, 1446-56; 
vicar of Mutford, Suff., 1452-56 ; and rector of Elsworth, Cambs., where he seems 
to have resided latterly, till his death in 1456. He was also chaplain to the Duke 
of Norfolk. 

The period of his rule is important, as it was during this time and largely 
through his exertions that there were added to the chapel the other essentials of a 
college building. As the Annals say, 'The Hall, the master's chamber, the 
Library, the rest of the west side of the College, and the south side from thence 


as far as the Chapel, were built in 1441, at the instigation, expense, and con- 
trivance of that worthy man and liberal benefactor, Thomas Atwood, aided by the 
contributions of John Warrock, John Preston and other good men.' 

It is not unlikely that the following undated buUding account in our earliest 
Computus book (p. 6) refers to these additions : 

* Expense pro commuuibus latomorum et aliorum necessariorum in edifica- 
cione domus 

In primis xxviii' v*^ 

Item pro communibus latomorum et alionmi 111" ix" iii** ob 

Item pro cariagio meremii (timber) in die trinitatis v marc 

Item pro meremio et cariagio et lapidibus v marc 

Item pro monyels (mullions) et aliis lapidibus xiii" iii** 

It* pro lapidibtis de barington (Barrington) vi" viii** 

It* pro leyers et seru* (servis?) x» 

It* pro lapidibus vi" viii<> 

Item pro communibus et aliis vi** xviii" iiii** 

It* debetur magist' ix" xiii" ob 

It* pro commimibus pro tempore furbisho* x" ii" viii** ob* 

The total amounts to £iO, la, 8^., which might fairly represent (v. "Willis- 
Clark, 1. 167) the cost of such a building at that date. It should be remarked that 
the last word " furbisho ** evidently stands for John Furbishon (Vol. i. 7), fellow of 
the college, who doubtless acted as architect or clerk of the works. It is true that 
he ceases from the list of fellows in 1434, but he may very well have worked for 
the college after that date ; and, in fact, the payment of his commons, in this way, 
suggests that he was not then on the stafi^ 

Atwood's will is dated at Elsworth, March 7, 1455-6 ; and was proved (P. CO.) 
1456. It contains no direct reference to the college, though several of the fellows 
are mentioned as legatees. He desires to be buried in the chancel of Elsworth, 
where he is to have a fair marble monument erected, with the inscription, 
OrcUe pro animahua Mri Thomce Atwoode qtwndam rectoris hujtu ecclesio!, et Agnete 
matris stue, A priest to celebrate for his soul four years. He leaves two anti- 
phonars and a vestment to Elsworth church ; and to the neighbouring churches of 
Boxworth and Lolworth, a graduale and iOs. To Overstrand church, 20«. He leaves 
books to John Hill (Vol. i. 7) and John Fenge (Vol. i. 5); also his best portiforium 
to Clement Rudde (Vol i. 8), who is to celebrate for him (lin the college chapel) 
for two years, 'si contingat eum exonerari ab onere coUegii ad quod promotus 
fuit.' To St Michael's church, Cambridge, 6«. Sd, To the nuns of St Rhade- 
gunde's, Cambridge, 6«. Sd. ; and the same sum to the churches of Swaffham and 
Mutford. There are also l^acies to the four orders of mendicant friars in Cam- 
bridge. The residue of his property to John Fenge, John Hill, Clement Rudd, 
John Elliott, and Thomas Hardman. "Volo etiam quod si Robertus Heilis 
(VoL I. 9) completo anno suae regencisB in artibus voluerit se convertere ad studium 
Theologize, cum proposito continuandi in eadem,*' he is to have *my bible,' on 
paying five nobles to the executors. 





Thomas Boleyn, seventh master (1454-1472), was a man of considerable social 
importance. He was a son of Jeffery Boleyn, of Sail, Norfolk ; brother of 
Sir Jeffery, Sheriff and afterwards Lord Mayor of London; and great grand- 
uncle of the Queen of Henry VIII. We have no evidence of his having been a 
member of our college before his appointment as master. He was ordained deacon 
by the bishop of Ely, March 8, 1420-1 ; and priest by the bishop of Norwich in 
1421, at which time he was a fellow of Trinity Hall. On May 7, 1434, he received 
the King's letters of protection for half a year, being then about to accompany 
Edmund Beaufort (father of Henry YII.) to the Council of Basle. He was rector of 
Hackford, Norfolk, 1436-7; prebendary of Hereford, 1441-7; prebendary of Wells, 
1450-1, and sub-dean, 1451-71; and perhaps master of the college at Maidstone, 
1458. He was one of the framers of the statutes of Queens' College (v. Searle, 
pp. 28, 35 : — he identifies him, I think wrongly, with the rector of Chelsea and 
prebendary of St Paul's, who appears to have died in 1451. See Hennessey's 
Novum EepertoriuMf p. 45). He probably died in 1471 or 1472, but his will has 
not been found. 

He was the donor of one of the windows in the old dining-hall, viz. the first 
towards the east, facing the court. 

In 1463 the first important addition to the volumes in the library was made 
by John Beverly, who gave no less than 15 books, valued at £40. 

In 1472 (Jeoffrey Champney, former fellow, gave MSS. to the library and AOs, 
*for the repair of the library or hall.' Perhaps the window mentioned as his gift 
was provided by this. 

The following Pedigree will show Boleyn's family connections. 

Jeffeiy Boleyn = Alice 
of Sail, Norf. 
Died 1440 

Sir Jeffery, Sheriff 

of London, 1446. 

Lord Mayor, 1457. 

Died 1463 

Ann, da. of 

Thomas, Lord 

Hoo and Hastings 

Sir William, 


Died 1505 

Margaret, da. of 

Thomas Butler, 

7th Earl of Ormond. 

Died 1539 

Sir Thomas = 


da. of Thomas 

Howard, Earl 

of Surrey, and 

Dake of Norfolk. 

Anna Boleyn = Henry VHI. 


Master of 

Oonv. HaU 



Edmund Sheriffe, eighth master (1472-1475), first appears as a prebendary of 
linooln Cathedral in 1458. Whether he had been a member of the college' before 
his election as master, and when and where he was ordained, I have not succeeded 
in determining. He was rector of Little Billing, Northants, 1461-71 ; and arch- 
deacon of Stow, linca, 1471-77 (?), 

Almost immediately after his election as master he began the work by which 
we have most reason to remember him, viz. the compiling of his Register or 
Evidences, This is a volume of transcripts of deeds, charters, &c., concerning 
our foundation; not a few of which have been lost since his time. Dr Caius 
depended largely upon this collection in composing his Annals, and it is probably 
to his care that we owe the preservation of it On the first page is the entry 
'Johannes Caius hunc librum vetustate dissolutum et neglectum coUigari fecit 
cura sua atque refici, in vetustatis memoriam et futuri temporis exemplum, anno 
Dni 1564, mense Augusto.' Caius entered the college not much more than 
50 years after Sheriffe's death, so it is possible that traditions of his rule may 
have reached the ear of our second founder. He describes him as ' custos probus 
et frugi vir.' 

Dr Caius tells a curious story about the appointment of Sheriffe [he has 
apparently taken it directly from a note (not contemporary) at p. 192 of our 
earliest Computus book]. He says that Laurence Booth, LL.B., and afterwards 
bishop of Exeter, * made no slight disturbance at Sheriffe's election, by striving for 
the mastership. He also most disgracefully made away with the best cup and the 
best piece of silver plate, together with as much money as he could scrape together.' 
It does not seem possible that either Laurence Booth or his brother John can 
have acted thus. It was John who was bishop of Exeter, and he had already been 
there seven years in 1472 ; whilst Laurence had then been fifteen years bishop of 
Durham. Each of them had already been chancellor of the University. More- 
over neither of them had any connection with our college, so far as is known, or 
could therefore have indulged in plunder. There is so evidently some mistake in 
the account that it would not be recalled here but for the fact of its having been 
more than once published : e.g. in Mr Riley's report of the MSS. at Cambridge 
{App. to 2nd Report, 1871 : he notices some of the discrepancies); and in Mullinger's 
History (i. p. 424), who draws a serious moral from it as to the risks of defalcation 
at the time*. 

I He seems to have been in Cambridge in 1463, as ** Master Edmnnd Sheryff, chaplain, of 
Cambridge," obtained a pardon at Westminster for not appearing to answer Thomas Fordbam 
toudiUig a debt of 409., Oct. 26, 1468 (CaU of Pat. RolU), 

* By an oversight he calls Booth Master of Qonville Hall. 




Henry Cossey, or Costessey, — doubtless so called from the name of his birth- 
place, near Norwich, — was ninth master of the college, from 1475 to 1483. As in 
the case of one or two of his predecessors, we have no evidence of his having been 
connected with our college before he was chosen as master. He is of special 
interest in connection with Gonville's two principal foundations, as being the 
solitary known personal link between the colleges at Rush worth and Cambridge. 
He was probably bom about the year 1418, as he was ordained deacon by the 
bishop of Norwich March 11, 1440-1 ; and priest April 14, 1441. His title for 
ordination was supplied by the hospital of St Giles, Norwich; but this (Vol. 
I. 6) is no evidence whatever of his having been a member of that founda- 
tion. He became rector of Banham, Norf., 1452; of Bixton, 1472; and of 
Wilby, 1476; holding these livings until his death in 1483. He was appointed 
master of Rush worth College, on the election of the brethren, Feb. 27, 1471-2; 
and probably resided as much there as in Cambridge. A deed executed by 
him, in our Treasury, is dated at Rushworth, June 24, 1482. He died July 20, 
1483; holding, at the time, the two masterships. 

His rule in our college is marked by some important additions to the buildings, 
due to his own liberality and to his influence with wealthy Norwich citizens. Two 
separate donations seem to have been made during his lifetime. The first of these, 
probably in 1475, was for 240 marks (£160); he was associated in this with two 
Norwich aldermen, John Droll and Richard Brown. The second, in 1481, was 
made by Costessey, John Awbry, alderman of Norwich, and John Owdolf, clerk. 
By this £200 was given * to the behoof and building of the college.' According to 
an early endorsement on the latter of these deeds the money was spent in building 
the north and south parts of Physwick Hostel (on the opposite side of the present 
Trinity Lane); the walls of the college gardens, the stable and fuel house (on the 
site of the present hall and kitchen) ; as also the hangings (picia vestimenta) of the 
hall and of the master's chambers, and linen cloths, &c., for the college table. 

The college, in gratitude for these gifts, established an obit in his memory, 
with a mass of requiem, on the eve of the 11,000 virgins (i.e. on Oct. 21). 

A bull (v. Appendix) was issued by Sixtus IV., June 1, 1481, allowing the 
monks of the Benedictine Priory of Norwich to study in Gonville Hall and Trinity 
Hall. This is supposed to restore the original directions of Bateman which had 
been set aside by Benedict XII. in favour of 'some other college,' i.e. of Buckingham 
C/ollege (now Magdalene), which was established for the Benedictines of England 
about 1428 (v. Willis-Clark, i. xlix.). A reference to our early admissions will 
show that advantage was soon taken of this privilege. 

The first important illustration of actual organic growth in the college occurred 
about this time by the foundation of a fellowship by Stephen Smith ; who thus 
started the long roll of additional endowments which has gone on to our own day 
(see under EndatomerUe). 



John Barly, tenth master (1483-1504), was apparently a member of the college 
from the first. He graduated B.A. 1460-1 ; M.A. 1465-6 ; and D.D. 1475. He 
was rector of Bamingham Winter, Norf., 1459-66; vicar of Mattishall, 1466-79; 
rector of Winterton, 1479; and rector of St MichaePs Coslany, Norwich, 1501. 
The two latter he held till his death in 1504. He was a fellow of the college 
from 1466 ; presumably till his election to the mastership. During the last three 
years of his life he appears to have resided mostly at his rectory in Norwich, 
where he ''rebuilt the parsonage house from the ground, wainscotted the chambers, 
glazed the windows, and gave to it much household stuff and many books'' 
(Brady MS. 707). The inventory is in our Treasury (x. 1. aa). 

At Norwich he was evidently a personal friend of Robert Thorpe, the wealthy 
and generous Norwich merchant and alderman, who built the beautiful Lady 
Chapel of St Michaers Coslany, and founded a chantry there. Agues, Robert 
Thorpe's widow, refers to Dr Barly in her will (P.C.C. 1503) as her 'curate,' 
in reference apparently to his holding the living of St Michael's. She appoints 
him supervisor of her will, and leaves him a small sum "for his laboure at the 
Dirige and my buriall." 

The period of Barly's mastership was one of considerable advance in respect of 
both the buildings and the endowments of the college. These were very largely 
due to the generosity of one benevolent lady, — Elizabeth, then widow of Robert 
Clere (see under Endowments), — to whom Dr Caius refers, "hiy'us collegii mater 
atque nutrix prope dixerim." She completed the quadrangle of our Qonville Court, 
by building, — mainly at her own charge and at a cost of £133. 6«. Sd. {Antials), — 
the east side, which had hitherto been left open. Barly himself contributed £55 
towards completing the walls enclosing the collie grounds. 

The addition to the endowments was also very considerable, no less than three 
fellowships, and one scholarship, having been founded during this period. The 
fellowships were those of Elizabeth Clere (above), 1487; Lady Ann Scroop 
(died 1498); and Thomas Willows (1501). The scholarship was that of Willows 

Two papal bulls were obtained in favour of the college, on one of which 
R. Parker (Skeletos) founds the conclusion that Qonville Hall was especially 
favoured by the popes, apparently out of honour to the memory of Bateman. 
The first of these was a licence concerning the chapel, dated May 25, 1500, which 
extends to Physwick Hostel the licence granted to Qonville Hall in 1393 by 
Boniface IK., permitting the students to attend service in the college chapel 
(see Appendix). The second is of considerable interest, as it does look like a 
special mark of favour. It is well known that Alexander VI., in 1503, licensed 
the University to send out annually twelve preachers into any diocese in the 
country (v. Cooper, Ann. I. 260) ; but it does not seem to have been noticed that, 
about the same time, a special licence was granted to our college to send out two 
such preachers. I have given the document in full in the Appendioc 



This may have been the outcome of the affection towards the college which 
Parker supposes to have been felt at Rome, but it looks more as if it were due 
to the private influence of one of the fellows. The Thomas Cabold to whom 
Cooper largely attributes the general licence, and who is referred to in our licence 
as 'eximius et magnificus vir, utriusque juris doctor, et in Basilica... papae prefati 
primarius ordinarius,' and who signs (see under) as 'pro Anglis, Scotis, et 
Hibernicis, penitentiarius ordinarins,' was at that time a fellow of the college, and 
on a visit to Rome. As the licence is dated at the office of the Penitentiary, 
it certainly looks as if Gabold had secured this special favour for his own college. 

The third of these papal communications, of about the same date, is also of 
interest. Appeals to the visitors, and to the chancellor, are common enough in 
the history of colleges; but an appeal to the pope for the interpretation of a 
statute is, I think, very rare, especially at so late a date as this; in fact I cannot 
find evidence of any other. And the point to be decided here seems such a 
trifling one to send so far afield for a judgment. The enquiry was merely whether 
the statute of Bateman, which required the fellows to hold disputations three 
times a week in term time, was satisfied if they did this, not in person but through 
students of the college {per discipulos). This, they say, had always been their 
custom. In his reply (v. Appendix)^ dated Sept. 24, 1502, the pope gives his 
sanction to this practice. As Thomas Cabold is one of those who endorse the 
judgment, I cannot but think that occasion was taken of his presence at Rome, 
and of his dignified office there, to obtain a judgment which would not otherwise 
have been sought for. 

No domestic event of importance seems to have happened beyond the occur- 
rence of one of those numerous fires, — Fuller, in a well-known passage, has 
humorously expressed his wonder that they were not much more frequent, — 
in 1498. There is an entry in the University accounts of 21c?. "for wine and ale 
when the fire was at Gunwell Hall, spent by Mr Vicechancellor " — refreshment 
probably for those engaged in putting it out. 

Early's will, dated June 14, 1504, was proved (P.C.C.) Feb. 16, 1504-5. He 
desires to be buried in the chancel of St Michael's Coslany. The wills of his 
father, mother, and brother William (Vol. i. 13) to be duly carried out. He leaves 
i&lO to the parish church of Winterton; £b to that of Somerton. Also 40«. for re- 
pairing the pavement towards St Michael's Coslany, ' \'ulgariter nuncupatum the 
Cokyhede,* The residue of his property to be laid out for the good of his own 
soul, and for the souls of his father, mother, and brothers. Executors: his brother 
Thomas, Edmund Stubb (Vol. i. 12), Stephen Stalon, and Walter Stubb (i. 22). 

About now, perhaps in consequence of the papal bull mentioned above, the 
presence of monks as pensioners in college becomes noticeabla In fact, from this 
date until the suppression of the monasteries, they form an important constituent 
element amongst the resident students. 



Edmund Stubb, or Stubbs, eleventh master (1504-1513), was the fourth son of 
John Stubb, Esq., of Scottow, Norfolk. The family pedigree is recorded in the 
Visitations of Norfolk. He graduated B.A. 1474-5; and proceeded M.A. 1478. 
He was a fellow of the college from 1480 to 1504. He succeeded Dr Barly in 
the rectory of St Michael's Coslany, as well as in the mastership ; and, like him, 
seems to have resided mostly in his Norwich parsonage. He bought some land at 
the back of the parsonage, and built the stable there. 

In the University he is recorded as a benefactor by the gift <^ two balances for 
weighing the jewels, cups, and other articles of value which students and can- 
didates for degrees were in the habit of pledging. 

He died shortly after the Feast of St Matthew (Sept. 21), 1513. 

He desires, in his will, that his body shall be buried "pauperrime et sine 
pompa '' in the churchyard of St Michael's Coslany, or elsewhere, wherever he may 
die, at an expense not exceeding ISs, i<L All his tenements on the south side of 
the rectory of St Michael's are left to support priests, and to provide bread and 
wine for them, at that church. He leaves a l^;acy to the Abbey of St Benet's, 
Hulm. To Mr Alkyn (probably the vicar of Mutford) * his gown with a tippet of 
fox fur.' To Gunvile Hall a patchwork bedquilt (* meum superlectile de motley '). 
The master and fellows are directed to sell the books, ' and the cloth (lintheamen) of 
Mr Cabold (Vol. i. 12), in the college chest.' To Mr Swayn (Vol. i. 16) he leaves 
two books, and his doctor's cape. Proved (P.C.C.) but date of proof not given. 

It was not till about this time that the collie came into possession of 
ScholarshipSy — bible-clerkships, as they were then called. The three first of these, 
viz. those of Willows, Gale and Sigo, were founded in 1501, 1505, and 1507. 

Monks now form a characteristic and important element in the resident society. 
Some of them, at any rate, evidently looked back with gratitude to their stay in 
college. Thus John Household (i. 20), of the Oluniac Prior}* of Oastleacre, left 
a number of books to our library ; and for the chapel use, " a frontlet, with the 
Salutation of our Lady curiously wrought in gold, and two suits of vestments 
having everything belonging to the adorning of a priest to say mass." 

As described elsewhere (v. Fellotoships, under Lady E. Scroop) the college had 
recently come into possession of the manor of Newnham, held of the Corporation of 
Cambridge at a yearly rent of 18^. A composition was made with the town, 
Jan. 24, 1506-7 (printed in full in Cooper's Annals, i. 286) enforcing, amongst 
other things, a curious and ancient custom. The Newnham Mill and the Town 
Mill (opposite Queens') drew their water from the same supply, and there was 
naturally some jealousy between them. The rule was *' that before the said mill 
of Newenham beginneth to grind or go, the bailiff of the King's mill, belonging 
unto the mayor bailiff and burgesses, hath blown his horn to warn the miller for 
the time being of the said mill of Newenham. And, before that, the said mill of 
Newenham not to grind. And also the said mill of Newenham to surcease of 
grinding, after and upon blowing of the said horn." 


About this date we first begin to obtain definite information as to the actual 
numbers in residence, owing to the insertion of the names of pensioners in the 
college accounts. For instance, at Michaelmas, 1509, there are included the master 
and five fellows, one bachelor, two scholars, the cook, and twelve pensioners. The 
master was away at his Norwich vicarage, but all the others seem to have been 
generally resident. Of the pensioners, six at least were monks, and three others 
probably clergymen. One was a University bedell. It is doubtful if there was 
any representative of the classes who afterwards preponderated as fellow-commoners 
and pensioners (Vol. i. 18-20). 


William Buckenham, twelfth master (1513-1536), was probably a younger son 
of Hugh de Bokenham, of Gt Idvermere, SufiTolk. He graduated B.A. 1482-3 ; 
M.A. U86; B.D. 1502; and D.D. 1506-7. He was fellow of the college from 
Michaelmas, 1488, till his election to the mastership; and vicar of Holy Sepulchre, 
Cambridge, 1512. He succeeded to the rectory of St Michael's Coslany, on the 
death of Stubbs ; and like his two predecessors he seems to have been fond of his 
Norwich parsonage, to which he added some improvements. His deed of resigna- 
tion of the mastership (Treas, six. 12) is dated in the parish church June 12, 1536 : 
it is to be revoked in case the person elected by the fellows should not be approved 
by the chancellor. He continued to live on there, and died June 18, 1540. 

In the University he was considerably more active and influential than any of 
his predecessors. He was Vice-Chancellor 1508 and 1509 ; and whilst holding 
this office is said to have been the compiler of the "Old Black Book,'' a MS. volume 
containing an account of the charters and other records in the University Registry. 
He was an arbitrator between the University and the Priory of Barnwell in 1506. 

He was, at any rate indirectly, instrumental in completing the quadrangle 
of the Qonville Court. The greater part of the east side of that court had been 
already finished in or about 1490, but apparently there was still room for a set of 
chambers between that part and the chapeL These were completed by Nicholas 
Buckenham, of Fressingfield, brother of the master, in or about 1516. Nicholas 
is also said to have given the college some lands in Haddenham, Isle of Ely ; 
but according to the Anncds William claimed them as belonging to himself and 
sold them to the college, who bought them of him with a part of the money left by 
Dr Baily (Vol. i. 26). 

He was also the instrument of two other benefactions, viz. firstly of Dr Baily's 
fellowship. He was apparently Baily's executor : in the deed of foundation the 
lands given in the endowment are described as Buckenham's (see under FeUaw- 
ships). Secondly of the Elie Almshouses, of which the college is trustee. Here 
again Buckenham appears nominally as the donor, but he reaUy succeeded to the 
executorship (see Endowments), 

1513. In this year the college came into a rather curious bequest, viz. that of 
1000 sheep. John Lestrange, Esq., of Little Massingham, left by will "vii*' ewys 


goyng att Est Lexham and iii° be delyvered to y* seyde master and 
felowes at midsomer." The college in return binds itself, under its common seal, 
to pray for the soul of John Lestrange himself, "his wyffe, his £athere and mothere, 
his bothe brothers, his father yn lawe Thomas Lestrange esquyer and for the soule 
of all his bene^BM^tors and all good crysten soules '' (Treaa, iii. 5). Dr Caius tells 
us that the sheep were sold, but the money was mostly never paid. 

1520. Geoffry Knight founded the preaching offices at St Mary's, afterwards 
called the " salaries." 

1520, about. Dame Anne Drury gave 20 marks, the proceeds to be laid out for 
priests celebrating in her own parish of St Michael Coslany, Norwich. 

1521. The Annals record in this year an illustration of the frequent faction 
fights between North and South. The students of Gerard's Hostel, mostly belong- 
ing to the former party, instigated by their principal, William Tayte, carried by 
assault and burnt the Western gate of the college, which was just opposite their 
Hostel. They invaded the buttery, and poured out all the liquor; and but for 
the promptitude of the butler, who hid the silver in the well, would have plundered 
this. Caius declares that they were tacitly supported by the Vice-chancellor, 
John Stackhouse, who was himself a northerner. He adds however that Tayte 
showed his penitence in after life by leaving a number of books to our library. 

1524. Robert Thorpe, alderman of Norwich, and his wife Agnes \ gave to the 
college the nomination of a chantry priest at St Michael's Coslany, Norwich {Annals), 
This was suppressed, with other such chantries, in the reign of Edward VI. 

1531. The great dragon on the roof of the hall was removed. Dr Caius 
describes it as a sort of weathercock of lead, standing over the lantern, and so 
heavy that there was risk in stormy weather of its falling through the roof. 

1534. Thomas Newton, alderman of Norwich, gave a bell for the chapel. It 
was sold, not long afterwards, as being too large for the purpose. 


John Skipp, thirteenth master (1536—40), first appears on our lists as a scholar 
at Lady Day 1513. He graduated B.A. 1514-5: M.A. 1518: B.D.« 1533: and 
D.D. 1536. He was a fellow of the college from Michaelmas, 1516, until his election 
to the mastership ; and held the office of president of Physwick Hostel, the annexe of 
Gonville Hall, 1519-21'. He was vicar of Thaxted, 1534-9: about April 1535, 
he succeeded Shaxton as canon and prebendary of St Stephen's, Westminster: 
archdeacon of Suffolk, 1536-40: rector of Newington, Surrey, 1538; and arch- 

^ Thorpe died in 1501. The deed conveying the ohantiy (Treatwry^ x. 2. a) is by J<dm Gierke, 
Thorpe's executor, and is dated 1524. 

3 HiB theds for this is preserved in Corp, ChrUt, MS. 172. 

> He must certainly be the * Sir Skypp, bachelor' referred to in the will of Margaret Norman, 
of Norwich, in 1516. *' Being in Cambridge shall have this year's service towards his exhibition. 
And if that I depart before he be priested he shall sing for me and my friends his first mass in 
St John*s Chnrch, Berstreet, Norwich ; and so for a year after his first mass siDging, for to 
continue at Cambridge for his increasing and learning and praying for me and my friends." 


deacon of Dorset, 1538-9. He was prior of Wigmore, Herefordshire, 1535-8, 
being apparently appointed in Commendam : his name appears in the Surrender, 
Nov. 18, 1538. He was also appointed titular bishop of Pavada, near Constanti- 
nople, in 1535. He was consecrated bishop of Hereford, Nov. 23, 1539; and in 
June following resigned the mastership of the college. 

His active life was spent away from Cambridge, where indeed he seems to have 
resided very little. In his earlier collie days he had attached himself to the 
reforming party, which was then so distinctive of the college, and was one of the 
regular visitors at the "White Horse," which was their usual meeting place. 
Dr Caius speaks of him as ' doctissimus et ingeniosissimus vir,' and it is evident 
that he had a great reputation as a preacher in £x)ndon and elsewhere*. He was 
for some time chaplain, and afterwards almoner, to Queen Anne Boleyn, in which 
station he was very serviceable in recommending many poor students to her 
charity and in introducing men of learning, amongst these being Matthew Parker^ 
afterwards archbishop. In 1534 he was sent down to Cambridge with Simon 
Heynes, to preach and argue in favour of the Royal supremacy. * Being one of 
the most celebrated preachers of his time he was often appointed to preach at 
Court' On Passion Sunday, 1536, he preached a sermon in the King's chapel, on 
the text, Quis ex vobia wguet me de pecccUo t for which he was called to question, as 
reflecting on the action of the King and Parliament. During the imprisonment of 
Anne Boleyn he was much with her : — on May 19, 1536, Sir W. Kingston wrote to 
Cromwell : " Sir, her almoner is continually with her, and has been since 2 of the 
clock after midnight.'' In July 1536 he signed the declaration touching the 
Sacrament of Holy Orders. In October 1538 he was in a Commission against the 
Anabaptists. He was one of the compilers of the Institution of a Christian 
mem, and revised the Epistle to the Hebrews for the Bible of 1540. As stated, he 
had been at first a decided reformer and a strong supporter of the divorce, but in 
later life he sided with the Romanist party. After the fall of Cromwell he and 
Heath made a strong endeavour to bring Cranmer over to their own opinions, but 
failed. He protested against the first Prayer-book of King Edward ; but is said 
to have had a hand in preparing the second. 

His episcopal life, so far as Hereford is concerned, seems unimportant : indeed 
the only ascertainable fact is the statement of Strype (Mem, ii. ii. 171) that he 
wasted the property of the see by granting away the London house of the bishops on 
a long lease of 200 years. This house was in the parish of St Mary, Mounthalt, 
and had been given, with the patronage of the church, many years before, to the 
bishops of Hereford. It was here that Skipp^ died, March 28, 1552. He 
was buried, like Fox, his predecessor at Hereford, in the church of St Maiy, 

1 He was one of the Oambridge men to whom Wolsej offered a fellowship, at his new 
foundation of Cardinal Ck>llege, Oxford, but he declined this. 

^ Four of his letters to Parker (in the G<^as library) have been published ; ihej are dated 
from Hampton Ck>nrt, March 23, 1584-5; and from Westminster, Feb. 18, 1537-8, and May, 
1589. He was in attendance as chaplain to the Queen at the time {Parker Corresp, 1, 2, 6, 9). 

* This is stated in the Act Book, '* in hospitio suo de Mount haute, Lond., adversa valetudine 
Uborans cirdter horam primam pomeridianam ejusdem die! ab hac luce migravit.'' The house 
was restored to the See under Queen Maty. 


Mounthalt. Havergal {Fa4it. Hereford.) states that, the churchyard having been 
recently built over, he had made enquiries and was informed that the graves of the 
bishops had not been disturbed. 

His will, nuncupative, is dated March 18, 1551-2 ; and was proved (P. C. C.) 
Ap. 9, following. He leaves all his property to his brother, Robert Skyppe, to 
John Harford, and to Richard Willyson (Vol. i. 29) to be distributed at their 
discretion amongst his kinsfolk and servants. Witnesses' present, the bishop 
of Norwich; Dr Wendy (Vol. i. 24); Augustin Steward, alderman of Norwich; 
Edmund Danyell, clerk; and others. 

This period is marked by several additions to our endowments. In the first 
place, a fourth scholarship was added to the list by Thomas Alkyn, vicar of 
Mutford, Suffolk, and Margery Hore (see under Endovmventa), 

Far more important than this, however, as marking the introduction of a new 
system of teaching and of study, was the foundation of our first lectureships. 
These were due partly to private beneficence and partly to the King's initiative. 
As a full account of Geoffry Knight's foundation is given elsewhere, it need only 
be stated here that the deed for his lectureship is dated in 1538 ; and that, soon after 
the Royal Injunctions of 1535, and in consequence of the King having remitted the 
first-fruits on fellowships {Annal8\ the college established another lectureship. 
These were respectively called the Humanity or Latin, and the Greek, lectureship. 
In 1539 a third preaching office, similar to those founded by Knight in 1520, 
was established by John Whitacre. 


John Styrmin, fourteenth master (1540-52), graduated B.A. 1525-6 ; M.A. 
1529 ; and 6.D. 1540. His name first appears in our records as a scholar of the 
college in 1528 ; and afterwards as a fellow, in which capacity he is one of the 
witnesses of a deed in 1538. He was one of the first two priests — "salarists" as 
they were afterwards called — appointed on Dr Knight's foundation, by his deed 
dated Oct. 20, 1538. He was archdeacon of Hereford, 1542-51 ; and prebendary 
of Eyne, Hereford, 1545, and Bartonsham, 1547-51. 

His will, probably nuncupative, is dated Feb. 1, 1551-2; and was proved 
(P. C. C.) June 2, 1552. He is described simply as late archdeacon of Hereford. It 
is stated that he did will and bequeath unto Thomas Lane, his servant, a gelding, 
and 20«. ; also to Perceval Bedell, his servant, another gelding. All his goods to 
be left to Richard Willyson (Vol. i. 29) and Edward Cowper (archdeacon of Hereford, 
&/0, ; V. Aih. Cant,) his executors, for them to distribute at their discretion amongst 
his kinsfolk. Witnesses, John Herford, and Danyell, a clerk (see the witnesses of 
John Skipp's will). 

^ The writer in the D. N. B, consideni that these names point to his having died at Norwich. 
This aeems onneoessaiy. As parliament was sitting, the bishop of Norwich would naturally be 
in London ; and so would Wendy, as court physioian. There is also an error in the statement 
that Skipp was buried at Hereford. 


One important event occurred daring his mastership, namely the visitation of 
the University, under Edward YL, in 1549. But the following is the only reference 
to our College contained in it, "On the monday. May 13, they went to Gonwell 
Hall, and had made an ende by iii of the clocke and before, and so took only a 
banket there in sted of bever at iii of the clocke, and sapped at Doctor Wendyes, 
wher no meate was provyded but only for the vysjrtors" (Lamb's DocumenU, 
p. 110). 


Thomas Bacon, fifteenth master (1552-1559), graduated B.A. at our college, 
1517-8 ; M. A. 1521 ; and D.D. 1556-7. He was a scholar from Michaehnas 1517 
to 1519 ; and a fellow from 1519 to 1527. He was principal of Physwick Hostel in 
1521. He held several pieces of church preferment; being rector of Hock wold, 
Norf., 1529-39; of Chebfield, Kent, 1532-1559 ; chaplain to Henry VIII. ; rector 
of Barrow, Suff , 1539 ; canon of Stoke by Clare ; canon of Ely, 1544-59 ; and vicar 
of Hoxne, Suff. He died at Chelsfield, Jan. 1, 1558-9, and is buried there; the 
entry in the parish register being simply '* Thomas Bacon, parson, there buryed^ 
Jan. 3, 1558." 

His widely distributed church preferment probably interfered with his duties in 
college. Caius, who knew him well — for all the transactions concerning his own 
new foundation had to be carried on with Bacon — gives a low estimate of his 
character: ''homo certe gravis, mitis, et amabilis, sed custos inutilis et negligens." 
He adds indeed that he died deeply in debt, and fraudulently disposed of his property 
to his brother Nicholas, a merchant in London {Annals), He also sa3rs that whereas 
he could remember there having been £600 in gold in the treasury, he found, on 
becoming master, only £4. 16«. there. The college moreover was more than 
100 marks in debt ; the master and fellows having squandered the property. 

The following is .the inventory of his goods (in his lodge at Cambridge, I 
presume), taken from the records of the Vice-Chancellor's Court, now at Peter- 
borough. The total absence of any mention of hooks is hard to explain. 

" Thynventorie of suche stuff as was Mr Thomas Bacon, late Mr of Gownvyll 
and Caius CoUedge, 1558. 
In the great chamb' 


A longe carpet v* 

A turned chayre xii* 

A pay' of tongs viii<* and a pay' of bellowes i** ix** 

In his bedchambre 

The V courtaynos of mockadoe viii» 

Olio feather bed and bolster xl* 

A mattress iii* 

A coveryng of redde v* 

One blanket viii'J (?xiii*) 

A pillowe of downe iiii" 


4 pay' of flaxen shets xxvi* viii* 

2 pay' of harden and one shet vi« viii** 

A table cloth of diaper vi« viii** 

6 diaper napkyns ii« 

A playne towell iiii** 

A pillober vi** 

A shirt xvi** 

A fire shovell x^ 

A pay' of laten candlesticks ii* iii** 

A green carpet xvi<^ 

A litle blacke deske xx^ 

A pay' of gauntletts ii» vi** 

A pewter bason xvi<^ and a chamber pot viii<^ ii* 

A broyshe ii<* 

A gowne furred w^ taffita and a hode xl* 

An habit and a silke hode x* 

An old clothe cote xx«* 

A dublet of saten of brigs xii^ 

A wayste dublet of fustian vi«* 

In his servants chamber 

A presse vi* viii** 

A featherbed with a bolster xvi* 

A pad of strawe xii<^ 

An Iryshe rugge ii« vi** 

A coverlet of tapestrie Ijmed xxvi* viii** 

An other coverlet of tapestrie x* 

ii broshes iiii**, ii basketts vi**, iii earthen potts iii**, 

a jasely vi<* a^Jii** xxii** 

Summa xii" o« vii* (?) "* 

The principal event, of any University importance, under the mastei'ship of 
Bacon, was the Visitation of 1556-7, during Queen Mary's reign. The best known 
incident of this Visitation was the exhuming and burning of the bodies of two 
reformers who had died some years before. The arrangements seem to have been 
made at Bacon's lodge, and are thus referred to by Mere, the Esquire bedel, 
" Item. The Vice-Chancellor, Dr Harvey, Mr Swinbome, Maptyd, Dr Yonge and 
I dyned with Mr Bakon at GU)nville Hall, and after dyner sealed the instrument 
of Bucer and Fagius condempnation, and bare it to the Vysy tors " (Lamb's Docu- 
menu, p. 203). This was on Jan. 14. On Jan. 28 the Visitation of the College is 
thus mentioned, "After dyner they went to Gonville Hall, where they were 
lykewise receyved, and so went into the chapel singing Summa Trinitati, (fee., and 
after they had perused the sacrament, <fec, they wente to the Master's lodginge 
and there divyding themselves went to examination and finished all by iiii of the 



Stue memor juventntis, 
Yiam indicans salatifi, 
Portam oondidit Yirtutis 

£t Honoris prozimi: 
His prffifixit arotam satis 
Jannam Hamilitatis, 
Monens intrent ne snblaiis 

Animis discipoli. {Carmen Caianum.) 

Our great second founder, John Caius (sixteenth master, 1559-73), was born 
at Norwich, probably in the parish of St Etheldred, Oct. 6, 1510. He was the 
son of Robert Caius, who died in 1532, and was buried in that parish; and of 
Alice Wodanell, who died in 1547*, and was buried in the parish of St John at 
the Gate. His father, though a resident in Norwich, was of Yorkshire origin. 
This fact has been needlessly doubted by Blomefield (iii. 296), but is decisively 
stated in the Grant of Arms to John Caius, and confirmed by John Parker 
{SkeUtog) who must have been personally acquainted with men who had known 
him in college. Hence it has been conjectured, and even stated as a fact^ that he 
was connected with some branch of the well-known Yorkshire family of Kaye or 
Kay. The recent discovery of the sheets containing the bursars' accounts whibt 
Caius was a student do not confirm this. His name occurs in ten different forms 
(Kees, Keys, Keis, Kesse, Cais, Kaius, Keyse, Cayus, Keysse, Caius). It will be 
observed that no one of these is of the type '* Kaye," but that they all end with the 
letter, or the sound, 8, There can therefore be no doubt that his English name was 
always Keys or Kees*. Search has been made amongst the wills both at York and 
at Norwich with the view of finding some clue to the origin and history of the 
family, but hitherto without any success. Considering how strongly local sym- 
pathies generally expressed themselves in the appropriation of endowments, it 
seems rather singular that Dr Caius should have confined his benefits almost 
entirely to Norfolk, and have made no reference whatever to Yorkshire. 

> These personal details are given bj Ck)oper, and others, without authority assigned. They 
rest, so far as we are ooncemed, entirely upon the statement of Dr Tanner in his Bibliotheea 
Anglo-Hibemica, who says ** In ephemeridibns eztraneis mana Johannis Gaii seqnentia annota 
fnisse dioontur**; and he proceeds to qaote them in Italian. The expression osed, and the 
language in which they are written, suggest their having appeared in some Padoan Admission 
register, or Italian joomal. But, after enqniries most kindly made for me by Professor Ferraris 
of Padua, and by the learned University librarian, no confirmation can be found of this sug- 
gestion. There is in any case some di£Scnlty to be cleared up, as the date here assigned for his 
mother's death was four years after he had left Padua. I cannot but think that 1547 must be a 
mistake (possibly for 1587), as the passage concludes " ritorno verso Inghilterra 1544.'* 

^ That is, whereas it was commonly supposed that the pronunciation of the name might be 
rendered by the spelling " Key's College," we must now shift the apostrophe and represent it by 
" Keys' College." In either case, of course, the familiar pronunciation is not, as vulgarly supposed, 
a conventional rendering of the Latin name Caitu, but the unaltered perpetuation of the con- 
temporary English name. 



He entered Gonville Hall, Sept. 12, 1529, at a rather later age therefore than 
was naoal at the time. From the paucity of our records at this date we know but 
little of the state of the college. Dr Buckenham was the master — a man whose 
attainments and University position and influence place him rather above the 
average — and the college, though small, contained several men of some mark. 
Two future bishops, Shaxton and Skipp, were included among the few fellows, 
besides the rather prominent reformer Edward Croftia As I have said in the 
Introduction, there were, about this time, two markedly contrasted component 
elements in the college. One of these was furnished by the monks who, now on 
the eve of their disappearance, still formed a considerable proportion of the resident 
students. They represented a rather select body, having been chosen for their 
ability and industiy by the various houses which supported them at the University. 
The other element was composed of a few resident fellows and masters of arts who 
were strong adherents of the reforming party. Several amongst them suffered 
for their opinions, though it does not appear that any one of them lost his life in 
their support. 

The period therefore of young John Caius' entry must have been one of 
considerable mental activity and even excitement. If we may trust his own 
account, the students of his day were indeed a model race. In an interesting 
digression in his Histaria (pp. 91-96) he contrasts the ways and thoughts of the 
undergraduates of 1572 with those of their predecessors of 1530-40. The 
conditions of life of the Elizabethan student would make his modem successor 
stare and gasp ; they would seem to him to be those of an over-worked, under-fed, 
sternly-disciplined schoolboy. But to the eye of the old master the youths of the 
latter date were simply revelling in unscholarly indulgence. He contrasts them, 
sadly to their disadvantage, with the short-haired long-gowned lads of his remem- 
brance, who found their only joy, not in games, but in admiring and critical 
attendance on each other's disputations in the schools ; who never missed a public 
lecture, or visited a public-house; who spent their scanty pocket-money not on 
clothes which would wear out, but on books which might endure for ever. They 
seldom stirred from the college walls except on their way to the Schools; and 
were ever on the look-out reverently to salute their elders. As to discipline it was 
not needed, such was their instinctive awe of those in authority. Their only 
notion of relaxation was in the preparation of the Latin Plays during the brief 
Christmas holiday. 

Young men are used to comments of this kind from their seniors ; and no one 
is likely to accept the reminiscences of a stem and somewhat soured old man for 
scientific observation. But» after making ample allowance of this kind, there can 
be little doubt that the period just before the Reformation did really mark the 
close of a phase of University life. For one thing the hostels were then numerous, 
and were frequented by the comparatively wealthy : the colleges were still the 
resort of the studious poor for whom they were originally intended. Again, 
political and social changes had not yet thrown a mass of wealth into new hands, 
and thus introduced a new class to the University. And the still unbroken 
authority of the Church doubtless influenced, in every direction, the thoughts and 


actions of the students. As Dr Caius implies, the change was a very rapid one. 
He left college in 1539, and returned, — ^perhaps for the first time, — in 1558. He 
declares that he found everything changed : manners, teaching, pronunciation : 
and that he knew no one, and was known to none (Hist p. 3). 

As he has told us (Annals)^ he entered college Sept. 12, 1529. His name first 
appears as a scholar (biblioiiata — only four of these had at that time been founded) 
at Michaelmas 1530, and remains as such till Lady Day 1533. He graduated 
B.A. in Jan. 1532-3, being first of his year: what we should now call "senior 
wrangler": and commenced M.A. in 1535. He was elected a fellow of Gonville 
Hall, Dec. 6, 1533 (Annals), retaining his fellowship till Sept. 29, 1545. He was 
one of the principals of Physwick's Hostel, — an annexe of the college, standing on 
part of the site of the present Trinity College, — for a year or so from Nov. 12, 
1533. By his own account his main interest, when a student, lay in the direction 
of Theology : not improbably he had looked forward to the priesthood, and was 
diverted from this to medicine by his want of sympathy with the principles of the 
Reformation. He tells us that, in his twenty-first year, i.e. in the latter part of 
his undergraduate career, he translated, for various friends, a Greek treatise of 
Nicephorus Callistus, and one of Chrysostom, into Latin, as also a treatise of 
Erasmus into English. He was also a diligent student of Hebrew. One of our 
MSS. (No. 404) is a Hebrew Bible. At the beginning are two pages of notes in 
his hand, " de Canonicis libris veteris Testamenti," ending " Caius, juvenis adhuc, 
et Hebraicse linguae studiosus, Cantabrigise scripsit.'^ From the reference in the 
Annals we should infer that he was a personal friend at this time of Thomas 
Gresham, as he certainly was, through life, of Richard Willyson, fellow and 
benefactor of the college. His principal student friend was a young schoolfellow 
from Norwich, named William Framingham, of Pembroke, afterwards fellow of 
Queens', whose remarkable ability and attainments he records, and who died in 
1537, at the early age of 25. Caius had intended to edit his friend's works, with 
notes of his own, but the MSS. were lost during his absence in Italy. 

In 1539 he left England and proceeded to Padua to study medicine. His 
letters testimonial from the 'University of Cambridge are dated Jan. 31, 1538-9. 
He started from Dover about March 17 following'; and spent somewhat more 
than five years in Italy. The first four of these were devoted to medical study at 
Padua, where J. B. Montanus was his principal teacher (< preceptor meus optimus 
et doctissimus ' : — Pref. to De Meih, Med.). The celebrated Vesalius, professor of 
Anatomy 1537-44, was at this time engaged in the preparation of his work 
De Fabrica Humani Corporis, Caius formed an intimate acquaintance with him, 
and for eight months was his fellow-lodger in the Casa degli Voile near the Ponte 
della Paglia\ The only other glimpse we have of his Paduan life is given in his 
De Ephemeride Britannica, where in illustration of varieties in diet he states that, 
of three who lived there together, one took only acid drinks, another, a Milanese, only 
hot water, and the third (? himself) only sweet drinks (solis dul^sHms capiebatur), 

> The date is fixed by his statement (Preface to De Methodo Medendi) that he was at Dover at 
the same time with the King and his physician, Dr W. Batts. 
' The position of these places does not seem now to be known. 


He graduated M.D. ("artium et roedicinsB doctor"), at Padna, May 13, 1641 : 
the diploma is preserved in our treasury. Shortly before this he had been appointed 
to a professorship there: a rare thing for a foreigner, and almost unique for an 
Englishman. Cooper, followed by others, calls him Professor of Greek. This is not 
quite correct. The real title, according to Tomasino (Gymn, PtUavinum) was " pro- 
fessor sophisticae," or, as it is termed in his diploma of M.D., "dialectices Gnece 
professor." He appears in Tomasino's list as " Gavius,** which may account for the 
fact that some writers have denied that any official record of his appointment is to 
be found. He held this office for about a year from 1541. His own description 
is ' ...defunctus publico munere prselegendi Aristotelicam disciplinam Greece 
publico salario illustrium Venetorum, concurrente Realdo Columbo Cremonensi, 
in scholiis publicis.' That is, as we should now express it, he lectured on the 
Logic and Philosophy of Aristotle in the original Greek. He adds that his 
lectures were delivered in the schools of St Blaise, as the Arts schools were not 
then finished (De Lib. prop. p. 163). 

In July 1543 he left Padua, and studied for a short time at Florence, and at 
Pisa under Matthew Ourtius. From thence he made a tour through the principal 
towns of Italy : Venice, Perrara, Siena, Rome, &c., directing his attention in every 
place to the various public and private libraries. His main object was the exami- 
nation of MSS. of Galen and Hippocrates. The attainment of complete and correct 
versions of these writers, especially of Galen, occupied much of his time and 
attention for many years ; and in his De lAbria propriis he gives a long account of 
the difficulties he encountered in his search. Of the nine volumes of MSS. in our 
college library, given by him, the majority consist of treatises by Galen and 
Hippocrates: not improbably collected during this tour. 

He returned to England, in 1544 or 1845, by way of Switzerland, Germany, 
and Holland. It was probably at Basle, — whence he dates the Preface of his 
De Methodo Afedendi, March 15, 1543—4, — that he made the acquaintance of 
Conrad Gesner', his intimate and life-long friend. It was for him that Gains 
compiled his treatise De Ccmilms Brita/nnids, and De variorum animalinm 
Historic^. In his De lAbris propriis, when he comes to mention the death of 
Gesner, he breaks out into a striking and pathetic declamation on the vanity of 
human life and hopes. Gesner died in 1565, and his friend, writing seven years 
afterwards, declares that his sense of bereavement had increased rather than 
diminished by lapse of time. 

On his return to England, — according to Cooper, who is followed by Munk, — 
Oaius practised his profession at Cambridge, Norwich, and Shrewsbury, before 
settling in London*. I can find no authority for this. In the first place he had 
no English qualification till his fellowship of the College of Physicians in 1547. 
Had he commenced practice at Cambridge, such a stickler for fonn as he alwaj's 
showed himself would probably have obtained the Cambridge M.D., on the 

1 Oar copy of Qesner's HUtoria Ammalitm was his presentation to GaioB. In Vol. it. are the 
words, presumably in Oesner's hand, * Johanni Gaio, Anglo, medico et phUosopho illostri....' 

' This statement is probably taken from Aikin's Biographical Menunn, who gives no 
anthority, and whose dates are confosed and inaocurate. 

C. III. 3 


strength of his Padua degree, at once, instead of waiting as he did till he came 
to Cambridge in 1558. He possibly paid a short visit to Cambridge during 1545 
(Annals, p. 63), but there is no reason to suppose that he practised there. He 
certainly was in Shrewsbury at the time of the Sweating Sickness, bat^ to my 
thinking, his words ('Ipse, dum hiec tragedia agebatur, pnesens spectator 
interfui') are more suggestive of a brief visit than of the position of a resident 

He was admitted fellow of the College of Physicians, Dec. 22, 1547 ; appointed 
an Elect, March 13, 1550; and Consiliarius in that and the following year; and 
for the next eight or ten years seems to have led the life of a busy London 
practitioner. He was chosen President of the college in 1555, and annually 
re-elected till 1560 inclusive; again in 1562 and 1563, and for the ninth time in 
157 L The high estimate in which he was held in his profession is also shown 
by his appointment as physician to Edward YI., and afterwards to Mary, and 
Elizabeth. It is said that he was dismissed from this last in 1568, on account of 
his religious opinions. Probably his attendance on Royalty, and frequent calls to 
visit patients of position at a distance \ account for the wide knowledge which he 
evidently possessed of the country. His descriptions of the ''rarer animals" in 
his published volume contain references to what he had seen in various parts of 
the country, from Cumberland to the sea off Selsey. 

During these years his greatest contribution to the cause of scientific progress 
in Medicine probably consisted in his lectures and demonstrations in Anatomy, at 
the hall of the Barber-surgeons. These seem to have been commenced soon after 
his return from Italy, for he says (De Lib. prop,, p. 18), of some one who had 
attended them, 'ad annos piene viginti semper interfuit nostris dissectionibus 
anatomicis, quas Londini obivimus.' These lectures were delivered in the hall of 
the Barber-surgeons, — who had a licence, by their original charter of 1540, to 
claim the bodies of four criminals annually for purposes of dissection. In this 
he was making a very important advance, for no such demonstrations had 
previously been given, lliese lectures are thus mentioned by his contemporary, 
Dr BuUeyn : " Whereas through the learned lectures and the secret anathomies 
by and through the learned doctor M. John Kaius, reveiling unto this fraternity 
(viz. the Company of Barbers and Chirurgeons of London) the hidden jewels and 
precious treasures of Galenus, showing himself to be a second Linacre ** {Dialogues, 
1579). They are also referred to in the verses on the portrait in our Hall : 
*'Qui luceni dedit et solatia magna chirurgis, ut scirent partes Anatomia tuas.'' 
This picture is dated 1564. Sir G. Baker (Opusctda, p. 219), who first drew 
attention to these anatomical demonstrations, thinks that the lack of subjects at 
the command of the Physicians was the reason why Caius selected the Barber- 
surgeons'. It was not till 1564, probably at his own suggestion, that the former 
body obtained the like permission. 

^ In two of his letters in the Summer of 1567 he speaks of being suddenly sonunoned to 
attend the Countess of Oxford, at Heningham, Essex, and a son of Sir John Baker, in Kent. 

* Enqniries have been most kindly made for me by Mr S. Young (author of AnnaU of the 
Barber-turgeoni), amongst the records of the Barber-surgeons, bnt unfortunately these do not 
commence till some years later than this. 


Dr Caius' oonnection with the College of Physicians is naturally treated very 
fully by Dr Monk. He seems to have been heartily devoted to the interests of 
the Society, and to have been unusually punctilious in his attendance at their 
meetings. He made the same careful enquiry into their history, charters, d^., 
that he did in the case of his own college at Cambridge; compiling the Annah 
of each in MS. It was also largely through his influence that the dispute between 
the College of Physicians and the Barber-surgeons as to the right of surgeons to 
administer inward remedies, was decided in favour of the former. He ''was 
summoned to appear before the Lord Mayor and others of the Queen's delegates, 
before whom he so learnedly defended the College rights and the ill^ality of the 
surgeons' practice... that it was unanimously agreed by the Queen's Commissioners 
that it was unlawful for them to practise in the forementioned cases" {Roll^ i. 42). 

During this period^ he probably lived in the Parish of St Bartholomew the 
Less ; in the house in which he continued to reside whenever he was in London, 
and in which he eventually died. By the Inventory we find that it possessed 
a 'hall,' — apparently the sitting-room, as containing a table, and most of the 
chairs — ; ' his bed chamber ' ; ' the chamber over his bed chamber ' (used, from its 
contents, as a lumber room); Hhe chamber over the hall' (a bed room); 'the 
garret ' (empty) ; and the kitchen, where his servant probably slept, as it contained 
a bed. His life here was evidently of a very solitary and eccentric kind, as shown 
by the following letter from Parkhurst, afterwards bishop of Norwich, to Caius' 
friend Conrad Gesner. It is dated May 21, 1559, i.e. a few months after his 
election as master of his new college. ' As soon as I came to London I sought out 
your friend, Caius, that I might give him your letter ; and, as he was from home, 
I delivered it to his maid servant, for he has no wife, nor ever had one. Not a 
week passes in which I do not go to his house two or three times. I knock at the 
door; a girl answers the knock, but without opening the door, and peeping through 
a crevice, asks me what I want. I ask in reply. Where is her master! Whether he 
is ever at home, or means to be 1 She always denies him to be in the house. He 
seems to be everywhere and nowhere, and is now abroad ; so that I do not know 
what to write about him. I shall certainly tell him something to his face whenever 
I have the chance to meet him, and he shall know what kind of man he has to deal 
with.* (Transl in Zurich LeUerSy p. 31.) 

Whilst in London he took much interest in the restoration of the tomb in 
St Paul's Cathedral, of Thomas linacre, formerly president of the College of 
Physicians. We have in our Treasury (Box i. 47) the permission of the bishop, 
and of the dean and chapter, for him to remove the remains from where they were 
"obscure condita" to a more conspicuous place. The monument, of course, 

1 Bfr P. M. Thornton, in his HUtory of Harrow School (p. 63) gpeaks of Dr Caius as bdng a 
resident at Boislip, Middx., and thenoe infers his acquaintance with Lyon, the founder of the 
school. It is jost possible that he may have owned land there; but if so he must have soon 
parted with it, for he neither gave it to the college nor is it mentioned in his will. But I feel sure, 
from what we know of the busy life he led, that he can never have lived there ; nor have I ever 
seen a hint of his oonnection with Ruislip, beyond Mr Thornton's statement, for which he has 
lost his authoritioi. 



perished in 1666. It is referred to by Weever. After giving the inscription, 
he proceeds "somewhat above the Tombe, in the wall, under the picture or 
portraiture of the Phcenix, this inscription. Vivit post Junera virtus, Thomas 
Linacro darissimo medico^ Johannes Caius posuit^ ann, 1557." 

It was during these years of busy work in London that he formed the design of 
enlarging what he pathetically describes as " that pore howse now caUed (lonville 
Halle/' so as to make of it almost a new college. In his first communications with 
the master and fellows he seems to have given no hint that it was he who was the 
intending benefactor. His earliest letter on the subject is missing, but most of 
those which followed are preserved in our Library (MS. 714). The reply of the 
collie to the first letter is as follows. 

To the right worshipfull M'^ Caius doctor of Phisike 

Afler o' hartie recommendacons and lyke thankes as well to you o' lovinge and earnest 

mediator as also to o** well mynded and great benefactor as yet to us unknowno these shall 

now signifie unto yo' worshipp that yo** case and request hath bene moved amongst us and 

after good deliberation had we have agreed upon yt and are verie gladd that yt hath 

pleased Gkxi so sone after the stormye and evell tymes to have gevne us such a great 

benefactor or founder, prayeng you and also o' fnnd made by you so to use wyse and 

godlie mens counsell in that behalf that the matter godlye entended may have good 

successe and for so much as many tymes delaye doth reverse and overthrowe suche godlie 

purposes as experience daylie teacheth us therfore one of us shall at all tymes be redye to 

repayre imto you in this behalf yf yt shall please you to dyrecte yC letters unto us as here 

to fore you did wryte in yo' letters left at Bacon's howse in London. Thus God send you 

health and good successe in all yo"" godlie affairs. From Cambridge the therd of June 

(i.e. 1557). 

Yours the M' and felowes 

of Gunwell Hall 

To this Caius, still preserving his incognito, replies : — 

Yor Ire of y« iii^ of y* presente I have receyved, and thereupon have talked w*** y* 
gentleman yor freinde, who is contente to performe al thinges he hath sayd, and wold 
y* yow shuld cum to know him, and make yor sute accordyngly to his deraande, which 
don, he is content to disbiu'se accordyngly for his intent, and yor succorse. If it please 
yow therfor, the Mr, to cumme up to y* purpose u|)on yor own expenses (he saith) untyll 
he may se the thinge obteyne, do yor pleasure. If yow cum I thinke it shalbe best to cum 
at y« begynnyng of this next terme; and M' Sergant Browne tellyth me y* yow must 
brynge up with yow yor writyngs or Ires patentes of your first fundacon. I am mynded 
to present this enclosed to one of the counsel in yor names before yor cummyng, and to 
send yow word of the successe, y* yow may have the redier spede at yor cummyng ; ner 
this is eny other thinge but articles for remembrance to him that shal ask the queue's 
pleasure in those matters. I have showed them to sergant Browne, who lyketh them wel, 
savyng he dowgtheth we shall not obteyn leav to obteyne landes for xx** yeares piuchasa 
Thus fare yow hartely wel. At London this vi of June. Yor Caius. 

The next communication is a draft, in Caius' hand, of a petition to the Queen, 
dated a few days later : — 

That it may please the kyng and queues majestes to graunte under their greate scale 
frely geven to y« pore howse of Gunvyl hall in Cambrigge, at their humble sute, a license^ 


y^ a frende of theirs for his benefits passed and to cumme, may be counted reputed and 
called their fownder wyth Qunville, the name of eny not withdrawen. 

And y* y* pore howse now called Qunville halle may from hensforth for ever bo called 
a college of his and Gunvilles name, and in that name to do and sufier al thinges, as 
sue and be sued, etc. ; and to enjoyne to y« Universite of Cambrige y* so thei may and 
wylle calle it And they shall continually pray for the prosperosse estate of their 

Mr secretarie Boxall this movyng sute to y* queene's 
maieste, made answer upon Trinite Sunday, y* 13 Junii 
1557, in the momyng, to John Caius in y* presens of 
Mr Comewallis counsellor to y^ queeue*s maj., and 
Mr Cicile y^ hir grace was wel contented and pleased 

He wrote on the same day to Mr Bacon, the Master, as follows : — 

Right worshipfulL 1 do yow understonde y* I have in yor behalf spoken with my 
Lord Chancelor and my lorde of Ely in yor sute before I wold mak moanes unto the 
queencs maieste to know how they lyked it. Both favoureth it wel, and promised to 
further it, if y« Queene movyd the mater to them for their advise. Only they like not the 
sute for y« landes. Therfor that sute I lefte o^ and prosecuted yor other mater. Betwen 
yow and yor freinde, in suche maner and wordes as I writte to yow and streight desired 
Mr secretary Boicall my freinde to move it to y* queens maieste and to know hir pleasure 
in it Which thinge frendly don, and favorably to yor collie, made me answer this 
presente'day Trinite sunday, in the presence of M' Comewallys counsellor to y^ queenes 
maieste, and M*" Cicile, y^ hir grace is well contented and pleased therwythe. No thinge 
therfor now restith but y* yow, y« Mr, cumme uppe so spedely as yow can w^ yor fundacon 
and suche other things appertinet, as yor statutes, in y« begynnyng of the terme, because 
the terme lastith not iii weekes, to have counsel and folowe yor sute, and sone to make an 
enda This with commendacons I bydde yow hartely fare welL Yor Caius. At London 
y*» Trinite Sunday 1557. 1 pray yow lay uppe aU my Ires although they be not worth the 

There are several more letters from him to Mr Bacon and others, indicating 
the various obstacles to which the new foundation of the college was exposed ; 
amongst these the following, addressed to * Mr Cordelle, soUicitor to the Queene's 
Maieste': — it may be mentioned here that his enterprize was complicated by 
his discovery that he had not merely to add to the endowment of an existent 
corporation. As already remarked (p. 5) Bp Bateman had n^lected to secure for 
the college a formal l^jal incorporation, but had been content with a royal licence 
of Foundation. As it now appeared, their position was untenable in law. 

Right worshipfull my duty remembered, loth I am, if your favor wyll suffer, to make 
bonde my charite and good wyll to eny man, that owght always to be fr^h, thinkyng 
myself moch bownd to God well to dispense that he hath lent to me, trustyng my honest 
promise to my Lord Chancellor and my Lord of Elie to geve the poor howse one thousand 
pownds to be imployed in land to the use of the said poore howse, to be bonde sufficient, 
havyng a r^;arde to lose rather the doble than to dispoynte my worde to them. Agayn, to 
geve owght before I have leve from the Queenes ma*»« I may not, and to whom I shuld 
assure it before it hath a name, I wot not Althowgh God may sodaynly take away my 
bodie yet I trust that he wyll never take away my good mynde, which I have lefte so sure 


in wyll and writing to their behoves, as y« M*" knowyth that if nothing els their were, it 
war their sufficiently in the lawa Ones I am resolved if not this waye, one other way to 
bestowe by my life tyme that which Qod hathe sent to me to his honor. But more I am 
inclined this way then the other, if it may please the queenes ma^^ to geve me levo, and 
yo*" worshippo to helpe it forwarda As sone as hir ma**» hath graimted to y* poor howse 
to receyve my gift, and me to geve it, forthwith uppon convenants and bondos, landes shalbe 
bught, yea within one monyth if it may be. If the howse require bonde of me, this bonde 
I wyll graunt, that the byndyng them selves to performe, and performyng such rosonable 
covenants as I shall require. I wyll boare all their chai^ges passed & to cumme in this 
mater, and geve the M*^ xx nobles to that for his |)aynos, if I performe not that which 
I have promised. This hopyng of yor furtherance in this behalfe, most hartely I wishe yow 
helth and prosperite. From London this xi of august 

By yo' Caius 

Soon after this Dr Caius obtained his Charter' of Foundation and Confirmation. 
It is dated Sept. 4, 4th and 5th Philip and Mary, i.e. 1557. It confirms to the 
new incorporation, under the name of 'Goneville and Caius College,' all the 
possessions, privileges, 4&c., of ' Gone villa, alias Grouvell, alias Con well Hall ' ; refers 
to Dr Caius as about to add two fellowships and twelve scholarships; grants a 
common seal ; concedes a licence in mortmain to the annual value of J&500 ; and 
places the collie in a l^al position to sue and be sued. To Dr Caius is expressly 
reserved power to appoint, and to remove', at his free will, during his life, any of 
the fellows or scholars of his own appointment ; as also to make new statutes for 
the general government of the college, provided that they did not interfere with 
those of Bp Bateman. 

In this work he received considerable assistance from his friend Dr Wendy, 
former fellow of the college, as the following letter shows. 

To the right worshipfull Mr doctors Wendy and Huys, these. 

Mr doctors, after my hartie commendacons thos be to desire yow hartely to be so good 
frendos to the Mr and felows of Gonevil collie in Cambrige as to helpe thom forwarde in 
ther suto which more at largo thei shall expresse unto yow, and to show them howe they 
shall use themselves w* yo' best counsell for the obteynyng thereof. So doyng, yow shall 
do like men of Icmyng, and gevo the college cause to pray for yow, and me to thank yow. 
Thus god kepe yow bothe. From London this xii of September 

By yo' Caius 

Whilst these matters were in progress, and Dr Caius was forming his con- 
clusions, — as he certainly did, — about the indolence and incompetence of the 
master, Mr Bacon, he began to interest himself in the project of a new seal, to 
mark the change of name and enlargement of the foundation. The following 
letters refer to this subject. 

* It is printed in full in DocumenU relating to... Cambridge, u. 216. Though only two 
feilowships are mentioned, Caius actually founded three. This charter is in our Treasury. 

s This is probably the explanation of the ** above twenty expulsions " which he was afterwards 
charged with inflicting. He evidently regarded the feUowshipe to which he nominated as being 
entirely at his own disposaL 

I. (Old Seal.) The AnnnncmtioD. Id base a bishop with mitze and 
pastoral etafl, kneeliug, between eii other kneeling personagsp. 

n. (CaiOB' Seal.) The Annnnciation. In base an oral ebield with carved 
work, between the letter B on the left and a mitre on the right. 


(from the British Mnaeom Catalogue of SealBJ. 


To the right worshipfull Mr Bacon, Mr of Qoneville Collie. 

Sir upon michelmasse dale at iii of the clocke I cam home and streight I was sent 
for to Henyngham Cartel to my lady of Oxford, compellyd to leve bothe my own bimines 
and the election also of o^^ president, w<^^ shiild have ben upon the day after michehnas 
daye. Streight I sent to speke with yow and word was browght y^ yow war departed to 
Cambridge, which I well allowed, for y^ charge of horse and man is gret, and to tarie upon 
uncerteyn retume had not ben wel. So none as al thinges may be in a redines I wyl send 
yow word, for avoydyng further charges and losse of tyme. Sory 1 am y* yow retumyd 
withowt mony for yo' patentes, thinking y* such a collie wyl be hardly such a tyme 
mayntayned with xi/. But at yo** retume yow shal not fayle of it 

Yo' Caius 

At London this michaelmas... The seale is retumyd to y^ paynters to be mended in 
certeyn poyntes wherein it dislyked me. The indentiu^ Mr Chidley wole not meddle with, 
for y* it had (as he sayd) neyther hod nor fote. Therfor I put the instructions agayn to 
Mr Manhode to make new, which he promised me to do in one fortnyghts respite and no 
lessa Thus fare you & yo' cumpany well, with commendacons. 

To y* right worshipful Mr Bacon 

Sir, Mr Madwode hath perused yo*^ boke, but litle he hath done in it, nor so moch 
as he wold, partly for want of tyme and troble of his disease. And except he myght have 
tyme to see y^ at leysiut) and so as he myght have honest (0 of it, he is loth to go any 
further in it. I therfor consideryng yo' hast brought the boke to Mr Chidley, who sayd it 
was a cumbersome boke, but he wyl take paynes in it for my sake, as he sayd. And so, 
now tan I of forse pullyd away in to Kent to Sr John Bakers, my frynde, for y** sicness of 
his Sonne ther to continue how longe I knowe not, but not past iiii or v days I trust. 
Whether yow wyl tary hero or go home in the meane space seyng thinges can not be don 
before I go, and not in my absence, consider yow, and do as yow wylL I am desirose 
Mr Qraror shall see them before they be ended, if it myght be tonight. The seale yow 
can do nothing untyl I cum agayn for yt. I wole a better workman shuld have it in hand 
than Rowel is, and how the patem shal please me I wot not 

Yo' Caius 

Reproductions of the old seal and of the new are given here for comparison. 
I think that most persons will agree that the former, — taken from an impression 
in the collection at the British Museum, — is decidedly the better ; and that Caius 
would have consulted the interests both of antiquity and of taste if he had retained 
the ancient design of €k>nville or of Bateman. 

Shortly after this he conveyed the first of those large gifts of land and of 
money with which he was intending to endow the new ooll^;e. This consisted of 
Uie three manors of Croxley, near Rickmansworth, Herts; of Runcton Holme; 
and of Bnmham Wyndhams : these two latter in Norfolk. They are described in 
the Annals as 'uberrima sua roaneria,* and were worth, respectively, £23, £22, 
and £6, annually at that time. They were therefore amply sufficient to meet the 
charges of support of the new fellows and scholars. The deeds of gift by which 
they are conveyed are dated March 1, 1557-8. It may be mentioned that all these 
were originally Monastic property; Croxley having belonged to St Alban's*, 

1 The manor oourt rolls of Orozl^, an nnosiially early set, extending from 4l8t Hen. ni. to 
28rd Hen. Yin., are at the Brit. Museom {Add. 6057). They eame into Cole's hands in 1749, 


Runcton to Bury St Edmunds, and Bumham to Wymondham. Dr Caius bought 
them of Queen Mary. 

He now came to Cambridge, to pay his first visit, after many years of absence, 
to the old college for which he had done so much, and for which he doubtless had 
it in view, already, to do yet more. He came, as we should now say, to " open " 
his college. The visit was, to him, however, a disappointing ona He has left it 
on record how he found everything changed, and changed for the worse, since his 
time. He missed the stately dignity which he remembered, or thought he 
remembered, on the part of the seniors, and the deferential respect towards age 
and authority which used to be the attitude of the juniors. In former days the 
disputations at the Schools were carried on with the ceremony of a Court ; from 
doctors downwards they went in solenm procession, headed by the Esquire bedells, 
each clothed in his appropriate robes. Now all this was changed, and much of the 
ancient state and pomp was gone. He knew no one, he tells us, and no one knew 
him. Evidently he felt that the president of the collie in London, the physician 
to the Queen, the founder of what was almost a new college, was not received as 
he ought to have been. 

On this occasion, however, there was no lack of due ceremonial, so far as he 
personally was concerned. Being a pious man he duly celebrated his new foundation 
with a solemn religious service, to which, like an flnglishman, he added a grand 
feast. He has given the account in his Annals. On the Feast of the Virgin, 
March 25, 1 558, he marched in solemn state from his room to the chapel, preceded 
by four "Servitors bearing the emblems presently described, and followed by the 
fellows and scholars, two and two. There they placed before him his cushion to 
kneel on, the cadttceus (these are both preserved with our plate), a desk, and a 
large silver salver, also his gift. Kneeling there before the High altar, — it was 
still under the reign of Mary, — Mass was performed with full musical ritual. 
Caius then solemnly handed the caducous, the cushion, the salver, and the book of 
statutes, to the celebrating priest, with the words * We offer these to God, to the 
Blessed Virgin, and to our Society.* He received them and placed them on the 
altar. The service over, they solemnly returned to Caius' room, — he tells us that 
this was between the Hall and Library ;— four servitors (ministri) marching first, 
each carrying one of the articles which had just been dedicated*. 

Later on in the day followed the feast, which Caius provided at the considerable 
cost of M. 16«. lljrf. The principal guests were the Vice-Chancellor (Dr Brassie), 
Drs John Pory, Andrew Perne, and Henrj' Walker, other prominent members of 
the University, and two representatives from each existent college. The repast 

having been given to him by Mr J. Bentham, the Cambridge bookseller. Cole has given extracts 
from them (in his MS. Add. 6884, p. 221), and says that he proposed to bequeath them to our 
college as the rightful possessors. They went however, with his other colleotions, to the 
Museum. There is an index, and a title-page, of Elizabethan date, at the commenoement. The 
writing of the latter oonfirms, what is probable in itself, that the rolls must have belonged to 
Dr Caius, and have been somehow lost from our college. 

* It deserves notice that Caius had already given similar ensigns (ptUvinatt caduceus^ liber, et 
sigillum) to the College of Physicians, as described in hia Annah of that college. They were 
first put to solemn use Jan. 10, 1557-^. 


finished, four servitors entered bearing the articles which had been dedicated at 
the altar, aud placed them before Caius, who sat in the centre of the table ; the 
new Foundation Charter being placed in the salver. Then Caius arose and briefly 
expounded the nature of his new foundation, and announced to the Master, 
Thomas Bacon, who sat opposite to him, that the charter appointed him master of 
the new college. Then he handed over to him the several symbols or emblems. First 
the cushion, with the words, ' We give thee the cushion of Reverence ' : then the 
wand, with the words, * We give thee the rod of prudent governance ' : then the 
book, saying, ' We give thee the Book of Knowledge (liber cogfiitionU) that thou 
and those who follow after thee may understand that it is by knowledge and 
prudent counsel that this college stands and shall stand.' Finally he brought forth 
the salver, as he said, * We give to the College and Society this silver vessel, with 
the Letters Patent and Charter of Foundation... And thus we create and appoint 
thee perpetual master or keeper of this College, for the furtherance of virtue, 
letters, and honest and gentle manners.' Then, the symbols being removed, he 
prayed for all happiness for the college, and so finished his discourse. Then', with 
merriment, spiced .wine was supplied, and spikenard, and various after-dinner 
dainties, and the feast came to a close. Before they parted, however, the V ice- 
Chancellor, in the name of the whole University, in gratitude for his beneficent 
foundation, offered him the degree of M.D., in accordance with his Padua degree 
and with the same Academic seniority. He was accordingly created M.D. on the 
following Friday, Ap. 1, 1558. 

Caius' love of symbolism comes out very strongly in the above description. 
His interpretation of the cadticetis will be found later on (v. under Plate), As 
regards the other emblems he speaks thus, ' Now the book indicates wisdom and 
knowledge, and the cushion reverence, as has been already explained in the 
statutes where the appointment of the master is prescribed. All these marks or 
signs of virtue are so inscribed on a shield that the two serpents with their tails 
entwined stand erect amongst the amaranths, and leaning against the square stone 
of virtue with their breast sustain the book and with their head the sempervivum. 
To the shield succeeds a helmet, and to the helmet a dove, supporting a flower of 
amaranth, by which it may be known that letters are rendered acceptable by 
simple hearted wisdom. By these symbols he desired to intimate to the members 
of his college that Letters and Prudence being strengthened by the stone of virtue, 
they might thus arrive at immortality. In order that they might always have these 
sjrmbols before their eyes he was careful to have them pourtrayed by pencil, and 
called them the symbols of virtue' (AnncUs), The same ideas recur in his Grant of 
Arms, evidently instigated by him. 

After this brief visit, lasting probably only a few days, he took his departure 
and returned to his London home. He had done a noble work of charity, and 
parted with a large part of his fortune, whilst still in the prime of life. Apparently 
he had no other view at this time than that of continuing his professional work 
to the end of his life. Fortunately, however, events were otherwise disposed. 

1 * hilariteique postea aoceptis vino aromatico, foliato, et oetero bellarioram genere.' 


Bacon, the master of the college, only lived for a few months after this. He 
died at his Kentish rectory, Ohelsfield, Jan. 1, 1558-9; and the thoughts of the 
fellows not unnaturally turned to their new benefactor, who was accordingly 
elected master Jan. 24, 1558-9. He tells us that his predecessor had left the 
affairs of the college in a deplorable state, having wasted its resources by negligence, 
and indeed by fraud ; for, being largely in its debt, he disposed of his property 
by deed to his brother Nicholas, a London merchant, shortly before his death. 
On this account, as well as for his splendid services. Gains was earnestly pressed 
to accept the Mastership himself. He says he was very unwilling to do so, partly 
because he thought the Master should preferably be a theologian, partly because 
his own professional work would entail long absence from Cambridge. He only 
accepted on pressure by some of the fellows, and by the Vice-chancellor and other 
important members of the University. But he refused to accept a stipend, or any 
other emoluments. 

He declares that ruin stared them in the face. None of the few residents 
knew anything of the college business or property, or its history, recent or remote : 
many of the college deeds were lost ; others lying in the rooms of various fellows : 
the very chapel utensils had been diverted to private use : whereas when he ceased 
to be fellow, in 1545, there was X600 in gold in the treasury, he found but four 
pounds sixteen shillings in 1559. Creditors, he says, were becoming very urgent, 
so that he had even to proceed at law against the executors of his predecessor 
Bacon, and to prosecute the three senior fellows in the Vice-Chancellor's' court, to 
recover what they owed to the college; incurring thereby much obloquy. He 
sums up what he had saved and given to the college, during the six years from 
1557 to 1563, as follows,— 

Saved to the College 

Spent in purchase of estates given . 

Silver salver (labrum cum gutturino) 

Expenses of incorporation 

Feast on the re-foundation 

He had given also a valuable astrolabe and many books. 

He next proceeded to remedy the neglect of the buildings : cleaning the court, 
remaking the paths, repairing gates, Ac, at a cost of £20. The college had become 
*' an Augean stable," he says, before his restorations. 

Dr Gains became Master Jan. 24, 1558-9. Two years afterwards he obtained 
a Grant of Arms, now in the treasury (there is a facsimile in the Combination 
Room). It is addressed by Lawrence Dalton, Norroy King, to 

John Gaius Doctor in Physic sonne of Roberte Gaius of the countye of Yoike, founder 
& master of GoneviUe & Gaius Golledge in Cambridge & president of the worshipfiill 
Golledge of physicious in London, who hath not only long tyme with his great paynes & 
travayles labored in study in the Universities of Cambridge & Padua & eb where, & finally 

^ These reoords are not preserved bo far back. 




















bathe obteyued moche vertue & knowledge to his great comfort & avancing his countryo, 
by foundinge a Collie & indowing it withe landes for mayntenance of scholers in the 
University of Cambrige; & also makiiige of boks commendable to the increase of vertue & 
leminge, for the maintenance of the service of God & of his kinge & comitrye ; but also in 
other his affityers practices & behavors hath well faythfully & worshipfully guyded & 
behaved hym selfe, wherby worthely he hath meryted & deserved from henceforth as his 
right worthy & perpetual! fame for hym & his posteritie, & to be in all places of honor & 
worshyppe renowned accompted nombred admitted accepted & receyvid into the nombre & 
of the compeny of other ancient gentlemen. For these considerations, I say, & for the 
remembrance of the sayd his vertues vocation leming knowlege & habyUte, I the sayde 
Norroy, by powre & authoryte to my office anexed, & to me graunted & attrybuted by 
lettres pattents imdre the greate seale of England, have devysed ordeyned & assigned, & by 
these presents do geve graunt & assigne, unto ^ for the sayd John Caius, gentleman, & his 
poeterite, theis Armes & Creste with thappertenauce as here afbre followith : that is to say, 
golde semyed with flowre gentle in the myddle of the cheyfe, sengrene resting uppon the 
heades of ii serpents in pale, their tayles knytto together all in proper color, resting uppon 
a square marble stone vert, between theire brests a boke sable gamyshed gewles, buckles 
golde, & to his crest upon thelme a Dove argent bekyd & membred gewles, holding in his 
beke by the stalke flowre gentle in propre color, stalked verte set on a wreth golde & gewles, 
mantelled gewles, lyned ai^gent, buttoned golde, as more plainly apperyth by the picture 
therof in this maigyn ; betokening by the boke, leming ; by the ii serpents resting upon 
the square marble stone, wisdom with grace founded & stayed upon vertues stable stone ; 
by s^igreue & flower gentle, immortaUto that never shall fade ; as though thus I shulde 
saye, ex prudentia et litteris virtutU petra JinncUis irmiwrtcUitas; that is to say, by wisdome 
& leming graflfed in grace & vertue men cum to immortaHto... (Dated Jan. 2, 1560 — 1.) 

The ideas here, and even the language towards the close, are evidently those of 
Caius himself, and repeat what he had already so carefully expounded at his 
dedici^tion festival. That. he also contemplated a Grant of Arms for his college 
may be assumed for certain ; but this was not eflfected till after his death, in 1575. 

As we have said, Dr Caius became master Jan. 24, 1558-9. Splendid as were 
his services to education, and keenly as he interested himself, in every direction, 
in the past history and future fortunes of his college, his domestic rule there was 
far from successful Several causes contributed to this result. The master, though 
not old, as we should now reckon, watf prematurely aged, of somewhat feeble health, 
and apparently of gloomy and irritable constitution. He was a great admirer of 
the past, with little sympathy for new views, whether religious, political, or 
educational. In fact there is no reason to believe that he ever ceased to be at 
heart a decided Roman Catholic. The fellows, mostly if not entirely, were of the 
new way of thinking, Puritans; and apparently narrow-minded and bitter in 
spirit. Not one of them achieved any distinction in after life. They were also 
very young: — it is often overlooked how very youthful the resident body in 
college generally was in those days. As &r as I can ascertain, not one of the 
fellows* of the college was over 24, in the year 1564, when the quarrel was at it« 

^ Mr Mollinger has asstuned, * from the tremoloas oharaoter of the writing,' that the two 
principal offenders, Warner and Spenoer, were old men. As a fact, Warner was probably about 
23 in 1565, and Spenoer about 22. 



height ; and their average age was but 22. One must be older (or younger) than 
this to believe that those in authority can be in the right. Even therefore if the 
college had stood alone, it would have been difficult enough to preserve the peace, 
but the contagion of suspicion and hostility had spread through the University 
and the country, and those who took either side in the controversy were sure to 
find many to urge them further on. For instance, in a letter to the Chancellor, a 
few years later, Dr Caius is mentioned along with several other of the masters, 
and it is added *Hhey are all either enemies unto God's Clospel, or so faint 
professors that they do little good in the Church." We shall see presently to 
what lengths the bigotry and fanaticism of the fellows could lead them directly 
they secured the support of the Yice-Chancellor in their attack upon their Master. 
The following letter will show to what a pass things had come within three or 
four years of Caius' accession. It is a petition to the Chancellor from S. Warner 
and R. Spencer, fellows of the college. 

In most lamentable & humble wyse complayninge beseacheth yo' honor yo' humble & 
daylie orators Stephen Warner & Robert Spenser that whereew yo' sayde orators do parthe 
understandc of certayne orders apix>ynted in the controversie betwixt o' Mr & us yt maye 
please you to consider o' most myserable condition yf that we (havinge alwayes gyven o*" 
selves to studdie) shall nowe bo excluded the Colledge not havinge ells wher to abyde : for 
that we shall not onUe herby lose the favor of all o"" fiends, wherby we shal be altogether 
undone, but also utterhe defaced in the hole Unyversitie (not other wyse taken then as 
expidsod persons) which shal be to o' utter confusion. Yf yt myght have pleased yo' honor 
fimler to have expended the cause of o' expulsion (which we ware pm-posed to have shewed 
you yf we had ben admitted before you with o*" Mr the last daye) we ar perswaded that you 
would have so judged of yt as the hole Universitie have heretofore dy verse tymes judged. 
And not onlie o' owne case we had to shewe you of, but also as o"" othes do bynde us of the 
breche of dyverse statuts by certayne fellowes of the Colledge which by no means can be 
observed yf thei abyde styll ther which thinge in conscience we ar moved to desyer yo' 
honor to have consideration of. And last of all conceminge those orders which yt shall 
please you to appoynte for o' quietnes horafter (which Gkxi forbyde we should once repyne 
at but onlie by humble petition to dosyer yo' honors favor) o"" emest request imto you is 
that yt would please you in the ap|)oyntinge of them to have consideration of these fewe 
things subscribed. And thus onlie trustinge to yo' honors gentellnes we conclude with 
emest prayer to Allmyghtie God for yo' good estAte longe to continue & prospere. Fyrst 
that all suche orders as for o' quietnes yo' honor shall appoynt maye playnhe appeare in 
writinge to avoyde all troble herafber & that what allowance be made unto us of o' fellow- 
shyppes yt maye be certayne the value of Warners fellowshipe beinge vii" xii" & Sponsors 
VIII marks. 

Item we may eyther be sufiered to tarie in the Colledge all the tyme of o' allowance or 
ells in o' absence nothinge be defalted of o' fellowshipp by Statute. 

Item that consyderinge o' great charges in this longe sute o' allowance may be 
considered accordingUe & that nothinge be defalted by statute for o' absence since 
o' expulsion for that we would have ben continuallie presente yf o' Mr would have 
suffered us. 

Item that oiu* stipends maye not be defalted for the last halfe yere as o' Mr have done 
in the last accompte. 

Item that those fellowes which shall remayne in the house be not oppressed or injured 
by o"" Mr for anythinge done heretofore in o' behalfe but maye receyve pupills (as other do) 


& haye thir chambers offices lectures & other preferments accordinge to senioritie which 
have ben allwayes the custome of the house, & that such mulcts as thei have ben heretofore 
unjusUie punyshed with maye be redressed & that thei maye have lycence of necessarie 
absence accordinge to Statute as other hava 

Item that Mr Dorington be not mayntayned in the Colledge contrarie to his founders 
will & Mr Vice Chancelors order taken nor yet Mr Holland our statuts expresslie agaynst 
the same. 

Item that the contimciacie towards Mr Vice Chancelor the fyghtinge with the fellowes & 
bloudshed committed by Mr Dorington may be punyshed accordinge to Statute. 

Item that no mans goods be confiscate for departinge the Colledge. 

Item that no man herafter be stocked^ or beaten for kepinge his ryghte untyll the 
matter be decyded. 

Item that my Lord of Canterburie & London thir decrees maye be observed. 

Item that Mr Vicechancelor o' sume other in the Universitie Whom yt shall please yo' 
honor, maye see y**' orders made, put in execution, & that o' Mr maye be ruled by sume 
good mans councell herafter & not to diy ve the fellowes to such chargeable suts & troubles 
wherein he delyteth to undoe pore men, he never beyng quiet since he came to the colledge, 
as maye appeare in the number of his expulsions which have ben above* twentie, with an 
infinite number of injuries to the old foimders & benefactors & their fellowes which is well 
knowen to the hole Universitie 

Yo' honors daylie orators Stephen Warner & Robt Spenser. 

Jan. 7, 1666—6. 

The Archbishop's opinion, given in a letter to the Chancellor, seems very 
fair and reasonable. He begins, truly enough, " I have had very moche adoo with 
the quarells of Gonvel Hall from tyme to tyma The truth is both parties ar not 
excusable from folye." He admits that he sees " overmoche rashnes in the Mr for 
expelling felowes so sodenly." On the other hand "suerly the contemptuouse 
behaviour of these felowes hath moch provoked hym. The truth is I do rather 
beare with the oversight of the Mr in respect of his good done, and like to be done 
in the Collie by him than with the brag of a fond sort of troublouse factiouse 
bodyes. Founders and benefactors be very rare in these dayes.... Scholars con- 
troversies be nowe many and troublouse, and their delite is to come before men of 
anthorytie to shewe their w] olde experyence hath taught me to spie daye 
light at a smale hole...." 

Dec. 29, 1666. 

1 There is no reason to doubt that " stocking ** is to be taken in its literal sense. In fact this 
implement seems to have been a part of the ordinary college furniture at the time. In the decree 
of the Heads against bathing (1571) it is ordered that if the offender be a 6.A. "qnilibet sic 
delinquens in dppis, pedibus constriotis, per nnom diem integram in aola commnni ejus collegii 
pleoiatur." A few years later, i.e. about 1584, it is recorded of one Tobias Blande, BJL, of 
Corpus, who had published what was considered a blasphemous libel, '* after confession he was 
pat to shame of sytting in the stookes, and then expelled and banished the college*' {Camb, 
Trant, i. 392). 

* Harsh as be may have been, these were probably not expulsions in the ordinary sense of the 
term. As we have seen, he had the power, by his deed of foundation, to appoint and dismiss at 
his pleasure, as regards his own special endowment. 


The general conclusion of the Chancellor was to the effect that the expulsion of 
Warner was confirmed ; but a hint was given to the Master to be more cautious 
in future. 

The following outburst evidently belongs to this time, though it is not dated 
or signed. It is extracted from a volume of MSS. at the Lambeth Library which 
contains, amongst otlier things, Dr Caius' funeral expenses, and several of his 
letters : — 

Articles concerning the preposterous government of Dr Caius, and his wicked abuses in 
GJonevill and Caius CoUedge. 

Imprimis he mainteyneth wythin his colledge copes vestments albes suinches sensors 
crosses tapers, also alle kinde of Masse bookes Porteses pies grales processionalls w**» all 
massinge abominations and termeth them the college treasiu*e. 

Item he bathe boimde the fellowes uppon perjury and expulsion not to reveal or disclose 
the forsaid abuses or whatsoever. 

Item he hath erected and sett upp of late within his colledge a crucifix and other idolee 
with the image of a doctor kneelinge before them. 

Item he dothe sweare all the fielowes to observe all suche statutes as he hathe or shall 
hereafter devise and constitute whatsoever. 

Item certaine statutes by him made and by the fielowes swome to be observed are 
corrupt, contrarye to God's trewe relligion and repugnante to the lawes of o' soveraigne 
ladyo the Quene. (Probably a reference to the clause in statute § 45, * miserere animsB 
Johannis Caii fundatoris nostri, remitte illi peccata, et concede vitam sBtemam.') 

Item he lying ui)on his bedd did threten a precher and in a rage he rysing up 
wold have beaten him awaye for saying that we deserved not God's favour by o' works. 
The said Dr Gaius addinge moreover that he desired Gods favour according to his 

Item he dothe arrogate to himselfe authorytie to forgive peijurie as appereth as well by 
this clawse in his statutes (nolo ut ob hoc peijurus censeatur) as allso for that he did 
assoile two of the ffellowes that were commanded on thir knes to crave his pardon. 

Item he hath enjoyned by his statutes that the one half of his scholars shall absent 
themselves from the sermon imder pretense of kepinge the colledge. 

Item the colledge inhabytants are neither instructed nor inooraged in relligion as is 
usuall in all other colledges nor yet examined of fiilse beleife, and himself did never contrary 
the antichristian doctrine or confirme and allowe the trewe religion either by his statutes 
or otherwise. 

It is a relief to turn from the details of this bitter and undignified quarrel, and 
to remember that, during its progress, Dr Caius was busily at work, designing 
and carrying out those architectural additions which, — though some of them have 
been unfortunately destroyed, — now give to our college buildings their principal 

He had probably long decided that the best side for immediate expansion was 
towards the south, over what is now the Caius Court; as, besides the sunny 
aspect, it secured direct access to the Schools, in place of the circuitous route from 
Trinity Lane. The history of the site, which is rather intricate, is fully given in 
Willis-Clark (i. 162). It will be remembered that the present master's garden had 
belonged to the college from the first, and had long been walled in on the west 


side'. The area now covered by the Caius Court and Tree Court was then occupied 
by a number of gardens, belonging to different owners ; with several houses at the 
east end, towards Trinity Street. Two of these garden plots had for some time 
belonged to the college, and Dr Caius now bought the rest of them, thus securing 
the whole existent area of the college, with the exception of the south-east comer, 
where our present Gateway Tower stands. This last plot seems from the first to 
have been occupied by houses. It was not bought by the collie until 1782. 

His first purchase of land was from Trinity College, June 1, 1563, by which he 
secured the greater part of our present Tree Court. He then proceeded to collect 
materials which his workmen were to employ in the erection of the new buildings. 
Most of the colleges in Cambridge are connected, either by their site or their 
materials, with some previous monastic building, and ours is no exception. When 
Caius was looking about for stone, none was found at hand suitable for his purpose. 
There are no good quarries near, and the ruins of Barnwell Priory were already 
largely used for Trinity College. But in Huntingdonshire, not far ofi^ and with 
conveniences in the way of water carriage, he found what he wanted. Our Caius 
Court is, it appears, largely composed of the ruins of Ramsey Abbey', as the 
following indenture shows. It is dated May 1, 1564, between Henry Cromwell, 
of Hinchinbrook (grandfather of the Protector) and John Caius, M.D. 

The said Henry Cromwell, for the sum of £10 paid that day... hath bargained & sold 
all that his heap of stone which... lyeth in the cross aisle of the Church of the late Abbey 
of Ramsey between the body of the church there & the late choir or chancel of the same, 
in the place of the belfry or steple otherwise called the Lantern, which said heap was 
sometime parcel of the said steple or Lantern before the fall thereof. 

Accompanying this is a licence of access, <&c., for three years, for the purpose 
of removing the said stones (MS. 714). 

He next procured, by Patent Roll, Aug. 1, 1564, an order, addressed to all 
mayors, sheriff constables, &c., forbidding any disturbance of his workmen for 
the next five years. It specifies that he *hath prepared timber, stone, lime, 
bricke, slate, leads, and other necessaries,' and directs that none of the labourers, 
or others, in any way employed about the said works ' shall be in any wise taken 
or any of our officers or servants,' «fec. (v. Appendix). 

On the same day is dated the Royal licence for the purchase of the houses 
from Trinity. A new and very important concession was included in this licence. 
It was a formal grant, from the Queen, of bodies for dissection, to the effect 
that Hhey and their successors shall have for ever, at their free discretion and 

1 I presume that the wall of this garden, now facing Trinity Hall and the lower part of 
Senate-Honse Passage, is the oldest existent piece of visible building (i.e. excepting the Chapel 
walls, and west side of Qonville Court now covered over with ashlar). It is not improbably the 
original wall built in 1480—90 (v. p. 20). The other portions of old wall, viz. thoee of the Caius 
Court and Tree Court which face Senate-House Passage, were probably built by Dr Caius — ^parts 
of them certainly : but there was no reason for him to alter the old garden wall, and we have no 
known reference to any alteration of it. (I have discussed the question further on, under the 
head of our Existent Antiquities.) 

' The Hall of King's College was rebuilt in 1562 with stones taken from this Abb^ (v. Willis- 
Clark, I. 536). 


will, without the contradiction of any one, two human bodiee for anatomy, 
condf*mned by law for theft or homicide, and dying in the town, castle, or county 
of Cambridge. And that they may freely dissect them at their will, with the 
reverence due to the human body, for the increase of medical knowledge ; and this 
without any payment' {Trmawry). He gave careful directions in liis Statutes 
concerning these dissections, desiring that 'every year, during the winter, there 
shall be spent by the students of our College, on anatomy and on the worthy 
burial of the dissected bodies at St Michael's, 26' 8*^. The president and every one 
residing in collie to attend the burial of the remains with as much respect and 
ceremony as if it were the body of some more dignified person; and this on 
account of the advantage they have thus received. And the master shall see 
that the students of medicine do not treat the body with any lack of respect or 
humanity.' It is to be feared that very inadequate use was made of this privilege : 
the evidence on the subject will be found discussed under Lecturers, 

The laying of the foundation stone of the new buildings is fully described in 
the Annals^ and is a touching illustration both of his piety and of the importance 
which he attached to his work. It took place on Saturday, May 5, 1565, at 4 a.m. 
After prayer had been ofiered that the college thus commenced might have a 
successful career, and that those who should be trained there might be honest, 
studious. God-fearing, and serviceable to the State, he laid a stone' with these 

Dico istud jEdificium SapietUice : pono hunc lapidem in fundamenlum jEd\ficii 
in incrementum Virtutia et Literarum. In nomine Fatrie et Filii el Spiritue 

Caius remarks that, whereas it had rained almost incessantly during the two 
preceding months, the weather changed suddenly at this time, and became 
beautifully fine for nearly three weeks, whilst the foundations were being laid : 
* Id quod in signum faventis Dei habui.* 

Two friends of Caius, Thomas Hatcher, provost of King's, and Abraham 
Hartwell, fellow of the same, sang the following verses of their composition 
during this ceremony : 

O Deus, O cujus frustra sine numine tectum 

Surgit, et artificum cura laborque jacent. 
En bodie placidis Caius fimdamina musis, 

Musarum sacro ductus amore locat. 
Tu Deus auspiciis firmes incepta secundis 

CoDveniat cceptis exitus inde suis. 

Cultores olim Musarum numine pleni 

Difiundent nomen voce tonante tuum. 

(T. Hatcher) 

Floroat his inquit Caius, Sapientia tectis 
Et simul his, inquit, tectb Sapientia prsosit. 

(A HartweU) 

1 This stone stood in the centre of the wall, facing the maiiter's garden ; with the insoription 
Jo, Caiu9 pondt St^pienHa, Anno 1565, Menu Maio, It is figored in the Annats, and in Willis- 
Clark, 1. 172. No trace of it is now to be found above ground. 



THE GATE OP Humility, ab it now stands in the Mabterb Oaroen: iboo 



This west side was completed by the laying of the last stone at 3 p.m., Sept. 1, 1565 
(as we are precisely informed: — a curious illustration of the founder's minute 
interest in his work). It had thus occupied only four months; but, as already 
stated, the materials had all been collected beforehand. On September 15, 
following, the ground was dug for the foundations of the east side, the building 
of which was probably carried on with similar despatch^. 

Dr Caius was still far from having completed his generous benefactions. 
From the day of his election to the mastership, until 1566, the entire emoluments 
of his office were devoted to the following improvements: the completion of the 
west end of the master's lodge, including the " turret-staircase " adjoining it ; the 
raising of the old " sacred turret " on the south side of the chapel ; the walling in 
of the new fellows' garden ; with other minor additions. He also laid by a con- 
siderable sum for the Gate of Honour, but this was not built till after his death. 

The Gate of Humility, with its well-known symbolism, was now built, — (the 
student, entering thereby, passed through the Gate of Virtue and Wisdom, and 
thence out by the Gate of Honour to the Public Schools) — ^and became the principal 
entrance to the college. It stood till the rebuilding of the court in 1868, when it 
was removed and set up in the Master's garden, against the south wall. There is, 
however, scarcely any of the ancient work visible about it at present, as it had 
been almost entirely covered with Roman cement some time in the last or present 
century. As Dr Caius left our present " Tree-Court," as it is now called, it was not 
really a court at alL The approach from the Gate of Humility to the Gate of 
Virtue was made along a comparatively narrow alley, with a high wall right and 
left such as we see in the present approach to Jesus College. This alley was 
afterwards planted, — it is generally supposed about 1658, — with the present avenue 
of lime trees. The wall on the left, enclosing the President's garden, stood till 
1850. The first part of that on the right was removed some time in the last 
century, thus throwing open the Perse and Legge Buildings : the further part of 
it, being the wall of the fellows' garden, was left standing till 1868. The following 
account is fi-om Walpole's Anecdotes of PainUng (i. 193). "This Gate of Virtue 
is joined by two long walls to the Porta Humilitatis, and in these are two little 
Doric frontispieces, all in appearance of the same date, and showing the Roman 
architecture reviving, with little columns and pilasters, well enough proportioned 
in themselves and neatly executed, though in no proportion to the building they 
were intended to adorn." I have never seen any other reference to these " frontis- 
pieces," which were apparently small " shrines " built by Dr Caius in the style of 
the Gate of Honour. From the hinges still remaining in the Gate of Virtue it 
seems that there was another door or grating at this end of the alley. 

During this time Caius was only occasionally resident, his duties as President 
of the Coll^;e of Physicians, and presumably his private practice, causing him to 
be much away. But he was kept constantly informed of the progress of his 
buildings, as the following letters from two of the fellows of the collie will show. 

1 In 1615 there is a charge of £4 for enclosing the inside of this court with wooden rails. 
Theae had disappeared in 1688, when Loggan's view was taken ; bat those in Gonville Conrt were 
still standing. 

C. III. 4 

50 IfASTEBa 

The first is from Mr Matthew Trott, dated June 4, 1566. He says that, in the 
absence of Mr Dorington and Mr Holland, 

Who would have sygnyfyed imto your worship the case of your college and forwardnes 
of your buyldynges I thought good with my duty to supplye ther place that your worship 
should not be ignorant altogyther what is done. The turret at the gable ende of Mr Parker 
his chamber, ryseth a pase with suche beauty to the buyldinge and commodytie to the 
chamber that it had been great pitye ether not to have bene begonne ether to have bene 
left of. Your rough masons departed hence upon Whitsonday even, at which tyme 
Mr Dorington in like case repayred to Warboys, whom I here to be very careful for the 
caryage of your tymber ther. Your Quarry man bringeth in stone as he was wonte, I mean 
weakly, so long as I have taryed here. 

The turret referred to here was the so-called "master's turret," or turret-staircase ; 
Mr Parker, afterwards Lord Morley, was admitted as fellow-commoner in 1563 
(Vol. I. 50). The tower, which stood a little to the south of the present dining- 
room, was removed in 1795, when the lodge was enlarged and extended westwards 
(see Loggan's view of the college). 

The next letter is from Mr Henry Holland. 

Jesus (?). 1569 
*Ryght worshipfiill my duetye remembred &c. 

I have reoev** your letters by Sir Stephens this present nyght, and will visit M' Mylsent 
with your letters if I stand nede. I was yesterdaye at Reche, and M' Slegg, maior (Roger 
Sl^ge, mayor 1568 — 9) with his aldermen being ther as Lords of the fayer, I con vented 
Mannynge before them who after they had well coled him an houre or two in the 
block-house, made him to promyse to bringe you in three chalder before Whitsundaye, 
and other v chalder before Midsom', and yf there be eny more behind of the bargayn to 
brynge it in as spedely after as maye be, which yf he doo not he shall fele the smarte. 
The other lyme owners of Reche aske a noble the chalder. Humfreye lookethe for his man 
this weeke without fayle, yf he come not we will visitt M' Melsent on Sondaye. In the 
meane tyme I wil leame if father Evett have eny executors, and who hathe taken ad- 
ministration of his goods. He had of me xi/ for threscore tuns of ston allredye dygged and 
scapled, wherof xxx tuns and more be come in and the rest shall come in as fast we can 
gett carts. But it is dygged allredye and therfore nothinge is owyng on eyther part 
Your gate is rysen on the syde to the courte v fote that is to the toppe of the wyndoe and 
on the other syde to the thyrd jalm (jamb) of the windoe. I tnist the next weeke to have 
it levell round for the florr. Humfreye hathe more of these roghte layers (roughlayers) 
and more than he can do to fynd them worke. The chimneyes will serve for raynye dayes 
as we had some last weeke. M' Samuell hathe sent you xxxi himdrethe and xxxni Li of 
lead donne (?) weyght for the which he hathe recev^ of me xv" xii« & viii**. There is 
come in also of bord xxxv hundrethe good bord fuU measure. Wherefore I have payd xii" 
and more. If you com3 not home quicklye we shall be dry ven to unseal some of the baggs 
of gold sealed. Thus havynge certyfyed you of all things as neare as I can for my busynesse 
I betake you to Allmyghtye Gkxi 

From Cambryge this xvi of Maye 

Yours Henry Holand 

> In deciphering some of these letters I have had the benefit— like not a few other residents— 
of the qniok eye and trained skill of Mr Rogers, of the University Library. 


