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Bifliop  B  U  R  N  E  Ts 

HISTORY 


O  F 


His  Own  Time. 

— 
V  O  L.    I. 

S 

From  the  Reftoration  of  King  C  h  a  r  l  e  s  II. 

T  O    T  H  E 

Settlement  of  King  William  and  Queen  Mary 

at    the  Revolution: 

To  which  is  prefix'd  ' 

A  Summary  Recapitulation  of  Affairs  in  Church  and  State  from  King 
James  I.  to  the  Reftoration  in  the  Year  i66q. 


LONDON: 

Printed  for  Thomas  Ward  in  the  Inner'Temple  Lane.   1714- 


1    H 


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^dvertifement  to  the  R^eader, 

HE  Editors  of  the  follow- 
ing Hiftory  intend,  for  the 
Satisfaction  of  the  Publick, 
to  depofite  the  Copy  from 
which  it  is  printed  (corrected  and 
interh'ned  in  many  Places  with  the 
Author's  own  Hand)  in  fome  publick 
Library,  as  foon  as  the  fecond  Vo- 
lume ihall  be  publiflied. 


•^^^  \\v 


Digitized  by  the  InterH^tJArchive 

in  2007  with  funding  from 

IVIicrosoft  Corporation 


http://www.archive.org/details/bishopburnetshi01burnuoft 


LIST 


Of  as  many  of  the 


SUBSCRIBERS  NAMES 

As  have  been  fent  in  due  Time  to  the  Undertaker. 


N.  B.  Thofe  mark'd  with  an  Afteriflc  [*]  have  fubfcribed  for  the  large  Paper. 


H 


IS  Grace  the  Duke  of  St.  AlbanS. 
*  His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Argyle, 
Lord  Steward  of  his  Majefiy's 
Houfhold. 
ITbe  Right  Hon.  James  Marquifs  of  Annandale. 

*  The  Right  Hon.  the  Earl  of  Arran. 
Heneage  Earl  of  Ay  \tsh\d. 

*  The  Right  Hon.  the  Lord  Aylmer. 

*  The  Hon.  Richard  Arundel  Efq^ 

*  Thomas  Anfon  of  the  Inner  Temple  Efqi 

*  Sir  James  Aftie  Bar. 
Captain  Thomas  Abel. 
Townfliend  Andrews  Efq; 
Mr.  Edward  Athaws  Merchant. 
Mrs  Elizabeth  A(he  o/Twickenham. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Edward  Arrowfmith.  2  Books, 

Anthony  Allen  0/ Guilford,  Efq; 

Mr.  Abraham  Afllworth  of  Durham. 

Frederick  Alpe  of  Bernard's  Inn  Gent. 

T'he  Rev.  Mr.  Adams. 

Rice  Adams  jI.M.  Re£lor  o/Donhead. 

Edmond  Abbot  of  Winterburne  Efq% 

The  Rev.  A/r.  John  Atkinfon. 

Mr.  Samuel  Afhurft. 

Thomas  Agnew  of  Richmond  Efq^ 

Edward  Alhe  Efq; 

Randal  Adams  of  the  Middle  Temple  Efq; 

Benjamin  Andrews,  A.M. 

Richard  Andrews  F.fq; 

Mr.  Nathanael  Andrews. 

Arthur  Arfcott  <//Tctcot  iwDevonHiire  Efq; 

Thomas  Abney  of  VVillefly-Hall  EJq; 


Mr.  Samuel  Akenhead  Bookfelkr  in  Ncw- 

caftlc. 
Mr.  Anthony  Atkey  of  Exon. 
Mr.  Thomas  Allen  Merchant. 
Jofeph  Andrews,  Efq; 
Sir  John  Anftruther  Barn. 
*  Edward  Kenfey  Atkyns  Efq^ 
Mrs.  Archer. 
Major  Seih  Adams 


B. 


*  lU  ^^  ^^"^  ^^^  ^'^^^  "f  Bedford. 

irX  Her  Grace   the  Duchefs  of  Bedford 

2  Books. 

*  His   Grace  Scroop  Duke  of  Bridgwater 
X  Books. 

Her  Grace  Ann  Duchefs  of  Bolton. 

*  Her  Grace  the  Duchefs  o/"Bucclcugh. 
The  Right  Hon.  the  Lord  ^//foa»/ BlundclL 
The  Right  Rev.  the  Lord  Rifhop  of  Bangor. 
The  Right  Hon.  the  Lord  Bruce. 

The  Hon.  the  Lord  Binning. 
The  Hon.  Henry  Booth  Efqi 

*  The  Hon.  Henry  Berkley  Efq;  \ 

*  The  Hon.  Albermarle  Bertie  Efq; 
The  Hon.  Martin  Bladen  Efq. 

The  Hon.  George  Rodney  Bridges  Efqi 
Edmond  Bickford  of  the  Middle  Temple  Efqi 

*  John  Bridges  of  Lincolns  Inn  Efq; 
John  Butler  Efq; 

William  Burton  of  the  Middle  Temple  £/^) 
John  Bennet  Efq;  Maflcr  in  Ch.%nccry. 
Henry  Binfield  Gent. 

a  Tht 


^L 


1ST 


of  the 


ftft  Rev.  Mr.  Bridges  jf.  M.  Ficar  of  Souch- 
Wcold  /»  Efftx. 

Mr.  Charles  Bernard. 

Thomas  Bolithoc  ofExr^n  Efq-, 

The  Riv.  Mr.  Baincs  of  Dicion. 

Samuel  Buckley  Efqi 

WiHiam  Burrcn  E/q\ 

Thomas  Bcnnct  Efq\ 

Richard  Brat  h wait  Efq^ 

John  Bourchicr  £/f  j 

John  Bromc  Efqi 

Fotherby  Baker  of  Brcadftrect  London  Cent. 

William  Bcnfon  Ejqi 

Benjamin  Bcnfon  Efq; 

The  Rev.  Thomas  Burnet  D.  D. 

Mr.  Benjamin  Bradley. 

John  Bullock  Efq-y 

William  Filackborne  Efq^ 

Henry  Bradfliaw  Efq-y 

Gerard  Bochomley  kfqi 

Dr.  Barker. 

William  Bellamy  Efq; 

Sir  Edward  Bcttnfon  Bar. 

Samuel  Bcrdsmorc  M.  A-  Rellor  of  Coxgnve. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  William  Buttcrficld. 
Mr.  Jofcph  Button. 
Edward  Buggen  Efq; 
Daniel  Brown  of  London  Bookfeller. 
Jofcph  Brand  Efq; 
James  Barry  Efq; 
Thomas  Blunden£/^} 
Daniel  Baker  Efq; 
Mr.  Thomas  Barret. 
JieRev.  Z)r.  John  Bowtell. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Baflet. 
William  Bromley  Efq; 
Humphrey  Brent  Efq; 
Robert  Bathurft  Gent. 
Mr.  Anthony  Bezeley. 

Sr.  Thomas  Brand  Knt.  Gent.  Ufher  of  the 
Green-rod^  and  Gent.  Ufher  daily  Waiter  to 
bis  Majefly. 
Thomas  Bernard  Efq; 
Mr.  John  Barne. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Nathanael  Boughton. 
Mr.  Randolph  Bradburn  of  Birmingham. 

*  William  Bate  of  Fofton  Efq; 
Brook  Bridges  Efq; 
William  Brockman  £/5r ) 

*  The  Rev.  Mr.  Anchony  James  Braflillay 
Reaer  of  Sedgbrooke  in  Lmcolnfhire. 

7he  Rev.  Mr.  Robert  Billio. 

Mr.  Jofcph  Billio. 

The  Rev.  Mr  Thomas  Bradbury. 

iMr.  James  Bradley  Merchant. 

Mr.  David  Barclay. 

Mr.  George  Brough. 

Dr.  John  Bcal. 

William  Briltow  Efq; 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Francis  Bernard. 


Sr.  Humphrey  Briggs  ^<»r. 

Robert  Bay  lis  Efq; 

7he  Rev.  Mr.  Barrell  Preb.  of  Rochcflcr 

Lemuel  Bradley  Efq; 

The  Rev.  Michael  Bull  yt.  M. 

William  Beyer  of  Richmond  Efq; 

Mr.  Ball  Citizen  of  London. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Henry  Bnees. 

Dr.  Birch.  ^       ^^ 

Sr.  George  Beaumont  Bar. 

Peter  Bathurft  Efq; 

Sr.  John  Buckworth  Bar. 

William  Bodville  Efq; 

William  Bumpfted  £/fi 

Mr.  Jofeph  Brackftone  Jttomey  at  Laiv. 

Jienry  Becfton  of  the  Middle  Temple  Efq; 

Elleker  Bradfhaw  o/Risby  Efq; 

William  Bucknal  E/q; 

Francis  Barnard  Jun.  Efq; 

Edward  Billingfley  Efq; 

Montague  Bacon  Ejq; 

Andrew  Broughton  tfq; 

Mr.  Jonathan  tJromley  Merchant. 

Mrs.  Jane  Billingfley  4  Books. 

William  Bickford  of  Dunfland   in  Devon- 

fliire  Efq; 
Thomas  Borret  of  the  Inner  Temple  Efq; 

t  Books, 
William  Becher  of  Howberry  Efq; 
John  Borret  of  the  Imier  Temple  Efq; 
George  Ballard  of  the  Middle  Temple  Efa', 

z  Books.  ■'^* 

*  Mr.  Francis  Barkftead. 

Arthur  Bectesworth  o/London  Boolfeller. 
Jeremiah  Batly  of  London  Bookfeller. 
Mr.  William  Watfon  BuUer  Merchant. 
The  Rev.  Dr.  Burfcough  Chaplain  in  ordinary 

to  his  Majefiy. 
Arthur  Branthwayt  Efq; 
Capiain  William  Bell. 
The  Hon.  George  Baillie  Efj; 
Ehz.  Bell  of  London  Bookfeller. 

*  Peter  Burrel  Efq; 
Mr.  Edward  Bibb. 
A/r.  Richard  Buller. 
Mr.  Papillon  Ball. 
Mr.JofephBall. 
The  Rev.  Dr.  Bray. 

John  Brotherton  0/ London  Bookfeller. 

1  eregnne  Bertie  of  the  Middle  Temple  Efr, 

*  Mr.  Thomas  Beddal.  ^      "^^ 
Francis  Benzlin  E/q; 

Mr.  George  Brough. 

William  Branthwayte  Efq;  Serjant  at  Law. 
Henry   Branthwayte    oj    the    Middle  Tem- 
ple Gent. 

Mr.  Samuel  Beighton. 
A/r.  Jerome  Buckie. 
Roger  Boulton  Sen.  Gent. 
John  Boulton  Gent. 


C.  His 


Sub 


SCRIBERS 


N 


AMES. 


HIS  Grace  the  Lord  Jrchbijhop  o/Cafhell. 
*  The  Right  Honourable  Earl  of  Chol- 
mondeley. 
^he  Rt.  Uun.  the  Earl  0/ Coventry. 
Ihr  Hon.  The  Lord  Cimmergham. 

*  "Tbe  Hon.  Thomas  Coke  o/Holkam  Efq; 
The  Hon.  Col.  Cadogan. 

The  Hon.  the  Lady  Ciew. 

*  Giibtrt  Clark  Efq-, 
Peter  Cottiiighan)  Efqs 

J<ihn  Con\  crs  of  the  Middle  Temple  Efq-., 

The  Rev.  Simucl  Claike  D.D. 

Mr.  Benjamin  Carter, 

William' Cholwich  Efq; 

John  Choi wich  o/Exon.  £/fi 

Jolcph  Carpenter  Efqy 

Thomas  Coplcllon  Efq; 

Thomas  Clutterbuck  Efq-y 

Mr.  William  Curtis. 

Richard  Coffin  Efq; 

Mr.  Roger  Clavell  8  Booh. 

Srcphen  Croft  Efq; 

Henry  Currer  Efq; 

William  Coatsworth  Efq; 

Mr.  John  Cooke. 

Mr,  Jofeph  Croucher. 

Air.  John  Cafwall  Merchant. 

Air.  Jofiah  Chitiy  Merchant. 

Mr.  Thomas  Chafe  Merchant  at  Lisbon. 

James  Chctham  E/q; 

William  Clayton  of  Ma.r\c\\i:&.ex  Bookfeller. 

Sir  Clement  Coctrell. 

William  Chappcl  Efq; 

Richard  Clilton  Efq; 

Thomas  Cowflade  Efq; 

*  John  Coke  Efq;  of  Fctvvorth. 
Andrew  Corbet  Efq; 

John  Cuming  Efq; 

Thomas  Carter  Efq; 

Richard  Carter  iiy^-j 

Mr.  William  Cracherode  A/i?r J;<7k/. 

Sir  Nicholas  Caiew  Bar. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  A.  Creflcner  Ficar  o/Eaflry. 

*  Walter  Chetwynd  Efq; 

*  William  Checwynd  Efq; 
Air.  Benjamin  Cudvvortb. 
Peter  Champion  Efq; 
James  Cockburn  Ejq; 

Mr.  George  Campbell  Srivener. 
Airs.  Agnes  Cornelius. 
jNachanacl  Cole  &/ London  Gent. 
Mr.  Giles  Ckutcibuck. 
Edmur.d  Calamy  1).  D. 
Henry  Coape  o/Dufficld  Gent. 
Ths  Rev.  Air.  William  Chapman. 
Air.  John  Carleton. 
Johh  Campbell  <?/"  Calder  Efq; 
'*  Dr.  Crowe. 

Isiicholas  Cary  0/ Hackney  Efq; 
Jol'ph  CoUci  Efq; 


Mrs.  Mary  Cud  worth. 
William  Compton  Efq; 

*  Thomas  Corbet  Efq; 
Mrs.  Eh:tabcth  Corbet. 
Sr.  Richaid  Qoihzt  Bar. 
Mr.  Cibbcr. 

Benjamin  Cowfe  of  London  BookfelUr. 

James  Clavering  Efq; 

The  Rev.  Mr.  John  Cowpcr. 

John  CarbonncI  Efq; 

Thomas  Carbonnel  Gent. 

Mr.  Godfrey  Correc. 

John  Conduit  Efq; 

Charles  Cholmondciey  Efq; 

M-.  John  Cove!  of  Wisbech. 

John  and  Barham  Clark  of  London  Bookfellers. 

Sr.  George  Cook  Knt.  firfi  Prothonotary  of  the 

Court  of  Common  Fleas. 
The  Hon.  Marmadukc  Coghill  Efq;  4  Books. 
John  Cooke  Boo^ feller  in  Sherburne. 
William  Cunningham  Efq; 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Richard  Choppin. 
Mr.  Nathanael  Cock  of  Bytheford  Devonfhire. 
James  Crokat  of  London  Bookfeller. 
John  Clark  0/ London  Bookfeller. 

*  William  Curzon  of  Kenfington  Efq; 
Captain  Robert  Crookfliank. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Clark  Prebendary  of  Winton. 

Mr.  Thomas  Cooper. 

John  Cuming  A.  M.  Minifier  of  the  Scotch 

Church  in  London. 
Mr.  William  ChilwcU  o/StoclcwclI;/»  Surrey. 
Mr.  Richard  Chancy  Jun. 
The  Lady  Cairnes. 
James  Cook  Efq; 
Mr.  John  Chadwick. 
Robert  Corker  Efq; 
Mr.  Samuel  Chandler. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Richard  Choppin. 
Mr.  William  Cumine. 
The  Rt.  Hon.  Earl  Conningsby. 
Benjamin  Collier  Efq: 
James  Colebrook  Efq; 
Mr.  Benjamin  Cooke. 
Mr.  Jonathan  Collier. 
Mr.  John  Currier. 
Mr.  John  Clark  Attorney  at  Lata. 
Mr.  Robert  Cary  Merchant. 
Mr.  Robert  Crookshank  Merchant. 
James  Clavering  of  Greencroft  Efq; 
The  Rev.  Mr.  M.  Cary. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Ralph  Clark. 
Mr.  Ifaac  Cookfon. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Richard  Crefly. 
A/r.  John  Clark  c/ Lincolns  Inn. 
Francis  Clay  of  London  Bookfeller. 

*  Thomas  Crawford  Efq;  bis  Majejlys  Rr- 
fident  at  the  Court  of  France. 

The  Rev.  Afr.  Jofeph  Casberd. 

Mr.  Thomas  Chambers. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  John  Conybcar. 

Mr.  William  Coggan. 

James  Carlofs  0/  Norwich  BookfelUr. 

D.Hh 


J  L 


1ST 


of  the 


•  Yjr  IS  Grace  William  Duke  e/Dcvonfhirc 
JnL  The  Right  Hon.  the  Lord  Digby. 

^ti  Hon.  Robert  Digby  £/f  i 

•  The  H«H.  BtigjJier  Dormer. 

•  7be  Hen.  John  D.uvney  Efqi 

•  The  Hon.  Chrillophcr  Dawncy  Efq; 
7 he  Hon.  Mr.  J  H ft  ice  Denton. 

Sir  Dennis  Dutrcc  B.ir. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  John  Dcnnc. 

Joliph  Danvcis  Efq-, 

Chailcs  Dc  la  Fayc  Efqi 

Jolenh  Damcr  Ejp 

Richard  Duke  o/Ottefton  Efq; 

fbe  Rev.  Mr.  Samuel  D'Oylcy. 

•  Robert  Dormer  E/q; 

•  Henry  ELarl  of  Dc  Lorainc 
Afr.  George  Dowdcfwcll. 
Altijcr  Scipio  Duroure. 
Chriftophcr  Driffield  Efq-, 

The  Rev.  Mr.  John  Dalton  of  Whitehaven. 

Fleetwood  Dormer  E/q; 

Mr.  William  Dawkins  Merchant. 

Mr.  William  Duncomb. 

John  Duncomb  Ejq-y 

A1r.]o\\n  Dupre. 

George  Ducket  Efq;  CommiJJioner  of  Excife. 

Mr.  Matthias  Dagncll. 

George  Dcane  Ejq; 

•  the  Rev.  Sir  John  Dolben  Bar. 
John  Dcalc  Efq; 

Mr.  James  Douglafs  Merchant. 

Ralph  Davifon  Gent. 

Robert  Danncy  D.  D.  ReSlor  o/Spofforth. 

Mr.  Rbenezer  Du  Bois. 

Mr.  John  Draper. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Dc  Fray. 

Benjamin  Dry  Ffq; 

Daniel  Draper  Efq; 

Montague  Gcrrard  Drake  EJq^ 

George  Dafhwood  Efq-, 

Ah.  Richard  Dawfon  Merchant. 

yi/r.  James  De  Lancy. 

The  Rev.  Samuel  Dunfter  D.  D. 

John  Dowdale  of  the  Middle  Temple  Efq; 

Jofiah  Dillon  Efq; 

Sir  Thomas  D'Acrh  Bar. 

Runny  Diggle  of  Greys  Inn  Efq; 

Arthur  Dawfon  Efq; 

Thomas  Dacrcs  Ejq; 

Mr.  Thomas  Dutton  Attorney  at  Law. 

Mr.  Thomas  Dcsbrilals. 

Baldwin  Duppa  Jun.  of  HoUingborne  Efq; 

Ephraim  Dawfon  Efq; 

Sir  John  Davy  Bar. 

Pcttr  Davenport  Efq;  Deputy  Commifj'ary  of 

bis  Majefly^s  Mufiers. 
Tie  Reverend  Mr.  Day  o/Clarchall  Cambridge, 
Charles  Dccring  E/q; 

James  Drummond  of  Blair  Drummond  Efq; 
John  Dfummond  Efq; 


The  Rev.  Mr.  Jofcph  Dcnham. 

Mr.  Philip  Dorey. 

Mr.  Daniel  De  Foe  Jun. 

iWr,  Thomas  Davis. 

James  David fon  Bookfeller  in  Edenburgh. 

•$■;>  Peter  Delme  Lord  Mayor  of  London. 

Mr.  Peter  Downer. 

Samuel  Dixon  Efq; 

Richard  Draper  Efq; 


THE  Right  Rev.Th  omas  Lord  Bifinp  of  Ely. 
The  Right  Rev.  Lancelot  Lord  Btfiop  of 
Exon. 

*  The  Right  Hon.  Richard  Edgcombe  Efq; 

George  England  <?/ Yarmouth  Efq; 

Richard  Edwards  o/Simonds  Inn  Gent. 

James  Edgell  of  Warminfter  Gent. 

Richard  Elliot  Efq; 

Robert  Edwards  £/f} 

Mr.  Jeremiah  Elgar. 

Ifaac  Ewer  e/Lincolns  Inn  Efq;  z  Books. 

Mr.  Deputy  John  Egleton. 

Thomas  Edwards  of  Lincolns  Inn  Efq; 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Exten  of  Warminfter. 

Richard  Eadnell  of  the  Inner  Temple  Gent. 

Jofeph  Eeles  of  St.  Albans  Gent. 

Mr.  Thomas  EUerby  fVriting  Mafier  in  Wake- 
field. 

George  Ewing  Bookfeller  in  Dublin. 

Mr.  Richard  Evans  of  Columbton  Devon. 

Charles  Edwin  of  Lincolns  Inn  Efq\ 

Jofeph  Eyles  Efq; 

Mr.  John  Eflex. 

Robert  EUifon  Efq; 

Vigerus  Edwards  Efq; 


Right  Hon.  Lord  Fifcount  Fermannagh, 
*  The  Right  Hon.  the  Lord  Finch. 
The  Lord  Bifiiop  of  Ferner. 
Richard  Ferricr  of  Yarmouth  Efq. 
Richard  Frank  if  the  Inner  Temple  Efq; 
Mr  Thomas  Fanfhaw. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Francis  Fielding. 
Tfhe  Rev.  Mr.  Francis  Fox. 
"The  Rev.  Mr.  George  Fage. 
Francis  Fane  Efq; 
Mr.  Henry  Faure  Merchant. 
Francis  Fayram  of  London  Bookfeller. 
Mr. ]ohr\  Packer  Frome. 
Richard  Ford  r/ London  Bookfeller. 
Mr.  John  Fox  of  Plymouth. 
John  Farrington  </'Claphnm  Gent. 
Mr.  John  Fletcher. 
John  Freeman  £//; 
William  Fawkencr  Efq; 
Ralph  Freeman  Efq; 
Thomas  Fothergill  Efi; 
Edward  Fenwick  Efj; 

*  Richard 


Sv 


BSCRIBERS 


N 


AMES. 


*  Richard  Foley  Eff,  fecond  Prothonotary  of 

the  Court  of  Common  Pleas. 
Michael  Forller  (f  the  Middle  Temple  Efj-y 
Samuel  Fairbrother  Bookjeller  in  Dublin. 
Captain  John  Fletcher. 
Captain  Wheeler  Fletcher. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Charles  Fleetwood. 
Charles  Fleetwood  Efijt 
Kenclm  Fawkener  Efyi 
James  Forth  Efj; 

Mr.  John  Finlay  Merchant  in  Dublin, 
Sir  Thomas  Frankland  Bar^. 
Mr.  Ralph  Fctherflonhough. 

. Fowles  of  Woodhall  Efq', 

Mr.  James  Feme. 

John  Fuller  Efq;  o/Brightling  in  SuJJex. 

Mr.  William  Ferrour. 

< — ■ —  Fox  e/ London  Bookfeller  7  Books. 


G 


*  "-pZ/E  Right  Hon.  Earl  Godolphin. 

X     *  7he  Right  Hon.  the  Lord  Glenorcby 

*  'the  Hon.  Mr.  Baron  Gilbert. 

Robert  Green  cf  the  Middle  Temple  Efyi 

Francis  Gregg  Efj; 

Francis  Gregor  Efyi 

Roger  Gale  Ef/j-y 

John  Godfrey  of  Norton  Court ;«  Kent  E/fj 

Arthur  Gore  kfq-j 

"The  Rev.  Mr.  Thomas  Green. 

William  Garforth  Efq;  2  Books. 

Richard  Gilpin  of  Scaleby  Efji 

Samuel  Gale  Efq; 

"The  Reverend  Mr.  William  George. 

Mr.  John  Gold  ham. 

Mr.  Daniel  Guilt  Jun. 

Mr.  Jofeph  Grove. 

IM .  Griffith  Efq; 

Charles  Goftlin  Efq; 

Charles  Good  fellow  Efq; 

David  GanfcU  Efq; 

James  Gambiere  Efq; 

Mr.  Thomas  Gittins  Bookfeller  in  Salop; 

William  Gibbons  M.  D. 

Mr.  Alexander  Geechy  Surgeon. 

George  Gooday  Efq; 

The  Rev.  Mr.  B.  Gurdon  Redlor  o/Stapleford 

jlbbot. 
Philip  Glover  Efq; 
Mr.  Joas  Garland, 
tienry  Gould  Efq; 

*  Jofeph  Gafcoigne  Efq; 
Thomas  Goodman  M.  D. 
The  Rev.  Zachary  Grey  D.D. 
John  Gibfon  Gent. 

Fletcher  Gyles  of  London  Bookfeller. 

Mr.  George  Grinley. 

Mr.  John  Glanville. 

"The  Rev.  Mr.  Benjamin  Grofvenor. 

*  William  Gore  Efq; 
Robert  Graham  Efq; 

The  Rev.  Mr.  John  Gilbert. 


*  Mr.  Thomas  Granger. 
Mr.  John  Glover  Merchant. 
Wiliam  Goflclin  Efq; 

George  Grafton  o/London  Bookfeller  j  Books. 

George  Grcirfon  of  Dublin  Bookfdler. 

Mr.  Abraham  Gibs  of  Topfliam  Devon, 

Mr.  Ifaac  Giliing  0/ Newton  Abbot  Devon. 

Stephen  Gardiner  Efq;  Recorder  of  Norwich. 

Jofeph  Goddard  Efq; 

Archibald  Grant  Efq; 

"The  Rev.  A/r.  James  Green. 

Richard  Greenville  Efq; 

Dodlor  Gibfon  of  Kclfo. 

Robert  Gofling  0/ London  Bookfeller. 

John  Gould  Sen.  Efq; 

Mr.  John  Gould  Jun. 

Mr.  Peter  Godfrey  Jun. 

Mr.  Thomas  Gregge  of  the  Middle  Temple 

John  Godfrey  of  the  Temple  Efq; 

Jofuah  Geekie  of  the  Inner  Temple  Gent. 

Sir  William  Gordon  o/Juver  Gordon  Bar. 

H. 

*'~r^  HE  Right  Hon.  the  Marquis  of  Harold, 

1     *  The  Right  Hon.  the  Lord  Hark-y. 
"The  Hon.  Brigadier  Hunter. 
Edward  HaidwelJ  of  the  Middle  Temple  £//> 
William  Hanbury  Efq; 
Mr.  Daniel  Hayes. 
Jofeph  Hall  Efq; 

Hugh  Hammeriley  cf  the  Inner  Temple  £//i 
William  Heathcoare  Efq; 
Richard  Holland  M.  D. 
John  Harding  cftbt  Inner  Temple  Efq; 

*  iS/r  James  Howe  Bar. 
Richard  Hutchinfon  Efq; 
Harbord  Harbord  tf  Gnnton  Efq; 
W'lliam  Holwell  of  Exon  Efq; 
Roger  Hoare  of  Bridgwater  Efq; 
Robert  Harper  of  Lincolns  Inn  Gent. 

*  Sir  Charles  Hotham  Bar. 
Samuel  Hetherington  Efq; 
Francis  Hildyard  0/ York  Bool  filer. 
Mr.  Peter  Harvy. 

Alexander  Hendcrfon  of  the  Inner  Temple 

£fr> 

A/r.  John  Hollifter. 

*  John  Hiccocks  Efq; 

Mr.  James  Holland  Merchant. 
Mr.  Samuel  Hafwell  Merchant. 
Thomas  Hunt  Efq; 
A/r.  John  Hindc. 

*  David  Heckftetter  Efq; 
Samuel  Hallows  Efq; 
Edmond  Hopwood  Efq; 
John  Hawkins  Efq; 

Mr.  John  Hewitt  of  Knutsford. 
Peter  Hufley  Efq; 
Sir  Richard  Houblon  Bar. 
Benjamin  Hynmers  Gent. 
Mr.  James  Haywnpd, 
Stephen  Hearne  Efq; 

b  Matlhcv^ 


A  List  of  the 


Matthew  Halftcd  of  tbe  Middle  Temple  Ej^, 

7bt  Rtv.  Mr.  VVjlliam  Hirris. 

htr.  Philip  Hollingworth. 

Thomas  Houghton  £/fj 

Elkanah  Horton  of  Greys  Inn  Efqi 

Mr  William  Hill  0/ Hackney. 

il/r.  John  Htihcrmgton. 

Air.  Niihanacl  Harding  p/ Plymouth. 

Afr.  Jamis  Hamond. 

iV/r/Jofcph  Hnmond. 

"William  Holt  Efq; 

Exlwaid  H'inywoo*.!  Efqs 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Jofcph  Hdl. 

Mr.  Btiijimm  HoUis. 

Mr.  John  H.nd. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Hilcy  of  Reading. 

Samuel  Holcomb.  D.D. 

Mr.  Samuel  Hollis. 

Mr.  Thomas  Hucks. 

Richard  Holford  of  Lincolns  Inn  Efq^ 

Mr.  Hcamcs  of  London  Merchant. 

Doltor  Holland  Warden  of  Merton  College. 

Jefftry  Hctheimgton  of  the  Middle  Temple 

Georgi  Hudfon  D  D. 

Jamcy  Harrifon  Efq; 

John  Howes  of  Gicys  Inn  Efq^ 

William  Hillcrlden  ^y^i 

Robert  Houlton  Efqi 

Matthew  Hoi  worthy  E[q; 

Mr.  William  Hawkcs  of  Marlborough. 

Robert  Hucks  Efq^ 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Gawen  Hayman. 

Francis  Hutchinfon  A.M. 

Hugh  Henry  Efq; 

Thomas  Hadfield  0/ Wakefield  Gent. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Hooper  J  M, 

Nicholas  Humphrey  o/'Halrtead  Efqs 

Roger  Hinu7«A».  of  Burton  Bookjellerj  Books. 

James  Harris  £/f  j 

William  Harris  Efqi 

il/r.John  Hdrrifon. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Hooper. 

*  George  Hcathtote  Efq;  7.  Books. 
Sir  James  Hall. 

Mr.  Jofeph  Hurlock  Surgeon. 
Edward  Hamfon  Efq; 
Mrs.  Mary  Haywood. 

•  Mr.  Pttcr  Hind. 
Mr.  Samuel  Hawkins. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Samuel  Haliday. 

^r.  James  Haitley. 

Mr.  R.chard  Holland. 

M. Stephen  Harvey. 

John  Hulbn  0/ Lincolns  JnnGent. 

Mr. George  H.adlam  Jun. 

Reynard  Hall  EJq; 

John  Hanger  Efq; 

Mr.  Richard  Howard  0/ Hackney. 

Jofeph  Hall  Efq; 

Francis  Hirrifon  0/ New  York  Efq; 

Dryden  Hmchchffc  of  London  BuokfeUcr. 

Mr.  Thomas  Ha\ve  i  Books. 


Mr.    William    Hammond  in   Smith   Street 
Wcltminilcr. 


Right  Hon.  the  Lord  Fifcount  Irwin. 
The  Hon.  the  Lady  liwin. 
The  Hon.  Sir  Jofeph  Jekyil  Kmgbt  Mafter  of 

the  Rolls. 
The  Hon.  the  Lady  Jckyll. 
7he  Hon  Hnry  Ingram  Efq; 
John  Jermy  of  the  Ini.er  Temple  Efq; 

*  Thomas  lllcJ  of  the  Middle  Temple  iE^j 
Nicnliis  Jc-ffcrus  of  the  Inner  Temple  Efq; 
Sir  Thfodove  JanfT'en  Bar. 

Henry  Jacomh   Gent. 
Abraham  Ja'lTi  n  Efq; 
Francis  Jcphfon  Efq; 
Mr.  Srephtn  Jacklon  Merchant. 

*  Mr  K\chz\d}.\ckion  Merchant. 

Robert  J  ickfon  Efq;  Conful,  and  other  Gentle- 
men of  the  FaElory  o/Porto  iz  Books. 
Mr  KrhtMy.\ck(ctn  Merchant. 

*  James  Joyc  Ejq; 

Mr.  Lazarus  Jones  0/ Salop. 
The  Re^.  iWr.  Johnfon  Ftcar  of  Cranbrooke. 
Bcnedift  Ithell  0/ Temple  Dinflcy  iEy^j 
Mr.  John  Jenkins. 
Michael  Jacklon  Efq; 

William  (iw^johnjimys  (?/London  Bookfellers. 
Benjamin  Ibbot  D.  D. 

Bartholomew  JcfFeiy  of  the  Middle  Temple 
Efq; 

*  Thomas  Jetc  Efq; 

Henry  Juftice  of  the  Middle  Temple  Efq; 

William  James  Ejq; 

Buiy  Irwin  of  the  Middle  Temple  Efq; 

Ihe  Rev.  Mr.  James  Ruhr  of  Woughton 

z  Books. 
Mr.  James  Janeway. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  John  Jones. 
Thefjd<irejacoblon  Ejq; 
Mr.  Theodore  Johnlon  o/Furnivals  Inn. 


K. 


*np^£  Hon.  SirVe^er  King  Lord  Chief  Ju- 

X    fice  of  the  Common  Pleas. 
The  Hon  James  Kmg  Efq; 
Robert  Kmg  Efq; 
Sir  William  Ker  o/Grccnhead. 
Thomas  Kempthorn  Ejq;  Commiffioner  of  his 

Majejly  s  lard  at  Chatham. 
William  Kinailon  Efq;  Mafter  in  Chancery. 

*  Fi  ancis  Keck  of  Great  Tew  Ejq; 

*  Walter  Kmght  Efq; 

*  Thomas  Kempthorne  Efq^ 
John  Knight  Efq; 

Robert  King  Ejq; 

Robert  Knaplock  o/.London  Bookfeller. 

Heylock  Kingfley  Efq; 

James  Knapton  of  London  Bookfeller. 

Charles  Killigrew  Efq; 

*  Francis 


Su 


BSCRIBERS 


N 


AMES. 


*  Francis  Knowles  Efq-y 
Major  General  Kelluni. 

L. 

THE  Right  Hon.  the  Earl  of  Levcn. 
Ibe  Hon.  Colonel  Lucas. 
Peter  Le  Neve  Efi);  Norroy  King  at  Arms. 
'Mr.J.imes  La  Touche. 
Mr.  Henry  Loubier. 
Edward  Lloyd  of  the  Inner  Temple  Efq; 

*  Charles  Longucville  Efq\ 

The  Rev.  A/^.  James  Ligeicwood. 

John  Lang  of  the  Middle  Temple  Gent. 

Smart  LethieuUier  Efq^ 

Mr.  Daniel  Lambert  Merchant, 

Mr.  Onefiphorus  Leigh. 

Mr.  John  Linton. 

Henry  Lyddell  £/f  j 

Richard  Lcly£/^j 

*  Samuel  Lowe  Efq^ 

Bernard  Lintot  of  London  Bookfelkr. 

*  Sir  Edward  Leighton  Bar. 
Mr.  Leigii  of  Chertfey. 

The  Rev.  DoElor  Robert  Lambert. 

John  Linfield  Gent. 

James  Lawes  Efq-y 

James  Lever  of  Hackney  Efq, 

Robert  Lucas  Efq; 

Mr.  Benjamin  Lorkin  Merchant. 

Mr.  Samuel  Lewis. 

William  Locke  £/f} 

*  Lord  Fifcount  Lonfdaic. 
Sir  Nicolas  Leftrange  Bar. 
Mr.  James  Lambe. 

tthi  Rev.  Mr.  Lowman. 

Sir  William  Leman  Bar. 

Richard  Lilly  M.  D. 

Thomas  Luck  Efq-, 

Mr.  Stephen  Martin  Leake. 

^he  Rev.  Do£lor  Lifle  Re^or  of  St.  Mary-le- 

Bow. 
William  Lambton  o/Lincolns  Inn  Efq; 
Mr.  Edward  Lewis. 
Mr.  Benjamin  Longuet  Merchant. 
Mr.  Benjamin  Lehooke. 
Edward  Luther  Efq; 
Air.  Simon  Leblanc  Merchant. 
Mr.  Martin  Lantrow  of  Lyons  Inn. 
Sir  Henry  Liddel  Bar. 
J  hn  Lock  of  the  Middle  Temple  Efq; 
Richard  Legafcick  o/Totnefs  Bookjeller. 
Sir   Heniy  Langford  Bar. 
Cileb  Lowdham  o/Exun  Surgeon. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Ssmuel  Lawrence. 
Charles  Lcgh  Efq; 
James  L  icy  of  London  bookfelkr. 
Mr.  Peter  Lemmon. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  C.  Leech. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Lewis  Minifler  of  Moregate. 


M. 


THE  Right  Rev.  the  Lord  Bifhop  of  MeatB. 
*  The  Right  Hon.  the  Lotd  Morptth. 
^he  Hon.  Thomas  Maynard  Efq; 
John  Morgan  of  Shire  Lane  Gent. 

*  Jofeph  Moyle  Efq;  4  Books. 
William  Mills  of  Lee kc  Gent. 
Sir  William  Monfon  .fl<»r. 
John  M liner  Efq; 

*  ■ ■  Mo.gano/ Fairfield, 

Samuel  Mills  Efq; 

Mr.  John  Moore  Sen.  of  St.  Laurence  Lane, 

' Mufgrave  Efq; 

The  Hon.  Colonel  James  Moyfer. 

Sir  Harcourt  Matter  Knight  and  Aldtrman. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Zachariah  Merrcll. 

*  Brigadier  Mundcn. 
James  Mcdlicot  Efqy 
Mrs  Morice. 

*  Humphrey  Morrice  Efq; 

Daniel  Midwinter  of  London  Bookfeller. 

Mr  John  M\6^oxdi  Merchant  in  MiticvngLanc. 

James  Mat  ion  Gent. 

Cornelius  Malon  Gent. 

Mr.  Nathanael  Micklethwaite. 

William  Meadows  of  London  Bookfeller. 

Ferdinando  Mtndcz  M  D. 

Mr.  George  Middlcton  Goldfmith. 

John  Merril  Efq; 

Edward  Middlecotc  of  Warminfter  Gent. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Daniel  Mayo. 

Mrs.  Martyn. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  WjIliSm  Moult. 

Merton  College  Library. 

The  Rev.  Do£ior  Middleton. 

Z)oi^orJohnBurchard  Menkening; 

Sir  Francis  Molyneux  Bar. 

Charles  Molyneux  Efq; 

William  Matter  Eiq; 

John  Monckton  £/^j 

Prefcot  Maynard  Efq; 

*  Richard  Mead  M.  D. 

*  Sir  Roger  Moftyn  Bar. 
John  Melier  Efq; 
Jamts  Merrill  Efq\ 

Mac  Mahon  of  Barbadocs  Efq% 

Mr.  Henry  Maifhall 

Mr.  John  Murray. 

Humphrey  Monoux  of  Greys  Inn  Efqi 

Sir.  Richard  Mill  Bar. 

A/r.  R  ibert  Mirfh. 

Thomas  Martin  of  the  Middle  Temple  Efqi 

Richard  Manklin  of  York  Bookfeller. 

Mr.  Richard  Milncs  Merchant  in  Wakefield. 

Mr.  John  Milnes  Merchant  in  D°. 

The  Kev.  A/r.  John  Maxwell. 

The  Rev.  DoSlor  Robert  Maxwell. 

Mr.  Enoch  Malon. 

Robert  MarfhuU  of  Clonwell  Efq; 

Henry  Maxwell  Efq; 

John  March  of  Exon  Bookfeller. 

Willitm 


A  List  of  the 


William  Mcars  of  London  BookftUer. 
Emanuel  Matthews  of  London  Book  feller. 
Peter  Manwaring  J.  M- 
John  Morley  of  Halllead  £/f  •, 
Hugh  Montgomery  o/Hotham  £/fi 
A/r.  Jervis  Moor. 
Major  Jitncs  Mofman. 
John  Manly  £/fj 
Mr.  Francis  Mclmoth. 
Mr.Joha  Morgan. 
yA*  Jiev.  Mr.  Archibald  Maclainc. 
Mr.  Benjamin  Mee. 
Mr.  Gcrvafc  Moore. 

Mr.  Charles  Macky  Profefor  of  Hifi.  at  Eden- 
burgh. 
Thomas  Maddox  Efq\  Hiftoriograpber  Royal. 
Henry  Maifter  Efqi 
Mr.  Patrick  Macky  of  Hackney. 
Mr.  Henry  Manger. 
Tb€  Rev.  Maffcy  Malyn  J.  U.  D.  and  M.  B. 


N. 


•/-p  HE  Right  Hon.  Thomas  Duke  o/New- 
1  caftlc  Lord  Chamberlain  of  his  Maje- 
flies  Houfbold. 

Tie  Right  Rev.  John  Lord  BifiopofNotmch. 

The  Hon.  Roger  North  Efq-, 

The  Hon.  Dudley  North  Efqi 

Noah  Neale  £/f  j 

George  Naylor  Efq; 

John  Ncwfham  Efq;     y 

Captain  Edward  Newton. 

William  Noel  Efq; 

Mr.  Theophilus  Firmin  Nafli. 

Mr.  Jeremiah  Nodes. 

^ir  John  Norris. 

John  (jottlob  Nimptfch. 

iWr.Hcmy  Ncwcome  Schoolmafler  of  Hicknty. 

Henry  Nelfon  A.  M.  Fellow  of  Kings  College. 

Robert  Nafli  Fellow  of  Wadham  College. 

John  Nicholis  Efq; 

William  Henry  North  Efq; 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Thomas  Nevill. 

John  Noon  of  London  Bookfeller. 

Mr.  John  Newman. 

Mr.  Alexander  Nesbitt  of  Dublin. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Nourfc. 

Mr.  Thomas  Newnham. 

Mr.  Nathanael  Newnham  Jun.  Merchant. 

•  Robert  Newton  Efq; 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Newton. 

John  Norris  o/Lincolns  Inn  jE/jj 

Mr.  Philip  Nesbitt. 

James  Naifh  Efq; 

The  Rev.  Mr.  James  Matthews. 

O. 

William  Oakcr  Gent. 
Arthur  Onflow  Efq; 
Edward  Owen  Efq; 
Mr.  Chriftophcr  Oxlcy. 


John  Osborn  of  London  Bookfeller. 

Robert  Ord  Efq; 

Sir  George  Oxenden  Bar. 

Mr.  Samuel  Osborne. 

John  Orlebar  Efq; 

Sir  Adolphus  Oughton  Knight  and  Bar. 

Morgan  Owen  of  Greys  Inn  Efq; 

Mr.  George  Osborn  0/ Corpus  Chrifti  College. 

Sir  John  Osborne  Bar. 

John  Ormsby  Efq; 

Colonel  James  Otway. 

Nathanael  Ogle  E/q; 

William  Osborn  of  Derby  Efq; 


P. 


THE    Right  Hon.  Henry  Fifcount  Pal- 
merfton. 

*  The  Right  Hon.  the  Earl  0/ Pembroke. 

*  The  Right  Hon.  George  Lord  Parker. 
The  Right  Hon.  the  Lord  Paifley. 

*  TJje  Right  Hon.  the  Lord  Polwarth. 
The  Right  Hon.  the  Lord  Harry  Powlett. 
The  Right  Hon.  Earle  Poulett. 

The  Hon.  George  Pitt  Efq; 
The  Hon.  Mr.  Baron  Price. 

*  The  Hon.  the  Lady  Paifley. 
The  Hon.  Mr.  Serjeant  Pengelley. 

*  The  Hon.  Daniel  Pulteney  Efq; 

*  The   Right  Hon.   William   Pulteney  Efq; 
Cofferer  of  his  Majeflfs  Houjhold. 

*  William  Parker  of  the  Inner  Temple  Efq; 

*  Micaiah  Perry  Efq; 

Hutton  Perkins  o/Lincolns  Inn  Gent. 
Fitzwilliams  Plumptree  of  the  Middle  Temple 

Efq; 

Mr.  Robert  Pountney  Apothecary. 

Edmond  Prideaux  of  the  Middle  Temple  Efq^ 

■The  Rev.  Mr.  Thomas  Palmer. 

Mr.  William  Pate. 

Mr.  Robert  Parker  of  Queens  College  Cam- 
bridge. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Thomas  Perrot. 

Jofhua  Pembroke  of  St.  Albans  Efq; 

Archdale  Palmer  Efq; 

Mr.  Henry  Prat. 

Mr.  Richard  Parker. 

A/r.  Thomas  Plant  0/ London  Merchant. 

Captain  John  Philips  of  Windlbr. 

Sir  Henry  Pechey  Bar. 

DoSlor  Plumptree. 

David  Polhil  Efq; 

John  Periam  Efq; 

Jeremiah  Pembcrton  Efq; 

John  Vemhexion  of  l^ondon  Bookfeller. 

The  Rev.  Do6tor  Prideaux  Dean  of  Norwiclr. 

Edmond  Prideaux  Efq., 

*  Sir  Conftantine  Phipps  Knight. 
German  Pole  Efq; 

Mr.  James  Pettit. 

Favel  Peeke  Gent.  Commoner  of  MexKon  College. 

Mr.  Robert  Pearfe  Merchant. 

Charles  Pinfold  LL,  D. 

Mt. 


Su 


B  SCRIfiERS 


N 


AMES. 


Mr.  William  Pitt. 
John  Palmer  Efq; 
Mr.  Henry  Palmer. 
A/'' John  Pierce. 

Mr.  Thomas  Robinfon  Fellow  of  Mcrton  Col- 
lege. 
Walter  Plummer  Ef^i 
William  Plummer  £/f  j 
Richard  Plummer  E/q;. 
BuUlrode  Peachy  Efq; 
John  Page  Efqi 
George  Phenney  Ef^; 

*  Woolcomb  Pollexfcn  of  the  Middle  Tem- 
ple E/q; 

*  John  Pollcxfen  of  the  Middle  Temple  Efq; 
Ralph  Petley  of  the  Middle  Temple  Efp 
Samuel  Provoft  of  the  Jnnor  Temple  E/q; 
Charles  Parry  0/  Oakfield  £/fi 

Warner  Perkins  Gent. 
Matthew  Pitt  Efq;  \  \  '    ■ 

Robert  Pringle  E/^i   . 
Mr.  Samuel  Palmer, 
Mr.  Charles  Polhill. 
JcfFery  Paul  Efq; 

*  Mr.  John  Pectit. 
John  Phillipfon  Efq-j 

Mr.  William  Peeke  of  Woolwich. 

Air.  Samuel  Phips. 

C«/>/a;«  John  Philips. 

Charles  Payne  o/Otterden  Efqi  yinoH 

Edmond  Packe  M2>. 

*  Sir  Charles  Peers  Knight. 
Stephen  Palmer  Efq; 

Mr.  Timothy  Perry  Mercer  in  London. 


M 


a 


■  .•^\^  * 


R.  Andrew  Quafh  of  Exo  nMerchaut. 


R. 


HE  R  Grace  the  Duchefs  Dowager  of  Rut- 
land. 
*  The  Right  Hon.  John  Earl  <?/ Rothes. 
The  Right  ^w.  Samuel  Lord  Bifiop  0/ Roche- 

Iter. 
The  Hon.  Brigadier  RufTell. 
Sir  John  Rawdon  Bar, 
Ford  Rogers  Gent. 
John  Roope  of  Plymouth  Gent. 
Mr.  John  Roberts  Merchant.  ^.^  • 

John  Roberts  o/"Lincolns  Inn  Efq^ 
Stephen  Ram  Efq; 
Mr.  James  Roc  lie  Goldfmith. 
Samuel  RufTell  of  Newington-grcen  Gent, 
The  Rev:  Mr.  Thomas  Reynolds. 
Mrs.  Mary  Read  of  Soho. 
Mr.  Ifaac  Rider  of  Greenwich. 
Mr.  Stephen  Roome. 
Du£lur  Tancrcd  Robinfon  one  of  his  Majeftfs 

Phyficiuns.  ,  ..^j^  .^.,,^  ,        .      .. 

j/r  Thotnas  Read  £ar.'  ^  -l^rw 

^/r  John  Rushout  0/ Northwick>5<!ir.  ; 

Robert  Robinfon  of  Greys  inn  Ejq-, 
J 


The  Rev.  Mr.  Ray. 

William  Roopc  Efq^ 

William  Richardfon  Efq^ 

The  Rev.  Do£lor  Thomas  Rcnndl. 

Mr.  William  Row  ofSbobrook  Dtvonfbirt. 

Ranew  Robinfon  0/ London  Bookfeller. 

Charles  Rivington  0/ London  Bookfclltr, 

Captain  John  Robinfon  Merchant. 

Colonel  Hugh  Raymond. 

James  Round  of  London  Bookfeller. 

The  Rev.  Dollar  Regis. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Henry  Read. 

Mr.  James  Robinfon  Jun. 

A/r.  James  Ruck. 

Mofes  Raper  Efq; 

Mr.  Walter  Robotham. 

Paul  Rifley  Efqi 

Mr.  Nathanae)  Richardfon. 

Richard  Reynolds  Efq; 

James  Raymond  of  Saffron  Waldon  Gent. 


HIS  Grace  the  Duke  of  Somerfet. 
*  The  Right  Hon.  the  Earl  of  Suffcx. 
The  Right  Hon  the  Earl  of  Shaftsbury. 
*  The  Right  Hon.  the  Lord  Stanhope  Captain 

of  bis  Majefly's  Teomen  of  the  Guard. 
The  Hon.  Charles  Stanhope  Efq;  Treafurer  of 

his  Majefly's  Chamber.  -. 

The  Hon.  General  Sabine.  ,^ 

Afr.  John  Sherwood.  >f^ 

The  Rev.  Mr.  John  Sturges.  •'  .,\^^ 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Henry  Smith.  • 

Mr.  John  Steed  Attorney  in  Leominfter.         > 
Benjamin  SmAttof  the  Middle  Temple  Efq-,  ^^ 
John  Salwey  Efq-, 
Mr.  John  Spedding  of  Whitehaven. 
Thomas  Shotbolt  of  the  Middle  Temple  Genf^ 
Sir  Hans  Sloan  Bar.  i 

Z^off or  George  Se well.  ; 

Thomas  Scot  Efq-, 

John  Sprint  of  London  Bookfeller.  f^ 

Mr.  William  Smith  Merchant  at  Lisbon.      a 
The  Rev.  Mr.  George  Sare. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  J.  Swmton  AI.  A. 
Thomas  South  Efq\  .  / 

Colonel  Jumcs  Seamer.  ^^-j 

John  Small  Efq; 
William  Strahan  Z-L.  D. 
George  Strahan  0/ London  Bookfeller. 

• Stradwicjc  Efq;  —  t- 

Mr.  Thomas  Smith.  1 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Stillingfleet  Prebend  of  Worcc^ 

fler.  -    V? 

Benjamin  Smithurft  Bookfeller  in  Plymouth.    # 
The  Rev.  Mr.  William  Salmon.  « 

Aff.  Talbot  Smith  ^ 

Afr.  John  Stares. 

Mr.  William  Snell  Attorney  at  Law.  j^ 

Mr.  Edward  Smith  of  Watling  Street  7  Boohx 
A/r.  John  Short.  ,? 

Mr.  John  Stephcnfon.  ^ 


""tSSi' 


V  ^ 


#tisT  of  the^'^^' 


tllas  Svdal  D.  D. 

Richard  Sare  of  f.or.don  Beekfeller. 

Mr.  Arthur  Shallctt. 

Mr.  Joicph  South  Merchant. 

DiSor  Savigt. 

James  Sadler  Efq-y 

•  Thi  Rev.  Mr.  George  Saycr. 
Mr.  William  Snclling. 

John  Smith  e/ Greys  Inn  Efg\ 
Mr.  Edward  Strong  of  Greenwich. 
file  Rev.  Mr.  Sparkcs- 

•  Thomas  Spaight  Efq', 
John  Sawbridgc  Efq-, 

Samuel  Sandys  of  Omberflcy  Court  Efq^ 

Martyn  Sandys  of  Worcefter  Effi 

Sir  Edward  Stanley  Bar. 

The  Rev.  /V//-.John  Sprint. 

Lieutenant  Alexander  Stuart. 

Sir  Philip  Sydenham  Bar. 

Airs.  Stewart. 

Joel  Stcevcns  of  London  Bookfeller. 

Air.  Gobcrt  Sikcs  Merchant. 

Mr.  William  Sterling  Merchant. 

Mr.  Edward  Smith  ProSlor  of  Doftors  Com- 
mons. 

Mr.  Thomas  Sikcs  Merchant. 

The  Rev.  DoSlor  Smallbrooke. 

Mr.  Sambourne. 

^e  Rev.  Mr.  Shuttleworth. 

7be  Rev.  Air.  Squire. 

Edward  Stillingflect  c/Sarum  Bookfeller. 

Afr.  John  Shorcy. 

Air.  Nathanael  Shcppard. 

Air.  William  Sedgwicke. 

Samuel  Stuart  of  Greys  In  Efq^ 

Mr.]imci  Sharp. 

Henry  Sandford  Efq\ 

WalitT  Stephens  Efqi 

'2%e  Rev.  Michael  Stanhope  D.D, 

Leonard  Street  Efq-y 

Air.  William  Staples. 

Air.  William  Sheppard. 

Alexander  Strahan  Efq-j 

The  Rev.  Air.  Sinclair. 

Mr.  Allen  Smith  o/Battcrfea. 

John  Strange  of  the  Middle  Temple  Efq; 

William  Stratford  D.  D.  Canon  of  Chrift 
Church  Oxon. 


T. 


HIS  Grace  the  Lord  jlrchhifJiop  e/Tuam. 
The  Right  Hon.  the  Lord  Terrard. 

*  The  Hon.  Gfwra/Trelawney. 
The  Hon.  Col.  George  Treby. 

*  The  Hon.  Col.  Tyrrell. 

*  William  Trumbull  Efq-^ 

Robert  Thornhill  of  the  Inner  Temple  Efq'^ 

George  Tillbn  Efq-f 

John  Travel  Efq'^ 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Thomas  Twining. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Thomas  Tilfon, 

Leonard  Thomfon  Efq-, 


•  '•-»•   .11 
Guftavus  Thompfon  of  Whitehaven  E/q; 
John  Tracey  Efq; 
LordVifcount  Torrington. 
Jacob  Tonfon  of  London  Bookfeller. 
William  Tillard  Eft}; 
Arthur  Trevor  Efq; 
George  Townfend  Efq; 
John  Taylor  of  Bifrons  Efqi 
Air.  Samuel  Travcrs. 
The  Rev.  Air.  John  Tatam. 
Air.  Thomas  Tanner  of  the  Navy-office. 
Air.  William  Taylor. 
ne  Rev.  Mr.  Daniel  Tweed  7  Books. 
'  Mr.  John  Tatnel  Merchant. 
Charles  Tough  M.  A. 
John  Turner  Gent. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Twiflcton. 
Edward  Tenifon  D.  D.  Archdeacon  of  Car- 
marthen. 
Charles  TrumbulZ-L.Z). 
Chriftopher  Tilfon  Efq; 
Samuel  TufFnel  of  Langley  Efq; 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Robert  Thiftlethwah. 
John  TwUleton  of  Dartford  Efq; 
Samuel  Took  of  London  Bookfeller. 
Beilby  Thomas  Efq; 
William  Taylor  of  London  Bookfeller^ 
Mr.  John  Thomfon  Merchant. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  William  Henry  Thomlinfon. 
Henry  Trent  of  Ormond  Street  Efqi 

*  Mr.  James  Townfend. 
Brinley  Treby  E/q; 
Mr.  Edward  Towneftar. 
Mr.  Thomas  Tryon. 
Mr.  Thomas  Turnbull. 

*  Mr.  Torriano. 

Mr.  Richard  Taylor  Sen.  "^    " 

Bertie  Tutvvicke  Efq; 
Stephen  Thomfon  Efq; 


U. 


J  Ames  Vernon  Jun.  Efq-, 
Edward  Vernon  Efq; 
William  Underwood  of  Enfield  Efq; 
The  Lady  Vandeput. 
Bowater  Vernon  Efq; 
Richard  Vernon  Efq; 
Sir.  Peter  Vandeput  Bar. 
Mr.  John  Vallack  Apothecary, 
*  Mr.  Matthew  Vernon. 
George  Vernon  o/Farnham  Efq^ 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Thomas  Valentine. 
Edward  Valentine  of  London  Bookfeller. 
Simon  Urlin  Efq;  Judge  of  the  Sheriffs  Court 
London. 


W. 


'  I  ''HE  Right  Hon.  The  Earl  c/ Warrington 
■^     The  Lady  Countefs  Dowager  of  War- 
wick. 
Charles  Lord  Bijhop  of  Winchefter. 

The 


rj 


Sir-' 


, B  S  C  ft  I  B  E 

fhe  Right  Rev.  Dr.  Waugh  Lord  Bifiop  of 

Carl  I  He. 
iTie  Right  Hon.  Lord  Waldegrave. 
Philip  Ward  of  the  Inner  Temple  Efqy 
Mr.  Matthew  Weft  Goldfmith. 
Edmond  Waller  of  Lincolns  Inn  Gent. 

*  Sir  Charles  Wager  Knt. 
Sir  Robert  Worflcy  Bar. 

*  5;>  Thomas  Wcbfter  ^^r. 
i,ee  Warner  E/q; 

William  Wood  0/ Lincolns  Inn  Gf«/. 
Mr.  Samuel  Woodham. 
Mr.  Henry  Wanfey. 
Sir  William  Wentworth  Bar. 
William  Ward  LL.  D. 
Lewis  Way  of  the  Inner  Temple  Efq^ 
Mr.  John  White. 
A/r.  Jofeph  Windham. 
Mr.  Titus  Weft. 
Henry  Wright  Ejq-y 
Martin  Wright  Efq-f 
Thomas  Wellern  Efq; 
William  Woodford  Efq; 
Mr.  William  Warbyton  of  Newarke. 
Mr.  Nicholas  Waterhoufe. 
William  Pier  Williams  Efq-y 
Mr.  Thomas  Wright. 
Thomas  Wotton  0/ London  BookfeUer. 
William  Willis  Efq; 
Mr.  Daniel  Wilmot. 
Sir  Anthony  Weftcomb  Bar. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  James  Waters. 

*  Thomas  Walker  Efq;  Commijfioner  of  the 
Cufloms. 

Ithe  Library  of  Worcefter. 

Mr.  Richard  Wilcocks  Goldfmith. 

Mr.  Robert  Waller. 

John  White  of  Portsmouth  Gent. 

John  Waltho  Sen.  of  London  BookfeUer. 

John  Wakho  Jun.  of  London  BookfeUer. 

Mr.  Arthur  Woolley  Merchant. 

Francis  Woolley  of  Hampftead  Gent. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Samuel  Wright. 

Air.  Enoch   Watts. 

The  Rev,  Mr.  Edward  Warren. 

Mr.  William  Wallis. 

Mr.  William  Wildman.  '  ^. 

*  The  Rev.  Dr.  Waddington  2  Books. 

*  Thomas  Wentworth  Efq; 
Mr.  Woen  Merchant. 
John  Wright  Efq; 
William  Wickam  Efq; 
Thomas  Windham  Efq; 
William  Wardour  Efq; 
William   Waddon  Efq; 
John  Worth  of  Penryn  in  Cornwall  Efq; 
Mr.  John  Webb. 
Mr.  Benjamin  Wyche  of  Salisbury. 


RS 


N 


AMES. 


Thomas  Weely  0/ AVcclcy  HaU  Ef^; 
Daniel  Wray  Efj; 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Edward  Whorwnod. 
Andrew  Wilkinfon  0/  Boroughbridgc  Efq; 
Thomas  Wilkinfon   of  the  Middle  TcmW 

Gent. 
Thomas  Woodward  of  London  BookfeUer. 

*  Clement  Wcargc  Efq; 
Mr.  Edward  Wylde. 
Robert  WcflernA'/f} 

*  Mr.  Henry  Whitridge. 
Richard  Weft  o/Hatford  Efq; 
Henry  Wood  of  the  Inner  Temple  Efq; 
William  Waters  0/ Chatham  Efq; 
Mr.  Thomas  t't^efterrie. 
Francis  Walker  Efq; 
The  Rev.  Mr.  John  Witton. 
Dr.  Wadfworth. 

Richard  Warbiirtbri  0/  the  Inner  Temple  Efqi 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Whitcomb. 
John  Wyat  0/ London  BookfeUer. 
Mr.  Thomas  Walker  Merchant. 
Philip   Henry  Warburton  of  Lincolns  Inn 

Gent. 
Gerard  Whitworth  ^.  M.  Chaplain  in  ctdina- 

ry  to  his  Majefly. 
John  Williamfon  of  Dublin  Efq; 
Wadham  Wyndham  Efq; 
George  Wyndham  Efq; 

*  Robert  Wylde  Efq; 
A/r.  Jofiah  Wordfworth. 
Edward  Webb  0/ Grays  Inn  Efqi 
James  Wills  Efq; 
Mr.  William  Wall. 
Afr,  Jolhua  White. 
Taylor  White  0/ Lincolns  Inn  Efq; 
Thomas  Wyndham  0/ Lincolns  Inn  Efqi 
Mr.  William  Welch. 
Mr.  Samuel  Windor  Jun. 
Edward  Whitaker  Efq;  one  of  bis  Majefifi 

Serjeants  at  Law. 
Richard  Wilkin  0/ London  BookfeUer. 
Hugh  Wrottefly  of  Lincolns  Inn  Efqi 
Mr.  William  Wefcomb. 
John  Williams  Efq; 
John  Williamfon  of  Dublin  Ef^; 
Mr.  Daniel  Wefcomb  Secretary  to  the  South 

Sea  Company. 
Thomas  Woodford  Efq; 
John  Walton  of  Shildon  Gent. 


Y. 


John  if  ates  of  the  Inner  Temple  Gent. 

William  Young  Efq; 

Mr.  Blake  Yarborough. 

Sir  Philip  York  Knt.  his  Majefly' s  SoUcitot 

general. 
Mr,  Yates; 


The 


The  following  Names,  were  fent  in  too  late  to  be  inferted  in  the 
foregoing  Catalogue,  but  came  to  Hand  before  the  Sheets  were  Prin- 
ted off.  ' 


Benjamin  Avery  LL.  D. 
Charles  Allanfon  Efq-^ 

•  F(»ncis  Anncflcy  of  tbt  Inner  Temple  Efq-, 

Afr.  Thomas  Baylcy. 

Mr.  Francis  Burton. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Robert  Breton. 

John  Bancc  E/q; 

Fiancis  Button  Efqi 

Henry  Carr  of  the  Inner  Temple  Efqi 
Mr.  Carleton. 
Mr.  Cremer. 

•  The  Right  Hon.  James  Earl  e/ Derby, 
Mr.  Thomas  Dyer. 

Mr.  Thomas  Elder. 


John  Hanbury  Efqi 
Charles  Harell  Efq^ 
Mr.  Thomas  Hawc  z  Books. 
*  Inner  Temple  Library. 
Thomas  Kilpin  E/qi 

Mr.  Benjamin  Muchall. 

Thomas  Mailer  Efq; 

Henry  Montague  E/qi  i  Books. 

Mr.  Gabriel  Neve. 

Mr.  Osbaldefton. 

Sir  Thomas  Roberts  Bar. 

Mr.  John  Ramedge  Merchant  in  Pebles. 

Mr.  Stillingfleet  FeUovi  of  Mcrton  College. 

Mr.  Thomas  Steele, 

Edward  Sanlcy  of  the  Inner  Temple  Efq; 


William  Fortcfcue  of  the  Inner  Temple  Efq;    James  Windus  of  Ware  Gent. 

James  Woodman  0/ London  Book  feller -7  Books. 
J>  ihua  Geckic  of  the  Middle  Temple  Gent.        William  Wclbye  Efqi 


THE 


HISTORY 


O  F 


My  Own  Times. 


m 


^m^i 


>2£ 


The    PREFACE. 


AM  now  beginning  to  review  and  write  over 
again  the  hiftory  of  my  own  time,  which  I  firft 
undertook  twenty  years  ago*,  and  have  been  con- 
tinuing it  from  year  to  year  ever  fmce:  And  I 
fee  fbme  reafbn  to  review  it  all.  I  had  while  I 
was  very  young  a  greater  knowledge  of  affairs 
than  is  ufiial  at  that  agCj  for  my  father,  who  had  been  en- 
gaged in  great  friendfhips  with  men  of  both  fides,    living  then 

*  This  hiftory  he  writ  fomc  time  before  the  year  lyof.  but  how  long,  he  has  not  any  where 
told;  only  it  appears  it  was  then  finilh'd,  bccaufe  in  the  beginning  ot  the  reign  of  King  ^Z- 
iiam  and  Queen  Mary  he  dates  the  continuation  of  his  hiftory  on  the  firft  day  of  May,  170/. 

«  B  retired 


The  PREFACE. 

retired  from  all  bufinefs,  as  he  took  my  education  wholly  into 
his  own  hands,  fo  he  took  a  fort  of  picture  to  relate  to  me  the 
(cries  of  all  publick  affairs.  And  as  he  was  a  man  fo  eminent 
for  probity  and  true  piety  that  I  had  all  reafon  to  believe  him, 
fo  I  faw  fuch  an  impartial  fenfe  of  things  in  him,  that  I  had 
as  little  reafon  to  doubt  his  judgment  as  his  fincerity.  For  tho' 
he  adhered  fo  firmly  to  the  King  and  his  fide,  that  he  was  the 
fintnilar  inftance  in  Scotland  of  a  man  of  fome  note  who  from 
the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  war  never  once  owned  or  fub- 
mitted  to  the  new  form  of  Government  fet  up  all  that  while  j 
yet  he  did  very  freely  complain  of  the  errours  of  the  King's  Go- 
vernment, and  of  the  Bifliops  of  Scotland.  So  that  upon  this 
foundation  I  fet  out  at  firft  to  look  into  the  lecret  condud  of 
affairs  among  us. 

I  fell  into  great  acquaintance  and  friendfliips  with  feveral 
perfons  who  either  were  -  or  had  been  Minifters  of.  ftate^  fronj 
whom  when  the  fecret  of  affairs  was  over  I  ftudied  t6  know  as 
many  particulars  as  I  could  draw  from  them.  I  faw  a  great 
deal  more  among  the  Papers  of  the  Dukes  of  Hamilton  than  was 
properly  a  part  of  their  memoirs,  or  fit  to  be  told  at  that  time : 
For  when  a  licence  was  to  be  obtained,  and  a  work  was  to  be 
publiftied  fit  for  that  family  to  own,  things  foreign  to  their  Mi- 
niftry,  or  hurtful  to  any  other  families,  were  not  to  be  inter- 
mixed with  the  account  I  then  gave  of  the  late  wars.  And  now 
for  above  thirty  years  I  have  lived  in  fuch  intimacy  with  all  who 
have  had  the  chief  conduct  of  affairs,  and  have  been  (o  much 
trufled,  and  on  {o  many  important  occafions  employed  by  them, 
that  I  have  been  able  to  penetrate  far  into  the  true  fecrets  of 
counfels  and  defigns. 

This  made  me  twenty  years  ago  write  down  a  relation  of  all 
that  I  had  known  to  that  time:  Where  I  was  in  the  dark,  I  paf^ 
over  all,  and  only  opened  thofe  tranfadions  that  I  had  parti-* 
Cular  occafions  to  know.  My  chief  defign  in  writing  was  to 
give  a  true  view  of  men  and  of  counfels,  leaving  publick  tranf- 
aaions  to  Gazetts  and  the  publick  hiftorians  of  the  times.  I 
tv^rit  with  a  defign  to  make  both  my  felf  and  my  readers  wifer 
and  better,  and  to  lay'  open  the  good  and  bad  of  all  fides  and 
parties,  as  clearly  and  impartially  as  I  myfelf  undcrftood  it,  con- 
ceahng  nothing  that  I  thought  fit  to  be  known,  and  reprefen- 
tine  things  in  their  natural  colours  without  art  or  difguife,^ 
without  any  xegard  to  kindred  or  friends,  to  parties  or  interefl:s : 
For  I  do  folemnly  fay  this  to  the  world,  and  make  my  humble 
"  appeal 


.     The   PREFACE.  4 

appeal  upon  it  to  the  great  God  of  truth,  that  I  tell  the  truth 
on  all  occafions,  as  fuily  and  freely  as  upon  my  beft  inquiry 
I  have  been  able  to  find  it  out.  Where  things  appear  doubtf- 
ful  I  deliver  them  with  the  fame  incertainty  to  the  world. 

Some  may  perhaps  think  that  inftead  of  favouring  my  owi^ 
profeflion,  I  have  been  more  fevere  upon  them  than  was  need- 
ful. But  my  zeal  for  the  true  intercft  of  Religion  and  of  the 
Clergy  made  me  more  careful  to  undeceive  good  and  well 
meaning  men  of  my  own  order  and  profefiion  for  the  future, 
and  to  deliver  them  from  common  prejudices  and  miftaken  na- 
tions, than  to  hide  or  excufe  the  faults  of  thoie  who  will  be 
perhaps  gone  off  the  ftage  before  this  work  appear  on  it.  I 
have  given  the  charaders  of  men  very  impartially  and  copiouf^ 
ly,-  for  nothing  guides  ones  judgment  more  truly  in  a  relation 
of  matters  of  fa6t,  than  the  knowing  the  tempers  and  princi- 
ples of  the  chief  adors. 

If  I  have  dwelt  too  long  on  the  affairs  of  Scotland^  fome  al- 
lowance is  to  be  made  to  the  affed;ion  all  men  bear  to  their 
native  countrey.  I  alter  nothing  of  what  I  wrote  in  the  firfl: 
draught  of  this  work,  only  I  have  left  out  a  great  deal  that 
was  perfonal  to  my  felf,  and  to  thofe  I  am  defcended  from :  So 
that  this  is  upon  the  matter  the  fame  work  with  very  little 
change  made  in  it. 

I  look  on  the  perfeding  of  this  work,  and  the  carrying  it 
on  thro'  the  remaining  part  of  my  life,  as  the  greateft  fervice 
I  can  do  to  God  and  to  the  world  ^  and  therefore  I  fet  about 
it  with  great  care  and  caution.  For  I  reckon  a  lie  in  hiflory  to  be 
as  much  a  greater  fin  than  a  lie  in  common  difcourfe,  as  the 
one  is  like  to  be  more  lading  and  more  generally  known 
than  the  other.  I  find  that  the  long  experience  I  have  had 
of  the  bafenefs,  the  malice,  and  the  falfliood  of  mankind,  has 
inclined  me  to  be  apt  to  think  generally  the  worfl:  both  of  men 
and  of  parties :  and  indeed  the  peeviflinefs,  the  ill  nature,  and 
the  a'mbition  of  many  clergymen  has  fliarpned  my  fpirits  per- 
haps too  much  againit  them :  So  I  warn  my  reader  to  take  all 
that  I  fay  on  thcfe  heads  with  fome  grains  of  allowance,  tho* 
I  have  watched  over  my  felf  and  my  pen  fo  carefully  that  I 
hope  there  is  no  great  occafion  for  this  apology. 

I  have  fhewed  this  hiflory  to  feveral  of  my  friends,  who  were 
either  very  partial  to  me,  or  they  efteemed  that  this  work  (chief- 
ly 


The  PREFACE. 

ly  when  it  fliould  be  over  and  over  again  retouched  and  po- 
lifhed  by  me,  which  very  probably  I  fhall  be  doing  as  long  as 
I  live)  might  prove  of  fbme  ufe  to  the  world.  I  have  on  defign 
avoided  all  laboured  periods  or  artificial  drains ,  and  have  wric 
in  as  clear  and  plain  a  ftyle  as  was  poflible,  chufing  rather  a  co- 
pious enlargement,  than  a  dark  concifeneis. 

And  now,  O  my  God,  the  God  of  my  life,  and  of  all  my 
mercies,  I  offer  this  work  to  thee,  to  whofe  honour  it  is  chiefly 
intended;  that  thereby  I  may  awaken  the  world  to  juft  refledi- 
ons  on  their  own  errours  and  follies,  and  call  on  them  to  ac- 
knowledge thy  Providence,  to  adore  it,  and  ever  to  depend 
on  it. 


THE 


THE 


HISTORY 


O  F 


My  Own  Times. 


V^t^W 


BOOK    I. 

A  fummary  Recapitulation  of  the  ft  ate  of 
Affairs  in  Scotland,  both  in  Church 
and  State ;  from  the  beginning  of  the 
Troubles^    to  the  Re  ft  oration  of  King 
Charles  the  Second^  1 6(5o. 


H  E  mifchiejfs  of  civil  wars  are  To  great  and  lad- 
ing, and  the  efFed:s  of  them  branching  out 
by  many  accidents,  that  were  not  thought  on 
at  firft  much  lefs  intended,  into  fiich  mifchie- 
vous  confequences ,  that  I  have  thought  it  an 
enquiry  that  might  be  of  great  ufe  both  to  Prince 
and  People,  to  look  carefully  into  the  firft  beginnings  and  oc- 
cafions  of  them,   to  obfcrve  their  progrefs,    and  the  errors  of 

C  both 


A  A  Summary  of  Affairs 

both  hands,  the  provocations  that  were  given,  and  the  jealoii- 
fies  that  were  railed  by  thefe,  together  with  the  excefTes  into 
which  both  fides  have  run  by  turns.  And  tho'  the  wars  be  over 
long  ago,  yet  fince  they  have  left  among  us  fo  many  iecds  of 
laftmg  feuds  and  animofities,  which  upon  every  turn  are  apt  to 
ferment  and  to  break  out  of  new,  it  will  be  an  ufeful  as  well  as 
a  pleafant  enquiry  to  look  back  to  the  firft  original  of  them, 
and  to  obferve  by  what  degrees  and  accidents  they  gathered 
ftrcngth,  and  at  laft  broke  forth  into  a  flame. 
Thediftrta-     The  Reformation  of  Scotland  was  popular  jtrTtJ  parliamentary : 


ions  du 


ingKing     The  Crown  was,  during  that  time,  either  on  the  head  of  a  Queen 
-/•s  mi- that  was  abfent,  or  of  a  King  that  was  an  infant.     During  his 

!•  -111/*!         -w^  y» 


noriljr, 


minority  matters  were  carried  on  by  the  feveral  Regents,  (o  as 
was  moft  agreeable  to  the  prevaiHng  humour  of  the  Nation.  But 
when  King  James  grew  to  be  of  age,  he  found  two  parties  in 
the  Kingdom.  The  one  was  of  thofe  who  wiflied  well  to  the 
intereft  of  the  Queen  his  Mother,  then  a  prifoner  in  England: 
Thefe  were  either  profcfTed  Papifts,  or  men  believed  to  be  in- 
different as  to  all  religiotis.  The  reft  were  her  inveterate  ene- 
mies, zealous  for  the  Reformation,  and  fixed  in  a  dependence 
on  the  Crown  oi  England,  and  in  a  jealoufy  o^  France.  When 
that  King  faw  that  thofe  who  were  moft  in  his  interefts  were 
Jikewife  jealous  of  his  authority,  and  apt  to  encroach  upon  it,  he 
hearkned  firft  to  the  infinuations  of  his  Mother's  party,  who 
were  always  infufing  in  him  a  jealoufy  of  thefe  his  friends  ,•  fay- 
ing, that  by  ruining  his  Mother,  and  fetting  him  in  her  room 
while  a  year  old,  they  had  ruined  monarchy,  and  made  the 
Crown  fubjed  and  precarious  j  and  had  put  him  in  a  very  un- 
natural pofture,  of  being  feized  of  his  Mother's  Crown  while 
file  was  in  exile  and  a  prifoner ^  adding,  that  he  was  but  a  King 
in  name,  the  power  being  in  the  hands  of  thofe  who  were  un- 
der the  management  of  the  Qiicen  of  England. 
The  praai-  Their  infinuations  would  have  been  of  lefs  force,  if  the  Houfc 
Su°fe  of  of  Guife,  who  were  his  Cofin  Germans,  had  not  been  engaged 
c*/'-  in  great  defigns,  of  transferring  the  Crown  of  France  from  die 
Houfe  of  Bourbon  to  themfelves  ^  in  order  to  which  it  was  ne-  * 
ceffary  to  embroil  England,  and  to  draw  the  King  of  Scotland 
into  their  interefts.  So  under  the  pretence  of  keeping  up  the 
old  alliances  between  France  and  Scotland,  they  fent  creatures 
of  their  own  to  be  Ambaftadours  there,-  and  they  alfo  fent  a 
graceful  young  man,  who,  as  he  was  the  King's  neareft  kinf- 
man  by  his  father,  was  of  fb  agreeable  a  temper  that  he  be- 
came his  favourite,  and  was  made  by  him  Duke  oi  Lenox.     He 


Was 


before  //^^  R  e  s  T  o  r  a  t  i  o  n.  f 

was  known  to  be  a  Papift,    tho'  he  pretended  he  changed  his 
.  religion,  and  became  in  profeflion  a  Proteftant. 

The  Court  of  England  difcovered  Jill  thefe  artifices  of  the  Gui- 
fians,  who  were  then  the  mofl:  implacable  enemies  of  the  Re- 
formation, and  were  managing  all  that  train  of  plots  againfl: 
Queen  Elizabeth^  that  in  conclufion  proved  fatal  to  the  Queen 
of  Scots.  And  when  the  Englifh  Minifters  faw  tTie  inclinations 
of  the  young  King  lay  fo  ftrongly  that  way,  that  all  their  ap- 
plications to  gain  him  were  ineffectual,  they  infufed  flich  a  jea- 
ioufy  of  him  info'all  their  party  in  Scotland^  that  both  Nobility 
and  Clergy  wer'e  much  allarmed  at  it. 

But  King  James  learnt  early  that  piece  of  King-craft,  of 
difguifmg,  or  at  lead  denying  every  thing  that  was  obferved  in 
his  behaviour  that  crave  offence. 

The  main  inftance  in  which  the  French  management  appear- 
ed, was  that  he  could  not  be  prevailed  on  to  enter  into  any  trea- 
ty of  marriage.  It  was  not  fafe  to  talk  oi  marrying  a  Papift; 
and  as  long  as  the  Duke  of  Gti'tfe  lived,  the  King,  tho'  then 
three  and  twenty  and  the  only  perfbn  of  his  family,  would  heark- 
en to  no  propofition  for  marrying  a  Proteftant. 

But  when  the  Duke  of  Guife  was  killed  at  Blots ^  and  that  King  jmei 
Henry  the  third  was  murdered  foon  after,  fo  that  Henry  the '^"j^'^^f  £  "I 
fourth  came  in  his  room,  King  James  was  no  more  in  a  Frenchi<*«<^' 
management:  So  prefently  after  he  married  a  Daughter  o^ Den- 
mark, and  ever  after  that  he  was  wholly  managed  by  Queeri 
Elizabeth  and  her  Minifters.  I  have  feen  many  letters  among 
fValJlngham's  papers  that  difcover  the  commerce  between  the 
Houfe  of  Guife  and  him :  But  the  moft  valuable  of  thefe  is  a  long 
paper  of  inftrudions  to  one  Sir  Ktchard  Wtgrnore,  a  great  man 
for  hunting,  and  for  all  fuch  fports,  to  which  King  James  was 
out  of  meafiire  addid:ed.  The  Queen  affronted  him  publickly : 
Upon  which  he  pretended  he  could  live  no  longer  in  England, 
and  therefore  withdrew  to  Scotland.  But  all  this  was  a  contri- 
vance of  fVal/ingham's,  who  thought  him  a  fit  perfon  to  get 
into  that  King's  favour :  So  that  affront  was  defigned  to  give 
him  the  more  credit.  He  was  very  particularly  inftru6led  in  all 
tlie  proper  methods  to  gain  upon  the  King's  confidence,  and  to 
obferve  and  give  an  account  of  all  he  faw  in  him ;  which  he 
did  very  faithfully;  By  thefe  inftrudions  it  appears  that  IVal- 
fmgham  thought  that  King  was  either  inclined  to  turn  Papift, 
or  to  be  of  no  religion;  And  when  the  Court  of  England  faw 
that  they  could  not  depend  on  him,  they  raifed  all  poffible  op- 
pofition  to  him  in  Scotland,  infufing  ftrong  jealoufies  into  thofe 
who  were  enough  inclined  to  receive  them. 

This 


8  /^Summary  of  Affairs 

fare       This  is  the  great  defeA  that  runs  thro'  Archbifhop  Spotfwood'% 
oUMf"   hiftory,  where  much  of  the  rude  oppofition  that  King  met  with, 
S^*  *''^*  particularly  from  the  AlTcmbUes  of  the  AT/r^,  is  fct  forth,-  but  the 
true  ground  of  all  the  jealoufies  they  were  poflefled  with  is  fup- 
prclTed  by  him.    After  his  marriage  they  ftudied  to  remove  thefe 
fufpicions  all  that  was  poflible ;  and  he  granted  the  Kirk  all  the 
laws  they  defired,   and  got  his  temporal  authority  to  be  betteii;^*^ 
cftablifhed  than  it  was  before:  Yet  as  the  jealoufies  of  his  fick- 
Jenefs  in  religion  were  never  quite  removed,    fo  they  gave  him  - 
many  new  difgufts:    They  wrought  in  him  a  moft  inveterate 
hatred  of  presbytery ,   and  of  the  power  of  the  Khk  j  and  he 
fearing  an  oppofition  in  his  fucceeding  to  the  Crown  of  £«- 
glafjcly  from  the  Papifl:  party,  which,  tho'  it  had  little  ftrength 
in    the  Houfe  of  Commons,   yet  was  very  great  in  the  Houfe 
of  Lords,  and  was  very  confiderable  in  all  the  northern  parts, 
and  among  the  body  of  the  people,    employed  feveral  perfbns 
who  were  known  to  be  Papifts  tho'  they  complied  outwardly. 
The  chief  of  thefe  were  Elphmflon,  Secretary  of  State,  whom  he 
made  Lord  Balmerimch ;    and  Seaton^    afterwards  Chancellour 
King  34w«  and  Earl  of  Dmfermlmg.     By  their  means  he  ftudied  to  alTure 
Jtin*?he°Pa- ^he  Papifts  that  he  would  connive  at  them.     A  letter  was  alfo 
piai.  vvrit  to  the  Pope  by  him  giving  aflurance  of  this,   which  when 

it  came  to  be  publiflied  by  Bellarm'tn^  upon  the  prolecution  of 
the  recufants  after  the  difcovery  of  the  Gunpowder  Plot,  Bcd- 
mer'tnoch  did  affirm,  that  he  out  of  zeal  to  the  King's  fervice 
got  his  hand  to  it,  having  put  it  in  the  bundle  of  papers  that 
were  figned  in  courle  without  the  King's  knowing  any  thing 
of  it.  Yet  when  that  difcovery  drew  no  other  feverity  but  the 
turning  him  out  of  office,  and  the  pafling  a  fentence  condemn- 
ing him  to  die  for  it  (which  was  prefently  pardoned,  and  he 
was  after  a  fhort  confinement  reftored  to  his  liberty, )  all  men 
believed  that  the  King  knew  of  the  letter,  and  that  the  pre- 
tended confelTion  of  the  Secretary  was  only  collufion  to  lay  the 
jealoufies  of  the  King's  favouring  Popery,  which  ftill  hung  up- 
on him  notwithftanding  his  writing  on  the  Revelation^  and  his 
affeding  to  enter  on  all  occafions  into  controverfy,  alTerting  in 
particular  that  the  Pope  was  Antichrift. 
And  to  fe-  As  he  took  thefe  methods  to  manage  the  Popifh  party,  he 
facceffiSn  ^^^  ^\^^\  morc  careful  to  fecure  to  himfelf  the  body  of  the  En- 
Croinof  «!^^^  "^"o"-  Cec'ill^  aftcrwards  Earl  oi SaUsbur'y,  Secretary  to 
EMgUmd.  Queen  Elizabeth^  entred  into  a  particular  confidence  with  him : 
And  this  was  managed  by  his  AmbafTador  Bruce^  a  younger  bro- 
ther of  a  noble  family  in  Scotland^  who  carried  the  matter  with 
fuch  addrels  and  fecrecy,    that  all  the  great  Men  of  England^ 

'  with 


before  //'^Restoration.  9 

\iathout  knowing  of  one  another's  doing  it,  and  without  the 
Queen's  (ufpediing  any  thing  concerning  it,  figned  in  writing  an 
engagement  to  aflcrt  and  iland  by  the  King  of  Scots  right  of 
fuccellion.  This  great  jfervice  was  rewarded  by  making  him 
Mafter  of  the  Rolls,  and  a  Peer  of  Scotland:  And  as  the  King 
'  did  raife  Cecil  and  his  friends  to  the  greateft  pofts  and  digni- 
.jtj^s,  fo  he  raifed  Bruce's  family  here  in  England. 

When  that  King  came  to  the  Crown  oi  England  \it  difcovered  That  King'* 
^f  .his  hatred  to  the  Scotijh  Kirk  on  many  occafions,  in  which  he  G^mn-" 
.  gratified  his  refentment  without  confulting  his  interefts.  He°i«"*- 
.;  ought  to  have  put  his  utmoft  ftrength  to  the  finifhing  what  he  but 
faintly  begun  for  the  union  of  both  Kingdoms,  which  was  loft  by 
his  unrealonable  partiality  in  pretending  that  Scotland  ought  to 
be  confidered  in  this  union  as  the  third  part  of  the  Ifle  of  Great 
Britain,  if  not  more.  So  high  a  demand  ruined  the  defign. 
But  when  that  failed,  he  fhould  then  have  ftudied  to  keep  the 
affedions  of  that  Nation  firm  to  him :  And  certainly  he,  being 
fecure  of  that  Kingdom,  might  have  fo  managed  matters,  as  to 
have  prevented  that  disjointing  which  happened  afterwards  both 
in  his  own  reign,  and  more  tragically  in  his  fon's.  He  thought 
to  effed:  this  by  his  profiile  bounty  to  many  of  the  Nobility  of 
that  Kingdom,  and  to  his  domeftick  fervants:  But  as  moft  of 
thefe  fettling  in  England  were  of  no  further  ufe  to  him  in  that 
defign,  ^o  his  fetting  up  Epifcopacy  in  Scotland,  and  his  con- 
ftant  averfion  to  the  Kirk,  how  right  fbevef  it  might  be  in  it 
ielf,  was  a  great  errour  in  policy ;  for  the  poorer  that  Kingdom 
was,  it  was  both  the  more  eafy  to  gain  them,  and  the  more 
dangerous  to  offend  them.  So  the  terrour  which  the  affedi- 
ons  of  the  Scotch  Nation  might  have  juftly  given  the  Englijh 
was  fbon  loft,  by  his  engaging  the  whole  Government  to  fup- 
port  that  which  was  then  very  contrary  to  the  bent  and  genius 
of  the  Nation. 

But  tho'  he  fet  up  Bifhops,  he  had  no  revenues  to  give  them,  HefetupE- 
but  what  he  was  to  purchafe  for  them.     During  his  minority  J].j5y°^^7  "* 
all  the  tithes  and  the  church  lands  were  vefted  in  the  Crown: 
But  this  was  only  in  order  to  the  granting  them  away  to  the 
men  that  bore  the  chief  fway.     It  is  true,   when  he  came  of 
age  he  according  to  the  law  of  Scotland  paft  a  general  revoca- 
tion of  all  that  had  been  done  in  his  infancy :  And  by  this  he 
could  have  relumed  all  thofe  grants.    He,  and  after  him  his  fori, 
fiicceeded  in  one  part  of  his  defign :  For  by  ad  of  Parliament  a 
Court  was  ereded  that  was  to  examine  and  fequefter  a  third  part 
of  the  tithes  in  every  parifti,    and  fb  make  a  competent  pro- 
vifion  out  of  them  to  thofe  who  ferved  the  cure  j  which  had 
ri  D  beea 


lo  /^Summary  of  Affairs 

been  refcrved  in  the  great  alienation  for  the  fervice  of  the  church. 
This  was  carried  at  firft  to  a  proportion  of  about  thirty  pounds; 
a  year  and  was  afterwards  in  his  fon's  time  raifed  to  about 
fifty  pounds  a  year ;  which  confidering  the  plenty  and  way  of  U- 
vine  in  that  country  is  a  very  Hberal  provifion,  and  is  ecjual  in 
value  to  thrice  that  fum  in  the  fouthern  parts  of  England.  In- 
this  he  had  both  the  clergy  and  the  body  of  the  people  on  his 
fide.  But  he  could  not  fo  eafily  provide  for  the  Bifhops:  They 
were  at  firft  forced  to  hold  their  former  cures  with  fome  fmall: 

addition. 
Wi.h.dc-       But  as  they  alTumed  at  their  firft  fetting  up  httle  more  au- 
fignio  carry  tlioi-ity  than  that  of  a  conftaut  prefident  of  the  presbyters,  fo 
Ih«!"*  ^"'  they  met  with  much  rough  oppofition.     The  King  intended  to 
carry  on  a  conformity  in  matters  of  religion  with  England,  and 
he  begun  to  buy  in  from  the  Grantees  many  of  the  eftates  that 
belonged  to  the  Bifhopricks.     It  was  alfo  enaded,  that  a  form 
of  prayer  fliould  be  drawn  for  Scotland:    And   the  King  was 
authorized  to  appoint  the  habits  in  which  the  divine  offices  were 
to  be  performed.     Some  of  the  chief  holy-days  were  ordered  to 
be  oblerv'd.     The  Sacrament  was  to  be  received  kneeling,  and 
to  be  given  to  the  fick.     Confirmation  was  enaded;  as  alfo  the 
ufe  of  the  Crofs  in  Baptifm.     Thefe  things  were  firft  paft  in  ge- 
neral alTemblies,  which  were  compofcd  of  Biftiops  and  the  de- 
puties chofen  by  the  Clergy,   who  fat   all  in  one  houfe:    And 
in  it  they  reckoned  the  Bifhops  only  as  fingle  votes.     Great 
oppofition  was  made  to  all  thefe  fteps :  And  the  whole  force  of 
the  Government  was  ftraincd  to  carry  eledions  to  thofe  meet- 
ings,  or  to  take  off  thofe  who  were  chofen ;    in  which  it  was 
thought  that  no  fort  of  pradice  was  omitted.     It  was  pretended, 
that  Tome  were  frighted,  and  others  were  corrupted. 
Erroars  of       The  Bilhops  themfelves  did  their  part  very  ill.    They  gene- 
the  Biftiops.  rally  grew  haughty :  They  negleded  their  fiandions,  and  were 
often  at  Court,    and  loft  all  efteem  with  the  people.     Some  few 
that  were  ftrider  and  more  learned  did  lean  fb  grofly  to  Pope- 
ry, that  the  heat  and  violence  of  the  Reformation  became  the 
main  fubjed  of  their  fermons  and  difcour/es.     King  James  gxQVf 
weary  of  this  oppofition,   or  was  fo  apprehenfivc  of  the  ill  ef- 
feds  that  it  might  have,  that,  what  through  floth  or  fear,  and 
what  by  rea/bn  of  the  great  diforder  into  which  his  ill  condud 
brought  his  affairs  in  England  in  his  latter  years,  he  went  no 
further  in  his  defigns  on  Scotland. 

He  had  three  children.  His  eldeft,  Vnncc  Henry,  was  a 
»>"  was  be*  Prince  of  great  hopes ;  but  fb  very  little  like  his  father,  that  he 
pJifoncd!  ^"^^^^  rather  feared  than  loved  by  him.    He  was  fo  zealous  a  Pro- 

v .  f  teftanr. 


hefori  /^^  Restoration.  ii 

teftant  that ,  when  his  father  was  entertaining  propofitions  of 
marrying  him  to  popiih  PrinccfTes,  once  to  the  Archduchefs, 
and  at  another  time  to  a  daughter  of  Savoy,  he  in  a  letter 
that  he  wrote  to  the  King  on  the  twelfth  of  that  OBober  in  which 
he  died  (the  original  of  which  Sir  Wdl'tam  Cook  fhcwed  me)  de- 
fired,  that  if  his  father  married  him  that  way  it  might  be  with  the 
youngeft  perlbn  of  the  two,  of  whofe  converfion  he  might  have 
hope,  and  that  any  liberty  fhe  might  be  allowed  for  her  religion 
might  be  in  the  privateft  manner  pofTible.  Whether  this  aver- 
fion  to  Popery  haften'd  his  death  or  not  I  cannot  tell.  Colonel 
Tttus  afTured  me  that  he  had  from  King  Charles  the  firft's  own 
mouth,  that  he  was  well  afTured  he  was  poifbned  by  the  Earl 
oi  Somerfefs  means.  It  is  certain,  that  from  the  time  of  the 
Gunpowder  Plot,  King  James  was  fo  ftruck  with  the  terror  of 
that  danger  he  was  then  fo  near,  that  ever  after  he  had  no  mind 
to  provoke  the  Jejfuits  ^  for  he  faw  what  they  were  capable  of. 

And  fince  I  name  that  confpiracy  which  the  Papifts  in  ourTheGun* 
days  have  had  the  impudence  to  deny,  and  to  pretend  it  waspj^j?"" 
an  artifice  of  Cec'ilh  to  engage  fome  defperate  men  into  a  Plot, 
which  he  managed  (b  that  he  could  difcover  it  when  he  pleajfed, 
I  will  mention  what  I  my  felf  faw,  and  had  for  fome  time  in 
my  pofTeflion.  Sir  Everard  Dtgby  died  for  being  of  the  Con- 
fpiracy :  He  was  the  Father  of  the  famous  Sir  Kenelm  Digby, 
The  family  being  ruined  upon  the  death  of  Sir  Kenelm's  Son, 
when  the  executors  were  looking  out  for  writings  to  make  out 
the  titles  of  the  eftates  they  were  to  fell,  they  were  direded  by 
an  old  fervant  to  a  cupboard  that  was  very  artificially  hid,  in 
which  fome  papers  lay  that  fhe  had  obferved  Sir  Kenelm  was 
oft  reading.  They  looking  into  it  found  a  velvet  bag,  within 
which  there  were  two  other  filk  bags :  (So  carefully  were  thofe re- 
licks  kept : )  And  there  was  within  thefe  a  colledtion  of  all  the 
letters  that  Sir  Everard  writ  during  his  imprifonment.  In  thefe 
he  expreffes  great  trouble,  becaufe  he  heard  fome  of  their  friends 
blamed  their  undertaking:  He  highly  magnifies  it^  and  fays,  if 
he  had  many  lives  he  would  wiUingly  have  facrificed  them  all 
in  carrying  it  on.  In  one  paper  he  fays,  they  had  taken  that 
care  that  there  were  not  above  two  or  three  worth  faving,  to 
whom  they  had  not  given  notice  to  keep  out  of  the  way :  And 
in  none  of  thofe  papers  does  he  exprefs  any  fort  of  remorfe  for 
that  which  he  had  been  engaged  in,  and  for  which  he  fiiffered. 

Upon  the  difcovery  of  that  Plot  there  was  a  general  profecu-  King  ^^w« 
tion  of  all  Papifls  fet  on  foot :  But  King  James  was  very  unea-  Jf^thc'jefu* 
ly  at  it,-    which  was  much  encreafed  by  what  Sir  Dudly  Carlton'^^i- 
told  him  upon  his  return  from  Spain,  where  he  had  been  Am- 

bafTadour; 


12  A  Summary  of  Affairs 

balfadour ;  (which  I  had  from  the  Lord  HoUis,  who  faid  to  me 
that  Sir  DiiMy  Carlton  told  it  to  himfelf,  and  was  much  troubled 
when  he  faw  it  had  an  cfFeft  contrary  to  what  he  had  intended.) 
When  he  came  home,  he  found  the  King  at  Theobald's  hunting 
in  a  very  carelefs  and  unguarded  manner :  And  upon  that,  in  -^^ 
order  to  the  putting  him  on  a  more  careful  looking  to  himfelf, 
he  told  the  King  he  muft  either  give  over  that  way  of  hunting, 
or  ftop  another  hunting  that  he  was  engaged  in,  which  was 
Prieft  hunting:  For  he  had  intelligence  in  Spain  that  the  Priefts 
were  comforting  themfelves  with  this,  that  if  he  went  on  againft 
them  they  would  foon  get  rid  of  him :  Queen  Elizabeth  was  a 
woman  of  form,  and  was  always  fo  well  attended,  that  all  their 
plots  againft  her  failed,  and  were  never  brought  to  any  effed: 
But  a  Prince  who  was  always  in  woods  or  forcfts  would  be  ea- 
(ily  overtaken.  The  King  fent  for  him  in  private  to  enquire 
more  particularly  into  this:  And  he  faw  it  had  made  a  great  im- 
preffion  on  him :  But  wrought  otherwife  than  as  he  intended. 
For  the  King,  refolved  to  gratifie  his  humour  in  hunting  and 
in  a  carelefs  and  irregular  way  of  life,  did  immediately  order  all 
that  profecution  to  be  let  fall.  I  have  the  minutes  of  the  Council 
Books  of  the  year  1606,  which  are  fiill  of  orders  to  difcharge 
and  tranfport  Priefts,  fometimes  ten  in  a  day.  From  thence 
to  his  dying  day  he  continued  always  writing  and  talking  a- 
gainft  Popery,  but  ading  for  it.  He  married  his  only  daugh- 
ter to  a  Proteftant  Prince,  one  of  the  moft  zealous  and  fincerc 
of  them  all,  the  Eledor  Palatine -y  upon  which  a  great  Re- 
The  Eieaor  volutiou  happcn'd  in  the  affairs  of  Germany.  The  eldeft  branch 
p|i/jr;«<-'$  of  the  Houfe  of  Auflria  retained  fbme  of  the  impreflions  that 
their  Father  Maximilian  II.  ftudied  to  infufe  into  them ,  who 
as  he  was  certainly  one  of  the  beft  and  wifeft  Princes  of  thefe 
latter  ages,  fo  he  was  unalterably  fixed  in  his  opinion  againft 
perfecution  for  matters  of  confcience :  His  own  fentiments  were 
fb  very  favourable  to  the  Proteftant  Dodtrine,  that  he  was  thought 
inwardly  theirs.  His  brother  Charles  of  Grats  was  on  the  other 
hand  wholly  managed  by  the  Jefuits,  and  was  a  zealous  patron 
of  theirs,  and  as  zealoufly  fupported  by  them.  Rodolph  and 
Matthias  reigned  one  after  another,  but  without  iffue.  Their 
brother  Albert  was  then  dying  in  Flanders :  So  Spain  with  the 
popifh  intcreft  joined  to  advance  Ferdinand^  the  fon  of  Charles 
oi Grats:  And  he  forced  Matthias  to  refign  the  Crown  of  Bo^ 
hernia  to  him,  and  got  himfelf  to  be  eleded  King.  But  his 
government  became  quickly  fevere :  He  refolved  to  extirpate  the 
Proteftants,  and  began  to  break  thro'  the  privileges  that  were 
fccured  to  them  by  the  laws  of  that  Kingdom. 

This 


before  //?(?  Restoration.  13 

This  occafioned  a  general  infurredion,  which  was  f^^^^owed  ^^^^^^j^* 
by  an  afTembly  of  the  States,  who  together  with  thofe  of  Stlefia 
Moravia  and  Lufatia  joined  in  dcpofing  herdmand:  And  they 
offered  their  Crown  firft  to  the  Duke  of  Saxon'y  who  refufcd 
it,  and  then  to  the  Eledlor  Palatine  who  accepted  of  it,  being 
encouraged  to  it  by  his  two  uncles  Maurice  Prince  of  Orange 
and  the  Duke  o{  Bullion.  But  he  did  not  afk  the  advice  of  King 
James:  He  only  gave  him  notice  of  it  when  he  had  accepted 
the  offer.  Here  was  the  probableft  occafion  that  has  been  of- 
fered fince  the  Reformation  for  its  full  cftablifliment. 

The  Englijh  Nation  was  rnuch  inclined  to  fupport  it:  And 
it  was  expected  that  fo  near  a  conjundion  might  have  prevai- 
led on  the  King:  But  he  had  an  invincible  averfion  to  warj 
and  was  fo  poffefled  of  the  opinion  of  a  divine  right  in  all  Kings, 
that  he  could  not  bear  that  even  an  eledive  and  Hmited  King 
fliould  be  called  in  queftion  by  his  fubjeds :  So  he  would  never 
acknowledge  his  fon-in-law  King,  nor  give  him  any  affiftance 
for  the  fupport  of  his  new  dignity.  And  tho'  it  was  alfo  reck- 
oned on  that  France  would  enter  into  any  defign  that  Ihould 
bring  down  the  houfe  of  Aufiria,  and  Spain  by  confequence,  yet 
even  that  was  diverted  by  the  means  of  De  Lwynes  j  a  worthlefs 
but  abfolute  favourite,  whom  the  Archduchels  Ifabella^  Princels 
GixSizSpanifh  Netherlands^  gained  to  oblige  the  King  into  a  neu- 
trality by  giving  him  the  richeft  heireis  then  in  Flanders,  the 
daughter  of  Pegu'iney,  left  to  her  difpofal,  whom  he  married  to 
his  brother. 

Thus  poor  Frederick  was  left  without  any  affiftance.  Therhedifor- 
jealoufy  that  the  Lutherans  had  of  the  afcendant  that  the  Cal-  J/J^^  *"  ^'''^' 
v'mijls  might  gain  by  this  acceffion  had  an  unhappy  fliare  in 
the  coldnels  which  all  the  Princes  of  that  confeflion  fhewed  to- 
wards himj  tho'  Saxon'y  only  declared  iox.  Ferdinand,  who  like- 
wife  engaged  the  Duke  of  Bavaria  at  the  head  of  a  catholick 
league  to  maintain  his  interefts.  Maurice  Prince  of  Orange 
had  embroiled  Holland  by  the  efpoufing  the  controverfy  about 
the  decrees  of  God  in  oppofition  to  the  Armman  party,  and 
by  erediing  a  new  and  illegal  court  by  the  authority  of  the  States 
General  to  judge  of  the  affairs  of  the  Province  o^  Holland-,  which 
was  plainly  contrary  to  their  conftitution,  by  which  every  Pro- 
vince is  a  Sovereignty  within  itfelf,  not  at  all  fubordinate  to  the 
States  General,  who  a6t  only  as  Plenipotentiaries  of  the  feveral 
Provinces  to  maintain  their  union  and  their  common  concerns. 
By  that  affembly  Barnevelt  was  condemned  and  executed:  Gro- 
iius  and  others  were  condemned  to  perpetual  imprifbnment :  And 
an  affembly  of  the  minifters  of  the  feveral  Provinces  met  at 

E  Dorty 


14  A  Sv  M  MARY  of  Affairs 

Dort  by  the  fame   authority,    and   condemned   and   deprived 
the  Armmam.      Maurice's  enemies  gave  it  out  that  he  ma- 
naged all  this  on  defign  to  make  himfelf  mafterof  the  Provinces,  * 
and  to  put  thofe  who  were  like  to  oppofe  him  out  of  the  way.J 
But  tho'  this  Icem  a  wild  and  groundlefs  imagination,  and  not 
poiriblc  to  be  comparted  j    yet  it  is  certain  that  he  looked  on    . 
Bantevelt  and  his  party   as  men  who  were  fo  jealous  of  him  ' 
and  of  a  military  power,  that  as  they  had  forced  the  truce  with 
Spam   fo  they  would  be  very  unwilling  to  begin  a  new  war,- 
tho'  the  difputes  about  Julters  and  Cleves  had  almoft  engaged 
them,  and  the  truce  was  now  near  expiring  j  at  the  end  of  which 
he  hoped,  if  delivered  from  the  oppofition  that  he  might  look 
for  from  that  party,  to  begin  the  war  anew.     By  thefe  means 
there  was  a  great  fermentation  over  all  the  Provinces,   fo  that 
Maurice  was  not  then  in  condition  to  give  the  elected  King 
any  confidcrable  afliftance,-  tho'  indeed  he  needed  it  much,  for 
his  condud  was  very  weak.     He  affeded  the  grandeur  of  a  re- 
gal court,    and  the  magnificence  of  a  crowned  head  too  early : 
And  his  Queen  fet  up  fome  of  the  gay  diverfions  that  fhe  had 
been  accuftomed  to  in  her  father's  court,  fuch  as  balls  and  mafks, 
which  veiy  much  difgufted  the  good  Bobemiam,  who  thought 
that  a  revolution  made  on  the  account  of  religion  ought  to  have 
put  on  a  greater  appearance  of  ferioufnefs  and  fimplicity.    Thefe 
particulars  I  had  from  the  children  of  fbme  who  belonged  to 
that  court.     The  eleded  King  was  quickly  overthrown,    and 
driven  not  only  out  of  thofe  his  new  dominions,    but  likewife 
out  of  his  hereditary  countries:    He  fled  to  Holland  where  he 
ended  his  days.     I  will  go  no  farther  in  a  matter  fo  well  known 
as  KinjT  James's  ill  condud  in  the  whole  feries  of  that  war,  and 
that  unheard-of  pradice  of  fending  his  only  Son  thro'  Frame 
mto  Spain  J  of  which  the  relations  we  have  are  fb  full  that  I  can 
add  nothing  to  them. 
Some  pafTa-      I  will  Only  hcrc  tell  fome  particulars  with  relation  to  Ger- 
Religion  of  many,  that  FabriciuSj    the  wifeft  divine  I  knew  among  them, 
fome  Prm-  ^^y  ^^^  |^^  j^^^j  ^-^.^^^  Charles  Lewis  the  Eledor  Palatine^  own 

mouth.  He  faid,  Frederick  II.  who  firfl  reformed  the  Palati- 
nate, whole  life  is  fo  curioufly  writ  by  Thomas  Hubert  of  Liege^ 
refblvcd  to  fhake  off  Popery,  and  to  fet  up  Lutheranifm  in  his 
countrey :  But  a  counfellour  of  his  faid  to  him,  that  the  Luthe- 
rans would  always  depend  chiefly  on  the  Houfe  of  Saxony :  So 
it  would  not  become  him  who  was  the  firft  Eledor  to  be  only 
the  fecond  in  the  party:  It  was  more  for  his  dignity  to  be- 
come a  Calvinifl: :  He  would  be  the  head  of  that  party :  It  would 
give  him  a  great  intereft  in  Switzerland,  and  make  the  Huguenots 

of 


ces. 


before  /i^(?  Restoration.  15 

of  France  and  in  the  Netherlands  depend  on  him.  He  was 
by  that  determined  to  declare  for  the  Helvetian  confelTlon.  But 
upon  the  ruin  of  his  family  the  Duke  of  Newburgh  had  an  cn- 
tcrvicw  with  the  Eledor  of  Brandenburg  about  their  concerns 
in  JuUers  and  Cleves :  And  he  perfuaded  that  Elc(51:or  to  turn  Cal- 
•vmtfi'^  for  fince  their  family  was  fallen,  nothing  would  more 
contribute  to  raife  the  other  than  the  efpoufing  that  fide,  which 
would  naturally  come  under  l^s  protedion:  But  he  added,  that 
for  himfelf  he  had  turned  Papift,  ^-fince  his  little  Principality  lay 
fb  near  both  Auflria  and  Bavaria.  This  that  Eledor  told  with 
a  fort  of  pleafure,  when  he  made  it  appear  that  other  Princes 
had  no  more  fenfe  of  religion  than  he  himfelf  had. 

Other  circumftances  concurred  to  make  ¥>AX\^Jdmes\  reign  in-  King  jamtt 
glorious.     The  States  having;  borrowed  irreat  fums  of  money  of  p,^"'='^  ^'S^ 

->.  r'l-        1      1       \  \  \        n    ■  11  ■{    T'l    n  ■  1      /-  '**'  cautio- 

Qucen  Elizabeth^  they  gave  her  the  BrtU  and  tiujmng^  with  fome  haryTowns. 
other  places  of  lefs  note,  in  pawn  till  the  money  fliould  be  repaid. 
Soon  after  his  coming  to  the  Crown  oi England  h^  entered  into  fe- 
cret  treaties  with  Spam,  in  order  to  the  forcing  the  States  to  a 
peace:  One  article  was,  that  if  they  were  obftinate  he  would  de- 
liver theie  places  to  the  Spaniards.  When  the  truce  was  made, 
Barnevelt,  tho'  he  had  promoted  it,  yet  knowing  the  fecret  ar- 
ticle ,  he  faw  they  were  very  unfafe  while  the  keys  of  //<?/- 
landdiwA  Zealand \^ti-e.  in  the  hands  of  a  Prince  who  might  per- 
haps fell  them,  or  make  an  ill  ujfe  of  them :  So  he  perfiiaded  the 
States  to  redeem  the  mortgage  by  repaying  the  money  that  Eng- 
land had  lent,  for  which  thefe  places  were  put  into  their  hands  : 
And  he  came  over  himfelf  to  treat  about  it.  King  James,  who 
was  profufe  upon  his  favourites  and  fervants,  was  deHghted  with 
the  profped;  of  fo  much  money ;  and  immediately,  without  cal- 
ling a  Parliament  to  advife  with  them  about  it,  he  did  yield 
to  the  propofition.  So  the  money  was  paid,  and  the  places 
were  evacuated.  But  his  profufenefs  drew  two  other  things  up- 
on him,  which  broke  the  whole  authority  of  the  Crown,  and 
the  dependence  of  the  Nation  upon  it.  The  Crown  had  a 
great  eftate  over  all  England,  which  was  all  let  out  upon  lea- 
les  for  years,  and  a  fmall  rent  was  referved.  So  moft  of  thej^j  «^^^ 
great  families  of  the  Nation  were  the  tenants  of  the  Crown,  and  broke  the 
a  great  many  burroughs  were  depending  on  the  eftates  fb  held.  KeCrowa" 
The  renewal  of  thefe  leafes  brought  in  fines  to  the  Crown,  and 
to  the  great  officers :  Befides  that  the  fear  of  being  denied  a 
renewal  kept  all  in  a  dependence  on  the  Crown.  King  James 
obtained  of  his  Parliament  a  power  of  granting,  that  is  felling, 
thole  eftates  for  ever,  with  the  referve  of  the  old  quit-rent: 
And  all  the  money  raifed  by  this  was  profiifely  fquandred  a- 

3  way. 


ity  A  Summary  0/ Affairs 

way.     Another  main  part  of  the  regal  authority  was  the  Wards, 
which  anciently  the  Crown  took  into  their  own  management. 
Our  Kinc»s  were,    according  to  the  firft  inftitution,  the  Guar- 
dians of  the  Wards.     They  bred  them  up  in  their  courts,  and 
difpofed  of  them  in  marriage  as  they  thought  fit.     Afterwards 
they  compounded,  or  forgave  them,  or  gave  them  to  fome  bran- 
ches of  the  family,    or  to  provide  the  younger  children.     But 
they  proceeded  in  this  very  gently :  And  the  chief  care  after  the 
•     Reformation  was  to  breed  the  Wards  Protellants.    Still  all  were 
under  a  great  dependence  by  this  means.      Much  money  was 
not  raifed  this  way:    But  families  were  often  at  mercy,  and 
were  ufed  according  to  their  behaviour.     King  James  granted 
thefe  generally  to  his  fervants  and  favourites:  And  they  made 
the  mod  of  them.     So  that  what  was  before  a  dependence  on 
the  Crown,  and  was  moderately  compounded  for,  became  then 
a  moft  exacting  oppreflion,  by  which  feveral  families  were  rui- 
ned.    This  went  on  in  King  Charles'^  time  in  the  fame  me- 
thod.    Our  Kings  thought  they  gave  little  when  they  difpo- 
fed of  a  Ward,  becaufe  they  made  little  of  them.     All  this  rai- 
fed fuch  an  outcry,  that  Mr.  Pierpo'mt  at  the  Reftoration  gathered 
fb  many  inflances  of  thefe,  and  reprefented  them  fo  efFedually  to 
that  Houfe  of  Commons  that  called  home  King  Charles  the  (e- 
cond,  that  he  perfuaded  them  to  redeem  themielvesby  an  offer  of 
excife,  which  indeed  produces  a  much  greater  revenue,  but  took 
away  the  dependence  in  which  all  families  were  held  by  the 
dread  of  leaving  their  heirs  expofed  to  fo  great  a  danger.     Pier- 
point  valued  himfelf  to  me  upon  this  fervice  he  did  his  coun- 
try,   at  a  time  when  things  were  fo  little  confidered  on  either 
hand,  that  the  court  did  not  feem  to  apprehend  the  value  of 
what  they  parted  with,    nor   the  country  of  what  they  pur- 
chafed. 
Other  n-        Bcfidcs  thefe  publick  adings  King  James  fuffered  much  in  the 
opinion  of  all  people  by  his  flrange  way  of  ufing  one  of  the 
greatefl  men  of  that  age.  Sir  Walter  Raletgh ;  againft  whom  the 
proceedings  at  firll  were  much  cenfured,  but  the  laft  part  of  them 
was  thought  both  barbarous  and  illegal.     The  whole  bu/inefs 
of  the  Earl  of  Somerfet's  rife  and  fall,  of  the  Countefs  of  EJfex 
and  Overbury^   the  putting  the  inferiour  perfbns  to  death  for 
that  infamous  poyfbning,  and  the  fparing  the  principals,  both 
the  Earl  of  Somerfet  and  his  Lady,  were  fo  odious  and  inhuman, 
that  it  quite  funk  the  reputation  of  a  reign,    that  on  many 
other  accounts  was  already  much  expofed  to  contempt  and  cen- 
fure  J  which  was  the  more  fenfible,  becaufe  it  fucceeded  fuch  a 
glorious  and  happy  one.     King  James  in  the  end  of  his  reign 
^  was 


ronrs  ia  his 
reign. 


before  the  Restoration.  17 

was  become  weary  of  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  ^   who  treated 
him  with  fuch  an  air  of  infolent  contempt   that  he  Teemed  at 
iaft  refolved  to  throw  him  off,    but  could  not  think  of  taking 
the  load  of  government  on  himfelf,    and  fo  refolved  to  bring 
the  Earl  of  Somerfet  again  into  favour,  as  that  Lord  reported  it 
to  fome  from  whom  I  had  it.     He  met  with  him  in  the  night  in 
the  gardens  at  Theobalds:  Two  bed-chamber  men  were  only  in 
the  fecret :  The  King  embraced  him  tenderly   and  with  many 
tears:    The  Earl  of  Somerftt  believed   the  fecret  was  not  well 
kept;  for  foon  after  the  King  was  taken  ill  with  fome  fits  of  an 
ague  and  died  of  it.     My  father  was  then  in  London^  and  did  His  Death, 
very  much  fufped  an  ill  pradice  in  the  matter:    But  perhaps 
DoAor  Cratg^  my  mother's  uncle,  who  was  one  of  the  King's 
phyficians,  poffeffed  him  with  thefe  apprehenfions ;    for  he  was 
difgraced  for  faying  he  believed  the  King  was  poyfoned.     It  is 
certain  no  King  could  die  lefs  lamented  or  lels  efteemed  than 
he  was.     This  funk  the  credit  of  the  Billiops  of  Scotland^    who 
as  they  were  his  creatures,  fo  they  were  obliged  to  a  great  depen-( 
dence  on  him,  and  were  thought  guilty  of  grofs  and  abjedt  flat- 
tery towards  him.     His  reign  in  En^and  was  a  continued  courfe 
of  mean  practices.     The  firft  condemnation  of  Sir  Walter  Ra- 
leigh was  very  black :  But  the  executing  him  after  fo  many  years, 
and  after  an  employment  that  had  been  given  him,  was  counted 
a  barbarous  facrificing  him  to  the  Spaniards.     The  rife  and  fall 
of  the  Earl  of  Somerfet,  and  the  iwift  progrefs  of  the  Duke  of 
Buckingham' 's,  greatnefs,  were  things  that  expoled  him  to  the  cen- 
fiire  of  all  the  world.     I  have  feen  the  originals  of  about  twen- 
ty letters  that  he  wrote  to  the  Prince   and  that  Duke   while 
they  were  in  Spain,    which  fliew  a  meanneis   as  well  as  a  fond- 
nefs  that  render  him  very  contemptible.     The  great  Figure  the 
Crown  of  England  had  made  in  Queen  Elizabeth's  time,   who 
had  rendred  her  felf  the  arbiter  of  chriftendom,  and  was  the  won- 
der of  the  age,  was  fo  much  eclipfed  if  not  quite  darkened  during 
this  reign,  that  King  James  was  become  the  fcorn  of  the  age ; 
and  while  hungry  writers  flattered  him  out  of  meafure  at  home, 
he  was  defpifed  by  all  abroad  as  a  pedant  without  true  judgment, 
courage,   or  fteadinefs,    fubjed;  to  his  favourites    and  delivered 
up  to  the  counfels  or  rather  the  corruption  of  Spam. 