The date, 1569, deserves notice as showing that the completion of the building 
took longer than is commonly supposed. I presume the upper stories of the Gate 
of Virtue are here referred to. The inscription over the archway is dated 1567. 

The gardens belonging to the college, after these alterations, were very nearly 
the same in size and position as they now are : viz. (1) The master's garden, which, 
except for the encroachment upon it by the additions to the lodge, is as large as it 
was in Caius' time. The wall opposite Trinity Hall is presumably the old one of 
1 480-1500. (2) The president's garden, as the little enclosure on the south side of 
the Tree Court is still called. Dr Caius says that he bought this piece of ground 
* in place of ' the garden which formerly occupied part of the area covered by his 
new court. As he states that the new plot was assigned to the president of the 
college, it is possible that the old one had gone by the same name, though the 
title of president was a new one, created by Dr Caius' statutes. The Senate House 
now darkens this garden ; but, as Caius left it, with a high wall, built by him, on the 
north and east, and fairly open to the south, it was a sheltered and pleasant little 
garden*. (3) The fellows' garden. Part of this, viz. a small plot beyond the north 
end of the present garden, now mostly occupied by rooms, had belonged to the 
college from the first. It was known as " the cook's garden," being used by him for 
growing herbs. When Caius bought the houses facing St Michael's, part of the 
land behind them was thrown into this old cook's garden, more than doubling its 
size, and it became the fellows' garden. It is presumably the " bouling ground " 
referred to in the bursar's accounts for 1623, when 10«. was paid to a "beater" for 
it : — it was used as a bowling ground until 1868. This old fellows' garden was, of 
course, larger than the present one, as it extended as far as Trinity Lane towards 
the north. It remained unaltered till the great building operations of 1868, and 
was far more private than would now be supposed; for the walls — built presumably 
by Caius — were very lofty, and the old Legge and Perse buildings considerably 
lower than the present buildings. In the last century there seems to have been 
an open bath in it. The accompanying illustration gives a good idea of its 
appearance ^ 

In 1570 some changes were made in the chapeL Till 1565 there had been no 
passage out of the Gonville court into what is now the Caius court. The entrance 

^ ** The Prinoipal*8 garden ** of Caias College has got its place in English Liteiatare (v. Chap. 
XXXVI. of Woodttock ; as referred to in the Introdaotion to Vol. i.). Whether Soott was speaking 
at random, or whether he had really heard anything abont our college gardens, is hard to say. 

' As an illustration of the sanitary ideas of former days it may be recorded that a privy, in 
fall use (originally built in 1720), stood in the N.E. comer of this garden till 1868. Close against 
the back wall of this, in the Tree Court, was a pump, also in full use, whence the bedmakers 
drew the supply of water for washing and drinking. There was no service of water laid on till 
1868. The college pumps— there was another in the Gonville Court, and a third by the kitchen- 
were a constant expense in old times. Not only are there very frequent entries for charges for 
repairs, but a ** pump-mender " was kept at regular wages. 

Reference to these pumps raises a domestic question ; where did the ancient undergraduate 
wash his hands and faoe? I cannot but suspect that he went out to the pump. In such 
inventories as we can find of students* goods, jugs and basins are conspicuously absent ; and even 
the minute inventories of the goods of fellows, who had three or four pupils in their rooms, show 
at most a single basin. 

52 MA8TER8. 

to the chapel was to the left, and that to the master's lodge to the rig^t, of the 
present passage ; both of them facing the court. Dr Caius altered this by making 
these entrances face each other, as now, in the middle of the passage. It may be 
added that this passage itself had formed part of the old lodge, and that what is 
now the entrance hall was then a dwelling room. 

About the same time Dr Gaius gave his last important addition to the 
endowment of the college for which he had already done so much. This consisted 
of his property at Bincombe, Dorset ; and included the Manor of Bincombe, bought 
for £309 : that of Wobume, bought for £260 (these two purchased of Mr Clement 
Sysley) : and the advowson of Bincombe, bought of John and Rowland Argall for 
£20, Ap. 20, 1570 (Annals). 

We have already mentioned the large sum spent for the college by Dr Caius, 
from the conmiencement of his mastership till 1564. The following details carry 
on the account from 1564 till his death {Annals^ p. 133). 

For trees bought of Sir Henrie Cromwell out of Warboys and 
Ramsey woods, in number 510 66 . 5 . 

For viewing, marking, felling, lopping, squaring, drawing and 
cairiage by land and water from thence to Cambridge 46 . 4 . 8 

To Thome Bainaforth and Rotherie for the first and west 
frame part by greate part by day 84 . 10 . 9 

To Rothery and his men for their worke by day from Mid- 
summer 1566 imtill Midsummer 1573 

For bourdes bought and brought into the coUedge 

For staging timber, hardies, lathes, lyne, cords and nayles 

For Ramsey stone, fr«e and ragge, cutting and carrying by 
land and water 254 . 19 . 8 

For free stone from King's Clyfife and Welding, digging and 
carriage, part by land part by water 101 . 19 . 2 

For white stone frt>m Haslingfeild and Harrington, digging and 

For stone from Bamewell (Abbey ?), digging and carriage 

For lyme from Reche, Hinton, and otherwise 

For sand and clay by Barnes Thompson^ and otherwise 

For iron worke for windowes, dores, &c. 

For lead, and to the plummer for casting and laying it 

To free masons frt>m Michaelmas 1564 untill Midsummer 1573 

To the carver 

To rough masons 

To labourers 

To slatters for slatte, tyle, and the workemanshipp 

For charges extraordinarie 

Besides the expenses omitted by negligence, and expenses also yet to come for the 
perfection of the building of the Colledge & paving of the Courts of the same. 

1 There is an agreement in the Vioe-Chanoellor's Court (Acta Curia^ May 28, 1565) between 
Dr Caios and Tomson 'carrier of sande' to paj the latter 6<2. for every load delivered in the 

123 . 

6 . 


29 . 

15 . 


31 . 

16 . 


91 . 

3 . 


6 . 

5 . 


54 . 

10 . 


11 . 

6 . 


24 . 

8 . 


46 . 

15 . 


337 . 

11 . 


7 . 

4 . 


97 . 

8 . 


219 . 

8 . 


161 . 

8 . 


37 . 

15 . 


£1834 . 

4 . 

73 . 7 . 


8 . 18 . 

1 . 19 . 


1 . 7'. 

24 . 8 . 


£128 . 

9 . 


10 . 

10 . 

33 . 

16 . 


18 . 


2 . 



£175 . 

14 . 



The above items carry the account down to the time of his death : the next 
refer to what was subsequently paid out of the money which he left 

A further siunmarie Table of the whole charges about the buildings of Porta Honoris, 
the Chapel Tower, & the Founder's Mr Dr Oaius Tombe, a 27"* Junii 1573 unto the finishing 
of the same 1575. 

For firee stone from Kings Clyffe & white stone from Haseling- 

feild, digging & carriage 18 . 9.4 

To flfree masons & rough masons for Porta Honoris & the 

For lyme from Hinton 
For sande 

Iron worko for porta honoris 
To labourers 

The severall charges of the Tombe 
For Alabaster & carriage 
To Theodore (Haveus) & others for carving 
To labourers 
Charges eztraordinarie 

The whole summe of these expenses last recited 

In spite of all these splendid services, it does not appear that his relations with 
the fellows became more friendly, or rather that the animosity of the more bigoted 
amongst them was ever relaxed. As he grew older and feebler he probably found 
his position in college becoming harder to bear, and towards the close of 1572 he 
retired to the house in London which he still retained. The immediate cause of 
his departure was probably the authorized pillage of his college rooms, and the 
destruction of a number of church ornaments which he had retained there. 
Dr Bandys, bishop of London, seems to have been the instigator of the outrage, 
by writing to the Yice-Chanoellor, Dr Byng^ as soon as he heard what Cains was 
thus retaining in his possession. 

The following is the letter of Dr Byng, to the Chanoellor, Lord Burghley, dated 
Dec. 14, 1572: 

I am fiu-ther to geve your honor advertisement of a greate oversight of D. Caius, who 
hath so long kept superstitious monumentes in his college, that the evil fame thereof 
caused my lord of London to write very earnestly to me to see them abolished. I could 
hardly have been persuadid that suche thinges had been by him reservid. But causing his 
owne company to make serche in that college I received an inventary of muche popishe 
irumpery, as vestments, albee, tunicles, stoles, manicles, corporas clothes, with the pix and 
sindon, and canopie, beside holy water steppes, with sprinkles, pax, sensars, superaltaries, 
tables of idolles, masse bookes, portuises, and graiUes, with other such stuffe as might have 
furnished divers massers at one instant. It was thought good by the whole consent of the 
heades of houses, to biime the bookes and such other things as served most for idolatrous 
abuses, and to cause the rest to be defacid ; which was accomplished yesterday with the 
willing hartes, as appeared, of the whole company of that house. (Printed in CaaU>, 
Tram, in Puritan period, I. 124.) 


Remembermg what were the relations between meet of the fellows and their 
master, we can well believe with what "willing hearts" they set about the 
business, and how they must have enjoyed the fun of rummaging through the 
lodge in the hunt for the *' massing abominations" which they had so long 
denounced. In fact Dr Caius declares that it was they who planned the outrage 
at a supper party, some of them keeping guard through the night lest the offensive 
articles should be removed. His own ' account in the Annals, — if, as I presume, 
written by him, it must have been about his last contribution to the volume, — is 
dignified but bitter. He says that the work of destruction was superintended 
by Dr Byng, the Vice-Ohancellor ; Dr Whitgift, the Master of Trinity; and 
Dr Gk)ade, the Provost of King's. They were engaged on the work from noon to 3, 
carrying it out in a shamefully sacrilegious way. The articles which they could 
not bum were smashed to pieces with hammers. It is added to this account, of 
the fellows who shared in the proceedings, 'but of these €kxl removed some by 
death, others he removed in other ways, not without disgrace. In order that they 
might conceal their own fault, they laid the blame on one Dinsdale, a pensioner of 
the college.' 

After such a deliberate attack as this, sanctioned and encouraged by the 
authorities of the University, upon all he held sacred, it is not surprising that he 
soon decided to leave college, and retire to his house in London ; " much grieved 
and disturbed at the furious and rash zeal of those times," as Dr Brady says. He 
did not long survive. For many months before his death he was declining into a 
condition of extreme weakness. The following two letters to Archbishop Parker, 
the last he wrote, so far as we know, give a touching account of his condition 
towards the close. 

Most reverend 

After my dutye most himiblye remembered theis be to yo' grace to shewe my 
dutie as yt becometh me. At my last being with yo' grace I partelye showed yo' grace the 
cause of my absence a lytle before, which cause hath bene the oocasyon of myne not seeing 

1 The following are the words of the original (MS. 871) : * Anno Dni 1570°, 18» Deocmbris 
difloerpta dissecta et laoerata prias, combosta sunt omnia omamenta GoUegii hajns, privata 

authoritate Thome Bynge Procanoellarii (at ipse dioebat) nee leqae invisum erat illi 

qnidqaam qnam nomen et imago Christi oracifixi Beate Marie et sancte Trinitatis. Nam has 
indignis modis traotavit dissecando et in ignem projiciendo et abominandis titolis et epithetis 
proseqaendo. Nee hoc factum est nisi instigandis qnibosdam male affeotis sociis, quorom alii 
rem procoraront oonvivio, alii, ne conserventur aat noota snstollantur pervigiies extiteront. 
Sed ex his alios Dens morte sustulit, alios aliis modis snbdaxit non sine ignomlnia. Ut oelarent 
tamen onlpam suam dissimolanint sedolo, et omnem cnlpam in Dinsdallom quemdam pensio* 

nariam Collegii nostri transtulerunt, oum tamen ipsi omnia mail authores extiteront. Ad 

hec profnenmt fooo et moltum defatigati comburendo ab hora xn* ad tertiam idem Thomas 
Binge, Johannes Whitegifte prsfectus GoUegii S. Trinitatis et Qolielmus Oode profectos GoUegii 
Begalis. Postremo quso comborere nequiverunt maUeis contadenmt et violaront, et tantos erat 
iUis fervor in religionem, at nee beneficia personaram nee gratia in Academiam ledifloio et editis 
Ubris saadere potait moderationem.' This is from the original veUam MS. of the Annala^ apparently 
the composition of Gains himselt The dots mark two lines which have been oareftiUy scraped 
oat sometime before the paper copy was made in 1666. 


yo' grace untyll this tyme, because yt ceased not untyll the xxviii of Maye last, leaving me 
in great weaknes which I can not yet recover, nor shall not, I feare me, yet this fortnight 
and more. I am so faynte I can not go twyse aboute my house but I must sitt downe ; 
but whan I maye waight upon yo' grace, yt shalbe the first thinge I shall doo. I trust yo' 
grace is well, for the contynuance whereof I shall praye to God, and for yor grace's 
prosperitie long to contynue to his pleasiu*e. From my poore howse at lytle S^ Barthill- 
mews, the second daye of June 1573 

By yo' grace's John Caius. 

Most reverende 

My dewtie remembred, I came to Cambridge upon S<^ Johis even, wearied 
much with my horselyther, but after a daye or ii with a lytle reste somewhat more 
quyetted. Notwithstanding my greate infirmitie and wecknes doth yet remayne, looking 
still rather for death, which God send at his will, than for \yfe. Theis few words I thought 
to signifie unto yor grace that yor grace might undere^tande the state of my bodia I can 
not (eat ?) anything but yt swellyth in my stomocke and putteth me to payne longe after, 
BO that I am afrayd to eate, and yf I eate not, such weaknes enseweth y^ I am not able to 
susteyne my bodie and strength. And thus doubtfull of the one, the other will make an 
ende of me, yet consent and submitting myselfe to God's pleasiu^. And thus referring all 
my things to yo' grace, as in my will, for shortnes I take my leave, committing yor grace 
to the tuition of Almighty God, who preserve yor grace in honor and health to hys pleasiu^. 
I have done here at Cambrydge all things according to my minde and discharged myselfe 
of all things to tbintent I woulde geve myselfe from the worlde, and depend of Qoi*B mercy 
onlye. Yo' grace knowe what I meane in all things. The Lorde preserve yor graca From 
Cambridge this last day of June, 1573 

By yor grace's Caius. 

This account, in his own words, reminds us of the statement of Muffet as to 
the method by which he endeavoured to remedy his indigestion: "What made 
Dr Cajus in his last sickness so peevish and so full of frets at Cambridge, when he 
suckt one woman (whom I spare to name), f roward of conditions and of bad diet ; 
and contrariwise so quiet and well when he suckt another of contrary disposition V* 
{Health's ImproveinerU, p. 123). Muffet entered our college in 1572, when the 
condition of the master must have been a matter of common talk. 

It was on the occasion of this last visit that Caius resigned the mastership to 
Dr Legge, on June 27, 1573, <at six o'clock in the morning, immediately after 
chapel ' (AfifuiUy The few remaining days of his stay were devoted to arranging 
about his monument and the place of his burial in the chapel. As the AnnaU tell 
us, * On the 2nd, 3rd and 4th of July, waiting upon the will of God, and being 
stricken with years and disease, he gave orders for the construction of a chambered 
tomb, in which his body should be laid to rest.' He then returned to his house in 
St Bartholomew's, and, growing continually weaker, died there, July 29, 1573. 
His body was brought to Cambridge by William Gerrard, Esq., and William 
Conway, citizen of London (his executor), and was met at Trumpington ford, — 
Le. the brook at the first mile-stone, — by the master and fellows of the college, 
and the Vice-Chancellor and doctors, with many other members of the University. 
On the following day, after a sermon in St Mary s Church, he was buried with 


great solemnity in his college chapel. After this there was a modest repast in the 
college hall, at which the V ice-Chancellor and Heads were present. 

Of his well-known monument (see under Chapel) Fuller pleasantly says 'Few 
might have had a longer, none ever had a shorter epitaph : Fui Caius,^ 

His features are familiar from the portraits and engravings (see under Pictures), 
They display a high forehead and a countenance of some determination. In 
stature, however, he was very short. Prof. Alex. Macalister, who measared the 
thigh-bone when the grave was opened in 1891, holds indeed that he could not 
have been more than 5 ft. 1 in. I cannot but think however that it is more likely 
that his proportions were somewhat abnormal. It seems to me unlikely that a 
man who gained such obloquy amongst those over whom he ruled, should not have 
been reminded of his physical deficiencies by some of the fellows whom he had 
punished. " Atheist," ** papist," and so forth, they freely called him : surely a 
dwarf would have received these epithets in the form of what the grammarians 
call diminutives of contempt. 

We may picture him as a rather sad and stern man, not strong in constitution, 
for he died utterly' worn out, at the age of 62. His voice was weak ; for when he 
disputed, in the Medical Act before the Queen in 1564, she was impelled more than 
once to bid him speak up, and even then had to come up nearer in order to hear 
him clearly. He was not a genial man, and he did not attempt to disguise his 
contempt for what he considered the indolence and indifference to learning of most 
of his juniors : *'young men be now a days so negligent that they care for nothing," 
as he remarks to Abp Parker. But he was learned in all that could be ^own at 
the time; and had travelled much, as well as studied much, both at home and 
abroad. He was full of reverence for the past, especially for those who had 
contributed by their talents or their wealth to the reputation of his college. 

The following lines are taken from a printed memorial sheet (Lambeth MSS. 
720), dated London, Aug. 10, 1573. 

Why should I think, lemed Cay, that thou art clearly lost, 
Syth that thy death exceUs our life, with stormy tempests tost? 
We stand amid ten thousand woes, and through our sinful will. 
Both odious to Qod Ik world, in darknesse wander still 
But thou, to whom thy mortal corpse a prison did resemble, 
Enjoyest Gkxi, & seest the light where Angels do assemble. 
We caytifes in this wretched world our laboures lost bewayle, 
To study artes that are despisde, alas, what doth avayle? 
Thou, following the coiu*8e which Qod & fortune did thee send, 
In buildings great for sacred Muse thy life & wealth didst spend: 
And with thy learned bookes the world adorned thou hast. 
That fame thou wanst, as virtue's meed, before thy life was past. 
This life, Cay, full happy was, more happy is thy grave, 
Thrice happy would I thinke myselfe, if I such end might have. 

In 1719, in the course of the alterations in the chapel, the grave was broken 
open. The following account by Mr Wan-en of Trinity Hall, of the appearance of 
the body, has been more than once published ; 

^ Bather strangely, his own judgment was that he had '* plus seneots quam senii.*' 


This brings to my mind what I saw in Oaius College Chapel. I remember when they 
were repairing cumI beautifying that Chapel, the workmen had l»roke a hole either by 
accident or design into Dr Cains' grave, which was a hollow place lined with brick on the 
north side of the chapel at a little distance from his monument which was a natural one. 
The lid of the coffin was off when I looked in with a candle fixed in a long clefb stick which 
the workmen furmshed me with and with which I could survey the sepulchre very easily. 
The sides of the coffin were remaining, though in a disjointed and rotten condition. The 
body seemed to have been a very lusty one, and the coffin was pretty full of it : the flesh 
was of a yellowish black colour, and yielded to the least touch of the stick and fell to 
pieces : the eyes were sunk deep into their sockets. A long grey beard, much like that we 
see in the picture of him, only this was grown very rough by long time : I think it was 
then about 145 years from the time of his death. I touched his beard with the stick, and 
turned it a little on one side : it accordingly lay on one side, having lost all manner of 
elasticity : therefore brought it back to its right place again. The sight occasioned in me 
serious reflections, and I went away with such a regard as I thought due to the memory of 
so celebrated a man as Br Caius had been. (Warren MS. in Trin. Hall ; quoted in Ckimb. 
Portfolio,^, 175.) 

The grave was again broken open in 1891, during some repairs in the chapel. 
At this time a oast was taken of the skull, by Prof. A. Macalister, and the thigh 
bone was measured, with the conclusion as to his probable height recorded above. 

We have his Inventory in the Treasury ; mentioning, with the usual minute- 
ness, every article, if valued only at a penny, and even recording some things as 
being worth 'nt/.' There is the usual contrast between the nature and value of 
the various kinds of personal property mentioned in such a list and what anyone 
in the same relative position would now leave. For instance there is not a single 
clock or watch, picture or other ornament, or any furniture corresponding to the 
modem easy chair or sofa ; and there is only one carpet. On the other hand ' his 
Apparell ' is valued at more than double the amount of the entire contents of the 
sitting room. The plate is comparatively valuable, and so are the gold rings (seven 
in number). The totals are as follows : they refer, of course, to his London house. 

In the hall 

1 . 

15 . 


Domestic utensils 

2 . 

1 . 


His Apparell 

3 . 

19 . 


In the bedchamber 

4 . 

6 . 

Chamber over above 

1 . 

2 . 


Chamber over hall 

7 . 

8 . 



1 . 



6 . 

19 . 


32 . 

6 . 


Rings of Qold 

10 . 

10 . 


6 . 

6 . 


In College 

. 6 . 

10 . 

In Ready Money 

428 . 

1 . 



£513 . 

7 . 


Of the "ready money," £241 was apparently in the house but handed over to his 
executor before his death, for the purchase of lands in Caxton, Cambe. ; the rest 


being in the keeping of the college. As will be seen, the plate and rings amount 
to more than the yahxe of the whole of the rest of his personal property. 

The executors' accounts* for the funeral, ^., are extremely minute and full, 
and many of the items are curious and significant of the times, as the following 
extracts will show. 

For black cloth for gowns for the master, fellows, executors, &c. ; 'for coveringe of the 
wagon * that brought the body ; * lynyng the halle & chappell,' &c. more than £40. 

'For our charges in g03mge to Cambridge to the funerall & carryinge of his body 
thither XLV» 

* To the poore by the waie in caryinge of him to Cambridge, xix* iv^ 

* For hyer of the waggon and horses & the man for fyve dales xxvm* iv^ 

* For the dynner made at his buriall vi" vii« viii* * 

(The total of these, and similar items, amounts to £71. Is. 4dL) 

The legacies are mentioned in the will ; but, besides these, gifts were made ; e.g. a gilt 
cup to the College of Physicians 'for a remembrance'; and the following remarkable 
donations : ' To his sister's sonne an old cloke & a hatt, vii* vni\* ' Given to his poore 
sister dwellinge in Norwiche for the releif of hir and hir poore children, by thadvice of my 
Lord of Canterburie his grace & also of the Mr and fellowes of the college x^^ ' (I had at 
first assumed, — VoL i. 65, — that the sister was that of Mr Tracy, fellow of the college, as 
this gift follows immediately after one to him. But the Inventory shows that Dr Caius 
had a sister, whose daughter died in his London house, and I now feel convinced that this 
gift was to her). 

' The money spent in the tyme of his sicknes ' includes every such item as 'milke for a 
poBsett, ii^'; and amounts to £2. l6s.0(L 

Money spent after his death & before his buryall : 
One pound of tow, thread, spice & sweet powder for the corpse, &c. 

For oyles for embalming the cofiyne within & without m* iiir> 

To a woman for watchinge viii daies and ix nights vi* ym^ 

To the surgeon for dissectinge the corps and ti7mm3mge of the bodye xm* iv^ 

To his servants xn^ 

Cariage downe of the corps cofiyned viii<i 

For a clothe nightcappe taken before his death yiii<i 

Oyles and baulme for the coffyn by the waie xir^.' 

The total expenses accounted for by the executors for his last illness, burial, 
&c., including the proving of the will are £165. 5«. 6d. His will, omitting a few 
legal phrases, iic^ is given in full in the Appendix, 


Dr Caius was expressly authorized, in his Charter of Foundation, to compile 
a new set of Statutes, provided they did not infringe the Statutes of Bateman. 
There is some uncertainty as to when he first proceeded to do this. The authoritative 
code by which the college was governed until the results of the Commission of 

» Lambeth Library, MS. 720. 


1856 came into operation, is certainly that which was always kept in oar Treasury* 
and produced at college meetings. It is dated Jan. 1^ 1572-3, viz. about seven 
montiis before Cains' deaUi. This is the code which the Crommissioners printed in 
the Documents. They were not able t6 reproduce it from our copy, for, as is well 
known, several of the colleges declined to give them any such facilities, but they 
had access to an authentic transcript at the Lambeth Library (MS. 720). This 
had been sent to Matthew Parker in 1574, — Dr Caius had expressly assigned to 
him the duty of interpreting any doubtful points, — for his inteipretation' ; and 
there can be no doubt that it is genuine, and that the code of statutes thus 
submitted to the Archbishop represents the final version as approved by Caius. 

It appears however that Caius had issued a previous body of statutes. This is 
expressly implied by the words at the conclusion pi the code of 1573, "datum 
Londini tricessimo Martii An® Christi 1558, ac postea auctum primo Januarii 
An® Domini 157 2... per me Joannem Caium." From this we should conclude 
that the college had been governed for fourteen years by statutes issued in 1558, 
these having been amended and re-issued at the beginning of 1573. If this were 
so, nothing is now known of this earlier version'. All that does exist is a rough 
draft, utterly unlike the existent statutes, full of additions and erasures, and very 
uncertain and contradictory as to data 

This curious draft is in the University Library (Mm. 4. 20), and is entitled 
StattUa CclUgii de OonvUle el Caius, It consists of a text containing a succession 
of paragraphs marked alternately "Epus" and "Caius," these indicating re- 
spectively clauses of Bateman's Statutes and those which Gains proposed to add 
to them. So &r is plain. But this text has had a multitude of corrections 
introduced. lines, paragraphs, and even whole pages are scratched through ; and 
there are many and long additions in the margins. The Commissioners professed 
to print it {Documents^ Vol. ii.), but have done so in a very inconsistent manner ; 
for the portions crossed through are sometimes simply printed, sometimes given in 
italics, and sometimes omitted. It was a mistake to attempt to print it, for 
nothing but a facsimile would convey any idea of its condition. Moreover the 
date of it is doubtful. The original text is dated April 20, 1558; which is later 
than the date assigned to the earlier version in the code of 1573. This had been 
corrected to May 7, 1557, which date is printed by the Commissioners, but cannot 
be correct, for Caius had not then obtained the Charter which is referred to. 

1 Lately transferred to the Library. It is a small qaarto, on paper, containing the Statutes 
of Bateman, with Caius' interpretation of some doubtful points; Cains' own Statutes, signed by 
himself at the end, and followed by Abp Parker's interpretation ; and a few extracts fh>m wills 
and deeds concerning benefactions. 

' The Archbishop's actual interpretation is in our Treasury (Box i. 48). It is dated Jan. 1, 
1574—6. Appended to it are the signatures of the master and all the fellows, approTing it, and 
dated Jan. 24, 1574—5. 

* Perhaps the following words in the AtmaU refer to this earlier copy, they belong to about 
the date 1558: *Dedit etiam CoUegio librum Annalium et Statutorum holoserioo viUoso oar- 
mesino yelatum, umbonibus laminibusque argenteis angularibus cathenaque argentea omatum.' 
Our present copy of the AnndU (MS. 871) by no means corresponds to this description, so the 
words may refer to a lost copy of Statutes. 


All we can say is that the draft must have been compiled in Mary's reign, sometime 
after Sep. 4, 1557. 

This rough draft, as alx)ye stated, has been printed by the Commissioners. It 
possesses no authority, and as it largely consists of a mere repetition of Bateman's 
Statutes it need not be given here. Its only interest lies in the fact that, having 
been composed in Queen Mary's reign, it illustrates the wishes and convictions of 
Dr Cains at a time when his real sentiments could be freely expressed. Such 
clauses, for instance, as the following, occur : * Hiec sacrosancta que sumpsimus 
mysteria qusesumus Domine Deus noster ut mentis tuis et precibus omnium 
Sanctorum tuorum nobis ad salutem proficiant, et fundatoribus nostris Edmundo 
Gonvyll, Willmo. Bateman, et Johanni Caio et eorum parentibus et benefact- 
oribus, te favente prosint ad peccatorum expiationem misericordiie indulgentiam, 
8etem» beatitudinis Isetitiam, et requiem sempitemam.' These, of course, are 
intended to be perpetual prayers for the repose of the founders' souls ; and are 
probably what the fellows alluded to in the complaint recorded on page 46. 

That Caius prepared various drafts of his proposed statutes before their final 
issue in 1573 is likely enough. Judging from some loose sheets found in our 
Treasury (now in MS. 714), one of these drafts seems to have been drawn up in 
English. The following are some of its regulations, 

That every scholar shal singe at the lest his playn songe, and know his gramer, both 
Greek & Latine ; and those only shalbe eligible, except gret scarcite of apte scholers ther 
be, in which case it shalbe sufficient if he knowe his gramer only. 

That divine service be songe every principal fSsst at the lest, by note, and every Majus 
duplex, if it may be. And he which shalbe absent at eny time from the divine service 
shall lose a grot and his dinner. 

That thei pray daylie in their graces and praiers, namely for y* soules of their founders, 
GoneviUe, Bateman and Caius. 

That non shal be felowe or scholar whose father is worth in goodes or landes xl". 
(Restrictions on the private income of fellows are not uncommon ; but I do not remember 
to have seen the limit so clearly assigned to the father^s wealth.) 

That all y* felowes and scholers be men of the universelle faith, civile quiet and grave, 
no strivers no distturbers of y* collie, not factiose, obedient to y* Mr and president, 
and to y* statutes of the same college and imiversite, men apt witty and diligent to 
study and leme, and so to behave himself that he fal not in the contrarie of eny of theis, 
poore mens children and non others, studiose vertuose and not sicly nor diseased with eny 
infective disease ner disfigured, borne in the cuntreys of Norfi* and Suff, 

That if eny of the felowes and scholers shalbe notorious unthrifts dissolute persons and 
not studiose, and admonyshed thereof do not amende their faute, he to be utterly discharged 
y* third tyme from all benefite of the college, and other vertuose honest and thryvynge to 
be chosen in his stede or place. 

That my scholers be students in the liberal studies and chefely in logic, and be excellent 
in the grek tunge, after in philosophic tmtyl thei be Mrs in arte; then every man to 
appoynt his studye to siumne necessarie office in the Common wealth, eyther in divinite 
physic or lawe, accordyng to the statutes of y* fownder and mynds of their benefactors. 

No college statutes express more clearly what I conceive to have been the 
main objects of the principal founders and benefactors : viz. that these endowments 


were intended solely for those who were really poor ; that the recipients were to 
be picked students from the districts in which the founder was interested ; that 
they were not only to be diligent in their studies, but to aid in carrying ou, 
according to their position, the work of the college ; and that the ultimate object 
of their training was to be, not "research" or the perfecting of their private 
studies, but the more intellectual kinds of practical life, ie. ' some necessary office 
in the CommonwealtL' 

I>r Caius was a voluminous author, but of his many compositions several were 
lost, others exist only in MS., and others again were first published after his death. 
The following list* has been carefully revised by the catalogues of the British 
Museum and other libraries: (1) De Medendi Methodo... Basle, 1544. Reprinted 
at Lou vain, 1556 ; and in the Opuscula of J. B. Montanus, Basle, 1558. (2) Galeni 
Ubri aliquot Greed... Basle, 1544. Some of these treatises had not previously been 
printed, and others have the text corrected from his own MSS. (3) Galeni de 
tuenda valetudine libri sex. Basle, 1549. (4) A Boke or Counscill against the 
IHsease commonly called the Sweate or Sweatyng Sicknesse. London 1552. This 
has been reprinted in 1844 and 1847. (5) Opera aliquot et versiones. Louvain, 
1556. This contains the De Medendi Methodo, above ; the De Ephemera Britan- 
nica liber unus : — the latter being a treatise on the Sweating Sickness intended for 
professional use (reprinted in London, 1721, and in Berlin, 1833); and Galenus 
de propriis libris. This contains the portrait referred to in a later chapter. 
(6) Galeni Pergameni libri... Basle, 1557. (7) De Antiquitate Cantebrigiensis 
Academin libri dua London, 1568. This was anonymous, the author being 
simply described as " Londinensis.** It was republished in 1574, after his death, 
with his name, together with (8) his Historia Cantabngiensis Academise ab urbe 
condita. (9) De Pronunciatione GnecsB et Latinee linguie cum scriptione nova. 
London, 1574 (after his death). (10) De' Canibus Britannicis. De rarioruro 
animalium et stirpium historia. De libris propriis; 1570. Reprinted 1729. 
The first of these was written for Conrad Gesner, for insertion in his History of 
Animals, but owing to Gesner's death not published there. The last is a minute 
account of his various writings, published and unpublished. (11) Of Englishe 
Dogges. A shorte treatise written in Ijatine by Johannes Caius, drawne into 
Englishe by Abraham Fleming. London, 1576. Reprinted 1880. (12) Epistola 
BartholomsBo Gierke. Prefixed to his translation of Castilion. London, 1577. 

In his De Libris propriis^ above, he mentions several other works, for instance, 
juvenile translations of Greek and Latin authors. But these mostly seem to have 
been lost. The following MS. works are important. (1) The Annalea of our College. 
An account of this is given further on (see under Records^ (2) Annales Collegii 
Medicorum Lond. This is a similar work to the above, and deals with the history 
of the College of Physicians. It is preserved in their library. 

^ I have not given the titles in full here, as this has been already done by Cooper (Ath, Cant,) 
and MuUinger (D. N. B.). 

' Fuller says that "when King James I. passed through the college the master thereof 
presented him a Gains de Antiquitate Cantabrigia, fairly bound, to whom the King said, * What 
should I do with this book? Give me rather Cains De Canibu$,* " 


A number of other ''works " are given in Cooper^s list. Some of these, however, 
amount to nothing more than brief notes in books, principally in various Greek 
medical MSS. : there are several of these in our library (e.g. in Nos. 50, 495, 500 : 
being MSS. which he collected in Italy and presented to the college). Others, 
again, were merely juvenile translations from Greek done for friends when he was 
a student. And some are lost ; like his History of the City of Norwich, which he 
commenced in early life, and his notes on the writings of his college friend 
W. Framingham. 

Of these works the most controversial, and that which probably secured the 
most interest in his own day, was that on the Antiquity of the University. Its 
origin was this. On the occasion of the visit of Queen Elizabeth to Cambridge in 
1564, the Public Orator, William Masters, asserted, in his speech, the superior 
antiquity of Cambridge over Oxford. This being reported to Thomas Caius of 
Oxford, Master of University College, he forthwith wrote a MS. reply. John 
Caius happened to see this and wrote a rejoinder. This he forwarded in MS. to 
Abp Parker, with a letter dated from Cambridge Ap. 8, 1567, in which he requests 
the judgment of the Archbishop, of Sir W. Cecil, and others. (Parker, Corresp, 
p. 298.) The volume was published anonymously in 1568. The rival advocates 
died within a short time of each other. The whole controversy was published by 
T. Heame in 1730. No modem historian would attach much value to the argu- 
ments on either side. 

As regards his treatise on Greek pronunciation (No. 9), strongly as he was 
interested in the subject, and often as he refers to it, it seems diflScult to make out 
his views clearly ; and the date of its composition seems quite uncertain. As is 
well known, a small band of Cambridge scholars, of whom the principal were 
Cheke and Smith, instigated by the teaching of Erasmus, advocated a reformed 
pronunciation of Greek, which in 1542 was condemned and forbidden by Gardiner. 
Caius, conservative as usual, supports the old, and what in his younger days had 
been the authoritative view. Prof. J. S. Reid says of it that '* the tractate itself 
is of no value whatever as a contribution to the controversy, from the scholar's 
point of view. Both in its Latinity and in its dialectic it is vastly inferior to the 
letters which Gardiner addressed to Cheke. It displays a rather wide, but equally 
loose learning. The theme is a denunciation of change, and the treatment is 
frequently illogical.... It is strange that Caius should speak as though the reformed 
pronunciation struck him as a novelty when he returned to England in 1544. He 
says he found 'a universal buzz (personare omnia) of new men pronouncing in 
a new way.' The men were not new : they were already, when Caius left England 
in 1539, among the most prominent men in the University.'' 

According to Strype (Parker^ i. 467) Caius was supposed to have had a consider- 
able share in Richard Grafton's Chronicle, 1569. It is also said that he assisted 
in compiling the University Statutes of 1570; and, jointly with Dr Peme, 
composed a treatise on the Privileges of the University, 1571 (transcribed by 
Baker ; Earl. MS. 7048). 

We have three portraits of Dr Caius in the college. 

JOHN CAiua 63 


1564. The month of August in this year was marked by all the magnificent 
ceremony which attended a RoytJ visit. For five days Queen Elizabeth was 
engaged (Aug. 5-10) in a round of services, plays, and disputations. The visit was 
announced to the Vice-chancellor, about a month before, by Lord Bnrley, who 
desired the authorities to consider ' what manner of pleasures in lemjmge may be 
presented to her majesty.' Our college was duly visited by the Queen ; and, in 
the arrangements for the accommodation of the attendant train, to us was allotted 
the housing and entertainment of the doctors and of the maids of honour. As to 
tiie way in which this unique welcome given to ladies was carried out one would 
be glad of information. Two members of our body took a part in those ' pleasures 
of learning' which the University so amply provided. Dr Humphrey Busbey, 
a fellow-commoner, was one of the disputants in the Law Faculty ; but Dr Caius, 
naturally took the most prominent place in his own department. The Medical 
Acts took place in St Mary's Church ; the subjects being An cibua simplex eil 
preferendus mtUtiplici; and An ccsna prandio libercUior esse debeat: — subjects, we 
shoxdd imagine, from what we know of his feeble digestion, already of painful 
personal interest to him. The discussion was not very successful : '' then Dr Caius, 
as antient in that faculty, moved the questions. And then the respondent made 
his position. But because their voices were small and not audible, her Majesty 
first said unto them Loquimini aUiue. When that would not help, she left her 
seat and came to the stage over their heads : but because their voices were low 
and she could not well hear them her Gi*ace made not much of that Disputation " 
(Nichols; Progress ofQu, Eliz, i. 171). 

One document of some interest and importance had been prepared for this visit, 
and was put into the Queen's hand on her arrival. It contained a brief account of 
each college, with mention of its most distinguished members in Church and State, 
together with a complete list of all the residents. It appears that at this time, 
just before the building of the second court, our college comprised eight fellows, 
eleven fellow-commoners, ten scholars, and eighteen other students {HarL 7033; 
i.e. Baker ^ voL 6). 

The Annals record, about this date, two narrow escapes ivom fire. One of these 
illustrates what a source of danger there must then have been in the rush-covered 
floors. A fellow of the college, a medical student, had left some herbs distilling 
over his fire. The flames had somehow set light to the rushes, crept along the 
floor, and the bed and hangings of the room {peristromata) were already in a blaze 
when the mischief was fortunately discovered. 

In July, 1571, Henry Dethick, one of the more turbulent opponents of the 
master, became reconciled to the college. 'To obtain his release from prison, 
where he was confined by mandate of the Archbishop,... and that no opposition 
should be made to his going abroad, he gave to the college £40, at the suggestion 
of the Archbishop, freely and without any condition ' {Annals). 



Thomas Legge, seventeenth Master (1573-1607), was a son of Stephen L^;ge, 
and Margaret, daughter of William Larke. He was horn at Norwich about 
1535; matriculated at Corpus, Nov. 1552, and was afterwards, 1555, a scholar 
at Trinity, whence he graduated B.A. in 1556-7, and M.A. in 1560. He was 
a fellow of Trinity from 1560 to 1568, and for some years a lecturer there. 
He then migrated to Jesus, where he was fellow from 1568 to 1573. Here he 
became known as a highly popular tutor, an illustration of which is afforded by 
our Admission register, which shows that quite a group of his pupils moved with 
him on his final migration to our college. Whilst at Jesus he made the friendship 
of Dr Caius, who selected him as his successor, naming him in his will as his 
'< trusty and well-beloved friend." From the statement in this will it appears that 
the college, by a definite order, had granted Caius the power to nominate his 

The family^ appears to have been of Italian origin, Thomas being descended 
from a branch settled at first in Herefordshire and afterwards in Norfolk. His 
arms are recorded in the Camhs, Visitation of 1619. The pedigree there given is 

Stephen Legge, = Margaret, da. of William 

of Norwich 


Augustin, Thomas William 

son and heir 

He was the first, in fact almost the only civilian, who has occupied the position 
of master in our college; an indication, as already pointed out, of the wide 
difference in tradition and practice between Gonville*s and Bateman's foundations. 
He graduated LL.D. in 1575. He was distinguished in his profession; was an 
advocate at Doctors' Commons, May 16, 1590; and a Master in Chancery about 
1593. In 1579 he had been appointed Commissary to the University. He held 
the office of Vice-Chancellor in 1587-8, and during part of 1592-3. In 1597 he 
occurs as a Justice of the Peace for the town of Cambridge. 

He affords a remarkable illustration of the extent to which, in early times, 
a tutor or master of strong character could cast the impress of his own views 
upon a whole college. It is hardly too much to say that, during a large part of 
his rule, our college was one of the best known in either University, at any rate 
amongst persons interested in religious controversies. The Chancellor may well 
have been inclined to repeat the exclamation of the Abp of Canterbury in 
Dr Caius' time, " I have had very much ado with the quarrels of Conville Hall." 
It was a critical time, from the religious and political point of view. The Romish 
reaction was now in full swing, but the laws of the State and of the University 

^ There is a disoassion on the origin of the Legge family, by Bev. A. O. Legge, in Norf. Arch, 
Vol. xin. 


had not at first become so stringent as. to exclude any student whose sympathies 
were avowedly with Rome ; and, as a fact, many such students were in residence. 

The most striking illustration of this is given in a well-known letter from 
Sandys, Abp of York (the same who, as Bishop of London, instigated the attack on 
Dr Caius : see p. 53), addressed to the Chancellor of the University, in which he 
complains of the way in which Dr Legge was misleading the young gentry of his 
diocese : " All the popish gentlemen in this country send their sons to him. He 
setteth sundry of them over to one Swale, also of the same house, by whom the 
youth of this country is corrupted" (Strype, AnruUs, ii. ii. 342). Richard Swale, 
tutor and afterwards president, was of a known Yorkshire family, and was a strong 
supporter of the master throughout the dispute. 

For some years the quarrel was kept within the limits of the collie, or the 
University, but about 1582 it exploded in the form of a long and urgent appeal to 
the Chancellor. Seven at least of the junior amongst the fellows were prominent 
in the controversy, of which the following letter seems to be the earliest public 
expression. They appeal, it appears, to the Chancellor as their last hope. They 
say that tliey had already addressed themselves to the visitors, who gave them no 
redress, and that they then resorted to the Vice-Chancellor, " who made no great 
haste '' {Larufd. MS, 33). 

To the Right Hon. the Ld Burgley 

May it please your Honour Because your Honour's letters lately directed for 
the effectuall and speedy hearing of our cause, contain a reservation of the determination 
to yotur Honotur, whereby we are in great assurance and comfort of the speedy and sincere 
issue which we looke for ; it concemeth us allin duty most humbly to intimate unto your 
Lordship the state of the cause, our 'proceeding, and our grievances, wherein we spurn not 
against our Head of frowardness, nor contend in our own cause upon youthly humor. If 
we have ever been reputed or found contentious we refuse not to be rejected. The cause 
is the Lorde's, in zeale of his Religion, in duty to the Foundation whereby we are main- 
tained, in care of the Revenues, in conscience to the youth, which is infected, to the 
slaunder of the tyme, and hindrance of proceedings. The persons whome we touch are 
men by all likelyhood rooted in Papistry from their youth, fosteres of Papists by drawing 
them into fellowships, encouraging others with maintenance, countenance and example. 
On the other side oppressing, injureing and disgraceing in all that government in whome- 
soever they finde any love or liking of Religion ; embeselling the Treasure of the House, 
to the prejudice of posterity, dangerous persons to deal withall, able to deceive the wisest, 
as professing openly the lawfulness of dissembling, of whome Papists doe glory, the 
University and godly minded are ashamed of, which for many years have made the College 
as a Seminary to poyson the Commonwealth with corrupted Gtentlemen. 

The articles of our grievance are such as albeit not every one doth directly impugn, yet 
many do, and all joyntly do give your Lordship a manifest view of a disordered government 
which cryeth for redress. 

March 6, 1581—2, Signed by John Paman, Richard Gerrard, Paul Golde, Roger 
Browninge, Thomas Hawes, Michael Rabbet, Thomas Howse. 

(They appeal to the Chancellor for redress, either by determining the matter 
himself, or by committing it to wise and sincere men. They beg that this complaint 
be not returned to the visitors, who have already refused cognition of it, and who 
are partial.) 

c. IIL 5 



The causes of dispute were threefold. The first of these was the master's 
encouragement of Popery. They charge him with not merely making the coll^;e a 
gathering place of those who were already Popishly minded, but of using his in- 
fluence and power to propagate such errors. They complain that he had furtively 
introduced a real popish priest into the college in the guise of butler {v. Fingley, 
I. 76) ; that he had, " by his importunate labour brought in one Depup (Vol i. 61) 
to be fellow, notoriously vicious and suspected to be popish " ; that he encouraged 
his pupils to absent themselves from college chapel, to keep and to study popish 
books, and even to wear a crucifix; and that he had suffered rank popish 
ceremonies to be performed over the body of a student who had died in coll^;e. 
And when the deans tried to do their duty by resisting such practices, so far from 
finding any support, "the deans themselves are shamefully abused, buffeted, and 
beaten down, and the scholars maintained and encouraged.'' These, and a number 
more of similar charges, form the bulk of the complaint which they forward in 
support of the above letter. Very many curious and interesting personal details 
are thus recorded. If the reader will refer to the entries of admission in Vol. i. 
pp. 90-110 he will find most of these details noticed under the names of the several 
students referred to. 

The above is put in the forefront of the complaint, under 37 specific heads, and 
evidently formed the gravest part of their charge against the master. It is 
followed by a further list, under no less than 51 heads, *' concerning the decay of 
revenues, and defaults in government." The fellows accuse the master of negli- 
gence of his duty, " some of our lands are in doubt to be lost for want of orderly 
survey " ; of keeping the bursar's ofiice entirely to himself, and not consulting his 
colleague in business matters; that ''he exercises his negative voice against all 
that the fellows do propound " : — this last a matter which cropped up as a subject 
of dispute for the next two centuries. Besides these there were a multitude of 
complaints about petty breaches of college statute or custom. 

A third charge, almost amounting to one of malversation, was that of keeping 
back from the College Treasury money which had been put into his hands as 
trustee, e.g. Dr Hervey's legacy for the foundation of a scholarship ; and of 
throwing upon the college chest expenses which he ought to have paid for himsell 
This last refers to a curious bit of personal experience on the part of Legge which 
is brought into light in the course of the dispute. It appears that he had recently 
spent a short time in the Fleet Prison, whither he had been sent "for not 
answering her majesty's letters " : — presumably some royal command concerning 
the college had not been properly attended to. This had involved a cost of £10, 
which he had laid upon the college. 

The two former general charges are supported in detail by a mass of depositions 
by Mr Paman and the other petitioners. The case was referred by the Chancellor 
to the Vice-Chancellor, who appears to have been occupied in hearing it on several 
days between Feb. 15, 1581-2 and March 16 following. He writes to the 
Chancellor, March 18, reporting that he is sending Mr Paman and Mr Gerard on 
the one side, and Dr Swale on the other, to visit him in London, for his lordship's 
judgment. He sends a summary of the case, and adds his opinion that Dr Legge 


"being of a gentle nature" had been "much misled by the perverse and wilful 
disposition of Mr Swale." 

How the matter was finally decided does not appear, but the result was plainly 
not what the petitioning fellows desired. On one point indeed the master is 
condemned. It was authoritatively declared that the charges of "his trouble" 
could not be allowed. " Touching the x" layd upon the College, as appeareth in 
the accompts of that yere, which we have sene, when the Mr was in trouble for not 
answering her Ma"" letters, ffor that ther was a fault and omission of dutie in not 
answering the said letters; whereupon the sayd charges was cast upon the 
College.... So for an end also of this controversye we do order that the Mr shall 
repaye againe so much of the said x" to the colledge within two years." 
Mr Edmund Hounde, a fellow, "accompanying the Mr in that journey, hath 
allowance in those accompts, being part of the said x"" : this is disallowed, and he 
is ordered to pay back his share of it. 

The fellows seem to have regarded the decision of the authorities as a decided 
rebuff (it was about the commencement of the dispute, June 6, 1579, that the 
Chancellor had appointed Dr Legge commissary to the University) and apparently 
reconciled themselves as best they could to the inevitable. The last recorded 
letter on the subject is from Mr Gerard, the main instigator of the agitation, to the 
Chancellor : " Having spent almost the whole year in our colledge affayers, with 
much trouble, some charge, a very great losse of tyme...and, for the rest of our 
company that have bene humble suters unto your Lordship for the Reformation of 
the OoUedge, being nowe wearied and without hope of succes, I thinke they are 
absolutely resolved also, altogether unprovided of lyving, utterly to forsake the 
Colledge, and to bestowe themselves where it shall please God in the Countrye." 
This is dated from college, Sept. 25, 1583. Gerard had himself apparently got into 
trouble through his activity, as he prays Lord Burley "that all extraordinary 
proceedings against him may be stayed, and that the slanderous informations made 
in his late absence might be fairly tried." 

Though, as already intimated, no definite conclusion was pronounced against 
the master, it seems plain that the general opinion of the authorities, both in the 
University and elsewhere, was that the college had shown a dangerous laxity 
towards Romanism. The Vice-Chancellor writes to Lord Burley, Oct. 10, 1582, 
"We are of opinion that your Honour should do a charitable deed to procure a 
Commission from Her Majesty to refer the whole state and statutes of that house, 
viz. €k>nville and Caius College, of which some are mere papistical, newly made by 
Dr Caius', appointing mass and dirge to be said for him, some be ambiguous 
and imperfect..." He also recommends the reformation of the other colleges 
{v, Johnston's King* 8 VisitaUyrial Potversy p. 246). 

Needless space may seem to have been thus devoted to the details of a coll^^ 
dispute. But the' depositions seem to me to throw more light on the actual facts 

^ I do not know to what exactly this refers, for the statates mentioned on p. 59 are merely a 
draft. Of the statates in force from 1573, the nearest approach to '* mass and dirge " is in § 26 
(** prias habita commemoratione vel exeqniis, prout leges regni patientur "), 

* They are to be foand in the StaU Papers Domestic, 1582, 3 ; bat still more folly in the 



of college life and thought at the time in question than any other documents I 
have seen. 

Dr Legge continued to rule over the college for nearly 25 years after these 
events. His influence evidently increased, and the animosity against him seems to 
have died out. 

Of his scholarship, Fuller (Worthies, ii. 491) quotes the judgment of J. Lipsius, 
" In Antiquitatis studio tam egregie versatus es, ut id de toipso potes quod de se 
Apollo Enni : ' A me omnes Cantabrigienses consilium expetunt in Uteris incerti, 
quos ego, raeft ope, ex incertis certos, oompotesque consilii dimitto.' " 

He was extremely interested both in witnessing and in writing plays, to which 
amusements, as the Annals tell us, he devoted all the time he could spare from his 
official duties. His ' Richard III.' was written for St John's College, and acted 
there in 1579, where it was received with great applause. He also wrote a play on 
the * Fall of Jerusalem,' but, keeping it too long in hand for revision and improve- 
ment, it was stolen, as the Anncds say, by some plagiarist, and was never found 
afterwards. His 'Richard III.' is a well-known play. It exists in MS. in our 
college (MS. 125) and at Emmanuel, and was printed by B. Field, Esq., for the 
Shakespeare Society in 1844. The continuation of our college Annals was also 
written by him from the death of Dr Caius till towards the close of his own life. 

He died in college July 12, 1607, and is buried in the chapel. His monument 
is on the south wall (see Chapel), His portrait is in the Lodge. 

His will was proved (P.C.C. and V.C.C.) in 1608. He desires to be buried in 
the college chapel if he should die in Cambridge. He makes provision for the 
payment of two legacies (which were still in his hands as executor, and as to 
his delay concerning which many complaints had been made), vis. those of 
Mrs Frankland and Dr Hervey (see Endowments), He gives to Doctors* 
Conmions j£3. 6«. 8d for a cup ; also cups to William Vavasour, a former pupil, 
and Anne Stutville, his goddaughter. He gives to the college his lease of 
* Mortimers,' Newnham : the value of this, amounting to £660, was employed on 
the * Legge Building ' as explained below. There being £40 due to him for certain 
purchases connected with Mrs Frankland 's legacy, he desires it to be spent on the 
building of a new hall in the college If he die in Cambridge, «£ 10 to be spent on 
a dinner in the hall, to the Vice-chancellor and heads : if in London £2 on a 
dinner to the doctors in the Commons. Dr Gostlin and William Paget executors. 

Till the new buildings were erected in 1868, the master's name was per- 
petuated * by the ** Legge Building," which faced St Michael's Church. This was 
not erected "at his own charges" in 1574, as our Commemoration Service states, 
but was built with a sum of money which he left to the college by will, for this 
purpose. The history of the legacy was this. Soon after the manor of Newnham 
was left to the college by Lady Scroop, it was let for 99 years to the Corporation 

Lan$d, MSS, at the British Maseum. Some of these latter are printed in Canib, Tram, during... 
Puritan Period, Vol. i. pp. 814-65. 

^ The earliest reference to the bailding under his name is in the accounts of 1709. It was, 
however, commonly called by the same name (The Pensionary) as had been assigned to the 
houses formerly on the site, when they were adapted for college chambers. It is continuously 
referred to as the " Pensionary " in the Bursar's books until 1814. 



of Cambridge. ** By reason of this long lease the college lost almost all their quit 
rents, a sheep walk, and a free bull and boar, and about 40 acres of land, by 
changing their marks, bounds, etc." (Brady, MS. 617). To guard against this in 
future, the land was let in 1605, for a short lease of 20 years, to W. Paget, for the 
use of Dr Legge. Legge left his unexpired interest, valued at about £600, to the 
college, on condition that the college should build a set of new rooms. The 
collie further decreed, Jan. 15, 1618-9, that 'there should be made some monu- 
ment in memory of Dr Legge ' ; which seems however not to have been carried 
out. There used to be a stone on the building with the inscription, '* Hoc 
./^idificium extructum est slimptibus Doctoris Legge, Anno Domini MDCXIX '* ; 
and a similar one recording the like benefaction of Dr Perse. In 1868, when the 
buildings were demolished, these stones were removed, and have been since set up 
in the collie wall, facing the President's garden in the Tree Court. 


1575. The Gtate of Honour, for which Caius had left designs, was completed in this year. 

1575. Probably Caius had had the intention of obtaining a grant of Arms for his 
ooU^;e, but this was not actuaUy done till this year, when on Sept. 17 the Heralds' Collie 
granted them " the Armes of Gonvile and Caius in pale within a Border gowne silver and 
sables." The grant is in our Library ; and a figu»imile in the Combination-room. 

1575. By composition with the town general precautions were taken against fire. Oiur 
collie was to keep in readiness "4 buckets, 1 scoop, 1 long ladder, 1 short ladder" (Cooper, 

1576. The elaborate column, shown in Loggan's picture, was erected in the Caius 
Court Theodore ^Haveus, of Cleves, was the designer. It contained no less than 
60 sun-dials, and was ornamented with the arms of many persons then resident in the 
ooU^e. It had originally a weathercock, on the summit, in the shape of Pegasus. 

1578. The well by the kitchen having become exhausted by the drought, a new one 
was made in the centre of the Qonville Coiurt On its summit an image of Aquarius was 
placed. The court was railed in at the same time {v. Loggan's picture). 

1579. The coU^e decided to bake their own bread in future, instead of buying it. 
For this purpose a new oven was mada 

1583. For the further adornment of the Caius Court rails were set up round the grass- 

In the same year ten "studies" were made in what had been the master's room over 
the library. 

1593, Nov. 7. "S»viente in oppido pe8te...d6cretum est ut scholastici et pensionarii a 
tutoribus in rus dimitterentur ad 13"^**™ JanuariL" 

1593, Dec. 27. The plague still raging, the above order is extended to Feb. 20. 

1594. In thb year, owing to the increased numbers, the houses which Dr Caius had 
bought of Trinity 30 years before, and on the site of which the Legge and Perse buildings 
were afterwards erected, were converted into chambers for students, under the name of the 
Pensionary. The ground, i.a the north half of our Tree Court, had been already shut off 
by a wall extending from the Qate of Humility to that of Virtue. An opening for access 
to the above buildings was now made through this wall. 

1603, Oct 24 The plague raging, leave of absence was granted to all on the foundation 
till Jan. 12. 

1605, Nov. 6. Plague still raging. Leave of absence till Jan. 13. 

* His portrait, probably his gift, is in cor Library. 



William Branthwaite, eighteenth master (1607-19) entered originally at Clare, 
Oct. 1579, where he graduated B.A. in 1582-3. He migrated in 1584 to Emmanuel, 
where he commenced M.A. in 1686. He was a fellow of Emmanuel from 1584 
to 1607 ; and held the office of Lady Margaret Preacher in 1598. He graduated 
B.D. 1593, and D.D. 1598. He was admitted master of our college Dec. 14, 1607. 

As regards his family, both his father and grandfather were named John', and 
the latter was of Sedbergh. One branch migrated to Norfolk, where they were 
very numerous during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. William's 
brother, Richard, serjeant-at-law, achieved considerable notoriety by his services to 
the Government in the examination, — and torture — of seminary priests and others 
suspected of favouring the designs of Rome. 

William Branthwaite was an excellent scholar, being one of those employed in 
the revised translation of the Bible, 1607-11. The part of the work which fell to 
his committee was the Apocrypha. Good scholar as he was, however, it was not for 
this that he was appointed master, but rather as a rebuff to the fellows for a certain 
informality in their election of a successor to Dr Legge. Legge died in the long 
vacation, July 12, 1607, at a time when several of the fellows were absent. 
Dr John Gostlin (see on, p. 74) was the popular candidate, and the natural 
successor. He was at the time, with the exception of Dr Perse, the senior member 
of the body. Possibly anticipating some Court interference with their choice, the 
fellows met in a hurry for their election : in too much of a hurry as it proved ; and 
committed two unfortunate irregularities. For one thing, in reckoning the 
minimum number of days, from Legge*s death, within which the election could be 
made, they seem to have counted that day itself, as well as the day of their 
meeting. Then, again, there was some uncertainty about the number who actually 
voted. There were six present who were certainly in favour of Gostlin, and the 
vote of one other was, for some reason, rather uncertain (Moore, Annals), The 
six considered him as being on their side, and that they had therefore the requisite 
majority of the whole body of seniors. They accordingly declared Gostlin to be 
duly elected. Soon however they realized that something might be wrong, and 
accordingly summoning another meeting, they chose Gostlin with a full majority. 
This only made matters worse, and brought down on them the wrath of the 
Chancellor, the Earl of Salisbury, who at once set aside the election, and appointed 
Dr Branthwaite. Dr Goade, the Vice-Chancellor, was directed to summon 
Dr Perse, as senior, together with the other fellows, in order to hear the Chancellor's 
decree. It was to this effect, — 

^ Information from Mr B. J. Beevor, a descendant of the family. The family was a very 
numerous one, most of the members taking to the law. No less than 18 entered our college. 
They have now been long extinct in Norfolk, at least in the male line. 


1. The election was done precipitately, by such of the fellows as were present at the 
instant, without a due summons or expectation of the rest that were absent, by the space 
of 15 day& 

2. It cannot be pretended to be an election made " inter mensem et viginti octo dies a 
die mortis ** : — the fellows had, it seems, counted the actual day of death as one day. 

3. That in this election, which is required to be "concors electio majoris partis 
sociorum omnium,'' there was, for Dr Gk>stlin, but six voices in all ; whether we number 
the fellows 13, as Dr Caius founded them, or 19, with those six of Mrs Frankland's 
foundation. It is plain that Dr Cbstlin had not a competent number of voices to make 
an election, and therefore was never lawfully elected. 

4. That it hath this probability to have been an election made, either whilst Dr Legge 
lived (for it is confessed that a writing was given to Dr Perse, subscribed by Dr Legge, to 
choose Dr Qostlin in locum vctcaniem) ; or immediately after the sufficient certainty could 
be had of his death, whereby it was not possible those fellows that were absent might duly 
have been expected, as is before required.... 

I cannot but judge that election void and of none effect. If any shall seem to enforce 
that second election, made for Dr Qostlin, by the fellows, I esteem no otherwise of it than 
a mere confused and disorderly attempt of a headless body, utterly void by statute, and 
such an action as casteth no small hazard upon the actors, if in extremity the statutes were 
pressed against them (Baker MS. xxiv. ; from University Qrace Book), 

In thus appointing Branthwaite, the Chancellor, however, as Mr Moore 
remarks (Annals), went counter to the statutes of Bateman, which direct that if 
the election devolved to him he should appoint some fellow of the college. 

Branthwaite, like most of those before and after him, did not get through the 
period of his rule without a quarrel with his fellows ; nor, considering the circum- 
stances of his appointment, could it have been expected that he should. The 
subject was that of his " negative vote," the pretended right to which became, in 
the next century, such a fertile source of ill-will when exercised by EUys and 
Gooch. The case was this. A fellowship fell vacant in 1615, and a majority of 
the fellows chose Mr Allen, a Devonian. The master refused his assent to this, 
insisted on his negative vote, and after a month pronounced Mr Cooke, a 
Norfolkian, to be duly elected by devolution to the master. The dispute raged for 
some tima As the AnnaU say, under 1616, "toto hoc anno litigatur." Both 
sides took the advice of counsel ; the opinions on the fellows' side being delivered 
by Drs Henry Marten, Nicholas Styward, and H. Hone (they are given in full in 
the Annals). But neither party was satisfied, and in 1617 a majority of two- 
thirds of the fellows (by Bateman's statute De inhabUi <mstode) proceeded to 
admonish* the roaster, and, on his non-compliance, appealed to the Chancellor, the 
Earl of Suffolk, who heard the case at Audley End. No reference seems to be 
made, on either side, to the question of the county qualification, the only point in 
dispute being the master's negative vote. This vote was not allowed by the 
Chancellor, and it was decreed that Allen had been duly elected. The master, he 

1 **T6 eondem Oalielmam Branthwaite propter jastitiam male erga personas sooionim 
adminiBtratam, propter res oollegii pamm fideliter variis modis tractatas, aliaqae molta abs 
te inique oommissa...." 


says " denied upon his negative voice alone, by the space of a month, that so he 
might devolve it to himself and elect alone : not giving any just cause or reason, of 
the statutes, why Allen was not eligible." He therefore insisted upon Allen's 
admission; but Branthwaite, pleading conscientious scruples against doing this 
himself, was allowed to devolve the duty on the Vice-Chancellor, who accordingly 
admitted Allen, Aug. 15, 1617. The expenses of the suit seem to have fallen 
rather heavily on the fellows. Some years later they petitioned the Chancellor 
(Dea 3, 1621) that the costs might be repaid out of the corporate funds. Per- 
mission being given, and the arrangement being left to them, £52 was assigned for 
the purpose (Annals), 

His will, dated Jan. 25, 1618-9, was proved in the Vice-Chancellor's court, 
March 11, following. He leaves land of the clear value of £22 "for the founding 
and establishing of four scholarships of my foundation in Gonville and Caius 
College ; and two at Emmanuel." Of his books, " all which are any way fit for a 
library shall be given to Gonville and Caius College. And I will that the leaves 
of all the said books shall be cast into one convenient colour. ** To the collie " a 
silver tankard pot, gilt, with my arms." To Mr Thomas Weatherall (VoL i. 174) a 
mourning gown and £5, To the scholars yearly upon the day of my death 20«. 
On his feast day (Feb. 14) the master of the college and the provost of King's are 
yearly to take a view of the books, plate and scholars : the latter are to be invited 
to the feast and to have a convenient provision in the hall, and to receive one 
shilling each. Executors; Richard Branthwaite (Vol. i. 198) and Thomas 
WeatheraU, B.D. 

The books referred to above comprise a very large collection, said to have been 
worth about £230. There is a separate catalogue of them in our Library 
(MS. 648). 

According to the AnncUa Dr Branthwaite died of consumption. Towards the 
end of 1618 he became so ill — he was then holding the office of Vice-Chancellor — 
that he had to give up all business and retire to the country, i.e. to Badlingham, 
Newmarket, where he died about the end of January, 1618-9. All quarrels at an 
end, he departed in peace and harmony with the college, taking an affectionate 
farewell of the fellows. His learning was beyond dispute, and he was a very able 
and vigilant head of the college, which flourished greatly under his rule. His only 
drawback (Annah) was that he had not the art of avoiding or allaying suspicions 
and discords. He was buried in the body of the chapel, between the tombs of 
Caius and Legge; but there is now no monument or inscription to his memory. 
There is a portrait of him in our college, and another at Emmanuel. Two letters 
from him to Sir Thos. Wilson, in 1607 and 1609, are amongst the State Papers, 

During this period, and both before and after, so far from suppressing bonfires 
within the walls, the college itself undertook to provide them. Three in the year 
seems to have been the usual allowance : one on November 5 ; one on or about 
March 25, the festal day of the college ; and one on the coronation of the King, or 
on August 5 :— the reason for this last day I do not know. For instance; 1609, 
For 8 fagots for the gunpowder night, at 3** a fagot, 2". 1611, Bone-fire on the 
Coronation day, 4". Fewell for the bone fyer, Aug. 6, I* 6^. 


About this period considerable expense was entailed by the repair of the 
college sundials. These were very numerous. There were six on the Gate of 
Honour (v, Loggan's picture), a large one over the passage between the two courts, 
and no less than 60 small ones on Haveus' column in the Caius court. In 1615 
nearly £30 was spent in painting and regilding these, besides " 8' for Pegasus and 
his basis.'' The joiner was also paid " 12' for work about the great Mural Diall.'' 

As an illustration of the general turbulence, and the quarrelling between the 
master and fellows in early times, two extracts from the Gesta are significant. 
Both the offenders, at the time in question, were of M.A. standing, and senior 
fellows. 1616, Ap. 5. Mr Allen fined 5", ''quia inobedienter et petulanter se 
gessit contra custodem." April 20. Mr Wake fined 10*, "quia petulanter et 
contumeliose quasdam calumnias effudit de custode." 


1611. The Prince of Heese visited Cambridge about July, this year, but the consequent 
entertainment did not cost the collie much. The only entry is, " Wine and cakes for the 
entertaynment of the Prince of Hesse, 4* 6*^." 

1611. ** Mr Naylor (l 158) preaching in the sicknes tyme, 26" 8^." This, in the bursar's 
book, refers to the plague of 1610 ; but it is not recorded where he preached. 

1613. Some outlay was incurred to smarten up the appearance of the collie before 
the visit of the Prince of Wales. ** Feb. 26, 1612-13. For glasing Hall windows against 
the Prince's coming, 5*. For 6 loads of sand then, 6". For 12 new pannells for the Hall 
skrene, 6«." (The Prince of Wales, with the Elector Palatine, visited Cambridge from 
Newmarket, March 6, 1612-13, on which occasion Thomas Wetherall, fellow of the college, 
and a celebrated preacher, greatly distinguished himself in a public Act (VoL L p. 174).) 

1613. " Aide monie for the Ladie Elizabeth marriadg to Dr Guyn of St Johns, 40*." 
(This must refer to the marriage of the princess Elizabeth, daughter of James I, to the 
Count Palatine. Dr Qwyn, master of St John's, probably collected the 'aid money': — 
J. B. M.) 

1614. Before the visit of King James the sundials in the Caius Court were repaired 
and beautified by Oliver Green, M.D., formerly of the college (Annals), 

1614-15. The winter seems to have been imusually severe. "Six labourers, for digging 
up the frozen snowe in the courts and for bringing in 7 loades of graveU." (The frost lasted 
45 days : v. Cooper, AnncUs, ni. 83.) 

1614-15, March 7. On the occasion of the King's visit the accounts record, " Musitians 
for sounding when the King passed by Humihty Gate, lO*." (This was the visit of the 
King rendered £Emious by the performance of Ignoramus.) 

1615. Dr Perse died in college. Of his many benefactions some are mentioned under 
Scholarships and Fellowships, He left £5000 amongst the towns of Cambridge, Norwich, 
Bury, and Lynn, they to pay 5 p.c. on this, but the legacies being declined the money came 
to the collie (see under Endovmients), He is well known in the town of Cambridge as 
founder of the Perse School Within our college, he not only established scholarships and 
fellowships, but also augmented those of others, and in fact increased the emoluments of 
almost everyone in office. In particular he deserves mention as having added to the 
buildings (see on, p. 83), by leaving £500 to be employed " about the making and building 
of a convenient building for lodgings and chambers for fellows and scholars." 



John Gostlin, nineteenth master (1619-26), belonged to a Norwich family, well 
known in our college, as several members of it in successive generations became 
fellows. He was a son of Robert Gostlin, sheriff of Norwich in 1570; and was 
educated at the Cathedral Grammar School. He entered our college Nov. 22, 1582, 
at the age of 16. He was elected to a Scholarship about the same time, which he 
held for eight years. He graduated B.A., 1586-7 ; M.A. 1590; and M.D. 1602. 
He was elected to a fellowship about Lady Day, 1592, and retained it till he became 
master in 1619. He held most of the college offices open to a layman, and was 
proctor of the University in 1600. 

As already stated, Gostlin was chosen master by the fellows in 1607, but his 
election was summarily set aside by the Chancellor. He seems to have felt this 
rebuff very acutely. He at once withdrew from Cambridge and retired to Exeter, 
where for several yfears he practised his profession of medicine. What was his 
inducement to go so far, — for his family affinities appear to have been exclusively 
East Anglian — it is impossible to say; though there certainly was, about this time, 
a curious local tie between our college and Devonshire, as has been already pointed 
out in the Introduction to Vol. i. He became M.P. for Barnstaple in 1614, and it 
deserves notice that in this capacity he succeeded another fellow of the college, 
Thomas Hinson. After performing his duties as member, in London, he returned 
to Devon ; but was soon after summoned to Cambridge, by the general request of 
the heads, as being the fittest person to dispute a medical act before King James 
on the occasion of his visit to the University (Annals), 

Apparently his travelling charges when he left Cambridge were paid by the 
college. The following list of expenses (the first part is missing) is preserved in our 
MS. 602. 

Item for charges for my selfe, my horse and man to and from Cambridge £ s, cL 
to London from the 20"> of July to the 9 Aug. 3 . 6.0 

At this time from my coming up to London untill the 5*^ of Aug. 
Mr Parker and Mr Duisborough were in London with whom I did 
for the most part keep diet which was the cause why my expenses 
were no more at that time; and the most in dispatching messages 
backwards and forwards. They departed London S*** Aug. and so 
I rested alone untill the 15**». Upon the 15** of Aug. Mr Hammond 
and Mr Brown came up and we ridd altogether to the Court and so 
continued untill the 29^ at which time both my charges horse and man 
were entered in Mr Brown and Mr Hammonds accomte and therefore 
I make no demande for all that time untill my going towards Exon. 

Item charges for my selfe my man and horses from London to Exon 46* 

Item for my charges my horse and man to London from Exon at 
Michaelmas tearme 3 . 12 . 

Item for my charges for my selfe and my horse and for Counsell to the 
Lawyers and at Courte spente in Michaelmas tearme 14 . 0.0 

Item for carryages of my selfe from Exon and backe againe from 
London 66» 


Item spent in my joymey from Camb. to London, my abode there and 

my jomey downe to Exon in Candlemas tearme £7 

What hath bene spent in this joymey I put not to aocounte but leave 

itt to y' consideration 
From what my losse of time and practise from y« 29**» of July to March 

following is to be estimat, my trouble and attendance all y^ time, 

I leave to be indifferently considered 

£47 . 9 . 

He remained in Devonshire more than ten years, where his medical practice 
seems to have been very successful. On the death of Branthwaite Dr Gostlin's 
friends were again prompt to elect him to the mastership, but again they very 
nearly failed. It is evident that there was some objection to him in Court circles, 
probably on account of his supposed Romish sympathies. Before the breath was 
out of Branthwaite's body a letter was sent to the fellows from the king, dated at 
Newmarket, Jan. 21, 1618-9, which intimates that we "understand that Dr 
Branthwaite is dangerously sick, and not likely in any man's judgment to recover," 
and then goes on to recommend " in case your said master shall depart this life the 
choice of such an one into his place as shall be sound and untainted in religion, as 
you will be answerable unto us. And if you shall make election of a divine' 
eligible by your statutes, rather than of one of any other profession, as we doubt 
not you shall thereby make the best provision for the government of your house, so 
we assure you ye shall do that which will be most acceptable unto us in that 
point." After his death, viz. on Jan. 30, another royal letter was written, but 
apparently not sent, ordering the fellows to elect Sir Thomas Wilson, keeper of 
State Papers: **The king will take no denial, he being a man of learning and 
sufficiency, and having performed long and faithful service" {Cal. of St, Pap, Dam.), 

Somehow these difficulties were surmounted, probably by aid of the strong 
advocacy of the Bishop of Lincoln, and Gostlin was duly elected Feb. 16, 1618-9, 
whilst he was still in Exeter. The election was, after some demur, and the raising 
of various objections, sanctioned by the Earl of Suffi>lk, the Chancellor, in the 
following letter: 

Suffolk House, Feb. 23, 1618-9. 

I have receaved yor Ire signifyinge yor elleccion of Mr Dr Gk)8tlin to be your Custos.... 
I do assure myself that he is a worthy and discreete man, and everywaye fitt for the place 
you have chosen him in. And therefore I do give my allowance and approbacion of him 
accordinge to yor desire and his good deservinge... (MS. 602 ; p. 57). 

The posts at the disposal of the Court must have been few in comparison with 
the applicants, for the amount of intrigue and servility displayed even in the 
disposition of a college mastership is noteworthy. Gostlin's main supporter was 
Dr Mountain, bishop of Lincoln, who sends him the following remarkable letter of 
advice (MS. 602, p. 55) : — as a fact, he had already been elected. 

1 It is Bald ihat the ** divine'* in view here was Dr Bing, Professor of Hebrew. 



I would advise youe that when your Maister is dead if the Kings letter be 

delivered to youe in no case youe proceede to an election but first repayre to his Ma**« by 

my Lord of Buckingham, or if he be not ther by my Lord of Durrham, or by Mr Levingston 

of y^ Bedchamber (I have written to Mr Packer and Mr Levingston for youe) and ther as 

many as youe can humbly on your knees desire his gratiouse favour to youe as he hath 

done to others for a free election wherein if y« party chosen be either by statute of 

y* colledg or of y^ land or any other way justly to be excepted against youe will lay it at 

his Ma^^ feete, only youe desire that close and secret calumniations may not be believed 

but that his Ma^ would be pleased according to his great wisdome to be judg himself. 

In the meane tyme neglect not y' Honorable Chancellor but desire his £avour that so it 

should come to a devolution or interpretation he may be your Honorable frend. If youe 

go to my Lord of Buckingham it must be by way of petition that he would be pleased to 

be y' Honorable Patron and assist your humble petition (which must be anext to his) to his 

most excellent Ma^. This is all but my love with the which I commend youe and your 

procedings to Almighty Qod 

Y' loving frend 

Geo. Linooln 
Deliver y« lettres y' self 

when youe have sealed them 
Bugden 18 Feb., 1618. 

The following are the testimonials referred to above (MS. 714) : 

Bugden ; Feb. 17, 16ia-9. 

I pray you do what courtisy you can unto this bearer, Dr Gostlin. He is my loving 
friend, and what you do to him you shall do to a worthy man, and one that will requite it. 
All he desires is to have some good accesse unto his majesty. 

The above is addressed to '^Mr John Levinstone, one of his majestys Bed- 
chamber," the next is to Mr Packer. 

Bugden; Feb. 17, 16ia-9. 

I am bold to commend this bearer, Mr Dr Gk)stlin, for a very honest and a very 
sufficiente man. I have bene inwardly acquainted with him this 20 yeares : if you were 
so you would say as mutch for him as I doe now. Yet hath he bene once quarrelled for 
the Maistership of Caius Colledg, and is now uppon the stayes again. It is prsetended 
that he is popishly affected, a Calumny im worthy him and them that make it. I know the 
contrary by his protestacions and vowes, and by hb practise. I know he will undei^goe all 
the triall that he can be put unto. I know that he is now uppon the deliberation to 
enter into the ministry, and is as unworthy of the imputation as they that lay it upon 

There are other letters from the bishop, one of warm congratulation shortly 
after, "now you are come out of the wilderness, and where your friends could 
wish you." 

Dr Branthwaite having died during his tenure of the Vice-Chancellorship, 
Dr Gostlin was also chosen into this post, at once. His joy at his return seems 
almost excessive. In his Inaugural lecture, as professor, he says, " Ego ille vester, 
jam per decenniura prope exul et absens a Musis et Musarum studiis : longa de- 
suetudine artium et linguarum oblitus, remotissimo hujus Insul» angulo, tanquam 


obscuro antro, absconditii8...e tenebris in luoem hano Musarum extrahor"; and he 
refers to his absence (he was in lucrative practice in Exeter) as " ilia fatalis mihi 
temporis calami tas." 

He was appointed to the Regius Professorship of Physic ("Reader of the Physic 
Lecture," as he is described in the docquet) June 25, 1623. This seems to have been 
largely due to the influence of Isaac Barrow, M.D., fellow of Trinity, who wrote to 
the Court in his behalf, describing him as " without question the moste worthie man 
of his profession in the Universitie, and one that is moste desired of alL'* He adds 
that the stipend was only £40, and that the office required much pains (State Pap. 
Dom,). This was followed by a certificate from the Vice-Chancellor and nearly all 
the Heads commending Dr Oostlin "for his learning, judgment and discretion." 
He held the office till his death three years afterwards. 

In our Library are several MSS. (65, and 430-2) containing medical notes of 
lectures, disputations, dec., records of his professorial labours, and memoranda 
concerning his practice. 

The following account of his work and personal character is from the pen of 
William Moore, fellow, and completer of the college Annals. 

This year was rendered one of mourning for our College by the death of our Master, 
Dr Gostlin, who was at that time Vice-Chancellor of the University. This excellent man, 
between 5 and 6 o'clock of the afternoon of the 27th (21st) day of October, with calmness 
and humility breathed forth his spirit into the bosom of his Lord. He it was who, after 
being bufletted by misfortunes of many sorts, as we have recounted above, was at length 
by God's favour granted to our prayers, and was welcomed into a harbour of salvation, if 
I may so term it, with the approbation and applause of everybody ; and in this situation, 
for nearly seven years, during which he was Master of our College, he secured to us the 
tranquillity we had so long and earnestly been wishing for, and to himself the reputation 
his deserts so richly merited. 

That he surpassed in learning, foresight and sagacity the common run of men, his 
conduct on more than one occasion gave ample proof; once when he sustained the office 
of proctor with such success as to gain unwonted approbation from the whole University ; 
and again, when staying in Devonshire, he gained the good-Mrill of the people of Exeter 
(Barnstaple) to such a degree that they returned him as representative of their borough in 
Parliament. His duties in this situation he performed with success, and immediately after 
withdrew to his favourite Devonshire, where he was universally loved and admired. But 
talents like his were not long suffered to remain obscured; for when His Most Serene 
Highness, King James, expressed his intention of paying a visit to his favourite Cambridge, 
the heads of the colleges forthwith took coimsel about recalling Gostlin to sustain the part 
of Respondent in Medicine: this office he discharged in a way becoming a man of his 
imiversal talents, so as to become a favourite of the King of the Academicians, for by such 
a title His Most Gracious Majesty did not disdain to be called. Indeed, some years after, 
when Gk)stlin was elected Master by the fellows and recommended by them to the King by 
letter, his majesty most graciously expressed his approbation; and when the Chair of 
Medicine was vacant, Gostlin was ordered by the Royal diploma to imdertake the duty. 
He entered upon this high office endowed with the most happy memory, with a sound and 
well regulated judgment, and with a great fluency of speech ; in which qualities he so much 
excelled that the Chair of Medicine was never more worthily filled, nor was that profession 
ever more highly regarded among the men of Cambridge. 

78 . MASTERS. 

But the Schools and the Senate were not the only fields in which Gostlin displayed his 
merit, for he in great measure directed the affairs of the University by his advice, and 
though twice elected to its government (for he entered upon and ended his mastership as 
Vice-Chanoellor) he both times answered our expectation and our prayers, inasmuch as he 
replenished our exhausted coffers, restored our fallen discipline, encouraged n^lected 
literature, earnestly advocated the privileges of the University, and, in a word, raised it to 
a most flourishing state. So excellent a Vice-Chancellor did he make as to deserve to be 
admired and imitated by all posterity, though hardly ever likely to be equalled and never 
to be surpassed. 

As to what some triflers in physiognomy £Buicied, that he was inclined to be of a 
savage disposition, because forsooth his features somewhat resembled those of a lion, their 
inference was entirely false and more futile than the science they professed ; for although 
his coimtenance was such as became a man of enlarged intellect and of invincible resolution, 
yet the gentleness and flexibility of his manners sufficiently proved the emptiness of their 
censure. We do not however deny that a certain degree of severity did display itself in 
his manner when inflicting punishment ; not that in this there is any fault to lay to his 
charge, for, being a man of the greatest discretion and judgment, he always kept within the 
boimds of justice, nay more, of praiseworthy lenity, and by this means subdued refractory 
spirits better by his mere nod than others do by flogging and severe penalties. 

Moreover as he was skilfull in forming the morals of those imder his care, so was he 
attentive to form their minds with knowledge. And such success had he in the numerous 
and well-prepared lectures that he gave in the public schools whilst he held the Chair of 
Medicine, that we cannot but regret that they have not all come down to us ; for there 
only remain of his writings, as far as we are aware, some MS. speeches made in the public 
schools, and a short ^ treatise on Comets, which he dedicated to his most serene Highness 
King James, who was curious about that one which appeared in the year 1618 ; and he 
gained no small favour from his Majesty on account of it. 

His custom was every year at the commencement of the first term to make a Latin 
oration in the chapel, for the purpose either of inflaming the minds of the young men with 
a love of piety, or of inciting them to the pursuit of literature ; and this most praiseworthy 
custom, voluntary though it was, he was so unwilling to neglect, that a few days before his 
death, on the 16th day of October, when in a state of extreme languor, he preached a 
discourse, like the dirge of a swan, on the most comfortable name of Jesus. It was in eveiy 
part full of piety, and concluded with these words, '* Jesu, Jesu, sis mihi Jesus.** 

No sooner had he ended than he withdrew from the Chapel, and never after was present 
at divine service in public, but in his own rooms he partook of the Lord's Supper with the 
greatest devotion, on which occasion the fellows also were communicants. With this 
provision for his journey, and heavenly medicine, as it were, he furnished his soul, as his 
illness was now increasing on him ; and having propped himself in his bed, revised his will, 
and what he had already resolved on when in health he put his hand to, being now at the 
point of death* (Translation from AnnaU, p. 256: quoted in Portfolio), 

Gostlin died in college, Oct. 21, 1626. He was Vice-Chancellor at the time, 
thus leaving the tenure of his office to be completed by another, as he had himself 
completed that of his predecessor, Branthwaite. The following touching account 
of his last illness and death is given by one of the fellows, Thomas Wake : 

Dr Gostlyn, our late worthy master, perceiving himself to be much weakened, it pleased 
him to send for me, and coming unto him he signifyd unto me, what great power our 

* I can find no trace of this treatise. 


Sayiour had left unto his church, and of his earnest desire to have the comfort of ahsolution. 

Whereupon, making a general confession of his sins and faith, he in all humiliation with 

repentant tears acknowledged that he had been a great sinner, but had affiance only on the 

value of Christ his merits which dy'd for man upon the Cross, and that for him and 

through him only he trusted that all his sins were forgiven him and done away, concluding 

with this most sweet ejaculation, *0 Jesus, Jesus, sis mihi Jesus.' Upon which most 

sincere and Christian confession, after some demands of which he gave a most soimd 

resolution, having given him absolution, according to the form set down in our Book of 

Common Prayer, he sayd he was desirous to receive the Communion, which the next day 

was administered to him by myself, seven of the senior fellows being communicants with 

him : and albeit very feeble, yet with help being brought down unto his lower chamber, in 

the presence of us all, before his receiving the Sacrament, he b^an thus : * It pleased God 

yesterday to send his angell unto me, for so I term his priest upon earth, unto whom 

I made a general confession of my sins, after which he gave me absolution, whereupon 

I received much spiritual comfort, and some ease also of my body. And now again I do 

confess unto you all that I have been a great sinner, and I do desire you all to fbrgive me, 

for I hold Tully^s rule, nemini injuriam facere^ to have been good had he not made this 

addition nm lacessUvs, And therefore St Austin sayd that he spoyled the best rule by 

this additament, for that which our Saviour sayd was spoken of old. Love your friends and 

hate your enemies, was but fermentum PharUceomm^ the malice of human corruption.* 

Haven spoke this, I administered the sacrament. Then, having received the Communion, 

calling on us again he spoke thus: — *When I am dead and gone, observe strictly the 

prescript form of the Liturgy. For lot them say what they will, that invert and alter it 

by pieces, it is the true obedience and service to Qod, to observe what the Church hath 

commanded. Let me entreat you to love one another, to bear with one another's infirmities, 

and not to retain malice in your hearts.' Frequent ejaculations in his sickness: Pater 

misericordiarum miserere meL Ah/$m» mUeriat invocat abysmm misericordioe. Jesus, Jesus, 

sis mihi Jesus, Cupio dissolvi et esse cum Ckristo. The time of his sickness I constantly 

read prayers unto him twice a day at least, and reading the Penitential Psalms himself 

answered, myself reading one verse and he another. Delivered upon occasion, speaking of 

the College, that he always held a mastership and governor's place in a College to be a place 

of honour and credit and not of profit. 

Sic testor, Thomas Wake. Oct 31, 1626. 
(Baker MS. iv. 243). 

Mead says of him, — 

He died the evening after I wrot my last. He fell a sleep at 4 that morning, and 
awaked not till after two in the afternoon, when he was speechless and knew nobody, and 
his apothecarie coming sayd he was drawing on to death. Many of his fellowes would not 
beleeve he was deadly sick, though himself had told them so, but thought it was onely 
fearfiillness (Mead's Letters ; Harl. MS. 390 ; published in Camb. Trans, ii. 349). 

There is an interesting MS. in our Library' called The Dicury of Dr Gostlin, 
extending from 1619 to 1626. It is however scarcely a diary, in the ordinary 
sense of the term, but rather an account book, being almost entirely concerned 
with notes of receipts and expenses, and other money matters. It shows incidentally 
that he was certainly a man of considerable wealth, — most of this having pre- 
sumably been acquired by his medical practice. The following are a few extracts, 

^ It was purchased of Messrs Sotheby in 1893. It had at one time belonged to Peter le Neve, 
the antiquary, and is evidently the original from which extracts were taken by Baker. 


Jan. 25, 1619. Having spente the year before and given away £160, 1 hadde in estate 
and money in handes, as followeth. 

Imf»imis my house in Norwich in St Edmonds parishe. 

Item the lease for 3 lives of my house in Exeter. 

Item in readye money £475, havinge payde the university and all men whatsoever 
I did owe. 

(The details are too numerous to quote in fiilL Many of them are notes of sums lent 
to fellows, and other members of the University ; showing him to have been very generous 
in this respect: thus,— "Mr OUver Naylor, fellow of Caius Ck>lledge, oweth me by bill 
dated Nov. 28, 1618, £6 . 13 . A."* '*Lent to Mr Lucy of our coUedge, £20"; &c. It 
oondudes :) 

So that my estate at that tyme in monye, annuity and landes I founde to be upponn 
the castinge uppe per accompt in summa, £1557 .7.2. Besides my house at Norwich, 
my other at Exeter, my furnitures, my bookes, my plate and apparelL 

Sever^ of the entries are curious, as showing the various devices to which men 
were wont to resort for the safe disposal of their ready money, in the days before 
banks were known. 

July 19, 1624. I had in ready mony as followeth. 

Imprimis in one bagge in my counter in my study in goulde, £oc. 

Item in another bagge £oc, whereof 100 in laureats, the other in 22 s. peeces. 

Item in a bagge in my cupborde in my chamber £a 

Item in a bagge in my table in my study £10. 

Item in one in my deske in my chamber £y 

Item in ii litle boxes, in sylver and goald, in my study windowe, £22. 

Total. In ready money of my owne, £537 .0.0. 

May 11, 1625. I had in ready mony in iii bagges of goalde layinge under my shelfe at 
the entry of my study under the loweste boxe, which runnes over a felse bottom, as yowe 
enter owte of my bed chamber on the lefte hande £d (£500) in auro piut). 

Fuller ( Worthies^ ii. 489) tells a story of a trick played on him by a student. 
Gostlin was Vice-chancellor, and it was *' highly penal for any scholar to appear 
before him in boots, as having more of the gallant than civil student therein. 
Now a scholar undertook for a small wager to address himself ochreated unto the 
Vice-Chancel lor... he craved his advice for an hereditary numbness in his legs, which 
made him in his habit to trespass on the statutes, to keep them warm.'' He won 
his wager, and extracted medical advice from the Vice-Chancellor. As to his 
general character Fuller sums up, ''A strict man in keeping, and magistrate in 
pressing, the statutes of College and University, and a severe punisher of the 
infringers thereof." 

Besides the notes in the Diary written by Gostlin himself, there are a few 
inserted after his death by his brother William, who was his executor. Some of 
these refer to his funeral expenses — he died Oct. 21, and was not buried until 
Nov. 16 — and are interesting as showing the scale of expenditure adopted on such 

Followeth the charges of buryall and funerall of my brother doctour Gostlin whoe 
departed this liffe the 21st of October 1626, and his funerall solemnized the 16th November 
following : — 


li. & d. 
Imprimis per dughtyes to the Minister of St Mihills parishe and 

making of his grave and Ringing the bell 01 00 2 

For his coffin and nayles 00 10 

For cake and wine att his biiryall 01 12 7 

For torches at his buryall (funerals were then often at night) 00 06 

Payde to 4 women that watched 00 04 

Item payde for clothe for 3 gownes and 5 cloakes att Cambridge 29 08 

Item for gloves att Cambridge 07 02 

Item payde for bancketing stufie at the funerall . . . 14 03 8 

Item to Moody for wearing his scarlett Robes att the fmierall 00 16 

Item to Mr Scott the herald for 60 scuchenes payde . . 06 10 

Item payde to Woolf for wine 04 05 6 

Item payde for a Supper the Sundaye following the funerall . 03 08 

Item to six labourers the Sundaye 00 05 

Item for 20 dowsen cakes 01 00 

Item for torches the funerall day 00 04 

Item for Halye the Clark of St Maryes dughtyes . . . 01 00 

Sume is 71 . 14 . 11 

Followeth charges upon the funerall. 

Imprimis per my mothers and my wives gownes . . . 07 00 
Item for and towards... mourning gownes for my five sisters 

40 s each 10 00 

Item to my brother Francis for a cloak 02 00 

Item for gloves at Norwiche 01 00 

Item for a mourning sute for myself 04 00 

Item payde to the Mayor of Cambridge for the use of the 

poore 04000 

Item payde to Thomas Tuffhon of the overseers of the poor, 

and St Clemens for their use ....... 03 00 

Item payde to the poore of Drayton 03 00 

Item spente from the 19th October till the 22d November 

following in sizens and other charges in the Colledge . . 06 15 
Item payde to Mr Blancks present steward for monyes due 

upon his boocke from doctour Gostlin 02 06 9^ 

43 . 01 . 9^ 
71 . 14 . 11 

114-. 16 . 8^ 
Per 2 rings of 30 shillings eche the one to Mr Stokes the other 
to Mr Wake and Mr R. Wild 003 . 00 . 

IVT. 16 . Si 

Considering the relative value of money at the time, this illustrates the very 
large sums which, in accordance with the custom of former days, were laid out on 
funeral expenses. 

Dying, as he did, when Vice-Chancellor, his death naturally attracted attention. 
Milton, then a student at Christ's, wrote a Latin ode on the occasion. In obitum 
Proccmcellarii (H. J. Todd, Milton, vii. 305). As regards his character, he achieved 
c. III. 6 


the rare distinction of unbroken harmony with those under his rule. As we have 
seen, the AnndU are diffuse in praise of his rare qualities, intellectual and moral : 
his piety and learning, his thoughtful attention to others, his business capacity and 
devotion to the interests of the college. 

His will, dated only two days before his death, viz. Oct. 19, 1626, was proved 
(P. CO.) Dea 6, following. He desires to be buried as near as may be to 
Dr Legge, '' my worthy friend and patron." Leaves to the college the Rose and 
Croum Inn, Cambridge \ and "my annuity of £30 a year out of the manor and 
land of Milton ^ Cambs." With this four scholarships were to be founded (see 
under Scholarships), Leaves £i for a feast "upon my mortuary day"; the 
preacher on that day to be paid 1 3* 4^. To Catharine Hall, Cambridge, he leaves 
a legacy for scholarships, <&c. To his godson John Gostlin, son of his brother 
William, when 24, The Mermaid house, Norwich. To John Gostlin, fellow of 
Caius College, all his books, scarlet gown, and robes. To Edmund Michells, M.A., 
fellow, his black gown and hood, and £10. To Thomas Gostlin, fellow, "my black 
gown faced with shanks, and tippet.^' Rings to Matthew Stokes and Thomas 
Wake, fellows. William Gostlin, his brother, executor. 

He was a benefactor to Catharine Hall, by the gift of the Bull Inn : " If he 
who giveth a night's lodging to a servant of Gtxi shall not lose his reward, 
certainly he that bestoweth Inn and all uiK>n the sons of the propliets shall find 
full compensation'' (Fuller, Worthies, ii. 489). He seems to have had no con- 
nection with that college; but, as the Annals say, * being a man of unbounded 
munificence, he did not like the Muses to be confined within a narrow habitation.' 

We have his portrait in the Lodge, and in looking at it are reminded of 
Moore's statement that * his features somewhat resembled those of a lion.' With 
his rugged countenance, thick neck, and bare head, his picture stands out like that 
of an athlete amongst the academic countenances of his fellow- masters. There is 
another portrait of him in St Catharine's. 

The third, and till recent days the last, important addition to the extent of the 
college was completed in Gostlin's time, by the buildings in what is now called the 
Tree Court*. The ground had been bought by Dr Caius nearly sixty years before. 
For many years it was mostly used as a garden, the old houses which stood in the 
comer being let to townspeople. In 1594, as already stated, these houses were 
adapted for use as students* chambers, under the name of the Pensionary ; and the 
high wall, which extended from the Gate of Virtue to that of Humility, was 
pierced in order to afibrd access to them. 

It was now determined to pull down these houses, and to erect new buildings 
on their site. Two separate bequests were available for this purpose, and conse- 

1 This appears to have been sabjeot to a quit-rent of one penny a year to Corpus College, 
which was duly paid up to 1893. It is first referred to in the Bursar^s book, 1632. " for rent 
to Benet College for the Kose and Crown 4'», being a pennie a year for 4 years." About 1870 our 
college offered to commute it at 30 years' purchase, an offer declined by Corpus. 

• This being much in arrear, tbe college afterwards compounded for £400, with which the 
advowson of Weetiog was bought. 

» The trees were not planted till 1658. It was at first sometimes called the Brick Court; but 
in the accounts, for some two centuries, it is referred to as the Pensionary. 

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quently the two parts of the same hlock were called bj different names. The 
range on the north side of the court was built with the legacy of £500 (the college 
adding £160) left by Dr Perse for building purposes. These were begun in 1617, 
and completed in about a year. This block was generally known, till 1868, as the 
Perse Building, and scholars on Perseus foundation were entitled to rooms here 
rent-free. The remainder of the block was commenced in 1618. It faced Trinity 
Street, and, having been built with the money left by Dr Legge, it was called the 
Legge Building. The contracts for these buildings are given in full by Willis 
{HisL I. 204), who speaks of them as of great interest, owing to the large number of 
early technical terms employed in them. They are preserved in our Treasury 
(Box IV; 2, 3). 

These buildings seem to have remained practically unaltered, beyond such 
minor improvements as wainscotting, (fee, for nearly two centuries. In 1815 the 
picturesque appearance which they must have presented was destroyed by the 
customary device of coating them with plaster. In this condition they stood for 
more than 50 years longer. In 1868 they were pulled down, together with all the 
other buildings in the whole court, to make way for the stately structure which 
now occupies the first court. 

The appearance of these buildings in their latter condition is shown in the 
photograph at the beginning of Vol. ii. They have been so fully described, from 
the architectural point of view, by Professor Willis, that little need be said here 
beyond the fact that they were of special interest by the preservation in them, 
intact, of several specimens of the ancient ''studies,'' or students' little working 
places^, so often referred to in early accounts of life in college. All the lower 

> A bit of personal reminisceiioe may be excusable here. I was elected to a Perse scholarship 
at the end of my first year, and was consequently entitled, in October 1854, to rooms in the Perse 
building. My sitting-room was on the first-floor of the staircase to the right, and was, in the 
picture (v. Vol. ii.), on the right side of that staircase. But my bedroom was in the attic, two 
floors higher up. This arrangement, so unusual in college, struck me, and I soon noticed that 
the bedrooms in these buildings seemed in almost every case an afterthought. I and a neighbour, 
who had to go up to the attics to sleep, had rather large sitting-rooms ; whereas in most oases 
the sitting-rooms were small, a portion of them having been cut off with a lath and plaster 
partition so as to form a bedroom. It was in fact obvious, though we had not the clue, that 
none of these rooms had been originally built with a bedroom belonging to it, after the modem 
fashion. Another queer thing about my bedroom was that, though its size was by no means 
great, nearly one-quarter of it was occupied by what seemed an enormous cupboard. This was 
locked up, and no key to be found: but I had the curiosity to break it open, and found it 

As Willis points out, one or two of the attics in the Legge building supplied the due to the 
puzzle. My bedroom was an ordinary seventeenth century cubiculum or chamber, of the cheaper 
kind, probably intended to accommodate two students ; the apparent cupboard adjoining it was 
the still surviving " study '* belonging to it. 

Incidentally my bedroom illustrated another characteristic of early student life, and enables 
us to realize what its occasional hardships must have been. There was no fireplace of course in 
it, and clearly there never could have been one. The only window faced to the north, and was 
in the sloping roof. As it happened I was there during the winter 1854-6, long remembered as 
the ** Crimean Winter." For several weeks the water iu my jug was frozen into a solid block, 
and the sponge had to be thawed by taking it downstairs to the fire (the flimsiness of the later 

e— 2 

rooms had long since been modified in Accordance with modern requireroents— as 
understood in the earlier part of this century — but some of the attics in the Legge 
building, being found quite unsuitable, had long be«n disused, »nd were locked 
up and only used as lumber rooms. Their appearance is shown in the wood-cut 
below, taken from Willis-Clark, iii. 308. The centre room was the dwelling 
and sleeping place, the cupboards in the corners were the "studies." They had 
probably ceased to be used oa chambers by 1702, as there is an entry in the 
accounts for that year, " 8' 8'', for locks and keys for the cocklofts in Dr Legge's 


1621. An attempt was made by a college order of April S3, to exclude the appoint- 
ment of women as bedmskers. But it seems to have failed, as it was repeated again 
July 6, 1«28. 

1621, June 6. It; was ordered that two bachelors, in their turn, should sing or read the 
litany on Sundays and Feast days (see under Chapel). 

partition walU, and the oaoasional solidit; of tlie Bpange, were Irath illustrated b; the reniKrk of 
aa soqaaintance, in that or a BnbBeqaent winter, tbat " he bad thrown his sponge through the 
vail of his room"). This did not matter for those who aimply went npBtsirB to bed from a 
warm sitting-room ; but it must bare been a yery different state of things for those who had 
onoe to live and work there all day. No wonder that, as Dr Lever, of St John's, said in the days 
of Edward the Sixth, the poor stndents, when they had finished thrir day's work, were fain some- 
times to go into the ooart and " walk or ran up and down hall an boar to get an beat in their 
feet when they go to bed " {Sermetu, Ed. by Arber, p. 132 :-^noled and discnssed in Mnllij^ger, 
I. STl). The Btadeuts who slept two in a bed, ts they sometimes did till muoh later than this, 
most then bsTe had the best of it. 


1622, June. William Lucy, for some time a fellow-conunoner of the college, and 
afterwards Bishop of St David^s, preached a sermon at St Mary's, strongly tinctured with 
Arminian views. '' Not less than a dozen Jesuits were said to have been noted amongst 
his audience ; and Lucy himself narrowly escaped being non-placeted for the B.D. degree " 
(v. Mullinger, n. 568). 

1625. " For a bonfire at K. Charles his Coronation, 3« 2*." 

1626. " To the porter for his paynes extraordinary in the feare of the Visitation, 40«." 
(This was a bad year for the plague.) 

1625. " For a bonfire at the queue's coming into Ingland, 4«." 


Thomas Batchcroft, twentieth master (1626-49, and 1660) was a son of Thomas, 
of Bexwell, Norfolk, where he was baptized Oct. 14, 1572. He was at school at 
Ely, under Mr Spight, a rather famous master. His family apparently were well 
to do, as he left a considerable private estate. They appear in the Visitation of 
Norfolk. He was admitted pensioner at our college March 10, 1589-90, under the 
tutorship of Mr Thomas Reve. He was elected a scholar at Mich" 1590 : graduated 
B.A. 1593-4: M.A. 1597; and D.D. 1628. He was elected a junior fellow, 
Mich' 1595; a senior, Mich' 1603; and Master, Oct. 22, 1626. Except during the 
eleven years following his ejection in 1649, he appears to have constantly resided 
in college, and held in succession nearly all the usual college offices; lecturer, dean, 
steward, registrar, bursar, &c. Though not a brilliant man, or in any way 
distinguished as a scholar, he was devoted to the interests of his college, and bore 
the reputation of an unusually able and efficient bursar. 