The  Puritans  pained  credit,  as  the  King  and  the  Bifliops  lofl;  The p«y/- 

T-'i  1  r  n.  •  rL      r         J  ^""^  gained 

It.      1  hey  put  on  external  appearances  or  great  itnctnels  and  ground, 
gravity:   They  took  more  pains  in  their  pariflies  than  thofe  who 
adhered  to  the  Bifliops,    and  were  often  preaching  againft  the 
vices  of  the  Court  j    for  which  they  were  fometimes  punifhed, 
tho'  very  gently,  which  raifed  their  reputation,  and  drew  pre- 

.    F  fents 


i8  y^SuMMARY  of  Affairs 

fcnts  to  them  that  made  up  their  fufFerings  abundantly.  They 
bcEjun  fome  particular  methods  of  getting  their  people  to  meet 
privately  with  tliem :  And  in  thefe  meetings  they  gave  great 
vent  to  extemporary  prayer,  which  was  looked  on  as  a  fort  of  in- 
fpiration :  And  by  thefe  means  they  grew  very  popular.  They 
were  very  fadious  and  infolent,-  and  both  in  their  fcrmons  and 
prayers  were  always  mixing  (evere  reflexions  on  their  enemies. 
Some  of  them  boldly  gave  out  very  many  predidions  j  particu- 
larly two  of  them  who  were  held  prophets,  Davifon  and  Bruce. 
Some  of  the  things  that  they  foretold  came  to  pais :  But  my 
father,  who  knew  them  both,  told  me  of  many  of  their  pre- 
dictions that  he  himfelf  heard  them  throw  out,  which  had  no 
efFedl:  But  all  thefe  were  forgot,  and  if  fome  more  probable 
gucffrngs  which  they  delivered  as  prophecies  were  accomplifh- 
ed,  thefe  were  much  magnified.  They  were  very  fpiteful  a- 
gainft:  all  thofe  who  differed  from  them,-  and  were  wanting  in 
no  methods  that  could  procure  them  either  good  ufage,  or  good 
prefcnts.  Of  this  my  father  had  great  occafion  to  fee  many  in- 
flances:  For  my  great  grand-mother,  who  was  a  very  rich  wo- 
man and  much  engaged  to  them,  was  mofl  obfequioufly  cour- 
ted by  them.  Bruce  lived  concealed  in  her  houfe  for  fome  years : 
And  they  all  found  fuch  advantages  in  their  fubmiflions  to  her, 
that  file  was  counted  for  many  years  the  chief  fupport  of  the  par- 
ty :  Her  name  was  Rachel  Arnot.  She  was  daughter  to  Sir  John 
Arnot^  a  man  in  great  favour,  and  Lord  Treafiirer  deputy.  Her 
hufband  Johnfioun  was  the  greateft  merchant  at  that  time  ,•  and 
left  her  an  eflate  of  zooo  pound  a  year,  to  be  difpofed  of  among 
his  children  as  flie  pleafed :  And  my  father  marrying  her  eldefl 
grand  child  faw  a  great  way  into  all  the  methods  of  the  Puri- 
tans. 
Gowry'izon-  Cowry's  confJ3iracy  was  by  them  charged  on  the  King,  as  a 
^f"**^'-  contrivance  of  his  to  get  rid  of  that  Earl,  who  was  then  held 
in  great  efteem :  But  my  father,  who  had  taken  great  pains  to  en- 
quire into  all  the  particulars  of  that  matter,  did  always  believe 
it  was  a  real  confpiracy.  One  thing,  which  none  of  the  Hiflo- 
rians  have  taken  any  notice  of,  and  might  have  induced  the 
Earl  of  Gowry  to  have  wiflied  to  put  King  James  out  of  the  way, 
but  in  fuch  a  difguifed  manner  that  he  fhould  feem  rather  to  have 
efcaped  outof  a  fnare  himfelf  than  to  have  laid  one  for  the  King, 
was  this :  Upon  the  King's  death  he  flood  next  to  the  fucceffion  to 
that  Crown  of  England;  for  King  Henry  the  feventh's  daughter 
that  was  married  to  King  7«w<?5  the  fourth  did  after  his  death  mar- 
ry Dowglas  Earl  oi  Angus:  But  they  could  not  agree:  So  a  pre- 
contrad  was  proved  againfl  him:  Upon  which,   by  a  fentence 

'  from 


\ 


before  /^^Restoration.  19 

from  Romej  the  marriage  was  voided,  with  a  claufe  in  favour 
of  the  ifTue,  finceborn  under  a  marriage  de  fa&o  and  bona  fide. 
Lady  Margaret  Dowglas  was  the  child  fo  provided  for.  I  did 
perufe  the  original  Bull  confirming  the  divorce.  After  that,  the 
Queen  Dowager  married  onzFrancts  Steward^  and  had  by  him  a 
fon  made  Lord  Methuen  by  King  James  the  fifth,  hi  the  patent 
he  is  called  frater  nofler  uter'tnus.  He  had  only  a  daughter,  who 
was  mother  or  grandmother  to  the  Earl  of  Gowry:  So  that  by 
this  he  might  be  glad  to  put  the  King  out  of  the  way,  that  fo 
he  might  Hand  next  to  the  fucccflion  of  the  Crown  oi  F^n^and. 
He  had  a  brother  then  a  child,  who  when  he  grew  up  and 
found  he  could  not  carry  the  name  of  Ruthen,  which  by  an  ad 
of  Parliament  made  after  this  confpiracy  none  might  carry,  hei 
went  and  lived  beyond  feaj  and  it  was  given  out  that  he  had  the 
philofbpher's  ftone.  He  had  two  fons  who  died  without  ilTue, 
and  one  daughter  married  to  Sir  Anthony  Vandtke  the  famous 
pidure  drawer,  whofe  children  according  to  his  pedigree  ftood 
very  near  to  the  fiicceffion  of  the  Crown.  It  was  not  eaiy  to 
perluade  the  nation  of  the  truth  of  that  confpiracy :  For  eight 
years  before  that  time  King  James^  on  a  fecret  jealoufy  of  the 
Earl  of  Murray  J  then  efteemed  the  handfomeft  man  oi  Scotland^ 
fet  on  the  Marquis  oiHuntly^  who  was  his  mortal  enemy,  to 
murder  him;  and  by  a  writing  all  in  his  own  hand  he  promifed 
to  fave  him  harmlefs  for  it.  He  fet  the  houfe  in  which  he  was 
on  fire :  And  the  Earl  flying  away  was  followed  and  murdered, 
and  Huntly  fent  Gordon  of  Buckey  with  the  news  to  the  King  ; 
Soon  after,  all  who  were  concerned  in  that  vile  fad  were  pardo- 
ned, which  laid  the  King  open  to  much  cenfure.  And  this  made 
the  matter  of  Gowry  to  be  the  lefs  believed. 

When  Kin2  Charles  fiicceeded  to  the  Crown  he  was  at  firfl:  Kingp^^/f/ 
thought  favourable  to  the  Puritans ;  for  his  tutor,  and  all  his  friend  to  the 
Court  were  of  that  way :  And  Dr.  Prefion,  then  the  head  of  the 
party,  came  up  in  the  coach  from  Theobalds  to  London  with  the 
King  and  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  ,•  which  being  againft  the 
rules  of  the  Court  gave  great  offence:  But  it  was  faid,  the  King 
was  (b  over  charged  with  grief,  that  he  wanted  the  comfort  of 
lb  wife  and  fb  great  a  man.  It  was  alfo  given  out,  that  the  Duke 
of  Buckingham  offered  Dr.  Prejhn  the  Great  Seal:  But  he  was 
wifer  than  to  accept  of  it.  1  will  go  no  further  into  the  be- 
ginning of  that  reign  with  relation  to  Engl'ifh  affairs,  which  are 
fully  opened  by  others.  Only  I  will  tell  one  particular  which  I  had 
from  the  Earl  o^  Lothian,  who  was  bred  up  in  the  Court,  and 
whofe  father,  the  Earl  of  ^^/cr<g;w,  was  gentleman  of  the  Bed- 
chamber, tho'  himfelf  was  ever  much  hated  by  the  Kin".     Hd 

^  "  tola 


20  A  Summary  of  AJjairs 

told  mc    that  King  Charles  was  much  ofttnded  with  King  Jamefs 
licht  and  famihar  way,   which  was  the  cfFcd  of  hunting  and 
drinking,  on  which  occafions  he  was  very  apt  to  forget  his  dig- 
nity, and  to  break  out  into  great  indecencies:  On  the  other  hand 
the  folemn  gravity  of  the  Court  oi' Spam  was  more  fuited  to  his 
own  temper,  which  was  fullen  even  to  a  morofenefs.     This  led 
him  to  a  grave  referved  deportment,  in  which  he  forgot  the  ci- 
vilities and  the  affability  that  the  nation  naturally  loved,  to  which 
they  had  been  long  accuftomed :  Nor  did  he  in  his  outward  de- 
portment take  any  pains  to  oblige  any  perfons  whatfoever :  So 
for  from  that,  he  had  fuch  an  ungracious  way  of  fiiewing  favour, 
that  the  manner  of  bellowing  it  was  almoft  as  mortifying  as  the 
favour  was  obliging.     I  turn  now  to  the  affairs  oi Scotland,  which 
arc  but  little  known. 
He  defi  ned      ^hc  King  rcfolvcd  to  carry  on  two  defigns  that  his  father  had 
lo^ecov^7  fjt  on  foot,  but  had  let  the  profecution  of  them  fall  in  the  laft 
'.nd  clfuVch  years  of  his  reign.     The  firft  of  thefe  was  about  the  recovery 
S/Wto    ^^  ^^'^  i\i}i\^'^  and  church  lands:  He  refolved  to  profecute  his  fa- 
the Crown,  thcr's  revocation,  and  to  void  all  the  grants  made  in  his  minori- 
ty, and  to  create  titular  Abbots  as  Lords  of  ParHament,  but  Lords, 
as  Biftiops,   only  for  life.     And  that  the  two  great  families  of 
Hamilton  and  Lenox  might  be  good  examples  to  the  reft  of  the 
nation,    he  by  a   fecret  purchafe,    and  with  Englifh  money, 
bought  the  Abby  of  Aberhroth  of  the  former,  and  the  Lordihip 
of  Glafgow  of  the  latter,  and  gave  thefe  to  the  two  Archbifliop- 
ricks.     Thefe  Lords  made  a  fhew  of  zeal  after  a  good  bargain, 
and  furrendered  them  to  the  King.    He  alfo  purchafed  feveral 
eftates  of  Icfs  value  to  the  feveral  Sees  j  and  all  men,  who  pre- 
tended to  favour  at  Court,  offered  their  church  lands  to  fale  at 
a  low  rate. 

In  the  third  year  of  his  reign  the  Earl  of  Nhhtfdakj  then  be- 
lieved a  Papift,  which  he  afterwards  profeffed,  having  married 
a  niece  of  the  Duke  oi  Buckingham's^  was  fent  down  with  a  pow- 
er to  take  the  furrender  of  all  church  lands,  and  to  affure  all 
who  did  readily  furrender,  that  the  King  would  take  it  kindly, 
and  ule  them  all  very  well,  but  that  he  would  proceed  with  all 
rigour  againft  thofe  who  would  not  fubmit  their  rights  to  his  dif^ 
polal.  Upon  his  coming  down,  thofe  who  were  moft  concern- 
ed in  thofe  grants  met  at  Edinburgh^  and  agreed,  that  when 
they  were  called  together,  if  no  other  argument  did  prevail  to 
make  the  Earl  of  Ntthifdale  delift,  they  would  fall  upon  him  and 
all  his  party  in  the  old  Scotijh  manner,  and  knock  them  on  the 
head,  Primrofe  told  me  one  of  thefe  Lords,  Belhaven  of  the 
name  of  Dowglafs  who  was  blind,  bid  them  fet  him  by  one  of 
2  the 


before  /^^Restoration.  21 

the  party,-  and  he  would  make  fure  of  one.  So  he  was  fet  next 
the  Earl  of  Dunfr'ize:  He  was  all  the  while  holding  him  fail: 
And  when  the  other  aflced  him  what  he  meant  by  that,  he  faid, 
ever  fince  the  blindnefs  was  come  on  him  he  was  in  fuch  fear 
of  falling,  that  he  could  not  help  the  holding  faft  to  thofe  who 
were  next  to  him:  He  had  all  the  while  a  ponyard  in  his  other 
hand,  with  which  he  had  certainly  ftabbed  Dmfr'tze,  if  any  dif* 
order  had  happen'd.  The  appearance  at  that  time  was  fb  great, 
and  fo  much  heat  was  railed  upon  it,  that  the  Earl  of  N'tth'tfdale 
would  not  open  all  his  inftrudions,  but  came  back  to  Court, 
looking  on  the  fervice  as  defperate:  So  a  flop  was  put  to  it  for 
fome  time. 

In  the  year  i<^3  3  the  King  came  down  in  perlbn  to  be  crown-  He  was 
cd.  In  fome  conventions  of  the  States  that  had  been  held  jrt;/«»«<. 
before  that  all  the  money  that  the  King  had  aflced  was  given  j 
and  Ibme  petitions  were  offered  fetting  forth  grievances,  which 
thofe  whom  the  King  employed  had  aifured  them  fhould  be  re- 
dreffed :  But  nothing  was  done,  and  all  was  put  off  till  the  King 
fliould  come  down  in  perfbn.  His  entry  and  coronation  were 
managed  with  fuch  magnificence,  that  the  countrey  fuffered 
much  by  it:  All  was  entertainment  and  fhew.  When  the  Par- 
liament fate,  the  Lords  of  the  articles  prepared  an  ad:  declaring 
the  royal  prerogative,  as  it  had  been  auerted  by  law  in  the  year 
i5o6,-  to  which  an  addition  was  made  of  another  ad:  pafs'd  in 
the  year  1(^09,  by  which  King  James  was  impower'd  to  pre- 
fcribe  apparel  to  churchmen  with  their  own  confent.  This  was 
a  perfonal  thing  to  King  James,  in  confideration  of  his  great 
learning  and  experience,  of  which  he  had  made  no  ufe  during  the 
refl  of  his  reign.  And  in  the  year  k^i/,  when  he  held  a  Parli- 
ament there  in  perfbn,  an  ad  was  prepared  by  the  Lords  of  the 
articles,  authorizing  all  things  that  fliould  thereafter  be  determin- 
ed in  ecclefiaflical  affairs  by  his  Majefly,  with  confent  of  a  com- 
petent number  of  the  clergy,  to  have  the  llrength  and  power 
of  a  law.  But  the  King  either  apprehended  that  great  oppo- 
fition  would  be  made  to  the  pafling  the  ad:,  or  that  great  trou- 
ble would  follow  on  the  execution  of  it :  So  when  the  rubrick  of 
the  ad:  was  read,  he  ordered  it  to  be  fupprefs'd,  tho'  pafs'd  in  the 
articles.  In  this  ad:  of  1(^33  thefe  ads  of  1606  and  1609  were 
drawn  into  one.  To  this  great  oppofition  was  made  by  the  Earl 
of  Rothesy  who  defired  the  ads  might  be  divided :  But  the  King 
faid,  it  was  now  one  ad,  and  he  mufl  either  vote  for  it,  or  a- 
gainfl  it.  He  faid,  he  was  for  the  prerogative  as  much  as  any 
man,  but  that  addition  was  contrary  to  the  liberties  of  the  Church, 
and  he  thought  no  determination  ought  to  be  made  in  fiich  mat- 

G  ters 


22  '^Summary  of  Affairs 

tm  without  the  confent  of  the  clergy,  at  leaft  without  their  bc- 
jnff  heard.  The  King  bid  him  argue  no  more,  but  give  his  vote : 
So  he  voted,  not  content.  Some  few  Lords  offered  to  argue: 
But  the  King  ftopt  them,  and  commanded  them  to  vote.  Al- 
moft  the  whole  Commons  voted  in  the  negative :  So  that  the  ad: 
was  indeed  rejeded  by  the  majority:  Which  the  King  knew,- 
for  he  had  called  for  a  lift  of  the  numbers,  and  with  his  own 
pen  had  mark'd  every  man's  vote:  Yet  the  Clerk  of  Regifter,  who 
gathers  and  declares  the  votes,  faid  it  was  carried  in  the  affirma- 
tive. The  Earl  of  Rothes  affirmed  it  went  for  the  negative:  So 
the  King  faid,  the  Clerk  of  Regifter's  declaration  muft  be  held 
good,  unlefs  the  Earl  of  Rothes  would  go  to  the  Barr  and  ac- 
cufe  him  of  falfifyihg  the  record  of  Parliament,  which  was  ca- 
pital :  And  in  that  cafe,  if  he  fhould  fail  in  the  proof  he  was 
liable  to  the  fame  punifhment:  So  he  would  not  venture  ori  that. 
Thus  the  aft  was  publiftied,  tho'  in  truth  it  was  rejeded.  The 
Kin<T  expreflfed  a  nigh  difpleadire  at  all  who  had  concurred  in 
that^ppofition.  Upon  that  the  Lords  had  many  meetings :  They 
reckoned  that  now  all  their  liberties  were  gone,  and  a  Parlia- 
ment was  but  a  piece  of  pageantry,  if  the  Clerk  of  Regifter  might 
declare  as  he  pleafed  how  the  vote  went,  and  that  no  fcrutiny 
were  allowed.  Upon  that  Hague  the  King's  folicitor,  a  zea- 
lous man  of  that  party,  drew  a  petition  to  be  figned  by  the  Lords, 
and  to  be  offered  by  them  to  the  King,  fetting  forth  all  their 
Buimtri-  grievances  and  praying  redrefs :  He  fhewed  this  to  fome  of  them, 
«wA'/ trial.  ^^^  among  others  to  the  Lord  Balmer'mochj  who  liked  the  main 
of  it,  but  was  for  altering  it  in  fbme  particulars :  He  fpoke  of  it 
to  the  Earl  of  Rothes  in  the  prefence  of  the  Earl  of  CaJJil'ts  and 
fortie  others :  None  of  them  approved  of  it.  The  Earl  of  Ro- 
thes carryed  it  to  the  King,-  and  told  him,  that  there  was  a  de- 
fign  to  offer  a  petition  in  order  to  the  explaining  and  juftify- 
ing  their  proceedings,  and  that  he  had  a  copy  to  fhew  him: 
But  the  King  would  not  look  upon  it,  and  ordered  him  to  put 
a  ftop  to  it,  for  he  would  receive  no  fuch  petition.  The  Earl 
of  Rothes  told  this  to  Balmer'moch :  So  the  thing  was  laid  afide: 
Only  he  kept  a  copy  of  it,  and  interlined  it  in  fome  places  with 
his  own  hand.  While  the  King  was  in  Scotland  he  ercded  a 
new  Bifhoprick  at  Edmbnrgh  ^  and  made  one  Forbes  Bifliop, 
who  was  a  very  learned  and  pious  man :  He  had  a  ftrange  facul- 
ty of  preaching  five  or  fix  hours  at  a  time :  His  way  of  life  and 
devotion  was  thought  monaftick,  and  his  learning  lay  in  antiqui- 
ty:  He  ftudied  to  be  a  reconciler  between  Papifts  and  Proteftants, 
leaning  rather  to  the  firft,  as  appears  by  his  Conftderationes  mo- 
defla:   He  was  a  very  fimple  man,  and  knew  little  of  the  world: 

So 


before  //^^  R  e  s  T  o  R  A  t  i  o  n.  43 

So  he  fell  into  feveral  errors  ih  cSh'diid,    but  died  foofi  after 
fufpedted    of  Popery,  which  (iifpicion  was  encreaied  by  his  fbn's 
turning  Papift.     The  King  left  Scotland  itiuch   difcontented , 
but  refolved  to  profecute  the  defign  of  recovering  the  church 
lands :  And  Sir  Thomas  Hope,  a  ftubtil  lawyer,  who  was  believed 
to  underftand  that  matter  beyond  all  the  men  of  his  profedion, 
tho'  in  all  refpedls  he  was  a  zealous  Puritan,  was  made  the  King's 
advocate,  upon   his  undertaking  to  bring  all  the  church  lands 
back  to  the  Crown:  Yet  he  proceeded  in  that  matter  fo  flow- 
ty,    that  it  was  believed   he  aded  in  concert  with   the  par- 
ty that  oppofed  it.     Enough  was  already  done  to  allarm  all  that 
were   pofleffed  of  the  church  lands:  And  they  to  engage  the 
whole   countrey  in  their  quarrel  took  care  to  infufe  it  into  all 
people,  but  chiefly  into  the  preachers,  that  all  was  done  to  make 
way  for  Popery.     The  winter  after  the  King  was  in  Scotland^ 
Balmer'tmch  was  thinking  how  to  make  the  petition  more  accep- 
table :  And  in  order  to  that  he  (hewed  it  to  one  Dunmoor  a  law- 
yer in  whom  he  trufted,  and  defired  his  opinion  of  it,  and  fiif- 
fered  him  to  carry  it  home  with  him,   but  charged  him  to  fhew 
it  to  no  perfon,  and  to  take  no  copy  of  it.     He  fhewed  it  un- 
der a  promife  of  fecfefy  to  one  Ha'^  oi Naughton,  and  told  him 
from  whom  he  had  it.     Hay  looking  on  the  paper,  and  feeing 
it  a  matter  of  fome  confequence,   carried  it  to  Spotfwood  Ktch- 
bifhop  of  St.  Andrezvs'j  who  apprehending  it  was  going  about 
for  hands  was  allarmed  at  it,    and  went  immediately  to  Lon- 
don, beginning  his  journey  as  he  often  did  on  a  funday,  which 
was  a  very  odious  thing  in  that  country.     There  are  laws  in 
Scotland  loofely  worded  that  make  it  capital  to  Ipread  lies  of 
the  King  or  his  Government,    or  to  alienate  his  mbje<5ts  from 
him.     It  was  alfb  made  capital  to  know  of  any  that  do  it,  and 
not  difcover  them :  But  this  laft  was  never  once  put  in  execution. 
The  petition  was  thought  within  this  a6t :  So  an  order  was  jfent 
down  for  committing  Lord  Balmermoch.    The  reafbn  of  it  being 
for  fome  time  kept  fecret,  it  was  thought  done  becaufe  of  his 
vote  in  parliament.     But  after  fome  confultation  a  fpecial  com- 
miflion  was  fent  down  for  the  trial.     In  Scotland  there  is  a  Court 
for  the  trial  of  Peers,   diftind  from  the  jury  who  are  to  be 
fifteen,  and  the  majority  determine  the  verdid :  The  fad  bein^ 
only  referred  to  the  jury  or   alTize    as  they  call  it,    the  law  is 
judged  by  the  Court:  And  if  the  majority  of  the  jury  are  Peers, 
the  reft  may  be  gentlemen.     At  this  time  a  private  gentleman 
of  the  name  of  Steward  wz^  becortie  fo  confiderable  that  hewas^ 
raifed  by  feveral  degrees  to  be  made  Earl  of  Traquair  and  Lord 
Treafiirer,  and  was  in  great  favour  j  but  fuffered  afterwards  fuch  af 

reverfe 


24  y^SuMMARY  of  Affairs 

rcvcrfe  of  fortune,  that  I  faw  him  fo  low  that  he  wanted  breaJ, 
and  was  forced  to  beg;  and   it  was  believed  died  of  hunger. 
He  was  a  man  of  great  parts,  but  of  two  much  craft;  He  was 
thought  the  capableft  man  for  bufmefs,  and  the  bed  fpeaker  in 
that  Kingdom.     So  he  was  charged  with  the  care  of  the  Lord 
Balmer'tmcffs  trial :  But  when  the  ground  of  the  profecution  was 
known,  Hague  who  drew  the  petition  writ  a  letter  to  the  Lord 
Balmer'mochj  in  which  he  owned  that  he  drew  the  petition  with- 
out any  diredion  or  afliftance  from  him :  And  upon  that  he  went 
over  to  Holland.     The  Court  was  created  by  a  fpecial  commif- 
fion :  In  the  naming  of  Judges  there  appeared  too  vifibly  a  de- 
flgn  to  have  that  Lord's  life,    for  they  were  cither  very  weak 
or  very  poor.     Much  pains  was  taken  to  have  a  jury ;  in  which 
fo  great  partiality  appeared,  that  when  the  Lord  Balmer'moch  was 
upon  his  challanges,  and  excepted  to  the  Earl  of  Dunfrife  far 
his  having  faid  that  if  he  were  of  his  jury  tho'  he  were  as  in- 
nocent as  St.  Paul  he  would  find  him  guilty,   fome  of  the  Judges 
faid,  that  was  only  a  rafii  word:  Yet  the  King's  advocate  allow- 
ed the  challenge  if  proved,   which  was  done.     The  next  cal- 
led on  was  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale ^  father  to  the  Duke  of  that 
title :  With  him  the  Lord  Balmer'moch  had  been  long  in  enmity : 
Yet  inftead  of  challenging  him,    he  faid  he  was  omm  excep- 
i'tone  major.     It  was  long   confidered  upon  what  the  prifoner 
fhould  be  tried :  For  his  hand  interlining  the  paper,  which  did 
plainly  foften  it,    was  not  thought  evidence  that  he  drew  it,  or 
that  he  was  acceflaryto  it:  And  they  had  no  other  proof  againft 
him :  Nor  could  they  from  that  infer  that  he  was  the  divulger, 
fince  it  did  appear   it  was  only  fliewed  by  him  to  a  lawyer  for 
counfel.     So  it  was  fettled  on  to  infift  on  this,  that  the  paper 
tended  to  alienate  the  fubjed:s  from  their  duty  to  the  King,  and 
that  he,  knowing  who  was  the  author  of  it,   did  not  difcover 
him,  which  by  law  was  capital.     The  Court  judged  the  paper 
to  be  feditious,  and  to  be  a  lie  of  the  King  and  his  govern- 
ment :  The  other  point  was  clear,  that  he  knowing  the  author 
did  not  difcover  him.     He  pleaded  for  himfelf,  that  the  ftatutc 
for  difcovery  had  never  been  put  in  execution ;    that  it  could 
never  be  meant  but  of  matters  that  were  notorioufly  feditious ; 
that  till  the  Court  judged  fo  he  did  not  take  this  paper  to  be 
of  that  nature,  but  confidered  it  as  a  paper  full  of  duty,  defigned 
to  fet  himfelf  and  fome  others  right  in  the  King's  opinion ; 
that  upon  the  firft  fight  of  it,  tho'  he  approved  of  the  main,  yet 
he  difliked  fome  cxpreffions  in  it;   that  he  communicated  the 
matter  to  the  Earl  oi  Rothes,  who  told  the  King  of  the  defign; 
and  that,  upon  the  King's  faying  he  would  receive  no  fuch  peti- 

<»  tion 


before  the  Restoration.  \^ 

tion,  it  was  quite  laid  afide :  This  was  attefted  by  the  Earl  of  Ro^ 
thes,  A  long  debate  had  been  much  infiftcd  on,  whether  the 
Earl  of  Traquah'  or  the  King's  minifters  might  be  of  the  ju- 
ry or  not :  But  the  Court  gave  it  in  their  favour.  When  the  jury 
was  fliut  up,  Gordon  of  Bnck'y^  who  was  one  of  them,  being 
then  very  antient,  who  forty  three  years  before  had  afTiftedin  the 
murder  of  the  Earl  o^ Murray y  and  was  thought  upon  this  occafioti 
a  fure  man,  fpoke  firfl:  of  all,  excufing  his  prefumption  in  being 
the  firfl:  that  broke  the  filence.  He  defired,  they  would  all  con- 
fider  what  they  were  about:  It  was  a  matter  of  blood,  and  they 
would  feel  the  weight  of  that  as  long  as  they  lived :  He  had  in  hisi 
youth  been  drawn  in  to  fhed  blood,  for  which  he  had  the  King'^ 
pardon,  but  it  cofl:  him  more  to  obtain  God's  pardon:  It  had 
given  him  many  forrowful  hours  both  day  and  night :  And  as  he 
fpoke  this,  the  tears  ran  over  his  face.  This  fl:ruck  a  damp  on 
them  all.  But  the  Earl  of  Traquair  took  up  the  argument; 
and  faid,  they  had  it  not  before:  them  whether  the  law  was  a  hard 
law  or  not,  nor  had  they  the  nature  of  the  paper  before  them, 
which  was  judged  by  the  Court  t6  be  leafing-makingj  they  v^ere 
only  to  confider,  whether  the  prifoner  had  difcovered  the  contri- 
ver of  the  paper  or  not.  Upon  this  the  Earl  a^  Lauderdale  took 
up  the  argument  againfl:  him,  and  urged,  that  fevere  laws  never 
executed  were  looked  on  as  made  only  to  terrify  people,  that 
tho'  after  the  Court's  having  judged  the  paper  to  be  feditious  it 
would  be  capital  to  conceal  the  author,  yet  before  fuch  judgment 
the  thing  could  not  be  thought  fo  evident  that  he  was  bound  to 
reveal  it.  Upon  thefe  heads  thofe  Lords  argued  the  matter  ma- 
ny hours :  But  when  it  went  to  the  vote,  feven  acquitted,  but 
eight  caft:  him:  So  fentence  was  given.  Upon  this  many  meet- He  was  con- 
ings  were  held :  And  it  was  refolved  either  to  force  the  prifbn  ^™°**^* 
to  fet  him  at  liberty,  or  if  that  failed  to  revenge  his  death  both 
on  the  Court  and  on  the  eight  jurors,-  jfbme  undertaking  to  kill 
them,  and  others  to  burn  their  houfes.  When  the  Earl  of  Tra- 
quair underfliood  this,  he  went  to  Court,  and  told  the  King 
that  the  Lord  Balmer'moch's  life  was  in  his  hands,  but  the  exe- 
cution was  in  no  fort  advifeable:  So  he  procured  his  pardon,  for  But  par- 
which  the  party  was  often  reproached  with  his  ingratitude:  But 
he  thought  he  had  been  much  wronged  in  the  profecution,  and 
fb  little  regarded  in  the  pardon,  that  he  never  looked  on  him- 
felf  as  under  any  obligation  on  that  account.  My  father  knew 
the  whole  flieps  of  this  matter,  having  been  the  Earl  of  Lauder- 
dale's mofl:  particular  friend:  He  often  told  me,  that  the  ruin 
of  the  King's  affairs  in  Scotland  was  in  a  great  meafure  owing 
to  that  profecution;    and  he  carefully  preferved  the  petition  it 

H  felf. 


26  A  Summary  of  Affairs 

fclf  and  the  papers  relating  to  the  trial;  of  which  I  never  faw 
any  copy  befides  thofe  which  I  have.  And  that  raifed  in  mc 
a  deHre  of  feeing  the  whole  record,  which  was  copied  for  me, 
and  is  now  in  my  hands.  It  is  a  little  volume,  and  contains, 
according  to  the  Scotch  method,  the  whole  abftrad  of  all  the 
pleadings,  and  all  the  evidence  that  was  given,-  and  is  indeed  a 
very  noble  piece,  full  of  curious  matter. 
A  liturgy  When  the  defign  of  recovering  the  tithes  went  on,  tho'  but 
''"^'^"  flowly,  another  defign  made  a  greater  progrefs.  The  BiOiops 
oi  Scotland  k\\  on  the  framing  of  a  liturgy  and  a  body  of  ca- 
nons for  the  worship  and  government  of  that  church.  Thefe 
were  never  examined  in  any  publick  alTembly  of  the  clergy:  All 
was  managed  by  three  or  four  afpiring  Bifhops,  Maxwell,  Sid- 
ferfe,  Whttford,  and  Banautme,  the  Bifhops  of  Rofs,  Galloway, 
Dunblane,  and  Aberdeen.  Maxwel  did  alfo  accufe  the  Earl  of 
Traqua'tr,  as  cold  in  the  King's  fervice,  and  as  managing  the 
treafury  deceitfully  i  and  he  was  afpiring  to  that  office.  Spotf- 
wood,  Archbiihop  of  St.  Andrews  then  Lord  Chancellour,  was 
a  prudent  and  mild  man,  but  of  no  great  decency  in  his  courfe 
of  life.  The  Earl  of  Traquair,  feeing  himfelf  fo  pufhed  at, 
was  more  earneft  than  the  Bifhops  themfelves  in  promoting  the 
new  model  of  worfliip  and  difcipline  -,  and  by  that  he  recovered 
the  ground  he  had  loft  with  the  King,  and  withArchbifhopL««^; 
He  alfo  affifted  the  Bifhops  in  obtaining  commiflions,  fubaltern 
to  the  High-corn mifTion  Court,  in  their  feveral  diocefes,  which 
were  thought  litde  different  from  the  Courts  of  Inquifition.  Sid- 
ferfe  fet  this  up  in  Galloway :  And  a  complaint  being  made  in 
Council  of  his  proceedings,  he  gave  the  Earl  oi  Argde  the  lie  in 
full  Council.  He  was  after  all  a  very  learned  and  good  man,  but 
flrangely  heated  in  thofe  matters.  And  they  all  were  fo  lifted  up 
with  the  King's  zeal,  and  fo  encouraged  by  Archbifliop  Laud, 
that  they  loft  all  temper  j  of  which  I  knew  S'tdferfe  made  great 
acknowledgments  in  his  old  age. 
The  feeble-  But  the  unaccountablc  part  of  the  King's  proceedings  was, 
goveJlimeDt.that  all  this  while,  when  he  was  endeavouring  to  recover  fo  great 
a  part  of  the  property  of  Scotland  as  the  church  lands  and  tithes 
were  from  men  that  were  not  like  to  part  with  them  willingly, 
and  was  going  to  change  the  whole  conftitution  of  that  Church 
and  Kingdom,  he  raifed  no  force  tomantain  what  he  was  about  to 
do,  but  trufted  the  whole  management  to  the  civil  execution. 
By  this  all  people  faw  the  weaknefs  of  the  government,  at  the 
fame  time  that  they  complained  of  its  rigour.  All  that  came 
down  from  Court  complained  of  the  King's  inexorable  ftiffnefs, 
and  of  the  progrefs  Popery  was  making,  of  the  Queen's  power 

with 


before  //'^Restoration.  27 

with  the  King,  of  the  favour  {hewed  the  Popes  NunuoSy  and  of 
the  many  profelytes  who  were  daily  falling  off  to  the  church  of 
Rome.     The  Earl  of  Traqua'tr  infufed  this  more  cffedually,  the* 
more  covertly,  than  any  other  man  could  do :  And  when  the 
country  formed  the  firfl:  oppofition  they  made  to  the  King's  pro- 
clamations, and  protefted  againft  them,  he  drew  the  firft  pro- 
teftation,  as  Primrofe  alfured  me  ^  tho'  he  defigned  no  more  than 
to  put  a  ftop  to  the  credit  the  Bifhops  had,  and  to  the  fury  of 
their  proceedings :  But  the  matter  went  much  farther  than  he 
feemed  to  intend :  For  he  himfelf  was  fatally  caught  in  the  fnare 
laid  for  others.     A  troop  of  horfe  and  a  regiment  of  foot  had 
prevented  all  that  followed,  or  rather  had  by  all  appearance  efta- 
bliflied  an  arbitrary  government  in  that  Kingdom :  But  to  fpeak 
in  the  language  of  a  great  man,  thofe  who  conduded  matters 
at  that  time  had  as  little  of  the  prudence  of  the  ferpent  as  of  the 
innocence  of  the  dove :  And,  as  my  father  often  told  me,  he  and 
many  others  who  adhered  in  the  fequel  firmly  to  the  King's 
intereft  were  then  much  troubled  at  the  whole  condu6t  of  af- 
fairs, as  being  neither  wife,   legal,  nor  juft.     I  will  go  no  far- 
ther in  opening  the  beginnings  of  the  troubles  of  Scotland:  Of 
thefe  a  full  account  will  be  found  in  the  memoirs  of  the  Dukes 
oi  Hamilton.     The  violence  with  which  that  Kingdom  did  al- 
moft  unanimoufly  engage  againft  the  adminiftration  may  eafi- 
ly  convince  one,    that  the  provocation  muft  have  been  very 
great  to  draw  on  liich  an  entire  and  vehement  concurrence  a- 
gainft  it. 

After  the  firft  pacification,  upon  the  new  difputes  that  arofe,  savUU's  for- 
when  the  Earl  of  Lowdun  and  Dunfermlmg  were  lent  up  with  the  fe7o?th"' 
petition  from  the  covenanters,  the  Lord  Sav'ille  came  to  them,  «y"»^- 
and  informed  them  of  many  particulars,  by  which  they  faw  the 
King  was  highly  irritated  againft  them :  He  took  great  pains  to 
perfiiade  them  to  come  with  their  army  into  England.    They 
very  unwillingly  hearken'd  to  that  propofition,  and  looked  on 
it  as  a  defign  from  the  Court  to  enfnare  them,    making  the  Scots 
invade  England^  by  which  this  Nation  might  have  been  provo- 
ked to  affift  the  King  to  conquer  Scotland.     It  is  true,  he  hated 
the  Earl  of  Strafford  fo  much,  that  they  faw  no  caufe  to  fuf- 
ped  him :  So  they  entred  into  a  treaty  with  him  about  it.    The 
Lord  Sav'tlk  alfured  them,  he  fpake  to  them  in  the  name  of  the 
moft  confiderable  men  in  England;  and  he  fliewed  them  an  en- 
gagement under  their  hands  to  join  with  them,  if  they  would 
come  into  E^ngland,  and  refufe  any  treaty  but  what  fliould  be 
confirmed  by  a  Parliament  oi  England.     They  defired  leave  to 
fend  this  paper  into  Scotland^  to  which  after  much  feeming  dif- 
ficulty 


28  /^SuMMARY^?/  Affairs 

ficulty  he  confcnted :  So  a  cane  was  hollowed,  and  this  was  put 
within  it;  and  one  Frojl^  afterwards  fecretary  to  the  Committee  of 
both  Kingdoms,  was  fent  down  with  it  as  a  poor  traveller.  It 
was  to  be  communicated  only  to  three  perfons,  the  Earls  o( Ro- 
thes and  Argtle^  and  to  fVar'tJloun,  the  three  chief  confidents  of 
The  chartc-  the  covenantets.  The  Earl  of  Rothes  was  a  man  of  pleafiire,  but 
chif°of*Ihe  of  a  mod  obliging  temper:  His  affairs  were  low:  Spot/wood 
coTCDtnters.j^^j  once  made  the  bargain  between  the  King  and  him  before 
the  troubles,  but  the  Earl  of  Traqua'tr  broke  it,  feeing  he  was 
to  be  raifed  above  himfelf  The  Earl  of  Rothes  had  all  the  arts 
of  making  himfelf  popular ;  only  there  was  too  much  levity  in 
his  temper,  and  too  much  liberty  in  his  courfe  of  life.  The 
Earl  of  Argtle  was  a  more  folcmn  fort  of  a  man,  grave  and  fo- 
ber,  free  of  all  fcandalous  vices,  of  an  invincible  calmnefs  of 
temper,  and  a  pretender  to  high  degrees  of  piety :  He  was  much 
fet  on  raifing  his  own  family  to  be  a  fort  of  King  in  the  High- 
lands. 

JVartJlorm  was  my  own  uncle:  He  was  a  man  of  great  appli- 
cation, could  fcldom  fleep  above  three  hours  in  the  twenty  four; 
He  had  ftudied  the  law  carefully,  and  had  a  great  quicknefs  of 
thought  with  an  extraordinary  memory.    He  went  into  very  high 
notions  of  lengthen'd  devotions,   in  which  he  continued  many 
hours  a  day :  He  would  often  pray  in  his  family  two  hours  at  a 
time,   and  had  an  unexhaufted  copioufhefs   that  way.     What 
thought  foever  ftruck  his  fancy  during  thofe  effufions,  he  look- 
ed on  it  as  an  anfwer  of  prayer,  and  was  wholly  determined  by  it. 
He  looked  on  the  Covenant  as  the  fetting  Chrift  on  his  throne, 
and  fb  was  out  of  meafure  zealous  in  it.      He  had  no  regard  to 
the  raifing  himfelf  or  his  family,  tho'  he  had  thirteen  children: 
But  Presbytery  was  to  him  more  than  all  the  world.     He  had  a 
readinefs  and  vehemence  of  fpeaking  that  made  him  very  con- 
fidcrable  in  publick  affemblies :  And  he  had  a  fruitful  invention  ,• 
fb  that  he  was  at  all  times  furnifhed  with  expedients.     To  thefe 
three  only  this  paper  was  to  be  (hewed  upon  an  oath  of  fecre- 
cy :  And  it  was  to  be  depofited  inlVarifioun's  hands.   They  were 
only  allowed  to  publifh  to  the  Nation,  that  they  were  fiire  of  a 
very  great  and  unexpected  affiftance,  which  tho'  it  was  to  be 
kept  fecret  would  appear  in  due  time.     This  they  publiihed: 
And  it  was  looked  on  as  an  artifice  to  draw  in  the  Nation :  But 
it  was  afterwards  found  to  be  a  cheat  indeed,   but  a  cheat  of  Lord 
Sav'dle's  who  had  forged  all  thefe  fubfcriptions. 
The  Sc»ts        The  Scots  marched  with  a  very  forry  equipage :   Every  foul- 
2rjiJ'°    '^'^'*  ^^'■'■'^^  ^  week's  provifion    of  oatmeal;   and  they  had  a 
'     "     drove  of  cattel  with  them  for  their  food.     They  had  alfb  an 
%  inven- 


before  //'^Restoration.  29 

invention  of  guns  of  white  iron  tinned  and  done  about  with  lea- 
ther, and  chorded  fo  that  they  could  ferve  for  two  or  three  dif- 
charges.    Thefe  were. light,    and  were  carried  on  horfes:  And 
when  they  came  to  Newburn,    the  Rnjilifh  army  that  defended 
the/'(?r(5^wasfurprized  with  a  difchargeof  artillery:  Some  thought 
it  magick,-    and  all  were  put  in  fuch  diforder  that  the  whole 
army  did  run  with  fo  great  precipitation,  that  Sir  T7jomas  Fa'tr- 
faXj  who  had  a  command  in  it,  did  not  ftick  to  own  that  till  he 
pafs'd  the  Tees  his  legs  trembled  under  him.     This  ftruck  many 
of  the  enthufiafts  of  the  King's  fide,  as  much  as  it  exalted  the 
Scots  J  who  were  next  day  poifeffed  of  Newcafile^    and  (b  were 
mafters  not  only  of  Northumberland  and  the  Bifhoprick  of  Du- 
refme,  but  of  the  coalries ;  by  which,  if  they  had  not  been  in 
a  good  underftanding  with  the  City  oi London,  they  could  have 
diftrelTed  them  extremely:  But  all  the  ufe  the  City  made  of  this 
was,  to  raife  a  great  outcry,  and  to  complain  of  the  war,  fince 
it  was  now  in  the  power  of  the  Scots  to  ftarve  them.     Upon  that 
petitions  were  fent  from  the  City  and  from  fbme  Counties  to 
the  King,  praying  a  treaty  with  the  Scots.     The  Lord  Wharton  Great dif- 

o'    I       J      a  J  ,  contents  iQ 

and  the  Lord  Howard  of  Efcr'tck  undertook  to  deliver  fome  oiEngiand. 
thelej  which  they  did,  and  were  clapt  up  upon  it.  A  coun- 
cil of  war  was  held  j  and  it  was  refolved  on,  as  the  Lord  Whar- 
ton  told  me,  to  {hoot  them  at  the  head  of  the  army,  as  movers 
of  fedition.  This  was  chiefly  prefs'd  by  the  Earl  of  Strafford^. 
Duke  Ham'tlton  fpoke  nothing  till  the  Council  role;  and  then 
he  afked  Strafford,  if  he  was  fure  of  the  army,  who  feemed  {ur-> 
prifed  at  the  queftion :  But  he  upon  enquiry  underftood  that  ve- 
ry probably  a  general  mutiny,  if  not  a  total  revolt,  would 
have  followed,  if  any  fiich  execution  had  been  attempted.  This 
fuccefs  of  the  Scots  ruined  the  King's  affairs.  And  by  it  the  ne- 
ceffity  of  the  union  of  the  two  Kingdoms  may  appear  very  evi- 
dent: For  nothing  but  a  fuperiour  army  able  to  beat  the  Scots 
can  hinder  their  doing  this  at  anytime:  And  the  feifing  the  coal- 
ries muft  immediately  bring  the  City  of  London  into  great  dif- 
trels.  Two  armies  were  now  in  the  north  as  a  load  on  the 
King,  befides  all  the  other  grievances.  The  Lord  Sav'ille's  for- 
gery came  to  be  difcovered.  The  King  knew  it  j  and  yet  he 
was  brought  afterwards  to  truft  him,  and  to  advance  him  to  be 
Earl  oi  Suffex.  The  King  preffed  my  uncle  to  deliver  him  the 
letter,  who  excufed  himlelf  upon  his  oath;  and  not  knowing 
what  ufc  might  be  made  of  it,  he  cut  out  every  fubfeription,  and 
lent  it  to  the  perfon  for  whom  it  was  forged.  The  imitation 
was  fo  ex  ad;,  that  every  man,  as  loon  as  he  faw  his  hand  fim-- 
ply  by  itfdf,  acknowledged  that  hc.qonld  not  have  denied  it. 

I  The 


30  y^SuMMARY^/  Affairs 

The  ill  flate      The  King  was  now  in  great  ftraits:  He  had  laid  up  700000  /, 
of  jheKiog's  j^p^Qj.^  ji^g  troubles  in  Scotland  began  j  and  yet  had  railed  no 
guards  nor  force  in  England^   but  trufted  a  very  illegal  adminiP 
tration  to  a  legal  execution.     His  treafure  was  now  exhaufted  ; 
his  fubjedts  were  highly  irritated  j  the  miniftry  were  all  frighted, 
beintf  expofed  to  the  anger  and  juftice  of  the  Parliament:    So 
that  he  had  brought  himfclf  into  great  diftrefs,  but  had  not  the 
dexterity  to  extricate  himfelf  out  of  it.     He  loved  high  and  rough 
methods,  but  had  neither  the  Ikill  to  condud  thcra ,    nor  the 
height  of  genius  to  manage  them.     He  hated  all  that  offered 
prudent  and  moderate  counfels:   He  thought  it  flowed  from  a 
meannefs  of  fpirit,  and  a  care  to  preferve  themfelves  by  facrifi- 
cing  his  authority,    or  from  republican  principles:  And  even 
when  he  faw  it  was  neceffary  to  follow  fuch  advices,  yet  he  ha- 
ted thofe  that  gave  them.     His  heart  was  wholly  turned  to  the 
gaining  the  two  armies.     In  order  to  that  he  gained  the  Earl  of 
Rothes  entirely,  who  hoped  by  the  King's  mediation  to  have 
married  the  Countefs  of  Devon/h'tre^  a  rich  and  magnificent  la- 
dy that  hved  long  in  the  greatefl  ftate  of  any  in  that  age:  He 
alfb  gained  the  Earl  oiMontrofe^  who  was  a  young  man  welllearn- 
ed,  who  had  travelled,  but  had  taken  upon  him  the  port  of  a 
hero  too  much.     When  he  was  beyond  fea  he  travelled  with  the 
Earl  of  Denbigh ;  and  they  confultcd  all  the  aftrologers  they  could 
hear  of.     I  plainly  faw  the  Earl  oi  Denbigh  relied  on  what  had 
been  told  him  to  his  dying  day;  and  the  rather  becaufe  the  Earl 
of  Montrofe  was  promifed  a  glorious  fortune  for  fome  time,  but 
all  was  to  be  overthrown  in  conclufion.     When  the  Earl  of 
Montrofe  returned  from  his  travels,  he  was  not  confidered  by  the 
King  as  he  thought  he  delerved:  So  he  ftudied  to  render  him- 
felf popular  in  Scotland -^  and  he  was  the  firft  man  in  the  oppo- 
fition  they  made  during  the  firft  war.     He  both  advifed  and 
drew  the  letter  to  the  King  oi  France,  for  which  the  Lord  Low- 
dun  who  figned  it  was  imprifoned  in  the  Tower  of  London.  But 
the  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  as  he  himfelf  told  me,  when  it  came 
to  his  turn  to  fign  that  letter,  found  falfe  French  in  it,-  for  in- 
ftead  of  ra'^jons  de  foleil  he  had  writ  ray  de  fok'd,  which   in 
French  a^m^ti  a  fort  of  fifh,-  and  fo  the  matter  went  no  farther 
at  that  time;  and  the  treaty  came  on  fo  fbon  after,  that  it  was 
never  again  taken  up.     The  Earl  oi Montrofe  was  gained  by  the 
King  at  Berwick,  and  undertook  to  do  great  fervices.     He  ei- 
ter  fancied,   or  at  leaft  he  made  the  King  fancy,  that  he  could 
turn  the  whole  Kingdom :  Yet  indeed  he  could  do  nothing.    He 
was  again  trying  to  make  a  new  party :  And  he  kept  a  corrcf- 
pondence  with  the  King  when  he  lay  at  Newcafik;  and  was  pre- 

»  tending; 


before  //'^Restoration.  31 

ten^ing^  he  had  a  great  intereft  among  the  covenanters,   wlicre- 
as  at  that  time  he  had  none  at  all.     All  thefe  little  plottings 
came  to  be  either  known ,    or  at  leaft  fufpedtcd.     The  Qiiccn 
was  a  woman  of  great  vivacity  in  converfation ,    and  loved  all 
her  life  long  to  be  in  intrigues  of  all  forts,  but  was  not  fo  fccrct 
in  them   as  fuch  times  and  fuch  affairs   required.     She  was  a 
woman  of  no  manner  of  judgment:  She  was  bad  at  contrivance^ 
but  much  worfe  in  the  execution:    But  by  the  livTlinefs  of  her 
difcourle  flie  made  always  a  great  impreflion  on  the  King:   And 
to  her  little  pradtices,  as  well  as  to  the  King's  own  temper,  the 
fequel  of  all  his  misfortunes  was  owing.     I  know  it  was  a  maxim 
inflifed  into    his  fons,    which  I  have  often   heard  from  King 
James^  that  he  was  undone  by  his  conccffions.     This  is  true  in 
fome  refped:  For  his  pafling  the  a(5tthat  the  Parliament  fliould 
fit  during  pleafure  was  indeed  his  ruin,  to  which  he  was  drawn 
by  the  Queen.     But  if  he  had  not  made  great  concefiicns,  he 
had  funk  without  being  able  to  make  a  ftruggle  for  it,-  and  could 
not  have  divided  the  Nation,  or  engaged  fo  many  to  have  flood 
by  him  :  Since  by  the  concelTions  that  he  made,  efpecially  that 
of  the  triennial  Parliament,    the  honeft  and  (!]uiet  part  of  the 
Nation  was  fatisfied,    and  thought  their  religion  and  liberties 
were  fecured :  So  they  broke  off  from  thofe  violenter  propofiti- 
ens  that  occafioned  the  war. 

The  truth  was,  the  King  did  not  come  into  thofe  conceA 
fions  feafonably,  nor  with  a  good  grace:  All  appeared  to  be 
extorted  from  him.  There  were  alfo  grounds,  whether  true  or 
plaufible,  to  make  it  to  be  believed,  that  he  intended  not  to 
lland  to  them  any  longer  than  he  lay  under  that  force  that  vi^ 
fibly  drew  them  from  him  contrary  to  his  own  inclinations.  The 
proofs  that  appeared  of  fome  particulars,  that  made  this  feem  true, 
made  other  things  that  were  whifpercd  to  be  more  readily  believed : 
For  in  all  critical  times  there  are  deceitful  people  of  both  fides, 
that  pretend  to  merit  by  making  difcoveries,  on  condition  that 
no  ufe  fliall  be  made  of  them  as  witneffesj  which  is  one  of  the 
moft  peftiferous  ways  of  calumny  poffible.  Almoft  the  whole 
Court  had  been  concerned  in  one  illegal  grant  or  another:  So 
thefe  Courtiers,  to  get  their  faults  pajfs'd  over,  were  as  fo  many 
fpics  upon  the  King  and  Queen:  They  told  all  they  heard,  and 
perhaps  not  without  large  additions,  to  the  leading  men  of  the 
Houfe  of  Commons.  This  inflamed  the  jealoufy,  and  pufli'd 
them  on  to  the  rruiking  ftill  new  demands.  One  eminent  paA 
fage  was  told  me  by  the  hord  Ho///s:  Anaccnunf 

The  Earl  of  Strafford  had  married  his  fifter:  So,  tho'  in  that^^i*^^!^^' 
Parliament  he  was  oneof  thehotteft  men  of  the  party,  yet  whenbeins  ^:iven 

that  King. 


3  2  A  Summary  of  Affairs 

that  matter  was  before  them  he  always  withdrew.  When  the 
bill  of  attainder  was  pafs'd,  the  King  fent  for  him  to  know  what 
he  could  do  to  fave  the  Earl  of  Strafford.  Holl'ts  anfwered,  that 
if  the  King  pleafed,  fmce  the  execution  of  the  law  was  in  him, 
he  might  legally  grant  him  a  reprieve,  which  muft  be  good  in 
law;  but  he  would  not  advifeit.  That  which  he  propofedwas, 
that  Lord  Strafford  Hiould  fend  him  a  petition  for  a  fliort  ref^ 
pite,  to  fettle  his  affairs  and  to  prepare  for  death  j  upon  which 
he  advifed  the  King  to  come  next  day  with  the  petition  in  his 
hands,  and  lay  it  before  the  two  houfes  with  a  fpeech  which 
he  drew  for  the  King  j  and  Holl'is  faid  to  him,  he  would  try  his 
intereft  among  his  friends  to  get  them  to  confent  to  it.  He 
prepared  a  great  many  by  affuring  them,  that  if  they  would  iave 
Lord  Strafford  he  would  become  wholly  theirs  in  confequence  of 
his  firft  principles:  And  that  he  might  do  them  much  more  fer- 
vice  by  being  preferred,  than  he  could  do  if  made  an  exam- 
ple upon  fuch  new  and  doubtfol  points.  In  this  he  had  wrought 
on  fo  many,  that  he  believed  if  the  King's  party  had  ftruck 
into  it  he  might  have  faved  him.  It  was  carried  to  the  Queen, 
as  if  Holl'ts  had  engaged  that  the  Earl  of  Strafford  fliould  accufe 
her,  and  difcover  all  he  knew:  So  the  Queen  not  only  diver- 
ted the  King  from  going  to  the  Parliament,  changing  the  fpeech 
into  a  meffage  all  writ  with  the  King's  own  hand,  and  fent  to 
the  Houle  of  Lords  by  the  Prince  of  Wales:  [which  HolUs  had 
faid,  would  have  perhaps  done  as  well,  the  King  being  apt  to 
fpoil  things  by  an  unacceptable  manner:]  But  to  the  wonder  of 
the  whole  world,  the  Queen  prevailed  with  him  to  add  that 
mean  poftfcript,  tf  he  mujl  dte^  it  were  charity  to  reprieve  him  till 
Saturday:  Which  was  a  very  unhandfbme  giving  up  of  the  whole 
meffage.  When  it  was  communicated  to  both  houfes,  the  whole 
Court  party  was  plainly  againft  it :  And  fb  he  fell  truly  by  the 
Queen's  means. 

The  mentioning  this  makes  me  add  one  particular  concerning 
Archbifliop  Laud:  When  his  impeachment  was  brought  to  the 
Lord's  bar,  he  apprehending  how  it  would  end,  fent  over  War- 
ner^ Bifliop  of  Rochejler,  with  the  keys  of  his  clofet  and  cabi- 
net, that  he  might  deftroy  or  put  out  of  the  way  all  papers  that 
might  cither  hurt  himfelf  or  any  body  elfe.  He  was  at  that 
work  for  three  hours,  till  upon  Laud's  being  committed  to  the 
black  rod  a  meffenger  went  over  to  feal  up  his  clofct,  who  came 
after  all  was  withdrawn.  Among  the  writings  he  took  away, 
it  is  believed  the  original  A/^^;?^  Charta  paffed  by  King  John 
in  the  mead  near  Stains  was  one.  This  was  found  among 
Warner's  papers  by  his  executor :  And  that  defcended  to  his  fon 

and 


before  //'^Restoration.  33 

and  executor,  Colonel  Lee,  who  gave  it  to  me.  So  it  is  now  in 
my  hands ;  and  it  came  very  fairly  to  me.  For  this  conveyance 
of  it  we  have  nothing  but  conjedlure. 

I  do  not  intend  to  profecute  the  hiftory  of  the  wars.  I  have 
told  a  great  deal  relating  to  them*  in  the  memoirs  of  the  Dukes 
of  Hamilton.  RuJJoworth's  collcdions  contain  many  excellent 
materials:  And  now  the  firfl:  volume  of  the  Earl  oi Clarendon's 
hiftory  gives  a  faithful  reprefentation  of  the  beginnings  of  the 
troubles,  tho'  writ  in  favour  of  the  Court,  and  full  of  the  beft 
excufes  that  fuch  ill  things  were  capable  of  I  fliall  therefore 
only  fet  out  what  I  had  particular  reafon  to  know,  and  what  is 
not  to  be  met  with  in  books. 

The  Kirk  was  now  fettled  in  Scotland  with  a  new  mixture  of  The  new 
ruling  elders  •  which,  tho'  they  were  taken  from  the  Geneva  pat-  p^'isbyury^'' 
tern  to  aflift  or  rather  to  be  a  check  on  the  Minifters  in  the  ma- 'o  •S"'/'»»''' 
naging  the  parochial  difcipline,  yet  thefe  never  came  to  their 
alTemblies  till  the  year  1638,  that  they  thought  it  neceffary  to 
make  them  firft  go  and  carry  all  the  elections  of  the  Minifters 
at  the  levcral  presbyteries,  and  next  come  themfelves  and  fit  in 
the  aftemblics.    The  nobility  and  chief  gentry  offered  themfelves 
upon  that  occafion:  And  the  Minifters,    fince  they  faw  they 
were  like  to  ad  in  oppofition  to  the  King's  orders,  were  glad 
to  have-io-great  a  fupport.     But  the  elders  that  now  came  to  z(~ 
ii{^  them  beginning  to  take,  as  the  Minifters  thought,  too  much 
on  them,  they  grew  weary  of  fuch  imperious  mafters:  So  they 
ftudied  to  work  up  the  inferiour  people  to  much  zeal:  And  as 
they  wrought  any  up  to  ibme  meafiire  of  heat  and  knowledge, 
they  brought  them  alfo  into  their  elderftiip,-  and  fo  got  a  ma- 
jority of  hot  zealots  who  depended  on  them.     One  outofthefc 
was  deputed  to  attend  on  the  judicatories.    They  had  fynods  of 
all  the  clergy,  in  one  or  more  counties  who  met  twice  a  year: 
And  a  general  alTembly  met  once  a  year:  And  at  parting  that 
body  named  fome,  called  the  commiffion  of  the  Kirk,  who  were 
to  fit  in  the  intervals  to  prepare  matters  for  the  next  alTembly, 
and  to  look  into  all  the  concerns  of  the  church,  to  give  war- 
ning of  dangers,    and  to  infped:  all  proceedings  of  the  ftate 
as  far  as  related  to  the  matters  of  religion :  By  thefe  means  they 
became  terrible  to  all  their  enemies.    In  their  fermons,  and  chief- 
ly in  their  prayers,  all  that  pafs'd  in  the  ftate  was  canvalTed :  Men 
were  as  good  as  named,    and  either  recommended  or  complain- 
ed of  to  God  as  they  were  acceptable  or  odious  to  tliem.    This 
grew  up  in  time  to  an  infufferable  degree  of  boldncfs.    The  way 
that  was  given  to  it,  when  the  King  and  the  Biftiops  were  there 
common  themes,  made  that  afterwards  the  humour  could  not 

K  be 


34  /^Summary  of  Affairs 

be  rcftrainctl :  And  it  grew  fo  petulant,  that  the  pulpit  was  a  fccne 
of  news  and  padion.  For  fome  years  this  was  managed  with  great 
appearances  of  fervour  by  men  of  age  and  fome  authority :  But 
when  the  younger  and  hotter  zealots  took  it  up,  it  became 
odious  to  almoft  all  fort  of  people,  except  fome  four  enthu- 
fiafts,  who  thought  all  their  impertinence  was  zeal  and  an  ef- 
fed  of  infpiration  j  which  flowed  naturally  from  the  conceit  of 
.extemporary  prayers  being  praying  by  the  fpirit. 
The  chief  Henderfon,  a  Minifter  oi  Edenbnrgh,  was  by  much  the  wifeft 
.t!!"i1«^ ''^and  gravefl:  of  them  all :  But  as  all  his  performances  that  I  have 
feen  are  flat  and  heavy,  fo  he  found  it  was  an  ealier  thmg  to 
rai(e  a  flame  than  to  quench  it.  He  ftudied  to  keep  his  par- 
ty to  him :  Yet  he  found  he  could  not  moderate  the  heat  of  fome 
fiery  fpirits:  So  when  he  faw  he  could  follow  them  no  more, 
but  that  they  had  got  the  people  out  of  his  hands,  he  funk 
both  in  body  and  mind,  and  died  fbon  after.  The  perfon  next 
to  him  was  Douglas^  believed  to  be  defcendcd  from  the  royal  fa- 
mily tho'  the  wrong  way :  There  appeared  an  air  of  greatnefs 
in  him,  that  made  all  that  faw  him  inclined  enough  to  be- 
lieve he  was  of  no  ordinary  defcent.  He  was  a  reierved  man : 
He  had  the  fcriptures  by  heart  to  the  exadnefs  of  a  Jew-,  for 
he  was  as  a  concordance:  He  was  too  calm  and  too  grave  for  the 
furious  men,  but  yet  he  was  much  depended  on  for  his  prudence. 
I  knew  him  in  his  old  age,-  and  faw  plainly,  he  was  a  flave  to 
his  popularity,  and  durft  not  own  the  free  thoughts  he  had  of 
fome  things  for  fear  of  offending  the  people. 

I  will  not  run  out  in  giving  the  charaders  of  the  other  lea- 
ding preachers  among  them,  fuch  as  Dickfon^  Blair,  Rutherford^ 
Batlyy  Cant  J  and  the  two  GHltfp'ys,  They  were  men  all  of  a  fort: 
They  affeded  great  fublimities|in  devotion:  They  poured  them- 
felves  out  in  their  prayers  with  a  loud  voice,  and  often  with  ma- 
ny tears.  They  had  but  an  ordinary  proportion  of  learning 
among  them ^  fome  thing  of  Hebrew,  and  very  little  Greek: 
Books  of  controverfy  with  Papifis,  but  above  all  with  the  Armi- 
titans,  was  the  height  of  their  fludy.  A  way  of  preaching  by 
dodrine,  reafon,  and  ufe  was  that  they  fet  up  on :  And  fome  of 
them  affeded  a  flrain  of  flaring  cafes  of  confcience,  not  with 
relation  to  moral  adions,  but  to  fome  reflexions  on  their  con- 
dition and  temper:  That  was  occafioned  chiefly  by  their  con- 
ceit of  praying  by  the  fpirit,  which  every  one  could  not  attain 
to,  or  keep  up  to  the  fame  heat  in  at  all  times.  The  learn- 
dieV'lnd'o-  ^"^  ^^^y  recommended  to  their  young  divines  were  fome  Ger- 
ther'mc-  w««  fyflcmes,  fome  commentators  on  the  fcripture,  books  of 
**'°*'''        conuoverfy,  and  pradical  books :   They  were  fo  careful  to  ob- 

A  lige 


before  /^^Restoration.  35 

lige  them  to  make  their  round  in  thefe,  that  if  they  had  no 
men  of  great  learning  among  them,  yet  none  were  very  igno- 
rant: As  if  they  had  thought  an  eouaUty  in  learning  was  ne- 
ceffary  to  keep  up  the  parity  of  their  Government.  None 
could  be  fuffered  to  preach  as  Expedants,  (as  they  called  them,) 
but  after  a  tryal  or  two  in  private  before  the  Minifters  alone: 
Then  two  or  three  lermons  were  to  be  preached  in  publick,  fome 
more  learnedly,  fome  more  practically :  Then  a  head  in  divini- 
ty was  to  be  common  placed  in  Latm^  and  theperfbn  was  to  main- 
tain Thefes  upon  it :  He  was  alio  to  be  tried  in  Greek  and  Hebrew, 
and  in  fcripture  chronology.  The  cjueftionary  trial  came  laft, 
every  Minifter  afking  fuch  <]ueftions  as  he  pleafed.  When  any 
had  pafs'd  thro'  all  thefe  with  approbation,  which  was  done  in 
a  courfe  of  three  or  four  months ,  he  was  allowed  to  preach 
when  invited.  And  if  he  was  prefented  or  called  to  a  Church, 
he  was  to  pals  thro'  a  new  fet  of  the  fame  tryals.  This  made 
that  there  was  a  fmall  circle  of  knowledge  in  which  they  were 
generally  well  inftru6ted.  True  morality  was  little  ftudied  or  ef- 
teemed  by  them :  They  took  much  pains  among  their  people 
to  maintain  their  authority :  They  affeded  all  the  ways  of  fami- 
liarity that  were  like  to  gain  on  them. 

They  forced  all  people  to  fign  the  covenant:  And  the  greateft Their  great 
part  of  the  Epifcopal  Clergy,  among  whom  there  were  two  Bifli-^*^""^' 
ops,  came  to  them,  and  renounced  their  former  principles, 
and  defired  to  be  received  into  their  body.  At  firft  they  re- 
ceived all  that  offered  themfelves :  But  afterwards  they  repented 
of  this:  And  the  violent  men  among  them  were  ever  preiling 
the  purging  the  Kirk,  as  they  called  it,  that  is  the  ejed:ing  all 
the  Epifcopal  Clergy.  Then  they  took  up  the  term  of  Malig- 
nants,  by  which  all  who  differed  from  them  were  diflinguifhed : 
But  the  flridnefs  of  piety  and  good  life,  which  had  gained  them 
(o  much  reputation  before  the  war,  began  to  wear  offj  and  in- 
ftead  of  that  a  fiercenefs  of  temper,  and  a  copioufhefs  of  many 
longfermons,  and  much  longer  prayers,  came  to  be  the  diftind:ion 
of  the  party.  This  they  carried  even  to  the  faying  grace  before 
and  after  meat  fome  times  to  the  length  of  a  whole  hour.  But  as 
every  new  war  broke  out,  there  was  a  vifible  abatement  of  even 
the  outward  fhews  of  piety.  Thus  the  war  corrupted  both  fides. 
When  the  war  broke  out  in  England^  the  Scots  had  a  great  mind 
to  go  into  it.  The  decayed  nobility,  the  military  men,  and  the 
Minifters,  were  violently  fet  on  it.  They  faw  what  good  quar- 
ters they  had  in  the  north  oi  England.  And  they  hoped  the 
umpirage  of  the  war  would  fall  into  their  hands.  The  divifion 
appearing  fo  near  an  equality  in  England^   they  reckoned  they 

would 


36  y^SuMMARY^?/  Affairs 

would  turn  the  fcales,  and  fo  be  courted  of  both  fides :  And  they 
did  not  doubt  to  draw  great  advantages  from  it,  both  for  the 
Nation  in  general,  and  themfelves  in  particular.  Duke  Ha- 
milton was  iruftcd  by  the  King  with  the  management  of  his 
affairs  in  that  Kingdom,  and  had  powers  to  offer,  but  fo  fecretly 
that  if  difcovercd  it  could  not  be  proved,  for  fear  of  difguft- 
CoDdi.ioDi  ing  the  Ertgltfh,  that  if  they  would  engage  in  the  King's  fide 
The'Si/'"  ^^^  would  confent  to  the  uniting  Northumberland,  Curnberlandj 
and  IVeftmerland,  to  Scotland;  and  that  Newcaftle  fhould  be  the 
feat  of  the  Government  ^  that  the  Prince  oi  Wales  fhould  hold 
his  Court  always  among  them  ,•  that  every  third  year  the  King 
fhou'd  go  among  themj  and  every  office  in  the  King's  houfiiold 
fhould  in  the  third  turn  be  given  to  a  Scotchman.  This  I  found 
not  among  Duke  Hamilton's  papers :  But  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale 
afTured  me  of  it,  and  that  at  the  Ifle  oiWight  they  had  all  the  en- 
gagements from  the  King  that  he  could  give.  Duke  Hamilton 
quickly  faw,  it  was  a  vain  imagination  to  hope  that  Kingdom  could 
be  brought  to  efpoufe  the  King's  quarrel.  The  inclination  ran 
flrong  the  other  way :  All  he  hoped  to  fucceed  in  was  to  keep  them 
neuter  for  fome  time:  And  this  he  flnv  could  not  hold  long:  So 
after  he  had  kept  off  their  engaging  with  England  all  the  year 
1643,  he  and  his  friends  faw  it  was  in  vain  to  ftruggle  any 
longer.  The  courfe  they  all  refolved  on  was,  that  the  nobility 
fhould  fall  in  heartily  with  the  incHnations  of  the  Nation  to 
join  with  England ,  that  fo  they  might  procure  to  themfelves 
and  their  friends  the  chief  commands  in  the  army:  And  then, 
when  they  were  in  England,  and  that  their  army  was  as  a  diftindt 
body  feparatcd  from  the  reft  of  the  Kingdom,  it  might  be 
much  eafier  to  gain  them  to  the  King's  fervice  than  it  was  at 
that  time  to  work  on  the  whole  Nation. 
Montroft'i  This  was  not  a  very  fincere  way  of  proceeding:  But  it  was  in- 
kiDg"""  tended  for  the  King's  fervice,  and  would  probably  have  had  the 
effed  defigned  by  it,  if  fome  accidents  had  not  happened  that 
changed  the  fice  of  affairs,  which  are  not  rightly  undcrftood : 
And  therefore  I  will  open  them  clearly.  The  Earl  of  Montrofe 
and  a  party  of  high  Royalifts  were  for  entring  into  an  open 
breach  with  the  country  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1643,  but 
offered  no  probable  methods  of  maintaining  itj  nor  could  they 
reckon  themfelves  affured  of  any  confiderable  party.  They  were 
full  of  undertakings:  But  when  they  were  prefTed  to  fhew  what 
concurrence  might  be  depended  on,  nothing  was  offered  but 
from  the  Highlanders:  And  on  this  wife  men  could  not  rely: 
So  Duke  Hamilton  would  not  expofe  the  King's  affairs  by 
fuch  a  defperate  way  of  proceeding.     Upon  this  they  went  to 

^  Oxfordj 

I 


\ 


before  the  Restoratior  37 

Oxford,  and  filled  all  people  there  with  complaints  of  the  trea- 
chery of  the  Hamiltomy  and  they  pretended  they  could  have 
fecured  Scotland,  if  their  propofitions  had  been  entertained.  This 
was  but  too  fuitable  to  the  King's  own  inclinations,  and  to  the 
humour  that  was  then  prevailing  at  Oxford.  So  when  the  two 
Ham'iltons  came  up,  they  were  not  admitted  to  fpeak  to  the  King: 
And  it  was  believed,  if  the  younger  brother  had  not  made  his  ef- 
cape,  that  both  would  have  fuffered^  for  when  the  Queen  heard 
of  his  efcape,  {he  with  great  commotion  faid,  Abercorn  has 
miffed  a  Dukedom  -,  for  that  Earl  was  a  Papift,  and  next  to  the 
two  brothers.  They  could  have  demonftrated,  if  heard,  that 
they  were  fure  of  above  two  parts  in  three  of  the  officers  of  the 
army;  and  did  not  doubt  to  have  engaged  the  army  in  the 
King's  caufe.  But  the  failing  in  this  was  not  all.  The  Earl 
then  made  Marquis  of  Montrofe  had  powers  given  him  fuch  as 
he  defired  and  was  fent  down  with  them:  But  he  could  do 
nothing  till  the  end  of  the  year.  A  great  body  of  the  Macdo- 
nalds  commanded  by  one  Col.  Killoch  came  over  from  Ireland 
to  recover  Kent'tre,  the  beft  country  of  all  the  Highlands,  out 
of  which  they  had  been  driven  by  the  Argtle  family,  who  had 
poffefTed  their  country  about  fifty  years.  The  head  of  thefe 
was  the  Earl  of  Antrim,  who  had  married  the  Duke  of  Bucking- 
ham's widow:  And  being  a  Papifl,  and  having  a  great  com- 
mand in  Ulfier,  was  much  rcHc-d  on  by  the  Queen.  He  was  the 
main  perfbn  in  the  firft  rebellion,  and  was  the  moft  engaged  in 
blood-fhedof  any  in  the  north:  Yet  he  continued  to  correfpond 
with  the  Queen  to  the  great  prejudice  of  the  King's  affair's. 
When  the  Marquis  of  Montrofe  heard  they  were  in  Argtlejhire, 
he  went  to  them,  and  told  them,  if  they  would  let  him  lead 
them  he  would  carry  them  into  the  heart  of  the  Kingdom,  and 
procure  them  better  quarters  and  good  pay:  So  he  led  them  in- 
to Perthjhire.  The  Scots  had  at  that  time  an  army  in  England, 
and  another  in  Ireland:  Yet  they  did  not  think  it  neceffary  to 
call  home  any  part  of  either,  butdefpifing  the  Irijh,  and  the  Higb^ 
landers,  they  raifed  a  tumultuary  army,  and  put  it  under  the 
command  of  fbme  Lords  noted  for  want  of  courage,  and  of 
others  who  wifhed  well  to  the  other  fide.  The  Marquis  of  Mon- 
trofe's  men  were  defperate,  and  met  with  little  refiflance:  So 
that  fmall  body  of  the  Covenanters  army  was  routed.  And  hero 
theMarquis  of  Montrofe  got  horfes  and  ammunition,  having  but 
three  horles  before,  and  powder  only  for  one  charge.  Then 
he  became  confiderable:  And  he  marched  through  the  northern 
parts  by  Aberdeen.  The  Marquis  oi Huntly  was  in  the  King's  in- 
terefts ,-  but  would  not  join  with  him,  tho'  his  fons  did.     Aftro- 

L  logy 


38  /^Summary  of  Affair  i 

logy  ruined  him :  He  believed  the  ftars,  and  they  deceived  him : 
He  faid  often,  that  neither  the  King,  nor  the  Hamdtons,  nor 
Montrofe  would  profper :    He  believed  he  fhould  outlive  them 
all,  and  efcape  at  laft;  as  it  happened  in  conclufion,  as  to  out- 
living the  others.      He  was  naturally  a  gallant  man :  But  the 
ftars  had  fo  fubdued  him,  that  he  made  a  poor  figure  during  the 
whole  courfe  of  the  wars. 
Good  id-        The  Marquis  of  Montrofe's  fuccefs  was  very  mifchievous,  and 
vices  given  proved  the  ruin  of  the  King's  affairs :  On  which  I  fhould  not  have 
to  the  •^'■°«- jgpj.Qjg^j  entirely,  if  I  had  had  this  only  from  the  Earl  oi  Lau- 
derdale, who  was  indeed  my  firft  author :  But  it  was  fully  con- 
firmed to  me  by  the  Lord  HoUis,  who  had  gone  in  with  great  heat 
into  the  beginnings  of  the  war:  But  he  foon  faw  the  ill  con- 
fequenccs  it  already  had,  and  the  worfe  that  were  like  to  grow 
with  theprogrefs  of  it:    He  had  in  the  beginning  of  the  year 
forty  three,  when  he  was  fent  to  Oxford  with  the  propofitions, 
taken  great  pains  on  all  about  the  King  to  convince  them  of 
the  neceflity  of  their  yielding  in  time;  fince  the  longer   they 
ftood  out  the  conditions  would  be  harder:  And  when  he  was 
fent  by  the  Parliament  in  the  end  of  the  year  forty  four,   with 
other  propofitions,  he  and  IVhitlock  entered  into  fecret  confe- 
rences with  the  King,  of  which  fome  account  is  given  by  Whit- 
lock  in  his  memoirs.    They  with  other  commiffioners  that  were 
fent  to  Oxford  polTefTed  the  King,  and  all   that  were  in  great 
credit  with  him,  with  this,  that  it  was  abfolutely  necelTary  the 
King  fhould  put  an  end  to  the  war  by  a  treaty :   A  new  par- 
ty of  hot  men  was  fpringing  up,  that  were  plainly  for  change- 
ing  the  Government :  They  were  growing  much  in  the  army, 
but  were  yet  far  from  carrying  any  thing  in  the  houfe:  They 
had  gained  much  ftrength  this  fummer:  And  they  might  make 
a  great  progrefs  by  the  accidents  that  another  year  might  pro- 
duce:   They  confefTed  there  were  many  things  hard  to  be  di- 
gefled ,   that  muft  be  done  in  order  to  a  peace :    They  afked 
things  that  were  unreafbnable :  But  they  were  forced  to  confent 
to  thofe  demands :  Otherwife  they  would  have  lofl  their  credit 
with  the  City  and  the  people,  who  could  not  be  fatisfied  with- 
out a  very  entire  fecurity,    and  a  full  fatisfadion :   But  the  ex- 
tremity to  which  matters  might  be  carried  otherwife  made  it 
necefTary  to  come  to  a  peace  on  any  terms  whatfoever,-  fince  no 
terms  could  be  fo  bad  as  the  continuance  of  the  war:    The 
King  muft  truft  them,  tho'  they  were  not  at  that  time  difpo- 
fed  to  truft  him  fo  much  as  it  were  to  be  wifhed :  They  faid  far- 
ther, that  if  a  peace  fhould  follow,  it  would  be  a  much  eafier 
thing  to  get   any  hard  laws  now  moved  for  to  be  repealed, 

5  than 


before  /^^Restoration.  39 

than  it  was  now  to  hinder  their  being  infifted  on.     With  thefe. 
things  Holl'is  told  me  that  the  King  and  many  of  his  coun- 
fellours,  who  faw  how  his  affairs  decHned,   and  with  what  diffi- 
cuhy  they  could  hope  to  continue  the  war  another  year,  were 
fatisfied.    The  King  more  particularly  began  to  feel  the  info- 
lence  of  the  military  men,    and  of  thoie  who  were   daily  re- 
proaching him  with   their  fervices^    fo  that  they  were  become 
as  uneaiy  to  him   as  thoie  of  Weflminfler  had  been  formerly. 
But  fome  came  in  the  interval  from  Lord  Montrofe  with  fiich 
an  account  of  what  he  had  done,  of  the  ftrength  he  had,  and 
of  his  hopes  next  fummer,  that  the  King  was  by  that  prevailed 
on  to  believe  his  affairs  would  mend,  and  that  he  might  after- 
wards treat  on  better  terms.    This  unhappily  wrought  fb  far,  ^^^  ^^ 
that  the  limitations  he  put  on  thofe  he  lent  to  treat  at  Uxbridge  lowed. 
made  the  whole  defign  mifcarry.    That  raifed  the  fpirits  of  thole 
that  were  already  but  too  much  exalperated.    The  Marquis  of 
Montrofe  made  a  great  progrels  the  next  year :  But  he  laid  no 
lafting  foundation,  for  he  did  not  make  himlelf  mailer  of  the 
ftrong  places  or  palTes  of  the  Kingdom.     After  his  laft  and 
greateft  vidory  at  Kilfyth  he  was  lifted  up  out  of  mealure.    The 
Macdonalds  were   every  where  fierce  mailers,     and  ravenous 
plunderers :  And  the  other  Highlanders ,  who  did  not  fuch  mi- 
litary executions,  yet  were  good  at  robbing:  And  when  they 
had  got  as  much  as  they  could  carry  home  on  their  backs,  they 
deferred.     The  Macdonalds  alfo  left   him  to  go   and   execute 
their  revenge  on  the  Argile's  country.  The  Marquis  of  Montrofe 
thought  he  was  now  mailer,  but  had  no  fcheme  how  to  fix  his 
conquells :  He  walled  the  ellates  of  his  enemies,  chiefly  the  Ha- 
m'tltons-j  and  went  towards  the  borders  q(  England,  tho'  he  had 
but  a  fmall  force  left  about  him :  But  he  thought  his  name  car- 
ried terrour  with  it.   So  he  writ  to  the  King  that  he  had  gone 
over  the  land  from  Dan  to  Beerjheba :  He  prayed  the  King  to 
come  down  in  thele  words,  come  thou,    and  take  the  City,   leji 
I  take  it,    and  it  be  called  by  my  name.    This  letter  was  writ, 
but  never  lent  J  for  he  was  routed,  and  his  papers  taken,  before 
he  had  dilpatched  the  courier.     When  his  papers  were  taken, 
many  letters  of  the  King,  and  of  others  at  Oxford,  were  found, 
as  the  Earl  of  Crawford,  one  appointed  to  read  them,  told  me  -, 
which  increafed  the  difgulls :  But  thefe  were  not  publilhed.     Up- 
on this  occafion  many  prifoners  that  had  quarters  given  them 
were  murdered  in  cold  blood :  And  as  they  fent  them  to  lome 
towns  that  had  been  ill  uled  by  Lord  Montrofe's  army,  the  people  in 
revenge  fell  on  them  and  knock'd  them  on  the  head.  Several  perlbns 
of  quality  were  condemned  for  being  with  them :  And  they  were 

proceeded 


40  A  Summary  of  Affairs 

proceeded  againft  both  with  feverity  and  with  indignities.  The 
preachers  thundred  in  their  pulpits  againft  all  that  did  the  work 
of  the  Lord  deceitfully  j  and  cried  out  againft  all  that  were  for 
moderate  proceedings,  as  guilty  of  the  blood  that  had  been  fhcd. 
Th'me  tyejhall  not  p'tty,  and  thou  Jhalt  not /pare,  were  often  in- 
culcated after  every  execution :  They  triumphed  with  fo  little 
decency,  that  it  gave  all  people  very  ill  impreilions  of  them. 
But  this'  was  not  the  worft  effedl  of  Lord  Montrofe's  expedition. 
It  loft  the  opportunity  at  Uxbridge:  It  alienated  the  Scots  much 
from  the  King :  It  exalted  all  that  were  enemies  to  peace.  Now 
they  feemed  to  have  fome  colour  for  all  thofe  afperfions  they 
had  caft  on  the  King,  as  if  he  had  been  in  a  correfpondence 
with  the  Ir'tjh  rebels,  when  the  worft  tribe  of  them  had  been 
thus  employed  by  him.  His  affairs  declined  totally  in  England 
that  fummer :  And  Lord  HoUis  faid  to  me,  all  was  owing  to 
Lord  Montrofe's  unhappy  fuccefles. 
Awtrim's  L^pon  this  occafion  I  will  relate  fomewhat   concerning  the 

dence  w"h  Eatl  of  Antrim.  1  had  in  my  hand  feveral  of  his  letters  to  the 
gc  King  and  j^jj^g  '^^  ^^  yggj.  ^6^6,  Writ  in  a  very  confident  ftyle.  One 
was  fomewhat  particular:  He  in  a  poftfcript  defired  the  King  to 
fend  the  inclofed  to  the  good  woman,  without  making  any  excufe 
for  the  prefumption  ,•  by  which,  as  follows  in  the  poftfcript,  he 
meant  his  wife ,  the  Duchefs  oi  Btick'mgham.  This  made  me 
more  ea(y  to  believe  a  ftory  that  the  Earl  of  EJfex  told  me  he 
had  from  the  Earl  oi  Northumberland:  Upon  the  Reftoration,  in 
the  year  1660,  Lord  y^;f?/n;w  was  thought  guilty  of  fo  much  blood- 
fhed,  that  it  was  taken  for  granted  he  could  not  be  included  in 
the  indemnity  that  was  to  pais  in  Ireland:  Upon  this  he  ( Lord 
Antrim)  feeing  the  Duke  of  Ormond  fet  againft  him,  came  over 
to  London,  and  was  lodged  at  Somerfet-Houfe:  And  it  was  be- 
lieved, that  having  no  children  he  fettled  his  eftate  on  Jermyn 
then  Earl  of  St.  Albans:  But  before  he  came  away,  he  had  made 
a  prior  fettlement  in  favour  of  his  brother.  He  petitioned  the 
King  to  order  a  Committee  of  Council  to  examine  the  warrants 
that  he  had  aded  upon.  The  Earl  of  Clarendon  was  for  rejec- 
ting the  petition,  as  containing  a  high  indignity  to  the  memo- 
ry of  King  Charles  the  firft:  And  faid  plainly  at  Council  table, 
that  if  any  perfbn  had  pretended  to  affirm  fuch  a  thing  while 
they  were  at  Oxford,  he  would  either  have  been  feverely  punifti- 
ed  for  it,  or  the  King  would  foon  have  had  a  very  thin  Court. 
But  it  feemed  juft  to  fee  what  he  had  to  fay  for  himfelf:  So  a 
committee  was  named,  of  which  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  v^sls 
the  chief.  He  produced  to  them  fome  of  the  King's  letters: 
But  they  did  not  come  up  to  a  full  proof     In  one  of  them  the 

I  King 


before  //'^Restoration.  41 

King  wrote,  that  he  had  not  then  leifijre,  but  referred  himfelf 
to  the  Queen's  letter  ^    and  faid,  that  was  all  one  as  if  he  writ, 
himfelf.     Upon  this  foundation  he  produced  a  feries  of  letters^ 
writ  by  himfelf  to  the  Queen,  in  which  he  gave  heran  account, 
of  every  one  of  thefe  particulars  that  were  laid  to  his  charge,- 
and  fliewed  the  grounds  he  went  on,  and  defired  her  directions 
to  every  one  of  thefe:  He  had  anfwers  ordering  him  to  do  as  he 
did.     This  the  Queen-mother  efpoufed  with  great  zealj    and 
faid,  fne  was  bound  in  honour  to  fave  him.     I  faw  a  great  deal  of 
that  management,   for  I  was  then  at  Court.      But  it  was  gene- 
rally believed,    that  this  train  of  letters  was  made  up  at  that 
time  in  a  coUufion  between  the  Queen   and  him :    So  a  report 
was  prepared  to  be  figned  by  the  Committee,  fetting  forth  that 
he  had  fo  fully  juftified  himfelf  in  every  thing  that  had  been 
objeded  to  him,  that  he  ought  not  to  be  excepted  out  of  the  in- 
demnity.   This  was  brought  firft  to  the  Earl  o^ Northumberland 
to  be  figned  by  him:  But  he  refufed  it^  and  faid,  he  was  for- 
ty he  had  produced  fuch  warrants,  but  he  did  not  think  they 
could  ferve  his  turn  j  for  he  did  not  believe  any  warrant  from 
the  King  or  Queen  could  juftify  fb  much  bloodfhed,  in  fo  ma- 
ny black  inftances  as  were  laid  againft  him.     Upon  his  refu- 
fal  the  reft  of  the  Committee  did  not  think  fit  to  fign  the  report: 
So  it  was  let  fall:  And  the  King  was  prevailed  on  to  write  to  the 
Duke  of  Qrmond^   telling  him  that  he  had  fo  vindicated  him- 
felf,  that  he  muft  endeavour  to  get  him  to  be  included  in  the 
indemnity.    That  was  done ;  and  was  no  fmall  reproach  to  the 
King,  that  did  thus  facrifice  his  father's  honour  to  his  mother's 
importunity.     Upon  this  the  Earl  of  EJfex  told  me,  that  he  had  The  origi- 
taken  all  the  pains  he  could  to  enquire  into  the  original  of  the  5^^^°maf! 
Irtjh  maifacre,   but  could  never  fee  any  reafon  to   believe  the  ^''"^• 
King  had  any  acceflion  to  it.     He  did  indeed  believe  that  the 
Qiieen  hearkened  to  the  propofitions  made  by  the  Ir'tfh,  who 
undertook  to  take  the  Government  oi  Ireland  into  their  hands, 
which  they  thought  they  could  eafily  perform:  And  then,  they 
faid,  they,  would  affift  the  King  to  fubdue  the  hot  fpirits  at  fVeJl- 
mmfier.     With  this  the  plot  of  the  infurredion  began:  And  all 
the  Injh  believed  the  Queen  encouraged  it.     But  in  the  firft  de- 
fign  there  was  no  thought  of  a  maffacre:  That  came  in  head  as 
they  were  laying  the  methods  of  executing  it:  So,  as  thofe  were 
managed  by  the  Priefts,    they  were  the  chief  men  that  fet  on 
the  IrtJh  to  all  the  blood  and  cruelty  that  followed. 

I  know  nothing  in  particular  of  the  fequel  of  the  war,  nor  of 
all  the  confufions  that  happened  till  the  murder  o^Yiing  Charles 
the  firft :  Only  one  pafTage  I  had  from  Lieutenant  General  Dru- 

M  mond. 


42  A  Summary  of  Affairs 

tmndf  afterwards  Lord  StrathallaH.     He  ferved  on  the  King's 
fide:  But  he  had  many  friends  among  thofe  who  were  for  the 
Covenant:  So  the  King's  affairs  being  now  ruined,  he  was  re- 
commended to  Cromwell  being  thett  in  a  treaty  with  the  Spa-^ 
n'tjh  Ambaffadour,  who  was  negotiating  for  fome  regiments  to 
be  levied  and  fent  over  from  Scotland  to  Flanders :  He  happened 
to  be  with  Cromwell  when  the  commiflioners  fent  from  Scotland 
to  proteft  againft  the  putting  the  King  to  death  came  to  argue 
the  matter  with  him.     Cromwell  bade  Drumond  ftay  and  hear 
their  conference,  which  he  did.    They  began  in  a  heavy  languid 
ftyle  to  lay  indeed  great  load  on  the  King :  But  they  ftill  infift- 
cd  on  tiiat  claufe  in  the  Covenant,   by  which  they  fwore  they 
would  be  faithful  in  the  prefervation  of  his  Majefty's  perfon  : 
With  this  they  iTicwed  upon  what  terms  Scotland^  as  well  as  the 
two  Houfes,  had  engaged  in  the  war,-  and  what  iblemn  declara- 
tions of  their  zeal  and  duty  to  the  King  they  all  along  publifh- 
ed  ,•  which  would  now  appear,  to  the  fcandal  and  reproach  of  the 
chriftian  name,  to  have  been  falfe  pretences,  if  when  the  King 
Crewiw^/Zar- was  in  their  power  they  (hould  proceed  to  extremities.     Upon 
fheSr     tbiis  Cromwell  entered  into  a  long  difcourfe  of  the  nature  of  the 
"""5°',"g  regal  power,  according  to  the  principles  of  Mariana  and  Bu~ 
death.         chanan:  He  thought  a  breach  of  truft  in  a  King  ought  to  be 
punifhed  more  than  any  other  crime  whatfoevcr:    He  faid  as 
to  their  Covenant,  they  fwore  to  the  prefervation  of  the  King's 
perfon  in  defence  of  the  true  religion:  If  then  it  appeared  that 
the  fettlement  of  the  true  religion  was  obftruded  by  the  King, 
fb  that  they  could  not  come  at  it  but  by  putting  him  out  of 
the  way,    then  their  oath   could  not  bind  them  to  the  preler- 
ving  him  any  longer.     He  faid  alfo,  their  Covenant  did  bind 
them  to  bring  all  malignants,  incendiaries,  and  enemies  to  the 
caufe,  to  condign  punifhment :  And  was  not  this  to  be  executed 
impartially?  What  were  all  thofe  on  whom  publick  juftice  had 
been  done,  efpecially  thofe  who  fliffered  for  joining  withA/o;?- 
trofe^  but  fmall  offenders  ading  by  commiflion  from  the  King, 
who  was  therefore  the  principal,  and  fo  the  moft  guilty }  Dru- 
mond  faid,  Cromwell  had  plainly  the  better  of  them  at  their  own 
weapon,  and  upon  their  own  principles.    At  this  time  presbytery 
was  in  its  height  at  Scotland. 

In  fummer  1648,  when  the  Parliament  declared  they  would 
tiononhe'"^'^g3ge  to  refcue  the  King  from  his  imprifbnment,  and  the 
General  Af-  Parliament  of  England  from  the  force  it  was  put  under  bv  the 

femblyto  i       xt    l  -i-  i         ^    r  n         '  r  ^    i 

the  Patiia-  army,  the  Nobility  went  into  the  dehgn,  all  except  hx  or  eight. 
The  King  had  figned  an  engagement  to  make  good  his  oSers 
to  the  Nation  of  the  northern  counties,  with  the  other  condi- 

ditions 


rneot. 


before  /Z'^  R  est  oration.  43 

tions  formerly  mentioned :  And  particular  favours  were  promif- 
ed  to  eveiy  one  that  concurred  in  it.  The  Marcjuis  of  Argtle 
gave  it  out  that  the  Ham'tUom,  let  them  pretend  what  they 
would,  had  no  fincere  intentions  to  their  caufe,  but  had  enfrage- 
ed  to  fcrve  the  King  on  his  own  terms:  He  filled  the  preachers 
with  fuch  jealoufies  of  this,  that  tho*  all  the  demands  that 
they  made  for  the  fecurity  of  their  caufe,  and  in  declaring  the 
grounds  of  the  war,  were  complied  with,  yet  they  could  not  be 
fatisfied,  but  ftill  faid  the  Ham'iltons  were  in  a  confederacy 
with  the  malignants  in  England,  and  did  not  intend  to  (land  to 
what  they  promifed.  The  General  AfTembly  declared  againft  it, 
as  an  unlawful  confederacy  with  the  enemies  of  God  ^  and  called 
it  the  Unlawful  Engagement,  which  came  to  be  the  name  com- 
monly given  to  it  in  all  their  pulpits.  They  every  where  preach- 
ed againft  it,  and  oppofed  the  levies  all  they  could  by  folendn 
denunciations  of  the  wrath  and  curfe  of  God  on  all  concerned 
in  them.  This  was  a  ftrange  piece  of  oppofition  to  the  ftatc,  lit- 
tle infcriour  to  what  was  pretended  to,  and  put  in  pradice  by 
the  Church  of  Rome, 

The  fouth-weft  counties  of  Scotlandhaxe  jfeldom  corn  enough 
to  ferve  them  round  the  year :  And  the  northern  parts  produ- 
cing more  than  they  need,  thofe  in  the  weft  come  in  the  fummer 
to  buy  at  Lieth  the  ftores  that  come  from  the  north :  And  from 
a  word  IVh'i^am,  ufed  in  driving  their  horfes  all  that  drove  were 
called  xhtfVh'iggamors,  andftiorterthe^y^/g^^.  Now  in  that  year, 
after  the  news  came  down  of  Duke  Hamilton's  defeat,  the  Minis- 
ters animated  their  people  to  rife,  and  march  to  Edenhurgh: 
And  they  came  up  marching  on  the  head  of  their  parifhes,  with 
an  unheard-of  fury,  praying  and  preaching  all  the  way  as  they 
came.  The  Marquis  of  Arglle  and  his  party  came  and  headed  The  Minif- 
them,  they  being  about  6000.  This  was  called  x}i\t  Whigga-^x^i^^lox^, 
mofs  inroad:  And  ever  after  that  all  that  oppofed  the  Court  came 
in  contempt  to  be  cdWtAWhiggs:  And  (vomScotland  x[\t  word  was 
brought  into  England,  where  it  is  now  one  of  our  unhappy  terms 
of  diftindion. 

The  Committee  of  their  eftates,  with  the  force  they  had  in 
their  hands,  could  eafily  have  diffipated  this  undifciplin'd  herd. 
But  they  knowing  their  own  weaknefs  fent  to  Cromwell  defiring 
his  afTiftance.  Upon  that  the  Committee  faw  they  could  not  ftand 
before  him :  So  they  came  to  a  treaty,  and  delivered  up  the  Go- 
vernment to  this  new  body.  Upon  their  afluming  it,  they  de- 
clared all  who  had  ferved  or  aflifted  in  the  engagement  incapa- 
ble of  any  employment,  till  they  had  firft  fatisfied  the  Kirk 
of  the  truth  of  their  repentance,  and  made  publick  profeflions  of 

it. 


44  /I  Summary  of  Affairs 

i  t.     All  Churches  were  upon  that  full  of  mock  penitents,  Tome 
making  their  acknowledgments  all  in  tears  to  gain  more  ere- 
cht  with  the  new  party.    The  Earl  of  Lowdun,  that  was  Chan- 
ceilour,  had  entred  into  folemn  promifcs  both  to  the  King  and 
the  Ham'tltom:   But  when  he  came  to  Scotland,  his  wife,  a  high 
covenanter,    and  an  heirefs  by  whom  he  had  both  honour  and 
eftate,  threatned  him,  if  he  went  on  that  way,  with  a  procefs  of 
adultery,   in  which  ihe  could  have  had  very  copious  proofs :  He 
durft  not  (land  this,    and  fo  compounded  the  matter  by  the 
deferting  his  friends,    and  turning  over  to  the  other  fide:  Of 
which  he  made  publick  profeflion  in  the  Church  of  Edenbur^h 
with   many  tears,    confcfling  his  weaknefs  in  yielding  to  the 
temptation  of  what  had  a  {hew  of  honour  and  loyalty,  for  which 
he  exprclTed  a  hearty  forrow.    Thofe  that  came  in  early  with 
great  (hews  of  compundion  got  eafier  off:  But  thofe  who  ftood 
out  long  found  it  a  harder  matter  to  make  their  peace.     Crom- 
well came  down  to  Scotland,  and  faw  the  new  model  folly  fet- 
tled. 
The  treaty       DuHng  his  abfence  from  the  fcene,   the  treaty  of  the  ifle  of 
in  ihcifleof//^;^y^/  was  fet  on  foot  by  the  Parliament,  who  feeing  the  army 
'^ ''        at  fuch  a  diftance  took  this  occafion  of  treating  with  the  King. 
Sir  Hemy  Vane,  and  others  who  were  for  a  change  of  Govern- 
ment, had  no  mind  to  treat  any  more.  But  both  city  and  coun- 
try were  fo  defirous  of  a  perfbnal  treaty,   that  it  could  not  be 
refifted.  Vane,  P'terpo'tnt,  and  fome  others  went  to  the  treaty  on 
purpofe  to  delay  matters  till  the  army  could  be  brought  up  to  Lon- 
don.    All  that  wifh'd  well  to  the  treaty  prayed  the  King   at 
their  firft  coming  to  difpatch  the  bufinels  with  all  poflible  hafte, 
and  to  grant  the  firft  day  all  that  he  could  bring  himfelf  to  grant 
on  the  lafl:.     Hollts  and  Grimfione  told  me,  they  had  both  on 
their  knees  begged  this  of  the  King.    They  faid,  they  knt\fVane 
would  ftudy  to  draw  out  the  treaty  to  a  great  length :  And  he, 
who  declared  for  an  unbounded  liberty  of  confcience,  would  try 
to  gain  on  the  Kirig's  party  by  the  offer  of  a  toleration  for  the 
common  prayer  and  the  epifcopal  clergy.     His  defign  in  that 
was  to  gain  time,  till  Cromwell  fhould  fettle  Scotland  and  the 
north.     But  they  faid,  if  the  King  would  frankly  come  in  with- 
out the  formality  of  papers  backward  and  forward,  and  fend 
them  back  next  day  with  the  conceffions  that  were  abfolute- 
ly  neccflary,  they  did  not  doubt  but  he  {hould  in  a  very  few  days 
be  brought  up  with  honour  freedom  and  fafety  to  the  Parliament, 
and  that  matters  fhould  be  brought  to  a  prefent  fettlement.    Tt- 
tus,   who  was  then  much  trufted  by  the  King,  and  employed 
in  a  negotiation  with  the  prelbyterian  party,  told  me  he  had 

*  Ipoke 


before  /Z>^  Restoration.  45 

fpoke  often  and  earneftly  to  him  in  the  fame  (train:  But  tHc 
King  could  not  come  to  a  rcfolution :  And  he  ftill  fancied,  that 
in  the  ftruggle  between  the  Houfe  of  Commons  and  the  Army 
both  faw  they  needed  him  fo  much  to  give  them  the  fuperiour 
ftrength,  that  he  imagined  by  balancing  them  he  would  bring 
both  fides  into  a  greater  dependence  on  himfelf,  and  force  them 
to  better  terms.  In  xhisf^am  flattered  the  epifcopal  party,  to  the 
King's  ruin  as  well  as  their  own.  But  they  ftill  hated  the  Pref* 
byterians  as  the  firft  authors  of  the  war ;  and  feemed  unwilling 
to  think  well  of  them,  or  to  be  beholding  to  them.  Thus  the 
treaty  went  on  with  a  fatal  flownefs:  And  by  the  time  it  was  come 
to  fome  maturity,  Cromwell  came  up  with  his  army  and  over* 
turned  all. 

Upon  this  I  will  fetdown  what  Sir  Harbotle  Grtmflon  told  vcitcromweih 
a  few  weeks  before  his  death :  Whether  it  was  done  at  this  time  '^.'"""^^»- 

tlOU. 

or  the  year  before  I  cannot  tell:  I  rather  believe  the  latten 
AVhen  the  Houfe  of  Commons  and  the  Army  were  a  quarrelling, 
at  a  meeting  of  the  officers  it  was  propofed  to  purge  the  army 
better,  that  they  might  know  whom  to  depend  on.  Cromwell 
upon  that  faid,  he  was  (ure  of  the  Army  5  but  there  was  another 
body  that  had  more  need  of  purging,  naming  the  Houfe  of 
Commons,  and  he  thought  the  Army  only  could  do  that.  Two 
officers  that  were  prefent  brought  an  account  of  this  to  Grtmflon^ 
who  carried  them  with  him  to  the  Lobby  of  the  Houfe  of  Com-  , 

mons,    they  being  refolved  to  juftify  it  to  the  Houfe.     There  ^ 

was  another  debate  then  on  foot:  But  Grtmflon  diverted  it, 
and  faid,  he  had  a  matter  of  privilege  of  the  higheft  fort  to  lay 
before  them :  It  was  about  the  being  and  freedom  of  the  Houfe* 
So  he  charged  Cromwell  with  the  defign  of  putting  a  force  on 
the  Houfe:  He  had  his  witnefTes  at  the  door,  and  defired  they 
might  be  examined :  They  were  brought  to  the  barr,  and  juf^ 
tified  all  that  they  had  faid  to  him,  and  gave  a  full  relation  of 
all  that  had  pafs'd  at  their  meetings.  When  they  withdrew,  Crom^ 
well  fell  down  on  his  knees,  and  made  a  folemn  prayer  to  God, 
attefting  his  innocence,  and  his  zeal  for  the  fervice  of  the, houfe; 
He  fiibmitted  himfelf  to  the  providence  of  God,  who  it  feems 
thought  fit  to  exercife  him  with  calumny  and  (lander,  but  he 
committed  his  caufe  to  him:  This  he  did  with  great  vehemence, 
and  with  many  tears.  After  this  ftrange  and  bold  preamble  he 
made  fo  long  a  fpeech,  juftifying  both  himfelf  and  the  reft  of 
the  officers,  except  a  few  that  feemed  inclined  to  return  back  to 
Eg'ypt^  that  he  wearied  out  the  Houfe,  and  wrought  fo  much  on 
his  party,  that  what  the  witnefTes  had  faid  was  (o  little  believed, 
that  had  it  been   moved  Gr'imfion  thought  that  both  he  and 

N  they 


46  y?  Summary  of  Affairs 

they  would  have  been  fent  to  the  Toiver.  But  whether  their 
guilt  made  them  modeft,  or  that  they  had  no  mind  to  have  the 
matter  much  talked  of,  they  let  it  fall :  And  there  was  no  ftrength 
in  the  other  fide  to  carry  it  farther.  To  compleat  the  fcene, 
as  foon  as  ever  Cromwell  got  out  of  the  Houfe,  he  refolved  to 
truft  himfelf  no  more  among  them;  but  went  to  the  Army,  and 
in  a  few  days  he  brought  them  up,  and  forced  a  great  many  from 
the  Houfe. 

I  had  much  difcourfe  on  this  head  with  one  who  knew  Crom^ 
well  well  and  all  that  fet  of  men ;  and  afked  him  how  they 
could  excufe  all  the  prevarications,  and  other  ill  things  of 
which  they  were  vifibly  guilty  in  the  condud  of  their  affairs.  He 
told  me,  they  believed  there  were  great  occafions  in  which  fome 
men  were  called  to  great  fervices,  in  the  doing  of  which  they 
were  excufcd  from  the  common  rules  of  morality:  Such  were 
the  practices  of  Ehud  and  Jael,  Samfon  and  David:  And  by 
this  they  fancied  they  had  a  privilege  from  obferving  the  (land- 
ing rules.  It  is  very  obvious  how  far  this  principle  may  be  car- 
ried, and  how  all  juftice  and  mercy  may  be  laid  afide  on  this  pre- 
tence by  every  bold  enthufiaft.  Ludlow  m  his  memoirs  juftifies  this 
force  put  on  the  Parliament,  as  much  as  he  condemns  the  force 
that  Cromwell  and  the  Army  afterwards  put  on  the  Houfe :  And 
he  feems  to  lay  this  down  for  a  maxim,  that  the  military  pow- 
er ought  always  to  be  fubjed  to  the  civil:  And  yet,  without  any 
fort  of  re{entment  for  what  he  had  done,  he  owns  the  fliare  he 
had  in  the  force  put  on  the  Parliament  at  this  time.  The  plain 
reconciling  of  this  is,  that  he  thought  when  the  Army  judged 
the  Parliament  was  in  the  wrong  they  might  ufe  violence,  but 
not  otherwife :  Which  gives  the  Army  a  fuperiour  authority,  and 
an  infpedion  into  the  proceedings  of  the  Parliament.  This  (hews 
how  impoflible  it  is  to  fet  up  a  Commonwealth  in  England:  For 
that  cannot  be  brought  about  but  by  a  military  force :  And  they 
will  ever  keep  the  Parliament  in  lubjedion  to  them,  and  fb 
keep  up  their  own  authority. 

I  will  leave  all  that  relates  to  the  King's  trial  and  death  to 
common  hiftorians ,  knowing  nothing  that  is  particular  of  that 
great  tranfadion,  which  was  certainly  one  of  the  moft  amazing 
Sefl""!]-  ^^^"^  ^^  hiftory.     Ireton  was  the  perfbn  that  drove  it  on :  For 
gatedin  rhe^Vow^wf// was  all  the  while  in  fome  fiifpence  about  it.     Ireton 
KiUg'^s  iiic.  ^^^  ^^^  principles  and  the  temper  of  a  Cafflm  in  him :  He  ftuck 
at  nothing  that  might  have  turned  England  to  a  Commonwealth : 
And  he  found  out  Cook  and  BradJhaWj  two  bold  lawyers,  as  pro- 
per inftruments  for  managing  it.     Fairfax  was  much  diftraded 
in  his  mind,  and  changed  purpoles  often  every  day.   The  Presby- 
terians 


before  /^^  Re  s  to  li  a  t  iON.  47 

terians  and  tile  body  of  the  City  were  much  againft  it,  and  were  e- 
very  where  fading  and  praying  for  the  King's  prefervation.  There 
Vas  not  above  8000  of  the  Army  about  the  town :  But  thefe  were 
feled:ed  out  of  the  whole  Army,  as  the  moft  engaged  ihcnthufiafm: 
And  they  were  kept  at  prayer  in  their  way  almoft  day  and  nighty 
except  when  they  were  upon  duty :  So  that  they  were  wrought 
up  to  a  pitch  of  fury,  that  ftruck  a  terrour  into  all  people. 
On  the  other  hand  the  King's  party  was  without  fpirit:  And, 
as  many  of  thcmfelves  have  faid  to  me,  they  could  never  be- 
lieve his  death  was  really  intended  till  it  was  too  late.  They 
thought  all  was  a  pageantry  to  ftrike  a  terrour,  and  to  force  the 
King  to  fuch  concelfions  as  they  had  a  mind  to  extort  from 
him. 

TheKinghimfv-lf  fliewedacalmandacorapofcd  firmtlefs,  which  The  King' 
amazed  all  people  5  and  that  fo  much  the  more,    becaufe  it  was'''^^^'""' 
not  natural  to  him.     It  was  imputed  to  a  very  extraordinary  m.ea- 
fiire  of  fiipernatural  afliftance.     Bifhop  Juxon  did  the  duty  of  his 
fimdion  honeftly,  but  with  a  dry  coldncfs  that  could  not  raife 
the  King's  thoughts:  So  that  it  was  owing  wholly  to  fomewhat 
within  him(elf  that  he  went  thro'  fo  many  indignities  with  (b 
much  true  greatnefs,    without  difordcr  or  any  fort  of  affectati- 
on.    Thus  he  died  greiter  than  he  had  lived ^  and  fliewed,  that 
which  has  been  often  obferved  of  the  whole  race  of  the  Stewards^ 
that  th  y  bore  misfortunes  better  than  projfperity.     His  reiga 
both  in  peace  and  war  was  a  continual  feries  of  errours :  So  that 
it  does  net  appear  that  he  had  a  true  judgment  of  things.    He 
was  out  of  mcafure  ki  on  following  his  humour,  but  unreafbna- 
bly  feeble  to  thofc  whom  he  trufted,  chiefly  to  the  Queen.     He 
had  too  high  a  notion  of  the  regal  power,  and  thought  that  eve- 
ry oppofition   to  it  was   rebellion.      He   minded   httle  things 
too  much,  and  was  more  concerned  in  the  drawing  of  a  paper 
than  in  fighting   a  battel.    He  had  a  firm  averfion  to  Popery, 
but  was  much   inclined  to  a  middle  way  between  Proteftants 
and  Papifts,    by  which  he  loft  the  one  without  gaining  the 
other.     His  engaging  the  Duke  of  Rohan  in  the  war  of  Ro- 
chelkj  and  then  aflifting  him  fo  poorly,  and  forfaking  him  at 
laft,  gave  an  ill  charader  of  him  to  all  the  Proteftants  abroad. 
The  Earl  of  Lauderdale  told  me,  the  Duke  of  Rohan  was  at  Ge-^ 
neva,  where  he  himfelf  was,  when  he  received  a  very  long  let- 
ter or  rather  a  little  book  from  my  father,    which  gave  him  a 
copious  account  of  the  beginning  of  the  troubles  in  Scotland: 
He  tranflated  it  to  the  Duke  of  Rohan^  who  expreffed  a  vehe- 
ment indignation  at  the  Court  of  England ior  their  ufage  of  him: 
Of  which  this  was  the  account  he  then  gave. 

.     ^  The 


48  /^Summary  of  Affairs 

The  tffair  The  Dulce  of  Buckingham  had  a  fecret  convcrfation  with  the 
oiR»<b*u*.  Q^^^^  ^p  fr^^tr,  of  which  the  Queen-mother  was  very  jealous, 
and  poflefTed  the  King  with  fuch  a  fenfe  of  it,  that  he  was  or- 
dered immediately  to  leave  the  Court.  Upon  his  return  to  Eng- 
land under  this  affront  he  poffcfled  the  King  with  fuch  a  ha- 
tred of  that  Court,  that  the  Queen  was  ill  ufed  on  her  coming 
over,  and  all  her  fervants  were  fent  back.  He  told  him  alfo 
that  the  Proteflants  were  fo  ill  ufed,  and  fo  ftrong,  that  if 
he  would  protedl  them  they  would  involve  that  Kingdom  in 
new  wars  ,•  which  he  reprefented  as  fo  glorious  a  beginning  of 
his  reign,  that  the  King  without  weighing  the  confequence 
of  it  fent  one  to  treat  with  the  Duke  of  Rohan  about  it.  Great 
afliftance  was  promifed  by  fea:  So  a  war  was  refolved  on,  in 
which  the  (hare  that  our  Court  had  is  well  enough  known. 
But  the  infamous  part  was,  that  Rkhlteu  got  the  King  q^ France 
to  make  his  Queen  write  an  obliging  letter  to  the  Duke  of  Bnc- 
kmgham,  affuring  him  that,  if  he  would  let  Rochelle  fall  without 
allifting  it,  he  fliould  have  leave  to  come  over,  and  {hould  fet- 
tle the  whole  matter  of  the  religion  according  to  their  edids. 
This  was  a  ftrange  proceeding :  But  Cardinal  Richl'ieu  could  turn 
that  weak  King  as  he  pleafed.  Upon  this  the  Duke  made  that 
(hameful  campaign  of  the  iile  of  Rhe.  But  finding  next  winter 
that  he  was  not  to  be  fuffered  to  go  over  into  France^  and  that 
he  was  abufed  into  a  falfe  hope,  he  refolved  to  have  followed  that 
matter  with  more  vigour,  when  he  was  dabbed  by  FeUon. 
A  defiRn  of  There  is  another  (lory  told  of  the  King's  condud  during  the 
makinif  the  peaceable  part  of  his  reign,  which  I  had  from  Flalewyn  of  Dort^ 
tG»dsl  who  was  one  of  the  judges  in  the  Court  of  Holland^  and  was  the 
wifeft  and  greateft  man  I  knew  among  them.  He  told  me,  he 
had  it  from  his  father,  who  being  then  the  chief  man  oi  Dort 
was  of  the  States,  and  had  the  fecret  communicated  to  him.  When 
Ifahella  Clara  Eugenia  grew  old,  and  began  to  decline,  a  great 
many  of  her  council,  apprehending  what  miferies  they  would 
fall  under  when  they  fliould  be  again  in  the  hands  of  the  Spa- 
niards^ formed  a  defign  of  making  themfelves  a  free  Common- 
wealth, that,  in  imitation  of  the  union  among  the  Cantons  of 
Switzerland  that  were  of  both  religions,  there  fliould  be  a 
perpetual  confederacy  between  them  and  the  States  of  the  feven 
provinces.  This  they  communicated  to  Henry  Frederick  Prince 
of  Orange,  and  to  fome  of  the  States,  who  approved  of  it, 
but  thought  it  neceflary  to  engage  the  King  of  England  in  it. 
The  Prince  of  Orange  told  the  Engliflj  Embafladour,  that  there 
was  a  matter  of  great  conlcquence  that  was  fit  to  be  laid  before 
the  Kingj   but  it  was  of  fuch  a  nature,  and  fuch  perfons  were 

concerned 


Common 
wealth. 


before  /^^Restoration.  49 

concerned  in  it,  that  it  could  not  be  communicated  unlels  the 
King  would  be  pleafed  to  promile  abfolute  fecrecy  for  the  pre- 
lent.  This  the  King  did :  And  then  the  Prince  of  Orange  fent 
him  the  whole  fcheme.  The  fecret  was  ill  kept:  Either  the  King 
trufted  it  to  fome  who  difcovered  it,  or  the  paper  was  ftollen 
from  him;  for  it  was  fent  over  to  the  Court  oi  Bruxelh:  One  of 
the  Miniftry  loft  his  head  for  it:  And  fome  took  the  alarm  fb 
quickly  that  they  got  to  Holland  out  of  danger.  After  this  the 
Prince  of  Orange  had  no  commerce  with  our  Court,  and  often 
lamented  that  fb  great  a  defign  was  fb  unhappily  lofi.  He  had 
as  ill  an  opinion  of  the  King's  conduct  of  the  war,-  for  when 
the  Queen  came  over,  and  brought  fbme  of  the  generals  with 
her,  the  Prince  faid,  after  he  had  talked  with  them,  (as  the  late 
King  told  me,)  he  did  not  wonder  to  fee  the  affairs  oi England 
decline  as  they  did,  fince  he  had  talked  with  the  King's  gene- 
rals. 

I  will  not  enter  farther  into  the  military  part :  For  I  remem- 
ber an  advice  of  Marfhall  Scomber^Sj  never  to  meddle  in  the 
relation  of  mihtary  matters.  He  faid,  fbme  affected  to  relate 
thofe  affairs  in  all  the  terms  of  war,  in  which  they  committed 
great  errours  that  expofed  them  to  the  fcorn  of  all  comman- 
ders, who  muft  defpife  relations  that  pretend  to  an  cxadnefs 
when  there  were  blunders  in  every  part  of  them. 

In  the  King's  death  the  ill  effed:  of  extreme  violent  counfels  The  iii  ef- 
difcovered  itfelf.  Ireton  hoped  that  by  this  all  men  concerned  ^*'^' °f  "'• 
m  It  would  become  irreconcileabie  to  monarchy,  and  would  act  feu. 
as  defperate  men,  and  deftroy  all  that  might  revenge  that  blood. 
But  this  had  a  very  different  effed;.  Something  of  the  fame 
nature  had  happened  in  lower  inftances  before:  But  they  were 
not  the  wifer  for  it.  The  Earl  of  Strafford's  death  made  all  his 
former  errours  be  forgot:  It  raifed  his  charader,  and  caft  a 
lafting  odium  on  that  way  of  proceeding  ,•  whereas  he  had  funk 
in  his  credit  by  any  cenfure  lower  than  death,  and  had  been  lit- 
tle pitied,  if  not  thought  juftly  punifhed.  The  like  effed  fol- 
lowed upon  Archbifhop  Lauds  death.  He  was  a  learned,  a  fin- 
cere  and  zealous  man,  regular  in  his  own  hfe,  and  humble  in 
his  private  deportment ;  but  was  a  hot,  indifcreet  man,  eagerly 
purfuing  fbme  matters  that  were  either  very  inconfiderable  or  mif^ 
chievous,  fuch  as  fetting  the  communion  table  by  the  eaft  walls  of 
c4iurches,  bowing  to  it,  and  calling  it  the  Altar,  the  fupprefling 
the  Walloons  privileges,  the  breaking  of  ledures,  the  encoura- 
ging of  fports  on  the  Lord's  day,  with  fome  other  things  that 
were  of  no  value:  And  yet  all  the  zeal  and  heat  of  that  time 
was  laid  out  on  thefe.     His  feverity  in  the  Star-chamber  and 

O  ia 


50  A  Summary  of  Affairs 

in  the  High-CommifTion-Court,   but  above  all  his  violent  and 
indeed  inexcufable  injuftice  in  the  profecution  of  Bifhop  //^///i- 
amsj   were  fuch  vifible  blemiflies,  that  nothing  but  the  putting 
him  to  death  in  fo  unjuft  a  manner  could  have  raifed  his  cha- 
rader,-  which  indeed  it  did  to  a  degree  offetting  him  up  as  a  pat- 
tern, and  the  cftablifliing  all  his  notions  as  ftandards,  by  which 
judgments  are  to  be  made  of  men  whether  they  are  true  to  the 
church  or  not.     His  diary,  tho'  it  was  a  bafe  thing  to  publilh 
it,  rcprefents  him  as  an  abjed  fawner  on  the  Duke  of  Bucking- 
hamy  and  as  a  luperftitjous  regarder  of  dreams:  His  defence  of 
himfelf,   writ  with  fo  much  care  when  he  was  in  the  Tower^ 
is  a  very  mean  performance.     He  intended  in  that  to  make  an 
appeal  to  the  world.     In  moft  particulars  he  excufes  himfelf 
by  this,    that  he  was  but  one  of  many,  who  either  in  Council, 
Star-chamber,  or  High-Commiflion  voted  illegal  things.     Now 
tho'  this  was  true,  yet  a  chief  Minifter,  and  one  in  high  favour, 
determines  the  reft  fo  much,  that  they  are  generally  little  better 
than  machines  aded  by  him.     On  other  occcafions  he  fays, 
the  thing  was  proved  but  by  one  witnels.  Now,  how  ftrong  foever 
this  defence  may  be  in  law,  it  is  of  no  force  in  an  appeal  to 
the  world;    for  if  a  thing  is  true,  it  is  no  matter  how  full  or 
how  defedive  the  proof  is.    The  thing  that  gave  me  the  ftrong- 
eft  prejudice  againft  him  in  that  book  is,  that  after  he  had  {(ttvi 
the  ill  cfFeds  of  his  violent  counfels,  and  had  been  lb  long  ftiut 
up,  and  fo  long  at  leifure  to  refled  on  what  had  pafs'd  in  the  hur- 
ry of  paftion  in  the  exaltation  of  his  profperity,  he  does  not 
in  any  one  part  of  that  great  work  acknowledge  his  own  errours, 
nor  mix  in  it  any  wife  or  pious  refledions  on  the  ill  ufage  he 
met  with  or  the  unhappy  fteps  he  had  made:   So  that  while 
his  enemies  did  really  magnify  him  by  their  inhuman  profecuti- 
on, his  friends  Heyl'm  and  Wharton  have  as  much  klTened  him, 
the  one  by  writing  his  life,  and  the  other  by  publiftiing  his  vin- 
dication of  himfelf. 
J""""";"*      But  the  recoiling  of  cruel  counfels  on  the  authors  of  them 
«A'»«.         never  appeared  more  eminently  than  in  the  death  of  King  Charles 
the  firft,  whofe  ferious  and  chriftian  deportment  in  it  made  all 
his  former  errours  be  entirely  forgot,    and  raifed  a  companio- 
nate regard  to  him,  that  drew  a  lafting  hatred  on  the  adors, 
and  was  the  true  occafion  of  the  great  turn  of  the  nation  in  the 
year  \66o.     This  was  much  heightened  by  the  publiftiing  of  his 
book  called  E/xwV  Ba;i7iA«)j,  which  was  univerfally  believed  to  be 
his  own :  And  that  coming  out  foon  after  his  death  had  the  great- 
eft  run  in  many  impreffions  that  any  book  has  had  in  our  age. 
There  was  in  it  a  noblenefs  and  juftnefs  of  thought  with  a  great- 

nefs 


before  /Z'^  Restoration.  51 

ncfs  of  ftyle,  that  made  it  to  be  look'd  on  as  the  beft  writ  book 
in  the  Engltfh  language:  And  the  piety  of  the  prayers  made 
all  people  cry  out  againft  the  murder  of  a  Prince,  who  thought 
fo  ferioufly  of  all  his  affairs  in  his  fccrct  meditations  before  God. 
I  was  bred  up  with  a  high  veneration  of  this  book:  And  I  re- 
member that,  when  I  heard  how  fome  denied  it  to  be  his,  I 
afked  the  Earl  of  Lothian  about  it,  who  both  knew  the  King 
very  well  and  loved  him  little:  He  feemed  confident  it  was  his 
own  work,-  for  he  faid,  he  had  heard  him  fay  a  great  many  of 
thofe  very  periods  that  he  found  in  that  book.  Being  thus  con- 
firmed in  that  perfuafion,  I  was  not  a  little  furprifed,  when  in 
the  year  1673,  in  which  I  had  a  great  fhare  of  favour  and  free 
converfation  with  the  then  Duke  oiTork^  afterwards  K.\n^  James 
the  fecond,  as  he  fuffered  me  to  talk  very  freely  to  him  about 
matters  of  religion,  and  as  I  was  urging  him  with  fomewhat  out 
of  his  father's  book,  he  told  me  that  book  was  not  of  his  father's 
writing,  and  that  the  letter  to  the  Prince  of  Wales  was  never 
brought  to  him.  He  faid.  Dr.  Gawden  writ  it:  After  the  rc- 
ftoration  he  brought  the  Duke  of  Somerfet  and  the  Earl  of 
Southampton  both  to  the  King  and  to  himfelf,  who  aflirmed  that 
they  knew  it  was  his  writings  and  that  it  was  carried  down 
by  the  Earl  of  Southampton^  and  fliewed  the  King  during  the 
treaty  of  Newport^  who  read  it,  and  approved  of  it  as  contain- 
ing his  fenfe  of  things.  Upon  this  he  told  me,  that  tho' 
Sheldon  and  the  other  Bifhops  oppofed  Gawden's  promotion  be- 
caufe  he  had  taken  the  Covenant,  yet  the  merits  of  that  fervice 
carried  it  for  him  notvvithftanding  the  oppofition  made  to  it. 
There  has  been  a  great  deal  of  difputing  about  this  book:  Some 
are  (o  zealous  for  mantaining  it  to  be  the  King's,  that  they 
think  a  man  falfe  to  the  Church  that  doubts  it  to  be  his :  Yet 
the  evidence  fince  that  time  brought  to  the  contrary  has  been 
fo  ftrong,  that  I  muft  leave  that  under  the  fame  uncertainty  un- 
der which  I  found  it:  Only  this  is  certain,  that  Gawden  never 
writ  any  thing  with  that  force,  his  other  writings  being  fuch, 
that  no  man  from  a  likenefs  of  flyle  would  think  him  capable 
of  writing  fo  extraordinary  a  book  as  that  is. 