He was elected unanimously to the mastership after Dr Gostlin's death, 
Oct. 22, 1626. Apparently the Court had had some one else in view*, for 
immediately after his election a Royal Letter was addressed to the Vice-chancellor 
and heads of houses, complaining that it had been done " without due care of the 
honour of our University, the advancement whereof we have ever endeavoured," 
and that it " had been the custom to choose some person of note and eminency, who 
by his merit is either known unto ourself or made known unto us by your 
testimony, neither of which hath been observed." Enquiry is therefore ordered to 
be made. 

The enquiry is thus described in the Letters of Joseph Mead to Sir Martin 
Stuteville (Cafnb. Trans. Puritan Period^ ii. 349). 

" 1626, Oct. 28. They have chosen Mr Badgcrofb their Master. It seems they mean 
to be Quartermasters themselves. I hear by some that they first offered to elect Mr Stokes, 
if he will accept it, who answered, ita aiuntj that he would not leave his company for 
20 masterships. 1626, Nov. 4. We say here that Caius Colledge men being gone up to 
signify their election according to the manner, the Duke (of Buckingham) questions 
it, because their statute being to choose within 15 days they stayed not until the 15th day. 

^ According to the Annals the opposition to Batchcroft was almost entirely the work of 
Bobert Lane, T>J>., of St John's. 


Certainly it is but a money matter, and Badgcrofb is rich. 1626, Nov. 11. Caius Colledge 
business is like to produce some strange presidents, to the utter overthrow of all elections 
of masters for ever. On Saturday came down Dr Maw, with a commission from the king 
to the heads to enquire and certify him (1) what public proof of his sufficiency in learning, 
by any public exercise, and of his manners, by his carriage, the new elect hath given as is 
fit for a man to be in that Place and Rank : (2) what he is in respect of his Degrees taken 
in the Schools, to his predecessors the former masters of that college : (3) whether he were 
elected and qualified according to statuta The doctors have had three meetings and are 
divided. Drs Maw, Wren, and Beale are fiirious against him, the Vice-Chaucellor in- 
different, Collins, Mansell, Ward, Butts, eager for him. He was chosen with unanimous 
consent of all the fellows, one only that was absent sent notwithstanding his consent under 
his hand. There is no exception will fasten against the proceeding of the election, so that 
now all exceptions are against the sufficiency of the election in regard of the credit and 
honour of the University, for according to the college statutes he is every way quahfied. 
There is near 200 of us have given our hands we think him fit 1626, Nov. 18. The 
doctors have not yet, as I hear, returned their certificate concerning the new elect. The 
impediment hath been their division amongst themselves. But some of the fellows, 
with the new master, went up this day sen'night with a testimonial of six or seven score 
hands, which they had procured in the University, and a petition to the Duke, as I hear, 
very home and downright, remembering him of his oath, and of his promise to defend the 
privileges of the University." 1626, Nov. 22. The Heads reply that, after several 
meetings and careful enquiry, they find that Mr Badgcrofb, besides the acts belonging to 
his actual d^ree, had kept one public Divinity Act; that it was not uncommon for 
masters, in this and other colleges, to be elected before taking the doctor's degree; and 
that Hhough he hath lived very retiredly, whereby he hath made himself less known 
abroad, yet they were convinced he was in every way fully qualified for the post' " 1626, 
Nov. 23. Dr Badgcroft was yesterday accomplished according to his wish, both by his 
Qrace and also by his Majesty. Whereupon today he is gone to give thanks to them both. 
And all this, he tells me, hath not cost him a groat" 

Possibly it did not cost him personally anything, but it cost the college a 
relatively large sum ; for there is an item in the Bursar's book, " layd out by the 
master elected, and the fellows electors, upon attendance of the King's pleasure 
concerning that election, in part of the expenses, £55. 0*. 6rf." 

For the first eighteen years of his rule his life was a quiet and uneventful one. 
He was an excellent man of business, of gentle and unassuming manners, and 
possessed some private fortune. In fact he achieved the rather rare distinction of 
never being involved in anything approaching to a general quarrel with the fellows 
of the college. 

The principal matter of internal dispute during his time was caused by a 
litigious fellow, Mr Thomas Cooke. He had been appointed by the college to the 
living of Bamby and Mutford in 1633, but, by various delays, succeeded in holding 
his fellowship also until 1635. On the college at last declaring the living vacant, 
he appealed to the king. In a petition dated Dec. 3, 1635, he makes a variety of 
complaints against the master, principally that *he had caused the election of many 
strangers of other counties than Norfolk and Suffolk, and that, on being remem- 
bered thereof he had not only refused redress but liad endeavoured to make void 
petitioner's fellowship without ground.' The king appointed Abp Laud, the Earl 


of Holland (Chancellor of the University), and Bp Wren (of Norwich) a Committee 
of Enquiry. The committee reported (March 11, 1635-6) in the master's favour, 
with strong condemnation of the personal conduct of Mr Cooke. This did not, 
however, quiet the petitioner, who now appealed to the Abp for a fresh enquiry 
(Ap. 5, 1636). The principal points that he now demanded were (1) that the *year 
of grace' on accepting a living was to be reckoned, not from institution but from 
'promulgation' of it; (2) that whereas the president of the college had three 
* years of grace,' and he was the actual senior fellow, he was ipso facto president, 
and could claim the full three years : — in which he was clearly wrong. The matter 
was ended by a letter from the king to the master and fellows approving their 
conduct, and condemning the ingratitude and boldness of Cooke. The following 
recommendations however are made for the future. 

1. That the master should annually appoint a president 

2. That the oath should be duly administered to the junior fellows on election. 

3. That no lease be made of any impropriation for more than five or ten 

4. That leases be not renewed to any persons having lands of their own in 
the same town. 

5. That the tenants give bonds to reside on the college lands. 

6. That there be kept a book of accounts of the expenses of the house, a 
register of all leases, and a book of Anuals of the most memorable acts and 
accidents in the college (Col, of State Papers), 

As regards this last clause, Cooke indirectly did us a service. By Caius' 
statutes it was one of the master's duties to keep the Annals posted up to date ; a 
duty which had been neglected since Dr Legge's time. In consequence of the 
king's direction Mr W. Moore was now deputed to complete the volume. In order 
to prevent, for the future, any such shiftiness as Cooke had shown, it was decreed 
Uiat every fellow presented to a living by the college should give a bond, of double 
the annual value, that he would make no needless delay in being instituted. 

The charges of this business appear in our accounts thus: ''For hire of 3 horses, 
their meate, and the Mr and Mr Loveland's diet, being out 9 days in London, 
goeing to the Chancellor about Colledge buisnes, £7. 5s. Id" Charges for the 
master and four fellows "lying 3 weekes in London, with fees requisite to our the defence of the Colledge acts against the complaints of Mr Cooke; 
£56. Us. 9(1" 

During this time we have a very interesting glimpse of the state of religious 
feeling and observance, in the University and the college, in a Report* sent to 
Abp Laud. The following is the reference to our collie : — 

" Any man that is not in Holy Orders may execute and read or sing servica And he 
executes upon weekday with no surplice, which is the practice also in many other coUedges. 

1 It is published in Cooper's Annals, iii. 280 ; from Baker's MS. No. vi. It oonfinns, what we 
know on other grounds, that Batohcroft was by no means of strong High Choroh opinions. For 
instance, when Mr Adams had, in a sermon in 1637, asserted the necessity of confessing to a 
priest, Batchcroft was one of the Heads who supported the Vioe-Chancellor in insisting on a 
recantation (Prynne's Trial of Laud, p. 198). 


Upon Sundaies and Holydaies they among them that have no mind to put on their 
surplices or which will be negligent (which are many) are as free to come into the outward 
Chappell in their common apparell, and there to sing and auswere, to join with the rest 
within, and performe aJl service as any in the inward Chappell with surplices are. And if 
a Communion be, all come in with surplices or without, and sitt together. The Holy 
Sacrament, when it is administered, is brought down from the Table to every Fellow and 
SchoUer remaining in his own seate, where the Priest strides and crowdes over some 
of them with the sacred elements in his hands, not without irreverence and trouble. 
Mr Cooke, when he was a fellow there, as he says he still is, once tooke upon himself to 
consecrate, and instead of the words. This is my bodie, used aloud, This is my bread, and 
went on withall (the Master, they say, being present) without any controule, or then or 
since. Some here, of which the master is one, bow not at the name of Jesus, and other 
reverence is little regarded. Their statutes require that there be an Organ in the Chappell, 
and that the schollers be skillfull in singing. This they neglect, and that they have long 
since sold away. They make their Chappell a common meeting place for ordinane dispatch 
of Leases and such like occasions. And so they do in many CoUedges besides." 

The reports of the other colleges vary in detail, but mostly present substantially 
the same features. The account is interesting, as it explains the fact that however 
hcstile a portion of the fellows may have been to the religious changes during 
the Commonwealth, the remainder accepted them with indifference, if not with 
satisfaction. It also suggests that the actual changes at the time were by no 
means so great as are commonly supposed. 

Besides the references to the colleges separately, there are comments on the 
laxity of academic usage in the University generally. The following are extracts 
from the complaints of these " common disorders. '' 

"Fellowes of CoUedges and fellow-commoners take themselves generally to have a 
privilege and immunity from coming to Publick Prayers ; and the like privilege they use 
to take for the publick and common table in the Hall. From hence it comes to pass that 
so many of that rauke are to bo founde at those times either in Taverns and Town houses, 
or at some pleasant Imployments where they please. The clericall habit appointed for 
Students here is generally neglected. At Trinity and otherwhiles at Caius, they keep 
their order for their wide Sleeve Gowns, and for their Caps too, when they list to put any 
on, but for the rest of their garments they are as light and fond as others, (there follows a 
long description of their laxity in point of dress). Upon Frydays and all Fastingdays, the 
victualling houses prepare Flesh, good store, for all schoUers, and others that will come or 
send unto them. Upon all such fasting nights in schollers chambers are generally the 
best suppers of the whole week, and for the most part of Flesh meate alL We know not 
what fasting is. This we know, that when the custome is for Pupils to goe to their Tutors 
for supper money to spend in the Towne, and that their Tutors do commonly allow them 
twice as much for a fasting night as the Colledge Commons doe any night of the week 

In 1644, June 21, an order came from the Earl of Manchester demanding 
information in writing "of the names of all such in your Colledge as have practized 
bowinge at the nameing of the name of Jesus, adoration towards the East, or any 
cerimony in divine service not warranted by La we." The master is also required 
to return the names of all the fellows. 

The reply, dated July 20, 1644, states that the practices referred to "have been 



806 by d^rees left, as that there are none in our whole Society that doe use or 
practise any of them, as fare as we know/' Dr Batchcroft adds the following list, 

Fellows present 

Mr Thos. Gostling 
Mr WiU. Moore 
Mr Will. Blanks 
Mr Sheringham 
Mr Bladwell 
Mr Rant 
Mr PhUlips 


Mr Harrison 
Mr Buckenham 
Mr Sigiswicke 
Mr Cmsoe 
Mr Wakeman 
Mr Perse 
Mr Tabor 
Mr Ringall 
Mr Scarborough 
Sr Hyme 


Mr Loveland 
Mr Salter 
Mr London 
Mr Buxton 
Mr Pykarell 
Mr Colebrand 
Mr Watson 
Mr Halyburton 

The above list of ejections is by no means final. Within a few years of this 
date would have to be added the names of the master, and of Messrs Moore, 
Blanks, Sheringham and Bladwell. Gostlin and Rant, moreover, though not 
driven out had their goods sold, as delinquents. The ejections began very soon 
after the Earl of Manchester came into power at Cambridge. The earliest notice 
seems to be the following, dated April 9, 1644. ** Whereas by Ordinance of 
Parliament, entitled an Ordinance for Regulating the Universities,... power is given 
me (Earl of Manchester) to eject such fellows as are scandalous...! do eject 
Mr Buxton, Mr Loveland, and Mr Watson... for refusing to take the Solemn 
League and Covenant... and for several other misdemeanours; which parties are 
hereby required not to continue in the same University above the space of three 
days" (v. Baker, XXXIII. 452). Mr Salter followed on April 11 : Dr London and 
Mr Pickarell not long after. 

We shall have more to say presently about the general results of the changes 
during the Interregnum, but they certainly seem to have been made with great 
harshness. Unless some previous intimation were given, the period of three days 
was a cruelly short one in which to make arrangements for such a change of life. 
It should be remarked that the intruded fellows were not placed at the bottom of 
the list, like those elected in the ordinary way, but came in at once as seniors, 
being sometimes treated simply as substitutes for those ejected. Thus one of the 
orders runs, " Whereas Mr French, M. A., hath been examined and approved by 
the Assembly at Westminster... we order you to receive him in room of Mr Buxton, 
and to give him place according to his seniority." He thus became a senior fellow 
at once. Byne, who replaced the president, Loveland, though he had only just 
graduated as B. A., was actually placed for a short time in the position of president, 
at the head of the list of seniors. 

Batchcroft's troubles had begun, it seems, even before this. On May 11, 1643, 
a sum of j£150 had been raised upon him. There is a receipt by " the treasuers of 
the Countey of Cambridge," for that sum '' lent to the sarvice of the Kinge and 
Parliament for to bee employed according to the sayd ordinance'' (Walker MS. c. 8). 


An estate belonging to him at Milton, CambR., must have been put under 
sequestration in 1643, as there is a letter from the Earl of Manchester, Jan. 1, 
1643-4, requesting its release. According to Walker (ii. 145) he was spared from 
ejection at this time owing to his too great compliance with the times, "as he 
presented a certificate from leading Parliamentarians testifying to his affection to 
Parliament ; to his refusal to send any College plate to the king ; and to his 
contributing large sums of money to the Parliament. They withal give him the 
character of a person of great honesty and integrity, and of a most pious, grave, 
and upright conversation.'' 

About the beginning of 1645 he had to compound for his delinquency, with the 
Committee sitting in Goldsmiths' Hall. The following is the inventory* of his 

Folio books, 60 10 . . 

Quarto — 150 2.0.0 

In his lodging chamber ; 1 bed, blankett, and coverlid ; 3 curtains ; 

1 bedsted ; 4 powter candlesticks ; 1 table ; 2 trunkes ; 6 stooles 

and chairs 2 . 0.0 

In a little room; 4 stooles and chaires. In the dineing room 

3 chestes, and a joyne(?) chaire 1 . 0.0 

In one large room ; 6 Turkey chaires, 6 stooles, 1 joyne (?) chaire, 

3 carpetts, 1 pare of andirons 1 . 10 . 

In an upper chamber ; 1 featherbed, 1 rugg, 1 blankett, 1 chest, 

6 stooles and chaires, 2 little tables 2 . 0.0 

In one other upper chamber; 1 featherbed, a white rugg, 

1 blaiikettt, a bedstead, 4 grecne curtains, 1 trunk 1 . 10 . 

Sum total £20 .0.0 

(Redeemed by himself) 

There are similar returns for seven fellows ; Gostlin, Pickarell, Blanks, Rant, 
Bladwell, London, and Buxton. The following is that for Mr Moore, the scholar 
and librarian (Vol. 1. 192). As in the other cases, the books constitute the greater 
part of the wealth. 

His Bookes 
Item. 6 stooles, 1 chaire, 1 desk, 1 bed furniture and hangings 
Item. A presse, fire-shovell, tongs, bellows, bason and candle- 
Item. 1 carpett 

Batchcroft held on in the college for several years longer, not being ejected 
until April 13, 1649. Possibly the execution of the king gave the final impulse, 
for he was a decided royalist, though by no means of strong Church opinions. 

* "A note of goods belonging to resident fellows of the University of Cambridge seized by 
virtue of the ordinance of Parliament for Sequestration" {State Pap. Dom. Vol. 640; pt. 8). 
The accounts extend from Jan. 1, 1644-6 to L.-Day 1646. The copy of Batohoroft's discharge 
in the Walker MSS. (BodUian Library) is dated Feb. 26, 1644-5. 

3 . 


2 . 


8 . 

6 . 

£6 . 

13 . 


He doubtless had no pleasant life during these years, for all his old friends had 
been removed ; and, as years passed, the dominant religious and political views 
naturally became more strongly represented in college. We have, however, little 
contemporary evidence of the state of feeling, as the Geata are missing for some ' 
years before 1650. According to Gostlin (ffistoriola) his departure was not 
brought about by actual expulsion. It was rather that the factious opposition 
of three or four of the fellows made his position so intolerable that, being in no 
way dependent upon his official income, he preferred to quit* the college. 

On leaving Cambridge, Batchcroft retired to Wangford, Suffolk, — i.e. to the 
place of that name near Brandon, not to that near Southwold — , where he had 
relations and friends. Here he lived in quiet retirement, and, holding no prefer- 
ment, appears to have suffered no disturbance from those in authority. As a rule, 
anyone who has left college quickly loses his influence there. It is therefore high 
testimony to his character and judgment that, after his departure, visits were 
repeatedly made to him in order to obtain his advice. Thus we have the entry, 
"That Mr Fairclough go to Dr Batchcroft upon college business" (Feb. 21, 1652-3). 
" That Mr Wheeler go over to Dr Batchcroft concerning the business of Sir Philip 
Parker "(June 30, 1654). 

In this peaceful retirement, broken only by the triumph of his brief return to 
Cambridge, the old man spent the rest of his life. On the flight of Dell, May 11, 
1660, the fellows at once' deputed four of their number "to entreat him to come 
to the college." This was of course intended as a token of personal esteem, and a 
sign of political triumph, rather than as the choice of a ruler ; for the old master 
was already over 88. He only staid in college for a few weeks, arranged some 
business details, and then went back to his friends. As Gostlin says, ' The good 
man returned, already weak and ill. He did not remain many days in our midst, 
but, having appointed a president, he retired again to the friends and relations 
with whom he had lived during his exile, and there peacefully and calmly passed 
away.' He sent in his resignation of the Mastership Dec. 1, 1660; and died 
towards the closed probably, of 1662. 

He was a man of considerable private fortune, which was added to in 1653 by 
the will of his nephew James Batchcroft, who left him his manor of Netherhall, 
Tuddenham, Suffolk. According to Qostlin the action of the fellows who practi- 
cally drove him out of college was the cause of his leaving the bulk of his property 

^ Gostlin must be in error. The order for his expulsion (Walker MS. C. 8. Bodleian Lib.) is ; 
** Upon hearing of Gonnsell and evidence as well for the said Dr Batchcroft, as alsoe for the 
partye prosecntinge on behalfe of the State, It appearinge to this Committee (Com. for Indemnity) 
upon serioQs consideration had of the matters alleadged on both sides that the said Dr Batchcroft 
hath beene sequestred by Ordinance of Parliament for his sendinge money to the aide and 
assistance of the late Kinge against the Parliament, and hath otherwise expressed his disaffection 
to the Parliament, it is Ordered and adjudged by this Committee that the said Dr Batchcroft be 
discharged from his place and employment as Master." The order was delivered to the Master 
by Edward Byne, one of the intruded fellows. 

' The royal sanction seems also to have been appealed to. The original letter firom the king, 
replacing him in his post, was recovered not many years ago (MS. 635; no. 28). 

* The parish register of Wangford, of this date, is missing. 


to his relatives : ''adeo ut non pauperes juniores, sed divites affines nepotes et con- 
sobrinos hferedes constituit." 

His will is dated March 21, 1660-1 ; and proved (P.C.C.) Jan. 27, 1662-3. 
He desires to be decently buried, in the evening, at Wangford. Leaves £100 
to buy land for the use of the poor of Downham Market, "to buy victuals to 
nourish them, clothes to cover them, or firing to warm them." £100 to the poor 
of Methwold, Suff. *' A close, now of pasture, called Pie close,'' in Milton, Gambs., 
to the college ; from which £4 a year is to be paid to the increase of both the 
Hebrew and the Greek lecturer ; and the overplus to go to the coU^e chest (the 
land was let for £9. a year). 20«. " to adorn the church where I was bom,'' i.e. 
Bexwell. There are many legacies to friends and relations; his three nieces, 
Mrs Anne Wright, of Wangford, Mrs Elizabeth Jenney, and Mrs Alice Barber, 
with their children, being especially mentioned. "Francis Jenney (VoL i. 41 1), the 
young scholar, shall have £30 of my books.'' Robert Wright, executor : Edward 
Barber, supervisor. 

He appears to have left the impression, upon those who knew him i>ersonally, 
of a kindly simple hearted old gentleman. John Aubrey says that he "would visit 
the boyes' chambers, and see what they were studying," and that, in the case of 
one of his students, Charles Scarborough (Vol. i. 308) " his genius led him to the 
mathematics, and he was wont to be reading of Clavius upon Euclid. The old 
doctor found in the title, E Societate Je»u, and was much scandalized at it. Sayd 
he, * By all means leave off this author, and read Protestant mathematicall bookes.' 
One sent the doctor a pidgeon-pye from Newmarket or thereabout, and he askt 
the bearer whether 'twas hot or cold." (Brief Lives, Ed. by A. Clark, i. 95.) 


1629. * For two bonfires on the K (? King's) day and the 8unday before, for the happie 
hope of the quene's conception, 8«.' 

1630. * For the Bible given to my Lord the Bishop of Norwich, 34".' 

1630. There was a terrible outbreak of the plague. A list of directions was drawn up 
by the college during its prevalence. All Acts, University and College, were suspended ; 
and leave of absence given to all, without prejudice as to stipend or other privil^^es. All 
fellows and students, staying in College, to " have their accustomed commons, with reason- 
able allowance of bread and beer gratis, &c." In the parish register of Coton, near 
Cambridge, is an entry of a gift of Communion ornaments made by Matthew Stokes, 
one of our fellows, in gratitude for his escape when he retired there "in the plague of 
pestilence." Doubtless he had, as was the custom in such times, taken his pupils there 
with him. 

1630. Nov. 29. " Deus in ojtemum benedictus respexit miseros Cantabrigienses, ita ut, 
extincta peste et restituta sanitate, Academici undique conflimnt repetuntque intermissa 
studia" (Annals). 

1631. * For a bible for the Hall and parlour, 4".' 

1632. * For ten brooms for the streets against the King's coming, 1" 6**.' 

1632. On the petition of the Bp of London, £20 was taken from the money set apart 
for feasts and given towards the restoration of St PauPs CathedraL 
1634 * A bonefier in joy of the birth of imother yoimg prince, 4*.' 


1635. Further aooommodation for students was gained, — it must be remembered that 
the University was never so full again imtil about 1840 — , by the erection of a brick 
building extending from the Hall, along the lane, towards the N.W. comer of the college. 
It contained four * cubicles' with ten * studies.' They continued in use till about 1795. 

1636. * For repayring Dr Caius picture, 13" 4«*.' 

1636. The plague again raging, the regulations of 1630 were renewed. But the college 
did not escape so welL One fellow, Daniell, died ; as well as three students, Dod, Jannion, 
and Rant. 

1638, June 25. The above regulations were again repeated, owing to a renewed out- 
break of plague. 

1642. By an order of the House of Commons, the obligation to wear the surplice in 
Chapel was rescinded. But, from what we have already seen (p. 88), almost entire license 
had long prevailed in this respect. 

1643. * For wood (for bonfire) at the King's Coronation day, 2« 6^' 

1644. * Fuell, King*s Coronation, March 27, 2» e\* 

1646. * For a bonefier upon the King's Coronation day, March 27, 3" 10*.' 

* To Mr Holden, for helping one in divine service and administration of the sacrament in 
Qt St Maries about Easter, 10".' 

* For five Directories, 4« 2*.* 

* For two dosen and halfe of ordinances to free the CoUedg rents and revenues from 
Parliament Taxation, to be sent to the Colledg tenants, 2" 10*.' 

1646. * A bonefire on the 16 April, the day of Thanksgiving, 8*.' 

1646. * Mending one of the paines of glasse in the Chappell broken by some dogg shutt 
in, 18*.' 

1647. * For a bone fier upon the Coronation day, the 27 March, 3" 4*.' 

1648. ' To Mr Hughes, one of the Esquire Bedles, for the Colledg proportion of charges 
for bringing home to the Universitie the books given by the Parliament, £3 . 8.0' (i.e. the 
Lambeth Library). 

* To Trott and Watts for setting the Psalmes in the Chappell for the space of three yeers, 
£4 ' (two students of the College). 

164a * Fuell for a bonefier, Sep. 7.' 

(The entries concerning bonfires continue till about the b^inning of the eighteenth 


William Dell^ our twenty-first master (1649-60) has naturally been involved 
in a cloud of controversial obloquy, and, like the other intruded masters, has always 
been labelled with the italics of illegitimacy in the lists published in the Cambridge 
Calendar, Like so many others of those who were brought in to replace the ejected, 
he was bred in that stronghold of the Puritanism of the day, Emmanuel College. 
He was admitted there as a sizar, April 1624; graduated B.A. 1627-8; and M.A. 
1631. Soon after this he must have taken Holy Orders, for he was certainly 
episcopally ordained; and Feb. 20, 1640-1, he was instituted to the rectory of 

1 For several of the facts in this accoant I am indebted to a notice of Dell printed in the 
Caian (n. 8) by Mr F. L. Harris, of our College. The aathor of the article in the D. N. B. has, 
by an oversight, identified Dell with his Oxford namesake, the secretary of Abp. Land. 


Yelden, Beds., on the presentation of Oliver St John, Viscount Bolinghroke. This 
living he retained until his ejection in 1662 ; holding it, apparently, with that of 

About Jan. 1645-6 he became a chaplain in the Parliamentary Army, the only 
institution for which he seems to have had a hearty admiration. '* There hath 
been a very sensible presence of God with us; we have seen his goings, and 
observed his very footsteps, for he hath dwelt among us, and marched at the head 
of us, and led us step by step, from Naseby to Leicester, and from thence to Lang- 
port, and Bridgewater, and Bath, and Sherborne, and Bristol, and the Devizes, 
and Winchester, and Bazing, and Dartmouth, and Exeter, and into Cornwall, and 
back again to Oxford ** : — (dedication of his sermon, preached " at the Head- 
quarter at the Leaguer, before Oxford, June 7, 1646). Presumably this is a 
narrative of his own experience : he certainly preached repeatedly before the army, 
in various pai*ts of the countr}'. He officiated at the marriage, June 15, 1646, of 
General Ireton with Bridget, daughter of Cromwell, at Lady Whorwood's house, 
HoltoUf Oxon. He entered Oxford, with the army, on the surrender of the city, 
June 20, 1646; the news of which he immediately brought up to Parliament: 
"June 22, 1646; Resolved, that Mr Dell, being the OeneraFs Chaplain, who 
brought the Articles for the surrender of Oxford, shall have the sum of £50 
bestowed upon him for his pains " (JoumcU of H. of Commons). He afterwards 
remained in Oxford for some months, where, according to Wood (FcmH, ii. 58), he 
became conspicuous by forcing himself into several of the churches in the town 
as a preacher. 

DelFs sympathies, as may be supposed from his office of army chaplain, were 
decidedly with the Independent party, as opposed to the Presbyterians. He was 
in fact selected as the champion of the former cause, in which capacity he preached 
before Parliament on Nov. 25, 1646, his opponent being Mr Christopher Love. 
Both the sermons were published, with letters of mutual criticism at the end. 
Dell's characteristic judgment of his opponent's arguments is to the effect that 
'* Many other weak, passionate, inconsiderate, erroneous things fell from Mr Love, 
neither worth the troubling of the reader with, nor myself: and so they may 
perish and rot in their own grave, if they will, for they shall never receive a 
resurrection from me." 

There are several other indications of his prominence in his religious party. 
For instance, on the day of the king's execution, he was one of the four ministers 
who presented themselves at St James' Palace, and pressed their religious services 
upon the king. Edmund Calamy, who was one of the party, has given an account 
of the interview. 

With these antecedents it is not surprising that when the Earl of Manchester 
was on the look out for a suitable person to replace Dr Batchcroft, as Master of 
the college, the name of Dell should be mentioned as that of one who deserved 
reward and encouragement. Batchcroft had been expelled on April 15, 1649 : 
Dell was installed in his place May 4 following. As a matter of fact he seems to 
have been petitioned for by the fellows : — " The humble petition of the fellows of 
Gunvill and Caius College was this day read : resolved that this House doth 


approve of the appomtment of Mr Dell to be master, according to the desire of 
the said petition'' (Jaurn. of H. of Commons; May 4, 1649). But at this time, 
owing to expulsions, the number of senior fellows had been reduced to nine, of 
whom four had been intruded by the Parliamentary Committee. As two of these 
(French and Harrington) had served in the army, they must have been well 
acquainted with the character of Dell. 

He did not come into residence at once. In the Bursar's accounts at Michaelmas 
1649 Thomas Buckenham signs as his locum-tenens. His signature first appears at 
L. Day 1650. 

In his capacity of master, his career seems an almost entire blank. He 
repeatedly took the opportunity, — from the pulpit of St Mary's — ^ of denouncing 
the University, but no trace of his influence can be detected in the College. He 
resided but little. He was already a married man at the time of his appointment, 
and, as be was the first master in this condition, it is likely enough that the lodge 
would not be found a convenient place of residence. Nor does he appear to have 
been very active at his rectory, for many, if not most of the entries in the register 
are, I am informed, not in his hand. Apparently he left his wife and family 
at Yelden, — there is an entry of the birth (not baptism) of his daughter Anna, 
Dec. 16, 1653; and of Mercy, Feb. 16, 1656, — whilst he paid short visits to 
collie. But he was very negligent even in his attendance at college meetings, 
being absent from much more than half of those held during his time of office. 
During some entire years he only resided for a few weeks. In spite of this, how- 
ever, he was not, like other masters, confined to his statutable income, but received 
— apparently in response to his own repeated petitions — "augmentations" from 
the Parliamentary Committee: these being drawn presumably from the general 
Church funds in the hands of that Committee. Thus, in May, 1656, there is 
an order for " an augmentation of £60 a year to Mr Dell to be continued " {Gcd, of 
SUUe Pap. Dom,), There had been a similar order in 1654. 

We have several letters from him in connection with a subsequent dispute with 
the college. Amongst these letters is one which must have been composed during 
his mastership, or earlier. It is written from Yelden, and addressed "To my 
honoured friend and kinsman, Thomas Raymond, at his lodging in Gray's Inn." 
He says, " I see things are settleing in the Presbyterian way, to which I shall not 
be much adverse if they act thinges in a sober and Christian spiritt, seeing I see 
by experience that here is a necessity to restraine the exorbitant courses of loose 
and vaine persons who would soon become open Atheists if they were left to the 
liberty of the flesh. I hope thinges may prove better then we feared if the high 
cavaleer prevayle not, of which I see little probability " (MS. 7 1 4). 

Dell was not strictly speaking ejected at the Restoration, but may rather be 
said to have taken flight as soon as he saw the pass to which things had come. 
The entry in our Geata for May 11, 1660, — three days after the proclamation of 
the king at Westminster, — is simply '*Mr Dell sent a resignation of his place 
which he enjoyed in the coUedge, as master of the same." Qostlin's expression is 
''clanculnm se subduxit." Considering that he had his rectory at Yelden, and 
pro|»erty of his own close by, it may well be supposed that he preferred a retreat 


thither to clinging on till the speedy and inevitable ejection came. GoBtlin tells 
us, in his Historioki^ that Dell applied for, and secured, a 'royal pardon. 

He then returned to his rectory at Yelden, where he remained until he was 
ejected under the Act of Uniformity in 1662. The charges against him, from the 
point of view of the discontented parishioners, is summed up in the following 
petition presented to the House of Lords, June 20, 1660 (v. HiH, AfSS. Comm. 
7th Report, p. 102). 

He has reported that the King and his followers were like the Devil and his angels, and 
has approved of the murder of the King, and the taking away of the House of Lords ; he 
has for twelve years past neglected the due administration of the Sacraments, in con- 
sequence of which many children ajre unbaptized ; he has ceased to sing any psalms or read 
any chapters in the Holy Bible on the Lord's-day in the congregation ; he has cut down 
most of the timber trees growing on the parsonage; he has taken undue tithes... ; has 
entrapped the gentry of the county into discourse, and then given false information against 
them ; he hath declared in the public congregation that he had rather hear a plain coimtry- 
man speak in the church, that came from the plough, than the best orthodox minister that 
was in the county ; upon Christmas Day last one Bunyan, a tinker, was countenanced and 
suffered to speak in his pulpit to the cougr^;ation, and no orthodox minister did officiate 
in the church that day. Since the restoration of the secluded members of Parliament he 
has declared that the ix)wer was now in the hands of the wicked, and that the land was 
like to be over flowed again with Popery ; he hath put forth several seditious books, and 
before the horrid murder of the late King he declared publicly in the congregation that the 
King was no king to him, Christ was his King ; Venice and Holland were without a king, 
and why might not we be without ; and that he did not approve of earthly kinga 

From his published writings, and what we know of him otherwise, there seems 
little, if any, exaggeration in this account of his opinions and practice. 

The last eight years of his life were spent at Westoning, Beds., where he owned 
some property, but they were disturbed by a long quarrel, and finally a lawsuit, 
with the college. The cause of the dispute was this. The college had for a long 
time, i.e. since 1540, been in possession of the manor of Aynells, at Westoning. 
In 1656 DeU had bought several adjoining pieces of land, one of these being known 
as " Grave's close" (of which more presently), and the proximity of the properties 
gave rise to misunderstanding. For one thing the college charged Dell with 
having removed certain trees, as well as a bam, from their land to his own. They 
also asserted that he had, in his capacity of master, fraudulently renewed leases of 
their property, without fine, to a certain William Haughton, whom they declared 
to be a mere nominee of his own. After some recrimination the Law was appealed 
to. In the petition of the college to the Court, Dell is mentioned as "one of 
Cromwell's chaplains, and a preacher to the Army, and the grand promoter, as is 
asserted, of the horrid murder of his late most sacred Majesty." Dell's counsel in 
the suit was the Thomas Raymond mentioned above, afterwards distinguished as a 
judge. The case was given in favour of the college, Feb. 9, 1666-7, and judgment 

^ " ...nee bac tamen ratione ipsias viiie discrimen evadere potnisset ladsad majestatis simul ac 
Collegii reus, nisi in Baperiori Parliament! Senacnlo coram tribanali positns, literas gratia et 
amnestia regia faotas, magnoque sigillo signatas, produxerat.'* 


entered to Uie amount of £120. The ooll^;e afterwards agreed (GesiOy Feb. 21, 
1666-7) 'Hbat Mr Dell be abated £20 of the £120 which he was adjudged to pay 
by the referees, for the bame and copyholds at Aynells.'' So far as his letters to 
the college, during this dispute, are an indication, he does not seem to have felt 
any bitterness. He says, for instance, '* I will endeavour, what lyes in mee, that 
the college, whose welfayre I desii^e, may receave no prejudice. Gentlemen, your 
servant and a true lover of your Colledge" (MS. 714). 

During his active life Dell was almost incessantly involved in controversy, and 
it is hard to say with whom, in Church or State, he found himself in sympathy. 
''The antichristian church of the pope and his prelates/' was of course "the Beast,'' 
and " they that apostatize to this iahe religion are as sure to be damned as if they 
were in Hell* already." "The church of the bishops and that of the presbyters," 
— which he puts on the same footing, — were " the image of the Beast,'' and due to 
receive his mark (Preface, Trial of Spirits), With regard to the Universities, " in 
their present state they are Uie residue of the hour and power of darkness upon 
the nations." He could not even agree with his brother Independents, Uiough 
professing not to " allow of any such distinctions of Christians as Presbyterians and 
Independents" ; but was in hot controversy with such men as Sydrach Simpson, the 
intruded master of Pembroke, " with their gross and antichristian errors," and with 
" other old enemies in Parliament and City, not worth the naming." In fact the 
only men of his time for whom he shows any honour or admiration were some of 
the Army leaders; in particular "the truly precious in God's eyes and most 
acceptable amongst the brethren," the Lord General Cromwell; and "that most 
faithfuU and worthy General, Sir Thomas Fairfax" (Works, 1817; n. 103, 117). 

His character altogether is not a pleasing one. With every wish to believe 
that much of Uie bitterness displayed towards him by those of his college who 
returned thither after the Restoration was the outcome of party animosity, it is 
impossible to deny that he must have been a very awkward man to live with, or to 
live under. For the fifteen years of his active life he was almost constantly either 
a negligent rector of a parish, or a non-resident head of a college ; and with his 
habitual virulence of language we can well understand that old-fashioned scholars 
like Moore and Sheringham found it impossible to continue to live in college. No 
shadow of a doubt that he was perfectly right, and that his opponents were not 
only perfectly wrong, but wilfully so, seems ever to have crossed his mind. It was 
assuredly no hypocrisy, but the calm expression of a conviction, when he tells us 
that " having obtained this grace from God to be called into some friendship and 
familiarity with Jesus Christ so as to hear and receive from him something of the 
mind and bosome of the Father, according to his free grace... I have also been 
counted worthy to be taken into some fellowship with Christ in his sufferings*' 
(Sermon preached before the Army, June 7, 1646). 

The judgment upon him of such a man as Baxter ought to count for much. 

» Which explains, as he points ont, their disposition to persecute : •* out of very malice they 
have been, are, and will be, our tormentors here, when they get the opportanity, becanse the 
Devil is to be their tormentor in Hell for ever " (Inerean of Popery in England, 1681). 

c. III. 7 


After mentioning some of the men who were put into masterships at Cambridge, 
he says, "Yea, such a man as Mr Dell, the chaplain of the Army, who, I think, 
neither understood himself, nor was understood by others any farther than to be 
one who took Reason, Sound Doctrine, Order and Concord, to be the intolerable 
maladies of Church and State, because they were the greatest strangers to his 
mind'' (Life, by Sylvester, 1696; p. 64). 

One great object of his animosity and abuse was the University which gave 
him his position and a large part of his income. " In thee,'' says he, addressing it, 
f is found the blood of prophets and of saints. Thy human learning, to wit, thy 
philosophy and school divinity, and the false ministry that they have set up, and 
the false christians that have proceeded from that ministry, have devised and 
executed all these murders and massacres on the true saints of God." This was 
not uttered in the days of Laud or of Juxon, but in 1653, when one would have 
thought that such ''stews of antichrist and dens of thieves" would have been 
deprived of most of their power to do mischief. He was certainly bold enough in 
the expression of his hatred, for after a sermon full of similar expressions, and 
preached in the University pulpit, he concludes with the note, " And thus much 
was delivered to the University Congregation in Cambridge, for a testimony 
against them, except they repent." It does indeed seem to occur to him, in the 
course of his tirade, that some persons might think such language a little out 
of place, as coming from a graduate, a rector of a parish, and a master of a college. 
But his answer is conclusiva '* As by the providence of God alone I have been 
brought to that relation in which I now stand, and continue in it, against the wills 
and workings of many ; so through his good pleasure I will remain, till he shall 
otherwise dispose of me" (Works, 1817: ii. 65, 113, 114, 197). 

These opinions provoked the dissent of one prominent Independent, Mr Sydrach 
Simpson. Being at that time Master of Pembroke, he saw his way, when preaching 
before the University, " to prove the lawfulness and religiousness of the present 
universities, and the usefulness and necessity of human learning to the church 
and ministry of the New Testament." The wrath of Dell was stirred by what he 
terms such *' gross and antichristian errors," and he published at once a " confuta- 
tion" of them in which he attacked the opinions of his brother head in detai]. 

After giving his views as to the generally "antichristian" character of the 
University, so far as its training of theologians is concerned, it is only fair to say 
that he has also expressed a really original conception as to the way in which he 
would have liked to see the University reformed. What he advocated has been 
described as a modem " University Extension Scheme," but I think it would be 
more accurately described by saying that he wished to see the establishment of a 
number of such institutions as Mason's College, Birmingham, or (in respect of its 
evening classes) as Owens College, Manchester. In the first place he recommended 
a considerable extension of elementary schools; and that in the schools of the 
greater towns, where Latin, Greek and Hebrew should be taught, great care 
should be taken in respect of the morality of the authors read : — " Most necessary 
it is that Christians should forget the names of their gods and muses, which were 
but devils and damned creatures... and let them all go to Satan from whence they 


came." Above such schools he recommends ''universities or colleges, for the 
instructing youth in the knowledge of the liberal arts,... as in Logic, but the 
mathematics especially, — arithmetic, geometry, geography, and the like, which as 
they carry no wickedness in them, so are they besides very useful to human 
society'': also, in a reformed way, physic and law. Then comes the more original 
suggestion that these Universities or Colleges should not be confined to Cambridge 
and Oxford, *' but one at least in every great town or city, as in London, York, 
Bristol, Exeter, Norwich, and the like." These were to be supported by the state, 
with of course " godly and learned men to teach the tongues and arta, under a due 
Reformation." Another novel suggestion was that these students should whenever 
possible not employ their whole time in study and in play, but " spend some part 
of the day in learning or study, and the other part in some lawful calling, or one 
day in study and another in business." He considers that on such a scheme there 
would be the saving in respect of the scholarships now needed for supporting 
students ; though how that half, or more, of the youths who came from the small 
towns and villages would be assisted, is not plain (Works, 1817; ii. 216). 
The following are his published works. 

1. Power from on High, or the Power of the Holy Ghost dispersed through 
the whole Body of Christ, and communicated to each member according to its 
place and use in that body. Two sermons by William Dell, minister of the Gospel 
of Jesus Christ at Yelden ; 1645. Dedicated to the Countess of BoUngbroke. 

2. Christ's Spirit a Christian's strength. Two sermons, published in 1645. 
Dedicated to Lady Elizabeth, Countess of BoUngbroke, wife of his patron at 

3. Uniformity examined. A short Essay in favour of the Independent as 
against the Presbyterian form of Church government. The general drift is that 
'Hhe variety of forms in the world is the beauty of the world; so that though there 
be a most admirable unity among all the creatures, yet there is nothing less than 
external uniformity." (1646.) 

4. The Building, Beauty, Teaching and Establishment of the Truly Christian 
and Spiritual Church. A sermon preached to Sir Thomas Fairfax and the army, 
"at Marston, being the Headquarter at the Leaguer, before Oxford, June 7, 1646. 
By William Dell, minister of the Gospel, attending on his excellency Sir Thomas 
Fair&ix, in the army." (1646.) 

5. Right Reformation : or the Reformation of the Church of the New Testament 
represented in Gospel Light A sermon preached before the House of Commons, 
Wednesday, Nov. 25, 1646. "With a reply to the chief contradictions of Master 
Love's sermon, preached the same day" (1646). Animadverted on by T. Edwards 
(1646); Chr. Love (1646); and W. Umfreville (1646). 

6. The Way of True Peace and Unity in the True Church of Christ. By 
William Dell, one of the least and un worthiest of the servants of God in the Gospel 
of his dear Son. Printed in 1649. 

This, and the preceding four, were republished in 1651. 



7. The Doctrine of the Sabbath, as it hath been believed and taught by Ancient 
and Eminent Christiana.... Dedicated especially to the Parliament to direct them 
in their intended Act for the Due and Strict Observation of the Lord's Day. 
Printed in 1650. 

8. The Crucified and Quickened Christian. A Discourse spoken briefly at the 
Lord General CromwelFs house, and after more largely delivered in Clement's parish 
in Cambridge. By William Dell, minister of the Gospel, and master of Gonville and 
Caius College (1652). Dedicated to Cromwell. He says, "when I preached the 
same things more largely at Cambridge, several people, and some who had been 
ancient professors, were grievously offended at them. Yea, some gathered several 
particulars out of my discourses and sent them up to some of the House of 
Commons for strange heresies, as once some citizens dealt with me at Marston, 
when the Leaguer was before Oxford, presenting some such like foolish and 
ridiculous collections of theirs to the then House of Lords.'' There was an 
animadversion on it by Humfry Chambers, in 1653. 

9. The Stumbling Stone. A Discourse delivered partly to the University 
Congregation in Cambridge, partly to another in the same town. By William 
Dell, minister of the Gospel, and master of Gonvil and Caius College (1653). 
Animadverted on, by J. Sedgwick (1653). 

10. The Doctrine of Baptisms. Reduced from its ancient and modem 
Corruptions, and restored to its primitive soundness and integrity. By William 
Dell, (1652?) (Practically he renounced Baptism. He distinguished between that 
of Water and that of the Spirit. The former was that of John; Judaic, and 
transitory. The latter alone is that of true believers.) Owing to the interest in 
the subject felt by the Quakers, this has been many times republished. 

11. The Trial of Spirits, both in Teachers and Hearers. Wherein is held 
forth the Clear Discovery and Certain Downfall of the Carnal and Antichristian 
Clergy of these Nations. Testified from the Word of God to the University 
Congregation in Cambridge. By William Dell. Whereunto is added A Plain and 
Necessary Confutation of divers Gross Errors delivered by Mr Sydrach Simpson in 
a sermon preached to the same congregation, 1653. 

In the same volume. . 

A Testimony from the Word against Divinity Degrees in the University, or any 
Academical Degrees made use of for the Ministry of the Gospel. 

The Testimony of Martin Luther upon the whole matter, to wit, touching 
Universities, Human Learning, or Philosophy, University Degrees, &c. 

These two contain a violent assault against the giving of degrees in Divinity 
("for I meddle with none other") by the University. "Thus doth the University, 
through power received of antichrist, give men, chiefly for money, divinity 
degrees.... A mere invention of antichrist, to put honour and reputation on his 
ministers.... And thou. University, hast like thy own mother Babylon, mystery 
written on thy forehead ; for thou hast taken to thyself this glorious title. Alma 
Mater, which only belongs to Jerusalem from above ; and though thou hast brought 



forth a company of prodigious children, heathenish, foolish, vain, vile and abomin- 
able, yet hast thou called them learned, and given them degrees in divinity... hast 

sent them forth as sons of the morning, though yet very unbelievers '' This is 

enforced by long quotations from Luther; "Certain it is that Aristotle who is 
dead and damned is at this day the great doctor of all the Universities, rather than 
Christ," Ac. 

12. The Right Reformation of Learning, Schools, and Universities, according 
to the State of the Qospel and the True Light that shines therein. 

13. The Increase of Popery in England, since the Reformation Diade by King 
Henry Y III ; shewing the great encouragement that the priests, Jesuits, and other 

promoters of that bloody religion have had from persons of power and authority 

Intended to be published in the year 1667, but seized at the Press by R. L. S. and 
others. By the late Rev. William Dell, sometime rector of Yelden. 

This appears to have been published by his widow after his death. The 
advertisement states, "At the eamedt request of some friends I have been prevailed 
with to publish this small treatise.... June 18, 1681. M.D." 

A long criticism of his generally antinomian views was published by Samuel 
Rutherfurd, professor of Divinity at St Andrews, in 1 647, under the title, " Survey 
of the spiritual Antichrist, opening the secrets of Familism and Antinomianism in 
the antichristian doctrines of J. Saltmarsh and W. Dell, the present preachers of 
the Army in England...." 

According to Kennet (Beg, and Chron, p. 402 : Wood, Aih. Ox, ii. 377) Dell 
was one of a number of non-conformists who compiled the "English-Greek Lexicon: 
containing the derivations and various significations of all the words in the New 

His will (dated Nov. 5, 1669: proved P. C. C. June 8, 1670) is brief, and 
naturally contains no legacy, or reference, to the college. He is described as of 
Sampsill, Westoning, Beds., clerk. The following are the principal provisions : — 
My body to the earth, whereof it is made, to be decently buried. To wife Martha, 
for her life, the manor of Aynells, and freehold of Sampsill : after her death to my 
son William. To son John, " towards the bringinge of him uppe at Cambridge,*' 
X25 per an, for seven years ; and all my library of Latin and Greek books. To 
daughter Elizabeth, some pasture closes in Harlington ; to daughter Martha, other 
lands there, with £5 per an.; to daughter Anna, other lands there, with £150 to 
be paid by son William. To daughter Mercy, £300. Wife Martha, residuary 

The lease of Aynells was renewed to Mrs Dell, March 15, 1674-5, "provided 
she gives good security to the college against her sonne who at least pretends a 
title to the lease." She died about 1681. His eldest son William succeeded to his 
estate at Sampsill : John graduated at Christ's College in 1672-3. 

As regards the burial of Dell a curious legend has long prevailed which it 
seems a pity to dispel, but which I suspect has arisen from the crystallization 
of party animosity around the nucleus of a word. As will be seen by his will 
he desired to be "decently buried": but the following letter to Dr Gray of 


Cambridge (Baker MS. z. 116) will show how popular opinion disposed of his 
body: — 

Dear Sir I have enquired of Mr Wingate about the obscure grave of old Dell, who 
was great grandfather of the now Dr DelL I have this account. At Samsill, in the parish 
of Weetoning, in the parish of Harlington, there is a part of a close hedged in, where the 
old man was buried, and is now grown over with thorns and briars. But I cannot learn 
that his wife lies there too. The close goes by the name of Oraves^ and was part of the 
Dell estate at that time, then sold by the son of the old man, which son married a great 
aunt of mine by my mother's side. I have heard Mr Bedford say that old Dell was rector 
of Yelden in those precious times of iniquity: I suppose presented by the then Earl 
of Bohngbroke, who was deep in those confusions. 1 myself have heard the doctor say, 
pointing to the close as we rode by, There lies my old rogue of a grand£sither (sic) ! which 
was no small concern to him. Your very hiunble servant, John Pomfret. 

March 18, 1738-9. 

Cole, writing 26 years afterwards, rather improves upon this. He says that 
Dr Gray had just told him how DelFs son Humphrey had onoe remarked, on 
passing a spinney in Westoning, " There lays that old rogue and rascal my father '' ; 
an obvious blunder of two generations. Cole adds that Dell '*was so little curious 
where his carcase was deposited that he ordered himself to be buried'' in the 
spinney in question (Add, AfSS. 5834 ; p. 267). 

It is quite true, as I have said, that the land referred to was bought by Dell, 
in 1657. But it must be pointed out that it vxu already knoum as " Grave's dose" 
— doubtless from the name of some previous owner or occupier, — at the time 
of purchase. In 1892 this land, which had been subsequently acquired by the 
college, was again sold, for brick-making. The legend being still in some credit 
it was thought well to have a careful search around the spot which tradition 
had assigned, before the sale was effected. No trace could be found of a skeleton, 
or of there having been any burial there. It must be stated, however, that there 
is no entry of his burial in the register of either Westoning or Yelden. 

So far as available evidence goes, the disturbance in college during the Inter- 
regnum was less, I believe, than is commonly supposed. The principal changes 
were the following. In the first place there was the ejection of the master, and 
of a number of fellows : certainly of twelve, and probably of one or two more. For 
some years also there continued to be considerable interference on the part of the 
Parliamentary Committee for Regulating the Universities. They appointed the 
fellows in several instances : forbade fellows and scholars jbo be absent from college 
without leave : augmented the stipends occasionally, &c. The fellows, however, 
in spite of several of them owing their own appointment to this authority, do not 
seem to have been any fonder of this kind of interferenoe than their predecessors 
were : at least so I interpret the college order (March, 1650-1) " That the master 
and Mr Harrington go to London, to reverse if possible the orders of Sir Stockton 
and Sir Hickhomgill appointed fellows by the Committee." It may be remarked 
that the class of men thus intruded from outside did not materially differ from the 
old class, except of course in religious and political views. Several of them were 
not Cambridge graduates, but they were all men of University training; and 


there seems no appreciable difference between the old and the new stock in respect 
of learning and abilities. 

Domestic events within the college seem to have gone on much as they did 
before. There are indeed more references to legal proceedings for the recovery 
of rents and other debts than was formerly the case; but this may be due to 
the disturbed times rather than to any more grasping and litigious spirit on the 
part of those who managed the college. As regards the chapel service, chaplains 
continued to be appointed as before ; but all the fellows seem to have taken part 
in the prayers and ''problems.'' Thus we have the order ''That all exercises, 
whether praying, problems, or commonplaces, be performed according to seniority, 
in turn ; and that in problems the next senior do reply'' (July 19, 1653). "That 
Mr Bolt do supply the vacancies of prayer in chapel... ; and that every fellow's 
course be supplied by him when it falls, unless it be otherwise provided for by 
him whose course it is" (Sep. 27, 1656). But, as already pointed out, most 
of this was by no means a novelty in our college practice. The college bonfires 
(in those days the authorities furnished, instead of suppressing these manifestations 
of opinion) went on much as usuaL That on November 5 was kept up unchanged ; 
and that on the Accession day of Charles I was continued as late, actually, 
as March 27, 1647, after which date the Thanksgiving day, Sep. 7, was sub- 

In some colleges the presence of the army during the years 1643-5 caused 
disturbance and destruction, the soldiers being quartered in college rooms, and 
St John's being partly employed as a prison for royalists. But our account books 
show no trace of anything of this kind ; and unless the incident of the dog " shut 
up in the chapel" (p. 93) has a good deal more read into it than it obviously 
contains, I can find no proof that academic discipline was appreciably relaxed. 
The only reference to the presence of the army is in an entry of 1652, "Paid 
to the officers of the Army for a composition from quartering of soldiers in the 
College, £1." The detailed incidents below, which have been extracted from 
our various books, will give the reader a fair indication of the resultant changes 
of practice. 

It may seem surprising that even the number of students was not much 
reduced, if we take into consideration the whole period in question. We can 
only suppose that the sons of the royalist squires and parsons had their places 
supplied by those whose fathers were in sympathy with the dominant opinions. 
It is quite true that towards the middle of the time there was a serious falling off; 
and the old statutable jcourse of. sending .word to the Norwich schools that there 
were scholarships vacant had to be. revived (July 9, 1652). We find also such 
a notice as this, "that every fellow, scholar, and student, have a chamber de 
proprio** (May 17, 1652), which implies a good deal more spare room than had 
been known before. The following order however (Oct. 27, 1659) shows that this 
state of things was only temporary, "Whereas the butler, for some years past, 
uppon <K>n8ideration of the emptinesse of the college, and consequently the 
diminution of his wages and avayles, had £10 per an, allowed him,... the college 
being agayne well replenished and multiplyed" the allowance was wiUidrawn. 



The following are extracts from our various books. 

1651. *Qiven by the CoUedge towards the building and preparing of the Publick 
Library, £20.' 

' For a horse and Rider, to serve in a Troope raised by the Universitie at the last 
Invasion of the Scotts Army, £1.4.0.' 

* Fuell for 2 Bonfires at the Thanksgiving day, and Nov. 6, & S\* 

1652. * For mending the sphsere in the Library, 3"' (v, under Library). 

1654. Oct. 9. *That timber be cut down at Houghton for the repair of Gonville 

1655. * For gilding the Mercury, 9«.' 
•For playstering Gonville Court, £17.' 

' That Porta Honoris be made clean and repayred.' 

* That the steward give to the Savoyans a full proportion for our college to what othw 
colleges do.' 

'That a deske and a cushion be bought for the preacher to use in Chappell, and^ 
that Mr Jenkes take care to have the same made soe as may be most convenient and 

1656. * For 4 Flore de Luce, 4"' (the earliest intimation of a flower garden). 

1656. It appears that Mr Dell, whatever his views about ritual, had no appreciation of 
simphcity where he himself was concerned. There is an entry this year *♦ for one velvet 
and one damask cushion for the master and president's use in ChapeL" 

1658, May 2. *To contribute to the Protestants of Poland in distresse... according to 
the proportion of other Colledges.' 

165a * For the fir trees in Gonville Court, 5«.' 

'For the trees in the New Building ground, and workeman, £2.9.6' (commonly supposed 
to be in the position of the present avenue in the " Tree Coiut"). 

* Lord Protectors trumpetters, 5".* 

1659, Jidy 28. * This day the MSS. bequeathed to the Colledge by our ancient and 
worthy friend Mr Moore were received into the library.' 

Garret Hostel hired of the Corporation of Cambridge, but parted with two years later 
to Trinity College, not being found so convenient as was expected. 

1660, * Knuckle, for the founders pictures, £6' (see under Pictures), 

* For bonefires, 19".* 

Ralph Phillips, fellow, died towards the end of 1650, in debt. His funeral 
expenses were paid by the college; and the various items of the account are 
curious : — 

To the nurse for her pains in tending the sick 

For a coffin .... 

To Foory(?) for Eschutcheons 

To G. Pemberton, for cakes . 

To Tine, for hearbs 

To the cleark and chmxihwardens 

To Mr Crawford, for burying him 

To Sam. Moody, for Gloves . 

To James Peters, for torches, links, and candles 

To Bunning, the porter, for coales 

8 . 

8 . 

1 . 


1 . 


2 . 

16 . 


5 . 

5 . 

14 . 




£10 . 8.2 



Robert Brady, twenty-second master (1660-1700), one of the most learned in 
our list of masters, was a son of Thomas Brady, attorney at law, of Denver, 
Norfolk ; where he was bom about 1627. He was educated at the grammar school 
at Downham, and admitted sizar at our college, Feb. 20, 1643-4. He was a 
scholar of the college from Mich* 1644 to Lady Day 1650, but never obtained a 
fellowship: — his strong royalist opinions would probably have been sufficient to 
prevent Uiis. He graduated B.A. 1647-8 : M.B. 1653 ; and M.D. (by royal 
mandate) Sep. 5, 1660. He was a man of varied activity and distinction, literary 
and scientific. His early life was probably devoted to the medical profession, in 
which he continued to be employed to the last. He was appointed master of the 
college Dec. 1, 1660. In 1677 he became Regius Professor of Physic in the 
University, a post which he held till his death. He was admitted a fellow of the 
Ck>ll^e of Physicians, Nov. 12, 1680; and was successively physician in ordinary 
to Charles II and James II : in the latter capacity he was one of those who 
deposed, Oct. 22, 1688, to the birth of the Prince. He was M.P. for the University 
in the Parliament of 1681; and again in that of 1685-7. For many years, — 
probably from 1685 (Biog, Brit), — he was Keeper of the Records in the Tower of 
London ; in which capacity his works give abundant evidence that he was a careful 
and laborious student of the various archives under his charge. 

As regards his election to the mastership, he was apparently not the person 
whom the fellows would have chosen of their own free will. £ven had their choice 
not fallen upon one of themselves, there was already another candidate in the field. 
Edmund Barker (Vol. i. 325), an ex-fellow, had a petition presented to the king in 
good time, stating that " in regard to the extreame old age and indisposition of the 
master, ** he "is earnestly requested by the fellows to take upon him the office." 
He appends a testimonial of his loyalty, from Lady Capel, with whom he was 
chaplain, and a letter signed by ten of the fellows. The letter is cautiously 
worded, as they seem to be aware of what they call Dr Batchcroft*s " preengage- 
ments to another person"; but they conclude with an intimation to Barker that 
'' if an hour propitious to your interest and ours should happen, it will be plainly 
shown how unanimously we desire" to secure his election. 

Brady had doubtless long been a friend of Batchcroft: he was the master's 
pupil in college, and they sprang from adjacent villages in Norfolk. A royal letter, 
dated Nov. 24, 1660, states that Batchcroft had made "humble suit, out of his 
earnest desire and zeal for the good and prosperity of the college, that we would 
use our interest that Dr Brady should succeed him.*' On Dec. 1, Brady himself 
brought to the college Batchcroft's resignation, "and an express order from his 
Majesty, grounded thereon, for himself to be forthwith admitted to the place,*' 
which was accordingly done. His Latin speech, on the occasion of his admission, 
is in our MS. No. 602. 

In the case of the colleges, as in that of church livings, the first business after 

106 MASTERa 

the Restoration was that of ejection and restitution. The condition of things in 
our college, in the spring of 1660, was as follows. There was the master, Mr Dell, 
and 23 fellows. Of the whole body not one had been a member before the 
disturbances, ie. before 1642. Two of their number, the master, and the president 
(Mr Wheeler), had been intruded by the Parliamentary Committee : all the other 
existing fellows seem to have been elected in the ordinary way. Of those who had 
been ejected for their royalist or church sympathies, several had died in the 
interval, or had become ineligible on account of preferment or marriage. There 
were, however, still five, at least, eligible, ''qui temporum et matrimonii fata 
evaserant,'' as Oostlin puts it. 

Dell resigned instantly, as we have seen, and Batchcroft was re-elected. As 
regards the fellows, no such immediate change was made. Before long, however, 
one of their number was formally ejected. This was Mr Wheeler, the senior 
member and president ; the principal grounds stated for the expulsion being that 
he had been " chosen into a fellowship that was lawfully possest by another,'' and 
that "he hath been a great dishonour to the colledge, and is yet esteemed so'' 
{Geatay May 28, 1661). The order of precedence of these charges is significant. 
He was the only fellow of whose expulsion we have any record ; though I cannot 
but suspect that two others, Mitford and Allen, did not depart altogether of their 
own free will. Of the remaining ten seniors (after Wheeler and Mitford) one, 
Mr Boult, was temporarily assigned to a junior fellowship in order to make place 
for one of the restored; and nine obtained royal letters "confirming" them in 
their places. As regards the junior fellows no such step was considered necessary : 
their position and privileges being so inferior that their election in the ordinary 
way by the master and fellows was apparently thought sufficient. 

As regards the fellows who had been formerly ejected, five were replaced : two 
at once, and three after the shortest convenient interval. The former (viz. Blanks 
and Sheringham), perhaps on account of their age, were replaced at the top of the 
list of seniors; the other three (Colebrand, Watson, and Spencer) returned as 
juniors. Of these Watson gave the college considerable trouble ; for he insisted on 
his original seniority, on J&30 a year compensation for his lost fellowship since 1644, 
and on i&3 a year for the rent of his rooms from the same date. The college 
refused his claims, but gave him a small allowance " out of respect to his desert 
and sufferings" (Vol i. 286). Amongst the above restitutions ought to be included 
John Gostlin (Vol i. 369). He had been a scholar, and would certainly have been 
elected fellow had he not been driven out of the college on account of his opinions. 
He was made a senior fellow by royal mandate. 

Brady's long rule in college offers nothing remarkable. He was a married man, 
as the following extract from the register of St Michael's shows : " Jean Braddy, 
wife of Docter Braddy, Master of Caius College, buried March 6, 1679-80"; but 
when he married, and how long his wife resided, — she was apparently the first 
master's wife to live in collie,— we have no evidence. He had probably no 
children. He seems to have passed through his time without incurring any 
disputes with the fellows. Of course his professional appointments caused him to 
be frequently absent. The following application by him, referring to the year 1684, 



will show how frequently he had to be in attendance on the king : " Dr Robert 
Brady, physician in ordinary to his majesty, craveth allowance... for his ryding 
charges and other expenses for himself his men and horses in his attendance upon 
his Maj. at Windsor for 144 dayes, from the 5*** of Aprill to the 26^ of August 
1684 ; and for his like attendance upon his Maj. at Winchester 30 dayes from the 
26^ of August to the 25^ of September 1684 ; and also for his attendance on his 
Maj. at Newmarket 20 dayes from the 4^ of October to the 23*^ of the said 
month. In all by the space of 194 dayes at the usuall rate of 25* by the day, 
which he prayeth may be paid by the Treasurer of his Majesty's Chamber." There 
are several of these applications in our MS. no. 602, with Lord Arlington's orders 
for payment of the sums due. 

Macpherson says (Life of James II: Orig, Papers^ i. 169) that when James 
was at Rochester, on his flight from England, *' some bishops and others advised 
the king not to go. Dr Brady, his physician, was sent to him, and argued the 
matter, but could not convince the king they did not think the Prince of Orange 
would attempt his life.'' 

As we have said, Brady was much absent from college, but he evidently took 
a keen interest in our domestic records as well as in the public records committed 
to his charge. Two of the MSS. in our Library (602, 617) contain extracts 
from the Annals^ the Gesta^ early account books, Ac, and show that he had carefully 
examined the contents of our Treasury. 

He died Aug. 19, 1700, at the place of his birth, Denver, aged 73. There is a 
monument to his memory in the church. 

As regards his knowledge and capacity, he must evidently have had a high 
repute as a physician, to have been selected to attend the king. But it was not in 
this direction apparently that his main tastes lay. The only professional writing 
left behind him is, I believe, a letter to Dr Sydenham, of whom he was a personal 
friend, dated from Cambridge, Dec. 30, 1679. It is published in Sydenham's 
works. In this he makes enquiries about the use of Peruvian bark, and suggests 
the advisability of less severe bleeding than was then commonly recommended. It 
is however as a historian that he is best known, though hia strenuous efforts in 
every way to support the royal authority and prerogative over Parliamentary and 
constitutional rights, deprive him of any high critical estimate at the present time. 
It is on this ground, doubtless, that Heame holds him as '' omnibus sequioris levi 
historicis nostris Anglicanis anteferendus." He was a very diligent and laborious 
student' of the national archives under his custody at the Tower. 

By his will, dated Aug. 24, 1694, proved (V. C. C), he leaves his estate in 
Denver to the college ; with a life interest of £40 a year to his niece, Mrs Fuller. 
The annual produce to be divided into ten parts : two to the master, one to the 
president, one to each of the six Frankland fellows, and one to the collie chest. 
He leaves also £500 to the master and fellows '* to buy the perpetual advowson of 
two competent livings," Denver to be one of them. He leaves to the college library 
such of his books as are not already in it. Mr lightwin, fellow, executor. 

1 Five of onx MSB. (580-4) oonsiBt of eztraotB made for him from tho i o reoofdi. 


The will was disputed by his heir at law, Mary Fuller, above, who denied that 
he made the will or that he was of sound mind at the time. She died in 1723, 
when the college came into possession of the whole estate. He seems to have left 
no relations of his own name. 

The principal event in Cambridge, as in many other places, during the first few 
years following the Restoration, was the great visitation of the plague. It broke 
out in 1665, but did not, as in London, reach its worst in that year. It lingered 
on through the winter, and raged terribly in the summer of 1666. €k>stlin says 
that more than 1000 townspeople died in Cambridge, but, owing to the strict 
precautions taken, the University did not suffer. The tutors, for the most part, 
took their pupils to villages in the county, or into Norfolk and Suffolk, the 
University being almost entirely deserted, "usque adeo neo Academiam in 
Academia nee Cantabrigiam in Cantabrigia videre licuit aut invenire" (Gostlin). 
Fellows willing to stay in college were allowed their usual commons, and two 
shillings every day in wine. The gates were ordered to be kept locked day and 
night, no one being allowed to leave college except for the most urgent reasons, 
and then only for the shortest possible time. The following extracts from the 
Gesta illustrate the state of things. 

1665, Dec. 17. * That yf it please God that any in the collie should be visited with the 
pest, that convenient nurses, physicke, and advice, be provided for them.' 

1666, June 22. * That the cook and his family be received into the college, to provide 
commons for those few which should venture to stay ; and that Miles, and a scholar whom 
the master and president shall appoint, be in the Buttery es. That all the Bedmakers^, 
except two, be immediately turned out of the college, and be allowed two shillings i^iece 
every weeke. That a man be hired for 5* a week for attending constantly at the Qate, to 
goe of errands into the town. That there be a laundresse continue in the college.' 

1666, June 23. * The master and all the fellows, except Dr Thruston and Mr Naylour 
(non-residents), be accounted as present in the College from this day until the gates 
be again open, and that they receive their full dividends, without discounting for 

(There was no college meeting held, after this, until Feb. 19^ 1666-7.) 
The following miscellaneous notices are taken from our various books. 

1660-1, Jan. 18. * That the anncient custom of observing feisting nights on Frydayes 
and Saturdayes and Holy-day eves, be revived ; but that there shall be suppers provided 
in the Hall those nights for the schollars at the value of 8^ per messe, but no fleshe. 
And that they be prohibited by the Deanes from resorting to victualling-houses in 
the toime on those nights.' (Before the Interregnum the rule had been to provide no supper 
on Fridays.) 

1662. * For King Charles the first his workes which the CoU^e presented to the Duke 
of Monemouth, £2.12.0.' 

1663. ' For painting the Armes in the Masters Qallery, £1 . 10 . 0.' 

1668. ' Paid to the Mr for mending the Founders Tables in the Lodging, 1*.' 

1667, Ap. 17. * That the halfe year's rent which would have been due at our Lady last 
for the two houses which stood in Phillip Lane, London, before the fire, be deducted out of 
the stipends of Mrs Frankland's fellows and scholars.' 

1 This word ocours as early as 1680 in Mead'$ Letters {Harl, 890) f. 616. 



issa Reproduced f 


1667-S, Feb. 7. A letter was read from the Duke of Monmouth * declaring he had chosen 
Dr Gelsthorpe phjsitian to himselfe and his family, and desiring he might have leave to 
discontinue (i.e. be absent) and retain the proffits of his fellowship.' 

1671. * For Christmas Boxes, 2» 6*' (first reference to this). 

1674. * For a sword for the porter, 14«.* 

1675. ' Mr Loggan for his Book, £3.' (The well-known volume of Cambridge pictures.) 

1676. May 27. ' That the master should be repaid five ginneys which he gave to 
Mr Vernon, our Chancellor's secretaiy, for hindering mandates from coming to the College' 
(these mandates, mostly for the election of some Court ffitvourite to a fellowship, became a 
serious grievance during this and the next reign). 

1677. 'Paid the Gold finders, for twice cleansing, £2.0.4' (the entry as to ''gold 
finders" occurs regularly during many previous years, and is continued into the present 
century. It is a slang term for nightmen, or cleaners of privies and cesspools). It appears 
sometimes as " Gold finder and caridleP 

1680. * To the Duke of Monmouth's trumpeter, 2».* 

1681. 'For a coach and horses to Shelford, 7* 6^.' (This is almost the only early 
reference to the fellows travelling in any other way than on horseback.) 

1681. 'For bringing Mr Knight's manuscripts from London, £l . 10 . 0' (our well-known 
heraldic collection). 

1682. June 15. ' The Master read his Majesty's letters willing and requiring us to elect 
Mr Scarborough (Vol. i. 458) into a fellowship, but not one of the fellows came up to give 
any vote, and so the meeting ended. On Monday following the Master receyved another 
letter from the king, willing and requiring him to admit Mr Scarborough forthwith, which 
he did.' 

1683. ' A sword for the porter, 16«.' 

1685. ' For slating Caius Court, and one side of Gonville Court, £36.' 
1689. 'Paid the master for his charges in reversing Mr Boult's and Mr Chettelber's 
mandates, £18 . 18 . 0.* Probably Rob. Chetelburgh, of Corpus, M.A. /w lit, reg, 1683. 

1691. ' Given Mr Loggan £5.7. 6.' 

1692. * For help to quench a fire in the College, 5".' 

1694. * For mending the College portmanteau, 6**.' 

1695. The Legge and Perse Buildings, — they still went by the name of the " Pensionary " 
(v. p. 82), — underwent some repairs and alterations. There is an entry, " Mr Grimbold*s 
bill for new freestone windows, £14 . 13 . 6. Mr Howard^s bill for tyleing, &c., £23 . 2 . 6." 

1696. ' For painting and gilding the six Dyalls over Honoris Gate, £6.' 

1696, Oct. 24. ' If any fellow desired to have his chamber wainscotted, and it was done 
at the College charge, the common chest should receive yearly after the rate of £5 per cent, 
for their money so laid out.' 

The first corresponding entry in the bursar's accounts is in 1697, when a sum of 
£50 .8.11 was paid for Mr Case's chamber. 

1698. ' To Mr Lancaster for carrying the old hammered money to London to be new 
minted, and for porteridge and other expences, £4.4. 0.' 

' For returning £800 of it by Martin the carrier, to the master, £4.4.0.' 

'To the master for a journey to London and back again, and expenses there: to 
Mr Gaywood, a goldsmith : fees at the Tower, melting office, Coach hire, and porteridge^ 
£10 .7.0.' {v, Macaulay ; iv. 622.) 

1698. ' To Caton and others for their assistance in preserving the College from fire.' 

1700. Some rather elaborate posts seem to have been set up at 'Humility Gate,' as 
there is a charge of £17 . 13 . 9 for them, including £4 . 10 . for "carving them." 



James Halman, twenty-third master (1700-2), son of Nicholas Hahnan, clerk, 
rector of Thursford, Norf., was educated at Holt school. He was admitted sizar at 
our college, June 27, 1655. He was elected a scholar immediately on his entrance : 
graduated B. A. 1658-9 : and M.A. 1662. He was elected a junior fellow, July 2, 
1662 ; and a senior, March 9, 1670-1. For thirty years he seems to have resided 
continuously in college, holding in succession all the usual college offices ; lecturer, 
dean, bursar, <&c. He also held the important University office of registrary for 
18 years, viz. from 1683 to 1701. Apparently he never took Holy orders, but 
must have contemplated doing so at one time, as it is recorded that he was unable 
to respond in Theology, Jan. 1669-70, owing to an attack of small-pox. He was 
elected master, Aug. 24, 1 700 ; but his brief career in that capacity has left no 
perceptible impression behind. He died in college, and was buried in the chapel, 
Dec. 23, 1702. There is no monument to him. His portrait is in the Lodge. 

By his will, dated Oct. 17, 1702, proved (V. C. C.) Jan. 5, 1702-3, he 
leaves to the college " my lease of Mepals (Isle of Ely) which I hold of the Dean 
and Chapter of Ely," to provide an augmentation of 40«. to every one of the 
Oaian scholars. To the college library "all my Civil Law books, being a choice 
collection." Mentions a cousin, Thomas Halman of Waxham, and James his son. 


1700-1. The coU^e was put to heavy expenses, amounting to nearly £100, by a 
dispute and law-suit with the Corporation of Cambridge about the mill at Newnham. 

Ap. 14, 1702. * That any Bedmaker who shall throw dirt or empty their chamberpots, 
either out of the windows or in the courts or within the gates of the college, shall for every 
such offence be punished half a crown. Whoever of the Bedmakers shall bring young 
wenches into the college, or hire any as servants that are not approved of, shall be th^n- 
selves turned out of all their business in the collie.' 

Feb. 9, 1702-3. *That the names of the Founders and Benefactors to the college be 
collected and read every Commemoration day before the prayer used in that office.* This 
duty was entrusted to Mr Lightwine and Mr Qurdon, who produced the form still in use in 
the college. 


John Ellys, twenty-fourth master (1702-1716), was a son of John Ellys, of 
Raveningham, Norf. He was bom at Huntingfield, Suffolk, and was educated 
at the schools of Wingfield, Hoxne, Wrentham, and Norton, all in that county. 
He was admitted at our college, as a sizar, Feb. 15, 1647-8. He was soon after- 
wards elected a scholar: graduated B.A. 1651-2, and M.A. 1655. He was elected 
a junior fellow Ap. 16, 1659 ; and a senior, Jan. 14, 1661-2 ; and during his long 
residence held all the usual college appointments. It deserves notice that he was 


not in Holy orders. This did not however in any way hinder his college advance- 
ment, or prevent him from becoming, — as he almost unquestionably did, — the 
most distinguished and popular tutor of his day in Cambridge. Whiston, for 
instance, in his life of Samuel Clarke, speaks of Ellys as "that eminent and 
careful tutor." 

As regards his origin, his father is described as " gentleman " in our Register, 
but Le Neve (Knights, p. 487) is decidedly contemptuous about the family claims 
to gentility. He says of his grandfather, " an ordinary man, and had no pretence 
to arms," and of Sir John himself, " The coat he pretends to is, A mermaid gules, 
armed with a mirrour and comb Or, but I believe hath no right to arms." His 
two brothers, Thomas and Anthony, were both merchants in Yarmouth, and 
married into Yarmouth families. Anthony Ellys, bishop of St David's, was his 
grand nephew. 

Far the greater part of his working life was spent in the capacity of tutor. 
As master, beyond the bitter disputes in which he was involved with the fellows, 
there is little to be said. He was over 70 years of age at the time of his election ; 
but he nevertheless served as Vice-Chancellor during the Academic year 1704-5. 
It was whilst holding this office, on the occasion of the visit of Queen Anne to 
Cambridge, that he was knighted. 

Le Neve, in his brief pedigree of Ellys, makes what must surely be a unique 
remark in a pedigree; "Com'only called the divel of Keys." I suppose this 
refers to the decidedly inharmonious relations which existed between him and the 
fellows towards the close of his life. Where the main fault for this state of 
things may have lain, it is impossible to say, but considering the high character 
which the master had earned in the capacity of a tutor, during the very long 
period c^ over forty years, and weighing such evidence as is obtainable, it 
seems probable that the devil in this case was not so black as he was painted. 

The first signs of a quarrel are at the meeting of Jan. 18, 1708-9, when the 
master for some reason refused his assent to the sealing of Mr Hawys' presentation 
to Weeting, though unanimously requested by the fellows. He gave no reason 
beyond declaring that he had no personal objection to Mr Hawys. From soon 
after this the Gesta register is constantly recording such entries as this: '*The 
fellows unanimously desired of the master either to pass the bursar's accounts, or 
to give reasons for his refusal." " It was the unanimous desire of the fellows that 
the master would admit Sympson as fellow ; but he refused to admitt him, not 
excepting anything against him" (July 10, 1712). Matters came to a crisis 
A p. 14, 1714, when the fellows having unanimously chosen Ds Morrant into 
a senior fellowship, the master declared. Gustos suspendit suum suffrctgium ; and 
consequently there was no election. 

The fellows took the legal advice of Mr Cheshire. His judgment (May 11, 
1714), — exactly the same question was again raised in Dr Qooch's time as it 
had been before in that of Branthwaite, — was on the whole against the master 
having legally a negative vote which would thus enable him to stop the proceedings 
and throw the election, by devolution, entirely into his own hands. The queries 
and answers are transcribed in our MS. no. 621. The fellows also appealed to the 


visitors, who decided against the master in the matter of Mr Morrant's election. 
Their decision is that "dictum dominum, Joh. EUys, in errorem esse, dictumque 
dominum cedere debere; prsefatumque Joh. Morrant in dictum sodalitium sine 
mora admittendum esse...." The master saved some of his dignity by absenting 
himself from the admission, and leaving the work to the president of the college, 
who admitted Morrant in the visitors' presence. May 22, 1714. A month or two 
afterwards, the master repeated his opposition in the case of another fellow, Selth, 
and again left the business of admission to the president. The same process 
was gone through in 1715, in the case of Peter Parham. 

Whether the master had any secret justification in all this, it is impossible 
to say. The general impression left is that the dispute was the almost inevitable 
result of the relations between an old man, brought up under a very different 
system, — his first tea years in college were during the Commonwealth, — and a 
body of comparatively young fellows, with little to do, with no studious instincts, 
and who were chafing against the retention of what they regarded as antiquated 

The dispute continued to grow more bitter until it* ended in an attempt to get 
rid of the master as ' inhabilis,* as had been tried before in the case of Dr Bran- 
thwaite. Ten of the fellows met in the chapel Ap. 30, 1715, and sent word by the 
butler " that the master would please to meet them," but the message was brought 
back "that he had business and could not meet them." A repetition of the request 
met with the reply " that he should be busy all the afternoon, but would meet them, 
as he had promised, on May 2." When at last they succeeded in meeting him, having 
secured the presence of a notary, they called on him to proceed to the election 
of a fellow. On his refusal they at once presented him with a list of "articles 
relating to his ill administration," and added a formal instrument " wherein he was 
invited to secede from the mastership, upon maladministration," in accordance 
with Bateman's statute "De inhabili custode." This the notary was directed 
to attest. Apparently an appeal was made to the Chancellor, but nothing seems to 
have come of it. 

The only statement that we have of the master's side of the question is in a 
petition by him to the Queen, undated, and possibly never presented. The 
extracts below are from our MS. no. 602 (by Dr J. Smith, master) ; where it is 
stated to have been taken from the original, '^ which Mr Betham, of King's, 
received from Lord Gkxlolphin, March 23, 1771." It describes how he. Sir J. Ellys, 
" has much endeavoured, according to his trust and duty, to have the statutes of 
the said College observed by the members thereof, but without success, by reason 
of the opposition which he meets with from the twelve senior fellows," and proceeds 
to mention some instances of their conduct in detail. 

" 1. The fellows are irreverent towards the master in words and actions in Publick, 
before the Fellow-commoners, the scholars, and servitors of the College.... 

4. When the master sends for punishments or mulcts for breaches of the statutes, the 
Payment is denied. 

5. They refuse to consent to cite the absent members under the College seal, when 
important affairs of the College require the presence of the whole number.... 


6. The master ceumot prevail to have a major part of the fellows resident in order to 

9. They countenance scholars in their non-residence.... 

10. They are not exemplary in the College by frequenting the Common prayers.... 

11. When the master commands them to preach upon Commemoration days, they 
refuse it. 

14. They call and invite to the Common table whom they please, without consulting 
the master. 

15. They command the Porter not to carry the keys to the master that they may have 
imcontrolled admission into the College at all hours of the night. 

17. They keep the names of masters of Arts upon the College tables to serve factious 

19. They take marryed persons who never were of the College to cohabite with them 
in their chambers, and lye with them in their beds. 

21. They audit and pass the weekly accounts of the College without the master's 
presence, and against his protestation." 

The old master began to sink in health soon after this, and the last meetings 
at which he was present were held, not as usual in the chapel, but in his own 
lodge. He died in Cambridge, Nov. 29, 1716, and was buried at Swaffham 
Prior, in the same county. According to Rud^s Diary (Camb. Ant. Soc.) "his 
nephew and nieces buried him there, to save charges as was supposed, though 
he died very rich." He had however a small estate there, which was enough to 
decide the choice, as his relations naturally did not want to ask permission for the 
use of the college chapel. 

The following inscription is over his grave near the east end of St Cyriac's, 
Swaffham Prior : it stood originally in St Mary's, and was moved when that church 
was destroyed. 

Here by his order Lyes Sir John EUys, knight, Doctor of Physic, and Master of Gonvile 
and Caius College Cambridge, where Queen Anne, of blessed memory, knighted him, 
being Vice Chancellor, a.d. 1705. He then defended the privileges for that University 
with courage, prudence, and success, in the post of Master of Caius College for about 
14 years. The promotion of True Religion, Qood Morals, R^ular Discipline, and Useful 
Learning, were the Ends, the College and University Statutes with the Laws of the Land 
were the Rules, of his Qovemment While Fellow he was above 40 years a tutor eminent 
for piety, virtue, and learning, diligence, and integrity : an admirable method of instruction, 
exemplary conversation, constant keeping Chapel, Church, and Lectures, and care his 
pupils should do the like. By his interest he procured several considerable benefactions 
to the College, and about 1693 gave them fifty Poimds towards their buying the advowson 
of Broadway in Dorsetshire. In all the stages of his life he was a true friend, temperate 
in all things, humble, meek, sincere, obliging, charitable, and generous. He died Nov. 29, 
1716, in the 86th year of his age. The Memory of the Righteous shall be blessed. 

His will, dated Feb. 7, 1715—16, was proved (V.-C. Court) in 1717. He 
desires to be buried " in such place and manner and with such privacy and decent 
frugality" as his executor shall think proper. He leaves money to Anthony, 
fellow of Clare (afterwards Bishop of St David^s), son of his nephew Ajithony 
Ellys of Yarmouth ; and to his nieces Mary Peters and Hannah Ellys. To his 

C. HI. S 


nephew John Ellys, fellow of our college, he leaves lands in Cambridgeshire, 
and also makes him sole executor and residuary legatee; for ''the affectionate 
and faithfuU care labour and vigilance employed by him about my concerns for 
many years, the many troubles losses and vexations already fallen upon him on 
my account and in likelihood still farther to fall upon him on the same 
score, &c" — a probable allusion to the quarrels between the master and fellows. 

Considering their relations to their late master, the fellows certainly showed 
some lack of self-respect in their speedy enquiry, Dec. 31, 1716, of the executor, 
"How far the College is concerned in Sir John EUys, our late master, his wilF'? 
and can scarcely have been surprised at the curt reply, that "the master and 
fellows were informed that the College was not at all concerned in the said will.'' 
It must be remembered that EUlys had given during his life-time : e.g. £50 in 
1693, towards the purchase of Broadway rectory, Dorset. 


Feb. 16, 1702-3. ' That all bachelors of arts shall be obliged to dispute and oppose in 
the college chappell on Friday, in term, at the assignment of the deans.' 

July 4, 1705. * That the £500 paid by Dr Qostlin be lent to the University at the rate 
of 5 per cent, interest for a year, upon a grace passed Ap. 2, 1705, impowering Mr Vice- 
chancellor to borrow £500 for the expences of the Queen's entertainment at Cambridge.' 

Nov. 6, 1706. * That Mr Gurdon and Mr Hawys be appointed syndics, together with 
the master, to put the college library in good order ' (see under Library), 

Ap. 17, 1709. *To allow Mr Ringstead, vicar of Foulden, Norf. £5 in consideration of 
his great expenses in an exchequer suit for the recovery of tythes due for Tumeps.' 

May 15, 1710. ' Desired by some of the fellows to see the college library put into good 
order, and that a new catalogue be made, but the master refused to propose it.' 

1710. The " New Court," i.e. the Tree Court, was paved (with small cobble stones) at 
a cost of £42 . 16 . 3. 

1711. Qonville Court was paved at a cost of £33 .5.7. 

1712. 'For the arms of the two Universities, and framing, 14*. (It does not appear 
where these were set up.) 

1712. * Iron-woric for the grate betwixt oure and King's CoU^e, £1.3.4.' 

1714. About £40 or £50 was spent on a Siunmer House ; presumably in the fellows' 

1715. * Faber for the prints of the Founders in the two Universities, £2.2. 0.' (Now 
in the Library.) 



Thomas Gk)Och, twenty-fifth master (1716 — 1754), had the advantage, or 
otherwise, of being for many years a personal friend of William Cole, the 
antiquary ; and therefore, as need not be said, we have a quantity of very graphic 
information about his opinions and habits, which, however, like all else from that 
source must be received with a certain reserve. The statements in inverted 
commas, not otherwise authenticated, are extracted from the Cole MSS. at the 
British Museum. 

He was son of Thomas (>ooch of Yarmouth, and Frances, daughter of Thomas 
Lone of Worlingham, Suffolk. The father is described, in our register, as 
" gentleman,'^ and was probably well to do, as a younger son William, afterwards 
created baronet, entered the army, and became Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia. 
Thomas was bom at Worlingham, Jan. 19, 1674 — 5, and was educated at 
Yarmouth Grammar School under Mr Reynolds. He entered our college May 5, 
1691, as a pupil of the famous tutor, Mr Ellys, whom he succeeded as master. He 
was elected a scholar, Oct 27, 1691 ; junior fellow, July 9, 1698 ; and senior fellow, 
June 23, 1701. He graduated B. A. 1694—5: M.A.1698: B.D. 1706: and D.D.1711. 
He held successively most of the usual college offices ; catechist, salarist, bursar, &c. 
He retained his fellowship till Midsummer 1714. He was elected master Nov. 29, 
1716. As he was then in London, having ceased to reside in college for some 
years, his election was a decided testimony to his character and abilities. 

Not long after taking his B.A. degree he became domestic chaplain to Henry 
Compton, Bishop of London, which proved the commencement of his worldly 
fortunes. He was chaplain in ordinary to Queen Anne for some years till 1718; 
archdeacon of Essex, 1714-37; Lecturer at Gray's Inn, 1716; Rector of 
St Clement East Cheap and St Martin Ongar, 1714 — 32; Canon residentiary of 
Chichester, 1719-39; and 'Canon of Canterbury, 1730-38. He was consecrated 
Bishop of Bristol, June 12, 1737, "where he stayed so short a time as never to 
have visited his diocese." He was translated to Norwich Oct. 17, 1738, where, 
according to Cole, he made himself extremely popular. "He repaired and 
beautified the palace, at a very great expense." In 1742 he procured charters 
by which two societies in the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk were revived and 
incorporated as "The Charity for the relief of the poor widows and orphans of 
clergymen in the Diocese : the bishop being not only on this, but on all other 
accounts remarkable for his charity to those in want." Blomefield in his History^ 
referring to his charity, calls it ** a rare example, but such as must make others, 
with the author, pray that it would please God long to preserve him amongst us." 
To which Cole remarks, " I am apt to think that the bishop did not heartily 
say Amen to this, as he had an eye to a future translation to Ely." This step 

1 One would have thought that this rate of progress was satisfactory ; bat Ck>le tells as that 
towards the close of his life Qoooh once assured him that '* preferment was a long time before it 
oame to him.'* 



followed in Jan. 1747-8. He took his episcopal duties in the easy fashion of 
the day. He generally resided at Ely for the three summer months, and the 
rest of the year in his lodge at Cambridge, or in London. As was usual with 
the bishops of the last century, he seldom held his ordinations in his cathedral 
but generally in some church in London or in the college chapel at Cambridge. 

As his monument in our chapel concludes, Uxores habuU trea. The first was 
Mary, daughter of Dr William Sherlock, dean of St Paul's, and sister of the 
bishop, whom he married early. From this marriage "may be dated all his 
future good fortune, both in dignity in the church and in temporal good fortune.** 
By her he had one child, Thomas, who succeeded him as baronet. The second 
wife was Hannah, daughter of Sir John Miller, baronet, "with whom he lived 
but an uneasy life, she being both peevish and unhealthy.'* She died about 1746, 
and by her he had one son, John, afterwards a fellow of the college. The third 
was Mary, sister of Mr Charles Compton of Grendon, Northants, and daughter of 
General Compton, Lieutenant of the Tower, whom he married at his chapel, 
Ely House, London, Feb. 17, 1747-8. "This was more of vanity, to ally himself 
with the Compton family, than anything else; for the lady had but one eye, 
was horridly plain, and immensely ill-tempered. His vanity displayed itself 
by his displaying his wife's arms on his carriage, instead of those of his See." 

He was very active in University matters, at first favouring the Tory party, 
but after about 1730 siding with the Whig or Court party. But it is in 
connection with the proceedings against Dr Bentley that he is best known in 
Cambridge. A full account of this episode is given by Monk {Life of Bentley^ 
II. 42-74), and a mere outline must suffice here. The whole dispute arose out 
of a petty squabble about a fee of 4 guineas which Bentley, professor of Divinity, 
had demanded of Conyers Middleton. Middleton sued Bentley about this before 
Dr Gooch, who had been appointed Vice-Chancellor in 1717 by the Tory party 
in the University. On a citation being sent to Bentley to attend, he not only 
insulted the Bedell but declared that ' he would not be judged over a bottle of 
wine' by Gooch and his colleagues. He refused to attend, and for this and 
his contempt of the court, the Vice-Chancellor, with much vehemence and to 
the surprise of all, then and there solemnly deprived him of his degrees^. On 
Bentle3r's proctor commenting on the harshness and injustice of this, Gooch 
threatened to suspend him too, and added, 'Go tell your friend from me that 
if he does not come and make his submission and acknowledge his fault within 
three days, I will declare his professorship vacant.' 

There seems little doubt that this sentence was questionable, and no doubt at 
all that it was, or was considered to be, influenced by party feeling ; for Bentley 
was a strong Whig. It was not the only occasion when Grooch's partiality was 
called in question. Just before this, in another case which he had decided he was 

1 ** If Anneal^'B frioid, who Learning's Giant slew, 
A oonvert deemed, preferred to honours new, 
Laughs in his sleeve of lawn, and shakes his sides, 
Eats, drinks, and manies, age and oare derides,...'* 

(Dialogue in the Senate Howe: NichoU lUutt, i. 66.) 


considered to have shown such a bias towards the Tory faction that he had been 
deprived of his royal chaplaincy. About the time when the next election to the 
Vice-Chancellorship was coming on, viz. November, 1718, the appeal to the King 
by Bentley was also due. As the next master on the list, after Qooch, was 
Dr Bradford, a strong friend of Bentley, the Tories again made an effort and 
returned Gooch as Vice-Chancellor, by a majority of two to one. The proceedings 
were still dragging on, owing to the wonderful resource and pertinacity of Bentley, 
in 1719; and again, for the third time, the party felt the necessity of returning 
Gooch. It is true that the reason popularly assigned for this practically unique 
repeated re-election was the desirability of securing a good man of business at the 
time when the University was engaged in building the new Senate House. And 
in this they were successful, for it was in great part through Gk)och's efforts that 
the sum of £10,000 was raised for the purpose; but, as Monk says, there is little 
doubt that the real reason was the confidence felt in him by tUe Tories during the 
Bentley dispute. 

In connection with this dispute there is a curious anecdote told, illustrative of 
the bitter feeling excited at the time. The rumour ran that Gooch had been fired 
at in his lodge from Trinity College, — at that time, of course, the lodge was exposed 
on that side : and in fact the hole in the wainscot where the shot had entered was 
long shown. However, according to Monk, the story really seemed well founded, 
whether the shot was the result of design or accident, for in some subsequent 
repairs, early in this century, the bullet was actually found in the wall. 

Shortly after this, viz. in 1721, Gk)Och secured for Dr Middleton the office of 
Principal Librarian in the University. The office was a newly created one, on the 
acquirement of Bp Moore's large library, and it is said that the whole transaction 
was contrived by Gooch : " This was quite a party action, and pushed on by 
Dr Gooch to plague Bentley by rewarding his opponent (Nichols, Anecd, 
V. 410). 

He succeeded his brother William as baronet, in 1751. Thomas was the elder, 
but he was put into the patent to succeed his brother, in case of the latter dying 
without male issue. According to Cole this arrangement was due to the bishop*s 

like many other churchmen of the time he seems to have originally held strong 
Tory or even Jacobite opinions ; on which subject, naturally. Cole is particularly 
spiteful against him. "Dr Gooch and Dr Conyers Middleton had been great 
friends, were both of a party, and both changed it : yet it is my real belief that 
both their hearts were with their old friends.... They had made an opposition till 
they saw the utter impossibility of doing any good by it, and seeing that the full 
tide and stream of preferment was against them, they did wisely to swim with the 
stream.... Dr Gooch, by a good brisk opposition at first, and then veering about 
dexterously and awaiting opportunities, arrived at a good harbour in the Isle of 
Ely. ...There was little occasion for him to be saving when he had so good a steward 
for his family as his brother in law, Bp Sherlock, who indeed pulled him into his 
preferment, who died in 1761 most scandalously rich, leaving to the bishop's son, 
Sir Thomas Gooch, £150,000'* (Add. 5833 : p. 234). 


Cole gives a graphic account of his* first open departure from his old party. 
He had come down to Cambiidge from London, with the Hon. Dixey Windsor, 
who was at that time standing for the county in the Tory interest, and up to the 
moment of their arrival Oooch had not undeceived his companion as to his 
sympathies, or at any rate as to his intended action* Next morning Mr Windsor 
called on Gooch, "whom he found shaving himself; and complaining to the master, 
whom he still supposed to be most heartily in his cause, that he found the 
University much altered from what it had used to be, and that if the Court party 
would set up a Broom-stick' he believed they would vote for it, to Mr Windsor's 
no small surprise the master turned himself to him, and said very gravely, And so 
must I too'' {Add. 5828 : p. 124). If this is true, the election referred to may be 
that of 1727. 

He was always very hospitable, convivial and fond of society, and of a kind 
and generous disposition. '* As I have hinted that he was a man of as great art, 
craft, design, and cunning, as any in the age he lived in, so I must also bear my 
testimony that he was as much of a gentleman in his outward appearance, carriage, 
and behaviour as ever it was my good fortune to converse with. He was a man 

^ The following squib mast refer to a somewhat early date. Goooh was then arohdeaoon of 
Essex, and had come down to Cambridge aboat a disputed election, in which apparently he was 

Had yon seen the Arohdeaoon in his Tribnlation, 

His grief and grey hairs mast have moved yoar compassion: 

Lord, cries he, I fear, I mast, after this job, 

Ne*er see my old friends, my good Lord, nor Sir Bob. 

Bat to show yoa how much the severer his fate is, 

He was forced to steal through Port Hamilitatis. 

And sneaked, like a private archdeacon, in stage-coach, 

Who with Coach and six horses came down like my Lord Gooch. 

So they furnished discourse for all manner of Folks : 
Some vented their spleen, while others cracked Jokes. 
Thus the Pitcher or Gotch, said a wag as he passed. 
Goes oft to the well, but comes home broke at last. 

(Add. M8. 5838 : p. 128.) 

It woald seem that the name Gooch was then pronounced like Ooteh (provincial word for a 
pitcher ; still, or till very lately in use in college). Bentley used to refer to him as * that empty 
Gotch, of Caius.' 

* This incident seems to have provided him with a nickname. In a pamphlet of 1751 (** A 
Key to the Fragment... by Peregrine Smyth'*: — written by W. King, LL.D.) occurs the passage, 
** The chief of these deserters is now called Nehemiah Broomstick, tho' his true name is Thomas 
Bishop. But after his Apostasy (for he has some Humour tho* he has no principle) he named 
himself Nehemiah Broomstick : Nehemiah because it is a name of the Times, and Broomstick 
because he hath often declared that if a Broomstick were Governor of this Bealm he would 
swear to the Broomstick, he would pray for the Broomstick, and do anything but fight for the 
Broomstick. I remember this man in very mean circumstances; but he is now in the possession 
of a vast estate in Bishops Land. . He has therefore hung up Sir Thomas Duke's Picture at 
one end of his great Hall, and a map of his own estate at the other, with this inscription under 
it, Deu8 nobis hac otia fecit.** 


also of ihe most agreeable, lively, and pleasant conversatdon*, full of merry tales 
and lively conceits, yet one who well knew the respect that was due to his 
character;... always free and easy of access to all those who had any sort of 
pretension to it. His company and conversation were coveted by every one.... He 
used frequently, in early days, to spend some of his time at florseheath Hall (near 
Cambridge) where one of the rooms still goes by the name of ' the drunken room ' 
where those who in the warmth of their zeal in drinking favourite healths were apt 
to be overtaken and removed thither : not that I would insinuate that he was ever 
given to that vice." " He was one of the neatest and cleanest, both by complexion 
and habit, I ever saw. As he always wore his own fine gray locks without a 
powder in them, so his scar^ gown, and cassock were never soiled by that filthy 
custom of wearing so much oil and powder on the head.... His lordship was always 
as bright and black as jet. His picture in the Lodge is very like him, but does not 
come up to the life and fire in his eyes'' (5832 ; p. 139). 

He certainly looked well after the interests of his family, as witnessed by the 
early and rapid succession of preferment secured for his younger son. ''John 
€kx)ch is now sequestrator (of Fen Ditton), not being of age to hold the living ; but 
is designed for it, the bishop having secured a promise, in case of his death, from 
his successor, the ministry, the Abp of Canterbury, and the Crown, in case of 
lapse.'' Cole also tells us that John Gooch "told me, going together to dine at 
Horseheath Hall,... that his father told him, with great passion, that were it not for 
the great expectation his (elder) son had from £p Sherlock, he would spit in lus 
face, — that was his expression — for that^ knowing the tie he had upon him, he 
tyrannized over him in a most gross manner, and got most of his preferment from 
him. That he (John Qooch) when he was just in orders, by his father's desire 
waited on Bp Sherlock, and begged his lordship to give him a then vacant prebend 
of small value in St Paul's; but that he refused him in a most rough and rude 
manner, and never gave him to the value of sixpence in his life, or left him a groat 
at his death, though his brother got £140,000 by him " (5880 ; p. 16). 

The relations between Dr Gooch and the fellows formed no exception to the too 
prevalent rule of mutual suspicion and frequent squabble. This state of things 
does not seem to have existed from the first. In fact, when, on his appointment to 
the canonry of Canterbury in 1730, he had definitely offered to resign the master- 
ship*, if the fellows thought that his absence for six months in each year would be 
injurious to the college, he was requested to continue in office. But this harmony 

* The college wits of the day connected his name, in respect of conririal habits, with that of 
Dr Wilcox, the master of Clare. 

'* Says Qooch to old Wilcox, Come take Vother bout. 
Tis late, says the master, 111 not be lockt out. 
Mere staff, cries ike bishop, Stay as long as yon pleaae : 
What signify gates? Aren't I master of Keys?'* 

(Nichols' Select Collection of Poena, viz. 226). 
« It does not seem to have been an idle form, as •• he withdrew, and left the Cellows to 
consider this matter," whilst he was out of the room {Oeeta, Feb. 8, 1780—1). He knew 
better than to repeat his offer in later years, on his appointment to bishoprics. 


did not last long, and before the end of 1737 the fellows were beginning to take 
the opinion of counsel as to the legal resources open to them. The quarrel began 
apparently at the meeting held on Sep. 5, 1737, and was a close repetition of that 
which occurred in Ellys' time, with the difference that Gooch was now master 
instead of fellow. Seven of the fellows, constituting a clear majority, were for 
electing Mr Gibbs ; the master and one other were for another candidata The 
master claimed thereupon that no election could be carried against his negative 
vote. The fellows then appeal to counsel. They enquire whether the statute of 
Bateman, by which the appointment lapsed to the master alone, if the master and 
fellows could not come to agreement, and the statute of Caius, which gave the 
master a " negative vote," were consistent ; for, if so, the master by mere obstinacy 
might secure to himself every election. The answer of Mr N. Fazakerly was that, 
absurd as such a conclusion might appear, it appeared to him to be legal. That of 
Dr Edmunds, of Doctors' Commons, however, was in the opposite sense. This par- 
ticular dispute, as we have seen, was of very old standing : the queries and replies, 
in this case, are given in our MS. No. 621. 