Upon   the  King's  death  the  Scots  p][X)claimed  his  fbn   ^^^g-, -Yht  Scots 
and  lent  over  Sir  George  Wincam^  that  married  my  great  aunt,  treat  with 
to  treat  with  him  while  he  was  in  the  ifle  o'tjerfey.     The  King  th'e"fecond. 
entred  into  a  negotiation  with  them,   and  fent  him  back  with 
general  affurances  of  confenting  to  every  reafonable  propofition 
that  they  fhould  lend  him.      He  named  the  Hague  for  the  place 
of  treaty,   he  being  to  go  thither  in  a  few  days.     So  the  Scots 
ient  over  commilTioners,   the  chief  of  whom  were  the  Earls  of 

Cajftks 


52  ^Summary  of  Affairs 

Cafflks  and  Lothian^  the  former  of  thefe  was  my  fii  ft  wife's  fa- 
ther, a  man  of  great  vertue  and  of  a  confiderable  degree  of  good 
underftanding:  He  was  (b  fmcere,  that  he  would  fufFer  no  man 
to  take  his  words  in  any  other  fcnfe  than   as  he  meant  them: 
He  adhered  firmly  to  his  inftrudions,    but  with  fo  much  candour, 
that  King  Charles  retained  very  kind  imprcffions  of  it  to  his 
life's  end.     The  man  then  in  the  greateft  favour  with  the  King 
was  the  Duke  of  Buck'mgham :  He  was  wholly  turned  to  mirth  and 
pleafure:    He  had  the  art  of  turning  perfons  or  things  into 
ridicule  beyond  any  man  of  the  age:    He  pofTeifed  the  young 
King  with  very  ill  principles  both  as  to  religion  and  morality, 
and  with  a  very  mean  opinion  of  his  father,  whofe  ftiffne/s  was 
with  him  a  frequent  fiibjed:  of  raillery.     He  prevailed  with  the 
King  to  enter  into  a  treaty  with  the  Scots,  tho'  that  was  vehe- 
mently oppofed  by  almoft  all  the  reft  that  were  about  him, 
who  prcfled  him  to  adhere  fteddily  to  his  father's  maxims  and 
example. 
MoHtrofc'i        When  the  King  came  to  the  Hague,  Willtam  Duke  of  Hamil- 
°  "**        ton  and  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  who  had  left  Scotland,  entred 
into  a  great  meafure  of  favour  and  confidence  with  him.     The 
Marquis  of  Montrofe  came  likewife  to   him,  and  undertook  if 
he  would  follow  his  counlels  to  reftore  him  to  his  Kingdoms 
by  main  force:  But  when  the  King  defired  the  Prince  of  Orange 
to  examine  the  methods  which  he  propofed,  he  entertained  him 
with  a  recital  of  his  own  performances  and  of  the  credit   he 
was  in  among  the  people,-  and  faid,  the  whole  nation  would  rife 
if  he  went  over,  tho'  accompanied  only  with  a  page.     He  defired 
of  the  King  nothing  but  power  to  ad:  in  his  name,    with  a 
fiipply  in  money,  and  a  letter  recommending  him  to  the  King 
of  Denmark  for  a  ihip  to  carry  him   over,   and  for  luch  arms 
as  he  could  fpare.    With  that  the  King  gave  him  the  Garter. 
He  got  firft  to  Orknay,  and  from  thence  into  the  Highlands  of 
Scotland',  but  could  perform  nothing  of  what  he  had  undertaken. 
At  laft  he  was  betrayed  by  one  of  thofe  to  whom  he  trufted 
himfelf,  Mackland  of  AJfm,  and  was  brought  over  a  prifoner 
And  dcaih.  to  Edenhurgh.     He  was  carried  thro'   the  ftreets  with  all  the 
infamy  that  brutal  men  could  contrive:  And  in  a  few  days  he 
was  hanged  on  a  very  high  gibbet :  And  his  head  and  quarters 
were  fet  up  in  divers  places  of  the  Kingdom.     His  behaviour 
under  all  that  barbarous  ufage  was  as  great  and  firm  to  the  laft, 
looking  on  all  that  was  done  to  him  with  a  noble  fcorn,   as  the 
fury  of  his  enemies  was  black  and  univerfally  detcfted.     This 
cruelty  raifed  a  horrour  in  all  fober  people  againft  thofe  who  could 
infult  over  fuch  a  man  in  misfortunes.     The  triumphs  that  the 
2  preachers 


before  //&^  Restoration.  ^^ 

preachers  made  on  this  occafion  rendered  them  odious,  and  made 
Lord  Montr ofe  to  be  both  more  pitied  and  lamented,  than  other- 
wife  he  could  have  been.     This  happened  while  the  Scots  com- 
miflioners  were  treating  with  the  King  at  the  Hague,     The  vi- 
olent party  in  Scotland  were  for  breaking  off  the  treaty  upon  it, 
tho'  by  the  date  of  Lord  Montrofe's  commiflion  it  appeared  to 
have  been  granted  before  the  treaty  was  begun :  But  it  was  car- 
ried not  to  recall  their  commilTioners :  Nor  could  the  King  on 
the  other  hand  be  prevailed  on  by  his  own  Court  to  fend  them  :  "^  ^-t 
away  upon  this  cruelty  to  a  man  who  had  ad:cd  by  his  commif- 
fion,   and  yet  was  fo  ufed.    The  treaty  was  c|uickly  concluded: 
The  King  was  in  no  condition  to  ftruggle  with  them,  but  yield- 
ed to  all  their  demands,  of  taking  the  Covenant,    and  fufFering 
none  to  be  about  him  but  fuch  as  took  it.     He  failed  home  to 
Scotland  in  fome  Dutch  men  of  war  with  which   the   Prince 
of  Orange  furniflied   him,    with  all  the  flock  of  money  and 
arms  that  his  credit  could  raife.     That  indeed  would  not  have 
been  very  great,  if  the  Prince  of  Orange  had  not  joined  his  own 
to  it.     The  Duke  of  Hamilton  and  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  were 
fiiffered  to  go  home  with  him:  But  foon  after  his  landing  an  or- 
der came  to  put  them  from  him.     The  King  complained  of 
this :  But  Duke  Hamilton  at  parting  told  him,  he  mull  prepare 
for  things  of  a  harder  digeftion :  He  faid,  at  prefent  he  could 
do  him  no  fervice:    The  Marquis  oi  Argtle  was  then  in  abfblute 
credit:  Therefore  he  defired  that  he  would  ftudy  to  gain  him, 
and  give  him  no  caufe  of  jealouly  on  his  account.     This  King 
Charles  told  me  himfelf,  as  a  part  of  Duke  Hamilton's  chara6ler. 
The  Duke  of  Buckingham  took  all  the  ways  poffible  to  gain  Lord 
Argile  and  the  Minifters :  Only  his  dilTolute  courle  of  life  was 
exceflive  fcandalousj    which  to  their  great  reproach  they  con- 
nived at,  becaufe  he  advifed  the  King  to  put  himlelf  wholly  in- 
to their  hands.     The  King  wrought  himfelf  into  as  grave  a  de- 
portment as  he  could:    He  heard  many  prayers  and  fermons, 
fome  of  a  great  length.     I  remember  in  one  fall  day  there  were 
fix  fermons  preached  without  intermiflion.    I  was  there  my  felf, 
and.  not  a  little  weary  of  fo  tedious  a  fervice.    The  King  was 
not  allowed  fo  much  as  to  walk  abroad  on  fundays :  And  if  at 
any  time  there  had  been  any  gaiety  at  Court,  fuch  as  dancing 
or  playing  at  cards,  he  was  feverely  reproved  for  it.     This  was 
managed  with  fo  much  rigour,    and  fo  little  difcretion ,    that 
it  contributed  not  a  little  to  beget  in  him   an  averfion  to   all 
fort  of  ftridnefs  in  religion.     All  that  had  aded  on  his  father's 
fide  were  ordered  to  keep  at  a  great  dillance  from  him :  And  be- 
caufe the  common  people  fhewed  fome  afFe(5tion  to  the  King,  the 

P  crouds 


54  A  Summary  of  Affairs 

crouds  that  prefs'd  to  fee  him  were  alfo  kept  off  from  coming 
about  him.     Cromwell  wzs  not  idle:  But  feeing  the  Scots  were 
calhng  home  their  King,  and  knowing  that  from  thence  he  might 
exped  an  invafion  into  England,   he  refolved  to  prevent  them, 
and  fo  marched  into  Scotland  mth.  his  army.    The  Scots  brought 
together  a  very  good  army :  The  King  was  fuffered  to  come  once 
to  fee  it,  but  not  to  ftay  in  it  j   for  they  were  afraid  he  might 
gain  too  much  upon  the  fouldiers :  So  he  was  fent  away. 
The  defeat       'j'j^e  army  was  indeed  one  of  the  bed  that  ever  Scotland  had 
*^*   brought  together :  But  it  was  ill  commanded :  For  all  that  had 
made  defedion  from  their  caufe,  or  that  were  thought  indiffe- 
rent as  to  either  fide,    which  they  called  deteftable  neutrali- 
ty,   were  put  out  of  commiffion.    The  preachers  thought  it  an 
army  of  faints,  and  feemed  well  affured  of  fuccefs.    They  drew 
near  Cromwell^  who  being  preffed  by  them  retired  towards  Dun- 
bar j  where  his  fhips  and  provisions  lay.  The  Scots  followed  him, 
and  were  pofted  on  a  hill  about  a  mile  from  thence,  where  there 
was  no  attacking  them.     Cromwell^is  then  in  great  diftrels,  and 
looked  on  himfelf  as  undone.    There  was  no  marching  towards 
Berwick,  the  ground  was  too  narrow :  Nor  could  he  come  back 
into  the  country  without  being  feparated  from  his  fliips,  and 
ftarying  his  army.  The  leaft  evil  feemed  to  be  to  kill  his  horfes, 
and  put  his  army  on  board,  and  fail  back  to  Newcafile-,  which,  in 
the  difpofition  that  England  was  in  at  that  time,  would  have  been 
all  their  deftrudion,   for  it  would  have  occafioned  an  univerfal 
infiirredlion  for  the  King.     They  had  not  above  three  days  fo- 
rage for  their  horfes.     So  Cromwell  called  his  officers  to  a  day 
of  Seeking  the  Lord,  in  their  ftyle.     He  loved  to  talk  much  of 
that  matter  all  his  life  long  afterwards :  He  faid,  he  felt  (iich  an 
enlargement  of  heart  in  prayer,   and  fuch  quiet  upon  it,   that  he 
bade  all  about  him  take  heart,  for  God  had  certainly  heard  them, 
and  would  appear  for  them.  After  prayer  they  walked  in  the  Earl 
of  Roxburgh's  gardens  that  lay  under  the  hill :  And  by  profpec- 
tive  glaffes  they  difcerned  a  great  motion  in  the  Scoiijh  Camp : 
Upon  which  Cromwell  faid,    God  is  delivering  them  into   our 
hands,  they  are  coming  down  to  us.     Lejley  was  in  the  chief 
command :  But  he  had  a  committee  of  the  States  to  give  him 
his  orders,  among  whom  War'tftoun  was  one.     Thefe  were  wea- 
ry of  lying  in  the  fields,  and  thought  thatL^fy  made  not  hafte 
enough  to  defhoy  thofe  Sectaries ;  for  fo  they  came  to  call  them. 
He  told  them,  by  lying  there  all  wasfure^  but  that  by  engaging 
in  adion  with  gallant  and  defperate  men  all  might  be  loft :  Yet 
they  flill  called  on  him  to  fall  on.     Many  have  thought  that 
all  this  was  treachery  done  on  defign  to  deliver  up  our  army  to 

Cromwell, 


before  //'^Restoration.  ^i^ 

Cromwell \  fome  laying  it  upon  Lejley,  and  others  upon  my 
uncle.  I  am  perliiaded  there  was  no  treachery  in  it :  Only  fVa- 
r'tftotm  was  too  hot,  and  Le/ley  was  too  cold,  and  yielded  too 
eafily  to  their  humours,  which  he  ought  not  to  have  done. 
They  were  all  the  night  employed  in  coming  down  the  hill: 
And  in  the  morning,  before  they  were  put  in  order,  Cromwell 
fell  upon  them.  Two  regiments  flood  their  ground,  and  were 
almoft  all  killed  in  their  ranks :  The  reft  did  run  in  a  moft  fhame- 
ful  manner :  So  that  both  their  artillery  and  baggage  were  loft, 
and  with  thefe  a  great  many  prifbners  were  taken,  fbme  thou- 
fands  in  all.  Cromwell  upon  this  advanced  to  Edenburghy  where 
he  was  received  without  any  oppofition :  And  the  caftle  that 
might  have  made  a  long  refiftance  did  capitulate.  So  all  the 
fouthern  part  of  Scotland  came  under  contribution  to  Cromwell. 
Sterl'm  was  the  advanced  garrifon  on  the  King's  fide.  He  him- 
felf  retired  to  St.  Johnjioun.  A  Parliament  was  called  that  fat 
for  fome  time  at  Sterl'm^  and  for  fbme  time  at  St.Johnftoun, 
in  which  a  full  indemnity  was  pafs'd,  not  in  the  language  of  a 
pardon  but  of  an  z€t  of  approbation :  Only  all  that  joined  witn 
Cromwell  were  declared  traitors.  But  now  the  way  of  raifing 
a  new  army  was  to  be  thought  on. 

A  queftion  had  been  propofed  both  to  the  committee  of  States  Difpntes  a- 
and  to  the  commiffioners  of  the  Kirk,  whether  in  this  extrcmi-  mi«ine  o?*^" 
ty  thofe  who  had  made  defection,    or  had  been  hitherto  too «'•  P"fons. 
backward  in  the  work,  might  not  upon  the  profeflion  of  their  couotry. 
repentance  be  received  into  publick  truft,  and  admitted  to  ferve 
in  the  defence  of  their  country.    To  this  anfwers  were  diftindily 
given  by  two  refolutions :  The  one  was,  that  they  ought  to  be 
admitted  to  make  profeffion  of  their  repentance:  And  the  other 
was,  that  after  fuch  profeffions  made  they  might  be  received  to 
defend  and  ferve  their  country. 

Upon  this  a  great  divifion  followed  in  the  Kirk :  Thofe  who 
adhered  to  thefe  refolutions  were  called  the  Publick  Refblutior 
ners :  But  againft  thefe  fome  of  thofe  bodies  protefted,  and  they, 
together  with  thofe  who  adhered  to  them,  were  called  the  Pro- 
teftors.  On  the  one  hand  it  was  faid,  that  every  government 
might  call  out  all  that  were  under  its  protection  to  its  defence: 
This  feemed  founded  on  the  law  of  nature  and  of  nations :  And, 
if  men  had  been  mifled,  it  was  a  ftrange  cruelty  to  deny  room 
for  repentance :  This  was  contrary  to  the  nature  of  God  and  to 
the  Gofpel,  and  was  a  hkely  mean  to  drive  them  to  defpair : 
Therefore  after  two  years  time  it  feemed  reafonable  to  allow  them 
to  ferve  according  to  their  birthright  in  Parliament,  or  in  other, 
hereditary  offices,   or  in  the  army,-  from  all  which  they  had* 

been 


^6  r  J  Summary  of  Affairs 

been  excluded  by  an  ad  made  in  the  year  i<^49,  which  ranged 
them  in  different  clalTcs,  and  was  from  thence  called  the  ad 
of  claffes.  But  the  Proteftors  objected  againft  all  this,  that  to 
take  in  men  of  known  enmity  to  the  caufe  was  a  fort  of  betray- 
ing it,  becaufe  it  was  the  putting  it  in  their  power  to  betray  itj 
that  to  admit  them  into  a  profefiion  of  repentance  was  a  pro- 
fanation, and  a  mocking  of  God  :  It  was  vifible,  they  were  wil- 
ling to  comply  with  thefe  terms,  tho'  againft  their  confcience, 
only  to  get  into  the  army:  Nor  could  they  exped  a  ble/Ting 
from  God  on  an  army  fo  conftitutcd.  And  as  to  this  particu- 
lar they  had  great  advantage  j  for  this  mock  penitence  was  in- 
deed a  matter  of  great  fcandal.  When  thefe  refolutions  were 
pafs'd  with  this  proteftation,  a  great  many  of  the  five  wcftern 
counties,  Cl'tMfciale,  Renfrew ^  Air,  Galloway  and  Niiht/dak, 
met,  and  formed  an  affociation  apart,  both  againft  the  army 
of  Sedaries,  and  againft  this  new  defedion  in  the  Kirk  party. 
They  drew  a  remonftrance  againft  all  the  proceedings  in  the 
treaty  with  the  King,  when,  as  they  fiid,  it  was  vifible  by  the 
commifiion  he  granted  to  Montrofe  that  his  heart  was  not  fincere: 
And  they  were  ahb  againft  thetendring  him  the  Covenant,  when 
they  had  reafbn  to  believe  he  took  it  not  with  a  refolution  to 
maintain  it,  fince  his  whole  deportment  and  private  converfa- 
""  ■  tion  {hewed  a  fecret  enmity  to  the  work  of  God :  And,  after  an 
inviduous  enumeration  of  many  particulars,  they  imputed  the 
ftiameful  defeat  zx.  Dunbar  to  their  prevaricating  in  thefe  things  ^ 
and  concluded  with  a  defire,  that  the  King  might  be  excluded 
from  any  fharein  the  adminiftration  of  the  Government,  and  that 
his  caufe  might  be  put  out  of  the  ftate  of  tiic  quarrel  with  the 
army  of  the  Sectaries.  This  was  brought  to  the  committee  of 
the  States  at  St.  Johnjloun,  and  was  feverely  inveighed  againft  by 
Sir  TToomas  Nicholfon  J  the  King's  advocate  or  attorney  general 
there,  who  had  been  till  then  a  zealous  man  of  their  party:  But 
he  had  lately  married  my  fifter,  and  my  father  had  great  in- 
fluence on  him.  He  prevailed  fo,  that  the  remonftrance  was  con- 
demned as  divifive,  fadious,  and  fcandalous :  But  that  the  peo- 
Great  hard- pie  might  not  be  too  much  moved  with  thefe  things,  a  declara- 
Jj2"K?Jg.°°  tion  was  prepared  to  be  fet  out  by  the  King  for  the  fatisfying 
of  them.  In  it  there  were  many  hard  things.  The  Kincr  own- 
ed  the  nn  of  his  father  in  marrying  into  an  idolatrous  family: 
He  acknowledged  the  bloodflied  in  the  late  wars  lay  at  his  fa- 
ther's door :  He  expreffed  a  deep  fenfe  of  his  own  ill  education,  and 
the  prejudices  he  had  drunk  in  againft  the  caufe  of  God,  of 
which  he  was  now  very  fenfible:  He  confeffed  all  the  former 
parts  of  his  hfe  to  have  been  a  courfe  of  enmity  to  the  work  of 

God: 


before  the  Restoration.  57 

God :  I  le  repented  of  his  commiffion  to  Montrofe,  and  of  eve- 
ry tiling  he  had  done  that  gave  offence :  And  with  folemn  pro- 
teftations  he  affirmed,  that  he  was  now  fincere  in  his  declaration, 
and  that  he  would  adhere  to  it  to  the  end  of  his  life  in  Scot- 
land^ England^  and  Ireland. 

The  King  was  very  uneafy  when  this  wa^  brought  to  him. 
He  faid,  he  could  never  look  his  mother  in  the  face  if  he  pals'd 
it.    But  when  he  was  told   it  was  necelTary  for  his  affairs,    he 
refolved  to  fwallow  the  pill  without  farther   chewing  it.    So  it 
was  publiflied,    but  had  no  good  effedt;  for  neither  fide  belie- 
ved him  fincere  in  it.     It  was  thought  a  flrarige  impofition,   to 
make  him  load  his  father's  memory  in  fuch  a  mariner.     Butj 
while  the  King  was  thus  befet  with  the  high  and  more  mode- 
rate Kirk  parties,  the  old  Cavaliers  lent  to  him,    offering  that 
if  he  would  caft  himfelf  into  their  hands  they  would  meet  him 
near  Dundee  with  a  great  body.     Upon  this  the  King,  growing 
weary  of  the  fad  life  he  led,  made  his  efcape  in  the  night, 
and  came  to  the  place  appointed :  But  it  was  a  vain  undertaking ; 
for  he  was  met  by  a  very  inconfiderable  body  at  Clova,  the  place 
of  rendezvous.     Thofe  at  St.  Johnjloun  being  troubled  at  this 
fent  Col.  Montgomer'y  after  him,  who  came  up  and  prefs'd  him 
to  return  very  rudely :  So  the  King  came  back.    But  this  had  a 
very  good  effed:.     The   government  faw  now   the   danger  of 
ufing  him  ill,  which  might  provoke  him  to  defperate  courfes: 
After  that,  he  was  ufed  as  well  as  that  Kingdom  in  fo  ill  a  flate 
was  capable  of     He  faw  the  neceflity  of  courting  the  Marquis 
oi  Argtle^    and  therefore   made  him  great  offers:    At  laft  he 
talked  of  marrying  his  daughter.     Lord  Argtle  was  cold   and 
backward :  He  faw  the  King's  heart  lay  not  to  him :  So  he  look- 
ed on  all  offers,  but  as  fo  many  fnares.    His  fon,  the  Lord  Lorn, 
was  captain  of  the  guards :  And  he  made  his  court  more  dex- 
troufly  j  for  he  brought  all  perfbns  that  the  King  had  a  mind 
to  fpeak  with  at  all  hours  to  him,  and  was  in  all  refpedts  not 
only  faithful  but  zealous.    Yet  this  was  fufpeded  as  a  collufion 
between  the  father  and  the  fon.    The  King  was  crowned  on  the 
firft  o^  Jammr'y:  And  there  he  again  renewed  the  Covenant: 
And  now  all  people  were  admitted  to  come  to  him,  and  to  ferve 
in  the  army.  The  two  armies  lay  peaceably  in  their  winter  quar- 
ters.   But  when  the  fummer  came  on,    a  body  of  the  Engl'tjh 
pafs'd  the  Frtthj   and  landed  in  Fife.    So  the  King,  having  got 
up  all  the  forces  he  had  expected,  refolved  on  a  march  into  Eng- 
land.    Scotland  could  not  maintain  another  year's  war.    This 
was  a  defperate  refolution:   But  there  was  nothing  elfe  to  be 
done. 

CL  I  will 


58  A  SvMMARr  of  A  fairs 

I  will  not  purfiie  the  relation  of  the  march  to  fVorceJier,  nor 
the  total  defeat  given  the  King's  army  on  the  third  of  Sep- 
tember,   the  fame  day  in  which  Dunhar  fight  had  been  fought 
the  year  before.    Thefe  things  are  fb  well  known,    as  is  alfb 
the  King's  efcape,  that  I  can  add  nothing  to  the  common  re- 
lations that  have  been  over  and  over  made  of  them.    At  the 
fame  time  that  Cromwell  followed  the  King  into  England,  he 
left  Monk  in  Scotland  with  an  army  fufficient  to  reduce  the  reft 
SmUmi  was  °^  ^^  Kingdom.  The  town  of  Dundee  made  a  rafli  and  ill  con- 
fnbdoedby  fidered  refiftance:   Itwasafi:er  a  few  days  fic^e  taken  by  ftorm: 
^**^'        Much  blood  was  fhed,    and  the  town  was  feverely  plundered: 
No  other  place  made  any  refiftance.     I  remember  well  of  three 
regiments  coming  to  Aberdeen,    There  was  an  order  and  difci- 
pline,  and  a  face  of  gravity  and  piety  among  them,  that  ama- 
zed all  people.     Moft  of  them  were  Independents  and  Anabap- 
tifts :  They  were  all  gifted  men,  and  preached  as  they  were  mo- 
ved.   But  they  never  difturbed  the  publick  aftemblies  in  the  chur- 
ches but  once.    They  came  and  reproached  the  preachers  for 
laying  things  to  their  charge  that  were  falfe.     I  was  then  pre- 
fent:    The  debate  grew  very  fierce:    At  laft  they  drew  their 
fwords:  But  there  was  no  hurt  done:  Yet  Cromwell  dilplaced 
the  governour  for  not  puniftiing  this. 
A  body  flood      When  the  low-countries  in  »$'tW.;?«^  Were  thus  rcduccd,  fome 
HighUmds.   ^^  '^^  morc  zealous  of  the  nobility  went  to  the  Highlands  in 
the  year  K553.    The  Earl  oiGlencairn,  a  grave  and  fober  man, 
got  the  tribe  of  the  Macdonalds  to  declare  for  the  King.     To 
theie  the  Lord  Lorn  came  with  about  a  thoufand  men :  But  the 
jealoufy  of  the  father  made  the  fon  be  fufpe(5ted.    The  Marquis 
oi  Argjlehzd  retired  into  his  country  when  the  King  marched 
into  England;    and  did  not  fubmit  to  Monk  till  the  year  52. 
Then  he  received  a  garrifon :  But  Lord  Lorn  furprifed  a  Ihip  that 
was  fent  about  with  provifions  to  it,  which  helped  to  fupport 
their  little  ill-formed  army.     Many  gentlemen  came  to  them : 
And  almoft  all  the  good  horfes  of  the  Kingdom  were  ftoUen, 
and  carried  up  to  them.    They  made  a  body  of  about  3000: 
Of  thefe  they  had  about  yoo  horfe.    They  endured  great  hard- 
fliips,-    for  thofe  parts  were  not  fit  to  entertain  men  that  had 
been  accuftomed  to  live  foftly.     The  Earl  of  Glencairn  had  al- 
moft fpoiled  all :  For  he  took  much  upon  him :  And  upon  fome 
fufpicion  he  ordered  Lord  Lorn  to  be  clapt  up,  who  had  notice 
of  it,  and  prevented  it  by  an  efcape:  Otherwife  they  had  fallen 
to  cut  one  another's  throats,  inftead  of  marching  to  the  enemy. 
The  Earl  of  Belcarras,  a  vertuous  and  knowing  man  but  fome- 
what  morofe  ia  his  humour,  went  alfo  among  them.    They  dif- 
fered 


before  /i'^  R  e  s  t  c)  r  A  T  1 6  n.  jf  9 

fered  in  their  connfels:  Lord  Glenca'irn  was  for  falling  into  the 
low-countries :  And  he  began  to  fancy  he  fliould  be  another  if\/<?«- 
trofe.  Belcarras  on  the  other  hand  was  for  keeping  in  their  faft- 
nclfes :  They  made  a  (hew  of  a  body  for  the  King,  which  they 
were  to  keep  up  in  fome  reputation  as  long  as  they  could,  till 
they  could  fee  what  aiTiftance  the  King  might  be  able  to  pro- 
cure them  from  beyond  fea  of  men  money  and  armsj  whereas 
if  they  went  out  of  thofe  faft  grounds,  they  could  not  hope 
to  (land  before  fuch  a  veteran  and  well  di(ciplined  army  as  Mont 
had  J  and  if  they  met  with  the  lead  check,  their  tumultuary 
body  would  foon  melt  away. 

Among  others  one  Sir  Robert  Murray,  that  had  married  Lord  Sir  Robetl 
Belcmras's  fifter,  came  among  them:  He  had  ferved  in  /'"^«w^, fhSer. 
where  he  had  got  into  fuch  a  degree  of  favour  with  Cardinal 
Ktchl'ieu,   that  few  ftrangers  were  ever  fb  much  confidered  by 
him  as  he  was.     He  was  raifjd  to  be  a  CoUonel  there,    and 
came  over  for  recruits   when  the   King   was  with  the  Scotch 
army  at  Newcajik.     There  he  grew  into  high  favout  with  the 
King  ,•  and  laid  a  defign  for  his  efcape,  of  which  I  have  given 
an  account  in  Duke  Hamilton''^  memoirs :  He  was  the  moft  uni- 
verfally  beloved  and  efteemed  by  men  of  all  fides  and  forts,  of 
any  man  I  have  ever  known  in  my  whole  Life.     He  was  a  pious 
man,  and  in  the  midft  of  armies  and  courts  he  fpent  many  hours 
a  day  in  devotion.     He  had  gone  thro'  the  eafy  parts  of  mathe- 
maticks,    and  knew  the  hiftory  of  nature  beyond  any  man  I 
ever  yet  knew.     He  had  a  genius  much  like  Pe'irifki^  as  he  is  de- 
fcribed  by  Gajfend't.    He  was  afterwards  the  firft  former  of  the 
Royal  fociety,  anditsfirft  prefident,-  and  while  he  lived  he  was  the 
life  and  foul   of  that  body.     He  had  an  ecjuality  of  temper  in 
him  that   nothing  could  alter  j    and  was  in  pradice  the  only 
Stoick  I  ever  knew.     He  had  a  great  tindiure  of  one  of  their  prin- 
ciples j  for  he  was  much  for  abfolute  decrees.     He  had  a  moft 
diffufed  love  to  all  mankind,   and  he  delighted  in  every  occa- 
fion  of  doing  good ,    which  he  managed  with  great  dilcretion 
and  zeal.    He  had  a  fuperiority  of  genius  and  comprehenfion  to 
moft  men :  And  had  the  plaineft,  but  with  all  the  fofteft,  way  of 
reproving,  chiefly  young  people,  for  their  faults  that  I  ever  met 
with.     Sir  Robert  Murray  was  in  fuch  credit  in  that  little  army, 
that  Lord  Glencairn  took  a  ftrange  courle  to  break  it,  and  to 
ruin  him.     A  letter  was  pretended  to  be  found  at  Antwerp^  as 
writ  by  him  to  W tilt  am  Murray  of  the  bed-chamber,  that  had 
been  nv hipping  boy  to  King  Charles  the  firft,   and  upon  that  had 
grown  up  to  a  degree  of  favour  and  confidence  that  was  very 
particular ;  i\c  had  a  leud  creature  there,  whom  he  turned  off: 

And 


6o  y^SuMMARY  of  Affairs 

And  {be  to  be  revenged  on  him  framed  this  plot  again^:  him. 
This  ill  forged  letter  gave  an  account  of  a  bargain  Sir  Robert  had 
made  with  A/o«/(  for  kiUing  theKing,  which  was  to  be  executed  by 
Mr.  Murray:  So  he  prayed  him  in  his  letter  to  make  hafte  and 
difpatch  it.  This  was  brought  to  the  Earl  of  Gkncatrn:  So  Sir 
Robert  was  feverely  queltioned  upon  it,  and  put  in  arreft:  And 
it  was  fpread  about  thro'  a  rude  army  that  he  intended  to  kill 
the  King,  hoping  it  feems  that  fome  of  thcfe  wild  people  belie- 
ving it  would  have  fallen  upon  him  without  ufing  any  forms. 
Upon  this  occafion  Sir  Robert  pradifed  in  a  very  eminent  man- 
ner his  true  chriftian  philofophy,  without  fhewing  fo  much  as 
a  cloud  in  his  whole  behaviour. 

The  Earl  of  Belcarras  left  the  Highlands,  and  went  to  the 
King  J  and  fhewed  hini  the  necellity  of  fending  a  military  man 
to  command  that  body,  to  whom  they  would  fubmit  more  wil^ 
lingly  than  to  any  of  the  Nobility.  Mtdletoun  was  fent  over, 
who  was  a  gallant  man  and  a  good  oiHcer :  He  had  firft  ferved 
on  the  Parliament's  fide:  But  he  turned  over  to  the  King,  and 
was  taken  at  IVorcejier  fight,  biit  made  his  efcape  out  of  the 
Tower.  He  upon  his  coming  over  did  for  fome  time  lay  the 
heats  that  were  among  the  Highlanders  j  and  made  as  much  of 
that  face  of  an  army  for  another  year  as  was  poffible. 

Drurnond  was  fent  by  him  to  Paris  with  an  invitation  to  the 
lent  to  the  King  to  come  among  them  j  for  they  had  aliurances  lent  them, 
*^'"^'  that  the  whole  Nation  was  in  a  difpofition  to  rife  with  them : 
And  England  was  beginning  to  grow  weary  of  their  new  govern- 
ment, the  Army  and  the  Parliament  being  on  ill  terms.  The 
Englijh  were  alfo  engaged  in  a  war  with  the  States :  And  the 
Dutch  upon  that  account  might  be  inclined  to  affift  the  King  to 
give  a  diverfion  to  their  enemies  forces.  Drurnond  told  me,  that 
upon  his  coming  to  Paris  he  was  called  to  the  little  Council  that 
was  then  about  the  King :  And  when  he  had  delivered  his  mef- 
fage,  Chancellour  Hide  afked  him,  how  the  King  would  be  ac- 
commodated if  he  came  among  them :  He  anfwered ,  not  (o 
well  as  was  fitting,  but  they  would  all  take  care  of  him  to  fur- 
nifli  him  with  every  thing  that  was  neceifary.  'He  wondered 
that  the  King  did  not  check  the  Chancellour  in  his  demand  ,- 
for  he  faid,  it  looked  ftrange  to  him,  that  when  they  were 
hazarding  their  lives  to  help  him  to  a  crown,  he  fliould  be  con- 
cerned for  accommodation.  He  was  lent  back  with  good  words 
and  a  few  kind  letters.  In  the  end  of  the  year  i<^54  Mor- 
gan marched  into  the  Highlands,  and  had  a  fmall  engagement 
with  Mtdletoun^  which  broke  that  whole  matter,  of  which  all 
people  were  grown  weary ;  for  they  had  no  profpcd  of  fuccefs, 
i  and 


ters. 


before  />^£?  R  e  s  t  o  n  a  t  i  o  n.  6  i 

and  the  low  countries  were  fb  ovcr-rnn  with  robberies  on  the 
pretence  of  going  to  aflill  the  Highlanders,  that  there  was  an 
univcrfal  joy  at  the  difpcrfing  of  that  Httle  unruly  army. 

After  this  the  country  was  kept  in  great  order:  Some  caftlesThe  ftateof 
in  the  Highlands  had  garrifons  put  in  them,  that  were  fo  careful  f'^^'lJ^'***" 
in  their  dilcipline,    and  (b  exa6l  to  their  rules,  that  in  no  time  o^"'pa«'on- 
the  Highlands  were  kept  in  better  order  than  during  the  ufur- 
pation.     There  was  a  confiderable  force  of  about  7  or  8000 
men  kept  in  Scotland:  Thefe  were  paid  exactly,  and  ftridly  dif- 
ciplined.  The  pay  of  the  army  brought  fo  much  money  into  the 
Kingdom,  that  it  continued  all  that  while  in  a  very  flourifhing 
ftatc,     Cromwell  built  three  citadels,  at  Leith^  Air,  and  Inver- 
nefs,  befides  many  little  forts.    There  was  good  juftice   done, 
and  vice  was  fupprefs'd  and  punifhed^  fb  that  we  always  reckon 
thofe  eight  years  of  ufurpation  a  time  of  great  peace  and  prof^ 
perity.  There  was  alfo  a  fort  of  union  of  the  three  Kingdoms  in 
one  Parliament,  where  Scotland  h^d  its  reprefentative.  The  Mar- 
quis of  Argile  went  up  one  of  our  commiflioners. 

The  next  fcene  I  muft  open  relates  to  the  church,  and  the  Difputes  a- 
heats  raifed  in  it  by  the  publick  refblutions,  and  the  protefta- covcaan- 
tion  made  againft  them.  New  occafions  of  difpute  arofe.  A  Ge- 
neral AfTembly  was  in  courfe  to  meet,-  and  fate  at  St.  Andrews: 
So  the  commiflion  of  the  Kirk  wrote  a  circular  letter  to  all  the 
Prcfbyteries,  fetting  forth  all  the  grounds  of  their  refolutions, 
and  complaining  of  thofe  who  had  protefted  againft  them^  up- 
on which  they  deiired  that  they  would  chufe  none  of  thole  who 
adhered  to  the  proteftation  to  reprefent  them  in  the  next  alTem- 
biy.  This  was  only  an  advice,  and  had  been  frequently  prad:i- 
fed  in  the  former  years :  But  now  it  was  highly  complained  ofj 
as  a  limitation  on  the  freedom  of  elediions,  which  inferred  a  nul- 
lity on  all  their  proceedings:  So  the  Proteftors  renewed  their 
proteftation  againft  the  meeting  upon  a  higher  point,  difown- 
ing  that  authority  which  hitherto  they  had  magnified  as  the 
higheft  tribunal  in  the  church,  in  which  they  thought  Chrift 
was  in  his  throne.  Upon  this  a  great  debate  followed,  and  ma- 
ny books  were  written  in  a  courfe  of  fevcral  years.  The  Publick 
men  faid,  this  was  the  deftroying  of  Preibytery,  if  the  lefTer 
number  did  not  fdbmit  to  the  greater :  It  was  a  fort  of  Prela- 
cy, if  it  was  pretended  that  votes  ought  rather  to  be  weighed 
than  counted:  Parity  was  the  cflence  of  their  conftitution:  And 
in  this  all  people  faw  they  had  clearly  the  better  of  the  argu- 
ment. The  Proteftors  urged  for  themfelvcs,  that,  fince  all  Pro- 
teftants  reje(5ted  the  pretence  of  infallibility,  the  major  part  of 
the  church  might  fall  into  errours,  in  which  cafe  the  leffer  num- 

R  ber 


62  A  Summary  of  Affairs 

her  could  not  be  bound  to  fubn:iit  to  them:  They  complained 
of  the  many  corrupt  Clergy-men  who  were  yet  among  them, 
who  were  leavened  with  the  old  leaven,  and  did  on  all  occafi- 
ons  fliew  what  was  ftill  at  heart  notwith (landing  all  their  out- 
ward compliance:  (For  the  epifcopal  Clergy,  that  had  gone 
into  the  Covenant  and  Preibytery  to  hold  their  livings,  ftruck 
in  with  great  heat  to  inflame  the  controvcrfy:  And  it  appeared 
very  vifibly  that  Prefbytery,  if  not  held  in  order  by  the  civil 
power,  could  not  be  long  kept  in  quiet:)  If  in  the  fupream 
Court  of  judicature  the  majority  did  not  conclude  the  matter, 
it  was  not  poflible  to  keep  up  their  beloved  parity :  It  was  con- 
feffed  that  in  dodrinal  points  the  Icfler  number  was  not  bound  to 
fubmit  to  the  greater :  But  in  the  matters  of  mere  government 
it  was  impoflible  to  maintain  the  Preibyterian  form  on  any  other 

bottom. 

As  this  debate  grew  hot,  and  they  were  ready  to  break  out 
into  cenlures  on  both  fides,  fome  were  fent  down  from  the  Com- 
monwealth of  England  to  fettle  Scotland:  Of  thefe  Sir  Hem-y 
Vane  was  one.  The  Refolutioners  were  known  to  have  been 
more  in  the  King's  intereft:  So  they  were  not  (b  kindly  looked 
on  as  the  Proteftors.  Some  of  the  Englijh  jundo  moved,  that 
pains  fhould  be  taken  to  unite  the  two  parties.  But  Fane  oppo- 
IqA  this  with  much  zeal:  He  faid,  would  they  heal  the  wound 
that  they  had  given  themfelves,  which  weakened  them  fo  much? 
The  fetting  them  at  quiet  could  have  no  other  effed,  but  to 
heal  and  unite  them  in  their  oppofition  to  their  authority :  He 
therefore  moved,  that  they  might  be  left  at  liberty  to  fight  out 
their  own  quarrels,  and  be  kept  in  a  greater  dependence  on  the 
temporal  authority,  when  both  fides  were  forced  to  make  their 
appeal  to  it:  So  it  was  relblved  to  fuffer  them  to  meet  ftill 
in  their  Prefbyteries  and  Synods,  but  not  in  General  Affemblies, 
which  had  a  greater  face  of  union  and  authority. 

This  advice  was  followed:  So  the  divilion  went  on.  Both  fides 
ftudied  when  any  church  became  vacant  to  get  a  man  of  their 
own  party  to  be  cholen  to  fucceed  in  the  election :  And  upon 
thefe  occafions  many  tumults  happened :  In  fbme  of  them  ftones 
were  thrown,  and  many  were  wounded,  to  the  great  fcandal 
of  religion.  In  all  thefe  difputes  the  Proteftors  were  the  fiercer 
fide:  For  being  lefs  in  number  they  ftudied  to  make  that  up 
with  their  fiiry.  In  one  point  they  had  the  other  at  a  great 
advantage,  with  relation  to  their  new  mafters  who  required 
them  to  give  over  praying  for  the  King.  The  Proteftors  were 
weary  ot  doing  it,  and  fubmitted  very  readily :  But  the  others 
ftood  out  longer  j  and  faid,  it  was  a  duty  lying  on  them  by  the 

Covenant, 


ken  on  both 
lides. 


before  //'^Restoration.  63 

Covenant,  fo  they  could  not  let  it  fall.  Upon  that  the  Engltjh 
Council  fet  out  an  order,  that  fuch  as  fliould  continue  to  pray 
for  the  King  fhould  be  denied  the  help  of  law  to  recover  their 
tithes,  or  as  they  called  them  their  ftipends.  This  touched 
them  in  a  fenfible  point:  But,  that  they  might  not  feem  to  ad: 
upon  the  civil  authority,  they  did  enad  it  in  their  Prcfbytcries, 
that  fince  all  duties  did  not  oblige  at  all  times,  therefore  confi- 
dering  the  prefent  juncture,  in  which  the  King  could  not  pro- 
ted  them,  they  refolved  to  difcontinue  that  piece  of  dupy.  This 
exppfcd  them  to  much  cenfure,  fince  fiich  a  carnal  confideratioa 
as  the  force  of  law  for  their  benefices,  (which  all  regard  but 
|:qo  much  tho'  few  will  own  it,)  feemed  to  be  that  which  de- 
termined them. 

This  great  breach  among  them  being  rather  encouraged  than  Methods  ta- 
fuppreffed  by  thofe  who  were  in  power ,  all  the  methods  ima-  \ 
ginable  were  ufed  by  the  Proteftors  to  raife  their  credit  among 
the  people.  They  preached  often,  and  very  long ;  and  feem- 
ed to  carry  their  devotions  to  a  greater  fublimity  than  others 
did.  Their  conftant  topick  was,  the  fad  defedion  and  corrup- 
tion of  the  judicatories  of  the  church,  and  they  often  propo- 
fed  feveral  expedients  for  purging  it.  The  truth  was  they  were 
more  adive,  and  their  performances  were  livelier,  than  the  Pub- 
lick  men.  They  were  in  nothing  more  fingular  than  in  their 
communions.  In  many  places  the  facrament  was  difcontinued 
for  feveral  years  ^  where  they  thought  the  magiftracy,  or  the 
more  eminent  of  the  parifh,  were  engaged  in  what  they  called 
the  defection,  which  was  much  more  looked  at  than  fcandal 
given  by  bad  lives.  But  where  the  greatefl  part  was  more  found, 
they  gave  the  facrament  with  a  new  and  unufual  folemnity. 
On  the  Wednefday  before  they  held  a  fafl  day  with  prayers  and 
iermons  for  about  eight  or  ten  hours  together :  On  the  Satur- 
da'y  they  had  two  or  three  preparation  fermons:  And  on  the 
Lord's  day  they  had  fo  very  many,  that  the  adion  continued 
above  twelve  hours  in  fbme  places :  And  all  ended  with  three  or 
four  fermons  on  Mjnday  for  thankfgiving.  A  great  many  Mi- 
nifters  were  brought  together  from  feveral  parts :  And  high  pre- 
tenders would  have  gone  40  or  50  miles  to  a  noted  communion. 
The  crouds  were  far  beyond  the  capacity  of  their  churches, 
or  the  reach  of  their  voices :  So  at  the  fame  time  they  had  fer- 
mons in  two  or  three  different  places:  And  all  was  performed 
with  great  (hew  of  zeal.  They  had  flories  of  many  fequal  con- 
verfions  that  were  wrought  on  thefe  occafions. 

It  is  fcarce  credible  what  an  effed  this  had  among  the  peo- 
ple,  to  how  great  a  meafure  of  knowledge  they  were  brought, 

and 


64  A  Su  M  M  A  R  Y  of  Affairs 

and  how  readily  they  could  pray  extempore,  and  talk  of  divine 
matters.  All  this  tended  to  raife  the  credit  of  the  Proteftors. 
The  Refolutioners  tried  to  imitate  them  in  thefe  pradices:  But 
they  were  not  thought  fo  fpiritual,  nor  fo  ready  at  them :  So 
the  others  had  the  chief  following.  Where  the  judicatories  of 
the  church  were  near  an  equality  of  the  men  of  both  fides, 
there  were  perpetual  j anglings  among  them:  At  1  aft  they  pro- 
ceeded to  deprive  men  of  both  fides,  as  they  were  the  majo- 
rity in  the  judicatories :  But  becaufe  the  pofleflfion  of  the  church, 
and  the  benefice,  was  to  depend  on  the  orders  of  the  temporal 
Courts,  both  fides  made  their  application  to  the  privy  Council 
that  Cromwell  had  (ct  up  in  Scotland:  And  they  were  by  them 
referred  to  Cromwell  himfelf  So  they  fent  deputies  up  to  Lon- 
don. The  Proteftors  went  in  great  numbers:  They  came  near- 
er both  to  the  principles,  and  to  the  temper  that  prevailed  in 
the  Army :  So  they  were  looked  on  as  the  better  men,  on  whom, 
by  reafon  of  the  firft  rife  of  the  difference,  the  government  might 
more  certainly  depend:  Whereas  the  others  were  confidered  as 
more  in  the  King's  interefts. 

The  Refolutioners  fent  up  one  Sharps  who  had  been  long  in 
England  J  and  was  an  active  and  eager  man :  He  had  a  very 
fmall  proportion  of  learning,  and  was  but  an  indifferent  prea- 
cher: But  having  fome  acquaintance  with  the  Prefbyterian  Mi- 
nifters  at  London,  whom  Cromwell  was  then  courting  much  by 
reafon  of  their  credit  in  the  City,  he  was  by  an  errour  that  pro- 
ved fatal  to  the  whole  party  fent  up  in  their  name  to  London -^ 
where  he  continued  for  fbme  years  fbliciting  their  concerns, 
and  making  himfelf  known  to  all  forts  of  people.  He  feemed 
more  than  ordinary  zealous  for  Prefbytery.  And,  as  Cromwell 
was  then  defigning  to  make  himfelf  King,  Dr.  IVilktm  told,  me 
he  often  faid  to  him,  no  temporal  government  could  have  a  fure 
fupport  without  a  national  church  that  adhered  to  it,  and  he 
thought  England  was  capable  of  no  conftitution  but  epifcopacy, 
to  which,  he  told  me,  he  did  not  doubt  but  Cromwell  would  have 
turned,  as  foon  as  the  defign  of  his  Kingfhip  was  fettled.  Upon 
thxslVilk'tns  fpoke  to  Sharp,  that  it  was  plain  by  their  breach  that 
Prefbytery  could  not  be  managed  fo  as  to  maintain  order  among 
them,  and  that  an  epifcopacy  muft  be  brought  in  to  fettle  them: 
But  Sharp  could  not  bear  the  difcourfe,  and  rejected  it  with  hor- 
ror. I  have  dwelt  longer  on  this  matter,  and  opened  it  more 
folly  than  was  neccffary,  if  I  had  not  thought  that  this  may 
have  a  good  effeft  on  the  reader,  and  fhew  him  how  impoffible 
it  is  in  a  parity  to  maintain  peace  and  order,  if  the  magiftrate 

does 


maxims. 


before  the  Restoration.  6^ 

docs  notinterpofe:  And  if  he  does  that  will  be  cried  out  upon  by  tHe 
zealots  of  both  fides,  as  abominable  Eraftianifrh. 

From  thefe  matters  1  go  next  to  fet  down  fome  particulars  Some  of 
that  I  knew  concerning  Cromwell,  that  I  have  not  yet  feen  i^^""*^^''^* 
books.  Some  of  thefe  I  had  from  the  Earls  of  Carltfle  and  One- 
fy:  The  one  had  been  the  captain  of  his  guards :  And  the  other 
had  been  the  prefident  of  his  council  in  Scotland.  But  he  from 
whom  I  learned  the  mod  was  Slouppe,  a  Gr'tfon  by  birth,  then 
Minifter  of  the  French  Church  in  the  Savoy,  and  afterwards  a 
brigadeer  general  in  the  French  armies:  A  man  of  intrigue,  but 
of  no  vertue:.  He  adhered  to  the  Proteftant  religion  as  to  out- 
ward appearance:  He  was  much  trufted  by  Cromwell  in  foreign 
affairs  ,•  in  which  Cromwell  was  oft  at  a  lols,  and  having  no  fo- 
reign language,  but  the  little  latin  that  ftiick  to  him  from  his: 
education,  which  he  fpoke  very  vitioufly  and  fcantily,  had  not 
the  neceffary  means  of  informing  himfelf. 

When  Cromwell  firft  affumed  the  government,  he  had  three 
great  parties  of  the  Nation  all  againft  him,  the  Epifcopal,  the 
Prefbyterian,  and  the  Republican  party.  The  laft  was  the  moil: 
fet  on  his  ruin,  looking  on  him  as  the  perfon  that  had  perfi- 
dioufly  broke  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  and  was  fetting  up  for 
himfelf.  He  had  none  to  rely  on  but  the  Army :  Yet  that  en- 
thufiaftick  temper,  that  he  had  taken  fo  much  pains  to  raife 
among  them,  made  them  very  intractable :  Many  of  the  chief 
officers  were  broken,  and  impriibned  by  him:  And  he  flattered 
the  reft  the  beft  he  could.  He  went  on  in' his  old  way  of  long 
and  dark  difcourfes,  fermons,  and  prayers.  As  to  the  Cavalier 
party,  he  was  affraid  both  of  alTaflination  and  other  plottings 
from  them.  As  to  the  former  of  thefe  he  took  a  method  that 
proved  very  effedtual :  He  faid  often  and  openly,  that  in  a  war 
it  was  neceitary  to  return  upon  any  fide  all  the  violent  things  that 
any  of  the  one  fide  did  to  the  other :  This  was  done  for  pre- 
venting greater  mifchief,  and  for  bringing  men  to  fair  war: 
Therefore,  he  faid,  alfalTmations  were  fiich  deteftable  things  that 
he  would  never  begin  them:  But  if  any  of  the  King's  party 
ihould  endeavour  to  alTaffinate  him,  and  fail  in  it,  he  would  make 
an  adaffinating  war  of  it,  and  deftroy  the  whole  family:  And 
he  pretended  he  had  inftruments  to  execute  it,  whenfoever  he 
ihould  give  order  for  it.  The  terrour  of  this  was  a  better  fecu- 
rity  to  him  than  his  guards. 

The  other  as  to  their  plottings  was  the  more  dangerous.  But 
he  underftood  that  one  Sir  Richard  W tilts  was  Chan  cell  our ///^<?'s 
chief  confident,  to  whom  he  wrote  often,  and  to  whom  all  the 
party  fubmitted,    looking  on  him  as  an  able  and  wife  man  in 

S  whom 


66  /^Summary  of  Af airs 

whom  they  confided  abfolutely.  So  he  found  a  way  to  talk 
with  him :  He  faid,  he  did  not  intend  to  hurt  any  of  the  party  : 
His  defign  was  rather  to  favc  them  from  ruin :  They  were  apt 
after  their  cups  to  run  into  fooh(h  and  ill  concerted  plots,  which 
/ignified  nothing  but  to  ruin  thofe  who  engaged  in  them :  He 
knew  they  confulted  him  in  every  thing:  All  he  defired  of  him 
was  to  know  all  their  plots,  that  he  might  fo  difconccrt  them 
that  none  might  ever  fuffer  for  them:  If  he  clapt  any  of  them 
up  in  prifon,  it  (hould  only  be  for  a  little  time :  And  they  fliould 
be  interrogated  only  about  fome  trifling  difcourfe,  but  never 
about  the  bufinefs  they  had  been  engaged  in.  He  offered  fVi/lis 
whatever  he  would  accept  of,  and  to  give  it  when  or  as  he 
pleaded.  He  durft  not  afk  or  take  above  200  pound  a  year. 
None  was  trufted  with  this  but  his  fecretary  Tlmrlo^  who  was 
a  very  dexterous  man  at  getting  intelligence. 

Thus  Cromwell  had  all  the  King's  party  in  a  net.  He  let 
them  dance  in  it  at  pleafure:  And  upon  occafions  clapt  them 
up  for  a  fhort  while:  But  nothing  was  ever  difcovered  that  hurt 
any  of  them.  In  conclufion,  after  Cromwell'^  death,  Wtllis  con- 
tinued to  give  notice  of  every  thing  to  Thurlo.  At  laft,  when 
the  plot  was  laid  among  the  Cavaliers  for  a  general  infurredtion, 
the  King  was  defired  to  come  over  to  that  which  was  to  be  rai- 
led in  Sujfex:  He  was  to  have  landed  near  Chichefier^  all  by  IVil- 
lis's  management:  And  a  fnare  was  laid  for  him,  in  which  he 
would  probably  have  been  caught,  li  Morlandy  Thurlo's  under 
fecretary,  who  was  a  prying  man,  had  not  difcovered  the  corref- 
pondence  between  his  Mafter  and  Willis^  and  warned  the  King 
of  his  danger.  Yet  it  was  not  eafy  to  perfuade  thofe  who  had 
trufted  Willis  fb  much,  and  who  thought  him  faithful  in  all  ref- 
peds,  to  believe  that  he  could  be  guilty  of  fo  black  a  treache- 
ry: So  Morland's  advertifement  was  look'd  on  as  an  artifice  to 
create  jealoufy.  But  he  to  give  a  full  convidion  obferved  where 
the  fecretary  laid  fome  letters  of  advice,  on  which  he  faw  he 
relied  moft,  and  getting  the  key  of  that  cabinet  in  his  hand 
to  feal  a  letter  with  a  feal  that  hung  to  it,  he  took  the  impref- 
fion  of  it  in  wax,  and  got  a  key  to  be  made  from  it,  by  which 
he  opened  the  cabinet,  and  fent  over  fome  of  the  moft  important 
of  thofe  letters.  The  hand  was  known,  and  this  artful  but  black 
treachery  was  difcovered:  So  the  defign  of  the  rifing  was  laid 
afide.  Sir  George  Booth  having  engaged  at  the  fame  time  to  raifc 
a  body  in  Chejhire^  two  feveral  mcflengers  were  fent  to  him  to 
let  him  know  the  defign  could  not  be  executed  at  the  time  ap- 
pointed :  But  both  thcfe  perfons  were  fufpeded  by  fome  garri- 
fons  thro'  which  they  mult  pafs,  as  giving  no  good  account  of 

themfelvcs 


before  //'(f  R  e  s  T  o  r  A  T  i  o  N.  67 

themfelves  in  a  time  of  jealoufy,  and  were  fo  long  iiopt,  that 
they  could  not  give  him  notice  in  time:  So  he  very  gallant- 
ly performed  his  part:  But  not  being  feconded  he  was  fbon 
cruflicd  by  Lambert.  Thus  Wtll'ts  loft  the  merit  of  great  and 
long  fervices.    This  was  one  of  Cromwell's  mafter  pieces. 

As  for  the  Prefbyterians,  they  were  fo  apprehenfive  of  the 
fury  of  the  Commonwealth  party,  that  they  thought  it  a  delive- 
rance to  be  refcued  out  of  their  hands :  Many  of  the  Republicans 
begun  to  profefs  Deifm :  And  almoft  all  of  them  were  for  def- 
troying  all  Clergy-men,  and  for  breaking  every  thing  that  look- 
ed like  the  union  of  a  national  church.  They  were  for  pulling 
down  the  churches,  for  difcharging  the  tithes,  and  for  leaving 
religion  free,  as  they  called  it,  without  either  encouragement  or 
reftraint.  Cromwell  affured  the  Prefbyterians,  he  would  main- 
tain a  publick  miniftry  with  all  due  encouragement,-  and  he  join- 
ed them  in  a  commiltion  with  fbme  Independents,  to  be  the  tri- 
ers of  all  thofe  who  were  to  be  admitted  to  benefices.  Thefe 
difpofed  alfb  of  all  the  churches  that  were  in  the  gift  of  the 
Crown,  of  the  Bifhops,  and  of  the  Cathedral  Churches :  So  this 
foftened  them. 

He  ftudied  to  divide  the  Commonwealth  party  among  them- 
selves, and  to  (tt  the  Fifth-monarchy  men  and  the  Enthufiafts 
againil  thofe  who  pretended  to  little  or  no  religion,  and  a(3:ed 
only  upon  the  principles  of  civil  liberty^  fuch  2&  Algernoon  Sid- 
ney ^  Henry  Nevdlj  Martin^  fVildman,  and  Harrington.  The 
Fifth-monarchy  men  feemed  to  be  really  on  expediation  every 
day  when  Chr'ijl  fliould  appear:  John  Goodwin  headed  thefe, 
who  firft  brought  m  Arminianifrn  among  the  fed:aries,  for  he  was 
for  liberty  of  all  forts.  Cromwell  hated  that  doctrine:  For  his 
beloved  notion  was,  that  once  a  child  of  God  was  always  a  child 
of  God :  Now  he  had  led  a  very  ftrid:  hfe  for  above  eight  years 
together,  before  the  war :  So  he  comforted  himfelf  much  with 
his  reflexions  on  that  time,  and  on  the  certainty  of  perfeverance. 
But  none  of  the  preachers  were  fb  thorough  paced  for  him  as  to 
temporal  matters,  as  Goodwin  was  j  for  he  not  only  juftified  the 
putting  the  King  to  death,  but  magnified  it  as  the  glorioufeft  . 
adion  men  were  capable  of.  He  filled  all  people  with  fuch  ex- 
pedation  of  a  glorious  thoufand  years  fpeedily  to  begin,  that  it 
looked  like  a  madnefs  pofTeffing  them. 

It  was  no  eafy  thing  for  Cromwell  to  fatisfy  thofe,   when  henisdefiga 
took  the  power  into  his  own  hands;    fince  that  looked  like  aj^^'jjjp^ 
fteptoKingfhip,  \M\(^Goodwin  had  long  reprefented  as  the  great 
Antichrift,  that  hindered  Chrift's  being  fet  on  his  throne.    Td 
thefe  he  faid,  and  as  fome  have  told  me,  with  many  tears,  that 

he 


68  A  Sv  MM  A  KY  of  Affairs 

he  would  rather  have  taken  a  fliepherd's  ftafF  than  the  Protc£tor- 
fliip,  fince  nothing  was  more  contrary  to  his  genius  than  a  (hew 
of  f^reatnefs:  But' he  Taw  it  was  necelTary  at  that  time  to  keep 
the  Nation  from  faUing  into  extream  diforder,  and  from  becom- 
ing open  to  the  common  enemy:  And  therefore  he  only  ftept 
in  between  the  living  and  the  dead,  as  he  phrafed  it,  in  that  in- 
terval, till  God  fliould  dired  them  on  what  bottom  they  ought 
to  fettle:  And  he  aflured  them,  that  then  he  would  furrender 
the  heavy  load  lying  upon  him,  with  a  joy  equal  to  the  (brrow 
with  which  he  was  affeded  while  under  that  fhew  of  dignity. 
To  men  of  this  (lamp  he  would  enter  into  the  terms  of  their  old 
equality,  (hutting  the  door,  and  making  them  fit  down  cove- 
red by  him,  to  let  them  fee  how  little  he  valued  thofe  diftanccs 
that  for  form's  fake  he  was  bound  to  keep  up  with  others.  Thefe 
difcourfes  commonly  ended  in  a  long  prayer.  Thus  with  much 
ado  he  managed  the  repubHcan  enthufiafts.  The  other  Republi- 
cans he  called  the  Heathens,  and  profefTed  he  could  not  fo  ea- 
sily work  upon  them.  He  had  fome  chaplains  of  all  forts: 
And  he  begun  in  his  latter  years  to  be  gentler  towards  thofe  of 
the  church  of  England.  They  had  their  meetings  in  feveral  pla- 
ces about  London  without  any  diflurbance  from  him.  In  con- 
elufion,  even  the  Papifts  courted  him :  And  he  with  great  diffi- 
mulation  carried  things  with  all  forts  of  people  farther  than  was 
thought  pofTible,  confidcring  the  difficulties  he  met  with  in  all 
his  Parliaments:  But  it  was  generally  believed  that  his  life  and 
all  his  arts  were  exhaufled  at  once,  and  that  if  he  had  lived  much 
longer  he  could  not  have  held  things  together. 

The  debates  came  on  very  high  for  fetting  up  a  King.  All 
the  lawyers,  chiefly  G/)'« ,  Maynard,  Fountain,  and  St.  Johns, 
were  vehemently  for  this.  They  faid,  no  new  government  could 
be  fettled  legally  but  by  a  King,  who  fhould  pafs  bills  for  fuch  a 
form  as  fhould  be  Agreed  on.  Till  then  all  they  did  was  like 
building  upon  fand :  Still  men  were  in  danger  of  a  revolution : 
And  in  that  cafe  all  that  had  been  done  would  be  void  of  itfelfj 
as  contrary  to  a  law  yet  in  being  and  not  repealed.  Till  that 
Was  done,  every  man  that  had  been  concerned  in  the  war,  and 
in  the  blood  that  was  fhed,  chiefly  the  King's,  was  flill  obnox- 
ious :  And  no  warrants  could  be  pleaded,  but  what  were  found- 
ed on  or  approved  of  by  a  law  pafs'd  by  King,  Lords,  and  Com- 
mons. They  might  agree  to  truft  this  King  as  much  as  they 
pleafed,  and  to  make  his  power  determine  as  foon  as  they  plea- 
led,  fb  that  he  fhould  be  a  felo  de  fe,  and  confent  to  an  ad,  if 
need  were,  of  extinguifhing  both  name  and  thing  for  ever.  And 
as  no  man's  perfon  was  fafe  till  that  was  done,  fb  they  faid  all 
'  *  the 


before  /^^  R  £  s  x  o  r  a  t  i  O  N.  69 

the  grants  and  fales  that  had  been  made  were  null  and  void  : 
All  men  that  had  gathered  or  difpolcd  of  the  publick  money 
were  for  ever  accountable.     In  fliort,  this  point  was  made  out  be- 
yond the  poflibility  of  anlwering  it,    except  upon  enthufiaftick 
principles.     But  by  that  fort  of  men  all  this  was  called  a  miftruft- 
ing  of  God,  and  a  trufting  to  the  arm  of  fledi :  They  had  gone 
out,  as  they  faid ,    in  the  fimplicity  of  their  hearts  to  fight  the 
Lord's  battels,  to  whom  they  had  made  the  appeal :  He  had  heard 
them,  and  appeared  for  them,  and  now  they  could  truft  hinl 
no  longer :  They  had  pulled  down  monarchy  with  the  monarch, 
and  would  they  now  build  that  up  which  they  had  deftroyed : 
They  had  folemnly  vowed  to  God  to  be  true  to  the  Common- 
wealth, without  a  King  or  Kingfhip:  And  under  that  vow,  asun- 
der a  banner,  they  had  fought  and  prevailed:  But  now  they  muft 
be  fecure,  and  in  order  to  that  go  back  to  Eg'^pt :  They  thought, 
it  was  rather  a  happinefs  that  they  were  ftill  under  a  legal  dan- 
ger :  This  might  be  a  mean  to  make  them  more  cautious  and 
diligent:     If  Kings  were   invaders  of  God's  right,    and  ufur- 
pers  upon  mens  liberties,  why  muft  they  have  rccourle  to  jfuch 
a  wicked  engine?  Upon  thcfe grounds  they  ftood  out:  And  they 
looked  on  all  that  was  offered  about  the  limiting  this  King  in 
his  power,  as  the  gilding  the  pill :    The  aifertors  of  thofe  laws 
that  made  it  neceilary  to  have  a  King  would  no  fboner  have 
one,   than  they  would  bring  forth  out  of  the  fame  ftore-houfe 
all  that  related  to  the  power  and  prerogative   of  this  King: 
Therefore  they  would  not  hearken  to  any  thing  that  was  offer- 
ed on  that  head,    but  rejedied  it  with  fcorn.     Many  of  them 
began  openly  to  fay,  if  we  muft  have  a  King  in  confequence  of 
fo  much  law  as  was  alledged,    why  fliould  we  not  rather  have 
that  King  to  whom  the  law  certainly  pointed  than  any  other? 
The  Earl  of  Orrery  told  me,  that,  coming  one  day  to  Cromwell 
during  thofe  heats,  and  telling  him  he  had  been  in  the  City  all 
that  day,  Cromwell  alked  him  what  news  he  had  heard  there : 
The  other  anfwered ,    that  he  was  told  he  was  in  treaty  with 
the  King,  who  was  to  be  reftored  and  to  marry  his  daughter. 
Cromwell  exprefling  no  indignation  at  this.    Lord  Orrery  faid, 
in  the  ftate  to  which  things  were  brought,  he  faw  not  a  better 
expedient :  They  might  bring  him  in  on  what  terms  they  plea- 
fed  :  And  Cromwell  might  retain  the  fame  authority  he  then  had 
with  lefs  trouble.   Cromwell  anfwered,  the  King  can  never  forgive 
his  father's  blood.     Orrery  faid,  he  was  one  of  many  that  were 
concerned  in  that,  but  he  would  be  alone  in  the  merit  of  reftoring 
him.     Cromwell  replied,  he  is  fo  damnably  debauched  he  would 
undo  us  allj  and  fb  turned  to  another   difcourfe  without  any 

T      -  emotion 


7,0  A  Summary  of  Affairs 

emotion,    which  made  Orreyy  conclude  he  had  often  thought  of 
that  expedient. 

Before  the  day  in  which  he  refufed  the  offer  of  the  Kingfliip 
that  was  made  to  him  by  the  Parliament,  he  had  kept  himfelf 
on  fuch  a  referve  that  no  man  knew  what  anfwcr  he  would  give. 
It  was  thought  more  likely  he  would  accept  of  it:  But  that 
which  determined  him  to  the  contrary  was,  that,  when  he  went 
down  in  the  morning  to  walk  in  Sit.  James's  park,  Fleetwood 
and  Desborough  were  waiting  for  him  :  The  one  had  married  his 
daughter,  and  the  other  his  fifter.  With  thefe  he  entered  into 
much  diicourfe  on  the  fubjed:,  and  argued  for  it:  He  faid,  it 
was  a  tempting  of  God  to  expofc  fo  many  worthy  men  to  death 
and  poverty,  when  there  was  a  certain  way  to  fecure  tliem. 
The  others  infifted  ftill  on  the  oaths  they  had  taken.  He  faid, 
thefe  oaths  were  againfl:  the  power  and  tyranny  of  Kings,  but 
not  againfl:  the  four  letters  that  made  the  word  King.  In  con- 
clufion,  they,  believing  from  his  difcourfe  that  he  intended  to  ac- 
cept of  it,  told  him,  they  faw  great  confufions  would  follow  on 
it:  And  as  they  could  not  ferve  him  to  fet  up  the  idol  they  had 
put  down,  and  had  (worn  to  keep  down,  fo  they  would  not  engage 
in  any  thing  againfl:  him,  but  would  retire  and  look  on.  So 
they  offered  him  their  commiflions,  fmce  they  were  refolved  not 
to  ferve  a  King :  He  dcfired  they  would  fl:ay  till  they  heard  his 
anfwer.  It  was  believed,  that  he,  feeing  two  perfons  fb  near 
him  ready  to  abandon  him,  concluded  that  many  others  would 
follow  their  example  ,•  and  therefore  thought  it  was  too  bold  a 
venture.  So  he  refufed  it,  but  accepted  oi  the  continuance  of 
his  Protedorfhip.  Yet,  if  he  had  lived  out  the  next  winter,  as 
the  debates  were  to  have  been  brought  on  again,  ^o  it  was  ge- 
nerally thought  he  would  have  accepted  of  the  offer.  And  it 
is  yet  a  qucftion  what  the  effed  of  that  would  have  been.  Some 
have  thought  it  would  have  brought  on  a  general  fettlement,  fince 
the  law  and  the  ancient  government  were  again  to  take  place: 
Others  have  fancied  jufl:  the  contrary,  that  it  would  have  engaged 
the  Army,  fo  that  they  would  either  have  deferted  the  fervice, 
or  have  revolted  from  him,  and  perhaps  have  killed  him  in  the 
lirfl:  fray  of  the  tumult.  I  will  not  determine  which  of  thefe 
would  have  mofl:  probably  happened.  In  thefe  debates  fbme  of 
the  Cavalier  party,  or  rather  their  children,  came  to  bear  fom.c 
fhare.  They  were  then  all  zealous  Commonwealths-men,  accord- 
ing to  the  diredions  fent  them  from  thofe  about  the  King.  Their 
bulinefs  was  to  oppofe  Cromwell  on  all  his  demands,  and  fo  to 
weaken  him  at  home  and  expofe  him  abroad.  When  fome  of 
the  other  party  took  notice  of  this  great  change,  from  being 

»  tlie 


before  //'^Restoration.  71 

the  abettors  of  prerogative  to  become  the  patrons  of  Hberty,  they 
pretended  their  education  in  the  Court  and  their  obhgation  to 
it  had  engaged  them  that  wayj  but  now  fmce  that  was  out 
of  doors,  they  had  the  common  princfples  of  human  nature  and 
the  love  of  hberty  in  them.  By  this  mean  as  the  old  repubHcans 
afTifted  and  protected  them,  fo  at  the  fame  time  they  ftrength 
ened  the  fac^lion  againd  Cromwell.  But  thefe  very  men  at  the 
Reftoration  {hook  off  this  difguife,  and  reverted  to  their  old 
principles  for  a  high  prerogative  and  abfblute  power.  They  faid 
they  were  for  liberty,  when  it  was  a  mean  to  diftreis  one  whb 
they  thought  had  no  right  to  govern  j  but  when  the  govern- 
ment returned  to  its  old  channel,  they  were  ftill  as  firm  to  all 
prerogative  notions,  and  as  great  enemies  to  liberty  as  ever. 

I  go  next  to  give  an  account  of  Cromwell's  tranfactions  with  r  ■« 
relation  to  foreign  affairs.  He  laid  it  down  for  a  maxirti  to  Ipare  enKagement 
no  coft  or  charge  in  order  to  procure  him  intelligence.  Wheh 
he  undcrftood  what  dealers  thtjews  were  every  where  in  that 
trade  that  depends  on  news,  the  advancing  money  upon  high 
or  low  intereits  in  proportion  to  the  rifque  they  run  or  the  gain 
to  be  made  as  the  times  might  turn,  and  in  the  buying  and  fel- 
ling of  the  actions  of  money  (b  advanced,  he,  more  upon  that 
account  than  in  compliance  with  the  principle  of  toleration, 
brought  a  company  of  them  over  to  England^  and  gave  them 
leave  to  build  a  Synagogue,  All  the  while  that  he  was  negotia- 
ting this,  they  were  lure  and  good  fpies  for  him,  efpecially  with 
relation  to  Spam  and  Portugal.  The  Earl  of  Orrery  told  me, 
he  was  once  walking  with  him  in  one  of  the  galleries  of  White- 
hall^ and  a  man  almoft  in  rags  came  in  view:  He  prefently  dif- 
mils'd  Lord  Orrery ^  and  carried  that  man  into  his  clofet  ,•  who 
brought  him  an  account  of  a  great  fum  of  money  that  the  Spa- 
niards were  fending  over  to  pay  their  army  in  Flanders,  but  in 
a  Dutch  man  of  war:  And  he  told  him  the  places  of  the  fliip  in 
which  the  money  was  lodged.  Cromwell  fent  an  exprels  imme- 
diately to  Smithy  afterwards  Sir  Jeremy  Smith,  who  lay  in  the 
Downs,  telling  him  that  within  a  day  or  two  fuch  a  Dutch  fhip 
would  pafs  the  channel,  whom  he  muft  vifit  for  the  Spanifh 
money,  which  was  conterband  goods,  we  being  then  in  >^ar 
with  Spain.  So  when  the  fliip  pals'd  by  Dover,  Smith  fent  and 
demanded  leave  to  fearch  him.  The  Dutch  captain  anfwered, 
none  but  his  mailers  might  fearch  him.  Smith  lent  him  word, 
he  had  fet  up  an  hour  glafs,  and  if  before  that  was  run  out  he 
did  not  fubmit  to  the  fearch,  he  would  force  it.  The  Captain 
faw  it  was  in  vain  to  iliruggle,  and  fb  all  the  money  was  found. 
Next  time  that  Cromwell  law  Orrery  he  told  him,  he  had  his 

intel- 


72  A  Summary  of  Affairs 

intelligence  from  that  contemptible  man  he  faw  him  go  to  fome 
days  before.  He  had  on  all  occafions  very  good  intelligence: 
He  knew  every  thing  that  pafs'd  in  the  King's  little  Court:  And 
yet  none  of  his  fpies  werS  difcovcred,  but  one  only. 

The  grcateft  difficulty  on  him  in  his  foreign  affairs  was,  what 
fide  to  chufe,  France  or  Spain.  The  Prince  of  Conde  was  then 
in  the  Netherlands  mt)ii  a  great  many  Proteftants  about  him.  He 
fet  the  Spaniards  on  making  great  fteps  towards  the  gaining 
Cromwell  mto  their  interefts.  Spain  ordered  their  Ambaffador 
to  compliment  him:  He  was  efteemed  one  of  their  ableft  men: 
His  name  was  Don  Alonfo  de  Cardenas:  He  offered  that  '\i  Cron^- 
well  would  join  with  them,  they  would  engage  themfelves  to 
make  no  peace  till  he  fliould  recover  Calais  again  to  England. 
This  was  very  agreeable  to  Cromwell,  who  thought  it  would 
recommend  him  much  to  the  Nation,  if  he  could  reftore  that 
town  again  to  the  Englijh  Empire,  after  it  had  been  a  hundred 
years  in  the  hands  of  the  French.  Mazarin  hearing  of  this 
fent  one  over  to  negotiate  with  him,  but  at  firft  without  a  cha- 
racter: And,  to  outbid  the  Spaniard,  he  offered  to  aflift  Cromwell 
to  take  Dunkirk,  which  was  a  place  of  much  more  importance. 
The  Prince  of  Conde  fent  over  likewife  to  offer  Cromwell  to  turn 
Proteftant;  and,  if  he  would  give  him  a  fleet  with  good  troops, 
he  would  make  a  defcent  in  Guienne ,  where  he  did  not  doubt 
but  that  he  (hould  be  affifted  by  the  Proteftants  j  and  that  he 
fhould  fo  diftrefs  France,  as  to  obtain  fuch  conditions  for  them, 
and  for  England,  as  Cromwell  himfelf  fliould  didate.  Upon 
this  offer  Cromwell  knt  Stoupe  round  all  France,  to  talk  with  their 
moft  eminent  men,  to  fee  into  their  ftrength,  into  their  prefent 
difpofition,  the  oppreflions  they  lay  under,  and  their  inclinati- 
ons to  truft  the  Prince  of  Conde.  He  went  from  Paris  down  the 
Loire,  then  to  Bourdeaux,  from  thence  to  Montauhan ,  and  crofs 
the  fouth  of  France  to  Lions:  He  was  inftruded  to  talk  to  them 
only  as  a  traveller,  and  to  affure  them  of  Cromwelh  zeal  and 
care  for  them,  which  he  magnified  every  where.  The  Protef- 
tants were  then  very  much  at  their  eafe:  For  Mazarin,  who 
thought  of  nothing  but  to  enrich  his  family,  took  care  to  main- 
tain the  edids  better  than  they  had  been  in  any  time  former- 
ly. So  Stoupe  returned,  and  gave  Cromwell  an  account  of  the  eale 
they  were  then  in,  and  of  their  refolution  to  be  quiet.  They 
had  a  very  bad  opinion  of  the  Prince  of  Conde,  as  a  man  who 
fought  nothing  but  his  own  greatnefs,  to  which  they  believed 
that  he  was  ready  to  facrifice  all  his  friends,  and  every  caufe  that 
he  efpoufed.  This  fettled  Cromwell  as  to  that  particular.  He 
alfo  found  that  the  Carding  had  fuch  fpies  on  that  Prince,  that 

3  he 


before  /Z'^  R  e  s  t  o  r  a  t  i  o  n.  ji, 

he  knew  every  meffage  that  had  paflfed  between  them :  There- 
fore he  would  have  no  farther  correfpondence  with  him :  He 
faid  upon  that  to  Stoupe^  Stultus  efl,  &*  garrulus,  ^  vendttur  h 
flits  Cardmalt.  That  which  determined  him  afterwards  in  the 
choice  was  this:  He  found  the  parties  grew  fo  ftrong  againft 
him  at  home,  that  he  faw  if  the  King  or  his  brother  were  af- 
fifted  by  France  with  an  army  of  Huguenots  to  make  a  defcent  in 
England,  which  was  threatned  ii  he  fhould  join  with  Spain,  this 
might  prove  very  dangerous  to  him,  who  had  fb  many  enemies 
at  home  and  fo  few  friends.  This  particular  confideration  with 
relation  to  himfelf  made  great  imprefiTion  on  him^  for  he  knew 
the  Spaniards  could  give  thole  Princes  no  flrength,  nor  had 
they  any  Proteftant  fubjeds  to  aflift  them  in  any  fiich  defign. 
Upon  this  occafion  King  James  told  me,  that  among  other 
prejudices  he  had  at  the  Proteftant  religion  this  was  one,  that 
both  his  brother  and  himfelf,  being  in  many  companies  in  Pa- 
ris incognito,  where  they  met  many  Proteftants,  he  found  they 
were  all  alienated  from  them,  and  were  great  admirers  oi  Crom- 
well: So  he  believed  they  were  all  rebels  in  their  heart.  I  an- 
iwered ,  that  foreigners  were  no  other  way  concerned  in  the 
quarrels  of  their  neighbours,  than  to  lee  who  could  or  would  af- 
fift  them :  The  coldnels  they  had  feen  formerly  in  the  Court  of 
England  with  relation  to  them,  and  the  zeal  which  was  then  ex- 
prelTed,  muft  naturally  make  them  depend  on  one  that  feemed 
refolved  to  proted:  them.  As  the  negotiation  went  on  between 
France  and  England,  Cromwell  would  have  the  King  and  his 
brother  dilmifled  the  Kingdom.  Mazarin  confented  to  this; 
for  he  thought  it  more  honourable,  that  the  French  King  fliould 
lend  them  away  of  his  own  accord,  than  that  it  Ihould  be  done 
purluant  to  an  article  with  Cromwell.  Great  excules  were  made 
for  doing  it:  They  had  fome  money  given  them,  and  were 
fent  away  loaded  with  promifes  of  conftant  fupplies  that  were 
never  meant  to  be  performed :  And  they  retired  to  Colen ;  for 
the  Spaniards  were  not  yet  out  of  hope  of  gaining  Cromwell.  But 
when  that  vanilhed,  they  invited  them  to  Bruxells ,  and  they 
fettled  great  appointments  on  them  -,  in  their  way,  which  was 
always  to  promife  much,  how  little  foever  they  could  perform. 
They  alfo  fettled  a  pay  for  luch  of  the  fubjeds  of  the  three  King- 
doms as  would  come  and  ferve  under  our  Princes :  But  few  came, 
except  from  Ireland:  Of  thefe  fome  regiments  were  formed.  But 
the'  this  gave  them  a  great  and  lafting  intereft  in  our  Court, 
elpeciallyin  K.mg  James's,  yet  they  did  not  much  to  delerve  it. 

Before  King  Charles  \dt  Paris  he  changed  his  religion,    but^j^^j^.^ 
by  whofe  perliialion  is  not  yet  known :  Only  Cardinal  de  Retz  turned  Pa- 

U  was'"'^- 


74  A  SvMMAKY  of  Affairs 

was  on  the  fecret,  and  Lord  Aub'tgn'y  had  a  great  hand  in  it. 
It  was  kept  a  great  fecret.  Chancellour  Hide  had  (bme  fiifpici- 
on  of  it,  but  would  never  fuffcr  himfelf  to  believe  it  cjuite. 
Soon  after  the  Reftoration  that  Cardinal  came  over  in-difguife, 
and  had  an  audience  of  the  King:  What  pais'd  is  not  known. 
The  firft  ground  I  had  to  believe  it  was  this :  The  Marquis  de 
Roucjy  who  was  the  man  of  the  greateft  family  in  France  that 
continued  Proteftant  to  the  laft,  was  much  prelted  by  that  Car- 
dinal to  change  his  religion :  He  was  his  Kinfman  and  his  par- 
ticular friend.  Among  other  reafons  one  that  he  urged  was, 
that  the  Proteftant  religion  muft  certainly  be  ruined,  and  that 
they  could  cxpe<5t  no  protedion  from  England,  for  to  his  certain 
knowledge  both  the  Princes  were  already  changed.  Roucy  told 
this  in  great  confidence  to  his  Minifter,  who  after  his  death  fent 
an  advertifement  of  it  to  my  felf  Sir  Allen  Broderick,  a  great 
confident  of  the  Chancellour's,  who  from  being  very  atheiftical 
became  in  the  laft  years  of  his  life  an  eminent  penitent,  as  he  was 
a  man  of  great  parts,  with  whom  I  had  lived  long  in  great  con- 
fidence, on  his  death-bed  fent  me  Hkewife  an  account  of  this 
matter,  which  he  believed  was  done  in  Fontainebleau ,  before 
King  Charles  was  fent  to  Colen.  As  for  King  James,  it  feems 
he  was  not  reconciled  at  that  time :  For  he  told  me,  that  being 
in  a  Monaftery  in  Flanders,  a  Nun  defired  him  to  pray  every  day, 
that  if  he  was  not  in  the  right  way  God  would  bring  him  into 
it:  And  he  faid,  the  impreflion  thefe  words  made  on  him  never 
left  him  till  he  changed. 

To  return  to  Cromwell:  While  he  was  balancing  in  his  mind 
what  was  fit  for  him  to  do.  Gage,  who  had  been  a  Prieft,  came 
over  from  the  Wejl-lndies,  and  gave  him  fuch  an  account  of  the 
CromweiPs  fecblenc/s  as  well  as  of  the  wealth   of  the  Spaniards  in  thofe 
thcKi"/*-  P^^^^j  ^^  made  him  conclude  that  it  would  be  both  a  great  and  an 
dies.  eafy  conqueft  to  fcize  on  their  dominions.     By  this  he  reckoned 

he  would  be  iupplied  with  fuch  a  treafiire ,  that  his  govern- 
ment would  be  eftabliftied  before  he  ftiould  need  to  have  any  re- 
conrfe  to  a  ParUament  for  money.  Spain  would  never  admit  of 
a  peace  with  England  between  the  tropicks :  So  he  was  in  a  ftate 
of  war  with  them  as  to  thofe  parts,  even  before  he  declared  war 
in  Europe.  He  upon  that  equipped  a  fleet  with  a  force  fufficient, 
as  he  hoped,  to  have  feized  Hifpaniola  and  Cuba.  And  Gage 
had  aftured  him,  that  fiiccefs  in  that  expedition  would  make  all 
the  reft  fall  into  his  hands.  Stoupe,  being  on  another  occafion 
called  to  his  clofet,  faw  him  one  day  very  intent  in  looking  on 
a  Map,  and  in  meafiiring  diftances.  Stoupe  faw  it  was  a  Map 
of  the  Bay  of  Mexico,  and  obferved  who  printed  it.    So,  there 

being 


before  the  Restoration.  75 

being  no  difcourfe  upon  that  fubjed,  Stoupe  went  next  day  to 
the  Printer  to  buy  the  Map.  The  Printer  denied  he  had  prin- 
ted it.  Stoupe  affirmed  he  had  fcen  it*  Then,  he  faid,  it  mud 
be  only  in  CromwelN  hand  j  for  he  only  had  fome  of  the  Prints, 
and  had  given  him  a  ftrid  charge  to  fell  none  till  he  had  leave 
given  him.  So  Stoupe  perceived  there  was  a  defign  that  way. 
And  when  the  time  of  fetting  out  the  fleet  came  on,  all  were  in 
a  gaze  whither  it  was  to  go :  Some  fancied  it  was  to  rob  the 
Church  of  Loretto^  which  did  occafion  a  fortification  to  be  drawn 
round  it :  Others  talked  of  Rome  itfelf^  for  Cromwell's  preachers 
had  this  often  in  their  mouths,  that  if  it  were  not  for  the  divi- 
sions at  home  he  would  go  and  fack  Babylon:  Others  talked  of 
Cadiz^  tho'  he  had  not  yet  broke  with  i^it  Spaniards.  T^he  French 
could  not  penetrate  into  the  fecret.  Cromwell  had  not  finifhed 
his  alliance  with  them :  So  he  was  not  bound  to  give  them  an  ac- 
count of  the  expedition.  -  All  he  faid  upon  it  was,  that  he  fent 
out  the  fleet  to  guard  the  leas,  and  to  reftore  England  to  its  do- 
minion on  that  element.  Stoupe  happened  to  fay  in  a  compa- 
ny, he  believed  the  defign  was  on  the  fVeJl- Indies.  The  Span'tjh 
AmbalTadour,  hearing  that,  fent  for  him  very  privately,  to  a(k 
him  upon  what  ground  he  faid  it:  And  he  offered  to  lay  down 
loooo /.  if  he  could  make  any  difcovery  of  that.  Stoupe  owtt- 
ed  to  me  he  had  a  great  mind  to  the  money  j  and  fancied  he 
betrayed  nothing  if  he  did  difcover  the  grounds  of  thefe  con- 
jectures, fince  nothing  had  been  trufted  to  him :  But  he  expe^ed 
greater  matters  from  Cromwell,  and  fo  kept  the  fecret  j  and 
faid  only,  that  in  a  diverfity  of  conjedures  that  feemed  to  him 
more  probable  than  any  others.  But  the  AmbalTadour  made  no 
account  of  that  j  nor  did  he  think  it  worth  the  writing  to  Don 
John,  then  at  Bruxells,  about  it. 

Stoupe  writ  it  over  as  his  conjedure  to  one  about  the  Prince 
of  Conde,  who  at  firft  hearing  it  was  perliiaded  that  mull  be  the 
defign,  and  went  next  day  to  liiggeft  it  to  Don  John:  ButZ)(?» 
John  relied  fo  much  on  the  AmbalTadour,  that  this  made  no  im- 
prellion.  And  indeed  all  the  Minifters  whom  he  employed  knew 
that  they  were  not  to  dillurb  him  with  troublefome  news :  Of 
which  King  Charles  told  a  pleafant  ftory.  One  whom  Don  John 
was  fending  to  fome  Court  in  Germany  coming  to  the  King  to  alk 
his  commands,  he  defired  him  only  to  write  him  news:  The 
Spaniard  afked  him,  whether  he  would  have  true  or  falfe  news : 
And,  when  the  King  feemed  amazed  at  the  auefl:ion,  he  added, 
if  he  writ  him  true  news  the  King  mull  be  fecret,  for  he  knew 
he  mull  write  news  to  Don  John  that  would  be  acceptable,  true 
or  falfe:  When  the  Minifters  of  that  Court  (hewed  tliat  they 

would 


7(5  y^SuMMARY^  Affairs 

would  be  fcrved  in  fuch  a  manner,  it  is  no  wonder  to  fee  how 
their  affairs  have  dedined.  This  matter  of  the  fleet  continued 
a  great  fecret.  And  fome  months  after  that  Stoiipe  being  acci- 
dentally with  Cromwell  J  one  came  from  the  fleet  thro' //r/rs'W  with 
a  letter.  The  bearer  looked  like  one  that  brought  no  welcome 
news.  And  as  foon  as  Cromwell  had  read  the  letter,  he  difmifTed 
Stoupej  who  went  immediately  to  the  Earl  of  Lekefier,  then  Lord 
LiJIcj  and  told  him  what  he  had  feen.  He  being  of  6>-(?wzt;(?//'s 
Council  went  to  Whitehall,  and  came  back,  and  told  Stoupe  of 
the  defcent  made  on  Hifpan'tola,  and  of  the  misfortune  that  had 
happened.  It  was  then  late,  and  was  the  poft-night  for  Flan- 
ders. So  Stoupe  writ  it  as  news  to  his  correfpondent,  fome  days 
before  the  Span'tjh  AmbafTadour  knew  any  thing  of  it.  Don 
John  was  amazed  at  the  news,  and  had  never  any  regard  for 
the  AmbafTadour  after  that  ^  but  had  a  great  opinion  of  Stoupe, 
and  ordered  the  Ambafladour  to  make  him  theirs  at  any  rate. 
The  AmbafTadour  fent  for  him ,  and  afked  him ,  now  that  it 
appeared  he  had  guelTed  right,  what  were  his  grounds :  And  whea 
he  told  what  they  were,  the  AmbafTadour  owned  he  had  reafbn 
to  conclude  as  he  did  upon  what  he  faw.  And  upon  that  he 
made  great  ufe  of  Stoupe :  But  he  himfelf  was  never  efteemed 
after  that  (o  much  as  he  had  been.  This  deferved  to  be  fet 
down  fb  particularly,  fince  by  it  it  appears  that  the  greateft  de- 
fign  may  be  difcovered  by  an  undue  carelefnefs.  The  Court  of 
France  was  amazed  at  the  undertaking,  and  was  glad  that  it  had 
mifcarried  j  for  the  Cardinal  faid,  if  he  had  fufpeded  it,  he  would 
have  made  peace  with  Spain  on  any  terms,  rather  than  to  have 
given  way  to  that  which  would  have  been  fiich  an  addition  to 
Englandy  as  mufl:  have  brought  all  the  wealth  of  the  world  into 
th^ir  hands.  The  fleet  took  Jamaica:  But  that  was  a  fmall  gain, 
tho'  much  magnified  to  cover  the  failing  of  the  main  defign. 
The  war  after  that  broke  out,  in  which  Dunkirk  was  indeed  ta- 
ken, and  put  in  CromwelhhznA:  But  the  trade  oi  England  M- 
fered  more  in  that,  than  in  any  former  war :  So  he  lofl:  the  heart 
of  the  city  oi  London  by  that  means. 
Ht«  leal  for  Cromwell  had  two  fignal  occafions  given  him  to  fhew  his  zeal 
Urn  «h"^"  ^^  proteding  the  Proteftants  abroad.  The  Duke  of  Savoy  rai- 
gioD.  fed  a  new  perfecution  of  the  Faudois:  So  Cromwell  fent  to  Ma- 
zarin,  defiring  him  to  put  a  fl:op  to  thatj  adding,  that  he  knew 
well  they  had  that  Duke  in  their  power,  and  could  reflrain  him 
as  they  pleafed :  And  if  they  did  not  he  mufl:  prefently  break 
with  them.  Mazarin  objeded  to  this  as  unreafonable :  He  pro- 
mifed  to  do  good  offices :  But  he  could  not  be  obliged  to  anfwer 
for  the  effeds  they  might  have.    This  did  not  fatisfy  Cromwell: 

*  S© 


II 


before  the  Restoration.  77 

So  they  obliged  the  Duke  of  Savoy  to  put  a  ilop  to  that  unjufl 
fury :  And  Cromwell  raifed  a  great  fum  for  the  J^audo'tSy  *and  fent 
over  Morland  to  fettle  all  their  concerns,  and  to  (upply  all  their 
lolTes.  There  was  alfo  a  tumult  in  Ntfmes^  in  which  fome  dis- 
order had  been  committed  by  the  Huguenots :  And  they,  appre- 
hending fevere  proceedings  upon  it,  fent  one  over  with  great  ex- 
pedition to  Cromwelly  who  fent  him  back  to  Paris  in  an  hour's 
time  with  a  very  effe6tual  letter  to  his  Ambalfadour,  requiring 
him  either  to  prevail  that  the  matter  might  be  pafs'd  over,  or  to 
come  away  immediately.  Mazar'm  complained  of  this  way  of 
proceeding,  as  too  imperious :  But  the  neceflity  of  their  affairs 
made  him  yield.  Thefe  things  raifed  Cromwell's  character  abroad, 
and  made  him  be  much  depended  on. 

His  Ambafladour  in  France  at  this  time  was  Lockhart,  a  Scotch- 
many  who  had  married  his  niece,  and  was  in  high  favour  with 
him,  as  he  well  deferved  to  be.  He  was  both  a  wife  and  a  gal- 
lant man,  calm  and  vertuous,  and  one  that  carried. the  genero- 
fities  of  friendfliip  very  far.  He  was  made  governour  of  Dunkirk^ 
and  Ambaffadour  at  the  fame  time.  But  he  told  me,  that  when 
he  was  fent  afterwards  Ambaffadour  by  King  Charles,  he  found 
he  had  nothing  of  that  regard  that  was  paid  him  in  Cromwell's 
time. 

Stoupe  told  me  of  a  great  defign  Cromwell  had  intended  to  .         .  . 
begin  his  Kingfliip  with,  if  he  had  affumed  it:   He  refolved  tofignforthe 
fet  up  a  Council  for  the  Proteftant  religion,  in  oppolition  to  the  [Se"prot°cf» 
coneresation  de  Propaganda  fide  at  Rome,    He  intended  it  fhould  '^"'  "'^* 
confifl  of  feven  councellours,    and  four  fecretaries  for  different 
provinces.     Thefe  were  the  firft,  France,  Switzerland,  and  the 
Valleys:  T\iQ.Palatmate  and  the  other  Calvinifts  were  the  fecond: 
Germany,  tho. North,  and 7«r^^)/ were  the  third:  And  tYicEajl  and 
Wejl-Ind'tes  were  the  fourth.  The  fecretaries  were  to  have  joo  /. 
falary  apiece,  and  to  keep  a  correfpondence  everywhere,  to  know 
the  Hate  of  religion  all  over  the  world,  that  fo  all  good  defigns 
might  be  by  their  means  protected  and  affifled.     Stoupe  was  to 
have  the  firft  Province.     They  were  to  have  a  fund  of  loooo  /. 
a  year  at  their  difpofal  for  ordinary  emergences,  but  to  be  far- 
ther fupplied  as  occafions  fliould  require  it.     CheJfea  college  was 
to  be  made  up  for  them,  which  was  then  an  old  decayed  build- 
ing, that  had  been  at  firft  raifed  to  be  a  college  for  writers  of 
controverfy.     I  thought  it  was  not  fit  to  let  fucli  a  proje6t  as  this 
be  quite  loft ;  It  was  certainly  a  noble  one :  But  how  far  he  would 
have  purfiied  it  muft  be  left  to  conjecture. 

Stoupe  told  me  a  remarkable  paffage  in  his  employment  o^^"  g°s"in  Crfw- 
der  Cromwell.     Stoupe  had  defired  all  that  were  under  the  Prince  w<//'s  Hfe. 

X  of 


78  /^Summary  of  Affairs 

oi  Coyide  to  let  him  know  Tome  news,  in  return  of  that  he  writ 
to  them.  So  he  had  a  letter  from  one  of  them,  giving  an  ac- 
count of  an  Ir'ijhman  newly  gone  over,  who  had  faid  he  woulJ 
kill  Cromwelly  and  that  he  was  to  lodge  in  K'mg-flreet  IVeftm'm- 
fter,  \J'\i\\i)^\sStoupe  "^'tnttoH^hitehaU.  Cromwell  hcin^xhcn 
at  Council,  he  fent  him  a  note,  letting  him  know  that  he  had  a 
bufmefs  of  great  confequence  to  lay  before  him.  Cromwell  was 
then  upon  a  matter  that  did  fo  entirely  pofTefs  him,  that  he,  fan- 
cying it  was  only  fome  piece  of  foreign  intelligence,  fent  Thurla 
to  know  what  it  might  be.  Stoupe  was  troubled  at  this,  but 
could  not  refufe  to  fliew  him  his  letter.  Thttrlo  made  no  grcac 
matter  of  it:  He  faid,  they  had  many  fuch  advertifements  fent 
them,  which  fignified  nothing  but  to  make  the  world  think 
the  Protedor  was  in  danger  of  his  life:  And  the  looking  too 
much  after  thefe  things  had  an  appearance  of  fear,  which  did 
ill  become  i^o  great  a  man.  Stoupe  told  him,  fCmg-Jireet  might 
be  foon  fearched.  Thurlo  anfwered,  if  we  find  no  fuch  perfon, 
how  fhall  we  be  laught  at?  Yet  he  ordered  him  to  write  again 
to  Bruxelh,  and  promife  any  reward  if  a  more  particular  dif« 
covery  could  be  made.  Stoupe  was  much  caft  down,  when  he 
faw  that  a  piece  of  intelligence  which  he  hoped  might  have 
made  his  fortune  was  fo  little  confidered.  He  wrote  to  Brux- 
elh: But  he  had  no  more  from  thence,  but  a  confirmation  of 
what  had  been  writ  formerly  to  him.  And  Thurlo  did  not  think 
fit  to  make  any  fearch,  or  any  farther  inquiry  into  it:  Nor  did 
he  fo  much  as  acquaint  Cromwell  with  it.  Stoupe^  being  uneafy 
at  this,  told  Lord  L'tjle  of  it :  And  it  happened  that,  a  few  weeks 
after,  Syndercomb's  defign  oi z^?i^\x\dXmgCromwell ntzi Brentfordy 
as  he  was  going  to  Hampton-court^  was  difcovered.  When  he 
was  examined,  it  appeared  that  he  was  the  perfon  fet  out  in  the 
letters  from  Bruxells,  So  L'tfle  faid  to  Cromwell^  this  is  the  ve- 
ry man  of  whom  Stoupe  had  the  notice  given  him.  Cromwell 
ieemed  amazed  at  thisj  and  fent  for  Stoupe,  and  in  great  wrath 
reproached  him  for  his  ingratitude  in  concealing  a  matter  of 
fuch  confequence  to  him.  Stojipe-u^^on  this  fhewed  him  the  let- 
ters he  had  received;  and  put  him  in  mind  of  the  note  he  had 
fent  in  to  him,  which  was  immediately  after  he  had  the  firft  let- 
ter, and  that  he  had  lent  out  Thurlo  to  him.  At  that  Cromwell 
feemed  yet  more  amazed  5  and  fent  ioiThurlo,  to  whofe  hcc Stoupe 
affirmed  the  matter:  Nor  did  he  deny  any  part  of  it;  but 
only  faid,  that  he  had  many  fuch  advertifements  fent  him ,  in 
which  till  this  time  he  had  never  found  any  truth.  Cromwell 
replied  fternly,  that  he  ought  to  have  acquainted  him  with  it, 
and  left  him  to  judge  of  the  importance  of  it.     Thurlo  defired 

to 


before  /i?^  R  e  s  T  o  r  a  T  i  o  n.  79 

to  (|^eak  in  private  with  Cromwell.  So  Stoupe  was  difmifs'd,  and 
went  away  not  doubting  but  Thurlo  would  be  difgraced.  But, 
as  he  underilood  from  Lajle  afterward,  Thurlo  fliewed  Cromwell 
liich  inftanccs  of  his  care  and  fidcHty  on  all  fuch  occafions,  and 
humbly  acknowledged  his  errour  in  this  matter,  but  imputed  it 
wholly  to  his  care  both  for  his  honour  and  quiet,  that  he  pa- 
cified him  entirely:  And  indeed  he  was  fo  much  in  all  Cromivelts 
fecrets,  that  it  was  not  fafe  to  difgrace  him  without  dcftroying 
him  5  and  that  it  feems  Cromwell  could  not  refolve  on.  Thurlo 
having  maftered  this  point,  that  he  might  farther  juftify  his 
not  being  fo  attentive  as  he  ought  to  have  been,  did  fb  much 
Search  into  Stoupe's  whole  deportment,  that  he  poffefTed  Crom- 
well with  fiich  an  ill  opinion  of  him,  that  after  that  he  never 
treated  him  with  any  confidence.  So  he  found  how  dangerous 
it  was  even  to  preferve  a  Prince,  (fb  he  called  him)  when  a 
Minifler  was  wounded  in  the  doing  of  it,-  and  that  the  Miniftcr 
would  be  too  hard  for  the  Prince,  even  tho'  his  own  fafety  was 
concerned  in  it. 

Thefe  are  all  the  memorable  things  that  I  have  learnt  concern- 
ing Cromwell-^  of  whom  fb  few  have  fpoken  with  any  temper, 
fbme  commending,  and  others  condemning  him,  and  both  out 
of  meafure,  that  I  thought  a  juft  account  of  him,  which  I  had 
from  fare  hands,  might  be  no  unacceptable  thing.  He  never 
could  fhake  off  the  roughnefs  of  his  education  and  temper :  He 
fpoke  always  long  and  very  ungracefully.  The  enthufiafl  and 
the  diffembler  mixed  (o  equally  in  a  great  part  of  his  deportment, 
that  it  was  not  eafy  to  tell  which  was  the  prevailing  charafter. 
He  was  indeed  both,  as  I  underilood  from  JVtlkms  and  Ttl- 
lotfon,  the  one  having  married  his  filler,  and  the  other  his 
niece.  He  was  a  true  enthufiafl,  but  with  the  principle  former- 
ly mentioned,  from  which  he  might  be  eafily  led  into  all  the 
practices  both  of  falfliood  and  cruelty:  Which  was,  that  he 
thought  moral  laws  were  only  binding  on  ordinary  occafions, 
but  that  upon  extraordinary  ones  thefe  might  befuperfeded.  When 
his  own  defigns  did  not  lead  him  out  of  the  way,  he  was  a  lover 
of  juflice  and  vertue,  and  even  of  learning,  tho'  much  decried  at 
that  time. 

He  fludied  to  feek  out  able  and  honefl  men,  and  to  employ  His  modera- 
them :  And  fo  having  heard  that  my  father  had  a  very  great  repu- 
tation in  Scotland  for  piety  and  integrity,  tho'  he  knew  him  to 
bea  royalifl,  he  fent  to  him,  defiring  him  to  accept  of  a  judge's 
place,  and  to  do  juflice  in  his  own  country,  hoping  only  that 
he  would  not  act  againil  his  government  j  but  he  would  not 
prefs  him  to  fubfcnbe  or  fwear  to  it.     My  father  refufcd  it  in 

8  a  pleafanc 


noil    III  go- 

veninieiic 


8o  y^  Summary^ Ajfairs 

a  pleafant  way.  When  he  who  brought  the  mclfage  was  run- 
nine  out  into  Cromwell'^  commendation,  my  father  told  a  ftory 
of  a  Pilgrim  in  Popery,  who  came  to  a  church  where  one  Saint 
Kilmachum  was  in  great  reverence :  So  the  Pilgrim  was  bid  pray 
to  him:  But  he  anlwered,  he  knew  nothing  of  him,  forhewas 
not  in  his  breviary:  But  when  he  was  told  how  great  a. Saint 
he  was,  he  prayed  this  collect  j  0  JanBe Ktlmaclotij  tu  nobis  hac- 
terms  es  incogmtus,  hoc  folum  a  te  rogo^  ut  fi  bona  ttia  nobis  non  pro- 
ftntj  faltem  mala  ne  noceant.  My  father  replied,  that  he  delired 
no  other  favour  of  him  but  leave  to  live  privately,  without  the 
impofitions  of  oaths  and  fubfcriptions :  And  ever  after  he  lived 
in  great  quiet.  And  this  was  an  inftance  of  it :  Overton  one  of 
Cromwelh  major  generals,  who  was  a  high  Republican ,  being 
for  fome  time  at  Aberdeen,  where  we  then  lived,  my  father  and 
he  were  often  together:  In  particular  they  were  fhut  up  alone 
for  about  two  hours  the  night  after  the  order  came  from  Crom- 
well to  take  away  Overton'^  commiflions,  and  to  put  him  in  ar- 
reft.  Upon  that  Howard,  afterward  Earl  of  Carlijle,  being  fent 
down  to  enquire  into  all  the  plots  that  thofe  men  had  been  in, 
heard  of  this  long  privacy:  But,  when  with  that  he  heard  what  my 
father's  charader  was,  he  made  no  farther  enquiry  into  it,-  but 
faid,  Cromwell  was  very  uneafy  when  any  good  man  was  quefti- 
oned  for  any  thing. 
His  pubfick  This  gentlenefs  had  in  a  great  meafure  quieted  people's  minds 
fpirit-  with  relation  to  him.  And  his  maintaining  the  honour  of  the 
Nation  in  all  foreign  countries  gratifycd  the  vanity  which  is 
very  natural  to  Engl'i/hmen;  of  which  he  was  fb  careful,  that 
tho'  he  was  not  a  crowned  head,  yet  his  AmbafTadours  had  all 
the  refpeds  paid  them  which  our  King's  AmbafTadours  ever  had : 
He  faid,  the  dignity  of  the  Crown  was  upon  the  account  of  the 
Nation,  of  which  the  King  was  only  the  reprefentative  head ; 
fo  the  Nation  being  ftill  the  fame,  he  would  have  the  fame  re- 
gards paid  to  his  Minifters. 

Another  inftance  of  this  pleafed  him  much.  Blake  with  the 
fleet  happened  to  be  at  Malaga  before  he  made  war  upon  Spain: 
And  forne  of  his  feamen  went  afhore,  and  met  the  Hoftie  car- 
ried about;  and  not  only  paid  no  relpcd:  to  it,  but  laughed  at 
thofe  who  did:  So  one  of  the  Priefts  put  the  people  on  re- 
fenting  this  indignity,-  and  they  fell  upon  them,  and  beat  them 
feverely.  When  they  returned  to  their  fliip  they  complained 
of  thisufage:  And  upon  th^it  Blake  knt  a  trumpet  to  the  Vice- 
roy, to  demand  the  Prieft  who  was  the  chief  inftrument  in  that 
ill  ufage.  The  Viceroy  anfwered,  he  had  no  authority  over  the 
Priefts,  and  fo  could  not  difpofe  of  him.     Blake  u^^on  that  fent 

^  him 


before  /^^Restoration.  8i 

him  word,  that  he  would  not  enquire  who  had  the  power  to 
fend  the  Prieft  to  him ,  but  if  he  were  not  fent  within  three 
hours  he  would  burn  their  town :  And  they,  being  in  no  con- 
dition to  refift  him,  fent  the  Prieft  to  him,  who  juftified  him- 
lelf  upon  the  petulant  behaviour  of  the  (eamen.  Blake  anfwer- 
ed,  that  if  he  had  fent  a  complaint  to  him  of  it,  he  would  have 
puniihed  them  feverely,  fince  he  would  not  fuffer  his  men  to 
affront  the  eftablifhed  religion  of  any  place  at  which  he  touched : 
But  he  took  it  ill,  that  he  fet  on  the  Spaniards  to  do  it  •  for  he 
would  have  all  the  world  to  know,  that  an  Engl'tjhman  was  only 
to  be  puniflied  by  an  EngUJhman:  And  fb  he  treated  the  Prieft: 
civilly,  and  fent  him  back,  being  fatisfied  that  he  had  him  at 
his  mercy. 

Cromwell  was  much  delighted  with  this,  and  read  the  letters  An  the 
in  Council  with  great  fatisfadion  •  and  faid,  he  hoped  he  fbouldJ^Jid  J" 
make  the  name  of  an  EngUJhman  as  great  as  ever  that  of  a^'"*  ., 
Roman  had  been.  The  States  of  Holland  were  in  fuch  dread  of 
him,  that  they  took  care  to  give  him  no  fort  of  umbrage: 
And  when  at  any  time  the  King  or  his  brothers  came  to  fee 
their  fifter,  the  Princefs  royal,  within  a  day  or  two  after  they 
ufed  to  fend  a  deputation  to  let  them  know  that  Cromwell  had 
required  of  the  States  that  they  fhould  give  them  no  harbour. 
King  Charles  J  when  he  was  feeking  for  colours  for  the  war  with 
the  Dutch  in  the  year  1672,  urged  it  for  one,  that  they  fuf- 
fered  fome  of  his  rebels  to  live  in  their  Provinces.  Borely  then 
their  Ambaffadour,  anfwered,  that  it  was  a  maxim  of  long 
flanding  among  them,  not  to  enquire  upon  what  account  ftran- 
gers  came  to  live  in  their  country,  but  to  receive  them  all,  un- 
lefs  they  had  been  concerned  in  confpiracies  againft  the  perfbns 
of  Princes.  The  King  told  him  upon  that,  how  they  had  ufed 
both  himfelf  and  his  brother.  Borel,  in  great  fimplicity,  an- 
fwered: Ha/  fire ^  c'efioh  une  autre  chofe:  Cromwell  eflo'it  un 
grand  homme,  &'  tl  fe  fatfoit  cramdre  &*  par  terre  &^  par  mer. 
This  was  very  rough.  The  King's  anfwer  was :  Je  me  feray  cram- 
dre auJTj  a  man  tour:  But  he  was  fcarce  as  good  as  his  word. 

CromwelN  favourite  alliance  was  with  Szveden.  Carolus  Gufta- 
vus  and  he  lived  in  great  conjunction  of  counfels.  Even  Alger- 
noon  Sydney ,  who  was  not  inclined  to  think  or  fpeak  well  of 
Kings,  commended  him  to  mej  and  faid,  he  had  juft  notions 
of  publick  liberty  j  and  added,  that  Queen  Chriji'ma  feemed  to 
have  them  likewife.  But  fhe  was  much  changed  from  that,  when 
I  waited  on  her  at  Rome;  for  fhe  complained  of  us  as  a  fadious 
Nation,  that  did  not  readily  comply  with  the  commands  of  our 
Princes.     All  Italy  trembled  at  the  name  o(  Cromwell^  and  feem- 

Y  ed 


82  y^SuMMARY  of  A  fairs 

ed  under  a  panick  fear  as  long  as  he  lived.  His  fleet  fcourcd 
the  Medftenanean:  And  the  Turks  durft  not  offend  himj  but 
deliver'd  up  Hide^  who  kept  up  the  charader  of  an  AmbafTa- 
dour  from  the  King  there,  and  was  brought  over  and  execu- 
ted for  it.  The  putting  the  brother  of  the  King  oi  Portugah 
Ambaffadour  to  death  for  murder,  was  the  carrying  juftice  very 
far;  fincc,  tho'  in  the  ftridinefs  of  the  law  of  nations  it  is  only 
the  AmbalTadour's  own  perfon  that  is  exempted  from  any  autho- 
rity but  his  mafter's  that  fends  him,  yet  the  pradice  had  gone 
in  favour  of  all  that  the  AmbafTadour  owned  to  belong  to  him. 
Cromwell  fhewed  his  good  underftanding  in  nothing  more,  than 
in  feeking  out  capable  and  worthy  men  for  all  employments, 
but  mofl:  particularly  for  the  Courts  of  law,  which  gave  a  ge- 
neral fatisfad:ion. 
Th^ruin  Thus  he  lived,  and  at  lafl:  died,  on  his  aufpicious  third  q{  Sep- 
of  his  i^\-tember,  of  fb  flight  a  ficknefs,  that  his  death  was  not  looked  for. 
'*  He  had  two  (bns,  and  four  daughters.     His  fons  were  weak,  but 

honeft  men.  Richard^  the  eldeft,  tho'  declared  Protedor  in  purfu- 
ance  of  a  nomination  pretended  to  be  made  hyCromwellj  the  truth 
of  which  was  much  quefl:ioned,  was  not  at  all  bred  for  bufmefs, 
nor  indeed  capable  of  it.  He  was  innocent  of  all  the  ill  his 
fether  had  done;  So  there  was  no  prejudice  lay  againfl:  him: 
And  both  the  Royalifl:s  and  the  PreflDyterians  fancied  he  favoured 
them,  tho'  he  pretended  to  be  an  Independent.  But  all  the 
Commonwealth  party  cried  out  upon  his  afluming  the  Protec- 
torfliip,  as  a  high  ufiirpation ;  fince  whatever  his  father  had  from 
his  Parliaments  was  only  perfonal,  and  (o  fell  with  him :  Yet 
in  oppofition  to  this,  the  C\t^  qi London ,  and  all  the  Coun- 
ties and  Cities  almoft:  in  England,  fent  him  addreflcs  congratula- 
tory, as  well  as  condoling.  So  little  do  thefe  pompous  appea- 
rances of  relped  fignify.  Tillotfon  told  me,  that  a  week  after 
Cromwelh  death  he  being  by  accident  at  fVhhehall,  and  hear- 
ing there  was  to  be  a  faft  that  day  in  the  houfliold,  he  out  of 
curiofity  went  into  the  prefence  chamber  where  it  was  held. 
On  the  one  fide  of  a  table  Richard  with  the  refl:  of  CromweWs 
family  were  placed,  and  fix  of  the  preachers  were  on  the  other 
fide;  Thomas  Goodwin ,  Owen,  Carril  and  Sterry  were  of  the 
number.  There  he  heard  a  great  deal  of  fl:range  fl:ufi^,  enough 
to  difguft:  a  man  for  ever  of  that  enthufialbck  boldnefs.  God 
was  as  it  were  reproached  with  Cromwell's  fervices ,  and  chal- 
lenged for  taking  him  away  fo  foon.  Goodwin,  who  had  pre- 
tended to  aflurc  them  in  a  prayer  that  he  was  not  to  die,  wliich 
was  but  a  very  few  minutes  before  he  expired,  had  now  the  im- 
pudence to  fay  to  God,  thou  hafi  deceived  us,  and  we  were  deceived. 

Sterry 


before  //'^Restoration.  83 

Sterry,  praying  for  Richard,  ufed  thofe  indecent  words,  next  to 
blafphemy,    make  htm  the  brt^htnefs  of  the  fathefs  glory ,     and 
the  exprefs  tma^e  of  his  perfon.     Richard  was  put  on  giving  his 
father  a  pompous  funeral,  by  which  his  debts  encreafed  fb  upon 
him,  that  he  was  foon  run  out  of  all  credit.     When  the  Par- 
liament met,    his  party  tried  to  get  a  recognition  of  his  Protec- 
torfhip :  But  it  foon  appeared,  they  had  no  ftrength  to  carry  it, 
Fleetwood,    who  married  Ireton^s  Widow,    fet  up  a  Council  of 
officers:  And  thefe  refblved  to  lay  afide  Richard,  who  had  nei- 
ther genius  nor  friends,    neither   treafure  nor  army  to  fupport 
him.     He  defired  only  fecurity  for  the  debts  he  had  contraded; 
which  was  promifed,  but  not  performed.    And  fo  without  any 
ftruggle  he  withdrew,  and  became  a  private  man.     And  as  he 
had  done  hurt  to  no  body,  fb  no  body  did  ever  ftudy  to  hurt  him, 
by  a  rare  inftance  of  the  inftability   of  human  greatnefs,    and 
of  the  fecurity  of  innocence.     His  brother  had  been  made  by 
the  father  Lieutenant  o^  Ireland,  and  had  the  mod  fpirit  of  the 
two ;  but  he  could  not  ftand  his  ground,   when  his  brother  quit- 
ted his.     One  of  Cromwell^  daughters  was  married  to  Claypole^ 
and  died  a  little  before  himfclf :  Another  was  married  to  the  Earl 
of  Falconbridge,  a  wife  and  worthy  woman,  more  likely  to  have 
maintained  the  poft  than  either  of  her  brothers^  according  to 
a  faying  that  went  of  her,  that  thofe  who  wore  breeches  deferved 
petticoats  better,  but  if  thofe  in  petticoats  had  been  in  breeches 
they  would  have  held  fafter.     The  other  daughter  was  married, 
firft  to  the  Earl  of  fVarwick's  heir,  and  afterwards  to  onp  Ruf- 
fel.     They  were  both  very  worthy  perfbns. 