Matters soon grew worse. The master did not stop here, but adopted a still 
more ingenious mode of evasive attack. When Mr J. Bemey (Vol. ii. 8) ceased to 
be president, in the beginning of 1738, Gooch omitted to appoint a successor; in 
fact he did not appoint one for thirteen years. The president was of course vice- 
master, and succeeded to the functions of the master when the latter was absent. 
What Gooch did was simply to nominate a " locum-tenens " (Mr J. Burrough), 
limiting his functions, and expressly excluding from them that of the election^ of 
fellows. The fellows, who had some inkling of his designs here, entered a protest 
in the Gesta (May 22, 1739) declaring that they only concurred in the arrangement 
for the welfare of the college. Then the master absented himself, — not from 
his lodge, apparently, or from the advantages and comforts of University life — but 
from nearly all the college meetings : on one occasion his absence extended over an 
entire year and a half. The fellows were powerless. A fellowship' fell vacant, 
and they could not fill it up. Then a living fell vacant — that of Mattishall, 
Oct. 1741 — and they could make no presentation. A living lapses to the bishop in 
six months ; and Gooch being himself bishop of the diocese, the fellows began to 
suspect what was coming. They appealed again to counsel, urging that the master 
was bound, either (by Bateman's statutes) to appoint a locum-tenens with complete 
powers or (by Caius' statutes) a president who would officially possess such powers. 
They enquire whether the master has not incurred the penalty, — that of expulsion, 
by a special board of visitors — assigned in the statute De inhabili custode ? 

They did not get much for their trouble and expense. Dr Edmunds gives it, 
indeed, as his opinion that the locum-tenens probably actually had the desired 
powers, and might therefore proceed to fill up the fellowship ; but that, as regards 
the living, where the college seal was needed, and the master, as a key-keeper, 

^ On one oocasion, "by leave of the master," the locum-tenens proceeded to an election 
(Feb. 18, 1742—3.) 

' That is, a senior fellowship (Mr Tucke's; Vol. ii. 14). It was not filled up for nearly two 
years, daring which time the number of the seniority remained one short. 


refased access to it, there would be greater difficulty. He suggests that possibly 
they might proceed to get hold of it **quocuinque modo." He adds, however, a 
serious caution that they had better be careful how they proceeded against their 
master for neglect of duty, ''seeing the great danger of issuing or serving a 
monition, or taking any other step in a criminal proceeding against a Lord of 
Parliament, without privilege being first waived by himself, or by order of the 
House, upon petition ; which must be attended with great hazard ^ and difficulty.'' 
Mr Prime, the other counsel, gave similar advice : '' it might be safest to wait till 
the present session of Parliament is termined'' (MS. 621). 

What the master said in reply to all this is not known. What he did was 
simple. He did nothing. The living lapsed in due time to the bishop, who, 
showing no more promptitude than the master, allowed it to lapse on to the 
archbishop. The latter appointed Mr Goodall (Vol. ii. 19), the bishop's' chaplain, 
who, though a fellow, was only a junior and not then entitled to the living. 

The only remarks, in the way of a reply to the conduct and complaints of the 
fellows, are in a letter by the master to Mr Burrough, the locum-tenens, dated 
June 22, 1742. He proposes a series of rather sarcastic queries, referring to 
various neglects of duties and breaches of the statutes by the fellows: e.g. Whether 
the Commencement money was reputably disposed of ? Whether the diffidrence in 
the value of money should not apply to mulcts as well as to rents ; and to scholar- 
ships as well as to fellowships? Whether all the minor college offices should be 
filled up, *' Since if the ojicta be, or be rendered, intUilia, the officiarii must be 
inut%le8^'% Whether all senior fellowships must be held to be confined to Norfolk 
men? Whether the master had not a right to examine for fellowships? and so 
forth. Some of these queries refer to. real abuses : others imply no more than the 
almost inevitable rifts which time at last introduces between formal statute and 
current practice. It would have been easy to make a similar sketch, for the 
master's perusal, of the contrast between the duties of the Gustos, as defined by 
Bateman and Caius, and the performance of those duties as interpreted by Thomas 

On the question of the Norfolk exclusiveness, — always a burning question in 
the college — the master appears to have been somewhat more liberal than the 
fellows. There is a paper by him (Baker MS, xxzv. p. 443) in which he argues at 
length against this exclusiveness ; maintaining that nothing more could be claimed 
than a ' preference ' when on other points there was equality. 

Dr Gooch died at his London residence, Ely House, Holbom, Feb. 14, 1754. 
" For above three years before his death he had been in a very declining condition, 
residing for the most part at Cambridge, and often going out in his coach for the 
air to Gogmagog Hills; but, removing up to town for his health in 1753, he 

1 There was another danger behind this. The master was perfectly familiar with the college 
statntes, so far as his own pririleges were concerned. He would at once have confronted the 
fellows with Bateman's statute, by which they had sworn never to proceed ** contra aliqnem 
episcopum Norwicensem, in aliqao negotio, causa, vel lite.'* 

' The version generally current in the college made a better story. It was that the master let 
the living lapse to the bishop, who at once appointed the master's son. 


gradually and visibly decayed apace/' By his own desire, — Cole characteristically 
remarks that this was in order to please Bishop Sherlock, from whom he had such 
great expectations — the body of his first wife was removed from London, and 
buried beside him in the college chapel, Feb. 21, 1754. 

We have a portrait of him in the Lodge, taken late in life : this was left by 
will. There is an earlier one, now in the University Library, which is not improb- 
ably that which he gave to the college in 1724. He also mentions two others in 
his will ; one by Mr Hudson, which he leaves to his wife, and another left to his 
son John. One of these is now at Benacre Hall 

One of the points upon which Dr C^ooch insisted was his right to examine 
candidates for fellowships. On Sep. 5, 1737, he presented a ''Declaration and 
Protestation '' upon the subject to a meeting of the fellows assembled in the chapel, 
which however they rejected. The letter seems a fair and reasonable one, pointing 
out that where a candidate was unknown to the master it was only in this way 
that he could fulfil his duty of choosing the better one. The particular person 
about whom the difficulty arose was Stephen Gibbs, a friend of Ducket who was 
shortly after expelled for atheism, — in fact the letter to Gibbs on which he was 
condemned had already been written — so it is highly probable the master had some 
suspicion of the opinions of the candidate in question. 

He was the author of the following published sermons. 

L Preached before the House of Commons, Jan. 30, 1711-12. 

2. Preached in London, Nov. 5, 1711. 

3. Preached before the Lord Mayor, 1713, on the death of the Bp of London. 

4. Preached before the House of Lords, Jan. 9, 1739-40, being a public 
Fast day. 

His will, dated Jan. 24, 1750, was proved, with two codicils (P.C.C.) Feb. 26, 
1754. He desires to be buried ''either in the college chapel, or in Mettingham, 
with my ancestors, or in the Cathedral where Providence shall place me at my 
decease.'' The body of his first wife to be removed from St Clement's East Cheap, 
and laid beside him. The inscription over him to be written by Mr Thomas 
Burrows of Cambridge. He leaves lands in Mettingham and Flixton to his son 
Thomas; and lands at Berstod, Sussex, lately purchased, to his son John. He 
mentions several pictures (see under Portraits), The stables and other buildings at 
the end of his garden, erected at his charge, are left to the college. He leaves 
£200 for completing the north side of the Gonville court, the college in return to 
found an exhibition to be called by his name. His eldest son, Thomas, is principal 

During the early part of his mastership the afiairs of the college seem to have 
been very badly, — occasionally, indeed, scandalously managed — by a succession of 
bursars ; and it does not tell in favour of the fellows, during their quarrels with 
Sir John Ellys, that two of these bursars were amongst the most active opponents 
of the master. The mismanagement began in EUys' time, when Dr Fuller was 
bursar, and continued under his successor Lestrange. The latter, according to 
Dr Smith, the master, who very carefully enquired into the matter (MS. 621 ; 
p. 334) failed to account for nearly £1000. Hb successor in office, Mr Simpson, 


seems to have been extremely negligent, bringing his accounts to audit several 
years after the proper time. This period seems to have been a marked contrast, in 
respect of the management, with almost the whole preceding and succeeding history 
of the college. 

The principal matter of personal interest in the college during this period was 
the trial and expulsion of a junior fellow, Tinkler Ducket, for atheism and 
immorality. The affair created much excitement in the University at the time, 
and both Baker and Cole have given some account of it. It was a little wave on 
the flood of Deism which was then sweeping over England. Ducket, it must be 
admitted, was a very sorry specimen of the hero or the martyr. He was a fellow 
of the college, in deacon's orders, and curate at Little Horkesley, Essex, under 
Dr Husband, president of the college, at the time when we first hear about him ; 
and proceeded to priest's orders in 1735. The letter on which the charge of 
atheism was based was one written, Oct. 3, 1734, to Stephen Gibbs, another fellow 
of the college. In it he remarks, " As to any further progress in Atheism, I was 
arrived at the top, the ne plus ultra.'' The letter is in a vulgar, scoffing tone, and 
concludes " I was obliged to return to college to pray.** A charge of* attempted 
seduction was also brought against him. It does not appear, from the report of 
the trial, that he denied either charge ; though a college friend, Mr R. Pate, was 
called to prove that he had changed his opinions since the letter was written. It 
is a curious illustration of the thought and habits of the time that his friend does 
not deny his frequent avowal of atheism at the time that he was taking priest's 
orders and continuing to hold a curacy. Ducket was expelled* from the University, 
by decree of the Vice-Chancellor's Court, March 23, 1738-9 : and from the college, 
April 11 following. (For an account of the trial see Baker zl. pp. 71, 257, 
and Cole Add MS. 5822, p. 87.) 

The college was much disturbed at this time by the anticipated invasion of 
their privacy by the building of the Senate House, and the opening of a public way 
along their south wall As we have said elsewhere, the present site of the Senate 
House and the adjoining part of the Passage were formerly occupied by the garden 
of St Mary's Hostel: — the three arches in our wall, now bricked up, were not 
openings into our Caius Court, but recesses for seats on the sunny side of the wall 
of St Mary's garden. The only thoroughfare on this side started from Trinity Hall 
Lane (formerly Milne Street) ran along the west part of Senate House passage to 
our Gate of Honour, where it met the wall of St Mary's garden. Here it turned 
to the right, by "Schools Street," as far as the present entrance to the Library, 
where it turned again to the left by "Regents walk," coming out opposite St Mary's 
Church. The upper part of Senate House passage was not made till 1730. The 
dispute between our college and the University commenced about 1727, when by 
college order (Oesta, July 6) the master "was empowered to take counsel about 

^ The following oollege order shows how lesser exhibitions of the sceptical spirit were 
treated, '* That Bant and Fuller be nistieated iine die, and that when the Society shall permit 
them to retnm they shall make a public recantation; and that in the mean time they shall 
translate into Latin the first two sermons of Abp Tillotson, the one upon the wisdom of being 
religions and the other against scoffing at religion '* (Oe$ta, June 8, 1727). 

124 MASTEBa 

procuring an injanotion out of the Court of Chancery to prevent the raising of any 
building in the King's Highway leading from the gate of our college to the gate 
of the schools." The Senate House had been commenced in 1722 but the west end 
of it towards the Library had not been completed, and a scheme was still under 
discussion to join it on to the new front of the Library. This was the scheme 
against which a protest was raised, Dr Gk)Och declaring to the Vice-chancellor that 
it was "so injurious to Caius College that I am fully resolved not to bear if' 
(MS. 635). It would certainly have been disadvantageous to the college, by 
depriving the Caius court of the sun and air on the south side which the founder 
had insisted on in his statutes, besides hindering direct access to the Schools. The 
case was brought before Sir J. Jekyll, in the Court of Chancery, where it lasted 
from 1727 to 1730. The proposed scheme was finally dropped, and the space 
between the Senate House and Library left open, as at present. The whole 
transaction is fully related in Willis-Clark, iii. 52. 

As regards the college buildings, two important changes were carried out during 
this period, but for which the Gonville court would probably still present very 
much the same picturesque appearance which we admire in the old court of Corpus 
at the present time. One of these was the modernizing of the college chapel by 
refacing it with stone outside. The other was the alteration of the court itself, 
which till then had remained as Loggan shows it in 1688. To the north were the 
original houses bought with the ground in 1353, with only the necessary modifica- 
tions demanded ttt the time to fit them for college purposes. To the west were the 
Library, Hall, and Lodge, built about 1441 ; and to the east the chambers provided 
by Lady Elizabeth Clere in 1490. The windows of the Library, and of some of 
the other rooms, had been already altered and enlarged, but the court must have 
been distinctly ancient in appearance, and probably the north side was in a rather 
ruinous condition. This north side was entirely rebuilt, and the old entrance door 
from Trinity Lane was now closed'. The other two sides were faced with ashlar, 
bringing them into harmony with the chapel, which had been so treated 35 years 
before. The total cost of these changes was £3390. 17«. 2d.; towards which 
Mr Wortley had bequeathed £400. They were carried out in 1751-4. 

Some alterations were also made in the inside of the master's Lodge. Dr Gooch's 
&unily was the first' to live in the college; and therefore, large as his quarters were 
in comparison with those of a fellow, it is not surprising that changes were required 
in the lodge. These were carried out in 1 727-9, and consisted mainly in internal 
alterations. The master contributed £23 towards marble chimneypieces, etc. 


1717, Ap. 17. 'That according to Mr Grumbold's representation the East end of the 
College chapel be taken down. (It was not lengthened at this time.) 

1717, July 15. 'That the boxes, writeings, &a, now in our Treasury, be safely removed 

1 The Porter*! Lodge was now rerooyed from this site, and the materials sold for £B. 7s. 6d. 

* Dell was married at the time of his appointment, bat probably none of his family eyer 
liyed in college. Brady was also married, but his wife seems to have died very soon and 
without children. 


into the chamber over Dr Fuller ' ; i.e. into the upper room in the Gate of Virtue, which 
was used as the Treasiuy until 1870. 

1717, Oct 18. * That a present be made to Mr Elder, sec. to the Duke of Somersett, 
of the value of 5 guineas, for his service to our College in our appeal to the Chancellor in 
the case of Sir John fillys, late master' {y, p. 112). 

1717. Dec. 3. A quantity of new plate for the master's use was bought "by exchange 
of old college plate." 

1718. ' For advice about a fellow's taking the oaths, £4 . 19 . 0.' 

1719. ' For an hangar for the porter, 10*.' 

1719-20, March 12. *That 783 ounces of plate be taken out of the Coll^;e Treasury 
for defraying the further expenses of the chappeL' (£180 was obtained for this in 

1723. *■ For tiles, &c., for the Cold Bath ' : — ^presumably a bathing place in the fellows' 
garden, like those still existing at Christ's and Emmanuel 

1723, July 6. * That for the future there shall be a sacrament upon the Sunday before 
the 29th of July.' 

1723, Aug. 27. 'That scholars shall be admitted by proxy during the time of the 
small pox.' 

1723, Sep. 30. *That the livings of Hethersett and St Clement's Norwich, be given to 
one person ; and those of Melton and St Michael Coslany, to one other. That a bond of 
£1000 be given by each person that he will not resign one living without the other.' (See 
imder Livings.) 

1724-^, Jan.- 15. 'That £20 per an, shall be paid to Betty Leach for washing and 
finding ' : — the earliest use I have noticed of a term still common in our coll^;e. 

1729, Dec. 23. 'That the porter shall have leave to marry' (this was expressly for- 
bidden by Dr Caius' statutes). 

1731, Ap. 6. ' That the Turf house shall be fitted up for a stable ' ; apparently the use 
of turf was now giving place to that of coaL 

1735. 'To John West for the eagle, £3.8. 8':— can a 'fierce bird' have been kept in 
the college in defiance of Caius' statute ? There had been an entry in 1729 of 1* . 3<' for 
' a chain for the eagle.' Christopher Smart wrote an ode on "An eagle confined in a ooll^;e 
court," a little later. 

1736. A new bell, presumably the one now in the cupola over the Combination room, 
was obtained in exchange for the old one. The cupola itself was built in 1728. 

1738. ' That the barbers shall not come into college upon Sundaya' 

1739, Ap. 11. 'Mr Simpson, locum-tenens, with the consent of all the fellows present, 
expelled Mr Ducket' (v. p. 122;. 

1745, Dea 19. ' That the master pay £100 of the Coll^;e money towards extinguishing 
the rebellion.' 

1750. ' For making the vaults under the Combination, £73 . 10 . 8 ' (v. Wilhs-Clark, 
L 199). 

1751. 'Agreed to case the west side of Qonville Court with Freestone, and to rebuild 
the wall of the library and the rooms imder it as far as necessary.' 

1752. Nov. 27. ' Agreed to rebuild the north side of Qonville court, and case the east 
side, next summer.' 



James Burrough, twenty-sixth master (1754-64), was a son of James Burrough, 
M.D., of Bury St Edmunds, where he was born Sept. 1, 1691. His grandfather, 
Thomas, according to Davy, was an alderman of Bury. He was educated at Bury 
grammar school for eight years, under Mr Leeds ; and was admitted pensioner at 
our college, Dec. 9, 1707. He was elected scholar Nov. 27, 1708 ; graduated B.A. 
1711-12, and M.A. 1716. He was elected a junior fellow Nov. 22, 1712; and a 
senior June 26, 1719. He resided almost constantly in college, and held all the 
various offices there which were open to a layman. In the University he held the 
post of Esquire bedell from 1727 till he became master, Feb. 27, 1754. In the 
college affairs he seems to have been somewhat on the master's side in the long 
dispute between the fellows and Sir Thomas Qooch ; at least he materially aided 
the schemes of the latter by accepting the post of ** locum-tenens,'' with its very 
limited powers, and retaining it for twelve years. He was not appointed to the 
statutable office of president till Jan. 9, 1750-1. 

In the college he does not seem to have left behind him any marked impress of 
his character or work, but in the University generally there are, in one department 
at least, plenty of traces of his activity. These are displayed in his architectural 
work. As Mr Clark says, he was ''an amateur architect of some skill and 
considerable reputation in the University, where he used his influence to introduce 
the classical style which had then become fashionable" (D. N. B.). The design 
with which his name has been mostly associated however, viz. that of the Senate 
House, appears to have been his in a very general sense only. Gibbs was certainly 
the actual architect. What Burrough seems to have done was to give a general 
suggestion as to style and arrangement. The direction of the Syndicate (March 8, 
1721-2) was " that Mr James Gibbs do take up with him to London Mr Burrough's 
plan of the intended publick buildings, and make what improvements he shall 
think necessary upon it ; and that Mr Gibbs be employed and retained to supervise 
and conduct the said work.'' 

As regards Burrough's own work, the following appear to be the buildings by 
which he is now represented. The north and west sides of Gonville Court were 
respectively built and faced by him in 1754, and left nearly as they now stand. 
The present cupola is older, having been designed by him in 1728. He transformed 
the Hall of Queens' into an Italian chamber in 1732: 'beautified* Emmanuel 
chapel in 1735 ; and designed the north wing of the front court of Peterhouse in 
1736 ; for which he received £50 and a piece of plate. He faced with stone, in a 
classical style, the quadrangle of Trinity Hall in 1742-5; and designed the internal 
fittings of the hall. The new chapel of Clare was also his work, but he died before 
its completion and it was actually finished by Mr Essex. He had the credit 
moreover of the Doctors' Gallery in St Mary's Church, so familiar to Cambridge 
men until 1863, under the name of "Golgotha." Besides these works he seems to 
have been consulted about most of the changes, great and small, that were effected 


in the town and neighbourhood of Cambridge. For instance in 1757 he gave 
advice respecting a new bridge at Wisbech. 

The great disappointment of his professional life was connected with the east 
room or new facade of the University Library. The scheme already referred to 
(v. p. 123) was in debate for a long time. In 1752 Barroagh gave a design, 
afterwards engraved, for the new front, which was to be in harmony with the 
Senate House ; and which Mr J. W. Clark describes as possessing both beauty and 
convenience. This, however, was set aside through the influence of the Duke of 
Newcastle, the Chancellor, who had recommended, and subscribed for, another 
design, the present one. The transaction is thus described by Cole, ** Possibly they 
might think the new one might be executed cheaper, as the former was on a rich 
Corinthian plan and design. Whatever were the motives, the friends of Mr 
Burrough (and he had no enemies, though the expectants voted for the lucrative 
side) thought this not only a great slight thrown unnecessarily on a very worthy 
member and old servant of the University, who had deserved better, but that the 
building a new front to the Library, on a different design from that of the adjoin- 
ing Senate House, was absurd and ill-judged. It occasioned a good deal of 
animosity and ill-temper in the University ; and the Duke, in order to cajole and 
bring into temper Mr Burrough, soon after procured him a knighthood. But the 
absurdity of the measure must strike everyone." It was to this that Burrough's 
saying refers when on being asked to what order of architecture it belonged, he 
replied that he did not know but supposed it was the Duke of Newcastle's order. 
{Add. MS. 5852, p. 136. See also Willis-aark, in. 62, 536.) 

Prof. Willis gives the following general estimate of him, " He practised archi- 
tecture to a considerable extent, but in what manner his previous education had 
prepared him for it does not appear. His works are certainly not characterised 
by great artistic power, and are all in the tamest Italian style." 

During the latter part of his life he was much crippled by illness. << About 
three weeks ago he was struck with a fit, something of the apoplectic kind, and has 
continued since dangerously ilL He has a sore leg that threatens a mortification, 
and a habit of body that shows a great tendency to dropsy. These, with an asthma 
and 74 years of age, are such circumstances that his friends cannot flatter 
themselves with hopes of his long continuance among them'." "He died a 
bachelor ; was a great virtuoso in painting, prints, and medals, of which he had a 
very choice and valuable collection. He was always my particular friend and 
acquaintance, and was as honest and worthy a man as ever lived; but being a very 
large and corpulent man, who lived freely and took no exercise, it is no wonder he 
fell into so ill a habit of body, or rather that he lived so long" {Cole MS. 5832, 
p. 83). 

The following letter from Mr Betham, in Cole's coUection {Add. 6400, p. 155) 
gives some account of his deatii. It is dated from King's College, Aug. 14, 1764. 

Dear Sir Since I was favoured with yours of the 29**» of last moon, your worthy 
friend and acquaintance, Sir James Burrough, has left us. Ardens iUud et prefulgidum 

1 Letter from Mr E. Bentham, dated King's CoUege, July 26, 1764 (Add. MS. 6400, p. 155). 


lumen Tei antiquarisB extinctum est He was not only member, but Father, I think, of 
the first Society. The modem Company, though incorporated by charter, you will excuse 
me if I hold for nothing ; as upstarts only, of yesterday ; but the former primeval worthies 
I hold in high veneration. I should have been proud to have had my name enrolled with 
them in the List of Fame, and with them to have been delivered down to posterity. 
Sir James departed this life on Tuesday, August the 7th, about one o*clock in the after- 
noon. From the first of his illness there were little or no hopes of recovery. Yet he 
himself seemed insensible of the least danger during the whole time. He was in tolerable 
good spirits ; saw every day ; and seemed pleased with company. He would talk as usual 
about affurs of the coU^e ; and particularly of repairs that were then in hand. The very 
Tuesday on which he died M' Essex was with him for half an hour, talking upon that 
business. He was buried about 6 o'clock of the evening on Friday, Aug. the 10^, according 
to his own desire, in the antechapel of the College.... It was not imagined his sister would 
have outlived him, for she is extremely ill, and for some time has taken to her bed. 
Sir James has particularly left the management of his sister's afiairs to a friend of yours, 
M*" Martin of Palgrave. This to some is matter of wonder. His skill and knowledge lie 
in a £eu* higher sphere.... Though he is called Honest Tom, yet he is not thought altogether 
qualified for business of this nature, unless he take better care of the concerns of others 
than of his own. A Grecian or Roman coin no one can keep better; but he has no lock or 
key that can hold fEbst the current English sterling." 

He was a considerable benefactor to the college, bequeathing an estate, of about 
£30 annual value, in Wilton, Norfolk. He also left a large collection of Greek and 
Roman coins, now kept in our library, and abo such books from his own valuable 
collection as were not already in our possession. 

He is buried in the ante-chapel of the college, where there is an inscription to 
his memory. His portrait is in our Lodge. 

He published nothing on his own account; but rendered considerable assistance 
to Dr T. Batteley in his work on Bury Abbey (1745); contributing a list of 
Abbots, a plan of the church, dated 1718, and a view of the Abbot's residence, 
dated 1720. Add. MS, 5846 contains extracts from his Collections for the History 
of Bury Abbey. Add, MS. 5852 contains a transcript by Cole of what he considers 
to be Burrough's note book as Esquire bedell, from 1741 for some years; but it 
continues after Burrough's death. Add. MS, 17391 is a transcript of his Collec- 
tions for the History of Bury Abbey deposited by him in St James' Church, Bury. 

His will, dated Aug. 4, 1762, was proved at the P. C. C. 

He leaves to the college an estate in Wilton, Norf., for the general purposes of 
the college : also " all such of my books as they have not already in their library, 
and also my rosewood cabinet for coins and medals, together with all my Greek and 
Roman coins whatsoever." ** To the University, £150, to be improved and increased 
till either that part of our intended publick Buildings which shall be opposite to 
the present Senate-House on the south shall be carryed up thirty feet above the 
level of the ground; or till the west end of the Senate- House shall be entirely cased 
with stone" (carried out 1767-8). To Addenbrooke's Hospital £100. To the 
Physic Garden £25. To his niece Amy Burrough, his estate in Feltwell. To his 
sister Elizabeth Burrough, his estates in Great Wratting and elsewhere : she is left 
sole executrix. 



1754y May 31. *That QonviUe court be laid with grass in the middle, and surrounded 
with chains and posts. And that Gaius court shall be ornamented in the same manner, as 
i»x as shall be foimd convenient.' 

1767, Nov. 17. *That a part of the Sedge room under the little Combination be allowed 
to the master for a ceUar ' (see further imder Combination Room), 

1769, July 3. *To send up Philip and Mary's grant of Croxley to Dr Caius, and 
Dr Caius' grant of the same to the collie, if Mr Moxon thinks necessary, either to him at 
Qra3r'8 Inn, or to Hertford Assisses.' This refers to the litigation about the right of fishing 
at Rickmansworth ; unfortunately revived a few years ago. 

1760. A subscription of £16 . 16 . was paid " to his Majesty's troops in Germany." 



John Smith, twenty-seventh master (1764-95), was the second son of Henry 
Smith ', an attorney of Hautbois and Coltishall, Norfolk ; and of Elizabeth Johnson. 
He was bom at Coltishall; was educated first at Norwich Grammar School for 
three years, and afterwards at Eton for six years. He was admitted pensioner at 
our college, June 19, 1732; his tutor being Mr Burrough, whom he succeeded as 
master. He was elected a scholar, Nov. 18, 1732; graduated B.A. 1735-6: 
M. A. 1739 : and D.D. 1764. He was elected a junior fellow, Sept. 1, 1739 ; and 
a senior, Aug. 20, 1744. He held the offices of dean and bursar for some years; 
and was president of the college, 1754-64. He was elected master Aug. 17, 1764. 
He was ordained priest July 15, 1739, and for a short time held the curacy of his 
native parish, Coltishall. He was collated to the Chancellorship of Lincoln, 
May 21, 1783, and held this to his death in 1795. 

As regards University offices, he was proctor, 1755-6; a preacher before the 
University in 1766 and 1788 ; and Lowndean Professor of Astronomy for 24 years, 
1771 to 1795. What were his claims to this last post it is difficult to say ; for, 
following the common practice of the times, he seems to have delivered no lectures, 
nor can I find that he published any work, or contributed to any scientific journal 
on the subject That he did make observations in his own house — ^there was 
no University Observatory then — seems probable; for there is an entry in our 
Geata Nov. 17, 1764, to allow him ''to make such alterations in the south parapet, 
over the ante-chapel, as may be thought necessary for the reception of his Transit 
telescope." Perhaps the unusual possession of such an instrument caused his 
election to the professorship ; — his candid friend. Cole, suggests however that this 
was due to Court favour. The '* Tripos list" of his year is missing, so we do not 
know his mathematical claims on this ground. 

The following is his friend's account of his life and character. " This downright 
honest man is the son of an attorney in Norfolk who had but one leg....Dr Smith 
has no other preferment ; but, as he is a bachelor, with a private fortune, he lives 

^ A well-known man in the County, and referred to by Blomefield as ** Harry Smith of Norfolk. '* 
C. III. 9 

130 . MASTERS. 

very hospitably and much esteemed by his acquaintance. There is an excellent 
picture of him, in the Lodge, by Reynolds, very like him. Smith is a plain honest 
man of strong passions when moved... an eternal smoker of tobacco; pretends to 
a taste in painting, and may possibly understand it, though he looks as if he did 
not, and has such an inarticulate way of expressing himself that very few people 
understand what he says. He has a brother's widow and her children; a 
Mrs Smith who lives with him and keeps bis house." This was Margaret, daughter 
of Charles Atthill and widow of his younger brother Joseph. She died in 
Cambridge, and was buried in St Michael's church, Jan. 13, 1804. One of these 
children was Joseph, afterwards fellow of the college (Vol. ii. 95). Another, Mary, 
married Dr Porter, bishop of Clogher (Vol. ii. 164). Two other daughters, 
Elizabeth and Pegge, are buried in St Michael's. Cole adds an account of an 
unseemly quarrel in the Senate House between him and Dr Ewin, of St John's, 
" Dr Smith was in a most violent rage, but could not vent it publickly before the 
whole Senate, but muttered incessantly that he would call him to account. He 
immediately went to his counsellor, Dr Powell, master of St John's, who told him 
as he was getting iuto his chariot at the Senate House door that as he allowed he 
first called Dr Ewin a rascal he could have no pretence for prosecuting him for 
calling him a villain." He adds "he is now engaged, 1777, in a quarrel with his 
fellows on account of the election of a Mr White, he supporting Mr Edward&...A 
paper was just now printed on the occasion." 

" Mr Smith is my old school-fellow and acquaintance ; a very honest and good- 
tempei-ed man, though always shy and reserved. He is also a great connoisseur in 
painting, and has an excellent collection of capital pieces.... He and my cousin 
Dr Cock and myself were admitted at Eton on the same day ; for, as my father 
and uncle Cock were carrying us up to Loudon, and so to Eton, we met Mr Smith 
and his son on Epping Forest, and from thence travelled together to Eton." 

" He began in his Vice-Chancellorship, and finished this year, what would have 
much pleased Sir James Burrough : I mean the west end of the Senate House, 
according to the plan drawn by Sir James himself, and agreeable to the rest of the 
building, all in Portland stone. It cost the University £1377, according to an 
estimate given in, and which was finished pretty exactly to it Mr Essex, as 
architect or overseer, is to have 5 per cent, for his trouble. There is an iron 
balustrade, already arrived in Cambridge, which is to go from this west end to the 
old building; so that there will be no obstruction from Caius College, which is 
rather much improved by so beautiful a part of the building in view of it. The 
Porta Honoris, close by it, is in so ruinous a state as to be necessary to wholly take 
it down. The master told me it was in debate whether to erect another like it or 
not; which would be very expensiva" {Add, MS. 5832, p. 84; 5880, p. 182.) 

Dr Smith died June 17, 1795, and was buried in the college chapel June 21. 
There is a slab to his memory in the ante-chapel. 

"There is (in the Lodge) an excellent picture of the present master, by 
Reynolds, which cost 30 guineas, and only a three-quarter piece; dressed in a 
white wig, in his Convocation robes, and the ermine over his left shoulder a little 
turned aside, which looks airy enough. A copy of this picture was taken by 


stealth, in the last vacation, by one Freeman, a ooach painter and a genius for 
painting naturally. The roaster was angry at it, and the painter would have given 
him the pictura He afterwards sold it to alderman Gifford, the cook of the 
college, who has it in his house ; where I saw it and much admired it. Mr Freeman 
is a relation of mine, his uncle the coachmaker marrying my niece Pole/' (Add. 
MS. 6832 ; p. 86.) 

Though Dr Smith has left behind him no marked impress of his personality, in 
either the college or the University, he appears to have been an excellent man of 
business, and thoroughly acquainted with the history of the college property. We 
have several MSS. in the Library (e.g. 621) full of notes, in his peculiar shaky 
hand, dealing with our income and estates in former times. 

His will, dated June 16, 1792, with a codicil of June 3, 1794, was proved 
(P. C. C.) June 27, 1795. He left £2000 to the Rev. John Porter, D.D., and his 
wife Mary (Dr Smith's niece) ; and £2000 to Margaret, widow of his late brother 
Joseph. To the college £200, the interest to be employed in increasing the income 
of the Wendy fellow. To the University, a piece of land in Sniallwood, Cheshire, 
for the increase of the Lowndean professorship. His sister-in-law, Margaret Smith, 


1764, Oct. 19. * Agreed to purchase so much stock as will defray the ezpence of the 
window tax and plate tax.' 

1764, Oct 19. The master presented the college with a collection of medals, to be 
added to the collection bequeathed by Sir J. Burrough. 

1765. The first reference occurs in our accounts to the papering of a college room. 
1765, June 7. The master gave his picture, painted by Reynolds. 

1765, Nov. 7. 'Agreed to give £20 towards the support of the Physic Garden.' 
1771, Oct 9. The cook forbidden to send a dinner or supper to any undergraduate's 

1776, May 9. Twenty guineas subscribed for the American clergy. 
1780, Jan. 14. Nineteen of the college feasts were suppressed. 

1782. A very important addition to the capacity of future expansion was made by the 
purchase of the block of dwelling-houses at the south-eastern comer of our property, though 
they were not occupied imtil 1850. It was effected by the pim^hase, for £1800, of "the 
reversion of Mr Finch's estate." 

1783. *A gun (second-hand) waa bought for W. Wollard, game-keeper at Shelford, 
£1.11.6' :— the first reference to the preservation of game on a college estate. 

1788, Feb. 18. £5.5.0 subscribed towards the abolition of the Slave Trade. 

1789. The present drawers and cases were placed in the Treasury at a cost, for joiners' 
work, of £47. 17. 8. 

1790. * Coroner, for inquest on Mr Reeve, £2.2.0' (VoL n. 72). 

1791, Jan. 14 *That no cegroUU be granted in future except there be a certificate of 
the indisposition signed by a physician or college apothecary.' 

1791. Stolen out of the mail on its way to Martin and Co., £15; in addition to £60 
which had been paid by a college tenant 

1792, Oct 31. * That the stable and coach house in the master's garden be repaired in 
fiiture at the college expense, the master resigning his stable in the backyard to the use 
of the feUoivs.' 



1794. Subscription towards the intoiial defence of the kingdom, £31 . 10 . 0. 
1796, May 6. *That £20. 7 . 1 be charged to the college as their share towards raising 
men for the navy.' 


Richard Fisher,— or Belward, as he was afterwards called, — twenty-eighth 
master (1795-1803), was a son of Richard Fisher, surgeon, of Long Stratton, 
Norfolk ; and was bom there. He was admitted as a sizar^ Jan. 15, 1765 ; was a 
scholar of the college from Mich* 1765 to Mich* 1769: elected a junior fellow, 
Oct. 26, 1769; and senior Oct. 11, 1781. He was president of the college, 1790-95. 
He graduated B.A. in 1769, being 9th wrangler; M.A. 1772; and D.D. 1796, 
having been elected master, July 1, 1795. He was ordained deacon by the bishop 
of Norwich, Dec. 26, 1769 ; and priest by the Bishop of Peterborough, June 1772. 
He was presented to the living of Long Stratton, his native place, July 24, 1794 ; 
but resigned this in the following year, on becoming master. He was elected a 
fellow of the Royal Society Feb. 11, 1790. In 1791 he took the name Belward. 

He died at Roydon, Norf., May 16, 1803, and was buried at Diss, May 24; 
where there is a monument to him and to his mother. His comparatively short 
rule in college has left, so far as known, no mark or tradition behind it. 

In his will he says, "As I have received many favours from my college, my desire 
is to make it some return..." He therefore bequeaths ten shares in the Grand 
Junction Canal : of the proceeds £2 to be paid annually to the college chesty and 
£2 to the bursar for the time being. The residue to Louisa Basham, daughter of 
Charles Basham, during her life : afterwards " as exhibitions to four students who 
are sizars, and natives of Norfolk^ whom the master shall think most deserving.'' 
Should the total exceed £60 the surplus to be paid to the master for his own use. 

The provision as to sizars led to some difficulty. Mrs Roger Kitson (Louisa 
Basham) lived till 1842, by which time there were, and had long been, no sizars in 
the college. There is a note by Dr Chapman, master {Lecus Book, p. 1127), stating 
that under these circumstances the exhibitions would be bestowed on poorer 
pensioners of the college who were natives of Norfolk. 


1795. Considerable alterations and additions were made in the Master's Lodge; which 
was extended backwards into the garden, by the building of the present dining and drawing 
rooms. The usual destructive element in the change imfortunately consisted in the re- 
moval of the turret staircase on the garden side of the old Lodge, in the building of which 
Dr Caius had taken so much interest (v. p. 50). It does not appear that this was in any 
way necessitated by the additions to the Lodge ; as, according to Willis's plan (see also 
Loggan's engraving), the tower stood several feet to the south of the new buildings, and 
would have been a very picturesque object in the present view from the garden. At the 


same time much work was done on the kitchen ^ stables, &a The total cost was £4702. 
The architect was Mr WiUrins, of Norwich (v. n. 130). 

1798. * Agreed to give £210 voluntary contribution to Qovemment.' 

1798. 'Expences of cloathing and equipping three college servants as privates in the 
Cambridge Association, £21 .3.0.' 

179a Mr WooUard, for candles on Lord Nelson's victory, 17» . 3^. 

1800. In this year our college, in common with four or five others, suffered from the 
attack of bui^lars. Our loss was very serious, amounting to 2000 oz. of plate, including 
several very valuable pieces (see under Plate). The first theft in our case was from the 
Combination room; after which Mr WiUrins, the architect, declared that he would 
construct an absolutely burglar-proof plate closet. In a few weeks this was found broken 
open, and most of the plate removed. Two persons were convicted of the crime, named 
Grimshaw and Kidman, the former of whom was executed, and the latter sentenced to 
transportation for life. The following entries refer to this incident, *'£xpences of Bow- 
street officers in coming to Cambridge, upon the robbery of the plate, £27 .8.0." " Other 
expences on the same account, £5 . 15 . 0." 

1802, Oct. 26. * To dispense with the 26 days* residence usually kept by junior fellows 
from Mr Smith (VoL IL 125) he having been i^pointed superintendent of his parish in the 
present danger of invasion.' 


Martin Davy, twenty-ninth master (1803—39), was bom in the old Hall, 
Ingoldisthorpe, Norfolk, Jan. 28, 1763 ; and was the youngest son of William 
Davy, Esq', of Ingoldisthorpe and Kilverstone. He was educated at Lynn 
school, under Mr Lloyd. Whilst still very young he became assistant to a practis- 
ing chemist and apothecary at Yarmouth. He here showed a decided taste fbr 
classical study, which gained him an introduction to Dr Samuel Parr, at that time 
famous as Master of Norwich Grammar School He became a favourite pupil, and 
subsequently a friend of Parr ; whose portrait in our Hall was presented by Davy 
to the ooU^^e. He then studied at Edinburgh, where he formed aoquaintance 
with James Mackintosh, Robert Hall, and Henry Brougham; and became an 
active member in the medical debating society there. Through Parr's influence, 
who thought highly of his classical attainments, he entered our college in 1786 ; at 
the mature age, therefore, of 23. At Cambridge he kept up his classical reading, 
and, though never ranking as an accomplished scholar in the critical sense, he 
retained through life a keen interest in, and acquaintance with, ancient literature. 
He formed an early and lasting friendship with Porson, Dobree, and other scholars 
of his time, and was in frequent communication with them in after life. 

He was elected scholar Oct. 31, 1787, and graduated M.B. in 1792. He was 
elected directly into a senior fellowship, one of those on Dr Caius' medical founda- 
tion, Dec. 16, 1791 ; after which he returned for a time to Edinburgh, to complete 
bis medical course and to graduate there. 

» The aooounts are preserved in our Treasury (Box IV. 8) ; and being very minute give much 
information as to the nature and position of the buildings at the time. 


Before settling into medical practice in Cambridge, he travelled abroad for a 
time with Lord Ossulstony presumably as his tutor; obtaining from the college 
formal leave of absence, Ap. 13, 1796, in order to pursue his medical studies. He 
passed nearly two years at Rome and Naples, being in Italy at the time when 
the French were in occupation there. As a consequence of this stay the antiquities 
of Psestum, Pompeii, and other Italian cities, were a permanent subject of interest 
and study to him throughout his life. In 1797 he graduated M.D. at Cambridge, 
and at once commenced a practice there, which soon became extensive. He 
always enjoyed a high reputation for his skill and success as a physician, par- 
ticularly in respect of the treatment of the severer kinds of fever. 

He was elected master, May 31, 1803; having already, it is said, been a 
candidate eight years before, on the death of Dr Smith. He did not however 
abandon his practice in consequence, — except during his year of office as V ice- 
Chancellor, 1803-4,— until about 1811, in which year he took the degree of D.D. 
This abandonment of practice and change of profession are said to have been due 
to the influence of the lady to whom he was engaged, and who brought him a 
considerable fortune. She was Anne, daughter of William Stevenson, of *Biana' 
(an old house near Eccleshall), Staffordsbire. He married at St George's, Hanover 
Square, May 16, 1811. His married life only lasted h few months, as Mrs Davy 
died in the Lodge, aged thirty-three, Oct. 9, 1811. She was buried in the college 
chapel. He took holy orders in 1810 ; receiving letters dimissory from the Bishop 
of Ely to Bristol, for deacon's orders, Oct. 31, and for priest's orders, Dec. 8. 

He bore the character of an active and efficient manager of affairs, both in the 
University and in the college. He held the office of Vice-chancellor in the 
Academic years, 1803-4, and 1827-8. On the former of these occasions he 
displayed what, if Gunning's account be true, can only be regarded as somewhat 
narrow professional prejudice. A son of Mr Thackeray, fellow of King's, who had 
practised as a surgeon for some years, desired to graduate as a physician, and for 
this purpose entered the University as a fellow-commoner at Emmanuel. After 
the requisite five years' residence as a student, and after having performed all the 
statutable requirements, he applied to be allowed to perform the customary Act. 
To his astonishment this was refused by the professor at the last moment, who 
maintained that the statute did not allow one who had been a surgeon thus to 
proceed to M.B. An interpretation of the statute was sought from the Heads, 
who, largely owing to the violent advocacy of Dr Davy, then Vioe-Chancellor, 
supported the rejection. They gave the rather narrow decision that " no one can 
be admitted as a candidate who has been habitually engaged, within the time 
prescribed by the statute, in the practice of any trade or profession whatever." 
This new legislation, — for such it seems practically to have been — , passed in 1803, 
was rescinded in 1815. (Gunning, ReminisoenceSy ii. 191.) 

On most University matters he was a strong liberal ; in fact» judged by the 
standard of his position as a master, he might be called a radical. For instance he 
was the only Head of a House, except Dr Lamb of Corpus, who signed the 
petition to Parliament, in 1834, for the abolition of religious tests in the University. 
Another signal instance (according to Gunning) was given by the fact that it was by 


his single vote in the Cofut (March 21, 1806) that a proposal was rejected for 
appointing a syndicate to devise some monument to Mr Pitt. Dr Davy published 
a fly-sheet explaining his reasons, which he said applied rather to the method than 
the object of the proposal. It is preserved in the Grace book. 

He was a member of several learned societies, being elected to the Royal, 
June 18, 1801 ; and to that of the Antiquaries in 1812. He was also a member of 
the Linnfldan Society. 

In 1827 he was appointed by the Crown to the valuable living of Cottenham, 
Cambs.; and made prebendary of Chichester, June 14, 1832; preferments which 
he held till his death. " He was a man of an acute mind, and had written a great 
deal on metaphysics and other literary subjects ; but he directed in his will, and 
with almost his dying words earnestly requested, that his MSS. should be destroyed, 
which was done by boiling them in the great kitchen copper of the college. There 
is reason to believe that he had been. sceptical up to middle age, and afterwards 
becoming a sincere believer he dreaded lest there should be some taint of his former 
opinions in his writings" (Pryme; AtUobiography, p. 162). Rightly or wrongly 
the suspicion of heterodoxy clung to him through life. 

By the general testimony of those who knew him personally, he was a courteous 
and affable gentleman of the old school, extremely fond of society and of social and 
literary intercourse. He was a constant attendant at the meetings of the '^Family" 
club, a social gathering of ancient standing, still existent and well known by name 
to most Cambridge men. In later years a serious deafness, which gradually 
increased, tended to exclude him from general society. 

Though learned and skilled in his own profession, his dominant tastes were 
classical. He had a splendid private library which, he used to boast, contained 
the two best editions of every classical author. Wide as was his correspondence 
with literary contemporaries, none of his letters seem to have got into print. 
Mr Thomas Kidd had intended to dedicate his edition of Horace to Davy, as he 
states in his dedication, and had actually printed it, but the intended compliment 
was declined. A short pamphlet by him was printed (F. 17. 19 : Coll. Library), on 
Mr Fox's letter to Mr Grey upon the song of the nightingale. In the absence of 
any other literary production the following letter^ to Porson may be worth 
reproduction : — 

Caius ColL 

Sep. 6, 1808. 
My dear Prof 

I trust you will have the kindness to excuse my not answering your letter 
immediately, as I have been for two or three days much engaged in slaying partridges 
instead of patients. I shall be greatly obliged to you for Porphyrius de Antro Nympharum 
and the Aristsenetus. The ApoUodorus I have. These you may send by the Tel^;raph 
(coach) with Portus's Lexicon, and I will settle my pecuniary obligations when we meet. 
I wish you could procure for me the best edition of Philostratus, and also Nonnus's 
Dionysiaca, Hanov. 1610. 1 am desirous of good copies, if possible. HoU and 1 are of 
opinion that the type is quite large enough for your Aristophanes, but to decide the 

1 The letter is in J. J. Smith's CoUeotions, Vol. vr. (CoUege Library). 


question I wish you would point out some part of his Anapaests, and I will have it printed 

and sent immediately. I do not expect to be in London till November, when I will bring 

any books you want I have a design of going into Norfolk early in October, and will then 

send you some game. But if you should be in want of some partridges before, I beg you 

will have no scruple in sending me a direction, and I will take care they shall obey it. 

I will deliver your message to Maltby. Pray let me hear about the Aristophanes as soon 

as possible, and believe me 

Yours most truly 

M. Davy. 

The following estimate appeared in an obituary notice in the TimeSf said to have 
been written by Mr Barnes, the Editor; "Perhaps no man in the University had 
acquired a larger degree of the respect and goodwill of his contemporaries of all 
classes of opinions; and most deservedly, for he was, throughout a long life, distin- 
guished for the courageous integrity of his principles, for the manly candour of his 
understanding, for the suavity of his manners, and the benevolence of his actions. 
He was, besides, highly accompHshed, both as a professor of medical science and as 
a general and classical scholar. He felt the greatest interest in the college over 
which he presided; and many persons now eminent may, and we believe do, 
unhesitatingly ascribe their success in life to his judicious advice and friendly 
services when they were mere students.'' 

He died in college, May 1839, and is buried in the college chapel. There is a 
brass to his memory, designed by Mr W. Shoubridge with an inscription by 
Mr H. Drury, both members of the college. Amongst Mr J. J. Smith's MSS. 
in the college library are a number of memorial verses in Greek, Latin, and 
English, contributed on this occasion. They are by Messrs H. Drury, J. Pearson, 
0. G. Prowett, F. Vipan, W. H. Drosier, and J. R. Crowfoot The practice was 
an ancient one in Cambridge, and is referred to by Mr W. A. Wright in his 
edition of Julius Ccesar in the Clarendon Press Series. 

We have three portraits of him, two in the college Lodge, and one at Heacham. 

He was a considerable benefactor to the college, principally by his estate at 
Heacham, which was left in trust for the master for the time being. His very 
extensive collection of books was sold in Cambridge, after his death, for J&1130 : 
there is a sale catalogue, with the prices realized, in our library. 


1807. * Received of the master of Downing College, £680 . 18 . 10}.' This was for a 
portion of the ground on which Downing stands. It belonged to the original Mortimer's 
estate of Newnham, given to our college by Lady Scroope in 1498. 

1816. * That the Buildings in the Tree Court be plastered with Roman cement' By 
this order the old brick surface of the Perse and Legge buildings was reduced to the state 
in which we see it in the illustration in Vol il. The accounts for 1817 show a charge of 
£400 for this. 

1816. Easter term in this year was "given to the undergraduates"; Le. they were 
allowed to keep the term without residence. This was owing to a serious outbreak of fever. 

1818. One hundred pounds was subscribed " towards the building of churches." 

1822. A scheme for rebuilding the first, or Tree Court, was already entertained, 
Mr Wilkins, the architect, being instructed to prepare a plan, for which £250 was paid. 


The plana are preeenred in the Treasury. The Perse and Legge buildings were to be 
rebuilt, and a new block to replace the houses at the S.E. comer; but a gap was left 
between the two, preserving the Gate of Humility. The faces of the chapel and of the 
Caius coiurt were to be altered. The style is like that of the master's Lodge at King's. 

1837. The present blue imdergraduate gown was adopted by college order. Before 
this the gown was black, and very short. A contemporary squib upon the change is 
recorded in Whible/s Cap and Oown^ p. 140. 

1838. Qba was introduced, instead of oil ; but only at the door of the porter's lodge. 


Benedict Chapman, thirtieth master (1839-52), son of Charles Chapman, of 
Norwich, was bom in that city. He was educated at Norwich Grammar School, 
under Dr Parr; and admitted pensioner at our college. May 10, 1787. He was 
elected scholar Mich' 1787 : graduated B.A., as 6th wrangler, 1792 : M.A. 1795; 
and D.D. 1840. He was elected junior fellow, July 30, 1792 ; and senior, Jan. 10, 
1798, retaining his fellowship till Lady Day, 1820. He was ordained deacon by 
the Bishop of Ely, June 1794 ; and priest the year following. He held in turn the 
principal (X>llege offices, including the bnrsarship ; and in 1818 was presented to 
the college living of Ashdon, Essex, which he retained until his death. 

After twenty years' absence he returned to Cambridge as master of the college, 
being elected June 11, 1839. As may be readily conceived, such an election, — he 
was already in his seventieth year, — was not the result of those motives only which 
are conmionly supposed to sway men in the choice of a master. Indeed it is no 
secret that in the minds of several of the electors his merits lay, not so much in his 
personal character, as in the fact that by choosing him there Vas a prospect of 
another election within a few years ; when Dr Paget, who was at that time below 
the statutable age, would almost certainly be chosen. As it happens, the details of 
the voting have been preserved ; and as this is almost the only case in which the 
secrets of the chapel, on such occasions, have been divulged, they may be given 
here. They are recorded in a letter from Dr Paget to Mr Romilly, the University 
registrary, preserved at the Pitt Press. 

'' Ten scrutinies there were, all in the same morning, before we could agree. 
You will be amused by the voting of the poor old doctor*. You would have been 
ten times more amused had you seen him taking the votes and adding them up and 
calculating them, before he gave his own. He stood at the altar with a pencil in 
one hand, and what I believe was an old betting book in the other, looking more 
knowing than I ever knew him before or since. I thought I could read in his eyes 
the notion that, if we could not well agree, we * should take the old doctor after all.' 
I never was present at a more complete comedy." 

> John Thomas Woodhoase (Vol. ii. 134), a physician, with some local praotioe. As Dr Pa^^et 
remarks, he was *'of eccentric habits, and had a special taste for cock-fighting," and doubtless for 
other branches of sport. His private character was not supposed to be exactly what is expected 
in a fellow or master of a college. 


Dr Paget gives the actual votes at each scrutiny. It appears that Chapman 
was supported from the first by four fellows. Mr Cory * obtained his own vote and 
that of Mr Guest. Mr Thurtell and Rev. K H. Alderson also found some support. 
The " old doctor " did not vote the same way twice running, but alternated between 
himself, Cory, and Alderson, according to the votes already given. Being at that 
time the senior fellow, he enjoyed the advantage of voting last. 

The circumstances of Chapman's election precluded the possibility of his ex^er- 
cising any important influence on the studies, or the social tone of the college. In 
fact the days were long past when the master, unless he happened to be of excep- 
tional force of character, could exercise any influence on the studies of the place. 
Called back to college in his seventieth year, with the object, as was shrewdly 
suspected, of simply making the post secure for someone else, the only wonder is 
that he should have taken so much interest as he did in the history of the college. 
Like Davy, he remained a personal friend of his old master Dr Parr, three of his 
letters to whom are printed in J. Johnstone's Works of Parr ^ Vol. viii. 

Tradition uniformly describes him as a courteous and kindly old gentleman, and 
as unifoimly stops there ; and the main characteristic stamped on the memory of 
those who knew him is the dignified appearance he presented on horseback, and the 
blameless cut and tint of his top-boots. He lived much at his country rectory, 
and always rode the fourteen miles which lay between Ashdon and Cambridge. 
He was in all respects, political and academical, a strong conservative. He was 
never married. 

Two events occurred towards the close of his life which seem to have greatly 
perturbed him. The first of these was the action of Mr Tozer, a recently-elected 
senior fellow, who actually appealed to the Chancellor to exercise his authority in 
reforming certain points in the procedure of the college. It may be thought that 
this was no very serious offence, but the old master took it terribly in earnest. He 
wrote at once to the Chancellor, Prince Albert, pointing out that he was not visitor 
of the college, except in one special case. Mr Tozer was then summoned before 
a special college meeting, solemnly reproved, and reminded that he had incurred 
the penalty of expulsion, and was only forgiven on his offering a humble apology. 
Technically the master was in the right' ; but, considering in how many respects 
ordinary life in college departed from both the spiiit and the letter of the ancient 
statutes, it seems almost grotesque to attach so much importance to a mistaken and 
unauthorized appeal to authority. How important the master thought this inci- 
dent is shown by his recording it in full in the AnncdSy thus breaking the silence of 
two centuries ; for this is the only entry in that volume since the time of the 
Commonwealth. This incident took place in 1849. 

^ Isaac Preston Gory (Vol. ii. 182), a barrister, and already distinguished as a learned and 
able writer on Ancient History. He was at the time the only fellow with a marked literary 
reputation. Oaest, who, it will be observed, voted for him, had then only just published his 
EnglUh Rhythms, The Alderson referred to was a brother of the Baron of the Exchequer ; and 
had resigned his fellowship. 

' The Chanoellor could be appealed to in the case of serious charges against the master, but 
not otherwise ; and the appeal had even then to be made by a majority of the senior fellows 
(see pp. 71, 111). 


The other incident was a much more far-reaching one. The discussion which 
had for some time been carried on in Parliament and the Press, as to the failure of 
the Universities to keep up with the demands of the time, culminated in 1850 in 
the appointment of a Royal Commission ''to enquire into the state, discipline, 
revenue, and studies of the University and Colleges." The old master probably 
regarded the whole enquiry as little short of sacrilegious. He did not indeed, like 
some of his colleagues, entirely decline to give any information to the Commis- 
sioners, but his reply shows how keenly he resented their desire to disclose the 
secrets of college rule and revenue. After declaring that he has been informed 
that the Commission ''is not constitutional or legal," and that he "feels great 
reluctance to answer any of the questions that have been sent " to him, he decides 
that " as her Majesty has been advised to issue the Commission, as a loyal subject 
of her Majesty I return the following answers to the questions, out of an unfeigned 
respect to the Grown, under a strong and earnest protest against the exercise of 
such a power." On certain subjects, as for instance the practice of private tuition, 
the evils of excessive credit, and the principles on which scholarships were awarded, 
he gives his opinions fully ; but he entirely declines to answer the Commissioners 
as to the corporate income of the college, or the value of fellowships and scholar- 
ships. The Commissioners' Report was issued shortly before his death. 

He died at Ashdon, Oct. 23, 1852, and was buried in the college chapel. 
There is a brass to his memory in the ante-chapel, and a monument at Ashdon. 
His portrait is in the Lodge. He was generous dining his life-time, as he gave 
£1,000 to the Building Fund in 1840. He also left a sum of money to increase the 
endowment of the Norrisian professorship. 

During Dr Chapman's time the accumulations for the future New Buildings 
were steadily carried on, he himself being one of the most liberal contributors to the 
Fund. The changes, however, actually made during this period were insignificant. 
Gas was introduced into the college in 1843, but only to light the courts, for it was 
not yet thought safe to employ it on the staircases'. In 1850 the front, or Tree- 
court, was made more open by the removal of a wall to the south. As has been 
already said (p. 49), the Gates of Humility and Virtue were originally joined by 
an alley, the avenue of trees standing inside this. Part of the wall to the right 
had been long since taken down, thus opening out the court in front of the Legge 
and Perse Buildings ; but the wall to the left was still standing. Behind this wall, 
on the site of the present garden, were two gardens divided by the partition wall of 
Dr Caius. The one next Caius* buildings was his " presidents' garden." The other 
was the garden of " Barraclough's Building," as the nearest house of the block then 
standing at our south-east comer was called. These houses had been acquired in 
1782, with a view to future occupation. The increased number of students now 
made it desirable to employ Barraclough's building as students' chambers. Seven 
sets of rooms were thus obtained, and added to the college accommodation in 1850. 

^ In 1818 gas was introdaced into some of the baildiagB : ** The Gas Company for Chandelien 
and Fittings for the Chapel and Ante-chapel, £163 . 17 . 4. To the same for Hall, Kitehen, and 
Butteries, £1«8 .8.8" (Burtat's Book). It was first introduced on the staircases in 1855 
{Oesta, June 26). 


The president then resigned the use of his garden, and the walls on this side were 
taken down, thus opening oat the court on the south side. 

As regards the general social character of the college, it had not at this time 
acquired the evangelical reputation which it enjoyed some years later. Its distinc- 
tion was rather on the river, as the following verses (v. Whibley's Cap cmd Goum^ 
p. 140) indicate. 

Know ye the coUege where men never shine 

In aught but in quaffing the juice of the vine : 

Where clouds of tobacco send forth a perfume, 

That is plainly perceived pouring forth from each room? 

The sounds that ye hear there are not like the lute, 

For the voice of the " rowing-man " seldom is mute. 

But the ale that they sell there, — I own it will vie 

With any that's made, or sold, under the sky. 

And the hue of their copus is brightest in dye. 

*Ti8 the college of Caius. .... 

The principal event of domestic interest during this period was the celebration 
of the 500th Anniversary of the foundation of the College ; the first occasion, 
apparently, on which our Centenaries or Jubilees were recognized. An account 
of the proceedings, extracted from the Cambridge Chronicle^ is given in the Caian 
(VoL viii. 1). The gathering was held, in the old Hall, Jan. 28, 1848. The 
Chapel service was at 4 ; the dinner at 5. The exact number of guests is not 
known. Dr Paget presided, the master being absent from ill-health. The Vice- 
Chancellor, and the other chief officials of the University, were duly invited, as 
also the Bishop of Norwich, the Members for the University, the President of the 
College of Physicians, and many ex-fellows and former members of the college. 
There was naturally no space for the undergraduates, but |11 of those in residence 
were provided with a feast somewheire else in the college. The customary toasts 
were proposed, and suitable speeches delivered. Odes were also contributed, in 
accordance with a custom once common on similar occasions ; one in English by 
Mr C. D. Marston, and one in Latin by Mr J. Hamblin Smith. 


Edwin Guest, thirty-first master (1852-1880), stands out prominently amongst 
the heads of the college during the last two centuries, for his scholarship and his 
historical and antiquarian learning. In fact we should have to go back to Dr 
Brady to find any one who could be put into the same category with him. 

^He was the only son — or rather the only one who survived infancy — of 
Benjamin Guest, and was bom in 1800. The family had long been settled at Row 
Heath, King's Norton, Worcestershire, where Dr Guest inherited a small estate. 
They appear in the Heralds' Visitation of 1636. Dr Guest's father entered into 
business at Birmingham, in order to retrieve the failing fortunes of the family, 

1 Taken, as regards the biographical details, with slight modifications and some onussions, 
from the introduotoiy notice in Originea Celticat 1883, oontribnted by Mrs Guest. 



and bj his energy and enterprise realized a considerable fortune. He married a 
member of a Scotch family named Rio, but she died when her son was a child. 
Benjamin Quest died in 1843. 

Edwin Quest was educated at King Edward's School, Birmingham, under 
Dr Cook, and remained there till he became head of the schooL 

His own judgment was that he should then have been placed under some first- 
rate tutor, but in deference to his father's wishes he stayed on at the school for 
two years more, being apparently left to pursue his studies according to his own 
judgment. This may have interfered with his subsequent success in the Tripos 
Examinations, but it probably enabled him to lay the foundations of that wide 
historical knowledge and keen love of culture which he afterwards displayed. He 
was for a time a pupil of David Cox, and found this training of great use in 
enabling him to make the sketches with which he used often to illustrate his 
historical papers. It may be remarked that his own decided taste had been for 
the Army as a profession, and that it was in deference to his father's wish that he 
acquiesced in the scholastic career. 

He entered at our college Nov. 5, 1819, and was almost at once elected to a 
scholarship. He gained the first prize in both Classics and Mathematics in each 
of the two years when this was open to him. He was B.A. (11th wrangler) 1824 ; 
M. A. 1827 ; and LL.D. 1853. He was elected a junior fellow May 27, 1824 ; and 
a senior June 9, 1837. 

Soon after taking his degree he went abroad, and travelled for some time, 
principally in Germany. He stayed for a year at Weimar, where he was not only 
kindly received at the Qrand Ducal Court, but had also the advantage of making 
personal acquaintance with Qoethe. The immediate occasion of this latter intro- 
duction was, as follows. He had happened to remark to Akermann, Qoethe's 
secretary, that Shelley had published a translation of Faust. This remark was 
brought to the ears of Qoethe, who expressed a strong desire to see the work. 
The promptitude with which Quest proceeded to secure it from London seems 
greatly to have struck Qoethe. With Schlegel, also, Quest had a considerable 
amount of intercourse at Bonn, and in fact generally dined with him at the table 
(Thdte at the Qolden Star. 

On his return to England he entered as a student at Lincoln's Inn, where he 
was a pupil of Mr (afterwards Lord) Campbell. He was called to the bar, 1828, 
and continued for some time to work at his profession on the Oxford Circuit ; but 
gradually laid aside all legal practice as he became absorbed in his own antiquarian 

Li 1839 he brought out his well-known work on English Rhythms, the only 
substantive work by him published during his life. This at once placed him in the 
first rank of original historical explorers. At this time, as a pioneer in this 
branch of study, he had to examine in the original MSS. almost every authority to 
which he appealed, as very few specimens of Early English poetry had then been 
printed. About the same time he was actively engaged in the establishment of 
the Philological Society: in fact Mr Wedgwood, the first treasurer, says, "the 
formation of the Society was entirely his doing." The first meeting was held in 

142 MASTEIia 

1842, Mr Guest undertaking the duties of secretary. He was always mndi 
interested in the work of the Society, was a diligent attendant at their meetings, 
and contributed many valuable papers. 

About 1850 he purchased the estate of Sandford, near Steeple Aston, Oxon. 
Here he threw himself heartily into the duties of a landowner, spending much 
time in supervising the work about his farms, and especially attending to the 
building and repair of houses. After his election to the mastership, his duties of 
course kept him at Cambridge in term time ; but he greatly enjoyed his vacations 
at Sandford. 

On the death of Dr Chapman in 1852, Mr Guest was called back to take the 
post of master. It will be remembered that in speaking of Dr Branthwaite's 
appointment we said that, excellent scholar as he was, it was not for his scholarship 
that he was appointed. The same may be emphatically repeated concerning 
Guest. His literary distinction lay in a special line, and one in which no resident 
fellow felt any interest. How complete was their ignorance can be shown by a 
single fact. Mr J. J. Smith, late tutor, had long worked at the history of the 
college, and, as his MS. collections show, had taken considerable interest in the 
subject. Yet, in a pamphlet to be presently noticed, which he published in 1854, 
he declares that ' Mr Guest had neither sought nor gained that distinction which 
could justify' his election under the circumstances. The simple fact is that to a 
considerable number of the electors his merits lay in one negative qualification, — 
that he was not a Norfolk man. 

Briefly speaking, the history of the election was this. Dr Chapman died Oct 
23, 1852. At this time there were two other distinguished men suitable for the 
office. Dr Paget combined with his well-known social qualities, a wide knowledge 
of, and interest in, both college and University affairs, and an eminent professional 
position. He would have admirably fulfilled the duties of the post, and his 
election at that time would probably have given a great stimulus to the medical 
school at the University. A year or two earlier, he would certainly have been 
chosen, but he had recently married, and was therefore no longer a fellow. Baron 
Alderson, on the other hand, would have conferi'ed the distinction due to his high 
judicial position. They were natives of the diocese of Norwich, and therefore, so 
far, eligible according to the strict-est interpretation of the statutes. But this 
interpretation had long been regarded with growing dislike, and several of the 
electors were resolved, in defiance of the wording of the statute, to break if 
possible the hitherto unbroken tradition of 500 years. Three scrutinies were 
held. At the first two, Guest obtained exactly half the votes. At the third he 
was induced to give his own vote for himself, which secured the requisite majority, 
and he was duly elected \ 

^ His succession to Benedict ChapmaD gave rise to the witticism, commonly attributed to 
Mr Sbilleto, the classical tutor, 

Oh men of Caius, I sympathise, 

In this your great disaster; 
Your Benedict unmarried dies, 
Your Quest becomes your master. 


This election did not pass without strong and repeated protests. A pamphlet 
was published on the subject by Mr J. J. Smith, late tutor, and Mr J. R. Crowfoot, 
late lecturer. In this we are told that "an earnest remonstrance and protest 
against this election by one of the electing fellows was disr^;arded," and that '^ the 
permission asked of the majority by the protesting fellow to appeal to the visitor/' 
was refused. Eight late fellows then signed a protest in which they conclude 
with the suggestion that the college ''should either refer the question to the 
visitors, or apply to the Crown for a Dispensation" (June 1853). Obtaining no 
satisfactory reply they wrote again (Nov. 17) to say that ''should the college 
decline to make the appeal to the visitors, the undersigned are prepared to submit 
the question to that authority.'' This they did shortly afterwards, but were 
reminded by the visitors that no appeal could be entertained by them unless it 
were made by a majority of the fellows of the college ^ The authors of the 
pamphlet therefore, failing to obtain any redress, "state these circumstances 

Looking at the matter so long afterwards it certainly does appear that the 
statutes were somewhat' strained in the election ; and that, with the prospect of a 
complete change of statutes before long, it was hardly the time thus to sever the 
unbroken practice and tradition of five centuries. At the same time the protest 
was somewhat inconsistent on the part of any one who was prepared to infringe 
the requirement of Dr Caius that the master, at his election, should be unmarried. 

Dr Guest's rule in college was uneventful ; and beyond serving his time as 
Vice-Chancellor, in 1855>6, he took little or no part in University matters. If 
learned men at a distance thought that his advent would introduce a new era in 
the studies of the place, their opinion only displays their lack of knowledge of the 
circumstances. Time was when the Head of a House had the powers of a great 
schoolmaster, and could in a few years stamp his impress upon the spirit and the 
work of a whole college. But these days were past, and there had probably never 
been a time when the workers in college, the resident fellows and lecturers, 
had been so entirely independent of any control or influence. The days when they 
were subject to the master were over, and the days when they would be organized 
by countless Boards and Syndicates and Meetings, were yet to come. Dr Guest, 
in spite of his many excellent qualities, had not quite the address or persistency 
which could carry on an uphill struggle against the general spirit of the society 
in which he was placed. Probably indeed he would not even have desired to 
introduce any change into the curriculum of the students. He was an old- 
fashioned conservative, who regarded Classics and Mathematics as the sole appro- 
priate introduction to a general education ; and he would have utterly rejected the 

^ This was by Dr Cains* statute, under which the ordinary visitors were the Master of Trinity 
Hall, the Ifaster of Corpus, and the senior doctor of medidne. 

* The words of Bateman's statute are, that the master should be ** sodus ^usdem GoUegii, si 
ad hoc reperiatnr idoneus, aut alios nostrn Diocesis famosus " ; which are somewhat indefinite. 
Caius is more explicit. **Esto quoque in Theologia doctor aut baooalaureu8...aut in Artibui 
Magister ad hoc idonens et fiama Celebris, modo ccelibes fnerint, et Diocesis Norwicensis." The 
authors of the pamphlet above referred to seem to have overlooked the fact that Paget and 
Alderson were in strictness equally ineligible as married men. 

14i4 MASTERS. 

modem theories in accordance with which a student at college is allowed to 
specialize at will for his future profession, and almost for his future trade. Where 
he was out of sjrmpathy with those about him was in the use to be subsequently 

f made of this groundwork. He would have liked to see them do as he had done 

I himself, and make their early studies the starting point for every kind of advanced 


The Liberalism of the University about the middle of the century, was, as 

, elsewhere, mainly destructive. Its one dominant principle was free competition, 

and its main notion of efficiency lay in the multiplication and refinement of 
examinations. Most of the changes which it effected were, I fully believe, 
essential in their general character ; but one may nevertheless fairly complain of 

' the astonishing indifference^ shown towards all those links with the past which are 

the great distinguishing features of our ancient colleges and Universities. On all 
questions, almost, theological, political, and academical, Dr Quest was a strong and 
consistent conservative. After middle life his theological sympathies lay rather 
with the Low Church party. In early life, during his stay at Weimar and Bonn, 
he had been for a time attracted by the speculations which, when years after they 
came to be known in England, were generally described as "Qerman Neology." 
He examined these opinions carefully, — with his usual thoroughness of research he 
studied the Hebrew language for this purpose, — and came to the conviction that 
they were unsound. From this conclusion he never afterwards wavered. 

In 1859, Sep. 28, he married Anne, daughter of Mr Joseph Ferguson, of 
Morton, Carlisle, at one time M.P. for Carlisle, widow of Major Robert Murray 
Banner, 93rd Highlanders. He continued to divide his time between Cambridge 
and Sandford*. ** While at home his recreation from literary pursuits was in 
building and restoring the farmhouses and cottages. He was his own architect, 
and had the work carried on under his own inspection, and thoroughly well done. 
He had a strong feeling that great responsibility attaches to landlords to have 
good and sufficient accommodation for their poorer tenants. Country life too was 
the more congenial to him from the great interest which he took in natural history 
and the habits and instincts of living creatures.'' He had, it may be remarked, a 
wide knowledge of Botany, and took much interest in its study. 

1 Trifling matters show a tendency better in some respects than important ones. There was 
in the Treasury a chest wbioh had donbtless come down from medieyal times, wben it was known 
as ** the great hutch/* and in which the most valuable deeds, <fec., were preserved. Of course it 
bad to be replaced by a modem safe, but there was not tbe slightest occasion to tbrow it away, 
as seems to have been done by a past bursar. Again ; the chapel was paved with black and 
wbite stones. They had been there for some 250 years, and were in as good order as wben they 
were first laid. But they were parted with, at the alterations, in favour of the present 
unpleasant tiles. Again ; where ten scholarships were now worth only £6 a year each, two courses 
were open. They might all be absorbed into one, and the names dropped ; or each might be given 
once in ten years, and the name of the donor retained. The former plan was systematically 
adopted, and the historic interest of the benefaction was lost. 

* In the latter years of his life, the life interests of the relatives of Dr Davy having expired, 
the house and estate at Heacham came to him in his capacity of master of the college. He 
did not however reside there much. 


In 1873 he had a slight attack of paralysis, from the effects of which he never 
entirely recovered. In July, 1879, he was attacked with severe illness. As soon 
as he was sufficiently recovered he sent in his resignation of the mastership, 
Oct. 8, 1880. Shortly afterwards his illness returned with increased severity, and 
he died at Sandford, Nov. 23, 1880. He was succeeded on October 27, by the 
present master, the Rev. Norman Macleod Ferrers, F.R.S., who was at that time 
the senior tutor. 

It is, of course, as a scholar, rather than an administrator, that Dr Quest 
obtained his reputation originally, and that his name will be preserved in future. 
His earliest work, and that on which, in the judgment of those competent to 
decide, his fame will principally rest, is his History of English Rhythms, This was 
a very remarkable work at the time; as not only was the subject an almost entirely 
new one, but the very materials on which he built had to be painfully collected by 
himself. Hardly any of the early poems which he had to study had then been 
printed, and he had accordingly the labour of discovering, investigating, and 
transcribing them at the various scattered libraries where MSS. happened to exist. 
As Professor Skeat says, "It was the work of a pioneer, suggestive of many new 
points. .. .The study of phonetics has advanced of late years very rapidly; the most 
surprising thing is to find that Dr Guest was already discussing such matters 
in 1838, when to pay any heed to them was quite exceptional*.'' As Mr Skeat 
says, the fate of an explorer of this stamp is apt to be rather a hard one. His 
errors are noticed and criticised, whilst his real discoveries soon become such 
common property that later authors forget to whom it is that they originally owe 
them. "The really remarkable point about Guest's Rhythms is that, whilst many 
have written since, no one has written so fully as to supersede what he has done.'' 

His speculations on Ancient History, as contained in the Origines CeUiccB^ 
cover a wide scope, and opinions differ much as to their present value in the light 
of the criticism and resources now available. But, on his special ground of early 
British and English History, the few who were competent to judge seem from the 
first to have formed the highest opinion as to his extraordinary thoroughness and 
accuracy. Mr Freeman's judgment is as follows, "What we have from him is that 
wonderful series of discourses, made before successive meetings of the Archaeological 
Institute, in which the progress of English conquest in the southern part of Britain 
was first set forth. No lecturer, no writer, was ever more clear and convincing 
than Dr Guest. He was the exact parallel in his own subject to Professor Willis 
in his subject. They both united, as few men have united, the qualifications of the 
in-door scholar and of the out-door antiquary. Each of them had, in his 0¥m 
department, both read everything and seen everything, and each knew how to 
compare what he read with what he saw. Both belonged to that class of revealers 
of truth who bring order out of chaos and light out of darkness, who do their work 
at the first blow, so that it needs not to be done again. When any of us who have 
come after them have ventured on the ground which they have trodden, it has 

1 See Piefooe to Guest's EnglUh Rhythms as edited by W. W. Skeat, Professor of Anglo-Saxon 
at Cambridge, 1882. 

' Published in two volumes, after his death, 1882. 

a lit 10 


been only to gather up the gleanings from their vintage. . . .There are other scholars 
from whom I may have learned more in quantity, because their writings cover 
a greater field ; but there is none from whom I have learned more in quality, none 
from whom I have, within his own range, taken in so many thoughts which 
were absolutely new, but which, when they were once taken in, I never thought of 
disputing.... Dr Guest ranks with Palgrave and Kemble. Whenever they meet on 
the same ground, he ranks above Palgrave and Kemble.... It is little indeed that he 
has left behind him ; but that little is all of the purest gold" (Letter to Spectator), 
As Mr Freeman says, Dr Guest was a thorough out-door student of Antiquities; 
and his papers show how assiduous and energetic he was in exploring the various 
dykes and boundaries and ancient coast lines whose position he had to ^"z. Most 
of this work had to be done on foot. "On these expeditions he occasionally walked 
as much as forty miles a day. Often he went right ahead over hedges and ditches 
and through tangled copsewood, to follow the course of some faint vestiges of dyke 
or boundary, taking for guide sometimes a labourer from an adjoining village, some- 
times one whom he shrewdly suspected to be a poacher, who knew every turn and 
comer of the surrounding country." 

The changes to be recorded during and since Dr Guest's mastership have been, 
in some respects, more numerous and extensive than the aggregate of all those which 
had taken place since the days of Dr Caius. 

To begin with the Buildings. Besides more or less important alterations in 
detail, there were two periods in which very extensive works of construction were 
carried on; one of these under Mr Salvin in 1853-4, and the other under Mr 
Waterhouse in 1868-70. The first* of these mainly affected the Gonville Court, 
and the then stiU partly open space to the west of it The particulars are given 
more fully elsewhere (see under Hall and Library) ; so it need only be remarked 
here that the ancient Hall and Library were converted into fellows* and students' 
rooms ; a new Hall being built facing Trinity Hall Lane, and a new Library 
facing Trinity Lane. Over the new Library six sets of students' rooms were built, 
whilst the space beneath it and the new Hall was occupied by an extensive range 
of kitchen offices, sculleries, cellars, Ac. The Master's Lodge was considerably 
enlarged, being now extended to Trinity Hall Lane, and a new entrance being 
made to it from this side. The result of all this was that the ground to the west 
of the Gonville Court, which still contained some open space (see plan opposite), 
and was known sometimes as " the Stable Court," was now entirely filled up with 
buildings. Li the Caius Court itself no change was made beyond the opening of 
a passage in the south-west comer, in order to give access to the new Lecture- 
rooms constmcted out of the master's stable. This stable had been built by 
Dr Gooch, at the bottom of his garden. It was now, 1853, converted, with the 

* It was agreed by college order, Dec. 16, 1862, to obtain plans from Messrs Harding, Salvin, 
and Scott, for the New Buildings ; viz. (1) for the front (this was not actually undertaken till 
1868) ; (2) for the Hall and rooms " on the site of the Stable Court." 

May 26, 1868. Mr Salvin's plan was accepted, at an estimated cost of £10,424. 


least possible alteration, into two large lecture-rooms, and a serious deficiency was 
thus supplied. In the Tree Court, the whole of the block of houses at the south- 
east comer, which had been bought in 1782, was converted into students* rooms, 
pending the rebuilding of the Court. " Barraclough's,'' as the large red brick 
house nearest to the Senate House was called, had been thus partially absorbed 
in 1850; the remaining room (rented by Macmillan), on the ground-floor, was 
occupied in 1854. The comer house (*' Abbott's") was added in the same year. 
The former, or Barraclough's Building*, as it was called, became practically a part 
of the Tree Court, as the rooms were approached from the inside of the college ; 
i.a from the old garden doorway of the house. Finally " Mutton's," facing Trinity 
Street, was added in 1855. The appearance of these buildings, before their 
destruction in 1868, is shown in the photograph at the beginning of Vol. ii. 

The second great building work was undertaken about 15 years later', and was 
mainly concerned with the Tree Court. The avenue of trees was spared as far as 
possible, but all the buildings were cleared away, from the Perse block on the north 
to the houses just described on the south. This extensive and for the most part 
unavoidable destruction involved however very much less historic and antiquarian 
loss than usually follows under similar circumstances. The Legge and Perse 
buildings had been already deprived, more than fifty years before, of whatever 
picturesqueness they once possessed, for they had been coated with plaster and the 
ancient chimnies removed (see Willis-Clark, iii. 298). The old dwelling-houses at 
the south-east comer were decidedly ugly, and in bad condition. Some antiquarian 
regret is naturally felt at the removal of the old wall of the fellows' garden, 
which had been built by Dr Caius ; and the sacrifice of the garden itself was a 
distinct loss to the fellows. The space inside the Court was however much too 
cramped to sufler these walls to remain. The only really questionable step 
consisted in the removal of the Gate of Humility. This was taken down from its 
ancient position opposite St- Michael's, and set up, first in Senate House Passage, 
and later at the south-east comer of the master's garden. This of course destroyed 
the significance of the symbolism which connected it with the two other gates ; 
and many will wish that, instead of erecting a new so-called Gate of Humility, 
the old one had been left where it was, and built into the new fabric. But it 
must be remembered that the gate which was i/hus removed in 1868 was scarcely 
the same gate which Dr Caius built. It had been long ago either restored, or 

1 This red briok house acquired its name from having been the bookshop of Mr G. Barraclongh. 
In October 1858, the ground-floor room, facing the Senate House, was oooopied bj Messrs Mac- 
millan. It was once the residence of Ck>nyers Middleton. It had originally a small garden on the 
west side, which was thrown into the president's garden in 1850. The Misses Abbott were 
the last tenants of the comer house. Mutton was a print-seller. The entire block, in 1868, 
accommodated 16 students and the porter. It was sometimes called the Wortl^ building, having 
been bought out of that fund (see WorUey books), 

* The first step was taken Dec. 11, 1866, when it was agreed *that Mr Waterhonse be 
consulted with regard to the new college buildings' (Oetta), He submitted two plans, in 
one of which the distinctive feature was the tower over the gateway. This was accepted. 
On Feb. 21, 1868, it was agreed * to accept Messrs TroUope's tender of £81,233 for the New 



faced with Roman cement, till there was scarcely a vestige of the ancient work left. 
Such as it was it now stands in the master's garden. 

The work of pulling down the old buildings was begun in March 1868, and 
the new buildings were completed in 1870. The heavy work and responsibility of 
supervision was admirably performed by the Rev. J. Lamb, at that time bursar of 
the college. 

The rebuilding of the Tree Court involved indirectly several further changes. 
The east face of the Gonville Court, towards the garden, presented a rather rustic 
appearance, and, when exposed to view by the removal of the high garden wall, 
was considered rather out of keeping with its new surroundings. It was accord- 
ingly rebuilt, but with as little departure as possible from the old form. At the 
same time it was resolved to alter the east end of the chapel, and accordingly the 
present apse was built. Under the History of the Chapel will be found an account 
of some further changes which were made at the same time, in consequence of the 
introduction of music into the service. The passage communicating between the 
Tree and €k>nville Courts was now made, one set of rooms being sacrificed for this 

The following brief summary indicates the principal changes, in the way of 
building operations, which have been carried out since 1870. Those dealing 
especially with the Chape) and the Hall are separately considered under those 

New Lecture-Rooms. As already remarked, the master's stables were converted 
into lecture-rooms, in a somewhat makeshift way, in 1853. The present complete 
and well-fitted rooms were substituted in 1884 ; Mr Waterhouse being the architect, 
and Messrs Rattee and Kett the builders. The cost was £3560. 

Tutor's House. Owing to the want of vacant ground in the immediate neigh- 
bourhood of the college, we had more difficulty than some other colleges, in 
providing a suitable house for a married tutor. This was accomplished in 1886-7. 
The chambers employed for the purpose were principally those occupying the site 
of the old Hall, some of the rafters of which can still be seen in the bedrooms. 
An entrance was made to the house from Trinity Lane. The architect was 
Mr E. S. Prior. The total cost was £1584. 15^. Orf. 

Colleger Garden. As already described, the old fellows* garden was practicaUy 
sacrificed when the Tree Court was rebuilt in 1868-9. A new garden was laid 
out in 1885 at Newnham. The ground had long been offered for building 
purposes, but fortunately the negotiations had fallen through, and the present 
garden was laid out at a cost of £225. This was provided by the subscription of 
the resident fellows. 

A new study was added to the Master's Lodge in 1889, at a cost of £344. 
It had formerly been a servants' hall. A bow window was added, and carried up 
so as to improve the small drawing-room above. Mr E. S. Prior was the architect. 

Rose Crescent Buildings. With the completion of the new Hall and Library 
in 1853, the possibilities of expansion within the ancient limits were exhausted ; 
and, unlike other colleges, there was no vacant space in the immediate neighbour- 


To/acc iMfc U3. (I) FRONT QATE OF THE COLLEQE; 1900 



hood which could be used for building purposes. Under these circumstances it 
was decided to purchase the whole south side of Rose Crescent, on the other side 
of Tnrfty Street. This was eflfected in 1887, under the bursarship of Dr Lea, at 
a cost of £17,303. 6«. Sd. After a short delay, caused by the necessity of giving 
notice to the occupants of the houses, the whole block was converted into 
chambers for students at a cost of £5384. The architect was Mr E. S. Prior ; the 
builder, Mr Sindall. The name of "St MichaePs Court" was given to the build- 
ings thus altered. 

Combination Rooms. The desirability of a second combination room had long 
been felt This was secured in 1891 by the adaptation of one of the chambers 
which had been constructed out of the ancient Library in 1853. The present bow 
window was made to the large Combination Room in 1878. As elsewhere 
described, it was found, when this was done, that the original brickwork of 1441 
was still in existence under the ashlar facing of 1754. In 1896 "Combination 
Rooms" for the use of the bachelors and undergraduates of the college were 

Electric Light. This was introduced throughout the college during the years 
1892-4. The cost was : for the Chapel, £89 ; the Hall, £81 ; Lecture-rooms and 
Courts, £179 ; Staircases, £203 ; St Michael's Court, £212. 

The changes in the Master's Lodge are discussed further on. 

Far more important, from an Academic point of view, were the changes intro- 
duced in the college statutes. This of course was not the first time in the histoiy 
of the University in which the formal provisions of past benefactors had been 
interfered with. In most colleges second founders had enacted statutes which 
interfered with those of their predecessors. On at least three occasions Royal 
Lijunctions had made great changes in the laws and procedure of the University, 
and had therefore indirectly affected the statutes of every college. There had also 
been innumerable occasions on which the letter of a statute had been set aside in 
individual cases by the Royal prerogative. Moreover Trinity in 1844, and 
St John's in 1849, had, by Royal Licence, actually made considerable changes in 
their statu tes\ Whatever may have been said or thought by the masters and 
fellows of some colleges, it is quite certain that the intentions of the original 
founders had never been really regarded as sacred and immutable. Nevertheless 
the legislation now to be described represents the first systematic attempt on the 
part of the State to remodel the entire body of statutes in every coUege so as to 
bring them into harmony Mrith the spirit of the day. 

There have been two main attempts of this kind, the results of which came into 

1 It deserves notice that oar college also had entertained a similar plan. Soon after 
Dr Chapman's death, the dissatisfaction with some of the provisions of the existent statntes, 
which had long been felt by some of the fellows, had so increased that considerable changes 
were advocated. In fact a Draft of a proposed New Code was actually submitted through the 
Chancellor to the Queen (Gesta, Dec. 13, 1858). But the general legislation, for the University 
and all the colleges, was at this time so near at hand that nothing came of this. 

160 MASTBBa 

operation respectively in 1860 and 1882. The first of these was the outcome of 
the Royal Commission of 1850, already referred to. That Commission reported in 
1852; and in 1856 a Parliamentary Commission was appointed, with power to deal 
with both the University and the individual colleges. The Commissioners en- 
deavoured as far as possible to cooperate with the various authorities in Cambridge. 
They did not endeavour to force one rigid system upon all the colleges, but 
allowed the latter to take the initiative* with a draft of their proposed statutes. 
These were submitted to them, and, after mutual discussion, amended and 
modified until final agreement was reached. This discussion lasted during a 
considerable part of the years 1858 and 1859. The new code of Statutes, in our 
case, came into operation on June 30, 1860. 

As already remarked, the dominant' principle of the new legislation seems 
to have been that fellowships and scholarships should be regarded henceforth as 
being simply "rewards of merit," that is, prizes ; and that the best way of securing 
this result was to throw them all open to competition. Accordingly all restrictions 
in the way of birth-place, profession, private means, and so forth, were as far as 
possible abolished; and the holders of these rewards were relieved from all the 
statutable duties formerly imposed upon them. In other words the modern 
conception of the "Prize fellowship,'' which had gradually been spreading in the 
University, was now definitely sanctioned by authority. It was, not unnaturally, 
considered that such rewards ought to have some limit to their duration; and 
accordingly the tenure of the fellowship ceased, as a general rule, ten years after 
the time of taking the M.A. degree. Another principle which guided the 
Commissioners was the desire to make the teaching profession in college more 
secure and therefore more in the way of a regular career. Hence the abolition of 
the rule of celibacy. 

The changes introduced by the Commissioners may be conveniently summarized 
under the following heads. 

Abolition of old Restrictions, As is fully described elsewhere (see under 
Endowments) most of the fellowships and scholarships were originally confined 
to natives of certain counties and towns, or to those educated at certain schools. 
These restrictions, originally reasonable enough, had long become a popular 
grievance. It was now enacted that " no person being a British subject should be 
ineligible by reason of his place of birth " for any office or emolument. Again, 
marriage, which had hitherto been an absolute bar to the holding of a fellowship, 
was freely allowed; every single member of the college being statutably at 
liberty to marry. Again, the obligation of taking Holy Orders, — which however 
was not so generally incumbent on our fellows as on those of some other colleges, — 
was abrogated. With the exception of the two deans, every fellow might be a 
layman. The exclusive privileges of the senior fellows were considerably restricted ; 

^ This aoconnts for the fact that such a complete innovation as that of allowing the fellows 
to marry was introdnced into certain colleges only. 

' I am speaking here of college statutes only. In their proposals for the alteration of the 
University statutes, the Commissioners recommended the widening of the range of studies, by 
the foundation of a number of new professorships. 



for the junior fellows, though not sharing in the general government of the 
college, were no longer merely " bye-fellows." They enjoyed all other privileges, 
in particular that of voting in the election of the master. 

IrUrod%iction of new RestrietwM, On the old system fellowships were tenable 
for life, for those who did not take a living or marry. The tenure was now 
limited to ten years from M.A., exception being made in the case of those 
who held lectureships or certain other college offices. These were allowed, after 
ten years' service, to retain the fellowship for life, as a sort of retiring pension. 
Again, whereas the value of the bye-fellowships and scholarships had formerly 
depended upon their particular endowment, they were now equalized. They were 
divided into ranks (fellowships into senior and junior, as before : scholarships into 
four classes according to their money value) but all in the same rank were made 
rigidly equal 

To the same class essentially belong a number of other regulations, for though 
they only enforced what bad long been customary there had hitherto been no 
actual obligation on the college to adhere to them. For instance, distinct prefer- 
ence to members of the college was now given in the election of fellowa Again, 
it was laid down that the bursar, steward, registrary, and deans should be fellows 
of the college. In the case of college livings it was enacted that the presentation 
should be offered to every fellow in order. PracticaUy of course these regulations 
made no difference, for they only enforced long-standing conventions which were 
not very likely to be departed from ; but they were in strictness curtailments of 
the liberty formerly permitted. 

Amongst tiie distinctly novel regulations, the following seem the most 

1. The offices of tutor and lecturer were put upon an improved and more 
permanent footing. The holders were, as before, to be appointed by the master, 
but this was subject to the veto of a college meeting. The permanence of their 
office, by the permission to marry and retain the fellowship, was intended to make 
it looked on as a regular profession; the retention of the fellowship, after ten years' 
service, adding a further valuable privilege. 

2. Provision was expressly made for utilizing the college revenues by the 
election of a new class of fellows, viz. ' any Professor or Public Lecturer of the 
University,' or *any person eminent for science or learning.' The former were 
however only eligible so long as they continued to hold their qualifying office, and 
the latter were expected to reside in the University. Further, any fellow elected 
in the ordinary way could by a special vote be allowed to retain his fellowship 
beyond the ordinary limit 'on account of his literary or scientific reputation 
or labours.' Such privilege required the sanction of the Visitor, and was only 
available for two fellows at a time. 

3. A more novel introduction was that of the Honorary Fellow, The college 
was empowered to elect, by the vote of two-thirds of their whole number, " any 
Professor, Public Lecturer, or other person distinguished for literary or scientific 
merits, to an Honorary fellowship." Such fellows received of course no emolu- 
ments, and had no voice in college management, and it was left to the college 


to decide what privileges they should enjoy. This statute was not acted on until 
1880, but advantage has been repeatedly taken of it since then. In practice our 
college, like all others, has r^;arded this regulation as a convenient means of 
complimentary recognition of the merits or distinction in life achieved by former 

4. Considerable changes were made in the financial arrangements of the 
college. In* former times our college, like others, lived so to say from hand to 
mouth. The whole annual receipts were expended on the members of the founda- 
tion, the officers, and other modes of outlay. All new buildings and extensive 
repairs were dependent upon legacies and gifts, supplemented at most by special 
payments from the college income of the year. In future three separate funds 
were kept apart from the General College Account; i.e. were not included in 
the total which was to be divided, after the Audit, amongst the fellows and 
scholars. These separate funds were, (i) The Reserve Fund, This to consist of 
£35,000 Government Stock, the corpus of which might be borrowed from time to 
time for the improvement of the estates, and, broadly speaking, for any other 
extraordinary demands, (ii) The Building Fund, This to consist of the unex- 
pended part of what had been already accumulated for this purpose (see p. 139) 
together with any further additions which the college might decide to make. 
To be employed on erecting new buildings or restoring old ones, (iii) The 
Endowment Fund, This was a fund to be set apart for the foundation of new 
fellowships and scholarships, or the augpnentation of old. 

The whole lecturing system has undergone a very important change in every 
college. The state of things in our own case in 1853 may be briefly summarized 
as follows, and the description probably holds good as regards the other colleges, 
with the exception of Trinity and St John's. There were of course no inter- 
collegiate or open lectures, and the Professorial resources were still very scanty. 
If therefore any student did not resort to a private tutor he was practically 
dependent entirely upon what his own college happened to provide. In our' own 
case there were two mathematical lecturers and one classical. They were 
thoroughly competent men in every way, but the traditional system under which 
they worked was unquestionably bad. They simply gave their hour's lecture, and 
beyond this the student had no communication with them. Worse still, there 
was no subdivision of the students. During the whole of their first year all alike 
had to listen to the same instruction : those who had perhaps already begun the 
Differential Calculus, and those who were destined to a long succession of failures 
in the Previous Examination ; the brilliant scholar from the sixth form of a great 
school, and the well-meaning young man who had given up business with the 
view of taking orders, and who had yet to begin his Greek. To the great majority 
of such a class any lecture was necessarily a waste of time ; and there was no 

1 This refers only to early times. From about 1750 it appears that accumulations began to be 
made which formed the basis of the Beserve Fund (see under Property), 
' I speak from my own experience as a freshman in 1853. 


sarcasm involved in the universal conviction of the reading men that one great 
advantage of the Long Vacation was that, being free from lectures, they had their 
whole time for study. 

All this has been changed, and there are those who maintain that the modem 
student, instead of suffering the evils of starvation through the scantiness of the 
lecture supply doled out to him, is now more in danger of the indigestion that is 
apt to follow from too abundant and diversified food. The general principle is now 
admitted that those who pay tuition fees are entitled to competent teaching in 
every subject recognized by the University. The range of lectures within the 
college is very much widened, now embi*acing Classics, Mathematics, Physiology, 
Physics, Chemistry, Theology, Hebrew and Syriac, Law, History, and Modem 
Languages. Where the student does not find what he wants within our walls 
provision is generally made for his attendance at lectures elsewhere. It deserves 
notice also that the present system of Intercollegiate lectures not only meets 
the evil mentioned above, of forcing those of very different stages of advancement 
to attend the same instruction, but so completely subdivides the work that what- 
ever a student's requirements may be, he is almost sure to find some specialist 
prepared to instruct him in it. 

The range of selection for fellowships and scholarships has been similarly 
enlarged. For very many years fellowships had only been awarded according to 
the place taken in the Classical or Mathematical Tripos. The attainment of 
a certain place in either of these was considered practically to entitle a member 
of the college to election, and no eminence in other directions was held to be of any 
account. This narrow view was for the first time abandoned in 1876, when Mr, 
afterwards Professor, Bensly, an eminent Oriental scholar, was elected to a fellow- 
ship. At the present time it may be said Mrith some confidence that the principle 
is recognised that all forms of academic study and distinction stand substantially 
on the same footing, as entitling to election to a fellowship : and that success in a 
competitive examination is only one of several tests for selection. 

The following brief statistical account will illustrate the above change of view. 
In 1853 there were 30 fellows, including the master, every one of whom had been 
elected on the ground of his place in the Mathematical or Classical Tripos : 25 in 
the former, 5 in the latter. At the present time there are 27, the. respective 
grounds of their election (or re-election, as professorial feUows) being thus 
distributed: Classics, 9; Mathematics, 6; Biology, 4; Divinity, 2; Chemistry, 2; 
Medicine, 1 ; Law, 1 ; Archseology, 1 ; Music, 1. 

College Statutes nowadays are not very long lived. The above provisions were 
successively superseded or amended by statutes which came into force in 1882, 
1892, and 1897; the last being mainly called for by the great benefaction of 
Dr Drosier. The foUowing are some of the principal alterations as at present in 

Governing Body, In the old days this consisted of the 12 senior fellows, a 
number of whom of course might be non-resident. The new Governing Body was 
to consist of the eight resident seniors, and four elected fellows. 


The Master, All restrictions as to choice were abolished, the only condition 
being that he should be, in the opinion of the electors, " the person best qualified 
to preside over the college as a place of education, religion, learning and research/' 

TeniMre of Fellowships, Generally speaking, fellowships to be held for only 
6 years altogether, instead of for 10 from M.A. The time during which a qualifying 
office was to be held, to entitle the holder to retain his fellowship for life, was raised 
from 10 years to 15. Considerable powers were also given to the college to extend 
the period of a fellowship, or to re-elect a fellow, on the ground of his scientific or 
general eminence. Provision was also made by which a fellow, whilst resigning all 
the pecuniary benefit of his fellowship, might retain as a ." supernumerary fellow" 
his status and other privileges. 

TtUors and Lectwrers, By the statutes of 1860, the lecturers as well as the 
tutors were nominated by the master, subject to the veto of the Governing Body. 
It is now provided (after the next vacancy in the mastership) that the nomination 
of lecturers and assistant tutors should be in the hands of the Governing Body. 

Scholars, In the election of scholars the examiners, being fellows, have an 
equal voice with members of the Governing Body. 

Special Funds. To the special funds mentioned on p. 152 were added others ; 
in particular the Caution and Tuition funds. The sums deposited for the former 
of these purposes had hitherto been entirely in the hands of the tutor. The Tuition 
fund included the fees paid to our college, on the intercollegiate system, by students 
not members of the college. 

Drosier Fellows, The large benefaction of Dr Drosier being, by his will, kept 
distinct from the rest of the corporate property of the college, a number of provisions 
had to be inserted respecting the position and emoluments of his fellows. 

Contributions to the University, By the general University legislation of 1882 
all the colleges were required to contribute to the funds of the University. Part 
of this contribution might take the form of the election of professors, not necessarily 
members of the college, to fellowships. 



It may seem at first thought strange that, whereas parish churches are, 
generally speaking, ancient^ most of our college chapels are by comparison modem; 
or at least look modem. There are two reasons for this. In the first place the 
coll^;es mostly began as very small corporations, and could seldom incur the 
trouble and expense of obtaining the necessary licences which any encroachment 
on the rights of the parish church would demand. In fact, as Prol Willis^ 
points out, these episcopal licences were very grudgingly given. The early colleges 
were mostly satisfied at first with a licence for an oratory, the fellows using the 
parish church for the mass and the more important services. Scunetimes they had 
an aisle or chapel there for their special use, as was probably the case at first with 
Gonville Hall. Hence the chapels are often much more modern than the colleges 
to which they belong : Peterhouse, for instance, used the adjacent church for 350 
years, until their chapel was built in 1632. Then again, parish churches were 
generally built at first on a scale amply sufiicient for all future requirements, 
college chapels, — the royal foundations of King's and Trinity are striking excep- 
tions — , were more strictly limited to actual necessities ; and accordingly, as the 
number of students increased, they have sometimes had to be enlarged or rebuilt 
in a way which disguises such antiquity as they actually possess. 

This latter condition is that of our own chapel. Few of those who now look 
at it would suspect it to be of any great antiquity. The apse of course ia quite 
recent; and, as regards the rest, the outside surface dates from 1718, and the 
inside from not earlier than 1637. But nevertheless the original building of the 
fourteenth century is still there, hidden under the present facing. When, in 1895, 
some openings were made for hot water pipes, on the north side, the ancient 
surface was disclosed, under the ashlar facing of 1718. It was examined at the 
time by an architect, Mr T. D. Atkinson of Cambridge, who has given the 
following brief description. *^ The ashlar, with which all the waUs were faced in 

> See WiUifl-Clark, m. 484, where the whole suhjeot is thoroughly disouwed. 


1718, is 6 inches thick. The original walls are of clunch, faced with brick', 
the bricks being from 9^ to 10 inches long, 4^ inches wide, and 2 inches thick. 
The surface was covered with plaster, and it seems certain, from the roughness of 
the brickwork, that it was intended from the first that it should be plastered. 
A faint horizontal line scored upon the surface seemed to show that the plaster 
had been made to imitate ashlar masonry*. The chapel was finished in 1393, and 
this is therefore a somewhat early example of the use of brick" (Froe. of Comb. 
Ant Soc. IX. 244). 

The exact date of erection is not known, but it was probably earlier than the 
above statement implies. Dr Caius, as will be noticed almost immediately, tells 
us that John XJfford (Vol. i. 1) was the donor of one of the windows; and, as he 
died in 1375 and there is no legacy for such a purpose in his wiU, we are carried 
back at least 20 years earlier than 1393. The first reference to any chapel for 
our college is indeed as early as 1353, when a licence for one was granted by 
Thomas de lisle, bishop of Ely (see Appendix). But the date of this is some 
months before the present site was obtained, and the license was probably taken 
out provisionally, for use when occasion should arise. The next piece of docu- 
mentary evidence is a licence by bishop Fordham, dated Nov. 22, 1389, which 
permits the college "in capella sive oratorio infra collegium... si ad hoc decens 
fuerit et honestum, divina licite celebrare" (see Appendix), This licence was for 
three years, and was superseded by a permanent licence from Pope Boni&ice IX., 
dated Nov. 13, 1393. 

This probably marks the completion of the chapel, which we are told was 
largely due to William Rougham, the second master ; and as he left the building 
it remained practically unaltered for nearly 250 years. It was about 68 feet long, 
and 20 feet broad, and was entered from the north side into the ante-chapel. The 
present passage between the two courts did not then exist, the site of it being 
included in the master's lodge. It possessed five glass windows, some of them 
inserted before 1393, and some probably later. They are thus described' by 
Dr Caius : ' The first on the left has this inscription. Pray for the soul of William 
Rougham, who caused this chapel to be built. The same inscription is on the East 
window. The second on the left has the name of Nicholas Bottisham inscribed. 

^ As those who observe the old boildings in and about Cambridge may have noticed, the 
ancient brick in this neighbourhood is mostly of a rich red. On the other hand, all the modem 
boildings, — with the exception of the colleges and better houses erected during the last 20 or 
80 years — , are of a dingy yellowish white. The bricks employed in them are made of the local 
** blue gault,'* and are extremely hard but of an unpleasant colour. Why the local clay was not 
employed in early times is not dear, nor is it certainly known from whence the red bricks were 
procured. It may be added that the ancient bricks are readily recognized by their shape, being 
much thinner than the modem. 

* This agrees with Loggan's engraving, which certainly presents the appearance of a building 
with a stone surface. Whether the following entry means that this plaster was painted, I do not 
know : ** 1615. For stone colouring the south syde of the chapell.'* 

' The description was found on an old sheet of loose paper in the Treasury, but is now in 
MS. 714 in the Library. It is apparently a rough draft for the AnnaU in which the information 
is not so full. It is not in Caius' own hand, but is evidently of about his time. 


The one opposite to this is by John of Ufford. The one next this is by Henry de 
Spencer, bishop of Norwich.' We may conclude from this, in all probability, that 
these windows were existent in Caius' time. As we shall presently see, a new 
ESast window was inserted in 1583 ; but we have no evidence as to when the others 
disapfieared. They were all smaller than the present windows. 

No provision was made in our early statutes for any special chaplain or dean ; 
and probably as a rule the services were performed by the master and fellows. 
But we have certain evidence of a chaplain in Simon Naylond (Vol. i. 3) who was 
licensed as such by the Bishop of Ely, Dec. 24, 1392. llie master at this time, 
William Rongham, M.D., was possibly not a priest, which may account for the 
fact. Naylond was a man of some mark, having been master of King's Hall from 
1377 to 1385. 

So {at apparently the chapel had only been of the nature of a private oratory 
for prayer, for the licences of the bishop in 1389, and of the pope in 1393, do not 
go beyond the permission to "celebrate divine offices" (divina officia celebrare). 
The next important step was secured in 1476, when, by a deed dated Sep. 5, the 
Bishop of E^y, William Orey, g^nted permission for the celebration of mass. 
This was followed 18 years later by the formal consecration of the chapel by bishop 
Alcock, of which the following account has been given in the bishop's register^ : 
'On the 25th day of the month of February, 1493-4, the Lord bishop in the Hall 
of Gonvyll, Cambridge, dedicating or consecrating a certain chapel there, and in 
Pontificals celebrating a solemn mass there, Robert Mitchell and John Smith, 
neither of them being joined in matrimony, were professed under the form of 
words following :— I Robert Mitchell, not joined in matrimony, promise and vow 
to Gkxl and the Blessed Mary, and to all Saints, in the presence of the reverend 
father and lord, John, by the grace of God bishop and ordinary of this diocese of 
Ely, that I will lead a life of perpetual chastity, according to the rule of St Paul, 
the first hermit. In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy 
Ghost. And in sign of this my profession, I here subscribe +. And I, John 
Smith... make the same declaration.' These men were evidently hermits, but as 
our college possessed no sort of cell or shrine to which such recluses would be 
likely to retire it is not clear why they made their profession in our chapel. 
Perhaps they were townsmen who took the opportunity of the presence of the 
bishop at the consecration ceremony in Cambridge. 

One more licence was still to follow. Hitherto the rights of the parish church 
had been apparently preserved as regards the burial of those who died in college, 
and as regards the attendance there of students of Physwick Hostel. On the 
25th of May, 1500, a bull of Alexander VI. was granted which extended the 
privilege of attending our chapel to those dwelling in the Hostel ; and which also 
allowed the master and fellows to reserve the sacrament, and to bury their dead 
there (see Appendix). As I have already said, the granting of this permission 
was not improbably a favour secured by one of the fellows, Thomas Cabold (Vol. i. 
12), who at that time held an important office in the Papal Court The permission 

1 Translated from Baker's transcript (MS. Baker xix. 39). 



to bury seems to have been soon made use of. Our earliest dated monument is 
the brass slab to the metuory of Walter Stubb, brother of the master, who died 
1514. There is another brass, representing a knight in plate armour, which may 
be even earlier ; but the four coats of arms in the comers, by which it might have 
been identified, have long since disappeared. The first recorded interment of any 
one of eminence was that of Nicholas Shaxton, who, after resigning the bishoprick 
of Salisbury, retired to our college, and died there in 1556. The masters of the 
college, from the time of Dr Caius to that of Dr Chapman, have with few exceptions 
been buried here, as have some of the fellows ; but most of the latter, together 
with all the students — except young Webbe, nephew of Dr Branthwaite — were 
buried in St Michael's. The portion of the parish church assigned to us was 
probably, as Blomefield says, the north aisle. It seems to have been known by 
the name of 'the chapel of the Annunciation': at least as we have seen (pp. 11, 
14) William Somersham desired to be buried '*in capella Annunciationis beat» 
Marise ecclesiffi Beati Michaelis." 

The various ornaments in the way of church furniture must have been very 
numerou& Unfortunately the Return, of the reign of Edward VI., which gives 
so much information of this kind concerning the parish churches, did not include 
coU^e chapels ^ But we know, from the account of the outrage which so 
embittered the last days of Dr Caius, and from the time which the perpetrators 
devoted to the task of destroying what he had managed to preserve, that the 
amount of these ornaments must have been very great. The original gifts of 
Dr Bateman, the 'precious vestments of white linen embroidered with gold' 
(v. p. 8) which Dr Caius tells were still used, within his recollection, on the more 
solemn festivals of the Virgin, had been added to by many a subsequent donation 
from masters, fellows, and other benefactors. 

The only known surviving memorial of our ancient chapel service is in a 
Breviary in our Library (MS. 394). As Dr Swete has pointed out in the Caian 
(i. 2, p. 127) the following lines occur on a fly leaf at the end, 

" Wher so ever y be come over all, 
I belonge to the Chapell of gunvylle hall; 
He shal be cursed by the grate sentens 
That felously fsiryth and berith me thens. 
And whether he here me in pooke or sekke, 
For me he shall be hanged by the nekke, 
(I am so well beknown of dyverse men) 
But I be restored theder agen.'' 

It may be stated that the hour assigned for morning prayer by Dr Caius was 
5 o'clock. As the tendency in such things is not upward, we may safely assume 
that this, or a still earlier hour, had long been customary : in fact Caius calls 

^ Mr J. Lamb (WilliB-CUrk, i. 191) states that an inventoiy of oar chapel fdrnitare, 
taken in the reign of Queen Mary, is preserved iu our libraiy. I can find no trace of its 
existence; nor can I learn, at the Beoord Office, that any public return of this kind was then 


it '* consneta precmn hora." Fellows over 60 were, by statute, excused attendance 
at this service, but all other members of the college were bound to attend. 

In 1570 William Barker, fellow of the college, gave £20 for making seats for 
the choir, the old seats being removed to the lower end of the chapel for the 
use of the junior students. We have the receipt of William Chapman, joiner, 
dated July 24, 1571, for XI 8. 5«. Od, for his share of the work. At the same 
time a new entrance was made to the chapeL The old entrance, as already stated, 
was from the Gonville Court, as was also that to the Master's Lodge. When Caius 
built his new court in 1565 an opening had of course to be made between the two. 
It was found convenient to make a new door to the chapel in the middle of 
(me side of this passage, as at present; and, facing it, an entrance door to the 
Master's Lodge. 

The next addition of importance, and that which perhaps now g^ives its principal 
interest to the building, was the tomb of Dr Caius. Its design had cost him much 
thought, and he evidently wished it to be an impressive memorial of his life and 
work. As already stated (p. 55) his few days' stay in Cambridge, on the occasion 
of bis last visit, were employed in choosing the site, and arran^g the details 
of this monument It originally stood on the ground, slightly to the east of its 
present position, in the comer of the then building, on the north side. He 
desires, in his will, that it should be placed "under the tabernacle wherein 
the image of our Ladie did sometimes stand." It was protected by an iron 
railing. When the chapel was lengthened in 1637 the tomb was removed, 
and placed where it now stands, against the wall, some height from the ground. 
The elaborate workmanship of the monument had occupied apparently about two 
years, for it was not completed and set up until 1575. The architect was 
Theodore Haveus of Cleves, and the cost of the tomb is thus summed up in 
the Annals, 

The severall charges of the Tomb. 

Imprimis for Alabaster & carriage 
Item to Theodore & others for carvinge 
Item to laborers 
Item charges extraordinarie 


$ d 

10 . 

10 . 

33 . 

16 . 5 

18 . 1 

2 . 

. 2 

47 . 

4 . 8 

The grave has been twice opened during alterations of the building. The first 
of these occasions was in 1719, and has been already mentioned on page 57. The 
other was in 1891, when some of the seats at that end of the chapel were 
rearranged. Mr Lock, who was then bursar, says, ''The grave contained the 
complete skeleton of one man, and to all appearance the body had been embalmed 
and buried in a coffin without a lid. The sides of the coffin were still there, but 
they had fallen quite away from their original position, and were leaning against 
the sides of the chamber. The bottom of the coffin had perished, and as it had 
been originally placed on two large stones, part of the skeleton had fallen from 
the original position. The dimensions of the grave were found to be, 7 feet long. 



3 feet wide, and 4 feet deep. The hole through which we looked seemed of long 
standing, and was in all probability the hole made either by accident or design by 
the workmen in 1719" (Coton, No. 2). 

A reference to Loggan's picture will show that there was formerly a turret 
staircase on the south side, but not quite in the same position as the present 
bell tower. This, called by Dr Caius '*the Sacred Tower,'' was a very ancient 
structure, perhaps coeval with the chapel itself. It stood at the junction of the 
chapel and ante- chapel, and led to a room over the latter, which was used as the 
college Treasury. This tower was completed by Dr Caius, who carried it upward 
from the eaves, where it originaUy stopped, and placed on the top a weatheroock» 
in the form of Mercury. This tower was unfortunately removed in the alterations 
of 1718. The present one was built in 1870. The bell, which has been lately 
placed in it, weighs 15 cwt., and was cast by Messrs Taylor of Loughborough. It 
was the gift of Mr Barnes Wimbush, formerly of the college, in 1898. 

In 1583 Mr Francis Dorington (Vol. i. 50), one of the most turbulent of the 
resident fellows during the time of discord which marked the rule of Dr Caius, 
gave an east window. As we have already recorded such a window, as being the 
gift of Rougham in 1393, the new one presumably replaced it. Doring^n's 
window displayed his own arms, together with those of Gonville, Bateman, and 
Caius (Annals), Considering his antecedents in the coll^;e, there is something 
touching in the inscription, '*amice fecit," which he placed upon it, indicative of 
reconciliation with his former comrades. 

In 1600, Mr Anthony Disborough, former fellow (Vol. i. 128), presented 
a brass eagle as a lectern, with the inscription, "Sternum AntonJ Duisburgi 
testor amorem." It was sold during the Commonwealth, in 1658, for £3, with 
which books were bought for the library. 

In 1609 the entry occurs in the Bursar's book "frankincense for the chapel, 
4{i." Whether it was used in the service, or only, — as it once at least occurs as 
used in the parlour,— for sanitary fumigation, does not appear. Prof. Willis 
remarks (HisL iii. 519) that "long after the Reformation, and evidently without 
attaching any ritual significance to the practice, it was usual to use incense in 
the college chapels." He gives extracts from several college account-books of its 
employment " to ayre the chapell," " for perfume for the chapel," and so forth. 

Towards the middle of the 1 7th century a rather puzzling entry occurs in our 
Gesta, in which permission is g^nted to such and such a student^ to sleep in the 
New ChapeL The permission for Jeremy Taylor, dated March 14, 1633-4, runs 
thus, " Dein ei gratia concessa est ut in novo sacello sequenti septunana cum 
reliquis candidatis dormiat." He had then just completed his * year of grace,' and 
was standing for a permanent fellowship. These entries occur only during a short 
period. The earliest I have noticed is March 28, 1627, "Ds Dennie gratiam 
obtinuit ut potestatem in novo sacello dormiendi habeat," and the latest is for 
Mr Colebrand, June 10, 1636, who, like Taylor, was then a candidate for a 

^ To ** take oat a dormiat " was a recognized expression in some colleges. It was granted 
occasionally to students who were reading hard, and excused them from early morning chapel. 
Bat it is difficalt to identify this with a permission to sleep in the chapel. 


fellowship. The expression used, "the new chapel," is so definite, and so nearly 
appropriate chronologically to the extension of the building which will presently be 
described, that one is tempted to make a rather &r-fetched supposition, and to 
suggest that possibly the candidates for examination were allowed to devote part 
of the night to study in the new extension of the chapel, this portion being not yet 
thrown open to the rest. There is however the very serious difficulty here that, 
though such an explanation might fit in with the later entries, we have no reason 
to suppose that the new building had been begun so early as 1627. As r^ards 
the general significance, however, of the permission, there cannot be much doubt. 
It must be remembered that the students were crowded several together in the 
same room, and that morning chapel was at five o'clock. Accordingly, when they 
were reading hard for some examination, it would be a real privilege to be allowed 
to retire somewhere for uninterrupted study late at night. 

Another rather perplexing entry occurs in 1632; "for the bedles their wages, 
and for setting the psalmes, 5* 4^." The Esquire bedells had, from very early 
times, attended certain Commemoration feasts, and like other attendants received 
a small ' gratuity ; but we know nothing of their taking part in the service. 

In 1637 the enlargement of the Chapel was considei*ed necessary, as it had 
become too small for the increased number of students. Its original length was 
68 feet, including the ante-chapel : it was now extended to 90 feet. As Prof. 
Willis remarks, and as is evident by reference to the plan (p. 26), the irregular shape 
of the court and the consequent obtuse angle at the south-east comer involved 
taking off an angular slice from the south end of the block of chambers on the 
east side. A new ceiling to the chapel was constructed also, the old one being 
much decayed. Some alterations were also made in the windows, so that probably 
whatever was left of the ancient glass now disappeared. The lengthening of the 
building necessitated the removal of Dr Caius' monument, which was now placed 
in its present position against the wall. A number of former fellows and others 
contributed to the expense, whose names will be found amongst the Benefactors. 
Dr Cosin, formerly of the College but at this time master of Peterhouse, gave £10 
to buy a Communion table*. William Skippon gave a Communion cup, with a 
representation on it of the C^ood Shepherd bearing home a lost sheep. 

The following accounts for these alterations are taken from our MS. 602. 
Some of them are printed in Willis-Clark, i. 194. 

1 Ab regards their ** wages *' it may be mentioned that, by the Statutes of Elizabeth, each 
college oontribated towards their fltipends, our College paying 4$, a year. They also received 
a small payment for every Act and Sermon performed by members of the College before the 
Univeraity. Thns in 1698 we have ** To the Esq. bedells for a year's stipend, 4'; and for four 
sermons at 8^ each, 2* 8^" Entries sach as this oontinne till recent times. 

* It would seem likely therefore that it was at this time, and not in 1718, as Blomefield says 
{Collectanea, p. 101), that the stone which covered the high altar before the Reformation was 
taken away and laid in the ante-chapel. Blomefield implies that it was lying there in his time, 
and describes it as having a cross at each comer. There does not seem to be any stone 
answering to this description in the ante^hapel now: at least the only large stone shows no trace 
of the customary crosses. 

C. III. 11 

5 . 

4 . 


4 . 

00 . 


5 . 

00 . 



For worke, December 20, 1637, in the Chappill. 

For 20 yardes and 7 foot of Wanscot at the backe of the 

fielowes seates at 5* a yarde 
For 12 chares or seates for the felowes at 6» 8* a piece 
For 20 yardes in the Deskes for the ffelowes seates 
For 20 yardes and 3 foot of Wanscot before the Batchelors and 

schollars seates 5.1.6 

For 5 yardes in the 2 seates for the schollars that is afore the 

old seates I . 00 . 00 

For studes for the flore for the seates 00 . 17 . 1 

For a 180 foot of Tuchbord (?) for the flores 1 . 5 . 00 

For framing the Grundsells and laying the hordes 1.1.8 

For nayles for the worke 00 . 8 . 1 

For 17 yardes and 5 foot of Wanscot in the backe of the seates 

that standes upon the steps at 4* a yard 3 . 11 .00 

For 15 yardes and 5 foot in the Deskes before the seates 3.4.8 

For the 2 low seates afore 2 . 00 . 00 

For the 30 foot of Studes for the Qrundsells and working them 00 . 6 . 00 
Layd out to the Carpindors for takeing doune of the old 

roofe 00 . 12 . 00 

For mending the seates in the outer chappell and stuff 00 . 3 . 6 

Sum is 33^ 14* 6^ 

For Worke done in the ChappelL Anno Dni 1637. 

Imprimis to John Westly for lengthening y« chappell & other 
worke therto pertaining as appears by an Indenture to that 
purpose 170 .0.0 

Item for 5 pole of slating wanting 32 foote at 36* 8^ per pole, 
10* the pole being deducted for poynting as was agreed upon 
in the bargaine as appears by the indenture 9.0.0 

Item for 3 pole & 24 foote of slating over Mr Sheringhams 
chamber at 46* 8^ per pole 7.3.4 

Item for 19 spare feete & nayles & workmanship over the 
same chamber k 27 foote of Evesboard 0.8.4 

Item for raysing the 4 chappell windows, cutting out the 
transums & putting in soyles of freestone 2 . 13 . 4 

Item for 1 pole 3 qters of slating over Mr Oookes chamber 
that was, at 46* 8^ per pole 4 . 1.0 

Item for 2 iron casements & for removing 2 windows in the 
said chamber 

Item for hording seatte the said chamber 

Item for a casement for the chamber under it 

Item for lengthening the chappell 6 foote & a halfe more then 
was agreed upon by the first bargaine by indenture accord- 
ing to proportion 

Item for removeing Dr Caius monument 

Item for the Scaffolds in the chappell 

Item for paveing the chappell with stones diamond cut being 
a penny per foote more then was agreed upon in the final 
bargaine 2 . 18 

1 . 12 . 



27 . 15 . 


20 . . 


p«r Sxce tbcR •«=« is sc«»« 4 4 Xvc«^ il , :■? , 5 

IsesL 5.r ni ikTr^'C litje Jtaiiw rz Mr Fljkdbe^ c^^iniSer 

Sac ess TVv BAk-isor/rt 05>tvY*^ 

l^ecL t* :be G:j«r 5 r w.<ke d « ^- ai^vi4r^ W iL:> U" 5 . :> , 

Sv «« TVv R*c^v:r^ C\a?c.*. 

Iteat f'lr njerrVm tbe will< in tfc# ch*r«>ell with iiiA:<frAll< 5«* 
h etc i . 4 . 

Al^wod hx Weetlr f.^ tbe iroo aKxiI the usHiumer.t v^ :u 

a<toackraci-:o c4 brkk viixrh w;^ to lui\^ l*in aS the 

eut end 7.0.0 

The toCAfl samme U this l»ill being 35M . U . 10 

</ which Toa are to ded'jcke £7 for the whole chance f y 

inlAfging t* ch&fp^ & other wi^rke ctnic there aKkiIs* ix^uws 

to £i87 . 14 . 10 

Sic est. Tba B*chcrv^ C\iJ>t*x!t 

Paid in l&4a 

Pajrd to Mr Woodroofe for making the seAtes to the C'bA{>i^lI 

opoQ the enlarging of it, the sanime of 33 . 14 . 

Pajd nwre for 65 panneDs for the roofe of the chaii|»ell at 30 

the pannell 97 . 10 . 

Payd more for the freeses on b»-»th sides the chapi^ell \mder the 

pannells 30 . 0,0 

Psjd more for making the beames betweene the pannells & the 

compartments 33 , 0,0 

P^vd more fw the ravle before the communion table 16 , 0,0 

Pajd more for the freezes pilasters & mider frcesos al^out the 

table ^^ » ' ^^ 

Playd more for 2 desks 1 « 4,0 

Pavd more for navies for the whole roofe 3 , 4,0 

Payd more for lyning mjder the freese of the nx^ , 14 . 

Payd more for nayles about the Alter jieece . U> , 6 

Payd more for Lyning with deale at the Rv^t End of the 

Payd more for Cherubins heads at the upj^or cmi of the 

Payd more for a dayes worke in the Chapi^ell , 1 . G 

Bumma totalis i:u< . 14 . 

Sic est Tha BAchcn»lt aistiws 

Payd this 6 of November, 1640, luito Mr William Burton Guardian to 
Edward Woodniffe the younger, & to the said Edward Wo*Hlruft«s the 


i , 16 . O 
1 , 0.0 


summe of ninetie five poundes which is in fiiU discharge of the worke 
done in Caius Colledge Chappell above specified amounting to the summe 
of two hundred thirtie & eight pounds fourteen shillings. To which 
discharge we have sett to our hands 

Willm. Burton Edward Woodrooflfe 

Tho. Underwood William Burton 

The following charge (Bursar's Book, 1640) probably refers to the chapel roof. " For 
1700 slate; £2. 1 .6." 

In the accounts at Michaelmas, 1698, there is an entry of £1. ISs, 6d. 'for 
12 new brass candlesticks for the Chapel.' The candlesticks had disappeared 
before present recollection, but the brass plates into which they were fastened are 
still remaining on some of the desks, and are probably the " new nutts to fix the 
screws in " referred to in the same accounts. 

The next important alteration, and that which completely transformed the 
outside appearance from the medifeval to the modem, was started in 1716 by the 
gift of £500 from Mr T. Lightwine, fellow of the college, "for repairing and 
beautifying the chapel.'' Other subscriptions were added, to the amount of 
J&364. IQs, Od.y and College funds were contributed to the amount of J& 1881. Os, lOd, 
The east end was rebuilt and the whole of the outside was faced with stone, to the 
thickness of which the present heavy appearance of the buttresses is due. These 
were at first crowned with stone vases, terminated with stone flames (v. Willis- 
Clark, I. 195). A large wainscot altar-piece was set up at the east end, flanked 
by lofty Ionic columns, between which was a large picture, a copy of the 
Annunciation, by Ritz, after Carlo Maratti (v. Pictures). At the same time 
presumably the ancient "sacred turret" was removed, and the ancient Treasury, 
to which it gave access, was added as a bedroom to the master's lodge. The 
architect was Mr J. James, the same who designed St Ceorge's, Hanover Square. 

The following is Blomefield's account of the interior as it was in his day, a few 
years after the alterations were completed : 

" The Roof is covered with Lead on the outside, & is inwardly arched and coloured with 
Blew, beautified all over with Cherubs' Heads in Hays of Light, the Altar Piece is Wainscot, 
having four large Pillars on each Side, and in the Midst a large Picture of the Salutation 
in a gilt Frame. On the top stand 7 mock Candlesticks and Tapers, and on each Side of 
the Pictiu^ are Fruits, Com, Flowers, &c, finely carved in Wood. The Altar is rail'd in, 
and paved with black and white Marble ; the Cloath for the Table is of Velvet, on which 
stand two large Silver gilt Candlesticks with Wax Tapers, a large Silver Dish, two Books 
of Common Prayer, and two Velvet Cushions, all fringed with Qold. The Cloath and 
Cushion of the Litany Desk are of Velvet, laid with Gold Lace and fringed with Qold, as 
are the Master's and President's Cushions: over the Antichapel is a neat Gallery, the 
entrance of which is out of the Master's Lodge." 

No subsequent changes were introduced for many years : in fact the following 
are almost the only later references to the chapel in our records. In 1838 the 
inscriptions on the various monuments were restored at a cost of £7, 6«. Od, In 
1847 gas was introduced ; the expense of this being £163. Us. id. An Order in 


t ' . 'i 


i . 

. ' ... t ' ^ M • ' . ' ' 
I • If' 

t :^ . .• t '• '^ * •-• ' I' ;, ;^' . ' ' ' ' 

r • 

• • - ,' t ' . ■ . t ' 

! « f > V • > • . "^ . \ 1 ( I ' 

,1 I '^1 • - ' t) ~ i ) , . .1 ' i /« • u. 


Council was issued July 21, 1855, forbidding, with certain exceptions, burials 
within the College. 

The final alterations were made in 1870 by Mr A. Waterhouse, the architect of 
the new court. The Chapel was slightly lengthened by the addition of au apse. 
The altar-piece was removed, the oak-work in it being (it is said) built into the 
organ gallery which was now erected at the west end. Tlie picture of the 
Annunciation was placed, in default of any better place, on the stairs leading to 
the Combination-room. The colouring was removed from the panels of the ceiling, 
so as to show the oak of which they were made. The walls also were decorated. 
The present bell tower was also erected, but not quite in the same position as the 
old turret staircase. The employment of it however as a bell tower was, I believe, 
an after-thought. The bell was given by Mr Barnes Wimbush in 1898. 

As it is not usual to make alterations or restorations in an old building without 
some unnecessary destruction, the handsome old black and white stone flooring was 
now removed, and the present tiles inserted in its place. 

Almost the only other recent alteration has consisted in the partial re- seating 
of the building in 1892, at a cost of £2U4 ; and the restoration and improvement 
of the organ in 1893. EUectric light was introduced in place of gas in 1894. 

Music. As regards music, we have no direct evidence as to the character of 
the service in pre-Reformation times, but it is plain that, for many years after 
Dr Caius' time, both vocal and instrumental music were employed. He was himself 
very particular upon this point One of the enquiries insisted on in the selection 
of all his scholars was '' an canant musice, an organistsB sint." When or how the 
instruments disappeared we cannot say, but it was probably early in the 17th cen- 
tury, for in 1636, as we have seen (p. 88) it was complained against our College that 
*' though their statutes require that there be an organ in the Chapel, and that the 
scholars be skilfull in singing; this they neglect, and UmC they have long since' sold 

The following College orders are interesting, as showing how the laxity reported 
to Laud in 1636 gradually sprung up, and in helping to fix the date when singing 
began to be dropped. * 1621, June 6. That two bachelors in their turn shall on 
Sundays or holydays sing or read, the Litany.' '1621, July 10. That evening 
prayer shall be at 5 o'clock, and that every fellow in his turn, beginning with the 
seniors, shall take part in performing it (officium praestare teneretur), and that they 
shall read the common prayers on those days on which it is not required by custom 
that these should be sung, viz. on Saints' days and eves' of such, on which days, 

^ College jokes are slow to die, and therefore it is not surprising that the story of the sale 
of the organ was in full life not many years ago. " Nostro tempore," to use Caius' expression, 
i.e. in the fifties, the charge was that it had been sold in order to provide one more feast. One 
of the oomplaints against Dr Legge in 1681 was that ** whereas the statutes permit not small 
birds to be kept in the College,... the master used oontinoall and exceHsive loud singing and noise 
of organs, to the great diatui-banoe of our studies." Probably this was in his own chambers. 

* The words are ** diebus festis et profestis.'* The latter term usually means profane, but the 
context absolutely requires eves of $ainU* days, a rendering for which there is ample authority 
(** Profestum : vigilia, dies festum precedens '' : — Da Cauge). 


as hitherto by ancient custom, the chaplain will be required to sing, notwith- 
standing this order.' 

Whatever the date when Music was abandoned there is little doubt that it was 
entirely given up in our College, as in most others, for more than two centuries. 
Its re-introduction into the Chapel service was due to the zeal and exertions of a 
small body of the students in 1865 ; principally of Mr A. J. Hunter and 
Mt" W. O. Blunt. A meeting was held in the rooms of the former, Feb. 20, 1865, 
to discuss the formation of a college musical society, at which it was explained that 
the ultimate object to be looked forward to was the establishment of a chapel choir, 
and tlie regular introduction of music into the service. The first meeting of the 
society for practice was held on May 1, 1866. On Dec. 8, following, a petition was 
sent in to the master and fellows requesting that music might be introduced into 
the service on Sundays and other surplice days. This was acceded to, and the 
first musical service was held on Kogation Sunday, May 6, 1866. 

There was at first no organ or even any convenient place where an organ 
could be placed. The diflSculty was temporarily met by the liberality of the 
Rev. A. W. Ward, Vicar of St Clement's, Cambridge, who lent a small instrument 
to the College ; this was placed in the Ante-Chapel In the following year, 1867, 
a society was started for the purpose of purchasing a larger instrument. A 
considerable sum was raised from past and present members, to which the College 
added £ldL The present organ was purchased in 1868, the makers being 
Messrs J. W. Walker and Sons. This organ was first used on the Eve of the 
Purification of the Virgin, Feb. 1, 1868. It was improved in 1893, at a cost 
of ^£275. 

The first organist was Mr F. Dewberry, who held the ofiice from 1868 until 
1886. A new arrangement was then made by the appointment of an *' organist 
scholar," to which Mr H. D. Phillips was elected. He was succeeded by 
Mr (now Dr) C. Wood in 1889. In 1894 Dr Wood was elected to a fellowship 
with the condition that he should continue to act as organist. This, it may be 
remarked, was the first occasion on record of any one being elected to a fellowship 
in the University solely on his musical qualifications. 

From time immemorial until quite recent days, the chapel has been freely used 
for other than purely religious purposes. College meetings, for instance, as far 
back as we can go, seem always to have been held there. In fact as late as 1697 
{Gesta, Oct. 27) a collie meeting was familiarly termed a "chapel meeting," and 
when in the Gesta resolutions are described as being passed " in loco capitulari," it 
is, I believe, the Chapel ' which is thus referred to. As however the conmion seal 
was kept in the Treasury overhecul, the fellows generally went up there for the 
purpose of affixing it to the documents for which this was necessary. At what 
date the practice was adopted of holding meetings in the Combination-room is not 

1 According to WiUis (Vol. i. 201: see also Vol. m. pp. 8S7, 481) the domus or loeuM 
capitiUaris, in our cose^ was a room under the library, called the andit-ohamber, and it was 
in this that college meetings were held. But the references to the chapel as the place of 
meeting are, I think, too numerous and decisive for us to doubt that they were held there 

as a rule. 


certain. The earliest definite reference I have found is Jan. 16, 1714 -5 ; but the 
master, Sir John Ellys, being ill at the time, the occasion may have been an 
exception. Meetings for the election of a master were held in the Chapel till quite 
recent times; the last occasion of the kind being the election of Dr Guest in 
1852: — for an account of the proceedings in the Chapel on the occasion of the 
voting for the master in 1839, see under Dr Chapman. 

In early days the Chapel was the customary place for holding examinations. 
This was expressly enacted by Dr Caius, — himself a great supporter of ritualistic 
ceremony — in his statute concerning the election of his scholars. It is often 
difficult to assign dates to a slowly expinng custom, but there is no doubt that the 
Chapel was still the place of examination in 1655 {Gesta, May 8); and that this 
was not a mere laxity in Cromwellian times, is evident from the report to 
Abp Laud drawn up a few years earlier (v, p. 88). 

The Chapel was also the place selected for all acts of a solemn kind for which 
publicity was desired : for instance it was here that Dr Somersham resigned the 
vicarage of Wilton in 1393, and that William Moore resigned his fellowship, 
July 17, 1647. Fellows, on their election, were always sworn in here, and to this 
day make, in the chapel, the equivalent solemn declaration as to performance of 
their duties. 

Besides regular sermons there have always been a variety of discourses 
delivered here of a kind which would now be sharply distinguished from sermons. 
Some of these, known as * commonplaces ' and * problems,' were simply brief moral 
discourses given in turn by every fellow whether he were in Holy Orders or not. 
They were of immemorial antiquity, and in our case probably gradually died out 
during the last century ; though, as a word, " Commonplaces *^ survived till quite 
recent times as applied to the short sermons given in Chapel by the dean or some 
other fellow. The * Declamations ' of the students were also very commonly given 
in the Chapel, until they were altogether abandoned ; as were also the ' Speeches ' 
established by Wortley, Tancred, and Thruston. 

It may be added that during Dr Gooch's Episcopate of Ely he not unfrequently 
held his ordinations in our Chapel. Even weddings, strange to say, have been 
performed here. William Cole, in his extracts from the Register of Babraham, in 
which parish he once resided, records the marriage of two of his sisters (July 19, 
and Oct. 12, 1722) as being celebrated "in Gronville and Caius College chapeL'' 
Dr €k)och, who had recently been appointed master, was a personal friend of Cole, 
and doubtless performed the ceremony. 



We have two ancient brasses, which were till recently fixed to gravestones in 
the Ante-chapel. As they were becoming much worn in that situation it was 
thought best to remove them and fix them against the wall. 

One contains the following inscription in old English letters. 

Hie jacet Corpus Walteri Stubbe, in artib' magn quon 
dam socii huj* Collegii qui obiit viir* die junii Audo dni 
millesimo quigentesimo quadecimo cig' file 
jipcietm: dns. (See Vol. i. 22.) 

The other represents a knight in armour ; but as the four coats of arms in the 
comers have long since disappeared, it is impossible to identify it. He was most 
probably some benefactor. According to Blomefield it would seem that two other 
stones in the Ante-chapel had once possessed brasses {Collecianea, p. 102). 

In the Chapel are the following monuments : 

John Cains. (See photograph.) This has been repeatedly described and 
engraved. It consists of a canopy supported by three pillars of alabaster. In the 
centre are his arms, between the words FUI CAIUS. Around the upper part of 
the monument, VIVIT POST FUNERA VIRTUS ; and beneath, 


LXIII . ANNO . D«* 1573 

The skull at the top is a plaster cast of that of Dr Caius, taken in 1891 (see 
p. 159). The marble skull which stood there previously is at the back. 

John Gostlin, A nmral monument against the South Wall. (See Photograph.) 
Above, the arms : Gules, a chevron between three crescents ermine. 

In vicino pulvere spe Isetaa 

resurrectionis quiescunt Reliquias 


politiori literatura & faelici Medendi 

Methodo peritissimi, et hujus CoUii 

25 annos Prsosidentis dignissimi Qui 

vivus 500* ad augenda stipendia 4 

scholarium propatnii sui D* GOSTLIN 

quondam hujus Coll. Ciistodis 

donavit, et Testamento sue 

perpetuam advocationem Rector* 

de Hethersett in Norff'. Coll'. 

legavit Ob. Febr. 1* 

Anno F*»*- ''^ 
IDm 1704. 

} Or Qostlin 


Thomas Legge. A moral monument dose to the above (see photograph). Under 
a canopy supported by two pillars is his effigy, kneeling, in scarlet robe and hood ; 
a book on a desk before him. At the top, his arms : Or, a cross pcUUeflory sahle. 

On the canopy, 


Beneath, two hands holding a heart in flames. 






(The Gostlin thus affectionately referred to must be the Master, John Gostlin, 
though we have no other proof of his burial in the Chapel. The monument above 
is that of his grand-nephew.) 

Stephen Perse, (See photograph.) Above, the arms ; Sabley a chevron ermine 
hetfjoeen three cockatrices^ heads erased argent lingued gules. Crest; a pdican argent 
viUning herself proper. 

The inscription, 














William Webhe. A slab on the north wall (it was formerly on the opposite 
side, and seems to have been moved to make way for the monument to Gooch). 
At the top is a shield* with the following arms, quarterly of six : 

1. Or, in a bordure engrailed gtdes, on a chevron hettoeen three mullets sable 
piereed o/^ field, a crescent. 

2. Gules, a cross humettee engrailed between four falcons or (Webbe). 

3. Sable, ttoo swords in scUtire argent, betu>een four Jleur de lis or (Barrow, of 

4. Ermine, on a chevron sable three mullets or. 

5. Sable, a chevron wavy between Z fusils or. 

6. Sable, 3 lions rampant or, 2 and 1. 

At the sides. 

Argent, a cross engrailed sable between 4 torteaux. 
Argent, on a fees sable 3 eagles displayed or. 

At the bottom. 

Quarterly, \st and iih ; or, two bends engrailed sable (Branthwaite, modem) : 
2nd and 3rd; or, on a bend sable three lions passant gardant of the first 
(Branthwaite, ancient). 

The inscription is as follows : 

















1 The arms are giyen as recorded by Blomefield. In the restoration of 1888 the ohaxges 
seem to have been blurred, and even a tincture altered. The additions to the inBcription are on 
the same authority, and are dearly wanted in order to make sense. 


Sir Thomas Gooch, master. A white marble mural monument on the south 
side. Arms at top, See of Ely, impaling (rooch. Gules, three ducal coronets or 
(Eily) ; PerpcUe argent and sable a cJievron between three talbots statant counterchanged: 
on a chie/ gules three leopards^ heads or (Gooch). 

XI. S. £. 

Reverendus admodum Prsesul 

Dominus THOMAS GOOCH Barouettus 

Hujiu) Coll^i scholaris, socius, custom. 

AcademisB per tres annos ProcancellariiiB. 

Quails Gustos si quseras, testentur Annales CollegiL 

Testes sint et hi sacri Parietes 

Ipsius sub Auspiciis restaurati, omati. 

Procancellarius quails? testetiu: Academia, 

Ibidemque. Senaculum Vicinum 

Ambitu ejus diligenti, et instanti Prece 

pene extructum. 

Parochus? Sancti Clementis Gives Londinenses. 

Ganonicus? Gicestrienses, Gantuanenses. 

Archidiaconus ? Essexienses. 

Episcopus ? 

Bristolienses, Norvicences, Elienses. 

Inter Amioos Urbanitate, Fide, Gonstauti&, 

Apud Omnes Facilitate, El^antia, Gravitate, 


Obiit die Feb. 14* AD. 1754 ^t. 80 

Uxores habuit tres. 

Mariam GUL"" SHERLOGK venerabilis decani Paulini Filiam 

QusB Dom. THOMAM GOOGH de Benacre in agro Suffolciensi 

Enixa fate cessit, et, quod optabat moribunda, 

Giun iUo quern imice amabat hie demum jacet tumulata. 

Hannam D-* JOHANNIS MILLER Baronetti Filiarn 


Eliensis Ecclesiaa Prebendarii Matrem. 

Mariam Denique Filiam Honorabilis Hattoni Comptou 

Magni illius Spencer Gomitis NorthamptoniaB Nepotis 

Qu8B mortuum deflet. 

John Smith, On a slab in the Ante-chapel 

H. S. E. 








ANNO D" 1796 

^TATIS SU^ 81 

Above, the arms; On a chevron between three bezants {ts many crosses ptUty 

fitchee. Crest, on a ducal coronet a goa^s head erased. 


In the Ante-chapel (besides the two brasses above mentioned), 

Martin Davy, On a brass in the Ante-chapel; in robes and bands, within 
a representation of the Gate of Virtue. 












On the right the College arms. On the left, within a hordure campony; A 
chevron ermine bettoeen three annulets or (Davy). On a shield of pretence; a 
chevron between three fleur delis: on a chief tJiree fleur de lis. At the bottom the 
same coat without bordure, and with crest ; out of a ducal coronet an elephanCs head 
armed; in front of the coronet a ring^ thereto a Une and ring turned over the trunk. 

Sir James Burrough, On a slab in the Ante-chapel. Arms ; azure three fleur 
de lis ermine. Crest ; An ea>gle^ wings expanded , ducally gorged. 





Benedict Chapman. On a slab in the Ante-chapel. 

A . f . O 












Robert WoodJiouse, On a slab in the Ante-chapel. 






Besides the above there have been other monuments now lost, as follows : 

Thomas Wake, died 1658 (VoL L 169). The inscription was, 

Fui vigilanSy obdormio, resurgam, 

John Fletcher, died 1613 (Vol. i. 95). 

Thomas Orrell, died 1603 (VoL i. 142). The inscription was {Annals), 

Ingenio mirus, virtute inngnisy et arte clarus, amicUia candidus, Orrell obiit, 

Nicholas Shaxton, bishop of Salisbury, died 1556 ; and William Branthwaite, 
master, died 16*20; they were both buried in the chapel, and would in all 
probability have had some memorial. Branthwaite was buried in the centre of the 
chapel, opposite Dr Legge. 

No monument to any of these seems to have been in existence in Blomefield*s 

Chapbu — Windows. 

All trace of the ancient windows has long disappeared ; probably since 1718, or 
even 1637. The present windows are all of recent date. 

1 . In memory of Dr Guest, late master. Designed and executed by Mr Ion 
Pace, on the suggestions of the late Canon Underwood, Wear of Histon. Presented 
by Mrs Guest in 1883. 

It represents scenes connected with the life of St Augustine of Canterbury. 
In the centre light is represented Gregory the deacon (afterwards the " Great," Bp 
of Rome) finding boys from Britain exposed for sale at Rome. In the left is 
Augustine, sent by Gregory, discoursing to Ethelbert, King of Kent, and his 
Christian wife Bertha. In the right he is baptizing the King. 

The inscriptions are : above ; 



recalling the wordplay which Gregory made on the name of the boys' race, Angli ; 
their province, Deira ; and their King, Aella, (Bede, Hist, ii 1 .) 


2. In memory of Rev. A. W. W. Steel, late tutor. By Messrs Heaton^ Butler, 
and Baynes, under the superintendence of the late Prof. Middleton. Subscribed 
by fellows of the College and other friends, 1886. 

It represents scenes from the life of St Paul. In the centre he is preaching at 
Athens. In the right, the incident at Melita, after the shipwreck. In the left, he 
is parting from the Ephesian elders at Miletus, on the way to Jerusalem. 

Inscription beneath ; 



3. In memory of G. J. Romanes, F.RS. By Messrs Burlison and Grylls. 
Presented by Mrs Romanes, 1896. 

Scenes representative of the recognition of Christ after doubt. In the centre, 
the two disciples at Emmaus, after the breaking of bread. In the right, the 
removal of the doubts of Thomas. In the left, recognition by Mary Magdalene in 
the garden. 

Inscriptions : 

above; Quoniam non derelinques animam meam in inferno. 

Nee dabis sanctum tuum videre corruptionem. 


Dicit ei, Maria. Conversa ilia dicit, Rabboni, quod dicitur, Magister. 
Cognoverunt eum in fractione panis. 
Beati qui non viderunt et crediderunt. 

In Memoriam G^rgii John Romanes. Ob. a.d. mdcccxciv. 

Beati mundo corde. 

Arms ; gvles, two hoars* heads argent in chief and in base a fieur de lis of the 

4. In memory of Sir George R Paget, F.R.S., late fellow. By Messrs Burlison 
and Grylla Presented by Mrs J. J. Thomson, 1900. 

In the centre, the Miracle of Healing at Bethesda. In the right, St Nicholas, 
patron saint of the parish of Yarmouth, Paget's birthplace. Over St Nicholas is 
an anchor, a common symbol of his patronage of sailors ; while at his feet are the 
three golden balls or purses, the symbol of his famous charity. Over the figure of 
St Luke is the symbol of his Gospel, the Ox. 

Inscriptions; Lucas, Medicus Carissimus. 

Sanotus Nicholaus. 

Dicit ei Jesus ; Surge, tolle grabatum tuum et ambula. Et statira sanus factus 
est homo ille, et sustulit grabatum suum, et ambulabat. 


In Memoriam Georgii Edwardi Paget. Nat. mdcccix. Ob. mdcccxcii. 

Below, the arms of Paget ; Sahle, on a cross engrailed a/rgent^ bettoeen in the Ist 
and Ath quarters an eagle displayed and in the 2nd a/nd Z^'d a tiger passant ai'gent, 
OM escallop of the first. 

Together with those of the regius professorship of Physic ; — Azure, a /ess 
ermine, bettoeen three lozenges or ; on a chief gules, a lion passa/ni gardant or. 

5. In the apse are five small windows, inserted in 1870, when this addition 
was made to the chapeL Thej were designed and constructed by Messrs Heaton, 
Butler, and Bajmes. They mostly represent miracles of healing; as follows, 
b^pming from the left: 

1. Raising of Peter's wife's mother. 

2. The healing of the palsy. 

3. The annunciation of the Blessed Virgin (to whose honour the College was 

4. The healing of the blind man at Bethsaida. 

5. The healing of the lame man at the Beautiful Gate of the Temple. 

The mosaics in the apse are by Messrs Salviati, inserted in 1870. In the dome 
is represented our Lord, welcoming all nations. Inscription, beneath, 


Below the windows are represented ' scenes of instruction,' as follows, beginning 
from the left : 

1. Samuel instructed by Eli. 

2. Josiah instructed by Shaphan. 

3. Our Lord in the temple questioning the doctors. 

4. Mary sitting at the feet of our Lord at Bethany. 

5. Timothy instructed by his mother Eunice. 

In the ceiling, over the site of the old sanctuary, are ten panels different from 
the rest of those in the roof. Each of them contains an angel with a scroll on 
which is written a portion of the first five verses of the Te Deum. Blomefieki, as 
we have seen (p. 164) speaks only of "cherubs' heads" in the panels, but there can 
be no doubt that the others were put there at the same time. 

176 BtnLDINGS. 


The old Hall, we are told, was built in 1441, by the aid and under the 
guidance of Thomas Atwood who was then master (Annals), It was 48 feet long 
and 24 feet wide: the floor was raised about five feet above the ground. It 
occupied the north half of the west side of the court, and was approached by the 
present doorway of the tutor's house. "The alterations in 1854 brought to light 
its ancient open-timbered roof [portions of this are still visible in the attics of the 
tutor's building] which was a plain collar-beam roof with arched braces, precisely 
like that of the old hall of Corpus Christi, now employed as the kitchen " (Willis- 
Clark, I. 196). This ancient hall had* probably seven windows, four of which are 
thus described by Dr Caius, *The northern window Mr William Sponne, arch- 
deacon of Norfolk, caused to be made : the eastern one, next to the north, Mary 
Clynt and her brother Henry : the one next to this, Thomas Warner, former fellow 
of the College : the one opposite to this, towards the west, Dr John Crouch, dean 
of Chichester and former fellow' (ColL MS. no. 714). There was, of course, no 
window at the south end, as other buildings, including the Library and the 
Master's Lodge, completed this side of the court. A reference to the above donors, 
in the first volume, will show what is known about them. As we are not told 
whether they gave the windows during life-time, or by bequest, we cannot assign 
any precise date ; but the windows were probably inserted at latest soon after the 
completion of the building. This ancient glass, or such of it as then remained, was 
removed about the same time as some of that in the chapel. We are told (AnncUs) 
that in 1589 the windows were altered, being made shorter but broader, so as to 
give more light. The new glass then inserted was the gift respectively of Thomas 
Martin, LL.D. ; Francis Dorington, fellow ; Thomas Stuteville, Esq., of Dalham, 
Suffolk ; Thomas Legge, master ; and Richard Swale, president. Each window 
displayed the arms of the donor. It is hardly necessary to add that the north 
window looked on to the present Trinity Lane, whilst those to the east and west 
faced respectively the court and what was then a yard or garden containing the 
kitchen and other offices. 

This ancient hall remained vrith only slight alterations for more than' four 

^ The three windows on the first floor, to the north of the Combination-room, now belonging 
to the tutor's house, are certainly those of the Hall of 1854, and had not been materially altered 
since the Court was ashlared in 1753-4. It seems tolerably certain that these windows mark the 
position of those of 1441, for our records refer to no other changes than such as replacement of 
glass and enlargement of the casements. Presumably these three windows were matched by 
three on the opposite side, making seven altogether. It may be remarked that the windows stood 
relatively higher in the old Hall than in the modem sitting-rooms, as the level of the floor was 
raised at the time of alteration. 

^ It seems however that a new Hall had been contemplated at an early period ; for in 1606 
Sir William Paston of Oxnead gave £100 towards building a new one. This was actually 
laid out upon the Combination-room. Similarly Dr Legge left £40 for the building of a new 
Hall in 1607. 


THE HALL. 177 

centuries : in fact the walls of it are standing still, in great part, as are those of 
most of the other buildings on this side of the court. When, in 1878, the present 
oriel window was made in the Combination-room, the ancient brick surface was 
disclosed, including one of the old two-light windows, in excellent preservation. 
The ashlar facing was put on here, as it was throughout the court, in 1 753-5, in 
consequence of Mr Wortley's donation for the purpose. 

At some early date the top of the roof had been ornamented with a lanthom, 
thus described by Dr Caius : * There was a lanthom in the centre of the hall, 
surmounted by a huge dragon, that moved with every wind. Both were of lead, 
and so heavy that in stonny weather it was feared they would break down the roof 
by their weight. Both were therefore taken away within my recollection, about 
1531 ' (Anruds), 

In 1681, a sum of £34. is. 6d. was laid out on the hall, the principal items 
being, £20 for paving it with freestone, and £9 for painting the walls. In 1683 
the Royal Arms were set up in it, presumably the same which are fixed now 
against the end of the present room. They are thus referred to in the accounts, 
"For carrying the King's Arms, bringing them from Lynn, and for gilding and 
setting them up in the Hall, Aug. 20, 1683." In 1705 somewhat more consider- 
able alterations were carried out, at a total cost of £86. 11«. id. These consisted 
principally of new windows and seats, repairing the wainscot, repainting, <fec. In 
1728, again, alterations and repairs were made at a cost of over £300. The roof 
was put in order, and in particular the present outside cupola over the Combination- 
room, in which the bell hangs, was erected. For this £41 was paid to Mr Essex, 
a builder, father of the well-known Cambridge architect. Unimportant as this 
cupola is, it deserves mention, as being now the oldest piece of work visible in the 
Gonville Court. The ancient appearance of the hall was, however, first seriously 
interfered with in 1792, when the original open roof was concealed by a plaster 
ceiling. Various other small alterations were made at the same time, and a stove 
was introduced. The following entries are found in the accounts of 1793: 
"Plasterer's bill, £269. 7*. Od Keir & Co., for north and east windows, 
£89. 68. 3J. John Soane, Esq., architect, £81. Ss. 4d ;** <fec. As it was directed 
at the same time, "that a chimney be erected in the HalV' (Gesta)^ we may assume 
that, till then, it had only been warmed by a brazier of the kind presently 
described. By the middle of this century the old building had become decidedly 
too small \ and could only be made to answer its purpose by two successive dinners 
being served to the students. In this way it remained in use until the summer of 

No attempt was made to warm the old Hall for many years after its erection, 
though its open roof must have rendered it very cold in winter. The numbers to 
be accommodated there were of course small ; and we gather, from what Caius tells 
us, that it was the custom, in very severe weather, to dine in the "parlour," 

> The numbers must have been qaite as large in 1630 as in 1840. How things were then 
managed, we do not know, but probably the youths of that day were packed much more closely, 
at the tables, as in their rooms, than their snccessors wonld now tolerate. 

C. III. 12 


a small room' situated under our present Combination-room. In 1556 Nicholas 
Shaxton, bishop of Salisbury, a former fellow, who died in college in retirement, 
besides leaving for the use of the hall "the hangings of his chamber, of green 
saye,'' bequeathed £20 towards warming it. Humphrey Busbey (YoL i. 53) left 
an equal sum for the same purpose, in 1565. The two gifts were combined 
together, in order to form a fund for the provision of the fuel; whilst Thomas 
Barwick, a fellow<commoner, contributed towards the requisite grate. ' Hereupon 
a new brazier, of large size, capable of being moved upon wheels, cleverly fashioned 
of new iron, was placed in the Hall in October 1565. It weighed 353 pounds, so 
that at the rate of sixpence per pound it cost in all 8 pounds 17 shillings, less the 
value of one pound of metal. A fire was first lighted in it on All Saints' Day in 
the same year. Before this no fire had ever been lighted in the Hall' {Annals), 
Such a luxury as this fire implied was not however to be too freely resorted to. 
Its use was restricted to the period between Nov. 1 and Feb. 2, on Sundays and 
feast days ; on common days, during the same period, only if the master thought 
the cold sufficiently severe ("si penetrabile frigus adurat"): — it is not irrelevant to 
remark that the master then, and long afterwards, dined in the hall himself, and 
not in his private chamber'. The allowance of fuel at each dinner and supper was 
limited to a bushel of charcoal or two faggots. A grudging gift, it may seem, as 
judged by modem requirements, but it was then reckoned liberal enough to be 
celebrated by a special grace' at each meal. If this were omitted the g^t was to 
lapse for a time to Trinity Hall. Those who missed attendance at the grace were 
not to have a place near the fire. 

The old Hall had long been found insufficient for the increased numbers in 
college, and, as the Building Fund, started in 1838, had accumulated a sufficient 

1 We gather from Gains* aooount (see p. 40) that the apartment over this chamber was the 
room which be himself occupied during bis visit in 1558. 

3 In 1624 there is a charge of 2$. for ** a cushion for the master's cbaire in the Hall.** Probably 
the custom did not alter until the masters took to marriage. Mrs Brady was the first master's 
wife to reside in college, but she only lived a very short time. 

* The students were to sing, alternately, the verses of the Psalms 34 and 104, 

Benedicam Dominum in omni tempore. 

Semper Laus ejus in ore meo. 
Magnificate Dominum mecum, 

Et exaltemns nomen ejus in id ipeum. 
Exquisivi Dominum et exaudivit me, 

Et ex omnibus tribulationibus meis eripuit me. 
Qui facit angelos suos spiritus, 

Et ministros suos ignem urentem. 


Familiam tuam quaosumus Domine oontinua pietate oustodi, ut ab omnibus iniquitatibus, 
te protegente, sit libera, et in bonis artibus tuo nomine sit devota, per Christum 
Dominum nostrum. 

The cold must have been the more felt owing to the fact that the hall was paved, as was also 
the parlour. There is an entry in 1615, '* for 84 paving tyles for paving the chapell the hall and 
parlour, 19*." Presumably these floors were strewn with rushes. 

Tmi Colleqe h 

THE HALL. 179 

8om for the purpose, it was resolved in 1853 to start at once with the erection of a 
new Hall. The somewhat more conservative spirit of the present day would have 
prompted the authorities to utilize the old building as a library or lecture room, 
but feelings of this kind had very little weight at that time, and it was con- 
sequently decided to convert it into chambers. This was done by raising the floor, 
which was only a few feet above the ground, and introducing another floor above 
this. In this way three floors were secured. A lecture room (now a pantry) 
occupied most of the bottom tier ; above this were two sitting rooms for fellows ; 
and above this, again, two attic bedrooms. The two upper floors are now absorbed 
into the tutor's house. The new HalH was opened for use in the October terra of 
1854. It stands on what, as shown in Loggan's picture of 1688, was formerly open 
ground, and what was still known in 1853 as ^'the Stable court," but is now 
entirely built over. The architect was Mr A. Salvin, who designed some of the 
buildings at Trinity Hall, Dr Whewell's courts at Trinity, and other buildings in 
the University. He designed at the same time the new Library adjoining our 
Hall, the students' rooms over this Library, and the extensive range of kitchen, 
butteries, cellars, «fec., beneath. This new Hall is 74 feet long and 33 feet broad, 
and has an open timber roof. The area is more than double that of the old one. 

Like the Chapel, the Hall has been put to a variety of uses other than that for 
which it was mainly intended. For instance, it was the appropriate place for 
general festive purposes in old times. At Christmas, i.e. from Christmas Day to 
Twelfth night, it must have been lively enough, and doubtless the fire was allowed 
to consume a good deal more than its scanty bushel of fuel. Many of the poorer 
students, especially those whose home was far off*, stayed in college during the 
vacation, and doubtless let themselves loose in their indulgence in the various 
pranks in which a set of rough schoolboys would find their pleasure. Probably the 
place then often became what a schoolroom is apt to become when the masters have 
retired from the scene. Plays, also, were not only allowed* but encouraged ; and 

1 It had a very narrow escape from being destroyed by fire soon after it was opened. 
I remember the occasion well, having been one of the first to reach the spot. It was on an 
evening of November, in 1855, when towards nine o'clock the bedmaker rushed into my room 
with the news that the Hall was on fire. On arrival I saw the fiames streaming np from behind 
a considerable extent of the wainscoting towards the door. It seems that the floor had been 
ignited by a defective fine. The boards being newly placed were so tightly fitted together that 
the fiamee could not rise throngh them, and were accordingly spreading underneath and finding 
a vent behind the wainscot. Tradition and common-sense directed as to fetch our slop-pails at 
once, and to form a double line from the pomps (water was not yet laid on in college) to the HalL 
My place happened to be near the door, and the fiames were so extensive that for some time it 
seemed that no efforts would extinguish them. The difficulty at first was to get at the fire, until 
Mr J. Croker, one of the fellows, procured a pickaxe and broke open the floor. Eventually there 
was not much mischief done ; but had the fire occurred a few hours later the building could 
hardly have been saved. 

» We have an indication of the regularity and frequency of these plays in a letter firom the 
Vice-Chanoellor to Lord Burleigh. He is reporting the conduct of one Punter, a student of 
8t John's, and relates how " he was detectid of much disorder ; as namely that he had uncased 
(as they call it) one of the stagekepers of Caius Colledge, pluckinge off his visor" : that he had 
then made a disturbance at Trinity, and " had almost set that house and 8t Johns together by 



even the sternness of Dr Caius was so far relaxed as actually, in his Statutes, to 
sanction cards. The "salting" of the freshmen was regularly held in the Hall. 
This was a ceremony which in its rough humour rather resembled the ordeal 
formerly undergone, at the hands of the sailors, by those who " crossed the line '' 
for the first time. The freshmen being all assembled in the Hall were called upon 
in turn to sing a song or deliver some ' sentiment.' Those who gave satisfaction 
were rewarded with draughts of beer, those who failed were drenched with salt 
and water. Much rough horse-play accompanied the proceedings (v. MuUinger, 
History, ii. 401). 

Another use to which the Hall was commonly put was that of a lecture room. 
In early times, when the numbers were very small, and when the teaching was in 
the hands of the University rather than of the CJoUeges, no special room was 
needed for this purpose. Such instruction as was undertaken was probably given 
privately in the fellow's own chambers. When however the system of teaching 
began to change some other arrangement had to be made. Dr Caius, in his 
Statutes, assigned definite lecturing work to the deans, and it seems probable that, 
from their first appointment, they used the Hall for this purpose. Indeed from 
1618, or earlier, they were commonly described as "lectores in aula," as well as 
" lectores matutinl" The Hall has been put to the same purpose in later times, not 
only before the building of the first regular lecture room in 1853, but when, — as 
during the building operations of 1868-9 — there was a lack of other accommoda- 
tion. Similarly as regards examinations. Dr Caius prescribed the Chapel for this 
purpose, and the practice was adhered to for a century or more. In later times, 
however, as a sentiment gradually sprung up that this was unsuitable, the Hall was 
resorted to, and has been employed in this way ever since. It may be added that 
the students' declamations, which played such a large part in their former training, 
were commonly delivered in the Hall. This was in accordance with Caius' statutes, 
which prescribe that they shall he held there on Saturday afternoons. 

As already stated, a musical society was permanently established in 1865. 
This naturally led to the holding of concerts, for which the Hall has been found 
very convenient, and which have been held there regularly since 1868. It has also 
been occasionally used for many other ceremonial and festive purposes; e.g. for 
meetings of the British Association in 1862, gatherings of learned societies, <fec. ; 
besides occasional balls in the summer gay time. 

One other ancient use may be mentioned. Though we have no direct evidence 
of the infliction of chastisement on our students, it is certain that, when such 

the eares.*' Finally " to revenge himselfe for that repulse had prively crept into Benet Colledge, 
and takinge upon him the habite of a stagekeper did assault one of Trinity, whom also he 
afterwards challenged into the fields " (St. Pap, Dom, Dec. 9, 1679). In 1616 there is an entry 
in our bursar's book for 8«. "for mending the hall windowes broken at the comedie." As an 
illustration of the importance which these plays assumed it may be mentioned that, in 1594, 
Trinity College petitioned Lord Burleigh that, intending " to sett forth certaine comcedies and 
one tragcedie, there being in that tragoedie sondry personages of greatest estate to be represented 
in princely attire, which is nowhere to be had but within the office of the roabes at the Tower," 
they may be allowed the loan of some of these. 

THE HALL. 181 

executions had to be resorted to, the Hall was the usual scene of operation. 
Dr Swale, a tutor in Legge's time, declared, when speaking of a cei-tain con- 
tumacious youth, that had he had his own way " he would have beaten him openly 
in the Hall." Moreover, in the stem decree of the heads against bathing, it is 
expressly enacted that those guilty of this offence should be " chastised, openly and 
publickly, in the common hall, in the presence of the fellows, scholars, and 
pensioners." The college stocks also, in which the refractory B.A., whether a 
fellow or not, was confined, commonly stood here. 

As regards the meals themselves, these were probably very simple and plain in 
early times. The colleges were humble corporations, and had none of the stately 
officials to be found in a monastery ; and so far from having any duties to perform 
in the way of public hospitality, they were generally discouraged or prohibited 
from opening their doors to any but their own members. The residents probably 
all dined at one table, being waited on by a few of the poor students afterwards 
known as sizars, who under one name or another were pi-ovided for in every 
college. Every one in residence was expected to dine at the common table, 
absence on any occasion, except for sufficient cause, being punished by the fine of 
a week's commons. Dr Caius indeed prescribes that no fellow should be allowed 
to receive from the buttery, in any one week, more than one shilling's worth of 
bread and drink for his private consumption. Perhaps this referred to what we 
should now call 'breakfast,' of which I have never seen any mention, though it 
seems plain that, with chapel at 5 a.m., something must have been needed before 
even a very early dinner. Such a meal probably consisted, like the evening 
* bever,' of a glass of beer and some bread. 

We may picture to ourselves an assemblage of some 15 or 20 persons, — con- 
sisting of fellows, monks, parish priests or other masters of arts, witli one or two 
church dignitaries and young men of family — dining and supping together very 
plainly, probably about 10 a.m. and 5 p.m. ; whilst a poor scholar read a chapter of 
the Latin Bible. As it happens, the only historic glimpse afforded us of a dinner 
in early times refers to a feast in Queen Mary's time ; " On Sonday frost and fayre 
and no sermon throwghe the towne. Item Gonville Hall feast this daye wher 
dyned Dr Walker, Mr Rust and Mr Redman and their wyvys, Doct. Harvy and 
Mowse, Messr. Bucknam, Edwards, Barret, and iii Bedells, with Benet Prime and 
his companye playinge." This curious and interesting reference to a feast, with 
ladies present and the accompaniment of music, is from Mere's Diary (Lamb's 
Documents^ p. 187). The presence of ladies at the college dinner table was doubt- 
less an innovation of the Reformation. It was forbidden, shortly afterwards, by 
the Statutes of Queen Mary. 

The above simple arrangements probably lasted for some two centuries. But, 
as the Hostels died out and the colleges began to swell in numbers, there gradually 
grew up a somewhat elaborate subdivision. We cannot assign any exact date, but 
the change probably originated about the time of the refoundation of the college 
under Dr Caius. By this system the resident society was divided into five orders, 
corresponding to the table at which they sat. Firstly, there were the fellow- 
commoners who dined with the master and fellows, together with any masters of 


arts who might be in residence. Secondly, there was the bachelors' table. This 
table was not conOned to those who had actually graduated, but included also a 
few others, some of whom joined it at the commencement of their residence. Next 
came the scholars' table. This, again, was not confined to those who were already 
actual scholars, but included a number of others who may sometimes have been 
candidates for scholarships. Fourthly, there was the pensioners' table; namely 
that of the class which, though once relatively small, now comprises the bulk of 
students in every college. Fifthly there were the sizars. These had at first no 
table of their own. They waited on the fellows, and dined on what was left. In 
1703 a table was allotted to them, but it was not until 1767 that they were 
excused from waiting at the fellows' table. 

Each of these tables seems to have been divided into "messes." Thus, in a 
college order of June 29, 1655, dealing with the distribution of the fees paid by 
those taking the M.A. degree, it is prescribed that the share shall be "to the 
bachelors commoners, 4' a messe : to the pensioners and scholars, 3' a messe : to 
the sizars, 6** a man " : — these last, having no table of their own, were paid 

Our college has long enjoyed a culinary reputation, or at least has been supposed 
to indulge in an almost incessant succession of feasts. Christopher Smart, writing 
in 1741, says' that 

" The sons of culinary Kays, 
Smoking from the eternal treat, 
Lost in ecstatic transport gaze, 
As though the fair was good to eat." 

Certainly, if one attends to the word only, our * feasts ' were very numerous ; 
but this is largely due, I suspect, to the common British method of carrying out a 
change by leaving the nominal rule unaltered, and introducing many exceptions. 
The ordinary fare was^ by custom, very plain, but relief from this was found in 
various ways. In the first place, several of our principal founders and benefactors 
left sums of money for a feast, as a part of their Commemoration festival Others 
also from time to time made like gifts on special occasions. John Carter, in 1504, 
left some land to the college, part of the proceeds to be spent "amongst the 
fellows, at their dinner or supper, in amending of their repast, and then to 
remember the souls aforesaid " : — viz. of Carter and his relations. Shaxton, bishop 
of Salisbury, dying in 1556, left the rent of a house in Cambridge "to solace the 
company at home yearly at Christmas." Matthew Stokes, in 1635, left £4 for an 
annual feast on the day of his funeral. Then again there were a number of 

^ Pretty Bar-keeper of the Mitre ; published in Oxf. and Camb. Miscellany. 

' This custom continued till very late. Even after the middle of this centnry only meat and 
vegetables were regularly provided. Anything in the way of tart, pudding, cheese, Ac, was 
separately asked and charged for, under the name of •* sizings." This word, it may be remarked, 
had no connection with " sizar,'* but was merely a corruption of *' exceedings," the name given 
to any additions to the ordinary diet. Thus Dr Perse left 20$, by will ** for exoeedings in diet 
amongst the scholars." 

THE HALL. 183 

customary or established feasts; for instance \ on the quarter days, daring the 
Christmas holidays, after the Michaelmas audit, at * court-suppers* (i.e. manor-court 
business), &c. So numerous were these feasts that no less than 19 of them were 
suppressed by college order, Jan. 14, 1780. 

The above were public festivals, but there were in addition a multitude of 
entertainments from private sources. The practice prevailed for many years that 
every fellow- commoner — and they were formerly a numerous body — should on his 
admission give an *' entertainment ** to the master and fellows. By 1657, when 
this gift was transferred for a time to the library, convention had fixed its amount 
at 40 shillings. It was the usual custom also for a fellow to give a supper, on 
attainment to the seniority and on presentation to a living. This was commuted, 
Oct. 26, 1803, for a payment of £5. Entertainments of this kind probably took 
place in the Combination room, and consisted of wine and dessert rather than of 
more solid fare. 

One very popular class of these entertainments deserves particular notice, as 
explaining the origin of college degree-fees. It was an immemorial practice that 
a student, when he had passed the formalities for his degree, should celebrate the 
occasion in a duly festive way, and invite his comrades to rejoice with him. Such 
a practice lies far too deep in human nature for us to expect to determine its 
origin. But we can ascertain how it gradually became systematized, and obtained 
the sanction of college authority. And we can also establish the curious fact 
that the present system of fees for degrees, — that is, fees paid to the college, — is 
simply a commutation of the old feast-giving. The following extracts from the 
Gesta will illustrate the steps of the change. '*That Mr Thane have leave to 
proceed to the degree of M.D., he paying 20«. to the College, and making a public 
entertainment, as is usual in that case" (June 4, 1656). A grace was passed for 
the degree of LL.D. to Isaac Harrison " upon consideration that he puts in j£20 
caution to the College that he will entertain the Society and discharge all other 
dues of his degree, according to the usual custom of the College" (Dec. 23, 1656). 
^* That, in consideration of an entertainment Dr Brabant has already given in the 
Combination, only £\2 caution be left in hand for his Public Treat" (July 12, 
1702). Mr Hunt had his degree passed for M.D. "upon condition that he pays 
the usual fees to the College and makes a public entertainment, or in lieu thereof 
pays £12" (July 2, 1694). The above references are to the doctorate. As regards 
the degree of M.A.* an order was annually passed for the disposal of the fees. 
Thus (June 27, 1657) "That there be £8 of the Commencement money spent in a 
Commencement supper, besides wine ; and that the bachelors have allowed them 
As, a messe, the scolars in commons 3«. a messe." This order was repeated for 

^ The expression ** Commem.** still occurs in the borsar^s accoants of stipends due to fellows. 
It is an abbreviation of Commemoration, under which name, by Cains* Statutes, a som was left 
to be divided amongst the master and fellows at the four quarterly feasts, ** at Mossb honeste 
gaudeant et letentnr." I have called attention, under Caius* Statute$, to the astonishing 
interpretation popularly given to this phrase In later days. 

' The money paid to the steward for the feast {ad convivandum) by the B.A.8 had already 
been in part diverted to the salary of the librarian (see p. 191). 


many years. In later times the Ck)mmencement money was simply divided 
amongst those in residence, the fellows receiving the bulk of it. This practice 
lingered until 1840, when by college order (Gestae Oct. 28) it was resolved "that 
no distribution be made to bachelors and undergraduates on Ash Wednesday." 

It appears therefore that the present system by which the colleges charge a fee 
on the attainment of degrees represents historically the commutation of a supper 
party. This is worth noting, since it does not seem obvious what the college has 
done, — at least as regards the higher degrees, — to claim any payment on such 

The dinner hour in college, as elsewhere, has gradually shifted onwards. In 
the time of Edward VI. it appears to have been at 10 a.m., the chapel hour, then 
and long afterwards, being at 5 o'clock, and the supper presumably early in the 
afternoon. Under this arrangement, a slight refection, — called, as in the 
monasteries, hever, — was allowed in the evening. It consisted of a little bread 
and beer, and was commonly taken in the buttery. During the seventeenth 
century the dinner hour was probably 12. We have no definite information, but 
a college order (Dec. 29, 1634) supplies a clue, by prescribing that candidates for 
the B. A. degree should be examined in the chapel from 8 to 1 1 , and from 1 to 5. 
This suggests that the dinner cannot have been later than 1 2, and that supper was 
probably about 5 or 6'. In 1801 the hour was fixed at 2.30, whenever the sch(X)ls 
were open; at other times at 3. In 1814 the hour was advanced to 3.16 for 
ordinary days, and 4 o'clock for feasts. Towards the middle of the century it stood 
for many years at 5 on weekdays and 4 on Sundays. About 1878, the fellows' 
dinner, as also the latest of the two dinners for the students, were fixed at 
7 o'clock. The supper hour doubtless shifted onwards in correspondence with the 
dinner. When it was abolished, in 1814, it had stood for a long time at 9 p.m. 

It may be added that the use of a musical grace, recently revived at our 
principal feasts, was a very old custom. Dr Caius prescribes in his Statutes that 
"socii et scholares musici et organistte" were never to be absent on feast days. 
They must have sung in the body of the hall, as in our college, unlike several 
others, there does not seem ever to have been a music gallery. 

The practice of fasting on Fridays was long adhered to in rule. Probably in 
early times, and with Caius' statute as to the closing of the gates still in force, 
the practice was a reality; but it must soon have become relaxed. Dr Gk>stlin 
tells us {Historiola) that before the Commonwealth time no supper whatever was 
provided on Fridays, but that after the Restoration fast-days were reintroduced, 
supper being allowed, but without meat. This, of course, was the official account. 
What actually went on we know from the report to Abp Laud (see p. 88), viz. 
that on Fridays "the victualling houses prepare fiesh, good store, for all scholars." 

^ By then (i.e. twelve or one) the bell for dinner rings. 

I dine, if dinner you can call 
Our slender commons in the hall. 
Such dinner o'er, and over soon, 
I lounge away tbe afternoon. 

(From — of — Coll., Camb., to E. B. of the Inner Temple ; quoted in Lond, Mag,^ July 1734.) 

THE HALL. 185 

If this was the custom in 1636 we can guess what sort of fasting prevailed in laxer 

We have already mentioned the ancient practice of a scholar reading the 
Latin bible during meal time : — hence the early name of 'bible-clerk*. There is an 
entry, in the bursar's accounts of 1610, of the purchase of "a great lattin 
Jerome's bible" for the Hall. Another was bought in 1624. This practice 
lingered rather later than is sometimes supposed, for a college order in 1719 shows 
that it was still kept up at that date. 

Pewter plates were habitually used by the students until 1795*, when, by 
college order of July 1, it was decided 'Hhat the annual stipend of £2, ISs, id. 
for cleaning pewter should cease, and earthenware only be used." There are many 
such entries as this in the old bursars* books: "1609. For 711b of platters, dishes, 
saucers, and porringers, paid to the pewterer, £2. 16«. 2(/." The earliest reference 
to the use of gkiss which I have found is in 1705, when lis. was paid for "a 
dozen of double flintglasses : " these were doubtless for the use of the fellows. There 
is no reference to any use of earthenware in college till 1783, when "31 dozen of 
plates of Staffordshire earthenware" were paid for at a cost of £2, 19«. 7^d. 
These may have been for the fellows. In consequence of the order of 1795, 
mentioned above, a sum of £17. Ss. 7|c?. was expended on earthenware in that year. 

Though the ordinary fare, as stated, was plain, there was what may seem at 
first sight a relatively heavy outlay on such luxuries as table-cloths and napkins, 
not only for the fellows but for the students. Thus in 1609 we have "10 dozen 
of diaper for table napkins and making, £i, 128. 6(/." "41 yards of cloth to 
make 8 table clothes for the schollers tables, hemming and marking, &c.f 
£12. 158. 10c?. " These, and similar items, joccut every two or three years. It 
must be remembered however that, as regards napkins, such things were by no 
means mere luxuries in the days when forks were unknown, and the meat was 
handled in the plate. There is a curious entry in the Christ's College Register of 
1575 (v, Willis-Clark, iii. 363) of an order for the infliction of a fine upon any 
fellow or pensioner who wiped his fingers on the tablecloth. As forks came in 
napkins seem to have gone out, and their present use at the students' tables is 
a recent revival. 

The college " graces," used before and after dinner, are probably ancient, but 
I have not been able to ascertain their origin. They are, in part, verbally 
identical with those in use at some other colleges. There is an entry, in the 
accounts for 1674, "for printing the Graces for the Hall, 5«. 6c/." It may be 
remarked that in early times the students all remained to the end of the meal, and 
every one left the room in order of seniority. The scholars therefore read the 
grace both before and 'after meat, and not as now only before. 

^ Tradition reports that the stadents of Queens' College struck against the use of pewter 
plates about 1815. 

' ** Nostro tempore," the practice still survived. The scholar for the week was expected to be 
close at hand, and just before the fellows finished their meal a gyp hurried off and brought him 
in to say the 0-ace for the fellows. As it happens, I was the last scholar upon whom this duty 
fell, in October, 1854. 



The present very popular custom of having one grand feast in the year, at 
which as many former members as possible are invited to be present, is of very 
recent origin; our college was one of the first to introduce it. In 1882 (Gesia, 
March 28) it was decided to substitute for the ordinary Perse Feast " a periodical 
dinner for entertaining past members of the College." 

The chances which rule in such matters have preserved but two or three of our 
kitchen accounts, and these do not date from very early times. But, as showing 
what was provided in Hall on festive occasions, they are worth reproducing. 

College Cook's Bill of Fare, for Branthwaite's Feast, Feb. 18, 1655-6 

A Collar of Brawne 

3 . 6 

2 dishes of oranges 


A grand sallet 

1 . 8 

2 set custards 



2 bak't puddings 

2 . 8 

2 couple of mallards 


. 6 

2 dishes of neates tongue 

hash't with 

2 brace of teales 




2 . 6 

A Joule & a taile of fresh salmon 



4 ribs of rost beife 

4 . 

2 dishes of green plovers 


. 6 

A choyne of porke 

2 . 

2 dishes of pickled oysters 


. 8 

A Turkey 

3 . 4 

2 dishes of larkes 


. 8 

2 Calves head pies 

5 . 

2 warden pies 



2 capons 

3 . 8 

For the little table 

A loyne of veale 

2 . 6 

A dish of pickled oysters 


A capon 

2 . 

A dish of larkes 


A custard in a dish 

1 . 

A mallard & a teal 

1 . 4 

For six dishes of fritters for both 

A Joule of salmon 

1 ; 4 




Siunmi £3 
For the scholars exceedings 10 . 

6 . 

Wine &c. for the same feast 

6 quarts & 2 pints of sacke 
4 quarts of claret 
2 quarts of white wine 
Halfe a pound of sugar 
Two lemmons 



One oimce & a halfe of to backoe 

Roase water & perfume 

Fuell for do. 

In the parlor 8 

In the lodging 9 

In the stewards chamber 9 

In the kitching 2 . 6 

4 . 8 

Som is £1 

3 . 

5 . 

10 . 

1 . 

6 . 


4 . 


£6 . 

5 . 






Received Chr. Green 



June 11 

A dinner for M' Bradsbaw & M' Bines 

A leg of mutton with capars above commons 1 . 

A coast of cold lambe 1 . 

A sallet 2 

A piece of fresh sammon 1 . 2 

3 pints of strawberries 2 . 

Rosewater & sugar 4 

June 30 A dish of butter sent to Dr Baggs chamber, & another dish 
of butter sent to your owne chamber 
A piece of meat for a college tenant 
A dish of fish for a collie tenant 
A peice of meate for 2 tenants 
A peice of meate for John Fuller when he had bin out 

about college busines 
Joynt of meat for J. Fuller & 2 tenants 
A supper for colledge tenants in your owne chamber: — 
Shoulder of mutton for commons 
A capon 

A brace of partriches 
A tart 
— 14 Dinner. Added to 2 parts of commons in a dish of buttered 

herrings & an apple pie at Dr Baggs chamber 
Oct. 1 In the morning. A dish of stakes 

(The above are meals separately ordered) 












1 . 





Dr Cains' Feast, July 29, 1656 

2 1^^ of mutton with capars 



2 loyues of veale 

6 . 


2 couple of pullets 


. 6 

2 couple of rabbets 

2 . 

. 4 

2 dishes of artichokes 

2 . 


2 tarts 

2 . 


Scholars exceedings 

1 . 

. 6 

A dish of quadhns at the stewards chamber 


To John Fuller for wine, &c 

6 , 

. 8 


. 5 . 

. 7 

Dr Perse's feast, Sep. 30, 1666 

2 leggs of mutton & a brest boyld with capars 

4 , 


4 ribs of rost beife & a messe of a loyne 

5 . 

. 6 

A choyne of porke 

2 . 


2 dishes of neats tongues & udders 

4 . 


3 capons 

6 , 


3 sett custards 

5 . 


3 couple of rabbets 

4 . 


2 dried neats tongues 

3 . 

3 dishes of pigeons 

2 . 


3 warden pies 

4 . 



For 6 meese & 3 parts of scholars exceedings at 12<^ the 

messe 6 . 9 

£2 . 6.9 

To John Fuller for wine &c. 1.1.5 

To James Peters for bread & beare 10 . 4 

£3 . 18 . 6 


The ancient Library, in common with the rest of the west side of the Gonville 
Court, dated from about 1441. It occupied the first floor of the southern part 
of that side, joining on to the Master's Lodge at the south end, and being 
separated from the Hall by the Parlour or large Combination room to the north. 
The present small Combination room coincides with the north end of it. It was 
44 feet in length, and 18 feet in width. These dimensions are remarkable, 
considering the very small number of books then in possession of the college, and 
show that it must have been designed with a view to future rather than to then 
pi'esent requirements. It possessed ten smalP windows, the donors of which are thus 
recorded by Caius : * The first west window from the south end is by John Dogget, 
archdeacon [treasurer] of Chichester ; the second and third by William Lyndwood, 
bishop of St David's ; the fourth and fifth by John Mark, archdeacon of Norfolk 
and of Cornwall. On the east side, the first from the north is by Dr Boleyn, 
master of the college ; the second and third by Dr John Clynt, former fellow ; 
the fourth by William Grene, former fellow; and the fifth by Geoffrey Champney, 
former fellow' (MS. 714). Dogget died 1501; Lyndwood 1446; Mark 1483; 
Boleyn about 1475; Clynt 1463; Grene 1478; Champney 1472. Most of these 
donors probably gave the windows during their residence in college, so the library 
had not long to wait for completion. 

As it happens, the first contemporary reference we have to the library dates 
from nearly its commencement. This is in the will of Walter Crome, 1452, who 
leaves seven volumes to the library desiring that they shall be kept bound there 
with chains, "cum catenis ferreis, more aliorum librorum eisdem librariis...liga- 
buntur." (v. Baker MS. Vol. xxvi, p. 357.) A note by him, in one of them, is 
interesting, as he expresses his wish that the books should be available "non 
solum ad aociorum sed aliorum fide dignorum ingressum et solamen (No. 131)." 

There were in later times two entrances into the Library, one from the 

1 Presumably the present first-floor windows occupy the old positions, but have been 


Combination room, for the use of the fellows, and one from the master's lodge. 
It was on the staircase of the latter that Dr Caius says (Annals) there used to be 
a glass window displaying the likeness of two sons of the Duke of Suffolk in 
their doctors* robes. 

The first subsequent reference which I have found to the Library is in 1618, 
when some additions must have been made to the shelves, as there is an entry 
in the Bursar's book of payment " to the joyner for 46 foote of bordd for the new 
shelves in the upper end of the library, 4" 10**"; also "for 45 feet, 4" 8**." In 
1620 the chains by which all the earlier acquisitions of books had been fastened 
were removed ; for there is an entry " for carrying up to the Treasury the chaines 
and the iron barres that were taken from the bookes and off the deskes in the 

No important alterations seem to have been made in the old building for more 
than 200 years after its erection. By 1675 it had, according to Gostlin's account 
(Historiola), fallen into a state of great decay, — "intus et extra caduca penitus et 
collapsura," — and extensive reparations were undertaken, at a cost of £266. 16«. 2c?. 
The windows were enlarged, the remaining old chains, cases, <fec. were removed, 
and a new staircase of stone made. In this state it remained until the change 
of site in 1853, except that the outside was ashlared', and the windows modernized, 
in common with the rest of the court, in 1753-4. 

In 1710 we have the benefit of a learned foreigner's report on the library. 
In the course of his travels in England Baron Offenbach paid' Cambridge a visit, 
his object here, as elsewhere, being mainly that of inspecting the MSS. He came 
to our college on the morning of July 31, but found the librarian absent, which 
was not surprising in the Long vacation. A fellow, however, who happened 
to be present, hearing that he wanted to consult some of our MSS., of which he 
had heard through the well-known General Catalogue printed at Oxford in 1697, 
told him that he had a key of the room in which they were kept. He accordingly 
led him thither. Offenbach describes tlie room as a wretched garret under the 
roof, the upper steps of the stairs covered with pigeon's dung, the MSS lying 
in disorder on the floor and smothered in dust. However, as he tells us, he took 
off his cuffs, and with much messing of his hands and coat set to work to study 
such of the desired volumes as he could find. The only thing of any interest 
to him which he could discover was Henry Spelman's Archaismus Graphicns^ or 
Index to the principal abbreviations which occur in old writings (No. 415). 

The attic referred to in the above account was a room over the library, in 
which the MSS. had been placed when the main room became crowded. Formerly 
the whole attic floor had belonged to the master. In 1583 it was divided up into 
ten "studies," "in usum studiosiorum coUegii," presumably for the use of young 
scholars who had no studies in their tutors' chambers. In or about 1679 (Willis- 
Clark, I. 200) this floor was utilized as a part of the Library, and it was to this 

^ The wording of the Gesta^ ** to case the west side of Gonville Court with freestone, and to 
rebuild the wall of the library and the rooms under it as far as necessary*' suggest that something 
more than refaoing was perhaps involved. 

' 0£fenbach, Reiten, m. 12. 


room that Ofifenbach paid his visit. At some subsequent date it reverted to the 

The ancient bookcases were comparatively low. In their present form they 
appear to date from 1707, when a sum of £49. 10«. Od, was paid for ''raising the 
classes in the Library." This was in pursuance of a college order of Nov. 6, 1706. 

In 1853-4, as a part of the extensive alterations carried on by Mr Salvin 
in the Gonville Court and neighbouring ground, a new Library was built facing 
Trinity Lane, on the site of what had formerly been college offices together with 
a few students' chambers. A reference to the plan of 1850 (p. 140) will show the 
arrangement of the various buildings which at that time occupied the site of the 
present Library and Hall. The walls and roof of the old' building were left 
undisturbed, but the inside has undergone several transformations. It was at 
first converted into four sets of students' rooms, which were thus occupied from 
1854 to 1868, when the two on the first floor were assigned to the Master's Lodge. 
In 1891 one of these rooms was converted into a small combination room for the 
fellows; and, in 1896, one on the ground floor was set apart for a combination 
room for the bachelors. 

A number of catalogues of the books have been compiled from time to time, 
but unfortunately none are of very early date. The oldest is probably of the early 
part of the 17th century, and refers to our MSS. (it was formerly in the Treasury, 
where it was erroneously entered as containing Mr O. Naylor's gift of books). We 
have two, or perhaps three, about 1642-4. One of these was drawn up by 
Mr Edmund Barker, the librarian, and another by Mr Wm Lyng, fellow. In 1679 
the bursar paid £12 for a catalogue ; and again £4. 12^. Od, in 1732 ; but it is not 
easy to identify these. We have separate catalogues of several donations, chief of 
these being that of Dr Branthwaite, in 1618. Owing to this being the first very 
large collection given to us, it seems to have been separately called the "nova 
donatio,'' the previous gifts and bequests being entitled the "vetus donatio." It 
is recorded in a handsome catalogue by itself. 

In 1846 a printed catalogue of our MSS. was completed by Mr J. J. Smith, 
the librarian at the time. Till this date the only accessible information on this 
subject had been given in the Oxford volume of 1697, above referred to. Con- 
sidering the heavy demands upon a tutor's time, and the many other directions 
in which he was then engaged, Mr Smith's list is a very complete and creditable 
performance. To this he added, in 1852, a short account of the Illustrations 
in our MSS. In 1850 Mr W. R. Collett, librarian, published a list of our Early 
Printed Volumes. 

Till comparatively recent times the Library depended almost entirely for its 
growth upon the gifts and bequests of former members; a fact which accounts 
for the character of most such college collections, in respect of the many omissions, 
and many repetitions of the same books. Occasionally indeed the purchase of 

> The room under the Library itself (the ancient * audit-chamber ' ; p. 196) had, at any rate for 
some time before 1853, been assigned to the master, and was used as a sitting- and occasional 
dining-room. It seems that the floor of the old Library, anlike that of the old Hall, was left 
unaltered, as regards its height above the ground, when the conversion into chambers was made. 


some work of reference is found entered in the college accounts, but these are 
generally the application in detail of one or two legacies left for this purposa 
Thus in 1708 there is an entry "for Gne^-ius «k Gronovius for the use of the College 
Library, £26. 17. 6." 

In 1656 an attempt had been made to supply a constant succession of new 
works. It was resolved that "whereas fellow-commoners are wont to expend 
about 40* in an entertainment of the master and fellows, it was agreed that the 
said sum of 40* at least be translated to the benefit of the Library." This was 
adhered to for some time, but subsequently dropped. The first sjrstematic pro- 
vision for new wants seems to be the college order of Ap. 5, 1839, when 15«., out 
of the sum paid by each student on entering the college, was set apart for this 
purpose. This has since been added to, and the present income, for the purchase 
of additions to the Library, is about £60 or £70. 

The earliest notice of appointment of a regular librarian is in 1629. A college 
order of May 26 in that year prescribes that the librarian shall receive £6 a year 
to be paid by the steward out of the "commemoration money" of the bachelors 
of arts. This was soon after the very large addition to the Library caused by 
t>r Branthwaite's bequest. 

After a long period of neglect the college library has again, of late years, 
begun to play its part in the scheme of Study and Research. If the tendency is 
carried out, — of which there seems some trace — to specialize the college libraries, 
their services would, I think, be greatly enhanced. One important function must 
of course be, as it always has been, that of supplying the wants of ordinary 
students. In these days, when scientific works succeed each other so rapidly, the 
duty of pn)viding the student with the more expensive treatises, and with the last 
numbers of the scientific journals, has become important. But when this duty is 
satisfied, there is still room for something more. Several openings suggest them- 
selves. For one thing, a college library seems the natural and fitting place in 
which to seek for the works of any former member. In our own case, for a good 
many years past, a serious attempt has been made in this direction, and many 
volumes, of interest to us, have thus been added to our collection. Again, it 
seems desirable, for purposes of research, to strengthen a library in any direction 
in which it is already strong. Our own library, for instance, contains a good 
supply of antiquarian works, topographical and genealogical, dealing with the 
Eastern Counties. It seems suitable that a college which was for so long pre- 
dominantly East- Anglian, — and a college, let us add, at which Francis Blomefield 
was trained, — should be especially well represented in works of this kind. Our 
librarians have for some time given attention to this point. 

There is one matter of great interest and importance to which it seems desirable 
to call attention here. The aggregate of the college libraries is very great. From 
enquiries made some years ago it appears that the total exceeds 300,000 volumes. 
Of course the bulk of this is of no special value, and the same books are repeated 
many times over. But no library of this magnitude exists without containing 
hundreds, we might say thousands, of works which are scarce and valuable. At 
present what a student does not find in the University Library he has to seek at 


the British Museum. An aggregate catalogue of all the contents of the college 
libraries, compiled under limitations suggested by skill and practice, would not be 
beyond the aggregate resources of the colleges, and would be a great convenience 
to resident students ^ 

The following are some of the most interesting MSS. in our collection*. 

I. Biblical. 

348. A Greek Psalter (LXX) in a hand similar to that of the famous 
Cod. 69 of the Gospels. See J. R. Harris, Origin of the Leicester Codex, for some 
discussion of its history. 

403. The four Gospels in Greek (Cod. 59 of the Gospels), 12th century. 
An important cursive collated by Scrivener. See Scrivener, Adversaria, p. xxviii ; 
Gregory, Prolegomena, p. 477 ; Scrivener-Miller, Jntrod, to Criticism of the N, T., i. 
p. 199. 

404. A Hebrew Bible, the gift of Dr Caius. 

There are six copies of the Latin Vulgate (224, 346, 350, 361, 412, 601); 
and two of the Wicliffite N. Test. (179, 343). 

II. Liturgical, 
146. A Missal. 

394. A Breviary, formerly used in the College Chapel. On a fly-leaf at the 
end are some lines which record the fact (v. p. 158). 

148. A Latin Psalter, written on tine vellum ; richly illuminated. 

355(9). Part of the Liturgy of St Chrysostom, in Greek. 

To these may be added several illuminated Horce, and other devotional books, 
and a large Antiphonarium. 

III. English and French. 

107. Life of Guy, Earl of Warwick. 
124. Pylgrymage of the Sowle. 
201. Peirce Ploughman his workes. 
174, 175. Collections of Ballads. 

84(2). A Lay folk's Mass book, in the West Midland dialect (v. Simmons' 
Text E, p. Ixix). 

MSS. 52, 160, 328, contain old English versions of the Credo, Pater, and Ave, 
MSS. 187, 384 (1), 435 (4, 5), are in old French. 

IV. Medical 4kc. Besides a large number of medical and surgical works in 
Latin and English, there is a series of Greek medical and philosophical MSS. 
(15 cent.), mostly of Galen and Hippocrates, the gift of Dr Caius (47, 50, 76, 77, 
355, 360, 495, 500, 596). 

^ I proposed such a scheme in 1881 (v. Camb. Review, March 9) after oonsaltation with the 
late Mr Bradshaw and others. He considered it quite feasible if limited to books published, say, 
before 1800. He thought that it might be compiled by aid of an interleaved copy of the printed 
Bodleian Catalogue. Letters or numbers might indicate in which of the various colleges any 
particular book was to be found. Our librarian was afterwards directed (Gestae March 6, 1883) 
to confer with other librarians as to the carrying out of this scheme, but nothing came of this. 

^ Contributed by Prof. H. B. Swete, D.D., late librarian. The numbers quoted are those 
given in J. J. Smith's Catalogue, 1849. 


V. Legal, There are several fine codices of this class (Justinian, Gratian, «fec.). 

VI. Patristicy kc. The Latin Fathers and Schoolmen are well represented, 
and there are Latin translations of some of the Greek Fathers, and of the works of 
Aristotle. A Latin translation of the Epistles of Ignatius (395), a MS. written 
by Walter Crome, and finished in 1440, was used by Ussher {Works^ vii. p. 261) 
and by Lightfoot (Ignatius i. p. 8 1 ; in. 1 3). It was probably the work of Robert 
Gro8setest«, Bp of Lincoln ; and in Ussher's time was preserved in two MSS., 
but the second codex has since disappeared. The Caius MS. 445 is a copy of 
395, made for Ussher. The College also possesses two MSS. (402, 411) of the 
Latin version of the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, by Grosseteste. 

Some of these Patristic MSS. are early. No. 144 perhaps belongs to the 
10th cent., and 318 (Origen*s Homilies, by Rufinus) to the 11th or 12th cent. 
A Greek MS. of Gregory of Nazianzus has lately been acquired. 

VII. Historical, 

153. Vita S. Edwardi Regis. 

177. Vita Caroli Majoris (Eginhard). 

489. liber Eliensis. 

There are also several important collections of historical documents relating to 
English history (73, 197, 389, 391, 392). 

VIII. Heraldic. Our collection used to be much consulted for the fine col- 
lection of transcripts of the Heralds' Visitations, given by Mr Knight (Vol. i. 246), 
but most of these visitations have now been printed. They are separately indexed 
at the end of J. J. Smith's Catalogue, 

IX. Classical, 

365. The Pharsalia of Lucan. 
76 (2). Scholia on the Odyssey. 

A fair number of our MSS. contain miniatures, or other illuminations, in gold 
and colours, e.g. Nos. 148, 224, 241, 245, 247, 252, 253, 261, 275, 292, 350, 372, 
384, 403, 412, 433, 436, 494, 671. 

'As regards our early printed books, the library contains 80 of the fifteenth 
century. It also contains the following rare English Liturgies : 

Breviarium (Sarum). Paris. 1515 8^ Unique. 

1556 8o 

1556 16<> 
HorsB (Sarum). R. Pynson. 1503 (circa) 8^ 

» >> » 

>» » » 

Manuale. Rouen. 1498 4^ 
Missale (Sarum). Paris. 1555. fol. 

1 Contributed by Mr C. Sayle, M.A. 
C. III. 13 


The Library is rich in early Cambridge and Southwark books. Perhaps the 
most interesting item is Chaucer's Jack Upland^ printed by John Gough, 16**, 
which is unique. It was used by Prof. Skeat in his edition of Chaucer's works. 
There are some rare fragments also in the collection, namely Canutus* Pestilence 
(W. Machlinia) 1482, 4«; and Smith and his dame (Wynkyn de Worde) 4^ 
There are also some rare early bindings. 

It is a characteristic feature of our collection that a large number of the 
volumes retain their original binding. In many cases interesting memoranda, 
sometimes dated, have been written in the inside of the covers ; in others, deeds, 
presumably connected with the history of religious houses to which the books had 
once belonged, are inserted, or fragments of liturgical or biblical codices no longer 
in use. One or two contain notes of their having been deposited* in early times 
as pledges or "cautiones" at the University Registry. One valuable scrap, in 
an uncial hand of the 7th or 8th century, preserv^es a unique fragment of a Gallican 
Liturgy (printed, with commentary, by Dr Bickell : Zeits, /, Kath, TheoL vi. 
p. 370). The MS. (53) in the binding of which this was found yielded also a 
portion of the Vulgate written by a Hiberno-Saxon hand of the 8th or 9th cent. 
Another early fragment of the Vulgate was yielded by MS. 304 ; whilst 328 has 
fragments of Livy, Bk. i. The cover of 605 consisted of 30 to 40 leaves con- 
taining memoranda of proceedings in the Court of Arches, in the 13th century. 

A college library naturally contains many MSS. of private historical interest. 
Some of those catalogued by Mr J. J. Smith (e.g. the Gestae and Bursar's books) 
have been since placed in the Treasury. Amongst the others may be mentioned, 
Sheriffe's Evidences (706), the original MS. of Caius' Annals (371), Gostlin's 
Uistoriola (602) and two collections of letters (602, 714) amongst these not a few 
from and to Dr Caius. There are also the minute books of the Boat Club, since 
1827 ; the Combination Room Betting Book, since 1789, and many miscellaneous 

The question may naturally be asked whether there has been much loss or 
destruction of the contents of our Library in past times. The actual result may 
very likely be due to sheer neglect rather than to deliberate care, but the fact 
remains that the loss has been, so far as we can ascertain, very small indeed 
compared with that, for instance, in the University Library. Wherever we can 
obtain any definite mention of books, as by the specific reference to their titles 
in early wills and deeds, we generally find that these are still on our shelves. For 
instance, Walter Crome left seven books in 1452: we certainly still have six of 
them. John Beverley gave 17 books in 1462, the titles of which are mentioned 
in his deed of gift. We still have 16 of them, and in place of the other we find 
a substitute of a similar kind. 

The books and MSS. are not the only things of interest preserved in the 
Library. We have also two curious old astrolabes of some value, one in particular 
being in all likelihood amongst the very oldest possessions of the College. 

* For instance No. 82 (Higden^s Polychronicon) has the note •* Caucio M'* Henrici Osborne, 
expos, ciste Lyng...l408." In the early University Grace Books are many entries of this 

THE master's lodge. 195 

This old one, — its date can be assigned to the early part of the fourteenth 
century, — belonged in all probability to Walter Elvedon, an astronomer and 
mathematician, and one of the earliest members of the college. What is known 
of him will be found under his name (Vol. i. 2). It will suffice here to say that 
his " perpetual calendar " was long preserved in the college chest in the Treasury, 
and is duly entered there in our Catalogue {Reg, Magnum) of 1657. This seems 
to have disappeared, but the next entry to it is a '* mathematical instrument." 
As our astrolabe is of Elvedon's date, and is an instrument which he would employ 
in his calculations, it is highly probable that its juxtaposition with the calendar 
and the careful preservation of both in the chest, indicate it as his. (I have given 
a fuller discussion of this subject in the Caian; vi. 1.) The other astrolabe, of 
a somewhat later date, is doubtless the one given by Caius, and thus referred 
to in the Annals (p. 58), **Contulimus etiam Collegio ex «ere pulcherrimum 
astrolabium corio contectum.'' 

Besides these astrolabes there was in former days an armillary sphere, given 
by John Fletcher, fellow of the college (Vol. i. 95), and a rather famous astrologer. 
It is thus referred to in our accounts of 1 652 : " for mending the sphsere in the 
Library, 3'.'' It does not appear to be in existence now ; nor can I ascertain any 
tradition about it. 

We have also in the Library a large collection of medals. These were mainly 
the gift of Sir James Burrough and Dr John Smith, masters of the college. 
A catalogue of them was printed in 1846, edited by Mr J. J. Smith* 


For the first century, i.e. from 1353 to 1441, the master's chamber, like the 
other rooms, was situated in one of the two old houses which then constituted 
the coUega Since that date, though it has never actually changed its site, it has 
undergone some contractions and many expansions. As originally built, in or 
about 1441, it just filled the space now occupied by the present staircase, the 
entrance porch, the passage between the courts, and the rooms over this porch 
and passage. Thus it remained apparently unaltered for more than a century. 
Willis describes the Lodge as comprising a chamber on the first floor about 45 feet 
long and 20 feet broad, with a similar space below it and the roof-chamber above 
(Arch. Hist. I. 201). The only reference to the rooms during this period, that 
I have found, is in the inventory of Thomas Bacon, the master, who died in 1558. 
Three rooms are mentioned, viz. * the great chamber,' * his bedchamber ' and * his 
servant's chamber.' 

Dr Caius made considerable additions. He assigned to the Lodge the chambers 
at the north end of his own new buildings of 1565. The lowest of these, now 
a lecture room, was the master's study till 1868. The room over it on the first 
floor, and the attic over this, are still bed-rooms. The old panelling now in the 
former of these, was moved there, from the latter, a few years ago. In 1566 


1 96 BUILDlNOa 

Caius built his turret-staircase in the garden, as a mode of access to his upper 
chamber, which had its gable end' altered in consequence. From the letter on 
page 50 it would seem that this chamber, or the upper one in the Caius building, 
was then occupied by a young fellow-commoner, Mr Parker, afterwards Lord 
Morley. Dr Caius also assigned to the master, by his statutes of 1572, the upper 
chamber between the library and hall, afterwards (1656) the Combination room, 
as a guest-chamber for the reception of the master's friends. Moreover it was 
probably by his provision that the large upper attic room over the Library was 
given to the mctster ; for there is no reference to it in B€ux>n's inventory of 1558 ; 
whilst, when set apart for * studies' in 1583 it is spoken of as belonging to the 
master. It is now divided into three servants' bed-rooms. I presume that these 
considerable additions were partly due to the improved position and wealth of the 
master after Caius' refoundation ; partly also to the fact that he appears to have 
begun now to take young men of family into his rooms as fellow-commoners. 

The next addition was in 1717, when the old Treasury over the ante-chapel 
was given to the master. This was shortly after the election of Dr Grooch, who 
was probably already married. As he was the first master who had a family 
in college it is likely that more accommodation for servants would be wanted 
Somewhere about the same time a room under the Library, known as the audit- 
chamber, was assigned to the master as a sitting and occasional dining room. 

In 1795 a considerable addition was made by extending the lodge westwards 
into the garden. The block thus added contains the present dining and drawing 
rooms. The architect was Mr Wilkins. It was at this time that the turret 
staircase mentioned above was taken down. 

In 1853-4, very considerable changes were made. The house was extended 
further to the west, till it reached Trinity Hall Lane, thus securing carrisige access. 
In exchange, the occasional dining room below the Library was given up. This 
room, and the Library itself, were converted into four sets of chambers ; the attics 
above being retained by the Lodge. In 1870 the two rooms on the first floor, 
i.e. the old Library, were joined to the Lodge as bed-rooms, and so remained 
till 1891, when the end one was converted into our present second Combination 
room. At the same time (i.e. 1870) in consequence of the alterations in the 
chapel, the room over the ante-chapel which had been used as a bed-room since 
1717, was converted into an organ gallery. 

In 1889 a new study was added, beyond the dining room, by alteration and 
enlargement of a servants' halL 

^ His words (Annaltt p. 89) are ''...ssdifioentar soalie sen gradns ex eodem horto in cabicnla 
tria Custodis assurgentes; utque paries finalis ejusdem cubiouli perpendioulariter in conum 
asoendat ad supremum cubioalum amplificandum.** The three rooms mentioned here consisted 
of the original attic, the room over the library, and the top one at the east end of Cains' new 
building. The turret staircase seems to have been the entrance to all three. The roof of the 
former must have sloped to the west originally, as well as to the north and south. Caius carried 
on the ridge to meet his tower, and thus enlarged the room. 