Upon  ^/<:^^;"<^'s  leaving  the  ftage,  the  Commonwealth  was  Great  difor^ 
again  fet  up:  And  the  Parliament  which  Cromwell  \\.2.^  broke ^J" ^°''^'^" 
was  brought  together ;  But  the  Army  and  they  fell  into  new  dis- 
putes :  So  they  were  again  broke  by  the  army:  And  upon  that  the 
Nation  was  like  to  fall  into  great  convulfions.  The  enthufiafts 
became  very  fierce,  and  talked  of  nothing  but  the  deftroying 
all  the  records  and  the  law,  which  they  faid  had  been  all  made 
by  a  fuccedion  of  Tyrants  and  Papifts :  So  they  refolvcd  to  mo- 
del all  anew  by  a  levelling  and  a  fpiritual  government  of  the 
Saints.  There  was  fo  little  fenfe  in  this,  that  A<?w/and  Haring- 
ton  with  fome  others  let  up  in  fVeflminfler  a  meeting  to  confider 
of  a  form  of  government  that  fliould  fecure  liberty,  and  yet  pre^ 
ferve  the  Nation.  They  ran  chiefly  on  having  a  Parliament 
eleded  by  ballot,  in  which  the  Nation  fliould  be  reprefented  ac- 
cording to  the  proportion  of  what  was  paid  in  taxes  towards  the 
puMick  expence:  And  by  this  Parliament  a  Council  of  twenty  four 
was  to  be  chofcn  by  ballot;  And  every  year  eight  of  thefe  were  to 


84  A  Summary  of  Affairs 

be  chantrecl,  and  might  not  again  be  brought  into  it,  but  after 
an  interval  of  three  years:    By  thefe  the  Nation  was  to  be  go- 
verned: And  they  were  to  give  an  account  of  the  adminiftra- 
tion  to  the  ParUament  every  year.    This  meeting  was  a  matter 
of  diverfion  and  fcorn,  to  fee  a  few  perfons  take  upon  them  to  form 
afcheme  of  government :  And  it  made  many  conclude,  it  was 
neceffary  to  call  home  the  King,   that  fo  matters  might  again 
fall  into  their  old  channel.     L^w^^;/ became  the  man  on  whom 
the  Army  depended  mod.     Upon  his  forcing  the  ParHament, 
great  applications  were  made  to  Monk  to  declare  for  the  Parlia- 
ment: But  under  this  the  declaring  for  the  King  was  general- 
ly underftood.     Yet  he  kept  himfelf  under  fuch  a  referve,    that 
he  declared  all  the  while  in  the  moft  folemn  manner  for  a  Com- 
monwealth, and  againft  a  fmgle  perfon,  in  particular  againft  the 
^ing:    So  that  none  had  any  ground  from  him  to  believe  he 
had  any  defign  that  way.     Some  have  thought  that  he  intend- 
ed to  try,  if  it  was  poflible,  to  fet  up  for  himfelf:  Others  rather 
believed,  that  he  had  no  fettled  defign  any  way,  and  refolved 
to  do  as  occafion  {hould  be  offered  to  him.     The  Scotujh  NatioiiU 
did  certainly  hope  he  would  bring  home  the  King.     He  drew 
the  greateft  part  of  the  Army  towards  the  borders,  where  Lam- 
bert advanced  towards  him  with  7000  horfe.     Monk  was  ftron- 
ger  in  foot:    But  being   apprehenfive  of  engaging  on  difad- 
vantage,  he  fent  Clarges  to  the  Lord  Fairfax  for  his  advice  and 
afTiftance,  who  returned  anfwer  by  Dr.  Fairfax,  afterwards  fecre- 
tary  to  the  Archbifhop  oiCanterbtiryj  and  aifured  him  he  would 
raife  Torkjhire  on  the  firft  of  'January.    And  he  defired  him  to 
prefs  upon  Lambert,  in  ca(e  that  he  (hould  fend   a  detachment 
mto  Torkjhire.     On  the  firft  oi  January,  Fairfax  appeared  with 
about  100  gentlemen  and  their  fervants.     But  fo  much  did  he 
ftill  maintain  his  great  credit  with  the  Army,   that  the  night 
after  the  IriJh  Brigade,   that  confifted  of  i  loo  horfe  and  was 
the  rear  of  Lambert's  army,    came  over  to  him.     Upon  that 
Lambert  retreated,   finding  his  army  was  fb  little  fure  to  him, 
and  refolved  to  march  back  to  London.     He  was  followed  by 
Monk,   who  when  he  came  to  Torkjhire  met  with  Fairfax,  and 
offered  to  refign  the  chief  command  to  him.  The  Lord  Fairfax 
refufed  it,    but  prefs'd  Monk  to  declare  for  a  free  Parliameqt: 
Yet  in  that  he  was  fo  referved  to  him,  that  Fairfax  knew  not 
how  to  depend  on  him.     But  as  Lambert  was  making  haftc  up, 
his  army  mouldered  away,  and  he  himfelf  was  brought  up  a  pri- 
fbner,  and  was  put  in  the  Tower  of  London.    Yet  not  long  af^ 
ter  he  made  his  efcape,  and  gathered  a  few  troops  about  him  in 
Northamptonjhire.   But  thefe  were  foon  fcattered :   For  IngoUsby, 

tho* 


before  //^^Restoration.         ^5 

tho'  one  of  the  King's  judges,  raifed  Buckinghamjhhe  againft  iiin,i. 
And  To  little  force  Teemed  now  in  that  party,  that  with  very 
little  oppofition  Ingoldsby  took  him  prifoner,  and  brought  him 
into  Northampton :  Where  Lambert y  as  Ingoldsby  told  me  en- 
tertained him  with  a  plcafant  refledion  for  all  his  misfortunes. 
The  people  were  in  great  crouds  applauding  and  rejoycing  for 
the  fuccels.  So  Lambert  put  Ingoldsby  in  mind  of  what  Cromivell 
had  faid  to  them  both,  near  that  very  place,  in  thcye^r  i6jp, 
when  they  with  a  body  of  the  officers  were  going  down  after,  ,their 
army  that  was  marching  to  Scotland^  the  people  all  the  while 
fhouting  and  wifhing  them  {\mczq.{%'.  Larnbert  upon  that  fai4 
to  Cromwell^  he  was  glad  to  fee  they  had  the  Nation  on  they: 
fide:  Cromwell  anfwered,  do  not  truft  to  that^  for  thele,  very 
perfons  would  fhout  as  much  if  you  and  I  were  going,, p  be 
hanged.  Lambert  faid,  he  looked  on  hixrifelf  as  in  a  fair  way 
to  that,  and  began  to  think  Cromwell  prophefied.    ;    f^,j  j,,;  .>i ., . 

Upon  the  diiperfing  Lambert's  army.  Monk  marched  fbuthr 
ward,  and  was  now  the  objed  of  all  men's  hope,  hx  London 
all  forts  of  people  began  to  cabal  together,  Royalifts,  Presby- 
terians, and  Republicans.  Holl'is  told  me,  the  Prefbyterians  pref^ 
fed  the  Royalifts  to  be  quiet,  arid  to  leave  the  game  in  theiy 
hands  i  for  their  appearing  would  give  jeal only,  and  hurt  that 
which  they  meant  to  promote.  ,  He  ixnd  ^JJjly  Cooper ,  Grim-^ 
ftone  and  Annefly ,  met  often  with  Manchefter ,  Roberts,  and 
the  reft  of  the  Prefbyterian  party :  And  the  Minifters  of  London 
were  very  adive  in  the  City :  So  that  when  Monk  came  up,  he 
was  prefled  to  declare  himfelf  At  firft  he  would  only  declare 
for  the  Parliament  that  Lambert  had  forced.  But  there  was  then 
a  great  fermentation  all  over  the  Nation.  Monk  and  the  Parlia- 
ment grew  jealous  of  one  another,  even  while  they  tried  who 
could  give  the  beft  words,  and  exprefs  their  confidence  in  the 
higheft  terms  of  one  another.  I  will  purlue  the  relation  of  this 
tranladtion  no  farther :  For  this  matter  is  well  known.  .  .:> 

The  King  had  gone  in  Autumn  i<5j9  to  the  meeting  at  the  All  mm 
Pyrenees,  where  Cardinal  Mazar'm  and  Don  Lewis  de Haro  were Se.'  °^ * 
negotiating  a  peace.  He  apphed  himfelf  to  both  fides,  to  try  what 
aififtance  he  might  expcd  upon  their  concluding  the  peace.  Il; 
was  then  known,  that  he  went  to  Mafs  fometimes,  that  fo  he 
might  recommend  himfelf  the  more  effedually  to  both  Courts; 
Yet  this  was  carried  fecretly,  and  was  confidently  denied.  Ma- 
zar'm ftill  talked  to  Lockhart  upon  the  foot  of  the  old  confix 
dcnce:  For  he  went  thither  to  watch  over  the  treaty;  t\\o^  Eng- 
land was  now  in  fuch  convulfions,  that  no  Minifter  from  thence 
could  be  much  confidered,    unlefs  it  was  upon  his  own  account. 

Z  But 


86  /^Summary  of  Affairs 

But  matters  were  ripening  fo  i:Sk  towards  a  revolution  in  England^ 
that  the  King  came  back  to  Flanders  in  all  hafte,  and  went  from 
thence  to  Breda.  Lockhart  had  it  in  his  power  to  have  made 
a  great  fortune,  if  he  had  begun  firft,  and  had  brought  the  King 
to  Dunkirk.  As  foon  as  the  peace  of  the  Pyrenees  was  made, 
he  came  over  and  found  Monk  at  London,  and  took  ail  the  pains 
he  could  to  penetrate  into  his  defigns.  But  Monk  continued 
ftill  to  proteft  to  him  in  the  folemneft  manner  pofTible,  that  he 
would  be  true  to  the  Commonwealth ,  and  againft  the  Royal 
family.'  Lockhart  went  away,  perfuaded  that  matters  would  con- 
tinue flill  in  the  fame  ftate :  So  that  when  his  old  friend  Midle- 
toun  writ  to  him  to  make  his  own  terms,  if  he  would  invite  the 
King  to  Dunkirk,  he  faid,  he  was  trufted  by  the  Commonwealth, 
and  could  not  betray  it. 

TheHoufe  of  Commons  put  Monk  on  breaking  the  gates  of 
the  City  of  London,  not  doubting  but  that  \vould  render  him  fo 
odious  to  them,  that  it  would  force  him  to  depend  wholly  on 
themfelves.  He  did  it:  And  foon  after  he  faw  how  odious  he 
was  become  by  it.  So  conceiving  a  high  indignation  zt  tho/e 
who  had  put  him  on  fuch  an  ungracious  piece  of  fervice,  he  fent 
about  all  that  night  to  the  Minifters  and  other  adive  citizens, 
afTuring  them  that  he  would  quickly  repair  that  errour,  if  they 
would  forgive  it.  So  the  turn  was  fudden :  For  the  City  fent 
and  invited  him  to  dine  the  next  day  at  Guildhall-.  And  there 
he  declared  for  the  members  whom  the  Army  had  forced  away 
in  the  year  47  and  48,  who  were  known  by  the  name  Q){ fe elu- 
ded members.  And  fome  happening  to  call  the  body  that  then 
fat  at  Wefimtnfler  the  Rump  of  a  Parliament ,  a  fudden  humour 
run  like  a  madnels  through  the  whole  City,  of  roafting  the 
Rumps  of  all  forts  of  animals.  And  thus  the  City  expreffed  them- 
felves fufficiently.  Thofe  at  fVefim'tnfier  had  no  fupport :  So  they 
fell  unpitied,  and  unregarded.  The  fecluded  members  came,  and 
fate  down  among  them.  But  all  they  could  do  was  to  give  or- 
ders for  the  fummoning  a  new  Parliament  to  meet  the  firfl  of 
May:  Andfo  they  declared  themfelves  diifolved. 
Care  taken  There  was  ftill  a  murmuring  in  the  Army.  So  great  care  was 
ihe'AS*!  ^^^^^  ^^  fcatter  them  in  wide  quarters,  and  not  to  fufFer  too  ma- 
ny of  thofe  who  were  ftill  for  the  old  caufe  to  lie  near  one  ano- 
ther. The  well  and  the  ill  affedted  were  fo  mixed,  that  in  cafe 
of  any  infurredion  fome  might  be  ready  at  hand  to  aflTift  them. 
They  changed  the  officers  that  were  ill  affedted,  who  were  not 
thought  fit  to  be  trufted  with  the  commanding  thofe  of  their  own 
ftamp,-  and  fo  created  a  miltruft  between  the  officers  and  the  foul- 
dicrs.   And  above  all  they  took  care  to  have  no  more  troops 

than 


before  //'^Restoration.  87 

than  was  necelTary  about  the  City :  And  thefe  were  the  beft  af- 
fed:ed.  This  was  managed  with  great  diligence  and  flcill :  And 
by  this  condud  it  was,  that  the  great  turn  was  brought  about  with- 
out the  leaft  tumuk  or  bloodfhed,  which  was  beyond  what  any 
perfbn  could  have  imagined.  Of  all  this  Monk  had  both  the 
praife  and  the  reward  ,•  tho'  I  have  been  told  a  very  fmall  fhare 
of  it  belonged  to  him.  Admiral  Montague  was  then  in  chief  com- 
mand at  fea,  newly  returned  from  the  Sounds  where  he  and  de 
Rwyter^  upon  the  orders  they  received  from  their  Matters,  had 
brought  the  two  northern  Kings  to  a  peace,  the  King  oi  Swe- 
den dying  as  it  was  a  making  up.  He  was  foon  gained  to  be 
for  the  King  ^  and  dealt  fo  effedually  with  the  whole  Fleet,  that 
the  turn  there  was  as  filently  brought  about,  without  any  revolt 
or  oppofition,  as  it  had  been  in  the  Army.  The  Republicans 
went  about  like  madmen,  to  roufe  up  their  party.  But  their 
time  was  paft.  All  were  either  as  men  amazed  or  afleep.  They 
had  neither  the  Ikill,  nor  the  courage  to  make  any  oppofi- 
tion. The  elections  of  Parliament  men  run  all  the  other  way. 
So  they  faw  their  bufinefs  was  quite  loft,  and  they  felt  them felves 
ftruck  as  with  a  fpirit  of  giddinels.  And  then  every  man  thought 
only  how  to  fave  or  fecure  himfelf.  And  now  they  faw  how  de- 
ceitful the  argument  from  fuccefs  was,  which  they  had  ufedibic/!  ^-nt- 
oft,  and  triumphed  fo  much  upon.     For  whereas  fuccefs  in  the  '^'' 

field,  which  was  the  foundation  of  their  argument,  depended 
much  upon  the  condu<5t  and  courage  of  armies,  in  which  the 
will  of  man  had  a  large  fliare,  here  was  a  thing  of  another  na- 
ture: A  Nation,  that  had  run  on  long  in  fuch  a  fierce  oppo- 
fition to  the  Royal  family,  was  now  turned  as  one  man  to  call 
home  the  King. 

The  Nation  had  one  great  happinefs  during  the  long  courfe 
of  the  civil  war,  that  no  forrcigners  had  got  footing  among 
them.  Spain  was  finking  to  nothing :  France  was  under  a  bafe 
fpirited  Minifter:  And  both  were  in  war  all  the  while.  Now 
a  peace  was  made  between  them.  Ad  very  probably,  according 
to  what  is  in  Mazar'm'^  letters,  they  would  have  joined  forces 
to  have  reftored  the  King.  The  Nation  was  by  this  means  en- 
tirely in  its  own  hands:  And  now  returning  to  its  wits  was  in 
a  condition  to  put  every  thing  in  joint  again:  Whereas,  if  fo- 
reigners had  been  pofTeflfed  of  any  important  place,  they  might 
have  had  a  large  fliare  of  the  management,  and  would  have  been 
fure  of  taking  care  of  themfelves.  Enthufiafm  was  now  lan- 
guid :  For  that  owing  its  mechanical  force  to  the  livelinefs  of 
the  blood  and  fpirits,  men  in  diforder  and  depreffed  could  not 
raife  in  themfelves  thofe  heats,  with  which  they  were  formerly 

wont 


-88  ^  S  u  M  M  A  R  Y  ^  Affairs 

wont  to  tranfport  both  themfclvcs  and  others.      Chanceliour 
Hide  was  all  this  while  very  bufy :    He  fent  over  Dr.  Morkyy 
who  taiked  much  with  the  Prclbyterians  of  moderation  in  ge- 
neral,   but  would   enter   into  no  particulars:     Only  he   took 
care  to  let  them  know  he  was  a  Calv'tn'ifl:  And  they  had- the  beft 
opinion  of  fuch  of  the  Church  of  England  as  were  of  that  per- 
fuafion.     Hide  wrote  in  the  King's  name  to  all  the  leading  men, 
and  got  the  King  to  write  a  great  many  letters  in  a  very  obliging 
manner.     Some  that  had  been  faulty  fent  over  confiderable  pre- 
fents,  with  affurances  that  they  would  redeem  all  that  was  paft 
with  their  zeal  for  the  future.    Thefe  were  all  accepted  of   Their 
money  was  alfo  very  welcome  j  for  the  King  needed  money  when 
his  matters  were  on  that  crifis  and  he  had  (o  many  tools  at  work. 
The  management  of  all  this  was  fo  entirely  the  Chancellour's  C\ti' 
gle  performance ,   that  there  was  fcarce  any  other  that  had  fb 
much  as  a  fliare  in  it  with  him.     He  kept  a  regifter  of  all  the 
King's  promi(es,  and  of  his  own  ,•  and  did  all  that  lay  in  his  pow- 
er afterwards  to  get  them  all  to  be  performed.     He  was  alfb  all 
that  while  giving  the  King  many  wile  and  good  advices.    But 
he  did  it  too  much  with  the  air  of  a  governour,  or  of  a  lawyer. 
Yet  then  the  King  was  wholly  in  his  hands. 
Anew  Par-     ^  ^^^^  "ot  open  the  fccne  of  the  new  ParHament,  (or  Con- 
liament.      ventioH,  as  it  came  afterwards  to  be  called ,    becaufe  it  was  not 
fummoried  by  the  King's  writ : )  Such  unanimity  appeared  in  their 
proceedings,  that  there  was  not  the  leaft  difpute  among  them; 
but  upon  one  fmgle  point:  Yet  thit  was  a  very  important  one. 
Haky  afterwards  the  famous  Chief  Juftice,  moved  that  a  Com- 
mittee might  be  appointed  to  look  into  the  propofitions  that  had 
been  made,  and  the  conceffions  that  had  been  offered  by  the 
late  King  during  the  war,  particularly  at  the  treaty  oi  Newport, 
that  from  thence  they  might  digeft  fuch  propofitions  as  they 
{hould  think  fit  to  be  fent  over  to  the  King.    This  was  feconded, 
but  I  do  not  remember  by  whom.     It  was  forefeen,  that  fuch  a 
motion  might  be  kt  on  foot:    So  Monk  was  inflruded  how  to 
anfwer  it,  whenfoever  it  fhould  be  propofed.    He  told  the  Houfe, 
that  there  was  yet,    beyond  all  mens  hope,    an  univerfal  quiet 
all  over  the  Nation;  but  there  were  many  incendiaries  ftill  on 
the  watch,    trying  where  they  could  firfl  raife  the  flame.    He 
faid,  he  had  fuch  copious  informations  fent  him  of  thefe  things, 
that  it  was  not  fit  they  fhould  be  generally  known :    He  could 
not  anfwer  for  the  peace,  either  of  the  Nation  or  of  the  Army, 
if  any  delay  was  put  to  the  fending  for  the  King:  What  need 
was  there  of  fending  propofitions  to  him  ?   Might  they  not  as 
well  prepare  them,  and  offer  them  to  him,  when  he  fhould  come* 
*  over  ? 


before  the  Restoration. 


89 


over  ?  He  was  to  bring  neither  army  nor  treafiire  with  him , 
either  to  fright  them  or  to  corrupt  them.  So  he  moved,  that 
they  would  immediately  fend  commiflioners  to  bring  over  the 
King :  And  faid,  that  he  muft  lay  the  blame  of  all  the  blood  or 
mifchief.that  might  follow  on  the  heads  of  thofe,  who  (hould  ftill 
infift  on  any  motion  that  might  delay  the  prefent  fettlement  of 
the  Nation.  This  was  echo'd  with  fuch  a  fhout  over  the  Hou(e, 
that  the  motion  was  no  more  infifted  on. 

This  was  indeed  the  great  lervice  that  Monk  did.     It  was  They  caii<ii 
chiefly  owing  to  the  poft  he  was  in,  and  to  the  credit  he  hadt°"^^^^^. 
gained :  For  as  to  the  Reftoration  itfelf,  the  tide  run  fo  ftrong,  out  a  waxji 
that  he  only  went  into  it  dexteroufly  enough,  to  get  much  fame, 
and  great  rewards,  for  that  which  will  have  ftill  a  great  appea- 
rance in  hiftory.     If  he  had  died  foon  after,    he  might  have 
been  more  juftly  admired,    becaufe  lefs  known,  and  feen  only 
in  one  advantageous  light:  But  he  lived  long  enough  to  make 
it  known,  how  falfe  a  judgment  men  are  apt  to  make  upon  out- 
ward appearance.    To  the  King's  coming  in  without  conditi- 
ons may  be  well  imputed  all   the  errours  of  his  reign.     And 
when  the  Earl  of  Southampton  came  to  fee  what  he  was  like  to 
prove,  he  faid  once  in  great  wrath  to  Chancellour  Hide^  it  was 
to  him  they  owed  all  they  either  felt  or  feared  ^  for  if  he  had 
not  pofTelTed  them  in  all  his  letters  with  fiich  an  opinion  of  the 
King,   they  would  have  taken  care  to  have  put  it  out  of  his 
power  either  to  do  himfelf  or  them  any  mifchief,   which  was 
like  to  be  the  effed  of  their  trufting  him  fo  entirely.     Hide  an- 
fwered,  that  he  thought  the  King  had  fo  true  a  judgment,  and  ^o 
much  good  nature,  that  when  the  age  of  pleafure  fhould  be  over, 
and  the  idlenefs  of  his  exile,  which  made  him  feek  new  diverfions 
for  want  of  other  employment,  was  turned  to  an  obligation  to 
mind  affairs,    then  he  would  have  fhaken  off  thofe  entangle- 
ments.   I  muft  put  my  reader  in  mind,  that  I  leave  all  common 
tranfadtions  to  ordinary  books.     If  at  any  time  I  fay  things  that 
occur  in  any  books,  it  is  partly  to  keep  the  thread  of  the  nar- 
ration in  an  unintangled  method,  and  partly,  becaufe  I  neither 
have  heard  nor  read  thofe  things  in  books  ^  or  at  leaft,  I  do 
not  remember  to  have  read  them  fo  clearly  and  fo  particularly 
as  I  have  related  them.     I  now  leave  a  mad  and  confufed  fcene, 
to  open  a  more  auguft  and  fplendid  one. 


Aa 


THE 


u 


nr;Ll  ■■■::'.":  rhvi/  Jr>v--!|f!o  ;^r 


THE 


HIST  Q  R  Y 


TT 


.,  r***"       '     •■'      ■' 


O  F 


.,•1  nol-i 


My  Own  Times. 


,  /'ji'  1 1 


BOOK 

Of  the  fir  ft  twelve  years  of  the  reign  of 
King  Charles  II.  from  the  year  1 660 
to  the  year  1673. 


Divide  King  Charles^^  reign  into  two  books,     ^^ 
not  fo  much  becaufe,  confifting  of  twenty  four  ^^y-^^-iu 
years,  it  fell,  if  divided  at  all,  naturally  to  put 
twelve  years  in  a  book :  But  I  have  a  much  bet- 
pfe^j    ter  realbn   for  it,    fince  as  to  the  firft  twelve 
^'  '^      years,  tho' I  knew  the  afifairs  of  iycoif/^W  very  au- 
thentically, yet  I  had  only  fiich  a  general  knowledge  of  the  af-     *' 
fairs  of  England  as  I  could  pick  up  at  a  diftance ;  Whereas  I  liv- 

'  ed 


The  History  of  the  Reign 

ed  fb  near  the  fcene,  and  had  indeed  fuch  a  {hare  in  feverat 
'  parts  of  it.  during  the  laft  twelve  years,  that  I  can  write  of  thefe 
with  much  more  certainty,  as  well  as  more  fully,  than  of  the 
firft  twelve.  I  will  therefore  enlarge  more  particularly,  within 
the  compafs  that  I  have  fixed  for  this  book,  on  the  affairs  of 
Scotland;  both  out  of  the  inbred  love  that  all  men  have  for 
their  native  country,  and  more  particularly,  that  I  may  leave  fome 
ufeful  inftrudions  to  thofe  of  my  own  order  and  profeflion  by 
reprefenting  to  them  the  condud  of  the  Bifhops  oi Scotland :  For 
having  obferved  with  more  than  ordinary  niceneis  all  the  errours 
that  were  committed,  both  at  the  firft  fetting  up  of  Epifcopa- 
cy,  and  in  the  whole  progrefs  of  its  continuance  in  Scotland  till 
it  was  again  overturned  there,  I  am  enabled  to  fet  all  that  matter 
in  a  full  view  and  in  a  <:lear  light.  |     | 

Many  went       As  foon  as  it  was  fixed  that  the  King  was  to  be  reftoted,  a 
/?"»f°  '^^  great  many  went  over  to  make  their  court:   Among  thefe  Sharps 
who  was  employed  by  the  refolutioners  of  Scotland,   was  one. 
He  carried  with  him  a  letter  from  the  Earl  of  Glencairn  to  Hide, 
made  fbon  after  Earl  of  Clarendon,    recommending  him  as  the 
only  perfbn  capable  to  manage  the  defign  of  fetting  up  Epifco- 
pacy  in  Scotland:  Upon  which  he  was  received  into  great  corj- 
fidence.    Yet,    as  he  had  obferved  very  carefully  the  (uccefs  of 
Monk's  folemn  proteftations  againft  the  King  and  for  a  Com- 
monwealth,  it  feems  he  was  fo  pleafed  with  the  original  that 
he  refolved  to  copy  after  it,  without  letting  himfelf  be  diver- 
ted from  it  by  fcrples:   For  he  ftuck  neither  at  folemn  pro- 
teftations, both  by  word  of  mouth  and  by  letters,  (of  which  I 
have  feen  many  proofs,)  nor  at  appeals  to  God  of  his  finceri- 
^ty  in  ading  for  the  Prefbytery  both  in  prayers  and  on  other  occa- 
fions,  joining  with  thefe  many  dreadful  imprecations  on  him- 
felf if  he  did  prevaricate.     He  was  all  the  while  maintained  by 
the  Prefbyterians  as  their  agent ,    and  continued   to  give  them 
a  conftant  account  of  the  progrefs  of  his  negotiation  in  their  fer- 
vice,  while  he  was  indeed  undermining  it.     This  piece  of  craft 
was  fo  vifible,  he  having  repeated  his  proteftations  to  as  many 
perlbns  as  then  grew  jealous  of  him ,  that  when  he  threw  off 
the  mafk,  about  a  year  after  this,  it  laid  a  foundation  of  fiich 
a  character  of  him ,   that  nothing  could  ever  bring  people  to 
any  tolerable  thoughts  of  a  man,  whofe  diffimulation  and  trea- 
chery was  fo  well  known,  and  of  which  fo  many  proofs  were  to 
be  feen  under  his  own  hand. 
The  Nation      With  the  Reftoration  of  the  King  a  Ipirit  of  extravagant  joy 
J^n  with'    fpread  over  the  Nation,    that  brought  on  with  it  the  throwing 
diuXl     °^  ^^^  ^^"^y  profeffions  of  vertue  and  piety :  All  ended  in  en- 
neft.  tertainments 


of  KmgCuAkiEs  II.  93 

tef tainmeats  and  drunkenncfs ,  which  over-run  the  three  King-  1 660. 
doms  to  (iich  a  degree,  that  it  very  much  corrupted  all  their  mo- 
rals. Under  the  colour  of  drinking  the  King's  health,  there 
were  great  diforders  and  much  riot  every  where :  And  the  pre- 
tences of  religion,  both  in  thofe  of  the  hypocritical  fort,  and 
of  the  more  honeft  but  no  lels  pernicious  enthufiafts,  gave 
great  advantages,  as  well  as  they  furniihed  much  matter,  to  the 
prophane  mockers  of  true  piety.  Thofe  who  had  been  concern- 
ed in  the  former  tranfa(5tions  thought,  they  could  not  redeem 
themfelves  from  the  ccnfures  and  jealoufies  that  thofe  brought  on 
them  by  any  method  that  was  more  fure  and  more  eafy,  than 
by  going  into  the  flream,  and  laughing  at  all  religion,  telling  or 
making  ftories  to  expofe  both  themfelves  and  their  party  as  im- 
pious and  ridiculous. 

The  King  was  then  thirty  years  of  age,  and,  as  might  have  The  King's 
been  fup poled,  paft  the  levities  of  youth  and  the  extravagance*^  "*  "* 
of  pleafure.  He  had  a  very  good  underftanding.  He  knew 
well  the  flate  of  affairs  both  at  home  and  abroad.  He  had  a 
foftnefs  of  temper  that  charmed  all  who  came  near  him,  till 
they  found  how  little  they  could  depend  on  good  looks,  kind 
words,  and  fair  promifes  5  in  which  he  was  liberal  to  excefs,  be- 
caufe  he  intended  nothing  by  them,  but  to  get  rid  of  impor- 
tunities, and  to  filence  all  farther  preffing  upon  him.  He  feem- 
ed  to  have  no  fenfe  of  religion :  Both  at  prayers  and  facrament 
he,  as  it  were,  took  care  to  fatisfy  people,  that  he  was  in  no  fort 
concerned  in  that  about  which  he  was  employed.  So  that  he 
was  very  far  from  being  an  hypocrite,  unlefs  his  aflifting  at  thofe 
performances  was  a  fort  of  hypocrify,  (  as  no  doubt  it  was :)  But 
he  was  fure  not  to  encreafe  that  by  any  the  leafl  appearance 
of  religion.  He  faid  once  to  my  felf,  he  was  no  atheifl ,  but 
■he  could  not  think  God  would  make  a  man  miferablc  only  for 
taking  a  little  pleafure  out  of  the  way.  He  difguifed  his  Pope- 
ry to  the  laft.  But  when  he  talked  freely,  he  could  not  help 
letting  himfelf  out  againft  the  liberty  that  under  the  Reforma- 
tion all  men  took  of  enquiring  into  matters  of  religion :  For 
from  their  enquiring  into  matters  of  religion  they  carried  the 
humour  farther,  to  enquire  into  matters  of  ftate.  He  faid  often, 
he  thought  government  was  a  much  fafer  and  eafier  thing  where 
the  authority  was  believed  infallible,  and  the  faith  and  fubmif^ 
lion  of  the  people  was  implicite:  About  which  I  had  once  much 
difcourfe  with  him.  He  was  affable  and  eafy,  and  loved  to 
be  made  fo  by  all  about  him.  The  great  art  of  keeping  him 
long  was,  the  being  ea(y,  and  the  making  every  thing  eafy  to 
him.     He  had  made  fuch  obfervations  on  the  French  goverrt- 

B  b  ment, 


p4  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1660.   ment,  that  he  thought  a  King  who  might  be  chcckt,  or  have 
^^'V^his  Minifters  called  to  an  account  by  a  Parliament,  was  but  a 
King  in  name.     He  had  a  great  compafs  of  knowledge,    tho' 
he  was  never  capable  of  much  application  or  ftudy.     He  under- 
ftood  the  Mechanicks  and  Phylick  j  and  was  a  good  Chymift, 
and  much  let  on  feveral  preparations  of  Mercury,  chiefly  the  fix- 
inc  it.     He  underftood  navigation  well:  But  above  all  he  knew 
the  architedure  of  fliips  fo  perfedly,  that  in  that  rcfped  he  was 
exacft  rather  more  than  became  a  Prince.      His  apprehenfioa 
was  quick,  and  his  memory  good.   He  was  an  everlafting  talker. 
He  told  his  ftories  with  a  good  grace:    But  they  came  in  his 
way  too  often.     He  had  a  very  ill  opinion  both  of  men  and 
women  j  and  did  not  think  that  there  was  either  fincerity  or  chaf- 
tity  in  the  world  out  of  principle,  but  that  fome  had  either  the 
one  or  the  other  out  of  humour  or  vanity.     He  thought  that  no 
body  did  ferve  him  out  of  love:  And  fb  he  was  quits  with  all  the 
world,    and  loved  others  as  little  as  he  thought  they  loved  him. 
He  hated  bufmefs,   and  could  not  be  eafily  brought  to  mind 
any :  But  when  it  was  necelTary,  and  he  was  fet  to  it,  he  would 
ftay  as  long  as  his  Minifters  had  work  for  him.    The  ruine  of 
his  reign,  and   of  all  his  affairs,  was  occafioned  chiefly  by  his 
delivering  himfelf  up  at  his  firft  coming  over  to  a  mad  range 
of  pleafure.     One  of  the  race  of  the  Fillers,  then  married  to 
Palmer,  a  Papift,  foon  after  made  Earl  of  Cajllemam,    who  af- 
terwards being  feparated  from  him  was  advanced  to  be  Duchefs 
oi  Cleveland,  was  his  firft  and  longeft  miftrels,  by  whom  he  had 
five  children.     She  was  a  woman  of  great  beauty,  but  moft  enor- 
moufly  virions  and  ravenous  j  fooliih  but  imperious ,  very  unea- 
fy  to  the  King,    and  always  carrying  on  intrigues  with  other 
men,    while  yet  flie  pretended  fhe  was  jealous  of  him.     His 
paflion  for  her  and  her  ftrange  behaviour  towards  him,   did  fb 
diforder  him,  that  often  he  was  not  mafter  of  himfelf,  nor  ca- 
pable of  minding  bufinefs,    which  in  fb  critical  a  time  required 
great  application:   But  he  did  then  fo  entirely  truft  the  Earl  of 
Clarendon,  that  he  left  all  to  his  care,  and  fubmitted  to  his  ad- 
vices as  to  fo  many  oracles. 
Clarendon's       The  Earl  of  Clarendon  was  bred  to  the  Law,  and  was  like  to 
*  ^"    ^     grow  eminent  in  his  profeflion  when  the  wars  began.     He  dif^ 
tinguiflied  himfelf  fb  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  that  he  became 
confiderablc,  and  was  much  trufted  all  the  while  the  King  was 
at  Oxford.     He  ftaycd  beyond  fea  following  the  King's  fortune 
ill  the  Reftoration ;  and  was  now  an  abfolute  favourite,  and  the 
nief  or  the  only  Minifter,   but  with  too  magiftcrial  a  way.   He 
always  prefling  the  King  to  mind  his  affairs,  but  in  vain. 

jHe 


of  Kmg  Charles  II.  95- 

He  was  a  good  Chancellour,  only  a  little  too  rough,  but  very  i66o» 
impartial  in  the,  acfminiftration  of  juftice.  He  never  fecmcd  to  ^-^'V'^^ . 
underftand  foreign  affairs  well:  And  yet  he  meddled  too  much 
in  them.  He  had  too  much  levity  in  his  wit,  and  did  not  al- 
ways obferve  the  decorum  of  his  poft .  He  was  high,  and  was 
apt  to  rejed  thofe  who  addreffed  themfelves  to  him  with  too 
much  contempt.  He  hadfiicha  regard  to  the  King,  that  when 
places  were  difpofed  of,  even  otherwife  than  as  he  adviled,  yet 
he  would  juftify  what  the  King  did,  and  difparage  the  preten- 
fions  of  others,  not  without  much  fcorn  ,♦  which  created  him 
many  enemies.  He  was  indefatigable  in  bufinefs,  tho'  the  gout 
did  often  difable  him  from  waiting  on  the  King :  Yet,  during 
his  credit,  the  King  came  conflantly  to  him  when  he  was  laid 
up  by  it. 

The  next  man  in  favour  with  the  King  was  the  Duke  o£0r-0rm>idU 
mond:  A  man  every  way  fitted  for  a  Court:  Of  a  graceful  appea- *^*'*^^'^"' 
ranee,  a  lively  wit,  and  a  cheerful  temper:  A  man  of  great  ex- 
pence,  decent  even  in  his  vices ,  for  he  always  kept  up  the  form 
of  religion.  He  had  gone  through  many  tranfadions  in  Ireland 
with  more  fidelity  than  fuccefs.  He  had  made  a  treaty  with  the 
Irijhy  which  was  broken  by  the  great  body  of  them,  tho'  fbme 
few  of  them  adhered  ftill  to  him.  But  the  whole  Irijh  Nation 
did  ftill  pretend  that,  tho'  they  had  broke  the  agreement  firft, 
yet  he,  or  rather  the  King  in  whofe  name  he  had  treated  with 
them,  was  bound  to  perform  all  the  articles  of  the  treaty.  He 
had  mifcarried  fo  in  the  fiege  oiDuhlm^  that  it  very  much  lef- 
fened  the  opinion  of  his  military  condudb.  Yet  his  conftant  at:- 
tendance  on  his  mafter,  his  eafinefs  to  him,  and  his  great  fufFe- 
rings  for  him,  raifed  him  to  be  Lord  Steward  of  the  Houfliold, 
and  Lord  Lieutenant  oi Ireland.  He  was  firm  to  the  Proteftant 
religion,  and  fo  far  firm  to  the  laws,  that  he  always  gave  good 
advices :  But  when  bad  ones  were  followed,  he  was  not  for  com- 
plaining too  much  of  them. 

The  Earl  of  Southampton  was  next  to  thefe.  He  was  a  man  SoHthamp- 
of  great  vertue,  and  of  very  good  parts.  He  had  a  lively  ap-  (jr.*  '^  "  " 
prehenfion,  and  a  good  judgment.  He  had  merited  much  by  his 
conftant  adhering  to  the  King's  intereft  during  the  war,  and  by 
the  large  jfiipplies  he  had  fent  him  every  year  during  his  exile ; 
for  he  had  a  great  eftate,  and  only  three  daughters  to  inherit  it. 
He  was  Lord  Treafurer :  But  he  grew  fbon  weary  of  bufinels  j  for 
as  he  was  fubjed:  to  the  ftone,  which  returned  often  and  violent- 
ly upon  him,  fb  he  retained  the  principles  of  liberty,  and  did 
not  go  into  the  violent  meafures  of  the  Court.  When  he  faw 
the  King's  temper,  and  his  way  of  managing,  or  rather  of  fpoil- 

-  ing 


9(5  The  tl  I  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

\66o.  ing  bufinefs,  he  grew  very'uneafy,  and  kept  himfelf  more  out  6t. 
^-^"^^""^  the  way  than  was  confiftcnt  with  that  high  pod.  The  Kingf 
flood  in  fome  awe  of  him;  and  faw  how  popular  he  would  grow, 
if  put  out  of  his  fervice  :  And  therefore  he  chofc  rather  to  bear 
with  his  ill  humour  and  contradi<5tion,  than  to  difmils  him.  He 
left  the  bufinefs  of  the  treafury  wholly  in  the  hands  of  his  fecre- 
tary,  Sir  Philip  Warwick,  who  was  an  honeft  but  a  wtak  man- 
underftood  the  common  road  of  the  treafury,  he  was  an  incor- 
rupt man ,  and  during  (even  years  management  of  the  treafury 
made  but  an  ordinary  fortune  out  of  it.  Before  the  Reftoration 
the  Lord  Treafiirer  had  but  a  fmall  falary,  with  an  allowance  for 
a  table  j  but  he  gave,  or  rather  fold,  all  the  fubaltern  places,  and 
made  great  profits  out  of  the  eftate  of  the  Crown :  But  now,  that 
eftate  being  gone,  and  the  Earl  of  Southampton  difdaining  to  fell 
places,  the  matter  was  fettled  fo,  that  the  Lord  Treafurer  was  to 
have  8000  /.  a  year,  and  the  King  was  to  name  all  the  fubal- 
tern officers.  It  continued  to  be  fb  all  his  time :  But  fince  that 
time  the  Lord  Treafurer  has  both  the  8060  /.  and  a  main  hand 
in  the  difpofing  of  thofe  places. 
sbaftsbury's  The  man  that  was  in  the  greateft  credit  with  the  Earl  of  South- 
charaQer.  amptoH  was  Sit  Anthony  Afldl'y  Cooper,  who  had  married  his  niece, 
and  became  afterwards  fo  confiderable  that  he  was  raifed  to  be  Earl 
oiShaftshury.  And  fince  he  came  to  have  fb  great  a  name,  and 
that  I  knew  him  for  many  years  in  a  very  particular  manner,  I  will 
dwell  a  little  longer  on  his  character ;  for  it  was  of  a  very  extra- 
ordinary compofition.  He  began  to  make  a  confiderable  figure 
very  early.  Before  he  was  twenty  he  came  into  the  Houfe  of 
Commons,  and  was  on  the  King's  fidej  and  undertook  to  get 
Wiltjhire  2x^^DorfetJhire  to  declare  for  him :  But  he  was  not  able 
to  cfFed:  it.  Yet  Prince  Maurice  breaking  articles  to  a  town, 
that  he  had  got  to  receive  him,  furnifhed  him  with  an  excufe  to 
forfake  that  fide,  and  to  turn  to  the  Parliament.  He  had  a  won- 
derful faculty  in  fpeaking  to  a  popular  affembly^  and  could  mix 
both  the  facetious  and  the  ferious  way  of  arguing  very  agreeably. 
He  had  a  particular  talent  to  make  others  trufl  to  his  judgment, 
and  depend  on  it:  And  he  brought  over  fo  many  to  a  fiibmifTi- 
on  to  his  opinion,  that  I  never  knew  any  man  equal  to  him  in 
the  art  of  governing  parties,  and  of  making  himfelf  the  head 
of  them.  He  was  as  to  religion  a  Deifl  at  bcft :  He  had  the 
dotage  of  Aftrology  in  him  to  a  high  degree:  He  told  me,  that 
a  Dutch  dodor  had  from  the  ftars  foretold  him  the  whole  fcries 
of  his  life.  But  that  which  was  before  him,  when  he  told  me  this, 
proved  falfe,  if  he  told  me  true:  For  he  faid,  he  was  yet  to  be  a 
greater  man  than  he  had  been.     He  fancied,  that  after  death  our 

fiouls 


^i^///^  Charles  II.    V  97 

Ibuls  lived  in  ftars.  He  had  a  general  knowledge  of  theflighcer  1660. 
parts  of  learning,  but  underftood  little  to  the  bottom :  So  lie  ^-'^^v-^ 
triumphed  in  a  rambling  way  of  talking,  but  argued  llightly 
when  he  was  held  clofe  to  any  point.  He  had  a  wonderful  fa- 
culty at  oppofing,  and  running  things  down  •  but  had  not  the 
like  force  in  building  up.  He  had  fuch  an  extravagant  vanity 
in  letting  himfelf  out,  that  it  was  very  difagreeable.  He  preten- 
ded that  Cromwell  offered  to  make  him  King.  He  was  indeed  of 
great  ufe  to  him  in  withftanding  the  enthufiafts  of  that  time.  He 
was  one  of  thofe  who  prefs'd  him  moil:  to  accept  of  the  Kingdiip, 
becaufe,  as  he  faid  afterwards,  he  was  fure  it  would  ruin  him. 
His  ftrength  lay  in  the  knowledge  of  Rniiland^  and  of  all  the 
confiderable  men  in  it.  He  underftood  well  the  fize  of  their  un- 
derftandings,  and  their  tempers :  And  he  knew  how  to  apply 
himfelf  to  them  (b  dextroufly,  that,  tho''  by  his  changing  lides 
fo  often  it  was  very  vifible  how  little  he  was  to  be  depended  on, 
yet  he  was  to  the  laft  much  trufted  by  all  the  difcontented  par- 
ty. He  was  not  afhamed  to  reckon  up  the  many  turns  he  had 
made:  And  he  valued  himfelf  on  the  doing  it  at  the  propereftr 
ieafon,  arid  in  the  beft  manner.  This  he  did  with  fo  much  va- 
nity, and  (b  little  difcretion,  that  he  loft  many  by  it.  And  his 
reputation  was  at  laft  run  fo  low,  that  he  could  not  have  held 
much  longer,  had  he  not  died  in  good  time,  either  for  his  fa- 
mily or  for  his  party :  The  former  would  have  been  ruined,  if 
he  had  not  faved  it  by  betraying  the  latter. 

Another  man,  very  near  of  the  fame  fort,  who  pafted  thro'^^^^^' 
many  great  employments,  was  Anne/lyj  advanced  to  be  Earl  of 
j^nglefey  •  who  had  much  more  knowledge,  and  was  veny  learn- 
ed, chiefly  in  the  law.  He  had  the  faculty  of  Ipeaking  indefatiga- 
bly  upon  every  fubjed:  But  he  fpoke  ungracefiilly  ,•  and  did  not 
know  that  he  was  not  good  at  raillery,  for  he  was  always  attempting 
it.  He  underftood  our  government  well,  and  had  examined  far 
into  the  original  of  our  conftitution.  He  was  capable  of  great 
application :  And  was  a  man  of  a  grave  deportment  j  but  ftuck  at 
nothing,  and  was  aftiamed  of  nothing.  He  was  neither  loved 
nor  trufted  by  any  man  or  any  fide :  And  he  feemed  to  have  no 
regard  to  common  decencies:  But  fold  every  thing  that  was 
in  his  power :  And  fold  himfelf  fo  often,  that  at  laft  the  price  fell 
fb  low,  that  he  grew  ufelefs. 

Holljs  was  a  man  of  great  courage,  and  of  as  great  pride :  He  HoUh's  cha- 
was  counted  for  many  years  the  head  of  the  Prefbyterian  party.  "'^"' 
He  was  faithful  and  firm  to  his  fide,  and  never  changed  thro' 
the  whole  courfe  of  his  life.     He  engaged  in  a  particular  oppo- 
fition  to  Cromwell  in  the  time  of  the  war.    They  hated  one  ano- 

C  c  ther 


98  The  History  of  the  Reign 

,660.    ther  equally.     ^.//;.  feemed  tocarry  this  too  far :  For  he  would 
^.^'-v^^not  allow  Cromwell  to  have  been  either  wife  or  brave  j  but  ohen 
applied  Solomorfs  obfervation  to  him,    that  the  battel  was  not  to 
the  lirongy  nor  favour  to  the  man  of  underftand'mg,  but  that  itme- 
and  chance  happened  to  all  men.     He  was  well  verfed  in  the  re- 
cords of  Parliament :  And  argued  well,  but  too  vehemently  ^  for 
he  could  not  bear  contradidion.     He  had  the  foul  of  an  old 
ftubborn  Roman  in  him.    He  was  a  faithful  but  a  rough  friend, 
and  a  fevere  but  fair  enemy.     He  had  a  true  fenfe  of  religion : 
And  was  a  man  of  an  unblamable  courfe  of  life,  and  of  a  found 
judgment  when  it  was  not  biaffed  by  paflion.     He  was  made  i' 
Lord  for  his  merits  in  bringing  about  the  Reftoration. 
Msnthefln'%      The  Eatl  oiManchefier  was  made  Lord  Chamberlain :  A  man 
charaaer.    ^f  ^  ^^^  ^^^  obliging  temper,  of  no  gjeat  depth,  but  univerfal- 
ly  beloved,   being  both  a  vertuous  and  a  generous  man.    The 
Rob^ru^s     Lord  Roberts  was  made  Lord  Privy  Seal,  afterwards  Lord  Lieu- 
chataaer.    ^^^^^^  ^f  Jreland,  and  at  laft  Lord  Prefident  of  the  Council.  He 
was  a  man  of  a  more  morofe  and  cynical  temper,  juft  in  his  ad- 
miniftration,  but  vitious  under  the  appearances  of  vertue :  Learn- 
ed beyond  any  man  of  his  quality,  but  intractable,  fliff  and  ob- 
ftinate,  proud  and  jealous. 

Thefe  five,  whom  I  have  named  laft,  had  the  chief  hand  in 
engaging  the  Nation  in  the  defign  of  the  Reftoration.  They  had 
great  credit,  chiefly  with  the  Prefbyterian  party,  and  were  men 
of  much  dexterity.  So  the  thanks  of  that  great  turn  was  owing 
to  them :  And  they  were  put  in  great  pofts  by  the  Earl  of  Cla- 
rendon's means.  By  which  he  loft  moft  of  the  Cavaliers,  who 
could  not  bear  the  feeing  fuch  men  fo  highly  advanced,  and  fb 
much  trufted. 

At  the  King's  firft  coming  over.  Monk  and  Mountague  were 
the  moft  confidered.    They  both  had  the  Garter.  The  one  was 
madeDukeof^^em^r/^,  and  the  other  Earl  oi Sandwich ^  and  had 
noble  eftates  given  them.     Monk  was  ravenous,    as  well  as  his 
wife,  who  was  a  mean  contemptible  creature.    They  both  afked, 
and  fold  all  that  was  within  their  reach,    nothing  being  denied 
them  for  fome  time  j  till  he  became  fo  ufelefs,  that  little  perfo- 
nal  regard  could  be  paid  him.   But  the  King  maintained  ftill  the 
appearances  of  it :  For  the  appearance  of  the  fervice  he  did  him 
was  fuch,  that  the  King  thought  it  fit  to  treat  him  with  great 
diftindion ,  even  after  he  faw  into  him,  and  defpifed  him.     He 
took  care  to  raife  his  kinfman  Greenville  who  was  made  Earl  of 
Bath  and  Groom  of  the  Stole,    a  man  who  thought  of  nothing 
cuirgtCi     but  of  getting  and  fpending  money.     The  Duke  of  Albemarle 
charaaer.    j-^jfej  j^^q  Other  per fons.     Ovit\i^sClarges^  his  wife's  brother, 

who 


offing  Charles  II. 

.who  was  an  honeft  but  haughty  man.  He  became  afterwards  a 
very  confiderable  Parliament  man,  and  valued  himfclf  on  his  op- 
pofing  the  Court,  and  on  his  frugality  in  managing  the  publick 
money  ,•  for  he  had  Cromwelh  oeconomy  ever  in  his  mouth,  and 
was  always  for  reducing  the  expence  of  war  to  the  modejly 
and  parfimony  of  thofe  times.  Many  thought  he  carried  this 
too  far :  But  it  made  him  very  popular.  After  he  was  become  very 
rich  himfelf  by  the  publick  money,  he  feemed  to  take  care  that  " 

no  body  elfe  fliould  grow  as  rich  as  he  was  in  that  way.  Another 
man  raifed  by  the  Duke  of  Albemarle  was  Morrke,  who  was  the  iMbrnVs 
perfbn  that  had  prevailed  with  Monk  to  declare  for  the  King.  ^^"^^"■ 
Upon  that  he  was  made  Secretary  of  State.  He  was  very  learn- 
ed, but  full  of  pedantry  and  affedation.  He  had  no  true  judg- 
ment about  foreign  affairs.  And  the  Duke  of  Albemarle's  judg- 
ment of  them  may  be  meafured  by  what  he  faid,  when  he  found 
the  King  grew  weary  of  Morrice,  but  that  in  regard  to  him  had 
no  mind  to  turn  him  out  ^  He  did  not  know  what  was  necelTary 
for  a  good  Secretary  of  State  in  which  he  was  defective,  for  he 
could  (^Qzk  French  and  write  fhort  hand.      ■    -,,  .■ 

Ntcalas  was  the  other  Secretary,  who  had  be'eii  employed  by  Nicoias'i 
King  Charles  the  firft  during  the  war,  and  had  ferved  him  faith-  '^^*"^"- 
fully,    but  had  no  underftanding  in  foreign  affairs.     He  was  a 
man  of  vertue,   but  could  not  fall  into  the  King's  temper,  or 
become  acceptable  to  him.     So  not  long  after  the  Reftoration, 
Bennet^  advanced  afterwards  to  be  Earl  o£  Arlrngton,  was  by  tht  ^riington-'% 
interefl  of  the  Popifli  party  made  Secretary  of  State  -y  and  was  ^^^^^  "' 
admitted  into  fb  particular  a  confidence,  that  he  began  to  raife 
a  party  in  oppofition  to  the  Earl  of  Clarendon.     He  was  a  proud 
man.    His  parts  were  folid,    but  not  quick.   He  had  the  art  of 
obferving  the  King's  temper,    and  managing  it  beyond  all  the 
men  of  that  time.     He  was  believed  a  Papift.    He  had  once  pro- 
feffed  it :  And  when  he  died,  he  again  reconciled  himfelf  to  that 
Church.    Yet  in  the  whole  courfe  of  his  miniftry,  he  feemed  to 
have  made  it  a  maxim,  that  the  King  ought  to  fhew  no  favour 
to  Popery,  but  that  all  his  affairs  would  be  fpoiled  if  ever  he 
turned  that  wayj   which  made  the  Papifls  become  his  mortal 
enemies,  and  accufe  him  as  an  apoftate,  and  the  betrayer  of  their 
interefts.     His  chief  friend  was  Charles  Berkely^  made  Earl  of 
Falmordth,  who  without  any  vifible  merit,  unlefs  it  was  the  ma- 
naging the  King's  amours,  was  the  moft  abfblute  of  all  the  King's 
favourites :  And,  which  was  peculiar  to  himfelf,  he  was  as  much 
in  the  Duke  of  Tork's  favour  as  in  the  King's.    Berkley  was  ge- 
nerous in  his  expence :  And  it  was  thought,  if  he  had  outlived 
the  lewdnefs  of  that  time,  and  come  to  a  more  fedate  courfe  of 

life, 


I  oo  The  Hi  ST  OKY  of  the  Reign 

1660.  life,  he  would  have  put  the  King  on  great  and  noble  defigns. 
y.'^'^/^^  This  I  fliould  have  thought  more  Hkely,  if  I  had  not  had  it  from 
the  Duke,  who  had  fo  wrong  a  tafte,  that  there  was  reafon  to 
fufpcd:  his  judgment  both  of  men  and  things.  Bennet  znd  Berke- 
ley had  the  management  of  the  miftrifs.  And  all  the  Earl  of 
Clarendon's  enemies  came  about  them :  The  chief  of  whom  were 
the  Dtde  of  Buckingham  and  the  Earl  of  Brifiol. 
Bmtking-  The  firft  of  thefe  was  a  man  of  noble  prefence.    He  had  a 

Sr  ^^^  P^^^  livelinefs  of  wit ,  and  a  peculiar  faculty  of  turning  all 
things  into  ridicule  with  bold  figures  and  natural  defcriptions.  He 
had  no  fore  of  literature :  Only  he  was  drawn  into  chymiftry:  And 
for  fome  years  he  thought  he  was  very  near  the  finding  the  phi- 
lofopher's  ftonej  which  had  the  effed:  that  attends  on  all  fuch 
men  as  he  was,  when  they  are  drawn  in,  to  lay  out  for  it.  He 
had  no  principles  of  religion,  vertue,  or  friendfhip.  Pleafure, 
froliek,  or  extravagant  diverfion  was  all  that  he  laid  to  heart. 
He  was  true  to  nothing,  for  he  was  not  true  to  himfelf  He  had 
no  fteadinefs  nor  conduct :  He  could  keep  no  iecret,  nor  exe- 
cute any  defign  without  fpoiling  it.  He  could  never  fix  his 
thoughts,  nor  govern  his  eftate,  tho'  then  the  greateft  in  Eng- 
land. He  was  bred  about  the  King :  And  for  many  years  he  had 
a  great  afcendent  over  him :  But  he  fpake  of  him  to  all  perfbns 
with  that  contempt,  that  at  laft  he  drew  a  lafting  difgrace  upon  ■ 
himfelf  And  he  at  length  ruined  both  body  and  mind,  fortune  and 
reputation  equally.  The  madnefs  of  vice  appeared  in  his  per- 
fbn  in  very  eminent  inftances  j  fince  at  laft  he  became  contemp- 
tible and  poor,  fickly,  and  funk  in  his  parts,  as  well  as  in  all 
.other  refpcds,  fo  that  his  converfation  was  as  much  avoided  as 
•jfsver  it  had  been  courted.  He  found  the  King,  when  he  came 
.from  his  travels  in  the  year  4J,  newly  come  to  Paris j  fent  over 
„by  his  father  when  his  affairs  declined :  And  finding  the  King 
-enough  inclined  to  receive  ill  impreflions,  he,  who  was  then  got 
into  all  the  impieties  and  vices  of  the  age,  fet  himfelf  to  corrupt 
the  King,  in  which  he  was  too  fuccefsful,  being  feconded  in 
that  wicked  defiga  by  the  Lord  Percy.  And  to  compleat  the 
matter,  P/ohi^s  was  brought  to  him,  under  the  pretence  of  in- 
ftruding  him  in  mathematicks :  And  he  laid  before  him  his 
fchcmes,  both  with  relation  to  religion  and  politicks,  which 
made  deep  and  lafting  impreftions  on  the  King's  mind.  So  that 
the  main  blame  of  the  King's  ill  principles,  and  bad  morals,  was 
owing  to  the  Duke  of  Buckingham. 
BrifioPi  Chi-  The  Earl  of  Br/ftol  \/2ls  a  man  of  courage  and  learning,  of  a 
raacr.  jj^y  temper  and  a  lively  wit,  but  of  no  judgment  nor  fteadinels. 
He  was  in  the  Queen's  intereft  during  the  war  at  Oxford.    And 

he 


of  King  Charles  11  loi 

he  ftudied  to  drive  things  paft  the  pofTibility  of  a  treaty,  or  any 
reconciliation  ;  fancying  that  nothing  would  make  the  military 
men  fo  fure  to  the  King,  as  his  being  fure  to  them,  and  giving 
them  hopes  of  fliaring  the  confifcated  eftates  among  them; 
whereas,  he  thought,  all  difcourfes  of  treaty  made  them  feeble 
and  fearful.  When  he  went  beyond  fea  he  turned  Papift.  But 
it  was  after  a  way  of  his  own :  For  he  loved  to  magnify  the  dif- 
ference between  the  Church  and  the  Court  of  Rome,  He  was 
efteemed  a  very  good  fpeaker :  But  he  was  too  copious,  and  too 
florid.  He  was  fet  at  the  head  of  the  popifh  party,  and  was  a 
violent  enemy  of  the  Earl  of  Clarendon. 

Having  now  faid  as  much  as  feems  neceflary  to  defcribe  the  UuderdaU^t 
ftate  of  the  Court  and  Miniftry  at  the  Reftoration,  I  will  next  ^*^"''^"' 
give  an  account  of  the  chief  of  the  Scots^  and  of  the  parties  that 
were  formed  among  them.  li)\tY.z.i\  oi Lauderdale^  afterwards 
made  Duke,  had  been  for  many  years  a  zealous  Covenanter:, 
But  in  the  year  forty  feven  he  turned  to  the  King's  intereftsj 
and  had  continued  a  prifoner  all  the  while  after  Worcefler  fight, 
where  he  was  taken.  He  was  kept  for  fome  years  in  the  tower 
of  London^  in  Portland  caftle,  and  in  other  priibns,  till  he  was 
fet  at  liberty  by  thofe  who  called  home  the  King.  So  he  went 
over  to  Holland.  And  fince  he  continued  fb  long,  and  contrary  to 
all  mens  opinions  in  fb  high  a  degree  of  favour  and  confidence, 
it  may  be  expedted  that  I  fhould  be  a  little  copious  in  fetting 
out  his  charader  ,•  for  I  knew  him  very  particularly.  He  made 
a  very  ill  appearance :  He  was  very  big :  His  hair  red,  hanging  odly 
about  him :  His  tongue  was  too  big  for  his  mouth,  which  made  him 
bedew  all  that  he  talked  to :  And  his  whole  manner  was  rough  aiad 
boiflerous,  and  very  unfit  for  a  Court.  He  was  very  learned,  not 
only  in  Latm^  in  which  he  was  a  mafler,  but  in  Greek  and  /7<?- 
hrew.  He  had  read  a  great  deal  of  divinity,  and  almofl  all  the 
hiflorians  ancient  and  modern :  So  that  he  had  great  materials. 
He  had  with  thefe  an  extraordinary  memory,  and  a  copious  but 
unpolifhed  expreilion.  He  was  a  man,  as  the  Duke  of  Bucking- 
ham called  him  to  me,  of  a  blundering  underflanding.  He 
was  haughty  beyond  expreffion,  abjed:  to  thofe  he  faw  he  muft 
floop  to,  but  imperious  to  all  others.  He  had  a  violence  of  paf^ 
fion  that  carried  him  often  to  fits  Uke  madnefs,  in  which  he 
had  no  temper.  If  he  took  a  thing  wrong,  it  was  a  vain  thing 
to  fludy  to  convince  him :  That  would  rather  provoke  him  to 
fwear,  he  would  never  be  of  another  mind :  He  was  to  be  let  a- 
lone :  And  perhaps  he  would  have  forgot  what  he  had  faid,  and 
come  about  of  his  own  accord.  He  was  the  coldefl  friend  and 
the  violentefl  enemy  I  ever  knew:    I  felt  it  too  much  not  to 

D  d  know 


1  02         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1660.    know  ft.     He  at  firfl:  feemed  to  defpife  wealth:  But  he  deliver- 
"^-^*V*^^ed  himfelf  np  afterwards  to  luxury  and  fenfuality:    And  by  that 
means  he  ran  into  a  vaft  expence,    and  ftuck  at  nothing  that 
was  neceflary  to  fupport  it.     In  his  long  imprifonmcnt  he  had 
great  impreffions  df  religion  on  his  mind :  But  he  wore  thefe  out 
io  entirely,  that  fcare  any  trace>of  them  was  left.    His  great  expe- 
rience in  affairs,  his  ready  compliance  with  every  thing  that  he 
thought  would  ple^fe  the  King,  and  his  bold  offering  at  the  raoft 
defperate  counfels,  gained  him  fuch  an  intereft  in  the  King,  that 
no  attempt  againft  him  nor  complaint  of  him  could  ever  (hake  it, 
till  a  decay  of  ftrength  and  underftanding  forced  him  to  let  go 
his  hold.     He  was  in  his  principles  much  againft  Popery  and 
arbitrary  government:  And  yet  by  a  fatal  train  of  paflions  and 
interefls  he  made  way  for  the  former,  and  had  aimofl  eftablifli- 
ed  the  latter.     And,  whereas  (bme  by  a  fmooth  deportment  made 
the  firft  beginnings  of  tyranny  lefs  difcernible  and  unaccepta- 
ble, he  by  the  fury  of  his  behaviour  heightned  the  feverity  of  his 
miniftry,  which  was  liker  the  cruelty  of  an  inquifition  than  the 
legality  of  juflice.     With  all  this  he  was  a  Prefbyterian,  and  re- 
tained his  averfion  to  King  Charles  I.    and  his  party  to  his 
death. 
Crawford's       Thc  Eatl  of  Crawford  had  been  his  fellow  prifbner  for  ten 
charaaer.    y^gj-g^     ^jj^j  ^^x  was  a  good  title  for  maintaining  him  in  the 
poft  he  had  before,  of  being  Lord  Treafurer.    He  was  a  fincere 
but  weak  man,    paffionate  and  indifcreet,    and  continued  Hill  a 
«fl/A«'scha- zealous  Prefbyterian.    The  Earl,  afterwards  Duke  oi  Rothes ^  had 
faQer.        married  his  Daughter,  and  had  the  merit  of  a  long  imprifonmcnt 
likewife  to  recommend  him:    He  had  a  ready  dexterity  in  the 
management  of  affairs,  with  a  foft  and  infinuating  addrefs :  He 
had  a  quick  apprehenfion  with  a  clear  judgment:    He  had  no 
advantage  of  education,  no  fort  of  literature :  Nor  had  he  tra- 
velled abroad:  All  in  him  was  mere  nature. 
TweeJaie's        The  Earl    of  Tiveedale  was  another  of  Lord  Lmiderdale'% 
c  ara  er.    fj-jgnds.  He  was  early  engaged  in  bufinefs,  and  continued  in  it  to  a 
great  age.    He  underftood  all  the  interefls  and  concerns  of  Scot- 
land well :  He  had  a  great  ftock  of  knowledge,  with  a  mild  and 
obliging  temper.   He  was  of  a  blamelefs,  or  rather  an  exempla- 
ry, life  in  all  refpeds.     He  had  loofe  thoughts  both  of  civil  and 
ecclefiaflical  government  ^  and  feemed  to  think,  that  what  form 
foever  was  uppermoft  was  to  be  complied  with.     He  had  been 
in  CromwelH  Parliament,    and  had  abjured  the  Royal  family, 
which  lay  heavy  on  him.   But  the  difputes  about  the  guardian- 
ship of  the  Duchefs  of  Monmouth  and  her  elder  fifler,  to  which 
he  pretended  in  the  right  of  his  wife  who  was  their  father's 

^  fifler 


of  Ring  C  H  A  R  L  £  s  11.  103 

fite-  againft  her  mother  who  was  Lord  Rothes's  fifter,    drew  1660. 
him  into  that  compHance  which  brought  a  great  cloud  upon  him :  ^-^"v"*^' 
Tho'  he  was  in  all  other  rcfped:s  the  ableft  and  worthieft  maa  of 
the  nobility:  Only  he  was  too  cautious  and  fearful. 

A  fon  of  the  Marquis  o^  Douglas  ^  made  Earl  of  Selkirk,  had  DHamii- 
married  the  hcirefe  of  the  family  of  Hamilton,  who  by  her  fa- "«'*  <^*>»"c« 
ther's  patent  was  Duchefs  of  Hamilton:  And  when  the  heirefs  of 
a  title  in  Scotland  marries  one  not  equal  to  her  in  rank,  it  is  or- 
dinary at  her  defire  to  give  her  hufband  the  title  for  life:  So  he 
was  made  Duke  of  Hamilton.  He  then  pafsi'd  for  a  (oft  man, 
who  minded  nothing  but  the  recovery  of  that  family  from  the 
great  debts  under  which  it  was  finking,    till  it  was  railed  up  a-  • 

gain  by  his  great  management.  After  he  had  compafTed  that, 
he  became  a  more  confiderable  man.  He  wanted  all  (brt  of 
polifhing:  He  was  rough  and  fullen,  but  candid  and  fincere. 
His  temper  was  boifterous,  neither  fit  to  fiibmit  nor  to  govern. 
He  was  mutinous  when  out  of  power,  and  imperious  in  it.  He 
wrote  well,  but  fpoke  ill:  For  his  judgment  when  calm,  was 
better  than  his  imagination.  He  made  himfelf  a  great  maftcr 
in  the  knowledge  of  the  laws,  of  the  hiftory,  and  of  the  fami- 
lies of  Scotland;  and  feemed  always  to  have  a  regard  to  juftice, 
and  the  good  of  his  country :  But  a  narrow  and  felfifli  temper 
brought  fuch  an  habitual  meanels  on  him,  that  he  was  not 
capable  of  defigning  or  undertaking  great  things. 

Another  man  of  that  fide,  that  made  a  good  figure  at  t\v2it  Khcairdm\ 
time,  was  Bruce,  afterwards  Earl  of  Kincairdin,  who  had  mar- '='^^"^"- 
ried  a  daughter  of  Mr.  Somelfdych  in  Holland:  And  by  that  means 
he  had  got  acquaintance  with  our  Princes  beyond  fea,  and  had 
fiipplied  them  liberally  in  their  neceflities.  He  was  both  the  wijf- 
eft  and  the  worthieft  man  that  belonged  to  his  countrey,  and 
fit  for  governing  any  affairs  but  his  own ;  which  he  by  a  wrong 
turn,  and  by  his  love  for  the  publick,  negleded  to  his  ruin ;  for 
they  confifting  much  in  works,  coals,  fait,  and  mines,  requir- 
ed much  carCj  and  he  was  very  capable  of  it,  having  gone  far 
in  mathematicks,  and  being  a  great  mafter  of  mechanicks.  His 
thoughts  went  flow,  and  his  words  came  much  (lower:  But  a 
deep  judgment  appeared  in  every  thing  he  faid  or  did.  He 
had  a  noble  zeal  for  juftice,  in  which  even  friendfhip  could 
never  bia(s  him.  He  had  folid  principles  of  religion  and  ver- 
tue,  which  (hewed  them(elves  with  great  luftre  on  all  occafi- 
ons.  He  was  a  faithful  friend,  and  a  merciful  enemy.  I  may 
be  perhaps  inclined  to  carry  his  character  too  fatj  for  he  was 
the  firft  man  that  entred  into  friend(hip  with  me.  We  continu- 
ed for  feventeen  years  in  fo  entire  a  friendlhip,  that  there  was 


never 


104  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1660.  never  either  re{erve  or  miftake  between  us  all  the  while  till  his 
-'"''"V"'^  death.  And  it  was  from  him  that  I  underftood  the  whole  fecret 
of  atfairs  j  for  he  was  trufted  with  every  thing.  He  had  a  won- 
derful love  to  the  King  ^  and  would  never  believe  me,  when  I 
warned  him,  what  he  might  look  for,  if  he  did  not  go  along 
with  an  abjedt  compliance  in  every  thing.  He  found  it  true  in 
conclufion.  And  the  love  he  bore  the  King  made  his  difgrace 
fmk  deeper  in  him,  than  became  fuch  a  philofopher,  or  fb  good 
a  chriftian  as  he  was. 

I  now  turn  to  another  fet  of  men,  of  whom  the  Earls  ofMi- 

dletoun  and  Gknca'trn  were  the  chief.  They  were  followed  by  the 

The  general  herd  of  the  Cavalicr  party,  who  were  now  very  fierce  and  full 

ch«raaer  of^f  courage  over  their  cups,  fho'  they  had  been  very  difcreet  ma- 

vaiiets.       nagers  of  it  in  the  field,  and  in  time  of  action.    But  now  every. 

one  of  them  boafted  that  he  had  killed  his  thoufands.    And  all 

were  full  of  merit,  and  as  full  of  high  pretenfions  j  far  beyond 

what  all  the  wealth  and  revenues  oi  Scotland  could  anfwer.    The 

Primerofe's  fubtilcft  of  all  Lord  Midletotin'^  friends  was  Sir  Archibald  Pr'tme- 

charafler.    ^^y^ .  ^  ^^^^  q£  l^^^g  ^^^  great  pra<5tice  in  affairs  ^   for  he  and 

his  father  had  ferved  the  Crown  fucceffively  an  hundred  years 
all  but  one,  when  he  was  turned  out  of  employment.     He  was 
a  dextrous  man  in  bufinels:  He  had  always  expedients  ready  at 
every  difficulty.    He  had  an  art  of  fpeaking  to  all  men  according 
to  their  fenfe  of  things :  And  fb  drew  out  their  fecrets  while  he 
concealed  his  own:  For  words  went  for  nothing  with  him.    He 
faid  every  thing  that  was  neceffary  to  perfuade  thofe  he  fpoke 
to,  that  he  was  of  their  mind  j  and  did  it  in  fo  genuine  a  way 
that  he  feemed  to  fpeak  his  heart.  He  was  always  for  foft  counfels, 
and  flow  methods :  And  thought  that  the  chief  thing  that  a  great 
man  ought  to  do  was,  to  raife  his  family  and  his  kindred,  who 
naturally  flick  to  him  ^  for  he  had  feen  fb  much  of  the  world, 
that  he  did  not  depend  much  on  friends,    and  fo  took  no  care 
in  making  any.     He  always  advifed  the  Earl  of  M'tdletoun  to  go 
flowly  in  the  King's  bufinefs  ^  but  to  do  his  own  effedually,  be- 
fore the  King  fhould  fee  he  had  no  farther  occafion  for  him. 
That  Earl  had  another  friend,  who  had  more  credit  with  him, 
tho'  Pr'imerofe  was  more  neceffary  for  managing  a  Parliament: 
FUuhe^%     He  was  Sir  John  Fletcher^  made  the  King's  Advocate  or  Attor- 
ney General :  For  Ntcolfon  was  dead.     Fletcher  was  a  man  of  a 
generous  temper,  who  defpifed  wealth,  except  as  it  was  neceffa- 
ry to  fupport  a  vafl  expence.    He  was  a  bold  and  fierce  man, 
who  hated  all  mild  proceedings,    and  could  fcarce  fpeak  with 
decency  or  patience  to  thofe  of  the  other  fide.    So  that  he  was 
looked  on  by  all  that  had  been  fiiulty  in  the  late  times,  as  an 

Inqaificor 


indemni- 


of  King  C  H  A  R^L  E  ^  l\   X  ^^5 

Inquifitor  General.     On  the  other  hand  P/tmerofe  took  money  i$<^9,. 
hberally,  and  was  the  intercefTor  for  all  who  made  fuchpififduh    '^^ 
al  applications  to  him. 

The  firft  thing  that  was  to  be  thought  on,   with  relation  to  Advices  of- 
Scotuflj  affairs,  was  the  manner  in  which  offenders  in  the  late^"'*'l\'^"'" 
times  were  to  be  treated:  For  all  were  at  mercy.     In  the  letter 
the  King  writ  from  Breda  to  the  Parliament  of  England  he  had 
promifed  a  full  indemnity  for  all  that  was  paft,    excepting  only 
thofe  who  had  been  concerned  in  his  father's  death :  To  which 
the  Earl  of  Clarendon  perfuaded  the  King  to  adhere  in  a  mod 
facred  manner  j  fmce  the  breaking  of  faith  in  fuch  a  point  was- 
that  which  muft  for  ever  deflroy  confidence,    and  the  obferv- 
ing  all  fuch  promifes  feemed  to  be  a  fundamental  maxim   in 
government,   which  was  to  be  maintained  in  fuch  a  manner,, 
that  not  fo  much  as  a  flretch  was  to  be  made  in  it.     But  there 
was  no  promife  made  for  Scotland:  So  all  the  Cavaliers,  as  they 
were  full  of  revenge,  hoped  to  have  the  eftates  of  thofe  who  had 
been  concerned  in  the  late  wars  divided  among  them.     The 
Earl  oi  Lauderdale  told  the  King,  on  the  other  hand,  th^t  theporagene- 
Scotttjh  nation  had  turned  eminently,  tho'  unfortunately,  to  ferve[^'"^ 
his  father  in  the  year  forty  eighty  that  they  had  brought  himfelf  a- 
mong  them,  and  had  lofl  two  armies  in  his  fervice,  and  had  been 
under  nine  years  opprefTion  on  that  account  ^  that  they  had  encou- 
raged and  affifled  Monk  in  all  he  did :  They  might  be  therefore 
highly  difgufted,  if  they  fliould  not  have  the  fame  meafiire  of 
grace  and  pardon  that  he  was  to  give  Rn^and.     Befides,  the 
King,  while  he  was  in  Scotland,  had  in  the  Parliament  oi  Ster- 
ling pafs'd  a  very  full  ad:  of  indemnity,  tho'  in  the  terms  and  with 
the  title  of  an  ad  of  approbation.    It  is  true,  the  records  of  that 
Parhament  were  not  exflant,  but  had  been  loft  in  the  confufion 
that  followed  upon  the  reduction  of  that  Kingdom :  Yet  the  thing 
was  fb  frefh  in  every  man's  memory,  that  it  might  have  a  ve- 
ry ill  efFed,  if  the  King  fhould  proceed  without  a  regard  to  it. 
There  was  indeed  another  very  fevere  ad  made  in  that  Parlia- 
ment againft  all  that  fliould  treat  or  fubmit  to  Cromwell^  or  com- 
ply in  any  fort  with  him;  But,  he  faid,  a  difference  ought  to  be 
made  between  thofe  who  during  the  ftruggle  had  deferred  the 
iervice  and  gone  over  to  the  enemy,  of  which  number  it  might 
be  fit  to  make  fbme  examples,  and  the  reft  of  the  kingdom,  who 
upon    the    general   redudion  had  been   forced   to  capitulate; 
It  would  be  hard  to  punifh  any  for  fubmitting  to  a  fuperior  force, 
when  they  were  in  no  condition  to  refift  it.     This  feemed  rea- 
fonable :  And  theJEarl  oi Clarendon  accjuiefced  in  it.    But  the  Earl 
of  Midletoun  and  his  party  complained  of  it,  and  defired  that 

E  e  the 


1 06         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1660.    the  Marquis  of  Agile,  whom  they  charged  with  an  acceftion  to 
'-^rVTV  the  King's  murder,    and  fbme  few  of  thofe  who  had  joined  in 
the  remonftrance  while  the  King  was  in  Scotland,  might  be  pro- 
ceeded againft.    The  Marquis  otArgtle's  craft  made  them  affraid 
of  him :  And  his  Eftate  made  them  defire  to  divide  it  among  them. 
His  fbn,   the  Lord  Lorn,  was  come  up  to  Court,  and  was  well 
received  by  the  King:    For  he  had  adhered  fo  firmly  to  the 
King's  intereft,    that  he  would  never  enter  into  any  engage- 
ments with  the  Ufurpers:  And  upon  every  new  occafion  of  jea- 
loufy  he  had  been  clapt  up.     In  one  of  his  imprifonments  he 
had  a  terrible  accident  from  a  cannon  bullet,  which  the  fbldiers 
were  throwing  to  exercife  their  ftrength,  and  by  a  recoil  ftruck 
him  in  the  head,  and  made  fiich  a  fracture  in  his  (kull,  that  the  o- 
peration  of  the  trepan,    and  the  cure,  was  counted  one  of  the 
greateft  performances  of  furgery  at  that  time.     The  difference 
between  his  father  and  him  went  on  to  a  total  breach ;  fo  that 
his  father  was  let  upon  the  difinheriting  him  of  all  that  was 
ftill  left  in  his  power.     Upon  the  Reftoration  the  Marquis  of 
A'gtk  went  up  to  the  Highlands  for  fbme  time,   till  he  advifed 
with  his  friends  what  to  do,  who  were  divided  in  opinion.     He 
writ  by  his  fbn  to  the  King,   alking  leave  to  come  and  wait 
on  him.     The  King  gave  an  anfwer  that  feemed  to  encourage 
it,  bat  did  not  bind  him  to  any  thing.    I  have  forgot  the  words : 
There  was  an  equivocating  in  them  that  did  not  become  a  Prince: 
But  his  fbn  told  me,  he  wrote  them  very  particularly  to  his  father, 
without  any  advice  of  his  own.     Upon  that  the  Marquis  of  ^r- 
gtk  came  up  fb  fecretly,   that  he  was  within  White-hall,  before 
his  enemies  knew  any  thing  of  his  journey.     He  fent  his  fbn  to 
the  King  to  beg  admittance.    But  inftead  of  that  he  was  fent 
ArgiU  few  to  the  Tower.    And  orders  were  fent  down  for  clapping  up  three 
2  the  Tow-  ^^  ^^  chief  Remonflrators.    Of  thefe  Warifloun  was  one :  But  he 
had  notice  fent  him  before  the  mclTenger  came :  So  he  made  his 
cfcape,  and  went  beyond  fea,  firft  to  Hamburgh.     He  had  been 
long  courted  by  Cromwell,  and  had  ftood  at  a  diftance  from  him 
for  feven  years :  But  in  the  laft  year  of  his  government  he  had 
gone  into  his  counfels ,   and  was  fiimmoned  as  one  of  his  Peers 
to  the  other  Houfe,  as  it  was  called.     He  was  after  that  put  in- 
to the  Council  of  ftate  after  Richard  was  put  out :  And  then  he 
fat  in  another  court  put  up  by  Lambert  and  the  Army,  called  the 
Committee  of  fafcty.  So  there  was  a  great  deal  againft  him.  Swin-^ 
ton,  one  of  Cromwell's  Lords,  was  alfo  fent  a  prifbner  to  Scotland, 
And  thus  it  was  refolved  to  make  a  few  examples  in  the  Parlia- 
ment that  was  to  be  called,  as  foon  as  the  King  could  be  got  to 
prepare  matters  for  it.     It  was  refolved  on,  to  reftore  the  King's 

autho- 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  IL  1 07 

authority  to  the  fame  (late  it  was  in  before  the  wars,    and  to  1660. 
raife  fiich  a  force  as  might  be  necclTary  to  (ecure  the  quiet  of  that  ^-^'"V"^ 
kingdom  for  the  future. 

It  was  a  harder  point,  what  to  do  with  the  citadels  that  were  The  dtadejj 
built  by  Cromwell,  and  with  the  Engl'tjh  garrifons  that  were  kept  |j"  '"''1".^ 
in  them.  Many  faid,  it  was  neceffary  to  keep  that  kingdom  in 
that  fubdued  ftate  ^  at  lead  till  all  things  were  fettled,  and  that 
there  was  no  more  danger  from  thence.  The  Earl  of  Claren^ 
don  was  of  this  mind.  But  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  laid  before 
the  King,  that  the  conqueft  Cromwell  had  made  of  Scotland  was 
for  their  adhering  to  him:  He  might  then  judge  what  they 
would  think,  who  had  fuffered  fo  much  and  fo  long  on  his  ac- 
count; if  the  fame  thraldome  fhould  be  now  kept  up  by  his  means : 
It  would  create  an  univerfal  difguft.  He  told  the  King,  that  the 
time  might  come,  in  which  he  would  wifh  rather  to  have  Scotch 
garrifons  in  England:  It  would  become  a  national  quarrel,  and 
loofe  the  affections  of  the  country  to  (uch  a  degree,  that  per- 
haps they  would  join  with  the  garrifons, Sf  any  disjointing  hap- 
pen'd  in  England  againft  him :  Whereas,  without  ^y  fuch  badge 
of  flavery,  Scotland  might  be  fo  managed,  that  they  might  be 
made  entirely  his.  The  Earl  of  M'tdletoun  and  his  party  durft 
not  appear  for  fo  unpopular  a  thing.  So  it  was  agreed  on,  that 
the  citadels  fhould  be  evacuated  and  flighted,  as  (obn  as  the 
money  could  be  railed  in  England  for  paying  and  dilbanding  the 
Army.  Of  all  this  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  was  believed  the  chief 
adrifer.     So  he  became  very  popular  in  Scotland. 

The  next  thing  that  fell  under  confideration  was  the  Church,  Difputw 
and  whether  Bifhops  were  to  be  reftored,  or  not.  The  Earl  olt^^^^^, 
Lauderdale  at  his  firft  coming  to  the  King  ftuck  firm  to  Prefby- 
tery.  He  told  me,  the  King  fpoke  to  him  to  let  that  go,  for 
it  was  not  a  religion  for  gentlemen.  He  being  really  a  Prefby- 
terian,  but  at  the  fame  time  refolving  to  get  into  the  King's 
confidence,  ftudied  to  convince  the  King  by  a  very  fiibtil  me- 
thod to  keep  up  Prefbytery  ftill  in  Scotland.  He  told  him,  that 
both  King  James  and  his  father  had  ruined  their  affairs  by  eh- 
gaging  in  the  defign  of  fetting  up  Epifcopacy  in  that  kingdom : 
And  by  that  means  Scotland  became  difcontented,  and  was  of 
no  ufe  to  them :  Whereas  the  King  ought  to  govern  them  ac- 
cording to  the  grain  of  their  own  inclinations,  and  to  make  them 
fure  to  him :  He  ought,  inflead  of  endeavouring  an  uniformity 
in  both  kingdoms,  to  keep  up  the  oppofition  between  them,  and 
rather  to  encreafe  than  to  allay  that  hatred  that  was  between 
them :  And  then  the  Scots  would  be  ready,  and  might  be  eafily 
brought  to  ferve  him  upon  any  occafion  of  difpute  he  might 

afterwards 


io8  T/&^.  History  of  the  Reign 

\66o.  afterwards  have  with  the  Parliament  of  England:  All  things 
'were  then  fraooth:  But  that  was  the  honey  moon,  and  it  could 
not  laft  long :  Nothing  would  keep  England  more  in  awe,  tjian 
if  they  faw  Scotland  firm  in  their  duty  and  afFedion  to  him  : 
Whereas  nothing  gave  them  fo  much  heart,  as  when  they  knew 
Scotland  was  disjointed:  It  was  a  vain  attempt  to  think  of  do- 
ing any  thing  in  England  by  means  of  the  Ir'ijhj  who  were  a 
delpicable  people,  and  had  a  fea  to  pa(s :  But  Scotland  could  be 
brought  to  engage  for  the  King  in  a  more  filent  manner,  and 
could  ferve  him  more  efFedually :  He  therefore  laid  it  down  for 
a  maxim ,  from  which  the  King  ought  never  to  depart,  that 
Scotland  was  to  be  kept  quiet  and  in  good  humour,  that  the  op- 
pofition  of  the  two  kingdoms  was  to  be  kept  up  and  heighten'd  : 
And  then  the  King  might  reckon  on  every  man  capable  of 
bearing  arms  in  Scotland,  as  a  lifted  foldier,  who  would  willing- 
ly change  a  bad  country  for  a  better.  This  was  the  plan  he 
laid  before  the  King.  I  cannot  tell,  whether  this  was  to  co- 
ver his  zeal  for  Prelbytery,  or  on  defign  to  encourage  the  King 
to  /et  up  arbitrary  government  in  England. 

To  fortify  thefe  advifes  he  wrote  a  long  letter  in  white  ink 
to  a  Daughter  of  the  Earl  of  CaJJil'ts,  Lady  Margaret  Kennedj^ 
who  was  in  great  credit  with  the  party,   and  was  looked  on  as 
a  very  wife  and  good  woman,  and  was  out  of  meafiire  zealous 
for  them.     I  married   her    afterwards,    and   after  her   death 
found  this  letter  among  her  papers :  In  which  he  exprefled  great 
zeal  for  the  caufe :    He  faw  the  King  was  indifferent  in  the  mat- 
ter :  Bat  he  was  eafy  to  thofe  who  prelTed  for  a  change :  Which, 
he  faid,  nothing  could  fo  efFedually  hinder,    as  the  fending  vip 
many  men  of  good  fenfe,    but  without  any  noife,   who  might 
inform  the  King  of  the  averfion  tlie  nation  had  to  that  govern- 
ment, and  afTure  him  that,  if  in  that  point  he  would  be  eafy  to 
them,  he  might  depend  upon  them  as  to  every  thing  elfe  ,•  auii 
particularly,  if  he  ftood  in  need  of  their  iervice  in  his  other  do- 
minions: But  he  charged  her  to  truft  very  few  of  the  Minifters 
.  with  this,  and  to  take  care  that  Sharp  might  know  nothing  of 
:it:  For  he  was  then  jealous  of  him.     This  had  all  the.efie.^ 
that  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  intended  by  it.     The  King  wa^  ho 
more  jealous  of  his  favouring  Preibytery  j    but  looked  on  him,'^s 
a  fit  inftrument  to  manage  Scotland,  and  to  ferve  hitn  in  the  mofl 
defperate  defigns:  And  on  this  all  his  credit  with  the  King  was 
founded.     In  the  mean  time  Sharp,   feeing  the  King  cold  m 
the  matter  of  Epifcopacy,    thought  it  was  necelTary  to  lay  tfie 
Prefbyterians  afleep,  to  make  them  apprehend  no  danger  to  their 
government,  and  to  engage  the  Publick  Refblutioners  to  proceed 

again  ft 


of  King  Chaklis  11  109 

againft  all  the  Protefters,-  that  fo  thofe  who  were  like  to  be  1660. 
the  moft  inflexible  in  the  point  of  Epifcopacy  might  be  cenfured 
by  their  own  party,  and  by  that  means  the  others  might  be- 
come fo  odious  to  the  more  violent  Prefbyterians,  that  thereby 
they  might  be  the  more  eafily  difpofed  to  fubmit  to  Epifcopacy, 
or  at  leaft  might  have  lefs  credit  to  ad:  againft  it.  So  he' 
being  prefs'd  by  thofe  who  employed  him  to  procure  fbmewhat 
from  the  King  that  might  look  like  a  confirmation  of  their  go- 
vernment, and  put  to  filence  all  difcourfes  of  an  intended  change, 
obtained  by  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale's  means,  that  a  letter  fhould 
be  writ  by  the  King  to  the  Prefby tcry  of  Edeni?urgh,  to  be  com- 
municated by  them  to  all  the  other  Prefbyteries  in  Scotland^  in 
which  he  confirmed  the  General  Affemblies  that  fate  at  St.  An- 
drews and  Dundee  while  he  was  in  Scotland,  and  that  had  con- 
firmed the  publick  refolutions  ,•  in  which  he  ordered  them  to  pro- 
ceed to  cenfure  all  thofe  who  had  then  protefted  againft  them,  and 
would  not  now  fubmit  to  them.  The  King  did  alfo  confirm 
their  Prefby terian  government,  as  it  was  by  law  eftablifhed. 
This  was  figned,  and  fent  down  without  corhmunicating  it  to 
the  Earl  of  M'ldletoun  or  his  party.  But  as  fbon  as  he  heard  of 
it,  he  thought  Sharp  had  betrayed  the  defign ;  and  fe'nt  for  him, 
and  charged  him  with  it.  Sharp  faid,  in  his  own  excufe,  that 
fomewhat  muft  be  done  for  quieting  the  Prefbyterians,  who  were 
beginning  to  take  the  allarm:  That  might  have  produced  fuch 
applications,  as  would  perhaps  make  fbme  impreflion  on  the  King : 
Whereas  now  all  was  fccured,  and  yet  the  King  was  engaged  to 
nothings  for  his  confirming  their  government,  as  it  was  eftab- 
lifhed  by  law,  could  bind  him  no  longer  than  while  tliat  legal 
eftablifhment  was  in  force :  So  the  reverfing  of  that  would  rc- 
leafe  the  King.  This  allayed  the  Earl  oi  Mtdletoun's  difpleafure 
a  little.  Yet  Pr'tmerofe  told  me,  he  fpoke  often  of  it  with 
great  indignation,  fince  it  fcemed  below  the  dignity  of  a  King 
thus  to  equivocate  with  his  people,  and  to  deceive  them.  It 
feemed,  that  Sharp  thought  it  not  enough  to  cheat  the  party 
himfelf,  but  would  have  the  King  fhare  with  him  in  the  fraud. 
This  was  no  honourable  ftcp  to  be  made  by  a  King,  and  to 
be  contrived  by  a  Clergyman.  The  letter  was  received  with 
tranfports  of  joy:  The  Prefbyterians  reckoned  they  were  fafe, 
and  began  to  proceed  ieverely  againft  the  Protefters^  to  which 
they  were  fct  on  by  Ibme  afpiring  men,  who  hoped  to  merit  by  the 
heat  exprefled  on  this  occafion.  And  if  Sharp's  impatience  to 
get  into  the  Archbifhoprick  of  St.  Andrews  had  not  wrought  too 
ftrong  on  him,  it  would  have  given  a  great  advantage  to  therefti- 
tution  of  Epifcopacy,  if  a  General  Aflembly  had  been  called,  and 

F  f  the 


no  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1660.  the  two  parties  had  been  let  loofe  on  one  another:  ThatwouM 
^-^"V^^  have  Hiewn  the  impoflibiHty  of  maintaining  the  government  of 
the  Church  in  a  parity,  and  the  necefTity  of  fetting  a  fuperiour 
order  over  them  for  keeping  them  in  unity  and  peace. 
A  Minifiry  The  King  fettled  the  Miniftry  in  Scotland.  The  Earl  of  M'tdle- 
Sw"  ^'^^^  ^'^^  declared  the  King's  CommiiTioner  for  holding  the  Par- 
hament,  and  General  of  the  forces  that  were  to  be  railed:  The 
Earl  of  Glencdirn  was  made  Chancellour :  The  Earl  of  Lauder- 
dale was  Secretary  of  State:  The  Earl  oi  Rothes  Prefident  of  the 
Council :  The  Earl  of  Crawford'^^s  continued  in  the  Treafury : 
Primerofe  was  Clark  Regifter,  which  is  very  like  the  place  of  Mafter 
of  the  Rolls  in  England.  The  reft  depended  on  thefe.  But  the 
Earls  of  Mtdletotm  and  Lauderdale  were  the  two  heads  of  the 
parties.  The  Earl  of  Mtdletotm  had  a  private  inftrudion,  which, 
as  Lauderdale  told  me,  was  not  communicated  to  him,  to  try  the 
inclinations  of  the  Nation  for  Epifcopacy,  and  to  confider  of 
the  beft  method  of  fetting  it  up.  This  was  drawn  from  the  King 
by  the  Earl  of  Clarendon:  For  he  himfelf  was  obferved  to  be 
very  cold  in  it,  while  thele  things  were  doing.  Primerofe  got 
an  order  from  the  King  to  put  up  all  the  publick  regifters  of 
Scotland,  which  Cromwell  had  brought  up,  and  lodged  in  the 
Tower  of  London,  as  a  pawn  upon  that  Kingdom,  in  imitation 
of  what  King  Edward  the  firft  was  faid  to  have  done  when 
he  fubdued  that  Nation.  They  were  now  put  up  in  fifty  hogfheds: 
And  a  fhip  v/as  ready  to  carry  them  down.  But  it  was  fufrcrefted 
to  Lord  Clarendon,  that  the  original  Covenant,  figned  by  the 
King,  and  fome  other  declarations  under  his  hand,  were  among 
them.  And  he,  apprehending  that  at  Ibme  time  or  other  an 
ill  ufe  might  have  been  made  of  thele,  would  not  fufFer  them 
to  be  fhipped  till  they  were  vifited :  Nor  would  he  take  Prime- 
rofe's  promife  of  fearching  for  thefe  carefully,  and  fending  them 
up  to  him.  So  he  ordered  a  fearch  to  be  made.  None  of  the 
papers  he  looked  for  were  found.  But  fo  much  time  was  loft 
that  the  fummer  was  fpent :  So  they  were  fent  down  in  winter: 
And  by  fome  eafterly  gufts  the  ftiip  was  caft  away  near  Berwick. 
So  we  loft  all  our  records.  And  we  have  nothing  now  but  fome 
fragments  in  private  hands  to  rely  on,  having  made  at  that 
time  lb  great  a  Ihipwreck  of  all  our  authentick  writings.  This 
heightened  the  dilplealure  the  Nation  had  at  the  defigns  then 
on  foot. 

A  Council  '^^^^  ^^^^  thing,  upon  which  all  other  matters  depended , 
propofed  to  was  the  method  in  which  the  affairs  of  Scotland  were  to  be  con- 
fer i'w^z/ib  duded.  The  Earl  of  Clarendon  moved,  that  there  might  be  a 
Council  fettled  to  fit  regularly  at  Whitehall  on  Scotttjh  affairs. 


atiairs. 


to 


oflLing  Charles  11.  m 

to  which  every  one  of  the  Scotch  Privy  Council  that  happened    \66o. 
to  be  on  the  place  ihould  be  admitted:  But  with  this  addition, ^^V^^ 
that,  as  two  ScotchluQ)i^%  were  called  to  the  Engl'tjh  Council,  fo 
fix  of  the  Engltjh  ^txz  to  be  of  the  Scotch  Council.    The  ef- 
fed  of  this  would  have  been ,    that  whereas  the  Scotch  Counfel- 
lours  had  no  great  force  in  Engltjh  affairs,  the  Engl'tjh,  as  they 
were  men   of  great  credit  with  the  King,  and  were  always  on 
the  place,  would  have  the  government  of  the  affairs  oi Scotland 
wholly  in  their  hands.    Tnis  probably  would  have  faved  that 
Nation  from  much  injuftice  and  violence,    when  there  was  a 
certain   method  of  laying  their  grievances    before  the  King: 
Complaints  would  have  been  heard,  and  matters  well  examined: 
Englt/hmen  would  not,  and  durft  not,  have  given  way  to  cry- 
ing oppreffion,  and  illegal  proceedings:  For  tho' thefe  matters 
did  not  fall  under  the  cognifance  of  an  Engl'tjh  Parliament,    yet 
it  would  have   very  much  blafted  a  man's  credit  who   fhould 
have   concurred  in   fuch  methods  of  government  as  were  put 
in  practice  afterwards  in  that  Kingdom:  Therefore  all  people 
quickly  faw  how  wife  a  projed  this  was,    and  how  happy  it 
would  have  proved,    if  affairs  had  ftill  gone  in  that  channel. 
But  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  oppofed  this  with  all  his  ftrength. 
He  told  the  King,    it  would  quite  deftroy  the  fcheme  he  had 
laid  before  him,  which  muft  be  managed  fecretly,  and  by  men 
that  were  not  in  fear  of  the  Parliament  of  England,  nor  ob- 
noxious to  it.     He  faid  to  all  Scotch-men,  this  would  make  Scot^ 
land  a  province  to  England,    and  (iibjed:  it  to  Engltjh  Coun- 
fellours,  who  knew  neither  the  laws  nor  the  interefts  oi Scotland, 
and  yet  would  determine  every  thing  relating  to  it:  And  all 
the  wealth  of  Scotland  would  be  employed  to  bribe  them,  who, 
having  no  concern  of  their  own  in  the  affairs  of  that  Kingdom, 
muft  be  fuppofed  capable  of  being  turned  by  private  confidera-. 
tions.    To  the  Prelbyterians  he  faid,  this  would  infallibly  bring 
in,  not  only  Epifcopacy,    but  every  thing  elfe  from  the  Engltjh 
pattern.     Men  who  had  neither  kindred  nor  eftates  in  Scotland 
would  be  biaffed  chiefly  by  that  which  was  moft  in  vogue  in 
England,   without  any  regard  to  the  inclinations  of  the  Scots. 
Thefe  things  made  great  impreflions  on   the  Scott'tjh  Nation. 
The  King  himfelf  did  not  much  like  it.     But  the  Earl  of  Cla- 
rendon told  him,  Scotland,  by  a  fecret  and  ill  management,  had 
begun  the  embroilment  in  his  father's  affairs,  which  could  ne- 
ver have  happened,   if  the  affairs  of  that  Kingdom  had  been 
under  a  more  equal  infpedion :    \i Scotland  fhould  again  fall  into 
new  diforders,  he  muft  have  the  help  oi England  to  quiet  them: 
And  that  could  not  be  expeded,  if  the  Engl'tjh  had  no  fliare  in 

the 


112  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1660.  the  condud  of  matters  there.     The  King  yielded  to  it:  And 
^-^'""^''""^this  method  was  followed  for  two  or  three  years,-  but  was  af- 
terwards broke  by  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale^  when  he  got  into  the 
chief  management.     He  began  early  to  obferve  fome  uneafineft 
in  the  King  at  the  Earl  of  Clarendon's  pofitive  way.     He  faw 
the  miftrifs  hated  him:  Ami  he  believed  fhc  would  in  time  be 
too  hard  for  him :  Therefore  he  made  great  applications  to  her. 
But  his  converfation  was  too  coarfe:    And  he  had  not  money- 
enough  to  fupport  himfelf  by  prcfents  to  her :  So  he  could  not 
be  admitted  into  that  cabal  which  was  lield  in  her  lodgings. 
He  faw,  that  in  a  Council,  where  men  of  weight,  who  had  much 
at  ftake  in  Rnojand^   bore  the   chief  fway,    he  durft  not  have 
propofcd  thofe  thingSj  by  which  he  intended  to  eftabliih  his  own 
intereft  with  the  King,  and  to  govern  that   Kingdom  which 
way  his  pride  or  paflion  might  guide  him.     Among   others, 
he  took  great  pains  to  perfuade  me  of  the  great  fervice  he  had 
done  his  country  by  breaking  that  method  of  governing  it;  the' 
we  had  many  occafions  afterwards  to  fee  how  fatal  that  proved, 
and  how  wicked  his  defign  in  it  was. 
TheCom-        I  have  thus  opened  with  fbme  copioufnefs  the  beginnings  of 
utes"  eet  iii  this  tcigu ;    fmcc,    as  they  are  little  known,    and  I  had  them 
Scotland.      £-j.Qj^^  j.j^^  chief  of  both  fides,    fo  they  may  guide  the  reader  to 
obferve  the  progrefs  of   things  better   in   the  fequel  than  he 
could  otherwife  do.     In  Augufi  the  Earl  of  Glenca'trn  was  fent 
down  to  Scotland^  and  had  orders  to  call  together  the  Committee 
of  Eftates.     This  was  a  pradice  begun  in  the  late  times :  When 
the  Parliament  made  a  recefs,  they  appointed  fbme  of  every  State 
to  fit,  and  to  a6t  as  a  Council  of  State  in  their  name  till  the  next 
feffionj  for  which  they  were  to  prepare  matters,  and  to  which 
they  gave  an  account  of  their  proceedings.     When    the  Parli- 
ament of  Sterling  was  adjourned,    the  King  being  prefent,    a 
Committee  had  been  named:  So,  fuch  of  thefe  as  were  yet  alive 
were  fiimmoncd  to  meet,    and  to  fee  to  the  quiet  of  the  Nation, 
till  the  Parliament  fhould  be  brought  together ;  which  did  not 
meet  before  January.      On  the  day  in  which  the  Committee 
met,  ten  or  twelve  of  the  Protcfting  Minifters  met  likewife  at£- 
denbmgh,  and  had  before  them  a  warm  paper  prepared  by  one 
Gutkery^  one  of  the  violentefl  Minifters  of  the  whole  party.    In 
it,  after  fbme  cold  compliment  to  the  King  upon  his  Reftorati- 
on,  they  put  him  in  mind  of  the  Covenant  which  he  had  fo  fo- 
Icmnly  fworn  while  among  them:  They  lamented  that,  mftead 
of  purfuing  the  ends  of  it  in  England^  as  he  had  fworn  to  do, 
he  had  fet  up  the  Common  Prayer  in  his  Chappel ,  and  the  or- 
der of  Bifliops:  Upon  which  they  made  terrible  denunciations 

of 


vv^'^s/  King  Char  Vt  i  ll.  \  i  ^ 

of  heavy  judgments  from  God  on  him,  if  he  did  not  ftand  to  1660 
the  Covenant,  which  they  called  the  oath  of  God.  The  Earl 
o^ Glencairn  had  notice  of  this  meeting:  And  he  fen t  and  feizl'- 
ed  on  them  together  with  this  rcmonftrance.  The  paper  was 
voted  fcandalous  and  feditious:  And  the  Minifters  were  all  clapc 
up  in  prifon,  and  were  threaten'd  with  great  feverities.-  Guthery 
was  kept  ftill  in  prifon,  who  had  brought  the  others  together: 
But  the  reft  after  a  while's  imprifonment  were  let  go.  Guthery ^ 
being  Minifter  oi  Sterlm  while  the  King  was  there,  had  let  fly 
at  him  in  his  Sermons  in  a  moft  indecent  manner;  which  at 
laft  became  lb  intolerable,  that  he  was  cited  to  appear  before 
the  King  to  anfwer  for  fome  paiTages  in  his  fermons :  He  would 
not  appear,  but  declined  the  King  and  his  Council,  who,  he 
faid,  were  not  proper  judges  of  matters  of  do(ftrine,  for  which 
he  was  only  accountable  to  the  judicatories  of  the  Kirk.  He  al- 
io protefted  for  remedy  of  law  againft  the  King,  for  thus  di- 
fturbing  him  in  the  exercife  of  his  Miniftry.  This  perfbnal 
affront  had  irritated  the  King  more  againft  him,  than  againft 
any  other  of  the  party.  And  it  was  refblved  to  ftrike  a  terrour 
into  them  all,  by  making  an  exanhple  of  him.  He  was  a  man  of 
courage,  and  Went  thro'  all  his  trouble  with  great  firmnefs. 
But  this  way  of  proceeding  ftruck  the  whole  party  with  fuch  a 
confternation,  that  it  had  all  the  effed:  which  was  defigned  by 
it:  For  whereas  the  pulpits  had,  to  the  great  fcandal  of  religi-' 
on,  been  places  where  the  preachers  had  for  many  years  vent- 
ed their  fpleen  and  arraigned  all  proceedings,  they  became  now 
more  decent,  and  there  was  a  general  filence  every  where  with  ''^"'"'^  ' 
relation  to  the  affairs  of  ftate:  Only  they  could  not  hold  from 
many  fly  and  fecret  infinuations,  as  if  the  Ark  of  God  was  Ihak- 
ing,  and  the  Glory  departing.  A  great  many  offenders  were 
fummoned,  at  the  King's  fuit,  before  the  Committee  of  Eftates, 
and  required  to  give  bail^  that  they  fhould  appear  at  the  open- 
ing of  the  Parliament,  and  anfwer  to  what  fliould  be  then  ob- 
jeded  to  them.  Many  law,  the  defign  of  this  was  to  fright  them 
into  a  compofition,  and  alio  into  a  concurrence  with  the  mea- 
fures  that  were  to  be  taken.  For  the  greater  part  they  compli- 
ed, and  redeemed  themlelves  from  farther  vexation  by  fuch  pre- 
lents  as  they  were  able  to  make.  And  in  thele  tranfadtions 
Pnmerofe  and  Fletcher  were  the  great  dealers. 

In  the  end  of  the  year  the  Earl  of  Mtdletoun  came  down  with  A  Pariia- 
grcat  magnificence:  His  way  of  living  was  the  moft  fplendid  thej^^""  "' 
nation  had  ever  fecn:  But  it  was  likewile  the  moft  fcandalous,- 
for  vices  of  all  forts  were  the  open  practices  of  thofe  about 
him.     Drinking  was  the  moft  notorious  of  all,  which  was  often 

G  g.  eontiniKti 


114         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1660.  continued  thro'  the  whole  night  to  the  next  morning:  And 
'  many  diforders  happening  after  thofe  irrregular  heats,  the  people, 
who  had  never  before  that  time  feen  any  thing  like  it,  came  to 
look  with  an  ill  eye  on  every  thing  that  was  done  by  fuch  a  fet 
of  lewd  and  vitious  men.  This  laid  in  all  men's  minds  a  new 
prejudice  againft  Epifcopacy:  For  they,  who  could  not  examine 
into  the  nature  of  things,  were  apt  to  take  an  ill  opinion  of  e- 
very  change  in  reHgion  that  was  brought  about  by  fuch  bad  in- 
flruments.  There  had  been  a  face  of  gravity  and  piety  in  the 
former  adminiftration,  which  made  the  libertinage  of  the  pre- 
fcnt  time  more  odious. 

1661,  The  Earl  o^  Midletofm  opened  the  Parliament  on  the  firfl  oija- 
'nuary  with  a  fpeech  fetting  forth  the  bleffing  of  the  Reftoration : 
He  magnified  the  King's  perfbn,  and  enlarged  on  the  afFedion 
that  he  bore  to  that  his  ancient  Kingdom :  He  hoped  they  would 
make  fuitable  returns  of  zeal  for  the  King's  fervice,  that  they 
would  condemn  all  the  invafions  that  had  been  made  on  the  Re- 
gal authority,  and  affert  the  juil  prerogative  of  the  Crown,  and 
give  fupplies  for  keeping  up  (iich  a  force  as  was  necefTary  to  fe- 
cure  the  publick  peace,  and  to  preferve  them  from  the  return  of 
fuch  calamities  as  they  had  fo  long  felt.  The  Parliament  writ  an 
anfwer  to  the  King's  letter  full  of  duty  and  thanks.  The  firfl 
thing  propofed  was  to  name  Lords  of  the  Articles.  In  order  to 
the  apprehending  the  importance  of  this,  I  will  give  fome  ac- 
count of  the  conftitution  of  that  Kingdom. 

The  Lords  The  Parliament  was  anciently  the  King's  Court,  where  all 
who  held  land  of  him  were  bound  to  appear.  All  fate  in  one 
houie,  but  were  confidered  as  three  eftates.  The  firfl  was  the 
Church,  reprefented  by  the  Biflnops,  and  mitred  Abbots,  and 
Priors.  The  fecond  was  the  Baronage,  the  Nobility  and  Gen- 
try who  held  their  Baronies  of  the  King.  And  the  third  was 
the  Burroughs,  who  held  of  the  King  by  Barony,  tho'  in  a 
community.  So  that  the  Parliament  was  truly  the  Baronage 
of  the  Kingdom.  The  lelTer  Barons  grew  weary  of  this  atten- 
dance: So  in  King  James  the  firfl  time  (during  the  reign  oi Hen- 
ry IV.  oi  Englandj  they  were  excufed  from  it,  and  were  impower- 
ed  to  fend  proxies,  to  an  indefinite  number,  to  reprefent  them  in 
Parliament.  Yet  they  negleded  to  do  this.  And  it  continued  fo 
till  King  James  the  fixth's  time,  in  which  the  mitred  Abbots 
being  taken  away,  and  few  of  the  titular  Bifliops  that  were  then 
continued  appearing  at  them,  the  Church  Lands  being  general- 
ly in  Lay  hands,  the  Nobility  carried  matters  in  Parliament  as 
they  pleafed:  And  as  they  opprelTed  the  Burroughs,  fo  they 
had  the  King  much  under  them.     Upon  this  the  lower  Barons 

'  got 


of  the  Arti- 
cles. 


of  Kmg  Charles  II  ii^ 

got  themfelves  to  be  reftored  to  the  right  which  they  had  neg-  i^d^r. 
ledied  near  two  hundred  years.  They  were  allowed  by  ad  of  Par- 
liament to  fend  two  from  a  county:  Only  fome  fmaller  coun- 
ties fent  but  one.  This  brought  that  conftitution  to  a  truer 
balance.  The  lower  Barons  have  a  right  to  choofe  at  their  coun- 
ty Courts  after  Michaelmas  their  Commiflioners,  to  ferve  in  any 
Parliament  that  may  be  called  within  that  year.  And  they  who 
chufe  them  fign  a  commiflion  to  him  who  reprefents  them.  So 
the  Sheriff  has  no  fhare  of  the  return.  And  in  the  cafe  of  con- 
troverted eledions  the  Parliament  examines  the  cdmmiffions,  to 
fee  who  has  the  greatefl  number,  and  judges  whether  every 
one  that  figns  it  had  a  right  to  do  fo.  The  Burroughs  only  choofe 
their  members  when  the  fiimmons  goes  out:  And  all  are  chofen 
by  the  men  of  the  corporation,  or,  as  they  call  them,  the  town 
council.  All  thefe  Eftates  fit  in  one  houfe,  and  vote  together. 
Anciently  the  Parliament  fate  only  two  days,  the  firfl  and  the  lafl. 
On  the  firft  they  chofe  thofe  who  were  to  fit  on  the  articles, 
eight  for  every  ftate,  to  whom  the  King  joined  eight  officers  of 
ftate.  Thefe  received  all  the  heads  of  grievances  or  articles  that 
were  brought  to  them,  and  formed  them  into  bills  as  they  pleaf^ 
ed :  And  on  the  laft  day  of  the  Parliament,  thefe  were  all  read, 
and  were  approved  or  rejedted  by  the  whole  body.  So  they 
were  a  committee  that  had  a  very  extraordinary  authority,  fmce 
nothing  could  be  brought  before  the  Parliament  but  as  they 
pleafed.  This  was  pretended  to  be  done  only  for  the  fhortening 
and  difpatching  of  Seflions.  The  Crown  was  not  contented 
with  this  limitation,  but  got  it  to  be  carried  farther.  The  No- 
bility came  to  choofe  eight  Bifhops,  and  the  Bifhops  to  choofe 
eight  noble  men :  And  thefe  fixteen  choofe  the  eight  Barons,  (fo 
the  reprefentative  for  the  Shires  are  called,)  and  the  eight  Bur- 
geffes.  By  this  means  our  Kings  did  upon  the  matter  choofe  all 
the  Lords  of  the  articles.  So  entirely  had  they  got  the  liberties 
of  that  Parliament  into  their  hands. 

During  the  late  troubles  they  had  flill  kept  up  a  diftindion 
of  three  eftates,  the  lefTer  Barons  making  one :  And  then  every 
Eftate  might  meet  apart,  and  name  their  own  committee:  But 
ftill  all  things  were  brought  in,  and  debated  in  full  Parliament. 
So  now  the  firft  thing  propofed  was,  the  returning  to  the  old 
cuftom  of  naming  Lords  of  the  articles.  The  Earl  of  Tweedale 
oppofed  it,  but  was  feconded  only  by  one  perfon.  So  it  pafs'd 
with  that  fmall  oppofition.  Only,  to  make  it  go  eafier,  it  was 
promifed,  that  there  fhould  be  frequent  feflions  of  Parliament, 
and  that  the  ads  fhould  not  be  brought  in  in  a  hurry,  and 
carried  with  the  hafte  that  had  been  pradifed  in  former  times. 

Tlie 


1 16         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1661.        The  Parliament  granted  the  King  an  additional  revenue  for  hfe 
^-^'"V"'^  of  40000  /.  a  year,  to  be  raifed  by  an  excife  on  beer  and  ale,  for 
paivdiaihis maintaining  a  fmall  force:  Upon  which  two  troops  and  a  regi- 
feffion.       jnent  of  foot  guards  were  to  be  raifed.     They  ordered  the  Mar- 
quifs  of  Montrofe's  quarters  to  be  brought  together:  And  they 
were  buried  with  great  ftate.     They  fell  next  upon  the  ads  of 
the  former  times  that  had  limited  the  Prerogative:    They  re- 
pealed them,    and  afferted  it  with  a  full  extent  in  a  moft  extra- 
ordinary manner.    Pr'tmerofe  had  the  drawing  of  thefe  ads.     He 
often  confefTed  to  me,  that  he  thought  he  was  as  one  bewitched 
while  he  drew  them :  For,  not  confidering  the  ill  ufe  might  be 
made  of  them  afterwards,    he  drew  them  with  preambles  full 
of  extravagant  rhetorick,    refleding  feverely  on  the  proceedings 
of  the  late  times,    and  fwelled  them  up  with  the  higheft  phra- 
fes  and  fuUefl  claules  that  he  could  invent.     In  the  ad  which 
;  alTerted  the  King's  power  of  the  militia,    the  power  of  arming 

and  levying  the  mbjeds  was  carried  fo  far,  that  it  would  have 
ruined  the  Kingdom,  if  Gilmore^  (an  eminent  Lawyer,  and  a  man 
of  great  integrity,  who  had  now  the  more  credit,  for  he  had 
always  favoured  the  King's  fide,)  had  not  obferved  that,  as  the 
ad  was  worded,  the  King  might  require  all  the  fubjeds  to  ferve 
at  their  own  charge,  and  might  oblige  them,  in  order  to  the 
redeeming  themfclves  from  ferving,  to  pay  whatever  might  be 
fet  on  them.  So  he  made  fuch  an  oppofition  to  this,  that  it 
could  not  pafs  till  a  provifo  was  added  to  it,  that  the  Kingdom 
fliould  not  be  obliged  to  maintain  any  force  levied  by  the  King, 
otherwife  than  as  it  fhould  be  agreed  to  in  Parliament,  or  in  a 
Convention  of  Eftates.  This  was  the  only  thing  that  was  then 
looked  to :  For  all  the  other  ads  pafs'd  in  the  articles  as  Prime- 
rofe  had  penn'd  them.  They  were  brought  into  Parliament :  And 
upon  one  hafty  reading  them  they  were  put  to  the  vote,  and  were 
always  carried. 

One  ad  troubled  the  Prefbyterians  extreamly.  In  the  ad  af- 
ferting  the  King's  power  in  treaties  of  peace  and  war,  all  leagues 
with  any  other  Nation,  not  made  by  the  King's  authority,  were 
declared  tireafonable :  And  in  confequence  of  this  the  League  and 
Covenant  mz^Q  mt\\  England  m  the  year  1645  was  condemned, 
and  declared  of  no  force  for  the  future.  This  was  the  idol  of 
all  the  Prefbyterians:  So  they  were  much  alarmed  at  it.  But 
Sharp  reftrained  all  thofe  with  whom  he  had  credit:  He  told 
them,  the  only  way  to  preferve  their  government  was,  to  let  all 
that  related  to  the  King's  authority  be  feparated  from  it,  and  be 
condemned,  that  fo  they  might  be  no  more  accufed  as  enemies 
to  monarchy,   or  as  leavened  with  the  principles  of  rebellion. 

He 

4 


of  King  Charles  II,  117 

He  told  them,  they  mud  be  contented  to  let  that  pafs,  that  \66i. 
the  jealonfy  which  the  King  had  of  them,  as  enemies  to  his  ^^"v^-* 
prerogative,  might  be  extinguiflied  in  the  mod  effedtual  man- 
ner. This  reftrained  many.  But  fome  hotter  zealots  could  not 
be  governed.  One  Macquair ,  a  hot  man  and  confiderably 
learned,  did  in  his  church  at  Glafgow  openly  proteil  againft  this 
a6t,  as  contrary  to  the  oath  of  God,  and  fo  void  of  itfelf.  To 
proteft  againft  an  ad  of  Parliament  was  treafon  by  their  law. 
And  M'tdletotm  was  refolved  to  make  an  example  of  him  for  the 
terrifying  others.  But  Macqua'tr  was  as  ftiff  as  he  was  fevere, 
and  would  come  to  no  fubmiflion.  Yet  he  was  only  condemned 
to  perpetual  banifhment.  Upon  which  he,  and  fome  others  who 
were  afterwards  banifned,  went  and  fettled  at  Rotterdam^  where 
they  formed  themfelves  into  a  Prefbytery,  and  writ  many  fedi- 
tious  books,  and  kept  a  correspondence  over  all  Scotland^  that 
being  the  chief  feat  of  the  Scottijh  trade:  And  by  that  means 
they  did  much  more  mifchief  to  the  government,  than  they 
could  have  done  had  they  continued  ftill  in  Scotland. 

The  Lords  of  the  articles  grew  weary  of  preparing  fo  manyAnaare-' 
ads  as  the  practices  of  the  former  times  gave  occafion  for  ,•  but  Pa"iSeni 
did  not  know  how  to  meddle  with  thofe  ads  that  the  late  King  '^eid  fincc 
had  paffed  in  the  year  41,  or  the  prefent  King  had  pairedidss. 
while  he  was  in  Scotland.  They  faw,  that,  if  they  fhould  pro- 
ceed to  repeal  thofe  by  which  Prefbyterian  government  was  ra- 
tified, that  would  raife  much  oppolition,  ^nd  bring  petitions 
from  all  that  were  for  that  government  over  the  whole  King- 
dom I  which  Midletoun  and  Sharp  endeavoured  to  prevent,  that 
the  King  might  be  confirmed  in  what  they  had  affirmed,  that 
the  general  bent  of  the  Nation  was  now  turned  againft  Pref^ 
bytery  and  for  Bifhops.  So  Pr'tmerofe  propofed,  but  half  in  jeft 
as  he  alTured  me,  that  the  better  and  fhorter  way  would  be 
to  pafs  a  general  ad  refciffory,  (as  it  was  called,)  annulling  all 
the  Parliaments  that  had  been  held  fince  the  year  i<^33,  during 
the  whole  time  of  the  war,  as  faulty  and  defcdive  in  their  con- 
ftitution.  But  it  was  not  fo  eafy  to  know  upon  what  point  that 
defed  was  to  be  fixed.  The  only  colourable  pretence  in  law  was, 
that,  fince  the  ecclefiaftical  ftate  was  not  reprefented  in  thofe 
Parhaments,  they  were  not  a  full  reprefentative  of  the  Kingdom, 
and  fo  not  true  Parliaments.  But  this  could  not  be  alledged  by  this 
prefent  Parliament,  which  had  no  Bifhops  in  it:  If  that  inferred 
a  nullity,  this  was  no  Parliament.  Therefore  they  could  only  fix 
the  nullity  upon  the  pretence  of  force  and  violence.  Yet  it  was  a 
great  ftrain  to  infift  on  that,  fince  it  was  vifible  that  neither 
the  late  King  nor  the  prefent  were  under  any  force  when  they 

H  h  paf^etl 


ii8  The  History  of  the  Reign 

66\.  parted  them:  They  came  of  their  own  accord,  and  pafs'd  thofe 
ads.     If  it  was  infiftcd  on,   that  the  ill  ftate  of  their  affairs  was 
in  the  nature  of  a  force,  the  ill  confequences  of  this  were  vifiblej 
fince  no  Prince  by  this  means  could  be  bound  to  any  treaty,  or 
be  concluded  by  any  law  that  limited  his  power,  thefe  being  al- 
ways drawn  from  them  by  the  neceflity  of  their  affairs,  which 
can  never  be  called  a  force,    as  long  as  their  perfons  are  free. 
So,  upon  fbme  debate  about  it  on  thofe  grounds,    at  a  private 
jundo  the  propofition,  tho'  well  liked,  was  let  fall,  as  not  ca- 
pable to  have  good  colours  put  upon  it:  Nor  had  the  Earl  of 
Mtddletoun  any  inftrudtion  to  warrant  his  paffing  any  fuch  a6t. 
Yet  within  a  day  or  two,  when  they  had  drunk  higher,  they 
refblved  to  venture  on  it.     Primerofe  was  then  ill.    So  one  was 
fent  to  him  to  defire  him  to  prepare  a  bill  to  that  effcd.    He 
fet  about  it:  But  perceived  it  was  fo  ill  grounded,  and  ^  wild  in 
all  the  frame  of  it,  that  he  thought,  when  it   came  to  be  better 
confidered,  it  muft  certainly  belaid  afide.     But  it  fell  out  other- 
wife:  His  draught  was  copied  out  next  morning,  without  alter- 
ing a  word  in  it,  and  carried  to  the  articles,   and  from  thence 
to  the  Parliament,   where  it  met  indeed  with  great  oppofition. 
The  Earl  of  Crawford  and  the  Duke  of  Hamilton  argued  much, 
againft  it.    The  Parliament   in  the  year  41  was  legally  fum- 
moned :  The  late  King  came  thither  in  perfon  with  his  ordi- 
nary attendance,    and  without  the  appearance  of  any  force:  If 
any  ad:s  then  pafs'd  needed  to  be  reviewed,  that  might  be  well 
done:  But  to  annul  a  Parliament  was  a  terrible  precedent,  which 
deftroyed  the  whole  fecurity  of  government :  Another  Parliament 
might  annul  the  prefent  Parliament,  as  well  as  that  which  was 
now  propofed  to  be  done:  So  no  flop  could  be  made,  nor  any 
fecurity  laid  down  for  fixing  things  for  the  future:    The  Par- 
liament in  the  year  48   proceeded  upon  inftrudions  under  the 
King's  own  hand,  which  was  all  that  could  be  had  confidering 
his  imprifonment:  They  had  declared  for  the  King,    and  rai- 
fed  an  army  for  his  prefervation.    To  this  the  Earl  of  Mtdletouriy 
who  contrary  to  cuftom  managed  the  debate  himfelf,  anfwered, 
that  tho'  there  was  no  vifible  force  on  the  late  King  in  the  year 
41,  yet  they  all  knew  he  was  under  a  real  force  by  reafon  of  the 
rebellion  that   had  been  in  this  Kingdom,  and  the  apparent 
danger  of  one  ready  to  break  out  in  England,  which  forced  him 
to  fettle  Scotland  on  fuch  terms  as  he  could  bring  them  to :    So 
that  diflrefs  on  his  affairs  was  really  equivalent  to  a  force  on  his 
perfon:  Yet  he  confeffed,  it  was  juft,  that  flich  an  appearance 
of  a  Parliament  (hould  be  a  full  authority  to  all  who  adcd  under 
it;  And  care  was  taken  to  fecure  thefe  by  a  provifo  that  was  put 

3  in 


of  King  Charles  II. 


in  the  ad  to  indemnify  them:  He  acknowledged  the  defign 
of  the  Paihament  in  the  year  48  was  good :  Yet  they  declared 
for  the  King  in  fuch  terms,  and  had  adted  fo  hypocritically  in 
order  to  the  gaining  of  the  Kirk  party,  that  it  was  juft  to  con- 
demn the  proceedings,  tho'  the  intentions  of  many  were  honour- 
able and  loyal :  For  we  went  into  it,  he  faid,  as  knaves,  and 
therefore  no  wonder  if  we  mifcarried  in  it  as  fools.  This  was 
very  ill  taken  by  all  who  had  been  concerned  in  it.  The  bill 
was  put  to  the  vote,  and  carried  by  a  great  majority :  And  the 
Earl  Q){  Midktoun  immediately  pals'd  it  without  flaying  for  an 
inflruftion  from  the  King.  The  excufe  he  made  for  it  was, 
that,  fmce  the  King  had  by  his  letter  to  the  Presbyterians  con- 
firmed their  government  as  it  was  cftablifhed  by  law,  there  was 
no  way  left  to  get  out  of  that,  but  the  annulling  all  thofe  laws. 

This  was  a  moft  extravagant  ad,  and  only  fit  to  be  conclu-  if ''«  »« 
ded  after  a  drunken  bout.  It  fhook  all  pofTible  fecurity  for  the  King, 
future,  and  laid  down  a  moft  pernicious  precedent.  The  Earl  of 
Z.^W(?r<5^^/(?  aggravated  this  heavily  to  the  King.  It  (hewed,  that 
the  Earl  of  Mtdletoun  underftood  not  the  firft  principles  of  go- 
vernment, fince  he  had,  without  any  warrant  for  it,  given  the 
King's  affent  to  a  law  that  muft  for  ever  take  away  all  the  fe- 
curity that  law  can  give:  No  government  was  fo  well  cftablifh- 
ed, as  not  to  be  liable  to  a  revolution :  This  would  cut  off  all 
hopes  of  peace  and  fubmiffion,  if  any  difbrdcr  fhould  happen 
at  any  time  thereafter.  And  fmce  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  had  fct 
it  up  for  a  maxim  never  to  be  violated,  that  ads  of  indem- 
nity were  facred  things,  he  ftudied  to  pofTefs  him  againft  the 
Earl  of  Mtdletoun^  who  had  now  annulled  the  very  Parliaments 
in  which  two  King's  had  pafs'd  ads  of  indemnity.  This  rai- 
led a  great  clamour.  And  upon  that  the  Earl  of  Mtdletoun  com- 
plained in  Parliament,  that  their  beft  fervices  were  reprefented 
to  the  King  as  blemifhes  on  his  honour,  and  as  a  prejudice  to  his 
affairs:  So  he  defired  they  would  fend  upfome  of  the  moft  emi- 
nent of  their  body  to  give  the  King  a  true  account  of  their  pro- 
ceedings. The  Earls  oi  Glencaim  and  Rothes  were  fent:  For 
the  Earl  o^  Rothes  gave  fecret  engagements  to  both  fides,  refblv- 
ing  to  ftrike  into  that  to  which  he  faw  the  King  moft  inclin- 
ed. The  Earl  of  Midletoun\  defign  was  to  accufe  tht  Earl  o{ Lau- 
derdale of  mifreprefenting  the  proceedings  of  Parliament,  and  of 
belying  the  King's  good  fubjeds,  called  in  the  Scottjlj  law  Lea- 
fing making,  which  either  to  the  King  of  the  People  or  to  the 
People  of  the  King  is  capital. 

Sharp  went  up  with  thefe  Lords  to  prefs  the  fpeedy  fetting  up  The  Presby- 
of  Epifcopacy,  now  that  thegreateft  enemies  of  that  government  great  difor- 

were  <!"• 


1 20         The  History  of  the  Reign 

\66i.    were  under  a  general  confternation,   and  were  upon  other  ac- 
counts fb  obnoxious  that  they  durft  not  make  any  oppofition 
to  it,  fince  no  ad:  of  indemnity  was  yet  pafs'd.    He  had  exprefTed 
a  great  concern  to  his  old  brethren,    when  the  a6t  refciflbry 
pals'd,  and  adled  that  part  very  (blemnly  for  fome  days :  Yet  he 
leemed  to  take  heart  again,  and  perfuaded  the  minifters  of  that 
party,    that  it  would  be  a  fervice  to  them,  fince  now  the  cafe 
of  ratifying  their  government  was  feparated  from  the  rebellion 
of  the  late  times :    So  that  hereafter  it  was  to  fubfift  by  a  law 
pafs'd  in  a  Parliament  that  fate  and  aded  in  full  freedom.    So  he 
undertook  to  go  again  to  Court,  and  to  move  for  an  inftrud;ion 
to   fettle   Prefbytery  on   a  new   and  undifputed  bottom.    The 
poor  men  were  fo  ftruck  with  the  ill  ftate  of  their  affairs,  that 
they  either  trufted  him,  or  at  leafl  feemed  to  do  it,-  for  indeed 
they  had  neither  fenfe  nor  courage  left  them.     During  the  fef^ 
fion  of  Parliament  the  moft  afpiring  men  of  the  Clergy  were 
pickt  out  to  preach  before  the  Parliament.    They  did  not  fpeak 
out:  But  they  all  infinuated  the  neceffity  of  a  greater  authority 
than  was  then  in  the  Church,  for  keeping  them  in  order.     One 
or  two  fpoke  plainer :  Upon  which  the  Prefbytery  of  Edeyiburgh 
went  to  the  Earl  of  Midletoun,   and  complained  of  that,  as  an 
affront  to  the  law  and  to  the  King's  letter.    He  difmiffed  them 
with  good  words,  but  took  no  notice  of  their  complaint.    The 
Synods  in  feveral  places  refolved  to  prepare  addreffes  both  to 
King  and  Parliament,  for  an  ad  eflablifhing  their  government. 
And  Sharp  diffembled  fb  artificially,    that  he  met  with  thofe 
who  were  preparing  an  addrefs  to  be  prefented  to  the  Synod  of 
Fife,  that  was  to  fit  within  a  week  after :  And  heads  were  agreed 
on.    Hon'ymanj  afterwards  Bifhop  of  Orkney,  drew  it  up  with  fb 
much  vehemence,  that  Wood,  their  Divinity  ProfefTor,  told  me, 
he  and  fome  others  fate  up'almofl  the  whole  night  before  the 
Synod  met,  to  draw  it  over  again  in  a  fmoother  flrain.     But 
Sharp  gave  the  Earl  of  M'tdletoun  notice  of  this.    So  the  Earl  of 
Rothes  was  fent  over   to   fee  to  their  behaviour.     As  fbon  as 
the  Miniflers  entred  upon  that  fubjed,  he  in  the  King's  name 
diffolved  the  Synod,  and  commanded  the  Minifters  under  pain 
of  treafbn  to  retire  to  their  feveral  habitations.     Such  care  was 
taken  that  no  publick  appHcation  fhould  be  made  in  favour  of 
Prefbytery.     Any  attempt  that  was  made  on  the  other  hand 
met  with  great  encouragement.     The  Synod  of  Aberdeen  was 
the  only  body  that  made  an  addrefs  looking  towards  Epifcopacy. 
In  a  long  preamble  they  refleded  on  the  confufions  and  vio- 
lence of  the  late  times,   of  which  they  enumerated  many  parti- 
culars :  And  they  concluded  with  a  prayer,   that  fince  the  legal 

^  autho- 


of  King  Charles  IL  121 

authority  upon  which  their  Courts  proceeded  was  now  annulled,  i66x, 
that  therefore  the  King  and  ParHament  would  fettle  their  go- 
vernment, conform  to  the  Scriptures  and  the  rules  of  the  pri- 
mitive Church.  The  Prefbyterians  faw  what  was  driven  at,  and 
how  their  words  would  be  underftood :  But  I  heard  one  of  them 
fay,  (for  I  was  prefent  at  that  meeting,)  that  no  man  could  de- 
cently oppofe  thofe  words,  fince  by  tnat  he  would  infinuate  that 
he  thought  Prefbytery  was  not  conform  to  thefe. 

In  this  feffion  of  Parliament  another  ad  pafs'd,  which  was  a 
new  affliction  to  all  the  party :   The  twenty  ninth  of  Ma'y  was 
appointed  to  be  kept  as  a  holy  dayj   fince  on  that  day  an  end 
had  been  put  to  three  and  twenty  year's  courfe  of  rebellion,  of 
which  the  whole  progrefs  was  reckoned  up  in  the  higheft  ftrain 
oiPrimerofe's  eloquence.     The  Minifters  faw,  that  by  obferving 
this  ad  pafs'd  with  fuch  a  preamble,  they  condemned  all  their 
former  proceedings,  as  rebellious  and  hypocritical.    They  faw, 
that  by  obeying  it  they  would  lofe  all  their  credit,  and  contra- 
dict all  they  had  been  building  up  in  a  courfe  of  {o  many  years. 
Yet  fuch  was  the  heat  of  that  time,  that  they  durft;  not  except 
to  it  x)n  that  account.     So  they  laid  hold  on  the  fubtilty  of  a 
holy  day  \  and  covered  themfelves  under  that  controverfy,   de- 
nying it  was  in  the  power  of  any  human  authority  to  make  a 
day  holy.     But  withal  they  fell  upon  a  poor  fhift :    They  enac- 
ted in  their  feveral  Prelbyteries  that  they  (hould  obferve  that  day 
as  a  thankfgiving  for  the  King's  Reftoration :  So  they  took  no 
notice  of  the  a6t  of  Parliament,  but  oblerved  it  in  obedience  to 
their  own  ad.     But  this,  tho'  it  covered  them  from  profecuti- 
on,    fince  the  law  was  obeyed,   yet  it  laid  them  open  to  much 
contempt.     When  the  Earls  of  Glenca'trn  and  Rothes  came  ta 
Court,    the  King  was  foon  fatisfied  with  the  account  they  gave 
of  the  proceedings  of  Parliament :    And  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale 
would  not  own  that  he  had  ever  mifreprefented  them.     They 
were  ordered  to  proceed  in  their  charging  of  him,    as  the  Earl 
of  Clarendon  (hould  dired  them.     But  he  told  them  the  aflault- 
ing  of  a  Minifter,   as  long  as  he  had  an  intereft  in  the  King, 
was  a  pradice  that  never  could  be  approved :    It  was  one  of  the 
uneafy  things  that  a  Houle  of  Commons  of  England  fbmetimes 
ventured  on,   which  was  ungrateful  to  the  Court:    Such  an  at- 
tempt,   inftead  of  fliaking  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale,   would  give 
him  a  fafter  root  with  the  King.     They  muft  therefore  content 
themfelves  with  letting  the  King  fee  how  well  his  fervice  went 
on  in  their  hands,    and  how  unjuftly  they  had  been  mifrepre- 
fented to  him :  And  thus  by  degrees  they  would  gain  their  point, 
and  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  would  become  ufelefs  to  the  King. 

I  i  So 


-I  '22  The  History  of  the  Reign 

i66i.    So  this  defign  was  let  fall.    But  the  Earl  of  Rothes  afTured  Laudev- 
'^y'^r'^  dale    he  had  diverted  the  ftprm:   Tho'  Primerofe  told  me,  this 
was  the  true  ground  on  which  they  proceeded.     They  became 
all  friends,  as  to  outward  appearance. 

Thus  I  have  gone  thro'  the  actings  of  the  firfl  fefficn  of  this 
Parliament  with  relation  to  publick  affairs.     It  was  a  mad  roar- 
ing time,  full  of  extravagance.     And  no  wonder  it  was  fo,  when 
the  men  of  affairs  were  almoft  perpetually  drunk.     I  fliall  in  the 
next  place  give  an  account  of  the  attainders  pafs'd  in  it. 
Arg,i<:\  at-        The  firit  and  chief  of  thefe  was  of  the  Marquis  of  Argde. 
tainder.       j^^  ^,^3  indidted  at  the  King's  fuit  for  a  great  many  fads,  that 
were  reduced  to  three  heads.    The  firfl:  was  of  his  publick  ag- 
ings during  the  wars,  of  which  many  inftanccs  were  given  j  fuch 
as  his  being  concerned  in  the  delivering  up  of  the  King  to  the 
Engl'tf}j  at  Newcafile,  his  oppofing  the  engagement  in  the  year 
1648,  and  his  heading  the  rifing  in  the  Weji  in  oppofition  to  the 
Committee  of  Eftates :  In  this,  and  many  other  fteps  made  during 
the  war,  he  was  efteemed  the  principal  ador,    and  fo  ought  to 
be  made  the  greateft  example  for  terrifying  others.     The  (c- 
cond  head  confifted  of  many  murders ,    and  other  barbarities, 
committed  by  his  officers,    during  the  war,    on  many  of  the 
King's  party;  chiefly  on  thofe  who  had  ferved  under  the  Mar- 
quifs  of  Montrofe,  many  of  them  being  murdered  in  cold  blood. 
The  third  head  confifl:ed  of  fome  articles  of  his  concurrence 
with  Cromwell  and  the  ufurpers,    in  oppofition  to  thofe  who 
appeared  for  the  King  in  the  Highlands,    his  being  one  of  his 
Parliament,  and  affift:ing  in  proclaiming  him  Protedor,  with  a 
great  many  other  particulars,   into  which  his  compliance  was 
branched  out.     He  had  counfel  afligned  him,   who  performed 
their  part  very  well. 

The  fubflance  of  his  defence  was,  that  during  the  late  wars  he 
was  but  one  among  a  great  many  more :  He  had  always  aded  by 
authority  of  Parliament,  and  according  to  the  inflrudions  that 
were  given  him,  as  oft  as  he  was  fent  on  any  expedition  or  nego- 
tiation. As  to  all  things  done  before  the  year  i<^4i,  the  late  King 
had  buried  them  ia  an  ad  of  oblivion  then  pafTed,  as  the  pre- 
fent  King  had  alfo  done  in  the  year  16 ^\:  So  he  did  not  think 
he  was  bound  to  anfwer  to  any  particular  before  that  time.  For 
the  fecond  head,  he  was  at  London  when  mofl  of  the  barbari- 
ties fet  out  in  it  were  committed :  Nor  did  it  appear  that  he  gave 
any  orders  about  them.  It  was  well  known  that  great  outrages 
had  been  committed  by  the  Macdonalds:  And  he  believed  his 
people,  when  they  had  the  better  of  them,  had  taken  cruel  re- 
venges :    This  was  to  be  imputed  to  the  heat  of  the  time,  and 

to 


^/K///^  Charles  11.  123 

to  the  tempers  of  the  people,    who  had  been  much  provoked   1 660. 
by  the  burning  of  his  whole  countrey,  and  by  much  blood  that^ 
was  fhed.    And  as  to  many  ftories  laid  to  the  charge  of  his  men, 
he  knew  Ibme  of  them  were  mere  forgeries,  and  others  were  ag- 
gravated much  beyond  the  truth :  But,  what  truth  foever  might 
be  in  them,  he  could  not  be  anfwerable  but  for  what  was  done 
by  himfelf,  or  by  his  orders.    As  to  the  third  head,  of  his  com- 
pliance with  the  ulurpation,    he  had  ftood  out  till  the  nation 
was  quite  conquered :  And  in  that  cafe  it  was  the  received  opini- 
on both  of  divines  and  lawyers ,    that  men  might  lawfully  (ub- 
mit  to  an  ufurpation,  when  forced  to  it  by  an  inevitable  necef- 
fity.     It  was  the  epidemical  fin  of  the  nation.     His  circumftan- 
ces  were  fuch,    that  more  than  a  bare  compliance  was  required 
of  him.    What  he  did  that  way  was  only  to  preferve  himfelf  and 
his  family,    and  was  not  done  on  defign  to  oppofe  the  King's 
intereft.     Nor  did  his  fervice  fuffer  by  any  thing  he  did.     This 
was  the  iubftance  of  his  defence  in  a  long  fpeech,    which  he 
made  with  fo  good  a  grace  and  fo  ikilfuUy,    that  his  character 
was  as  much   railed  as  his  family  fuffered  by  the  prolecution. 
In  one  fpeech,  excufing  his  compliance  with  Cromwell,  he  faid, 
what  could  he  think  of  that  matter,  after  a  man  fo  eminent  in 
the  law  as  his  Majefty's  Advocate  had  taken  the  engagement? 
This  inflamed  the  other  fo  much,   that  he  called  him  an  impu- 
dent villain,    and  was  not  fo  much  as  chid  for  that  barbarous 
treatment.     Lord  Argtle  gravely  faid,  he  had  learned  in  his  af- 
fliction to  bear  reproaches ;    but  if  the  Parliament  faw  no  caufe 
to  condemn  him,  he  was  lefs  concerned  at  the  King's  Advocate's 
railing.     The  King's  Advocate  put  in  an  additional  article,  of 
charging  him  with  acceflion  to  the  King's  death,  for  which  all 
the  proof  he  offered  lay  in  a  prelumption :  Cromwell  had  come 
down  to  Scotland  with  his  army  in  September  1648,  and  at  that 
time  he  had  many  and  long  conferences  with  Argtle-^  and  im- 
mediately upon  his  return  to  London  the  treaty  with  the  King 
was  broken  off,  and  the  King  was  brought  to  his  trial :  The  advo- 
cate from  thence  inferred,  that  it  was  to  be  prefumed  thatCromwell 
and  Argile  had  concerted  that  matter  between  them.     While  this 
procefs  was  carried  on,  v/hich  was  the  folcmnefl:  that  ever  was  in 
Scotland,    the  Lord  Lorn  continued  at  Court  foliciting  for  his 
father  J   and  obtained  a  letter  to  be  writ  by  the  King  to  the  Earl 
of  M'idletoun,  requiring  him  to  order  his  Advocate  not  to  infill 
on  any  publick  proceedings  before  the  indemnity  he  himfelf  had 
pafs'd  in  the  year  1651.     He  alfo  required  him,  when  the  trial 
was  ended,  to  fend  up  the  whole  procefs,  and  lay  it  before  the 
King,    before  the  Parhament  fliould  give  fentence.     The  tarl 

of 


ii'/V 


124         T^^^  History  of  the  Reign 

1660.    o^  Mtdletotm  fubmitted  to  the  firft  part  of  this:    So  all  farther 
'  enquiry  into  thofe  matters  was  fiiperfeded.    But  as  to  the  fecond 
part  of  the  letter,   it  looked  fo  Hke  a  diftruft  of  the  juftice  of 
the  Parliament,  that  he  faid,  he  durft  not  let  it  be  known,    till 
he  had  a  fecond  and  more  pofitive  order,  which  .he  earneftly 
defired  micrht  not  be  fent;    for  it  would  very  much  difcourage 
this  loyal  and  affedionate  Parliament:  And  he  begged  earneftly 
to  have  that  order  recalled  j  which  was  done.     For  fome  time 
there  was  a  ftop  to  the  proceedings ,    in  which  Lord  Argtle  was 
contriving  an  efcape  out  of  the  Gaftle.    He  kept  his  bed  for  fbme 
days :  And  his  Lady  being  of  the  fame  ftature  with  himfelf,  and 
coming  to  him  in  a  chair,  he  had  put  on  her  cloaths,  and  was 
going  into  the  chair:    But  he  apprehended  he  fhould  be  difco- 
vercd,  and  his  execution  haftened ;    and  fo  his  heart  failed  him. 
The  Earl  of  M'tdletmn  relblved,    if  pofTible,  to  have  the  King's 
death  faftened  on  him.     By  this  means,    as  he  would  die  with 
the  more  infamy,  (o  he  reckoned  this  would  put  an  end  to  the 
family,  fmce  no  body  durft  move  in  favour  of  the  fon  of  one 
judged  guilty  of  that  crime.     And  he,    as  was  believed,    hoped 
to  obtain  a  gt'ant  of  his  eftate.     Search  was  made  into  all  the 
precedents  of  men  who  had  been  at  any  time  condemned  upon 
prefumption.     And  the  Earl  of  M'tdktoun  rejfolved  to  argue  the 
matter  himfelf,    hoping  that  the  weight  of  his  authority  would 
bear  down  all  oppofition.    He  managed  it  indeed  with  more  force 
than  decency :  He  was  too  vehement,  and  maintained  the  argu- 
ment with  a  ftrength  that  did  more  honour  to  his  parts  than  to 
his  juftice  or  his  chara<Ster.     But  Gtlmore^  tho'  newly  made  Prefi- 
dent  of  the  Seflion,    which  is  the  fiipream  Court  of  Juftice  in 
that  Kingdom,  abhorred  the  precedent  of  attainting  a  man  up- 
on fb  remote  a  prefumption,-  and  looked  upon  it  as  lefs  juftifia- 
ble   than  the  much  decried  attainder  of  the  Earl  of  Strafford. 
So  he  undertook  the  argument  againft  M'tdktoun:  They  repli- 
ed upon  one  another  thirteen  or  fourteen  times  in  a  debate  that 
lafted  many  hours.    Gtlmore  had  fo  clearly  the  better  of  the  ar- 
gument^ that,  tho'  the  Parliament  was  fo  fet  againft  Argtle  that 
every  thing  was  like  to  pafs  that  might  blacken  him,  yet,  when 
it  was  put  to  the  vote,   he  was  acquitted  as  to  that  by  a  great 
majority:  At  which,  he  exprefted  fo  much  joy,    that  he  feemed 
little  concerned  at  any  thing  that  could  happen  to  him  after  that. 
All  that  remained  was  to  make  his  compliance  with  the  ufiirp- 
ers  appear  to  be  treafon.     The  debate  was  like  to  have  lafted 
long.     The  Earl  of  Lowdun,  who  had  been  Lord  Chancellour, 
and  was  counted  the  eloquenteft  man  of  that  time,   for  he  had 
a  copioufnefs  in  fpeaking  that  was  never  exhaufted,    (he  was 


come 

6 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  £  s  11.  125 

corac  of  his  family  and  was  his  particular  friend,)    had  prcpar-  \66\. 
ed  a  long  and  learned  argument  on  that  head.     He  had  ga-^^'V'N. 
thered  the  opinions  both  of  divines  and  lawyers,    and  had  laid 
together  a  great  deal  out  of  hiftory,    more  particularly  out  of 
the  Scot'tjh  hiftory,  to  ftiew  that  it  had  never  been  confuted  as 
a  crime:    But  that  on  the  contrary  in  all  their  confufions  the 
men,  who  had  merited  the  moft  of  the  Crown  in  all  its  ftia- 
kings,  were  perfons  who  had  got  credit  by  compliance  with  the 
fide  that  prevailed,  and  by  that  means  had  brought  things  about 
again.    But,  while  it  was  very  doubtful  how  it  would  have  gone, 
Monk  by  an  inexcufable  bafenefs  had  fearched  among  his  letters, 
and  found  fome  that  were  writ  by  Argtle  to  himfelf,    that  were 
hearty  and  zealous  on  their  fide.    Thefe  he  fent  down  to  Scot^ 
land.     And  after  they  were  read  in  Parliament,  it  could  not  be 
pretended  that  his  compliance  was  feigned,   or  extorted  from 
him.     Every  body  blamed  Monk  for  fending  thefe  down ,    fince 
it  was  a  betraying  the  confidence  that  they  then  lived  in.    They 
were  fent  by  an  exprefs,  and  came  to  the  Earl  of  M'tdletoun  af- 
ter the  Parliament  was  engaged  in  the  debate.     So  he  ordered 
the  letters  to  be  read.     This  was  much  blamed,  as  contrary  to 
the  forms  of  juftice,    fince  probation  was  clofed.-^n  both  fides. 
But  the  reading  of  them  filenced  all  farther  debate.     All  his 
friends  went  out:  And  he  was  condemned  as  guilty  of  trea/bn. 
The  Marquis  of  Montrofe  only  refufed  to  vote.     He  owned,  he 
had  too  much  refentment  to  judge  in  that  matter.     It  was  de- 
figned  he  fhould  be  hanged,  as  the  Marquis  of  Montrofe  had 
been :    But  it  was  carried  that  he  fiiould  be  beheaded,  and  that 
his  head  ftiould  be  iet  up  where  Lord  Montrofe's  had  been  (et. 
He  received  his  fentence  decently,    and  compofed  himfelf  to 
fuifcr. 

The  day  before  his  death  he  wrote  to  the  King,  juftijfying  And  execn- 
his  intentions  in  all  he  had  aded  in  the  matter  of  the  Cove-"°"* 
nant:  He  protefted  his  innocence,  as  to  the  death  of  the  late 
King:  He  fiibmitted  patiently  to  his  (entence,  and  wifhed  the 
King  a  long  and  happy  reign :  He  caft  his  family  and  children 
upon  his  mercy  -,  and  prayed  that  they  might  not  fuffer  for  their 
father's  fault.  On  the  twenty  feventh  of  May,  the  day  ap- 
pointed for  his  execution,  he  came  to  the  fcafFold  in  a  very  (xy- 
lemn  but  undaunted  manner,  accompanied  with  many  of  the 
Nobility  and  fome  Minifters.  He  fpoke  for  half  an  hour  with 
a  great  appearance  of  ferenity.  Cunningham  his  phyfician  told 
me  he  touched  his  pulfe,  and  that  it  did  then  beat  at  the  ufual 
rate,  calm  and  ftrong.  He  did  in  a  moft  folemn  manner  vin- 
dicate himfelf  from  all  knowledge  or  acceflion  to  the  King's 

K  k  death: 


1 26  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1661.    death:    He  pardoned  all  his  enemies,-  and  fubmitted  to  the  Icn- 
^^"'^^'^^  tence,  as  to  the  will  of  God :  He  fpoke  highly  in  juftification  of 
the  Covenant,  calling  it  the  caufe  and  work  of  God  ^  and  exprefTed 
his  apprehenfion  of  fad  times  like  to  follow ;    and  exhorted  all 
people  to  adhere  to  the  Covenant,  and  to  relolve  to  fuiFer  ra- 
ther than  fin  againft  their  confciences.     He  parted  with  all  his 
friends  very  decently.     And  after  fome  time  fpent  in  his  private 
devotions  he  was  beheaded. 
The  execu-       A  few  days  after  Guthry  fuffered.     He  was  accufed  of  accef- 
SaMini-fio^  to  the  remonftrance  when  the  King  was  in  Scotland^    and 
ft"'  for  a  book  he  had  printed  with  the  title  of  the  caufes  of  God's 

-wrath  upon  the  nation -^    in  which  the  treating  with  the  King, 
the  tendring  him  the  Covenant,    and  the  admitting  him  to  the 
cxercife  of  the  government,   were  highly  aggravated,    as  great 
ads  of  apoftacy.     His  declining  the  King's  authority  to  judge  of 
his  fermons,  and  his  protefting  for  remedy  of  law  againft  him, 
and  the  late  feditious  paper  that  he  was  drawing  others  to  con- 
cur in,   were  the  matters  objected  to  him.     He  was  a  relblute 
and  ftiff  man:  So  when  his  lawyers  offered  him  legal  defences, 
he  would  not  be  advifed  by  them,  but  refolved  to  take  his  own 
way.     He  confefTed,    and  juftified  all  that  he  had  done,    as  a- 
greeing  to  the  principles  and  pradices  of  the  Kirk,  who  had  af- 
ferted  all  along  that  the  dodrine  delivered  in  their  fermons  did 
not  fall  under  the  cognifance  of  the  temporal  Courts,  till  it  was 
firft  judged  by  the  Church  ,•   for  which  he  brought  much  tedi- 
ous proof     He  faid,   his  protefting  for  remedy  of  law  againft 
the  King  was  not  meant  at  the  King's  perfon,  but  was  only  with 
relation  to  cofts  and  damages.     The  Earl  of  Mtdletoun  had  a 
perfonal  animofity  againft  him^    for  in  the  late  times  he  had 
excommunicated  him:    So  his  eagernefs  in  the  profecution  did 
not  look  well.     The  defence  he  made  fignified  nothing  to  juftify 
himfelf,  but  laid  a  great  load  on  Prefby tery  5    fince  he  made  it 
out  beyond  all  difpute,  that  he  had  adted  upon  their  principles, 
which  made  them  the  more  odious,  as  having  among  them  fbme 
of  the  worft  maxim.s  of  the  Church  of  Rome  ^  that  in  particular, 
to  make  the  pulpit  a  privileged  place,    in  which  a  man  might 
fafely  vent  treafon,  and  be  fecure  in  doing  it,  if  the  Church  ju- 
dicatory Ihould  agree  to  acquit  him.    So  upon  this  occafion  great 
advantage  was  taken,  to  ftiew  how  near  the  fpirit  that  had  reign- 
ed in  Preflaytery  came  up  to  Popery.     It  was  refolved  to  make 
a  pubiick  example  of  a  Preacher:    So  he  was  fingled  out.     He 
gave  no  advantage  to  thole  who  wiftied  to  have  faved  him  by 
the  leaft  ftep  towards  any  lubmiflion,    but  much  to  the  contra- 
ry.    Yet,    the'  all  people  were  dilgufted  at  the  Earl  of  Midle- 

toun's 


€ 


of  Kmg  Charles  IL     V        127 

loms  eagernefs  in  the  profecution,  the  Earl  oiTweedale  was  the  i66i 

only  man  that  moved  againft  the  putting  him  to  death.    He  faid,  ^^O^ 

baniiliment  had  been  hitherto  the  fevered  cenfure  that  had  beea 

laid  on  the  Preachers  for  their  opinions :  He  knew  Guthry  was  a 

man  apt  to  give  perfonal  provocation :  And  he  widied  that  might 

not  have  too  great  a  fhare  in  carrying  the  matter  fb  far.    Yet 

he  was  condemned  to  die.    I  faw  him  fuffer.    He  was  fo  far  from 

•fhewing  any  fear,  that  he  rather  exprelTed  a  contempt  of  death. 

He  fpoke  an  hour  upon  the  ladder,  with  the  com  poled  neis  of  a 

man  that  was  delivering  a  fermon  rather  than  his  lafl:  words. 

He  juftified  all  he  had  done,   and  exhorted  all  people  to  adhere 

to  the  Covenant,  which  he  magnified  highly.     With  him  one         *«*^ 

Gouan  was  alfo  hanged,   who  had  deferted  the  army  while  the 

King  was  in  Scotland^    and  had  gone  over  to  Cromwell.     The 

man  was  inconliderable,  till  they  made  him  more  confidered  by 

putting  him  to  death  on  fuch  an  account  at  fo  great  a  diftance 

of  time. 

The  grofs  iniquity  of  the  Court  appeared  in  nothing  more  emi-  Some  others 
nently  than  in  the  favour  (hewed  Maccloudoi  Afflriy  who  had  be-Sd  T- 
trayed  the  Marquis  of  Montr ofe,  and  was  brought  over  upon  it.  8^'°'*- 
He  in  prilbn  ftruck  up  to  a  high  pitch  of  vice  and  impiety,  and 
gave  great  entertainments :  And  that,  notwithftanding  the  bafenefs 
of  the  man  and  of  his  crimes,  begot  him  fo  many  friends,  that 
he  was  let  go  without  any  cenfure.  The  proceedings  againft 
War'tflon  were  foon  difpatched,  be  being  abfent;  It  was  proved, 
that  he  had  prefented  the  Remonftrance,  that  he  had  aded  un- 
der CromweWs  authority,  and  had  fate  as  a  Peer  in  his  Parliament, 
that  he  had  confirmed  him  in  his  Proted:or{hip,  and  had  like- 
wife  fate  as  one  of  the  Committee  of  Safety:  So  he  was  attainted. 
Swmtoun  had  been  attainted  in  the  Parliament  at  Sterlm  for  go- 
ing over  to  Cromwell:  So  he  was  brought  before  the  Parliament 
to  hear  what  he  could  fay,  why  the  fentence  fliould  not  be  exe- 
cuted. He  was  then  become  a  Quaker;  and  did,  with  a  fort 
of  eloquence  that  moved  the  whole  houfe,  lay  out  all  his  own 
errours,  and  the  ill  fpirit  he  was  in  when  he  committed  the  things 
that  were  charged  on  him,  with  fo  tender  a  fenfe,  that  he  (eem- 
cd  as  one  indifferent  what  they  fhould  do  with  him :  And,  with- 
out fo  much  as  moving  for  mercy,  or  even  for  a  delay,  he  did 
fo  effediually  prevail  on  them,  that  they  recommended  him  to 
the  King,  as  a  fit  objed  of  his  mercy.  This  was  the  more  ea- 
fily  contented  to  by  the  Earl  of  Mtdletouriy  in  hatred  to  the  Earl 
oi  Lauder  dale, \^h.o  had  got  the  gift  of  his  eftate.  He  had  two  great 
pleas  in  law :  The  one  was,  that  the  record  of  his  attainder  at 
Sterlm,  with  all  that  had  pafs'd  in  that  Parliament,  was  loft :  The 

other 


128        The  History  of  the  Reign 

i66i.    other  was,  that  by  the  act  refcifTory  that  Parliament  being  annulled, 

'"■^"'^v'^*'^ all  that  was  done  by  it  was  void:    But  he  urged  neither,    fincc 

there  was  matter  enough  to  attaint  him  anew,    if  the  defedis 

of  that  fuppofed  attainder  had  been  obferved.     So  till  the  ad  of 

indemnity  was  pafs'd  he  was  ftill  in  danger,  having  been  the  man 

of  all  Scotland  that  had  been  the  moft  trufted  and  employed  by 

Cromwell:  But  upon  paffmg  the  ad  of  indemnity  he  was  fafe. 

MidUtoun         The  fefTion  of  Parliament  was  now  brought  to  a  conclufion, 

gave  an  ac-  ^itj^out  anv  motion  for  an  ad  of  indemnity.    The  (ccret  of  this 

count  or  all  «  /  r  i        /-  i     i  i      r        i 

that  had  paf- was,  that  fince  Epifcopacy  was  to  be  let  up,  and  that  thole  who 
amen"  to  the  were  moft  like  to  oppofe  it  were  on  other  accounts  obnoxious. 
King.         jj  ^j5  thought  beft  to  keep  them  under  that  fear,  till  the  change 
fhould  be  made.     The  Earl  of  M'tdletoun  went  up  to  Court  full 
of  merit,    and  as  full  of  pride.     He  had  a  mind  to  be  Lord 
Treafiirer;  and  told  the  King,  that,  if  he  intended  to  fet  up  E- 
pilcopacy,  the  Earl  of  Crawford,  who  was  a  noted  Prefbyterian, 
muft  be  put  out  of  that  poft:  It  was  the  opinion  of  the  King's 
zeal  for  that  form  of  government  that  muft  bear  down  all  the 
-..  I        oppofition  that  might  otherwife  be  made  to  it:  And  it  would  not 
be  poffible  to  perluade  the  nation  of  that,    as  long  as  they  faw 
the   white   ftaff  in  fuch  hands.     Therefore,    on  the  firft  day 
on  which   a  Scotijh  Council  was  called  after  he  came  up,    he 
gave  a  long  account  of  the  proceedings  of  Parliament,  and  mag- 
nified the  zeal  and  loyalty  that  many  had  expreffed,   while  o- 
thers  that  had  been  not  only  pardoned,    but  were  highly  truft- 
ed by  the  King,  had  been  often  cold  and  backward,  and  fome- 
times  plainly  againft  the  fervice.     The  Earl  of  Lauderdale  was 
ill  that  day:    So  the  Earl  of  CV^zc^r^s^  undertook  to  anfwer  this 
refledion,  which  he  thought  was  meant  of  himfelf,  for  oppofing 
the  ad  refcifTory.    He  faid,  he  had  obferved  fuch  an  entire  una- 
nimity in  carrying  on  the  King's  iervice,  that  he  did  not  know 
of  any  that  had  aded  otherwife :  And  therefore  he  moved,  that 
the  Earl  of  Mtdletoun  might  fpeak  plain,    and  name  perfbns. 
The  Earl  o{  Mtdletoun  defired  to  be  excufed:  He  did  not  intend 
to  accufe  any :  But  yet  he  thought,  he  was  bound  to  let  the  King 
know  how  he  had  been  ferved.    The  Earl  of  Crawford  ftill  prefs'd 
him  to  fpeak  out  after  fb  general  an  accufation :  No  doubt,  he 
would  inform  the  King  in  private  who  thefe  perfbns  were:  And 
fince  he  had  already  gone  fo  far  in  publick,  he  thought  he  ought 
to  go  farther.     The  Earl  of  M'tdletoun  was  in  fome  confufion  ; 
for  he  did  not  exped  to  be  thus  attack'd:  So  to  get  off  he  nam- 
ed the  oppofition  that  the  Earl  of  Tweedale  had  made  to  the  fen-  • 
tence  pafs'd  on  Guthry,  not  without  making  indecent  refledions    h 
on  it,  as  if  his  profecution  had  flowed  from  the  King's  refent- 

3  ments 


^\ 


of  King  Charles  II  T 


ments  of  his  behaviour  to  himfelf:  And  fo  l*c  turned  thetnaWj-; 
that  the  Earl  oiTweedale^  refledion,  which  was  thought  indeed 
pointed  againft  himfelf,  iliould  feem  as  meant  againftthe  King. 
The  Earl  of  Crawford  upon  this  faid,  that  the  Earl  of  M'ldktouh 
ought  to  have  excepted  to  the  words  when  they  were  fiift  fpok- 
eft  j  and  no  doubt  the  ParHament  would  have  done  the  King  ju- 
ftice:  But  it  was  never  thought  confident  with  the  liberty  of 
fpeech  in  Parliament,  to  bring  men  into  queftion  aftetwards  fol: 
words  fpoken  in  any  debate,  when  they  were  not  challenged  ai 
loon  as  they  were  fpoken.  The  Earl  b^  Midletotm  excufed  hiifl- 
lelf:  He  faid,  the  thing  was  pafs'd  before  he  made  due  refledi-. 
ens  on  it;  and  fo  afked  pardon  for  that  omiffion.  The  Earl  of 
Crawford  was  glad  he  himfelf  had  efcaped,  and  was  filent  as  to 
theEarl  oiTzveedale's  concern  :  So,  no  body  offering  to  excufehim, 
an  order  was  prefently  (ent  down  for  committing  him  to  pri(brij 
and  for  examining  him  upon  the  words  he  had  fpoken,  and  on  his 
meaning  in  them.  That  was  not  a  time  in  which  men  durft 
pretend  to  privilege,  or  the  freedom  of  debate :  So  he  did  not 
infift  on  it;  but  fent  up  fuch  an  account  of  his  words,  and  fuch 
an  explanation  of  them,  as  fully  fatisfied  the  King.  So  after  the 
imprifonment  of  fome  weeks  he  was  fet  at  liberty.  But  this  rail- 
ed a  great  outcry  againft  the  Earl  of  Mtdletoun^  as  a  thing  that 
was  contrary  to  the  freedom  of  debate,  and  deftrudlive  of  thd 
liberty  of  Parliament.  It  lay  the  more  open  to  cenfiire,  becaufe 
the  Earl  of  M'tdktoun  had  accepted  of  a  great  entertainment  froni 
the  Earl  of  Tweedale  after  Guthry's  bufinefs  was  over:  And  it 
(eemed  contrary  to  the  rules  of  hofpitality,  to  have  fuch  a  defigri 
in  his  heart  againft  a  man  in  whofe  houfe  he  had  been  fo  treat- 
ed :  All  the  excufe  he  made  for  it  was,  that  he  never  intended  it,- 
but  that  the  Earl  of  Crawford  had  prefs'd  him  (o  hard  upon  the 
complaint  he  had  made  in  general,  that  he  had  no  way  of  get- 
ting out  of  it  without  naming  fome  particulars;  and  he  had  no 
other  ready  then  at  hand. 

Another  difference  of  greater  moment  fell  in  between  him  and 
the  Earl  of  Crawford.  The  Earl  of  Mtdktoun  was  now  raifmg  the 
guards,  that  were  to  be  paid  out  of  the  excife  granted  by  the  Par- 
liament. So  he  moved,  that  the  excife  might  be  I'aifed  by  col-' 
led:ors  named  by  himfelf  as  General,  that  fo  he  might  not  depend 
on  the  Treafury  for  the  pay  of  the  forces.  The  Earl  of  Crawford 
oppofcd  this  with  great  advantage,  fmce  all  revenues  given  the 
King  did  by  the  courle  of  law  come  into  the  Treafury.  Scotland 
was  not  m  a  condition  to  maintain  two  Treafurers:  And,  as  to 
what  was  faid,  of  the  neceffity  of  having  the  pay  of  the  army  well 
afccrtained  and  ever  ready,  otherwife  it  would  become  a  grievance 

L  1  t«> 


1 3  o         The  HisroKY  of  the  Reign 

1661.  to  the  Kingdom,  hafaid,  the  King  was  Mafter,  and  what  orders 
..^^\^^^  foever  he  thought  fit  to  fend  to  the  Treafury,  they  fliould  be  moft 
pundually  obeyed.  But  the  Earl  of  Midletoun  knew,  there  would 
be  a  great  overplus  of  the  excife  beyond  the  pay  of  the  troops : 
And  he  reckoned,  that,  if  the  colledion  was  put  in  his  hands,  he 
would  eafily  get  a  grant  of  the  overplus  at  the  year's  end.  The 
Earl  of  Crawford  id^d,  no  fuch  thing  was  ever  pretended  to  by  any 
General,  unlefs  by  fuch  as  fet  up  to  be  independent,  and  who  hop- 
ed by  that  means  to  make  themfelves  the  mafters  of  the  army. 
So  he  carried  the  point,  which  was  thought  a  vidory.  And  the 
Earl  of  Mtdletoun  was  much  blamed  for  putting  his  intereft  at 
Court  on  fuch  an  iffue,  where  the  pretenfion  was  fb  unufual  and 
fo  unreafonable. 

The  next  point  was  concerning  Lord  Jrgde's  eftate.  The 
King  was  inclined  to  reftore  the  Lord  Lorn-y  tho'  much  pains  was 
taken  to  perfuade  him,  that  all  the  zeal  he  had  exprelTed  in  his 
fervice  was  only  an  artifice  between  his  father  and  him  to  prelerve 
the  family  in  all  adventures:  It  was  faid,  that  had  been  an  ordi- 
nary pradiice  in  Scotland  for  father  and  fon  to  put  themfelves  in 
different  fides.  The  Marquis  of  Argtle  had  taken  very  extraordi- 
nary methods  to  raife  his  own  family  to  fiich  a  fiiperiority  in  the 
Highlands,  that  he  was  a  fort  of  a  King  among  them.  The  Mar- 
quis of  Huntl'y  had  married  his  filler:  And  during  their  friendfhip 
Argtle  was  bound  with  him  for  fome  of  his  debts.  After  that, 
the  Marquis  of  Huntl'y^  as  he  negleded  his  affairs,  fo  he  engaged 
in  the  King's  fide,  by  which  Argile  faw  he  muft  be  undone.  So 
he  pretended,  that  he  only  intended  to  fecure  himfelf,  when  he 
bought  in  prior  mortgages  and  debts,  which,  as  was  believed, 
were  compounded  at  very  low  rates.  The  friends  of  the  Marquis 
of  Huntly'^  family  prefs'd  the  King  hard  to  give  his  heirs  the  con- 
fifcation  of  that  part  of  Argtle's  eftate,  in  which  the  Marquis  of 
Huntlj's  debts,  and  all  the  pretenfion  on  his  eftate  were  compre- 
hended. And  it  was  given  to  the  Marquis  oi  Huntly,  now  Duke 
oi  Gordon,  then  a  young  child:  But  no  care  was  taken  to  breed 
him  a  Proteftant.  The  Marquis  oi Montrofe,  and  all  others  whole 
eftates  had  been  ruined  under  Argtle's  conduct,  expected  likewife 
reparation  out  of  his  eftate;  which  was  a  very  great  one,  but  in 
no  way  able  to  fatisfy  all  thofe  demands.  And  it  was  believed, 
that  the  Earl  oi Midletoun  himfelf  hoped  to  have  carried  away  the 
main  bulk  of  it :  So  that  both  the  Lord  Lorn  and  he  concurred, 
tho'  with  different  views,  to  put  a  ftop  to  all  the  pretenfions  made 
upon  it. 
It  was  refoi-  The  point  of  the  greateft  importance  then  under  confideration 
Epifcopacy  was,  wlicthcr  Epifcopacy  fhould  be  reftored  in  Scotland,  or  nor. 

in  Scotland.      ^  The 


of  King  C  H  A  RL  E  s'  II.  131 

The  Earl  of  Mtdletoun  affured  the  King,  it  was  dcfired  by  the  i<J^r. 
greater  and  honefter  part  of  the  nation.  One  Synod  had  as  good 
as  petitioned  for  it:  And  many  others  wifhed  for  it,  tho'  the  (hare 
they  had  in  the  late  wars  made  them  think  it  was  not  fit  or  de- 
cent for  them  to  move  for  it.  Sharp  affured  the  King,  that  none 
but  the  Proteftors,  of  whom  he  had  a  very  bad  opinion,  were 
againft  it  j  and  that  of  the  Refblutioners  there  would  not  be  found 
twenty  that  would  oppofe  it.  All  thofe  who  were  for  making 
the  change  agreed,  that  it  ought  to  be  done  now,  in  the  firll  heat 
of  joy  after  the  Reftoration,  and  before  the  ad  of  indemnity  pafs'd. 
The  Earl  of  Lauderdale  and  all  his  friends  on  the  other  hand  af* 
fured  the  King,  that  the  national  prejudice  againft  it  was  ftill 
very  ftrong,  that  thofe  who  feemed  zealous  for  it  ran  into  it 
only  as  a  method  to  procure  favour,  but  that  thofe  who  were  a- 
gainft  it  would  be  found  ftiff  and  eager  in  their  oppofition  to  it, 
that  by  fetting  it  up  the  King  would  lofe  the  affedions  of  the 
nation ,  and  that  the  fupporting  it  would  grow  a  heavy  load  on 
his  government.  The  Earl  of  Lauderdale  turned  all  this,  that 
looked  hke  a  zeal  for  Prefbytery,  to  a  dextrous  infinuating  him- 
felf  into  the  King's  confidence  ^  as  one  that  defigned  nothintr 
but  his  greatnefs  and  his  having  Scotland  fure  to  him,  in  order 
to  the  executing  of  any  defign  he  might  afterwards  be  engaged 
in.  The  King  went  very  coldly  into  the  defign.  He  faid,  he 
remembred  well  the  averfion  that  he  himfelf  had  obferved  in  that 
nation  to  any  thing  that  looked  like  a  fuperiority  in  the  Church. 
But  to  that  the  Earl  of  Mtdletoun  and  Sharp  anfwered,  by  afTur- 
ing  him  that  the  infolencies  committed  by  the  Prefbyterians  while 
they  governed,  and  the  ten  years  ufurpation  that  had  followed, 
had  made  fuch  a  change  in  peoples  tempers,  that  they  were  much 
altered  fince  he  had  been  among  them.  The  King  naturally  hat- 
ed Prefbytery :  And,  having  called  a  new  Parliament  in  England, 
that  did  with  great  zeal  elpoufe  the  interefts  of  the  Church  of 
Englandy  and  were  now  beginning  to  complain  of  the  evacua- 
ting the  garrifoos  held  by  the  army  in  that  Kingdom,  he  gave 
way,  tho'  with  a  vifible  reludancy,  to  the  change  of  the  Church 
government  in  Scotland.  The  averfion  he  feemed  to  exprefs  was 
imputed  to  his  own  indifference  as  to  all  thofe  matters  and  to  his 
nnwillingnefs  to  involve  his  government  in  new  trouble.  But  the 
tiew  of  things  that  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  had  given  him  was  the 
true  root  of  all  that  coldnefs.  The  Earl  oi Clarendon  fet  it  on  with 
great  zeal.  And  fo  did  the  Duke  of  Ormond-,  who  faid,  it  would 
be  very  hard  to  maintain  the  government  of  the  Church  in  Ire- 
landy  if  Prefbytery  continued  in  Scotland -,  fince  the  northern 
counties,  which  were  the  beft  ftocked  of  any  they  had,  as  they 

were 


The  History  of  the  Reign 

were  originally  from  Scotland,  fo  they  would  ftill  follow  the  way 
of  that  nation.  Upon  all  this  diverfity  of  opinion,  the  thing  was 
propofed  in  a  Scotch  Council  at  Whttehall.  The  Earl  of  Crawford 
declared  himfelf  againft  it:  But. the  Earl  oi Lauderdale,  Duke  Ha- 
milton, and  Sir  Robert  Murray,  were  only  for  delaying  the  mak- 
ing any  fuch  change,  till  the  King  fhould  be  better  fatisfied  con- 
cerning the  inclinations  of  the  nation.  The  rcfult  of  the  debate 
(all  the  reft  who  were  prefent  being  earneft  for  the  change)  was, 
that  a  letter  was  writ  to  the  Privy  Council  of  Scotland,  intima- 
ting the  King's  intentions  for  fetting  up  Epifcopacy,  and  de- 
manding their  advice  upon  it.  The  Earl  o^Glenca'trn  ordered  the 
letter  to  be  read,  having  taken  care  that  fuch  perfons  fhould  be 
prefent  who  he  knew  would  fpeak  warmly  for  it,  that  fo  others, 
who  might  intend  to  oppofe  it,  might  be  frightened  from  doing 
it.  None  fpoke  againft  it,  but  the  Earl  of  Kmcairdm.  He  pro- 
pofed, that  fome  certain  methods  might  be  taken,  by  which  they 
might  be  well  informed,  and  fo  be  able  to  inform  the  King  of 
the  temper  of  the  nation,  before  they  offered  an  advice,  that 
might  have  fuch  eflfeds  as  might  very  much  perplex,  if  not  dif^ 
order,  all  their  affairs.  Some  fmart  repartees  palled  between  the 
Earl  of  Glenca'trn  and  him.  This  was  all  the  oppofition  that  was 
made  at  that  board.  So  a  letter  was  writ  to  the  King  from  thence, 
encouraging  him  to  go  on,  and  affuring  him,  that  the  change  he 
intended  to  make  would  give  a  general  fatisfadion  to  the  main 
body  of  the  nation. 
Men  fought  Upon  that  the  thing  was  refolved  on.  It  remained  after 
SoVs!  ^*  ^'  ^'^^  o^^y  ^°  confider  the  proper  methods  of  doing  it,  and  the 
men  who  ought  to  be  employed  in  it.  Sheldon  and  the  Engl't/h 
Bifhops  had  an  averfion  to  all  that  had  been  engaged  in  the 
Covenant :  So  they  were  for  feeking  out  all  the  Epifcopal  Clergy, 
who  had  been  driven  out  oi  Scotland  in  the  beginning  of  the  trou- 
bles, and  preferring  them.  There  was  but  one  of  the  old  Bifhops 
left  alive,  Sydferfe,  who  had  been  Bifhop  of  Galloway.  He  had 
come  up  to  London,  not  doubting  but  that  he  fhould  be  advanced 
to  the  Primacy  of  Scotland.  It  is  true,  he  had  of  late  done  fome 
very  irregular  things :  When  the  a<5t  of  uniformity  required  all  men 
who  held  any  benefices  in  England  to  be  epifcopally  ordained, 
he,  who  by  obferving  the  ill  effeds  of  their  former  violence  was 
become  very  moderate,  with  others  of  the  Scotch  Clergy  that  ga- 
thered about  him,  did  fet  up  a  very  indefenfible  practice  of  or- 
daining all  thofe  of  the  Engltjh  Clergy  who  came  to  him,  and 
that  without  demanding  either  oaths  or  fubfcriptions  of  them. 
Some  believed,  that  this  was  done  by  him,  only  to  fubfift  on  the 
kzs  that  arofe  from  the  letters  of  orders  fo  granted ;  for  he  was 

very 

4 


of  King  Charles  ii.  133 

very  poor.  This  did  fo  difguft  the  Engltps  Bifhops  at  him  and  1661 
his  company,  that  they  took  no  care  of  him  or  them.  Yet  they  ^ 
were  much  againft  a  fet  of  Prcfbyterian  Bilhops.  They  beHeved 
they  could  have  no  credit,  and  that  they  would  have  no  zeal. 
This  touched  Sharp  to  the  quick :  So  he  laid  the  matter  before 
the  Earl  of  Clarendon.  He  faid,  thefe  old  Epifcopal  men  by  their 
long  abfence  out  of  Scotland  knew  nothing  of  the  prefent  genera- 
tion :  And  by  the  ill  ufage  they  had  met  with  they  were  fo  irritated, 
that  they  would  run  matters  quickly  to  great  extremities :  And,  if 
there  was  a  fadion  among  the  Bifhops,  fome  valuing  themfelves 
upon  their  conftant  fteddinefs,  and  looking  with  an  ill  eye  on 
thofe  who  had  been  carried  away  with  the  ftream,  this  would  di- 
vide and  diftradt  their  counfels ;  whereas  a  fet  of  men  of  moderate 
principles  would  be  more  uniform  in  their  proceedings.  This 
prevailed  with  the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  who  faw  the  King  fb 
remifs  in  that  matter,  that  he  refolved  to  keep  things  in  as  great 
temper  as  was  polTible.  And  he,  not  doubting  but  that  Sharp 
would  purliie  that  in  which  he  feemed  to  be  fo  zealous  and  hot, 
and  carry  things  with  great  moderation,  perfiiaded  the  Bifhops 
oi England  to  leave  the  management  of  that  matter  wholly  to  him. 
And  Sharp,  being  alTured  of  that  at  which  he  had  long  aimed, 
laid  afide  his  maflc  j  and  owned,  that  he  was  to  be  Archbifhop 
of  St.  Andrews.  He  faid  to  jfbme,  from  whom  I  had  it,  that 
when  he  faw  that  the  King  was  refolved  on  the  change,  and 
that  fbme  hot  men  were  like  to  be  advanced,  whofe  violence 
would  ruin  the  country,  he  had  fubmitted  to  that  poft  on  defigri 
to  moderate  matters,  and  to  cover  fome  good  men  from  a  ftorm 
that  might  otherwife  break  upon  them.  So  deeply  did  he  ftill  dil- 
femble:  For  now  he  talked  of  nothing  fo  much  as  of  love  and 
moderation. 

S'^dferfe  was  removed  to  be  Biihop  of  Orkney,  one  of  the  beft 
revenues  of  any  of  the  Bifhopricks  in  Scotland:  But  it  had  been 
almoft  in  all  times  a  Sine-Cure.  He  lived  little  more  than  a  year 
after  his  tranflation.  He  had  died  in  more  efteem,  if  he  had  di- 
ed a  year  before  it.  But  Sharp  was  ordered  to  find  out  proper 
men  for  filling  up  the  other  Sees.  That  care  was  left  entirely  to 
him.     The  choice  was  generally  very  bad. 

Two  men  were  brought  up  to  be  confecrated  in  England,  Fair- 
foul  defigned  for  the  fee  of  Glafgow,  and  Hamilton,  brother  to 
the  Lord  Belhaven,  for  Galloway.  The  former  of  thefe  was  a 
pleafant  and  facetious  maUj  infinuating  and  crafi:y :  But  he  was 
a  better  phyfician  than  a  divine.  His  life  was  fcarce  free  from 
fcandal :  And  he  was  eminent  in  nothing  that  belonged  to  his  own 
ftin(ftion.     He  had  not  only  fworn  the  Covenant,  but  had  per- 

M  m  fuaded 


134         The  History  of  the  Reign 

\66\.    fuaded  others  to  do  it.    And  when  one  objeded  to  him,  that  it 
V"V""^wrent  againft  his  confcience,  he  anfwered,  there  were  fome  very 
good  medicines  that  could  not  be  chewed,  but  were  to  be  fwal- 
lowed  down ;    and  fince  it  was  plain  that  a  man  could  not  live 
in  Scotland  unlels  he  fware  it,    therefore  it  mud  be  fwallowed 
down  without  any  farther  examination.     Whatever  the  matter 
was,  foon  after  the  confecration  his  parts  funk  fo  faft,  that  in  a 
few  months  he,    who  had  pafs'd  his  whole  life  long  for  one  of 
the  cunningeft  men  in  Scotland,  became  almoft  a  changling  j  up- 
on which  it  may  be  eafily  collected  what  commentaries  the  Pref- 
byterians  would  make.     Sharp  lamented  this  to  me,    as  one  of 
their  great  misfortunes.    He  faid,  it  began  to  appear  in  lefs  than 
a  month  after  he  came  to  London.     Hamilton  was  a  good  na- 
tured  man,  but  weak.     He  was  always  believed  Epifcopal.     Yet 
he  had  fo  far  complied  in  the  time  of  the  Covenant,    that  he 
afFed:ed  a  peculiar  expreflion  of  his  counterfeit  zeal  for  their  cau(e, 
to  fecure  himfelf  from  fufpicion :  When  he  gave  the  facrament, 
he  excommunicated  all  that  were  not  true  to  the  Covenant,  ufingr 
a  form  in  the  Old  Teftament  of  Ihaking  out  the  lap  of  his  gown  j 
faying,  fo  did  he  caft  out  of  the  Church  and  communion  all  that 
dealt  falfely  in  the  Covenant. 
Bifhop    ^        With  thefe  there  was  a  fourth  man  found  out,  who  was  then 
chafaae"*  at  London  at  his  return  from  the  Bath,  where  he  had  been  for 
his  health:  And  on  him  I  will  enlarge  more  copioufly.    He  was 
the  fon  of  Dodtor  Lei^htoun,  who  had  in  Archbifliop  Laud's  time 
writ  Zion's  plea  aga'mfi  the  Prelates ;  for  which  he  was  condemn- 
ed in  the  Star-Chamber  to  have  his  ears  cut  and  his  nofe  flit. 
He  was  a  man  of  a  violent  and  ungoverned  heat.     He  lent  his 
eldefl:  fon  Robert  to  be  bred  in  Scotland,   who  was  accounted  a 
Saint  from  his  youth  up.     He  had  great  cjuickne/s  of  parts,  a 
lively  apprehenfion,   with  a  charming  vivacity  of  thought  and 
expreflion.     He  had  the  greateft  command  of  the  purcft  Latin 
that  ever  I  knew  in  any  man.     He  was  a  mafter  both  of  Greek 
and  Hebrew,  and  of  the  whole  compafs  of  theological  learning, 
chiefly  in  the  ftudy  of  the  Scriptures.    But  that  which  excelled  all 
the  reft  was,  he  was  polTelTed  with  the  higheft  and  nobleft  fenfe  of 
divine  things  that  I  ever  faw  in  any  man.     He  had  no  regard  to 
his  perlbn,  unlefs  it  was  to  mortify  it  by  a  confliant  low  diet,  that 
was  hke  a  perpetual  faft.    He  had  a  contempt  both  of  wealth  and 
reputation.    He  feemed  to  have  the  loweft  thoughts  of  himfelf 
poflfible,  and  to  defire  that  all  other  perfons  ftiould  think  as  mean- 
ly of  him  as  he  did  himfelf:  He  bore  all  forts  of  ill  ufage  and 
reproach,  like  a  man  that  took  pleafure  in  it.    He  had  fo  fubdued 
the  natural  heat  of  his  temper,  that  in  a  great  variety  of  acci- 
dents. 


of  King  Charles  II. 

dents,  and  in  a  courfe  of  twenty  two  years  intimate  converfation 
with  him,  I  never  obferved  the  leafl:  fign  of  paflion,  but  upon  one 
fingle  occafion.  He  brought  himfelf  into  fo  compofed  a  gravity, 
that  I  never  faw  him  laugh,  and  but  fcldom  fmile.  And  he  kept 
himfelf  in  fuch  a  conftant  recolledion,  that  I  do  not  remember 
that  ever  I  heard  him  fay  one  idle  word.  There  was  a  vifible 
tendency  in  all  he  faid  to  raife  his  own  mind,  and  thofe  he  con- 
verfed  with,  to  ferious  reflexions.  He  feemed  to  be  in  a  perpe- 
tual meditation.  And,  tho'  the  whole  courfe  of  his  life  was  ftrid 
and  afcetical,  yet  he  had  nothing  of  the  fournefs  of  temper  that 
generally  polTefTes  men  of  that  fort.  He  was  the  freeft  from  fuper- 
ftition,  of  cenfuring  others,  or  of  impofmg  his  own  methods  on 
them,  poffible.  So  that  he  did  not  ^o  much  as  recommend  them 
to  others.  He  faid,  there  was  a  diverfity  of  tempers  j  and  every 
man  was  to  watch  over  his  own,  and  to  turn  it  in  the  beft  man- 
ner he  could.  His  thoughts  were  lively,  oft  out  of  the  way  and 
furprizing,  yet  juft  and  genuine.  And  he  had  laid  together  in 
his  memory  the  greateft  treafure  of  the  beft  and  wifeft  of  all  the 
ancient  fayings  of  the  heathens  as  well  as  chriftians,  that  I  have 
ever  known  any  man  mafter  of:  And  he  ufed  them  in  the  apteft 
manner  poflible.  He  had  been  bred  up  with  the  greateft  averfion 
imaginable  to  the  whole  frame  of  the  Church  of  England.  From 
Scotland  his  father  fent  him  to  travel.  He  fpent  fome  years  in 
France^  and  fpoke  that  language  like  one  born  there.  He  came 
afterwards  and  fettled  in  Scotland,  and  had  Prefbyterian  ordina- 
tion. But  he  quickly  broke  thro'  the  prejudices  of  his  education. 
His  preaching  had  a  fublimity  both  of  thought  and  expreffion  in 
it.  The  grace  and  gravity  of  his  pronounciation  was  fuch,  that 
ic"^  heard  him  without  a  very  fenfible  emotion :  I  am  fure  I  ne- 
ver did.  His  ftyle  was  rather  too  fine:  But  there  was  a  majefty 
and  beauty  in  it  that  left  fo  deep  an  impreffion,  that  I  cannot  yet 
forget  the  fermons  I  heard  him  preach  thirty  years  ago.  And  yet 
with  this  he  feemed  to  look  on  himfelf  as  fo  ordinary  a  preacher, 
that  while  he  had  a  cure  he  was  ready  to  employ  all  others:  And 
when  he  was  a  Bifliop  he  chofe  to  preach  to  fmall  auditories,  and 
would  never  give  notice  before  hand :  He  had  indeed  a  very  low 
voice,  and  fo  could  not  be  heard  by  a  great  croud.  He  fbon  came 
to  fee  into  the  follies  of  the  Prelbyterians,  and  to  diflike  their  Co- 
venant ^  particularly  the  impofing  it,  and  their  furyagainft  all  who 
differed  from  them.  He  found  they  were  not  capable  of  large 
thoughts :  Theirs  were  narrow,  as  their  tempers  were  four.  So  he 
grew  weary  of  mixing  with  them.  He  fcarce  ever  went  to  their 
meetings,  and  lived  in  great  retirement,  minding  only  the  care  of 
his  own  parifti  at  Newbottle  near  Edenburgh.   Yet  all  the  oppofiti- 

on 


1^6         The  History  of  the  Reign 

t66i.  on  that  he  made  to  them  was,  that  he  preached  up  a  more  cx- 
a6t  rule  of  Hfe  than  (ecmed  to  them  condftent  with  human  na- 
ture: But  his  own  pradice  did  even  outfhine  his  dod;rine. 

In  the  year  1648  he  declared  himfelf  for  the  engagement  for 
the  King.    But  the  Earl  of  Lothian,  who  Hved  in  his  parifli,  had 
{b  high  an  efteem  for  him,  that  he  perfuaded  the  violent  men  not 
to  meddle  with  him :  Tho'  he  gave  occafion  to  great  exception  j 
for  when  fome  of  his  pariih,  who  had  been  in  the  engagement, 
were  ordered  to  make  publick  profefHon  of  their  repentance  for 
it,  he  told  them,  they  had  been  in  an  expedition,  in  which,  he 
believed,  they  had  neglcded  their  duty  to  God,  and  had  been 
guilty  of  injuftice  and  violence,  of  drunkennels  and  other  im- 
moralities, and  he  charged  them  to  repent  of  thefe  very  feriouf- 
ly,   without  meddling  with  the  quarrel  or  the  grounds  of  that 
war.     He  entred  into  a  great  correfpondence  with  many  of  the 
Epiicopal  party,  and  with  my  own  father  in  particular  5  and  did 
wholly  feparate  himfelf  from  the  Prefbyterians.     At  laft  he  left 
them,  and  withdrew  from  his  cure:    For  he  could  not  do  the 
things  impofed  on  him  any  longer.    And  yet  he  hated  all  con- 
tention fo  much,  that  he  chofe  rather  to  leave  them  in  a  filent 
mannerj  than  to  engage  in  any  difputes  wirli  them.    But  he  had 
generally  the  reputation  of  a  Saint,  and  of  fbmething  above  hu- 
man nature  in  him  :  So  the  mafterfhip  of  the  College  of  Eden- 
hurgh  falling  vacant  fome  time  after,  and  it  being  in  the  gift  of 
the  city,  he  was  prevail'd  with  to  accept  of  it,  becaufe  in  it  he 
was  wholly  feparated  from  all  Church  matters.    He  continued  ten 
years  in  that  poft :  And  was  a  great  blcding  in  it  j  for  he  talked  (o 
to  all  the  youth  of  any  capacity  or  diftindion,  that  it  had  great 
effedon  many  of  them.  He  preached  often  to  them :  And  if  crouds 
broke  in,  which  they  were  apt  to  do,  he  would  have  gone  on  in 
his  iermon  in  Lat'm,  with  a  purity  and  life  that  charmed  all  who 
underftood  it.    Thus  he  had  lived  above  twenty  years  in  Scotlandy 
in  the  higheft  reputation  that  any  man  in  my  time  ever  had  in 
that  Kingdom. 

He  had  a  brother  well  known  at  Court,  Sir  Rlifha^  who  was 
very  like  him  in  face  and  in  the  vivacity  of  his  parts,  but  the 
moft  unlike  him  in  all  other  things  that  can  be  imagined :  For, 
tho'  he  loved  to  talk  of  great  fublimities  in  religion,  yet  he  was 
a  very  immoral  man.  He  was  a  Papiit  of  a  form  of  his  own : 
But  he  had  changed  his  religion  to  raife  himfelf  at  Court  j  for 
he  was  at  that  time  Secretary  to  the  Duke  of  Tork,  and  was  very 
intimate  with  the  Lord  Aubignyy  a  brother  of  the  Duke  of  RkPj- 
mond'Sy  who  had  changed  his  religion,  and  was  a  Prieft,  and  had 
probably  been  a  Cardinal  if  he  had  lived  a  little  longer.     He 

maintained- 


of  Yiing  Charles  II.  t$y 

maintained  an  outward  decency,  and  had  more  learning  and  \66%. 
better  notions,  than  men  of  quaUty,  who  enter  into  orders  in  that' 
Church,  generally  have.  Yet  he  was  a  very  vicious  man :  And 
that  perhaps  made  him  the  more  confidered  by  the  King,  who 
loved  and  trufted  him  to  a  high  degree.  No  man  had  more  cre- 
dit with  the  Kingi  for  he  was  on  the  fecret  as  to  his  religion, 
and  was  more  trufted  with  the  whole  defign,  that  was  then  ma- 
naged in  order  to  eftablifli  it,  than  any  man  whatfbever.  Sir  Elt- 
Jha  brought  his  brother  and  him  acquainted :  For  Letghtotin  lov- 
ed to  know  men  in  all  the  varieties  of  religion. 

In  the  vacation  time  he  made  excurfions,  and  came  oft  to  Lon- 
don  j  where  he  obferved  all  the  eminent  men  in  Cromwell' %  Court, 
and  in  the  fevcral  parties  then  about  the  city  of  Lmdon,    But  he 
told  me,  he  could  never  lee  any  thing  among  them  that  pleaied 
him.    They  were  men  of  unquiet  and  meddling  tempers:  And 
their  difcourfes  and  fermons  were  dry  and  unfavoury,  full  of  airy 
cant,  or  of  bombaft  fwellings.    Sometimes  he  went  over  to  Flan- 
ders^ to  fee  what  he  could  find  in  the  feveral  orders  of  the  Churdi 
o^  Rome.     There  he  found  (ome  o(  Janfenms'%  followers,  who 
fecmed  to  be  men  of  extraordinary  tempers,  and  ftudied  to  bring 
things,  if  poflible,  to  the  purity  and  fimplicity  of  the  primitive 
ages;    on  which  all  his  thoughts  were  much  fet.     He  thought 
controverfies  had  been  too  much  infifted  on,  and  had  been  car- 
ried too  far.    His  brother,  who  thought  of  nothing  but  the  raifing 
himfelf  at  Court,    fancied  that    his  being  made  a  Biihop  might 
render  himfelf  more  confiderable.    So  he  poflctTed  the  Lord  /^h- 
h'tgny  with  fuch  an  opinion  of  him,  that  he  made  the  King  ap- 
prehend, that  a  man  of  his  piety  and  his  notions  (and  his  not 
being  married  was  not  forgot)  might  contribute  to  carry  on  their 
dellgn.  He  fancied  fuch  a  monaftick  man,  who  had  a  great  ftretch 
of  thought,  and  fo  many  other  eminent  qualities,  would  be  a  mean 
at  leaft  to  prepare  the  nation  for  Popery,  if  he  did  not  diredly 
come  over  to  them  ^  for  his  brother  did  not  ftick  to  fay,  he  was  fure 
that  lay  at  root  with  him.     So  the  King  named  him  of  his  own 
proper  motion,   which  gave  all  thofe  that  began  to  fufped  the 
King  himfelf  great  jealoufies  of  him.     Leigjotoun  was  averfe  to 
this  promotion,  as  much  as  was  poflible.    His  brother  had  great 
power  over  him  ,•   for  he  took  care  to  hide  his  vices  from  him, 
and  to  make  before  him  a  fliew  of  piety.    He  feemed  to  be  a  Pa- 
pift  rather  in  name  and  fliew  than  in  reality,  of  which  I  will  fet 
dovv'n  one  inftance  that  was  then  much  talked  of     Some  of  the 
Church  of  England  loved  to  magnify  the  facrament  in  an  extra- 
ordinary manner,  affirming  the  real  prefence,  only  blaming  the 
Church  of  Rome  for  defining  the  manner  of  it;  faying,  Chrtji 

N  n  was 


138  The  H  I  s  T  o  Pv  Y  of  the  Reign 

1661.   was  prefcnt  in  a  mod  unconceivable  manner.    This  was  fb  much 
the  mode,  that  the  King  and  all  the  Court  went  into  it.    So  the 
King,  upon  fome  raillery  about  tranfubftantiation,  aftced  Sir  FJi- 
Jha  if  he  believed  it.    He  anfwcred,  he  could  not  well  tell  ,•  but 
he  was  fure  the  Church  of  England  believed  it.    And  when  the 
King  leemed  amazed  at  that,  he  replied,  do  not  you  believe  that 
Chrtft  h  prefent  in  a  mod  unconceivable  manner?  Which  the 
King  granted  :  Then  faid  he,  that  is  juft  tranfubftantiation,  the 
moft  unconceivable  thing  that  was  ever  yet  invented.     When 
Le'tghtoun  was  prevailed  on  to  accept  a  Biftioprick,    he  chofe 
Dunblane^    a  fmall  diocefe  as  well  as  a  little  revenue.    But  the 
Deanry  of  the  Chapel  Royal  was  annexed  to  that  fee.    So  he  was 
willing  to  engage  in  that,    that  he  might  fct  up  the  Common 
Prayer  in  the  King's  Chapel;  for  the  rebuilding  of  which  orders 
were  given.     The  Engltjh  Clergy  were   well  pleafed  with  him, 
finding  him  both  more  learned,  and  more  thoroughly  the  irsin 
the  other  points  of  uniformity,  than  the  reft  of  the  Scotch  Cler- 
gy, whom  they  could  not  much  value.    And  tho'  Sheldon  did  not 
much  like  his  great  ftridnefs,  in  which  he  had  no  mind  to  imi- 
tate him,  yet  he  thought  fuch  a  man  as  he  was  might  give  cre- 
dit to  Epifcopacy,  in  its  firft  introdudion  to  a  nation  much  pre- 
judiced againft  it.    Sharp  did  not  know  what  to  make  of  all  this. 
He  neither  liked  his  ftridtnefs  of  life,  nor  his  notions.    He  believ- 
ed, they  would  not  take  the  fame  methods,  and  fancied  he  might 
be  much  obfcured  by  him  ,•  for  he  faw  he  would  be  well  fupport- 
ed.     He  faw  the  Earl  oi  Lauderdale  began  to  magnify  him.    And 
fo  Sharp  did  all  he  could  to  difcourage  him,  but  without  any  ef- 
fed:,-  for  he  had  no  regard  to  him.     I  bear  ftill  the  greateft  ve- 
neration for  the  memory  of  that  man  that  I  do  for  any  perfbn  j 
and  reckon  my  early  knowledge  of  him,  which  happened  the 
year  after  this,  and  my  long  and  intimate  converfation  with  him, 
that  continued  to  his  death  for  twenty  three  years,  among  the 
greateft  bleftings  of  my  life,  and  for  which  I  know  I  muft  give 
an  account  to  God  in  the  great  day  in  a  moft  particular  manner. 
And  yet,  tho'  I  know  this  account  of  his  promotion  may  feem 
a  blemifh  upon  him,  I  would  not  conceal  it,  being  refblved  to  write 
of  all  perfons  and  things  with  all  pofiTible  candor.     I  had  the  re- 
lation of  it  from  himlelf,    and  more  particularly  from  his  bro- 
ther.    But  what  hopes  foever  the  Papifts  had  of  him  at  this  time, 
when  he  knew  nothing  of  the  defign  of  bringing  in  Popery,  and 
had  therefore  talked  of  fbme  points  of  Popery  with  the  freedom 
of  an  ahftradted  and  fpeculative  man,-  yet  he  cxprefted  another 
fenfe  of  the  matter,  when  he  came  to  lee  it  was  really  intended 
to  be  brought  in  among  us.  He  then  fpoke  of  Popery  in  the  com- 
plex 
4 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  139 

plex  at  much  another  rate:  And  he  fcemed  to  have  more  zeal  1661'. 
againft  it,  than  I  thought  was  in  his  nature  with  relation  to  any  ^-^-^v^^ 
points  in  controverfyj  for  his  abftradion  made  him  fecm  cold 
in  all  thofe  matters.  But  he  gave  all  who  convcrfed  with  him 
a  very  different  view  of  Popery,  when  he  faw  we  were  really  iri 
danger  of  coming  under  the  power  of  a  religion,  that  had,  as 
he  ufed  to  fay,  much  of  the  wifedom  that  was  earthly,  fenfual, 
and  deviliih,  but  had  nothing  in  it  of  the  wifedom  that  was 
from  above,  and  was  pure  and  peaceable.  He  did  indeed  think 
the  corruptions  and  cruelties  of  Popery  were  luch  grofs  and  odi- 
ous things,  that  nothing  could  have  maintained  that  Church  un- 
der thofe  juft  and  vifible  prejudices,  but  the  feveral  orders  among 
them,  which  had  an  appearance  of  mortification  and  contempt  of 
the  world,  and  with  all  the  trafh  that  was  among  them  main- 
tained a  face  of  piety  and  devotion.  He  alfo  thought  the  great 
and  fatal  error  of  the  Reformation  was,  that  more  of  thofe  houfes, 
and  of  that  courfe  of  life,  free  from  the  entanglements  of  vows 
and  other  mixtures,  was  not  prefcrved :  So  that  the  Proteftant 
Churches  had  neither  places  of  education,  nor  retreat  for  men 
of  mortified  tempers.  I  have  dwelt  long  upon  this  riian's  cha- 
rader.  But  it  was  fo  fingular  that  it  feemed  to  deferve  it.  And 
I  was  fo  Angularly  blefs'd  by  knowing  him  as  I  did,  that  I  am 
fure  he  deferved  it  of  me,  that  I  {lnould  give  fo  full  aview  of  him ; 
which  I  hope  may  be  of  iome  ufe  to  the  world. 

When  the  time  fixed  for  the  confecration  of  the  Bifhops  ofThcScotijb 
Scotland  came  on,  the  EngltJJo  Bifhops  finding  that  Sharp  and  fc'crated!^"'*" 
Letghtoun  had  not  Epifcopal  ordination,  as  Priefts  and  Deacons, 
the  other  two  having  been  ordained  by  Bifhops  before  the  wars, 
they  flood  upon  it,  that  they  muft  be  ordain'd,  firft  Deacons  and 
then  Priefts.  Sharp  was  very  uneafie  at  this,  and  remembred  them 
of  what  had  happened  when  King  James  had  let  up  Epifcopacy. 
Bi'liop  Andrews  moved  at  that  time  the  ordaining  them,  as  was 
now  propofed:  But  that  was  overruled  by  King  James j  who 
thought  it  went  too  far  towards  the  unchurching  of  all  thofe  who 
had  no  Biftiops  among  them.  But  the  late  war,  and  the  difputes 
during  that  time,  had  raifed  thefe  controverfies  higher,  and  brought 
men  to  ftridcr  notions,  and  to  maintain  them  with  more  fierce- 
nefs.  ^\\zEnolifh  Bifliops  did  alfo  fay,  that  by  the  late  ad:  of  uni- 
formity that  matter  was  more  pofitively  fettled,  than  it  had  been 
before  j  fb  that  they  could  not  legally  confecrate  any,  but  thofe 
who  were,  according  to  that  conftitution,  made  firfl  Priefb  and 
Deacons.  They  alfo  made  this  difference  between  the  prefent 
time  and  King  Jamess'.  For  then  the  Scots  Were  only  in  an  im- 
peffed  ftate,    having  never  had  Bifliops  among  them  fince  the 

Refor- 


1 40  The  H  I  s  T  o  R  Y^of  the  Reign 

\66i.    Reformation  j  lb  in  fuch  a  ftate  of  things,  in  which  they  had  been 
under  a  real  necefTity,  it  was  reafbnable  to  allow  of  their  orders, 
how  defective  foever :    But  that  of  late  they  had  been  in  a  ftate 
of  (chifm,    had  revolted  from  their  Bifliops,   and  had  thrown 
off  that  order  j  fo  that  orders  given  in  fuch  a  wilful  oppofition 
to  the  whole  conftitution  of  the  primitive  Church  was  a  thing 
of  another  nature.    They  were  pofitive  in  the  point,  and  would 
not  difpenfe  with  it.     Sharp  ftuck  more  at  it,  than  could  have 
been  expei^ted  from  a  man  that  had  fwallowed  down  greater  mat- 
ters.    Leightoun  did  not  ftand  much  upon  it.    He  did  not  think 
orders  given  without  Biihops  were  null  and  void.  He  thought,  the 
forms  of  government  were  not  fettled  by  fuch  pofitive  laws  as 
were  unalterable  j  but  only  by  Apoftolical  pradices,  which,  as  he 
thought,    authorifed  Epifcopacy  as  the  bcft  form.     Yet  he  did 
not  think  it  necelTary  to  the  being  of  a  Church.    But  he  thought 
that  every  Church  might  make  fuch  rules  of  ordination  as  they 
pleafed,  and  that  they  might  re-ordain  all  that  came  to  them  from 
any  other  Church  5  and  that  the  re-ordaining  a  Prieft  ordained  in 
another  Church  imported  no  more,    but  that  they  received  him 
into  orders  according  to  their  rules,  and  did  not  infer  the  annul- 
ling tlie  orders  he  had  formerly  received.     Thefe  two  were  up- 
on thi.,  privately  ordained  Deacons  and  Priefts.    And  then  all  the 
four  were  confecrated  publickly  in  the  Abbey  of  Weftmmfler. 
Leightoun  told  me,    he  was  much  ftruck  with  the  feafting  and 
jollity  of  that  day:  It  had  not  fuch  an  appearance  of  ferioufnels 
or  piety,    as  became  the  new  modelling  of  a  Church.     When 
that  was  over,  he  made  fome  attempts  to  work  up  Sharp  to  the 
two  defigns  which  poflefTed  him  moft.     The  one  was,    to  try 
what  could  be  done  towards  the  uniting  the  Prefbyterians  and 
them.    He  offered  UJher's  redudion,  as  the  plan  upon  which  they 
ought  to  form  their  fchemes.     The  other  was,  to  try  how  they 
could  raife  men  to  a  truer  and  higher  fen{e  of  piety,  and  bring 
the  worfhip  of  that  Church  out  of  their  extempore  methods 
into  more  order  j    and  fb   to  prepare  them  for  a  more  regu- 
lar way  of  worfhip,  which  he  thought  was  of  much  more  impor- 
tance than  a  form  of  government.    But  he  was  amazed,  when 
he  obferved  that  Sharp  had  neither  formed  any  fcheme,    nor 
feemed  fo  much  as  willing  to  talk  of  any.     He  reckoned,  they 
would  be  eftablifhed  in  the  next  feflion  of  Parliament,    and  fo 
would  be  legally  pofTefTed  of  their  Bifhopricks :  And  then  every 
Bifhop  was  to  do  the  beft  he  could  to  get  all  once  to  fubmit  to 
his  authority:  And  when  that  point  was  carried,    they  might 
proceed  to  other  things,  as  fhould  be  found  expedient :  But  he 
did  not  care  to  lay  down  any  fcheme.    Fairfouly  when  he  talked 

•  tQ 


*  of  King  Charles  II.  i^j 

to  him,  had  always  a  merry  tale  ready  at  hand  to  divert  him:  \66i. 
So  that  he  avoided  all  ferious  difcourfe,  and  indeed  did  not  feem  ^-^~v^ 
capable  of  any.  By  thefe  means  Leightoun  quickly  loft  all  heart 
and  hope  j  and  faid  often  to  me  upon  it,  that  in  the  whole  pro- 
grefs  of  that  affair  there  appeared  fuch  crofs  charaders  of  an  an- 
gry providence,  that,  how  fully  foevcr  he  was  fatisfied  in  his  own 
mind  as  to  Epifcopacy  itfelf,  yet  it  feemed  that  God  was  againft 
them,  and  that  they  were  not  like  to  be  the  men  that  fliould  build 
up  his  Church ;  fo  that  the  ftruggling  about  it  feemed  to  him 
like  a  fighting  againft  God.  He  who  had  the  greateft  hand 
in  it  proceeded  with  fo  much  diflimulation  ,•  and  the  reft  of  the 
order  were  fo  mean,  and  fo  felfifh  j  and  the  Earl  of  M'tdletoun, 
with  the  other  lecular  men  that  conducted  it,  were  fo  openly 
impious  and  virions,  that  it  did  caft  a  reproach  on  every  thing 
relating  to  religion  to  fee  it  managed  by  fuch  inftruments. 

All  the  fteps  that  were  made  afterwards  were  of  a  piece  with  16^1 
this  melancholy  beginning.  Upon  the  confecration  of  the  Bi-  ^^"v-^v^ 
ihops,  the Prefby teries  oi Scotland  thzi^cxc  ftill  fitting  began  nowjgs  S"he 
to  declare  openly  againft  Epifcopacy,  and  to  prepare  proteftati- f  "*^y"'" 
ens,  or  other  a6ts  or  inftruments,  againft  them.  Some  were 
talking  of  entring  into  new  engagements  againft  the  fiibmitting 
to  them.  So  Sharp  moved,  that,  fince  the  King  had  fet  up 
Epifcopacy,  a  Proclamation  might  be  ififued  out,  forbiddnig  Cler- 
gymen to  meet  together  in  any  Prefbytery,  or  other  judicatory, 
till  the  Biihops  ftiould  fettle  a  method  of  proceeding  in  them. 
Upon  the  fetting  out  this  Proclamation,  a  general  obedience  was 
given  to  it :  Only  the  minifters,  to  keep  up  a  fhew  of  adiing  on 
an  Ecclefiaftick  authority,  met  once  and  entred  into  their  Books 
a  proteftation  againft  the  Proclamation,  as  an  invafion  on  the 
liberties  of  the  Church,  to  which  they  declared  they  gave  obedi- 
ence only  for  a  time,  and  for  peace  fake.  Sharp  procured  this 
without  any  advice:  And  it  proved  very  fatal.  For  when  King 
James  brought  in  the  Bifhops  before,  they  had  ftill  fuffered  the 
inferiour  judicatories  to  continue  fitting,  till  the  Bifhops  came, 
•and  fate  down  among  them:  Some  of  them  protefted  indeed 
againft  that:  Yet  they  fate  on  ever  after:  And  fo  the  whole 
Church  had  a  face  of  unity,  while  all  fate  together  in  the  fame 
judicatories,  tho'  upon  different  prmciples.  The  old  Prefbyte- 
rians  faid,  they  fate  ftill  as  in  a  Court  fc-ttled  by  the  laws  of  the 
Church  and  State :  And  tho'  they  looked  on  the  Bifhops  fitting 
among  them,  and  affuming  a  negative  vote,  as  an  ufurpation, 
yet,  they  faid,  it  did  not  infer  a  nullity  on  the  Court:  Where- 
as now,  by  this  filencing  thefe  Courts,  the  cafe  was  much  alter- 

O  o  ed: 


•-K' 


.li'Jiiii'.ij, 


J42        The  History  of  the  Reign 

x66^.  ed^  For  if  they  had  continued  fitting,  and  theBiftiops  had  come 
among  them,  they  would  have  faid,  it  was  hke  the  bearing  with 
an  uiurpation,  when  there  was  no  remedy:  And  what  proteftati- 
ons  ibever  they  might  have  made,  or  what  oppofition  foever 
they  might  have  given  the  Bifhops,  that  would  have  been  kept 
within  their  own  walls,  but  would  not  have  broken  out  into  fuch 
a  diftra<5tion,  as  the  nation  was  caft  into  upon  this:  All  the  op- 
pofition that  might  have  been  made  would  have  died  with  thofe 
few  that  were  difpofed  to  make  it:  And,  upon  due  care  to  fill 
the  vacant  places  with  worthy  and  well  affeded  men,  the  nation 
might  have  been  brought  off  from  their  prejudices.  But  thefe 
Courts  being  now  once  broken,  and  brought  together  afterwards 
by  a  fort  of  connivance,  without  any  legal  authority,  only  as  the 
Bifiiops  afiiftants  and  officials,  to  give  him  advice,  and  to  ad  in 
his  name,  they  pretended  they  could  not  fit  in  them  any  more, 
unlefs  they  fliould  change  their  principles  and  become  throughly 
Epifcopal,  which  was  too  great  a  turn  to  be  foon  brought  about. 
So  fatally  did  Sharp  precipitate  matters.  He  affedted  to  have  the 
reins  of  the  Church  wholly  put  into  his  hands.  The  Earl  of 
Lauderdale  was  not  forry  to  fee  him  commit  errors  j  fince  the 
worfe  things  were  managed,  his  advices  would  be  thereby  the 
more  juftified.  And  the  Earl  of  Mtdletoun  and  his  party  took 
no  .care  of  any  bufinefs,  being  almoft  perpetually  drunk':  By 
which  they  came  in  a  great  meafiire  to  loofe  the  King.  For, 
tho",  upon  a  frolick,  the  King,  with  a  few  in  whofe  company 
he  took  pleafure,  would  fometimes  run  into  excels,  yet  he  did  it 
ieldom,  and  had  a  very  bad  opinion  of  all  that  got  into  the  habit 
and  love  of  drunkenneis. 
The  new  The  Bifiiops  came  down  to  Scotland  (bon  after  their  confecra- 
came'down  tion,  all  in  One  coach.  Le'tghtoun  told  me,  he  believed  they 
to  Scotland,  ^^gj-c  wcary  of  him,  for  he  was  very  weary  of  them :  But  he,  find- 
ing they  intended  to  be  received  at  Edenburgh  with  fbme  pomp, 
left  them  at  Morpeth,  and  came  to  Edenburgh  a  few  days  before 
them.  He  hated  all  the  appearances  of  vanity.  He  would  not 
have  the  title  of  Lord  given  him  by  his  friends,  and  was  not 
eafy  when  others  forced  it  on  him.  In  this  I  always  thought 
him  too  ftiff :  It  provoked  the  other  Bifhops,  and  looked  like  fin- 
gularity  and  affedation,  and  furnifhed  thofe  that  were  prejudiced 
againft  him  with  a  fpecious  appearance,  to  reprefent  him  as  a  man 
of  odd  notions  and  pradices.  The  Lord  Chancellour,  with  all 
the  Nobility  and  Privy  Councellours,  then  at  Edenburgh,  went 
out,  together  with  the  Magiftracy  of  the  city,  and  brought  the 
Bilhops  in,  as  in  triumph.  I  looked  on-,  And  tho'  I  was 
thoroughly  Epifcopal,  yet  I  thought  there  was  fomewhat  in  the 

^  pomp 


j?/ A>)^^  Ch  ARL  ES    II.  145 

pomp  of  thaf  entry,'  that  did  not  look  like  th«  humility  that  be-  i66i.  ' 
came  their  fiindion :  Soon  after  their  arrival,  fix  other  Bifhops  ^-^^^v^^^ 
were  confecrated,  but  not  ordained  Priefts  and  Deacons.  The 
See  of  Ec/enhtirgh  was  for  ibme  time  kept  vacant.  Sharp  hoped 
that  Douglas  might  be  prevailed  on  to  accept  it :  But  he  would 
enter  into  no  treaty  about  it.  So  the  Earl  of  Mtdletoun  forced  up- 
on Sharp  one  Wijhart,  who  had  been  the  Marquis  of  Montrofe's 
chaplain,  and  had  been  taken  prifoner,  and  ufed  with  fb  much 
cruelty  in  the  jayl  oi  Edenburgh,  that  it  feem'd  but  juftice  to  ad- 
vance a  man  in  that  place,  where  he  had  fuffer'd  fo  much. 

The  fcflion  of  Parliament  came  on  in  April  i66z :  Where  the  They  were 
firft  thing  that  was  propofed  by  the  Earl  oi  M'tdletoun  was,  that  ^'°".^*'"'"° 
fince  the  ad  refciffory  had  annulled  all  the  Parliaments  after 
that  held  in  the  year  1633,  the  former  laws  in  favour  of  EpiA 
copacy  were  now  again  in  force,  the  King  had  reftored  that 
function  which  had  been  h  long  glorious  in  the  Church,  and  for 
which  his  bleffed  father  had  fuffered  fo  much :  And  tho'  the  Bi- 
fhops  had  a  right  to  come  and  take  their  place  in  Parhament, 
yet  it  was  a  piece  of  refpe6t  to  fend  fome  of  every  ftate  to  invite 
them  to  come,  and  fit  among  them.  This  was  agreed  to :  So 
upon  the  mefTage  the  Bifhops  came  and  took  their  places.  Leigh- 
mm  went  not  with  them,  as  indeed  he  never  came  to  Parliament 
but  when  there  was  fi^mething  before  them  that  related  to  reUgi- 
on,  or  to  the  Church. 

The  firft  ad:  that  palfed  in  this  feflion  was  for  reftoring  Epif- 
copacy,  and  fettling  the  government  of  the  Church  in  their 
hands.  Sharp  had  the  framing  of  this  ad,  as  Primerofe  told  me. 
The  whole  government  and  jurifdidion  of  the  Church  in  the  fe- 
veral  dioceies  was  declared  to  be  lodged  in  the  Bifhops,  which 
they  were  to  exercife  with  the  advice  and  afliftance  of  fuch  of  their 
clergy,  as  were  of  known  loyalty  and  prudence :  All  men  that 
held  any  benefice  in  the  Church  were  required  to  own  and  fubmit 
to  the  government  of  the  Church,  as  now  by  law  eftablifhed. 
This  was  plainly  the  fetting  Epifcopacy  on  another  bottom,  than 
it  had  been  ever  on  in  Scotland htioie.  this  time:  For  the  whole 
body  of  the  Prefbyterians  did  formerly  maintain  fiich  a  fhare  in 
the  adminiftration,  that  the  Bifhops  had  never  pretended  to  any 
more,  than  to  be  their  fettled  Prefidents  with  a  negative  voice  up- 
on them.  But  now  it  was  faid,  that  the  whole  power  was  lodg- 
ed fimply  in  the  Bifhop,  who  was  only  bound  to  carry  along 
with  him  in  the  adminiftration  fo  many  Prefbyters,  as  he  thought 
fit  to  fingle  out,  as  his  advifers  and  afTiftants^  which  was  the  tak- 
ing all  power  out  of  the  body  of  the  Clergy :  Church  judicato- 
ries were  now  made  only  the  Bifhop's  affiftants :  And  the  k\/  of 

the 


1 44         The  History  of  the  Reign 

i66i.   the  Clergy  that  muft  aflift  being  to  be  pickt  out  by  him,   that 
'-^''V'^^  was  only  a  matter  of  fhewj  nor  hnd  they  any  authority  lodged 
with  them,  all  that  being  vefted  only  in  the  Biftiop:  Nor  did  it 
efcape  cenfure,  that  among  the  qualifications  of  thbfe  Prefbyters 
that  were  to  be  the  Bifhop's  advifers  and  afliftants,    loyalty  and 
prudence  were  only  named  j    and  that  piety  and  learning  were 
forgot,  which  muft  always  be  reckoned  the  firft  qualifications  of 
the  Clergy.     As  to  the  obligation  to  own  and  fubmit  to  the  go- 
vernment thus  eftablifhed  by  law,  they  faid,  it  was  hard  to  fiib- 
mit  to  fo  high  an  authority  as  was  now  lodged  with  the  Bifhops; 
but  to  require  them  to  own  it,  feemed  to  import  an  antecedent 
approving,  or  at  leaft  a  fubfequent  juftifying  of  fuch  an  authori- 
ty, which  carried  the  matter  far  beyond  a  bare  obedience,  even 
to  an  impofing  upon  confcience.     Thefe  were  not  only  the  ex- 
ceptions made  by  the  Prefbyterians,   but  by  the  Epifcopal  men 
themfelves,  who  had  never  carried  the  argument  farther  in  Scot^ 
land,  than  for  a  precedency,  with  fbme  authority  in  ordination, 
and  a  negative  in  matters  of  jurifdidion.  They  thought,  the  bo- 
dy of  the  Clergy  ought  to  be  a  check  upon  the  Bifliops,  and  that, 
without  the  confent  of  the  majority,  they  ought  not  to  be  legal- 
ly impowered  to  ad:  in  fb  imperious  a  manner,  as  was  warranted 
by  this  adt.     Many  of  them  would  never  (libfcribe  to  this  form 
of  owning  and  fubmitting:  And  the  more  prudent  Bifliops  did  not 
impofe  it  on  their  Clergy.     The  whole  frame  of  the  ad  was  li- 
able to  great  cenfure.     It  was  thought  an  unexcufable  piece  of 
madnefs,    that,   when  a  government  was  brought  in  upon  a  na- 
tion fo  averle  to  it,  the  firft  ftep  fliould  carry  their  power  fo  high. 
All  the  Bifliops,  except  Sharp,  difbwned  their  having  any  fliare 
in  the  penning  this  ad  ^  which  indeed  was  pafs'd  in  hafte,  with- 
out due  confideration.    Nor  did  any  of  the  Bifliops,  no  not  Sharp 
hirafelf,   ever  carry  their  authority  fb  high,  as  by  the  ad  they 
were  warranted  to  do.     But  all  the  enemies  to  Epifcopacy  had 
this  ad  ever  in  their  mouths,  to  excufe  their  not  fubmitting  to 
it  J  and  faid,  it  afferted  a  greater  ftretch  of  authority  in  Bifhops, 
than  they  themfelves  thought  fit  to  afTume. 
Scruples  a-       Soon  after  that  ad  pafs'd,  fbme  of  the  Prefbyterian  preachers 
oalhofV  w^t"^  fummoned  to  anfwer  before  the  Parliament  for  fome  reflec- 
premacy.     tions  made  in  their  fermons  againft  Epifcopacy.     But  nothing 
could  be  made  of  it :  For  their  words  were  general,  and  capable 
of  different  fenfes.    So  it  was  refolved,  for  a  proof  of  their  loy- 
alty,   to  tender  them  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  fupremacy. 
That  had  been  enaded  in  the  former  Parliament,  and  was  refufed 
by  none,  but  the  Earl  of  CaJJllts,    He  defired,  that  an  explana- 
tion might  be  made  of  the  fupremacy:  The  words  of  the  oath 
.8  •y^rere 


of  King  Charles  II.  1 45 

were  large:  And  when  the  oath  was  enaded  in  En^land^  a  clear  \66z. 
explanation  was  given  in  one  of  the  articles  of  the  Church  of 
England^  and  more  copioufly  afterwards  in  a  difcourfe  by  Archbi- 
Ihop  Ufher^  publifhed  by  King  James's  order.  But  the  Parlia- 
ment would  not  fatisfy  him  fo  far.  And  they  were  well  pleafed 
to  fee  fcruples  raifed  about  the  oath,  that  (o  a  colour  might  be 
put  on  their  feverities  againfl:  fiich  as  (hould  refufc  it,  as  being" 
men  that  refufed  to  fwear  allegiance  to  the  King.  Upon  that' 
the  Earl  of  Caffilis  left  the  Parliament,  and  quitted  all  his  em- 
ployments :  For  he  was  a  man  of  a  moft  inflexible  firmnefs.  Ma- 
ny faid,  there  was  no  need  of  an  explanation ,  fince  how  ambi- 
guous foever  the  words  might  be  in  themfelves,  yet  that  oath,  be- 
ing brought  to  Scotland  from  England,  ought  to  be  underftood 
in  the  fame  fenfe  in  which  it  was  impofed  in  that  Kingdom. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  was  juft  realon  for  fome  mens  being 
tender  in  fo  facred  a  matter  as  an  oath.  The  Earl  of  CaJJilis  had 
offered  to  take  the  oath,  provided  he  might  join  his  explanation 
to  it.  The  Earl  of  Mtdktoun  was  contented  to  let  him  fay  what 
he  pleafed,  but  he  would  not  fuffer  him  to  put  it  in  writing.  The 
Minifters,  to  whom  it  was  now  tendred,  offered  to  take  it  upon 
the  fame  terms  ,•  and  in  a  petition  to  the  Lords  of  the  articles 
they  offered  their  explanation.  Upon  that  a  debate  arofe,  whe- 
ther an  ad  explanatory  of  the  oath  fhould  be  offered  to  the  Par- 
liament, or  not.  This  was  the  firft  time  that  Letghtoun  appear- 
in  Parliament.  He  prelfed,  it  might  be  done,  with  much  zeal. 
He  faid,  the  land  mourned  by  reafon  of  the  many  oaths  that  had 
been  taken :  The  words  of  this  oath  were  certainly  capable  of  a 
bad  fenfe :  In  compalfion  to  Papifts  a  limited  fenfe  had  been  put 
on  them  in  England:  And  he  thought  there  fhould  be  a  like  tender- 
nefs  fhewed  to  Proteftants,  efpecially  when  the  fcruple  was  jufl, 
and  there  was  an  oath  in  the  cafe,  in  which  the  matter  ought  cer- 
tainly to  be  made  clear :  To  ad  otherwife  looked  like  the  laying 
fnares  for  people,  and  the  making  men  offenders  for  a  word. 
Sharp  took  this  ill  from  him,  and  replied  upon  him  with  great 
bitternefs :  And  faid,  it  was  below  the  dignity  of  government  to 
make  acts  to  fatisfie  the  weak  fcruples  of  peevifh  men :  It  ill  be- 
came them,  who  had  impofed  their  Covenant  on  all  people  with- 
out any  explanation,  and  had  forced  all  to  take  it,  now  to  ex- 
pert fuch  extraordinary  favours.  Leightoun  infifled,  that  it  ought 
to  be  done  for  that  very  reafon,  that  all  people  might  fee  a  dif- 
ference between  the  mild  proceedings  of  the  government  now, 
and  their  feverity :  And  that  it  ill  became  the  very  fame  perfons, 
who  had  complained  of  that  rigour,  now  to  pradife  it  themfelves; 
for  thus  it  may  be  faid,  the  world  goes  mad  by  turns.    This  was 

P  p  ill 


1 4.6         The  History  of  the  Reign 

i66i.    ill  taken  by  the  Earl  of  Midletoun,  and  all  his  party:  For  they 
-'''^'''''^"^defipned  to  keep  the  matter  fo,  that  the  Prcfbyterians  fliould  be 
porieiTed  with  many  fcruples  on  this  head  j  and  that,  when  any 
of  the  party  fliould  be  brought  before  them,    whom  they  be- 
lieved in  fault,  but  had  not  full  proof  againft,  the  oath  fhould 
be  tendred  as  the  trial  of  their  allegiance,  and  that  on  their  refu- 
fmg  it  they  fhould  ccnfure  them  as  they  thought  lit.  So  the  Mini- 
fters  petition  was  rejeded,  and  they  were  required  to  take  the  oath 
as  it  flood  in  the  law,  without  putting  any  fenfe  upon  it.    They 
refufed  to  do  it,  and  were  upon  that  condemned  to  perpetual  ba- 
nifliment,  as  men  that  denied  allegiance  to  the  King.    And  by 
this  an  engine  was  found  out  to  banifh  as  many  as  they  pleafed: 
For  the  reiblution  was  taken  up  by  the  whole  party  to  refufe  it, 
unlefs  with  an  explanation.    So  foon  did  men  forget  all  their  for- 
mer complaints  of  the  feverity  of  impofing  oaths,  and  began  to 
fet  on  foot  the  fame  pradiices  now,  when  they  had  it  in  their 
power  to  do  it.     But  how  unbecoming  foever  this  rigour  might 
be  in  laymen,  it  was  certainly  much  more  indecent  when  mana- 
ged by  Clergy-men.    And  the  fupremacy  which  was  now  turned 
againft  the  Prefbyterians  was,  not  long  after  this,  laid  much  hea- 
vier on  the  Bifhops  themfelves :  And  then  they  defired  an  expla- 
nation, as  much  as  the  Prefbyterians  did  now,  but  could  not  ob- 
tain it. 

The  Parliament  was  not  fatisfied  with  this  oath :  For  they  ap- 
prehended, that  many  would  infer,  that,  fi nee  it  came  from  £«- 
glandy   it  ought  to  be  underftood  in  the  publick  and  eftablifhed 
fcnfe  of  the  words  that  was  pafs'd  there,  both  in  an  article  of  doc- 
trine and  in  an  ad  of  Parliament.    Therefore  another  oath  was 
likewife  taken  from  the  Engltjh  pattern,  of  abjuring  the  Cove- 
nant,- both  the  League  and  the  national  Covenant.     It  is  true, 
this  was  only  impofed  on  men  in  the  magiftracy,  or  in  publick 
employments.     By  it  all  the  Prefbyterians  were  turned  out :  For 
this  oath  was  decried  by  the  Minifters  as  little  lefs  than  open 
apoftacy  from  God,    and  a  throwing  off  their  baptifmal  Co- 
venant. 
Debates  a-       The  main  bufinefs  of  this  feflion  of  Parliament,  now  that  Epif^ 
ofTndemni-  ^opacy  was  fettled,  and  thefe  oaths  were  enaded,  was  the  paffing 
»y.  of  the  ad  of  indemnity.     The  Earl  of  Mtdletoim  had  obtained 

of  the  King  an  inftrudion  to  confent  to  the  fining  of  the  chief 
offenders,  or  to  other  punifhments  not  extending  to  life.  This 
was  intended  to  enrich  him  and  his  party,  fmce  all  the  rich  and 
great  offenders  would  be  ftruck  with  the  terror  of  this,  and 
choofe  rather  to  make  him  a  good  prefent,  than  to  be  fined  on 
record,  as  guilty  pcrfons.  This  matter  was  debated  at  the  Coun- 
cil 


of  King  Charles  II.  147 

cil  in  M'^hitehall.     The  Earls  oi  Lauderdale  and  Crawford  argu-  \66i. 
ed  againft  it.    They  faid,  the  King  had  granted  a  full  indemnity  ^-^^v^^-' 
\\\  England,  out  of  which  none  were  excepted  but  the  regicides: 
It  fecmed  therefore  an  unkind  and  an  unequal  way  of  proceed- 
ing towards  Scotland,  that  had  merited  eminently  at  the  King's 
hands  ever  fince  the  year  1648,  and  (uffered  much  for  it,  that 
the  one  Kingdom  fhould  not  have  the  fame  meafure  of  grace  and 
pardon  that  was  granted  in  the  other.    The  Earl  of  Mtdletoun 
anfwered,  that  ail  he  defired  was  in  favour  of  the  loyal  party  in 
Scotland,  who  were  undone  by  their  adhering  to  the  King :  The 
revenue  of  the  Crown  was  too  fmall,  and  too  much  charged,  to  re- 
pair their  lofTes :  So  the  King  had  no  other  way  to  be  juft  to  them, 
but  to  make  their  enemies  pay  for  their  rebellion.     Some  plau- 
fible  limitations  were  ojffered  to  the  fines  to  which  any  fliould  be 
condemned  j  as  that  they  fliould  be  only  for  offences  commit- 
ted fince  the  year  K^yo,  and  that  no  man  fliould  be  fined  in  a- 
bove  a  year's  rent  of  his  eftate.    Thefe  were  agreed  to.    So  he 
had  an  inftrudion  to  pals  an  a6t  of  indemnity,  with  a  power  of 
fining  refl:rain'd  to  thefe  rules.  There  was  one  Sir  George  Macken- 
zie,   fince  made  X^ord  Tarhot  and  Earl  of  Cromarty,   a  young 
man  of  great  vivacity  of  parts,  but  full  of  ambition,  and  had  the 
art  to  recommend  himlelf  to  all  fides  and  parties  by  turns,  and 
has  made  a  great  figure  in  that  country  now  above  fifty  years. 
He  had  great  notions  of  vertue  and  religion :  But  they  were  only 
notions,  at  leaft  they  have  not  had  great  effed:  on  himfelf  at  all 
times.     He  became  now  the  Earl  of  MtdletourC^  chief  favourite. 
Primerofe  was  grown  rich  and  cautious:  And  his  maxim  having 
always  been,    that,  when  he  apprehended  a  change,  he  ought 
to  lay  in  for  it  by  courting  the  fide  that  was  depreifed,  that  fo 
in  the  next  turn  he  might  fecure  friends  to  himfelf,   he  began 
to  think  that  the  Earl  of  Mtdletoun  went  too  faft  to  hold  out  long. 
He  had  often  advifed  him  to  manage  the  bufinefs  of  refl:oring 
Epifcopacy  in  a  flow  progrefs.  He  had  formed  a  (cheme,  by  which 
it  would  have  been  the  work  of  feven  years.     But  the  Earl  of 
Mtdletoun'^  heat,  and  Sharp's  vehemence,  fpoiled  all  his  project. 
The  Earl  of  Mtdletoun  after  his  own  difgrace  faid  often  to  him, 
that  his  advices  had  been  always  wife  and  faithful :  But  he  thought 
Princes  were  more  fenfible  of  fervices,  and  more  apt  to  reflect 
on  them,  and  to  reward  them,  than  he  found  they  were. 

When  the  fettlement  of  Epifcopacy  was  over,  the  next  care  was  it  was  de- 
to  prepare  the  ad  of  indemnity.     Some  propofed,  that,  befides  fjjJ^'J;"  ^^^ 
the  power  of  fining,  they  fliould  move  the  King,  that  he  would  be  incapact- 
confent  to  an  inftrudion,  impowering  them  likewife  to  put  fome 
under  an  incapacity  to  hold  any  publick  truft.     This  had  never 

?  been 


148  The  History  of  the  Reign 

\6hi.^  been  propofed  in  publick.    But  the  Earl  oi  Midktoun  pretended, 
that  many  of  the  beft  affedied  of  the  ParHament  had  propofed  ic 
in  private  to  himfelf.     So  he  fent  the  Lord  Tarbot  up  to  the  King 
with  two  draughts  of  an  a(5t  of  indemnity,  the  one  containing  an 
exception  of  fome  perfons  to  be  fined,  and  the  other  containing 
likewife  a  claufe  for  the  incapacitating  of  fome,  not  exceeding 
twelve,  from  all  publick  truft.     He  was  ordered  to  lay  both  be- 
fore the  King :  The  one  was  penned  according  to  the  Earl  of 
Midletoun's  inftrudions :    The  other  was  drawn  at  the  defiire  of 
the  Parliament,  for  which  he  prayed  an  inftrudion,  if  the  King 
thought  fit  to  approve  of  it.     The  Earl  of  Lauderdale  had  no 
apprehenfion  of  any  defign  againft  himfelf  in  the  motion.    So  he 
made  no  objedion  to  it.    And  an  inftrudtion  was  drawn,  impow- 
ering  the  Earl  of  M'tdletoun  to  pafs  an  a6t  with  that  claufe.    Tar- 
bot was  then  much  confidered  at  Court,  as  one  of  the  moft  ex- 
traordinary men  that  Scotland  had  produced,  and  was  the  better 
liked,    becaufe  he  was  looked  on  as  the  perfon  that  the  Earl  of 
M'tdletoun  intended  to  fet  up  in  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale''^  room, 
who  was  then  fo  much  hated,  that  nothing  could  have  preferved 
him  but  the  courfe  that  was  taken  to  ruine  him.    So  Lord  Tar- 
bot went  back  to  Scotland.    And  the  Duke  of  Richmond  and  the 
Earl  of  Newburgh  went  down  with  him,  by  whofe  wild  and  ungo- 
verned  extravagancies  the  Earl  of  M'tdletoun's  whole  condud  fell 
under  fuch  an  univerfal  odium,  and  fo  much  contempt,  that,  as  his 
own  ill  management  forced  the  King  to  put  an  end  to  his  miniftry, 
fo  he  could  not  haveferved  there  much  longer  with  any  reputation. 
One  inftance  of  unufual  feverity  was,  that  a  letter  of  the  Lord 
Lorr^s  to  the  Lord  Duffus  was  intercepted,   in  which  he  did 
a  little  too  plainly,   but  very  truly,    complain  of  the  pradices 
of  his  enemies  in  endeavouring  to   poffeis  the  King   againft 
him  by  many  lies :    But  he  faid,  he  had  now  difccvered  them, 
and  had  defeated  them,  and  had  gained  the  perfon  upon  whom 
the  chief  among  them  depended.     This  was  the  Earl  of  Cla- 
rendon,    upon   whom  the  Earl   of  Berkjhire   had  wrought  fb 
much,  that  he  refblved  to  oppofe  his  reftoration  no  more :  And 
for  this  the  Earl  of  Berkjhire  was  to  have  a  thoufand  pounds. 
This  letter  was  carried  into  the  Parliament,  and  complained  of 
as  leafing-making j    fince  Lord  Lorn  pretended,    he  had  di(^ 
covered  the  lies  of  his  enemies  to  the  King,  which  was  a  fowing 
difTenfion  between  the  King  and  his  fubjedls,    and  the  crea- 
ting in  the  King  an  ill  opinion  of  them.     So  the  Parliament  de- 
fired,  the  King  would  fend  him  down  to  be  tried  upon  it.    The 
King  thought  the  letter  very  indifcreetly  writ,  but  could  not  fee 
any  thing  in  it  that  was  criminal.    Yet,  in  compliance  with  the 

defire 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E' s  it  J         T49 

dcfiie  of  fo  zealous  a  Parliament,  Lord  Lorn  was  fcnt.down  up-  \66i. 
on  his  parole:  But  the  King  writ  pofitively  to  the  Earl  oi Miclle-^^^V^ 
tOMij  not  to  proceed  to  the  execution  of  any  f^ntence  that  might 
pals  upon  him.  Lord  Lorn  upon  his  appearance  was  made  a 
prifoner:  And  an  indictment  was  brought  againft  him  for  leafing- 
making.  He  made  no  defence:  But  in  a  long  fpecch  he  let 
out  the  great  provocation  he  had  been  under,  the  many  libels 
that  had  been  printed  againft  him:  Some  of  thefe  had  been  put 
in  the  King's  own  hands,  to  reprefcnt  him  as  unworthy  of  his 
grace  and  favour:  So,  after  all  that  hard  ufag?,  it  was  no  won- 
der, if  he  had  writ  with  fome  fliarpnefs:  But  he  proteiled,  he 
meant  no  harm  to  any  perfon^  his  defign  being  only  to  preferve 
and  fave  himfelf  from  the  malice  and  lies  of  others,  and  not  to 
make  lies  of  any.  In  conclufion,  he  fubmitted  to  the  juftice  of  the 
Parliament,  and  call  himfelf  on  the  King's  mercy.  He  was  upon 
this  condemned  to  die,  as  guilty  of  lealing-making:  And  the  day  of  z,«r«  con* 
his  execution  was  left  to  the  Earl  of  Midletoun  by  the  Parliament.  •^'•'^^'"'*- 

I  never  knew  any  thing  more  generally  cried  out  on  than  this 
was,  unlels  it  was  the  fccond  fentence  pafs'd  on  him  twenty  years 
after  this,  which  had  more  fatal  effedls,  and  a  more  tragical  con- 
clufion. He  was  certainly  born  to  be  the  fignaleft  inftance  in  this 
age  of  the  rigour,  or  rather  of  the  mockery,  of  juftice.  All  that 
was  faid  at  this  time  to  excufe  the  proceeding  was,  that  it  was 
certain  his  life  was  in  no  danger.  But  fince  that  depended  on 
the  King)  it  did  not  excufe  thofe  who  pafs'd  fo  bafe  a  fentence, 
and  left  to  pofterity  the  precedent  of  a  Parliamentary  judgment, 
by  which  any  man  may  be  condemned  for  a  letter  of  common 
news.  This  was  not  all  the  fury  with  which  this  matter  was  dri- 
ven :  For  an  ad:  was  pafs'd  againft  all  peribns,  who  fhould  move 
the  King  for  reftoring  the  children  of  thofe  who  were  attainted 
by  Parliament;  which  was  an  unheard-of  rcftraint  on  applicati- 
ons to  the  King  for  his  grace  and  mercy.  This  the  Earl  of  Midle- 
toun  alfo  pafs'd,  tho'  he  had  no  inftrudion  for  it.  There  was 
no  penalty  put  in  the  ad:  For  it  was  a  maxim  of  the  pleaders 
for  prerogative,  that  the  fixing  a  puniftiment  was  a  limitation  on 
the  Crown:  Whereas  an  ad  forbidding  any  thing,  tho'  with- 
out a  penalty,  made  the  offenders  criminal :  And  in  that  cafe 
they  did  reckon,  that  the  punifliment  was  arbitrary  ^  only  that 
it  could  not  extend  to  hfe.  A  Committee  was  next  appointed 
for  fetting  the  fines.  They  proceeded  without  any  regard  to  the 
rules  the  King  had  fet  them.  The  moft  obnoxious  compounded' 
fecretly.  No  confideration  was  had  either  of  mens  crimis,  or 
of  their  eftates :  No  proofs  were  brought.  Enquiries  were  not  (b 
much  as  made :  But  as  men  were  delated,  they  were  marked  down 

Q.  q  for 


150  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1662.    for  fuch  a  fine:  And  all  was  tranfadred  in  a  fccret  Committee. 

^-'''^v^^  When  the  lift  of  the  men  and  of  their  fines  was  read  in  Parlia- 
ment, exceptions  were  made  to  divers  j  particularly  fome  who  had 
been  under  age  all  the  time  of  tranfgrtffion,  and  others  abroad. 
But  to  every  thing  of  that  kind  an  anfwer  was  made,  that  there 
would  come  a  proper  time  in  which  every  man  was  to  be  heard 
in  his  own  defence:.  For  the  meaning  of  letting  the  fine  was 
only  this,  that  fuch  perfons  fliould  have  no  benefit  by  the  a<5t 
of  indemnity,  unlels  they  paid  the  fine:  Therefore  every  one 
that  could  ftand  upon  his  innocence,  and  renounce  the  benefit  of 
the  indemnity,  was  thereby  free  from  the  fine,  which  was  only  his 
compofition  for  the  grace  and  pardon  of  the  ad:.  So  all  pafs'd 
in  that  great  hurry. 