A Combination Room does not rank very early in the history of the college. 
In fact the existence of a room set apart for the fellows, in this way, implies a 
certain amount of luxury which was lacking for some time. The first reference to 
any common room other than the Hall is in the Annals under date 1565, when 
Bp Shaxton's gift, for keeping a fire " in aula aut conclavi," is mentioned ; but 
there is no intimation as to how long it had then been in existence. As Willis 
points out {Arch, Hist. i. 198) there was a room on each floor, between the Hall 
and the Master's Lodge, twenty-four feet long (i.e. the full width of the hall) but 
narrow in comparison : the lower one was still further narrowed by a passage 
beside it connecting the Court with the garden to the West These rooms must 
presumably have been coeval with the Hall and Library, but, as just remarked, the 
first reference to them is in 1565. Dr Caius tells us then, — his experience dates 
back to 1530 — , that the lower room had been used for dinner in severe weather, 
the Hall being un warmed. He calls it the conclave, or parlour. As regards the 
upper room, he assigns it, in his statutes of 1572, to the master as a guest chamber 
for the use of his friends, * until the College should think fit to apply it to common 
use as a winter parlour, or for the enlargement of the Hall.' 

We next hear of the upper room in 1653, when a college order was passed, and 
repeated April 25, 1656, "that the chamber over the Parlour be repayred and 
made fitte for a publicke entertayning roome for College ffeastes and other publicke 
occasions of the College " (Gesta), This was at once done, the alterations com- 
prising new windows, chimney-piece, floor and wainscoting. It is now that we 
first hear the name " Combination Chamber " employed. 

Apparently this Combination room did not occupy the whole of the floor. 
Willis, — who of course was perfectly familiar with the room before the destruction 
of 1853 — , says that there was a passage, leading from the head of the stairs, by 
which access was gained to this floor, to the Hall, which passage divided the floor 
into two unequal parts. On the east side of it, towards the Court, was the " Great 
Combination " used for the larger festive gatherings : on the west side was the 
" Little Combination " used for smaller entertainments. 

The lower floor, which must always have been rather gloomy, was probably 
soon abandoned for all festive purposes. In 1750 there is an entry of £7S. lOs, Sd, 
** for making the vaults under the Combination," showing that part of it was then 
converted into a cellar. In 1757 there is an order "that a part of the Sedge* 
room under the Little Combination be allowed to the master for a cellar" (Gesta, 
Nov. 17). 

In 1853 great alterations were made, so that though the new Combination 
room occupies essentially the site of the old one, it can hardly be called the same 

^ Modem Cambridge men may not understand this. In early days Tast quantities of sedge 
were brought into the town from the fens. It was then the staple material for lighting fires, 
heating ovens, litter, <fto. 



room. It was lengthened, from 24 feet to 39 : both floor and ceiling were raised : 
the old wall to the south, which was of great thickness, was pulled down and 
rebuilt so as considerably to widen the room : and an entirely new staircase was 
made. The space occupied by the old cellars above mentioned, together with the 
passage adjoining, were converted into the present vestibule leading to the Com- 
bination room. Hall, and Library. As already stated, our present small 
Combination room was constructed in 1891, and coincides with the north end 
of the ancient Library. 


At the commencement of the College, the few deeds and other valuables in the 
possession of the Society were probably kept in a chest. But from a very early 
period, probably from the completion of the Chapel in or before 1 393, a room over 
the Antechapel was devoted to this purpose. It was approached by the spiral 
staircase outside, called the Sacred turret (see p. 49), which was heightened by 
Dr Caius. As represented in Loggan's picture it had two dormer windows, north 
and south. It is now part of the organ loft In 1718, when the chapel was cased 
with stone, this tower was for some reason removed, and the upper story of the 
Gate of Virtue was set apart for a Treasury. When Mr Waterhouse's buildings 
were completed in 1870, the top floor of the tower was selected for a new Treasury*. 
But it was soon seen that, besides the difficulty of access, there would be great 
danger here in case of fire. Accordingly, in 1881, a room was constructed by 
Mr Waterhouse's direction, adjoining the passage between the Gonville and Tree 
Courts. It consisted practically of two tunnels, built of fire-brick, and the floor 
was several feet below the ground. Risk from fire was certainly thus escaped, but 
it was at the cost of yet greater danger from damp. In fact the floor was actually 
flooded sometimes after heavy rain. In 1895, as part of the change connected with 
the new porter's lodge, a Treasury was constructed out of some old wine cellars 
under the present Bursary. By the use of hot water apparatus it seems possible to 
avoid the arch enemy of all records here, and risk from fire or theft seem entirely 


Before the time of Dr Caius the only regular entrance to the college was 
from what we now call Trinity Lane, and doubtless there must always have been 
some accommodation for a porter here, though I have found no reference to it 
before 1720, when we hear of " the upper chamber over the porter's lodge." It may 
be remarked however that there was not then the same necessity that there now is 
for the constant presence of a porter on the spot, for when the college was shut up 

^ The old room was then employed as a biological leotnre-room. In 1891 it was converted 
into students' rooms. In this connection it is worth remarking that there was no bed-room 
attached to it, and accordingly one had to be made by a partition. This was, as we have seen, 
the usual case with early rooms ; but it deserves notice that this room most have so remained 
till 1717. 

3 I 


in the early evening the keys were taken to the master and left' in his custody till 
next morning. This entrance was closed in 1754, and the materials or contents of 
the lodge were sold for £3. Is. 6d, From this date the Gate of Humility became the 
ordinary entrance, and probably the porter was at once located near this. The only 
reference I have found is in the Oesta of 1791, to "the intended Porter's lodge.'* 
As far back as memory and tradition go the porter occupied the N.-E. comer of the 
block of houses bought in 1782, i.e. the corner close to the Gate of Humility. 
Here he remained until the demolition of these houses in 1868^ 

In Waterhouse's new Buildings a porter's lodge was constructed by the gateway 
under the tower, and was so used from 1870 to 1895. But this entrance was found 
inconvenient, owing to the noise and publicity of its situation, facing a cab-stand 
and the Senate-House, and a change was made in 1895. In Waterhouse's building 
a so-called "Gate of Humility'' had been constructed, consisting of a passage from 
the street into the court. It occupied the position of the old gate, but being 
blocked up was never used. When it was opened, and the great gate closed, the 
porter's lodge was shifted. Two sets of rooms, on the south side of the entrance 
passage, one of which had hitherto been the Bursary, were converted into the 
present lodge. 


The first step towards establishing a Laboratory was taken by the appointment 
of a Ck)mmittee in 1845*, which reported to the college, Ap. 29, 1846 (Gesta), 
This report strongly urged the necessity of laboratory practice for the medical 
students, and its desirability for other students, and discussed the convenience of 
two or three sites, amongst these being that of the master's stable (now lecture 
rooms), and a piece of ground on the south -side of the president's garden in the 
Tree CJourt. The interest in the subject, felt at this early date, was probably due 
to Dr Paget ; but nothing came of the suggestion at this time. 

At the time of the new building operations in 1868 the project of a Lal)oratory 
was revived. Present students of Chemistry will be amused to hear that it was 
then seriously suggested by several members of the Governing body, and indeed 
actually recommended by a committee (June 8, 1869), that the two top floors in 

^ It is not certain when this practice was abandoned, but it was probably in Dr EUys' time 
(1702-16) ; for one of his complaints was that the fellows resisted this rale (see p. 113), in order 
to secure for themselves and their friends free power of entrance after lawful hours. 

* For some time before 1850 a portion of the porter's lodge was used as a set of student's 
chambers, to which a second set was afterwards added. They were regarded as lodgings let by 
the porter, and are accordingly not entered in the *' Absence Books." 

' It may be remarked that the first actual establishment of any laboratory in Cambridge was 
undertaken in 1852 by Mr (afterwards Professor) Liveing, who hired a cottage in the town for the 
purpose. In 1853, through his and Mr Bateson's exertions, a small laboratory was built by 
St John's College, which was superiutended by Mr LiTeing for many years. The University 
Laboratory was not built till 1865, the professors before this having, at most, had private rooms 
of their own. 


the Tower would be a suitable place for the purpose : — they are some 15 feet square, 
and up four pair of stairs. This proposal was however rejected, and a site was 
chosen on college property, behind the Blue Boar yard, in Gifford Place, approached 
from Green street. Here a small Laboratory was constructed, by the adaptation of 
a Billiard room belonging to the Blue Boar, at a cost of £259. 1 2«. Od. {Geata, Dec. 

12, 1871). 

In the following year it was decided to appoint a " Praelector in Chemistry," to 
which office Mr Richard Apjohn, of Trinity College, Dublin, was elected Dec. 12, 
1872. He started the work, and continued to carry it on with zeal and efficiency 
until his death in September, 1877. The present pnelector, Mr M. M. P. Muir, 
was appointed in his place in the following December. 

Till this date the original room, which provided working places for 15 students, 
had been found sufficient, but the rapid increase in the number of medical and 
scientific students now called for new accommodation. In 1878 (Gestae June 11) 
it was decided " to convert the present stable in the Blue Boar yard into a lecture 
room for the chemical prwlector, at a cost of £275." This was the fellows' stable^ 
and had been built in 1868. It adjoined the former building on the south sida 
At first only the inside was altered, the harness room being employed as a store 
room. A few years later it was considerably enlarged, by bringing the west wall 
several feet forward, and the present open roof was constructed. In this way a 
large and convenient lecture room was obtained, capable of seating 80 to 100 per- 
sons. The number of places in the Laboratory itself was also increased from 15 to 
2 1 by the inclusion of a store room. 

By 1890 the number of students had again so increased that further accommo- 
dation was required. A new Laboratory was accordingly built on the west side of 
Gifford Place, facing the old one, at a cost of £ 1 509. lls.lld. Two cottages belonging 
to the college were removed for this purpose. The new building has two floors, and 
contains altogether about 50 working places. Shortly afterwards, in 1892, the old 
Laboratory was set apart for organic chemistry, under Mr S. Ruhemann, M.A., 
Ph. p.. University Lecturer in Organic Chemistry. 

A demonstrator was first appointed, in the person of Mr D. J. Carnegie, in 
1888. He was succeeded by Mr A. Hutchinson, since fellow of Pembroke, in 
1892 ; and by Mr R. S. Morrell, now fellow of our college, in 1894. 

1 The * fellows' stable,' etanding on what is now the site of the Hall, dated as such from 1792. 
It formerly belonged to the maBter, who then handed it over to them on condition that the college 
undertook to repair his stable at the end of his garden. This latter, now the Lecture-rooms, had 
been built by Dr Gooch, i.e. between 1720 and 1750. I do not suppose tliat college stables, for 
the use of the fellows, were of old date, for riding was a matter of business rather than of pleasure, 
and in times when all travelling was done on horseback it was probably found easier and more 
certain to hire a horse whenever required. That this was the usual practice is shown by the 
constant references to such charges in the bursars' books. In 1853, when the new Hall was 
built, a stable was hired for a time near Post Office Passage, Petty Cury. In 1868 the stable 
referred to above was built. 



For many years Gonville Hall possessed a sort of annexe which, though never 
ranking as a college, or apparently possessing any endowment, was important as 
regards the number of students which it contained. In fact, whereas the college 
never, so far as we know, numbered in those days more than 20 or 25 inmates, we 
are told by Fuller that the Hostel at one time contained as many as 80. This is 
perhaps an exaggeration. Dr Caius makes the number about 30 or 40. 

Physwick Hostel, as it was called, was the benefaction of William Physwick, 
at one time Esquire Bedell of the University. By his will, dated March 29, 1393, 
he left his house to Gonville Hall, after the death of his wife Joan, and of Julian', 
widow of Richard Bedell. These ladies soon after, by deed dated Nov. 21, 1394, 
conveyed it in trust to the college. It appears to have been an ordinary dwelling- 
house, and there is no hint in the will of Physwick, or in the subsequent deed, that 
it was intended that the house should be turned into a Hostel. It stood within 
the area of the present great court of Trinity College, about midway between the 
fountain and the southern, or Queen's Gateway. It was approached from the 
present Trinity Lane, by a lane called Foule lane. 

The following is the account of it as given by Dr Caius in his Annals. He 
knew it intimately of course, for it was greatly flourishing during his student days, 
and for one year he himself occupied the post of a Principal there. 

Physwick Hostel, situated opposite to the north side of Gonevile and Caius College, 
from which it was separated by a road, now forms part of Trinity CoU^e. It was not let 
out to hire, as the other hostels were, but was the private property of Gonevile and Caius 
College. It was afterwards converted into a hostel, or rather into a small Collie, into 
which, as into a colony, they could send the too great abundance of their younger members. 
To provide for their management and instruction they set over it two Principals, called 
respectively external and internal, of whom the former resided in the College, the latter in 
the HosteL The former was a fellow of the College, chosen by the Master ; the latter 
was elected by the students (commensales) of the Hostel and by the Exterior Principal 
conjointly. Both of them lectured in the Hostel and presided as Moderators at the 
exercises of the students, for which they received and divided between them 16 pence 
quarterly from each resident in the HosteL The like sums were paid to the Exterior 
Principal for chamber rent, but applied to the use of the Collie. In those days more 
than 30 or 40 commensales resided in the Hostel. It stood and flourished for many years, 
and put forth many eminent and learned men, of whom some were selected for College 
honours, and became residents therein, others were called away to fill oflices of state. 
This Hostel was never deserted like the others, but was taken possession of in 1546 by his 
serene Majesty, Henry the Eighth, for the augmentation of Trinity College, in exchange for 
a rent of £3 annually to be paid by the Treasury until some other provision in recompense 
for the same should be made by himself or his successors. (See Willis-Clark, IL 417.) 

^ I presume that she is the same as the Julian, widow of Richard Betelee, former Esqaire 
Bedell, who seems to have been instrumental in giving St Margaret's Hostel to St Michael's 
CoUege (v. Willis-Clark, u. 416). 


Beyond the above interesting sketch, the personal and social life of the Hostel 
is an entire blank. How one wishes that Caius had given us a list of those of his 
fellow-students who resided there ! But unfortunately there is no Admission 
register of this, or any other hostel, in existence, and the Matriculation lists at 
the Registry begin almost exactly at the date of its separation from our college. 
Nor do our early account books help us much, as all the details of receipts and 
disbursements seem to have been managed entirely within the Hostel. All that 
can be found is the occasional entry, during the early part of the sixteenth century, 
of a sum as due from one of the fellows '* pro pensione Hospicii." This doubtless 
refers to the aggregate of the payments of 16 pence made, for the two preceding 
quarters, by each student to the Exterior Principal, and for which he had to 
account to the college. I have therefore assumed in each case that the fellow so 
mentioned was the Principal in question. Thus in 1509 Eklward Crome, who is 
independently known to have occupied this post with much credit, is debited with 
X2. 1 3«. id. On the scale of payment mentioned by Caius this would indicate that 
there were then 20 students in the Hostel. The same sum is charged to Shaxton, 
afterwards bishop of Salisbury, in 1513. 

The history of the site and building is given in Willis-Clark (ii. 416); but it 
really belongs rather to Trinity than to Gonville Hall, since the ground has been a 
part of the former for 350 years and belonged to the latter for only 150. As far 
as can be ascertained, the original house of William Physwick served the purpose 
of a Hostel for somewhat under a century. Towards the end^ of this period the 
property was enlarged by the addition of St Margaret's Hostel, with its adjacent 
plot of ground, also lying within the area of the present great court of Trinity. 
Shortly after this the original house must have been rebuilt in collegiate style. 
The money for this seems to have been provided by the liberality of Costessey, 
Awbry, and Owdolf (see p. 20) in or about 1481. These buildings must have been 
of an unusually substantial and handsome design for a Hostel, as we know that 
they were at first used by Trinity College, until the completion of the south side by 
Dr Nevile required their demolition. The bursar's book of that college refers to 
"the tower and gatehouse in Phisicke Ostle" in 1551 ; and Fuller (Hist, of Cam- 
bridge) speaks of its '*fair buildings." They stood, in part at any rate, until the 
great alterations of Dr Nevile, master of Trinity, when they were pulled down 
and the south side of the first court completed much as we now see it. This was 
about 1597. 

As regards the process by which the Hostel was taken from Gonville Hall, 
there is no doubt that our college was hardly treated ; and we cannot wonder that, 
as Fuller says, they were " still grumbling thereat, as not sufficient compensation." 
Henry VIII. was not the man to be interfered with in any of his designs, and it 
was clearly essential that possession had to be secured of the house and grounds of 
the Hostel. But the annual rent of £3 was even then a very insufficient equiva- 
lent; for, according to Dr Caius' account, it must have been worth nearly .£10 a 
year to the college. This rent of £3 is still paid by the Treasury. 

1 By a deed of March 20, 1466-7, the master and scholars of Michaelhoase conveyed 
St Margaret's Hostel to Gonville Hall. 


The following few facts are all that I have been able to add to the above 

In 1500, the bull of Pope Alexander VI. gave permission to the students 
of Physwick Hostel to attend service at our college chapel. It may be concluded, 
therefore, that till this date they had attended their parish church, St Michael's. 
(The bull is given in the Appendix.) 

Parker tells us in his Skeletos that William Revell', former fellow of King's 
Hall, and rector of Titchwell, Norf., added to their accommodation, and built 
chambers at his parsonage for the use of the students of Physwick Hostel and 
Gonville Hall when absent from Cambridge in plague tima 

According to Blomefield (iii. 536) Walter Lyhert, bishop of Norwich 1446-72, 
maintained twelve students at Physwick Hostel during his life. As in some other 
cases, Blomefield gives no authority, but it is not improbable that he is correct, as 
I notice, in our early list of " Exequies," that the name of Lyhert is assigned to 
the same day as that of Physwick. We know, from his will, that the bishop left 
* the overplus of his personals to be spent in maintaining poor scholars at Oxford 
and Cambridge.' 

> His words are *' Haec qnidem ledificiA GnlielinQs Bevele, Anlie Begiie quondam socius, Bector 
de Titchwell in Norf. 1381, suis somptibos fecit ampHora, atqne in parochia sua preedicta in illis 
pnediis que huic Aalte propria fuerant varia coenacula constmxit, in qase socii et scholares, tarn 
ex Aula qoam ex Hospitio aeae recipere possint...'* (He is given as William Yovele in Blomefield.) 




During the discussions which preceded and accompanied the first Commission for 
reforming the Universities complaints were often directed against the " monkish " 
character of the Collegiate system. What those who used this expression principally 
had in view was the prohibition of marriage, and the common dinner in hall. But 
the resemblance did not go far. The essential characteristics of the monastic 
system were, I apprehend, the perpetuity of the life, and the enforcement of this 
by vows. The novice swore to maintain poverty, chastity, and implicit obedience 
to his superior ; and this till death. He had, moreover, no private life : and he 
devoted many hours, day and night, to religious services. What would have been 
thought of a convent whei*e the abbot was generally married, where any monk 
might quit the house and go out into the world when he chose, and where every 
brother had a private set of rooms to himself 1 A reference to the statutes of any 
college will show how wide was the diflFerence between the fellow and the monk. 
Instead of the fellows' life being devoted to prayer it was devoted to professional 
study*. He was not supposed to contemplate a perpetual life in college, but rather 
to look forward to the highest departments of practical work in the world. Some 
fellows studied Medicine, certainly not with the intention of practising in college. 
Others studied the Civil and Canon Law, in order to practise it in the various 
ecclesiastical and other courts. Others studied Theology, to fit them for high posts 
in the church. We find no hint that the fellow was intended to spend his life in 
college*. Perhaps, as an illustration, one may be allowed to hazard a conjecture as 
to the period of our college history when the pious founders, — could they have 

^ In most of the early statutes no distinction seems to be drawn between fellows and 
scholars. The terms are nsed as equivalent, in some of our college deeds, as late as 1481. 

> The draft of Caius* Statutes [v. p. 59) shows very plainly what was his view of the function 
of a fellowship : *' ...until they be Masters of Arts : then every man to appoint his study to some 
necessary office in the Commonwealth, either in Divinity, Physio, or Law.'' 


looked forward into the future, — might have judged that the existent society 
then living on their bounty, roost nearly fulfilled the intentions which they had 
entertained. I cannot but suspect that such a period might have been found about 
1520. There were then seven fellows on the foundation. Of these, two, Shaxton 
and Skippe, afterwards became bishops : a third, Crome, was one of *' the learned 
men in Divinity " consulted in the matter of the Divorce : he afterwards held a 
benefice in London. A fourth, Wendy, was the distinguished physician of several 
successive kings and queens. A fifth. Bacon, became master of the college. The 
first four soon disappear from the list of fellows ; but this, I apprehend, was precisely 
the working of the system contemplated by the founders. 

The advantages ofiered to a student, during his stay in college, were very con- 
siderable. He did not obtain much in actual money; but, in addition to his 
stipend \ board and residence were granted at a cheap rate, so that he was enabled 
to live in modest ease. To this must be added the society of learned men ; the 
great boon, in troubled times, of comparative peace and security ; and, above all, 
easy access to books, in the college and University libraries. 

The modern view, that, broadly speaking, a fellow has no duties, but only 
rights, is of course entirely opposed to early theory and practice. It is one of very 
gradual growth, though now at last formally sanctioned by the Commissions and 
subsequent legislation which established the existent system of terminable fellow- 
ships. The college Gesta throw some light on the steps by which the change was 
brought about. 

The primary duty of the college fellow was that of study ; but from the nature 
of the case this is a duty as to the adequate performance of which it is impossible 
for others to judge with confidence. Taking, however, as the best available test, 
subsequent authorship or celebrity as a scholar, I think we may say that until a 
long way into the seventeenth century this duty was satisfactorily performed. 
Some of our greatest scholars, — Jeremy Taylor, Samuel Clarke, Jeremy Collier, 
Henry Wharton, — it is true, were either not fellows at all or remained so for 
a very short time, but the foundations of their learning were laid in college, and 
under the guidance there provided. The greater part of the eighteenth century, as 
I have already pointed out, shows a very different state of things. All one can 
say is that if the fellow during the Georgian period conformed to the prescribed 
standard, by devoting his energies to study, he was remarkably shy in giving any 
proof of the fact to- the outside world. Even that humble form of research which 
devotes itself to ascertaining the history, and recording the progress, of the found- 

1 To the stipend, strictly so called, was added the "livery." Latterly this became simply one 
of many varioas small additions to the money income, but in early days it had a special reference. 
The robes appropriate to the degree were constantly worn, and were comparatively expensive ; 
as is illustrated by the frequency with which they are speciBcally disposed of by wili Hence 
a sum was allotted for suitable clothing ; as Dr Caius says in his Statutes, " ad vestem solennem 
emendam et utendam, quam vulgus scholasticomm Hberaturam vocat.'* Simon Naylond, 
Master of King's Hall in 1377, was allowed *' id. daily for his wages, and 8 marks yearly for two 
robes, one with fur and one with linen": {Cat, of Pat. RoUs)^ i.e. £6. U. Sd. and £5. 6«. 8<2., 
respectively, per annum. Willowes, in founding a fellowship (p. 215) allotted 8 marks for 
stipend, and one mark for a gown. 


ation to which one belongs, and which seems so appropriate for those who cannot 
rise to the heights of scholarship, offered its allurements in vain. Not a word was 
ever added to the college Antialsy though this was, by statute, part of the duty of 
the Head of the House. Precedents, no doubt, were carefully looked up, — by the 
fellows, to determine where the actions of the master were illegal, and by the 
master to determine where the fellows were negligent, — but for very many years 
only one member of the college (T. P. Young) seems to have had the slightest 
historical interest in its fortunes. The times of private individual study were 
passing away, and the times when the energies of nearly every resident fellow 
were to be absorbed in tutorial and lecturing work were yet to come. 

It was always recognized that every fellow was bound to assist, in any way that 
might be required of him, in carrying on the ordinary routine work of the college. 
Prominent, in this respect, were the various exercises which, under the names of 
* problems V * disputations,' and 'commonplaces,' corresponded to a certain extent 
to the modem lectures. They were generally conducted in the chapel, and were 
either moral, religious, or philosophical dissertations, or practice for those dis- 
putations in the schools which corresponded to the modern examinations. There 
are frequent intimations of the enforcement of these duties in the Gesta, The 
following are some of the earliest recorded. Mr Watkinson was fined 6«. Sd,, 
Nov. 11, 1608, for neglecting his turn "in tractatione loci communis." Mr Crow 
was fined a like amount, Nov. 25, 1608, "quia ejus negligentia nulla in sacello 
tempore consueto fuit disputatio." In 1610 three fellows are simultaneously fined 
"quia vices suas opponendo in theologico problemate omiserunt." With one 
exception all the above-mentioned delinquents were masters of arts of from two to 
six years standing. These are but a few of many similar entries in the early GesUi^ 
so that it is clear that the duty in question was stringently enforced. Again, in 
the Commonwealth time, it was agreed " that all exercises, whether praying, prob- 
lems, or commonplaces, be performed in the college in turn ; and that in problems 
the next senior do reply" (1653, July 19). In 1680 it was resolved (Feb. 26) 
" that all problems according to ordinary course ascend according to each man's 
seniority,... and that common-places descend ; and that the next senior be bound to 
oppose." This is the latest reference I have found to the enforcement of such 
duties upon the fellows, though there are various later intimations that similar 
exercises were still binding upon bachelors and undergraduates. As I have described 
in another section (v. Lecturers) the offices of the various lectureships were similarly 
taken by every fellow in turn. It is probable, considering the very small stipends 
attached, that these lectureships were regarded in the same light ; that is, not as 
privileged posts, but rather as portions of the common duty imposed upon all 
of assisting to carry on the work of the college. 

^ A problem has long had a peculiar technical signification in Cambridge, as applied to 
mathematical and physical subjects. It is distinguished from 'book -work,' by connoting the 
application of given general principles to some new concrete case. I suspect that, historically, 
it is merely the old word still in current use. ' Common-place * was an old scholastic term nearly 
equivalent to * axiom.* In the above sense, as applied to the brief moral discourses delivered 
in a college chapel, it survived to recent times. 


As regards the duty of residence, it need hardly be said that the founders 
of fellowships did not contemplate the possibility of the recipients of their bounty 
continuing to draw their stipends whilst they went out into the world to follow 
some remunerative career. They would as soon have thought of paying a scholar if 
he continued at home to drive his father's plough, or serve in the family shop. 
Accordingly residence in college is always regarded as a stringent condition. One 
month of absence was allowed by statute to both fellows and scholars during the 
year : for every week of absence beyond this fines were imposed, which soon 
absorbed the whole stipend. Leave to travel abroad, for the purpose of study, 
might be obtained by students of medicine, but by them only ; as Dr Caius 
considered that other studies could be pursued as well in England as elsewhera 
Whilst in residence every fellow was bound to be back within the college walls in 
good time. The gates were shut at eight o'clock in winter, and at nine in sunmier. 
Any fellow who exceeded these hours was to be fined five shillings on his first 
offence, and ten on his second: a third transgression was to entail expulsion. 
Every member of the house was, as a matter of course, to attend the chapel service. 
He was also to be present at meal times in the college hall, on pain of a fine of one 
week's commons. Private meals were discouraged : in fact not more than one 
shillingsworth in the week was allowed to be sent out from the kitchen or buttery 
for private consumption. 

It may be suggested that this is only law, and that practice is quite a diflferent 
thing. But the Statutes show what was the intention of the founders, — the point 
with which we are mainly concerned just now, — and reference to the Gesta will prove 
that efibrts were for a long time made to enforce the statutes. Thus Mr Webb, a 
fellow of four years standing, was fined ten shillings for not returning before gates, 
and ten shillings for frequent absence from the common table. These were serious 
sums in those days : in fact they amounted to not far short of half a year's fellow- 
ship. The attempt however to enforce obedience to regulations of this kind was 
not long kept up, and after the middle of the seventeenth century entries of this 
kind disappear from the Gesta, 

General residence in college, on the part of every fellow, was insisted upon to a 
much later date ; but there are repeated entries of permission to travel abroad, or 
to undertake special duties which involved long absence. Thus R Wright, the 
navigator and mathematician (Vol. i. 88) obtained permission from the college to 
go abroad, in 1593, on his voyage to the Azores. In 1 668 Dr Gelsthorpe is granted 
leave of absence, " because he had been chosen physician in ordinary to the Duke 
of Monmouth." In 1675 {Geata, July 13) "Mr Fuller, one of the junior fellows, 
being gone beyond the seas without leave, it was putt to the question whether his 
fellowship was to be pronounced voyd." It was decided not, but the master was 
to procure a royal dispensation for him ; which was duly done. In 1680 Mr Dade, 
a student of medicine, obtains leave to travel for three years for the purpose of 
foreign study. In 1716 the practice of non-residence was beginning to creep in, 
even on the part of the scholars; and it is decreed (Gesta^ Dec. 31) *Hhat the 
several bachelors and other, now in possession of... scholarships, do either reside or 
quit their scholarships." 


It seems plain that by this time the old conditions had become a thing of the 
past, so far as the fellows were concerned. Instead however of a frank recognition 
and permission of non-residence, the absurd compromise was adopted of demanding 
just so much residence as would hinder a man from doing any useful work either 
in college or elsewhere. Thus, in 1721, Dr Branthwaite, an advocate in the Court 
of Arches, ** is reminded of the order, of above twenty years date, that every junior 
fellow is required to reside one quarter of every year : that he is so far from having 
performed that order that when casually he has come to Cambridge he has neg- 
lected to make his appearance in college. If he continues to offend he is to be 
cited.'* It is again insisted on (Jan. 23, 1733-4) that the junior fellows shall 
reside for three months in each year, or be "excluded from all prospect of further 
college preferment." There is an admission in 1747 that the time had come for 
abandoning the old regulations, for it is agreed '* that all orders relating to the 
residence of junior fellows and bachelors be repealed.'' This, again, was reversed 
in 1751 by the order **That all bachelors, junior fellows, and candidates for fellow- 
ships shall reside in college one month in each half year, and that in term time " 
(Gestct, Nov. 19). This rule seems to have been retained for more than half a 
century, for there is an order, in 1802, "to excuse Mr Smith the 26 dajrs' residence 
usually kept by junior fellows, he having been appointed superintendent of his 
parish in the present danger of invasion." At last, in 1809, it was finally agreed 
" not to require for the present any residence in college from the junior fellows." 
The practice which had thus crept in gradually as an abuse, has received the formf^ 
sanction of each of the Commissions ; and the fellowship has been converted from 
the support of a resident student for work which he is expected to do, to a pension 
for work which he has done. 

It may be remarked that in the requirements as to residence little or no dis- 
tinction seems to be drawn between term time and vacation. This is quite in 
accordance with early practice, for the statutes recognize none but those on the 
foundation ; and it was naturally held that the proper place for the fellow and the 
scholar was in college, where their duties lay and where books were at hand. In 
early times the pensioners were relatively very few, and the difference between 
term and vacation was not marked so emphatically as now. Chapel and hall were 
continued uninterruptedly, and till the end of the sixteenth century there were no 
** lectures," in the modern sense, to be suspended. I almost doubt, in fact, whether 
any one who drew his knowledge entirely from the Statutes, the early Gesta, and 
the Absence books, would have suspected the existence of vacations in the modem 
sense of the term, beyond the short festive season universally recognized at Christmas. 
As is well known, one of the many characteristic distinctions between the two 
English Universities was long shown in the treatment of the Long Vacation. Till 
very lately Oxford was practically deserted for nearly four months in the year, 
whereas at Cambridge there has always been during July and August, what may 
be called a de facto, though not a de jure fourth term, for most of the scholars and 
other reading men. The Cambridge practice, I apprehend, is simply a partial 
retention of the ancient rule and custom. Even in the dead period of the last 
century it is plain that residence in summer was a common practice; for an 


order* was passed, in 1730, "to secure a due number of servitors and other scholars 
during the long vacation/' 

Similar experiences attended the attempts to enforce another duty of a fellow, 
that of adhering to the particular faculty specified by the founder. Most of the 
early foundations prescribe not merely study generally, but study in some particular 
faculty, which the fellow was not permitted to change at his own choice. This 
however was a case in which it was not very difficult to adhere to the letter of 
the law; for all that it was found necessary to do, — at any rate in later and laxer 
times, — was to take a degree in the assigned faculty. It was easy enough to do 
this, and no further enquiry was made in most cases. This is the explanation of 
not a few of the degrees in Medicine and in Civil Law which were taken by men 
who afterwards settled down as clergymen. 

As regards the faculty of medicine there was not much difficulty at first. Only 
two fellowships, those founded by Dr Caius, were confined to this subject, and 
there was seldom any difficulty in finding a genuine, or nominal, professional doctor 
to fill them. But when the Tancred Studentships came into operation it was other- 
wise with them. They were only founded in 1754 ; and already, in 1771, a protest 
is entered against the practice of the students on this foundation of deserting 
medicine and entering into holy orders. It is announced (Gesta, July 4) that no 
degrees except those in medicine are to be granted to these students in future ; 
and that no college living shall be offered to them if they are in holy orders, even 
though they should have been ordained after taking a medical degree. The attempts 
to insist upon adherence to the prescribed profession did not, however, meet with 
much success; and in 1821 the above order was rescinded. 

Two of the Frankland fellows were to be students of law, that is, of the Civil 
Law. For many years adherence to this faculty was insisted on. Thus, in 1681, 
Robert Shuldham, who had duly graduated as LL.B., wishing to apply to medicine 
instead, had to obtain " the king's dispensation enabling him to change his faculty.'' 
Students on this foundation were prohibited from practising the Common Law, 
which indeed was not taught or recognized in the University. Thus in 1704 
(Oesta, Oct. 23) we find an entry "that Mr Branthwaite and Mr Fuller, being 
elected Frankland fellows, made a promise that if they should at any time be 
promoted to any degree in the Common Law, or should take upon themselves 
common practice in the same, they would resign their fellowships*." The former 
of these became an advocate in the Archbishop's Court: the latter entered at 
Gray's Inn, but only practised in the Admiralty Court (Vol. i. 501). 

^ ** In order to have a due namber of servitors and other scholars daring the long vacation 'tis 
agreed that the foor janior scholars of Dr Gains* foandation, and the two of Dr Gostlin*8, and the 
three junior servitors, together with the chapel clerk, or some other scholars which they shall 
prevail upon to stay in their stead, so as to make op the number ten, shall be present in the 
college daring the whole vacation, or forfeit their scholarships. And 'tis farther agreed that the 
probationer fellows shall have no leave of absence daring the said vacation, bat apon the most 
argent occasions '* (Oct. 26, 1730). 

* This is probably the meaning of the expression which for many years was added in the 
Oeita to the notice of these elections, "lis conditionibos qaibas caatam est.** 

C. III. 14 


There was always a certain amount of county restriction in the election of 
fellows ; though, broadly speaking, there was decidedly less of this at Cambridge 
than at Oxford. In our college the restriction consisted in the preference of 
Norfolk and Suffolk men. In early days this particular limitation was probably 
not oppressive ; for, owing to the great preponderance of these two counties, in 
respect of population, wealth, and proximity to Cambridge, the Norfolk and Suffolk 
men would in any case have constituted a very numerous body. Moreover the 
extreme restriction which afterwards became so characteristic of the college, and 
made it the Norfolk college, was of gradual growth. In Elizabethan times, for 
instance, it does not appear that the two favoured counties had any very undue 
preference. The restriction was introduced gradually, and by the fellows rather 
than by the masters, some of the latter in fact protesting against the innovation. 
The earliest definite claim to Norfolk exclusiveness, recorded in our Geata^ appears 
tobeinl679\ At a meeting held on March 9, a Frankland fellowship having 
lapsed to the master owing to non-agreement amongst the fellows, Dr Brady 
nominated a Devonian, Ames Chichester. One only of the fellows supported him : 
the others protested so strongly that the Statutes of Caius forbade such an appoint- 
ment, that it was agreed to defer the actual admission of Mr Chichester until an 
appeal had been made to the Visitors. Such an appeal was either not resorted to, 
or it was decided in the master's favour, for Chichester remained a fellow. The 
question, however, was by no means settled for the future on this occasion, as 
indeed it hardly could be under the circumstances'. Dr Gooch (master from 1716 to 
1754) was strongly against the Norfolk exclusiveness, and has left a paper (Coll. 
MS. 621) giving reasons for the conclusion that neither actual statute nor ancient 
practice afforded sufficient justification for it. The tendency however continued 
unchecked, and of course exercised a strong influence upon the general constitution 
of the college. The fellows being disposed to elect none but Norfolk and Suffolk 
men, none but such men had much inducement to enter the college as students. 
The result was that, at one period during the last century, about nine out of every 
ten of our students came from two counties in England. As regards the fellows, 
the change in the course of a century may be indicated thus : — Whereas in 1625 
there were 9 fellows, out of 26, who did not belong to the two favoured counties, 
in 1750 there was only one of these : and he was a nephew of the master. 

^ About a year before this, Mr B. Barker, a Londoner, was elected to a senior fellowship by 
Boyal mandate. There is an entry, in the Qetta, that he would have been elected before **had 
he been qualified as to his county'* (Getta, Feb. 19, 1677-8). It is expressly stated there " that 
no appeal in this matter was ever made to the Visitors.'* This probably refers to the dispute in 
Branthwaite*s time {v. p. 71) ; for though this dispute may have arisen from such a ground there 
was no explicit reference to any county qualifications. 

^ The dispute turned mainly on two considerations ; first, the interpretation of Bp Bateman's 
Statutes ; second, on whether these statutes could override later statutes. Bateman*s words were 
certainly rather indefinite: *'In electione sooiorum scholares nostras diocesis non beneficiati 
beneficiatis ac pauperes ditioribus cieteris paribus aliis omnibus preferantur." 

It must always be remembered that such an expression as *' cieteris paribus ** must have had 
a very loose signification in practice in those days. At the present time the examination lists 
would be available as a first test of equality ; but the supporters and opponents of any particular 
candidate had little to go by, then, beyond ^neral reputation, 


It was at last recognized that this state of things had become seriously injurious 
to the college. The following extract from the Ge»ta (Jan. 9, 1805) is worth 
quoting : — " Whereas the tutors have frequently of late years received applications 
for the admission of young men not born within the diocese of Norwich, but wishing 
to become candidates for fellowships in our college, and have been obliged to 
decline the same for want of sufficient information respecting the opinions of the 
master and fellows in regard to the power of electing such persons. We, the 
undersigned, have therefore agreed to make the following explicit declaration of 
our sentiments upon the subject. We acknowledge most fully the general prefer- 
ence' given by Bp Bateman's Statutes, in cases of equality between the candidates, 
to natives of Norwich diocese ; and the absolute limitation of the two fellowships 
of Lady Scroop's and Mrs Olere's foundation to persons so bom, and also the 
restriction of the three fellowships of Dr Caius' foundation to natives of Norfolk 
only. But after a full consideration of our Statutes, and a careful search into the 
records of our college, we are of opinion, and do hereby declare, that the limiting 
of the remaining seven senior fellowships to the two counties of Norfolk and 
Suffolk exclusively, is not enjoined by our Statutes, is contrary to the authority of 
the earliest practice, and in direct opposition to a determination of the Visitors of 
the college." This is signed by the master, Dr Davy, and by five fellows, Messrs 
Borton, Willins, Lucas, Oillingham, and R. Woodhouse. 

The fellowships in our college have always, I apprehend, been awarded after a 
certain amount of scrutiny and testing. What, however, would now be called 
' examination,' though very early adopted in the case of the scholars, has seldom or 
never been employed for the selection of the fellows. The reasons for the dis- 
tinction seem plain. The scholars were mostly new-comers, and enquiry had 
therefore to be made as to their relative claims. But, by the time of graduation 
as B.A., the qualifications of a candidate for a fellowship had been under obser- 
vation for three or four years, his merits being tested by the frequent college 
exercises and the disputations in the schools. No doubt anyone who should, in 
accordance with modem conventions, test the selection of fellows by the places 
they had gained in the Tripos, would be surprised at the want of accordance 
between what he might regard as claims and awards. But, as we have already 
seen, it was not till a long way in the eighteenth century that the Mathematical 
Tripos' assumed its commanding position as a general test of capacity. The fact of 
a man's name not appearing in a high place in that list is therefore no proof that 
he was not a thoroughly competent scholar. The only reference I have found to 
any special fellowship examination is in 1767, at a time when the old exercises 
were falling into disuse. It was agreed that '^for the future all candidates for 
junior fellowships shall be examined by the master and fellows in the Greek Testa- 
ment, Tully's OfficM or Philosophical Works, and Demosthenes." In later times, 
as is well known, special fellowship examinations were abandoned at most colleges ; 
the reason commonly assigned being that no examination conducted by a college 

I The Scboldham plate was directed (1804, Jan. 11) to be awarded to *' the first on the 
Tripos." This is the earliest definite indication I have seen, of such an appeal being considered 
sufficient and final. 



could be 80 thorough or so free from suspicion of partiality as the University 
Triposes. This is true ; but of course such a practice tended to exclude all but 
those who were skilled in the two great subjects of Classics or Mathematics. 

We have no reason to suppose that there was ever much, if indeed there was 
anything, of what could be called jobbery or real unfairness in the election of 
fellows. The worst influence at work was probably the disposition of each tutor 
to push the claims of his own pupils : it is recorded in the life of William Moore 
(died 1 658), as one of his merits, that he would never do this unfairly. I suspect 
that not a few of the cases in which the election lapsed to the master, owing to the 
inability of the fellows to agree upon any one candidate, may be thus explained. 
Another practice which occasionally led to abuse was that of pre-election. When 
there was no vacancy at the time, a candidate was sometimes thus selected, and was 
entitled to succeed as a matter of course on the next occasion. But in our case 
this pre-election was mainly resorted to as a safeguard against the intrusion of 
some unwelcome candidate by royal mandate. During the reigns of Charles II. 
and James II. these mandates amounted to a serious scandal. Many a clerical 
court favourite was on the look-out for a fellowship at the Universities, and was 
apt to pounce down, upon the first occurrence of a vacancy, armed with the king's 
letters overriding '*all statutes to the contrary. *' The college endeavoured to 
guard itself against this abuse by practically securing that there should not be any 
vacancy at all. 

The general results of the Commission of 1856 will be discussed presently. It 
will suffice to say that by this time popular opinion, both in Cambridge and else- 
where, was drifting steadily to the conclusion that the rational modern view of a 
fellowship was to regard it as a " reward of merit," i.e. as a sort of prize for having 
done well in the examinations. This opinion, together with its logical consequences, 
received the formal sanction of the Commissioners. 

Another, almost equally popular opinion, also received its sanction from the 
Commissioners. This was the opinion that one great recommendation of such a 
system of awarding fellowships was to be found in the fact that they gave a 
deserving young man a start in life; or, in the words of the Commissioners 
(Report, p. 171), "a means of support during the earlier part of a professional 
life." It seems to have escaped notice that these two opinions were somewhat 
inconsistent. The youth whose knowledge and ability had brought him to the top 
in the severe competition of a great examination stood certainly in less need than 
others of such adventitious help. On such a principle the fellowship should have 
been awarded to his painstaking companions who were too dull* or too slow to be 
able to get to the top. 

1 It deserves notice that one Benefactor expressly recognized the need in this way of these 
deserving but onsiiooeBsful youths. Mr TaDcred's stadentships were directed to be confined to 
men "of sooh low abilities as not to be capable of obtaining the education desired without the 
assistance of such a charity.*' To anyone who looked into the facts of the case the plea of 
starting a young man in life must have seemed rather absurd. What professions had to be taken 
into account? Of the non-resident fellows, those who were in Holy Orders stood in little need of 
help, for they could secure the best curacies, tutorships, Ao., simply on the ground of their better 


The following is a detailed account of the successive foundations of fellowships 
in our college. 

1. ArUiqucB Fundationis. Gonville's original foundation, as we have seen, 
included a master and four fellows^ fiy his draft statutes, all the fellows, after 
graduating in arts, were to proceed to study Theology ; except that, by the general 
consent of the whole body, one or even two of their number might transfer them- 
selves to some other faculty ; or any one might, for two years, devote himself to 
Canon Law (see Afypendix). These statutes however never came into force, being 
superseded by those of Bateman, under which the college was governed for two 
centuries. It should be remarked that Qonville prescribed no local restrictions 

Bateman, whilst retaining the number of four fellowships, introduced consider- 
able changes into their conditions. By his statutes, Norfolk and Suffolk men were 
given a distinct' — it was subsequently often maintained, an exclusive — preference. 
Moreover, in place of the general rule that, after Arts, the fellows should proceed 
to Theology, it was enacted that they should then proceed " ad Jura Civilia seu 
Canonica, TheologisB aut Medicinte scientiam.'' As Mr Mullinger points out (Hist, 
I, 240), the divergence of aim between these regulations was considerable, cor- 
responding to the difference between seeking primarily to train theologians and to 
train canonists and civilians. 

2. PaJcenham, By a deed dated St Dunstan's, 44th Edw. III. (May 19, 
1370), Sir Ralph Hemenhale, Knight, of Hemenhale, Norf., gave, through trustees, 
the advowson of Gt Mattishall, Norf., with an acre of land. The college, in 
return, binds itself to celebrate a mass for the souls of Lady Mary Pakenham, and 
Sir Thomas Pakenham, her son ; and, after their death, for the said Ralph Hemen- 
hale and Katherine his wife ; yearly on the Feast of St Edmund, in their chapel 
or in the parish church, with exequies on the preceding day, "solemniter cum 
nota '* : the master and all the fellows to be present. When the college shall ei^oy 
the fruits of the living they shall find three chaplains (capellanos) in their chapel, 
or in the parish church, who shall celebrate for the above souls for ever. Each 
fellow to repeat the De Profundis, the Lord's Prayer, the Angelic Salutation; with 
the usual verses, prayer, and miserere, for the above souls. The master to receive 
20«. yearly, and each fellow 13«. id, ; each also to receive \2d, at Christmas and at 
Easter ** de fructibus provenientibus de ecclesia predicta." 

This gift was always understood to be the establishment of a fellowship', called 

edncation. Broadly speaking there were no medical men, and no lay schoolmasters to be taken 
into account. The residue practically consisted of young barristers. Notoriously, in their case, 
^ fellowship simply added to their available amusements, and somewhat diminished their 
inducements to eiertion, for it was very seldom that those who took to the bar were the sons of 
really poor men. 

^ The actual number, as shown by our earliest Computus book, was variable. At one time as 
many as nine appear there, at another as few as two : presumably the number was determined 
by the available income at the time. Four, however, was always regarded as the normal number. 

* See the second note on p. 210. 

* See Blomefield (viu. 187, 408 ; and x. 239) for some account of the Pakenhams. He gives 


after Lady Pakenham. But there is some difficulty to Ije cleared up, for no 
addition to the number of fellowships took place in consequence of the gift. Prom 
the original endowment, until Smith's gift in 1478, the normal number of fellow- 
ships was always reckoned aX/our. The account which Dr Caius gives (AnruiUi) is 
that, for a short time immediately after Hemenhale's deed, three of the four fellows 
were considered as Lady Pakenham's chaplains or fellows, with the assigned duties 
of prayer, but without stipend, the living being still occupied. When the living 
fell vacant, which was not until about 1 395, a new arrangement was mada One of 
the four fellows was set aside as her fellow, with the duty of prayer for her, and 
received in consequence a stipend of eight marks. He was then, and afterwards, 
to be called Lady Pakenham's fellow. 

The living, as remarked, did not fall vacant until about 1395, when a dispute 
arose as to the right of patronage. On appeal to Pope Boniface IX. his decision 
was in favour of the college. It may be added that the right* of the Bishop of 
Ely, who interfered as lord of the acre annexed to the advowsou, were respected by 
the college engaging to present annually, at the altar of the chapel of his manor 
of Fen Ditton, on the day of the translation of St Etheldred (Oct. 17) one pound 
of frankincense. This payment was continued for many years. (Deed in Trectsury^ 
Box VIII, 7.) 

3. Smith, As our original foundation was due to a parish priest, so was 
the next addition to the number of our fellowships. Stephen Smith, rector of 
Blonorton, Norfolk, added the fifth. By an indenture, dated May 31, 1478, 
between him and the master and fellows, he agrees * to give all his lands, tenements, 
«fec., in Barningham, Suffolk. The college, in return, agrees to find a priest, one of 
the fellows of the same Hall, perpetually and satisfactorily for to sing for the soul 
of the said Sir Stephen Smith. As the said livelihood is not sufficient for the full 
exhibition of a priest and fellow in the same Hall, the said Stephen Smith wills 
that whoever be his priest shall jointly sing and pray for him and some other 
benefactors of the same Hall ; Almighty Ood to be rightful Judge and even recorder 
of them both. Provided always that one of the fellows who is priest and a student 
be assigned to be his priest and continue effisctually his study in Divinity. He 
and his successors to preach at Barningham three times in the 3rear. The college 
also covenants to have in the chapel, at the feast of St Margaret, a Requiem and a 
Dirge for the souls of Stephen Smith, his friends, and benefactors.' {Treas, Box xi. 
5.) In the deed the donor is described as " son of William Tostocke, alias Smith." 

4. Clere, Elizabeth Clere, widow of late Robert Clere', Esq., of Ormesby, by 
deed dated July 2, 1480, made the following provisions. The college is to choose, 
after the form of their statutes, '* a prest and a student in Divinitie to be oon of 
the felawes or scholers of the same place," to be named by Lady Clere during her 
life, and to be called Lady Elizabeth Clere's priest : to be a native of the diocese of 

a wrong date for the above deed. B. Parker (skeletos) distinctly claims Lady Pakenham as the 
actual benefactress to our college. 

^ She was daughter and heiress of Thomas Uvedale of Tacolneston, Norf. She is described 
by Dr Gains [Annals) as "mater atque natriz indolgentissima** of the college. Her will is 
printed in the Norf. and Norw. Arch. Society's Visitation of Norfolk, 


Norwich : to continue so effectually his study in Divinity that by his diligent study, 
busy labour, and cunning, he be able to proceed in the same faculty, and sufficiently 
to preach and teach the word of Almighty God : one of the Lady Clere's kin to be 
preferred, if fit. If a priest and student of Divinity born in the Diocese cannot be 
found, then one not a priest, but in holy orders, of the college, who should be of 
age to be a priest next year. If none such in the college, then some other in 
Cambridge, of the Norwich diocese. Her priest is to deliver to her heirs, at 
Ormesby manor, a notice of his election sealed by the college. He perpetually to 
sing and pray for the good estate of the said Elizabeth Clere and her relatives 
(many of these named) : to preach once a year at her burial place, praying as 
above : the master and fellows of the college also to pray for her. William Barly 
is nominated as her first priest : he to receive ten marks and his successors nine ; 
and 6«. 8^. for his annual sermon. The college is to keep a dirge and mass of 
Requiem for her in the chapel, on the feast of St Peter ad Vincula. To enable 
the college to perform this, the said Lady Elizabeth hath given certain lands in 
Tuttington.... (Treas. Box xu. 10.) She died in 1492. 

5. WUlowes, Thomas Willowes, glover, of Cambridge, was the next. The 
indenture between him and the college is dated Aug. 12, 16th Hen. YII (1501). 
The college agrees " to chose an honest preist after the statutes of the college, to 
be a felow of the college and pray for the sowlys of the said Willowes, hys wyfe's 

soul &c Yf a preist can not be had than to chose summe honest young man 

beyng apte and dylygente to leme, y^ whych young man shalbe a preist as sone as 
he cum to lawfull age yf he wyll contynew in y" felawshyppe, and y* preist to have 
yerely for hys wages viii marks, a gowne or xiii* iv** for yt, and his dystrybutyons 
and hys chamber...'' Also " to fynde a lector in dyvynyte to be redde in y" college 
yf they thynk yt convenyent to be done or els to chose and fynd a bybyll clerke, 
and he to have yerely for hys wagys xl'..." Also that the said T. Willowes shall 
^' ones in y^ yere have a dirige and masse for hys sowl and hys f rends sowlys." He 
grants for these purposes " v marks bowght by y* seyd T. Willowes out of y* mylle 
of Newnham...and all hys howsys and lends in Teversham, Dytton, Fulboume, 
and Hjmton.*' {Treas, Box xiv. 6.) 

6. Scroop, The Lady Anne Scroop has a special claim of interest upon us, 
as being the last representative of the Gonville family. Her mother, Jane, was 
daughter and sole heiress of John Qonville, great-grandson of Sir Nicholas, brother 
of our founder. Jane married Sir Robert Herling, a great warrior, who dis- 
tinguished himself at the si^e of Meaux in 1412, and died in battle before Paris 
in 1435. They left one only child Anne, naturally a rich heiress: — she owned 
nineteen manors and five advowsons in Norfolk alone. She was married, first, to 
Sir William Chamberlayn, of Gedding, Suffolk, whose splendid bravery in France 
is recorded by Holinshed. He died in 1462. She was soon afterwards married to 
Sir Robert Wingfield, controller of the Household to Edward IV. and knight of 
the shire for the county of Hertford. He died in 1480. She married, thirdly, 
John, Lord Scroop of Bolton, who died in 1494. She herself died in 1498', and 

» Her will wss proved at York, Nov. 8, 1498. It is very long, and full of references to persons 
and places in Norfolk: **one of the noblest testamentary treasures these volumes contain" 


was buried in Harling church, in the stately tomb which she had erected for her 
first husband, forty years before. Having no children, her second husband's 
nephew. Sir Robert Wingfield, became her principal legatee. The pedigree in 
the Gonville table (see Appendix) will explain how she acquired the manor of 
' Mortimers ' in Newnham. It was a part of the estate which she received through 
her grandmother. Lady Cecilia Herling. (v. Blomefield, i. 320, 506.) 

She endowed a small grammar-school at Rushworth, — that college seems already 
to have provided and carried on a school of some sort, in their buildings, — and 
added two to the number of their fellows, one of these to teach in the schooL 

The indenture between her executors and our college is dated March 4, 1502-3. 
Whereas she had given £S out of the manor of Mortimers to the college, upon 
such conditions as her executors (Robert Wingfield and Thomas Fincham) shall 
assign, they, carrying out her intention, agree that the college *' shall chose and 
make eleccyon of oon wele dysposed priest or of oon goode yong man disposyd to 
leme, borne in the Diocis of Norwych, at y® nominacion of the seyd executors 
induryng alone by ther lyves and stody in logik and philosophie, and after yn 
divinitie, wych yong man shall wythin the space of oon yere be priest, and be 
callyd Dame Annys priest." To receive £S a year " mete drynke and wages with 
all othyr oommoditese," according to the statutes. The master and fellows to elect 
within the space of three months, on pain of forfeiture of 20«., for each three 
months, to Rushworth college. The college to establish an obit in her memory, on 
the 4th, 5th, or 6th of March ; 12c/. to the master, if present, 6c/. to each fellow, 
and 2d. to each bible-clerk. Her fellow also shall, if it come to his mind, in his 
sermons, pray especially for her soul and her relatives... (Treas, xiii. 16.) 

7. Bayly. John Bayly (Vol. i. 26), D.D., was a fellow of Pembroke in 1498, 
and rector of St Matthew's, Ipswich. He died in 1525, leaving Dr Buckenham, 
master of Gonville Hall, an executor. He appears to have given £300 during his 
life, with which lands were bought by Buckenham ; but, as is often the case in 
early deeds of this kind, it is not at all clearly indicated who actually made the 
gift, and who was only the agent or trustee in carrying it out. The indenture by 
which the property was conveyed (Feb. 20, 1534-5) is between Dr Buckenham 
and the master and fellows of the college. The latter covenant " that they shall 
yerly gyf to the exhibycion of a ffelawe...8 marks of good and lawfull money of 
Ynglond to pray for the soulls of John Bayly Dr in Dyvynjrtie... Simon Bokenham 
and Katyn hys wyf. Will"* Bokenham pryst, Nicholas Bokenham.... The whiche 
fifelawe they shall chose after the forme of ther statuts : sum younge man well 
lerned in Sophestry, Logykke, and Phylosophy, and his studdy to continewe therein 
tylle he be maister of Arts oon yer complette after he be maister of Arts, and than 
to devote hys studdy to Dyvynytie or ells to Physyk, Provided alwey that this 
ffelowe so chossen notte to be priste without he wylle hym." The fellows agree to 
keep a solemn dirge on the 9th July, and a mass next day, for the souls mentioned: 
the master to receive 12c?., each fellow 6(/., the bible clerk, butler, and cook 3c/., if 

(Editor of Test, Ehor., No. iv.; Surtees Soa; where it is printed in full). The only refeienoe in 
it to the eoUege is the legacy of a ** vestment of velvet, with her arms in the cross,'* and two altar 
cloths, for the chapel. 


present. Vacancies to be filled up within four months. For this the said William 
Buckenham grants his lands and tenements at Haddenham, Cambs., also his house 
in St Edward's parish, Cambridge, * against the Peas Market' (Treas. xix. 4 (a).) 
As will be seen, Dr Bayly is only mentioned, incidentally, as to be prayed for 
together with Buckenham and his relations; but there seems no doubt that the 
gift was really his. The fellow was always called ' Dr Bayly's fellow.' Dr Caius 
expressly states (Annals) that Bayly gave £300 to the college ; but, by an error, 
he speaks of his giving it in 1535, the date of the above deed. 

8. Caius. Dr Caius added no less than three to the above list. The con- 
ditions ai-e given in the Statutes (no. 8), and are briefly these : — Candidates are 
to be natives of Norfolk, or failing this of Suffolk. "Et in omni electione 
sociorum quorumcumque, ex Norfolcia aut Suffolcia, ut pauperiores preferantur, 
modo cetera respondeant et paria fuerint...Nec excludimus indigorum generosorum 
filios natu minimos quibus non est quo vivant ex parentibus." As to their pro- 
fession ; two are to be students of Medicine, and one of Theology, and to continue 
in these studies until they shall have assumed the grade of Doctor. Their stipends, 
if M.A., to be eight marks ; if B.A. five marks (Stat. no. 38). 

Until the Commission of 1856 the above 12, — counting the number of Gonville's 
fellows as four — , always stood on a special footing. They were called ' seniors ' in 
contrast with the 'juniors ' of the subsequent foundations. They alone had any 
voice in the government of the college, or in any election ; and all windfalls in 
the way of fines, «kc., were divided amongst them. The following subsequent 
foundations were termed junior fellowships. 

9. Wendy, Thomas Wendy, M.D., former fellow (Vol. l 24), died in London, 
May 11, 1560. By will, dated Feb. 12, 1559-60, proved (P.C.C.) 1560, he left 
the rectory of Haslingfield, Cambs., to the college, after the death of his wife 
Margaret, on condition of letting it in perpetuity to his heirs, and leaving them 
the right of presentation \ The college was to retain to itself an annual payment 
of £10. Mrs Wendy died in 1570, but the college had much trouble with the 
heirs, and finally by deed dated March 19, 1609-10, for the £10, and long 
arrears, was substituted an annual payment of 20 marks, out of which the college 
should pay £10 towards the maintenance of one fellow in the said college. 

The will contains no reference to a fellowship, but the conditions of the legacy 
were to be decided by his wife, the executrix. Dr Caius (Annals) says that Wendy 
dictated these conditions on his death-bed to his wife, who communicated them to 
him. They were to the effect that a fellowship should be founded, for a native of 
Norfolk and a priest, who should pray for him, and should receive eight marks 
a year. The fellow was to preach at Haslingfield four times in the year ; and the 
college was to celebrate the exequies of Dr Wendy yearly on his anniversary, if 
this were lawful, otherwise there should be a Commemoration. Apparently these 
conditions were superseded by the deed of 1610. (Treas, in. 9.) 

^ The college is referred to as **Ganwell Hall and E^es Colledge...b7 what names soever they 
be incorporated called or known." 



Dr T. P. Young (Vol. u. 49) left £100 for the increase of this fellowship, in 
1778 ; and Dr John Smith, the master, left £200 in 1795. 

10. Frankland, Some account of Mrs Frankland is given under Scholarships. 
Her will, dated Feb. 1586-7, also contains the following provisions. 'That there 
be a chaplain founded in the said college, to be called Joyce Frankland^s chaplain ; 
he to take oath to make 12 sermons or exhortations yearly in the college chapel, 
making mention and commending the charitable devotion of me, Joyce Frankland : 
to receive £10 per annum. Also six fellowships, of £7 each; to be called my 
fellows and William Saxies.' {Treas. xxxui. 38.) 

It will be noticed that this is the first of these endowments^ which was 
absolutely free and open, irrespective of local and other conditions. The chaplain, 
or conduct, continued for many years to be so called ; but in course of time he 
came to be regarded simply as one of the fellows. For a long period he received, as 
part of his endowment, the income of the sinecure rectory of Pattesley, Norfolk. 

11. Perse, Stephen Perse, M.D., fellow, was a very large benefactor to the 
towns of Norwich, Cambridge, Bury, and Lynn. His benefactions to our college 
took the form principally of fellowships, scholarships, and a sum of money for new 
buildings. He founded six fellowships, by will dated Sept. 27, 1615, proved 
(P.C.C.) 1615. The value was to be £10 yearly. The only condition was that 
preference should be given to those who held his scholarships. As these scholars 
were, by preference, selected from those who had been at his school, and the school 
was for boys from Cambiidge and the immediate neighbourhood, the ultimate 
limitation was a local one. Jeremy Taylor was a typical example of what the 
founder must have looked forward to, as he went through the successive endow- 
ments, and was thus on this foundation for twenty years, from the age of six. 

The electors consisted of the Perse trustees, viz. the roaster and four senior 
fellows. The will is published almost in full by Cooper. (Ann. Vol. iii.) 

12. Stokys. Matthew Stokys, fellow of the college, by will, dated July 20, 
1631, proved (V.O. Court), June 13, 1635, left the rectories of Dilham and 
Honing, rented of the Bishop of Ely, to found one fellowship and three scholarships 
(see on. Scholars). The fellow was to receive £15 a year, and 20 shillings for 
chamber rent The only condition was that he should be a divine, or to study 
and profess divinity. (Treas. xlv. 6.) 

13. Woriley. Bartholomew Wortley, fellow (Vol. i. 444), by will, dated 
Ap. 30. 1742, proved (P. C. C.) 1749, left lands in Norfolk and Devon to the 
college. As it was more than a century since the foundation of the previous 
fellowship, the conditions deserve notice. Two fellowships were to be founded : 
one for the name of Wortley, — exclusive of the name Montague Wortley, or 
Wortley Montague — ; the other for a N. Devon man. The former to be at liberty 
to study Divinity, Civil Law, or Physic : a Norfolk man to' be preferred. The 
latter to be of Bratton Fleming, or, failing this, of the north part of Sherwell 
deanery: a student of Divinity and a priest. Stipend, as probationers until M.A., 
£30 ; afterwards £70, or £80 if available. The former was, once in three years, 

^ Wendy's, above, was ohronologioally earlier ; but the actual establishment of it was later. 


to visit the estates near Cambridge, the latter those in Devon. The fellows to 
have leave for foreign travel for four years " for their improvement in learning.** 
A commemoration feast is established, not exceeding £5, on Feb. 23 ; on which day 
one of his fellows is to make a speech in the Hall, or other public place, the bell 
being tolled at 11 o'clock, *'in commendation of learning, the founders of the college; 
or to read a lecture in Divinity, Physic, or Philosophy/* By a codicil, of Mar. 11, 
1748-9, provision was made for a third fellowship for a Norfolk man : a native of 
Fakenham preferred. The will to come into effect 20 years after his death. 

This was the only important foundation of the 18th century; but, if the 
minute regulations seem those of an earlier date, it must be remembered that 
Wortley was bom in 1655. 

The bequest did not come into operation till 1771, in which year the first two 
fellows were elected, on Oct 9 and Nov. 7. It was so long since a fellowship had 
been founded, that a certain amount of distrust seems to have been felt as to the 
position of the new members of the foundation. At any rate it was decreed (Gesla^ 
July 4, 1769), *That MrWortley's fellows shall receive no emolument from the common 
stock of the college, nor have any other stipend yearly than what shall issue out of 
Mr Wortley *s benefaction : that they shall not be present with the senior fellows 
at any collie business, except at the auditing of Mr Wortley's accounts: that 
they shall not be capable of holding any college office, or any University office, in 
right of the said college, unless it shall have been refused by every one of the senior 
fellows.'... (Similar suspicions had been felt on the foundation of the Frankland 

14. Smith, Samuel Coleby Smith, former fellow (Vol n. 125), rector of 
Denver, by will, dated June 23, 1851, proved (P. C. 0.) 1852, left all his estates in 
Denver to the master and fellows " upon trust that a fellowship be founded to be 
called Smith's fellowship '' ; nine-tenths of the value to go to this foundation, the 
remaining tenth to the college chest : the accounts to be kept in a separate book. 
The candidate for a fellowship shall be in holy orders, and a native of Norfolk. 
It is expressly declared that such fellow shall be eligible for election to a founda- 
tion fellowship (Le. he was not to be permanently regarded as a "bye-fellow"). 
In case the income was sufficient, a scholarship was also to be founded, open to 
natives of Great Yarmouth. The testator states that his foundation was "out 
of gratitude for the many advantages I received as to my education and prosperity 
in life from my college.*' 

Only one election was made under the prescribed conditions, viz. that of 
Mr Long, Nov. 13, 1857, before the Commission came into effect and swept away 
all local restrictions. 

15. Drosier, In 1887 William Henry Drosier (Vol. ii. 233) for many years 
fellow of the college, and a resident in Cambridge, left by will a very large sum of 
money to the college. In fact, regard had to the value of money now and formerly, 
it is probable that no single benefactor, except Dr Caius, has left so much. With 
the exception of a few legacies, and two life interests, the whole estate was left in 
trust with the college for the foundation of fellowships. This trust was to be kept 
distinct from the general corporate estate, and his fellows were to be called 


" Drosier fellows," and to receive each £250 a year. No restrictions as to birth- 
place, age, studies, dec, are imposed. Dr Drosier died May 13, 1889, and the first 
fellow was appointed Oct. 9, 1890. It is expected that, on the falling in of the 
life interests, six fellowships altogether will be thus founded. 

Honorary Fellows. 

The Statutes of 1860 had made provision for the election as Honorary fellows 
of "any professor, public lecturer, or other person distinguished for literary or 
scientific merits. '* 

These provisions were not put into force till Dec. 11, 1880, on which day, at 
a general meeting held for the purpose, the following former members of the college 
were elected honorary fellows : — 

The Rt Rev. Harvey Goodwin, D.D., Bp of Carlisle. 
Lord Justice Sir Richard Baggallay. 
Sir George Burrows, Bart., M.D., F.R.S. 
George Budd, M.D., F.R.S. 

The following have since been added : — 

Anthony Rich, B.A. 

Rev. J. M. Rodwell, M.A. 

Lord Esher, Master of the Rolls. 

W. H. Dickinson, M.D. 

Rev. H. B. Swete, D.D. (now Reg. Prof, of Divinity). 

A. H. Green, M.A., F.R.S., Prof, of Geology, OxfonL 

A. Ransome, M.D., F.R.S. 

Rev. W. Cunningham, D.D., Fellow of Trinity. 

Professor J. K. Laughton, M.A. 

G. J. Romanes, M.A., F.R.S. 


As regards the position and the duties of the scholars there is less to be said, 
for these have undergone scarcely any change since the earliest times. Their 
stipends have always been regarded as intended to help deserving students during 
their career, that is, until the time of their graduation. The scholar's duty was to 
study ; and no other obligation was imposed upon him, except that of reading the 
lessons in chapel, and the grace in hall, — duties which are retained in most 
colleges to the present day, — and reading a chapter of the Scriptures during the 
dinner-time, a custom which was dropped sometime in the last century. It was 
the performance of these duties which acquired for them the title of btbliotistcd^ or 
bible-clerks, by which designation they are mentioned in our earliest bursars' 


The principal changes which these endowments have undergone have been of a 
two-fold character ; both, I apprehend, imposed by outside public opinion, rather 
than by the initiative of the colleges. In the first place, the donors generally 
limited the selection of their scholars to some school, or some district, in which 
they happened to be interested. Their motives in so doing were as natural and 
obvious as are those of the successful merchant who founds a college, or leaves 
money for a public park, in his native town' ; and the notion that any 'injustice ' 
could consequently result, probably no more occurred to the mind of the former 
than it does to the latter. For a long time the system worked very fairly well. 
The memory of the founder was kept alive, and became a strong inducement to 
other wealthy men to imitate his example. As these local endowments multiplied 
they became more widely spread over the country, until almost every part of 
England had its share, more or less, in the aggregate of these benefactions. If a 
clever youth got altogether left out, it was generally because he had made the 
mistake of coming to the wrong college, a mistake which he often rectified, before 
it was too late, by migration. 

These local restrictions were almost entirely swept away by the Commission of 
1856*. And there was certainly much to be said for the course they adopted; 
though those with antiquarian sympathies cannot but regret the total destruction 
of all identity in the endowment itself, and consequently of all remembrance of 
the individual donor. Many anomalies had of course sprung up in course of time. 
The students no longer came entirely from England, but many were natives of 
Scotland and Ireland and of the Colonies, or were bom in foreign countries. 
Attempts were made to meet the case of the latter by a^gning a youth who was 
bom abroad to his father^s native county. This led in time to such an absurdity 
as the following: that a man has been ranked as "of Essex,'' who was bom in 
India, and whose father had spent his whole life there, from youth upwards, on 
the ground that the grandfather (a Scotchman) after long military service in 
various parts of the world had retired to Colchester in his old age. In the old 
state of things the local assignment had a real significance, for the youth had 
perhaps never left his county in his life, and his ancestors had probably lived in 
it for generations ; so that on his arrival in college he found himself surrounded by 
friends and acquaintances. A reference to the Admission Lists will show how 
numerous were the family links of connection between the various students. 

1 If the recent tendency continues, we may some day have Birmingham putting in a daim for 
the endowments of Bedford, on the ground that their anthorized representatiyes (say the Town 
Coondl) ooold pass a better ezaminatioD. 

' This Commission only dealt with Cambridge. Where, therefore, the scholarship was in the 
gift of a school, it was not interfered with. Hence the Lyon and Sayer endowments, confined to 
Harrow School, were left untouched. 

< The justification for throwing the individaal benefactions into one aggregate fond, and thus 
dropping the names of the donors, was, of course, that the amounts had become too small to be 
effective. Looking back now, one can see that it would have been perfectly easy, where a 
scholarship had sunk to one-tenth of its proper value, to assign it once in ten years, but to 
retain the founder's name. 


The main determining element in breaking up the old system was undoubtedly 
the modem principle of competition, in accordance with which scholarships were 
regarded as ' prizes ' or ' rewards for merit.' The lists of those elected came to be 
published in the newspapers ; the money value of each scholarship was known, and 
consequently the due order of precedence ; masters, as well as schools, began to 
race against each other in pursuit of these rewards and as an advertisement of 
themselves; and the fairness naturally demanded in every race was seen to be 
lacking if any local restrictions were left in force. Where would be the interest 
in the University race if half the crew, including the stroke, were bound to be 
selected from the diocese of Norwich ? And what would be the feelings of a crack 
bowler if he found liimself excluded from the eleven because he happened to come 
from Yorkshire] 

It must be remembered that as soon as intellectual * * merit ' was made the sole 
test another ancient qualification, viz. that of comparative poverty, had to be 
abandoned. The qualification is in any case somewhat difficult to determine ; but 
on the old ^iew the worst result that could happen if you did not select the most 
deserving amongst the candidates was that you had not made the most of the 
resources at your disposal. Upon the modem view, on the other hand, you lay 
yourself open to the charge of direct injustice towards some specified individual. 
Any attempt, under these conditions, to introduce poverty as one of the elements 
for qualification will necessarily fail. It is an attempt to combine disparate 
elements, one of them very difficult of determiuation, and gives rise to much 
dispute and jealousy*. 

It must not be supposed however that examination, in the sense of attempting 
to select with care the most suitable candidates, was unknown in early times. If 
the provisions laid down by Dr Oaius were properly carried out the selection was a 
very stringent one. The candidates were examined publicly in the College Chapel 
for three days : on the first day by those who were already scholars, and on the 
other two by the dean and other resident fellows. The qualifications to Ite enquired 
into are thus described : " An scribant scite, an canant musice, an grammaticen 
calleant perfecte, an organistee sint, an Greece sciant, et an carmen componant : 
observatione etiam habita an sint proborum morum, an bonte indolis et spei, an 
ingeniosi, an dociles, an diligentes." Nor was the system of advertisement for 
scholars unknown. On the occurrence of a vacancy three weeks notice was to be 

^ This attitnde of regarding soholarships and fellowships as * rewards of (Intellectnal) merit ' 
had been gradually growing, bnt first received official approval from the Commissioners of 1850. 
All recent regulations follow from carrying out the principle that " fellowships and scholarships 
may be brought universally under the one good mle of unfettered and open competition" 
{Report, p. 202). 

' The only tolerably hopeful suggestion I have seen towards re-introducing the old condition, 
of making the scholarship a help for the student who is poor as well as deserving, consists in the 
entire separation of the mon^ endowment from the so-called scholarship. Let the scholars, as 
now, be elected by rigid competition, on the ground of their actual attainments only ; and let 
them enjoy the consequent distinction, and their schools and masters the credit of having 
trained them. The endowment to he assigned to each might then be determined by the tutors, 
fis a matter of strict privacy. 


sent to the Corporation of Norwich (the governors of the grammar school there) 
and to the masters of the smaller schools in the city, in order that the most 
promising youths might he selected. Similar notice' was to be given to the proper 
authorities in Suffolk, Herts., and Cambridgeshire, the other principal counties 
favoured by Dr Oaius. It is clear that county restrictions would lose much of 
their objections even at the present day if such provisions were carefully carried 

The above regulations point to a system of what we should now call open 
scholarships, for they imply election before matriculation ; that is, from the outside 
field of the schools, rather than from amongst the students already admitted to 
the college. Such a system may have eidsted for a short time, but it seems to 
have been already abandoned at the earliest date at which our books give us 
definite information as to the names of all the scholars. From 1 58 1 onwards it 
seems tolerably clear that the students came up to college, as they continued to do 
until recent times, without any scholarship having been already secured to them ; 
and that in fact they had sometimes to wait for two or three years before securing 
one. This practice prevailed generally in Cambridge until 1859, when the 'open' 
system was introduced' by a certain number of scholarships being offered for com- 
petition to youths who had not yet matriculated. It has added considerably, for 
good or for evil, to the rivalry and advertisement which prevail amongst many of 
the schools which supply the University. 

What was the nature of the examination by which the selection of the scholars 
was actually made in early times, we are unable to say; as the formality of a 
college order does not seem to have been often invoked. The following are some 
of the few notices occurring in our Gesta. "That May 10, II, 12, be the days 
wherein Gary, Coodman, Ruddle, and Rix, do sit in the chapel; there exposing 
themselves to a public examination for scholarships" (May 8, 1655). Of these, 
Gary had been already in residence for three years, the others only for a few weeks 
or months. They had all been originally admitted as sizars ; but on what ground 
they had been thus selected to sit for scholarships we have no means of sa3ring. 
There are a few subsequent orders of a similar kind, the latest being, "that the 
young lads do sit for scholarships on the 24th of October" (1720 : Oct. 15). 

All this seems to prove that the general plan of examination for scholarships 

^ " To J. Goodwyn for going with our master's letter to the schoolmaster of Bedford, to send 
us a scholar of that oountie, 2* 6<^ ** {Bwn, book, 1616). 

' The system of * open * scholarships was one of the distinctive characteristics of Oxford for 
many years before this date ; Cambridge being at last driven, as by a sort of differential tariff, to 
adopt a similar plan. As scholarships grew in money value, and the snooesses of certain schools 
began to be published abroad, this step became absolutely necessary. Those who were at school 
shortly before the change (I speak from personal experience) can recall the invidions position of 
the boy destined for Cambridge who fonnd that he must wait for the honoor of a scholarship 
nntil he had been at college for nearly a year, whilst several of his comrades had been advertised 
as in receipt of valuable endowments at Oxford some months before they left school. I think I 
am correct in saying that the prevalent feeling in Cambrid^ was otherwise strongly against this 


has never been dropped. If any one enquires as to the severity of these exami- 
nations, it may be suggested, ^-candidates and their friends sometimes forget this, 
— that the severity of an examination for a determinate number of posts of any 
kind does not in the least depend upon the will of the examiners or the sort of 
questions they may set, but simply upon the ratio of the number of candidates to 
that of vacancies. 

This ratio has varied considerably at different times, and consequently the 
merit involved in holding a scholarship has similarly varied*. The fluctuations in 
the number of scholarships were partly due to the fact that from time to time some 
particular endowment occasionally dropped in value, or was temporarily lost. It 
was then left to accumulate for a few years, or several scholarships were assigned 
to one student. Until the eighteenth century the number of students in the college 
far exceeded that of the scholars. But as we approach the middle of the century 
the numbers in college, as I have already said, greatly fell off. So much was this 
the case that, at one period, practically every student, with the exception of the 
fellow-commoners, held a scholarship. 

In addition to the scholarship mention is found from time to time of 
Exhibitions, In the interpretation now long current in Cambridge, these represent 
merely an inferior kind of scholarship : generally smaller in value, held for a 
shorter time, and supposed somehow not to rank as conferring membership on the 
foundation. I can find no ancient authority for this distinction. Exhihitio was 
simply the old word for the endowment held by the scholaris or scholasticus, as 
sodalitium was for that held by the sociv^. More loosely, and in earlier times, it 
was simply the equivalent of what we should now call the 'support* or *keep* 
of anyone in college, whether fellow or scholar. Thus Stephen Smith, founder of 
a fellowship in 1479, leaves the endowment "for the exhibition of a priest and 
fellow in the Hall." In 1713 Mr Nicholas Parham left £200, of which the annual 
produce was "to be paid to a scholar by way of exhibition or addition to his 
scholarship"; which shows the term as still used in its old signification. In 1789 
the college definitely founded three " exhibitions " under that name, thus placing 
them in the same category, though on a lower footing, as the scholarships ; Le. as 
specific posts into which students were preferred. 

The following is a detailed account of our scholarships, in order of their estab- 
lishment, with their principal provisions. 

^ The following table will indicate the prindpal changes of this kind since the first institution 
of scholarships. It most be remembered that several small scholarships were occasionally 
assigned to a single scholar. 

1516 no. of scholars 4 















1700 no. of scholars 42 
















1. Will owes, Thomas WillowcK, a Cambridge glover, was the first' founder of 
a scholarship, in the modem sense of the word. As he desires, in his will, to be 
buried in St Michael's, "before the tabyli of Alle Seynts," he was probably a 
resident in that parish. The instrument of foundation is a deed dated Aug. 12, 
16th Henry VII. (1501). Willowes grants, on his part, five marks rent-charge 
from the mill at Newnham, and lands in Teversham, Ditton, Fulboum, and Hinton. 
Tlie college in return binds itself to appoint a fellow (see above) ; and also " to 
find a lector in divinity to be read in the college if they think it convenient to be 
done; or else to choose and find a bible-clerk, and he to have yearly for his wages 
40 shillings.*' They shall also, " once in the year, have a dirge and mass for his 
soul and his friends' souls." The college seems to have decided in favour of the 
scholarship. Willowes died apparently in 1502 {Treasury ^ xiv. 6). 

2. Gale, William Gale, priest, of Eye, Suffolk, followed with a like bene- 
faction very soon after. The instrument of foundation was a deed dated Sept. 7, 
20th Henry VIT. (1504). It states that he, with Thomas Alkyn, priest (see on, 
No. 4) was feoffed of lands in Cowling, Suffolk, and Kirtling, Cambs. The said 
W. Gale grants all his property arising from the said lands to the master and 
fellows of Gonville Hall, from Michaelmas preceding, they paying yearly to the 
said William and his assigns... during the life natural, and five years after the 
death of the said William, £4 of lawful money. And after the decease of the 
said William, and five years after, they to pay an honest priest, not beneficed, 
student in Cambridge, £4 towards his exhibition, he to sing at Cambridge for the 
soul of W. Gale and his relatives. If the £4 is not sufficient for the priest, they 
to find two scholars in the said University, being no priests, having their grammar 
and likely to profit and proceed in Art. And the said scholars shall hear daily 
a mass, if they conveniently may, and daily say the Psalm De Profundi^, with 
these orisons, Inclina and Fideliumy for the souls of W. Gale and relations. 
Each scholar to have 40 shillings yearly (Deed, and Will, in Trectsury^ in. 3 : in 
the latter, dated Oct. 2, 1506, proved P. C. C, 1508, he nominates "Richard 
Smith, my child, and Giles Webster, nephew of Sir Richard Webster " as his first 
two scholars). 

3. Sigo, William Sigo, a member of the University, — he is described as 
"master in grammar," — owned property in the town and county of Cambridge. 
By an indenture dated June 12, 1507, Sigo grants his house at Castle End, Cam- 
bridge, and his lands in the fields of Cambridge, Chesterton, Histon, Girton, and 
Coton, to the college. They, in return, covenant that they shall exhibit and find 
a bibleclerk in their college, or else a scholar in Fishwick Hostel, to whom they 
shall yearly give for his stipend and wages twenty shillings sterling towards his 
exhibition. On a vacancy tliey shall choose another honest young man bom 
in the diocese of Norwich being apt and able to study in Art to succeed. 

1 An earlier fonndation than this had been oontemplated. Edmund Albon (Vol. 1. 10) bad 
by will, in 1485, left, under certain contingencies, booses in London, **nnto the college of 
Gnnwellhall for the exhibicion and fynding of two bibleclerks'*: bat this seems to have fallen 

C. III. 15 


He is to pray for the soul of the said W. Sigo and his relations (IVeasury, 
xvii. 2). 

The above three are the only distinctive mediseval or pre-Reformation scholar- 
ship endowments, and belong obviously to the same class. Like most such endow- 
ments they partake somewhat of the nature of a bargain 1>y which both the donor 
and the college are to profit. 

4. Alkyn, Thomas Alkyn, priest, vicar of Mutford, Suffolk (one of the college 
livings), 1529-40, made an indenture with the college, dated July 20, Slst Hen. VIII. 
(1539). By this it appears that he and Margery Hore had already given, about tlie 
year 1501, £96 for the purchase of lands. He now grants to the college Payne's 
close, in Worlingham, Suffolk, worth 40 shillings annually, being moved with 
great zeal and godly devotion to further and maintain the study of all good letters, 
and especially of the Holy Scripture. The college covenants in return to appoint, 
for the space of seven years, one honest young man, being a priest, who shall 
pray effectually for the souls of T. Alkyn and Margery Hore, and for their friends 
and benefactors. After this period the college to elect three scholars, bom 
within the diocese of Norwich, and being competently learned in the Latin tongue, 
and also meet and disposed to study Logic and philosophy and other good letters. 
£ach is to receive 35 shillings yearly ; to be chosen by the master and two of the 
eldest fellows, and to be called " Thomas Alkyn's scholar." 

Alkyn died July 22, 1540. He confirms the above provisions in his will, and 
directs that the priest is to commence his services immediately. (Will and deed 
in Treasury, xxiv. 16, 17.) Margery Hore was buried in St Michael's Coslany, 
Norwich, where Weever says there was a brass to her memory, ** As I am so sail 
yee be. Pray for Margery Hore of Cherite." 

5. UetveL Peter Hewet, clerk, of Barrow, Suffolk (he was rector of N. Cove) 
founded his scholarships by deed (dated July 12, 3rd and 4th* of Pliilip and Mary 
(sic): — 1 1556). It states that the college, in return for a sum of £180, shall 
" chose, for one of their byble clarks, one Robert Norton, sonne of Thomas Norton 
of Norwyche," and pay him £4 a year. After him there are to be three scholars, 
with a stipend of 53«. 4fl?., " all of Norwych dyoces borne,*' to be chosen respectively 
by the master, the president, and the next senior fellow, "to be chappel clarks in 
the sayd colledge... bound dayly to pray for the founders and benefactors... after 
the decese of the sayd Sir Peter to say every daye in the weke the psalme De 
pro/undis, aud every saterday Pl^icebo and Dyrige, in the chappell after 1 2 of the 
clocke, for the sayd Sir Peter's soule, <kc." In case of neglect the appointment to 
lapse, for the time being, to Trinity Hall. The following provision deserves 
attention :— "yf any of the sayd three electors be tutor to any of the sayd three 
schoUers, they shall take for their tutyng and teching not above xiii* iiiH the yere, 
and that the sayd three schoUers shall not be bound to do service to any private 
person more then other scholers or pupils. Except yt be to rede some lectur or to 
here other schoUers ther lectures in that hall whereunto I wyll eyther of them to 
be at commaundement yf he or they shalbe thought by the Mr or presydent and 

* In strict reckoning there is no such date. 


lecturer or deane mete or able for hys or ther lemyng and sobryete. For which 
payns takyng yt ys covenanted that that party beying thus abled shalbe dyscharged 
frome paying the common stypend due to the lecturer" (Trecu, iii. 8 (rf)). 

6. Caius. Of his splendid benefaction a full account has been already given. 
It will be sufficient to repeat that the following were the conditions afTecting 
the twenty scholarships founded by him. The college was not to elect any one 
" deformem, mutum, coecum, claudum, mancum, mutilum, Wallicum ', aliquo gravi 
aut contagioso morbo affectum, aut valetudinarium, hoc est magna ex parte 
fegrotum.'' The scholars are to be 16 years of age, " bonse staturse, et ex parentibus 
prognati quos tenuis fortuna preroit." The candidates to be publicly examined in 
the chapel for three days, first by the scholars, and then by the dean and the 
fellows, to determine "an scribant scite, an canant musice, an grammaticen calleant 
perfecte, an organistte sint, an Grtece sciant, et an carmen siot 
proborum morum, an borne indolis.'' On the occurrence of a vacancy three weeks' 
notice, at least, was to be sent to the mayor and aldermen of Norwich (governors 
of the Grammar school), and to the head-masters of the other Norfolk schools ; also 
similar notices to the schools in Cambs. and Herts. Elach scholar was to receive 
annually four marks : — this sum of £2. 13«. id, seems to have been a rather common 
one at the time. The county distribution of the scholarships was as follows : — 
City of Norwich, six ; county of Norfolk, six ; London, three (•* sed organistse ") ; 
Herts., two ; Cambridge, two ; Beds., one. 

The above requirements, so far as physical conditions are concerned, are pro- 
bably unique ; and deserve notice in days when the desirability of assigning marks 
for bodily superiority, in army and other examinations, is being mooted. They 
represent presumably the physician's way of r^arding man. Dr Caius, it need 
hardly be said, had absolutely no sympathy with ' athleticism,' in a University or 
elsewhere. He was himself, as already remarked, of almost dwarfish stature ; and, 
for years before his death, extremely feeble. 

7. Trapps, Joan Trapps, widow of a great London goldsmith, Robert Trapps, 
by will dated Oct. 28, 1563, left money for the purchase of land, to found four 
scholarships. 'Each scholar to receive yearly four marks (£2. 13«. 4J.), and to be 
called a '* scholar of Robert Trapps of London, goldsmith, and of Joan his wife." 
They were to be the children of such " whose parents of their own charge be not con- 
veniently able to find them." Her will was proved in 1563. Her executor. Sir Roger 
Man wood, did not apparently carry out these provisions for many years, and when he 
did, his action aroused bitter complaints on the part of the college. In a Report 
called "Tlie State of Gunvill and Caius College : Aug. 8, 1572 " (Carp. Christ. MS. 
cviii. p. 114) it is stated, "There should be four scholars more, of the foundation 
of Mrs Trapps, but that Mr Man wood hath kept from the college the money which 
she appointed," and " no lands he will let us have except we would take such barre 
racked pilled and leasyd land of his owne as he lyst to geve us upon the burned 
downes in Kent, gaynynge and wynning by the bargayne, and suttly deluding us." 
Sir Roger appears to have delayed for some years longer. His ultimate arrange- 
ment (by a deed dated Jan. 30, 1581-2) was that the scholars were to be selected 

' The grounds of this curioas objection to WeUhmen are not known. 



alternately by the college and himself ; and after his death by the college and 
Sandwich school, which he had recently founded. In case of the college neglecting 
to inform the school of a vacancy, they were to be fined four marks, and a shilling 
a day. The college complained that he had thus " diverted to Kent only what she 
meant for all England, as all learned men in both laws, Common and Civil, do say." 
The lands thus allotted were in and near Whitstable, Kent (Will and Deed in 
Treasury, xxxiii. 1, 6). 

8. Bushey, Humphrey Busbey, LL.D. (Vol. i. 53), was for some years fellow 
of the college. By deed of gift dated July 23, 1571, he gave £40, with which 
was bought the manor of Wobum, Dorset. This was to be for the support of one 
poor scholar of Eye School, Suffolk ; or, failing this, of the neighbourhood of Eye, 
or of Norfolk or Suffolk. If the scholar becomes a priest he is to pray, as far as 
lawful, for the donor and his parents (" honestam eorum faciat mentionem prout 
leges hujus regni patientur "). The scholar is every day to recite three Psalms of 
David in special memory of the donor and his parents. He is to receive 
23 shillings yearly. Preference is to be given to those of the name of the founder 
or of his mother (De Lacys), or related to them. Dr Busbey to nominate the 
scholars during his life (v. AniMsls, p. 126). 

9. Parker, Matthew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury, gave £60. 13«. 4<f., 
Jan. 20, 1571-2. With this the college was to endow a scholar or student of 
medicine, paying him annually £3. 0«. 8c/. He was to be chosen by the Archbishop, 
or, 9ede vacante, by the dean and chapter. To be a native of Canterbury, and from 
a school in that city. To receive the stipend for six years, "sine deductione 
cubiculi aut lectionum domesticarum." " Sit educatus primum in his quie ad medi- 
cinam pertinent, tum in iis quie ad medicinam ipsam faciunt" (v. Annalsy p. 128). 

The design of endowing a purely medical scholarship is very remarkable, and 
probably unique for the time. One cannot but suppose that it was due to the 
influence of Dr Caius, who was at this time intimate with the archbishop. 

10. Willison, Richard Willison, for some time fellow of the college (Vol. i. 29), 
a contemporary and lifelong friend of Dr Caius, was a native of Norwich, but 
afterwards acquired property in Herefordshire and Gloucestershire. He died at 
Sugwas, Heref. He left lands for the foundation of scholarships, subject to the 
life interest of his wife. She, by deed dated Nov. 8, 1588, conveyed the lands in 
question, in Haglo and Pulton, Gloucestershire, to the college. The master and 
fellows agree to elect two scholars, the one to be taken out of the city of Norwich, 
where the said R. Willison was bom, and the other out of the county of Hereford ; 
and, if it may be, of the names of Willison, Skipp (his cousin, John Skipp, of 
Clifford, Heref., probably a relative of the bishop, was a party to the deed), Elton, 
or Cooper (Edward Cooper, treasurer of Hereford Cathedral, was an executor). In 
default of such persons, two bom in any other shire of England. To be called the 
scholars of Richard Willison, Esqr. To have, for their yearly exhibition, towards 
their maintenance, as long as they shall be scholars, or for a quarter of a year 
afterwards, if they proceed Masters of Arts in degrees of Schools, four marks 
annually. Mrs Willison was left in possession of the lands until her death in 
1594, when the first scholars were elected (Treas. xxxvi.). 


Three remarkably interesting letters from Willison, to his old friend Oaius, 
were published in the Caian (v. iL). Describing his proposed foundation, he 
says, " I wold have syxe schoUers chosen out of the free schole (Norwich), and of 
the citisens thereof of the best learned there, whiche shuld be able before they 
came to yor howse to make a verse and a theme, that your House shuld not be 
troubled with blockeheads but likelye men to aspire to vertue and leamyng. And 
as they be promoted, you shuld sende to the Citie for newe.'' 

11. Frankland, Mrs Joyce Frankland was the daughter of Robert and Joan 
Trapps\ above. She was not only a generous benefactor to our college (see under 
FellowsJdps and Officers) but also to Emmanuel, and to Lincoln, Oxford. In her 
will, dated Feb. 20, 1586-7, proved (P. C. C.) 1587, she is described as of the Rye, 
Stanstead Abbots, Herts., — the house famous afterwards for the Plot. She founded 
twelve scholarships in our college, which, like her fellowships, were subject to no 
local or family restrictions. They were of the value of five marks each {Treas. 
XXXIII. 38). She also added to the benefaction of her mother. 

The pathetic circumstances under which her thoughts were first directed 
towards college endowments are worth recording. They are given by Dr Nowell, 
dean of St PauFs, her executor, in a letter to Abp Whitgift. He says, ** One 
Mrs Frankland, late of Herts., widowe, having one only sonne, who youthfully 
venturing to ride upon an unbroken young horse, was throwne down and slaine. 
Whereuppon the mother fell into sorrowes uncomfortable ; whereof I, being of her 
acquaintance, having intelligence, did with all speede ride unto her howse near to 
Hodgeden (Hoddesdon) to comfort her the best I could. And I found her 
cryenge, or rather howlinge continually, Oh my sonne ! my sonne 1 And when 
I could by no comfortable words stay her from that cry and tearinge of her haire ; 
God, I thinke, put me in minde at the last to say : Comfort yourselfe good 
Mrs Frankland, and I will tell you how you shall have twenty good sonnes to 
comfort you in these your sorrowes which you take for this one sonne. To the 
which words only she gave eare, and lookinge up asked. How can that be 1 And 
I sayd unto her. You are a widdowe, rich and now childlesse, and thera be in both 
universities so many pore towarde youthes that lack exhibition, for whom if you 
would founde certaine fellowships and schollerships, to be bestowed uppon studious 
younge men, who should be called Mrs Frankland's schollers, they would be in love 
towards you as deare children, and will most hartely pray to God for you duringe 
your life ; and they and their successors after them, being still Mrs Fra^kland^s 
schollers, will honour your memory for ever and ever. This being sayd, I will, 

^ Her first husband was Henry Saxey, citizen and merchant adventurer of London. Their 
son William, in whose memory the scholarships were founded, was a member of Gray's Inn. 
He died Aug. 22, 1581, aged 23. There is a brass to his memory in Stanstead Abbots church. 
Her second husband was William Frankland, citizen and clothworker of London, and lord of the 
manor of St Margaret's or Stanstead Theale, Herts. He died in 1577, leaving two sons by 
a former wife, who both died before his widow. The manor, which had been left in jointure to 
her, went to Frankhind's nephews (Cussans, Herts. y ii. 136). She died Feb. 20, 1586-7 (AnnaU). 
Weever records monuments to Bobert Trapps and Joyce Frankland, in St Leonard's, Foster Lane. 
The latter was erected by Brasenose College, to which also she was a benefactress. There is some 
account of her family in B. Churton's Life of Dean Nowell. 


qaoth she, thinke thereuppon earnestly. And though she lived a good time after, 
yet she gave in her Testament to the College of Brasen Nose in Oxford a very 
greate summe, and to Gonville and Caius College she gave £1540 in money, and in 
annual rents besides for ever £33. 6«. Sd" As has been said (p. 68) Dr Legge, 
her executor, was complained of as having kept the legacy an undue time in his 
own hands without paying it over to the college. The portraits of Robert and 
Joan Trapps, and of Mrs Frankland, in our Combination Room, were left to us 
by Mrs Frankland's will: she directed that they were "to be set up in the 
oratories or chapel." It may be added that her college benefactions were wide, 
as well as great; for she left considerable sums also to Emmanuel, and to 
Brasenose and Lincoln at Oxford. 

12. L^on. John Lyon, the well-known Harrow benefactor, by will, dated 
Jan. 18, 1588, proved 1592, by which the statutes of the school are determined, 
made the following provision : — The governors shall give for ever £20 to four 
poor scholars of the school, £5 to each. Two of these to be of Gonville and Caius 
college, the others at Oxford : and to be held for eight years. " The most apt and 
most poor sort that be meet." Preference to be given to Lyon's poor kinsfolk, and 
to natives of Harrow. Failing any suitable candidates the governors, with the 
advice of the master of Gonville and Caius College, shall choose two poor scholars, 
either in the college or University. 

What induced Lyon to single out our college, I do not know. Mr P. M. 
Thornton (Hitft, of I/arrow School) has expressed the opinion that Dr Caius at 
one time lived in the neighbourhood of Harrow, and was a personal friend of Lyon. 
It would be interesting if this were so ; but I cannot find the slightest support for 
the view. 

In the copy of Lyon's will in our Treasury, there is a note by Dr Chapman, 
dated June 30, 1843. He says that the scholai-ships had probably not been filled 
up for a century. At his instigation they were reWved and were continued 
for some years. In 1874 the endowment was brought under the provisions of 
the Endowed Schools Commissioners. The four scholarships were consolidated 
into one, to be held at any college either at Oxford or Cambridge. 

13. Cutting, William Cutting died March 4, 1599-1600. He was a citizen 
of London, but seemingly of Norfolk or Suffolk origin. By his will, dated 
June 20, 1599, proved (P.O. C.) March 19, following, he left an annual rent of 
20 marks (£13. 6«. 8c?.) out of his lands in W. Tilbur}' and Chadwell, Essex, after 
the death of his wife, to maintain "such foure poore schoUers there as... shall be 
thought meet, and that schollers borne within the Countie of Norfolk shall be 
relieved therewith before any others. And the said schollerships shall be called 
Cutting*s poore schoUer sliipps" {Treas, iv. 12). 

Mrs Cutting' died in 1608, after which the will was disputed. A decree in 
Chancery secured the rights of the college in 1612 (v. Arinah, p. 152). 

^ Apparently she bad not been on the best of terms with her husband, for, in bis will, after 
saying that he feels bonud to leave her something, he proceeds; "althoughe I do verilie and 
asBuredlie thinke in my conscience that she hath or mought have more monie by meanes of her 


The following inscription was placed on bis tomb at St Katharine's by the 
Tower : 

Here dead in part, whose best part never dieth, 
A Benefactor, William Cutting, lyeth: 
Not dead, if good deeds coulde kcepe men alive, 
Nor all dead, since good deeds doe men revive. 
Gunvile and Kaies his good deeds may record. 
And will, no doubt, him praise therefore afford: 
Saint Katherine's eke, neare London, can it tell. 
Goldsmiths and Merchantaylors know it well: 
Two Country Townes his civill bounty blest. 
East Derham and Norton Fitzwarren West. 
More did he than this Table can unfold. 
The world his fame, this earth his earth doth hold. 

14. Uervey. Henry Hervey, LL.D., master of Trinity Hall, has always 
ranked amongst our benefactonf, as the founder of a scholarship, though his con- 
nection with us is rather remote. The foundation known by his name came to us 
in this way. His will (proved V. C. court, 1585) contains no reference to the 
establishment of a scholarship in our college. He simply leaves to his servant, 
John Bennet, a house and lands in Swaffham Bulbeck for his life, which were 
afterwards to be sold by his executor, or by the master of Caius, " and the money 
to be bestowed in deeds of charity." From Dr Legge's will (proved V. C. court, 
1607) it appears that Legge had purchased Bennet's interest and sold this for 
£100, which he directed should be paid to his successor as master. Branthwaite 
succeeded in due time to this, but still delayed to put the money to use. At last, 
in 1617, this delay being one o£ the articles of complaint urged by the fellows in 
their dispute with Branthwaite, the Chancellor, in his decision, ordered it to be 
paid in to the college chest. Still matters dragged on until 1628, when at length, 
in Gostlin's time, the legacy was put to use. The college employed the £100 in 
part-purchase of land in Bassingbourne, Cambs., and agreed that £4. 10^. Od. 
should be paid to " Dr Hervey*s scholar." No restrictions as to birthplace were 

15. Perse. Stephen Perse, M.D., fellow (Vol. L 57), besides his other bene- 
factions, founded six scholarships, of the annual value of £4 each. The only con- 
dition was that preference should be given to those who had been educated at the 
school founded by him in Cambridge ; and oonsetjuently to boys from Cambridge 
and the villages of Barnwell, Trumpington, and Chesterton (TretM, LXiv. 1). 

16. Branthwaite, Dr Branthwaite, master, left by will proved (V. C. court) 
1619, land of the value of £22, "for the founding and establishing of four scholar- 
ships": no limitations or restrictions were imposed (TVeew. xli. 16). These were 
afterwards increased by the legacy of Dr John Bemey in 1782. 

17. Gostlin. John Gostlin, master (Vol. i. 116), by will proved (V. C. court) 
1626, left land and houses in Cambridgeshire for the foundation of four scholarships. 

longe continaall and secreti conveyance to freudes at her comande then myselfe, but in whose 
handes or possession God and she kuoweth, for I never 5:hall knowe.'* 


Candidates to be bora in Norwich. To receive £5 yearly ; and 3s, id, if present 
at his Commemoration Service (Treaa, XLii.). 

18. Stokys, Matthew Stokys (Vol. i. 124), besides a fellowship, founded 
three scholarships. Each scholar is to receive £5 yearly, and 10«. as chamber 
rent. One of the scholars to be nominated by the Bishop of Ely : — to induce him, 
as was suggested, to be easier in the exaction of the fine (the endowment was from 
a lease held from him). The other two scholars were to be of Norwich or Norfolk 
{Treas. XLV. 6). Stokys died June 12, 1634. 

As holding of the bishop, the college contributed two guineas to the " Bishop*8 
Lessees* window " in 1847, at the restoration of Ely Cathedral. 

19. Cosin, John Cosiu (Vol. i. 207), the great Bishop of Durham, and a 
former fellow, founded three scholarships. His final deed of gift is dated Dec. 30, 
1669. He gives an annuity of £28 a year ; of which £6. ISs, id, is to be paid to 
each scholar, £6 to be spent in a Commemoration feast, and £2 to go to the college 
chest. The scholars to be natives of Norwich, and educated at the grammar school 
there : the bishop to nominate them during his life. He adds certain " ordinations " 
as to the requirements of the scholars : that they were to be specially careful to 
learn of some musical teacher " bene modulari et psallere in choro"; that on every 
holy day they should compose four or six Greek and Latin songs on the Gospel, 
and show them to the master and fellows ] that, as regards their dress, they were 
to avoid long hair, cufis, &c. (Treas, XLVii. 1). 