Some  inca-       The  Other  point,  concerning  the  incapacity,  was  carried  far- 

ViXiot^^  ^^  ^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^  perhaps  intended  at  firft;  tho'  the  Lord  Tarbot  af- 
fured  me,  he  had  from  the  beginning  defigned  it.  It  was  infu- 
fed  into  all  people,  that  the  King  was  weary  of  the  Earl  of  Lau- 
^erdaky  but  that  he  could  not  decently  throw  him  off,  and  that 
therefore  the  Parhament  muft  help  him  with  a  fair  pretence  for 
doing  it.  Yet  others  were  very  apprehenfive,  that  the  King  could 
not  approve  of  a  Parliament's  falling  upon  a  Minifter.  So  Lord 
Tarbot  propofed  two  expedients.  The  one  was,  that  no  perfon 
fliould  be  named,  but  that  every  member  fliould  do  it  by  ballot, 
and  fliould  bring  twelve  names  in  a  paper;  and  that  a  lecret  Com- 
mittee of  three  of  every  Eftate  fliould  make  the  fcrutiny  ,•  and  that 
they,  without  making  any  report  to  the  Parliament,  fliould  put 
thofe  twelve  names  on  whom  the  greater  number  fell  in  the  ad: 
of  incapacity;  which  was  to  be  an  ad  apart,  and  not  made  a 
claufe  of  the  ad  of  indemnity.  This  was  taken  from  the  oftra- 
cifm  in  Athens^  and  feemed  the  beft  method  in  an  ad:  of  obli- 
vion, in  which  all  that  was  pafs'd  was  to  be  forgotten :  And  no 
feeds  offends  would  remain,  when  it  was  not  fo  much  as  known 
againft  whom  any  one  had  voted.  The  other  expedient  was,  that 
a  claufe  fliould  be  put  in  the  ad:,  that  it  fliould  have  no  force, 
and  that  the  names  in  it  fhould  never  be  publiflied,  unlefs  the 
King  fliould  approve  of  it.  By  this  means  it  was  hoped,  that, 
*  if  the  King  fhould  diflike  the  whole  thing,  yet  it  would  be  eafy 
to  foften  that,  by  letting  him  fee  how  entirely  the  a6t  was  in  his 
power.  EmifTaries  were  fent  to  every  Parliament  man,  direding 
him  how  to  make  his  lift,  that  fo  the  Earls  of  Lauderdale ^ 
Crawford^  and  Sir  Robert  Murray^  might  be  three  of  the  number. 
This  was  managed  fo  carefully,  that  by  a  great  majority  they 
were  -three  of  the  incapacitated  perfons.  The  Earl  o't  Midletoun 
pafs'd  the  ad,  tho'  he  had  no  inftrudion  about  it  in  this  form. 

^  The 


of KmgQnkKh^^  II.  151 

The  matter  was  To  fecretly  carried,  that  it  was  not  let  out  till  the  i66i. 
day  before  it  was  done:  For  they  reckoned  their  fuccefs  in  it  was ^^"V""^ 
to  depend  on  the  fecrecy  of  it,    and  in  their  carrying  it  to  the 
King,  before  he  fhould  be  pofTelTed  againft  it  by  the  Earl  of  Lau- 
derdale, or  his  party.    So  th^y  took  great  care  to  vifit  the  pac- 
ket, and  to  ftop  any  that  fliould  go  to  Court  poft:  And  all  people 
were  under  fuch  terror,    that  no  courage  was  left.    Only  Lord 
Lorn  fent  one  on  his  own  horfcs,  who  was  to  go  on  in  crofs  roads, 
till  he  got  into  Torkjhhe ;  for  they  had  fecured  every  ftage  to  Dur- 
ham.   By  this  means  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  had  the  news  three 
days  before  the  Duke  of  Richmond  and  Lord  Tarbot  got  to  Court.  The  King 
He  carried  it  prefently  to  the  King,  who  could  fcarce  believe  it.  Jieafelfwith 
But  when  he  faw  by  the  letters  that  it  was  certainly  true,  he  af-''^'"'* 
fiired  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  that  he  would  preferve  him,  and 
never  fuffer  luch  a  deftrudtive  precedent  to  pais.     He  faid,    he 
looked  for  no  better  upon  the  Duke  of  Richmond's  going  to  S'cot- 
land,  and  his  being  perpetually  drunk  there.    This  mortified  the 
Earl  of  Lauderdale ;  for  it  looked  like  the  laying  in  an  excufe  for 
the  Earl  of  Midletoun.     From  the  King,  by  his  orders,  he  went 
to  the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  and  told  all  to  him.    He  was  amazed  \ 

at  it ;  and  faid,  that  certainly  he  had  lome  fecret  friend  that  had 
got  into  their  confidence,  and  had  perfuaded  them  to  do  as  they 
had  done  on  defign  to  ruine  them.  But  growing  more  ferious, 
he  added,  he  was  fure  the  King  on  his  own  account  would  take 
care  not  to  fuffer  fuch  a  thing  to  pais :  Otherwife  no  man  could 
jferve  him :  If  way  was  given  to  fuch  a  method  of  proceeding,  he 
himfelf  would  go  out  of  his  dominions  as  faft:  as  his  gout  would 
fiiffer  him. 

Two  days  after  this  the  Duke  of  Richmond  and  Lord  Tarbot  came 
to  Court.  They  brought  the  ad:  of  incapacity  fealed  up,  together 
with  a  letter  from  the  Parliament,  magnifying  the  Earl  of  Mtdle- 
toun's  fervices,  and  another  letter  figned  by  ten  of  the  Bifhops, 
fettincr  forth  his  zeal  for  the  Church,  and  his  care  of  them  all: 
And  in  particular  they  fet  out  the  defign  he  was  then  on,  of  go- 
ing reund  feme  of  the  worft  affedted  counties  to  fee  the  Church 
eftabHfhed  in  them,  as  a  work  that  was  highly  meritorious.  At 
the  fame  time  he  fent  over  the  Earl  of  Newburgh  to  Ireland,  to 
engage  the  Duke  of  Ormond  to  reprefent  to  the  King  the  good 
effeds  that  they  began  to  feel  in  that  Kingdom  from  the  Earl 
of  Midletoun\  adminiflration  in  Scotland,  hoping  the  King 
would  not  difcourage,  much  Icfs  change  fo  faithful  a  minifter. 
The  King  received  the  Duke  of  Richmond  and  Lord  Tarbot  ve- 
ry coldly.  When  they  delivered  the  ad  of  incapacity  to  him,  he 
alTured  them,  it  (hould  never  be  open'd  by  him^  and  faid,  their 

lad 


15^'  The  History  of  the  Reign 

i.66z.    lad  adings  were  like  madmen,  or  like  men  that  were  perpetual- 
-^''"'^''"■^ly  t^runk.    Lord  Tarhot  laid,  all  was  yet  entire,  arid  in  his  hands, 
the  ad  being  to  live  or  to  die  as  he  pleafcd:  He  magnified  the 
Harl  of  Mtdletoun's  zeal  in  his  fervice,    and  the  loyal  -affedions 
of  his  Parliament,  who  had  on  this  occafion  confulted  both  the 
King's  fafcty,  and  his  honour:  The  incapacity  ad  was  only  in- 
tended, to  put  it  out  of  the  power  of  men,  who  had  been  former- 
ly bad  irilbuments,  to  be  fo  any  more :  Arid  even  that  was  fub- 
.  mirtcdby  them  to  the  King's  judgment.    The  King  heard  them 
patiently,  and,  without  any  farther  difcourfe  on  the  fubjed,  dif- 
milfed  them:  So  they  hoped  they  had  mollified  him.     But  the 
-  Earl  of  Lauderdale  turned  the  matter  upon  the  Earl  of  Midletoun 

and  Lord  Tarhot^  who  had  made  the  King  believe  that  the  Par- 
liament defired  leave  to  incapacitate  fome,  whereas  no  fuch  de- 
■  ilre  had  ever  been  made  in  Parliament:  And  then,  after  that  the 
King  upon  that  mifreprclentation  had  given  way  to  it,  the  Par- 
liament was  made  believe  that  the  King  defired  that  fome  might 
be  put  under  that  cenfiare:  So  that  the  abufe  had  been  ec^ually  put 
on  both:  Honours  went  by  ballot  ^x.Vemce\  But  punifhmcnts  had 
never  gone  fo,  fince  the  oftracifm  at  Athens^  which  was  the  fac- 
tious pradice  of  a  jealous  Commonwealth,  never  to  be  fet  up  as 
.  a  precedent  under  a  Monarchy :  Even  the  Athenians  were  afham- 
cd  of  it,  when  Ar'tflides^  the  jufteft  man  among  them,  fell  under 
the  cenfure:  And  they  laid  it  afide  not  long  after. 
Great  pains       The  Earl  of  Clarendon  gave  up  the  thing  as  inexcufable:  But 
^clSmlu-  ^^  ftudied  to  preferve  the  Earl  of  Midletoun.    The  change  new- 
toun.  ly  made  in  the  Church  of  Scotland  had  b^^en  managed  by  him 

with  zeal  and  luccefs :  But  tho'  it  was  well  begun,  yet  if  thefe 
lav/s  were  not  maintained  by  a  vigorous  execution,  the  Prefbyte- 
rians,  who  were  quite  difpirited  by  the  fteddinefs  of  his  condud, 
would  take  heart  again  j  efpecially  if  they  faw  the  Earl  of  Lau- 
derdale grow  upon  him,  whom  they  looked  on  as  theirs  in  his 
heart:  So  he  prayed  the  King  to  forgive  one  fingle  fault,  that 
came  after  fb  much  merit.  He  alfo  fent  advices  to  the  Earl  of 
Midletoun  to  go  on  in  his  care  of  eftabliflning  the  Church,  and  to 
get  the  Bifliops  to  fend  up  copious  accounts  of  all  that  he  had  done. 
The  King  ordered  him  to  come  up,  and  to  give  him  an  account 
of  the  affairs  in  Scotland.  But  he  reprefented  the  abfblute  necef^ 
fity  of  feeing  fome  of  the  laws  lately  made  put  in  execution :  For 
it  was  hoped,  the  King's  difpleafure  would  be  allayed,  and  go  off^ 
if  fome  time  could  be  but  gained. 
The  Presby-  One  ad  pafs'd  in  the  laft  Parliament  that  reftored  the  rights  of 
flcn'iiictt"'  patronage,  the  taking  away  of  which  even  Pfcibytcry  could  not 
ced.  carry  till  the  year  i<54p,  in  .which  they  had  the  Parliament  en- 

''   ''  tircly 


5,   (?/ A»^  Charljes  11.  153 

T;irely  in  their  hands.     Then  the  eledion  of  Minifters  was  put    i66i. 
in  the  Church  fcflTion  and  the  lay  elders:  So  that,  from  that  time 
all  that  had  been  admitted  to  Churches  came  in  without  presen- 
tations.    One  claufe  in  the  ad:  declared  all  thefe  incumbents  to 
be  unlawful  pofTcilbrs :    Only  it  indemnified  them  for  what  was 
paft,  and  required  them  before  Mkhaelmafs  to  take  prefentati- 
ons  from  the  patrons,  who  were  obliged  to  give  them  being  de- 
manded, and  to  get  thcmfelves  to  be  inftituted  by  the  Biftiops; 
otherwife  their  Churches  were  declared  vacant  on  Mtchaelmafs 
day.     This  took  in  all  the  young  and  hot  men :  So  the  Prefby- 
terians  had  many  meetings  about  it,  in  which  they  all  refolved 
not  to  obey  the  ad:.     They  reckoned,    the  taking  inftitutioa 
from  a  Bifliop  was  fuch  an  owning  of  his  authority,  that  it  was 
a  renouncing  of  all  their  former  principles :  Whereas  fome  few 
that  had  a  mind  to  hold  their  benefices,   thought  that  was  only 
a  fecular  law  for  a  legal  right  to  their  tithes  and  benefices,  and  had 
DO  relation  to  their  fpiritual  concerns  j  and  therefore  they  thought 
they  might  fubmit  to  it,  efpecially  where  Bifhops  were  (b  mode- 
rate as  to  impofe  no  (ubfcription  upon  them,  as  the  greater  part 
were.     But  the  refolution  taken  by  the  main  body  of  the  Prefby- 
terians  was,  to  pay  no  obedience  to  any  of  the  ads  made  in  this 
feffion,  and  to  look  on,  and  fee  what  the  State  would  do.    The 
Earl  of  Mtdletoun  was  naturally  fierce,  and  that  was  heightened 
by  the  ill  ftate  of  his  affairs  at  Court :  So  he  refolved  on  a  punc- 
tual execution  of  the  law.     He  and  all  about  him  were  at  this 
time  fb  conftantly  difordered  by  high  entertainments  and  other 
excelTes,  that,  even  in  the  fhort  intervals  between  their  drunken 
bouts,  they  were  not  cool  nor  calm  enough  to  confider  what  they 
were  doing.    He  had  alfo  fb  mean  an  opinion  of  the  party,  that 
he  believed  thfcy  would  comply  with  any  thing  rather  than  loofe 
their  benefices.    And  therefore  he  declared,  he  would  execute  the 
law  in  its  utmoft  rigour.     On  the  other  hand,  the  heads  of  the 
Prelbyterians  reckoned,  that  if  great  numbers  were  turned  out  all 
at  once,    it  would  not  be  poftlble  to  fill  their  places  on  the 
fiidden  ,•  and  that  the  government  would  be  forced  to  take  them 
in  again,  if  there  were  fuch  a  vacancy  made,   that  a  great  part 
of  the  nation  were  call  deftitute,  and  had  no  divine  fervice  in  it. 
For  that  which  all  the  wifer  of  the  party  apprehended  moft  was, 
that  the  Bifhops  would  go  on  (lowly,  and  fingle  out  fome  that 
were  more  fadious  upon  particular  provocations,  and  turn  them 
out  by  degrees,    as  they  had  men  ready  to  put  in  their  room ; 
which  would  have  been  more  infenfible,  and  more  excufable,  if 
indifcreet  zealots  had , '  as  it  were,  forced  cenfures  from  them. 
The  advice  fent  over  all  the  countrey,  from  their  leaders  who 

R  r  had 


i  54         The  History  of  the  Reign 

t66i.   Fiad  fettled  meafiires  2t.t  Edenburgh,    was,   that  they  fhould  do 
and  fay  nothing  that  might  give  a  particular  diftafte,  but  fhould 
look  on,    and  do  their  duty  as  long  as  they  were  connived  at; 
^nd  that  if  any  proclamation  fhould  be  iffued  out,  commanding 
them  to  be  filent,  they  fliould  all  obey  at  once.     In  thefe  mea- 
fiires  both  fides  were  deceived  in  their  expectations.     The  Bi- 
fhops  went  to  their  feveral  dioccfes :  And  according  as  the  people 
ftood  affedeid  they  were  well  or  ill  received :  And  they  held  their 
fynods  every  where  in  OBoher.     In  the  northern  parts  very  fe>y 
flood  out :  But  in  the  weftern  parts  fcaree  any  came  to  them. 
The  tatl  of  Mtdletoun  Went  to  Glafcow  before  Mkhaelmafs.    So 
#hen  the  time  fixed  by  the  a6l  was  pafs'd,  and  that  fcaree  any  one 
'iti  all  thofe  Counties  had  pard  any  regard  to  it,  he  called  a  meet- 
mg  of  the  Privy  Council,  that  they  might  confider  what  was  fit 
to  be  done.     Duke  Ham'tlton  told  me,    they  were  all  fo  drunk 
that  day,  that  they  were  not  capable  of  confidering  any  thing 
that  was  laid  before  them,    and  would  hear  of  nothing  but  the 
executing  the  law  without  any  relenting  or  delay.     So  a  procla- 
mation was  ilTued  out,  requiring  all  who  had  their  livings  with- 
out prefentations,  and  who  had  not  obeyed  the  late  ad,  to  give 
6ver  all  farther  preaching,  or  ferving  the  cure,    and  to  with- 
draw from  their  pariflies  immediately :    And  the  military  men 
that  lay  in  the  countrey  were  ordered  to  pull  them  out  of  theit 
pulpits,  if  they  fhould  prefume  to  go  on  in  their  fundions.    This 
was  oppofed  only  by  Duke  Hamilton^   and  Sir  James  Lockhart^ 
father  to  Sir  Wtlltam  Lockhart.  They  reprefented,  that  the  much 
greater  part  of  the  preachers  in  thefe  Counties  had  come  into  their 
Churches  fince  the  year  ^6\^  5  that  they  were  very  popular  men, 
both  efteemed  and  beloved  of  their  people :  It  would  be  a  great 
fcahdal,  if  they  fhould  be  turned  out,  and  none  be  ready  to  be 
put  in  their  places:  And  it  would  not  be  poffible  to  find  a  com- 
petent number  of  well  qualified  men,  to  fill  the  many  vacancies 
that  this  proclamation  would  make.  The  Earl  oi  Mtdleioun  would 
hear  of  nothing,  but  the  immediate  execution  of  the  law.    So  the 
proclamation  was  ilTued  out:  And  upon  it  above  two  hundred 
Churches  were  fhut  up  in  one  day :  And  above  one  hundred  and 
fifty  more  were  to  be  turned  out  for  not  obeying,  and  fubmitting 
to  the  Bifhops  fummons  to  their  fynods.    All  this  was  done  with- 
out confidering  the  confequence  of  it,  or  communicating  it  to 
the  other  Bifhops.    Sharp  faid  to  my  felf,  that  he  knew  nothing 
of  it  j  nor  did  he  imagine,  that  fo  rafh  a  thing  could  have  been 
done,    till  he  faw  it  in  print.     He  was  glad  that  this  was  done 
without  his  having  any  fhare  in  it:  For  by  it  he  was  furnifhed 
with  ibmewhat,  in  which  he  was  no  way  concerned,  upon  which 

he 


I 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  It  T  155 

he  might  caft  all  the  blame  of  all  that  followed.  Yet  this  i66i. 
ti^as  fuitable  enough  to  a  maxim  that  he  and  all  that  fort  of  peo- 
ple fet  up,  that  the  execution  of  laws  was  that  by  which  all  go- 
vernments maintained  their  ftrength,  as  well  as  their  honour. 
The  Earl  of  M'tdletoun  was  furprized  at  t4iis  extraordinary  fub- 
miflion  of  the  Prefbyterians.  He  had  fancied,  that  the  greateft 
part  would  have  complied,  and  that  fbme  of  the  more  intradablc 
would  have  done  fotrte  extraordinary  thing,  to  have  juftified 
the  feverities  he  would  have  exercifed  in  that  ca(e,-  and  was  di(^ 
appointed  both  ways.  Yet  this  obedience  of  a  party,  fo  little 
accuftomed  to  it,  was  much  mag'nified-  at  Court,  It  was  faid,  that 
all  plied  before  him :  They  knew  he  was  fteddy :  So  they  fav^ 
\iQr4f  necelTdry  it  was  not  to  change  the  niin^gement,  if  it  was 
really  intended  to  preferve  the  Church.  Lox^Taybot  t6!d  me* 
that  the  King  had  exprcfTed  to  himfelf  the  efteem  he  had  for 
Sheldon^  upon  the  account  of  the  courage  that  he  fhcwed  in  the 
debate  concerning  the  execution  of  the  a(5b  of  Uniformity  at  the 
day  prefixed,  which  was  St.  Bartholomew's:  For  fome  iuggeftcd 
the  danger  that  might  arife,  if  the  a6t  were  vigoroufly  executed'. 
From  thence  it  feems  the  Earl  o{  M'tdletoun  concluded,  the  zeal 
he  fhewed  now  would  be  fb  acceptable,  that  all  former  errours 
would  be  forgiven,  if  he  went  through  with  it  j  as  indeed  he 
ftuck  at  nothing.  Yet  the  clamour  of  putting  feveral  Coun- 
ties, as  it  were,  under  an  interdid,  was  very  great.  So  all  en-^ 
deavours  were  ufed  to  get  as  many  as  could  be  had  to  fill  thod 
vacancies.  And  among  others  I  was  much  prefTed,  both  by  thi 
Earl  of  Glencatrn  and  the  Lord  Tarhot^  to  go  into  any  of  th^ 
vacant  Churches  that  I  liked,  I  was  then  but  nineteen:  Yet 
there  is  no  law  in  Scotland  limiting  the  age  of  a  prieft.  And 
it  was  upon  this  account  that  I  was  let  fo  far  into  the  fecret 
of  all  affairs:  For  they  had  fuch  an  imagination  of  fbme  fervic?* 
\  might  do  them,  that  they  treated  me  with  a  very  particif-f 
lar  freedom  and  confidence.  But  I  had  drunk  in  the  principle 
of  moderation  fo  early,  that,  tho'  I  was  entirely  Epifcopal,  yet 
I  would  not  engage  with  a  body  of  men,  that  feemed  to  have 
the  principles  and  tempers  of  Inquifitors  in  them,  and  to  have 
no  regard  to  religion  in  any  of  their  proceedings.  So  I  fiood 
upon  my  youth,  and  could  not  be  wrought  on  to  go  to  the 
weft^  tho'  the  Earl  oi  Glencatrn  offered  to  carry  me  with  hifli 
under  his  protedion.  ^  ^'-" 

There  was  a  fort  of  an  invitation  fent  over  the  Kingdom,  like  a 
huyand  cry,  to  all  perfons  to  accept  of  benefices  in  the  weft.  The 
livings  were  generally  well  endowed,  and  the  parfbnagehoufes  were 
well  built,  and  in  good  repair:  And  this  drew  many  very  wprth- 

leis 


1 56         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1661.   le^  perfons  thither,  who  had  little  learning,  left  piety,  and  np 
**^^"v~^^fort  of  difcretion.  They  came  thither  with  great  prejudices  againft 
A  general    them,  a:nd  had  many  difficulties  to  wreftle  with.     The  former 
them.  "  °  incumbents,  who  were  for  the  moft  part  Protcilors,  were  a  grave 
folemn  fort  of  people.    Their  fpirits  were  eager,  and  their  tem- 
pers four:    But  they  had  an   appearance  that  created   refpcd;. 
They  were  related  to  the  chief  families  in  the  countrey,    cither 
by  blood  or  marriage  j  and  had  lived  in  (b  decent  a  manner,  that 
the  Gentry  paid  great  refped  to  them.     They  ufed  to  vifit  their 
parifties  much,  and  were  fo  full  of  the  fcriptures,  and  (o  vQzOy 
at  extempore  prayer,    that  from  that  they  grew  to  pradice  ex- 
tempore {«rmons:  For  the  cuftom  in  Scotland  \^2.%  after  dinner  or 
fupper  to  read  a  chapter  in  the  fcripture :  And  where  they  hap- 
pened to  come,  if  it  was  acceptable,  they  on  thefudden  expound- 
ed the  chapter.    They  had  brought  the  people  to  fuch  a  degree 
of  knowledge,    that  cottagers   and  (ervants   would  have  prayed 
extempore.  I  have  often  over  heard  them  at  it :  And,  tho'  there 
was  a  large  mixture  of  odd  fluff,  yet  I  have  been  aflonifhed  to 
hear  how  copious  and  ready  they  were  in  it.     Their  Miniflers 
generally  brought  them  about  them  on  the  fimday  nights,  where 
the  fermons  were  talked  ovcrj    and  every  one,    women  as  well 
as  men,  were  defired  to  fpeak  their  fenfe  and  their  experience: 
And  by  thefe  means  they  had  a  comprehenfion  of  matters  of 
religion,    greater  than  I  have  feen   among  people  of  that  fort 
any  where.    The  preachers  went  all  in  one  track,  of  raifing  ob- 
fervations  on  points  of  dodrine  out  of  their  text,  and  proving 
thefe  by  reafons,  and  then  of  applying  thofe,  and  fhewing  the 
ufe  that  was  to  be  made  of  fuch  a  point  of  dodrine,  both  for 
inflrudion  and  terrour,  for  exhortation  and  comfort,    for  trial 
of  themfelves  upon  it,  and  for  furnifliing  them  with  proper  di- 
redtions  and  helps :  And  this  was  fo  methodical,  that  the  peo- 
ple grew  to  follow  a  fermon  quite  through  every  branch  of  it. 
To  this  fome   added,    the  refolving  of  doubts  concerning  the 
ftate  they  were  in,  or  their  progreis  or  decay  in  it  ^  which  they 
called  cafes  of  confcience :  And  thefe  were  taken  from  what  their 
people  faid  to  them  at  any  time,  very  oft  being  under  fits  of  me- 
lancholy,  or  vapours,    or  obftrudions,  which,  tho'  they  flowed 
from  natural  caufes,  were  looked  on  as  the  work  of  the  fpirit  of 
God,  and  a  particular  exercife  to  them  and  they  fed  this  dif^ 
eafe  of  weak  minds  too  much.     Thus  they  had  laboured  very 
diligently,  tho'  with  a  wrong  method  and  wrong  notions.    But 
as  they  lived  in  great  familiarity  with  their  people,  and  ufed  to 
pray  and  to  talk  oft  with  them  in  private,  fo  it  can  hardly  be 
imagineii  tp  whaf  a  degree  they  were  loved  and  reverenced  by 

them. 


of  king  Charles  II.  157 

them.  They  kept  fcandalous  perfons  under  a  fevere  difcipHne:  \66%. 
For  breach  of  fabbath,  for  an  oath,  or  the  leaft  diforder  in  drun-  > 
kennefs,  perfons  were  cited  before  the  Church  fcflion,  that  con- 
fided of  ten  or  twelve  of  the  chief  of  the  parifh,  who  with  the 
Miniiler  had  this  care  upon  them,  and  were  fo'emnly  reproved 
for  it:  For  fornication  they  were  not  only  reproved  before  thefe- 
but  there  was  a  high  place  in  the  church  called  the  (lool  or 
pillar  of  repentance,  where  they  fite  at  the  times  of  worfliip  for 
three  Lords-day's,  receiving  admonitions,  and  making  profcifoa 
of  repentance  on  all  thofe  days,-  which  fome  did  with  many  tears, 
and  ierious  exhortations  to  all  the  reft,  to  take  warning  by  their 
fall:  For  adultery  they  were  to  fit  fix  months  in  that  place,  co- 
vered with  fackcloth.  Thefe  things  had  a  grave  appearance. 
Their  faults  and  defedts  were  not  fo  confpicuous.  They  had  a  ve- 
ry fcanty  meafure  of  learning,  and  a  narrow  compafs  in  it  They 
were  little  men,  of  a  very  indifferent  fize  of  capacity,  and  ape 
to  fly  out  into  great  excels  of  paffion  and  indifcretion.  They 
were  jfervile,  and  too  apt  to  fawn  upon,  and  flatter  their  admirers. 
They  were  affected  in  their  deportment,  and  very  apt  to  cenfure 
all  who  differed  from  them,  and  to  believe  and  report  what- 
foever  they  heard  to  their  prejudice.  And  they  were  fuperftitious 
and  haughty.  In  their  fermons  they  were  apt  to  enlarge  on  the 
ftate  of  the  prcfent  time,  and  to  preach  againfl  the  fins  of  Prin- 
ces and  Courts :  A  topick  that  naturally  makes  men  popular.  It 
has  an  appearance  of  courage:  And  the  people  are  glad  to  hear 
thofe  fins  infifted  on,  in  which  they  perceive  they  have  no  (hare, 
and  to  believe  that  all  the  judgments  of  God  come  down  by  the 
means  and  procurement  of  other  mens  fins.  But  their  opinions 
about  the  independence  of  the  Church  and  Clergy  on  the  Civil 
power,  and  their  readinefs  to  ftir  up  the  people  to  tumults  and 
wars,  was  that  which  begot  fo  ill  an  opinion  of  them  at  this  time 
in  all  men,  that  very  few,  who  were  not  deeply  engaged  with  them 
in  thefe  conceits,  pitied  them  much  under  all  the  ill  ufage  they 
now  met  with.  I  hope  this  is  no  impertinent  nor  ungrateful  di- 
greflion.  It  is  a  juft  and  true  account  of  thefe  men  and  thofe 
times,  from  which  a  judicious  reader  will  make  good  inferences. 
I  will  conclude  this  with  a  judicious  anfwer  that  one  of  the 
wifefl:  and  beft  of  them,  Colvtl^  who  fucce.  ded  Le'tghtoun  in  the 
Headfhip  of  the  College  of  Edenburgh,  made  to  the  Earl  of 
Mtdletoun,  when  he  prefs'd  him  in  the  p(>int  of  defenfivearmsto 
tell  plainly  his  opinion,  whether  they  were  lawful  or  not.  He 
faid,  the  queftion  had  b^en  often  put  to  him,  and  he  had  always 
declined  to  aiiivver  it:  But  to  him  he  plainly  laid,  he  wiflied  that 
Kings  and  their  Minifters  would  believe  them  lawful,  and  fo  go- 

i>  1  van 


158        The  History  of  the  Reign 

i66i.    vern  as  men  that  exped  to  be  refifted;  but  he  wifhed,  that  all 
"^^"^v^^^ their  fubjeifts  would  believe  them  to  be  unlawful,    and  Co  tho 

world  would  be  at  quiet. 
Prejudices        I  do  now  retum  to  end  the  account  of  the  ftate  of  that  coun- 
eaSft  Ep^f-  ^''^y  ^^  ^^^^  time.    The  people  were  much  troubled,  when  fb  ma- 
copacy.       ny  of  their  Minifters  were  turned  out.    Their  Minifters  had,  for 
fome  months  before  they  were  thus  filenced,    been  infufing  this 
into  their  people,  both  in  publick  and  private;  that  all  that  was 
defigned  in  this  change  of  Church  government  was  to  deftroy 
the  power  of  godlinefs,  and  to  give  an  impunity  to  vice^  that  Pre- 
lacy was  a  tyranny  in  the  Church,  fet  on  by  ambitious  and  cove- 
tous men,  who  aimed  at  nothing  but  authority  and  wealth,  luxu- 
ry and  idlenefs;  and  that  they  intended  to  encourage  vice,  that 
they  might  procure  to  themfelves  a  great  party  among  the  impi- 
ous and  immoral.    The  people,  thus  prepofTefled,  feeing  the  Earl 
oi MidletouHy  and  all  the  train  that  followed  him  thro' thofe  Coun- 
ties, running  into  exceffes  of  all  forts,  and  railing  at  the  very  ap- 
pearance of  vertue  and  fobriety,  were  confirmed  in  the  belief  of  all 
that  their  Minifters  had  told  them.  What  they  had  heard  concern- 
ing Sharp's  betraying  thofe  that  had  employed  him,  and  the  other 
Bimops,   who  had  taken  the  Covenant,  and  had  forced  it  on 
others,  and  now  preach'd  againft  it,  openly  owning  that  they  had 
in  fo  doing  gone  againft  the  exprefs  didate  of  their  own  confci- 
ence,  did  very  much  heighten  all  their  prejudices,  and  fixed  them 
fo  in  them,  that  it  was  fcarce  poffible  to  conquer  them  afterwards. 
All  this  was  out  of  meafure  increafed  by  the  new  incumbents, 
who  were  put  in  the  places  of  the  ejedred  preachers,    and  were 
generally  very  mean  and  defpicable  in  all  refpeds.     They  were 
the  worft  preachers  I  ever  heard :  They  were  ignorant  to  a  re- 
proach :  And  many  of  them  were  openly  vitious.    They  were  a 
diigrace  to  their  orders,  and  the  facred  functions  ,•  and  were  in- 
deed the  dreg  and  refufe  of  the  northern  parts.    Thofe  of  them, 
who  arofe  above  contempt  or  fcandal,  were  men  of  fiich  violent 
tempers,    that  they  were  as  much   hated,   as  the  others  were 
delpifed.     This  was  the  fetal  beginning  of  reftoring  Epifcopacy 
in  Scotland^  of  which  few  of  theBiftiops  feemed  to  have  anyfenfe. 
Fairfoulj  the  moft  concerned,  had  none  at  all :  For  he  fell  into 
a  paralytick  ftate,  in  which  he  languiftied  a  year  before  he  died. 
I  have  thus  opened  the  firft  fettlement  in  Scotland:  Of  which  I 
my  felf  obferved  what  was  vifible,  and  underftood  the  more  fecret 
tranfa^tions  from  thofe,  who  had  fuch  a  fhare  in  them,  that  it 
was  not  poffible  for  them,  to  miftake  them :  And  I  had  no  rea- 
fon  to  think  they  intended  to  deceive,  or  mifinform  me. 

I  will 


of  King  Charl£sIL  159 

I  will  in  the  next  place  change  the  climate,  and  give  as  par-   \66o. 
ticular  an  account  as  1  can  of  the  Icttlement  of  England  both  in  ^^~V>j 
Church  and  State:  Which,    tho' it  will  be  perhaps  impcrfcd,  ofi^w 
and  will  in  fbme  parts  be  out  of  order,    yet  I  am  well  alTurcd  it 
will  be  found  truej  having  picked  it  up  at  feveral  times,  from 
the  Earl  o^  Lauderdale,  Sir  Robert  Murray^  the  Earl  o^  Shaftsbury^ 
the  Earl  oi Clarendon  the  fon  of  the  Lord  Chancellour,  the  Lord 
Holl'ts^  and  Sir  Harbottle  Gr'imjtone,  who  was  the  Speaker  of  the 
Houfe  of  Commons,  under  whofe  protection  I  lived  nine  years 
when  I  was  preacher  at  the  Rolls,  he  being  then  Mafter  of  the 
Rolls.     From  (uch  hands  I  could  not  be  mifled,  when  I  laid  all 
together,  and  confidered  what  reafon  I  had  to  make  allowances 
for  the  different  accounts  that  diverfity  of  parties  and  interefts 
may  lead  men  to  give,  they  too  eafily  believing  fome  things, 
and  as  eafily  rejeding  others,  as  they  itood  affedied. 

After  the  King  came  over,  no  perfon  in  the  Houfe  of  Com- 
mons had  the  courage  to  move  the  offering  propofitions  for  any 
limitation  of  prerogative,  or  the  defining  of  any  doubtfiil  points. 
All  was  joy  and  rapture.  If  the  King  had  applyed  himfelf 
to  bufinefs,  and  had  purfued  thofe  defigns  which  he  fludied  to  re- 
trieve all  the  reft  of  his  reign,  when  it  was  too  late,  he  had  pro- 
bably in  thofe  firft  tranfports  carried  every  thing  that  he  would 
have  defired,  either  as  to  revenue  or  power.  But  he  was  fo  giv- 
en up  to  pleafure,  that  he  devolved  the  management  of  all  his 
affairs  on  the  Earl  oi  Clarendon -^  who,  as  he  had  his  breeding 
in  the  law,  fo  he  had  all  along  declared  himfelf  for  the  ancient 
liberties  of  England y  as  well  as  for  the  rights  of  the  Crown.  A 
domeftick  accident  had  happened  to  him,  which  heightened  his 
zeal  for  the  former.  He,  when  he  began  to  grow  eminent  in 
his  profeflion,  came  down  to  fee  his  aged  father,  a  gentleman 
q{  tVtltJh'tre:  Who,  one  day,  as  they  were  walking  in  the  field 
together,  told  him,  that  men  of  his  profeflion  did  often  ftretch 
law  and  prerogative,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  liberty  of  the  fub- 
jed,  to  t;ecommend  and  advance  themfelves :  So  he  charged  him, 
if  ever  he  grew  to  any  eminence  in  his  profeflion,  that  he  fliould 
never  facrifice  the  laws  and  liberties  of  his  countrey  to  his  own 
interefts,  or  to  the  will  of  a  Prince.  He  repeated  this  twice: 
And  immediately  he  fell  into  a  fit  of  an  apoplexy,  of  which  he 
died  in  a  few  hours.  This  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  told  the  Lady 
Ranelaghy  who  put  him  often  in  mind  of  it:  And  from  her  I 
had  it. 

He  refolved  not  to  ftretch  the  prerogative  beyond  what  it  was  ciiT(ndon'% 
before  the  wars,  and  would  neither  fet  afide  the  Petition  of  Right,  derate 


notf 


nor  °'^*- 


1 6o  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1660.  nor  endeavour  to  raife  the  Courts  of  the  Scar  Chamber  or  the 
^•^"^^^^^^  High  Commiflion  again,  which  could  have  been  eafily  done,  if 
he  had  fet  about  it :  Nor  did  he  think  fit  to  move  for  the  repeal 
of  the  a6t  for  triennial  Parliaments,  till  other  matters  were  well 
fettled.  He  took  care  indeed  to  have  all  the  things  that  were 
extorted  by  the  long  Parliament  from  King  Charles  I.  to  be  re- 
pealed. And  fince  the  difpute  of  the  power  of  the  Militia  was 
the  mofl:  important,  and  the  moft  infifted  on,  he  was  very  ear- 
neft  to  have  that  clearly  determined  for  the  future.  But  as  to  all 
the  ads  relating  to  property,  or  the  juft  limitation  of  the  pre- 
rogative, fuch  as  the  matter  of  the  fhip-money,  the  tonnage  and 
poundage,  and  the  Habeas  Corpus  a6t,  he  did  not  touch  on  thefe. 
And  as  for  the  (landing  revenue,  1200000  /.  a  year  was  all  that 
was  aflced:  And,  tho'  it  was  much  more  than  any  of  our  Kings 
had  formerly,  yet  it  was  readily  granted.  This  was  to  anfwer 
all  the  ordinary  expence  of  the  government.  It  was  believed, 
that  if  two  millions  had  been  afked,  he  could  have  carried  it. 
But  he  had  no  mind  to  put  the  King  out  of  the  neceflity  of  hav- 
ing recourfe  to  his  Parhament.  The  King  came  afterwards  to 
believe,  that  he  could  have  raifed  both  his  authority  and  revenue 
much  higher,  but  that  he  had  no  mind  to  carry  it  farther,  or  to 
truft  him  too  much.  Whether  all  thefe  things  could  have  been  got 
at  that  time,  or  not,  is  above  my  conjecture.  But  this  I  know,  that 
all  the  Earl  of  Clarendotts  enemies  after  his  fall  faid,  thefe  things 
had  been  eafily  obtained,  if  he  had  taken  any  pains  in  the  mat- 
ter, but  that  he  himfelf  had  no  mind  to  it :  And  they  infilled  this 
into  the  King,  fo  that  he  believed  it,  and  hated  him  mortally 
on  that  account.  And  in  his  difficulties  afterwards  he  faid  often, 
all  thofe  things  might  have  been  prevented,  if  the  Earl  of  Cla- 
rendon had  been  true  to  him. 
Fenner^iiM-  The  King  had  not  been  many  days  at  Whttehallj  when  one 
'^*  Fenner,  a  violent  fifth-monarchy  man,  who  thought  it  was  not 

enough  to  believe  that  Chr'tft  was  to  reign  on  earth,  and  to  put 
the  faints  in  the  pofTeflion  of  the  Kingdom,  (an  opinion  that 
they  were  all  unfpeakably  fond  of,)  but  added  to  this,  that  the 
faints  were  to  take  the  Kingdom  themfelves.  He  gathered  fbme 
of  the  moft  furious  of  the  party  to  a  meeting  in  Coleman  ftreet. 
There  they  concerted  the  day  and  the  manner  of  their  rifing  to 
fet  Chrifi  on  his  Throne,  as  they  called  it.  But  withal  they 
meant  to  manage  the  government  in  his  name;  and  were  fb  for- 
mal, that  they  had  prepared  ftandards  and  colours  with  their  de- 
vices on  them,  and  furnifhed  themfelves  with  very  good  arms. 
But  when  the  day  came,  there  was  but  a  fmall  appearance,  not 
exceeding  twenty.  However  they  refolved  to  venture  out  into 
.  the 


of  King  Charles  II.  i6i 

the  ftreets,    and  cry  out,  No  King^ut  Chrifl.     Some  of  them  \66o, 
leemcd  peiTuaded  that  Chrijl  would  come  down,  and  head  them. 
They  fcourcd  the  ftreets  before  them,  and  made  a  great  progrefs. 
Some  were  afraid,  and  all  were  amazed  at  this  piece  of  extrava- 
gance.    They  killed  a  great  many,  but  were  at  laft  maftered  by 
numbers:    And  were  all  either  killed,    or  taken  and  executed. 
Upon  this  fome  troops  of  guards  were  raifed.     And  there  was  a 
great  talk  of  a  defign,  as  foon  as  the  Army  was  difbanded,  to  raife 
a  force  that  fliould  be  fb  chofen  and  modelled  that  the  King 
might  depend  upon  it  ,•  and  that  it  fliould  be  fb  confiderable,  that 
there  might  be  no  reafon  to  apprehend  new  tumults  any  more. 
The  Earl  o't  Southampton  looked  on  a  while:  And,  when  he  faw 
how  this  defign  fecmed  to  be  entertained  and  magnified,  he  en- 
tred  into  a  very  free  expoflulation  with  the  Earl  of  Clarendon 
about  it.    He  faid,  they  had  felt  the  effeds  of  a  military  govern- 
ment, tho'  fober  and  religious,  in  Cromwell's  army :  He  believed 
vitious  and  diflolute  troops  would  be  much  worfe:    The  King 
would  grow  fond  of  them :  And  they  would  quickly  become  in- 
folent  and  ungovernable:    And  then  fuch  men  as  he  was  mufl: 
be  only  indruments  to  ferve  their  ends.     He  faid,  he  would  not 
look  on,  and  fee  the  ruin  of  his  countrey  begun,  and  be  filent: 
A  white  ftafF  fhould  not  bribe  him.     The  Earl  oi  Clarendon  was 
perfuaded  he  was  in  the  right,  and  promifed  he  would  divert  the 
King  from  any  other  force  than  what  might  be  decent  to  make 
a  fliew  with,  and  what  might  ferve  to  difperfe  unruly  multitudes. 
The  Earl  of  Southampton  faid,  if  it  went  no  farther  he  could  bear 
it^  but  it  would  not  be  eafy  to  fix  fuch  a  number,  as  would  pleafe 
our  Princes,  and  not  give  jealoufy.    The  Earl  of  Clarendon  per- 
fuaded the  King,  that  it  was  neceffary  for  him  to  carry  himfelf 
with  great  caution,  till  the  old  Army  fliould  be  difbanded :  For, 
if  an  ill  humour  got  among  them,    they  knew  both  their  cou- 
rage and  their  principles,  which  the  prefent  times  had  for  a  while 
a  little  fupprefTed:    Yet  upon  any  juft  jealoufy  there  might  be 
great  caufe  to  fear  new  and  more  violent  diforders.     By  thefe 
means  the  King  was  fo  wrought  on,  that  there  was  no  great  oc- 
Cafion  given  for  jealoufy.    The  Army  was  to  be  difbanded,  but 
in  fuch  a  manner,  with  fo  much  refped,  and  fo  exadt  an  account 
of  arrears,    and  fuch  gratuities,    that  it  looked  rather  to  be  the 
difmiffing  them  to  the  next  opportunity,  and  a  referving  them 
till  there  fhould  be  occafion  for  their  fervice,  than  a  breaking  of 
them.    They  were  certainly  the  braveft,  the  befl  difcipHned,  and 
the  fobereft  Army  that  had  been  known  in  thefe  latter  ages :  Eve- 
ry foldier  was  able  to  do  the  functions  of  an  officer.    The  Court 
was  at  great  quiet,  when  they  got  rid  of  fuch  a  burden,  as  lay  on 

T  t  them 


1 62         The  History  of  the  Reign 

\66o.    them  from  the  fear  of  fuch  a  body  of  men.     The  guards,  and 
'"-^"^/"^^  the  new  troops  that  were  raifed,    were  made  up  of  fuch  of  the 
Army  as  Monk  recommended,  and  anfwered  for.    And  with  that 
his  great  intereft  at  Court  came  to  a  ftand.     He  was  Httle  conli- 
dercd  afterwards. 
The  trial  In  One  thing  the  temper  of  the  nation  appeared  to  be  contrary 

onVfThc"''"  to  fevere  proceedings:  For,  tho' the  Regicides  were  at  that  time 
Regicides,  odious  bcyond  all  expreflion,  and  the  trials  and  executions  of  the 
firft  that  fuifered  were  run  to  by  vafl:  crouds,  and  all  people  feem- 
ed  pleafed  with  the  fight,  yet  the  odioufnefs  of  the  crime  grew 
at  lad  to  be  fo  much  flatten'd  by  the  frequent  executions,  and 
moft  of  thofe  who  fuffered  dying  with  much  firmnefs  and  fliew 
of  piety,  juftifying  all  they  had  done,  not  without  a  feeming  joy 
for  their  fuffering  on  that  account,  that  the  King  was  advifed 
not  to  proceed  farther,  at  leaft  not  to  have  the  fcene  fo  near  the 
Court  as  Channg-crofa.  It  was  indeed  remarkable  that  Peters, 
a  fort  of  an  enthufiaftical  buffoon  preacher,  tho'  a  very  vitious 
man,  who  had  been  of  great  ufe  to  Cromwell,  and  had  been  outra- 
geous in  prefifing  the  King's  death  with  the  cruelty  and  rudenefs  of 
an  Inquifitor,  was  the  man  of  them  all  that  was  the  mod  funk  in 
'  his  fpirit,  and  could  not  in  any  fort  bear  his  punifhment.    He  had 

neither  the  honefty  to  repent  of  it,  nor  the  ftrength  of  mind  to 
fufFer  for  it  as  all  the  reft  of  them  did.  He  was  obferved  all  the 
.while  to  be  drinking  fome  cordial  liquors  to  keep  him  from  faint- 
ing. Harr'tfon  was  the  firft  that  fiiffered.  He  was  a  fierce  and 
bloody  enthufiaft.  And  it  was  believed,  that  while  the  army  was  in 
doubt,  whether  it  was  fitter  to  kill  the  King  privately,  or  to  bring 
him  to  an  open  trial,  that  he  offered,  if  a  private  way  was  fettled 
on,  to  be  the  man  that  fliould  do  it.  So  he  was  begun  with.  But, 
however  reafonable  this  might  be  in  it  felf,  it  had  a  very  ill  effed; : 
For  he  was  a  man  of  great  heat  and  refolution,  fixed  in  his  princi- 
ples, and  fo  perfuaded  of  them,  that  he  had  never  looked  after  any 
interefts  of  his  own,  but  had  oppofcd  Cromwell  when  he  fet  up 
for  himfelf  He  went  thro'  all  the  indignities  and  feverities  of  his 
execution,  in  which  the  letter  of  the  law  in  cafes  of  treafon  was 
pundually  obferved,  with  a  calmnefs,  or  rather  a  chearfulnefs,  that 
aftoniflied  the  fpedators.  He  fpoke  very  pofitively,  that  what 
they  had  done  was  the  caufe  and  work  of  God,  which  he  was 
confident  God  would  own  and  raife  up  again,  how  much  foever 
it  fuffered  at  that  time.  Upon  this  a  report  was  fpread,  and  ge- 
nerally believed,  that  he  faid,  he  himfelf  fhould  rife  again :  Tho* 
the  party  denied  that,  and  reported  the  words  as  I  have  fet  them 
down.  One  perfon  efcaped,  as  was  reported,  merely  by  his  vi- 
ces:   Hemy  Martin,    who  had  been  a  moft  violent  enemy  to 

Monarchy. 
I 


of  King  Charles  II.  .163 

Monarchy.  But  all  that  he  moved  for,  was  upon  Roman  or  Greek  1 660. 
principles.  He  never  entered  into  matters  of  Religion,  but  on  <-^'%^^v 
defign  to  laugh  both  at  them  and  all  morality  j  for  he  was  both 
an  impious  and  vitious  man.  And  now  in  his  imprifonment  he 
deliver'd  himfelf  up  to  vice  and  blafphemy.  It  was  faid,  that 
this  helped  him  to  fo  many  friends,  that  upon  that  very  account 
he  was  fpared.  John  Goodwin  and  M'tlton  did  alfo  efcape  all  cen- 
fure,  to  the  furprife  of  all  people.  Goodwin  had  fo  often  not  only 
juftified,  but  magnified  the  putting  the  King  to  death,  both  ia 
his  lermons  and  books,  that  few  thought  he  could  have  been  ei- 
ther forgot  or  excufcd  j  for  Peters  and  he  were  the  only  preachers 
that  fpoke  of  it  in  that  ftrain.  But  Goodwin  had  been  fo  zea- 
lous an  Arminian,  and  had  fown  fuch  divifion  among  all  the 
fedaries  upon  thefe  heads,  that  it  was  faid  this  procured  him 
friends.  Upon  what  account  (bever  it  was,  he  was  not  cenfiired. 
Mthon  had  appeared  (b  boldly,  tho'  with  much  wit  and  great 
purity  and  elegancy  of  ftyle,  againfl:  Salmafius  and  others,  upon 
that  argument  of  the  putting  the  King  to  death,  and  had  difco- 
vered  fuch  violence  againft  the  late  King  and  all  the  Royal  family, 
and  againft  Monarchy,  that  it  was  thought  a  ftrange  omiflion  if 
he  was  forgot,  and  an  odd  ftrain  of  clemency,  if  it  was  intended 
lie  ftiould  be  forgiven.  He  was  not  excepted  out  of  the  a£t  of  in- 
demnity. And  afterwards  he  came  out  of  his  concealment,  arid 
lived  many  years  much  vifited  by  all  ftrangers,  and  much  ad- 
mired by  all  at  home  for  the  poems  he  writ,  tho'  he  was  then 
blind  j  chiefly  that  of  Paradife  Lofl,  in  which  there  is  a  noblenefs 
both  of  contrivance  and  execution,  that,  tho'  he  affected  to  write 
in  blank  verfe  without  rhyme,  and  made  many  new  and  rough 
words,  yet  it  was  efteeraed  the  beautifiilleft  and  perfedeft  poem 
that  ever  was  writ,  at  leaft  in  our  language. 

But  as  the  fparing  thefe  perfons  was  much  cenfured,  fooathe  i<^<^r. 
other  hand  the  putting  Sir  Henr'j  Vane  to  death  was  as  much  ^^^.j  cha- 
blamed :  For  the  declaration  from  Breda  being  full  for  an  in-  r"^"- 
demnity  to  all,  except  the  Regicides,  he  was  comprehended  in 
thatj  fmce,  tho'  he  was  for  changing  the  government,  and  de- 
pofing  the  King,  yet  he  did  not  approve  of  the  putting  him  to 
death,  nor  of  the  force  put  on  the  Parliament,  but  did  for  fome 
time,  while  thefe  things  were  aded,    withdraw  from  the  fcene. 
This  was  fo  reprefentcd  by  his  friends,  that  an  addrefs  was  made 
by  both  Houfes  on  his  behalf,  to  which  the  King  gave  a  favoura- 
ble anfwer,  tho'  in  general  words.     So  he  reckoned  that  he  was 
fafe,  that  being  equivalent  to  an  ad  of  Parliament,  tho'  it  wan- 
ted the  neceftary  forms.     Yet  the  great  ftiare  he  had  in  the  at- 
tainder 


1 64         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1661.  tainder  of  the  Earl  Strafford^  and  in  the  whole  turn  of  affairs  to 
^-^'"^^'"^^the  total  change  of  government,  but  above  all  the  great  opini- 
on that  was  had  of  his  parts  and  capacity  to  embroil  matters  again, 
made  the  Court  think  it  was  neceflfary  to  put  him  out  of  the  way. 
He  was  naturally  a  very  fearful  man:  This  one  who  knew  him 
well  told  me,  and  gave  me  eminent  inftances  of  it.  He  had  a 
head  as  darkened  in  his  notions  of  religion ,  as  his  mind  was 
clouded  with  fear:  For  tho'  he  fet  up  a  form  of  religion  in  a 
way  of  his  own,  yet  it  confided  rather  in  a  withdrawing  from 
all  other  forms,  than  in  any  new  or  particular  opinions  or  forms,- 
from  which  he  and  his  party  were  called  Seekers,  and  feemed  to 
wait  for  fome  new  and  clearer  manifeftations.  In  thefe  meetings 
he  preached  and  prayed  often  himfelf,  but  with  fo  peculiar  a  dark- 
nefs,  that  tho'  I  have  fometimes  taken  pains  to  fee  if  I  could  find 
out  his  meaning  in  his  works,  yet  I  could  never  reach  it.  And 
fince  many  others  have  faid  the  fame,  it  may  be  reafonable  to 
believe  he  hid  fomewhat  that  was  a  necefTary  key  to  the  reft. 
His  friends  told  me,  he  leaned  to  Or'tgen's  notion  of  an  univerfal 
falvation  of  all,  both  of  devils  and  the  damned,  and  to  the  doc- 
trine of  pre-exiftence.  When  he  faw  his  death  was  defigned,  he 
compofed  himfelf  to  it,  with  a  refolution  that  furprifed  all  who 
knew  how  little  of  that  was  natural  to  him.  Some  inftances  of  this 
were  very  extraordinary,  tho'  they  cannot  be  mentioned  with  de- 
And  cxecu-  ccncy.  He  was  beheaded  on  Tower-Hill,  where  a  new  and  ve- 
ry indecent  pradice  was  begun.  It  was  obferved,  that  the  dying 
fpeeches  of  the  Regicides  had  left  impreffions  on  the  hearers,  that 
were  not  at  all  to  the  advantage  of  the  government.  So  drains 
of  a  peculiar  nature  being  expeded  from  him,  to  prevent  that, 
drummers  were  placed  under  the  fcaffold,  who  as  foon  as  he  be- 
gan to  fpeak  of  the  publick,  upon  a  fign  given,  ftruck  up  with 
their  drums.  This  put  him  in  no  dilbrder.  He  defired  they 
might  be  flopped,  for  he  underftood  what  was  meant  by  it. 
Then  he  went  thro'  his  devotions.  And,  as  he  was  taking  leave 
of  thofe  about  him,  he  happening  to  fay  fomewhat  with  relati- 
on to  the  times,  the  drums  ftruck  up  a  fecond  time :  So  he  gave 
over,  and  died  with  fo  much  compofednels,  that  it  was  general- 
ly thought,  the  government  had  loft  more  than  it  had  gained  by 
his  death. 
The  King  The  ad  of  indemnity  pafs'd  with  very  few  exceptions  ,•  at  which 
up7o  h?3  *  the  Cavaliers  were  highly  diftatisfied,  and  made  great  complaints 
pieafures.  ^f  [^  Jq  t:he  difpofal  of  offices  and  places,  as  it  was  not  pofTi- 
ble  to  gratify  all,  fo  there  was  little  regard  had  to  mens  merits  or 
fervices.  The  King  was  determined  to  moft  of  thefe  by  the  ca- 
bal that  met  at  Miftrefs  Palme/^  lodgings.  And  tho'  the  Earl  of 

Clarendon 


of  King  Charles  II.  ^  v  165 

Clarendon  did  often  prevail  with  the  King  to  alter  the  refbluti-  1661. 
ons  taken  there,  yet  he  was  forced  to  let  a  great  deal  go  that  he  ^-''"V'^ 
did  not  like.  He  would  never  make  applications  to  Miftrefs  Pal" 
mer^  nor  let  any  thing  pafs  the  feal  in  which  fhe  was  named,  as 
the  Earl  of  Southampton  would  never  (ufFer  her  name  to  be  in  the 
Treafury  books.  Thofe  vertuous  Minifters  thought  it  became 
them,  to  let  the  world  lee  that  they  did  not  comply  with  the 
King  in  his  vices.  But  whether  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  fpoke  fo 
freely  to  the  King  about  his  courfe  of  life,  as  was  given  out,  I 
cannot  tell.  When  the  Cavaliers  faw,  they  had  not  that  (hare 
in  places  that  they  expected,  they  complained  of  it  fb  highly, 
that  the  Earl  of  Clarendon^  to  excufe  the  King's  pafling  them  by, 
was  apt  to  beat  down  the  value  they  fet  on  their  fervices.  This 
laid  the  foundation  of  an  implacable  hatred  in  many  of  them, 
that  was  compleated  by  the  extent  and  comprehenfiveneis  of  the 
ad:  of  indemnity,  which  cut  off  their  hopes  of  being  re-imburfed  The  aa  of 
out  of  the  fines,  if  not  the  confifcations  of  tho(e,  who  had  during  maimaTacd. 
the  courie  of  the  wars  been  on  the  Parliament's  fide.  It  is  true, 
the  firfl  Parliament,  called,  by  way  of  derogation,  the  Conven- 
tion, had  been  too  much  on  that  fide  not  to  fecure  themfelves  and 
their  friends.  So  they  took  care  to  have  the  mofl  comprehen- 
five  words  put  in  it,  that  could  be  thought  of  But  when  the 
new  Parliament  was  called  a  year  after,  in  which  there  was  a  de- 
fign  to  fet  afide  the  ad;  of  indemnity,  and  to  hiave  brought  in  a 
new  one,  the  King  did  [o  pofitively  infill  on  his  adhering  to 
the  a6t  of  indemnity,  that  the  defign  of  breaking  into  it  was  laid 
afide.  The  Earl  of  Clarendon  owned  it  was  his  counfel.  Ads 
or  promifes  of  indemnity,  he  thought,  ought  to  be  held  facred: 
A  fidelity  in  the  obfervation  of  them  was  the  only  foundation, 
upon  which  any  government  could  hope  to  quiet  feditions  or 
civil  wars :  And  if  people  once  thought ,  that  thofe  promifes 
were  only  made  to  deceive  them,  without  an  intention  to  obferve 
them  religioufly,  they  would  never  for  the  future  hearken  to  any 
treaty.  He  often  faid,  it  was  the  making  thofe  promifes  had 
brought  the  King  home,  and  it  was  the  keeping  them  mufl  keep 
him  at  home.  So  that  whole  work  from  beginning  to  the  end 
was  entirely  his.  The  angry  men,  that  were  thus  difappointed 
of  all  their  hopes,  made  a  j  eft  of  the  title  of  it.  An  aU  of  ohlt- 
•vion  and  of  mdemn'tty  j  and  faid,  the  King  had  pafs'd  an  ad  of 
oblivion  for  his  friends,  and  of  indemnity  for  his  enemies.  To 
load  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  the  more,  it  was  given  out  that  he 
advifed  the  King  to  gain  his  enemies,  fince  he  was  fure  of  his 
friends  by  their  principles.  With  this  he  was  often  charged,  the' 
he  always  denied  it.     Whether  the  King  faftened  it  upon  him 

U  u  after 


i  66         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1661.    after  he  had  difgraced  him,    to  make  him  the  more  odious,  I 
''^^'"V^^  cannot  tell.     It  is  certain,  the  King  faid  many  very  hard  things 
of  him,  for  which  he  was  much  blamed :  And  in  moft  of  them  he 
was  but  little  believed. 

i66i.  ^^  ^^^  natural  for  the  King  upon  his  Reftoration  to  look  out 
<.yw;^^  for  a  proper  marriage.  And  it  was  foon  obferved,  that  he  was 
ni«ri«gef'*  fcfolved  not  to  marry  a  Proteftant.  He  pretended  a  contempt 
of  the  Germans,  and  of  the  northern  Crowns.  France  had  no 
fifter.  He  had  feen  the  Duke  of  Orleans's  daughters,  and  liked 
none  of  them.  Spam  had  only  two  Infantas:  And  as  the  eldeft 
was  married  to  the  King  of  France,  the  fecond  was  to  go  to 
V^ienna.  So  the  Houfe  Qi Portugal  only  remained,  to  furnifh  him 
a  wife,  among  the  crowned  heads.  Monk  began  to  hearken  to 
a  motion  made  him  for  this  by  a  Jew,  that  managed  the  con- 
cerns o'i  Portugal,  which  were  now  given  for  loft,  fince  they  were 
abandoned  by  France  by  the  treaty  of  the  Pyrenees ;  in  which  it 
appears  by  Cardinal  Mazarm's  letters,  that  he  did  entirely  deliver 
up  their  concerns  ^  which  was  imputed  to  his  defire  to  pleafe  the 
Queen-mother  of  France,  who,  being  a  daughter  of  Spain,  own- 
ed herfelf  ftill  to  be  in  the  interefts  of  Spain  in  every  thing  in 
which  France  was  not  concerned,  for  in  that  cafe  (he  pretended 
ftie  was  true  to  the  Crown  of  France.  And  this  was  the  true  fe- 
cret  of  Cardinal  Mazarirfs  carrying  on  that  war  fo  feebly  as  he 
did,  to  gratify  the  Qiieen-mother  on  the  one  hand,  and  his  own 
covetoufnefs  on  the  other:  For  the  lefs  publick  expence  was  made, 
he  had  the  greater  occafions  of  enriching  himfelf,  which  was  all 
he  thought  on.  The  Portugueze  being  thus,  as  they  thought, 
caft  off  by  France,  were  very  apprehenfive  of  falling  under  the 
Cafltlltans,  who,  how  weak  foevcr  they  were  in  oppofition  to 
France,  yet  were  like  to  be  too  hard  for  them,  when  they  had 
nothing  elfe  on  their  hinds.  So,  vaft  offers  were  made,  if  the 
King  would  marry  their  Infanta,  and  take  them  under  his  protec- 
tion. Monk  was  the  more  encouraged  to  entertain  the  propofiti- 
on,  becaufe  fome  pretended,  that,  in  the  begifining  of  the  war 
oi Portugal,  King  Charles  had  entred  into  a  negotiation  for  a 
a  marriage  between  his  fon  and  this  Infanta.  And  the  venerati- 
on paid  his  memory  was  then  fb  high,  that  every  thing  he  had 
projected  was  efteemed  facred.  Monk  promiled  to  ferve  the  in- 
terefts of  Portugal:  And  that  was,  as  Sir  Robert  Southwell  told 
me,  the  firft  ftep  made  in  that  matter.  Soon  after  the  King 
came  iato  England,  an  embaffy  of  congratulation  came  from 
thence,  with  orders  to  negotiate  that  bufinefs.  The  Spantjh  Em- 
baffador,  who  had  a  pretenfton  of  merit  from  the  King  in  be- 

^  half 


of  King  Charles  II. 


167 

half  of  that  Crown,  fince  they  had  received  and  entertained  him  i66i. 
at  Bmffels,  when  France  had  thrown  him  off,  fet  himfelf  much  ^"V^ 
againft  this  match :  And  among  other  things  affirmed,  that  the 
Infanta  was  incapable  of  having  children.  But  this  was  little  con- 
fidercd.  The  Spamards  are  not  very  fcrupulous  in  affirming 
any  thing  that  ferves  their  ends :  And  this  marriage  was  like  to 
jfecure  the  Kingdom  of  Portugal.  So  it  was  no  wonder  that  he 
oppofed  it :  And  little  regard  was  had  to  all  that  he  faid  to  break 
it. 

At  this  time  Monfieur  Fouquet  was  gaining  an  afcendant  in  theAn  alliance 
counfels  of  France y  Cardinal  Mazarin  falling  then  into  a  lan-f/Xw^. 
guifhing,  of  which  he  died  a  year  after.  He  fent  one  over  to 
the  King  with  a  projed  of  an  alliance  between  France  and  En- 
gland. He  was  addreflfed  firft  to  the  Earl  of  Clarendony  to  whom 
he  enlarged  on  all  the  heads  of  the  fcheme  he  had  brought,  of 
which  the  match  with  Portugal  was  a  main  article.  And,  to  make 
all  go  down  the  better,  Fouquet  defired  to  enter  into  a  particu- 
lar frienddiip  with  the  Earl  of  Clarendon -y  and  fent  him  the  offer 
of  1 0000  /,  and  aifured  him  of  the  renewing  the  fame  prefent 
every  year.  The  Lord  Clarendon  told  him,  he  would  lay  all 
that  related  to  the  King  faithfully  before  him,  and  give  him  his 
anfwer  in  a  little  time :  But  for  what  related  to  himlelf,  he  faid, 
he  ferved  a  great  and  bountiful  matter,  who  knew  well  how  to 
fupport  and  reward  his  fervants:  He  would  ever  ferve  him  faith- 
fully J  and,  becaufe  he  knew  he  mufl  ferve  thofe  from  whom  he 
accepted  the  hire,  therefore  he  rejeded  the  offer  with  great 
indignation.  He  laid  before  the  King  the  heads  of  the  propo- 
fed  alliance,  which  required  much  confultation.  But  in  the  next 
place  he  told  both  the  King  and  his  brother  what  had  been  of- 
fered to  himfelf.  They  both  advifed  him  to  accept  of  it.  Why, 
faid  he,  have  you  a  mind  that  I  fhould  betray  you?  The  King 
anfwered,  he  knew  nothing  could  corrupt  him.  Then,  faid  he, 
you  know  me  better  than  1  do  my  felf:  For  if  I  take  the  money 
I  fhall  find  the  fweet  of  it,  and  fludy  to  have  it  continued  to 
me  by  deferving  it.  He  told  them,  how  he  had  reje<5fced  the 
offer  i  and  very  ferioufly  warned  the  King  of  the  danger  he  faw 
he  might  fall  into,  if  he  fuffered  any  of  thofe,  who  ferved  him, 
to  be  once  pcnfioners  to  other  Princes :  Thofe  prefents  were  made 
only  to  biafs  them  in  their  counfels,  and  to  difcover  fecrets  by 
their  means:  And  if  the  King  gave  way  to  it,  the  taking  mo- 
ney would  foon  grow  to  a  habit,  and  fpread  hke  an  mitStion 
thro'  the  whole  Court. 


As 


1 68         The  Hist  dry  Jfthe  Reign 

1661.        As  the  motion  for  the  match  with  Portugal  was  carried  on, 
i^i^^v-'^an  incident  of  an  extraordinary  nature  happened  in  the  Court, 
of  Tory's     The  Earl  oi  Clarendon's  daughter,    being  with  child,-  and  near 
marriage,    j^^j.  (jjj^g^  called  upon  the  Duke  of  Tork  to  own  his  marriage  with 
her.    She  had  been  maid  of  honour  to  the  Princefs  Royal :  And 
the  Duke,  who  was  even  to  his  old  age  of  an  amorous  difpofiti- 
tion,  tried  to  gain  her  to  comply  with  his  defires.     She  mana- 
ged the  matter  with  fo  much  addrefs,  that  in  conclufion  he  mar- 
ried her.     Her  father  did  very  folemnly  proteft,    that  he  knew 
nothing  of  the  matter,  till  now  that  it  broke  out.     The  Duke 
thought  to  have  fhaken  her  from  claiming  it  by  great  promifes, 
and  as  great  threatnings.    But  fhe  was  a  woman  of  a  great  fpirit. 
She  faid,   {he  was  his  wife,  and  would  have  it  known  that  flie 
was  fo,    let  him  ufe  her  afterwards  as  he  pleafed.     Many  dif- 
courfes  were  fet  about  upon  this  occafion.    But  the  King  ordered 
fbme  Bifhops  and  Judges  to  perufe  the  proofs  fhe  had  to  produce: 
And  they  reported  that,    according  to  the  dodrine  of  the  GoP 
pel,  and  the  law  of  England^  it  was  a  good  marriage.   So  it  was 
not  poflible  to  break  it,  but  by  trying  how  far  the  matter  could 
be  carried  againft  her,  for  marrying  a  perfbn  fo  near  the  King 
without  his  leave.     The  King  would  not  break  with  the  Earl  of 
Clarendon:  And  fo  he  told  his  brother,  he  muft  drink  as  he  brew- 
ed,   and  live  with  her  whom  he  had  made  his  wife.     All  the 
Earl  of  Clarendon's  enemies  rejoyced  at  this:  For  they  reckoned, 
how  much  foever  it  feemed  to  raife  him  at  prefent,   yet  it  would 
raife  envy  fo  high  againft  him,  and  make  the  King  fb  jealous  of 
him,   as  being  more  in  his  brother's  interefts  than  in  his  own, 
that  they  looked  on  it  as  that  which  would  end  in  his  ruine. 
And  he  himfelf  thought  fb,  as  his  fon  told  me :   For,  as  fbon  as 
he  knew  of  it,   and  when  he  faw  his  fon  lifted  up  with  it,  he 
protefted  to  him,   that  he  knew  nothing  of  the  matter,   till  it 
broke  out ;  but  added,  that  he  looked  on  it,  as  that  which  muft 
be  all  their  ruine  fboner  or  later. 

Upon  this  I  will  digrefs  a  little  to  give  an  account  of  the  Duke  s 
Jgjg^"^'^*'*  character,  whom  I  knew  for  fbme  years  fb  particularly,  that  I 
can  fay  much  upon  my  own  knowledge.  He  was  very  brave  in 
his  youth,  and  fb  much  magnified  by  Monfieur  Turenne,  that, 
till  his  marriage  lefTened  him  he  really  clouded  the  King,  and 
pafs'd  for  the  fiiperior  genius.  He  was  naturally  candid  and  fin- 
cere,  and  a  firm  friend,  till  affairs  and  his  religion  wore  out  all 
his  firft  principles  and  incHnations.  He  had  a  great  defire  to 
underftand  affairs :  And  in  order  to  that  he  kept  a  conftant  jour- 
nal of  all  that  pafs'd,   of  which  he  fliewed  me  a  great  deal. 

6  The 


of  King  Charles  II.  169 

The  Duke  of  Buckingham  gave  me  once  a  fhort  but  fcvere  cha-  1660. 
rader  of  the  two  brothers.  It  was  the  more  fevere,  becaufe  it 
was  true:  The  King  (he  faid)  could  fee  things  if  he  would,  and 
the  Duke  would  fee  things  if  he  could.  He  had  no  true  judg- 
ment, and  was  fdon  determined  by  thole  whom  he  trufted :  But 
he  was  obftinate  againft  all  other  advices.  He  was  bred  with 
high  notions  of  the  Kingly  authority,  and  laid  it  down  for  a  max- 
im, that  all  who  oppofed  the  King  were  rebels  in  their  hearts.  He 
was  perpetually  in  one  amour  or  other,  without  being  very  nice 
in  his  choice :  Upon  which  the  King  faid  once,  he  believed  his 
brother  had  his  miftrelTes  given  him  by  his  Priefts  for  penance. 
He  gave  me  this  account  of  his  changing  his  religion :  When 
he  cTcaped  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Earl  of  Northumberland^  who 
had  the  charge  of  his  education  trufted  to  him  by  the  Parlia- 
ment, and  had  ufed  him  with  great  re/ped:,  all  due  care  was 
taken,  as  (bon  as  he  got  beyond  fea,  to  form  him  to  a  ftri(5t 
adherence  to  the  Church  of  England:  Among  other  things 
much  was  faid  of  the  authority  of  the  Church,  and  of  the  tra- 
dition from  the  Apoftles  in  (lipport  of  Epifcopacy :  So  that,  when 
he  came  to  obferve  that  there  was  more  reafon  to  fubmit  to  the 
Catholick  Church  than  to  one  particular  Church,  and  that  other 
traditions  might  be  taken  on  her  word,  as  well  as  Epifcopacy 
was  received  among  usj  he  thought  the  ftep  was  not  great,  but 
that  it  was  very  reafonable  to  go  over  to  the  Church  o£  Rome: 
And  Dodor  Steward  having  taught  him  to  believe  a  real  but  un- 
conceivable prefence  of  Chrtjl  in  the  Sacrament,  he  thought 
this  went  more  than  half  way  to  tranfubftantiation.  He  faid,  that 
a  Nun's  advice  to  him  to  pray  every  day,  that,  if  he  was  not 
in  the  right  way,  God  would  fet  him  right,  did  make  a  great 
impreflion  on  him.  But  he  never  told  me  when  or  where  he 
was  reconciled.  He  fuffered  me  to  fay  a  great  deal  to  him  on 
all  thefe  heads.  I  fhewed  the  difference  between  fubmiffion  and 
obedience  in  matters  of  order  and  indifferent  things,  and  an  im- 
plicite  fubmiflion  from  the  belief  of  infallibility.  I  alfo  fhewed 
him  the  difference  between  a  {peculation  of  a  mode  of  Chrijl's 
prefence,  when  it  refted  in  an  opinion,  and  an  adoration  found- 
ed on  k:  Tho'  the  opinion  of  fuch  a  prefence  was  wrong,  there 
was  no  great  harm  in  that  alone :  But  the  adoration  of  an  undue 
objed  was  idolatry.  He  fuffcred  me  to  talk  much  and  often  to 
him  on  thefe  heads.  But  1  plainly  faw,  it  made  no  imprcffion: 
And  all  that  he  feemed  to  intend  by  it  was,  to  make  ufe  of  me 
as  an  inftrument  to  foften  the  averfion  that  people  began  to  be 
poffeffed  with  to  him.  He  was  naturally  eager  and  revengeful: 
And  was  agamfl  the  taking  off  any  that  fet  up  in  an  oppofition 

X  X  to 


lyo  Tbe  History  of  the  Reign 

1660.  to  the  meafurcs  of  the  Court,  and  who  by  that  means  grew  po- 
pular in  the  Houfe  of  Commons.  He  was  for  rougher  methods. 
He  continued  for  many  years  diflcmbUng  his  reUgion,  and  feemed 
zealous  for  the  Church  oi  England :  But  it  was  chiefly  on  defign 
to  hinder  all  propofitions  that  tended  to  unite  us  among  our  felves. 
He  was  a  frugal  Prince,  and  brought  his  Court  into  method  and 
magnificence:  For  he  had  1 00000  /.  a  year  allowed  him.  He  was 
made  High  Admiral :  And  he  came  to  underftand  all  the  concerns 
of  the  fea  very  particularly.  He  had  a  very  able  Secretary  about 
him,  Sir  Wtlltam  Coventr<y  j  a  man  of  great  notions  and  eminent 
vertues,  the  beil  Speaker  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  and  capable 
of  bearing  the  chief  miniftry,  as  it  was  once  thought  he  was  ve- 
ry near  it.  The  Duke  found,  all  the  great  feamen  had  a  deep  tinc- 
ture from  their  education  :  They  both  hated  Popery,  and  loved 
liberty :  They  were  men  of  fevere  tempers,  and  kept  good  difci- 
phne.  But  in  order  to  the  putting  the  fleet  into  more  confident 
hands,  the  Duke  began  a  method  of  fending  pages  of  honour, 
and  other  young  perfons  of  quaUty,  to  be  bred  to  the  fea.  And 
thefe  were  put  in  command,  as  foon  as  they  were  capable  of  it, 
if  not  fooner.  This  difcouraged  many  of  the  old  feamen,  when 
they  faw  in  what  a  channel  advancement  was  hke  to  gOj  who 
upon  that  left  the  fervice,  and  went  and  commanded  merchant- 
men. By  this  means  the  vertue  and  difcipline  of  the  navy  is 
much  loft.  It  is  true,  we  have  a  breed  of  many  gallant  men, 
who  do  diftinguifli  themfelves  in  adion.  But  it  is  thought,  the 
Nation  has  lufFered  much  by  the  vices  and  diforders  of  thole 
Captains,  who  have  rilen  by  their  quality,  more  than  by  merit 
or  fervice. 

The  Duch-  The  Duchcis  of  York  was  a  very  extraordinary  woman.  She 
had  great  knowledge,  and  a  lively  fenie  of  things.  She  fbon 
underfliood  what  belonged  to  a  Princelsj  and  took  ft:ate  on  her 
rather  too  much.  She  writ  well  ^  and  had  begun  the  Duke's  life, 
of  which  fhe  lliewed  me  a  volume.  It  was  all  drawn  from  his 
journal:  And  he  intended  to  have  employed  me  in  carrying  it 
on.  She  was  bred  to  great  ftrid:nels  in  religion,  and  pradtifed 
iecret  confeflion.  Morley  told  me,  he  was  her  confeflbr.  She 
began  at  twelve  years  old,  and  continued  under  his  direction, 
till,  upon  her  father's  difgrace,  he  was  put  from  the  Court.  She 
was  generous  and  friendly  j  but  was  too  fevere  an  enemy. 

The  Duke        The  King's  third  brother,    the  Duke  of  Glocefter,   was  of  a 

cJa^a"^^^''*  temper  different  from  his  two  brothers.  He  was  adtive,  and 
loved  bufineft,  was  apt  to  have  particular  friendfhips  j  and 
had  an  infinuating  temper,  which  was  generally  very  accept- 
able.  The  King  loved  him  much  better  than  the  Duke  of  Tork. 

6  But 


efs's  charac 
tcr. 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  171 


'O* 


But  he  was  uneafy,  when  he  faw  there  was  no  poft  left  for  him,  \6C<, 
fince  Monk  was  General.  So  he  fpoke  to  the  Earl  oi  Clarendon^  ^~^ 
that  he  might  be  made  Lord  Treafurer.  But  he  tohl  him,  it 
was  a  poft  below  his  dignity.  He  would  not  be  put  off  with  that; 
For  he  could  not  bear  an  idle  life,  nor  to  fee  his  brother  at  the 
head  of  the  Fleet,  when  he  himfeif  had  neither  bufinefs  nor  de- 
pendence. But  the  mirth  and  entertainments  of  that  time  rail- 
ed his  blood  fo  high,  that  he  took  the  fmall  pox,-  of  which  he 
died,  much  lamented  by  all,  but  mod  particularly  by  the  Kino, 
who  was  never  in  his  whole  life  feen  fo  much  troubled,  as  he 
was  on  that  occafion.  Thofc,  who  would  not  beheve  he  ha4 
much  tenderneis  in  his  nature,  imputed  this  rather  to  his  jealou- 
fy  of  the  brother  that  furvived,  fmce  he  had  now  loft  the  only 
perfon  that  could  ballance  him.  Not  long  after  him  the  Prin- 
cefs  Royal  died  likewife  of  the  fmall  pox;  but  was  not  much 
lamented.  She  had  lived  in  her  widowhood  for  fome  years  with 
great  reputation,  kept  a  decent  Court,  and  fupported  her  brothers 
very  liberally ;  and  lived  within  bounds.  But  her  mother,  who 
had  the  art  of  making  herfelf  believe  any  thing  {he  had  a  mind 
to,  upon  a  converfation  with  the  Queen  Mother  oi  Frame y  fan- 
cied the  King  of  France  might  be  inclined  to  marry  her.  So 
fhe  writ  to  her  to  come  to  Parts.  In  order  to  that,  {he  made 
an  equipage  far  above  what  fhe  could  fupport.  So  (he  ran  her- 
felf into  debt,  fold  all  her  jewels ,  and  fome  eftates  that  were 
in  her  power  as  her  fon's  guardian,-  and  was  not  only  difap- 
pointed  of  that  vain  expe<5tation,  but  fell  into  fome  misfortunes, 
that  lelfened  the  reputation  fhe  had  formerly  lived  in.  Upon 
her  death  it  might  have  been  expected,  both  in  juftice  and  gra- 
titude, that  the  King  would  in  a  moft  particular  manner  have 
taken  her  fbn,  the  young  Prince  of  Orange ^  into  his  protedion. 
But  he  fell  into  better  hands:  For  his  grandmother  became  his 
guardian,  and  took  care  both  of  his  eftate  and  his  education. 

Thus  two  of  the  branches  of  the  Royal  family  were  cut  off  The  prof- > 
foon  after  the  Reftoration.    And  fb  little  do  the  events  of  things  RfyaUami- 
anfwer  the  firft  appearances,  that  a  Royal  family  of  three  Prin-  'y  '"""J 
ces  and  two  Princeffes,    all  young  and  graceful  perfbns,    that 
promifed  a  numerous  ilTue,  did  moulder  away  fo  faft,  that  now, 
while  I  am  writing,  all  is  reduced  to  the  perfon  of  the  Queen, 
and  the  Duchefs  of  Savoy.    The  King  had  a  very  numerous  iffue, 
tho'  none  by  his  Queen.    The  Duke  had  by  both  his  wives,  and 
fome  irregular  amours,  a  very  numerous  iffue.    And  the  prefent 
Queen  has  had  a  moft  fruitful  marriage  as  to  iffue,    tho'  none 
of  them  fiirvive.    The  Princefs  Henr'tette  was  fo  pleafed  with  the 

diver- 


171        The  History  of  the  Reign 

t66o.    diverfion  of  the  French  Court,    that  {he  was  glad  to  go  thither 
^--^""v"^^  again  to  be  married  to  the  King's  Brother. 
Schomberg         As  the  ttcaty  with  Portugal  went  on,    France  did  engage  in 
SrwTo  ^^^  concerns  of  that  Crown,    tho'  they  had  by  treaty  promifed 
Portugal,     the  contrary  to  the  Spaniards.     To  excufe  their  perfidy,  Count 
Schombergy  a  German  by  birth,  and  a  Calvinift  by  his  religion, 
was  ordered  to  go  thither,  as  one  prevailed  with  by  the  Portugal 
Ambaflador,  and  not  as  fent  over  by  the  orders  of  the  Court  of 
France.     He  pals'd  thro'  England  to  concert  with  the  King  the 
\  matters  of  Portugal^  and  th-e  fiipply  that  was  to  be  fent  thither 

from  England.  He  told  me,  the  King  had  admitted  him  into  great 
familiarities  with  him  at  Parts.    He  had  known  him  firft  at  die 
Hague:  For  he  was  the  Prince  of  Orange's  particular  favourite; 
but  had  fo  great  a  (hare  in  the  laft  violent  actions  of  his  life, 
feizing  the  States,    and  in  the  attempt  upon  Amfterdam^  that 
he  left  the  (ervice  upon  his  death  j  and  gained  fo  great  a  reputa- 
tion in  France^  that,  after  the  Prince  of  Conde  and  Turenne,  he 
was  thought  the  beft  General  they  had.     He  had  much  free  dif- 
coBrfe  with,  the  King,  tho'  he  found  his  mind  was  fb  turned  to 
mirth  and  plcafiire,  that  he  feemed  fcarce  capable  of  laying  any 
thing  to  heart.     He  adviled  him  to  fet  up  for  the  head  of  the 
Proteftant  religion :  For  tho',  he  faid  to  him,    he  knew  he  had 
not  much  religion,  yet  his  iriterefts  led  him  to  that.     It  would 
keep  the  Princes  of  Germany  in  a  great  dependence  on  him, 
and  make  him  the  umpire  of  all  their  affairs;  and  would  procure 
him  great  credit  with  the  Huguenots  of  France,  and  keep  that 
Crown  in  perpetual  fear  of  him.     He  advifed  the  King  to  em- 
ploy the  military  men  that  had  ferved  under  Cromwell,  whom  he 
thought  the  beft  officers  he  had  ever  feen :  And  he  was  forry  to 
fee,  they  were  difmils'd,  and  that  a  company  of  wild  young  men 
were  thofe  the  King  relied  on.    But  what  he  prels'd  moft  on  the 
King,  as  the  bufinefs  then  in  agitation,  was  concerning  the  fale 
DKnkirkio\^  of  Dunkirk.     The  Spaniards  pretended  it  ought  to  be  rcftored 
Frmb        ^°  them,  fince  it  was  taken  from  them  by  Cromwell,  when  they 
had  the  King  and  his  brothers  in  their  armies:  But  that  was 
not  much  regarded.     The  French  pretended,   that,  by    their 
agreement  with  Cromwell,  he  was  only  to  hold  it,  till  they  had  re- 
payed  the  charge  of  the  war :  Therefore  they,  offering  to  lay  that 
down,  ought  to  have  the  place  delivered  to  them.  The  King  was 
in  no  fort  bound  by  this.    So  the  matter  under  debate  was,  whe- 
ther it  ought  to  be  kept  or  fold  i  The  military  men,  who  were 
believed  to  be  corrupted  by  France,  faid,  the  place  was  not  tena- 
ble,-   that  in  time  of  peace  it  would  put  the  King  to  a  great 
charge,    and  in  time  of  war  it  would  not  quit  the  coft  of  keep- 


of  King  Charles  IL 

ing  it.    The  Earl  oi Clarendon  faid,  he  underftood  not  thofe  mat- 
ters j  but  appealed  to  Monk%  judgment,  who  did  pofitively  advife 
the  letting  it  go  for  the  fum  that  France  offered.  To  make  the  bu- 
finefs  go  the  cafier,    the  King  promised,  that  he  would  lay  up 
all  the  money  in  the  Tower  ^  and  that  it  fhould  not  be  touched, 
but  upon  extraordinary  occafions.    Schomberg  advifed,  in  oppo- 
fition  to  all  this,  that  the  King  fhould  keep  it,-  for,  conGdering 
the  naval  power  of  England,  it  could  not  be  taken.     He  knew, 
that,  tho'  France  fpoke  big,  as  if  they  would  break  with  England 
unlefs  that  was  delivered  up,  yet  they  were  far  from  the  thoughts 
of  it.     He  had  confidered  the  place  well,-    and  he  was  fure  it 
could  never  be  taken,  as  long  as  England  was  mafter  of  the  fea. 
The  holding  it  would  keep  both  France  and  Spain  in  a  depen- 
dence upon  the  King.     But  he  was  lingular  in  that  opinion. 
So  it  was  fold :  And  all  the  money,  that  was  paid  for  it,  was  im- 
mediately {quandred  away  among  the  miftrifs's  creatures. 

By  this  the  King  loft  his  reputation  abroad.    The  Court  was7'-»»/'>a 
believed  venal.    And  becaufe  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  was  in  great- Queen's*'* 
eft  credit,  the  blame  was  caft  chiefly  on  him  j  tho'  his  fon  affur-  P^fo"* 
ed  me,    he  kept  himfelf  out  of  that  affair  entirely.     The  coft 
beftowed  on  that  place  fince  that  time,  and  the  great  prejudice 
we  have  ftiffered  by  it,  has  made  that  fale  to  be  often  reflected 
on  very  feverely.     But  it  was  pretended,    that  Tangier,   which 
was  offered  as  a  part  of  the  portion  that  the  Infanta  of  Portugal 
was  to  bring  with  her,  was  a  place  of  much  greater  confequence. 
Its  fituation  in  the  map  is  indeed  very  eminent.    And  if  Spain  had 
been  then  in  a  condition  to  put  any  reftraint  on  our  trade,   it 
had  been  of  great  ufe  to  us ;    efpecially,  if  the  making  a  mole 
there  had  been  more  practicable,  than  it  proved  to  be.     It  was 
then  fpoken  of  in  the  Court  in  the  higheft  ftrains  of  flattery.  It 
was  faid,  this  would  not  only  give  us  the  entire  command  of  the 
Mediterranean  trade,  but  it  would  be  a  place  of  fafety  for  a  fqua- 
dron  to  be  always  kept  there,    for  fecuring  our  fi^efi  and  Fjafi 
India  trade.    And  fuch  mighty  things  were  faid  of  it,  as  if  it  had 
been  referved  for  the  King's  reign,  to  make  it  as  glorious  abroad, 
as  it  was  happy  at  home :  Tho'  fince  that  time  we  have  never 
been  able,    neither  by  force  nor  treaty,   to  get  ground  enough 
round  the  town  from  the  Moors  to  maintain  the  garrifbn.     But 
every  man  that  was  employed  there  ftudicd  only  his  own  intereft, 
and  how  to  rob  the  King.    If  the  money,  that  was  laid  out  in  the 
mole  at  different  times,  had  been  raifed  all  in  a  fucccflion,  as  faft 
as  the  work  could  be  carried  on,  it  might  have  been  made  a  ve- 
ry very  valuable  place.    But  there  were  fo  many  difcontinuings, 
and  fo  many  new  undertakings,   that  after  an  immenfc  charge 

Y  y  the 


The  History  of  the  Reign 

the  Court  grew  weary  of  it :  And  in  the  year  i  <$3  8  they  fent  a  fqua- 
dron  of  rtiips  to  bring  away  the  garrifon,  and  to  dcftroy  all  the 
works. 

To  end  this  matter  of  the  King's  marriage  with  the  Infanta 
o^ Portugal  all  at  once:  It  was  at  laft  concluded.  The  Earl  of 
Sandwich  went  for  her,  and  was  the  King's  proxy  in  the  nuptial 
ceremony.  The  King  communicated  the  matter  both  to  the 
Parliament  oi  England,  and  Scotland.  And  fb  flrangcly  were  peo- 
ple changed,  that  tho'  they  all  had  feen  the  mifchievous  effedls 
of  a  PopiOi  Queen  in  the  former  reign,  yet  not  one  perfbn  mov- 
ed againft  it  in  either  Parliament,  except  the  Earl  of  CaJJilh  in 
Scotland-^  who  moved  for  an  addrefs  to  the  King  to  marry  a 
Proteftant.  He  had  but  one  to  fecond  him:  So  entirely  were 
men  run  from  one  extream  to  another. 

i66i.       When  the  Queen  was  brought  over,    the  King  met  her  at 
<y^-^\n^Wmchefler  in   fummer  \66i.     The  Archbifliop  of  Canterbury 
Jnhr*"""  came  to  perform  the  ceremony :  But  the  Queen  was  bigotted  to 
King's  mar- fuch  a  dcgrcc,  that  {lie  would  not  fay  the  words  of  matrimony, 
"''^'^'         nor  bear  the  fight  of  the  Archbifhop.    The  King  faid  the  words 
haftily :  And  the  Archbifhop  pronounced  them  married  perfons. 
Upon  this  fome  thought  afterwards  to  have  difTolved  the  marri- 
age, as  a  marriage  only  de  faBoy  in  which  no  confent  had  been 
given.     But  the  Duke  of  Tork  told  mc,  they  were  married  by 
the  Lord  Auhtgny  according  to  the  Roman  ritual,    and  that  he 
himfelf  was  one  of  the  witnelTes:  And  he  added,   that,    a  it\f 
days  before  he  told  me  this,  the  Queen  had  faid  to  him,   that 
fhe  heard  fome  intended  to  call  her  marriage  in  queftion,-  and 
.that,  if  that  was  done,  flie  muft  call  on  him  as  one  of  her  wit- 
nefles  to  prove  it.     I  faw  the  letter  that  the  King  writ  to  the 
Earl  q£  Clarendon  the  day  after  their  marriage,  by  which  it  ap- 
peared very  plainly  that  the  marriage  was  confummated,    and 
that  the  King  was  well  pleafed  with  her.     The  King  himfelf 
told  me,  flie  had  been  with  child :  And  Willis  the  great  Phyfici- 
an  told  Dodor  Llo'yd,  from  whom  I  had  it,  that  (he  had  once 
mifcarried  of  a  child,  which  was  fo  far  advanced,  that,  if  it  had 
been  carefully  look'd  to,  the  fcx  might  have  been  diftinguifhed. 
But  flue  proved  a  barren  wife,  and  was  a  woman  of  a  mean  ap- 
pearance, and  of  no  agreeable  temper:  So  that  the  King  never 
confidercd  her  much.    And  fine  made  ever  after  but  a  very  mean 
The  King    figure.     For  fome  time  the  King  carried  things  decently,    and 
IvmIcV"  did  not  vifit  his  miftrils  openly.    But  he  grew  weary  of  that  re- 
courfcof     ftraint,-  and  fnook  it  off  lo  entirely,  that  he  had  ever  after  that 
milhilTes  to  the  end  of  his  life,  to  the  great  fcandal  of  the  world, 

and 


-    of  King  Charles  IL  T         rij^ 

tind  to  the  particulj^r  reproach  of  all  that  ferved  about  him  in  1661. 
the  Church.  He  ufually  came  from  his  miftriffes  lodgings  to  -^"V"^ 
Church,  even  on  Sacrament  days.  He  held  as  it  were  a  Court 
in  them  :  And  all  his  Minifters  made  applications  to  them,  On- 
Jy  the  Earls  of  Clarendon  and  Southampton  would  never  fo  much 
as  make  a  vifit  to  any  of  them,  which  was  maintaining  the 
decencies  of  vertue  in  a  very  folemn  manner.  The  Lord  Cla- 
rendon put  the  juftice  of  the  Nation  in  very  good  hands  j  and 
employed  fome  who  had  been  on  the  bench  in  Cromwell's  time, 
the  famous  Sir  MattheV)  Hah.  in  particular.  .3 

a 
The  bufinefs  of  Ireland  was  a  harder  province.  •  The  Irtf}i   1660. 
that  had  been  in  the  rebellion  had  made  a  treaty  with  the  Duke  xJJTftTi^ 
of  Ormondy  then  adling  in  the  King's  name,  tho'  he  had  no  le-  mem  of /r*- 
gal  power  under  the  Great  Seal,  the  King  being  then  a  prifbner.  " 
But  the  Queen-mother  got,    as  they  give  out,    the  Crown  of 
France  to  become  the  guarantee  for  the  performance.     By  the 
treaty  they  were  to  furnifh  him  with  an  army,  to  adhere  to  the 
King's  interefts,  and  ferve  under  the  Duke  of  Ormond:  And  for 
this  they  were  to  be  pardoned  all  that  was  pa(s'd,  to  have  the 
open  excrcife  of  their  religion,    and  a  free  admittance  into  all 
employments,    and  to  have  a  free  Pailiament  withdut  the  curb 
of  Poymn^s  law.     But  after  the  misfortune  at  DMfty   they  (et 
jjptia  liipream  council  again,    and  refufed  to  obey  the  Duke  of 
Ormond;   in  which  the  Pope's  Nuncio  conduced  them.     After 
fome  difputes,    and  that  the  Duke  of  Orrnond  faw  he  could  not 
prevail  with  them  to  be  commanded  by  him  any  more,    he  left 
.Ireland,    And  Cromwell  came  over,  and  reduced  the  whole  coun- 
trey,  and  made  a  fettlement  of  the  confifcated  eftates,  for  the  pay 
of  the  undertakers  for  the  Ir'tjh  war,  and  of  the  officers  that  had 
ferved  in  it.     The  King  had  in  his  Declaration  from  Breda  pro- 
mifed  to  confirm  the  fettlement  of  Ireland.    So  now  a  great  de- 
bate arofe  between  the  native  Ir'tfh  and  the  Engltjh  fettled  in 
Ireland.    The  former  claimed  the  articles  that  the  Duke  of  Or- 
mond had  granted  them.    He  in  anfwer  to  this  faid,   they  had 
broken  firft  on  their  part,  and  fo  had  forfeited  their  claim  to  them. 
They  feemed  to  rely  much  on  the  Court  of  France^  and  on  the 
whole  Popiih  party  abroad,  of  which  they  were  the  mod  confi- 
xlerable  branch  at  home.     But  England  did  naturally  incline  to 
Support  the  Engltjh  Interefts.    And,  as  that  intereft  in  Ireland  had 
gone  in  very  unanimouily  to  the  defign  of  the  King's  Refto- 
ration,    and  had  merited  much  on  that  account,    fo  they  drew 
over  the  Duke  of  Ormond  to  join  with  them,  in  order  to  an  a(5b 
confirming  Cromwelh  fettlement.    Only  a  Court  of  claims  was 
fet  up,  to  examine  the  pretenfions  of  fome  of  the  Injhy  who  had 

fpecial 


1 76         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1660,  fpecial  excufes  for  themlelves,  why  they  rtioukl  not  be  includedf 
^^^'TV^^  in  the  general  forfeiture  of  the  Nation.  Some  were  under  age : 
Others  were  travelling,  or  ferving  abroad :  And  many  had  diftin- 
guifli'd  themfelves  in  the  King's  fervicc,  when  lie  was  in  f/an- 
t/ers;  chiefly  under  the  Duke  of  ?1?;i,  who  pleaded  much  for 
them,  and  was  always  depended  on  by  them,  as  their  chief  pa- 
tron. It  was  thought  moft  equitable,  to  fend  over  men  from 
England,  who  were  not  concerned  in  the  interefts  or  paflions  of 
the  parties  of  that  Kingdom,  to  try  thofe  claims.  Their  pro- 
ceedings were  much  cried  out  on:  For  it  was  faid,  that  every 
man's  claim,  who  could  liipport  it  with  a  good  prefent,  was  found 
good,  and  that  all  the  members  of  that  Court  came  back  very 
rich.  So  that,  tho'  the  Ir'tfh  thought  they  had  not  juftice  enough 
done  them,  the  Englijh  faid  they  had  too  much.  When  any 
thing  was  to  be  proved  by  witneffes,  fets  of  them  were  hired,  to 
"depofe  according  to  the  inftru6lions  given  them.  This  was  then 
cried  out  on,  as  a  new  fcene  of  wickednefs,  that  was  then 
opened,  and  which  muft  in  the  end  fubvert  all  juftice  and  good 
government.  The  infection  has  fpread  fince  that  time,  and 
eroffed  the  fea.  And  the  danger  of  being  ruined  by  falfe  witnef- 
fes has  become  fb  terrible,  that  there  is  no  fecurity  againft  it, 
but  from  the  fincerity  of  juries.  And  if  thefe  come  to  be  packt, 
then  all  men  may  be  foon  at  mercy,  if  a  wicked  government 
fhould  fet  on  a  violent  profecution,  as  has  happened  oftncr  thaa 
once.  I  am  not  inftru6ted  enough  in  the  affairs  of  Ireland,  to 
carry  this  matter  into  more  particulars.  The  Engl'tjh  intereft  was 
managed  chiefly  by  two  men  of  a  very  indifferent  reputation : 
The  Earls  of  Anglefey,  and  Orrery.  The  chief  manager  of  the 
Ir'tjh  intereft  was  Richard  Talbot,  one  of  the  Duke's  bedchamber 
men,  who  had  much  cunning,  and  had  the  fecret  both  of  his 
matter's  pleafiires,  and  of  his  religion,  for  fbme  years,  and  was 
afterwards  raifed  by  him  to  be  Earl  and  Duke  of  Ttrconneh  Thus 
'  I  have  gone  over  the  feveral  branches  of  the  fettlement  of  mat- 

ters after  the  Reftoration.     I  have  referved  the  affairs  of  the 
Church  laft,  as  thofe  about  which  I  have  taken  the  moft  pains 
to  be  well  informed  •  and  which  I  do  therefore  offer  to  the  rea- 
der with  fome  alTurance,   and  on  which  I  hope  due  reflection 
will  be  made. 
TheBifhops      At  the  Rcftoration,  Juxon,   the  ancienteft  and  moft  eminent 
JJeSthe'^     of  the  former  Bifhops,  who  had  affifted  the  late  King  in  his  laft 
greateft  cre-  houts,  was  promoted  to  Canterbury,  more  out  of  decency,  than 
that  he  was  then  capable  to  fill  that  poft  ,•   for  as  he  was  never 
a  great  divine,  fb  he  was  now  fuperannuated.    Tho'  others  have 
aitured  me,  that  after  fome  difcouries  with  the  King  he  was  fo 

much 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  11.  i  f  ^ 

much  ftmck  with  what  he  obfcrved  in  him,  that  upon  that  he  1660. 
loft  both  heart  and  hope.    The  King  treated  him  with  outward 
refpca:,  but  had  no  great  regard  to  him.     Sheldon  and  Morley 
were  the  men  that  had  the  greateft  credit.    Sheldon  was  efteemed 
a  learned  man  before  the  wars:  But  he  was  now  engaged  fo  deep 
in  poHticks,  that  fcarce  any  prints  of  what  he  had  been  remairl- 
ed.    He  was  a  very  dextrous  man  in  bufinefs,  had  a  great  quick- 
nefs  of  apprehenfion,  and  a  very  true  judgnlent.     He  was  a  ge- 
nerous and  charitable  man.      He  had  a  great  pleafantnefs  of 
converfation,  perhaps  too  great.    He  had  an  art,    that  was  pc- 
cuhar  to  him,  of  treating  all  that  came  to  him  in  a  moft  obli- 
ging manner :  But  few  depended  much  on  his  profeffionsof  friend- 
fhip.    He  feemed  not  to  have  a  deep  fenfe  of  religion,  if  any  at 
all :  And  fpoke  of  it  moft  commonly  as  of  an  engine  of  govern- 
ment, and  a  matter  of  policy.    By  this  means  the  King  came  to 
look  on  him  as  a  wife  and  honeft  Clergy  man.     Sheldon  was  dt 
firft  made  Biihop  of  London^  and  was  upon  Juxon's  death  pro- 
moted to  Canterbury.    Morley  had  been  firft  known  to  the  world 
as  a  friend  of  the  Lord  Falkland's  :  And  that  was  enouo;h  to  raifc 
a  man's  charafter.    He  had  continued  for  many  years  in  the  Lord 
Clarendon's  family,    and  was  his  particular  friend.     He  was  a! 
Calvinift  with  relation  to  the  Arminian  points,  and  was  thought 
a  friend  to  the  Puritans  before  the  wars :  But  he  took  care  aftee 
his  promotion  to  free  himfelf  from  all  fufpicions  of  that  kind. 
He  was  a  pious  and  charitable  man,  of  a  very  exemplary  life, 
but  extream  paflionate,    and  very  obftinate.     He  was  firft  made 
Biftiop  of  Worcefler.     Dodtor  Hammond ,    for  whom  that  See 
was  defigned,  died  a  little  before  the  Rcftoration,  which  was  an 
unfpeakable  lofs  to  the  Church :  For,  as  he  was  a  man  of  great 
learning,  and  of  moft  eminent  merit,  he  having  been  the  per- 
fon  that  during  the  bad  times  had  maintained  the  caufe  of  the 
Church  in  a  very  fingular  manner,  fo  he  was  a  very  moderate 
man  in  his  temper,  tho' with  a  high  principle  j  and  probably  he 
would  have  fallen  into  healing  counfels.     He  was  alfo  mudi  feii 
on  reforming  abufes,  and  for  raifing  in  the  Clergy  a  due  icirfe 
of  the  obligations  they  lay  under.    But  by  his  death  Morley  was 
advanced  to  Worcefler:  And  not  long  after  he  was  removed  to 
W'tnchefler^    void  by  Duppcfs  death,    who  had  been  the  King's 
tutor,  tho'  no  way  fit  for  that  poft  ^  but  he  was  a  meek  and  humble 
man,  and  much  loved  for  the  fweetnefs  of  his  temper  5  and  would 
have  been  more  efteemed,  if  he  had  died  before  the  Rcftoration  j 
for  he  made  not  that  u'e  of  the  great  wealth  that  flowed  in  upon 
him  that  was  expe(aed.    Morley  \vas  thought  always  the  honcfter 
man  of  the  two,  as  Sheldon  was  certainly  the  abler  man. 

Z  z  The 


tns. 


178  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1660.  The  firft  point  in  debate  was,  whether  conccflions  llioulcl  be 
^C"^'''^^-^ made,  and  pains  taken  to  gain  the  DifT-'ntcrs,  or  not;  efpecioi- 
conccrning  ly  the  Pfcfbyterians.  The  Earl  of  ClarouloH  was  much  For  it ; 
wft"?he"^  and  got  the  King  to  pubUlli  a  declaration  foon  after  his  Rcilo- 
Presbjteri-  ration  Concerning  Ecclefiaftical  affairs,  to  which  if  he  had  flood, 
very  probably  the  greateft  part  of  them  might  have  been  gain- 
ed. But  the  Bifliops  did  not  approve  of  this:  And  after  the  fer- 
vice  they  did  that  Lord  in  the  Duke  of  Tork!^  marriage,  he 
would  not  put  any  hardfhip  on  thofe  who  had  fo  fignally  obli- 
ged him.  This  difgufted  the  Lord  Southampton,  who  was  for 
carrying  on  the  defign  that  had  been  much  talked  of  during  the 
wars,  of  moderating  matters  both  with  relation  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Church,  and  the  worfliip  and  ceremonies :  \v  hich 
created  fome  coldnefs  between  him  and  the  Earl  of  Clarendon^ 
when  the  Lord  Chancellour  went  off  from  thole  dcfigns.  The 
confederation  that  thofe  Bifliops  and  their  party  had  in  the  mat- 
ter was  this:  The  Prcfbyterians  were  poifeflld  of  mofl  of  the 
great  benefices  in  the  Church,  chiefly  in  the  City  of  London^ 
and  in  the  two  Univerfitics.  It  is  true,  all  that  had  come  in- 
to the  room  of  thofe  who  were  turned  out  by  the  Parliament, 
or  the  vifitors  fent  by  them,  were  removed  by  the  courfe  of 
law,  as  men  th;it  were  illegally  pofleffed  of  other  mens  rights: 
And  that  even  where  the  former  incumbents  were  dead,  bec.uile  a 
title  originally  wrong  was  ftill  wrong  in  law.  But  there  were  a 
great  many  of  them  in  very  eminent  pofts,  who  were  legally 
polTefTed  of  them.  Many  of  thefe,  chiefly  in  the  city  of  Lon~ 
don  J  had  gone  into  the  defign  of  the  Keftoration  in  (o  fignal  a 
manner,  and  with  fuch  fuccefs,  that  they  had  great  merit,  and 
a  jufl  title  to  very  high  preferment.  Now,  as  there  remained 
a  great  deal  of  the  old  animofity  againll  them  for  what  they 
had  done  during  the  wars,  fo  it  was  faid,  ic  was  better  to  have 
a  fchifm  out  of  the  Church  than  within  it-  and  that  the  half 
conformity  of  the  Puritans  before  the  war  had  let  up  a  fadion  in 
every  city  and  town  between  the  ledurers  and  the  incumbents, 
that  the  former  took  all  methods  to  render  themfelves  popular, 
and  to  raife  the  benevolence  of  their  people,  which  was  their 
chief  fubfiftence,  by  difparaging  the  government  both  in  Church 
and  State.  They  had  alfo  many  ftories  among  them,  of  the  cre- 
dit they  had  in  the  elections  of  Parliament  men,  which  they  in- 
fufed  in  the  King,  to  poffefs  him  with  the  necefliry  of  having 
none  to  ferve  in  ttie  Church,  but  perfbns  that  fliould  be  firmly 
tied  to  his  intereil,  both  by  principle,  and  by  fubfcriptions  and 
oaths.  It  is  true,  the  joy  then  fpread  thro'  the  Nation  had  got 
at  this  time  a  new  Parliament  to  be  elected  of  men  fo  high  and 

fo 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  £  S   II.  179 

fo  hot,  that,  unlcfs  the  Court  had  reftraincd  them,  they  would  1660, 
have  cariicd  things  much  farther  than  they  did,  againft  all  that  ^"V^ 
had  been  concerned  in  the  late  wars:  But  they  were  not  to  ex- 
ped  fuch  fuccefs  at  all  times:  Therefore  they  thought  it  was  ne- 
ceffary  to  make  fure  work  at  this  time:  And,  inftead  of  ufmg  me- 
thods to  bring  in  the  fedaries,   they  refolved  rather  to  feek  the 
mod  effectual  ones  for  cafting  them  out,  and  bringing  a  new  fet 
of  men  into  the  Church.     This  took  with  the  King,  at  lead  it 
feemed  to  do  fo.    But,  tho'  he  put  on  an  outward  appearance  of 
moderation,    yet  he  was  in  another  and  deeper  laid  defign,    to 
which  the  heat  of  thcfe  men  proved  fubfervient,  for  bringing  in 
of  Popery.    A  Popifli  Queen  was  a  great  ftep  to  keep  it  in  coun- 
tenance at  Court,  and  to  have  a  great  many  Priefts  going  about 
the  Court  making  converts.     It  was  thought,    a  toleration  was 
the  only  method  for  fetting  it  a  going  all  the  Nation  over.   And 
nothing  could  make  a  toleration  for  Popery  pais,  but  the  hav- 
ing great  bodies  of  men  put  out  of  the  Church,  and  put  un- 
der fevere  laws,  which  (hould  force  them  to  move  for  a  tolera- 
tion, and  fhould  make  it  reafonable  to  grant  it  to  them.     And 
it  was  refolved,    that  whatever  fhould  be  granted  of  that  fort 
fliould  go  in  fo  large  a  manner,   that  Papifts  fhould  be  compre- 
hended within  it.    So  the  Papifts  had  this  generally  fpread  among 
them,  that  they  (hould  oppofe  all  pvopofitions  for  comprehenfi- 
on,  and  (hould  animate  the  Church  party  to  maintain  their  ground 
againft  all  the  fedaries.     And  in  that  point  they  feemed  zea- 
lous for  the  Church.    But  at  the  fame  time  they  (poke  of  tole- 
ration, as  neceffary  both  for  the  peace  and  quiet  of  the  Nation, 
and  for  the  encourajrement  of  trade.     And  with  this  the  Duke 
was  fo  poftelTed,  that  he  declared  himfelf  a  moft  violent  enemy 
to  comprehenfion,    and  as  zealous  for  toleration.     The  King 
being  tlius  refolved  on  fixing  the  terms  of  conformity  to  what 
they  had  been  before  the  war,    without  making  the  leaft  abate- 
ment or  alteration,  they  carried  on  ftiU  an  appearance  of  mode- 
ration, till  the  ftrength  of  the  parties  fhould  appear  in  the  new 
Parliament. 

So,  after  the  declaration  was  fet  out,  a  commiffion  was  grant-  ^  ireaty  fa. 
cd  to  twelve  of  a  fide,  with  nine  affiftants  to  each  fide,  who'  '  **^" 
were  appointed  to  meet  at  the  Savoy^  and  to  conlider  on  the 
ways  of  uniting  both  fides.  At  their  firft  meeting,  Sheldon  told 
them,  that  thofe  of  the  Church  had  not  defired  this  meeting, 
as  being  fatisfied  with  the  legal  cftablifhment;  and  therefore  they 
had  nothing  to  offer;  but  it  belonged  to  the  other  fide,  who 
moved  for  alterations,  to  offer  both  their  exceptions  to  the  laws  in 
being,  and  the  alterations  that  they  propofed.     He  told  them, 

they 


l8o  The  History  of  the  Reign 

t66o.    they  were  to  lay  all  they  had  to  offer  before  them  at  once,-   for 
they  would  not  engage  to  treat  about  any  one  particular,    till 
they  faw  how  far  their  demands  went:  And  he  faid,  that  all  was 
to  be  tranfafted  in  writing,    tho'  the  others  infilled  on  an  ami- 
cable conference;   which  was  at  firft  denied:  Yet  fome  hopes 
were  given  of  allowing  it  at  laft.     Papers  were  upon  this  given 
in.  The  Prefbyterians  moved,  that  Biftiop  U/her's  Redudtion  ftiould 
be  laid  down  as  a  ground-work  to  treat  on;  that  Bifhops  fhould 
not  govern  their  diocefe  by  their  fingle  authority,  nor  depute  it 
to  Lay  officers  in  their  Courts,  but  fhould  in  matters  of  ordinati- 
on and  jurifdidion  take  along  with  them  the  counfel  and  con- 
currence of  the  Prefbyters.     They  did  offer  (everal  exceptions 
to  the  Liturgy,  againft  the  many  refponfes  by  the  people  ,•  and 
they  defired,  all  might  be  made  one  continued  prayer.  They  de- 
fired  that  no  lelTons  fhould  be  taken  out  of  the  Apocryphal  books  ,- 
that  the  Pfalms  ufed  in  the  daily  fervice  fhould  be  according  to 
the  new  tranflation.    They  excepted  to  many  parts  of  the  office 
ofbaptifm,  that  import  the  inward  regeneration  of  all  that  were 
baptized.     But  as  they  propoled  thefe  amendments,  fb  they  did 
alfb  offer  a  Liturgy  new  drawn  by  Mr.  Baxter.     They  infilled 
mainly  againft  kneeling  at  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper, 
chiefly  againft  the  impofing  it;  and  moved  that  the  pofture  might 
be  left  free,    and  that  the  ufe  of  the  fur  pi  ice,    of  the  crofs  in 
baptifm,  of  God-fathers  being  the  fponfors  in  baptifm,    and  of 
the  holy  days,    might  be  abolifhed.      Sheldon  faw  well  what 
the  effect  would  be  of  putting  them  to  make  all  their  demands 
at  once.     The  number  of  them  raifed  a  mighty  outcry  againft 
them,    as  people  that  could  never  be  fatisfied.     But  nothing 
gave  fb  great  an  advantage  againft  them,  as  their  offering  a  new 
Liturgy.     In  this  they  were  divided  among  themfelves.     Some 
were  for  infifting  only  on  a  few  important  things,    reckoning 
that,  if  they  were  gained,  and  a  union  followed  upon  that,  it 
would  be  eafier  to  gain  other  things  afterwards.     But  all  this 
was  overthrown  by  Mr.  Baxter ^  who  was  a  man  of  great  piety ; 
and,  if  he  had  not  meddled  in  too  many  things,    would  have 
been  efteemed  one  of  the  learned  men  of  the  age :  He  writ  near 
two  hundred  books :  Of  thefe,  three  are  large  folios :    He  had 
a  very  moving  and  pathetical  way  of  writing,    and  was  his 
whole  life  long  a  man  of  great  zeal  and  much  fimplicity ;    but 
was   moft  unhappily  fubtle  and  metaphyfical   in  every  thing. 
There  was  a  great  fubmiflion  paid  to  him  by  the  whole  party. 
So  he  perfuaded  them,    that  from  the  words  of  the  commiflion 
they  were  bound  to  offer  every  thing  that  they  thought  might 
conduce  to  the  good  or  peace  of  the  Church,  without  confider- 

ing 


of  King  Charles  II.  i%i 

ing  what  was  like  to  be  obtained,  or  what  cfifed:  their  demand-  ii^o. 
ing  fo  much  might  have,  in  irritating  the  minds  of  thofe  who  were 
then  the  fuperiour  body  in  ftrength  and  number.    All  the  whole 
matter  was  at  laft  reduced  to  one  fingle  point,  whether  it  wa$ 
lawful  to  determine  the  certain  ufe  of  things  indifferent  in  the 
worfliip  of  God  ?    The  Bifhops  held  them  to  that  point,   and 
preffed  them  to  Ihew  that  any  of  the  things  impofed  were  of 
themfelves  unlawful.     The  Prefbyterians  declined  this^    but  af- 
firmed, that  other  circumftances  might  make  it  become  unlawful 
to  fettle  a  peremptory  law  about  things  indifferent ^  which  they 
applied  chiefly  to  kneeling  in  the  Sacrament,  and  flood  upon  it 
that  a  law,  which  excluded  all  that  did  not  kneel  from  the  Sacra- 
ment, was  unlawful,  as  a  limitation  in  the  point  of  communion 
put  on  the  laws  of  Chr'tfl^  which  ought  to  be  the  only  condition 
of  thofe  who  had  a  right  to  it.  Upon  this  point  there  was  a  free 
conference  that  lafted  fome  days.     The  two  men,  that  had  the 
chief  management  of  the  debate,   were  the  mofl  unfit  to  heal 
matters,  and  the  fittefl  to  widen  them,   that  could  have  been 
found  out.  Baxter  was  the  opponent,  and  Gunning  was  the  refpon- 
dent ;  who  was  afterwards  advanced,  firfl  to  Chkhejier,  and  then 
to  Elj :  He  was  a  man  of  great  reading,  and  noted  for  a  fpecial 
fiibtilty  of  arguing :    All  the  arts  of  fophiflry  were  made  ufe  of 
by  him  on  all  occafioris,  in  as  confident  a  manner,  as  if  they  had 
been  found  reafoning :    He  was  a  man  of  an  innocent  life,   un- 
weariedly  adive  to  very  Httle  purpofe:    He  was  much  fet  on 
the  reconciling  us  with  Popery  in  fome  points:  And,  becaufe  the 
charge  of  idolatry  feemed  a  bar  to  all  thoughts  of  reconciliation 
with  them,  he  fet  himfelf  with  very  great  zeal  to  clear  the  Church 
of  Rome  of  idolatry :  This  made  many  fufpedt  him  as  inclining 
to  go  over  to  them:  But  he  was  far  from  it;   and  was  a  very 
honefl,  fincere  man,  but  of  no  found  judgment,  and  of  no  pru- 
dence in  affairs:    He  was  for  our  conforming  in  all  things  to 
the  rules  of  the  Primitive  Church,   particularly  in  praying  for 
the  dead,  in  the  ufe  of  oil,  with  many  other  rituals :    He  form- 
ed many  in  Cambr'tdge  upon  his  own  notions,  who  have  carried 
them  perhaps  farther  than  he  intended.     Baxter  and  he  fpent 
fome  days  in  much  logical  arguing,  to  the  diverfion  of  the  town, 
who  thought  here  were  a  couple  of  fencers  engaged  in  difputes, 
that  could  never  be  brought  to  an  end,  nor  have  any  good  ef- 
fed:.     In  conclufion,    this  commiffion,  being  limited  to  fuch  a 
number  of  days,   came  to  an  end,    before  any  one  thing  was 
agreed  on.     The  Bifliops  infifled  on  the  laws  that  were  ftill  in 
force,  to  which  they  would  admit  of  no  exception,  unlefs  it  was 
proved  that  the  matter  of  thofe  laws  was  finhil.    They  charged 

A  a  a  the 


J  8  2  The  History  of  the  Reign 

the  Prefbyterians  with  having  made  a  fchifm,  uponacharge  againfl 
the  Church  for  things,  which  now  they  themlclves  could  not  call 
finful.  They  faid,  there  was  no  reafon  to  gratify  fuch  a  fort  of 
men  in  any  thing :  One  demand  granted  would  draw  on  many 
more:  All  authority  both  in  Church  and  State  was  ftruck  at  by 
the  pofition  they  had  infifted  on,  that  it  was  not  lawful  to  im- 
pofe  things  indifferent,  fince  they  feemed  to  be  the  only  proper 
matter  in  which  human  authority  could  interpofe.  So  this  fur- 
niflied  an  occafion  to  expofe  them  as  enemies  to  all  order. 
Things  had  been  carried  at  the  Savo'y  with  great  fharpnefs,  and 
many  refledions.  Baxter  faid  once,  fuch  things  would  offend 
many  good  men  in  the  Nation.  Steam,  the  Archbifhop  of  Torky 
upon  that  took  notice  that  he  would  not  fay  Kingdom,  but  Na- 
tion, becaufe  he  would  not  acknowledge  a  King.  Of  this  great 
complaints  were  made,  as  an  indecent  return  for  the  zeal  they 
had  fhewn  in  the  Reftoration. 

1661.  The  conference  broke  up  without  doing  any  good.  It  did  ra- 
^-''"V'^^ther  hurt,  and  heightened  the  fharpnefs  that  was  then  on  peoples 
of  confer-  minds  to  fuch  a  degree,  that  it  needed  no  addition  to  raife  it  high- 
mity^made  ^^  'pj^^  Prefbytetians  laid  their  complaints  before  the  King: 
But  little  regard  was  had  to  them.  And  now  all  the  concern  that 
feemed  to  employ  the  Bifhops  thoughts  was,  not  only  to  make 
no  alteration  on  their  account,  but  to  make  the  terms  of  con- 
formity much  flrid:er  than  they  had  been  before  the  war.  So 
it  was  refblved  to  maintain  conformity  to  the  height,  and  to 
put  lecturers  in  the  fame  condition  with  the  incumbents,  as  to 
oaths  and  fubfcriptions ;  and  to  oblige  all  perfons  to  fubfcribe  an 
unfeigned  alfent  and  confent  to  all  and  every  particular  contain- 
ed and  prefcribed  in  the  book  of  Common  Prayer.  Many,  who 
thought  it  lawful  to  conform  in  fubmiffion,  yet  fcrupled  at  this, 
as  importing  a  particular  approbation  of  every  thing :  And  great 
diflindion  was  made  between  a  conformity  in  practice,  and  fo  full 
and  diftincSt  an  alfent.  Yet  men  got  over  that,  as  importing  no 
more  but  a  confent  of  obedience :  For  tho'  the  words  of  the  fub- 
fcription,  which  were  alfo  to  be  publickly  pronounced  before, 
the  congregation,  declaring  the  perfon's  unfeigned  affent  and 
confent,  feemed  to  import  this,  yet  the  claufe  of  the  a<5t  that  en- 
joined this  carried  a  clear  explanation  of  it;  for  it  enaded  this 
declaration  as  an  alfent  and  Confent  to  the  ufe  of  all  things  con- 
tained in  the  book.  Another  fubfcription  was  enadted,  with  re- 
lation to  theLeague  and  Covenant;  by  which  they  were  requir- 
ed to  declare  it  unlawful  upon  any  pretence  whatfoever  to  take 
arms  againfl  the  King,   renouncing  the  traiterous  pofition  of 

taking 


of  King  C  H  A.R^L  £  s  11.  183, 

taking  arms  by  his  authority  agaitift  his  perron,^  or  thofe  com-  i66u 
miflioned  by  him,  together  with  a  declaration,  that  no  obliga- ^^-v-s> 
tion  lay  on  them  or  any  other  perfon  from  the  League  or  Cove- 
nant to  endeavour  any  change  or  alteration  of  government  ia 
Church  and  State,  and  that  the  Covenant  was  in  it  felf  an  unlaw- 
ful oath.  This  was  contriv'd  againft  all  the  ojd  men,  who  had 
both  taken  the  Covenant  themfelves,  and  had  prefs'd  it  upon 
others.  So  they  were  now  to  own  themfelves  very  guilty  in  that 
matter.  And  thofe,  who  thought  it  might  be  lawful  upon  great  and 
illegal  provocation  to  refift  unjuft  inyafions  on  the  laws  and  li- 
berties of  the  fubjeds,  excepted  to  the  fubfcription,  tho'  it  was 
fcarce  fafc  for  any  at  that  time  to  have  infifted  on  that  point. 
Some  thought,  that  fince  the  King  had  taken  the  Covenant, 
he  at  lead  was  bound  to  ftand  to  it. 