20. Stockton, Owen Stockton was a fellow during the Commonwealth (Vol. i. 
381). His benefaction deserves attention as it is the only one involving conditions 
of a distinctly Puritan character. His will is dated June 6, 1679, proved (P. C. C.) 
1680. He leaves a sum of £500, subject to the life interests of his wife' and 
daughter, to found a scholarship. He prescribes that when a scholarship is vacant 
the senior dean is to enquire at the most eminent schools in London and West- 
minster for the scholars best fitted for the work of the ministry : orphans of 
ministers to be preferred. The scholar is to receive £20 for three years : to study 
philosophy and Hebrew, to read Calvin's ImstituteSy Ursin's Catechism, and Ames' 
AledvUa Theological and to give an account thereof to his tutor. Then he is to be 
sent to the Low Countries, being recommended by the college to the professor of 
Divinity at Leyden to be instructed in practical and polemical Divinity, and 
especially to be established in the Popish, Arminian, and Socinian controversies. 
Should however the professor be himself of the latter way of thinking, the scholar 
is to be recommended to some protestant anti-Arminiau. To study at Leyden four 
years, receiving the whole income, less 40«. to the professor, and 10k. to the bursar. 
Then to be oi-dained in Holland to the work of the ministry, but " if rejected by 
the Classis belonging to that University" his scholarship to be void. After ordi- 
nation, to return to Caius and be admitted fellow, enjoying the whole profits of the 
endowment, and with liberty to take pupils for five years. Then a new scholar to 
be elected. If the plague should happen to be at Leyden, the scholar to go else- 

1 Mrs Stockton outlived her daughter, and died in 1713. The college tben had to proceed at 
law against the executor, and obtained the money in 1715 (v. MS. 621 ; p. 277). 


where to some protest«nt professor. Tlie scholar not to be a "profaner of the 
Sabbath, player of cards or tables, &c" Any children of his daughter Sarah to 
have the first oflfer (Will in Treasury , lxi. 21). 

Had these directions been laid down 25 years earlier they would have shown 
nothing but his confidence in the then order of things. But it is somewhat start- 
ling to find him seriously expecting a college to carry them out in 1679, and not 
much less so to find the college accepting them. There is not the slightest reason 
to suppose that they were actually adhered to. 

21. Mickleburgh. John Mickleburgh (Vol. i. 520), former scholar, professor 
of Chemistry. His scholarship deserves notice, as being almost the first such 
endowment with conditions conceived in the modem spirit; i.e. limited by the 
subject of study, rather than by local or family considerations. His will is dated 
Ap. U, 1756; proved (P. C.C.) 1756. He leaves £1000 to the coUege "for 
founding a scholarship in Chemistry," subject to life interests. No local limits 
are imposed. The scholar is to be chosen by the master and four senior fellows, 
and to receive J&20 till he take the degree of M.A. If he be chosen reader in 
Chemistry in the University, he is to retain his scholarship whilst he continues to 
read lectures. He is allowed to be absent 120 days in the year; after that a 
deduction of 13 pence a day (Treas, ni. 17). 

22. 2'ancred, Christopher Tancred, Esq., of Whixley, Yorks., by a deed dated 
June, 1721, and will dated 1746, gave estates to trustees (the Masters of Caius and 
Christ's, the President of the College of Physicians, the Treasurer of Lincoln's Inn, 
the Master of the Charter House, and the Governors of Chelsea and Greenwich 
Hospitals) for four students in Divinity at Christ's, four in Physic at Caius, and 
four in Law at Lincoln's Inn ; and for other purposes. Mr Tancred died Aug. 21, 
1754. The trustees were incorporated by Act of Parliament in 1762. The annual 
stipend of each student to be £50 : they to be " natives of Great Britain, of the 
religion of the Church of England, and of such low abilities as not to be capable of 
obtaining the education directed without the assistance of such a charity." One of 
the students was to deliver a speech each year (see under Speeches), A certain sum 
is now also divided amongst all the fellows and scholars of the college (Treas. iii. 
18). The annual value of the studentships is now £70. 

23. Sayer. John Sayer (Vol. ii. 89), died 1831. By indenture, dated Feb. 5, 
1829, he gave £3500 in 3 p.c. Bank annuities, with which the college was to found 
two scholarships of £52, tenable for four years, to be called by his name : *' for the 
promotion of classical learning and taste." Open to all boys at Harrow School by 
competition, provided they enter and reside at Caius College. As the appointment 
to these was vested in Harrow School, and not in our college, the restriction was 
not interfered with by the Commission (Treas, iii. 20). 

The above list will show what a picturesque variety of endowments had been 
provided by a succession of benefactors. The lapse of time necessarily exposed them 
to vicissitudes. Besides the general drift of opinion which gradually set against 
local and family restrictions, difiiculties arose out of the change in the value of 
money. Many of the benefactions had consisted of a fixed sum of money, which in 
course of time greatly sank in purchasing value ; so that what at one period would 


support a student in comparative comfort would not, at this day, pay for his college 
clubs. By^ the middle of the eighteenth century, what with the number of scholar- 
ships and fewness of students, it had come to this ; that practically every pensioner 
received, under the name of a scholarship, a petty deduction from his tutor's 
quarterly accounts. 

The original foundations, however, were left distinct, and in their full numbers 
till 1825, when a college order (Dec. 17) substituted ** instead of the present 
system " one of 26 scholarships : this was altered ^ in 1843, to 31. The change was 
brought about by consolidation of different endowments ; for instance, the Willowes, 
Willison, Busbey, Sigo, and Gale endowments were united together, but the old 
names were as far as possible retained. 

The Commission of 1856 made, as already remarked, a clean sweep of all this 
antiquarian rubbish. It spooled' all the benefactions, and divided the scholar- 
ship fund into groups of rigid equality in respect of value. Thenceforward a 
scholar, instead of being called after the name of some dead priest or merchant, 
buried 300 or 400 years ago, was popularly named, as if he were a piece of 
modem ordnance, a " forty-pound " or " sixty-pound " scholar. 

What may have been the Commissioners' anticipations we do not know, and, 
naturally, they laid down no general principles of procedure. But they were for 
the most part shrewd men of the world, with some knowledge of the sort of motives 
which sway mankind, and they were therefore well aware that no reasonable man 
would be inclined to part with his money if he thought that it would be spent in 
such an anonymous way. We may assume therefore one of two things; either 
they were convinced that the Benefactor was now extinct, and therefore could not 
be further discouraged, or they had a suspicion that what they were doing would 
not be repeated, and that the wishes of future founders would be respected. If 
this latter was their view, it must be admitted that so far they have been justified. 
Of course no one begins to build at once on soil which has been shaken by an 
earthquake, and it is no secret that one large benefaction was thus lost to the 
college. But the wish to live on in the lives of others, to aid in the cause of 
education, and to add one's name to the long Roll-call of a Commemoration, are 
too deeply planted to l>e easily checked, as the following recent endowments will 

1 Dr Chapman, in his evidence before the first Commission, states that this was done at his 
suggestion. He disliked the change introduced in 1825, and maintained that the funds were 
more e£fectiTe, as a stimulus to industry, when divided into many small scholarships than when 
concentrated into a few. It should be added that an attempt was made, during the Common- 
wealth, to reduce the number. A petition was presented to Parliament, March 15, 1649-50, 
pointing out '* the smallness of some late additional fellowships, and the shortness of allowance 
for scholars, not sufficient for the help and encouragement of youth in the prosecution of their 
studies," and praying that ** the revenues belonging to both may be assigned for the maintenance 
of 50 scholars.** In consequence, the Committee for regulating the Universities was ordered to 
bring iu an Act **for the better regulation " of the college ; but it does not appear that any further 
step was taken. The wording of the petition suggests that it was desired to suppress all the 
fellowships and leave only scholarships. 


24. i>/itUUewarl/i. Robert James Shuttleworth, Ph.D., of Berne, father of 
H. J. Shuttleworth (Vol. ii. 334), former student of the college, left by will (dated 
Feb. 1, 1868, proved May 18, 1874) £4000 to the college, for the foundation of 
two scholarships in memory of his son. He died in 1874. The scholarships were 
to be awarded for " proficiency in Botany and Comparative Anatomy, including 
Zootomy and Comparative Physiology." They are open to all registered medical 
students of the University, who have kept eight terms, and are candidates for 
honours. Their present value is about £bb. The first examination was held 
April 4, 1876. 

25. Frank Smart Francis G. Smart (Vol. ii. 364), and Marion his wife, 
by deed dated Feb. 6, 1888, gave £2000 4 p.c. Great Eastern Debenture Stock, to 
found a prize and studentship " for promoting a scientific study of Botany." The 
prize consisted of books to the value of £6. The main conditions of the student- 
ship are : that it should, generally speaking, be tenable for two years ; that it 
should be open to any member of the University who has taken honours in 
Part I. of the Natural Sciences Tripos, he, of course, becoming a member of 
the college, if not already so ; not to be awarded by a competitive examination, 
but the candidate to give evidence of his carrying out "original investigations 
in Botany." The studentship to be termed the "Frank Smart Studentship." 
Its present value is about £100 (l^reaa. iii. 23). The donor subsequently increased 
his benefaction. 

26. Salomons. Sir David L. Salomons, Bart. (Vol. ii. 391), by deed dated 
June 19, 1895, gave £750 6 p.c. South Eastern Railway Stock for a scholarship 
"for the promotion and encouragement of Civil and Electric Engineering." The 
main conditions are : the scholarships to be tenable for three years ; candidates to 
be British subjects, not such by naturalization ; no account to be taken of means or 
creed ; each student to declare his intention to enter the Engineering profession, 
and, if required, to be a candidate for the Engineering Tripos. Such scholar to be 
known as the "Salomons scholar." The present value of the scholarship, by a 
subsequent increase of the benefaction, is about £70 (Trees, iii. 24). 

It is a significant comment on the action of the Commissioners, above referred 
to, that each of these donors, like Dr Drosier, very naturally insists in the 
foundation deed that those who enjoy his bounty shall do so under his name. 


To the above scholarships must be added several exactly similar endowments 
called Exhibitions (v. p. 224). 

27. Fairclough, Samuel Fairclough, gent, by will dated Dec. 20, 1689, proved 
(P. C. C.) 1690, left his lease of a piece of ground by Coe Fen, Cambridge, 
amounting to £3 a year, to the collega Half the proceeds to be spent in 
purchasing books for the library, the other half for renewing the lease from 
time to time, and for payments to scholars. No conditions as to tenure. Mr 
Fairclough died soon after, and the college came into possession in 1692 (Treas, 
xxxvi. 36). 


Barker. Ralph Barker, D.D. (Vol. i. 418), formerly of the college, left £100 
by will, in 1708, for an exhibition for a poor scholar. According to the account of 
Sir J. Ellys, the master, with whom the principal was left, the interest was duly so 
applied during his life ; but it seems to have been wasted by the n^ligence of two 
successive bursars (v. MS. 621, p. 279). The exhibition therefore was never 
actually founded. 

28. Peters. William Peters, former fellow (Vol. i. 415), by will dated 
Aug. 14, 1708, proved (P. C. C.) Dec. 1708, left an estate at Hinton, subject to 
certain life intei*ests, ** towards exhibitions for poor scholars, in such proportions as 
the master shall judge fit." 

29. Parham, Nicholas Parham, M.D., formerly fellow (Vol. i. 482), by will 
dated March 4, 1711-12, proved (P. C. C.) 1713, left £200, the produce to be paid 
to a scholar by way of exhibition or addition to his scholarship : preference to be 
given to any descendants of the Parhams of Swanton Morley, or of Dr Parham of 

30. Moss, Robert Moss, D.D., Dean of Ely, by will dated Oct. 28, 1728, 
proved (P. C. C.) 1729, left a charge on his nephew and heir Charles (Vol. ii. 28) of 
£5 a year. It was to be paid ** to any person of the name of Moss whom the 
master shall retain as his sizar." Failing this name, any scholar born in Norfolk 
and educated at Norwich Grammar-school, whom the master shall retain as his 
sizar : he to enjoy the said exhibition for seven years. 

31. Wortley, In addition to his fellowshi|>8, Bartholomew Wortley (Vol. i. 
444) founded three exhibitions of ^12 each. Two of these to be awarded, in 
addition to their scholarships, to students qualified to be fellows on his foundation : 
the third for some Norfolk student. 

32. Gooch. Dr Gooch, master, left by will (1754) £200 to the college for 
the completion of the north side of Gonville Court, the college to found, in 
return, an exhibition to be called by his name. 

33. College, In 1789 the college founded three exhibitions out of savings 
from the corporate funds. This was the first corporate foundation of the kind, 
every previous one having been due to the charity of individuals. 

34. Bdward, Richard F. Belward, D.D., master, bequeathed, in 1803, ten 
shares in the Grand Junction Canal, the greater part of which, after certain life 
interests, was to go as " exhibitions to four students who are sizars and natives of 
Norfolk, whom the master shall think most deserving." The life interests did not 
expire until 1842, by which time sizars had become extinct in our college. The 
money was therefore bestowed on poor pensioners. 

Dr Chapman gave £200, in 1849, towards increasing this benefaction. 

On examining the foregoing long and varied list it will be seen that, broadly 
speaking, all the ancient endowments were for the support of general rather than 
special study ; that is, it was taken for granted that every scholar would pursue 
the ordinary routine of study. The only early exception to this rule is the endow- 
ment of Abp Parker, intended for medical students. Next to this, after nearly 
two centuries, came the Mickleburgh scholarship, for Chemistry. In later times 
the college encouraged this specialization. Thus, it was decided in 1839 (Gesta, 

PRIZES. 237 

Ap. 5) " that an examination in Anatomy and Physiology shall be held, and an 
exhibition of £10 for three years, be awarded." At the same time a Wortley 
exhibition was set apart for the best candidate in Moral Philosophy. This was in 
consequence of the introduction of Paley's Philosophy into the Previous Examina- 
tion. In 1843 a Caian scholarship was substituted for the exhibition for Anatomy : 
an indication of the growing importance of the medical students as an element in 
the college. At the present time it may be said that all scholarships are of a 
special rather than a general kind. 


Nowadays in describing the contributions and endowments, whether athletic 
or intellectual, of any school or college, the list of Prizes would be a relatively long 
one : much longer than that of the scholarships. It will surprise many persons to 
learn that during far the greater portion of the history of an ancient foundation 
like ours any account of the prizes provided for the students would be like an 
account of the toads and vipers in Ireland. Fellowships and scholarships date 
from mediaeval days, but prizes are hardly more than a century old. By a 'prize* 
I mean, primarily, something ornamental or accessory, such as a book or piece of 
plate, as distinguished from the board and lodging given by the scholarship. In 
this original sense the contrast between the two is clear enough ; but even after 
both have been converted into their money equivalents (as is often the case with 
the modern prize) there is still a broad distinction between a small sum given, so 
to say, as pocket money, to a youth who has come out at the top of a competitive 
list, simply because he was there, and a sum periodically paid for the avowed 
purpose of helping to support him whilst he studies. The typical prize looks 
backwards, and is given for what the student has done; the typical scholarship 
looks forward, and is given for what the student is intended to do. 

The first definite establishment of a prize, so far as I can find, was that of 
Francis Schuldham (Vol. i. 530). He was a fellow of the college, and died in 
1776. By his will (P. C. C, 1776) he left lands to a relative, subject to an annual 
payment of £10 for a piece of plate, to be given ''to some scholar, taking his 
degree of B.A., as after due examination shall be most deserving." 

In 1805 the college, as such, first established prizes. By order (Jan. 9) it was 
agreed to hold an annual examination of the students, at which prizes should be 
awarded, three of £5 and three of £3. The results are recorded in the Mickle- 
burgh books. Prizes have since been established in almost every subject taught 
in college. With the exception of the Schuldham plate they consist in every case 
of books stamped with the college arms. 



In pre-Reformation times, aa we have seen, it was the rule that those who 
received the benefit of an endowment should pray for the souls of their benefactors. 
In later times it was occasionally the practice to require a speech or address 
on the subject in which the founder was interested. We have had several of these 

Thrtiston speech, John Thruston (formerly Mott: Vol. IL 6) by will dated 
Feb. 15, 1776, proved (P. C. C.) July 13, same year, left £400 to the college. 
£30 was to be spent in purchasing a piece of plate ; the interest of the rest was 
" to be disposed of to some student or graduate of Physic who shall yearly make 
an oration in the chapel or hall, on July 29, on the state of Physic since the time 
of Dr Caius." The £400 was received in 1779, and invested in 3 p.c. Bank 
Annuities. In 1840 the speech was directed to be in English instead of, as 
hitherto, in Latin; and was fixed for May 11, in term time. 

In 1881 {Gesta, Oct. 11) it was decided to substitute for this annual speech, 
with its perpetual repetition of worn topics, a triennial prize "for the best original 
investigation in Physiology, Pathology, or Practical Medicine " performed during 
the interval by some member of the college. 

Wortley speech, Bartholomew Wortley prescribed that, on his feast day, one 
of his fellows was to make a speech in the Hall or other public place, the bell 
being tolled at 11 o'clock, "in commendation of learning, the founders of the 
college, or to read a lecture in Divinity, Physic, or Philosophy." This was 
retained, as one of the duties of the Wortley fellow, till 1861 ; when, all dis- 
tinction between the different foundations having been abolished by the action of 
the Commissioners, the custom was abandoned. 

Tancred speech. Of the twelve students endowed by Christopher Tancred at 
Caius, Christ's, and Lincoln's Inn, three were annually, "upon the anniversary of 
the death of the said C. Tancred, to make speeches in Latin in the Public Halls of 
the said two Colleges, and Hall of Lincoln's Inn, in perpetual remembrance of the 
said charity.'' Nothing further was specified as to the subject of these discourses, 
but as a matter of fact those which were delivered in our college were generally 
within living memory given on some medical subject, and in the Chapel. These 
speeches were retained until 1882, when after communication with the Trustees, 
it was decided to discontinue them. The fact was that, there being no special 
payment for their delivery, they had come to be regarded as a mere ix>utine to be 
got through with as little trouble as possible. 

A number of the above speeches, from about 1837 onwards, are preserved in 
our library; MSS. 637-9. 



The duties of the bursar must always have been of the same nature as they 
now are, namely, those of keeping the accounts and managing the college estates. 
We have some of these accounts during a portion of the fifteenth centui-y, viz. 
from 1423 onwards (see under Records). Under the statutes of Gonville and 
Bateman, the master seems to have been sole bursar ; under those of Caius there 
were two bursars, the master ' being one of them, and therefore supplying a com- 
)>arative)y constant element as against the frequent changes produced by the annual 
appointment of his colleague. For the first century and a half the bursar's duties 
must have been extremely simple. The college property consisted almost entirely 
of the rectorial tithes of three Norfolk and Suffolk parishei<, Foulden, Wilton, and 
Mutford. The plan adopted was to lease these to the I'espective vicars, — the 
college was patron in each case, — who collected for themselves the sums due, and 
paid in a fixed rent to the bursar. As there were, for a long time, only four or 
five fellows, no scholars, and hardly any pensioners, what we now call * disburse- 
ments in college' and 'steward's accounts,' were quite insignificant. In 1557 
Dr Caius gave several manors to the college. This must have entailed considerable 
extra work on the bursars, for though the actual collection of the rents and other 
dues was generally entrusted to a bailiff on the spot, yet courts had to be kept, and 
some delegate from the college had to be present at these. 

This entailed no light cost at that time. For instance, such entries &s this are 
frequent, and at times almost annual in their occurrence. '' Spent by the Gustos 
and Mr Naylor in their journey to Bincombe, with horse hire for them and their 
men, £16. 1«. 5</." (1615). " For the master, 2 fellows and 2 servants, for horse hire 
and the journey to Croxley, and so unto the West, to keep courts there, £22. 15«. W." 
(1651). In 1662 the expenses of the master, with two fellows and two servants, 
on this journey, amounted to £42. 1 1«. %d,^ in addition to £9. 2«. M, for the hire of 
their horses : — a relatively enormous sum, considering that the annual income of 
the college at that time was under £1000. From the accounts of 1655, and some 

^ A vigoroos master, like Legge, kept the office entirely in his own hands, with the result that 
there were bitter complaints bj the fellows against his mismanagement (p. 66). Similarly in the 
case of Branthwaite (p. 71). 


entries about 1730, it appears to have been the custom that the college porter 
should go in attendance upon the bursars on these occasions. These long joumejrs 
refer to the only remote estate, viz. that of Bincombe and Osborne in Dorset : the 
manors in Cambridgeshire and Norfolk were visited more frequently, and not 
a year passed without a journey to them. 

In course of time the college transactions became more complicated ; but till 
within the last forty years it was still found possible to retain the old custom of 
frequent change of office. Every senior fellow was supposed to have a right to 
succeed to the bursarship in turn, and to hold the post for three or four years. 
The college possessed very little house property, and the farms were let on the 
system of beneficial leases, with low rents and periodic fines', the tenants under- 
taking the repairs. The duties of the bursar were therefore of a routine character ; 
and, as a matter of fact, a non-resident barrister has found himself able to carry on 
the work with a degree of success which satisfied himself. In recent times there 
has been a great change. The college now owns a large amount of house property 
in Cambridge, and the repairs undertaken on the country estates are very numerous. 
It has therefore been found necessary to select some one of business capacity, and 
to expect him to devote the bulk of his time to the duties of the office. Up to the 
present time the bursar has always been a fellow. 


The steward had to look after the domestic affairs of the college, principally as 
regards the supply of food. Dr Caius defines his duties thus, " (Economi cura sit 
ut promus coquus et obsonator sua faciant officia, munditiem curent, et perdita 
restituant." This officer himself seems always to have been a fellow of the college, 
but there has been a great change in the social position of the subordinates 
mentioned by Caius. If we go far enough back, we find the cook, as in the 
religious houses, regularly ranking as a member of the body. His name is inserted, 
for instance, after those of the fellows. What his social position otherwise may 
have been, it is impossible to say, for I have not succeeded in identifying him in 
after life ; but as regards the position of some of his kitchen colleagues there is no 
difficulty. The working steward (promus) and butler (obsonator or dispensator), 
were, till far into the seventeenth century, ordinary students of the sizar class. 
They are regularly matriculated, and are entered in our Admission Register*. We 
can trace their origin, and say, in most cases, what became of them in after life. 
They ranked as scholars, and for many years their names are always found 
on the list of scholars. In fact, as I have said further on, strange as it may 

^ The Bystem of thus taking fines, and dividing them amongst the senior fellows, was 
"altogether disoontinned " by college order, Deo. 15, 1857. 

' Fingley, the Romish priest, is an exception (YoL i. 76). One of the charges against 
Dr Legge was that of having surreptitionsly introduced him into the post of butler, by his own 
anthority, without the cooperation of the fellows. 


sound to moderu ears, they were the only persons who could technically claim the 
title* of 'scholars on the foundation.* Their duties were essentially what would 
now be termed menial. Till 1634 they had personally to inspect the food that was 
served at table. Thus, for instance, in 1608, Giles Botteril was fined 28, 6d. 
" propter provisionem ciborum insalubrium et male olentium '* (Gesta), But their 
general social position was not different from that of most other students, excepting 
of course the fellow-commoners. If we refer to their Admission entries we find 
that they are mostly sons of country clergy, yeomen, or tradesmen ; and in nearly 
all cases they became clergymen themselves. The change of usage by which their 
duties were transferred to mere servants took place gradually. The steward^s 
assistant and the butler cease to appear upon the rolls of scholars about 1636. 


The ofiicers connected with the college chapel and its services were the deans, 
the chaplain, and the sacrist or chapel clerk. The deans date only from Dr Caius' 
statutes. Their functions have always been largely disciplinary, and such as would 
not be required until students began to frequent the college in some numbers. 
Like other officers they were elected annually, though they often held the post for 
several years in succession. The senior dean was always in Holy orders ; but the 
junior dean was not unf requently a layman. The physiologist Glisson, for instance, 
held this post. 

The chaplain (sacellanus) must in practice have existed from the establishment 
of regular services in the chapel, that is, almost from the foundation of the college. 
The post is not provided for in the statutes of Bp Bateman, as it was probably 
taken for granted that such services as would be held within the college would be 
performed by the fellows. We have only one early explicit reference to a chaplain, 
when Simon Naylond was licensed to the office by the Bishop of Ely in 1392 ; but 
it is plain, from the occasional entry in our early accounts of payments to some 
one of the fellows for bread, wine, and wax, that one of the body was deputed to 
perform the duties of chaplain. In the statutes of Dr Caius the chaplain is 
mentioned by name, and his duties are described as being those of looking after 
the chapel ornaments, vestments, «&c. It will be remembered that his original 
statutes were composed in the reign of Queen Mary, when these ornaments were 
numerous ^ The office of chaplain was in a way revived by the bequest of 
Mrs Frankland in 1587. Besides the foundation of six fellowships she also pro- 
vided for a chaplain or conduct, — he appears under both names — , who was to 

* They date from oar first foundation. Bp Bateman prescribes ''habeant insoper socii coUegU 
duo officiarios ; viz. pistorem et dispensatorem, qnoram atmmqae pro stipendiis atqae robis xv* 
recipere volomns." 

' College chapels were not included in the well-known retnms demanded from every parish 
of the ornaments in use in the reign of Edward VI. Whatever these may have been in our case 
they doubtless perished in the bonfire in the college court when the "Popish trampery*' which 
Dr Caius had preserved was finally destroyed. 

C. III. 16 


conduct the chapel service. He always ranked as one of her fellows, and I have 
therefore entered him amongst the junior fellows of the college. In 1677, it was 
decided by collie order (Gesta, July 23) that the sinecure rectory of Pattisley, 
Norf., should be assigned to him as an addition to his stipend. 

Under the chaplain were the chapel clerks or sctcrittee. They are described by 
Dr Caius as "qui Bibliam legunt et sacelli curam habent.'' Their duties were 
mostly what would now be called menial For instance they had to ring the bell, 
and to light the candles for the service. It was not until 1797 that they were 
allowed to delegate this to a college servant. They still, however, had to mark 
the attendance of the other students in chapel; this duty was assigned to the 
porter, May 3, 1820. The earliest reference I have seen to their actual duties is 
in 1719 (Oesta, Oct. 27) when there was an order "that a scholar of the house be 
appointed to perform the office of chapel clerk', except reading the lessons in chapel 
and the chapter at dinner." These last words are interesting. They show that the 
ancient custom of reading a chapter in the Latin Bible during meal time, — probably 
immemorial in the colleges, as in the monastic houses — , was still kept up. It is 
doubtless the custom alluded to above by Caius in the words " qui Bibliam legunt," 
and indicated by the old term " bible-clerk " ; but, as it happens, I have never seen 
any other reference to the practice in our records. How much later it continued 
is not known. The office of chapel clerk is still retained ; his duties being to sit in 
his place under the dean at every service, to remind each scholar as his turn comes 
on to read the lessons, and to be prepared to take his place when no scholar is 
present. It deserves notice that this office is now a rare survival of a once universal 
practice : viz. of pecuniary help being given not to those who are at the head of an 
examination list, but to those who are actually in need of assistance. 


In the days before' banking, all the money at any time in the possession of 
the college was kept, with the title-deeds, plate, and other valuables, in the 
Treasury. As a rule the cash in hand did not amount to much ; for the in- 
comings and outgoings were both small and regular, and were carried on, as far 
as possible, without the transfer of money. But occasionally, after some legacy 
had been received, or property had been sold, the amount became very consider- 
able. Thus, on Dec. 3, 1703, no less a sum than £950 in cash was taken out at 

> The import of this is by no means clear ; bat I take it to mean that in f atnre a scholar, 
instead of a mere sizar, was to be chosen to the office. Whether it was meant that the 
duty of reading in chapel and in hall was to be taken by the scholars in torn I do not 

' The only London firm, I believe, with whom our college has banked is that of Messrs 
Martin A Co., Lombard Street ; lineal successors of Thomas Gresham. The History of their 
House has been written by Mr J. B. Martin, under the title **The Grasshopper in Lombard 
Street** Their early books were lost in the fire at the Boyal Exchange, but it appears that we 
certainly had some account there by 1761. 


one time, for the purchase of an estate. This practice seems to have been con- 
tinued till 1781, when by college order (Gesta, Jan. 11) it was agreed that the 
bursar should yearly, after Michaelmas, ** lay out in the Funds the excess of the 
Status ColUgii over £1000.'* Till then, according to Dr J. Smith, the master 
(MS. 621 ; p. 353), the custom had long been "to carry up the balance into the 
Treasury, and to take down from thence £600 or £700 for the provision of fellows' 
commons, and fueL" 

Besides the above occasional accumulations, it may be remarked that in 
mediaeval times, when cash was short almost everywhere, and students in par- 
ticular were very poor, there were generally one or two * chests * to be preserved and 
guarded in a college. These were charitable gifts or legacies of a sum of money to 
be lent from time to time to some poor student, without interest. There were two 
of these chests in our college. The best known was that of Thomas Ay I ward 
(Vol. I. 4), mentioned by Dr Caius in his Annals, But that of Edward Albon 
(i. 10) was apparently larger. In the bursar's indenture for Lady Day 1493, a 
sum of £66. 13«. 4<^. is entered as due to "Albon's purse"; and £6. 6«. M, to 
"Ayl ward's chest." These endowments seem to have disappeared by Dr Caius' 

The Treasury was accordingly secured by three keys ; of which one was kept 
by the master, and the others were in the hands of two officers called key-keepers. 
These were annually elected at the college meeting in October. 


This officer dates from Caius' statutes, and was evidently intended by him to be 
one with much responsibility. He was to be selected by the college as being that 
one of their company "qui quam scitissime scribat, et optimi stili sit'* ; and he was 
to hold his office for one, two, or three years, as it is happily expressed, " prout 
spes melioris, aut metus deterioris fuerit." If he should happen to be absent at a 
time when something important required to be recorded, his substitute was directed 
to leave a clear space between his own handwriting and that of his principal : 
"quod si quando secretarius absit et res urgeat, ita scribere alius incipiat, ut utneque 
litene uno intuitu sub aspectum non cadant, sed discrete sint, vel pagina versa vel 
interposito folio." He had to keep the records (Gesta) of the college meetings, to 
write the Admission Register, and in fact act generally as secretary of the coll^;e. 
One duty assigned to him, had it been duly executed, would have saved any future 
annalist an immense amount of trouble. He was to take note of, and record, any 
positions of trust, dignity, or power, in Church or State, attained in after times by 
those whose names were recorded in the Admission Register, so that the college 
might thus remember them as "in adversis refugium, in secundis omamentum." 
This duty unfortunately was n^lected from the first, but it deserves notice as one 
of many indications how far in advance of his time Dr Caius was in all that 
concerned the historical records and the permanent interests of his college. 




Any such building as a college must, from the first, certainly have had a porter, 
but I can find no mention either of him or of any room for him to lodge in, until 
the time of Caius. Our second founder, with his usual curious minuteness of 
provision, thus describes his qualifications^: "I will that there be majrnteyned a 
lustie and healthy honest true and unmarried man of fortie yeares of age and 
upwardes, to kepe cleane and swete the pavementes and gutters without the gates, 
so far as the necessarie places doe nede, and likewise within my Colledge, and doe 
safely loke and attend to the gates to open and shutt them at lawfull and due 
tymes, and to light the lantemes in wynter in places appoynted in the sayd 
Colledge, and he to have for his stipende fortie shillings by the yeare with his 
chamber free, and once in a yeare to give him a gowne of rug with my armes in a 
scutchion to be sett thereon, as my' almes man." The condition as to his being 
unmarried was abolished by college order in 1729. As ali-eady remarked, he was, 
until comparatively late times (v. pp. 109, 125), furnished with a sword or hanger, 
lliis may have been for the defence of the college from without, but I think it 
was more likely to guard his masters from the attack of highwa3rmen. We have 
seen what numerous and long journeys on horseback the bursars had to take in 
visiting the college estates. It appears, from various entries in our account books, 
that it was the duty of the porter to accompany the fellows on these excursions. 
Considering the state of the roads in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 
it might well be thought desirable that their escort should be armed on these 


The origin of our various college lectureships is not quite so clear as might have 
been expected ; but it is plain that the modem conception of a lecturer's duty, in 
accordance with which a specialist is supposed to be set apart to give instruction in 
his own subjects, is of comparatively recent date. 

As is well known, colleges were not originally intended for places of education 
directly ; but rather for places of residence, where opportunities could be given to 
students to pursue their studies. It was the University, not the college, "which 
carried on the work of instruction. Accordingly there is not a word of reference, 
in the original statutes of Gonville or Bateman, to any such office as that of 
lecturer, nor any intimation that the fellows of the college were expected to spend 
any part of their time in giving instruction to others. 

The earliest appointment of any regular lectureship appears to be due to 
Geoffcey Elnight, though it was not established till some years after his death. 

' So prescribed in his will : there is no reference to the sabject in his statutes. 
' Dr Cain?, by his will, left money for the porter^s stipend. 


He was of Queens' College, aud does not seem, so &r as can be ascertained, to 
have had any connection with Gronville Hall. His deed of appointment of a lecture- 
ship (he had already, by will, established a preachership to be presently described) 
is €Uhted Oct. 20, 1538. It is an indenture between Dame Katherine, wife of Sir 
John Heydon, executrix of Dr Knight's will, on the one side and the college on the 
other. By this indenture the college binds itself * for the furtherance and main- 
tenance of learning, to provide one of their fellowship and company, being honest 
and well-learned, to reac) one lecture of humanity, logic, or philosophy, either in 
the Latin tongue or Greek tongue, such as shall be thought unto the master... 
most profitable and expedient for the good education of youth. The same lecture 
to be read openly in the hall of the said college at the least wise four days 
in the week, in term time. And also in the great vacation, that is between the 
SuncUhy after Relique Sunday, and the Friday before the Feast of the Nativity of 
our Lady... except it be in such time as God shall visit the town with plague, by 
reason whereof the scholars shall happen to go away for a season into the country.' 
The lecturer was to receive 40«. yearly. The appointment to be in the hands of 
the master. 

In 1576, Sir Christopher Heydon and Dame Temperance his wife gave the 
rectory, or sinecure chapel, of Pattisley to the college. In return. Sir Christopher 
and his heirs were to have the right of nominating two scholars ; and the college 
was annually to signify to the donors the names of the priests enjoying Dr Knight's 
salaries (see, for explanation, p. 250). 

Historically speaking, this is the same office which still exists under the name 
of the Rhetoric Prcelectorahip, Most of the earlier appointments to it, indeed, are 
missing, owing to the loss of our records, but from the peculiarity in the mode of 
appointment, — it was in the gift of the master alone, not of the master and 
fellows, — the holders can be traced through several centuries, under various 
designations. The first reference to the office, as actually established, seems to 
be in the Commission of 1545, when William Barker is described as in receipt 
"ex fundatione Doctoris Knight, 40*, pro lectura." The first recorded appoint- 
ment is that of Henry Dethick, who was chosen, Jan. 24, 1559—60, "in lectionem 
litterarum humanarum." From 1592 the lecturer is recorded in the Gesta and 
Bursars* books; sometimes as "lector philologiie sive humanitatis" (1608), as 
"humanitatis pr»lector" (1610), as "grammatics pnelector" (1614), or «s 
"prselector rhetoricus." This last became in time the customary designation, 
and under this name the office still survives; though for many years the only 
duty of the officer has been to present candidates for degrees to the Vice- 
chancellor in the Senate House. In this capacity he is known as the " father " 
of the collie. I presume that this is really a survival of part of his old duties : 
that, having prepared the students for their final disputations in the schools, it 
was his duty to accompany them there for the purpose of help and encouragement. 
The most distinguished holder of this lectureship was Jeremy Taylor, who was 
appointed for one year in Oct. 1635. 

Next to this in point of time comes what was commonly called the Greek 
lectureship. This was due to Henry VIII. ; who, in 1536, remitted the firstfruits 


on fellowships, — claimed about a year before, — and required that every college 
should establish lectureships. According to the Royal Injunctions of 1535, in 
which we may suppose this requirement was issued, it was decreed "that there 
should be founded and continued for ever, by the masters and fellows, at the 
expense of those houses, two daily public lectures, one of Greek, the other of 
Latin.'' Owing to the loss of our early records we cannot trace the holders of this 
lectureship further back than 1592 ; but, from the beginning of the existing Gesta, 
the office was regularly filled up at the October meeting under the name of the 
Greek lectureship. 

The above Injunctions, it will be noticed, prescribe the establishment of Latin 
lectures as well. But, according to the Annals^ it was considered that Knight's 
foundation already fulfilled this obligation : " Quamobrem a predecessoribus nostris 
recte constitutum est ut socius unus unica quadraginta solidorum mercede duplici 
lectione, altera Gnece altera Latine utrique auctori satisfaciat." Anyhow it does 
not appear that any special officer was ever appointed under the name of a Latin 
lecturer. The Greek lectureship, under that name, lasted till the year 1859 ; 
though for very many years it had been regarded as a mere sinecure. The pay- 
ment was of course ridiculous according to modem standards ; for it was only in 
1849 that it was raised from £3 to £7. 

The statutes of Dr Caius, unlike those of Bp Bateman, do make a certain pro- 
vision for college lectures. Special officers are not indeed appointed for this purpose, 
but it is laid down that the two deans shall deliver lectures, one on the Logic and 
Natural Philosophy of Aristotle and the other on Plato, or some other moral work. 
Their stipend, for every term during which they had lectured uninterruptedly, 
was made up by a payment of sixteen pence from every undergraduate, and 
twenty pence from every bachelor. There is not, I think, the slightest doubt that 
these duties are the same as those which we find as being performed, during the 
seventeenth century, by two officers who are commonly referred to as the lectores 
mcUutini or lectores in aula, and are sometimes distinguished respectively as the 
prcdector logicus and the prcelector eihicus. The deans, it appears, gave these 
lectures till about 1615. At this time Dr Perse died and left by will £2 per win. 
to each of " the two morning under-lecturers." Our Gesta are missing at this date, 
but amongst some extracts from them preserved by Dr Brady (Coll. MS. No. 707) 
is the following, referring to the appointments made at Michs. 1618: '*Mag" 
Blanks et Michells electi sunt prselectores tertite et ultimae classis* ita ut fruantur 
stipendiis D*^ Perse. Hi primi f uerunt prselectores stipendiarii : antea provisio 
lectorum ad dictas classes incumbebat decanis." The earliest of these appointments 
recorded in our existing Gesta is in 1629, when Mr Manwaring and Mr Wilson 
were chosen ^^ lectores matutini" In 1655 they begin to be distinguished, in the 
Perse books, as the Logic and Ethic lecturers; and the occupants are expressly 
mentioned by these titles in the Gesta of Oct. 8, 1660 ; and on various subsequent 
occasions. After 1 687, however, all reference to them seems to disappear. 

The next lectureship, in order of time, is that of Hebrew, founded by Dame 
Joyce Frankland in 1585. It is interesting, as being the earliest instance in our 

^ What we should now call " third year lectures." 


college of what we should now regard as a specially assigned subject ; the other 
lecturers being occupied with the general subjects of the ordinary student. 
Mrs Frankland was a large benefactor in other ways, and her name will be found 
amongst those who founded fellowships. The first recorded appointment to this 
office is that of George Estey in 1594 ; from which date the office seems to have 
been regularly filled up till the present day : though whether lectures have always 
been given is of course a different question. Till comparatively recent times the 
appointment was an annual one, the holder being generally changed at the October 
college meeting, though frequently reappointed after an interval. Occasionally the 
office was held for several years in succession. Thus Mr Sheringham, a distinguished 
Orientalist, held it from 1674 to 1678; and Mr Jenks, also a good scholar, from 
1678 to 1690. But these cases are exceptions. 

The only reference to the office which I have found in the etirly Gesta, beyond 
the mere record of successive appointments, is in a college order of Oct. 16, 1601. 
It is there directed that in future " all bachelors should attend the Hebrew lectures, 
and that no one should be admitted ad respondendum questioni (i.e. to the B.A. 
degree) unless he had attended these lectures for one year." So long therefore as 
this regulation was actually enforced, candidates for orders (as nearly all the 
graduates were) would have had several years' instruction in Hebrew; for they 
generally continued to reside until the time of graduation as M.A. It is worth 
remarking that the lecturers whom Jeremy Taylor must have heard were Blanks, 
Norman, Salter, and Sheringham. What is known about them will be found under 
their names in the preceding volumes. 

During the lax times of the last century this office, like most others in the 
college, was undertaken apparently by every resident fellow in turn, whatever his 
faculty or his qualifications, and was held for a single year. Tlius, between 1700 
and 1725, there are 18 different holders of the post. Probably, by this time, no 
pretence of lecturing was made. The payment had become relatively very small, 
and was simply regarded as a trifling addition to the value of the fellowship'. 
Some years later an order was passed (Ap. 27, 1744) to pay £b a year to Mr Israel 
Lyons, " that he shall instruct our scholars in the Hebrew language." This gentle- 
man was a Jew, then resident in Cambridge and holding a University appointment 
as Hebrew teacher. The college lecturer at this time was T. Mott, M.D. Lyons 
continued to lecture for some years, being paid out of the college funds, whilst the 
nominal lecturer treated the office as a sinecure. The first competent holder of the 
office, for more than a century after this, was probably Mr Crowfoot, who held it 
from 1845 to 1851 > In 1862 the times of Sheringham were revived by the appoint- 
ment of Mr, afterwards Professor Bensly, the well-known Syriac scholar. In 1875, 
as some recognition of his eminent ability, his title was changed from " Reader in 
Hebrew " to " Lecturer in Hebrew and Syriac," and the stipend raised to £100. 

The next lectureship, in order of antiquity, seems to be that of the Catechist. 
If this be the same office as is referred to in the Gesta of 1592 (October 12) it 

1 Dr Baeheroft left lands in Milton to pay (amongst other charges) £8 a year as an addition 
to the lectureship. But the rents fell, and from 1673 this lecturer only reoelTed £3. (Reg. Mag, 
p. 639.) 


can be traced back to that year: " Catechizatio puerorum committitur magistro 
Fletcher." But the order of Oct. 8, 1608, by which, after Mr Naylor's appoint- 
ment as catechist is recorded, it is added ** et conceditur ei stipendium annuum 
quinque librarum," is suggestive of some new arrangement. A few years later 
this duty of catechizing was imposed upon all the colleges by the injunctions of 
James I. (in 1619): "We do require and conmiand that the commendable use 
of catechizing in coUeges betwixt the hours of three and four on SuncUhys and 
Holydays be carefully and duly observed. To that we require due care to be had 
that those of the college, especially under the degree of M. A., be compelled to resort." 
The office has been regularly filled up since 1608, the tenure being apparently 
annual, and the holder constantly* changed. As it happens, it is only in the case 
of this lectureship that we have any early account of the actual performance of 
the duties. In the Life of Owen Stockton, a puritan of some celebrity and a 
benefactor by the foundation of a scholarship, we are told : "In the year 1654 he 
was chosen Catechist for that year in the College.... Whereas formerly the 
masters used to nominate the fellows for such offices as they should bear, he 
(Mr Dell) bade the fellows agree and choose among themselves, which they did 
according to seniority. His business detained him from being present at the 
meeting of the fellows, and every one having chosen what they liked best, they 
cast the Cateclust's place upon him, judging him fittest for it ; which he accepted 
and accordingly began to discharge it in Michaelmas term. This was the first 
place where he could settle himself to a constant course of preaching.... The 
first night he exercised, one of the fellows came to him and told him that he 
had felt the power of God in that ordinance upon his heart. The statutes of the 
college obliging him to these Divinity exercises only in term time, he began to 
consider whether he should continue to proceed in the same exercises as well 
out of term as in term." 

From this it appears that the teaching was of a decidedly religious kind. The 
fact, however, that the addresses were given in the chapel has no significance, as 
that building was the customary place for many kinds of meeting of an official 
character. It will be seen that the writer refers to the duties of the catechist as 
assigned by statute. There is no mention of any such officer in the statutes of 
Dr Caius. 

During the last century this office, like most others in college, seems to have 
been filled, — so far as the appointment and stipend were concerned, — by one 
fellow after another, as a mere matter of routine. The first sign of reawakening 
interest is in 1838. In a college order of that year, dated Feb. 1, it is decreed, 
" that the Catechist give at least eight lectures in Moral Philosophy to the junior 
bophs, in the Easter Term, and examine them in the subject of his lectures in the 
May Examination." In 1840 still further encouragement was given to the subject 

^ By college order (May 8» 1620) a stipend of £8 a year was assigned, ** ei qui in tbeologiois 
pneceptis jnventutem institaerat.*' But this seems to have been soon changed (Oct. 18, 1620), 
for a payment of one shilliDg a quarter from every pensioner major, those below M.A. oontribnting 
sixpence each. This is exactly how the catechist is still paid ; as he receives sixpence a qnarter 
for every name on the college boards. 


in order that " one Wortley exhibition (£20 for one year) should be given to the 
best answerer in the Examination in the Moral Philosophy." Things continued 
on this footing, a fresh appointment being made every year, until 1862 ; when the 
recent establishment of the Moral Sciences Tripos, and the arrival of students who 
were preparing for the Indian Civil Service, called for some alteration. The 
tenure was in consequence made permanent, and it was decided that lectures 
should be given on Logic and Political Economy ; but the title and the stipend 
remained unchanged. In 1867 the office was converted into a Moral Science 
lectureship ; or rather, a share in the Tuition fund was added to the stipend of the 
Catechist. It may be worth recording that the present widely spread system of 
Intercollegiate lectures was, it is believed, first recognized and practised in con- 
nection with this lectureship, in 1867, by the then occupant of the office. 

There are certain other ancient endowed posts which, though less distinctly 
educational, may be conveniently classed with the above. Greofirey Knight, by his 
will, dated Oct. 1, 1520, proved (P. C. C.) in the same year, established the earliest 
of these. He is there described as " clerk, of Norwich, Pattesley, and Stiffkey, 
Norfolk." He leaves the n^anor of Pattesley to the college, they in return " ever 
to find and continue two priests of good conditions there to serve God and keep 
their study in Art and Divinity, and to pray for the souls of me Geofirey 
Knight... ; and once in the week to say Dirge and Mass of Requiem, if they 
be not lawfully by study or other lawful impediment hindered ; they to have of 
the College for their yearly stipend, he that studieth in Divinity ten marks, and 
to be in Gronville Hall, and to him that studieth in Arts nine marks, and to 
be in Fish wick Hostel" Dame Katherine Heydon, wife of Sir John Heydon, is 
executrix of the will. 

Another similar appointment was founded some years after. This was by 
John Whitacre, clerk, in 1539. The deed describes how he 

moved with great aseal and godly devotion to further and maintain, as well the study 
of holy letters in the above named collie as also the divine service within the aforesaid 
parish church... hath given his lands, &c, in Steple Morden and Gilden Morden, Cambs, 
and Ashwell, Herts. The master and fellows covenant to pay to J. Whitacre, during his 
life, £3. 13. 4 ; and also within three months of his death for evermore, from time to time 
provide find and depute an honest priest of the company or fellowship of the said collie,... 
who shall sing or say, or cause to be sung or said, mass two days in the week throughout 
the year at the parish church of St Mary, and also every simday and holyday shall by 
himself or some other honest man in his stead help to do and maintain the service of God 
in the church and quire of the said parish, praying especially for the prosperous estate and 
preservation of our Sovereign Lord the King,... and of his son the Prince Edward... also fur 
the sold of the said John Whitacre, and for all christian souls, and for the good estate of 
all the parishioners and inhabitants... The master and fellows shall license the said priest 
to be at liberty and absent 28 days in the year, to go visit his friends or for other business 
...(Dated April 1, 30th Hen. VIII:— 1539). 

(ColL Treasury : xxn. 6 (f ).) 

By an earlier deed, probably of 1525, it appears that Whitacre was chaplain 
of the chantry of the Blessed Virgin, at Great St Mary's, and had originally 


proposed to add another priest to this chantry. Presumably, on the suppression of 
the chantries, he substituted the above arrangement. 

For many years these three offices were bestowed, as was clearly intended, 
upon distinct persons ; the expression generally being that so-and-so was appointed 
to Knight's or Whitacre's "salary." They were treated like the lectureships, 
being filled up every year at the October meeting. About 1650 the three salaries 
came generally to be bestowed upon one person. About 1680 the names of the 
founders came to be dropped, the holder of the office being simply described 
as the " salarist," by which name he has ever since been known. What functions, 
if any, he performed during the last century, it is impossible to say. But so far 
back as living memory goes, his actual duties were really more in accordance with 
the original intention of Whitacre than is often the case with a foundation more 
than three centuries old ; for these consisted in taking the place, as a preacher on 
the Saints' days at St Mary's, of any member of the college who, when his turn 
to preach came on, was unable to appear there for the purpose. 

From the above account it will be seen that abundant provision was made for 
an efficient lecturing staff; regard being had to the fact that the tutors also 
presumably gave some private instruction to the students who lived with them in 
their chambers \ According to the literary and scientific standard of the time 
the requisite range of study would also seem to have been well covered. Even the 
incessant changes of office, which in course of time became a mere abuse, were 
quite in accordance with precedent ; for, as is well known, the whole University 
instruction was for centuries carried on by the so-called " regents," viz. by a very 
numerous body who were in constant change. 

The system probably worked well during the seventeenth century. But the 
subsequent process of degradation must have set in soon, and have continued late ; 
and the mere fact that during the eighteenth century every fellow was assumed to 
be competent to perform the duties of every office, is tolerably good proof that for a 
long period those duties must have been badly performed. Probably all pretence 
of giving lectures had then been abandoned, and the stipends were regarded as being 
merely in the way of a small addition to the fellowship. In a reply which 
Dr Gooch addressed to the fellows during the course of his disputes with them, 
— it is a 'retort courteous' to their complaints that some of his proceedings were 
illegal, — he sarcastically remarks that ' if the offices which so many of them held 
were to be regarded as inutUia it would follow that the officers themselves were 
inutilesJ Perhaps the best illustration of what things had come to in the 
eighteenth century is 3rielded by the requirements in the way of reform which 

^ Archbishop Parker, in his foundation of a scholarship (see under EndowmerUt)^ enacts that 
the stipend is to be paid **sine deductione cubiculi, aut Uctionum domesticarum" This suggests 
that the college tutor to whom the youth was committed, or some other fellow, was in the habit, 
for a consideration, of giving private instruction. Dr Caius also {Annah) informs us that at 
Physwick Hostel — and therefore probably elsewhere — the two principals used to lecture to the 
students (preUgebat uterqu€)t and to superintend their Acts. In the course of the disputes with 
Dr Legge it is stated of one student that **he made report to Bir Howse, then hit reader**: 
Mr Howse was a resident fellow, but not the tutor. See also the provisions for lecturing in 
Hewet*s foundation of his scholarships. 


it was thouglit sufficient to lay down in the nineteenth. As I have said, it was 
decreed in 1838 that in future ** the catechist give at least eight lectures in Moral 
Philosophy " in the course of the year ; and " that the Hebrew lecturer give at 
least six lectures during the year." We may take it for granted that this was not 
the standard in accordance with which Mr Sheringham lectured to Jeremy Taylor. 

The above ^ was the official staff of lecturers, as provided by ancient statute and 
endowment. Their appointment is duly recorded in the Gesta down to 1860, when 
the new statutes came into force, and several of the offices were superseded. It 
need hardly be said that side by side with the decaying old system a new one was 
gradually springing up which may be called the modem or tutorial system. 

The heads of this modem s}'8tem were the tutors. It would be out of place here 
to give any minute description of this system ; as it was, and is, conmion to every 
college in the University ; but a few words of explanation may be offered here, as 
our Admission Register gives unusually early information about it. The arrange- 
ment which has long been familiar to everyone as especially characteristic of Cam- 
bridge is that under which there is one person, — or, in a large college two or three 
persons,— to whom the title of "tutor** is confined. He received the tuition fees 
of all the students, and the interest of the ** caution money " or deposit. Out of 
this he had to pay the lecturers, for the collie as a corporation possessed no funds 
for this purpose. These lecturers were sometimes appointed by the tutor himself, 
sometimes by the master or the fellows ; but the whole surplus, after these payments, 
belonged to the tutor, whose office was therefore in some cases a lucrative one. He 
did not necessarily lecture at all, and his only universally recognized duty was that 
of " looking after " his pupils, and communicating, when requisite, with the parents. 

The principal change here from early times is in the limitation of the number 
of tutors. It will be observed that in our Admission Register the name of some 
one is always mentioned as " tutor and surety '' ; the usual expression being that 
the lad is entered " sub tutela," of so and so, " qui pro eo fide jubet." The modem 
tutor holds, or till recently did hold, this latter charge ; the caution money being 
his security from loss. From what can be gathered as to the tutor's duties in early 
times one may infer that these consisted mainly in " looking after ** his pupils ; 
though the relation must have been, for several reasons, a much more intimate one 
than it afterwards becama For one thing the students generally slept in the same 
room with the tutor, and were therefore seldom out of his sight. Again, instead of 
all the students being assigned to one and the same official tutor, with little or no 
option on the part of the parents, there was generally a careful selection of some 
particular person for this post. The actual right of selecting the tutor seems to 
have been vested in the master; though the frequency with which a tutor is 
assigned who comes from the same neighbourhood as the student, or is even a 
relation of his, shows that the selection must have been made on grounds of 
presumed suitability. For some years after the commencement of our R^^ister we 

^ To the above should be added the Sadlerian endowment, which, till its conversion into a 
['^ Professorship in 1860, provided lectures in algebra in every college. I cannot ascertain the 

exact date at which oar college began to share in this endowment, but it mast have been some 
time in the last century (Cooper, AnnaU, 1707). 


find that the tutor was often not a fellow, nor even previously a member, of the 
college. Sometimes he had been a teacher of the lad, and was himself admitted as 
a member of the college at the same time. Often, therefore, the tutor had but one 
pupil ; at other times, only two or three. From what has been already said about 
the strong local and personal characteristics of most colleges, it will be easily 
understood how those who sent up sons to the University would be likely to 
commit them, if possible, to the care of some tutor from their own neighbourhood. 

This condition of comparative free-trade, in which any graduate might expect 
to be appointed a tutor, and every resident fellow practically was a tutor, does not 
seem to have lasted long. Before many years we begin to find that none but 
fellows were appointed to the office, though the number appointed varied con- 
siderably. For instance, in the year 1562 eighteen students were admitted, and 
were assigned to nine different tutors : in the following year seventeen were 
admitted, and were allotted amongst seven tutors. To come down a little later : 
in 1612, 39 entries were divided amongst ten tutors, and in 1661, 31 amongst 
seven. The numbers are very variable, but on the whole the tendency is towards 
a diminution in the relative strength of the tutorial staff. When we get on some 
way into the eighteenth century we find the conditions greatly changed, and the 
modem system is fully established, viz. that under which there is only one, or 
sometimes two, in the college, who may be called official tutors. Two main causes 
seem to have contributed to this. In the first place, owing to the great diminution 
in the number of entries and to various social influences, each student had come to 
have a room to himself ; so that the old necessity of finding some tutor with a 
spare place in his room was superseded. Then again, the number of resident 
fellows had now become small, the old restrictions on absence having quite broken 
down ; accordingly the number of men suitable for the post had probably become 
very limited. Anyhow, what may be called the single-tutor system was already in 
force by the middle of the last century. 

We may sum up by saying that, as regards the educational work of a college, 
three distinct stages can be observed. In mediaeval times the college undertook no 
such work at all. If there were any junior students in residence, they got their 
teaching from the University ; and there was scarcely any opening for the functions 
of a tutor. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the colleges were filled 
with lads, who had to be looked after, and the work of the tutor bectune a necessity. 
He probably supervised the studies of his pupils ; but there was a staff of lecturers, 
established by private benefactors, who did the work of teaching and prepared 
the student for the schools. In later times, owing to the fall in the value of money 
and other causes, the remuneration of the lecturer became so small that he began 
to treat his office as a sinecure. The work of the tutor now became more important, 
and the functions of the lecturer had to be supplied by him, or by others selected 
by the college. For a long time this work was probably performed very inefficiently, 
and private tuition was resorted to in order to make good its deficiency. 

We may add that in quite recent times the colleges have made strong efforts to 
supply, either within their own walls or elsewhere, lectures which shall meet the 
ordinary wants of every student 


It will be observed that no reference has been made, in the above sketch, to 
any such officer as a mediccU lecturer. The fact is that though the college had for 
centuries enjoyed a medical reputation, no trace of any systematic instruction in 
the subject can be discovered till very recent times. Indeed the earliest lecturer 
recorded by tradition is the late Sir Gleorge Paget, who is known to have held the 
office from about 1848 until he ceased to be a fellow in 1852. Since that date such 
lecturers have been regularly appointed. The increased scope of the work, owing 
to the great addition to the number of students, was recognized in 1881, when the 
title was changed from ' Medical Lecturer ' to ' Lecturer in Natural Science, and 
Director of Medical Studies ' {Gesta^ Ap. 5). 

That some instruction however, in the shape of what we should now call 
anatomical " demonstration," was occasionally given in the college can be proved 
by one or two interesting facts. In the first place, in the register of the parish of 
St Michael, — the college lies in that parish, — there is an entry of burial under the 
date April 6, 1601, of " Mr Button the anatomyr of Key's College." I took it for 
granted at first that this gentleman's connection with anatomy was of the active 
kind, and that we had here evidence of a very early " demonstrator " in the college. 
But it now seems certain that he played the part of subject, for it is recorded that 
Dr Grimston, one of our fellows, " non sine summa ejus laude et maximo auditorum 
fructu" made a dissection in the college just four days before (Annals). That 
similar instruction was carried on twenty-five years later, seems plain from the 
statement of Dr Joseph Mede that he attended anatomy lectures in our collega 

There cannot be much doubt that Dr Caius contemplated systematic instruction 
of this kind. " Expendi volumus in Anatomiam singulis annis bnimali tempore a 
studiosis medicinffi...conficiendam et in sepulturam honestam dissecti corporis 
26«. 8<f." He procured a license for the dissection of two bodies annually, and 
was careful to insert a clause in his statutes for the orderly and reverential burial 
of the remains in St Michael's churchyards This seems to suggest that the dis- 
sections were to be performed within the college. I cannot however find, with the 
above single exception, any reference whatever to such burials in the parish roister. 
In the register of Qt. St Mary, — the parish in which the Schools, now absorbed 
into the public Library, were situated, — several such entries are found. The 
earliest of these is in 1566, when it is recorded that ''John Figgen mad anotomy 
at the scholes and buried here, the 12th March.'' This was during the residence 
of Dr Caius, seven years before his death. Professor A. Macalister informs me 
that it is the earliest contemporary record known to him of the actual performance 
of human anatomy in England. Again in 1628 there is an entry that ''John 
Smith, a prisoner at the castle that was anatomized, was buried." 

In later days lecturers have from time to time been appointed in whatever 
subjects seemed to be required. Thus the Chemical prelector dates from 1872 
(Gesta, Oct. 5, Dec. 10); the Law lecturer from 1875, and the Divinity lecturer, as 
a distinct and permanent officer, from the same year. 

> Perhaps this aoooantfi for the prefix ** Bffr '' to Button's name, a title at that time confined 
by Uni?er8ity naage to masters of arts and fellow-commoners. 



The Ebcaminer is now found everywhere along the young man's path ; and 
whatever may be the career for which he is intended he cannot proceed far without 
having, so to say, to leap some kind of bar, or having his 'Hime" taken over a 
given distance. AH this is quite modern. Examination, in a wide sense of the 
term, must be nearly as old as organised society itself; for, when there are a 
certain number of desired posts, and more than that number of candidates, some 
process of selection must be adopted, unless we trust to chance or violence. But 
there is a wide difference between resorting to a test solely for the purpose of 
filling up a certain number of posts, and regarding it as so much an end in itself 
that cUl the candidates are to be arranged in some " order of merit." The difference 
is emphasized by the establishment of prizes. These are not, like the scholarships, 
something which was prior to the examination, and indeed that for which the 
examinations were instituted. They are rather an afterthought. They are assigned 
to those at the top of the list, because they are there. They are often spoken of 
as "rewards," as though the man who had shown the most knowledge and 
ability had in some way sacrificed himself for others, instead of doing the best for 

Examinations, in the modem sense of testing the attainments of all the students, 
arranging them in lists in order of merit, and assigning rewards to those at the 
top, date, in our college, only from this century. The ancient substitute for this 
system was of a very different kind ; in some respects better, in others worse. It 
consisted largely in the declamations and other exercises which the students had to 
perform in preparation for the disputations for Degrees held in the Public 
Schools. The practice is referred to by* Adam Elliott (date 1665) when he is 
giving some account of his contemporary Titus Oates, of whom he says that 
" where other declaimed, he always preached." As Oates was in residence for a 
very short time only, this indicates that the declamations were frequent, and 
were demanded of every student. They were held in the dining Hall. 

The only kind of examination at all answering to the modem conception 
was merely a final test or pass examination, held simply for the purpose of 
ascertaining whether the candidates for the B.A. degree were sufficiently prepared, 
so that the college might allow them to enter for it. The earliest reference of 
this kind that I have noticed is in 1634, when, by college order (Gestae Dec. 29) 
it was "deci-eed that all candidates for B.A. degree should be examined in the 
chapel from 8 to 11, and from 1 to 5." The practice was probably adhered to 
from this time onwards. Thus in 1671, it was decreed that Bagge and others 

1 ** A Modest Vindication of Titns Oates... '*; published 1682. 


''not being present at the publick examination in the colledge, had their graces' 
passed upon condition they waited upon the fellows in their chambers for their 
consent." Again, it was ordered (Jan. 12, 1704-5) that the fellows ''doe examine 
every one who is to proceed to the degree of B.A." This seems to have been 
something more than a mere form, for, after some were passed, it is recorded that 
" the like grace was denyed to several, because upon their examinations they were 
not approved of ..." The duty of sharing in these examinations was incumbent 
upon all the senior fellows, who were ordered to be in residence in January, — 
Le. just before the University degree time, — on pain of a fine of 20 shillings 

By the latter part of the last century, as has been already remarked, things 
had got into a very low state in the University. The old system of declamations 
was tending to become a mere' form; the established arrangements for lectures 
had quite broken down; and it does not appear that the ordinary student had 
his knowledge subjected to any sort of regular test, from the day of his entrance 
to the time when he was to graduate. The first sign of revival in this direction 
was in 1805, when, in pursuance of a college order (Gesta, Jan. 14), a system of 
regular college examinations was started, being conducted, as ever since, from 
printed papers and in writing. Two sets of prizes were, at the same time, 
awarded : one for Classics, and the other for Mathematics*. This clearly marks 
the first institution, in our college, of the modem system. It would appear, from 
the small number of names included, that these examinations were at first 
voluntary, and other subjects were gradually included. In 1837 "moral sub- 
jects," — i.e. Paley's Natural Theology^ as required for the newly-established 
Previous BxanUnaiiony and Butler's Analogy, — were added; and in 1840 a 
reward, in the shape of a ^20 exhibition, was given to the best proficient in 
these subjects In 1845 Theology was added to the list, and a prize given from 
1850 onwards. As regards the Medical and Natural Science studies, the first 
regular establishment of an examination in Chemistry seems to date from 1835 ; 
though, as students had been elected to Mickleburgh's scholarship from 1820, there 
must have been some system of testing the candidates. In 1839 an examination 
was established in Anatomy and Physiology, and one of Dr Caius' scholarships* 
was shortly after set apart for the best proficient in these subjects. 

The University examinations do not here concern us, but a few remarks may 
be offered in order to prevent misconception. It will perhaps be objected that at 
any rate we have an ancient examination list in the Mathematical Tripos, recorded 

^ The form of **pasiting the graces for degrees,'* by the college, was not abandoned till 1862 
(Qesta^ Ap. 8). 

' It probably lingered on into this century. Ab it happens, the only specific reference I have 
found in onr Oesta is as late as 1789, when it was decreed (Ifarch 12) ** that the declamations in 
fatnre be spoken in chapel on Saturday evening; that only two pwsons declaim on the same 
night ; and that the composition be Latin or English at the discretion of the dean.*' 

s The results are recorded, till 1853, in the ** Mickleborgh book.** 

* I suspect that it was this, more than anything else, that gave the college its modem medical 
reputation. Small as the encoaragement was to the medical stadents, no other college gave them 
any definite and specific encouragement at all. 


in the CcUendar since 1747, — and existing, though in a very imperfect and in- 
choate form, for some two centuries earlier. This is true, but the significance of 
this list is much reduced when we look closer at it. In the first place its proper 
title was "the order of seniarilf/ ;" it did not originally profess to be exactly 
what we now call an "order of merit." Given that 200 or 300 men graduated in 
one year, some kind of precedence had to be recognized amongst them, and it 
seems to have been decided by this list. (There was also an ordo aenioritatis for 
the M.A.) It only decided how the graduates stood in respect of their final 
disputations, and this did not by any means comprise all their studies. Of 
course this list gradually assumed a commanding position, but it does not seem to 
have been till far on in the last century that a place in it was considered of much 

Several facts may be given in illustration of this. Probably the two ablest 
and most influential of the masters during the last century were Ellys and €k)och. 
Gooch's name does not appear in the Tripos List, and Ellys was what would now 
be called " wooden spoon." Considering the intense hostility displayed towards 
them by the fellows, we may be sure that these facts would have been brought 
against them had they seemed of the slightest weight. Again : in the Tripos list 
the proctors had by custom the privilege of placing two men wherever they 
pleased : naturally enough they selected men of their own college and placed them 
high\ But, so far as is known, not a word of objection was ever raised against 
this practice. It was probably regarded as a harmless little bit of patronage 
which injured no one. A place in the Tripos did not affect a man's chance of 
a fellowship : it did not help him to a living or a mastership or in any public 
career. The lists were not published by the University, or noticed in the news- 
papers. The " high wrangler," as we should now call him, was probably no more 
advanced in his career, by the fact of his place in the list, if even as much so, 
as is the young orator of the Union by the reputation he gains as a speaker. 

These remarks may seem a digression from college history, but as the question 
has been sometimes asked, in reference to tbis or that high wrangler of early times, 
why he was passed over in elections to fellowships, it seems desirable to explain 
that Tripos lists really had very little significance in the matter. As a fact, the 
first indication I have found of this examination being specifically appealed to is 
in 1803, when it was decided (Gesta, Oct. 26) that the Schuldham prize should 
"be awarded to the first on the Tripos." 

^ If any doubt is felt as to the practical effect of this privilege upon the lists, look at the 
names of those who graduated in 160S-9 (pp. 188 — 190) and compare the number of oar men in 
that list with that of those in the years before and after. From 1747 onwards these ** proctors* 
wranglers *' are identifiable, and their names are omitted from the published lists in the Calendar, 
This is, in fact, the reason why the Calendar does not publish the earlier lists where such 
identification cannot be certainly made. 




The Perse School, 

Amongst his large donations for the benefit of the University, College, and 
Town, Dr Perse had included the foundation of a Grammar School. With any- 
thing like ordinary good fortune this ought to have been a great success, as there 
was a good opening for such a school. There was indeed a school called the 
" King's College school,*' occasionally referred to in our Admission Register as the 
previous place of training of some of our students, but it does not seem to have 
ranked as a regular Grammar School. Again, both in 1576 and 1589* attempts 
had been made towards the foundation of a new school, but though sums of money 
were left for the purpose they were not found sufficient until largely increased by 
Dr Perse's benefaction in 1615. The principal conditions laid down by Perse in 
his will were as follows, — 

" I will that a Free Grammar School be founded, settled, and established, with 
such ordinances as my executors with the approbation of the Justices of Assizes for 
the County of Cambridge then being, shall think fit. To which Free School I will 
there be elected... one Schoolmaster and one Usher, Graduates of the University 
of Cambridge, whereof the Schoolmaster to be a Master of Arts, and the Usher a 
Bachelor of Arts at least.... And I will that fivescore Scholars bom in Cambridge, 
Barnwell, Chesterton, and Trumpington, and no more nor any other, be in the 
said Free School taught and instructed and those freely. And I give to the 
Schoolmaster £40 per annum, and to the Usher £20 per annum " (Will proved, 

The executors drew up directions, Feb. 19, 1623-4, of which the following are 
the principal, 

'* 1. There shall be a hundred Schollers. 

2. They shall be carefully and diligently taught whilst they remain there, as well in 
good manners as in other instruction and learning fit to be learned in a Grammar School 

6. There shall be also a small handsome Frame of Board with a paper pasted thereon, 
wherein all the Free Schollers names shall bo from time to time written by the Usher of 
the School, and as any of the Schollers goes away his name shall be crossed out... 

9. And when there is any Scholler's place void, a poor man's child shall be preferred to 
it before a rich, so that he makes suit for it in time. 

10. The Schollers shall resort to School at six in the morning, and continue there 
until eleven, and at one in the afternoon, and continue until five...." 

1 y. Cooper, AnnaU, n. 846 : Memorials^ in. 156. 
C, III. 17 


The ground on which the school was built was that which he bequeathed for 
the purpose. It is described as '* All those garden grounds, parcel of the Friers 
(i.e. of the site formerly belonging to the Augustinian Friars) and all that parcel 
of ground lying between the said gardens and the walnut trees in the Friers* close." 

The master and the four senior fellows of our college being supervisors of the 
will, became governors of the school after the deaths of the executors, with the 
right to appoint the masters, <fec. 

Within a few years of its establishment, one very eminent man, Jeremy 
Taylor, received his early training there. But the real success of a school must 
of course be tested rather by the numbers and attainments of the ordinary youths 
turned out by it. Judged by this test the Perse school succeeded well for many 
years. As our Admission Register shows, quite a considerable number of the 
sons of local tradesmen, and even college servants, entered our college from that 
school. For some time the managers of the Ferae trust performed their duties 
conscientiously. They did not always select members of their own college as 
mastera, and those whom they did appoint evidently regarded the post as an 
honourable career. But in the eighteenth century a very different state of things 
began to set in. The income of the Perse trust diminished, and the salaries of the 
master and usher instead of increasing as they should, began to fall off. The 
masters succeeded one another with a rapidity which made it impossible that they 
should have any knowledge of, or interest in, their scholars. As regards the 
ushers, or assistant masters, it at last came to this, that almost every resident 
junior fellow of the college was appointed in turn, and held the office for a year or 
so. The following facts are signiiicant as to this change for the worae. In the 
course of the 55 years between 1623 and 1678 no less than semnty boys from the 
Perse school entered our college, of whom 20 became fellowa During the 155 years 
between 1678 and 1833 only two or three such admissions are recorded. 

During the latter part of the last century, and the early part of this one, the 
school had become so empty that even the comparatively small premises in Free 
School Lane were too large. Accordingly, soon after the acquisition by the 
University of the pictures in the Fitzwilliam bequest in 1816, the large room of 
the Perse school was hired for the exhibition of the pictures. Here they remained 
for twenty years or more. 

Some of the earliest steps to remedy the misapplication of funds and consequent 
decay of the school were taken by Mr F. O. Martin and Mr D. Maude, two young 
fellows of the college. On the 31st of May, 1837, Lord Langdale, Master of the 
Rolls, made a decree on an information by the Attorney-General (at the relation 
of* W. R. J. Thring and W. Metcalfe) against the Master and Fellows of Gonville 
and Caius College. The details of an amended scheme for the management of the 
school were referred to the Master in Chancery, Sir Giffin Wilson, who made an 
exhaustive report on the endowments of the Perse trust, and drew up an amended 
scheme in 1841. Amongst new provisions (see Cooper, AnncUsy iv. 638) it was 
decreed that the school and the houses of the master and usher were to be rebuilt ; 

1 Mr Wm. R Jeremiah Thring, Sidney Street; and Mr William Metcalfe, printer, of Green 



that the salaries of the master and usher should be raised respectively to £300 
and £150 ; that the free scholars should pay an entrance fee of SOs., together with 
10«. each year ; and that a number of paying scholars should be admitted at low 
fees. The Managers of the Perse trust were still left as governors of the school. 

In 1873 the school came under the provisions of the Endowed Schools Act of 
1869, and another scheme of management was drawn up. A new set of governors 
was established, principally elected by the town and University, the historic origin 
of the school being recognized by three out of the fifteen governors being chosen 
by our college. Dr Perse's original scheme as to the limits of his charity were so 
far adhered to that 25 exhibitions were founded for boys from his four favoured 
districts of Cambridge, Barnwell, Chesterton, and Trumpington. An entirely new 
departure was made by diverting a part of the endowment to the establishment of 
a Girls' school. 

In 1890 the site of the school, which had remained unchanged since the original 
buildings were erected after Dr Perse's death, was sold to the University for 
£12,500. A new building was erected on the Hills Road, opposite the Roman 
Catholic church, at a cost, including the site, of over £14,000. 

Masters of the Perse School, 

1619 Thomas Lovering, M.A., Pembroke. 

1637 Richard Watson, M.A., Caius. 

1642 Thomas Crabbe, M.A., Caius. 

1652 Greorge Griffith, M.A., Queens'. 

1687 Edward Sparkes, M.A., Caius. 

1727 Daniel Munnings, M.A., Caius. 

1728 Nathaniel Salter, B.A., Caius. 
1732 Henry Goodall, M.A., Caius. 

1751 Roger Sturgeon, M.A., Caius. 

1760 Samuel Story, M.A., Caius. 

1765 James Cory, M.A., Caius. 

1767 Samuel Reeve, M.A., Caius. 

1768 John Franklin Squire, M.A., Caiua 

1768 John White, M.A., Caius. 

1776 William Bond, M.A., Caius. 

1776 Richard Fisher, M.A, Caius. 

1781 John J. Brundish, M.A, Caius. 

1782 William Walford, M. A., Caius. 
1782 Thomas C. Burroughes, M.A., Caius. 
1786 Charles Davy, M.B. 

Subseqnent career. 
Afterwards master of Norwich 

Grammar school. 
Ejected as a royalist. 
Rector of Hardwick, Norfolk. 
Benefactor to the Town (v. Cooper, 

Anruds^ ill. 205). Died Jan. 

Vicar of Shepreth. 
Rector of Denver. 
Rector of Ashdon. 
Canon of Ely and Archdeacon of 

Vicar of Waterbeach. 
Rector of Great Melton. 
Rector of Shereford, Norf. 
President of the college. Proctor. 
Rector of Bratton Fleming, 

Rector of Chevington. 
Vicar of Mutford. 
Afterwards master of the college. 
Died in college, 1786. 
Rector of Long Stratton. 
Rector of Landbeach. 
Vicar of Wickham Market. 





John Drew Borton, M.A., Caius. 
John Spencer Cobbold, M.A., Caius. 
St John Smith, M.A., Caius. 
George Grigby, M.A., Caius. 
William Gimingham, M.A., Caius. 
William Wilkins, B.A., Caius. 
Daniel Gwilt, M.A., Caius. 
John White, B.A., Caius. 

Sabsequent career. 
Rector of Blofield. 
Rector of Woolpit 
Died Aug. 8, 1798. 
Afterwards in the Army. 
Rector of Bratton Fleming. 
The well-known architect. 
Rector of Icklingham. 
Rector of Chevington. 

J. Wilson. Master and usher. 

James Bailey, M.A., Trin. Master and usher. 

Charles Clayton, M.A., Caius. Rector of Stanhope, Durham. 

Peter Mason, M.A., St John's. 

Frederick Heppenstall, M.A., St John's. 

John Barrow Allen, M.A., New Coll., Oxford. 

Herbert Cecil Barnes Lawrence, M.A., line. ColL, Oxford. 

Ushers of the Perse School. 

1640 Ralph Harrison, B.A., Caius. 

1644 Robert Craforde, B.A., Caius. 

1653 John Felton, B.A., Caius. 

1656 John Boult, M.A., Caius. 

1657 Henry Rix, B.A., Caius. 
1667 William Peters, B.A., Caius. 
1676 Edward Sparkes, B.A., Caius. 
1687 Robert Pate, M.A., Caius. 
1687 James Gill, Pemb. 

1692 John Searles, B.A., Caius. 

1696 Thomas Inyon, B.A., Caius. 

1704 Edward Sparkes, B.A., Caius. 

1722 Daniel Munnings, B.A., Caius. 

1728 Henry Goodall, B.A., Caius. 

1732 James Wilson, B.A., Caius. 

1740 Robert Goodrich, B.A., Caius. 

1747 Charles Davy, B.A., Caius. 

1752 James Hicks, M.A., Caius. 

1755 James Carlos, M.A., Caius. 

1756 William Norris, M.A., Caius. 
1759 Samuel Story, M.A., Caius. 
1759 James Cory, M.A., Caius. 
1765 Samuel Reeve, M.A., Caius. 

1767 John F. Squire,' M. A., Caius. 

1768 John White, M.A., Caius. 

1769 WilUam Bond, B.A., Caius. 

Rector of Grinstead, Sussex. 

Died in college, 1668. 

Died in college, 1661. 

Master of Saffron Walden school. 

Rector of Weeting, Norf. 

Afterwards master. 

Master of Norwich school. 

Moderator, 1695. 
Rector of Mattishall. 
Vicar of King's Langley. 
Afterwards master. 
Afterwards master. 
Rector of Bratton Fleming. 
Rector of Bincombe. 
Rector of Onehouse, Suff. 
Rector of Denver. 
Rector of Blofield. 
Rector of Kilverstone, Norf. 
Afterwards master. 
Afterwards master. 
Afterwards master. 
Afterwards master. 
Afterwards master. 
Afterwards master, 


Subsequent career. 
1776 Richard Fisher, M.A., Caius. Afterwards master. 

1776 John J. Brundish, M.A., Caius. Afterwards master. 

1781 William Walford, M.A., Caius. Afterwards master. 

1782 Thomas C. Burroughes, M.A., Caius. Afterwards master. 
1782 Thomas Crick, M.A., Caius. Vicar of Mildenhall. 

1785 Charles Davy, M.B., Caius. Afterwards master. 

1786 Robert Forby, M.A., Caius. Rector of Homingtoft. 

1787 George L. Jenyns, B.A., Caius. Vicar of Swaffham, Cambs. 

1788 John Brinkley, B.A., Caius. Bishop of Cloyne. 

1791 John Spencer Cobbold, B.A., Caius. Aitei^ards master. 

1792 St John Smith, B.A., Caius. Afterwards master. 

1794 Benedict Chapman, B.A., Caius. Master of the college. 

1795 George Grigby, B.A., Caius. Afterwards master. 
1798 William Gimingham, M.A., Caius. Afterwards master. 
1801 Jeremiah Day, M.A., Caius. Rector of Hethersett. 

1804 Daniel Gwilt, M.A., Caius. Afterwards master. 

1805 John T. Woodhouse, M.B., Caius. Afterwards physician at Adden- 


For some 30 years after this no regular usher seems to have been appointed. 
1836 G. Barber, M.A., Queens'. Died 1861. 

George W. Asplen, M.A., Corpus. 
1865 John Wisken, M.A., Caius. 

Newport School, Essex, 

By Mrs Frankland*s will the master of our college was appointed visitor of the 
school that she founded at Newport. The master of the school *' to be appointed 
by my devisees together with the consent of the master of Gonville and Caius"... 
'Hhe school to be under the order government and direction of the master of 
Gonville and Caius ''...who is "annually to visit the school and oppose and try the 
said scholars in their learning, and every such time of visitation remove three or 
four to Gonville and Caius College, or more if they shall think good"; these 
scholars to be placed on Mrs Frankland's foundation. These regulations remained 
in force until the introduction of the new scheme for the management of the 
school, in 1874. Probably no boys had come to college from the school for many 


The college is trustee of two sets of Almshouses. 

Ely. Reginald Ely' by will, dated Oct. 14, 1463, proved (V. C. court) July 17, 
1471, left lands in Barton and Comberton, Cambs. He directed that his executors 

' Reginald Ely was a freemason, and a man of mark m the town. He was one of the builders 
of King's College, in 1444, when he had a licence (Pat, RolU, 22nd Hen. YI.; v. Docwnenti, i. 46) 
to impress workmen for the purpose. From a deed in the Treasury of Trin. Coll. it appears 
that the Ahnshonses bad been 'recently built* in 1476 (v. Willis-Clark, n. 419). 


should establish a house for three poor people, in St Clement's parish if possible ; 
and that the Gild of St Clement should have the management of it. A deed of 
H93 shows that Dr Buckenham, of Gonville Hall, was one of the trustees to 
whom the lands were conveyed. Another deed (1516) conveys the land from these 
trustees to E. Crome, Medow, and Hoare, fellows of Gonville Hall. The final 
deed (1539) is by Buckenham. He states that the arrangement of the Almshouse 
had " by the means of executorship " been assigned to him. He therefore hands it 
over to the master and fellows of the college. How the executorship came to 
Buckenham is not clear : he was not old enough to have been Ely's executor in 
1471. The almshouses were built about 1475. They stood in Trinity Lane, then 
St Michael's Lana In 1864 the ground and buildings were sold to Trinity College 
for £200, when lecture rooms were erected on the site. In 1865 the almshouses 
were rebuilt near St PauPs Church. 

Perse. Stephen Perse added to his many other benefactions by founding 
almshouses. He directed that *' within the circuit of the grounds of his school," — 
as described on page 258 — , his executors should " build, with brick on the fore- 
front, six several low tenements of one room apiece for habitation of six several 
poor almsfolk," " six poor aged p>eople, single and unmarried persons of the ages of 
40 years at least, and of the parishes of St Edward's and St Michael's, or of 
St Benet's." They to receive X4 apiece yearly. 

In 1885 the almshouses were moved to Newnham, their old site having been 
purchased by the University for the new Chemical Laboratory. 



I. The most important of our Records for biographical purposes is the 
Admission Register. This is commonly entitled the Liber Matrictdationisy which 
is however somewhat of a misnomer; for matriculation is a University ceremony, 
quite independent of admission into a college. The two results of course coincide 
for the most part; though, as a matter of fact, many students entered the college 
whose names are not to be found enrolled in the books at the Registry. Some of 
these are graduates from Oxford who came as tutors to resident pupils: others, 
staying but a short time and not looking forward to a degree, avoided the trouble 
of a visit to the Registry: not a few, after having their names entered in the 
college books, did not finally come into residence at all; either having changed 
their minds as to their career, or having perhaps died before the time of entrance \ 
On the other hand, our Admission books do not contain the names of those who 
first entered the college as fellows. These are not infrequent, especially in the 
days of Dr Caius, and during the Commonwealth. 

As regards all students however, in the ordinary sense of the term, this 
record is presumably complete from its commencement in March 1559 — 60. We 
owe this to the foresight of Dr Caius, and the details of information upon which 
he insisted have been adhered to ever since': birth-place; father's name, address 
and profession; age; and the school at which the student was educated. No other 
college, I believe, — certainly none in Cambridge, — has such early and complete 
information as to the circumstances of those who entered as students. Other 
foundations tardily followed the example thus set, mostly during the course of the 
seventeenth century, but seldom with equal explicitness. Some of these registers 
(for instance, that of Corpus) give no further localization than that of a county. 
The object in this case of course was difibrent : it was not intended to give 
information to posterity, but to secure the canying out of the statutes that not 
more than a certain number of fellows or scholars should be natives of one county. 

The design of Dr Caius was in fact a very far reaching one ; and, had it been 
duly adhered to, much trouble would have been saved to those who are attempting, 
after an interval of more than three centuries, to carry it out. The registrar, 
according to the instructions of Caius, was to take careful note of every alumnus 

' Thia is often the explanation of the entry of a mere surname, without any farther informa- 
tion. The tutor was probably furnished with a list of names, and waited sometimes in order to 
fill in the details after the arrival of the student in college. 

' A few years ago the plan was introdoced of giving also the mother's maiden name. This 
used to be the praotioe at Magdalene in the earlier part of this century. 

264 THE colLeqe records. 

who should subsequently attain to any position of eminence in Church or State, so 
that the college might thus secure **in adversis refugium, in secundis omamentum." 
This direction seems never to have been attended to; the only approach to its 
fulfilment consisting in the insertion, — by Dr T. P. Young, sometime in the last 
century, — of a few marginal notes in the first volume of the Register. 

II. The Geda GoUegii: i.e. the reports of the various resolutions passed at 
college meetings. The majority of the entries in these volumes are naturaUy 
concerned with the management of the estates and buildings, but there are many 
which deal with matters of internal rule, and with questions of discipline. All 
elections to the mastership, to fellowships and scholarships, as well as to the various 
college offices, are contained here. Much also of such miscellaneous information as 
we can' gather about the manners and customs of our predecessors is obtained from 
this source. 

The series of these volumes is complete since 1651. Before this date we have 
a volume called Acta CoUegii which embraces the period 1592 to 1618. Its 
information is much briefer, but covers almost exactly the same ground, and it 
may fairly be considered to be the earliest extant volume of the series. The 
succeeding volume, which should cover the period from 1618 to 1651, was for 
some time supposed to be lost. A few years ago, however, a number of its sheets, 
torn from their binding, were recovered in a rather mysterious way through a 
second-hand bookseller. They comprise, with several gaps, the years 1629 to 1642. 

III. We have another set, consisting of two volumes, which covers very nearly 
the same ground as the above. The first of these volumes is entitled Pandectce, 
and extends from 1558 to 1657 : the second is a continuation of this, and is called 
the Book of SecUings; it extends from 1657 to 1821. The former deals mainly, 
and the latter almost entirely, with such corporate acts as required the college seal. 
They include, for instance, presentations to the college livings, occasional appoint- 
ments to offices, and (what is important for biographical purposes) records of 
testimonials for holy orders. The earlier volume also contains a very large number 
of entries recording that this or that fellow took out of the treasury some deed or 
court-roll, or other document contained in the treasury. The dates on which these 
were borrowed and returned are duly recorded. 

We have no earlier records than these concerning the corporate acts of the 
college, and I have found no evidence that any earlier volumes of the kind ever 
existed ; though it seems reasonable to suppose, from the analogy of other religious 
and educational foundations, that some such record must have been preserved from 
the commencement. But the Annals of Dr Caius do not suggest that anything of 
the kind existed in his day. 

IV. The Libri Rationales, These are the books in which the sums due to the 
members of the foundation, the master, fellows, and scholars, are recorded. They 
are now continuous since 1581. They assign in each case the name of the recipient, 
the particular foundation from which his stipend was derived, the sum due to him 
from this source, and, in the case of a fellow, the deductions due for absence. They 


are of much use as illustrating and supplementing the preceding volumes, as they 
sometimes record the names of fellows not otherwise recoverable, and indicate 
the limits of their period of connection with the college. The length of retention 
of a scholarship or fellowship, assigned in the biographical list of Vols. i. and ii., is 
determined for the most part from these books. That is, when any one is said to 
have been a scholar from, say, Mich". 1590 to L. Day 1595, it is meant that he is 
recorded in these books as having actually received payments over this period. 
The exact date of his election is often lost, or not recorded, but must generally be 
within a few weeks of the time of his appearance on this list. And the date of 
the termination of the scholarship or fellowship is exactly assigned by that of the 
last recorded payment, except in the case of death or maniage; in which cases the 
cause of suspension of payment may be dated sometime during the final quarter. 

These books, in their present form, probably date from the time of Dr Caius^ 
that is, from 1559. The volume or volumes preceding 1581 were in existence in the 
last century, but have since been lost. 

v. The Bwraars^ Books, In their present form, and since 1608, these are 
quite distinct from the preceding. They deal with the general income and ex- 
penditure of the college; recording the sums due as rents of farms and house 
property, interest on investments, legacies, <Sk;., and the pa3rments for management 
of estates, and those due to all the various ' officers and servants employed by the 
college. They are also of interest, — especially the earlier volumes,— in that they 
contain in many cases the signature of the recipient; whereas in the steward's 
books (Libri rcUiondles) this officer generally signs on behalf of the scholar or other 
recipient. We have, for instance, Jeremy Taylor's receipt for the payment of his 
stipend as prcdector rhetoricus; confirming the fact (denied in Heber's edition 
of his works) that he was not only a fellow of the college, but held a lecture- 
ship for a year. 

Though the extant series of these volumes only commences in 1608 it is certain 
that accounts of the same general character must have been kept from the com- 
mencement. All that we now have, however, is a volume which, with several 
gaps, covers the period 1422 — 1523. This combines, in a compendious form, the 
information afterwards divided between the Bursars' book and the Liber rationalis; 
that is, it deals both with the external relations between the college and its estates, 
and the internal relations between the college as a whole and its individual 

No early account book can be altogether without interest; and I have 
endeavoured to extract all the facts of any value which are thus furnished, and to 
make use of them in their due place. £ut it must be admitted that, as compared 
with books of the same kind at some other colleges, our earliest volume is lacking 
in detail. Nothing, for instance, can be extracted from it which can at all be 

^ It is from this source that I have generally taken the dates of the various appointments 
to leotoreships, Ac, The appointments should be, and generally are, reoorded in the Getta; 
bat the Bursars' books are proof that the office was actually held, or was at least paid for as 
being held. 


compared with the mass of information obtained, from the early account books of 
Merton College, by the late Professor Thorold Rogers. 

There are reasons for supposing that this early Bursars' book was not the only 
record of the kind kept in our college. There are for instance occasional references 
to a "master's book" of a kind which suggest that such a volume contained much 
fuller details of expenditure. If so, every trace of these books has long since 

Closely connected with the foregoing is a series of records called "bursars' 
indentures." Those now preserved commence in 1490 and continue almost un- 
interruptedly for nearly 150 years ^ Each of these is on a separate sheet of paper, 
and contains a summary of the college accounts for half a year. They are drawn 
up as a sort of balance sheet between the bursar and the college, to be submitted 
by him to the college meetings held after Lady Day and Michaelmas. Bateman's 
statutes explicitly direct that two such "Indentures" should be drawn up each 
year; one for the master, the other to be preserved in the college. They are 
continued long after the commencement of the regular "Bursars' Books" in 1608*. 

For the purpose of our Biographical History these Bursars' indentures are 
most valuable, for they cover a period (1523 — 59) during which almost all our 
other records are lost. Many names, not only of pensioners but also of scholars 
and fellows, have thus been recovered. Amongst other interesting facts we 
have here our only contemporary notices of John Caius as an undergraduate 
(see p. 30 for the curious variety of ways in which his name is spelt), and are 
also able to confirm what had previously rested only on report, viz. that 
Sir Thomas Gresham was for some time a member of Gonville Hall, during his 

VI. The Absence Books, In early times the main value of a fellowship or 
scholarship consisted not, as now, in money, but in the right to rooms and conmions, 
either gratuitously or at a moderate price. The actual money received was very 
small in amount, and most of this depended upon the recipient having' resided 
in college. Accordingly books were kept in which the days of departure, and 
return to college, are recorded. So long as these were kept up we have in- 
formation, with almost the detail of a journal, of the coming and going of each 
scholar and fellow. We can, for instance, track the physiologist, William Harvey, 
in this way, and state the exact amount of time he spent in college. The earliest 

^ These were only recently discovered, daring a careful examination into the contents of our 
Treasury. Their existence seems to have been unknown to Prof Willis, M' J. Lamb, and to 
every one else who had taken an interest in our college history in recent times. 

3 In connection with these indentures it is worth noting the requirement introduced into the 
statutes of Gonville's other foundation, Bushworth college, by the bishop of Norwich, in 1860. 
** Of the annual account of all the income and outgoings an indenture shall be drawn : one part 
to remain with the master, and the other reposited in the college chest, so that two or three 
times in the year he may give a sight of it to the brethren if they shall wish to see it" {Bennet, 
p. i8). 

' By Bateman*8 statute oue month of absence was allowed in the year. Beyond this, there 
was a fine of one shilling for every week of absence : a sum which represented an important 
deduction from £4 a year. 


of these books commences in 1592. They include, it need hardly be said, only 
those persons who were on the foundation : as to the residence* of the ordinaiy 
pensioners, and the fellow-conmioners, we have no information whatever until 
the earliest of our present "Cooks' books," which commence about 1775. 

YII. If the designs of Dr Gains had been duly carried out, another con- 
tinuous record would have been added to the above, viz. the Annals. What 
he contemplated under this name was a history of the college to be carried on 
continuously, by the Master for the time being. Previous to the period to 
which his own memory extended, his work was of course compiled from historical 
records, such as deeds and charters, these being either copied by himself, or, 
where lost, transcribed from the Evidences of his predecessor, Sherifife. For 
the later years he trusted to his own memory, and this is much the more 
interesting part of the work, as he records many interesting details of a kind 
which do not find a place in any of our official records. The Annals were intended 
to give an account of the material fabric of the coUege as regarded new buildings ; 
of the successive benefactions ; of every notable occurrence in the Society ; and 
of all important incidents concerning individual members. 

Though it was certainly a part of the duty of the Master thus to write the 
history of the foundation over which he presided, the duty was never properly 
attended to. The portrait of Dr Gooch, indeed, in the University Library, 
represents him with a copy of the Annals in his hands. That he had read them 
is certain, from his appeals to past precedents in his quarrel with the fellows, but 
he did not add a word to their contents. 

We have two copies of these Annals, The earliest is on vellum, and is pre- 
served in our library (MS. 371). The first part of it was presumably dictated 
by, or written for, Dr Caius; and was continued by his successor, Dr Legge. 
This volume ends with the year 1603. In 1656 it was decided {Gesta, May 16) 
to continue the history from the time at which it had been abandoned, a duty 
which was performed by Mr W. Moore, the well-known University Librarian. 
But instead of carrying it on in the old volume, a transcript on paper was 
made. This was continued to 1648; when it ceased, except for uti episode 
inserted 200 years after by Dr Chapman (v. p. 138). This volume is kept in our 

A version of these Annals was published by the Commissioners of 1850. 
But they did so under the belief that it was written by Francis Blomefield, 
and apparently they had never heard of Caius having had anything to do with it. 
The origin of the mistake was this. Dr Brady made a free translation (there 
seems no doubt that it is by him) of the earlier part of the AnncUs into English, 
with notes of his own (MS. 709). A slightly different version of this was made 

^ Modem ooonpants of a college room naturally feel some cariosity occasionally as to who 
have been their predecessors. This can only be ascertained with certainty since 1797, when the 
rooms on each staircase were numbered and the occupants thus entered in the 'Absence books.' 
The name of the ocoopants of each staircase can be assigned from 1716, when the staircases were 
first indicated by letters ; bat it is not easy to determine which room on the staircase is referred to. 


somewhat later, possibly also by Brady (MS. 617). Blomefield, whilst a student, 
made a transcript of this latter, with some additions of his own : — his initials 
are on each page, and he has added the date, viz. March 4, 1724 — 5. His 
transcript came into the hands of John Ives, together with other of his MSS. ; 
and Ives published it in his Select Papers^ 1773, as Blomefield's own composition. 
The Commissioners {Report^ p. 186) reprinted it from Ives, under the same belief. 
It must be said in their excuse that our college was one of those which refused 
almost all information to the Commissioners. 

VIII. Another set of records, especially valuable from the business point 
of view, is also due to the care of Dr Caius. The first volume of this series is 
entitled Liber EviderUiarum, It contains transcripts of all the various leases 
granted by the college, together with a number of deeds and wills, &c., by which 
property had been . conveyed to the college. It commences in 1559. The other 
volumes of what may be considered the same series are entitled Lease hooks^ and 
are continued to recent times. To any one interested in the detailed history of 
any particular estate, they would of course be very valuable. 

IX. A series of records must have once existed, and possibly exists still, 
though not in our custody, of much value as regards the early personal history 
of the college. This series was due to Bateman, who directed by statute (v. 
introduction to Vol. i.) that the master should, every year, give to the Bishop 
of Norwich a list, seeded by the college, containing the names and degrees of 
all the fellows, and mentioning those who had died or left the college during 
the year. A similar list was also to be given to the Prior of the Benedictine 
monastery: — after the Suppression the Dean took the place of the Prior. We 
find many references in our Gesta to the sealing of these returns, showing that 
they must have been regularly sent in for centuries. But, after repeated enquiries, 
I am assured that nothing is known about them at either the Diocesan or the 
Capitular registry. One solitary list, indeed (that of 1446) has been copied into 
the Contemporary Act Book of the Bishop; and we have a copy of one (that 
of 1621) in the Liber Bvidentiarum ; both of these giving exactly the prescribed 
information. But of the original returns nothing is known. It may be added 
that Bateman required similar lists to be sent in by Trinity Hall. 

We have several other series of account books, or records of one kind or 
another ; but they date from later times, and are of slight importance as regards 
the material and biographical history of the college. If those mentioned above 
had been strictly kept at the time and carefully preserved afterwards, we should 
have had all the materials requisite for a very complete history of the foundation. 
The only addition we could have desired would have been a Necrology ; for at 
present we have often no means of determining whether a fellowship, for instance, 
was vacated by death or by marriage. As regards those who died in college 
our information is fairly complete, for they were generally buried in St Michael's 
Church. The register of that parish commences in 1538, and has been well 


The systematic establishment of our records in their present form doubtless 
dates from the time of Dr Caius, who made express regulations upon this subject 
in his Statutes. In prescribing the duties of the registrar or secretary of the 
college he says as follows, (Statutes) "Tot enim libros habeatis volumus in con- 
servationem rerum omnium : Rationum videlicet, Annalium, Evidentiarum, et 
Pahdectarum, quae commentarium rerum gestarum latino nomine dicimus, praoter 
librum Matriculationis." And he indicates their respective contents as follows : 
** In Rationalem rationes accepti et expensi ; in Annales res gestae singulo quoque 
anno; in Evidentiarum volumen evidentiae: in Commentarium rerum gestarum 
seu Pandectas omnia promiscue usque ad tempus computorum." These directions 
indicate plainly enough the subsequent scope of the Libri rationales ; the Annals ; 
the Liber Evidentiarum and Lease books; and the Admission register: whilst 
the Pandectae correspond to what were afterwards divided into the Sealing books 
and the Gesta. But their exact identification is of no importance, and the statute 
is only quoted here in order to show the care and forethought with which our 
second founder had provided for the preservation of every important fact connected 
with the history of his college. 

like every other ancient foundation that has received benefactions and owned 
land for centuries, we have, of course, a large and miscellaneous assortment of 
title deeds, and other documents, in our Treasury. They have been on the whole 
carefully preserved, and have scarcely suffered at all from the great enemy, damp. 
About 1657 they were minutely and systematically examined and classified by 
Mr W. Adamson and another fellow of the college, who compiled the catalogue 
now known as the Regiatram magnum. The documents are arranged in drawers 
or boxes, according to the particular estate to which they refer, and are therefore 
easy of access. Having recently compared the existent contents of our Treasury 
with those recorded in this catalogue, I am able to say that the losses during 
the last 240 years are few and comparatively unimportant. 

As a sample of the contents of our Treasury the following are given, as enume- 
rated in the Regiatrum magnum^ in Box I. 

1. Deed of William Denys. Three tenements, &c., in Lurtburgh Lane sold to Daniel 
Felstead. 6th Edw. III. 

2. Deed of Daniel Felstead. Above tenements sold to Edmund Gonville. 2l8t Edw. III. 

3. Deed of John Brunne and William Huchen. Tenements in Lurthburgh Lane to 
Edmund Gonville. 21st Edw. IIL 

4. License of Thomas Morice (lord of the fief) to Edmund Gonville, to found his HalL 
Rent of 6d. a year reserved. 22nd Edw. III. 

5. License of the Prior of Barnwell to above. Rent reserved of 5«. 6d, and 4 capons. 

6. License in Mortmain by Edward III. 22nd Edw. III. 

7. Grant of the above premises by Edward III. to John Colton and the scholars of his 
house : i.e. Deed of foundation. 23rd Edw. III. 

8. Edmund Gonville's appointment of Richard Ely as his attorney in the matter of 
the above grant 23rd Edw. IIL 

9. Receipts to Edmund Gonville and John Colton of 50^., the cost of the License in 
Mortmain. 27th Edw. Ill, 


10. Statutes proposed by Edmund Gk>nville. 

] 1. New Letters of Foundation by Bateman, Bishop of Norwich, together with the 
consent of the Bishop of Ely and the Chancellor of the University. 23rd Edw. III. 

12. License of the King for the acquisition of two more tenements in Liu*thbiu*gh 
Lane, from the University and the Hospital of St John. 26th Edw. III. 

13. Deed of Richard Ling, Chancellor of the University, for the above. 26th Edw. 


14. Deed of William Bier, master of the Hospital of St John, for the al)ove. 26th 

Edw. in. 

15. First draft of statutes by Bp Bateman. 1353. 

16. Revised draft, constituting his final code. 1353. 

17. Royal License for exchange of site with Corpus Collie. 27th Edw. III. 

18. Agreement concerning the above, between the Duke of Lancaster, alderman of the 
Quild of Corpus Christi, and our collie. 1353. 

19. Deed of Corpus Christi concerning the above exchange. 27th Edw. III. 

20. Release by the master and scholars of Corpus Christi for a messuage formerly 
belonging to John of Cambridge (present site of Gk>nville Court). 28th Edw. III. 

21. Release by John of Teversham for above. 28th Edw. III. 

22. Release by Thomas of Cambridge, son of John, for above, 28th Edw. III. 

23. Indenture between the Prior of Anglesea and the coll^;e concerning the above. 
28th Edw. III. 

24. **Compositio pro finali concordia" between Corpus and Qonville HalL 30th 
Edw. III. 

25. License for chapel by Bishop of Ely. 1353. 

26. Treaty of Amity between Gonville Hall and Trinity Hall. 1353. 

27. Grant of the manor of Triplow to Gonville Hall, by Bp Bateman. 28th Edw. III. 

28. Foundation of exequies, by the University, for Bp Bateman. 1354. 

29. Copy of the Incorporation of Trinity Collie. 38th Hen. VIII. 

30. Grant of annual payment of £3 by Edward VI., in lieu of Physwick Hostel. 

31. " Evidence by a notary for the ground whereon a bam stood in St Michael's parish, 
and where now part of the college is built '^ 1453 (missing). 