Another  point  was  fixed  by  the  Ad:  of  Uniformity,   which  The  Aft  of 
was  more  at  large  formerly ;  Thofc,  who  came  to  England  from  Uniformitj. 
the  foreign  Churches,  had  not  been  required  to  be  ordained  among 
us:  But  now  all,  that  had  not  Epifcopal  ordination,  were  made 
incapable  of  holding  any  Ecclefiaftical  Benefice.     Some  few  al- 
terations were  made  in  the  Liturgy  by  the  Bifhops  themfelves:  A 
few  new  colleds  were  made,  as  the  prayer  for  all  conditions  of 
men,  and  the  general  thankfgiving.    A  colled  was  al/b  drawn 
for  the  Parliament,    in  which  a  new  epithet  was  added  to  the 
King's  title,  that  gave  great  offence,  and  occafioned  much  in- 
decent raillery :  He  was  flyled  our  moft  religious  King.     It  was 
not  eafy  to  give  a  proper  fenfe  to  this,  and  to  make  it  go  well 
down,-    fince,  whatever  the  fignification  of  religion  might  be  in 
the  Latin  word,  as  importing  the  facrednefs  of  the  King's  per- 
fon, yet  in  the  E?igl'tjh  language  it  bore  a  fignification  that  was 
no  way  applicable  to  the  King.     And  thofe  who  took  great  li- 
berties with  him  have  often  afked  him,    what  muft  all  his  peo- 
ple think,  when  they  heard  him  prayed  for  sas  their  moft  reli- 
gious King?   Some  other  lefTer  additions  were  made.    But  care 
was  taken,    that  nothing  fhould  be  altered,   fo  as  it  had  been 
moved  by  the  Prefbyterians ,-  for  it  was  refblved  to  gratify  them 
in  nothing.    One  important  addition  was  made,  chiefly  by  Caw- 
den's  means:  He  preffcd  that  a  declaration,  explaining  the  rea- 
fons  of  their  kneeling  at  the  Sacrament,  which  had  been  in  King 
Edward's  Liturgy,    but  was  left  out  in  Queen  Ehzaheth's  time, 
fliould  be  again  fet  where  it  had  once  been.     The  Papifls  were 
highly  offended,  when  they  faw  fuch  an  exprefs  declaration  made 
againft  the  real  prefence,  and  the  Duke  told  me,  that  vvhcn  he 
aficed  Sheldon  how  they  came  to  declare  againft  a  dodrine,  which 
he  had  been  inftruded  was  the  dodrine  of  the  Church,  Sheldon 

anfwered 


1^84         ^^^  History  of  the  keign 

1661.   anf\vcred,    afk  Gawden  about  it,    who  is  a  Bifhop  of  your  own 
^^•'''"V''^'^ making:  For  the  King  had  ordered  his  promotion  for  the  fer- 
vice  he  had  done.     The  Convocation  that  prepared  thofe  alte- 
rations,   as  they  added  fome  new  holy  days,  St.  Barnabas^   and 
the  Converfion  of  St.  Paul^  fo  they  took  in  more  leiTons  out  of 
the  Apocrypha,  in  particular  the  ftory  oi  Bell  and  the  Dragon: 
New  offices  were  alfb  drawn  for  two  new  days,  the  thirtieth  of 
Jammryj  called  King  Charles  the  Martyr,  and  the  twenty  ninth 
of  May,  the  day  of  the  King's  birth  and  return.    Sancroft  drew 
for  thefe  fbme  offices  of  a  very  high  ftrain.    Yet  others  of  a  more 
moderate  ftrain  were  preferred  to  them.     But  he,  coming  to  be 
advanced  to  the  See  of  Canterbury^  got  his  offices  to  be  publifli- 
ed  by  the  King's  authority,    in  a  time  when  fo  high  a  ftyle 
as  was  in  them  did  not  found  well  in  the  Nation.     Such  care 
^ft'        was  taken  in  the  choice  and  returns  of  the  members  of  the  Con- 
vocation, that  every  thing  went  among  them  as  was  directed  by 
Sheldon  and  Morley.     When  they  had  prepared  all  their  altera- 
tions,   they  offered  them  to  the  King,    who  fent  them  to  the 
Houfe  of  Commons,  upon  which  the  A6t  of  Uniformity  was  pre- 
pared by  Keeling,  afterwards  Lord  Chief  Juftice. 
'^^  When  it  was  brought  into  the  Houfe,    many  did  apprehend 
that  fo  fevere  an  adt  might  have  ill  effeds,  and  began  to  abate 
of  their   firft   heat:    Upon   which    reports  were  fpread,    and 
much  aggravated  as  they  were  reported  to  the  Houfe  of  Com- 
mons, of  the  Plots  of  the  Prelbyterians  in  feveral  Counties.    Ma- 
ny were  taken  up  on  thofe  reports :  But  none  were  ever  tried  for 
them.    So,  the  thing  being  let  fall,  it  has  been  given  out  fince, 
that  thefe  were  forged  by  the  direction  of  fome  hot  fpirits,  who 
might  think  filch  arts  were  necefTary  to  give  an  alarm,  and  by 
rendring  the  party  odious  to  carry  fo  fevere  an  ad  againft  them. 
The  Lord  Clarendon  himfelf  was  charged  as  having  directed  this 
piece  of  artifice :  But  I  could  never  fee  any  ground  for  faftening 
it  on  him:    Tho'  there  were  great  appearances  of  foul  dealing 
among  fome  of  the  fiercer  fort.     The  Ad:  pafs'd  by  no  great 
majority :  And  by  it  all  who  did  not  conform  to  the  Liturgy  by 
the  twenty  fourth  of  Augufl,  St.  Bartholomew's  day,  in  the  year 
\66r,  were  deprived  of  all  Ecclefiaftical  benefices,  without  lea- 
ving any  difcretional  power  with  the  King  in  the  execution  of 
it,  and  without  making  provifion  for  the  maintenance  of  thofe 
who  fhould  be  fo  deprived :  A  feverity  neither  pradifed  by  Queen 
Elizabeth  in  the  enading  her  Liturgy,   nor  by  Cromwell  in  ejec- 
ting the  Royalifts,    in  both  which  a  fifth  part  of  the  benefice 
was  referved   for  their  fubfiitence.     St.  Bartholomew's  day  was 
pitched  on,  that,  ii  they  were  then  deprived,  they  fhould  loofe 

the 


^/AV;^^  Ch  ARL  ES  IL  185 

the  profits  of  the  whole  year,  fince  the  tithes  are  commonly  due  1661. 
at  Michaelmas.  The  Prefbytcrians  remembred  what  a  St.  Bartho- 
lomew^  had  been  held  at  Paris  ninety  years  before,  which  was  the 
day  of  that  maflfacre,  and  did  not  (lick  to  compare  the  one  to  the 
other.  The  Book  of  Common-prayer  with  the  new  corred:ions 
was  that  to  which  they  were  to  fubfcribe.  But  the  corredions  were 
fo  long  a  preparing,  and  the  vaft  number  of  copies,  above  two 
thoufand,  that  were  to  be  wrought  off  for  all  the  parirti  Churches 
q{  En^and,  made  the  imprelTion  go  on  fo  flowly,  that  there  were 
few  Books  fet  out  to  fale  when  the  day  came.  So,  many  that 
were  well  affedted  to  the  Church,  but  that  made  confcience  of 
fubfcribing  to  a  book  that  they  had  not  feen,  left  their  benefi- 
ces on  that  very  account.  Some  made  a  journey  to  London  on 
purpofe  to  fee  it.  With  fo  much  precipitation  was  that  matter 
driven  on,  that  it  feemed  expeded,  that  the  Clergy  (hould  fub- 
fcribe implicitely  to  a  book  they  had  never  feen.  This  was  done 
by  too  many,  as  I  was  informed  by  fbme  of  the  Bifhops.  But 
the  Prefbytcrians  were  now  in  great  difficulties.  They  had  ma- 
ny meetings,  and  much  difputing  about  conformity.  Reynolds 
accepted  of  the  Bifiioprick  of  Norwich.  But  Calamy  and  Baxter 
refufed  the  Sees  of  Litchfield  and  Hereford.  And  about  two 
thoufand  of  them  fell  under  the  Parliamentary  deprivation,  as 
they  gave  out.  The  numbers  have  been  much  controverted.  This 
raifed  a  grievous  outcry  over  the  Nation  j  tho'  it  was  lefs  confi- 
dered  at  that  time,  than  it  would  have  been  at  any  other.  Bax* 
ter  told  me,  that  had  the  terms  of  the  King's  Declaration  been 
flood  to,  he  did  not  believe  that  above  three  hundred  of  thefe 
would  have  been  fo  deprived.  Some  few,  and  but  few,  of  the 
Epifcopal  party  were  troubled  at  this  feverity,  or  apprehenfive  of 
the  very  ill  effeds  it  was  like  to  have.  Here  were  many  men, 
much  valued,  fome  on  better  grounds,  and  others  on  worfe, 
who  were  now  caft  out  ignominioufly,  reduced  to  great  poverty, 
provoked  by  much  fpiteful  ufage,  and  caft  upon  thofe  popular 
practices  that  both  their  principles  and  their  circumftances  feem- 
ed to  juftify,  of  forming  feparate  congregations,  and  of  di- 
verting men  from  the  publick  worfhip,  and  from  confidering 
their  luccelTors  as  the  lawful  paftors  of  thofe  Churches  in  which 
they  had  ferved.  The  blame  of  all  this  fell  heavieft  on  Sheldon. 
The  Earl  of  Clarendon  was  charged  with  his  having  entertained 
the  Prefbytcrians  with  hopes  and  good  words,  while  he  was  all 
the  while  carrying  on,  or  at  leaft  giving  way  to  the  Bifhop's 
projed.  When  the  Convocation  had  gone  thro' the  book  of  Com- 
mon-prayer- it  was  in  the  next  place  propofed,  that,  according 
to  a  claufe  in  the  King's  licence,    they  Ihould  confider  the  Ca- 

B  b  b  nons 


1  86         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1661.   nons  of  the  Church.    They  had  it  then  in  their  power  to  have 
'-''""V"^^  reformed  many  abufes,  and  particularly  to  have  provided  an  ef- 
fectual remedy  to  the  root  of  all  tho(e,    which  arife  from  the 
poor  maintenance  that  is  reierved  to  the  incumbents.     Almoft  all 
the  leafes  of  the  Church  eftates  over  England  were  fallen  in, 
there  having  been  no  renewal  for  twenty  years.     The  leafes  for 
years  were  determined :  And  the  wars  had  carried  off  fo  many  men, 
that  moft  of  the  leafes  for  lives  were  fallen  into  the  incumbents 
hands    So  that  the  Church  eftates  were  in  them :  And  the  fines 
raifed  by  the  renewing  the  leafes  rofe  to  about  a  million  and  a  half. 
It  was  an  unreafbnable  thing  to  let  thofe  who  were  now  promo- 
fin«E    ^^^  carry  off  fb  great  a  treafure.    If  the  half  had  been  applied  to  . 
"'^«<^  on'he the  buying  of  tithes  or  glebes  for  fmall  Vicarages,  here  a  foun- 
ftatesiiiap-  datioQ  had  been  laid  down  for  a  great  and  effedual  reformation. 
^'"*^*         In  fome  fees  forty  or  fifty  thoufand  pound  was  raifed,    and  ap- 
plied to  the  enriching  the  Bifhops  families.    Something  was  done 
to  Churches  and  Colleges,  in  particular  to  St.  Pauh  in  London: 
And  a  noble  collection  was  made  for  redeeming  all  the  Ej-igl'iJJ:} 
flaves  that  were  in  any  part  oi  Barbary.    But  this  fell  far  fliorc  of 
what  might  have  been  exped:ed.    In  this  the  Lord  Clarendon  was 
heavily  charged,  as  having  fhown  that  he  was  more  the  Bifliop's 
friend  than  the  Church's.     It  is  true,  the  law  made  thofe  fines 
belong  to  the  incumbents.     But  fuch  an  extraordinary  occafion 
deferved,  that  a  law  fhould  have  been  made  on  purpofe.    What 
the  Bifhops  did  with  thofe  great  fines  was  a  pattern  to  all  the 
lower  Dignitaries,    who  generally  took  more  care  of  themfelves 
than  of  the  Church.     The  men  of  merit  and  fervice  were  load- 
ed with   many  livings  and  many  dignities.     With   this   great 
acceflion  of  wealth  there  broke  in  upon  the  Church   a  great 
deal  of  luxury  and  high  living,    on  the  pretence  of  hoipitali- 
ty^    while  others  made  purchafes,    and  left  great  eftates,   moft 
of  which  we  have  feen  melt  away.     And  with  this  overfet  of 
wealth  and  pomp,    that  came  on  men  in  the  decline  of  their 
parts  and  age,  they,  who  were  now  growing  into  old  age,  be- 
came lazy  and  neghgent  in  all  the  true  concerns  of  the  Church: 
They  left  preaching  and  writing  to  others,    while  they  gave 
themfelves  up  to  eafe  and  floth.     In  all  which  fad  reprefenta- 
tion  fbrae  few  exceptions  are  to  be  made^  but  fo  few,  that,  if 
a  new  fet  of  men  had  not  appeared  of  another  ftamp,  the  Church 
had  quite  loft  her  efteem  over  the  Nation. 
caiiedLati-      Thefe  wctc  generally  of  Cambridge^   formed  under  fome  di- 
tudinarians.  vines,  the  chief  of  whom  were  Drs.  Wh'tichcot,  Cudworth^  IVtl- 
kins^  More,  and  JVorthmgton.     Whitchcot  was  a  man  of  a  rare 
temper,  very  mild  and  obliging.   He  had  great  credit  with  fome 

that 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  il.  187 

that  had  been  eminent  in  the  late  times j  but  made  all  the  ufe  \66\. 
he  could  of  it  to  protect  good  men  of  all  perfuafions.  He  was 
much  for  liberty  of  confcience :  And  being  difgufted  with  the  dry 
fyftematical  way  of  thofe  times,  he  ftudied  to  raife  thofe  who 
converfed  with  him  to  a  nobler  fet  of  thoughts ,  and  to  confidcr 
religion  as  a  feed  of  a  deiform  nature,  (to  ufe  one  of  his  own 
phrafes.)  In  order  to  this,  he  fet  young  ftudents  much  on  reading 
the  ancient  Philofophers,  chiefly  Plato^  Tully^  and  Plotiriy  and 
on  confidering  theChriftian  religion  as  adot^rine  fcnt  from  God, 
both  to  elevate  and  {weeten  humane  nature,  in  which  he  was  a 
great  example,  as  well  as  a  wife  and  kind  inftruder.  Cudworth 
carried  this  on  with  a  great  ftrength  of  genius,  and  a  vaft  com- 
pafs  of  learning.  He  was  a  man  of  great  condud:  and  prudence: 
Upon  which  his  enemies  did  very  falfly  accufe  him  of  craft 
and  diffimulation.  Wtllitns  was  of  Oxford^  but  removed  to  Cam- 
bridge. His  firft  rife  was  in  the  Elector  Palatine's  family,  when 
h.Q  "WIS  m  England.  Afterwards  he  married  CVowze^f/Z's  fiftcr^  but 
made  no  other  u{e  of  that  alliance,  but  to  do  good  offices,  and 
to  cover  the  Univerfity  from  the  fburnefs  of  Owen  and  Goodwin. 
At  Cambridge  he  joined  with  thofe  who  ftudied  to  propagate  bet- 
ter thoughts,  to  take  men  off  from  being  in  parties,  or  from 
narrow  notions,  from  fupcrftitious  conceits,  and  a  fiercenefs  a- 
bout  opinions.  He  was  alfo  a  great  obferver  and  a  promoter 
of  experimental  philofophy,  which  was  then  a  new  thing,  and 
much  looked  after.  He  was  naturally  ambitious,  but  was  the 
wifeft  Clergy-man  I  ever  knew.  He  was  a  lover  of  mankind,  and 
had  a  delight  in  doing  good.  More  was  an  open  hearted,  and 
iincere  chriftian  philofopher,  who  ftudied  to  eftablifli  men  in 
the  great  principles  of  religion  againft  atheifm,  that  was  then 
beginning  to  gain  ground,  chiefly  by  reafon  of  the  hypocrify 
of  fome,  and  the  fantaftical  conceits  of  the  more  fincere  enthu- 
l^afts. 

Hobbsj  who  had  long  followed  the  Court,  and  pafTed  there  ^or  Hohhi'i  Le- 
a  mathematical  man,  tho'  he  really  knew  little  that  way,  being ''"'''"'"■ 
difgufted  by  the  Court,  came  into  England  in  Cromwell's  time, 
andpubliftied  a  very  wicked  book,  with  a  very  ftrange  title.  The 
Leviathan.  His  main  principles  were,  that  all  men  aded  under 
an  abfolute  neceffity,  in  which  he  feemed  proteded  by  the  then 
received  dodrine  of  abfolute  decrees.  He  feemed  to  think  that 
theuniverfewasGod,  and  that  fouls  were  material.  Thought  being 
only  fubtil  and  unperceptible  motion.  He  thought  intereft  and 
fear  were  the  chief  principles  of  fociety :  And  he  put  all  morality 
in  the  following  that  which  was  our  own  private  will  or  advan- 
tage.    He  thought  reHgion  had  no  other  foundation  than  the 

laws 


I  8  8        The  History  of  the  Reign 

\66i.  laws  of  the  land.  And  he  put  all  the  law  in  the  will  of  the  Prince, 
or  of  the  people:  For  he  writ  his  book  at  firft  in  favour  of  ab- 
folute  monarchy,  but  turned  it  afterwards  to  gratify  the  repub- 
lican party.  Thefe  were  his  true  principles,  tho'  he  had  dif- 
guifed  them,  for  deceiving  unwary  readers.  And  this  fet  of  no- 
tions came  to  fpread  much.  The  novelty  and  boldnefs  of  them 
fet  many  on  reading  them.  The  impiety  of  them  was  accepta- 
ble to  men  of  corrupt  minds,  which  were  but  too  much  prepared 
to  receive  them  by  the  extravagancies  of  the  late  times.  So  this 
fet  of  men  at  Cambridge  ftudied  to  alTert,  and  examine  the  prin- 
ciples of  religion  and  morality  on  clear  grounds,  and  in  a  phi- 
lofbphical  method.  In  this  More  led  the  way  to  many  that  came 
after  him.  Worth'mgton  was  a  man  of  eminent  piety  and  great 
humility,  and  pradtifed  a  moft  fublime  way  of  felf-denial  and  de- 
votion. All  thefe,  and  thofe  who  were  formed  under  them, 
ftudied  to  examine  farther  into  the  nature  of  things  than  had 
been  done  formerly.  They  declared  againft  fuperftition  on  the 
one  hand,  and  enthufiafm  on  the  other.  They  loved  the  con- 
ftitution  of  the  Church,  and  the  Liturgy,  and  could  well  live  under 
them:  But  they  did  not  think  it  unlawful  to  live  under  another 
form.  They  wifhed  that  things  might  have  been  carried  with 
more  moderation.  And  they  continued  to  keep  a  good  corre- 
ipondence  with  thofe  who  had  differed  from  them  in  opinion, 
and  allowed  a  great  freedom  both  in  philofophy  and  in  divinity: 
From  whence  they  were  called  men  of  Latitude.  And  upon  this 
men  of  narrower  thoughts  and  fiercer  tempers  faflened  upon 
them  the  name  of  Latitudinarians.  They  read Ep'tfcop'ms  much. 
And  the  making  out  the  reafbns  of  things  being  a  main  part  of 
their  ftudies,  their  enemies  called  them  Socinians.  They  were 
all  very  zealous  againft  popery.  And  fo,  they  becoming  foon  very 
confiderable,  the  Papifts  fet  themfelves  againft  them  to  decry 
them  as  Atheifts,  Deifts,  or  at  beft  Socinians.  And  now  that 
the  main  principle  of  religion  was  ftruck  at  by  Hobbs  and  his 
followers,  the  Papifts  aded  upon  this  a  very  ftrange  part.  They 
went  in  fo  far  even  into  the  argument  for  Atheifm,  as  to  publifh 
many  books,  in  which  they  affirmed,  that  there  was  no  certain 
proofs  of  the  Chriftian  religion,  unlefs  we  took  it  from  the  au- 
thority of  the  Church  as  infallible.  This  was  fuch  a  delivering 
up  of  the  caufe  to  them,  that  it  raifed  in  all  good  men  a  very 
high  indignation  at  Popery;  that  party  fhewing,  that  they  chofe 
to  make  men,  who  would  not  turn  Papifts,  become  Atheifts, 
rather  than  believe  Chriftianity  upon  any  other  ground  than  in- 
fallibility. 

The 


.  vmes. 


of  King  Charles  11.  189 

The  moft  eminent  of  thofe,  who  were  formed  under  thofe  1661. 
great  men  I  have  mention'd,  were  Tillotfony  Sttll'mgjleei^  and  Pa-  x^"^^"^ 
trkk.    The  firfl:  of  thefe  was  a  man  of  a  clear  head,  and  a  fweetof  fomedf' 
temper.     He  had  the  brighteft  thoughts,    and  the  moft  corrcd^" 
ftyle  of  all  our  divines,-  arid  was  efteemed  the  beft  preacher  of 
the  age.     He  was  a  very  prudent  man  5  and  had  fuch  a  manage- 
ment with  it,  that  I  never  knew  any  Clergy-man  fb  univerfally 
efteemed  and  beloved,    as  he  was  for  above  twenty  years.      He 
was  eminent  for  his  oppofition  to  Popery.    He  was  no  friend  to 
perfecution,  and  ftood  up  much  againft  Atheifm.     Nor  did  any 
man  contribute  more  to  bring  the  City  to  love  our  worftiip,  than 
he  did.    But  there  was  fo  little  fiiperfiition,  and  fo  much  reafon 
and  gentlenefs  in  his  way  of  explaining  things,  that  malice  was 
long  levelled  at  him,    and  in  conclufion  broke  out  fiercely  oti 
him.     Sull'mgfleet  was  a  man  of  much  more  learning,  but  of  a 
more  referved,  and  a  haughtier  temper.     He  in  his  youth  wrfc 
an  Iren'tcum  for  healing  our  divifions,  with  fo  much  learning  and 
moderation,   that  it  was  efteemed  a  mafter-piece.     His  notioil 
was,  that  the  Apoftles  had  fettled  the  Church  in  a  conftitution 
of  Bifliops,  Priefts,  and  Deacons,  but  had  made  no  perpetual  law 
about  it,  having  only  taken  it  in,  as  they  did  many  other  things, 
from  the  cuftoms  and  pra6tice  of  the  lynagogue,-  from  which 
he  inferred,  that  certainly  the  conftitution  was  lawful  fince  au- 
thorifed  by  them,    but  not  neceifary,    fince  they  had  made  no 
fettled  law  about  it.     This  took  with  manyj  but  was  cried  out 
upon  by  others  as  an  attempt  againft  the  Church.    Yet  the  ar- 
gument was  managed  with  fo  much  learning  and  flcill,  that  none 
of  either  fide  ever  undertook  to  anfwer  it.    After  that,  he  wrote 
againft  infideHty,  beyond  any  that  had  gone  before  him.     And 
then  he  engaged  to  write  againft  Popery,  which  he  did  with  fuch 
an  exadtnefs  and  livelinefs,  that  no  books  of  controverfy  were  (o 
much  read  and  valued,  as  his  were.    He  was  a  great  man  in  ma- 
ny re(ped:s.      He  knew  the  world  well,  and  was  efteemed  a  ve- 
ry wile  man.     The  writing  of  his  Iren'tcum  was  a  great  fnare  to 
him :    For,  to  avoid  the  imputations  which  that  brought  upon 
him,  he  not  only  retra6ted  the  book,  but  he  went  into  the  hu- 
mours of  that  high  fort  of  people  beyond  what  became  him, 
perhaps  beyond  his  own  lenle  of  things.     He  appHed  himfelf 
much  to  the  ftudy  of  the  law  and  records,  and  the  original  of 
our  conftitution,    and  was  a  very  extraordinary  man.     Patrick 
was  a  great  preacher.    He  wrote  much,  and  well,  and  chiefly  on 
the  Scriptures.    He  was  a  laborious  man  in  his  fundion,  of  great 
ftridnefs  of  life,  but  a  little  too  fevere  againft  thofe  who  differed 
from  him.    But  that  was,  when  he  thought  their  dodrines  ftruck 

C  c  c  at 


190         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1661.  at  the  fundamentals  of  religion.  He  became  afterwards  more 
moderate.  To  thefe  I  fliall  add  another  divine,  who,  tho'  of 
Oxford,  yet  as  he  was  formed  by  Bifhop  Wilk'ms^  fo  he  went  in- 
to moft  of  their  principles  ,•  but  went  far  beyond  them  in  learn- 
ing. Llo'yd  was  a  great  critick  in  the  Greek  and  Lat'm  authors, 
but  chiefly  in  the  Scriptures  j  of  the  words  and  phrafes  of  which  he 
carried  the  moft  perfed  concordance  in  his  memory,  and  had  it  the 
readieft  about  him,  of  all  men  that  ever  I  knew.  He  was  an  exad 
hiftorian,  and  the  moft  pundual  in  chronology  of  all  our  divines. 
He  had  read  the  moft  books,  and  with  the  beft  judgment,  and 
had  made  die  moft  copious  abftrads  out  of  them,  of  any  in  this 
age:  So  that  M-^'tlkms  ufcd  to  fay,  he  had  the  moft  learning  in 
ready  cafli  of  any  he  ever  knew.  He  was  fo  exad  in  every  thing 
he  fet  about,  that  he  never  gave  over  any  part  of  ftudy,  till  he 
had  quite  maftered  it.  But  when  that  was  done,  he  went  to  ano- 
ther Iubje(il:,  and  did  not  lay  out  his  learning  with  the  diligence 
with  which  he  laid  it  in.  He  had  many  volumes  of  materials 
upon  all  fubjeds  laid  together  in  fo  diltind  a  method,  that  he 
could  with  very  little  labour  write  on  any  of  them.  He  had 
more  life  in  his  imaginaru)ii,  and  a  truer  judgment,  than  may 
feem  confiftent  wjth  fuch  a  laborious  courle  of  ftudy.  Yet,  as 
much  as  he  was  fct  on  learning,  he  had  never  negledcd  his 
paftoral  care.  For  feveral  years  he  had  the  greateft  cure  in 
Enolandj  St.  Mart'ms,  which  he  took  care  of  with  an  applicati- 
on and  diligence  beyond  any  about  him;  to  whom  he  was  an 
example,  or  rather  a  reproach,  fo  few  following  his  example. 
He  was  a  holy,  humble,  and  patient  man,  ever  ready  to  do  good 
when  he  faw  a  proper  opportunity :  Even  his  love  of  ftudy  did 
not  divert  him  from  that.  He  did  upon  his  promotion  find  a 
very  worthy  fucceftbr  in  his  cure,  Ten'tfon,  who  carried  on  and 
advanced  all  thofe  good  methods  that  he  had  begun  in  the  ma- 
nagement of  that  great  cure.  He  endowed  fchools,  fet  up  a  pub- 
lick  library,  and  kept  many  Curates  to  affift  him  in  his  indefati- 
gable labours  among  them.  He  was  a  very  learned  man,  and 
took  much  pains  to  ftate  the  notions  and  pradices  of  heathenifti 
idolatry,  and  lb  to  faften  that  charge  on  the  Church  of  Rome. 
And,  Whitehall  lying  within  that  parifti,  he  ftood  as  in  the  front 
of  the  battel  all  King  James's  reign ;  and  maintained,  as  well 
as  managed,  that  dangerous  poft  with  great  courage  and  much 
judgment,  and  was  held  in  very  high  efteem  for  his  whole  de- 
portment, which  was  ever  grave  and  moderate.  Thefe  have 
been  the  greateft  divines  we  have  had  thefe  forty  years:  And 
may  we  ever  have  a  fucceflion  of  fuch  men  to  fill  the  room  of 
thofe  who  have  already  gone  off  the  ftage,  and  of  thofe  who, 

being 


of  King  Charles  II.  191 

being  now  very  old,  cannot  hold  their  pods  long.     Ofthefel   1661, 
have  writ  the  more  fully,  becaufe  I  knew  them  well ,  and  have  ^^'^"'^ 
lived  long  in  great  friendfliip  with  them;  but  mod  particularly 
with  Ttllotfon  ^iwALlo'yd.    And,  as  I  am  (enfible  I  owe  a  great  deal 
of  the  confideration  that  has  been  had  for  me  to  my  being  known 
to  be  their  friend,  fo  I  have  really  learned  the  beft  part  of  what 
I  know  from  them.    But  I  owed  them  much  more  on  the  account 
of  thofe  excellent  principles  and  notions,  of  which  they  were  in 
a  particular  manner  communicative  to  me.     This/et  of  men 
contributed  more  than  can  be  well  imagined  to  reform  the  way 
of  preaching;  which  among  the  divines  oi  England  before  them 
was  over-run  with  g^antry,  a  great  mixture  of  quotations  from 
fathers  and  ancient  writers,  a  long  opening  of  a  text  with  the  con- 
cordance of  every  word  in  it,  and  a  giving  all  the  different  expofi- 
tions  with   the  grounds  of  them ,    and  the  entring  into  Ibme  The  way  of 
parts  of  controverfy,  and  all  concluding  in  fbme,  but  very  fhort,  wMchilfen 
pradical  applications,  according  to  the  fubjedt  or  the  occafion.  P"*^''"^'^* 
This  was  both  long  and  heavy,   when  all  was  pye- balled,  fiill 
of  many  fayings  of  different  languages.     The  common  flyle  of 
fermons  was  either  very  flat  and  low,  or  fwelled  up  with  rheto- 
rick  to  a  falfe  pitch  of  a  wrong  fublime.     The  King  had  little 
or  no  literature,  but  true  and  good  lenfe,-  and  had  got  a  right 
notion  of  flyle ;  for  he  was  in  France  at  a  time  when  they  were 
much  fet  on  reforming  their  language.     It  foon  appear'd  that 
he  had  a  true  tafte.     So  this  help'd  to  raife  the  value  of  thefe 
men,  when  the  King  approved  of  the  ftyle  their  difcourfes  ge- 
nerally ran  in ;  which  was  clear,  plain,   and  fhort.     They  gave 
a  fhort  paraphrafe  of  their  text,   unlefs  where  great  difficulties 
required  a  more  copious  enlargement:    But  even  then  they  cut 
off  unneceffary  fhews  of  learning,  and  applied  themfelves  to  the 
matter,  in  which  they  opened  the  nature  and  reafbns  of  things 
fo  fully,    and  with  that  fimplicity,   that  their  hearers  felt  an  in- 
flrudion  of  another  fort  than  had  commonly  been  obferved  be- 
fore.   So  they  became  very  much  followed :  And  a  fet  of  thefe 
men  brought  off  the  City  in  a  great  meafure  from  the  prejudices 
they  had  formerly  to  the  Church. 

There  was  a  great  debate  in  Council,  a  little  before  St.  Bar-  i66i. 
tholomew's  day,  whether  the  Ad:  of  Uniformity  fhould  be  punc-TnlTAa^ 
tually  executed,  or  not.    Some  moved  to  have  the  execution  of  it  ^"^^^gj''' 
delayed  to  the  next  feffion  of  Parhament.    Others  were  for  ex-  with  rigor, 
ecuting  it  in  the  main,    but  to  connive  at  fome  eminent  men, 
and  to  put  Curates  into  their  Churches  to  read  and  officiate  accor- 
ding to  the  Common-prayer,  but  to  leave  them  to  preach  on, 

till 


192  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1661.    till  they  fKould  die  out.     The  Earl  of  Manchejler  laid  all  thefe 
'■^^'"'^''"^^  things  before  the  King  with  much  zeal,  but  with  no  great  force. 
Sheldon  on  the  other  hand  prefs'd  the  execution  of  the  law  :  En~ 
gland \^2i'&  accuftomed  to  obey  laws:  So  while  they  flood  on  that 
ground,  they  were  fafe,  and  needed  fear  none  of  the  dangers  that 
Teemed  to  be  threatened:    He  alfo  undertook  to  fill  all  the  va- 
cant pulpits,  that  (liould  be  forfaken  in  London^  better  and  more  to 
the  fatisfadion  of  the  people,  than  they  had  been  before:  And 
he  fcemcd  to  apprehend,    that  a  very  fmall  number  would  fall 
under  the  deprivation,    and  that  the  grofs  of  the  party  would 
conform.     On  the  other  hand,    thofe  who  led  the  party  took 
great  pains  to  have  them  all  ftick  together :  They  infufed  it  in- 
to them,  that  if  great  numbers  ftood  our,  that  would  fhew  their 
ftrength,  and  produce  new  laws  in  their  favour ;  whereas  they 
would  be  defpifed,  if,  after  fo  much  noife  made,  the  greater  part 
of  them  fhould  conform.     So  it  was  thought,  that  many  went 
out  in  the  croud  to  keep  their  friends  company.    Many  of  thefe 
were  diftinguiihed  by  their  abilities  and  zeal.     They  caft  them- 
jfelves  upon  the  providence  of  God,    and  the  charity  of  their 
friends,  which  had  a  fair  appearance,  as  of  men  that  were  rea- 
dy to  fuffer  perfecution  for  their  confciences.   This  begot  efteem, 
and  raifed  compaffion :    Whereas  the  old  Clergy,  now  much  en- 
riched, were  as  much  defpifed.    But  the  young  Clergy  that  came 
from  the  Univerfities  did  good  fervice.     Learning  was  then  high 
at  Oxford^  chiefly  the  ftudy  of  the  oriental  tongues,  which  was 
much  raifed  by  the  Polyglot  Bible,  then  lately  fet  forth.     They 
read  the  fathers  much  there,    mathematicks  and  the  new  philo- 
fophy  were  in  great  efleem.     And  the  meetings  that  IVilk'ms  had 
begun  at  Oxford  were  now  held  in  London  too,    in  fb  publick 
manner,    that  the  King  himfelf  encouraged  them  much,   and 
had  many  experiments  made  before  him. 
The  Royal       The  men  that  formed  the  Royal  Society  in  London  were  Sir 
fociety.       Hobert  Murray^  the  Lord  Brormkery  a  profound  mathematician, 
and  Dodor  IVard^  foon  after  promoted  to  Exeter,  and  afterwards 
removed  to  Salhhury.     Ward  was  a  man  of  great  reach,  went 
deep  in  mathematical  ftudies,  and  was  a  very  dextrous  man,    if 
not  too  dextrous  J  for  his  fincerity  was  much  cjueftioned.    He  had 
complied  during  the  late  times,  and  held  in  by  taking  the  Co- 
venant: So  he  was  hated  by  the  high  men  as  a  time-ferver.    But 
the  Lord  Clarendon  faw,  that  moft  of  the  Bifhops  were  men  of 
merit  by  their  fufferings,  but  of  no  great  capacity  for  bufmefs. 
He  brought  Ward  in,  as  a  man  fit  to  govern  the  Church:  For 
Ward,  to  get  his  former  errors  to  be  forgot,  went  into  the  high 
notions  of  a  fevere  conformity,  and  became  the  mod  confidera- 

ble 

s 


of  King  Charles  II.  193 

ble  man  on  the  Bifliops  bench.  He  was  a  profound  States  man,  \66i, 
but  a  very  indifferent  Clergy-man.  Many  Phyficians,  and  other -^'^v'"^ 
ingenious  men  went  into  the  Society  for  natural  Philofbphy.  But 
he  who  laboured  moft,  at  the  greateft  charge,  and  with  the 
moft  fuccels  at  experiments,  was  Robert  Boyle^  the  Earl  of  Cork's 
youngeft  fon.  He  was  looked  on  by  all  who  knew  him,  as  a  ve- 
ry perfect  pattern.  He  was  a  very  devout  Chriftian,  humble  and 
modeft,  almoft  to  a  fault,  of  a  moft  fpotlefs  and  exemplary  life  in 
all  refpeds.  He  was  highly  charitable  j  and  was  a  mortified  and 
felf-denied  man,  that  delighted  in  nothing  fo  much  as  in  the  do- 
ing ^bod.  He  negleded  his  perfon,  defpifed  the  world,  and 
lived  abftraded  from  all  pleafiircs,  defigns,  and  interefts.  I  preach- 
ed his  funeral  fermon,  in  which  I  gave  his  charader  fo  truly, 
that  I  do  not  think  it  necelTary  now  to  enlarge  more  upon  it. 
The  Society  for  Philofophy  grew  fo  confiderable,  that  they 
thought  fit  to  take  out  a  patent,  which  conftituted  them  a  body, 
by  the  name  of  the  Royal  Society  j  of  which  Sir  Robert  Murray 
was  the  firft  Prefident,  Biftiop  Ward  the  fecond,  and  the  Lord 
Brotmker  the  third.  Their  hiftory  is  writ  fo  well  by  Dodtor  Sprat, 
that  I  will  infift  no  more  on  them,  but  go  on  to  other  matters. 

After  St.  Bartholomew's  day,  the  Diffenters,  feeing  both  Court Conruitatf- 
and  Parliament  was  fo  much  fet  againft  them,  had  much  con- ['h"^  p^X^. 
fiiltation  together  what  to  do.     Many  were  for  going  over  to 
Holland,  and  fettling  there  with  their  Minifters.    Others  propos- 
ed New-England^  and  the  other  Plantations.    Upon  this  the  Earl 
of  Briflol  drew  to  his  houfe  a  meeting  of  the  chief  Papifts  in 
Town :   And  after  an  oath  of  fecrecy  he  told  them,  now  was  the 
proper  time  for  them  to  make  fome  fteps  towards  the  bringing 
in  of  their  religion :  In  order  to  that  it  feemed  advifable  for  thcni 
to  take  pains  to  procure  favour  to  the  Nonconformiftsj   (for  that 
became  the  common  name  to  them  all,  as  Puritan  had  been  be- 
fore the  war:)  They  were  the  rather  to  beftir  themfclves  to  pro- 
cure a  toleration  for  them  in  general  terms,  that  they  them- 
felves  might  be  comprehended  within  it.     The  Lord  Aubigny 
feconded  the  motion.     He  faid,    it  was  fo  vifibly  the  intereft  of 
England  to  make  a  great  body  of  the  trading  men  ftay  within  the 
Kingdom,  and  be  made  eafy  in  it,  that  it  would  have  a  good 
grace  in  them  to  feem  zealous  for  it:  And,  to  draw  in  fo  great 
a  number  of  thofe,  whohad  been  hitherto  the  hotteft  againft  them, 
to  feel  their  care,  and  to  fee  their  zeal  to  ferve  them,  he  recom- 
mended to  them  to  make  this  the  fubjed:  of  all  their  difcourfes, 
and  to  engage  all  their  friends  in  the  dcfign.     Bennet  did  not 
meet  with  them,  but  was  known  to  be  of  the  fecret  j  as  the  Lord 
Stafford  told  me  in  the  Tower  a  little  before  his  death.    But  that 

D  d  d  Lord 


194^         The  History  of  the  Reign 

i66i.    Lord  foon  withdrew  from  thofe  meetings:  For  he  apprehend- 
'^^""V'"^^  ed  the  Earl  of  Briftoh  heat,  and  that  he  might  raife  a  ftorm 

againft  them  by  his  indifcrcet  meddHng. 
ADeciarait-  The  King  was  (6  far  prevailed  on  by  them,  that  in  Decern- 
r«io°nV°''  ^r  i6(5i  he  fet  out  a  Declaration,  that  was  generally  thought 
to  be  procured  by  the  Lord  Br'tjiol:  But  it  had  a  deeper  root, 
and  was  defigned  by  the  King  himfelf.  In  it  the  King  ex- 
prelTed  his  averfion  to  all  feverities  on  the  account  of  religion, 
but  more  particularly  to  all  fanguinary  laws,-  and  gave  hopes  both 
to  Papifts  and  Nonconformifts,  that  he  would  find  out  fuch 
ways  for  tempering  the  feverities  of  the  laws,  that  all  his  fub- 
je6ts  fhould  be  eafy  under  them.  The  wifer  of  the  Noncon- 
formifts faw  at  what  all  this  was  aimed,  and  (b  received  it  cold- 
ly. But  the  Papifts  went  on  more  warmly,  and  were  preparing 
a  fcheme  for  a  toleration  for  them.  And  one  part  of  it  raifed 
great  difputes  among  themfelves.  Some  were  for  their  taking  the 
oath  of  allegiance,  which  renounced  the  Popes  depofing  power. 
But  all  thofe  that  were  under  a  management  from  Rome  refufed 
this.  And  the  Internuntio  at  Brujfelh  proceeded  to  cenfure  thofe 
that  were  for  it,  as  enemies  to  the  Papal  authority.  A  propo- 
iition  was  al(b  made  for  having  none  but  fecular  Priefts  tolera- 
ted in  Engliznd,  who  fhould  be  under  a  Bifhop,  and  under  an 
eftablifhed  government.  But  that  all  the  regulars,  in  particular 
all  Jefuits,  fhould  be  under  the  ftriiSteft  penalties  forbid  the 
Kingdom. 
Defigned  for  The  Earl  oi  Clarendon  fet  this  on;  for  he  knew  well  it  would 
api  s.  ^— jg  ^jjg  Papifts  among  themfelves.  But,  tho'  a  few  honeft 
Priefts,  fuch  as  BlackloWy  Serjeant,  Caron,  and  Waljh  were  for 
it,  yet  they  could  not  make  a  party  among  the  leading  men  of 
their  own  fide.  It  was  pretended,  that  this  was  fet  on  foot  with 
a  defign  to  divide  them,  and  fo  to  break  their  ftrength.  The 
Earl  oi Clarendon  knew,  that  Cardinal  de  Retz,  for  whom  he  faw 
the  King  had  a  particular  efteem,  had  come  over  incognito,  and 
tiad  been  with  the  King  in  private.  So,  to  let  the  King  fee  how 
odious  a  thing  his  being  fufpeded  of  Popery  would  be,  and  what 
a  load  it  would  lay  on  his  government  if  it  came  to  be  believed, 
he  got  fbme  of  his  party,  as  Sir  Allam  Brodrick  told  me,  to 
move  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons  for  an  A6t:  rendring  it  capital  to 
/ay  the  King  was  a  Papift.  And,  whereas  the  King  was  made  to 
i)elieve  that  the  old  Cavaliers  were  become  milder  with  relation 
to  Popery,  the  Lord  Clarendon  upon  this  new  Adt  inferred,  that 
it  flill  appeared  that  the  opinion  of  his  being  a  Papift  would  fb 
certainly  make  him  odious,  that  for  that  reafon  the  Parliament 
had  made  the  fpreading  thofe  reports  fo  penal.     But  this  was 

taken 


of  Kmg  Charles  II.  195 

taken  by  another  handle,  while  fome  faid,  that  this  Ad  was  1662. 
made  on  purpoie,  that,  the'  the  defign  of  bringing  in  Popery  ^^"\^n. 
fhould  become  ever  fo  vifible,  none  fliould  dare  to  fpeak  of  it. 
The  Earl  of  Clarendon  had  a  quite  contrary  defign  in  it,  to  let 
the  King  fee  how  fatal  the  effed:s  of  any  fuch  fufpicions  were 
like  to  be.  When  the  Earl  of  Bnjlolh  declaration  was  proposed 
in  Council,  Lord  Clarendon  and  the  Biftiops  oppofed  it.  But 
there  was  nothing  in  it  diredtly  againft  law,  hopes  being  only 
given  of  endeavours  to  make  all  men  eafy  under  the  King's 
government :  So  it  pals'd.  The  Earl  of  Br'tfioll  carried  it  as  a 
great  vidory.  And  he,  with  the  Duke  of  Buckingham^  and  all 
Lord  Clarendon's  enemies,  declared  openly  againft  him.  But  the 
poor  Priefts,  who  had  made  thofe  honeft  motions,  were  very  ill 
looked  on  by  all  their  own  party,  as  men  gained  on  defign  to 
betray  them.  I  knew  all  this  from  Peter  Waljh  himlelf,  who 
was  the  honefteft  and  learnedeft  man  I  ever  knew  among  them. 
He  was  of  Ir'tjh  extradion,  and  of  the  Francifcan  order :  And 
was  indeed  in  all  points  of  controverfy  almoft  wholly  Proteftant: 
But  he  had  fenfes  of  his  own ,  by  which  he  excufed  his  adhe- 
ring to  the  Church  of  Rome:  And  he  maintained,  that  with 
thefe  he  could  continue  in  the  communion  of  that  Church  with- 
out fin :  And  he  faid,  that  he  was  fiire  he  did  fome  good  ftay- 
ing  ftill  on  that  fide,  but  that  he  could  do  none  at  all  if  he 
ihould  come  over  :  He  thought,  no  man  ought  to  forfake  that 
religion  in  which  he  was  born  and  bred,  unlefs  he  was  clearly  con- 
vinced, that  he  muft  certainly  be  damned  if  he  continued  in 
It.  He  was  an  honeft  and  able  man,  much  pradifed  in  intrigues, 
and  knew  well  the  methods  of  the  Jefiiits,  and  other  Mifliona- 
ries.  He  told  me  often,  there  was  nothing  which  the  whole 
Popifli  party  feared  more  than  an  union  of  thofe  of  the  Church 
of  England  with  the  Prefbyterians :  They  knew,  we  grew  the 
weaker,  the  more  our  breaches  were  widened;  and  that,  the  more 
we  were  fet  againft  one  another,  we  would  mind  them  the  lefs. 
The  Papifts  had  two  maxims,  from  which  they  never  departed : 
The  one  was  to  divide  us :  And  the  other  was  to  keep  them- 
folves  united,  and  either  to  fet  on  an  indifcriminated  toleration, 
or  a  general  profecution ;  for  fo  we  loved  to  foften  the  harfh 
word  of  perfecution.  And  he  obferved,  not  without  great  in- 
dignation at  us  for  our  folly,  that  we,  inftead  of  uniting  among 
our  felves,  and  dividing  them,  according  to  their  maxims,  did 
all  we  could  to  keep  them  united,  and  to  disjoint  our  own  body : 
For  he  was  perluadcd,  if  the  government  had  held  an  heavy 
hand  on  the  Regulars  and  the  Jefuits,  and  had  been  gentle  to 
the  Seculars,  and  had  fet  up  a  diftin^ui(hing  teft,  renouncing  all 

fort 


1^6  The  History  of  the  Reign 

i66i.  fort  of  power  in  the  Pope  over  the  temporal  rights  of  Princes, 
~  to  which  the  Regulars  and  the  Jefuits  could  never  fubmit,  that 
this  would  have  engaged  them  into  fuch  violent  quarrels  amono- 
themfelves,  that  cenfiires  would  have  been  thundred  at  Rome 
againft  all  that  fliould  take  any  fuch  tcft,-  which  woulcfhave  procur- 
ed much  dilputing,  and  might  have  probably  ended  in  the  revolt 
of  the  fbberer  part  of  that  Church.  But  he  found,  that,  tho'  the 
Earl  of  Clarendon  and  the  Duke  of  Ormond  liked  the  projedb, 
little  regard  was  had  to  it  by  the  governing  party  in  the  Court. 

The  Church  party  was  allarmed  at  all  this.  And  tho'  they 
^B^ifl^f^  were  unwilling  to  fufpedt  the  King  or  the  Duke,  yet  the  ma- 
%Ds-  naigement  for  Popery  was  fb  visible,  that  in  the  next  feffion  of 
Parliament  the  King's  declaration  was  feverely  arraigned,  and 
the  authors  of  it  were  plainly  enough  pointed  at.  This  was 
done  chiefly  by  the  Lord  Clarendon's  Friends.  And  at  this  the 
Earl  of  Brijiol  was  highly  difplcafed,  and  refolved  to  take  all 
poflible  methods  to  ruine  the  Earl  of  Clarendon.  He  had  a  great 
fkill  in  aftrology,  and  had  pofTelled  the  King  with  an  high  opi- 
nion of  it:  And  told  the  Duke  o^Btick'wghamy  as  he  faid  to  the 
Earl  oi  Rochefler,  JVtlmot,  from  whom  I  had  it,  that  he  was 
confident  that  he  would  lay  that  before  the  King,  which  would 
totally  alienate  him  both  from  his  brother  and  from  the  Lord 
Clarendon:  For  he  could  demonftrate  by  the  principles  of  that 
art,  that  he  was  to  fall  by  his  brother's  means,  if  not  by  his 
hand:  And  he  was  fure  this  would  work  on  the  King.  It  would 
{o,  faid  the  Duke  of  Buckingham ,  but  in  another  way  than 
he  expeded:  For  it  would  make  the  King  be  fo  afraid  of  of- 
fending him,  that  he  would  do  any  thing  rather  than  provoke 
him.  Yet  the  Lord  Br'tjiol  would  lay  this  before  the  King. 
And  the  Duke  of  Buckmgham  believed,  that  it  had  the  effett 
ever  after,  that  he  had  apprehended:  For  tho'  the  King  never 
loved  nor  efteemed  the  Duke,  yet  he  feemed  to  ftand  in  fome 
fort  of  awe  of  him. 
Heaccufed  But  this  was  not  all:  The  Lord  Br'tjiol  refolved  to  offer  ar- 
theHoufeol  tides  of  impeachment  againft  the  Earl  o^  Clarendon  to  the  Houfe 
Lords.  of  Lords,  tho'  it  was  plainly  provided  againft  by  the  ftatute 
againft  appeals  in  the  reign  of  Henry  the  fourth.  Yet  both  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham  J  and  the  Lord  Brijlolj  the  fathers  of  thefe 
two  Lords,  had  broken  thro'  that  in  the  former  reign.  So  the 
Lord  Brtfiol  drew  his  impeachment,  and  carried  it  to  the  King, 
who  took  much  pains  on  him  in  a  foft  and  gentle  manner  to 
dilTuade  him  from  it.  But  he  would  not  be  wrought  on.  And  he 
told  the  King  plainly,  that,  if  he  forfook  him,  he  would  raife  fuch 

3  diforders 


.^ 


of  Kmg  Charles  IL  197 

cliforders  that  all  En^and  fliould  feel  them,  and  the  King  him-  \66x. 
felf  fhoiild  not  be  without  a  large  fliare  in  them.  The  King, 
as  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  told  me,  who  faid  he  had  it  from 
himfelf,  faid,  he  was  fo  provoked  at  this,  that  he  durft  not  truft 
himfelf  in  anfwering  it,  but  went  out  of  the  room,  and  fent  the 
Lord  Aubigny  to  foften  him :  But  all  was  in  vain.  It  is  very  pro- 
bable, that  the  Lord  Brijiol  knew  the  fecret  of  the  King's  reli- 
gion, which  both  made  him  fo  bold,  and  the  King  fo  fearful. 
The  next  day  he  carried  the  charge  to  the  Houfc  of  Lords.  It 
was  of  a  very  mixed  nature:  In  one  part  he  charged  the  Lord 
Clarendon  with  raifing  jealoufies,  and  Ipreading  reports  of  the 
King's  being  a  Papift :  And  yet  in  the  other  articles  he  charged 
him  with  correfpondence  with  the  Court  of  Rome^  in  order  to 
the  making  the  Lord  Aub'igny  a  Cardinal,  and  feveral  other 
things  of  a  very  ftrange  nature.  As  foon  as  he  put  it  in,  he, 
it  feems,  either  repented  of  it,  or  at  leaft  was  prevailed  with  to 
abfcond.  He  was  ever  after  that  looked  on,  as  a  man  capable 
of  the  higheft  extravagances  poffible.  He  made  the  matter 
worfe  by  a  letter  that  he  wrote  to  the  Lords,  in  which  he  ex- 
prefTed  his  fear  of  the  danger  the  King  was  in  by  the  Duke's 
having  of  guards.  Proclamations  went  out  for  difcovering  him. 
But  he  kept  out  of  the  way  till  the  ftorm  was  over.  The  Parlia- 
ment expreffed  a  firm  refolution  to  maintain  the  A6t  of  Uniformity. 
And  the  King  being  run  much  in  debt,  they  gave  him  four  (ub- 
fidies,  being  willing  to  return  to  the  ancient  way  of  taxes  by  fub- 
fidies.  But  thefe  were  (o  evaded,  and  brought  in  lb  little  money, 
that  the  Court  refolved  never  to  have  recourfe  to  that  method  of 
raifing  money  any  more,  but  to  betake  themfelves  for  the  fiiture  to 
the  affeffment  begun  in  the  war.  The  Convocation  gave  at  the 
fame  time  four  fubfidies,  which  proved  as  heavy  on  them,  as  they 
were  light  on  the  temporalty.  This  was  the  laft  aid  that  the  fpiri- 
tualty  gave :  For  the  whole  proving  fo  inconfiderable,  and  yet  fb 
unequally  heavy  on  the  Clergy,  it  was  refolved  on  hereafter  to 
tax  Church  benefices  as  temporal  eftates  were  taxed  5  which 
proved  indeed  a  lighter  burden,  but  was  not  fb  honorable  as 
when  it  was  given  by  themfelves.  Yet  intereft  prevailing  above 
the  point  of  honour,  they  acquiefced  in  it.  So  the  Convocati-  , 
ons  being  no  more  neceifary  to  the  Crown,  this  made  that  there 
was  lefs  regard  had  to  them  afterwards.  They  were  often  dif^ 
continued,  and  prorogued :  And  when  they  met,  it  was  only  for 
form.  The  Parliament  did  pafs  another  A<5t,  that  was  very  ac- 
ceptable to  the  Court,  and  that  fliewed  a  confidence  in  the  King, 
repealing  the  A6t  of  triennial  Parliaments,  which  had  been  ob- 
tained with  fo  much  difficulty,   and  was  clogged  with  fo  many 

E  e  e  claufes 


198  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1661.  claufes,  which  feemed  to  transfer  the  power  from  the  Crown 
<-^'^Y^^  to  the  people,  that,  when  it  was  carried,  it  was  thought  the 
greateft  fccurity  that  the  people  had  for  all  their  other  liberties. 
But  it  was  now  given  up  without  a  ftruggle,  or  any  claufes  for 
a  certainty  of  Parliaments,  befides  a  general  one,  that  there 
fhould  be  a  Parliament  called  within  three  years  after  the  difTo- 
lution  of  the  prefect  Parliament,  and  fo  ever  afterwards  ^  but 
without  any  fevere  claufes,  in  cafe  the  A6t  was  not  obfcrved. 

As  for  our  foreign  negotiations  I  know  nothing  in  particular 
concerning  them.  Secretary  ^d-^w^  had  them  all  in  his  hands: 
And  I  had  no  confidence  with  any  about  him.  Our  concerns 
with  Portugal  were  publick :  And  I  knew  no  fecrets  about  thefe. 
A  Plot  dif-  By  a  melancholy  inftance  to  our  private  family  it  appeared, 
that  France  was  taking  all  poffible  methods  to  do  every  thing 
that  the  King  defired.  The  Common-wealths-men  were  now 
thinking,  that  they  faw  the  ftream  of  the  Nation  beginning  to 
turn  againft  the  Court:  And  upon  that  they  were  meeting,  and 
laying  plots  to  retrieve  their  loft  game.  One  of  thefe  being 
taken,  and  apprehending  he  was  in  danger,  begg'd  his  life 
of  the  King,  and  faid,  if  he  might  be  alTured  of  his  pardon,  he 
would  tell  where  my  uncle  Wariflon  was,  who  was  then  in  Rou- 
en: For  the  air  oi  Hamborough  agreed  fo  ill  with  him,  that  he 
was  advifed  to  go  to  France  j  and  this  man  was  on  the  fecret. 
The  King  fent  one  to  the  Court  of  France^  defiring  he  might 
be  put  in  his  hands :  And  this  was  immediately  done ;  And  no 
notice  was  fent  to  my  uncle  to  go  out  of  the  way,  as  is  ufual  in 
fuch  cafes,  when  a  perfon  is  not  charged  with  aiTaflinations  or 
any  infamous  ad:ion,  but  only  with  crimes  of  State.  He  was 
fent  over,  and  kept  fome  months  in  the  Tower  oi London-,  and 
from  that  Was  fent  to  Scotland,  as  fliall  be  told  afterwards. 
The  defign  The  defign  of  a  war  with  Flolland  was  now  working.  I  have 
with  The  been  very  pofitively  aiTured  by  States-men  of  both  fides,  that  the 
States.  French  fet  it  on  in  a  very  artificial  manner:  For  while  they  en- 
couraged us  to  infift  on  fome  extravagant  demands,  they  at  the 
fame  time  preffed  the  Dutch  not  to  yield  to  them :  And  as  they 
put  them  in  hopes,  that,  if  a  rupture  fhould  follow,  they  would 
aflift  them  according  to  their  alliance,  fo  they  allured  us  that 
they  would  do  us  no  hurt.  Downing  was  then  employed  in 
Flolland,  a  crafty  fawning  man,  who  was  ready  to  turn  to  eve- 
ry fide  that  was  uppermoft,  and  to  betray  thofe  who  by  their 
former  friendfliip  and  fervices  thought  they  might  depend  on 
him ;  as  he  did  fome  of  the  Regicides,  whom  he  got  in  his  hands 
under  truft,  and  then  delivered  them  up.  He  had  been  Crom- 
welh  AmbafTadour  in  Holland^  where  he  had  offered  perfonal  af- 
fronts 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II  ^         199 

fronts  both  to  the  King  and  the  Duke :  Yet  he  had  by  foms  blfc  1663. 
pradices  got  himfelf  to  be  fo  effedually  recommcndeJ  by  the 
Duke  of  Albermarle,  that  all  his  former  offences  were  forgiven, 
and  he  was  fent  into  Holland  zs  the  Kincr's  AmbafTadour,  whofe 
behaviour  towards  the  King  himfelf  the  States  had  obfcrved.  So 
they  had  reafon  to  conclude  he  was  fent  over  with  no  gooci 
intent,  and  that  he  was  capable  of  managing  a  bad  dcfign,  and 
very  ready  to  undertake  it.  There  was  no  vifible  caufe  of  war. 
A  complaint  of  a  fliip  taken  was  ready  to  have  been  fatisfied. 
But  Dowmng  hindred  it.  So  it  was  plain,  the  King  hated  them; 
and  fancied  they  were  fo  feeble,  ana  i\\t  Engltfh  were  fb  much 
fuperiour  to  them,  that  a  war  would  humble  tliem  to  an  entire 
fubmiilion  and  dependence  on  him  in  all  things.  The  States 
had  treated,  and  prefented  the  King  with  great  magnificence, 
and  at  a  vaft  charge,  during  the  time  that  he  had  (laid  among 
them,  after  England  h.2ii\  declared  for  him.  And,  as  far  as  ap- 
pearances could  go,  the  King  feera'd  fenfible  of  it:  Infomych 
that  the  party  for  the  Prince  of  Orange  were  not  pleafed,  becaufe 
their  applications  to  him  could  not  prevail  to  make  him  inter- 
pofe,  either  in  the  behalf  of  himlelf,  or  of  his  friends,  to  get 
the  refblutions  taken  again  ft  him  to  be  repealed,  or  his  party 
again  put  in  places  of  truft  and  command.  The  King  put  that 
off  as  not  proper  to  be  prelTed  by  him  at  that  time.  But  neither 
then  nor  afterwards  did  he  beftir  himfelf  in  that  matter.  Tho',  if 
either  gratitude  or  intereft  had  been  of  force,  and  if  thefe  had 
not  been  overruled  by  fbme  more  prevalent  confiderations,  he 
muft  have  been  inclined  to  make  fome  returns  for  the  fervices 
the  late  Prince  did  him :  And  he  muft  have  feen,  what  a  figure 
he  muft  make  by  having  the  Prince  of  Orange  tied  to  him  in 
intereft,  as  much  as  he  was  by  blood.  France  and  Popery  were 
the  true  fprings  of  all  thefe  counfels.  It  was  the  intereft  of  the 
King  of  France y  that  the  Armies  of  the  States  might  fall  under 
fuch  a  feeblenefs,  that  they  fliould  be  in  no  condition  to  make 
a  vigorous  refiftance,  when  he  fliould  be  ready  either  to  invade 
them,  or  to  fall  into  Handeh;  which  he  was  refolved  to  do, 
whenlbever  the  King  of  Spam  fliould  die.  The  French  did 
thus  fet  on  the  war  between  the  Engltjh  and  the  Dutchy  hoping 
that  our  Fleets  fliould  mutually  weaken  one  another  fb  much,  that 
the  naval  force  oi  France y  which  v/as  increafing  very  confidera- 
bly,  fhould  be  near  an  equality  to  therii,  when  they  fhould  be 
fliattered  by  a  war.  The  States  were  likewife  the  greateft  ftrength 
of  the  Proteftant  intereft,  and  were  therefore  to  be  humbled.  S©, 
in  order  to  make  the  King  more  confiderable  both  at  home  and 
abioadj  the  Court  refolved  to  prepare  for  a  war,  and  to  feek  for 

fucS 


200  The  History  of  the  Reign 

fuch  colours  as  might  (erve  to  juftify  it.  The  Earl  oi Clarendon  was 
not  let  into  the  fecret  of  this  defign,  and  was  always  againft  it.  But 
hisintereft  was  now  (iink  low :  And  he  began  to  feel  the  power  of  an 
imperious  miftrifs  over  an  amorous  King, who  was  fo  difgufted  at  the 
Queen,  that  he  abandoned  himfelf  wholly  to  amour  and  luxury. 

This  was,  as  far  as  I  could  penetrate  into  it,  the  ftate  of  the 
Court  for  the  firfl:  four  years  after  the  Reftoration.  I  was  in  the 
Court  a  great  part  of  the  years  16^2,  166 1,  and  166^;  and  was 
as  inquifitive  as  I  could  poflibly  be,  and  had  more  than  ordina- 
ry occafions  to  hear  and  fee  a  great  deal. 
The  affairs  But  now  I  rctum  to  the  affairs  of  Scotland:  The  Earl  of  M/d- 
CO  an  .  jg^^^^  ^^j.^j,  ^  jjeijjy  of  fome  months  came  up  to  London^  and  was 

very  coldly  received  by  the  King.     The   Earl   of  Lauderdale 
moved  that  a  Scotti/Jj  Council  mioht  be  called.    The  Lord  Cla- 
Midietoun    rendon  got  this  to  be  delayed  a  fortnight.     When  it  met,  the 
by  Lauder-  Lotd  Lauderdale  accufed  the  Earl  of  Midletoun  of  many  mal- 
^'''  verfations  in  the  great  truR*  he  had  been  in,    which  he  aggra- 

vated feverely.  The  Lord  Midletoun  defired  he  might  have  what 
was  objeded  to  him  in  writing.  And  when  he  had  it,  he  fent  it 
to  Scotland',  fo  that  it  was  fix  weeks  before  he  had  his  anfwer 
ready  j  all  on  defign  to  gain  time.  He  excufed  fome  errours  in 
point  of  form,  by  faying,  that,  having  ferved  in  a  military  way, 
he  underftood  not  fo  exaSly  what  belonged  to  law  and  form :  Buc 
infilled  on  this,  that  he  defigned  nothing,  but  that  the  King's 
fervice  might  go  on,  and  that  his  friends  might  be  taken  care  of, 
and  his  enemies  be  humbled,  and  that  fo  loyal  a  Parliament 
might  be  encouraged,  who  were  full  of  zeal  and  affedion  to  his 
fervice  J  that,  in  complying  with  them,  he  had  kept  every  thing 
fb  entirely  in  his  Majefty's  power,  that  the  King  was  under  no 
difficulties  by  any  thing  they  had  done.  In  the  mean  while  Shel- 
•  don  was  very  earneft  with  the  King  to  forgive  the  Lord  M'tdle- 
toun's  crime,  otherwife  he  concluded  the  change  (o  newly  made 
in  the  Church  would  be  fo  ill  fupported,  that  it  muft  fall  to  the 
ground.  The  Duke  oi  Alberrnakj  who  knew  Scotland,  and  had 
more  credit  on  that  head  than  on  any  other,  pretended  that 
the  Lord  Midletotm's  party  was  that  on  which  the  King  could 
only  rely:  He  magnified  both  their  power  and  their  zeal;  and 
reprefented  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale's  friends,  as  cold  and  hollow  in 
the  King's  fervice:  And,  to  fupport  all  this,  the  letters  that  came 
from  Scotland  "vere  full  of  the  infolencies  of  the  Prefby  terians,  and 
of  the  dejed:ion  the  Bifhops  and  their  friends  were  under.  Sharp 
was  prevailed  on  to  go  up.  He  promifed  to  all  the  Earl  of  Mfd- 
letoun's  friends,  that  he  would  ftick  firm  to  him  •  and  that  he 
would  lay  before  the  King,  that  his  ftanding  or  falling  muft  be 

the 


of  Kmg  Charles  II.  201 

the  (landing  or  falling  of  the  Church.  Of  this  the  Earj  oF  i66^i 
Lauderdale  had  advice  fent  him.  Yet  wheti  he  came  to  London^ 
and  faw  that  the  King  was  alienated  from  the  Lord  Midletotin^ 
he  refolved  to  make  great  fubmiflions  to  the  Lord  Lauderdale. 
When  he  reproached  him  for  his  engagements  with  the  Earl  of 
Midletoun^  he  denied  all  j  and  faid,  he  had  never  gone  farther 
than  what  was  decent,  confidering  his  poft.  He  alfo  denied, 
he  had  writ  to  the  King  in  his  favour.  But  the  King  had  f^iv- 
en  the  original  letter  to  the  Lord  Lauderdale^  who  upon  that 
ihewcd  it  to  Sharp ;  with  which  he  was  fo  ftruck,  that  he  fell  a 
crying  in  a  moft  abject  manner.  He  begged  pardon  for  it,-  and 
faid,  what  could  a  company  of  poor  men  refufe  to  the  Earl  of 
Midktoun^  who  had  done  fo  much  for  them,  and  had  them  (b 
entirely  in  his  power.  The  Lord  Lauderdale  upon  this  com- 
forted him  •  and  faid,  he  would  forgive  them  all  that  was  paflr, 
and  would  ferve  them  and  the  Church  at  another  rate  than  Lord 
Mtdletoun  was  capable  of  doing.  So  Sharp  became  wholly  his. 
Of  all  this  Lord  Lauderdale  gave  me  a  full  relation  the  next  day  j 
and  fliewed  me  the  papers  that  pafs'd  between  Lord  Mtdletoun 
and  him.  Sharp  thought  he  had  efcaped  well.  The  Earl  of 
Mtdletoun  treated  the  Bifhops  too  much  as  his  creatures,  and  af- 
lumed  a  great  deal  to  himfelf,  and  exprefTcd  a  fort  of  authority 
over  them ;  which  Sharp  was  uneafy  under,  tho'  he  durft  not 
complain  of  it,  or  refill  it:  Whereas  he  reckoned,  that  Lord 
Lauderdale,  knowing  the  fufpicions  that  lay  on  him,  as  favour- 
ing the  Prefbyterians,  would  have  lefs  credit  and  courage  in  op- 
pofing  any  thing  that  fhould  be  necelTary  for  their  {iipport.  It 
proved  that  in  this  he  judged  right:  For  the  Lord  Lauderdale^ 
that  he  might  maintain  himfelf  at  Court,  and  with  the  Church 
oi  England,  was  really  more  compliant  and  eafy  to  every  pro- 
pofition  that  the  Bifhops  made,  than  he  would  otherwife  have 
been ,  if  he  had  been  always  of  the  Epifcopal  party.  But  all 
he  did  that  way  was  againft  his  heart,  except  when  his  paflions 
were  vehemently  flirred,  which  a  very  flight  occafion  would 
readily  do. 

When  the  Earls  of  Lauderdale  and  Mtdletoun  had  been  writing 
papers  and  anfwers  for  above  three  months,  an  accident  happened 
which  haftenedLord  yi//^/(?^<?««'s  difgrace.  The  Earl  oiLauderdale 
laid  before  the  King  the  unjuft  proceedings  in  the  laying  on  of 
the  fines.  And,  to  make  all  that  party  fure  to  himfelf,  he  pro- 
cured a  letter  from  the  King  to  the  Council  in  Scotland,  order- 
ing them  to  iiTue  out  a  proclamation,  for  fliperfeding  the  executi- 
on of  the  Ad  of  fining  till  farther  order.  The  Privy  Council 
being  then  for  the  greater  part  compofed  of  Lord  Midletotm's 

F  f  f  friends. 


202         The  History  of  the  Reign 

166 1     friends,  it  was  pretended  by  fome  of  them,  that,  as  long  as  he  was 
v.^-V^  the  King's  CommifTioner,  they  could  receive  and  execute  no  or- 
ders from  the  King,  but  thro'  his  hands.    So  they  writ  to  him, 
defiring  him  to  rcprefent  to  the  King,  that  this  would  be  an  af- 
front put  on  the  proceedings  of  ParHament,  and  would  raife  the 
fpirits  of  a  party  that  ought  to  be  kept  down.     Lord  M'tdletoun 
writ  back,   that  he  had  laid  the  matter  before  the  King  ,•  and 
that  he,  confidering  better  of  it,    ordered,   that  no  proceeding 
fhould  be  made  upon  his  former  letter.     This  occafioned  a  hot 
debate  in  Council.     It  was  faid,  a  letter  under  the  King's  hand 
could  not  be  countermanded,  out  from  the  fame  hand.    So  the 
Council  wrote  to  know  the  King's  mind  in  the  matter.  The  King 
protefted  he  knew  nothing  of  it,  and  that  Loid  Midkto/m  had  not 
Ipoke  one  word  on  the  fubjed  to  him.     He  upon  that  fent  for 
him,  and  chid  him  Co  feverely,  that  Lord  Mtdletoun  concluded 
from  it  that  he  was  ruined.    Yet  he  always  ftood  upon  it,  that 
he  had  the  King's  order  by  word  of  mouth  for  what  he  had  done, 
tho'  he  was  not  fo  cautious  as  to  procure  an  inftrudion  under  his 
hand  for  his  warrant.     It  is  very  probable,  that  he  fpoke  of  it 
to  the  King,  when  his  head  was  full  of  fomewhat  elfe,  fb  that 
he  did  not  mind  itj  and  that,  to  get  rid  of  the  Earl  of  Mtdle- 
toun, he  bid  him  do  whatfoever  he  propofed,  without  refleding 
much  on  it.     For  the  King  was  at  that  time  often  ^o  di{lra(5ted 
in  his  thoughts,  that  he  was  not  at  all  times  mafter  of  himfelf. 
The  Queen-mother  had  brought  over  from  Frame  one  Mrs.  Stew- 
ardy  reckoned  a  very  great  beauty,  who  was  afterwards  married  to 
the  Duke  of /^/r^;??(?«<5^.  The  King  was  beheved  to  be  deeply  in  love 
with  her.  Yet  his  former  Miftrifs  kept  her  ground  ft  ill.  And,  what 
with  her  humours  and  jealoufy,  and  what  with  this  new  amour,  the 
King  had  very  little  quiet,  between  both  their  paffions  and  his  own. 
Towards  the  end  of  May  the  King  called  many  of  the  En- 
glijh  Counfellours  together,   and  did  order  all  the  papers  that 
had  pafTed  between  the  Earls  of  Lauderdale  and  Midletoun  to 
be  read  to  them.     When  that  was  done,    many  of  them  who 
were  Midletoun^s  friends  faid  much  in  excufe  of  his  errors,  and 
of  the  neceflity  of  continuing  him  ftill  in  that  high  truft.     But 
the  King  faid,  his  errors  were  fo  great  and  fb  many,  that  the  cre- 
dit of  his  affairs  muft  fuffer,  if  he  continued  them  any  longer  in 
fiich  hands.  Yet  he  promifed  them,  he  would  be  ftill  kind  to  him ; 
And  turned  for  he  looked  on  him  as  a  very  honeft  man.    Few  days  after  that, 
out  of  all.    Secretary  A/omc(?  was  fent  to  him,  with  a  warrant  under  the  King's 
hand,  requiring  him  to  deliver  up  his  commifTion,  which  he  did. 
And  fo  his  Miniftry  came  to  an  end,  after  a  fort  of  a  reign  of  much 
violence  and  injuftice ;  For  he  was  become  very  imperious.     He 

an.d 


tx'^\%^f  King  C  H  A  tR  tit  s  ^ t  ^^        '205 

and  his  company  were  delivered  up  to  fo  much  cxcefs^.  and  to  fuch  1 66 i 
a  madnefs  of  frolick  and  intemperance,  that  as  Scotland  had  ne-  «^~v^ 
•verfeen  any  thing  like  it,  fo  upon  this  difgrace  there  was  a  ge- 
;neral  joy  over  the'Kingdom :  Tho'  chat  lafted  not  long.';  for  thofc 
.that  c^me  after  hinn  grew  worfe  than  ever  he  was  like  to  be. 
He  had  hved  in  great  magnificence,  which  made  him  acceptable 
to  many :  And  he  was  a  firm  friend,  tho'  a  violent  enemy.  The 
Earl  of  Rothes  was  declared  the  JCing's  Goriimiffioner.  But  the 
£.SLv\  o(  Lauderdale  would  not  truft  him.  So  he  went  down  witli 
^him,  dnd  kept  him,  too  vifibly  in  a  dependence  on  iiim,  for  all 
his  high  character.  r»  r"  1,; 

,  One  of  the  firft  things  that  was  done  in  this  (eflion  1  of 'Parli-zr^m^vs 
ament,  was  the  execution  of  my  unfortunate  uncle, '  ^<7rr//^<?«.  """"°"* 
He  was  fo  difbrdered  both  in  body  and  mind,  that  it  was  a  re- 
proach to  a  government  to  proceed  againft  him :  His  memory  was 
fo  gone,  that  he  did  not  know  his  own  children.  He  was  brought 
before  the  Parliament,  to  hear  what  he  had  to;  fay,  why  his  exfe- 
cution  fliould  not  be  awarded.  He  fpoke  Iting,  but  in  a  broken 
and  difbrdered  ftrain,  which  his  enemies  fancied  was.  put  on  to 
create  pity.  He  was  fentenced  to  die.  His  deportment  was 
unequal,  as  might  be  expected  from  a  man  in  his  condition. 
Yet  when  the  day  of  his  execution  came,  he  was  very  ferene. 
He  was  chearful,'  and  feemed  fully  fatisfied  with  his  death.  He 
read  a  fpeech  twice  over  on  the  fcaffold,  that  to  my  knowledge 
he  compofed  himfelf,  in  which  he  juftified  all  the  proceedings 
in  the  Covenant,  and  alTerted  his  own  fincerity  j  but  condemned 
his  joyning  with  Cromwell  and  the  Sedaries ,  tho'  even  in  that 
his  intentions  had  been  fincere,  for  the  good  of  his  Countryj 
and  the  fecurity  of  religion.  Lord  Lauderdale  had  lived  in  great 
friendfhip  with  him :  But  he  faw  the  King  was  fo  fet  againll  him, 
that  he,  who  at  all  times  took  more  care  of  himfelf  than  of  his 
friends,  would  not  in  fo  critical  a  time  feem  to  favour  a  man, 
whom  the  Prefbyterians  had  fet  up  as  a  fort  of  an  idol  among 
them,  and  on  whom  they  did  depend  more  than  on  any  other 
man  then  alive. 

The  bufinefs  of  the  Parliament  went  on  as  the  Lord  Lauder- 
dale directed.  The  whole  proceeding  in  the  matter  of  the  bal- 
loting was  laid  open.  It  appeared,  that  the  Parliament  had  not 
defired  it,  but  had  been  led  into  it  by  being  made  believe  that 
the  King  had  a  mind  to  it.  And  of  all  the  members  of  Parlia- 
ment not  above  twelve  could  be  prevailed  on  to  own,  that  they 
had  advifed  the  Earl  of  Mtdletoun  to  afk  leave  of  the  King  for 
it,  whofe  private  liiggcftions  he  had  reprefented  to  the  King  as 
the  defire  of  the  Parliament.     This  finiihed  his  difgrace,   as 

well 


2o4       The  History  of  the  Reign 

166 1,  well  as  it  occafioned  the  putting  all  his  party  out  of  employ- 
^-^"v*""^  ments. 

While  they  were  going  on  with  their  affairs,  they  underftood 
An  Aaa-^  j]^^^.  jj^  ^^  i^^f\  pafs'd  in  the  Parliament  of  En^and  againft  all 
vjnticies.  Conventicles,  impowering  Juftices  of  Peace  to  convid  offenders 
without  Juries  ,•  which  was  thought  a  great  breach  on  the  fecu- 
rity  of  the  Engl'tfh  conftitution,  and  a  raifing  the  power  of  Ju- 
ftices to  a  very  arbitrary  pitch.  Any  meeting  for  religious  wor- 
fhip,  at  which  five  were  prefent  more  than  the  family,  was  de- 
clared a  Conventicle.  And  every  perfbn  above  fixteen,  that  Was 
prefent  at  it,  was  to  lye  three  months  in  prifon,  or  to  pay  j  /. 
for  the  firft  offence  ,•  fix  months  for  the  fecond  offence,  or  to 
pay  10  /.  fine  ,•  and  for  the  third  offence,  being  convid  by  a 
Jury,  was  to  be  banifhed  to  any  plantation,  except  New  England 
or  V'trgtma^  or  to  pay  an  100  /.  All  people  were  amazed  at 
this  feverity.  But  the  Bifhops  in  Scotland  took  heart  upon  it, 
and  refolved  to  copy  from  it.  So  an  Ad:  pals'd  there,  almoft  in 
the  fame  terms.  And,  at  the  pafling  it,  \.ot6.  Lauder  dale  in  a  long 
fpeech  expreffed  great  zeal  for  the  Church.  There  was  fome 
little  oppofition  made  to  it  by  the  Earl  of  Kincardin,  who  was 
an  enemy  to  all  perfecution.  But,  tho'  fome  few  voted  againft  it, 
it  was  carried  by  a  great  majority. 
The  confli-  Anothcr  Ad  pafs'd,  declaring  the  conftitution  of  a  National 
Na'ronfi^  Synod.  It  was  to  be  compofed  of  the  Archbiftiops  and  Bifliops,  of 
Synod.  all  Deaus,  and  of  two  to  be  deputed  from  every  Prefbytery,-  of 
which  the  Moderator  of  the  Prefbytery  named  by  the  Bifhop 
was  to  be  one :  All  things  were  to  be  propofed  to  this  Court  by 
the  King  or  his  Commiflioncr.  And  whatfoever  ftiould  be  agreed  to 
by  the  majority  and  the  Prefident,  the  Archbiftiop  of  St.  /Andrews, 
was  to  have  the  force  of  an  Ecclefiaftical  law,  when  it  ftiould  be 
confirmed  by  the  King.  Great  exceptions  were  taken  to  this 
Ad.  The  Church  was  reftrained  from  meddUng  with  any  thing, 
but  as  it  ftiould  be  laid  before  them  by  the  Kingj  which  was 
thought  a  fevere  reftraint,  like  that  of  the  Proponem'tbus  Legath 
io  much  complained  of  at  Trent.  The  putting  the  negative,  not  in 
the  whole  bench  of  the  Biftiops,  but  fingly  in  the  Prefident,  was 
thought  very  irregular.  But  it  pafs'd  with  fo  little  obfervation, 
that  the  Lord  Lauderdale  could  fcarce  believe  it  was  penned  as 
he  found  it  to  be,  when  I  told  him  of  it.  Pr'imerofe  told  me. 
Sharp  put  that  claufe  in  with  his  own  hand.  The  inferiour 
Clergy  complained,  that  the  power  was  wholly  taken  from  them  ; 
fince  as  one  of  their  deputies  was  to  be  a  peribn  named  by  the 
Biftiops,  fb,  the  Moderators  claiming  a  negative  vote  in  their 
Prelbyteries  as  the  Biftiops  delegates,  the  other  half  were  only 

to 


'of  King  Charles  II.  205 

to  confift  of  Perfons  to  whom  they  confcntcd.     The  Ad  was   1667. 
indeed  (b  penned,  that  no  body  moved  for  a  National  Synod,  when  ^^'-v^*-' 
they  faw  how  it  was  to  be  conftituted. 

Two  other  Ac^s  pafs'd  in  favour  of  the  Crown.  The  Parlia- 
ment of  England  had  laid  great  impofitions  on  all  things  im- 
ported from  Scotland:  So  the  Parliament,  being  fpeedily  to  be 
diffolved,  and  not  having  time  to  regulate  fuch  impofitions  on 
Engltjh  goods,  as  might  force  the  Englifh  to  bring  that  matter 
to  a  juft  balance,  they  put  that  confidence  in  the  King,  that 
they  left  the  laying  of  impofitions  on  all  foreign  merchandize 
wholly  to  him.  ... 

Another  A6t  was  looked  on  as  a  pompous  complement :  And  fo  An  Aa 
it  pafs'd  without  obfervation,  or  any  oppofition.  In  it  they  made  an  £," foThe 
offer  to  the  King  of  an  Army  of  twenty  thoufand  foot  and  two  thou-  J^'"g- 
fand  horfe,  to  be  ready  up'on  fummons  to  march  with  forty  days 
provifion  into  any  part  of  his  Majefty's  dominions,    to  oppofe 
invafions,   to  fuppreis  infiirredions,    or  for  any  other  caufe  in 
which  his  authority,    power,  or  greatnefs  was  concerned.     No 
body  dreamt,  that  any  ufe  was  ever  to  be  made  of  this.   Yet  the 
Earl  of  Lauderdale  had  his  end  in  it,  to  let  the  King  fee  what 
ufe  he  might  make  of  Scotland,  if  he  (hould  intend  to  fet  up  ar- 
bitrary government  in  England.     He  told  the  King,  that  the 
Earl  of  Mtdletoun  and  his  party  ilnderftood  not,  what  was  the 
greateft  fervice  that  Scotland  could  do  him :  They  had  not  much 
treafure  to  offer  him :  The  only  thing  they  were  capable  of  do- 
ing was,  to  furnifh  him  with  a  good  Army,  when  his  affairs  in 
England  fhould  require  it.    And  of  this  he  made  great  ufe  after- 
wards to  advance  himfelf,  tho'  it  could  never  have  fignified  any 
thing  to  the  advancing  the  King's  ends.  Yet  ^o  eafy  was  it  to  di:aw 
the  Parliament  of  Scotland  to  pafs  Ads  of  the  greateft  confe- 
cjuenc€  in  a  hurry,   without  confidering  the  effeds  they  might 
have.    After  thefe  Ads  were  pafs'd,  the  Patliarticnt  was  diffolved  • 
which  gave  a  general  fatisfadion  to  the  countrey,  for  they  were 
a  furious  fet  of  people.    The  government  was  left  in  the  Earl  of 
Glenca'trn's  hands,  who  began,  now  that  he  had  little  favour  at 
Court,  to  fet  himfelf  on  all  occafions  to  oppofe  Sharp's  violent 
notions.     The  Earl  of  Rothes  fluck  firm  to  Sharp ,-  and  was  re- 
commended by  him  to  the  Bifliops  oi  England,  as  the  only  mart 
that  fupported  their  interefts.     The  King  at  this  time  reftored 
Lord  Lorn  to  his  Grand-father's  honour,  of  being  Earl  of  Argtle, 
pafling  over  his  Father ;  and  gave  him  a  gfeat  part  of  his  eftate, 
leaving  the  reft  to  be  fold  for  the  payment  of  debts,  which  did 
not  raife  in  value  above  a  third  part  of  them.     This  occafion-  - 
ed  a  great  outcry,  that  continued  long  to  purfue  him. 

Ggg  Sharp 


2o6         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1  66a.  Sharp  went  up  to  London  to  complain  of  the  Lord  Gkncairn, 
S-^^^^^and  of  the  Privy  Council,-  where,  he  faid,  there  was  fuch  a 
veyvioTem-remiiTnefs,  and  (o  much  popularity  appeared  on  all  occafions, 
^^"  that,  unlefs  fome  more  fpirit  were  put  in  the  adminiftration,  it 

would  be  impofTible  to  preferve  the  Church.  That  was  the  word 
always  ufed,  as  if  there  had  been  a  charm  in  it.  He  moved,  that 
a  letter  might  be  writ,  giving  him  the  precedence  of  the  Lord 
Chancellour.  This  was  thought  an  inexcufable  piece  of  vanity: 
For  in  Scotland,  when  there  was  no  CommilTioner,  all  matters 
pafs'd  thro'  the  Lord  Chancellour's  hands,  who  by  Ad  of  Par- 
liament was  to  prefide  in  all  Courts,  and  was  confidered  as  re- 
prefenting  the  King's  perfon.  He  alfo  moved,  that  the  King 
would  grant  a  fpccial  commiflion  to  fome  perfons  for  executing 
the  Laws  relating  to  the  Church.  All  the  Privy  Counfellours 
were  to  be  of  it.  But  to  thefe  he  defired  many  others  might  be 
added,  for  whom  he  undertook,  that  they  would  execute  them 
Lauderdale  with  zcal.  Lord  Laudevdak  faw  that  this  would  prove  a  High- 
?^''*' "^^ '° CommilTion  Court:  Yet  he  gave  way  to  it,  tho'  much  againft 
his  own  mind.  Upon  thefe  things  I  took  the  liberty,  tho'  then 
too  young  to  meddle  in  things  of  that  kind,  to  expoftulate  very 
freely  with  him.  I  thought  he  was  ading  the  Earl  of  Traquaif^ 
part,  giving  way  to  all  the  follies  of  the  Bifliops  on  defign  to 
ruine  them.  He  upon  that  ran  into  a  great  deal  of  freedom 
with  me:  He  told  me  many  palTages  of  Sharf^  paft  life:  He 
was  perfuaded  he  would  ruine  all :  But,  he  faid,  he  was  refolved 
to  give  him  Hne:  For  he  had  not  credit  enough  to  flop  him; 
nor  would  he  oppofe  any  thing  that  he  propofed,  unlefs  it  were 
very  extravagant :  He  faw  the  Earl  of  Gkncairn  and  he 
would  be  in  a  perpetual  war :  And  it  was  indifferent  to  him,  how 
matters  might  go  between  them :  Things  would  run  to  a  height: 
And  then  the  King  would  of  himfelf  put  a  flop  to  their  ca- 
rier:  For  the  King  faid  often,  he  was  not  Priefl- ridden :  He 
would  not  venture  a  war,  nor  travel  again  for  any  party.  This 
was  all  that  I  could  obtain  from  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale.  I 
prefTed  Sharp  himfelf  to  think  of  more  moderate  methods.  But 
he  defpifed  my  applications :  And  from  that  time  he  was  very  jea- 
lous of  me. 
nurnet  Fatrfoul,  Archbifhop  of  Glafcow,  died  this  year :  And  one  Bur- 

o/c/a/fw.  ^^i  fucceeded  him,  who  was  a  near  kinfman  of  the  Lord  Ruther^ 
fords-,  who,  from  being  Governour  oi  Dunkirk,  when  it  was  fold, 
was  fent  to  Tangier,  but  foon  after  in  an  unhappy  encounter, 
going  out  to  view  fome  grounds,  was  intercepted,  and  cut  to 
pieces  by  the  Moors.  Upon  Rutherford^  recommendation,  Bur- 
net 


•J? 


of  King  Charles  IL  207 

ftet,  who  had  lived  many  years  in  England,  and  knew  nothing  \664f. 
Kii  Scotland^    was  fent  thither,    firfl  to  be  Bilhop  oi  Aberdeen :'^~'^'^''^^ 
And  from  thence  he  was  raifed  to  Glafcow.     He  was  of  himfelf 
afoft  and  good  natured  man,  tolerably  learned,  and  of  a  blamc- 
lefs  life:  But  was  a  man  of  no  genius:   And  tho'  he  was  inclined 
to  peaceable  and  moderate  counfels,    yet  he  was  much  in  the 
power  of  others,  and  took  any  imprcflion  that  was  given  him  ve- 
ry eafiiy.      I  was  much  in  his  favour  at  firft,   but  could  not  hold 
it  long:  For  as  I  had  been  bred  up  by  my  father  to  love  liberty 
and  moderation,    fo  I  fpent  the  greateft  part  of  the  year  1 66^ 
in  Holland  and  France^   which  contributed  not  a  little  to  root 
and  fix  me  in  thofe  principles. 

I  faw  much  peace  and  quiet  in  Holland^  notwithflanding  the  ^  view  of 
diverfity  of  opinions  among  them  -,  which  was  occafioncd  by  the  affairs  in 
gentlenefs  of  the  government,  and  the  toleration  that  made  all  ^^'j^"^^'^'"'* 
people  eafy  and  happy.  An  univerfal  indufl:ry  was  Ipread  thro' 
the  whole  countrey.  There  was  little  alpiring  to  preferment  in 
the  State,  becaufe  little  was  to  be  got  that  way.  They  were 
then  apprehending  a  war  with  England,  and  were  preparing  for 
it.  From  thence,  where  every  thing  was  free,  I  went  to  France, 
where  nothing  was  free.  The  King  was  beginning  to  put  thinors 
in  great  method,  in  his  revenue,  in  his  troops,  in  his  govern- 
ment at  home,  but  above  all  in  the  increafing  of  trade,  and 
the  building  of  a  great  fleet.  His  own  deportment  was  folemn 
and  grave,  fave  only  that  he  kept  his  MiftriiTcs  very  avowedly. 
He  was  diligent  in  his  own  counfels,  and  regular  in  the  difpatch 
of  his  affairs :  So  that  all  things  about  him  looked  like  the  prepar- 
ing of  matters  for  all  that  we  have  feen  ad:ed  fince.  The  King 
of  Spam  was  confidered  as  dying :  And  the  infant  his  fon  was 
like  to  die  as  foon  as  he:  So  that  it  was  generally  believed,  the 
French  King  was  defigning  to  fet  up  a  new  Empire  in  the 
IVefi.  He  had  carried  the  quarrel  at  Rome  about  the  Corfei 
fo  high  with  the  Houfe  of  Ghtgt^  that  the  Proteftants  were  be- 
ginning to  flatter  themfelves  with  great  hopes.  When  I  was  in 
France,  Cardinal  G/'/gi  came,  as  Legate,  to  give  the  King  full 
fatisfa6tion  in  that  matter.  Lord  Hollh  was  then  Ambafladour 
at  Parts.  I  was  fo  effedtually  recommended  to  him,  that  he 
ufed  me  with  great  freedom,  which  he  continued  to  do  to  the 
end  of  his  days.  He  flood  upon  all  the  points  of  an  AmbalTa- 
dour  with  the  fliffnefs  of  former  ages,  which  made  him  very 
unacceptable  to  a  high-fpirited  young  Prince,  who  began  even 
then  to  be  flattered,  as  if  he  had  been  fomewhat  more  than  a 
mortal.  This  efliablifhed  me  in  my  love  of  law  and  liberty, 
and  in  my  hatred  of  abfolute  power.    When  I  came  back,  1  fl:ay'd 

for 


2o8  The  History  of  the  Reign 

166 ±.    for  (bme  months  at  Court,  and  obferved  the  fcene  as  carefully 
^^-/-"Vv-^as  I  could,    and  became  acquainted  with  all  the  men  that  were 
employed  in  Scotttjh  affairs.     I  had  more  than  ordinary  oppor- 
tunities of  being  well  informed  about  them.     This  drew  a  jea- 
loufy  on  me  from  the  Bifliops,    which  was  increafed  from  the 
friendiliip  into  which  Le'tghtoim  received  me.     I  pafs'd  for  one, 
who  was  no  great  friend  to  Church  power,    nor  to  perfecution. 
So  it  was  thought,  that  Lord  Lauderdale  was  preparing  me,  as 
one  who  w^s  known  to  have  been  always  Epifcopal,   to  be  fet 
up  againft  Sharp  ^wA  his  fet  of  men,  who  were  much  hated  by 
one  fide,  and  not  loved,  nor  trufted,  by  the  other.     , 
sharpttfu-       In  thc  mean  while  the  Earl  of  Gknca'irn  died,  which  fet  Sharp 
Chlncelioor  ^t  cafe,  but  put  him  on  new  defigns.    He  apprehended,  that  thc 
oi  Scotland.  £^j.|  Q^Tijjeedale  might  b^  advanced  to  that  poft:    For  in  the 
fettlement  of  the  Duchels  oi  Buccleugh's  eftate,  who  was  married 
to  the  Duke  of  Monmouth^  the  beft  beloved  of  all  the  King's 
children,  by  which,    in  default  of  iffue  by  her,  it  was  to  go  to 
the  Duke  of  Monmouth  and  the  iffue  he  might  have  by  any  other 
wife,  the  Earl  oiTweedakj  tho'  his  children  were  the  next  heirs, 
who  were  by  this  depriv'd  of  their  right,  had  yet  given  way  to 
it  in  fo  frank  a  manner,   that  the  King  was  enough  inclined 
both  to  oblige  and  to  truft  him.     But  Sharp  had  great  fufpici- 
ons  of  him,    as  cold  in  their  concerns.     So  he  writ  to  Sheldoriy 
that  lipon  the  difpofal  of  the  feals  the  very  being  of  the  Church 
did  fo  abfblutely  depend,  that  he  begged  he  would  prefs  the  King 
very  earneftly  in  the  matter,   and  that  he  would  move  that  he 
might  be  called  up  before  that  poft  fhould  be  filled.    The  King 
bid  Sheldon,  aflure  him,  he  ftiould  take  a  fpecial  care  of  that  mat- 
ter, but  that  there  was  no  occafion  for  his  coming  up :  For  the 
King  by  this  time  had  a  very  ill  opinion  of  him.     Sharp  was  fo 
mortified  with  this,   that  he  refolved  to  put  all  to  hazard  ^   for 
he  believed  all  was  at  ftake :  And  he  ventured  to  come  up.    The 
King  received  him  coldly  ^  and  afked  him,  if  he  had  hot  received 
the  Archbiftiop  of  Canterbury's  letter.    He  faid,  he  had :  But  he 
would  choofe  rather  to  venture  on  his  Majefty's  difpleafure,  than 
to  fee  the  Church  ruined  thro'  his  caution  or  negligence :    He 
knew  the  danger  they  were  ifi  in  Scotland,  where  they  had  but 
few  and  cold  friends,  and  many  violent  enemies :    His  Majefty's 
protedion,  and  the  execution  of  the  law,  were  the  only  things 
they  could  truft  to :  And  thefe  fb  much  depended  on  the  good 
choice  of  a  Chancellour,   that  he  could  not  anlwer  it  to  God 
and  the  Church,  if  he  did  not  beftir  himfelf  in  that  matter:  He 
knew  many  thought  of  himfelf  for  that  poft:  But  he  was  fb  far 
from  that  thought,  that,  if  his  Majefty  had  any  fuch  intention^ 

he 


of  King  Charles  II.     r         2.09 

he  would  rather  choofc  to  be  fent  to  a  plantation:  He  dcfired^  i66^. 
that  he  might  be  a  Church-man  iq  heart,  but  not  in  habit,  that  ^''''''^''*"^ 
fliould  be  raifed  to  that  truft.  Thefe  were  his  very  words,  as 
the  King  reported  them.  From  hirn  he  went  to  Sheldon^  and 
prefs'd  him  to  move  the  King  for  hirhfelf,  and  furnifhcd  him 
with  many  reafons  to  fupport  the  propofition  5  a  main  one  be- 
ing, that  the  late  Kitig  had  raifed  his  predecelTor  Spot/wood  to 
that  truft.  Sheldon  upon  that  did  move  the  King  with  more  than 
ordinary  earneftnefs  in  it.  The  King  fufpeded  Sharp  had  Tet 
him  on,  and  charged  him  to  tell  him  the  truth.  The  other  did 
it,  tho'  not  without  fomc  uneafinefs.  Upon  that  the  King  told 
him  what  he  had  faid  to  himfelf.  And  then  it  may  be  eafily 
imagined  in  what  a  ftyle  they  both  fpoke  of  him.  Yet  Sheldon 
prayed  the  King  that,  whatloever  he  might  think  of  the  man, 
he  would  confider  the  Archbiftiop  and  the  Church;  which  the 
King  afTured  him  he  would  do.  Sheldon  told  Sharps  that  he  faw 
the  motion  for  himfelf  did  not  take,-  fo  he  muft  think  of  fome- 
what  elfe.  Sharp  propofed,  that  the  feals  might  be  put  in  the  Earl 
of  Rothes's  hands,  till  the  King  ihould  pitch  on  a  proper  perfon. 
He  alfo  propofed,  that  the  King  would  make  him  his  Commif- 
fioner,  in  order  to  the  preparing  matters  for  a  National  Synod, 
that  they  might  fettle  a  book  of  Common-prayer,  and  a  book 
of  Canons.  This,  he  faid,  mud  be  carried  on  flowly,  and  with 
great  caution  ,•  of  which  the  late  troubles  did  demonftrate  the  ne- 
ceffity. 

All  this  was  eafily  agreed  to :    For  the  King  loved  the  Lord  ^"'^^  ^^^ 
Rothes:  And  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  would  not  oppofc  his  ad- power  of 
vancement:  Tho'  it  was  a  very  extravagant  thing  to  fee  one  T^^^fathiZ, 
poifefs  fb  many  of  the  chief  places  of  fo  poor  a  Kingdom.    The 
Earl  oi Crawford \^o\i\A  not  abjure  the  Covenant:  So  he  had  been 
made  Lord  Treafurer  in  his  place :  He  continued  to  be  ftill,  what 
Jie  was  before.    Lord  Prefident  of  the  Council:  And,  upon  the 
Earl  q{  Mtdletoun\  difgrace,  he  was  made  Captain  of  a  troop  of 
guards:  And  now  he  was  both  the  King's  Commiilioner,  and 
upon  the  matter  Lord  Chancellour.     Sharp  reckoned  this  was 
his  mafter-piece.     Lord  Rothes  ^    being  thus  advanced  by  his 
means,    was  in  all  things  governed  by  him.     His  inftrud:ions 
were  (uch  as  Sharp  propofed,  to  prepare  matters  for  a  National 
Synod,  and  in  the  mean  while  to  execute  the  Laws  that  related 
to  the  church  with  a  fteddy  firmnefs.    So,  when  he  parted  from 
Wh'ite-hall^  Sharp  faid  to  the  King,  that  he  had  now  done  all  that 
could  be  defired  of  him  for  the  good  of  the  Church  :   So  that,  if 
all  matters  went  not  right  in  Scotland^  none  muft  bear  the  blame, 
but  either  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  or  Rothes.    And  fo  they  came 

H  h  h  to 


The  History  of  the  Reign 


iio 

1664.   to  Scotland,   where  a  very  furious  fcenc  of  illegal  violence  was 

^.^"vr^ opened.    Sharp  governed  Lord  Rothes,  who  abandoned  himfelf 

to  pleafure.    And,  when  fome  cenfured  this,  all  the  anfwer  that 

was  made  was,  a  fevere  piece  of  raillery,  that  the  King's  Com- 

milTioner  ought  to  reprefent  his  perfon. 

166^.  The  government  of  Scotland  as  to  civil  matters  was  very  ea- 
^^/"v-^-' jfy.  All  were  quiet  and  obedient.  But  all  thofe  Counties  that 
feverep^'ra  lyc  towatds  the  fVefi  became  very  fierce  and  intradable:  And 
ceedings  in  ^\^q  whole  work  of  the  Council  was  to  deal  with  them,  and  to 
fubdue  them.  It  was  not  eafy  to  prove  any  thing  againft  any  of 
them,  for  they  did  ftick  firm  to  one  another.  The  people  com- 
plained of  the  new  fet  of  Minifters,  that  was  fent  among  them, 
as  immoral,  ftupid,  and  ignorant.  Generally  they  forfook  their 
Churches.  And,  if  ilny  of  them  went  to  Church,  they  faid,  they 
were  little  edified  with  their  fermons.  And  the  whole  country 
was  full  of  ftrange  reports  of  the  weaknefs  of  their  preaching, 
and  of  the  indecency  of  their  whole  deportment.  The  people 
treated  them  with  great  contempt,  and  with  an  averfion  that 
broke  out  often  into  violence  and  injuftice.  But  their  Minifters^ 
on  their  parts  were  not  wanting  in  their  complaints,  aggravating 
matters,  and  poffefling  the  Bilhops  with  many  ftories  of  defigns 
and  plottings  againft  the  State.  So,  many  were  brought  before  the 
Council,  and  the  new  Ecclefiaftical  Commiffion,  for  pretended 
riots,  and  for  ufing  their  Minifters  ill,  but  chiefly  for  not  com- 
ing to  Church,  and  for  holding  Conventicles.  The  proofs  were 
often  defedive,  and  lay  rather  in  prelumptions,  than  clear  evi- 
..,.:ia..u  :;:dence:  And  the  punifliments  propofed  were  often  arbitrary,  not 
warranted  by  law.  So  the  Judges  and  other  lawyers,  that  were 
of  thofe  Courts,  were  careful  to  keep  proceedings  according  ta 
forms  of  law:  Upon  which  Sharp  was  often  complaining,  that 
favour  was  ftiown  to  the  enemies  of  the  Church,  under  the  pre- 
tence of  law.  It  was  faid,  that  the  people  of  the  countrey  were 
in  fuch  a  combination,  that  it  was  not  pofTible  to  find  witnefTes  to 
;prove  things  fully :  And  he  often  faid,  muft  the  Church  be  ru- 
ined for  punctilio's  of  law  ?  When  he  could  not  carry  matters 
'by  a  vote,  as  he  had  a  mind,  he  ufually  looked  to  the  Earl  of 
Rothes ',  who  upon  that  was  ever  ready  to  fay,  he  would  take  it 
-upon  him  to  order  the  matter  as  Sharp  propofed,  and  would  da 
it  in  the  King's  name.  Great  nunibers  were  caft  in  prifon, 
where  they  were  kept  long,  and  ill  ufed:  And  fbmetimes  they 
-were  fined,  and  the  younger  fort  whipt  about  the  ftreets.  The 
.people  grew  more  fullen  on  all  this  ill  ufage.  Many  were  undone 
'by  it,   and  went  over  to  ^  the  Scots  in  Vljler^   where  they  were 

well 


d  il  II 


.4 


of  King  Charles  II.  211 

Well  received,  and  had  air  manner  of  liberty  as  to  their  way  of  j66k. 
religion.  v^'^v'Nw 

Burnet  Was  fent  up  to  polfels  the  Kinp;  with  the" apprehend- 
ens  of  a  rebellion  in  the  beginning  of  tne  Dutch  war.  He  pro- 
pofed  that  about  twenty  of  the  chief  gentlemen  of  thofc  Ccnin- 
ties  might  be  fecured :  And  he  undertook  for  the  peace  of  the 
countrey,  if  they  were  clap'd  up^  This  was  plainly  illegal. 
But  the  Lord  Lauderdale  oppoled  nothing.  So  it  was  done: 
J^ut  with  a  very  ill  effedt.  For  thofe  Gentlemen,  knowing  how 
pbnoxious  they  were,  had  kept  meafures  a  little  better:  But  they 
being  put  in  prifon,  both  their  friends  and  tenants  laid  all  to 
itJie  door  of  the  Clergy,  and  hated  them  the  more,  and  ufed 
them  the  worfe  for  it.  The  Earls  oi  Argde,  Tweedale^  and  Km- 
cardmy\\\\o  were  confidered  as  the  Lord  L^W(?r^<:7/?'s  chief  .friends, 
were  cold  in  all  thole  matters.  They  ftudied  to  keep  proceed- 
ings in  a  legal  channel,  and  were  for  moderate  cenfures.  Upon 
Vihioh  Sharp  faid,  they  appeared  to  be  the  f^i^nds  and  favourers  of 
the  enemies  of  the  Church. 

Wherever  the  people  had  generally  forfaken  their  Churches,  Turner  exe 
the  guards  were  quartered  thro'  the  countrey.    Sir  James  Turner^  uwslJ'Tm 
that  commanded  them,  was  naturally  fierce,  but  was  mad  when  "'"y  ^^y 
he  was  drunk ^  and  that  was  very  often.    So  he  was  ordered  by 
the  Lord  Rothes  to  a6t  according  to  luch  diredions  as  Burnet 
fhould  fend  him.    And  he  went  about  the  countrey,    and  re- 
ceived fuch  lids,  as  the  Minifters  brought  him,  of  thofe  who 
.came  not  to  Church:  And,  without  any  other  proof  or  any  legal 
convidion,  he  fet  fiich  a  fine  on  them,  as  he  thought  they  could 
pay,  and  fent  foldiers  to  lie  on  them  till  it  was  paid.     I  kmw 
him  well  afterwards,  when  he  came  to  himfelf,  being  out  of  em- 
ployment.   He  was  a  learned  man  j  but  had  been  always  in  ar- 
mies, and  knew  no  other  rule  but  to  obey  orders.     He  told  me^ 
he  had  no  regard  to  any  law,  but  adl:ed,  as  he  was  commanded,; 
in  a  military  way.    He  confeiTed,  it  went  often  againft  the  graia 
with  him  to  ferve  fuch  a  debauched  and  worthlefs  company,  as 
the  Clergy  generally  were^  and  that  fometimes  he  did  not  ad; 
up  to  the  rigour  of  his  orders  j    for  which  he  was  often  chid^ 
Wth  by  Lord  Rothes  and  Sharp,  but  was  never  check'd  for  his 
illegal  and  violent  proceedings.     And,    tlio'  the  complaints  of 
him  were  very  high,  fo  that,  when  he  was  afterwards  feized  on 
by  the  party,  they  intended  to  make  a  facrifice  of  him  -,  yet  when 
they  looked  into  his  orders,    and  found  that  his  proceedings, 
how  fierce  foever,  fell  lliort  of  thefe,  they  fpared  him,  as  a  man 
that  had  merited  by  being  fo  gentle  among  them. 

The 


X      111  The  History  of  the  Reigii 

166^.  The  truth  is,  the  whole  face  of  the  government  looked  liker 
the  proceedings  of  an  in^aifition,  than  of  legal  Courts :  And  yet 
Sharp  was  never  fatisficd.  So  Lord  Rothes  and  he  went  up  to 
Court  in  the  firft  year  of  the  Dutch  war.  When  they  waited 
firft  on  the  King,  Sharp  put  him  in  mind  of  what  he  had  faid 
at  his  lad  parting,  that  if  their  matters  went  not  well,  none  niuft 
be  blamed  for  it,  but  either  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale^  or  of  Rothes: 
And  now  he  came  to  tell  his  Majefty,  that  things  were  worfe  thari 
ever:  And  he  muft  do  the  Earl  of  Rothes  the  juftice  to  fay,  he 
had  done  his  part.  Lord  Lauderdale  was  all  on  fire  at  this,  but 
durft  not  give  himfelf  vent  before  the  King.  So  he  only  defired, 
that  Sharp  would  come  to  particulars :  And  then  he  (hould  know 
what  he  had  to  fay.  Sharp  put  that  off  in  a  general  charge; 
and  faid,  he  knew  the  party  fo  well,  that,  if  they  were  not  fup- 
ported  by  fecret  encouragements,  they  would  have  been  long 
ago  weary  of  the  oppofition  they  gave  the  government.  The 
King  had  no  mind  to  enter  farther  into  their  complaints.  So 
Lord  Rothes  and  he  withdrew  j  and  were  obferved  to  look  very 
pleafantly  upon  one  another,  as  they  went  away.  Lord  Lauder- 
dale told  the  King,  he  was  now  accufed  to  his  face :  But  he  would 
quickly  let  him  fee  what  a  man  Sharp  was.  So  he  obtained  a 
meffage  from  the  King  to  him,  of  which  he  himlelf  was  to  be 
the  bearer,  requiring  him  to  put  his  complaints  in  writing,  and 
to  come  to  particulars.  He  followed  Sharp  home,  who  receiv- 
ed him  with  (uch  a  gayity,  as  if  he  had  given  him  no  provoca- 
tion. But  Lord  Lauderdale  was  more  folemn  j  and  told  him,  it 
was  the  King's  pleafure,  that  he  {hould  put  the  accufation  with 
which  he  had  charged  him  in  writing.  Sharp  pretended,  he 
did  not  comprehend  his  meaning.  He  anfwered,  the  matter 
was  plain:  He  had  accufed  him  to  the  King:  And  he  muft  ei- 
ther go  thorough  with  it,  and  make  it  out,  otherwife  he  would 
charge  him  with  leafing-making:  And  fpoke  in  a  terrible  tone 
to  him.  Upon  that,  as  he  told  me,  Sharp  fell  a  trembling  and 
weeping:  He  protefted,  he  meant  no  harm  to  him:  He  was 
only  (brry  that  his  friends  were  upon  all  occafions  pleading  for 
favour  to  the  Fanat'icks :  (That  was  become  the  name  of  re- 
J^proach.)  Lord  Lauderdale  faid,  that  would  not  ferve  turn :  He 
"was  not  anfwerable  for  his  friends,  except  when  they  ad:ed  by 
dire<5tions  from  him.  Sharp  ofFer'd  to  go  with  him  prefently  to 
the  King,  and  to  clear  the  whole  matter.  Lord  Lauderdale  had 
no  mind  to  break  openly  with  him.  So  he  accepted  of  this,  and 
carried  him  to  the  King;  where  he  retradled  all  he  had  faid,  in 
fo  grofs  a  manner,  that  the  King  faid  afterwards,  Lord  Lauder- 
dale 

V 


of  King  Charles  n.  213 

dale  was  ill  naturcd  to  prefs  it  fo  heavily,  and  to  force  Sharp  on  166^, 
giving  himfelf  the  lye  in  fucli  courfe  terms.  v-^-^v^^ 

This  went  to  i'/'^r^'s  heart:  So  he  made  a  proportion  to  the  Earl '5'W.  ftudies 
GlDunfreis,  who  was  a  great  friend  of  the  Lord  Midletoun's,  to  try  if  5J/£« 
a  reconciliation  could  be  made  between  him  and  the  Earl  oUlothes  '"'°  buiinefi 
and  if  he  would  be  content  to  come  into  the  government  under ^^*'°* 
Lord  Rothes.  Lord  Duf7freh  went  into  Kejit,  where  the  Lord  Mid- 
letoun  was  then  employed  in  a  military  command  on  the  account 
of  the  war :  And  he  laid  Sharp's  propofition  before  him.   The  Earl 
o{ Midletotm  gave  Lord  Dunfrets  power  to  treat  in  his  name;  but 
faid,  he  knew  Sharp  too  well  to  regard  any  thing  that  came  from 
him.  Before  Lord  Dunfrets  came  back,  Sharp  had  tried  Lord  Rothes ^ 
but  found  he  would  not  meddle  in  it:  And  they  both  underftood, 
that  the  Earl  oi  Clarendon's  intereft  was  declining,  and  that  the  King 
was  like  to  change  his  meafures.  So  when  Lord  Dunfrets  czva,t  back 
to  give  Sharp  an  account  of  his  negotiation,  he  feemed  furprifed, 
and  denied  he  had  given  him  any  fuch  commiflion.  This  enrag- 
ed the  Earl  of  Dunfrets  fo,  that  he  publiflied  the  thing  in  all  com- 
panies: Among  others  he  told  it  very  particularly  to  my  felf. 

At  that  time  Letghtoun  was  prevailed  on  to  go  to  Court,  and 
to  give  the  King  a  true  account  of  the  proceedings  in  Scotland ^ 
which,  he  faid,  were  fo  violent,  that  he  could  not  concur  in 
the  planting  the  Chriftian  religion  it  felf  in  fuch  a  manner, 
much  le(s  a  form  of  government.  He  therefore  begged  leave 
to  quit  his  Bifhoprick,  and  to  retire:  For  he  thought  he  was 
in  lome  fort  acceflory  to  the  violences  done  by  others,  fince 
he  was  one  of  them,  and  all  was  pretended  to  be  done  to  eftab- 
lifli  them  and  their  order.  There  were  indeed  no  violences  com- 
mitted in  his  diocefe.  He  went  round  it  continually  every  year, 
preaching  and  catechizing  from  parifh  to  parifli.  He  conti- 
nued in  his  private  and  afcetick  courfe  of  life,  and  gave  all  his 
income,  beyond  the  fmall  expence  of  his  own  perlbn,  to  the 
poor.  He  ftudied  to  raife  in  his  Clergy  a  greater  fenfe  of  fpiritu- 
nl  matters,  and  of  the  care  of  fouls  j  and  was  in  all  refpeds  a 
burning  and  fliining  light,  highly  efteemed  by  the  greater  pare 
of  his  diocefe :  Even  the  Prefbyterians  were  much  mollified,  if 
not  cjuite  overcome,  by  his  mild  and  heavenly  courfe  of  life. 
The  King  feemed  touched  with  the  flate  that  the  countrey  was 
in:  He  fpoke  very  feverely  of  i.9/;^r/? ;  znd  7i.{{mzd  Letghtoun ,  he 
would  quickly  come  to  other  meafures,  and  put  a  flop  to  thofe 
violent  methods:  But  he  would  by  no  means  fuffer  him  to  quit 
his  Bifhoprick.  So  the  King  gave  orders  that  the  Ecclefiaftical 
Commiffion  fhould  be  difcontinued  j  and  fignified  his  pleafure, 
that  another  way  of  proceeding  was  neceffary  for  his  affairs. 

I  i  i  He 


214         The  History  of  the  Reign 

\66').  He  underflood  by  his  intelligence  from  Holland,  that  the  ex- 
yjCX^^  iles  at  Rotterdam  were  very  bufy,  and  that  perhaps  the  Driich 
rais'd  in  might  fumifli  the  malecontents  of  Scotland  with  money  and  arms  : 
icotiaud.  g^  j^^  thought  it  was  necelfary  to  raife  more  troops.  Two  gal- 
lant officers,  that  had  ferved  him  in  the  wars,  and,  when  thefe 
were  over,  had  gone  with  his  letters  to  ferve  in  Miifcovy,  where 
one  of  them,  Dalziell,  was  raifed  to  be  a  General ,  and  the 
other,  Drumond,  was  advanced  to  be  a  Lieutenant  General,  and 
GowttnoMt  oi  Smoknjko J  were  now,  not  without  great  difficulty, 
fcnt  back  by  the  Czar.  So  the  King  intended  they  fliould  com- 
mand fbme  forces  that  he  was  to  rai(e.  Sharp  was  very  appre- 
henfive  of  this :  But  the  King  was  pofitivc.  A  little  before  this, 
the  Ad:  of  fining,  that  had  lain  fo  long  afleep  that  it  was  thought 
forgot,  was  revived.  And  all  who  had  been  fined  were  required 
to  bring  in  one  moiety  of  their  fines:  But  the  other  moiety  was 
forgiven  thofe  who  took  the  Declaration  renouncing  the  Cove- 
nant. The  money  was  by  Ad:  of  Parliament  to  be  given  amono- 
thofe  who  had  ferved,  and  fuffered  for  the  King  ^  fo  that  the 
King  had  only  the  truft  of  diftributing  it.  There  was  no  more 
Scottjh  Councils  called  at  White-Hall  after  Lord  Midletoun's  fall. 
But  upon  particular  occafions  the  King  ordered  the  Privy  Coun- 
fellours  of  that  Kingdom ,  that  were  about  the  town ,  to  be 
brought  to  him :  Before  whom  he  now  laid  out  the  neceffity  of 
raifing  fome  more  force  for  fecuring  the  quiet  of  Scotland:  He 
only  afked  their  advice,  how  they  fhould  be  paid.  Sharp  very 
readily  faid,  the  money  raifed  by  the  fining  was  not  yet  difpofed 
of:  So  he  propofed  the  applying  it  to  that  ufe.  None  oppofed 
this:  So  it  was  refolved  on.  And  by  that  means  the  Cava- 
liers, who  W€fre  come  up  with  their  pretenfions,  were  difap- 
pointed  of  their  laft  hopes  of  being  recompcnfed  for  their  fuf- 
ferings.  The  blame  of  all  this  was  caft  upon  Sharp ,  at  which 
they  were  out  of  meafiire  enraged,  and  charged  him  with  it. 
He  denied  it  boldly.  But  the  King  publiihed  it  fo  openly,  that 
he  durft  not  contradid:  him.  Many,  to  whom  he  had  denied 
that  he  knew  any  thing  of  the  matter,  and  called  that  advice 
diabolical  invention,  affirmed  it  to  the  King.  And  the  Lord 
Lauderdale,  to  compleat  his  dilgrace  with  the  King,  got  many 
of  his  letters,  which  he  had  writ  to  the  Prefbyterians  after  the 
\  time  in  which  the  King  knew  that  he  was  negotiating  for  Epif- 
copacy,  in  which  he  had  continued  to  proteft  with  what  zeal  he 
was  foliciting  their  concerns,  not  without  dreadful  imprecations 
on  himfelf  if  he  was  prevaricating  with  them,  and  laid  thefe  be- 
fore the  King :  So  that  the  King  looked  on  him  as  one  of  the 
worft  of  men. 