32. License by Bishop of Ely for divine service in the chapel 1476. 

33. A bundle of evidences of various date concerning the payment of the rent of 
6s, Sd, to Anglesea Abbey for part of the ground on which the college stands. 



The division and classification of the students, so far as the UniTersity is 
concerned, is a three-fold one, viz. into fellow-commoners, pensioners, and sizars. 
This arrangement has prevailed from the commencement of the matriculations in 
1544, and remains still nominally unaltered; though social changes, in the direction 
of equality, have latterly brought about the almost entire suppression of the 
fellow-commoners and sizars at most colleges. The only distinction recognized 
between these orders, from the University point of view, is in the respective fees 
paid for admission and for degrees : there has never, I believe, been any difference 
of privilege as r^ards residence, degrees, examination, or other academic conditions. 
Inside a college, of course, things may have been otherwise, especially in a college 
which was laxly conducted. Indeed, if traditions may be trusted, there was a 
tolerably wide-spread convention that the fellow-commoner had better not go in for 
an examination, and might attend chapel, or not, as he pleased. But he was 
certainly expected to present a piece of plate to the college. 

At what time this three-fold arrangement of the students originated does not seem 
clear; but I should doubt if it is much older than 1544, when the regulations for 
matriculation were passed. What indeed we should now term sizars, — viz. poor 
students who paid their way by their personal services ^, — are provided for in the 
earliest of our statutes. But our oldest bursars' books give no indication of anything 
like a hard and fast separation into three orders, each with its own technical designa- 
tion. The cook sometimes appears on the list amongst the fellows, and when scholars 
were introduced their names also appear on the same list ; with no division line to 
separate them. When what we should now call fellow-commoners were introduced, 
they have no special designation but are termed pensioruMriu Precedence there 
doubtless was, probably of a very minute kind ; but of anything like separation 
into higher and lower orders, I have found no trace in those early times. 

Coming down to the Elizabethan period, when the principal facts are easily 
accessible, we find that, inside the college, a rather more elaborate arrangement 

> It may sound strange to modem readers to hear that these students were not only tenned 
** scholars on the foundation,** but were the only students entitled to be so termed. The expla- 
nation however is simple. At the institution of the college, and for a century and a half after- 
wards, there were no scholarships in our sense of the term. These first began to be founded at 
the beginning of the sixteenth century, and in every case such foundations were the result of 
private beneficence. The college, as a corporation, had no spare fUnds for the purpose ; and if 
any student was to be supported by it he had of course to work for his pay. The butler and 
steward had ancient offices of this kind established in the earliest statutes ; and came in after 
days to be distingmshed from the other scholars as "scholaree ex fundatione." 

By Bateman*s statutes " Habeant etiam socii collegii duo offioiarios, viz. pistorem et dispen- 
satorem, quorum utrumqne pro stipendiis et vobis xv" redpere volumns." 


prevailed. The classes of students were five in number, each marked by the table 
to which the student was assigned for his meals. First came the fellow-commoners 
(pensionaHi majores). These were generally young men of family, — in early times 
often boys, or even children \ — who dined at the fellows' table ; though to this 
order were also naturally admitted any masters of arts who came into residence in 
college*. The fellow-commoners probably associated very little with the other 
students in early times : they were generally younger, belonged to a different 
social class, and seldom stayed to take a degree. Their residence in college corre- 
sponded to a sort of private tuition, preliminary to travelling abroad or entering 
at an Inn of Court. In the last century it would seem that they were subject to 
very little discipline. 

Next came the three tables of pensioners. They are frequently distinguished 
as ^'pensionarii primi, secundi, et tertii ordinis" respectively. The first of these 
divisions comprised those who were admitted to 'Hhe bachelors' table." This was 
not confined to those who had actually graduated, for many were admitted on their 
first entry at college. As the charges at this table were on a somewhat higher 
scale than at the other two tables, we may assume that a certain slight social 
superiority was implied. Next to this came the *' scholars' table"; which, again, 
was not confined to those who were scholars in the strict sense, that is to those 
who had been already elected. It appears to have comprised all who were candi- 
dates for this position, though in fact many never attained to it. Thus, during 
the year 1600, twelve students were admitted to this table; but only seven of 
these eventually became actual scholars, and some of them had to wait three or 
four years for election. These scholars constituted what may be called the pro- 
fessional working element in the college, and are of course the class for whom 
colleges were mainly intended. They nearly always stayed on as bachelors, in 
order to pursue their studies, until they were of standing for M.A.* As they 
generally entered at about the age of 16 (the age expressly prescribed by Dr Caius) 
they would have attained the canonical age for ordination at the end of their stay ; 
and as a matter of fact a very large majority of them did take holy orders. The 
third table was that of 'pensioners' simple; viz. of those who paid for their rooms 
and commons, and enjoyed no endowment. They were relatively few at first, as 
the hostels rather than the colleges provided accommodation for them ; but they 
now form the overwhelming majority at every college. A clear indication of the 
way in which these gradations were carried through college life is given in an 
order of 1672; "In consideration., the bachelor commoners shall sit, as they 
desired, in the same seats in the chappell with the junior bachelors... and that they 
shall sit with the same at hall, and both in chapel and hall immediately follow the 

1 William Mannook was admitted, Oct. 20, 1564, at the age of nine. 

' A college order of Ap. 28, 1608, gave permiBsion to an M.A. to dine at the fellows* table, on 
approval of the fellows, and pajment of 20 shiUings. This was probably only the formal 
sanction of what had long been a custom. 

> Even so late as 1738 it was attempted to retahi or revive this custom. "All bachelors 
shall reside at least four months in every year, or be excluded from all prospect of further college 
preferment'* (Ge«ta, Jan. 28, 1788 — 4). 


bachelors'' — an indication that in those days the students, like the fellows, all 
stayed to the end of the dinner, and marched out in order. 

Lastly came the sizars. They are described by various names : siztUores, medir 
astiniy pauperes acholaresy servi. From the nature of their duty, that of waiting* 
on the fellows, they had no 'table' of their own; and it will be found that 
a student is never said to be admitted "in commeatum sizatorum." They dined on 
what the fellows left; and their share of the Commencement Money, as intimated 
already (p. 182), was paid to them individually and not as members of a mess. 
They were a rather numerous body ; some of them being on the foundation, others 
acting as servants to the fellows. The latter were called private, or 'proper' 
sizars, — a term which lingered in use in some colleges till quite recently, — as they 
attended to individual fellows. In the Admission Register it will be seen that 
they are usually described as being sizars to the master or to such and such a fellow, 
the relation being a personal one. The former were appointed for the service of 
the college, and comprised, as I have said (p. 271), the butler and the steward. 

A college order of March 29, 1670, throws some light on the status of the 
sizars at that time. It is agreed "that all the sizars in college, whether they be 
scholars or not (except those that be proper sizars to the fellows, and keep ' under 
them or nigh, for their convenience) do, upon notice given them, leave their 
chambers for the accommodation of pensioners, and that pensioners and B.A.'s do 
the same to fellows and fellow-commoners." This gives a good illustration of the 
subordination of the various ranks. It shows also that, by way of affording aid to 
poor students, the number of sizars must have been considerably added to, beyond 
what was needed for actual service ; and that a certain number of these had been 
elected to scholarships, which was an innovation on the ancient practice. I may 
add that at this time, owing to diminishing numbers and increase of the buUdings, 
most students, perhaps nearly all, had rooms to themselves, instead of living 
several together. 

All this is now a thing of the past, and far removed from modem conventions. 
It is easy, on the one hand, to say that such a system degraded the student into 
a servant, and to picture some poor youth burning with indignation at the 
injustice of his lot. And it is as easy, on the other, to say that it elevated the 
servant into a student, and to recall the names of some of the famous men to 
whom such an opening was the first stepping-stone in life. It comes to much the 
same thing whether we call this treating a fellow-student as a servant^ or treating 
a servant as a fellow-student. And if we lay aside words and look at the facts of 
the case, no one surely will maintain that the men who do the rough and dirty 
work to-day are treated with more of the friendliness expected towards an equal 
than was formerly the case. 

1 It appears that by andent custom, only the three senior of the fellows had this private 
serrioe allotted to them. By a college order of 1618 (AnndU, p. 224) it was decided that, owing 
to the increased number of fellows, the fourth in seniority should have such a aizar at table ; ** ut 
ministrum habeat in mensa communi in adjumentum reliquorum ministrorum.'* 

' The earliest use I have seen of the word keep, which, as every Cambridge man knows, is 
still current in the sense of * lodge * or 'reside.' 

C. III. 18 


The fact is that our modem ooDception of Equality, so far as it applies here, is 
rather superficial. What is now demanded is, not that there shall be no very poor 
students in the land but that they shall keep to themselves somewhere else : that 
all who are ranked as members of the same society, — the school or college, — shall 
freely associate together on tolerably even terms. The whole body of students is 
regarded as a sort of family or society, in a sense which cannot be predicated of 
a village, parish, or town ; and therefore social distinctions which are right enough 
in the latter must be avoided in the former. Our forefathers held, with some 
reason, that the social distinction between the gentleman and the small tradesman 
was an unquestionable fact of life, manifest from birth to death ; why then make 
such a point of ignoring it in college f 

How this difference of feeling has arisen is hard to say; but it is largely due, 
I suspect, to the growing love of athletics and the increased freedom of the 
students. These causes tend to throw the members of one college together into 
a much more coherent body than was formerly the case. In ancient days there 
was very little of what we now understand when we talk of " college life." There 
was no boat or cricket club, no musical or debating society, from which the poor 
butler or steward would find himself excluded by having to stop in the kitchen or 
buttery in order to examine the joints or weigh out the butter. There is no 
reason to suppose that the sizar felt especially aggrieved at the inferiority of his own 
position, when compared with that of the fellow-commoner, simply because they 
both happened to be living within the same college walls. The difference of rank 
and wealth was a fact of life which was left unaltered by this temporary proximity. 

When we try to look at the matter from the point of view of our ancestors, 
another consideration must be borne in mind. The position of " menial depend- 
ence " on the part of a youth of the age of a student was not considered as in any 
way necessarily degrading. Everyone acquainted with the habits of the sixteenth 
and seventeenth centuries is aware that it was a common practice for poor 
relations to be employed in. domestic service. And, to take a closer case in point, 
plenty of the younger sons of the gentry, — gentry in the strictest sense of the 
term, as being included in the Heralds' Visitations, — were apprenticed to city 
merchants. The duties demanded of a young apprentice were, to say the least, as 
menial as those demanded of a college sizar. 

Of course as college life now is, the system stands condemned; and no one 
would venture to propose its restoration. All that is here maintained is that such 
condemnation must not be taken as implying that the system was not an excellent 
one in its day, or that we have any cause to plume ourselves upon our delicate 
courtesy and refinement in having done away with it. 

Some of the steps by which the old order yielded to the new can be traced in 
the college Gesta : others occurred insensibly. Thus the sizars who held the offices 
of steward and butler had once personally to inspect the food in the kitchen, and 
were fined if a bad joint appeared at table. They were exempted from this service 
in ^ 1634. All the sizars used at one time to sit down at the fellows' table, where 

^ Coll. order, Ap. 29, 1634. It was ordered that some ** non-soholaris " should perform the 
duties " tanqaam servos." 


they had served, and help themselves to the remains. In 1703 it was agreed 
" that the sizars do eat their commons in the HaU at a table by themselves, and 
that they do allow the scholars' servitor twopence a week each for serving them." 
This does not mark their dispensal from waiting on the fellows. As late as 1728 
a stipend of £5 a year was left by Dr Moss, dean of Ely, " for the Master's sizar." 
In 1745 (Gesta^ June 4) their inferior position is marked by their being forbidden 
to wear the pensioners' gown. By 1767 it is clear that matters had come to 
a crisis, for a college order was passed (Gesta, July 7) *'that the scholars having 
declined waiting in the Hall ; it was agreed to allow the butler X20 per annum, 
and the remainder of the commons, to provide two servants to wait at the fellows' 
table at dinner and supper." Again, as regards the sacrista or chapel clerk, 
though he was not called a sizar he occupied exactly the same position. One of 
his original duties was to light the candles and ring the bell for the service. In 
1797 he was allowed to depute this duty to one of the college servants. He still 
had, however, to 'mark' the attendance of his fellow-students at the service. In 
1820 this obligation also was transferred to the porter. 

In the case of our own college the sizars disappeared comparatively early, the 
latest admission of one being in 1807. They still survive in several other colleges; 
though, as every trace of the old duties has long been abolished, and they are 
chosen by competition, they are to all intents and purposes ordinary scholars. 
The only difference is that the qualification of poverty, once a nearly universal 
condition for all scholars, is now made an exceptional condition in their case. 




The due commemoration of the dead formed an important part of the duty of 
the living, in all the mediteval religious foundations, and the colleges in this respect 
foUowed the example of the monasteries. The earliest account we have of any 
such commemoration service is in Sheriffe*s Emdences^ written in 1472 (MS. 706). 
It contains a series of references to the principal benefactors whom the college 
could then record, of which the following is a sample, — 

Statutum Ohitus Ma^ Walteri de Elveden 

Item singulis annis in perpetuum post mortem Mag'* Walteri de Elveden, infra quin- 
denam proximam post Idus Junii concesserunt et statuerunt dictus custoB et consocii 
unanimi consensu singulorum pro anima dicti magistri Walteri, missam solempnem cum 
exequiis precedentibus, a quibus nuUus sociorum cessante causa legitima se absentet... 

The next reference is in the ArmiiU of Dr Caius, from which we gather that 
the college had passed a formal resolution on the subject, Oct. 6, 1531. He gives 
a list headed '* Exequies," in which the names recorded by Sheriffe are repeated, 
together with some other names. Here too additions have been subsequently 
made, including Dr Caius himself. The resolution was as follows. 

Commemoration of Benefactors, 

Cum piarum mentium sit beneficii accept! memores esse veroque iUius datori non sine 
gratiarum actione acceptum referre quod gratis fiierit donatimi, ideirco nos ne ingratitu- 
dinis notam incurrere videamur, posteritati qxim in hoc nostro collegio sucoessuia est 
innotescere volumus rei quam scripturi sumus veritatem. Glim a maioribus nostris nempe 
a variis in suis ipsorum aQtatibus institutum est ut multee per anni curriculum suo quseque 
tempore ab ipsis ac successoribus suis imperpetuum celebrentur exequise, verum ita jam 
comparata natura humana est (labescente semper in peius seculo et reMgescente multorum 
charitate) ut infiilserit luoelli spes, socordes tardi dormitantiores atque adeo Mgidi smuus 
omnes in hisoe qusa nobis imponuntur oneribus : id quod in nobis ipsis (nisi sibi quisque 
insigniter adblandiri voluerit) plus satis compertmu habemus. Proinde et alacrius quam 
antehac factum vidimus tarn a nobis quam ab eis qui suocessuri sunt onera subeantur 
predicta, visum est nobis nimirum Custodi et sociis donationes aliquot ab amicis quibus- 
dam Hberaliter condonatas quarum dispositionem applicationemque penes nos esse volue- 
runt emptis prius quibusdam perpetuis redditibus huic rei destinare. Igitiu* posthao unus 
quilibet socius qui ab inoeptione Psalmi '* verba mea auribus percipe" presens fiierit atque 
ad finem usque moram traxerit (nisi aliud exegerit uigentis caus» necessitas per custodem 
aut eius locum tenentem approbandsd priusquam recesserit) ex donatione venerabilium 

* p. 26. There are a few additions to it, in a somewhat later hand. 


virorum Johannis Bay ley S.T.P., Mri Johannis Carter, et Mri AlboD, hujus collegii quon- 
dam sociorum ac Mri Johannis Le Strange armigeri in singulis exequiis in quibus hactenus 
nihil habuerit quatuor denarios recipiet : nimirum donante illo cuius nomen illis pro 
quibus iam olim institutsa sunt exequiaa ultimo apponitur. Si vero adhuc eo negligentiso 
et inadvertentise ventum fuerit ut ante principium Psalmi " verba mea " minime fiierit 
presens, time volumus ut pecunia ilia in augmentationem prandii aut coensQ illius vel 
sequentis diei convertatur. Custodem vero huiusmodi cancellis arctari nolumus, sed 
ipeum quem aliis omnibus exemplar ad virtutem fore confidimus. Suse conscientise relin- 
quendum duximus atque (si exequias dicere minime fuerit dedignatus etiam sui ipsius 
negotio qualecunque fuerit extra Academiam vacans seque atque si presens esset) quatuor 
denariorum summam recepturum decemimus. Socium autem non item verumtamen et 
ilium si in Collegii causa absens fuerit suo ^udari iure indignum adiudicavimus. Quod 
si tanta premat singulos oblivio ut nulli eorum in mentem veniat exequiarum celebratio 
quousque statuta dies fuerit prsetermissa tunc volumus ut in peccati pcenam media 
pecunise portione mulctentur omnes, reliquum autem in prandio aut coena illius diei quo 
pretermis88B illaa celebrandsD fuerint exequisD, expendantur. 

Ad has exequias quam diligentissime observandas, ac potissimum ut officii executori 
atque adeo singulis innotescat pro quibus celebrentur suo quoque tempore omnes in 
ordinem redigi atque hie subscribi curavimus, turpe esse rati pro veteribus illis collegii 
amicis officium facere, ac eorum nomina pro quibus fit penitus ignorare, id quod non 
paucis usu venisse hactenus, semel atque iterum experti sumus, utque deinoeps minime 
contingat hac ratione cavendum opere pretium esse duximus. 

The following are the names mentioned, 

Epiphany (Jan. 6). Qonville, and John Carter. 
St Fabian (Jan. 20). William Physwick, and Bishop Lyhert 
Feb. 3. Thomas Atwood, and William (John) Warrock. 
Feb. 12. Roger Heydon, William Gale, Margaret Here, and Nicholas Shaxton. 
Feb. 20. Elizabeth Clere, John Bayard and his wife Anna. 
March 5. Lady Anne Scroope. 

Eve of St Qr^ory (March 11). John Beverley, and John Lestrange. 
' Friday, infra octavas Pentecostes.' Bishop John Wakering, and Richard Powle. 
St Boni&ce (Jime 5). Walter Elveden. 
July 9. Dr Bayley. 

Eve of St Margaret (July 19). Richard Causton, and Stephen Smith. 
Translation of St Etheldred (Oct. 17). John Aylward, and John Lynsted. 
Eve of 11000 virgins (Oct. 20). Henry Costessey. 
All Souls (Nov. 2). Geoffiney Knight. 

Eve of Edmund the Confessor (Nov. 15). Sir William Huntingfield. 
St Hugh (Nov. 16). Edmund Gonville, Droll, Browne. 

Eve of Edmund the King (Nov. 19). Mary Pakenham, Ralph Hemenhale, and Edmund 

May 11. iDr Wendy. 
July 29. Dr Caius. 

As the numbers of benefactors increased, and the ancient * exequies ' gave place 

* The inolusion of Dr Wendy's name in this list is significant. In his last instmctions, given 
to Dr Galas, aboat the founding of a fellowship, be expressly desired the establishment of 
exequies if the law permitted, Gaias* own name was doubtless inserted by Dr Legge, who con- 
tinued the Annals. The others, with the exception of Shaxton, died in Pre-Reformation times. 


to the modern 'commemoration/ some regular list must have been drawn up of 
those whom the college desired to record \ Richard Parker, for instance, Writing 
some time before 1610, speaks of there being then more than 100 names recorded 
"in Albo nostro Gonevilino" (Skeletoay In his day, too, the college buildings 
themselves bore silent but eloquent testimony, on many a window or wall, to the 
pious designs of those who had once caused them to be erected. As he says " quos 
omnes Benefactores extitisse, aut ipsa loquuntur moenia aut cerarium et bibliotheca 
conclamant, aut ipsse fenestras testantur.'' Most of these memorials have dis- 
appeared since his day. There is not now, I believe, one square inch surviving of 
any of the ancient windows in Chapel, Hall, or Library; and the only inscription* 
now to be found on our walls is that which records that, in 1567, "Caius posuit 
Sapientiee ' the Gate of Virtue. 

In 1703 {ColL order ^ Feb. 9) it was agreed "that the names of the Founders 
and Benefactors to the College be collected and read every Commemoration Day." 
In consequence of this order Mr Lightwin and Mr Gurdon, two fellows of the 
college, compiled our existing' Commemoration List. It is unfortunately full of 
blunders, and any historic interest it could possess is diminished by the remarkable 
assumption of its compilers that, as a rule, only gifts of X50, or upwards, deserved 
to be recorded. It appears to have been drawn up, so far as the earlier names are 
concerned, without any correction, from the Annals of Dr Caius. In the following 
revised list I have endeavoured to correct the errors, and to insert the names of all 
those who, from the magnitude, antiquity, or interest of their gifts, seem deserving 
of notice. To economize space, I have given, in each case, little more than the 
name and date. Reference to the first and second volumes will give fuller inform- 
ation about most of the donors. 

The founders of Fellowships and Scholarships have been already enumerated, 
pp. 213-219, 225-236. The following are the principal remaining donors. 


1393, or earlier. William Rougham, master, finished the chapel, and placed two 
windows in it. The following also contributed windows to the chapel about 
the same time : Henry de Spencer, bishop of Norwich ; John Ufford, dean of 
Chichester ; and Nicholas Bottisham, probably vicar of Capel. (AnncUs.) 

> We know, in fact, that such a list was compiled in 1615, for there is an entry of £5, in the 
bursar's book, **to John Scott, for writing two tables of the founders and benefactors of the 
ooUedge with their Beverall Coates portrayed in them.'* This may have been a reproduction of 
the Album Gonevilinum^ mentioned above. Nothing is known of it now. Scott was a notary in 
the town, and in 1618 " drew np an account of the foundation of the University, with a catalogue 
of the founders, benefactors, officers, and members of the several Colleges. A copy with armorial 
embellishments seems to have been presented to each College'' (Cooper, Ann. ni. 126). Our copy 
of this work is in the Library. 

> The small slabs commemorating the benefactors of the Perse and Legge buildings have been 
placed in the south wall of the garden in the first court. 

> The original MS. is in the Library (No. 612). It was added to, but not corrected, about 1866. 


1441. Thomas Atwood, master, aided by John Warwick and John Preston, built 
the west side of the old court, comprising the Hall, Library, and Master's 
Lodge. The windows in the Hall were given by William Sponne, archdeacon 
of Norfolk ; Henry Clint, and his sister Mary ; Thomas Warner, fellow ; and 
Dr John Crouch, dean of Chichester, former fellow. Those in the Library were 
given by William Lyndwood, bishop of St David's; John Dogget, treasurer 
of Chichester ; Thomas Mark, archdeacon of Norwich ; Thomas Boleyn, master 
of the college ; John Clynt, D.D., vicar of Walden, former fellow ; William 
Green, D.D., rector of St Andrew's, Holborn, former fellow; and Geoffrey 
Champney, D.D., vicar of Cromer, former fellow. (Annals,) 

Mrs Elizabeth Clere (see under Fellowships) gave 200 marks towards 
building the east side of the court. 

1475. Henry Costessey, master, aided by John Droll*, and Richard Brown, 
alderman of Norwich, gave 240 marks ; spent on rebuilding Physwick Hostel, 
and for walls, &a, for the college. (Annals.) 

1481. The same Henry Costessey, aided by John Aubry', alderman of Norwich, 
and John Owdolf, vicar of Foulden, gave £200 towards the college buildings. 
(Deed in Treasury, Aug. 3, 1481.) 

1483. John Barly, master, gave £55 for building walls round the college. (Annals.) 

1498. James Goldwell, Bp of Norwich, gave £9. 19. towards the buildings and 
other purposes. (Annals.) 

1501. Thomas DrentaU, former fellow, left five marks towards building the walls, 
having already contributed to the chapeL (Annals.) 

1509, or earlier. Humphrey De La Pole, and his brother Edward, archdeacon of 
Richmond, sons of the Duke of Suffolk, are recorded in Parker's Skeletos. 
Perhaps they were the donors of the window mentioned by Caius (see p. 189). 

1565. Dr Caius, at his own cost, built the second court; and in many ways 
added to and improved the old buildings. He also purchased the land on 
which the Legge and Perse buildings were afterwards built. 

1566. Margaret Burgoyne, of Sutton, Beds., left £4 " to Dr Cayuess towarde the 
buildinge of his Collige in Cambridge." (Will proved P. C. C.) 

1570. William Barker, former fellow, gave £20 for new seats for the chapel. 
. Henry Holland, fellow, built * a window of white stone, with iron and glass 

work,' at a cost of £5. (Annals.) 

1571. William Rugg, of Norwich, former fellow-commoner, gave £2 for new glass 
in the chapel. (Annals.) Nephew of the Bp of Norwich (i. 33). 

1589. New windows were placed in the HaU by Thomas Martin, LL.D., of 
Steeple Morden ; Francis Dorington, fellow ; Thomas Stuteville, Esq., of 
Dalham, Suff. ; Dr Legge, master ; and Dr Swale, president. Each of these 
displayed the arms of the donor. (Annals.) 

^ J. Droll was sheriff of Norwich, together with Bichard Brown, 1449 ; mayor, 1453 ; and Bi.P. 
1455. Died 1468. He refers Id his will (Norw. C. G.) to his wife's father, John Coss^. Henry 
CoBsey, probably the Master, was an ezecator. 

' J. Anbry, M.P. for Norwich, 1472 ; and three times major. Died 1486. Will proved (Dean 
and Chap. C, Cant.) 1486 : no reference in it to the College. 


1606. Sir W. Pastoii, of Oxnead, gave JBIOO (intended for the rebuilding of the 
Hall ; Annals), His monument, composed in 1608, mentions this gift. He 
died in 1610. {Blame/, vi. 489.) 

1607. Dr Legge, master, left about £600 for the erection of a new block of 

1615. Dr Perse, fellow, besides many other benefactions, left £500 for the same 

1637. John Symons, former fellow, left £40 towards enlarging the chapel The 

following also contributed to the same object : Thomas Wake, fellow, £20 ; 

Sir Thomas Richardson, £10 ; Nicholas Howlett, former fellow, £10 ; Richard 

Wendy, Esq., £10 ; William Moore, fellow, £10. 
1656. Gascoigne Oanham, former scholar, gave £10 for the Combination room. 
1713. John Amyas, fellow, left £20 towards beautifying the chapel. 
1716. John Lightwin, fellow, gave £500 for the same object; to which also the 

following contributed : Dr Gooch, master, £100 ; Mr H. Cropley, fellow, 

£100; Mr G. Thorpe, £20; Dr Chr. Green, £32; Dr P. Parham, £21; 

Dr R. Hawys, £21 ; Mr Symonds, £10 ; Mr G. England, £10. 
1749. Bartholomew Wortley, former fellow, left £500 for re-building and re-facing 

the Gonville court. 
1839-52. A Building Fund was started, to which the following subscriptions 

were made : Dr Chapman, master, £2000 ; Rev. J. D, Borton, £100 ; Rev. R. 

Lucas, £300; Rev. W. Manning, £100; Rev. W. H. Hanson, £100; Rev. T. 

Dade, £100; Rev. T. Paddon, £100; Rev. R. Johnson, £100; Rev. S. C. 

Smith, £100 ; Rev. Jeremy Day, £300 ; Rev. Ch. Porter, £50 ; Rev. W. Okes, 

£100 ; Rev. H. Holditch, £100 ; Dr Guest, £1000 ; Rev. W. H. Stokes, £100 

(all fellows of the college). 


1351. The advowsons and rectorial tithes of the three livings of Foulden, Mutford, 
and Wilton were secured to the college through Bp Bateman, probably with 
the funds left by Edmund GonviUe. 

1353. Sir John Fitzralf gave the advowson of Capel, SuE, to which the college 
presented twice ; but the claim, after repeated dispute, was finally abandoned. 

1370. Sir Ralph Hemenhale of Hemenhale, Norf. (died about 1366 : Blomef. v. 186) 
probably gave the advowson of Mattishall. (See under Pakenham fellowship.) 

1442. William Thweyt, citizen of Norwich, appears as the nominal donor in the 
deed of gift of the advowson of St Michaers Coslany, Norwich, and it is 
probable that he was the actual benefactor and not merely a trustee. At the 
same time it is remarkable that his name is nowhere recorded amongst 
benefactors (Treas, 1. 1). 

1512. John Buckton of Wilton left a messuage ; after his wife's death : *' Gunwell 
Hall shall have it, to make a vicarage thereof for ever." (Archd. Norf. C.) 


1524. Robert Thorpe, alderman of Norwich, gave the nomination of a priest in 
his chantry at St Michael's Coslany, Norwich. It was actually conveyed by 
his executor, in 1524 (v. p. 25), Thorpe having died in 1501 (Treas, x. 2. a). 

1538. Robert Butler, former feUow, left his copyhold at Mattishall to his suc- 
cessors there. 

1570. Dr Caius is said to have given the advowson of Bincombe, Dorset, the 
funds being aided by gifts from Abp Parker, Dr Busbey, and P. Hewet. 

1576. Sir Christopher Heydon, of Baconsthorpe, Norf. and Dame Temperance, 
his wife, gave the patronage of the siuecure chapel of Pattisley, Norf. 
(He died 1579.) 

1667. Gascoigne Canham, formerly of the college, gave the advowson of Bratton 
Fleming, Devon. (Deed in Treasury.) He gave £300 for it. 

1670-76. The following fellows contributed to the purchase of Broadway, Dorset : 
Edward Gelsthorpe £50, by will, about 1670; John Robinson £50, by will, 
1673 ; William Blanks gave £100, 1676. Also John Ellys, master, gave £50. 

1700. Dr Brady, master, left £500 for the purchase of livings ; Denver to be one. 

. John Gase^ fellow, left £100, which was spent on the purchase of 

St Clement's, Norwich. 

1704. Mr Stephen Camborne, rector of Lawshall, former scholar, left a large sum 
of money which was laid out on the purchase of the advowsons of Ashdon, 
Essex ; Lavenham, Suffolk ; Gt Melton, Long Stratton, and Oxburgh, and 
partly of Blofield, Norfolk. 

1705. Dr John Gostlin, fellow, left the advowson of Hethersett, Norfolk. 

1714. Mr Francis Jenney, former fellow, left £150, and land, for the improvement 

of the rectory of Denver. 
1731. Rev. John Russell, of Postwick, gave the advowson of Wheatacre (Treaa. 

V. 4). 
1737. Mr Edward Brooke, rector of Woodchurch, Kent, 1704-29, gave £200, the 

proceeds from which were added to the endowment of St Clement's, Norwich. 
1749. Mr Bartholomew Wortley, former fellow, besides his other bene^tions, 

left money which was expended on the purchase of the advowsons of Beach- 

ampton, Bucks. ; and Kirstead, Norf. 
1900. Mrs May, wife of Rev. C. E. G. May, member of the college, gave the 

advowson of EittiBford, Somerset. 


Donations to the Library have flowed in an almost uninterrupted stream from 
the foundation of the college to the present day. In fact almost the entire 
contents, till quite recent times, have been the result of gifts. As the date of 
presentation is often uncertain, I have not attempted any exact chronological 
order. Gifts from fellow-commoners, after the middle of the seventeenth centuiy, 
are omitted ; as these were, like the plate they gave, simply a form of customary 


Bp Bateman may be said to have started the library, as Dr Oaius records the 

fact of his having given several books. Prof. £. C. Clark considers that 

MB. 63 is probably one of his collection {Proc. of Camb, Ant, Soc, No. xxxix.). 
John of Tyrington, one of the original staff of fellows in 1351, gave a volume of 

Peter Lombard (No. 279) "in perpetuum mansurum in Aula de Gunvile ad 

usum magistri et scholarium.^' 
Walter Elveden gave five mss. : Breviarium Johannis filii Serapionis (78); two 

vols, of medical tracts (95, 147); Concordantia Scriptarum (115); and the 

Organon of Aristotle (468). The curious old astrolabe, formerly kept in the 

Treasury, is also in all likelihood from him. Exequies were established for 

him in return. 
Richard Pulham, master 1393 — 1412, gave two volumes of Aristotle (458, 509). 
Michael Causton, Chancellor of the University, 1362, and Master of Michael House, 

was a large and early donor. He gave the following, 260, 277, 302, 303, 305, 

317, 453, 611. 
John HaU, rector of Garboldishau), 1447-78, gave a volume of Aristotle "Hospicio 

See. Marine de Cantebrygia ad usum ibidem studentium '^ (466). 
Walter Harlyng, rector of Mattishall about 1391, Aristotle (452). 
Dr Adam Lakenheath, chancellor, 1373-4, gave a theological treatise (466) and 

a gloss on St Paul's Epistles (295). 
John Lopham (legatee under Bp Lyhert's will, 1472): Albertus magnus (510). 
John Lynsted, rector of Cawston, Norf., 1370 (No. 40). 
John Somerset, M.D. ; Seneca (183). 
Henry Osborne, fellow, doubtless gave No. 82, Higden's Poh^chronicon, It had 

been his pledge to the University chest. 
John Thomson, fellow, vicar of Leeds, left books : ''omnes libros meos non legatos." 

A volume of Theological tracts (104) has his name in it. 
Walter Crome, fellow, besides large gifts to the University Library, gave seven 

volumes, of which five certainly remain (99, 129, 131, 326, 395); amongst 

these a celebrated one of the Epp. of Ignatius. 
John Beverley, fellow, preb. of Lincoln, gave by deed (Oct. 2, 1468) no less than 

15 volumes (3, 4, 5, 35, 56, 244, 250, 297, 470-5, 481). The magnitude of 

this gift, — it was valued at £40— was acknowledged by the establishment of 

an obit in his memory. If this was omitted the Chancellor might claim the 

books for the University Library. 
Geoffrey Champney, fellow, left 40». "for the repair of the chapel or library"; and 

also the Homilies of Rippington. 
William Grene, fellow, rector of St Andrew's, Holborn, left 12 volumes, five of 

which certainly remain (58, 108, 268, 280, 310). 
John Fenge, fellow about 1497, seems to have given MS. 469, on Aristotle. 
Robert Heylys, died 1497, left the Summa PredicarUium in memory of some of his 

college friends. 
Humphrey De la Pole, fellow-commoner, gave in 1498 a Sarum mantude of 1454. 
William Rightwise, fellow, left by will, in 1502, Duns on the Sentences, and 

Francisci Conflatus. 


Robert Clarke, fellow, left the works of ChryBOstom, 1528. 

William Tayte, of Gerard's Hostel (William Tate, LL.D., canon of Windsor, 

1523-40) left many books as Dr Caius tells us (Annals p. 9) in penitence for 

the injury he had formerly committed against the college (v. p. 25). 
Nicholas Shaxton, former fellow, Bp of Salisbury, left many books in 1556 (the 

names of several are given in the Annals). 
Henry Walker, M.D., Reg. Prof, of Physic, left 68 books in 1564 (a list of these, 

with the prices, is given in the inventory, with the will). 
Thomas Wendy, M.D., former fellow, left 26 books in 1560 (names in the Annals), 
John Elwyn, former fellow, left all his suitable Latin books about 1568. 
Dr Caius, in addition to his many other benefactions, left a number of mss., 

collected by him in Italy, and many printed volumes. 
William Barker, former fellow, gave five books in 1579, shortly before his death 

(list in AnncUs), 
Abp. Parker, in 1575, left 25 works on Theology and Antiquities. There is a list 

in the Annals. 
Thomas Martin, LL.D., of Steeple Morden (v. Ath, Cant,) left seven volumes ^list 

in Annals), 
William Hearle, fellow, on his marriage in 1603, gave the Historia Sabellici. 
Henry Pratt, fellow, gave the works of Cyril, Anselm, and others, 1604. 
Thomas Grimston, former fellow, left Cerard's Herbal, the works of Savonarola, 

Yesalius, and other books, in 1608. 
Dr Legge, master, besides his other benefaction, left in 1607 his large and valuable 

collection of Civil Law books. 
Dr Branthwaite, master, left his library, in 1619, consisting of several hundred 

books. (Special catalogue in Library: ms. 353). 
Thomas Randolph, fellow, left the works of Avicenna, and other books. 
Christopher Husband, fellow, gave many books in 1625: Chrysostom, Melanchthon, 

Francis Hughes, Esquire bedell, gave the works of Gregory Sayre. 
Robert King, fellow, about 1627, gave some of the works of A. Kircher. 
Oliver Naylor, fellow, left his library of some 400 books, 1636. 
William Worts gave the works of Gruter about 1641. 
Robert Welles, fellow-commoner, 1643, gave a number of books to encourage 

mathematical studies. 
William Bagge, feUow, left his library, 1657, containing many medical works. (It 

was actually given by his executors, as he died without making provisions.) 
Thomas Wake, fellow, left £10 and many books, 1658. 
Thomas Grostlin, fellow, left £20, 1651 ; having already given many books. 
William Moore, fellow, gave or left, 1659, a very valuable collection of mss. 
William Buggin, fellow, gave "the noble gift'' of Blauu's Atlas, 1659. 
John Felton, fellow, left his library, 1667. 

Roger Spelman, fellow-commoner, left mss., and many works on Divinity, 1678. 
Robert Sheringham, fellow, a learned Orientalist, left his library, 1678. 
William Lyng (i. 347), former fellow, left £20, 1680. 


Owen Stockton, former fellow, besides founding a Scholarship left many books, 1680. 
John Knight, former scholar, serjeant-surgeon to Charles II., left his remarkable 

collection of Heraldic mss., about 1680. 
Richard Watson, former fellow, left £30 to buy books, 1684. 
Joseph Loveland, former fellow, gave £120 to supply deficiencies in the Library, 

about 1686. 
Samuel Fairclough, fellow, left 30«. per annum for purchasing books, 1690 

(see p. 235). 
Robert Brady, M.D., master, left his large library, valued at above £300, 1700. 
James Halman, master, left a collection of Civil Law books, 1702. 
Oliver Naylor, former fellow (died 1705), gave the works of Suarez, and many 

theological books. 
Thomas Thruston, M.D., fellow-commoner, left £50 and all his medical works. 
William Peters, former fellow, left most of his books, 1708. 
John Goddard, fellow, left £100 to buy books, 1710. 
Oeorge Thorpe, former fellow, left several Theological works in 1719. 
John Mickleburgh, former fellow. Prof, of Chemistry, left many medical works, 

and his collection of the Philosophical Transactions, 1756. 
Sir James Burrough, master, left many books, and his large collection of medals, 

John Smith, master, added his own collection of medals to the above, 1764. 
(Subsequent gifts have been mostly of single works, and are iaa^ too numerous for 



1354. Bp Bateman gave a number of valuable Church vestments; also plate 


1372. Robert Thorpe, Lord Chancellor, and Master of Pembroke, left all his 

goods for charitable purposes, at the disposal of his executors. Our college, 

in common with the others then founded, received 40 marks (Masters' Corpus). 

1393. William Physwick, Esquire bedell, left his house, afterwards known as 

Physwick Hostel 

John of Bottisham, Bp of Rochester, and Master of Peterhouse, died 

1404, is recorded as giving £20 (Annals), 
Henry de Spencer, Bp of Norwich, died 1406, gave a window to the 
chapel {Annals), 
1416. William Somersham, master, left a silver cup with cover, a silver enamelled 
plate, powder box, ko, 
Thomas Aylward, died 1414, founded "a chesf He gave £20 to be 

employed in loans to the fellows when in need {Annals), 
John Wakering, bishop of Norwich, died 1426, gave 20 marks {Annals). 


Richard Causton, vicar of Kingland, Norf., 1435-9, in recorded in the 
Atmala as a benefactor; as are the three following. 

Roger Heydon. (John Heydon was supervisor of Banyard's will.) 

John Bayard and his wife Anne. (Probably John Banyard, died 1474, 
buried in St Michaers Goslany.) 

Sir William Huntingfield (of Huntingfield, Sufif.; father of Anne Drury, 

1471. Reginald Elie, freemason of Cambridge, left by will (dated 1463, proved 
1471) lands for the establishment of almshouses, of which the college became 
the trustees. They were built about 1475. 

1472. Walter Lyhert, bishop of Norwich, left £o. He is said to have kept 
12 students in Physwick Hostel during his life. 

1479. Richard Powle (Vol. i. 8), vicar of Foulden, left 12 acres of land lying in 

that parish, and a new vicarage house. 
1485. Edmund Albon, former fellow, left houses in London for bible-clerkships. 

Also 90 marks (ilnnoZ^), apparently for the establishment of a ** chest." 
1488. Elizabeth Clere gave £40 for purchasing land. (See under Fellowships,) 
1490. Sir Thomas Lovell (of Herling, Norf. Died 1524. Blomef. i. 324) gave, 

about this date, £20 for building walls (Annals), 
1498. Lady Scroop left some rich vestments and altar cloths for the chapel. 

James Ooldwell, bishop of Norwich, died 1498, gave £9. I9s. Od. for the 

buildings ; also books, and two cups (Annals), 
Robert Calton, former fellow, died 1500. Gave 10 marks (Annals, p. 9) 
for the purchase of lands. 
1501. Robert Thorpe, citizen of Norwich, left by will (proved P.C.C.) £3. 6s, Sd. 

**U) kepe a dirige and masse of requiem for his soule"; and his wife Agnes 

left (P.C.C. 1503) the same sum for the same purpose, and 40* to the fellows 

" for the reparacion of their place." 
1504. John Carter, former fellow, left lands in Titchwell and Thomham, Norl, 

to found a fellowship or scholarship ; but so much was spent in litigation that 

no such foundation was established (Deed dated Aug. 12, 1504). 
1506. Sir Roger Lestrange of Hunstanton left £40 " unto a priest of Ounwell 

Hall, for his exhibition, there to learn and sing for me and my friends.'* 

He died Oct 27, 1506 (Treasury, in. 4). 
1514. Edmund Stubbs, master, left vestments for the chapel. 
1516. Dame Anne Drury, widow of Roger Drury of Hawstead, a daughter 

of William Huntingfield, Esq., gave 20 marks to buy lands, for bread and 

wine for three priests at St MichaeVs Coslany ; also £40 for securing the 

license of mortmain of the lands at Newnham. 
1518. John Lestrange of Massingham left 1000 sheep, at East Lexham. 
1520. Geffrey Elnight, rector of Stififkey, gave the manor of Pattisley to found 

two preacherships ; he also established a lectureship in 1538. 
1534. Thomas Newton, alderman of Norwich, gave a bell, at a cost of ten 

shillings : afterwards sold as too large (see p. 9). 
1538. Robert Butler, former fellow, left 20s, for the reparation of the coll^;e. 


1539. John Whitacres, clerk, chaplain of the chantry of the Blessed Virgin at 
St Mary's, Cambridge, gave by deed lands and tenements for a priest to 
perform at St Mar3r's. 

1556. Nicholas Shaxton, former fellow and Bp of Salisbury, left the rent of 
his house in Cambridge "to solace the company yearly at Christmas ''^ also 
the hangings of his room *' of green say ** for the Hall. 

1 557. Laurence Mapted, former fellow, is said to have left a house in Foulden, 
and lands there and in Swaffham Market ; he also gave a gilt salt-cellar, and 
silver spoons. 

1565. Humphrey Busbey, LL.D., fellow-commoner, gave £20 to warm the HalL 

1564. Edward Parker, afterwards Lord Morley, ornamented his room at a cost of 
£7 for the benefit of the college. 

1565. Thomas Barwick, fellow-commoner, gave £5 for purchasing an iron brazier 
for the Hall fire. 

Andrew Deane, former fellow, died 1565, gave £\0. 
1567. William Conway, citizen of London, friend and executor of Dr Caius, gave 
£5, which was laid out on glass windows for the chapel. 

1569. John Elwyn, rector of St Michael's Coslany, Norwich, added some land 
to the rectory. 

1570. Abp Parker gave, by deed, two valuable cups. (See under Plate,) 

1571. Henry Dethick, fellow, gave £40 : for the circumstances see p. 63. 

Nicholas Mynn of Little Walsingham (v. N'orf, Vis. ii. 218) gave his 

portion of the tithes of Bumham Overy, worth about £8 a year (Annals), 
1573. Li addition to his magnificent gifts during his life-time, Dr Caius left 

nearly all his personal property to the college. He also made permanent 

provision for the common fire, the porter's stipend, &c, 
1587. Mrs Joyce Frankland left a quantity of valuable plate. (See also under 


1599. John Wright, scholar, before his death gave a cup worth £4. 

1600. Anthony Duisborough, fellow, gave a brass eagle, as a lectern for the 

1608. Richard Branthwaite and William Webbe, fellow-commoners, gave a 

handsome silver-gilt flagon. (See under Plate,) 

John Fletcher, fellow, gave about 1613 an armillary sphere, long preserved 
in the library. 
1621. Thomas Randolph, former fellow, left £10 to buy "a comeley cloth or 

two " for the Communion Table, and other purposes. 
1624. The Earl of Bath, former student, left £40, which was laid out on the 

Combination room (Annals). 
1632. Robert Welles, fellow, left all his temporal estate and goods (to the value 

of £200) besides many books: to be bestowed upon pious uses, at the 

discretion of the college. 
1634. William Skippon, former student, left a gilt cup for the chapel use. 
1637. Dr Cosin, former fellow, master of Peterhouse, gave £10 for a Communion 

Table. (See also under Scholarships,) 


1640. John Blomfield, scholar, left £10, to be divided amongst poor students. 

1656. Gascoigne Canham, member of the college, gave £10 towards the Combina- 
tion room. 

1663. Thomas Batchcroft, master, left lands in Milton, Oambs., for the increase 
of the stipends of the Hebrew and Greek lecturers. 

1669. Francis Hobman, former fellow, left £100 for such uses as the college 
should direct. 

1676. William Blanks, fellow, gave £100 for general purposes. (Deed in 

1677. Francis Glisson, former fellow, Prof, of Physic, left plate to the value 
of £6. 13«. Ad,, with his arms and those of the college "as of my g3rft 
engraven thereon" (see under Pl^Ue), 

1680. William Lyng, former fellow (i. 347), left £100 for general purposes. 
1684. Dr R. Watson, former fellow, left £20 for silver tankards; as also Lord 

Hopton's camp plate. 
1700. Robert Brady, M.D., master, left his estate in Denver for the increase of 

fellows' stipends. 
1703. James Halman, master, left his leasehold property in Mepal, Cambs., for 

increasing the Caian scholarships. 
1723. Peter Parham, former fellow (i. 387), left £400. {Burac^a book) 

1728. John Ligh twine, fellow, left his estate in West Dereham, worth about £50 
a year, for the increase of fellowships ; also his portrait. 

Nicholas White, rector of Denver, left his estate in that parish, worth 

about £4 a year. (It is entered as a legacy of £36 in 1736.) 

1729. The Earl of Anglesea gave £100. (Entry in Bursc^a book,) 

1730. Joshua Burton, former fellow, left a small collection of coins. 

1749. Robert Sympson, former fellow (i. 516), Esquire bedell, left £300 for 
general purposes. 

1750. James Husband, LL.D., former fellow, left £100 for general purposes. 
1754. Sir Thomas Gooch, master, gave several portraits of his predecessors; and 

left £200 towards the repairs of the Gonville Court. 
1756. John Mickleburgh, former scholar, besides his Chemical scholarship, left 

money for " a small repast *' in college. 
1764. Sir James Burrough, master, left an estate in Wilton. 
1774. Francis Schuldham, M.D., fellow, left a rent-charge of £10 a year on 

his estate at Kettlestone, Norf., for a piece of plate for the most deserving 

bachelor in each year. First awarded in 1784. 
1776. John Thruston, M.D. (formerly Mott), fellow, left £400 for the foundation 

of an annual speech on the Progpress of Physic (Vol. ii. 6). 
1778. T. P. Young, D.D., former fellow, left £100 for the increase of the Wendy 

fellowship ; or for other uses. 
1782. John Bemey, D.D., former fellow, left £200 for the increase of the 

Branthwaite scholarships. 
1791. Nathaniel Salter, former fellow, left £200 for general purposes; and 

66 acres of land for the rectory of Ashdon. He thinks himself *' obliged to 


throw in my small mite into that charitable fund from whenoe I have so 

plentifully received." 
1795. John Smith, D.D.,^ master, left £200 for the increase of the Wendy 

1800. William Bond and John North, former fellows, each gave £20 for the 

purchase of plate. 
1803. Richard F. Belward, D.D., master, left books, and money for the increase 

of the master's stipend. He had already given £100 for the purchase of 

plate, after the robbery of 1800. 
1819. Margaret Blowers, widow of Isaac Blowers, and sister of Dr Belward, left 

£100 for the purchase of plate. 
1839. Martin Davy, M.D., master, left the reversion of his house and estate at 

Heacham, Norf., for the use and benefit of future masters. 
1883. Dr Samuel Haughton, of Trinity College, Dublin, gave the picture of 

Dr Brinkley, Bp of Cloyne. 

1896. Mr J. B. Sladen, former student, gave a large and ancient Burmese gong 
for the use of the Hall. 

1897. Mr Barnes Wimbush, former student, gave the present bell for the chapel, 
weighing about 15 cwt. 

Various gifts of windows and portraits are separately recorded under T?he 
Chapel and Pictures, 



Those who live in an ancient college very naturally feel an occasional curiosity 
to know what there is, in the buildings now surrounding them, which actually 
dates from the far past The first impression of the casual visitor from some 
modern city is that we live in the midst of antiquity, but those who have studied 
the history of the college buildings know how far this is from being true. The 
fact is that the colleges, from having been continually in use, have been 
continually altered, added to, and rebuilt until we often have to look closely in 
order to find anything which the original builder would recognize as his work* 
The following brief resumi will serve to show the reader where he is to look for the 
really old bits in our own college. 

The oldest construction actually existing at present is certainly to be found in 
the chapel walls, though, owing to their having been coated with ashlar in the 
last century, the old work cannot now be seen. But, as has been already said 
(p. 155), the ancient brickwork, of 1393 or probably earlier, is still there, hidden 
from sight except when the removal of the ashlar exposes it to view. The same 
is the case with the walls on the west side of the Gonville court, viz. those of the 
original Hall, the Combination-room, and probably of the Library, which date 
from about 1441, and were coated with ashlar in 1754. 

Of what is now visible, there can be no doubt that some of the walls surround- 
ing the college represent far the oldest work ; e.g. the wall of the Master's garden, 
facing Trinity HalL This in all probability dates from about 1480 (see p. 20). 
The part of the wall in Senate House passage, forming the south side of the 
Second court, was either built by Dr Caius, about 1565, or is the wall of 
1480-90 utilised by him. 

As regards the courts, the €k>nville court, as we have said, has been entirely 
modernized. In fact the cupola over the Combination-room, built in 1728, is now 
the oldest bit of work to be seen there. In the first, or Tree court, everything is 
new, except the brick wall on the south side, most of which probably dates from 
the eighteenth century ^ But the Caius court is a piece of genuine antiquity, and 
one of the least altered constructions to be found in Cambridge. The east and west 
sides are just as the founder left them, including the Gate of Virtue ; the Gate of 
Honour has only slightly decayed and lost some of its ornaments ; and the wall 

1 The Gate of Homility, much restored in Bomaa oement, stands now in the Master's 

O. III. 19 


which Caius built on that side stands unchanged. If he could again visit us, the 
only alteration he would notice would be the demolition of his *' sacred turret " 
against the chapel, and the new facing of the chapel wall. 

In the Chapel the only ancient monuments are the two brasses already described 
(p. 168). The next in date is the monument to Dr Caius, of 1575. 

The ancient windows which once existed in the Hall, Chapel, and library^ 
disappeared long ago, and we have now only one small fragment of old glass left in 
the college. This is in the window of the passage, in the Master's Lodge, immedi- 
ately over the gateway between the two courts, on the north side. It consists of 
three small shields of arms. Nothing is known about its history, but it seems 
highly probable that it was placed where it now stands by Dr Caius himself. 

The upper shield contains the arms of Dr Caius ; with the inscription : Appre- 
hendite Disciplinam, Amaranthtu (see p. 42). The next contains the arms of 
Bishop Bateman : Sable a crescent ermine loUhin a bardure engrailedy argent ; with 
the inscription, Jeeus^ ChristuSy Deus^ Homo, These are the old arms of Trinity 
Hall (see the discussion on this subject by Dr R C. Clark, Proe, o/Camb, Ant, Soe. 
No. xxxix.). 

The third shield is rather remarkable, heraldically. It is; Argent^ on a bend 
sable three escallops or : with the motto, Servite Domino in timore. There seems 
no reason to doubt that these are intended for the arms of Conville', but they are 
quite distinct from those now familiar to us which display escallops on a chevron 
cotised. The following is Mr H. A. Woodham's discussion of the subject, in his 
paper on "The Coat-armour of particular Colleges" (CanU). Ant, Soc, 1841). 
"We may resolve the coat in question in different w&ys. Escallops were possibly 
the original bearings, and these by collateral branches might be disposed on a 
chevron, on a chevron cotised, or on a bend. But it is much more probable that 
the ordinary formed the primary coat, and that the escallops were taken for differ- 
ence or in augmentation, and in this case, though the chevron might have been 
differenced by cotises, and these either plain or indented, yet it is not very clear 
how it could be changed for a bend, or conversely. However... I see no other 
explanation that can be given. ** 

1 Gonville*8 Seal, as displayed on one of our deeds (No. v. p. 827) certainly agrees with this, 
as it contains a simple bend ; bat the escallops are too worn to be recognizable. AcoordiDg to 
the Catalogue of Seals at the British Masenm, both forms seem to have been in early use. They 
describe (1) that of Edmund de Oonville, <*0n a chcTron between two couple-closes indented, 
three escallops " (1865) ; and (2) that of John de Oonville, ** On a bend cotised, throe escallops; 
over all in chief a label of three points " (1858). These men were nephews or grandnephews of 
our founder. See the pedigree, p. 824 ; and Dr Bennet's accoont of the ancient seals at 
Bushworth {Norf, Arch, x. 881). 




1. Caius, John. Master, 1559-73. Small panel, about Sin. by Gin. Profile. 

Oval border, inscribed "Johannes Caius, Britannicus: M.D. 1566." 
Bought in Padua by Sir J. Fellowes (VoL ii. 127), and presented to 
the Master, Dr Chapman, about 1840. 

2. Legge, Thomas : LL.D. Master, 1573-1607. On panel, ^length. In black 

cap : broad collar and frill. Ring on finger : glove in left hand. In left 
upper corner, coat of arms. (Engraved by J. Jones, 1790.) 

3. Branthwaite, William: D.D. Master, 1607-19. In cope, with shirt frill. 

Broad beard and moustacha 

4. Gostlin, John : M.D. Master, 1619-25. No academic costume. Broad white 

collar. Slight moustache, and beard of fine wavy hair trimmed close. 
Inscribed "-/Etatis suce 53. a.d. 1621." Across the breast "Ccetera saccua,** 

5. Batchcroft, Thomas: D.D. Master, 1625-49; and 1660. In scarlet gown: 

cope : broad frilled shirt Small peaked beard and moustache. 

6. Brady, Robert: M.D. Master, 1660-1700. In doctor's robes: long wig: 

bands. Sitting in arm-chair. In our bursar's accounts (1720) is the 
entry "Paid Mr Coning (Daniel de Coning) for drawing Dr Brady's 
picture, £15, lbs. Od" : we are not told from what original it was taken. 

The engraving by K Harding, 1799, seems taken from this picture. Nothing 
is known of the " small picture " referred to in the note on the next page. 

7. Halman, James : M.A. Master, 1700-2. In brown coat, with a red cloak 

or gown over the left shoulder : flowing wig : loose white neck-tye. 

8. EUys, Sir John, Knight: M. A. Master, 1702-16. In doctor's robes. Black 

wig: bands. 

^ A printed list of the pictures in the various oolleges was published by Robert Masters, the 
historian of Corpus Christi College, aboat 1790. It was reprinted, without alteration, by 
Hartshome, and affixed to his Book Raritiei of Cambridge, 1829. It doubtless represents 
contemporary tradition as to the originals, but cannot be regarded as aathoritative. In 
compiling the following list I have had the help of Bev. J. B. Lock and BCr W. B. Hardy, fellows 
of the college, and several valuable suggestions from Mr Lionel Cust. 




9. Gooch, Rev. Sir Thomas, Bart: D.D. Bishop of Ely. Master, 1716-54. 
Episcopal dress : lawn sleeves. Sitting in chair, with book in hand. 
Said by Cole to be an extremely good likeness. Bequeathed by him to 
the college ^ There are mezzotint engravings by M^Ardell in the Library 
and Combination-room of another painting of Gooch by Thos. Hudson; 
probably of the one at Benacre Hall, in possession of the family. 

There is another portrait of Dr Gooch in the University Library, with the 
College Annals in his hand. As this does not represent him in episcopal dress it is 
an earlier one : probably the portrait which he gave to our college in 1725. 

10. Burrough, Sir James, Knight. Master, 1754-64. Black gown and bands. 

Long wig. Book in right hand. According to Masters this is by J. T. Heins, 
a Norwich painter. 

11. Smith, John: D.D. Master, 1764-96. In Vice-Chancellor's robes, with 

large wig and bands. Oval painting by Sir Joshua Reynolds. Presented 
by Dr Smith, 1765. "A good picture for likeness" (Cole). There is an 
engraving in stipple, by Facius, in the Combination-room. The portrait 
was taken in 1765, at a cost of 25 guineas. 

12. Belward, Richard Fisher: D.D. Master, 1795-1803. In Vice-Chancellor's 

robes. Wig and bands. By Opie, 1796. Presented by Dr Belward, 1797. 
There is an engraving in stipple by Facius in the Library, 1804. 

13. Davy, Martin: M.D. and D.D. Master, 1803-39. In scarlet grown, and 

hood bordered with white fur. By Opie, about 1803. Bequeathed by 
Dr Davy, 1838. 

1 4. Davy, Martin : another picture. In doctor's gown, cassock and bands. 

Sitting at a table. By H. E. Dawe. There is an engraving of this, by the 
painter, in the Combination-room. 

(There is a third portrait of him, by Sir W. Beechey, in the Lodge at Heacham. 
Presented by the Master in 1805.) 

15. Chapman, Benedict: D.D. Master, 1839-52. In doctor's gown, cassock, 

and bands. By T. Phillips, R.A., in 1841. Presented by Dr Chapman. 
Engraving in the Combination-room, by G. R. Ward. 

16. Guest, Edwin: LL.D. Master, 1852-80. In Vice-Chancellor's robes. By 

Sir John Watson-Gordon. Painted 1860. Presented by Dr Guest. 

17. Harvey, William : M.D. Former scholar. Physiologist. 23 J in. by 20 J in. 

Given by the Earl of Leicester, afterwards Marquis of Townshend, 1798. 

18. Wortley, Bartholomew: M.A. Fellow and benefactor. Died 1749, aet 94. 

In cassock, bands, and very thick wig. Bequeathed by him. 

19. Unidentified. 

* In his will he leaves his " picture by Mr Hudson " to his wife ; " to the college my picture, 
and those of my predecessors now in my dining room ** : "to my son John the other of my 
pictures when the college have chosen one " : ** the small picture of Dr Brady, now in my study, 
to Dr Moti" 



20. Alderson. Sir Edward Hall. Baron of the Exchequer, 1834-57. Formerly 

fellow of the college, f length. Sitting before a table. Black gown : 
wig: bands. Painted by E. U. Eddis, and presented by him to the 
college, 1839. (There is another portrait, by H. P. Briggs, in possession 
of the family.) 

21. Harvey, William : M.D. Former scholar. Physiologist. Copy, by E. U. 

Eddis, made for the college in 1839. The original, by C. Jansen, is in the 
College of Physicians. (Mr Eddis, writing of the original, describes it as 
" the wrecks of a rather fine picture.") 

22. Half-length portrait of divine, in cassock and bands and full brown wig. 


23. Clarke, Samuel : D.D. Metaphysician. Rector of St James's, Westminster, 

1709-29. Formerly fellow of the college. Standing: black gown: long 
wig: bands: holding book in left hand. Copy by £. U. Eddis, 1839, of 
the original portrait, by T. Gibson, in the vestry of St James*s. 

24. Parr, Samuel : LL.D. J length. Scarlet gown : wig : paper in right hand. 

Copy of the portrait by Romney in Emmanuel. Parr was a friend of 
Dr Davy, Master of this college, who presented this picture. 

25. Cosin, John: D.D. Bishop of Durham, 1660-72. Formerly fellow of the 

college, f length. Sitting in chair : scarlet gown. Book in right hand : 
open book on stand before him. Inscribed "iBtatis 72, 1667" (last figure 
doubtful). Bequeathed by Thomas Baker, the antiquary. 

26. Paget, Sir George Edward, Knight: M.D. Regius Professor of Physic, 

1872-92. Fellow of the college, f length. Standing : scarlet gown. 
Painted by J. M. Ince, about 1861. Presented by Lady Paget, 1892. 

27. Taylor, Jeremy: D.D. Bishop of Down and Connor, 1661-7. Former 

fellow. I length. Black gown : sitting in chair : book open before 
him: pen in hand. Copied by E. U. Eddis from the original at All 
Souls, Oxford, 1838 (cost £36. 15«. Od.). See Mr Eddis's letter in MS. 
635, in which he speaks of the original as of unknown authorship, and 
much injured by careless treatment. There is an engraving of this, by 
W. Holl, in the Combination-room. 

28. Kirby, Rev. William. Entomologist. Formerly scholar of the college. 

Died 1850. | length. Black coat. Holds in left hand a book inscribed 
Insecta, By Henry Howard, R.A. (Engraved by T. Lupton, 1828.) 

29. Ferrers, Rev. Norman Macleod: D.D. Master, 1880—. f length. Sitting 

in chair. In scarlet gown. By Hon. J. Collier, 1884. Artistes signature 
in lower left-hand comer. Presented by the subscribers. May 8, 1885. 


294 piCTUREa 

30. Caius, John: M.D. Second founder. Master, 1559-73. On panel, 2 ft. Sin. 

by 2 ft. 3 in. Three-quai-ters face : looking to the right. Dressed in black 
cap and doctor's gown. Double chain on breast. Hands in front, resting 
on a table covered with green cloth. In' the right hand he holds a glove, 
and a red carnation flower. 

31. Warren, John: D.D. Bishop of Bangor, 1783-1800. Formerly scholar of 

the college, f length. Painted by G. Romney. Sitting. Episcopal 
robes: lawn sleeves. Presented by Lady Eyre, 1817. 

32. In oval frame. Portrait of young man : full face, in full black wig : shoulder 

turned half to the right. Red gown with blue edging, white neckcloth. 

33. Mackenzie, Rev. C. Frederick. Missionary Bishop in Central Africa. 

Formerly fellow. Died 1862. J length. Black gown and cassock. Painted 
after his death, from a photograph, by George Richmond. Good likeness. 
Presented by the subscribers, fellows and other friends, 1865. 

34. Seeley, Sir J. R., K.C.M.G. Former fellow of Christ's College. Professor of 

Modem History. Professorial fellow of Caius College. Died 1895. 
Half length. By Clara Ewald. A good likeness of him in his later years. 

35. Green, Christopher: M.D. Regius Professor of Physic, 1700-41. Former 

fellow. ^ length. Standing. Scarlet robe lined with fur. Long wig: 
bands. Said by Cole to be an excellent likeness. 

36. Venn, John, Sc D., F.R.S. Fellow since 1857. Author of the Biographical 

History of the College. | length. Seated in chair. In scarlet gown. 
Painted by C. E. Brock in 1899. Presented by the subscribers. 


37. Caius, John: M.D. Founder; and Master 1559-73. On canvas. Profile, 

looking to the left. Nearly bald. Collar and fur cape. Date and author- 
ship unknown. If not an original portrait, it is probably a copy made in 
the 17 th century. 

38. Trapps, Robert. Alderman and goldsmith of London. On panel. Holding 

book in hands: chain and locket. Armorial bearings. Quarterly; 1 and 
4, Argent J three ccUtrapa aahle^ two and one, for Trapps ; 2 and 3, Sable, a 
chevron between three crosses paiee or (for Fordhara or Hildersham ?). On 
the nombrel point a crescent gules. Motto, Suffer and Serve, Inscription, 
"Ann. Dni. 1554. Aetat. 77." In left-hand corner. Arms of Goldsmiths' 



39. Trapps, Joan. Wife of above. On panel. Holding flower in hand. Chain 

and locket. Armorial bearings ' in corner ; GtUeSf on cm engrailed /esse 
OTf between three lozenges vair, three dnque/oUs of the field. Benefactress, 
by foundation of scholarships. 

40. Frankland, Joyce. Daughter of above. On panel. Black cloak; frilled 

collar: watch in hands. Arras of Robert Trapps, with motto, Suffer 
and Serve, Benefactress, by foundation of fellowships and scholarships. 
Died 1587. 

The last three above were bequeathed by Mrs Frankland in 1587, *< to be set up 
in the oratories or chapel " of the college. She adds *' if I shall have three forms 
or pictures of myself at my decease, one to Gonville and Caius College, one to 
Emmanuel, and one to Lincoln College, Oxford." There is also a likeness of her at 
Brasenose, and one in the possession of a descendant of the family. 

There is a college order, Jan. 9, 1793, "that new frames be made for the three 
portraits of Dr Caius, Alderman Trapps, and his wife." 

41. Clarke, Samuel: D.D. Rector of St Jameses, Westminster. Former fellow. 

Large wig: gown, and bands. By T. Gibson. Purchased in 1896, of 
Rev. F. White, vicar of St Matthias's, Islington. 

42. Nelson, Rev. Edmund. Father of Admiral Lord Nelson. Former fellow. Long 

gray hair : gown, cassock, and bands. Copy by Miss Edith Sprague, 1898. 
The original, by Sir W. Beechey, is in the possession of Earl Nelson. It 
was painted at Bath shortly before Mr Nelson's death in 1802. 

43. Murphy, Robert : M.A. Fellow. Mathematician. Died 1843. Painted 

about 1829 by J. T. Woodhouse, fellow of the college. 

44. Brinkley, John : D.D. Professor of Astronomy, Trin. Coll., Dublin. Bishop 

of Cloyne. Former fellow. Died 1835. In episcopal habit : lawn sleeves. 
Copied by Miss Sarah Purser from the original at Trinity, Dublin. Pre- 
sented by Rev. Samuel Haughton, D.D., fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, 

45. Thurlow, Edward. Lord Chancellor, 1778-92. Died 1806. Former scholar 

of the college. Sitting in chair; hands resting on stick. Wig: dark 
coat. By Thomas Phillips, R.A, Purchased in 1894, for £65, from 
Messrs Mortlock & Co., London, who had bought it at a sale of Lord 
Thurlow's goods. Ours is apparently the portrait referred to in Phillips's 
note-book, •* 1807, July 20. Lord Thuriow, copy for Mr Thuriow " 
(L. Cust). There are two other portraits of him, in the National Portrait 
GaUery. (We have an engraving, by Bartolozzi, of a portrait by 

> Birs Trapps (n4e Joan Crispe) was an heiress, and had the anosoal concession of a grant of 
arms to herself. There is an original portrait of Robert Trapps in possession of Lord de Sanmarez 
48 Grosvenor Plaoe, aW. (L. Cost). 

296 picruR£S. 

46. Esher, Lord. Master of the Rolls. Former student of the college. In 

Judge's robes: wig: scarlet and ermine cap. Painted by Phillips, 1870: 
retouched some years afterwards in Sir J. Millais' studio. Presented 
by Lord Esher, 1886. 

47. Harvey, William : M.D. Physiologist. Copy of the original at the 

College of Physicians, by Miss Dickinson. Presented, 1893, by W. H. 
Dickinson, M.D., Hon. fellow of the college. (We have another copy 
of the same picture, no. 21.) There is an engraving of the original in 
the Combination-room. 


48. Harvey, William : M.D. Physiologist. Copy of an original, attributed to 

Vandyke, now in possession of John D. Cobbold, Esq., of Holywells, 
Ipswich. J length. Standing. Copied by Rev. Richard Cobbold, former 
member of the college, and presented in 1843. (Note at back of picture.) 

49. Annunciation of the Virgin, Copy by Valentine Ritz from a painting by 

Carlo Maratti. Painted for the college, at a cost of £26. bs, Od, at the 
time of the alteration of the Chapel in 1718. Till 1870 it hung behind 
the altar. (Ritz seems to have resided in Cambridge, and is said to be 
buried in the church of St Mary the Lesa) 

(The next six are not certainly identified, but, according to Masters, and from 
other evidence, there should be in the college ; — William Moore, divine, died 1659, 
aged 69 : John Gostlin, M.D., died 1705, aged 73 : Nicholas Parham, divine, died 
1713, aged 43: Peter Parham, M.D., died 1722, aged 86 : John Lightwine. divine, 
died 1729, aged 75. Masters adds the portrait of Nicholas Sanderson, the blind 
professor ; nothing answering to this is now in our possession. 

50. Portrait of divine in cassock and bands : full wig. Painting enclosed in oval 

border : square frame. 

51. Portrait of divine in cassock and bands. Oval frame: on back of frame 

is the name J no. Verelst. 

52. Portrait of a gentleman in brown wig, gown and bands : beneath the gown 

a brown coat unbuttoned below to show a white neckerchief. Right arm 
bent across to left : white sleeve with black bow : flower in right hand. 

53. Portrait of gentleman in full wig : dressed in green cloak with a red lining : 

white neckcloth. The painting has an oval border, and is in a square 

54. Portrait of gentleman : looking a little to the left : full wig, gown and bands : 

brown coat with large buttons, showing brown waistcoat and white 
neckcloth. Painting in oval Iwrder, square frame. 

55. Portrait. Full wig, face turned slightly to the right : brown coat looped 

back to show brown waistcoat and white neckcloth. Large buttons on 
coat and waistcoat, and device in braid on edge of coat and waistcoat. 

PiCTUREa 297 


56. Haveu8, Theodore ; of Cleves. Architect. Designer of Dr Caius' tomb, and 

of the Dial Column which formerly stood in the Caius court. Small 
panel Doubtless given, or left, by Haveus himself. " Slashed doublet ; 
holding a pair of compasses. By his side a polyhedron of 12 pentagons.... 
An old picture... now almost effaced by cleaning^ (Walpole, Anecdotes of 
Painting, i. 193). 

57. Caius, John. Master. Small panel. Old. Inscribed, on the frame, *'John 

Caius." Nothing is known of its origin, and its claim to authenticity is 
worse than doubtful. See below. 


We have a small collection of water-colour portraits of some of the more 
distinguished pupils of Mr William Hopkins, the well-known private tutor. The 
originals, now in the possession of the Master of Trinity Collie, were mostly taken 
by T. C. Wageman. Those representing members of our college were recently 
copied by Miss Rosa Carter. They comprise the following : the date of execution 
in each case is shortly after the B. A. degree. They now hang in the Combination- 

58. Ferrers, N. M., the present Master (see No. 29). 

59. Budd, Ceorge; M.D. B.A. 1831. Fellow; and afterwards Hon. fellow of 

the college. A distinguished physician. Died 1882. 

60. Ellice, Alex. B.A. 1833. Fellow. Barrister-aUaw. Died 1840. 

61. O'Brien, Mat. B.A. 1838. Fellow. Professor of Astronomy, King's College, 

London. Died 1855. 

62. Goodwin, Harvey. B.A. 1840. FeUow. Bishop of Carlisla Died 1891. 

63. Hopkins, W. Bonner. B.A. 1844. Fellow. Afterwards fellow and tutor of 

St Catharine's. Died 1890. 

64. Mackenzie, C. F. B.A. 1848. Fellow. Missionary bishop in Central Africa. 

Died 1862. (See No. 33.) 

65. Phear, H. 0. B.A. 1849. Fellow. Barrister-at-law. Died 1880. 

The late Mr J. J. Smith, former tutor of the college, left an interesting 
collection of crayon likenesses, consisting mainly of contemporary members of the 
college, i.e. during the period 1835 — 45. They are bound in two volumes and are 
now preserved in the Library. These sketches are over one hundred in number. 

298 piCTUREa 


1. In the Combination-room. William Harvey. One of three copies in plaster, 

of the effigy on the monument at Hempstead. They were taken for 
Dr G. E. Paget ; who presented one to our college, and one to the College 
of Physicians. 

2. In the Library. Henry Woodrow, former fellow. Died 1876. Marble bust 

by F. R. Mullins. Presented by Mrs Woodrow, 1878. 


As will be seen above, we have four pictures in the college which claim to be 
portraits of our second founder. But their value and authenticity are very different, 
and .some account ought to be given of their history so far as possible. 

Far the most valuable and interesting is the one in the Hall (No. 30). It was 
doubtless given by Dr Caius during his life, as it is not mentioned in the minute 
inventory of his goods in his will. It is a beautiful work of art, and of undoubted 
authenticity. The artist is not known, but the style is that of Holbein. In the 
left-hand upper comer is Caius' coat of arms, with helmet above, on the crest of 
which is perched a bird carrying a flower of amaranth in its beak. In the right 
upper comer are the following verses, 

Qui studio excoluit musas florentibus annis 

CoDtulit et patriae commoda magna suae. 
Qui stravit faciles aditus ad Apollinis artem 

Et fecit QraioB verba latina loqui. 
Qui CantabrigiflB Qonvilli iucaepta muoita 

Auxit et e parvo nobile fecit opus. 
Et qui mausoleum Linacro donavit in sede 

Qu8B nunc de Pauli nomine nomen habet 
Qui lucem dedit et solatia magna chirurgis 

Ut scirent partes Anotomia tuas. 
Arte Machaouia Qaleuus pene secundus 

Et patriae atque aevi gloria rara sui. 
Talis erat Caius qualem sub imaginis umbra 

Pene hie viventem picta tabella refert. 

A signet ring having a skull engraved on it is on the first finger of the right 
hand : — this is referred to in his will, when he leaves " to Mr Justice Wraie a 
ringe with deathe's head." There are also rings on the fourth finger of the right 
hand, and the first of the left The frame is an old one; though Mr Lionel Cust, 
director of the National Portrait Gallery, who has carefully examined it, does not 
consider it coasval with the picture itself. On this frame are the words ^'^tatis 
su», 53. An'* Dni, 1663." 


This picture, till 1899, had long hung at the bottom of the Hall. It had, at 
some time, been cleaned by an incompetent hand, and had again become very 
dirty from the fumes of gas, and the various emanations of a dining-room. It 
has now been very carefully cleaned, and fixed against the upper wall of the Hall, 
behind the centre of the high table. On either side of it are carved wood panels, 
hand coloured. That on the left contains the arms of Caius with his motto, 
"Semper vivum amaranthos." That on the right contains, above, the arms of 
the college ; below, the arms of Gonville, the first founder. There is a photograph 
of this picture opposite p. 30. 

The picture in the Combination-room (No. 37) is probably the best known, 
owing to its conspicuous position. Some doubt however has always been felt 
about it, some authorities holding that it is an eighteenth century reproduction 
from some original portrait, or possibly from some early engraving. This was 
at first Mr Gust's opinion, who still holds that neither the style of painting, nor 
the material on which it is drawn (canvas, instead of panel) permits its being 
regarded as a contemporary likeness in its present condition. On the other hand 
the evidence of engravings (see below) proves that a picture of precisely this 
general form, attitude, dress, (&c., was in existence in the college at least as early 
as 1620. Blomefield also {Uiat of NorJoLky iii. 300) speaks of the picture ''in 
the Combination-room " as the original of the engraving of Holland's Ueroologia, 
This shows the tradition 170 years ago, and Blomefield was of course perfectly 
familiar with the picture, though he has made an error as to its bearing the above- 
mentioned verses. 

If the portrait had been copied for the college one would naturally expect to 
find some entry referring to the fact in the bursars' accounts. But a careful 
examination iias discovered nothing decisive on this point. The only early refer- 
ences to our pictures are the following: — " For repayring Dr Caius picture, 13* 4** " 
(1636). "Knuckle, for the founder's pictures, £6" (1660). The f rmer amount 
suggests cleaning, or some trifling repair, possibly even re-framing. The latter 
sum is one which, in Mr Cust's opinion, might quite well represent the price of a 
copy. The expression used however is a strange one, and I have failed to find 
any reference to a painter of the name of Knuckle. 

The small picture in the Lodge (No. 1) is of considerable interest It is on 
panel, about 8 in. by 6 in. The head is represented in profile, within an oval 
frame or border, on which is inscribed, "Johannes Caius, Britannicus; M.D. 1566." 
It was purchased in Padua, by Sir J. Fellowes, a former fellow, about 1840, and 
presented to the Master, Dr Chapman. It has every appearance of being a 
contemporary and authentic likeness. Its connection with Padua naturally raises 
the suggestion whether it may have been taken there, during Caius' residence in 
the University. But the date is against this, as Caius never revisited Italy after 
his departure in 1545. The word " Britannicus " of course implies a foreign origin ; 
but whether it was taken from a painting or an engraving it is impossible to say. 

The fourth portrait, viz. that in the Library (No. 57), stands on a very 
different footing to the above. It is a small one, on panel, about 7^ in. by 6 in. 
On the frame are inscribed the words " John Caius." According to J. J. Smith 

300 piCTUBBa 

{Portfolio^ p. 175) a tradition was prevalent in the college that this was a likeness 
taken from the corpse when the grave was broken open in 1719; a tradition 
which he apparently supports. The story probably originated with Blomefield, 
but seems utterly absurd. The date is not that of 1719, and whomsoever the 
picture may represent he is apparently a man in full health. No one who reads 
Warren's account (see back, p. 57) of how he poked a candle on a stick into the 
dark vault to get a sight of the remains, can believe that any * portrait' was 
then taken, or even verified. Mr Oust, after examination, holds decisively that 
it does not represent Dr Caius at all; but thinks that it is more probably a 
likeness of one of the English or foreign reformers of the 1 6th century. 
The following engraved portraits of Dr Caius are in existence. 

1. Of the picture in the Hall (No. 30). A mezzotint by Faber: reversed. At 

the bottom the inscription, " Hanc effigiera a tabula in istius Coll. factam. 
J. Faber, A» 17U." 

2. Of the same. A colour print, by Stadler. This was made for Ackermann's 

History of Cambridge^ 1815. 

3. Of the same. An engraving by C. J. Lewis. Published by Parker. 

Of the picture in the Combination-room, or of some earlier portrait resembling 

4. Engravings in Dr Caius' published works, e.g. the De Metkodo Medendi, 

These have the words, *' ^tatis suss 43." The general attitude, dress, <fec., 
agree with our picture, but the design is too slight to be sure of the 

5. The well-known engraving in H. Holland's Heroologia, Beneath are the words 

"Vivit post funera virtus. Jo' Caius, medicus. Talis erat Caius medici 
prselustris ab arte. Hie qualem facili sculptor in sere dedit. ^." Holland's 
volume was published in 1620. We have a copy in the Combination- 
room, which has been cut out of this work ; it has the letter-press behind. 

6. One closely resembling the above, but somewhat smaller, and reversed. In 

the oval border are the words, ** Johannes Caius, Regis Edouardi VT, 
Reginffi et ElizabethsB Aug. medicus. Obiit 1573: set 63." Beneath 
are the above lines, <' Talis erat Caius," <S^c. 

7. Similar to the last, but still smaller. Beneath, *< Johannes Caius, Archiater 

Begins Angl." In Paul Freher's ThecUrum Virorum..., 1688. Freher 
refers to the Heroologia as his original. 

8. A modem mezzotint. Oval, in square border. Beneath, '< Johannes Caius 

" Med. Gonville et Caii Coll. Fund. Alter. a.d. mdccclvii. W. Robins F." 



The subject of our Plate is a rather melancholy one. The explanation which 
has become traditional in most colleges, viz. that their silver was melted down for 
the Ring's service during the Civil Wars, is certainly inapplicable in our case. For 
one thing it must be remembered that action of this kind was by no means so easy 
at Cambridge, which was held from an early date by the Parliament, as at Oxford, 
which was garrisoned by the King. But, apart from this, we have the assurance 
of Walker (Sufferings^ Part ii. p. 145) that Dr Batchcroft refused to send any 
plate for the Eling's service, and that this was partly the reason for the delay in 
his ejection. The causes of our loss are of a more prosaic kind, consisting of 
indifference and theft. In olden times, and indeed till very recent days, there 
does not seem to have been a vestige of what we call historic or antiquarian 
interest in the various college possessions. When a cup or spoon became much 
worn, or out of fashion, it was disposed of, and replaced by something new. Hence 
the frequency of such entries as these in our books : ' 84 oz. of old plate exchanged 
for new' (1609); *92 oz. exchanged' (1613); "that several pieces of ancient and 
battered plate be exchanged, to purchase silver spoons and salts" (1658); "that 
the college plate which is now old and useless be exchanged for candlesticks, 
flagons, 4&a" (1674). Add to this, occasional theft, and the wonder rather is that 
amongst the few surviving things there should be any of such undoubted antiquity 
and value as we now possess. Two robberies at least are known, one of them very 
serious. In 1658 we have a reference to plate "stolen out of the butterye," and of 
1 5«. being paid for an advertisement of the loss in the Diurnal. Far worse than 
this, however, was the great robbery^ of 1800, of which an account has been already 
given under that date (p. 133). On this occasion no less than 2000 oz. were stolen. 

The total amount possessed by the college was always considerable. In fact, 
in accordance with the medi»val custom displayed in every inventory and will of 
early date, the relative proportion of this kind of personal and household property 
must seem to modem notions very large. Thus in 1467, according to the Annals, 
the college owned 1480 oz., valued at over £234 : — at a time when there were 

1 It was one of a sacoession of barglaries, in which, beside private persons, five or six colleges 
were sufferers. Oar own loss included, amongst many other things, ** a most superb and massive 
silver waiter with tea and coffee services.** The only articles recovered were a silver mug (see 
below) and some tea-spoons. The former had been disguised by being blackened over. Accord- 
ing to tradition the thief, B. Kidman, thought his beer tasted so well in it that he could not 
bring himself to let it be melted down with the rest. There is an account of the robbery in 
Gunning's Reminiicencei, n. 128, 268. I am afraid that the ** massive silver waiter ** was the 
salver (labmm cum guttumio) given by Gains on the refoundation of the college (v. p. 40). 


probably not ten men in residence. In 1783, shortly before the great robbery, the 
amount had risen to 3643 oz. 

The accumulation of plate began from the very first. Bateman, for instance, 
gave several silver cups. William Somersham, fourth master, who died in 1416, 
left *'unam murram cum cooptorio, et unam tabulam argenteam ennameld, et 
unum powder box de argento '' : also a silver spoon to each fellow. Many masters 
and fellows gave valuable pieces of plate, and for some centuries it was the custom 
for every fellow-commoner to make a similar present on leaving college. 

At the present day, unfortunately, the following list comprises all our possessions 
of this kind which, either from their antiquity or their intrinsic value, are worth 
mention. The paragraphs in inverted commas are taken from the catalogue of the 
Exhibition of Plate held in Cambridge in 1895. I have to thank Mr J. £. Foster, 
M.A., for his kind help in the following description. 

1. Cocoa-nut cup: silver-gilt mounting, 15th century. "A black cocoa-nut 
cup, with straight spreading lip. The stem is trumpet shaped, and stands on a 
battlemented and traceried base, supported on the backs of three lions sejant. The 
rim is connected with the stem by three hinged bands with a cable-moulding down 
the centre : the edges of the mounting are worked into fleur-de-lis, but those round 
the top of the stem are broken off. The upper part of the stem is surrounded by 
five slight projections, giving the effect of stepped gables. On the flat part of the 
rim is pounced a very beautiful design of birds and scrolls of foliage : round the 
lower part of the stem is a landscape of similar workmanship.'' Height 9\ in. 

2. Cocoa-nut cup: silver-gilt mounting, circa 1470. *'The rim and stem are 
connected by hinged bands pierced with quatrefoils. The rim has slight enrich- 
ments. Three series of long narrow tongues or spurs, with their points downwards, 
surround the stem and foot ; the lower row and the spaces between the points have 
a leaf ornament." Weight 9^ oz. Height 8 in. 

We have no evidence as to how these two ancient cups were acquired, but they 
are doubtless the gift of some early master or other benefactor. 

3. Dr Caius' caduceus. Consists of a slender rod with a small boss at each 
end. Attached to the head and rod are four em bowed serpents. On the bosses 
are shields of arms in enamel. A small ring surrounds the rod about five inches 
from its lower end, forming a handle. 

" The case is contemporary : it is covered with leather and lined with yellow 
velvet. The cushion, also contemporary, is covered with yellow silk, and has a 
heavy fringe of knot work in brown silk.*' 

This caduceus was first presented to the College of Physicians by Dr Caius, 
when he was president. He afterwards gave them another and presented this one 
to Gonville and Caius College, on its re-foundation in 1558 (v. p. 40). 

4. Abp Parker's Chalice and cover: silver-gilt: 16th century. "A large 
and richly-decorated secular cup used as a chalice. The bowl is decorated with 
arabesques and stands on a baluster stem, from the top of which spring three 
double volutea The base is massive, and is ornamented similarly to the bowl. 


The cover is domical, and is surmounted by a human figure standing on a 

Total weight, 40 oz. 2 dwt. Total height, 15f in. 

5. Abp Parker's Flagon: silver-gilt: 1571. ''A secular tankard used as a 
flagon. It has concave sides, and is ornamented with arabesques." 

Weight 15 oz. 14 dwt. Total height 6| in. Inscription: McUthctus Archieps : 
CarUuar: dedit: ColUf^. Gunwelli: et: Caii: Cantab: !•; Jan: A^: />'; 1571; and 
Vncio: 15: 3g. Arms of Parker engraved ; viz. [^ti^] on a chevron between three 
keys [argent] as many estoiles \of the first], 

Na 4 is described in the Annals as *'a standing cuppe with cover whole gilte 
weying fortie ownces." The value attached to this gift of the archbishop is shown 
by our having two formal agreements (Dated Feb. 28, 1569-70; Treas, iil 10, 11) 
by which the college binds itself never to alienate these cups, and agrees, by a 
bond to Corpus College, under a penalty of £13. 69. 8cf., to replace them if they 
were lost or stolen. 

6. Flagon : silver-gilt, 1609. Richly decorated with repouss^ work and shields 
of arms. The base is high, and ornamented with repouss^ work and enriched 
motddings. The cover is domical, and has a finial. Weight 27 oz. 2 dwt Height 

Arms : central shield plain : on one side a shield bearing : Quarterly^ \st and 
iihy [or] on a bend, [sable] three lions passant guardant [o/t/te first] for Branthwaite 
ancient, 2nd and 3rd [or] two bends engrailed [sable] for Branthwaite modern ; 
with the inscription, Richard Branthwayte. On the other side, a shield bearing : 
Qtiarterly of eight ; Ist^ in a bordure, on a chevron, betfveen three mullets voided, a 
crescent ; 2nd, [^tiZc«] a cross humettSe engrailed between four falcons [or], for Webb ; 
3rd, [tfo^] tux> swords in saltire [argent] bettveen four fleur de lis, for Barrow of 
Wilts. ; 4th, ermine, on a chevron tlvree estoiles; 5 th, a chevron ragulee between three 
pegtops; 6th, three lions rampant; 7th, between three crescents a ram*s head caboshed; 
8th, between three fleur de lis a crescent. Below, on a ribbon, William Webb, 

This cup was presented by two young fellow-commoners, Richard Branthwaite 
and William Webb, nephews of Dr Branthwaite, the master (Vol. i. pp. 198, 200). 
Webb died in college : there is a monument to him in the chapel (see p. 170). 

7. Set of six silver salts. Octagonal with oval depression. Date 1717-8. 
Weight of each about 3 oz. 15 dwt Arms engraved, but nearly obliterated. 
Inscription, In usum Custodis Coll, Gonv, <t Caius, 

8. Lord Hopton's Camp Plate. These curious and interesting cups are the 
gift of Mr Richard Watson (Vol. i. 286) former fellow of the college, who was for 
some years chaplain to Lord Hopton, the celebrated royalist general. They consist 
of four silver cups or stoups, fitting into each other for economy of space, and 
weighing respectively 12*75, 7*15, 6*19, and 6*45 oz. The largest and smallest 
have covers. 

The largest is inscribed, on the outside of the top cover, Balph Lord ffopions. 
Little Kitchin of Silver FUUe, The cup displays the arms of Hopton ; Ermine, two 
bars sable, on each three mtUlets or; together with those of the college. It is 


inscribed Ex dono Ri, WtUsan S. T, D, CoUegij olim Soe, The three smaller cups 
are inscribed CoU, Gonv, tmd Cat, and have the mark of the Hague. Dr Watson 
left them to the college by his will in 1684. 

9. Dr Glisson's cups. A pair of silver two-handled cups with covers. The 
cups weigh each about 13*35 oz. and the covers 5*4 oz. On one side of the bowls 
are the college arms, with the inscription GantUle & Caiue Coll,; on the other 
side the Glisson arms ; sable, on a bend argent, three muUets pierced ffules, in the 
sinister chief a ring voided^ encircling a orescent with the inscription £x dono 
Francisci Glisson : Medidnce Doctoris nuper Regii Professoris Cantabrigiensis 1678. 
The same arms and inscriptions are repeated on the covers. These cups were left to 
the college by Dr Glisson's will : " two peeces of Plate of the value of Sixe Poundes 
thirteen shillings and fower Pence, with the Armes of the said Colledg and my Armes." 

10. Seven rat-tailed silver spoons. Date 1717; mark of Samuel Hitchcock 
{Old Eng, Plate, p. 374). 

1 1. Cruet stand ; with three silver cruets, and two of glass with silver tops : 

1. Large; on one side, the college arms, with the inscription, Gonv. A 
Caitis Coll, in usum Custodis, On the other side the following arms ; Quarterly : 
1 and 4, a /ess dancettSe between three mullets; 2 and 3, a /ess bettceen three 
leopards^ (f) heads, on the /ess point a shield of pretence diarged with a hand dis- 
played. The inscription. Ex dono D. Joannis Miller Bar, et Tho, Miller Arm, 

2 and 3. Smaller cruets, with the same arms and inscription. 

4 and 5. Plain glass with silver tops. 

On the stand ; the college arms together with those described above ; and the 

same inscription. 

The date is 1735 ; the maker apparently (by the mark). Ant. Nelma 

There seems some difficulty about the above arms, as those ascribed to Sir 

Thomas Miller are; Argent, a /ess wavy azure, between three wolves^ heads erased 


12. A pair of silver stoups. 

1. Displays on one side the college arras, with the inscription, Gon, & 
Caius CoU, On the other side, (Azure) a buck*s head cabossed (or), with the 
inscription. Ex dono Johan: Dearham, The weight is 16*7 oz. The date, 1713; 
the maker, apparently, Alice Sheene. I do not find the donor's name amongst 
our students. 

2. Displays the college arms, with inscription CoU, Gon, d: Caii, It 
weighs 13*5 oz. The date 1729 ; the maker, apparently, Gabriel Sleath. 

13. Large Tankard, with cover. College arms on the lid. Weight 30 oz. 
10 dwt. Inscription Ex dono Edwardi Lombe Commensal. 

Arms (Lombe) ; Azure, two combs in /ess between a broken tUting-spear barways 
or, one piece in chief the head towards the dexter, the other half, in base. Date 
about 1706. Given by the student of Vol i. p. 514. 


14. Large silver Tankard, with cover. Arms of college on one side: on the 
other, quarterly; 1 and 4 az. a pile ermine (Wych.); 2 and 3 «a., ttvo bars argent^ in 
chief three rou/ndels argent (ELungertord of Gloucs. and Som. : his mother was of this 
family). Weight 75 oz. 3 dwt. Made hy Cha, Houston of y* three Bells in 
Fleet St,, London. Date 1724. Doubtless the gift of Cyril Wych, Esq., admitted 
fellow-commoner in 1720 (Vol. ii. 14). 

15. Silver stoup, with college arms. Weight 14 oz. 17 dwt. Given by 
Alington Harrison; presumably the student admitted in 1699 (Vol. i. 503). 

16. Silver cruet stand, with five cruets. College arms. Names of the donors 
inscribed; viz. John Turner, Robert Crowther, Humphrey Rant, Roger Rant. 
These students seem to have been respectively admitted fellow-commoners in 1675, 
1691, 1677, and 1641. 

17. Small silver tankard; given by Henry Hubbard. Only of interest in 
connection with the robbery of 1800 (v. p. 299) ; it was the principal evidence in 
the conviction of the thief. 

18. Large silver cup on stem. The gift of Charles Bumey, 1808. Given on 
his return to college (see Vol. iL 99). 

o. in. 




(CofUribtUed by Rev. E, S. Roberts, Tutor of the College,) 

Of the various clubs and societies which largely contribute to the vigour and 
wholesomeness of College life on its lighter side the Boat Club is, and from the 
date of its foundation always has been, the most important. Judged only by the 
list of distinguished men who were among its leading members in their time, and 
have frequently attested the disciplinary value of their experiences in connexion 
with it, this club may fairly claim that its history should form an integral part of 
the history of the college during the nineteenth century. For the details of the 
successes and the reverses of the club in boat-races in competition with other 
clubs, the curious must consult Minute-books, Sporting Chronicles, and Racing 
Calendars, or the miscellaneous articles in the Caian. Considerations of space 
preclude more than a bare outline of the club's history, a sketch of the different 
phases through which it has passed, a short account of the financial management of 
the club, its acquisition of property, and a brief enumeration of its most prominent 

The first dated record which we have is that of races rowed in the Easter Term 
of 1827. The racing boat is described as a * six-oared wherry' — all boats were then 
'inrigged' not 'ou trigged' — and later there are rules for taking out the 'eight- 
oared wherry ' ; it is indeed remarkable that for some time the name of the club 
seems to have fluctuated between the titles * Caius Wherry Club ' and ' Caius Boat 
Club.' Presumably the club had been formed some little time before the first racing 
began. The original members were seven: R M. Gillies, Captain (matriculated 
1824), A. C. Paget, Coxstaain (1825), J. J. Smith (1823), W. Plunkett (1825), 
A. C. Humfrey (1826), J. M. Rodwell (1826), and E. HoUey (1825), described as a 
new member. For one of these, Arthur Coyte Paget (regarded by his contempo- 
raries as the original of Thackeray's 'Arthur Pendennis'), it is claimed that he was 
the actual founder of the club, and this circumstance will explain the fact that the 
motto of his branch of the Paget family Labor Ipse Voluptas ia also the motto of 
the Boat Club. The uniform to be worn by the club was 'a straw hat with a 
black riband, a striped shirt, with black handkerchief, blue jacket, and white 
trousers, with a black belt\' Some of the original rules will strike the modem 

^ For the changes introduced in the uniform from time to time and the adoption of the light- 
blue ribbon in the hat see an article in the Caian, vol. x. 


oarsman as quaint and primitive ; e,g.t ' that the stroke oar shall be always rowed 
by the same person, who shall be chosen by ballot'; 'that there be elected a 
steersman ^ who shall be secretary and treasurer ' ; ' that it be necessary that three 
members be present to take out the boat ' ; ' that the boat be not allowed to go out 
more than 6 miles at a time without the whole crew ' ; and in a later revised set of 
rules we find it laid down ' that the 8-oared be not allowed to go out without a 
steersman who is one of the club, under penalty of one pound to each member who 
may be in her.* 

The river-side home of the club in the early days consisted of two small wooden 
rooms at 'Upper Cross's' boat-house, on the left bank a little below the Ferry. 
There were two other boat-houses, * Lower Cross's,' also on the left bank somewhat 
below * Upper Cross's,' and Logan's, which was then on the right bank above the 
lock. From about 1844 to 1871 the club was housed in a room at Searle's (later 
Winter's, now Pocock*s) boat-yard. The room was approached by steep wooden 
steps and contained dressing accommodation for two crews of eight. It is 
interesting to note that it was on the initiative of a member of our own college, 
Mr H. A. Baumgartner, now (1901) Vicar of Nettlebed, near Henley, that in 1844 
Mr Edward Searle of London, who had built the boat in which Caius rowed seven 
races as 'Head of the River' in that year, conceived the idea of building boat- 
houses at Cambridge. Mr Baumgartner offered to use his influence, and used it 
successfully, with the Rev. J. J. Smith, Tutor of the college, who owned the land, 
in inducing him to sell it to Mr Searle, with the result that the boat-houses were 
without delay built on that site. In 1871 the First Trinity Boat Club vacated the 
premises, on the site of which now stands the Christ's Boat-House, for a new and more 
spacious building lower down the river. The Caius Boat Club seized the oppor- 
tunity and took the house as sub-tenants of the First Trinity Boat Club for the 
remainder of the term during which they held it from Mr Searle. The agreement 
was signed by E. S. Roberts, Fellow of the College, as Treasurer of the Boat Club, 
and G. L. Rives, Secretary of the First Trinity Club, a distinguished American 
student of Trinity College. In 1877 the Boat Club decided to acquire land and 
build a new boat-house. A committee was formed, with full powers to act during 
the Long Vacation of 1877. They negotiated with Mr G. F. Winter, successor to 
Mr E. Searle, and agreed to purchase for £450 a plot of ground at the east end of 
his boat-yard bounded by the Ferry Path. The tenure is actually that of a 
peppercorn lease for 999 years and the title-deed stands in the name of three 
trustees, James Hamblin Smith, M.A., Eklward John Gross, M.A., and George 
Constantino Calliphronas, M.A., the two last-named being Fellows of the college. 
*The Boat Club/ say the committee in their report, October 1877, *is now in 
possession of the best and only available site on the river, and the committee hope 
that the club will build a boat-house worthy of the site.* When it is remembered 
that not a single penny had been subscribed, the announcement of 'possession' 
may perhaps be deemed a little premature; for the report concludes with the 

1 The practice of electing the coxswain of the First Boat suryiTed as late as the year 



statement that the committee, in accepting Mr Winter's oflTer, * have relied on the 
generosity of the club, and hope that they will respond liberally to an appeal that 
will shortly be made to them.' 

The appeal was accordingly made ; past and present members of the club came 
forward nobly. In a short time £900 was promised towards the estimated expense, 
which was analysed as follows : 


Land 450 

Legal expenses 20 

Contractor 836 

Architect (W. M. Fawcett, M.A., of Jesus College) 40 

Fittings 54 


As was to be expected the ultimate cost exceeded the estimate by more than 
£100. The difference between the amount immediately realised by subscriptions 
and the outlay was borrowed from Messrs Mortlock and Co., and the item * Boat 
House Debt ' was a familiar one in the Treasurer s accounts for many years. It 
was gradually reduced by contributions from the club funds, by donations of 
successive generations of freshmen, and by a second general appeal, till at last the 
remaining £48 was cleared off in 1888 by a vote of the < Amalgamated Clubs,' not 
much more than a year after the Amalgamation system of club subscriptions had 
been established. 

Boat-racing in the early days was, as now, in the form of bumping races, but 
was not the highly organised branch of athletics which it has since become. The 
number of representative crews varied in each set of races, and even from one 
racing day to another ; nor did the competing boats necessarily contain the same 
number of oars. Thus in the Easter Term of 1827 we find that of five boats 
starting, Caius, iknmanuel, and a Trinity boat had six oars, St John's and another 
Trinity boat eight oars each ; Trinity also had a ten-oar, but it does not appear to 
have raced. The rowing course was not as now in the reaches below Chesterton, 
but from Chesterton, where there was formerly a lock, up to the boat-houses. 

Boat-club finance was at first of a haphazard kind. Each new member paid £5 
or £6 on being elected and was not called upon for any regular subscription 
afterwards : we first hear of annual subscriptions preceded by an entrance fee in 
1834, and several years later began the system of terminal subscriptions which has 
continued to this date. A frequent feature in the accounts given in the early 
minute books is the special subscription, in which the Master and Fellows of the 
college joined, either for the payment of an accumulated debt or for the purchase 
of new boats. The terminally or annually elected Secretary of the club was also 
the Treasurer. The robbery of a cash-box in the undergraduate Secretary's room 
in 1871 led that officer to urge the appointment of a permanent Treasurer, and the 
office has since that date been held by a Fellow of the college. In 1887 was 
established the system of amalgamation of college clubs for purposes of finance, 

- *" ^r^ 


and the funds of the Boat Club were merged in those of the other clubs and 
managed by a central committee, to the great benefit of all the clubs concerned. 

Down to the seventh decade of the century it may be said that there were 
practically only two athletic clubs in the college, the Boat Club and the Cricket 
Club. Football was unheard of except as a school survival kept up fitfully by the 
members of this or that public school ; and as cricket was confined to the summer 
term, undergraduates who did not row could only take walking or riding exercise 
during the hours normally allotted to open air recreation. It was therefore not 
unnatural that the health and vigour of the college should be found mainly in the 
active members of the Boat Club, and hence it is that so many of those who have 
made a name in after life appear as having rowed in races, or as they called it in 
the earlier days * pulled in matches' for the honour of their college Boat Club. 
The success of a college Boat Club may be fairly estimated by the place which is 
taken by its first boat at the conclusion of the boat-races in the Easter term of 
each year. The table appended below gives the results, from this point of view, 
from the foundation of the club to the end of the century. A second table gives 
the list of those members of the college who have rowed in the Oxford and 
Cambridge Universities Boat Race. 

On one occasion the Caius Boat Club may claim to have acted as the 
representative of the University Boat Club. After the boat-races in the Easter 
term of 1844 the Cambridge Town Boat Club, which happened then to have a crew 
of unusual merit, challenged the University Boat Club to row a race. The 
University Club appointed to represent them the crew which was Head of the 
River at the end of the races. The crew was that of the Caius first boat. The 
captain was authorised by the University Boat Club to use his discretion in 
substituting for Caius men not more than two or three of other colleges if he 
judged the crew to be not strong enough ; but he elected to race with the crew as 
it stood, and the race was won by the Caius crew acting thus for the University. 
This incident was long associated in rumour with the fact that the Caius Boat 
Club has for its hat-ribbon the ribbon of Univers