Many 

6 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  IL  215 

Many  of  the  Epifcopal  Clergy  in  Scotland  were  much  offend-  \666. 
ed  at  all  thefe  proceedings.    They  faw  the  prejudices  of  the  peo- s;;;jJ^X^ 
pie  were  increafed  by  them.     They  hated  violent  courfes,  and  n*^"' cier- 
thought  they  were  contrary  to  the  meek  fpirit  of  the  gofpel,  and  5Lw  of, 
that  they  alienated  the  Nation  more  from  the  Church.     Thcv^^'r'*^" 

r         \  r  \  1  1         1  1     1     n  ^*«- j  thefe  pro- 

let  themklves  much  to  read  Church-hiftory ,    and  to  observe  "cd'ns"- 

the  ftate  of  the  Primitive  Church,  and  the  fpirit  of  thofe  times : 
And  they  could  not  but  obferve  fo  great  a  difference  between  the 
conftitution  of  the  Church  under  thofe  Bifhops  and  our  own 
that  they  feemed  to  agree  in  nothing  but  the  name.  I  happen- 
ed to  be  fettled  near  two  of  the  mofl  eminent  of  them,  who 
were  often  moved  to  accept  of  Bifhopricks,  but  always  refufed 
them,  both  out  of  a  true  principle  of  humiHty  and  felf-denial, 
and  alfo  becaufe  they  could  not  engage  in  the  methods  by  which 
things  were  carried  on.  One  of  thefe,  Mr.  Nairn j  was  one  of 
the  politefl  Clergy-men  I  ever  knew  bred  in  Scotland.  He  had 
formed  clear  and  lively  fchemes  of  things,  and  was  the  moft 
eloquent  of  all  our  preachers.  He  confidered  the  pafloral  func- 
tion as  a  dedication  of  the  whole  man  to  God  and  his  fervicc. 
He  read  the  moral  philofophers  much,-  and  had  wrought  him- 
felf  into  their  equal  temper,  as  much  as  could  confifl  with  a  great 
deal  of  fire  that  was  in  his  own :  But  he  turned  it  all  to  melting 
devotion.  He  had  a  true  notion  of  fuperftition,  as  a  narrow- 
nefs  of  foul,  and  a  meannefs  of  thought  in  religion.  He  fludi- 
ed  to  raife  all  that  converfed  with  him  to  great  notions  of  God, 
and  to  an  univerfal  charity.  This  made  him  pity  the  Prefbyte- 
rians,  as  men  of  low  notions  and  ill  tempers.  He  had  indeed 
too  much  heat  of  imagination,  which  carried  him  to  be  very 
pofitive  in  fbme  things,  in  which  he  afterwards  charlged  his  mind : 
And  that  made  him  pafs  for  an  inconflant  man.  In  a  word,  he 
was  the  brightefl  man  I  ever  knew  among  all  our  Scot'tjh  Divines. 
Another  of  thefe  was  Mr.  Charteris,  a  man  of  a  compofed  and 
ferene  gravity,  but  without  affedtation  or  fournefs.  He  fcarce 
ever  fpoke  in  company,  but  was  very  open  and  free  in  private. 
He  made  true  judgments  of  things,  and  of  men ;  and  had  a  ps- 
culiar  talent  in  managing  fiich  as  he  thought  deferved  his  pains. 
He  had  little  heat,  either  in  body  or  mind:  For  as  he  had  a 
moft  emaciated  body,  fo  he  fpoke  both  flow,  and  in  fo  low  a 
voice  that  he  could  not  eafily  be  heard.  He  had  great  tender- 
nefs  in  his  temper-  and  was  a  very  perfed:  friend,  and  a  moft 
fublime  Chriftian.  He  lived  in  a  conftant  contempt  of  the 
world,  and  a  negled  of  his  perfon.  There  was  a  gravity  in  his 
converfation  that  raifcd  an  attention,  and  begot  a  compofednefs, 

in 


2i6         The  History  of  the  Reign 

166^.  in  all  about  him,  without  frightening  thcmj  for  he  maJe  reli- 
gion appear  amiable  in  his  whole  deportment.  He  had  read  all  the 
lives  and  the  epiftles  of  great  men  very  carefully.  He  had  read  the 
fathers  much  j  and  gave  me  this  notion  of  them,  that  in  fpecu- 
lative  points,  for  which  writers  of  Controverfy  fearched  into 
their  works,  they  were  but  ordinary  men:  But  their  excellency 
lay  in  that,  which  was  leaft  fought  for,  their  fenfe  of  fpiritual 
things,  and  of  the  paftoral  care.  In  thefe  he  thought  their 
ftrength  lay.  And  he  often  lamented,  not  without  fome  indig- 
nation, that,  in  the  difputes  about  the  government  of  the  Church, 
much  pains  was  taken  to  feek  out  all  thofe  pafTages  that  fhewed 
what  their  opinions  were ;  but  that  due  care  was  not  taken  to 
fet  out  the  notions  that  they  had  of  the  facred  fundion,  of  the 
preparation  of  mind,  and  inward  vocation,  with  which  men  ought 
to  come  to  holy  orders,  or  of  the  ftridnefs  of  life,  the  deadnefs 
to  the  world,  the  heavenly  temper,  and  the  conftant  application 
to  the  doing  of  good,  that  became  them.  Of  thefe  he  did 
not  talk  like  an  angry  reformer,  that  fet  up  in  that  ftrain,  becau(e 
he  was  negledied  or  provoked ;  but  like  a  man  full  of  a  deep, 
but  humble  fenfe  of  them.  He  was  a  great  enemy  to  large  con- 
feffions  of  faith,  chiefly  when  they  were  impofed  in  the  lump 
as  tefts :  For  he  was  pofitive  in  very  few  things.  He  had  gone 
thro'  the  chief  parts  of  learning :  But  was  then  moft  converfant 
in  hiftory,  as  the  innocenteft  fort  of  ftudy,  that  did  not  fill  the 
mind  with  lubtilty,  but  helped  to  make  a  man  wifer  and  better. 
Thefe  were  both  fingle  perfons,  and  men  of  great  fobriety :  And 
they  lived  in  a  conftant  low  diet,  which  they  valued  more  than 
feverer  fafting.  Yet  they  both  became  miferable  by  the  ftone. 
Nairn  went  to  Parhj  where  he  was  cut  of  a  great  one,  of  which 
he  recovered,  but  lived  not  many  years  after.  Charteris  lived 
to  a  great  age,  and  died  in  the  end  of  the  year  1700,  having 
in  his  laft  years  fuffered  unfpeakable  torment  from  the  ftone, 
which  the  operators  would  not  venture  to  cut.  But  all  that  faw 
what  he  fuffered,  and  how  he  bore  it,  acknowledged  that  in  him 
they  faw  a  moft  perfed:  pattern  of  patience  and  fubmiflion  to  the 
will  of  God.  It  was  a  great  happinejfs  for  me,  after  I  had  broke 
into  the  world  by  fiich  a  ramble  as  I  had  made,  that  I  fell  in- 
to fuch  hands,  with  whom  I  entered  into  a  clofe  and  particular 
friendfliip.  They  both  fet  me  right,  and  kept  me  right  ^  tho'  I  made 
at  this  time  a  falley  that  may  be  mentioned,  iince  it  had  fome 
relation  to  publick  affairs.  I  obferved  the  deportment  of  our  Bi- 
ihops  was  in  all  points  fo  different  from  what  became  their  func- 
tion, that  I  had  a  more  than  ordinary  zeal  kindled  within  me 
upon  it.     They  were  not  only  furious  againft  all  that  ftood  out 

againft 


^/A>'//^  Charles  IL  217 

againft  them,  but  were  very  remifs  in  all  the  parts  of  their  fiinc-  i66j. 
tion.  Some  did  not  live  within  their  diocefe.  And  thofe  who  ^^'"V^ 
did  feemed  to  take  no  care  of  them :  They  Ihewed  no  zeal  againft 
vice:  The  moft  eminently  wicked  in  the  County  were  their  par- 
ticular confidents:  They  took  no  pains  to  keep  their  Clergy 
ftridly  to  rules,  and  to  their  duty :  On  the  contrary  there  was 
a  levity  and  a  carnal  way  of  living  about  them,  that  very 
much  fcandalized  me.  There  was  indeed  one  Scougal,  Bifhop 
oi  Aberdeen  J  that  was  a  man  of  rare  temper,  great  piety  and 
prudence :  But  I  thought  he  was  too  much  under  Sharp's  con- 
du6t,  and  was  at  leaft  too  eafy  to  him. 

Upon  all  this  I  took  a  refolution  of  drawing  up  a  memorial  Some  of  the 
of  the  griv^vances  we  lay  under  by  the  ill  condud:  of  our  Bifhops.  5f  ThrSer- 
I  refolved,    that  no  other  perfon  befides  my  fclf  fliouid  have  a 5'' ''"'^ ''f.^ 

n  ■  It-  •    1       L    •  f      T  ■  ,  fore  the  Bi- 

Ihare  m  any  trouble  it  might  bring  on  me:  So  I  communicated fliops. 
it  to  none.  This  made  it  not  to  be  in  all  the  parts  of  it  (o 
well  digeftcd,  as  it  otherwife  might  have  been:  And  I  was  then 
but  three  and  twenty.  I  laid  my  foundation  in  the  conftiturion 
of  the  primitive  Church  j  and  fhewed  how  they  had  departed 
from  it,  by  their  negleding  their  diocefe,  medling  fo  much  in 
fecular  affairs,  raifing  their  families  out  of  the  revenues  of  the 
Church,  and  above  all  by  their  violent  profecuting  of  thofe  who 
differ'd  from  them.  Of  this  I  writ  out  fome  copies,  and  figned 
them,  and  fent  them  to  all  the  Bifhops  of  my  acquaintance. 
Sharp  was  much  alarmed  at  it,  and  fancied  I  was  fet  on  to  it  by 
fome  of  the  Lord  Lauderdale's  friends.  I  was  called  before  the 
Biihops,  and  treated  with  great  feverity.  Sharp  called  it  a  libel. 
I  faid,  I  had  fet  my  name  to  it,  lb  it  could  not  be  called  a  libel. 
He  charged  me  with  the  prefumption  of  offering  to  teach  my  (iipe- 
riours.  I  faid,  fuch  things  had  been  not  only  done,  but  juftified  in 
all  ages.  He  charged  me  for  refleding  on  the  King's  putting  them 
on  his  Counfels:  I  faid,  I  found  no  fault  with  the  King  for 
calling  them  to  his  counfels.  But  with  them  for  going  out  of 
that  which  was  their  proper  province,  and  for  giving  ill  coun- 
fel.  Then  he  charged  me  for  refleding  on  fbme  feverities, 
which,  he  faid,  was  a  reproaching  publick  Courts,  and  a  cen- 
furing  the  laws.  I  faid,  laws  might  be  made  in  terrorem,  not 
always  fit  to  be  executed :  But  I  only  complained  of  Clergy-mens 
prefling  the  rigorous  execution  of  them,  and  going  often  beyond 
what  the  law  dictated.  He  broke  out  into  a  great  vehemence,- 
and  propofed  to  the  Bifhops,  that  I  fhould  be  fummarily  depriv- 
ed, and  excommunicated :  But  none  of  them  would  agree  to  that. 
By  this  management  of  his  the  thing  grew  publick.  What  I 
had  ventured  on  was  varioufly  cenfured:    But  the  greater  part 

^  K  k  k  approved 


«  

2 1 8  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1666.  approved  of  it.  Lord  Lauderdale  and  all  his  friends  were  de- 
<^^~v^^ lighted  with  it:  And  he  gave  the  King  an  account  of  it,  who 
was  not  ill  pleafed  at  it.  Great  pains  was  taken  to  make  me  afk 
pardon,  but  to  no  purpofe:  So  Sharp  let  the  thing  fall.  But, 
that  it  might  appear  that  I  had  not  done  it  upon  any  fadious 
defign,  I  entered  into  a  very  clofe  ftate  of  retirement ;  and  gave 
my  felf  wholly  to  my  ftudy,  and  the  duties  of  my  function. 

1 66^.        Thus  I  have  run  over  the  ftate  of  Scotland  in  the  years, 
I^^J^^'^^  1661^  16(^4,  166  <)  J  and  till  near  the  end  of  1666.    I  now  return 
England,     to  the  affairs  oi  England -^  in  which  I  muft  write  more  defediive- 
T}at  Dutch  ly,    being  then  fo  far  from  the  fcene.     In  winter  16^4,    the 
King  declared  his  refolutiori  of  entring  into  a  war  with  the  Dutch. 
The  grounds  were  fo  flight,  that  it  was  vifible  there  was  fome- 
what  more  at  bottom,  than  was  openly  owned.    A  great  comet, 
which  appeared  that  winter,  raifed  the  apprehenGons  of  thofe, 
who  did  not  enter  into  juft  fpeculations  concerning  thofe  mat- 
ters.   The  Houfe  of  Commons  was  fb  far  from  examining  nice- 
ly into  the  grounds  of  the  war,  that  without  any  difficulty  they 
gave  the  King  two  millions  and  a  half  for  carrying  it  on.     A 
great  fleet  was  fet  out,  which  the  Duke  commanded  in  perfbn ; 
i66y    as  Opdam  had  the  command  of  the  Dutch  fleet.     But  as  fbon 
Y^^^^!^  ^^  ^^^^  ^^^  broke  out,  a  moft  terrible  Plague  broke  out  alfo  in 
broke  out  at  the  city  of  London^    that  fcattered  all  the  inhabitants  that  were 
able  to  remove  themfelves  elfewhere.    It  broke  the  trade  of  the 
Nation,  and  fwept  away  about  an  hundred  thoufand  fouls  5  the 
greateft  havock  that  any  Plague  had  ever  made  in  England. 
This  did  difhearten  all  people:  And,  coming  in  the  very  time  in 
which  fo  unjufl  a  war  was  begun,  it  had  a  dreadful  appearance. 
All  the  King's  enemies,  and  the  enemies  of  Monarchy  faid ,  here 
was  a  manifeft  character  of  God's  heavy  difpleafure  upon  the  Na- 
tion ^  as  indeed  the  ill  life  the  King  led,  and  the  vicioufnefs  of 
the  whole  Court,  gave  but  a  melancholy  profped.    Yet  God's 
ways  are  not  as  our  ways.     What  all  had  feen  in  the  year  1660 
ought  to  have  filenced  thofe,  who  at  this  time  pretended  to  com- 
ment on  providence.    But  there  will  be  always  much  difcourfe  of 
things  that  are  very  vifible,  as  well  as  very  extraordinary. 
The  viaory      When   the  two  fleets   met,    it  is   well  known   what    acci- 
foUowed!    dents  difbrdered  the  Dutch  ^    and  what  advantage  the  Engltjh 
had.     If  that  firfl  fuccefs  had  been  followed,  as  was  propofed, 
it  might  have  been  fatal  to  the  Dutch  .^   who  finding  they  had 
fiifFered  fo  much  fleered  off.     The  Duke  ordered  all  the  fail  to 
be  fet  on  to  overtake  them.    There  was  a  Council  of  war  called, 
to  concert  the  method  of  adion,   when  they  fliOuld  come  up 

with 


the  fame 
time 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II. 

with  them.  In  that  Council  Periy  who  commanded  under  the 
Duke,  happened  to  fay,  that  they  muft  prepare  for  hotter  work 
in  the  next  engagement.  He  knew  well  the  courage  of  the  Dutch 
was  never  fo  high,  as  when  they  were  defperate.  The  Earl  of 
Montague^  who  was  then  a  voluntier,  and  one  of  the  Duke's 
Court,  faid  to  me,  it  was  very  vifible  that  made  an  imprefTion. 
And  all  the  Duke's  domefticks  faid,  he  had  got  honour  enough : 
Why  (hould  he  venture  a  fecond  time?  The  Duchefs  had  alio 
given  a  ftrid  charge  to  all  the  Duke's  fervants,  to  do  all  they 
could  to  hinder  him  to  engage  too  far.  When  matters  were 
lettled,  they  went  to  fleep:  And  the  Duke  ordered  a  call  to  be 
given  him,  when  they  fhould  get  up  to  the  Dutch  fleet.  It  is 
not  known  what  pals'd  between  the  Duke  and  Brounker^  who  was 
of  his  Bed-chamber,  and  was  then  in  waiting  :  But  he  came  to 
Periy  as  from  the  Duke,  and  faid,  the  Duke  ordered  the  fail  to  be 
flackened.  Pen  was  ftruck  with  the  order;  but  did  not  go  to 
argue  the  matter  with  the  Duke  himlelf,  as  he  ought  to  have 
done ,  but  obey'd  it.  When  the  Duke  had  flept,  he,  upon  his 
waking,  went  out  on  the  quarter-deck,  and  (eemed  amazed  to 
fee  the  fails  flackened,  and  that  thereby  all  hope  of  overtaking 
the  Dutch  was  loft.  He  queftioned  Pen  upon  it.  Pen  put  it  on 
Brounker,  who  faid  nothing.  The  Duke  denied,  he  had  given 
any  (uch  order.  Bat  he  neither  punifhed  Brounker  for  carrying 
it,  nor  Pen  for  obeying  it.  He  indeed  put  Brounker  out  of  his 
fervice:  And  it  was  faid,  that  he  durft  do  no  more,  becaule  he 
was  fo  much  in  the  King's  favour,  and  in  the  Miftriis's.  Pen 
was  more  in  his  favour  after  that,  than  ever  before,  which  he 
continuL'd  to  his  fon  after  him,  tho'  a  Quaker:  And  it  was 
thought,  that  all  that  favour  was  to  oblige  him  to  keep  the  fe- 
cret.  Lord  Montague  did  bdieve,  that  the  Duke  was  ftruck, 
feeing  the  Earl  o^ Falmouth ^  the  King's  favourite,  and  two  other 
perfons  of  quality,  killed  very  near  him ;  and  that  he  had  no 
mind  to  engage  again,  and  that  Pen  was  privately  with  him. 
\£  Brounker  was  fb  much  in  fault,  as  he  feemed  to  be,  it  was 
thought,  the  Duke,  in  the  pallion  that  this  muft  have  raifed  in 
him,  would  have  proceeded  to  greater  extremities,  and  not 
have  aded  with  ^o  much  phlegm.  This  proved  the  breaking 
the  defigns  of  the  King's  whole  reign:  For  the  Dutch  themfelves 
believed  that,  if  our  fleet  had  followed  them  with  full  fail,  we 
muft  have  come  up  with  them  next  tide,  and  have  either  funk 
or  taken  their  whole  fleet.  De  fVtt  was  ftruck  with  this  misfor- 
tune :  And,  i  mputing  fome  part  of  it  to  errors  in  condud,  he  re- 
folved  to  go  on  board  himfelf,  as  foon  as  their  fleet  was  ready 
to  go  to  fea  again. 

Upon 


210  -       The  History  of  the  Reign 

166^.        Upon  this  occafion  I  will  fay  a  little  of  him,  and  of  the  af- 
"--^"V-"^^  fairs  of  Holland.     His  father  was  the  deputy  of  the   town  of 
of"theSrs  D^r/  in  the  States,  when  the  late  Prince  oi  Orange  was  fb  much 
loHoiiMd.  offended  with  their  proceedings   in  dilbanding  a  great  part  of 
their  Army :  And  he  was  one  of  thofe  whom  he  ordered  upon 
that  to  be  carried  to  the  Caftle  of  Lovejie'm.     Soon  after  that, 
his  defign  on  Amflerdam  mifcarrying,  he  faw  a  ncceflity  of  mak- 
ing up  the  beft  he  could  with  the  States.    Biit,  before  he  had  quite 
healed  that  wound,  he  died  of  the  fmall-pox.     Upon  his  death 
all  his  party  fell  in  difgrace,  and  the  Lovejle'mers  carried  all  be- 
fore them.     So  De  Wit  got  his  fon  Johny  then  but  twenty  five 
years  of  age,  to  be  made  penfioner  q^  Dort.    And  within  a  year 
after,    the  penfioner  of  Holland  dying,    he  was  made  penfioner 
of  Holland.     His  breeding  was  to  the  civil  law,    which  he  un- 
derftood  very  well.    He  was  a  great  mathematician :  And,  as  his 
Element  a  Curvarum  fhew  what  a  man  he  was  that  way,  {o  per- 
haps no  man  ever  applied  Algebra  to  all  matters  of  trade  fo  nice- 
ly as  he  did.     He  made  himfelf  fb  entirely  the  mafter  of  the 
ftate  of  Holland^   that  he  underftood  exadily  all  the  concerns  of 
their  revenue,   and  what  fiims,  and  in  what  manner,  could  be 
raifed  upon  any  emergent  of  State:    For  this  he  had  a  pocket- 
book  full  of  tables,  and  was  ever  ready  to  fhew  how  they  could 
be  furnifhed  with  money.     He  was  a  frank,  fincere  man,  with- 
out fraud,  or  any  other  artifice  but  filence:  To  which  he  had  (o 
accuftomed  the  world,   that  it  was  not  eafy  to  know,  whether 
he  was  filent  on  defign,    or  cuftora.     He  had  a  great  clearnefs 
of  apprehenfion :    And  when  any  thing  was  propofed  to  him , 
how  new  fbevcr,   he  heard  all  patiently,   and  then  afked  fuch 
i^ueftions    as    occurred  to  him :     And  by  the   time  he   had 
done  all  this,   he  was  as  much  mafter  of  the  propofition,    as 
the  perfon  was  that  had  made  it.     He  knew  nothing  of  mo- 
dern hiftory,    nor  of  the  ftate  of  Courts:    And  was  eminent^ 
ly  defedive  in  all  points  of  form.     But  he  laid  down  this  for 
a  maxim,   that  all  Princes  and  States  followed  their  own  in- 
terefts:     So,   by  obferving  what  their  true  interefts  were,    he 
thought,  he  could  without  great  intelligence  calculate  what  they 
were  about.      He  did  not  enough  confidcr  how  far  paflions, 
amours,  humours,  and  opinions  wrought  on  the  world  ,•    chief- 
ly on  Princes.     He  had  the  notions  of  a  Common-wealth  from 
the  Greeks  and  Romans.    And  from  them  he  came  to  fancy,  that 
an  army  commanded  by  officers  of  their  own  country  was  both 
more  in  their  own  power,  and  would  ferve  them  with  the  more 
2eal,    fince  they  themfelves  had  fiich  an  intereft  in  the  fuccefs. 
And  fo  he  was  againft  their  hiring  foreigners,   unlels  it  was  to 

be 


of  King  Charles  II.  iii 

be  common  foldiers  to  fave  their  own  people.  But  he  did  hot  \66y. 
enough  confider  the  phlegm  and  covetoufnels  of  his  country- 
men ;  of  which  he  felt  the  ill  efFeds  afterwards.  This  was  his 
greateft  error,  and  it  turned  fatally  upon  him.  But  for  the  ad- 
minift  ration  of  juftice  at  home,  and  for  the  management  of  their 
trade,  and  their  forces  by  fea,  he  was  the  ablcfi  Minifter  they 
ever  had.  He  had  an  hereditary  hatred  to  the  Houle  oi  Orange. 
He  thought  it  was  impoffible  to  maintain  their  liberty,  if  they 
were  ftill  Statholders.  Therefore  he  did  all  that  was  poflible  to 
put  an  invincible  bar  in  their  way,  by  the  perpetual  edid:.  But 
at  the  fame  time  he  took  great  care  of  preserving  the  young 
Prince's  fortune;  and  looked  well  to  his  education,  and  gave 
him,  as  the  Prince  himfelf  told  me,  very  jufl;  notions  of  every 
thing  relating  to  their  State.  For  he  faid,  he  did  not  know,  but 
that  at  fome  time  or  other  he  would  be  fet  over  them :  There- 
fore he  intended  to  render  him  fit  to  govern  well. 

The  Town  of  Amflerdam  became  at  that  time  very  ungo- 
vernable.     It  was  thought,   that  the  fVeft-India-Com^^iny  had 
been  given  up  chiefly  by  their  means ;  for  it  was  in  value  fo  equal 
to  the  Eajl- India-Company  J  that  the  adions  of  both  were  often 
exchanged  for  one  another.     When  the  Bifliop  of  Munjier  be- 
gan his  pretenfions  on  the  City  of  Mun/kr,  and  on  a  great  part 
of  fVefiphalta,  they  offered  themfelves  up  to  the  States,  if  they 
would  preferve  them.    But  the  Town  of  Amflerdam  would  not 
confent  to  it,  nor  fubmit  to  the  charge.    Yet  they  never  feem- 
ed  to  fet  up  for  a  fuperiority  over  the  reft,  nor  to  break  the  cre- 
dit of  the  Court  at  the  Hague.    Only  they  were  backward  in  eve- 
ry thing  that  was  propofed,  that  encreafed  the  charge.    And  they 
"were  become  fo  weary  of  De  Wtt^    that  he  felt  how  much  the 
late  mifcarriage  at  fea  had  fliaken  his  credit;  fince  misfortunes 
are  always  imputed  to  the  errors  of  thofe  that  govern.    So  he  re- 
folved  to  go  on  board.     De  Ru'^ter  often  faid,    that  he  was 
amazed  to  fee  how  foon  he  came  to  a  perfed  underftanding  of 
all  the  fea  affairs.    The  winds  were  fo  long  backward,  that  it  was 
not  eafy  to  get  their  great  fhips  thro'  the  Zuyder  fea.    So  he  went 
out  in  boats  himfelf    and  plummed  it  all  fo  carefully,  that  he 
found  many  more  ways  to  get  out  by  different  winds,  than  was 
thought  formerly  pradicable.     He  got  out  in  time  to  be  mafter 
of  the  fea,  before  the  end  of  the  feafon:  And  fo  recovered  the 
aifront  of  the  former  loffes,  by  keeping  at  fea  after  the  Englijh 
fleet  was  forced  to  put  in.     The  Earl  of  Sandwich  was  fent  to 
the  North  with  a  great  part  of  the  fleet,  to  lie  for  the  Eafl-India 
fliips.     But  he  was  thought  too  remifs.     They  got,    before  he 
was  aware  of  it,  into  Berghen  in  Norway,     If  he  had  followed 

L  11  them 


Ill  The  History  of  the  Reign 

\66<i.    them  quick,  he  would  have  forced  the  port,  and  taken  tliem  all. 

'-''"^''''"^  But  he  obferved  forms,  and  fent  to  the  Viceroy  of  Norzuay  de- 
manding entrance.  That  was  denied  him.  But,  while  thefe 
mefTages  went  backward  and  forward,  the  Dutch  had  To  fortifyed 
the  entrance  into  the  port,  that,  tho'  it  was  attempted  with  great 
courage,  yet  'Ttddtman,  and  thofe  who  compofed  that  iqua- 
dron,  were  beat  off  with  great  lofs,  and  forced  to  let  go  a  very 
rich  fleet :  For  which  Lord  Sandwich  was  much  blamed,  tho'  he 
was  fent  Ambafladour  into  Spa'm^  that  his  difgrace  might  be  a 
little  foftencd  by  that  employment.  The  Duke's  condud  was 
alio  much  blamed :  And  it  was  faid,  he  was  mod  in  fault,  but 
that  the  Earl  ^i  Sandwich  was  made  the  facrifice. 

i^n  account      Here  I  will  add  a  particular  relation  of  a  tranfaflion  relating 

efBfr^/^f»!^to  that  affair,  taken  from  the  account  given  of  it  by  Sir  Gilbert 
Talbot^  then  the  King's  Envoy  at  the  Court  of  Denmark^  in  a 
MS.  that  I  have  in  my  hands.  That  King  did  in  Jmw  166^ 
open  himfelf  very  freely  to  Talbot,  complaining  of  the  States, 
who,  as  he  faid,  had  drawn  the  Swedtjh  war  on  him,  on  dcfign 
that  he  might  be  forced  to  depend  on  them  for  fupplies  of  mo- 
ney and  {hipping,  and  fo  to  get  the  cuflioms  o^ Norway  and  the 
Sound  into  their  hands  for  their  fecurity.  Talbot  upon  that 
told  him,  that  the  Dutch  Smyryici  fleet  was  nov/  in  Berghen,  be- 
fides  many  rich  Wefi-Ind'ia  ihips  j  and  that  they  ftaid  tliere  in  ex- 
pectation of  a.  double  Eaji- India  fleet,  and  of  De  Ruyter,  who  was 
returning  with  the  Ipoils  of  the  coafl:  of  Guinea.  So  he  faid,  the 
King  of  Denmark  might  feize  thofe  (hips  before  the  convoy 
came,  which  they  cxpedted.  The  King  of  Denmark  faid,  he 
had  not  ftrength  to  execute  that.  Talbot  faid,  the  King  his 
mafter  would  fend  a  force  to  effedt  it :  But  it  was  reafonable  he 
Ihould  have  half  of  the  fpoil.  To  which  the  King  of  Denmark 
readily  agreed,  and  ordered  him  to  propofe  it  to  his  maflier. 
So  he  immediately  tranfmitted  it  to  the  King,  who  approved  of 
it,,  and  promifed  to  fend  a  fleet  to  put  it  in  execution.  The  Mi- 
nifliers  of  Denmark  were  appointed  to  concert  the  matter  with 
Talbot.  But  nothing  was  put  in  writing;  for  the  King  of 
Denmark  was  afhamed  to  treat  of  fuch  an  affair,  otherwife  than 
by  word  of  mouth.  Before  the  end  of  July-,  news  came,  that 
De  Ruyter  with  the  Eaft-India  Fleet  was  on  the  coafl;  of  Norway. 
Soon  after  he  came  into  Berghen.  The  riches  then  ia  that  port 
were  reckoned  at  many  millions. 

The  Earl  of  Sandwich  was  then  in  tho/e  feas.  So  Talbot  fent  a 
veffcl  exprefs  to  him  with  the  news.  But  that  veffel  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Dutch  Fleet,  and  was  fent  to  Holland.  The  King 
of  Denmark  writ  to  the  Viceroy  of  Norway^  and  to  tha  Gover- 

nom* 


ef  King  Cukkl-es  II.  22^ 

nour  of  Berghenj  ordering  them  to  ufe  all  fair  means  to  keep  166 <). 
tlie  Dutch  ilill  in  their  harbour,  promifing  to  fend  particular  in-' 
flrudions  in  a  few  days  to  them  how  to  proceed.  Talbot  fent 
letters  with  thefe,  to  be  deHvercd  fecretly  to  the  Commanders 
of  the  EngTifh  frigats,  to  let  them  know  that  they  might  boldly 
aflliult  the  Dutch  in  port,-  for  the  Danes  would  make  no  refn 
llance,  pretending  a  fear  that  the  Engli/h  might  deftroy  their 
Town :  But  that  an  account  was  to  be  kept  of  their  prizes,  that 
the  King  0^  Denmark  might  have  a  juft  half  of  all:  They  were 
riot  to  be  furprizcd,  if  the  Danes  feemed  at  firft  to  talk  high : 
That  was  to  be  done  for  fliew:  But  they  would  grow  calmer, 
when  they  came  to  engage.  The  Earl  of  Sandwich  fent  his  Se- 
cretary to  Talbot  J  to  know  the  particulars  of  the  agreement  with 
the  King  of  Denmark.  But  the  veffel  that  brought  him  was 
ordered,  upon  landing  the  Secretary,  to  come  back  to  the  fleet. 
So  that  it  was  impoffible  to  fend  by  that  veffel  what  was  defired. 
And  no  other  fliips  could  be  got  to  carry  back  the  Secretary.  And 
thus  the  Earl  of  Sandwich  went  to  attack  the  Dutch  Fleet  with- 
out flaying  for  an  anfwer  itomTalbot,  or  knowing  what  orders  the 
Governour  o( Berghen  had  yet  received:  For  tho'  the  orders  were 
fent,  yet  it  was  fo  great  a  way,  ten  or  twelve  days  journey,  that 
they  could  not  reach  the  place,  but  after  theEngli/hRect  had  made 
the  attack.  The  Viceroy  of  Norway^  who  rcfided  at  Chrijlianay 
had  his  orders  fboner,  and  fent  out  two  gallies  to  communicate 
the  agreement  to  the  Earl  of  Sandwich  i  but  miffed  him,  for  he 
was  then  before  Berghen.  The  Governour  of  Berghen^  not  hav- 
ing yet  the  orders  that  the  former  exprefs  prorhifed  him,  fent 
a  Gentleman  to  the  Englijh  fleet,  defiring  they  would  make  njo 
attack  for  two  or  three  days ;  for  by  that  time  he  expefted  his 
orders.  Clifford \^2iS  fant  to  the  Governour,  who  infiftcd  that  till 
he  had  orders  he  mufl  defend  the  port,  but  that  he  expG<5ted  them 
in  a  very  little  time.  Upon  Clifford's  going  back  to  the  fleet, 
a  Council  of  war  was  called,  in  which  the  officers,  animated 
with  the  hope  of  a  rich  booty ,  refolved  without  farther  delay 
to  attack  the  port,  either  doubting  the  fincerity  of  the  Danijh 
Court,  or  unwilling  to  give  them  fo  large  a  fhare  of  tliat,  on 
which  they  reckoned  as  already  their  prize.  Upon  this  Tiddt- 
man  began  the  attack,  which  ended  fatally.  Diverfe  frigats  were 
difabled,  and  many  officers  and  feamen  were  killed.  The  fqua- 
dron  was  thus  ruined,  and  Tiddnnanwzs  ready  to  fink:  So  he 
was  forced  to  flip  his  cables,  and  retire  to  the  fleet,  which  lay 
without  the  rocks.  This  action  was  on  the  third  oi  Augiifl:  And 
on  the  fourth  the  Governour  received  his  orders.  So  he  fent 
for  Clifford^   and  fliewed  liim  his  orders.     But,    as  the  Englijh 

fleet 


2  24         The  H I  s  T  a R Y  (/  the  Reign 

\66'y.  fleet  had  by  their  precipitation  forced  him  to  do  what  he  had 
^-''"'^^""^  done,  fo  he  could  not,  upon  what  had  happpened  the  day  be- 
fore, execute  thofe  orders,  till  he  fent  an  account  of  what  had 
pafs'd  to  the  Court  of  Denmark^  and  had  the  King's  fecond  or- 
ders upon  it.  And,  if  the  whole  Engl'tjh  fleet  would  not  ftay 
in  thofe  feas  fo  long,  he  defired  they  would  leave  fix  frigats  be- 
fore the  harbour  j  and  he  would  engage,  the  Dutch  {hould  not 
in  the  mean  while  go  out  to  fea.  But  the  Engl'tjh  were  fullen 
upon  their  difappointment ,  and  failed  away.  The  King  of 
Denmark  was  unfpeakably  troubled  at  the  lofs  of  the  greateft 
treafure  he  was  ever  like  to  have  in  his  hands.  This  was  a  dc- 
fign  well  laid,  that  would  have  been  as  fatal  to  the  Dutchy  as 
ignominious  to  the  King  of  Denmark^  and  was  by  the  impati- 
ent ravenoufnefs  of  the  En^tjh  lofl:,  without  poflibility  of  reco- 
vering it.  And  indeed  there  was  not  one  good  ftep  made  after 
this  in  the  whole  progrefs  of  the  war. 
meSt^at  ci.  England  was  at  this  time  in  a  difmal  fl:ate.  The  plague  con- 
i'ord.  tinued  for  the  mofl:  part  of  the  fummer  in  and  about  London, 

and  began  to  fpread  over  the  country.  The  Earl  of  Clarendon 
moved  the  King  to  go  to  SaUsbur'y.  But  the  Plague  broke  out 
there.  So  the  Court  went  to  Oxford^  where  another  fefEon  of 
Parliament  was  held.  And  tho'  the  condud  at  fea  was  feverely 
reflected  on,  yet  all  that  was  neceflary  for  carrying  on  the  war 
another  year  was  given.  The  Houfe  of  Commons  kept  up  the 
ill  humour  they  were  in  againft  the  Non-conformifl:s  very  high. 
A  great  many  of  the  Minifters  of  London  were  driven  away  by 
the  Plague  J  tho'  fome  few  fl:aid.  Many  Churches  being  fliut 
up,  when  the  inhabitants  were  in  a  more  than  ordinary  difpofi- 
tion  to  profit  by  good  fermons,  fome  of  the  Non-conformifts  up- 
on that  went  into  the  empty  pulpits,  and  preached  j  and,  it  was 
given  out,  with  very'  good  (uccefs :  And  in  many  other  places 
they  began  to  preach  openly,  not  without  refleding  on  the  Ims 
of  the  Court,  and  on  the  ill  ufage  that  they  themielves  had  met 
with.  This  was  reprefented  very  odioufly  at  Oxford.  So  a  fevere 
bill  was  brought  in,  requiring  all  the  hlenced  Minifters  to  take 
an  oath,  declaring  it  was  not  lawful  on  any  pretence  whatfoevcr 
to  take  arms  againft  the  King,  or  any  commiftioned  by  him,, 
and  that  they  would  not  at  any  time  endeavour  an  alteration  in 
the  government  of  the  Church  or  State.  Such  as  refufed  this 
were  not  to  come  within  five  miles  of  any  City,  or  Parliament 
Borough,  or  of  the  Church  where  they  had  ferved.  This  was 
much  oppofed  in  both  Houfes,  but  more  faintly  in  the  Houfe 
of  Commons.  The  Earl  of  Southampton  fpoke  vehemently 
igainft  it  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords,     He  faid,  he  coujd  take  no  fucli 

oath 

8 


\ 


of  King  Charles  IL  225 

oath  himfclf:  For  how  firm  foevcr  he  had  always  been  to  the  i66f. 
Church,  yet,  as  things  were  managed,  he  did  not  know  but  he 
himfclf  might  fee  caufe  to  endeavour  an  alteration.  Doctor 
Earl,  Birtiop  of  Salisbury,  died  at  that  time.  But,  before  his 
death,  he  declared  himfelf  much  againfl:  this  A6t.  He  was  the 
man  of  all  the  Clergy  for  whom  the  King  had  the  greatefl:  efteem. 
He  had  been  his  fubtutor,  and  had  followed  him  in  all  his  exile 
with  (b  clear  a  charadier,  that  the  King  could  never  fee  or  hear 
of  any  one  thing  amifs  in  him.  So  he,  who  had  a  fecret  plea- 
fure  in  finding  out  any  thing  that  lefTened  a  man  eftccmed  emi- 
nent for  piety,  yet  had  a  value  for  him  beyond  all  the  men  of 
his  order.  Sheldon  and  Ward  were  the  Bifhops  that  ad:ed  and 
argued  mofl:  for  this  Ad,  which  came  to  be  called  the  Five  Mile 
Ad:.  All  that  were  the  fecret  favourers  of  Popery  promoted  it: 
Their  conftant  maxim  being,  to  bring  all  the  Sectaries  into 
fb  defperate  a  flate,  that  they  fhould  be  at  mercy,  and  forced  to 
defire  a  toleration  on  fuch  terms,  as  the  King  fhould  think  fie 
to  grant  it  on.  Clifford  began  to  make  a  great  figure  in  the 
Houfe  of  Commons.  He  was  the  fbn  of  a  Clergy-man,  born  to 
a  fmall  fortune :  But  was  a  man  of  great  vivacity.  He  was  re- 
conciled to  the  Church  of  Kome  before  the  Refloration.  The 
Lord  Clarendon  had  many  fpies  among  the  Priefts:  And  the 
news  of  this  was  brought  him  among  other  things.  So,  when 
Clifford  began  firft  to  appear  in  the  Houfe,  he  got  one  to  re- 
commend him  to  the  Lord  Clarendon^  favour.  The  Lord  Cla- 
rendonlooked  into  the  advice  that  was  brought  him :  And  by  com- 
paring things  together,  he  perceived  that  he  muft  be  that  man: 
And  upon  that  he  excufed  himfelf  the  befl  he  could.  So  Clifford 
flruck  in  with  his  enemies^  and  tied  himfelf  particularly  to  Ben- 
net,  made  Lord,  and  afterwards  Earl  of  Arlington.  While  the 
Ad  was  before  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  f^aughany  afterwards 
made  Chief  Juftice  of  the  Common-pleas,  moved  that  the  word 
legally  might  be  added  to  the  word  commtjjioned  by  the  King: 
"Butfinchy  then  Attorney  General,  faid,  that  was  needlefs  j  fince 
unlefs  the  commiflion  was  legal  it  was  no  commiflion,  and,  to 
make  it  legal,  it  muft  be  iffued  out  for  a  lawful  occafion,  and 
to  perfbns  capable  of  it,  and  muft  pafs  in  the  due  form  of  laWi 
The  other  innfted  that  the  addition  would  clear  all  fcruplesj  and 
procure  an  univerfal  compliance.  But  that  could  not  be  obtain- 
ed; for  it  was  intended  to  lay  difficulties  in  the  way  of  thofe 
againft  whom  the  Ad  was  levelled.  When  the  bill  came  up 
to  the^Lords,  the  Earl  of  Southampton  moved  for  the  fame  ad- 
dition ^  but  was  anfwered  by  the  Earl  oi  Angle  fey  y  upon  the  fame 
grounds  on  which  //^c^  went.     Yet  this  gave  great  fatisfadion 

M  ra  m  tQ 


226         The  History  of  the  Reign 

166  K.  to  many  who  heard  of  it,  this  being  the  avowed  fenfe  of  the  le- 
^-'''■"v^^^  giflators.  The  whole  matter  was  fo  explained  by  Bridgman, 
when  Bates  with  a  great  many  more  came  into  the  Court  of 
Common-pleas  to  take  the  oath.  The  Ad:  pafs'd :  And  the  Non- 
conformifts  were  put  to  great  ftraits.  They  had  no  mind  to  take 
the  oath.  And  they  fcarce  knew  how  to  difpofe  of  themfelv.es 
according  to  the  terms  of  the  A6t.  Some  moderate  men  took 
pains  to  perfiiade  them  to  take  the  oath.  It  was  faid  by  endea- 
vour was  only  meant  an  unlawful  endeavour  j  and  that  it  was  fo 
declared  in  the  debates  in  both  Houfes.  Some  Judges  did  on 
the  bench  expound  it  in  that  (enfc.  Yet  few  of  them  took  it. 
Many  more  refufed  it,  who  were  put  to  hard  fhifts  to  live,  be- 
ing fo  far  feparated  from  the  places  from  which  they  drew  their 
chief  fubfiftance.  Yet  as  all  this  feverity  in  a  time  of  war,  and 
of  fuch  a  publick  calamity,  drew  very  hard  cenfures  on  the  pro- 
moters of  it,  (b  it  raifed  the  compaffions  of  their  party  fo  much, 
that  I  have  been  told  they  were  (upplied  more  plentifully  at  that 
time  than  ever.  There  was  better  reafbn,  than  perhaps  thofe  of 
Oxford  knew,  to  fufped:  practices  againft  the  State. 
Thedefigns  Algemoon  Sidney y  and  fbme  others  of  the  Common- wealth 
mon-wiaith  p3tty,  came  to  De  Wtt,  and  prefs'd  him  to  think  of  an  invafi- 
party.  on  of  England  and  Scotland,  and  gave  him  great  aflurances  of 
a  ftrong  party:  And  they  were  bringing  many  officers  to  Hol- 
land to  join  in  the  undertaking.  They  dealt  alfo  with  fome  in 
Amfterdam,  who  were  particularly  fharpened  againft  the  King, 
and  were  for  turning  England  again  into  a  Common-wealth. 
The  matter  was  for  fome  time  in  agitation  at  the  Hague.  But 
Tye  Wtt  was  againft  it,  and  got  it  to  be  laid  afide.  He  faid, 
their  going  into  fiich  a  defign  would  provoke  France  to  turn 
againft  them :  It  might  engage  them  in  a  long  war,  the  conle- 
quences  of  which  could  not  be  forefeen :  And,  as  there  was  no 
reafon  to  think,  that,  while  the  Parliament  was  fo  firm  to  the 
King,  any  difoontents  could  be  carried  fo  far  as  to  a  general  ri- 
ling, which  thefe  men  undertook  for  ^  fo,  he  faid,  what  would 
the  effed  be  of  turning  England  into  a  Common-wealth,  if  it 
could  poflibly  be  brought  about,  but  the  ruine  of  Holland?  It 
would  naturally  draw  many  of  the  Dutch  to  leave  their  country, 
that  could  not  be  kept  and  maintained  but  at  a  vaft  charge,  and 
to  exchange  that  for  the  plenty  and  focurity  that  England  a£^ 
forded.  Therefore  all  that  he  would  engage  in  was,  to  weak- 
en the  trade  oi England,  and  to  deftroy  their  fleets  in  which  he 
liiGceeded  the  following  year  beyond  all  expedation.  The  bu- 
fy  men  in  Scotland,  being  encouraged  from  Rotterdam,  went 
about  the  country,  to  try  if  any  men  of  weight  would  itt  them- 

folves 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  11.  227 

felves  at  the  head  of  their  defigns  for  an  infurredion.  The  Earl  166^. 
of  Caffil'ts  and  Lockhart  were  the  two  perfons  they  refolved  to  -^^''^V"^ 
try.  But  they  did  it  at  fo  great  a  diftance,  that,  from  the  propo- 
fition  made  to  them,  there  was  no  danger  of  mifprifion  of  trea- 
fbn.  Lord  Cajfd'ts  had  given  his  word  to  the  King,  that  he 
would  never  engage  in  any  plots :  And  he  had  got  under  the 
King's  hand  a  promife,  that  he  and  his  family  fhould  not  be  di- 
fturbed,  let  him  ferve  God  in  what  way  he  pleafed.  So  he  did 
not  fuffer  them  to  come  fo  far  as  to  make  him  any  propofitions. 
Lcckhart  did  the  fame.  They  feeing  no  other  perfon  that  had 
credit  enough  in  the  countrey  to  bring  the  people  about  him, 
gave  over  all  the  proje(5ls  for  that  year.  But,  upon  the  infor- 
mations that  the  King  had  of  their  caballing  at  Rotterdam,  he 
railed  thole  troops  of  which  mention  was  formerly  made. 

An  accident  happened  this  winter  at  Oxford,  too  inconfide-  ^^^x^^^^ . 
rable,  and  too  tender  to  be  mentioned,  if  it  were  not  that  great  loufy. 
effedis  were  believed  to  have  followed  on  it.  The  Duke  had  al- 
ways one  private  amour  after  another,  in  the  managing  of  which 
he  feemed  to  (land  more  in  awe  of  the  Duchels,  than,  confidering 
the  inequaHty  of  their  rank,  could  have  been  imagined.  Talbot 
was  looked  on  as  the  chief  manager  of  thofe  intrigues.  The 
Duchefs's  deportment  was  unexceptionable,  which  made  her  au- 
thority the  greater.  At  Oxford  there  was  then  a  very  graceful 
young  man  of  quality  that  belonged  to  her  Court,  whofe  lervi- 
-ces  were  ^o  acceptable,  that  fhe  was  thought  to  look  at  him  in 
a  particular  manner.  This  was  {o  reprelented  to  the  Duke,  th^t 
he,  being  reiolved  to  emancipate  himfelf  into  more  open  prac- 
tices, took  up  a  jealoufy  j  and  put  the  perfon  out  of  his  Court 
with  (o  much  precipitation,  that  the  thing  became  very  publick 
by  this  means.  The  Duchels  loft  the  power  (he  had  over  him 
io  entirely,  that  no  method  llie  could  think  on  was  like  to  re- 
cover it,  except  one.  She  began  to  difcover  what  his  religion 
was,  tho'  he  ftill  came  not  only  to  Church,  but  to  Sacrament. 
And  upon  that  fhe,  to  regain  what  Ihe  had  loft,  entered  into 
private  difcourfes  with  his  Priefts;  but  in  fo  lecret  a  manner, 
that  there  was  not  for  fome  years  after  this  the  leaft  lufpicion 
given.  She  began  by  degrees  to  llacken  in  her  conftant  coming 
to  Prayers  and  to  Sacrament,  in  which  Ihe  had  been  before  that 
regular,  almoft  to  fuperftition.  She  put  that  on  her  ill  health: 
For  Ihe  fell  into  an  ill  habit  of  body ,  which  fome  imputed  to 
the  effed:  of  fome  of  the  Duke's  diftempers  communicated  to  her. 
A  ftory  was  fet  about,  and  generally  believed,  that  the  Earl  of 
Southejk,  that  had  married  a  daughter  of  Duke  Ham'tlton'Sj  liif- 
peding  fome    familiarities  between  the  Dwke  and  his   wife.  His  amours; 

had 


2  2  8         The  History  of  the  keign 

166').  Had  taken  a  furc  method  to  procure  a  difeafe  to  himfelF,  which 
he  communicated  to  his  wife,  and  was  by  that  means  (et 
round  till  it  came  to  the  Duchefs,  who  was  Co  tainted  with  it 
that  it  was  the  occafion  of  the  death  of  all  her  children,  except 
the  two  daughters,  our  two  Qiieens;  and  was  believed  the  caufe 
of  an  illncfs  under  which  fhc  languifhed  long,  and  died  Co  cor- 
rupted, that  in  drefling  her  body  after  her  death,  one  of  her 
breads  burft,  being  a  ma:fs  of  corruption.  Lord  Southejk  was 
for  fome  years  not  ill  pleafed  to  have  this  believed.  It  looked 
like  a  peculiar  drain  of  revenge,  with  which  he  feemed  much 
delighted.  But  I  know  he  has  to  fbme  cf  his  friends  denied  the 
whole  of  the  ftory  very  folemnly.  Another  ac^ed  a  better  part. 
He  did  not  like  a  commerce  that  he  obferved  betv^eeh  the  Duke 
and  his  wife.  He  went  and  expoftulated  with  him  upon  it. 
The  Duke  fell  a  commending  his  wife  much.  He  told  him,  he 
came  not  to  (eek  his  wife's  character  from  him:  The  moft  ef- 
fc<5tual  way  of  commending  her,  was  to  have  nothmg  to  do  with 
her.  He  added,  that  if  Princes  would  do  thofe  wrongs  to  fub- 
je<5ts,  who  could  not  demand  fiich  reparations  of  honour  as  they 
could  from  their  equals,  it  would  put  them  on  fecreter  methods  of 
revenge:  For  fome  injuries  were  liich,  that  men  of  honour  could 
not  bear  them.  And,  upon  a  new  obfervation  he  made  of  the 
Duke's  defigns  upon  his  wife,  he  quitted  a  very  good  poft,  and 
went  with  her  into  the  country,  where  he  kept  her  till  (he  di- 
ed. Upon  the  whole  matter  the  Duke  was  often  ill.  The 
children  were  born  with  ulcers,  or  they  broke  out  upon  them  fboa 
after:  And  all  his  fons  died  young,  and  unhealthy.  This  has, 
as  far  as  any  thing  that  could  not  be  brought  in  the  way 
of  proof,  prevailed  to  create  a  fufpicion,  that  fo  healthy  a  child 
as  the  pretended  Prince  of  Wales  could  neither  be  his,  nor  be 
born  of  any  wife  with  whom  he  had  lived  long.  The  violent 
pain  that  his  eldeft  daughter  had  in  her  eyes,  and  the  gout  which 
has  early  (eized  our  prefent  Queen,  are  thought  the  dregs  of  a 
tainted  original.  Wtllis,  the  great  phyfician,  being  called  to 
Gonfult  for  one  of  his  fons,  gave  his  opinion  in  thofe  words. 
Mala  Stamina  Vtta-^  which  gave  fiich  offence,  that  he  was  never 
called  for  afterwards. 

\666.  I  know  nothing  of  the  counfcls  of  the  year  \666^  nor  whole 
~  ~  advices  prevailed.  It  was  refolved  on,  that  the  Duke  fliould  not 
go  to  fea;  but  that  Monk  fhould  command  the  great  fleet  of  be- 
tween fifty  and  fixty  fhips  of  the  line,  and  that  Vr'\ncQ  Rupert  fliould 
be  fent  with  a  fquadron  of  about  twenty  five  (hips  to  meet  the 
French  fleet,    and  to  hinder  their  conjundion  with  the  Dutch: 

For 


of  King  Charles  II.  229 

For  the  French  had  promifed  a  fleet  to  join  the  Dutch ^  but  never  \666. 
lent  it.    Monk  went  out  To  certain  of  victory,  that  he  Teemed  only  v-^V~^>«- 
concerned  for  fear  the  Dutch  fliould  not  come  out.     The  Court 
flattered  therafelves  with  the  hopes  of  a  very  happy  year:  But  it 
proved  a  fatal  one.    The  Dutch  fleet  came  out,   De  IVit  and  feme 
of  the  States  being  on  board.    They  engaged  the  Engl'tJJj  fleet  for  The  flw 
two  days,  in  which  they  had  a  manifeft  fuperiority.  But  it  coft  them  JiUcVT 
clear,-  for  the  Englifh  fought  well.    But  the  Dutch  were  Tupcriour  J."y^5*f J*''' 
in  number,  and  were  fo  well  furnilhed  with  chained  fliot,   (a  pe- PHnce  i^*. 
culiar  contrivance  of  which /)d'//^//  had  the  honour  to  be  thought^'^'^'* 
the  inventer,  that  the  Enghfh  fleet  was  cjuite  unrigged.)  And  they 
were  in  no  condition  to  work  themfelves  off.    So  they  muft:  have 
all  been  taken,  funk,  or  burnt,  if  Prince  Rupert^  being  yet  in  the 
channel,  and  hearing  that  they  were  engaged  by  the  continued 
roaring  of  guns,  had  not  made  all  poflible  hafte  to  get  to  them. 
He  came  in  good  time.    And  the  Dutch,  who  had  (uffered  much, 
feeing  lo  great  a  force  come  up,  fteered  off.    He  was  in  no  con- 
dition to  pur(ue  them;    but  brought  off  our  fleet,  which  laved 
us  a  great  lofs  that  fcemed  otherwife  unavoidable.     The  Court 
gave  out  that  it  was  a  vid;ory :  And  pubHck  thankfgivings  were 
ordered,   which  was  a  horrid  mocking  of  God,  and  a  lying  to 
the  world.     We  had  in  one  refpe6t  reafon  to  thank  God,    that 
we  had  not  lofl:  our  whole  fleet.     But  to  compleat  the  miferies 
of  this  year :  The  Plague  was  fo  funk  in  London,  that  the  inhabi- 
tants began  to  return  to  it,  and  brought  with  them  a  great  deal 
of  manufa<5lure,  which  was  lying  on  the  hands  of  the  clothiers 
and  others,  now  in  the  fecond  year  of  the  war,  in  which  trade 
and  all  other  confumptions  were  very  low.  It  was  reckoned,  that  a 
peace  muft  come  next  winter.     The  merchants  were  upon  that 
preparing  to  go  to  market  as  foon  as  poflible.     The  fummer 
had  been  the  dryeft:  that  was  known  of  fome  years.     And  Lon-' 
don  being  for  the  moft  part  built  of  timber  filled  up  with  plaifter, 
all  was  cxtream  dry.     On  the  fecond  of  September  a  fire  broke  The  fy-e  of 
out,  that  raged  for  three  days,  as  if  it  had  a  commiflion  to  de- 
vour every  thing  that  was  in  its  way.    On  the  fourth  day  it  ftopt 
in  the  midft  of  very  combuftible  matter. 

I  will  not  enlarge  on  the  extent  nor  the  deflrrudion  made  by 
the  fire:  Many  books  are  full  of  it.  That  which  is  fliill  a  great 
fecret  is,  whether  it  was  cafiial,  or  rai(ed  on  defign.  The  Englijh 
fleet  had  landed  on  the  /^/y,  an  ifland  lying  near  the  Texel,  and 
had  burnt  it:  Upon  which  fome  came  to  De  Wtt,  and  offered 
a  revenge,  that,  if  they  were  aflifted,  they  would  fet  London  on 
fire.  He  rejected  the  propofition :  For  he  faid,  he  would  not 
make  the  breach  wider,  nor  the  quarrel  irreconcilable.     He  faid, 

N  n  n  it 


236         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1666.  it  was  brought  him  by  one  of  the  Lahacftjis^  as  fent  to  them  by 
^i-^'-V"*^  fome  others.  He  made  no  farther  reflexions  on  the  matter  till 
the  City  was  burnt.  Then  he  began  to  furpe(5t  there  had  been 
a  defign,  and  that  they  had  intended  to  draw  him  into  it,  and 
to  lay  the  odium  of  it  upon  the  Dutch.  But. he  could  hear  no 
news  of  thofe  who  had  fent  that  propofition  to  him.  In  the 
y^prd  before,  fome  Common-wealths-men  were  found  in  a  plot, 
and  hanged  ^  who  at  their  execution  confelfed,  they  had  been 
*  ■  ipoken  to,  toaflift  in  a  defign  of  burning  London  on  the  fecond 

of.  September.     This  was  printed  in  the  gazette  of  that  week, 
which  I  my  felf  read.    Now  the  fire  breaking  out  on  the  fecond 
made  all  people  conclude,    that  there  was  a  defign  fome  time 
before  on  foot  iot  doing  it. 
It  was  The  Papifts  were  generally  charged  with  it.     One  Hubert^  a 

t^hcPapifts!  French  Papift,  was  feized  on  in  Eff'ex,  as  he  was  getting  out  of 
the  way  in  great  confufion.  He  confelTed,  he  had  begun  the  fin^, 
and  perfifted  in  his  confcffion  to  his  death;  for  he  wasTianged 
upon  no  other  evidence  but  that  of  his  own  confcffion.  It  is 
true,  he  gave  fb  broken  an  account  of  the  whole  matter,  that 
he  was  thought  mad.  Yet  he  was  blindfolded,  and  carried  to 
feveral  places  of  the  City:  And  then,  his  eyes  being  opened,  he 
was  afked,  if  that  was  the  place:  And  he  being  carried  to  wrong 
places,  after  he  looked  round  about  for  fome  time,  he  faid,  that 
was  not  the  place:  But  when  he  was  brought  to  the. place  where 
it  firft  broke  out,  he  affirmed  that  was  the  true  place.  And  7//- 
lotfon  told  me,  that  Howelly  then  the  recorder  of  London,  was  with 
him,  and  had  much  difcourfe  with  him  ,•  and  that  he  concluded, 
it  was  impoflible  that  it  could  be  a  melancholy  dream :  The  hor- 
rour  of  the  fad,  and  the  terrour  of  death,  and  perhaps  fome 
engagements  in  confeflion,  might  put  him  in  fuch  diforder,  that 
it  was  not  poflible  to  draw  a  clear  account  of  any  thing  from 
•him,  but  of  what  related  to  himfelf.  Tdlotfon,  who  believed  that 
the  City  was  burnt  on  defign,  told  me  a  circumflance  that  made 
the  Papifts  employing  fiich  a  crazed  man  in  fuch  a  fervice  more 
credible.  Langhorn,  the  Popifti  counfellor  at  law,  who  for  many 
ye^rs  pafs'd  for  a  Proteftant,  was  difpatching  a  half-witted  man 
to  rhanage  eledions  in  Kent  before  the  Reitoration.  Tdlotfon, 
being  prefent,  and  obferving  what  a  fort  of  man  he  was,  afkcd 
Ldnghorn,  how  he  could  employ  him  in  fuch  fervices.  Lang- 
horn  anfwered,  it  was  a  maxim  with  him  in  dangerous  fervices 
to  employ  none  but  half-witted  men,  if  they  could  be  but  fecret 
and  obey  orders:  For  if  they  fliould  change  their  minds,  and 
turn  informers  inftead  of  agents,  it  would  be  eal)^  to  difcrcdit  them, 
and  to  carry  off  the  weight  of  any  difcoveries  they  could  make, 

by 

3 


of  KingCnKKh^s>  IL  231 

by  {hewing  they  were  mad-men,  and  fo  not  Hke  to  be  trufted  in  1 666. 
critical  things.  ^x-vn^ 

The  moil  extraordinary  pafTage,  tho'  it  is  but  a  prefumption,  a  drong 
was  told  me  by  Dodor  Llo'yd  and  the  Countefs  of  Clarendon.  Pj5fumption 
The  latter  had  a  great  eftate  in  the  new  river  that  is  brought 
from  Ware  to  London,  which  is  brought  together  at  IJJin^ton, 
where  there  is  a  great  room  full  of  pipes  that  convey  it  thro'  all 
the  ftreets  of  London.  The  conftant  order  of  that  matter  was, 
to  let  all  the  pipes  a  running  on  Saturday  night,  that  fb  the 
cifterns  might  be  all  full  by  Sunday  morning,  tnere  being  a  more 
than  ordinary  confumption  of  water  on  that  day.  There  was 
one  Grant,  a  Papift,  under  whofe  name  Sir  IVUltam  Petty  pub- 
lifhed  his  obfervations  on  the  bills  of  mortality:  He  had  lome 
time  before  applied  himfelf  to  Lloyd,  who  had  great  credit  with 
the  Countejfs  of  Clarendon-,  and  faid,  he  could  raiie  that  eftate 
confiderably,  if  flie  would  make  him  a  truftee  for  her.  His 
fchemes  were  probable :  And  he  was  made  one  of  the  board  that 
governed  that  matter :  And  by  that  he  had  a  right  to  come,  as 
oft  as  he  pleafed,  to  view  their  works  at  I/lington.  He  went 
thither  the  Saturday  before  the  fire  broke  out,  and  called  for  the 
key  of  the  place  where  the  heads  of  the  pipes  were,  and  turn- 
ed all  the  cocks  that  were  then  open,  and  ftopt  the  water,  and 
went  away,  and  carried  the  keys  with  him.  So  when  the  fire 
broke  out  next  morning,  they  opened  the  pipes  in  the  ftreets  to 
find  water,  but  there  was  none.  And  (bme  hours  were  loft  in 
fending  to  Ijlmgton,  where  the  door  was  to  be  broke  open,  and 
the  cocks  turned.  And  it  was  long  before  the  water  got  to  Lon- 
don. Grant  indeed  denied  that  he  had  turned  the  cocks.  But 
the  officer  of  the  works  affirmed,  that  he  had,  according  to  or- 
der, let  them  all  a  running,  and  that  no  perfon  had  got  the 
keys  from  him,  befidcs  Grant;  who  confeffcd  he  had  carried 
away  the  keys,  but  pretended  he  did  it  without  defign.  There 
were  many  other  ftories  fet  about,  as  that  the  Papifts  in  feveral 
places  had  afked,  if  there  was  no  news  of  the  burning  of  Lon- 
don, and  that  it  was  talked  of  in  many  parts  beyond  fea,  long 
before  the  news  could  get  thither  from  London.  In  this  matter 
I  was  much  determined  by  what  Sir  Thomas  Littleton,  the  father, 
told  me.  He  was  a  man  of  a  ftrong  head,  and  found  judgment. 
He  had  juft  as  much  knowledge  in  trade,  hiftory,  the  dilpofiti- 
on  of  Europe,  and  the  conftitution  oi England,  as  fervcd  to  feed 
and  dired  his  own  thoughts,  and  no  more.  He  lived  all  the 
fummer  long  in  London,  where  I  was  his  next  neighbour,  and 
had  for  feven  years  a  conftant  and  daily  converfation  with  him. 
He  was  Treafurer  of  the  Navy  in  conjunction  with  Osborn,  who 

was 


1^1  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1666.  was  afterwards  Lord  Trcafurer,  who  fupplantcd  him  in  that  po/l, 
and  got  it  all  into  his  own  hands.  He  had  a  very  bad  opinion 
of  the  King ;  and  thought,  that  he  had  worfe  intentions  than  his 
brother,  but  that  he  had  a  more  dextrous  way  of  covering  and  ma- 
naging them  J  only  his  lazinefs  made  him  lefs  earned  in  profecuting 
them.  He  had  generally  the  character  of  the  ableft  Parliamcnc 
man  in  his  time.  His  chief  eftate  lay  in  the  City,  not  far  from 
the  place  where  the  fire  broke  out,  tho'  it  did  not  turn  that  way. 
He  was  one  of  the  Committee  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  that 
examined  all  the  prefumptions  of  the  City's  being  burnt  on  de- 
fign :  And  he  often  alTured  me,  that  there  was  no  clear  prefump- 
tion  made  out  about  it,  and  that  many  flories,  which  were  pub- 
lifhed  with  good  afTurance,  came  to  nothing  upon  a  ilrid:  exami- 
nation. He  was  at  that  time,  that  the  inquiry  was  made,  in  em- 
ployment at  Court.  So,  whether  that  biafled  him,  or  not,  I  can- 
not tell.  There  was  fo  great  a  diverfity  of  opinions  in  the  mat- 
ter, that  I  muft  leave  it  under  the  fame  uncertainty  in  which  I 
found  it.  If  the  French  and  Dutch  had  been  at  that  time  de- 
iigning  an  impreflion  ellewhere,  it  might  have  been  more  rea- 
fonable  to  jfuppofc  it  was  done  on  defign  to  diftrad:  our  affairs. 
But  it  fell  out  at  a  dead  time,  when  no  advantage  could  be  made 
of  it.  And  it  did  not  feem  probable,  that  the  Papifts  had  engag- 
ed in  the  defign,  merely  to  impoveriili  and  ruine  the  Nation  ;  for 
they  had  nothing  ready  then  to  graft  upon  the  confufion  that  this 
put  all  the  people  in.  Above  twelve  thoufand  houfes  were  burnt 
down,  with  the  greateft  part  of  the  furniture  and  merchandize 
that  was  in  them.  All  means  ufed  to  ftop  it  proved  ineffediual  ,• 
tho'  the  blowing  up  of  houfes  was  the  mo/b  effcdtual  of  any.  But 
the  wind  was  fo  high,  that  fleaks  of  fire  and  burning  matter  were 
carried  in  the  air  crofs  feveral  ftreets.  So  that  the  fire  fpread  not 
only  in  the  next  neighbourhood,  but  at  a  great  diftance.  The 
King  and  the  Duke  were  almoft  all  the  day  long  on  horfebaek 
with  the  guards,  feeing  to  all  that  could  be  done,  either  for 
quenching  the  fire,  or  for  carrying  off  perfons  and  goods  to  the 
fields  all  about  London,  The  mod  aftonifiiiag  circumftance  of 
that  dreadful  conflagration  was,  that,  notwithftanding  the  great 
deftrudion  that  was  made,  and  the  great  confufion  in  the  ftreets, 
I  could  never  hear  of  any  one  perlbn  that  was  either  burnt,  or 
trodden  to  death.  The  King  was  never  obferved  to  be  fo  much 
ftruck  with  any  thing  in  his  whole  life,  as  with  this.  But  the 
citizens  were  not  fo  well  fatisfied  with  the  Duke's  behaviour. 
They  thought  he  looked  too  gay,  and  too  little  concerned.  A 
jealoufy  of  his  beidg  concerned  ia  it  was  fpread  about  with  great 

induftry. 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  £  s  tt  233 

induftry,  but  whh  very  little  appearance  of  truth.    Yet  it  grew  1666. 
to  be  generally  believed,  chiefly  after  he  owned  he  was  a  PapiS.      ^-^vn-/ 
In  Scotland  the  fermentation  went  very  high.  Turner  was  fent  Diforden  in 
again  into  the  Weft  in  Oclober  this  year:  And  he  began  to  treat '^""''"''' 
the  country  at  the  old  rate.    The  people  were  alarmed,  and  faw 
they  were  to  be  undone.     They  met  together,  and  talked  with 
fome  fiery  Minifters.     Sempk,   Maxwell,   Weljh,    and  Guthry 
Were  the  chief  incendiaries.     Two  Gentlemea  that  had  lerved 
in  the  wars,  one  a  Lieutenant  Colonel,  Wallace^  an4  the  other 
that  had  been  a  Major,  Learmoth,  were  the  beft  officers  they  had 
to  rely  on.     The  chief  Gentlemen  of  thofe  Counties  were  all 
clapt  up  in  prifon,  as  was  formerly  told.    So  that  preferved  them : 
Otherwife  they  muft  either  have  engaged  with  the  people ,,  or 
have  loft  their  intereft  among  them.    The  people  were  told,  that 
the  fire  of  London  had  put  things  in  that  confufion  at  Court, 
that  any  vigorous  attempt  would  difordcr  all  the  King's  affairs. 
If  the  new  levied  troops  had  not  ftood  in  their  way,  they  would 
have  been  able  to  have  carried  all  things  againftthem:  For  the  two 
troops  of  guards  with  the  regiment  of  foot  guards  would  not 
have  been  able  to  have  kept  their  ground  before  them.     The 
people,  as  Ibme  of  them  told  me  afterwards,  were  made  to  believe 
that  the  whole  Nation  was  in  the  fame  difpolition.     So  on  the, 
thirteenth  of  November  they  ran  together :  And  two  hundred  of 
them  went  to  Dunfreis,  where  Turner  then  lay  with  a  few  fbldi- 
ers  about  him  ^  the  greateft  part  of  his  men  being  then  out  ia 
parties  for  the  levying  of  fines.    So  they  fiirprifed  him  before  he 
could  get  to  his  arms :  Otherwife,   he  told  me,    he  would  have 
been  killed  rather  than  taken,  fince  he  expeded  no  mercy  from 
them.     With  himfelf  they  feized  his  papers  and  inftrudions,  by 
which  it  appeared  he  had  been  gentler  than  his  orders  were.    So 
they  refblved  to  keep  him,  and  exchange  him  as  occafion  fliould 
be  offered.    But  they  did  not  tell  him  what  they  intended  to  do 
with  him :  So  he  thought,  they  were  keeping  him,  till  they  might 
hang  him  up  with  the  more  folemnity.    There  was  a  confidera- 
ble  cafh  in  his  hands,  partly  for  the  pay  of  his  men,  partly  of 
the  fines  which  he  had  raifed  in  the  country,   that  was  feized : 
But  he,  to  whom  they  trufted  the  keeping  of  it,  ran  away  with 
it.     Tlyfey  fpread  a  report,  which  they  have  fince  printed,  and 
it  palTed  for  fome  time  current,  that  this  rifing  was  the  effed:  of 
a  fudden  heat,  that  the  country  was  put  in  by  feeing  one  of  their 
neighbours  tied  on  a  horfe  hand  and  foot,    and  carried  away, 
only  becaufe  he  could  not  pay  a  high  fine  that  was  fet  upon  him ; 
and  that  upon  this  provocation  the  neighbours,    who  did  not 
know  how  foon  fueh  ufage  would  fall  to  their  own  turn,  ran  to- 

O  o  o  gether, 


234         The  Hi  sroKY  of  the  Reign 

\666.    gethef,  and  refcued  him;  and  that,  fearing  fome  fevere  ufage  for 
^^^""v^^  that    they  kept  together,    and  that,  others  coming  into  them, 
they  tvent  on^   and  feized  Turner.     But  this  was  a  ftory  made 
only  to  beget  compaffion :  For,  after  the  infurredtion  was  quaflVd, 
the  Privy  Council  fent  fbme  round  the  country,  to  examine  the 
violences  that  had  been  committed,    particularly  in  the  parifh 
where  it  was  given  out  that  this  was  done.     I  read  the  report 
they  made  to  the  Council,  and  all  the  depofitions  that  the  peo- 
ple of  the  country  made  before  them :   But  this  was  not  menti- 
oned in  any  one  of  them. 
ArebeiWon       The  ncws  of  this  tifing  was  brought  to  Edenburgh,  fame  en- 
in  '*"=Weft.^^^^^^g  ^j^^jj.  numbers  to  fome  thoufands.    And  this  happening 

to  be  near  Carlde,  the  Governour  of  that  place  fent  an  exprefs 
to  Court,  in  which  the  ftrength  of  the  party  was  magnified  much 
beyond  the  truth.     The  Earl  of  Rothes  was  then  at  Court,  who 
had  affured  the  King,  that  all  things  were  fo  well  managed  in 
Scotland  J  that  they  were  in  perfed:  quiet.     There  were,  he  faid, 
fome  ftubborn  Fanaticks  ftill  left,  that  would  be  foon  (ubdued: 
But  there  was  no  danger  from  any  thing  that  they  or  their  party 
could  do.   He  gave  no  credit  to  the  exprefs  from  Carlde:  But,  two 
days  after,  the  news  was  confirmed  by  an  exprefs  from  Scotland, 
Sharp  was  then  at  the  head  of  the  government :  So  he  managed 
this  little  war,    and   gave  all  the  orders  and  directions  in  it. 
'Dalziel  was  commanded  to  draw  all  the  force  they  had  together, 
which  lay  then  difperfed  in  quarters.    When  that  was  done,  he 
marched  Weftward.    A  great  many  ran  to  the  rebels,  who  came 
to  be  called  Whiggs.     At  Lanerkk  in  Cltdd'ifdale  they  had  a  fb- 
lemn  faft  day,    in  which  after  much  praying  they  renewed  the 
Covenant,    and  fet  out  their  manifefto:  In  which  they  denied, 
that  they  rofe  againft  the  King  5  they  complained  of  the  oppreP 
fion  under  which  they  had  groaned  j  they  defired  that  Epifcopa- 
cy  might  be  put  down,    and  that  Prefbytery,    and  the  Cove- 
nant, might  be  fet  up,  and  their  Minifters  reftored  again  to  them; 
and  then  they  promifed,  that  they  would  be  in  all  other  things 
the  King's  moft  obedient  fubjeds.     The  Earl  of  Argtle  raifed 
fifteen    hundred    men,     and    wrote   to   the   Council    that   he 
was  ready  to  march  upon  order.     Sharp  thought,    that  if  he 
came  into  the  country,  either  he  or  his  men  would  certainly  join 
with  the  rebels :  So  he  fent  him  no  order  at  all.    But  he  was  at 
the  charge  of  keeping  his  men  together  to  no  purpofe.     Sharp 
was  all  the  while  in  a  dreadful  confternation,   and  wrote  difmal 
letters  to  Court,  praying  that  the  forces  which  lay  in  the  North 
oi England m\g\\i  be  ordered  down:  For,  he  wrote,   they  were 
furrounded  with  the  rebels,  and  did  not  know  what  was  become 

of 


of  King  Charles  II.  23^ 

of  the  King's  forces.     He  alfo  moved,  that  the  Council  would  16666, 
go,  and  fhut  themfelves  up  in  the  Caftle  of  Edenbuygh.    But  that  ^^"Vn.* 
was  oppofed  by  the  reft  of  the  board,    as  an  abandoning  of  the 
Town,    and  the  betraying  an  unbecoming  fear,   which  might 
very  much  encourage  the  rebels,    and  fuch  as  intended  to  go 
over  to  them.     Orders  were  given  out  for  raifing  the  country: 
But  there  was  no  militia  yet  formed.    In  the  mean  while  Dalzt- 
el  followed  the  rebels  as  clofe  as  he  could.     He  publiftied  a  pro- 
clamation of  pardon,    as  he  was  ordered,   to  all  that  fliould  in 
twenty  four  hours  time  return  to  their  houfes,    and  declared  all 
that  continued  any  longer  in  arms  rebels.     He  found  the  coun- 
try was  fo  well  affeded  towards  them,  that  he  could  get  no  fort 
of  intelligence,    but  what  his  own  parties  brought  in  to  him. 
The  Whiggs  marched  towards  Edenburgh^  and  came  within  two 
miles  of  the  Town.    But,  finding  neither  Town  nor  Country  de- 
clare for  them,  and  that  all  the  hopes  their  leaders  had  given 
them  proved  falfe,  they  loft  heart.    From  being  once  above  two 
thoufand  they  were  now  come  to  be  not  above  eight  or  nine  hun- 
dred.   So  they  refolved  to  return  back  to  the  Weft,  where  they 
knew  the  people  were  of  their  fide,-  and  where  they  could  more 
eafily  difperfe  themfelves,  and  get  either  into  England  or  Ireland. 
The  Minifters  were  very  bufy  in  all  thofe  Counties,  plying  peo- 
ple of  rank  not  to  forfake  their  brethren  in  this  extremity.    And 
they  had  got  a  company  of  about  three  or  fourfcore  Gentlemen 
together,  who  were  marching  towards  them,  when  they  heard  of 
their  defeat:   And  upon  that  they  difperfed  themfelves.     The TJ^^'^jJ***^ 
rebels  thought  to  have  marched  back  by  the  way  of  PentlandMsnPeati 
Hill.     They  were  not  much  concerned  ^or  the  few  horfes  they  '""^^''^* 
had.  And  they  knew  that  Dalziel,  whofe  horfe  was  fatigued  with 
a  fortnight's  conftant  march,   could  not  follow  them.     And  if 
they  had  gained  but  one  night  more  in  their  march,  they  had 
got  out  of  his  reach.     But  on  the  twenty  eighth  of  November, 
about  an  houi:  before  fun  fet,  he  came  up  to  them.     They  were 
pofted  on  the  top  of  a  hill:  So  he  engaged  with  a  great  difad- 
vantage.  They,  finding  they  could  not  get  off,  ftopt  their  march. 
Their  Minifters  did  all  they  could  by  preaching  and  praying  to 
infufe  courage  into  them:   And  they  fung  the  feventy  fourth 
and  the  feventy  eighth  Pfalms.    And  fo  they  turned  on  the  King's 
forces.     They  received  the  firft  charge  that  was  given  by  the 
troop  of  guards  very  refblutely,    and  put  them  in  diforder.   But 
that  was  all  the  adion  j  for  immediately  they  loft  all  order,  and 
ran  for  their  lives.     It  was  now  dark :  About  forty  were  killed 
on  the  fpot,  and  a  hundred  and  thirty  were  taken.    The  reft  were 
favoured  by  the  darknefs  of  the  night,  and  the  wearinefs  of  the 

King's 


13^         ^^^  History  of  the  Reign 

t666.  King's  troops,  that  were  not  in  cafe  to  purfue  them,  and  had 
'^■<*v''"^^no  great  heart  to  it:  For  they  were  a  poor  harmlefs  company 
of  men,  become  mad  by  opprcflion:  And  they  had  taken  no- 
thing during  all  the  time  they  had  been  together,  but  what  had 
been  freely  given  them  by  the  country  people.  The  rebellion  was 
broken  with  the  lofs  of  only  five  on  the  King's  fide.  The  Gene- 
ral came  next  day  into  Edenburgh  with  his  prifoners. 
Severe  pro-  fhc  two  Atchbiihops  wcrc  now  delivered  out  of  all  their  fears : 
ga?nft"?he  And  thc  common  obfetvation,  that  cruelty  and  cowardife  go  to- 
pnfoners.  ggther,  was  too  vifibly  verified  on  this  occafion.  Lord  Rothes 
came  down  full  of  rage:  And,  that  being  inflamed  by  the  two 
Archbiihops^  he  refblved  to  proceed  with  the  ucmoft  feverity 
againft  the  prilbners.  Burnet  advifed  thc  hanging  of  all  thofe 
who  would  not  renounce  the  Covenant,  and  promife  to  conform 
to  the  laws  for  the  future:  But  that  was  thought  too  fevere.  Yet 
he  was  fent  up  to  London^  to  procure  of  the  King  an  inftrudi- 
on,  that  they  fhould  tender  the  Declaration  renouncing  the  Co- 
venant to  all  who  were  thought  difafFeded^  and  proceed  againft 
thofe  who  refufed  that,  as  againft  feditious  pcrfons.  The  beft 
of  the  Epifcopal  Clergy  fet  upon  the  Biftiops,  to  lay  hold  on 
this  opportunity  for  regaining  the  affedions  of  the  country,  by 
becoming  interceflburs  for  the  prifoners,  and  for  the  country, 
that  was  like  to  be  quartered  on  and  eat  up  for  the  favour  they 
had  exprefted  to  them.  Many  of  the  Bifliops  went  into  this, 
and  particularly  W'tjhart  of  Edenburgh,  tho'  a  rough  man,  and 
fharpened  by  ill  ufage.  Yet  upon  this  occafion  he  expreffed  a  ve- 
ry Chriftian  temper,  fiich  as  became  one  who  had  felt  what  the 
rigours  of  a  jprifon  had  been,-  for  he  fent  every  day  very  liberal 
jfiipplies  to  the  prifoners:  Which  was  indeed  done  by  the  whole 
Town,  in  fo  bountiful  a  manner,  that  many  of  them,  who  be- 
ing fhut  up  had  neither  air  nor  exercife,  were  in  greater  danger 
by  their  plenty,  than  they  had  been  by  all  their  unhappy  cam- 
paign. But  Sharp  could  not  be  mollified.  On  the  contrary  he 
encouraged  the  Minifters  in  the  difaffeded  Counties  to  bring  in 
all  the  informations  they  could  gather,  both  againft  the  prifo- 
ners, and  againft  all  thofe  who  had  been  among  them,  that 
they  might  be  fought  for,  and  proceeded  againft.  Moft  of  thofe 
got  over  to  Ireland.  But  the  Minifters  in  thofe  parts  a6ted  (o 
ill  a  part,  fo  unbecoming  their  characters,  that  the  averfion  of 
the  country  to  them  was  increafed  to  all  poflible  degrees :  They 
looked  on  them  now  as  wolves,  and  not  as  fhepherds.  It  was 
a  moving  fight,  to  fee  ten  of  the  prifoners  hanged  upon  one 
gibbet  at  Edenburgh:  Thirty  five  more  were  fent  to  their  coun- 
tries, and  hanged  up  before  their  own  doors  j  their  Minifters  all 

the 


of  Kmg  Charles  II.  237 

the  while  ufing  them  hardly,  and  declaring  them  damned  for  1666. 
their  rebellion.  They  might  all  have  faved  their  lives,  if  they  ^-'""v^^ 
would  have  renounced  the  Covenant :  So  they  were  really  a  fort 
of  martyrs  for  it.  They  did  all  at  their  death  give  their  tefti- 
mony,  according  to  their  phrafe,  to  the  Covenant,  and  to  all 
that  had  been  done  purfuant  to  it:  And  they  exprefled  great  joy 
in  their  fufferings.  Moft  of  them  were  but  mean  and  inconfide- 
rable  men  in  all  relpeds :  Yet  even  thefe  were  firm  and  inflexi- 
ble in  their  perfuafions.  Many  of  them  efcaped,  notwithftand- 
ing  the  great  fearch  was  made  for  them.  Guthry  the  chief  of 
their  preachers  was  hid  in  my  mother's  houfe,  who  was  bred  to 
her  brother  fVartJion's  principles,  and  could  never  be  moved 
from  them :  He  died  next  fpring.  One  Macca'tlj  that  was  on- 
ly a  probationer  preacher,  and  who  had  been  chaplain  in  Sir 
James  Steward's  houfe,  had  gone  from  Edenburgh  to  them.  It 
was  believed,  he  was  fent  by  the  party  in  town,  and  that  he 
knew  their  correfpondents.  So  he  was  put  to  the  torture,  which 
in  Scotland  x\ity  call  the  boots  ^  for  they  put  a  pair  of  iron  boots 
clofe  on  the  leg,  and  drive  wedges  between  thefe  and  the  leg. 
The  common  torture  was  only  to  drive  thefe  in  the  calf  of  the 
leg :  But  I  have  been  told  they  were  fbmetimes  driven  upon  the 
fhin  bone.  He  bore  the  torture  with  great  conflancy :  And  ei- 
ther he  could  fay  nothing,  or  he  had  the  firmnefs  not  to  difco- 
ver  thofe  who  had  trufled  him.  Every  man  of  them  could  have 
faved  his  own  life,  if  he  would  accufe  any  other:  But  they  were 
all  true  to  their  friends.  Macca'tly  for  all  the  pains  of  the 
torture,  died  in  a  rapture  of  joy :  His  lafl  words  were,  farewel  fiin, 
moon  and  flars,  farewel  kindred  and  friends,  farewel  world  and 
time,  farewel  weak  and  frail  body,  welcome  eternity,  wel- 
come Angels  and  Saints,  welcome  Saviour  of  the  world,  and 
welcome  God  the  Judge  of  all ;  which  he  fpoke  with  a  voice  and 
manner  that  flruck  all  that  heard  it. 

His  death  was  the  more  cried  out  on,   becaufe  it  came  to  be  1667. 
known  afterwards,  that  Burnet,  who  had  come  down  before  his  yjJTJ^T^ 
execution,   had  brought  with  him  a  letter  from  the  King,   *°JJJ^^^  J"g'* 
which  he  approved  of  all  that  they  h-^  donej  but  added,  that(hjp$.  ' 
he  thought  there  was  blood  enough'  flied,   and  therefore  he  or- 
dered that  fuch  of  the  prifoners  as  fhould  promife  to  obey  the 
laws  for  the  future  fhould  be  fet  at  liberty,  and  that  the  incorri- 
gible fhould  be  fent  to  Plantations.     Burnet  let  the  execution 
go  on,   before  he  produced  his  letter,  pretending  there  was  no 
Council-day  between.     But  he,  who  knew  the  contents  of  it, 
ought  to  have  moved  the  Lord  Rothes  to  call  an  extraordinary 

P  p  p  ,         Council 


238  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1 667.    Council  to  prevent  the  execution.    So  that  blood  was  laid  on  him. 
J  He  was,  contrary  to  his  natural  temper,  very  violent  at  that  time, 
much  inflamed  by  his  family,  and  by  all  about  him.    Thus  this 
rebellion,  that  might  have  been  fo  turned  in  the  conclufion  of 
it,    that  the  Clergy  might  have  gained  reputation  and  honour 
by  a  wife  and  merciful  condud,  did  now  exafperate  the  country 
more  than  ever  againft  the  Church.     The  forces  were  ordered 
to  lye  in  the  Weft,  where  Dalz'tel  aded  the  Mufcov'ite  too  grofs- 
ly.    He  threatened  to  fpit  men,  and  to  roaft  them :  And  he  killed 
fome  in  cold  blood,    or  rather  in  hot  blood  j    for  he  was  then 
drunk,  when  he  ordered  one  to  be  hanged,  becaufe  he  would  not 
tell  where  his  father  was,   for  whom  he  was  in  fearch.     When 
he  heard  of  any  that  did  not  go  to  Church,  he  did  not  trouble 
himfelf  to  fet  a  fine  upon  him:  But  he  fet  as  many  foldiers  up- 
on him,    as  fliould  eat  him  up  in  a  night.    By  this  means  all 
people  were  ftruck  with  fiich  a  terrour,  that  they  came  regular- 
ly to  Church.     And  the  Clergy  were  fo  delighted  with  it,  that 
they  ufed  to  fpeak  of  that  time,    as  the  poets  do  of  the  golden 
age.     They  never  interceded  for  any  compafTion  to  their  peo- 
ple j  nor  did  they  take  care  to  live  more  regularly,  or  to  labour 
more  carefully.     They  looked  on  the  foldiery  as  their  patrons : 
They  were  ever  in  their  company,  complying  with  them  in  their 
excelfes :  And,  if  they  were  not  much  wronged,  they  rather  led 
them  into  them,  than  check'd  them  for  them.    Dalz'iel  himfelf 
and  his  officers  were  fo  difgufted  with  them,  that  they  encreafed 
the  complaints,    that  had  now  more  credit  from  them,    than 
from  thofe  of  the  country,  who  were  looked  on  as  their  enemies. 
Things  of  fo  ftrange  a  pitch  in  vice  were  told  of  them,  that  they 
feemed  fcarce  credible.     The  perfon,  whom  I  believed  the  bell 
as  to  all  fuch  things,  was  one  Sir  John  Cunn'wgham,  an  eminent 
lawyer,  who  had  an  eftate  in  the  country,  and  was  the  moft  ex- 
traordinary man  of  his  profeflion  in  that  Kingdom.     He  was 
Epifcopal  beyond  moft  men  in  Scotland,  who  for  the  far  great- 
eft  part  thought  that  forms  of  government  were  in  their  own 
nature  indifferent,    and  might  be  either  good  or  bad  according 
to  the  hands  in  wJiich  they  fellj  whereas  he  thought  Epifcopa- 
cy  was  of  a  divine  right,  fettled  by  Chrifi.     He  was  not  only  ve- 
ry learned  in  the  civil  and  canon  law,  and  in  the  philofophical 
learning,    but  was  very  univerfal  in  all  other  learning:  He  was 
a  great  divine,  and  well  read  in  the  Fathers,  and  in  ecclefiaftical 
hiftory.     He  was  above  all,  a  man  of  eminent  probity,  and  of 
a  {!^QQt  temper,  and  indeed  one  of  the  pioufeft  men  of  the  Na- 
tion.   The  ftate  of  the  Church  in  thofe  parts  went  to  his  heart: 
For  it  was  not  eafy  to  know  how  to  keep  an  even  hand  between 

the 


ment. 


^/O';/^  Charles  II.  239 

the  pcrveiTenefs  of  the  people  on  the  one  fide,  and  thV  nci^s  of  1667. 
the  Clergy  on  the  other.     They  looked  on  all  thofe  that  were-^^'V^^ 
lenfible  of  their  mifcarriages,  as  enemies  of  the  Church.     It  was 
after  all  hard  to  believe  all  that  was  fet  about  againft  them. 

The  King's  affairs  in  England  forced  him  to  foften  his  govern- a  change  of 
ment  every  where.    So  at  this  time  the  Earls  of  Tweecia/e  :ind  Avw-*^"""'''  ""** 

..  ■'  1  1       I   1     /»  1  1  more  mo- 

cardm  went  to  Court,  and  laid  before  the  King  the  ill  ftate  the<J"aiioniD 
country  was  in.  Sir  Robert  Murray  talked  often  with  him  about  I  ^  °''""* 
it.  Lord  Lauderdale  was  more  cautious  by  reafon  of  the  jealoufy 
of  his  being  a  Preibyterian.  Upon  all  which  the  King  refolved 
to  put  i^co^/^W  into  other  hands.  A  Convention  of  Eftates  had 
been  called  the  year  before,  to  raifc  money  for  maintaining  thd 
troops.  This  was  a  very  ancient  pradtice  in  the  Scot'tJJj  con- 
ftitution :  A  Convention  was  flimmoned  to  meet  within  twenty 
days :  They  could  only  levy  money,  and  petition  for  the  redrels 
of  grievances^  but  could  make  no  new  lawsj  and  meddled  only 
with  that  for  which  they  wer'^  brought  together.  In  the  former 
Convention  Sharp  had  prefided,  being  named  by  the  Earl  of  Ro- 
thes as  the  King's  Commiflioner.  In  the  winter'  1666,  or  rather 
in  the  fpring  1667,  there  was  another  Convention  called,  in  which 
the  King  by  a  fpecial  letter  appointed  Duke  Hamilton  to  prefide. 
And  the  King  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Rothes  ordered  him  to  write  to 
Sharp  to  {lay  within  his  tdioceis ,  and  to  come  no  more  to  Eden- 
burgh.  He  upon  this  was  ftruck  with  fb  deep  a  melancholy,  that 
he  fhewed  as  great  an  abjednefs  under  this  flight  difgrace,  as  he 
had  fliewed  infolence  before,  when  he  had  more  favour.  The' 
Convention  continued  the  aflcfTment  for  another  year  at  <j6oo 
pounds  a  month.  Sharp,  finding  he  was  now  under  a  cloud,  ftu- 
died  to  make  himfelf  popular  by  looking  after  the  education  of 
the  Marquis  of  Huntley,  now  the  Duke  of  Gordon:  He  had  an 
order  long  before  from  the  King  to  look  to  his  education,  that 
he  might  be  bred  a  Proteftantj  for  the  ftrength  of  Popery  within 
that  Kingdom  lay  in  his  family.  Bur,  tho'  this  was  ordered  du- 
ring the  Earl  of  Middletoun's  mioiftfy,  Sharp  h^A  not  alLthiV 
while  looked  alter  it.  The  Earl  of  Rothes's  miftrifs  was  a  Papift, 
and  nearly  related  to  the  Marquis  of  Hantly.  So  Sharp,  either 
to  make  his  court  the  better,  or  at  the  Lord  Rothes'^  defire,  had 
negledted  it  thele  four  years:  But  now  he  called  for  him.  He 
was  then  above  ly,  well  hardened  in  his  prejudices  by  the  lols  ■ 
of  fo  much  time.  What  pains  was  taken  on  him,  I  know  not. 
But,  after  a  trial  of  fome  months,  Sharp  faid,  he  law  he  was  not 
to  be  wrought  on,  and  fent  him  back  to  his  mother.  So  the 
intereft  that  popery  had  in  Scotland '^Sl'^  believed  to  be  chiefly  ow- 
ing to  Sharp's  compliance  with  the  EzxVof  Rothes's  amours.  The 

negle<5t 


240         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1.667.    negleft  of  his  duty  ia  fo  important  a  matter  was  much'  blamed: 
'  But  the  doing  it  upon  fuch  a  motive  was  reckoned  yet  more  in- 
famous.    After  the  convention  was  over,    Lord  Rothes  fent  up 
Drumond  to  reprefent  to  the  King  the  ill  affedions  of  the  wefterrt 
parts.  And,  to  touch  the  King  in  a  fenfible  point,  he  faid,  the 
Covenant  ftuck  fo  deep  in  their  hearts,  that  no  good  could  be 
done  till  that  was  rooted  out.    So  he  propofed,  as  an  expedient, 
that  the  King  would  give  the  Council  a  power  to  require  all  whom 
they  fufpeded  to  renounce  the  Covenant,  and  to  proceed  againft: 
fuch  as  reflifed  it  as  traitors.     Drumond  had  yet  too  much  of  the 
air  of  RuJJla  about  him,  tho'  not  with  Dalzkh  fiercenefs:  He 
had  a  great  meafure  of  knowledge  and  learning,  and  fome  true 
impreflions  of  rehgion:    But  he  thought j  that  upon  fiich  powers 
granted  there  would  be  great  dealing  in  bribes  and  confifcations. 
A  flight  accident  happened,  which  raifed  a  jeft  that  fpoiled  his 
errand.  The  King  flung  the  cover  of  the  letter  from  Scotland  into 
the  fire,  which  was  carried  up  all  in  a  flame,  and  fet  the  chim- 
ney on  fire:  Upon  which  it  was  faid,  thzt  t\\t  Scotijh  letter  had 
fired  Whitehall:  And  it  was  anfwered,  the  cover  had  almoft  {^t 
Whitehall  on  fire,  but  the  contents  of  it  would  certainly  fet  Scot- 
land all  in  a  flame.     It  was  faid,  that  the  law  for  renouncing  the 
Covenant  inferring  only  a  forfeiture  of  employments  to  thofe 
who  refufed  it,  the  flretching  it  fo  far  as  was  now  propofed  would 
be  liable  to  great  exception.   Yet  in  compliance  with  a  publick 
meffage  the  inflrudion  was  fent  down,  as  it  was  defired :  But  by 
a  private  letter  Lord  Rothes  was  ordered  to  make  no  ufe  of  it, 
except  upon  a  fpecial  command;  fince  the  King  had  only  gi- 
ven way  to  what  was  defired,  to  flrike  terrour  in  the  ill  affeded. 
The  fecret  of  it  broke  out :  So  it  had  no  efFe<5t,  but  to  make  the 
Lord  Rothes  and  his  party  more  odious.     Burnet ,  upon  Sharp'% 
difgrace,  grew  to  be  more  confidered.     So  he  was  fent  up  with 
a  propofition  of  a  very  extraordinary  nature,   that  the  weftern 
Counties  fhould  be  cantoned  under  a  fpecial  government,  and  pe- 
culiar taxes,  together  with  the  quartering  of  fouldiers  upon  them. 
It  was  faid,  that  thofe  Counties  put  the  nation  to  the  charge  of 
keeping  up  fuch  a  force:     And  therefore  it  feemed  reafbnable 
that  the  charge  fhould  lye  wholly  on  them.      He  alfb  propo- 
fed ,  that  a  fpecial  Council  fhould  be  appointed  to  fit  at  Glaf- 
gow:  And,  among  other  reafons  to  enforce  that  motion,  he  faid 
to  the  King,   and  afterwards  to  Lord  Lauderdale,   that  fome 
at  the  Council  board  were  ill  affeded  to  the  Church,  and  favour- 
ed her  enemies,  and  that  traitors  had  been  pleaded  for  at  that 
board.     Lord  Lauderdale  writ  down  prefently  to  know  what 
ground  there  was  for  this  j  fince,   if  it  was  not  true,  he  had  Bur^ 

net 

6 


of  King  Charles  II;  241 

net  at  mercy  for  leafing  making,  which  was  more  criminal  whcii  1 66*7. 
the  whole  Council  was  concerned  in  the  lie  that  was  made.  The  ^^"v^^ 
only  ground  for  this  was,  that  one  of  the  rebels,  excepted  in  the 
indemnity  that  was  proclaimed  fome  time  before,  being  taken , 
and,  it  being  evident  that  his  braiti  was  turned,  it  was  debated 
in  Council,  whether  he  fhould  be  proceeded  againft,  or  not: 
Some  argued  againft  that,  and  faid,  it  would  be  a  reproach  to  thd 
Government  to  hang  a  madman.  This  could  in  no  fortjuftify 
fuch  a  charge :  So  Lord  Lauderdale  refblved  to  make  ufe  of  it 
in  due  time.  The  proportion  itfelf  was  rejeded,  as  that  which 
the  King  could  not  do  by  law.  Burnet  upon  this  went  to  the 
Lord  Clarendon^  and  laid  before  him  the  faid  eftate  of  their  af- 
fairs in  Scotland.  He  fpoke  to  the  King  of  it:  And  he  took  care 
to  fet  the  Englfjh  Biihops  on  the  King,  with  whom  Burnet  had 
more  credit,  as  more  entirely  theirs,  than  ever  Sharp  had.  The 
Earl  of  Clarendon's  credit  was  then  declining :  And  it  was  a  clear 
fign  of  it,  when  the  King  told  Lord  Lauderdale  all  that  he  had 
faid  to  him  on  Scottjh  affairs,  which  provoked  him  extreamly. 
Burnet  was  fent  down  with  good  words :  But  the  King  was  re- 
folved  to  put  the  affairs  o^  Scotland \3inditi  another  management. 
Lord  Kmcardm  came  down  in  Aprtly  and  told  me,  that  Lord 
Rothesy>f2LS  to  beftript  of  all  his  places,  and  to  be  only  Lord  Chan- 
cellour.  The  Earl  of  Tweedale  and  Sir  Robert  Murray  were  to 
have  the  fecret  in  their  hands.  He  told  me,  the  peace  was  as 
good  as  made :  And  when  that  was  done,  the  Army  would  be  di(^ 
banded,-  and  things  would  be  managed  with  more  temper,  both 
in  Church  and  State.  This  was  then  ^o  great  a  fecret,  that  nei- 
ther the  Lord  Rothes^  nor  the  two  Archbifhops,  had  the  leaft 
hint  of  it.  Some  time  after  this  Lord  Rothes  went  to  the  North : 
Upon  which  an  accident  happened  that  haftened  his  fall. 

The  Scots  had  during  the  war  fet  out  many  privateers  ,•  and 
thefe  had  brought  in  many  rich  prizes.     The  Dutch^  being  pro-  ^^^  £,^,^^ 
voked  with  this,    fent  J^an  Gheudt  with  a  good  fleet  into  thefl"'"ine 
Frith^  to  burn  the  coaft,  and  to  recover  fuch  fhips  as  were  in  that  Frub. 
part.     He  came  into  the  Frith  on  the  firft  of  May.     If  he  had 
at  firft  hung  out  Engltjh  colours,    and  attacked  Le'tth  harbour 
immediately,  which  was  then  full  of  fhips,  he  might  have  done 
what  mifchief  he  pleafed:  For  all  were  fecure,  and  were  looking 
for  Sir  Jeremy  Smith  with  fome  frigats  for  the  defence  of  the 
coaft,  fince  the  King  had  fet  out  no  fleet  this  year.     There  had 
been  fuch  a  dillipation  of  treafure,  that,  for  all  the  money  that 
was  given,  there  was  not  enough  left  to  fet  out  a  fleet.    But  the 
Court  covered  this  by  faying,  the  peace  was  as  good  as  conclu- 
ded at  Breda,  where  the  Lord  Hollts  and  Sir  Wtlltam  Coventry 

Q.  q  q  were 


Z4-2  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1667.  were  treating  about  it  as  Plenipotentaries:  And,  tho'  no  ceflation 
*>-'^^v^'"^  was  agreed  on,  yet  they  reckoned  on  it  as  fure.     Upon  this,  a 
faying  of  the  Earl  of  Northumberland's  was  much  repeated :  When 
it  was  faid,  that  the  Kings  miftrcfs  was  like  to  ruine  the  Nation, 
he  faid,    it  was  fhe  that  faved  the  Nation.     While  we  had  a 
'  Houfe  of  Commons  that  gave  all  the  money  that  was  afked,  it 

was  better  to  have  the  money  fquandrcd  away  in  luxury  and  pro- 
digality, than  to  have  it  faved  for  worfe  purpofes.     l^an  Gheudt 
did  nothing  in  fhe  Frtth  for  fome  hours :  He  (hot  agamft  Brim- 
itjland  without  doing  any  mifchief     The  country  people  ran 
down  to  the  coaft,  and  made  a  great  fliow.     But  this  was  only  a 
faint,  to  divert  the  King  from  that  which  was  chiefly  intended : 
For  he  failed  out,  and  joined  de  Rmter:  And  fothc  fhameful  at- 
tack was  made  upon  the  river  of  Medway :  The  chain  at  the  mouth 
Andwenttoof  itj  which  was  then  all  its  fecurity,  was  broke:  And  the  Dutch 
and  burnt    fleet  failed  up  to  Chatham:  Of  which  I  will  fay  no  more  in  this 
our  Fleet,    pi^j.^^  i^m-  gQ  on  y^\x[\  the  affairs  of  Scotland. 

Lord  Rothes's  being  out  of  the  way  when  the  country  was  in 
(uch  dangerj  was  feverely  aggravated  by  the  Lord  Laudsrdaky 
and  did  bring  on  the  change  fomewhat  the  fooner.  In  June 
Sir  Robert  Murray  came  down  with  a  letter  from  the  King,  fu- 
perfeding  Lord  Rothes's  commiflion,  putting  the  Treafury  in  com- 
miflion,  and  making  Lord  Rethes  Lord  Chanceltour.  He  excu- 
fed  himfelf  from  being  raifed  to  that  poft  all  he  could  ,•  aod 
defired  to  continue  Lord  Treafurer:  But  he  flruggled  in  vain,  and 
was  forced  to  fubmit  at  laft.  Now  all  was  turned  to  a  more  fo- 
ber,  and  more  moderate  management.  Even  Sharp  grew  meek 
and  humble:  And  faid  to  my  felf,  it  was  a  great  happincfs  to 
have  to  deal  with  fober  and  feriousmeni  for  Lord  Rothes  and 
his  crew  were  perpetually  drunk.  When  the  peace  o^ Breda  was 
concluded,  the  King  wrote  to  the  Scot'tjh  Council,  and  commu- 
nicated that  to  them;  and  with  that  fignified,  that  it  was  his 
pleafure  that  the  Army  fliould  be  disbaoded.  The  Earl  of  Rothes^ 
Burnet y  and  all  the  officers  oppofed  this  much.  The  rebeUious 
difpofition  of  the  weftern  Counties  was  much  aggravated :  It  feem- 
ed  necelTary  to  govern  them  by  a  military  power.  Several  expe- 
dients were  propofed  on  the  other  hand.  Inftead  of  renouncing 
the  Covenant,  in  which  they  pretended  there  were  many  points 
of  religion  concerned,  a  bond  was  propofed  for  keeping  the  peace, 
and  againfl:  rifing  in  arms.  This  feemed  the  better  teft;  fince- 
it  fecured  the  publick  quiet,  and-  the  peace  of  the  Country ,  which 
was  at  prelent  the  moft  necelfary :  The  religious  part  was  to  be 
left  to  time,  and  good  management.  So  an  indemnity  of  a  more 
comprehenfive  nature  was  proclaimed:  And  the  bond  was  all  the 

^  fecurity 


of  Kwg  Charles  II.  243 

fecurity  that  Was  demanded.    Many  came  int6  the  bond:    Tho'  i66;i, 
there  were  fome  among  them  that  pretended  fcrUplcs :  For,  it  wiis  ■ 
faid,  peace  was  a  word  of  a  large  extent:  It  might  be  pretended, 
that  obeying  all  the  laws  was  implied  in  it.    Yet  the  Far  great- 
er number  fubmitted  to  this.     Thofe  who  wel-e  dillurbed  with 
fcruples  were  a  few  melancholy  ineohfiderable  perfons. 

In  Order  to  the  difbanding  the  Army  with  more  fecurity  it 
was  propofed,  that  a  County  militia  fhould  be  raifed,  and  train- 
ed for  fecuring  the  publick  ptace.  The  two  Arthbifhops  did 
not  lik€  this :  They  faid,  the  Commons,  of  whom  the  militia 
muft  be  compofed,  being  generally  ill  afFeded  to  the  Church, 
this  would  be  a  prejudice  rather  than  a  fecurity.  But,  to  eon- 
tent  them,  it  was  concluded,  that  in  Counties  that  were  ill  affec- 
ed  there  fhould  be  no  foot  raifed,  and  only  fome  troops  of  horfe. 
Burnet  complained  openly,  that  he  faw  Epifcopacy  was  tb  be 
pulled  down,  and  that  in  fuch  an  extremity  he  could  not  look 
on,  and  be  fdent.  He  writ  upon  thefe  matters  a  long  and  (br- 
rowtul  letter  to  Sheldon:  And  upon  that  Sheldon  writ  a  Very  long 
one  to  Sir  R.  Mwray ;  which  I  read,  and  found  more  temper" 
and  moderation  in  it,  than  I  could  have  expecJted  frotn'  him. 
Murray  had  got  fo  far  into  his  confidence,  and  he  feemed  to 
depend  fb  entirely  on  his  fincerity,  that  no  informations  againft 
him  could  work  upon  Sheldon.  Upon  Burnefszuuy'xng  things  (o 
high.  Sharp  was  better  ufed,  and  was  brought  again  to  the 
Council  board,  where  he  began  to  talk  of  moderation :  And  in 
the  debate  concerning  the  diibanding  the  Army,  he  faid,  it  was 
better  to  expofe  the  Bifhop  to  whatfoever  might  happen,  than 
to  have  the  Kingdom  go\'erned  for  their  fakes  by  a  military 
power.  Yet  in  private  he  ftudied  to  pofTefs  ail  people  with  pre- 
judices againft  the  perfons  then  employed,  as  the  entinwes 
of  the  Church.  Ac  that  time  Lord  Lauderdale  got  the  Kmg 
to  write  to  the  Privy  Council,  letting,  them  know  that  he  had 
been  informed,  traitors  had  been  pleaded  for  at  that  board.  This 
was  levelled  at  Burnet.  The  Council  in  their  anfwer,  as  they 
denied  the  imputation,  fo  they  defired  to  know,  who  it  was  that 
had  fo  afperfed  them.  Burnet ^  whcrr  the  letter  was  offered  to 
him  to  be  figned  by  him,  faid,  he  could  not  fay  traitors  had 
never  been  pleaded  for  at  that  board,  fincc  he  himfelf  had  onrc4 
pleaded  for  one,  and  put  them  iii  mitid  of  the  particular  cafe. 
After  this  he  faw  how  much  he  had  expofed  himfelf,  and  grew 
tamer.  The  Army  was  difbanded:  So  Lord  Rothes's  authority 
as  General,  as  well  as  his  commiflion,  was  now  at  an  end,  after 
it  had  lafted  three  years.  The  pretence  of  his  commil!ion  was 
the  preparing  matters  for  a  National  Synod':  Yet  ia  all  that  time 

there 


244         T^^^  History  of  the  Reign 

1667.  there  was  not  one  ftep  made  towards  one:  For  the  Bifhops  Ccem^ 
<^^~'V^^  ed  concerned  only  for  their  authority,  and  their  revenues,  and 
took  no  care  of  regulating,  either  the  worfhip,  or  the  difci- 
pline.  The  Earls  of  Rothes  and  Tweedale  went  to  Court.  The 
former  tried,  what  he  could  do  by  the  Duke  of  Monmouth'^ 
means,  who  had  married  his  niece:  But  he  was  then  young, 
and  was  engaged  in  a  mad-ramble  after  pleafure,  and  minded  no 
bufinefs.  So  Lord  Rothes  faw  the  neceflity  of  applying  himfelf 
to  hor^  Lauderdale :  And  he  did  diflerable  his  difcontent  fo  dex- 
troufly,  that  he  feemed  well  pleafed  to  be  freed  from  the  load  of 
bufinefs,  that  lay  fo  heavy  upon  him.  He  moved  to  have  his  ac- 
counts of  theTreafury  pafs'd,  to  which  great  exceptions  might  have 
been  made  j  and  to  have  an  approbation  pafs'd  under  the  Great 
Seal  of  all  he  had  done  while  he  was  the  King's  CommifTioner. 
Lord  Tweedale  wasagainft  both  j  and  moved,  that,  he  fhould  be 
for  fome  time  kept  under  the  lafli:  He  knew,  that,  how  humble 
fbever  he  was  at  that  time,  he  would  be  no  fooner  fccured  from 
being  called. to  an  account  for  what  was  pafs'd,  than  he  would 
fet  up  a  cabal  in  oppofition  to  every  thing  ,•  whereas  they  were 
fiire  of  his  good  behaviour,  as  long  as  he  continued  to  be  ih  ob- 
noxious. The  King  loved  Lord  Rothes :  So  the  Earl  of  Lau- 
derdale confented  to  all  he  afked.  But  they  quickly  faw  good 
caufe  to  repent  of  their  forwardnefs. 
A  great  At  this  time  a  great  change  happened  in  the  courfe  of  the 

'hauderLich  ^^^^  °^  Lauderdak'^  life,  which  made  the  latter  part  of  it  very 
temper.  different  from  what  the  former  had  been.  Mr.  Murray  of  the 
bedchamber  had  been  page  and  whipping  boy  to  King  Charles.  I  ,- 
and  had  great  credit  with  him,  not  only  in  procuring  private 
favours,  but  ia  all  his  counfels.  He  was  well  turned  for  a  Court, 
very  infinuating,  but  very  falfcj  and  of  fo  revengeful  a  temper, 
that  rather  than  any  of  the  counfels  given  by  his  enemies 
fhould  fucceed,  he  would  have  revealed  them,  and  betrayed  both 
the  King  and  them.  It  was  generally  believed,  that  he  had  (M(- 
covered  the  moil  important  of  all  his  fecrets  to  his  enemies. 
He  had  one  particular  quality,  that  when  he  was  drunk,  which 
was  very  often,  he  was  upon  a  mod  exad  referve,  tho'  he  was 
pretty  open  at  all  other  times.  He  got  a  warrant  to  be  an 
Earl,  which  was  figned  at  New-Caflle,  Yet  he  got  the  King  to 
antedate  it,  as  if  it  had  been  figned  at  Oxford^  to  get  the  pre- 
cedence of  fome  whom  he  hated :  But  he  did  not  pals  it  under 
the  Great  Seal  during  the  King's  life  ^  but  did  it  after  his  death, 
tho'  his  warrant,  not  being  pafs'd,  died  with  the  King.  His  eldeft 
daughter,  to  whom  his  honour,  fuch  as  it  was,  defcended,  mar- 
ried Sir  Lionel  Tallmajh  oi Suffolk^  a  man  of  a  noble  family.  Af- 
ter 


of  King  Charles  it  245 

tcr  her  father's  death,   {he  took  the  title  of  Countcfs  o(  Dy/ert.   1667. 
She  was  a  woman  of  great  beauty,  but  of  far  greater  parts.    She 
had  a  wonderful  cjuicknefs  of  apprehenfion,  and  an  amazing  vi- 
vacity in  converfation.    She  had  ftudied  not  only  divinity  and  hi- 
ftory,   but  mathematicks  and  pbilofophy.     She  was  violent  in 
every  thing  (lie  fet  about,  a  violent  firierld,  but  a  much  more  vi- 
olent enemy.     She  had  a  reftlefs  ambition,    lived  at  a  vaft  ex- 
pence,   and  was  ravenoufly  covetous  ,•   and  would  have  ftuck  at 
nothing  by  which  flie  rhight  compafs  her  ends.     She  had  been 
eilrly  in  a  correfpondence  with  Lord  Lauderdale,  that  had  giv- 
en occafion  to  cenfiire.     When  he  was  prifoner  after  Worcefter 
fight,  (lie  made  him  believe  he  was  in  great  danger  of  his  life, 
and  that  fhe  faved  it  by  her  intrigues  with  Cromwell:  Which  was 
not  a  little  taken  notice  of.    Cromwell  wis  certainly  fond  of  her, 
and  ihe  took  care  to  entertain  him  in  it:  till  he,  findins  what 
was  faid  upon  it,    broke  it  off.     Upon  the  King's  Reftoration, 
ihe  thought  that  Lord  Lauderdale  made  not  thofe  returns  that 
file  expcdied.    They  lived  for  fome  years  at  a  diftance.    But  upon 
her  hufband's  death  flie  made  up  all  quarrels :  So  that  Lord  Lau- 
derdale and  ihe  lived  fo  much  together,    that  his  Lady  was  of- 
fended at  itj  and  went  to  Parts,  where  ihe  died  about  three  years 
after.    The  Lady  Dyfert  came  to  have  (o  much  power  over  the 
Lord  Lauderdale,  that  it  lefTened  him  much  in  elleem  of  all  the 
world ;  for  he  delivered  himfelf  up  to  all  her  humours  and  paf^ 
fions.    All  applications  were  made  to  her:  She  took  upon  her 
to  determine  every  thing:  She  fold  all  places,  and  was  wanting 
in  no  methods  that  could  bring  her  money,  which  ihe  Javiihed 
out  in  a  moft  profufe  vanity.    As  the  conceit  took  hery  ihe  made 
him  fall  out  with  all  his  friends,    one  after  another:  With  the 
Earls  oi  Argile,  Tweedale,  nn^  K'mcardm,  with  Duke  Hamilfo», 
the  Marquis  of  Ahol,  and  Sir  Robert  Murray,  who  all  had  their 
turns  in  her  diipleafiire,  which  very  quickly  drew  Lord  Lauder- 
dale's after  it.     If  after  iuch  names  it  is  not  a  preiiimption  to 
name  my  felf,  I  had  my  ihare  likewife.     From  that  time  to  the 
end  of  his  days  he  became  quite  another  fort  of  man  than  be 
had  been  in  all  the  former  parts  of  his  life.     Sir  Robert  Mur- 
ray had  been  defigned  by  her  father  to  be  her  hulband,    and 
was  long  her  true  friend.   She  knew  his  integrity  was  proof  againit 
all  attempts.    He  had  been  hitherto  the  Lord  Lauderdale^  chief 
friend,  and  main  fupport.    He  had  great  efteem  paid  him,  both 
by  the  King,  and  by  the  whole  Court:  And  he  employed  it  all 
for  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale's  fervice.    He  ufed  great  freedom  with 
him  at  proper  times,-    and  was  a  faithful  advifcr,   and  reprover 
as  much  as  the  other  could  bear  it.     Lady  Dy/ert  laid  hold  on 

R  r  r  his 


246         T/je  History  oftbe  Reign 

1667.  his  abfence  in  Scotland  to  make  a  breach  between  them.  She 
^-'''"'V^^  made  Lord  Lauderdale  believe,  that  Murray  alfumed  to  himfelf 
the  praife  of  all  that  was  done,  and  was  not  ill  pleafed  to  pafs 
as  his  Governour.  Lord  Lauderdale's  pride  was  foon  fired  with 
thofc  ill  impreflions. 
Scotland  iKis  The  government  of  Scotland  had  now  another  face.  All 
goVMDed.  payments  were  regularly  made :  There  was  an  overplus  of  r  0000  /. 
of  the  revenue  faved  every  year:  A  magazine  of  Arms  was  bought 
with  it:  And  there  were  feveral  projects  fet  on  foot  for  the  en- 
couragement of  trade  and  manufactures.  Lord  Tweedale  and  Sir 
Robert  Murray  were  fo  entirely  united,  that,  as  they  never  dif- 
agreed,  fo  all  plied  before  them.  Lord  Tweedale  was  made  a 
Privy  Counfellour  in  England:  And,  his  fon  having  married  the 
Earl  of  Lauderdale's  only  child,  they  feemed  to  be  infeparably 
united.  When  he  came  down  from  London ^  he  brought  a  let- 
ter from  the  King  to  the  Council,  recommending  the  concerns 
of  the  Church  to  their  care:  In  particular,  he  charged  them  to 
fupprefs  Conventicles,  which  began  to  fpread  generally  thro'  the 
wertern  Counties :  For  upon  the  difbanding  the  Army,  the  coun- 
try, being  delivered  from  that  terror,  did  now  forfake  their  Clmrch- 
es,  and  got  their  old  Minifters  to  come  among  them  ,•  and  they 
were  not  wanting  in  holding  Conventicles  from  place  to  place. 
The  King  wrote  alfo  by  him  a  letter  to^i^^r^  with  his  own  pen,  in 
which  he  aflured  him  of  his  zeal  for  the  Church,  and  of  his  fa- 
vour to  himfelf.  Lord  Tweedale  hoped  this  would  have  gained 
him  to  his  fide:  But  he  was  deceived  in  it.  Sharp  quickly  re- 
turned to  his  former  infolence.  Upon  the  Earl  of  TweedaJe's  re- 
turn, there  was  a  great  application  to  publick  bufinefs:  Novice 
was  in  reputation:  Juftice  was  impartially  adminiftred:  And  a 
commifiion  was  fent  to  theweftern  Counties  to  examine  into  all 
the  complaints  of  unjuft  and  illegal  opprefiions  by  Turner,  Dal- 
ziely  and  others.  Turner's  warrants  had  been  feized  with  him- 
felf: And,  tho'  upon  the  defeat  given  the  Whiggs  he  was  left  by 
them,  fo  that,  beyond  all  men's  exped:ations,  he  efcaped  out  of 
their  hands,  yet  he  had  nothing  to  juftify  himfelf  by.  The 
truth  is,  this  enquiry  was  chiefly  levelled  at  Lord  Rothes  and 
Burnet,  to  caft  the  odium  of  the  late  rebellion  on  their  injuftice 
and  ill  conduct.  And  it  was  intended  that  Turner  Ihould  accufe 
them :  But  he  had  no  vouchers  to  fhew.  Thefe  were  believed 
to  be  withdrawn  by  an  artifice  of  the  Lord  Rothes.  But,  before 
the  matter  was  quite  ended,  thofe  in  whole  hands  his  papers 
were  left,  fent  them  fealed  up  to  his  lodgings.  But  he  was  by 
that  time  broken:  So,  fince  the  government  had  ufed  him  hard- 
ly, he,  who  was  a  man  of  Ipirit,  would  not  fhew  his  vouchers, 

nor 


of  King  Charles  IL  147 

nor  cxpofe  his  friends.  So  that  matter  was  carried  no  farther.  i66f. 
And  th?  people  of  the  country  cried  out  againfi:  thofe  cenfures.  ^^"Vn^ 
It  was  faid,  that  when  by  fuch  violent  proceedings  men  had  beefi 
inflamed  to  a  rebellion,  upon  which  fo  much  blood  was  (hed,  all 
the  reparation  given  was,  that  an  officer  or  two  were  broken  j  and  a 
great  man  was  taken  down  a  little  upon  it,  without  making  any 
publick  examples  for  the  deterring  others. 

Sir  Robert  Murray  went  thro'  the  weft  of  Scotland.  When  ^■"f"*'^""'- 
he  came  back,  he  told  me,  the  Clergy  were  fuch  a  fet  of  men,  SXcul'* 
i^o  ignorant,  and  fo  fcandalous,  that  it  was  not  poffible  to  fup-  ^^' 
port  them,  unlels  the  greateft  part  of  them  could  be  turned  out, 
and  better  men  found  to  be  put  in  their  places.  But  it  was  not 
eafy  to  know  how  this  could  be  done.  Burnet  had  placed  them 
all :  And  he  thought  himfelf  in  fomc  fort  bound  to  fupport  them. 
The  Clergy  ^Vere  fo  linked  together,  that  none  of  them  could 
be  got  to  concur  in  getting  proofs  of  crimes  brought  againil  their 
brethren.  And  the  people  of  the  country  pretended  fcruples. 
They  fiid,  to  accufe  a  Minifter  before  a  Bifhop  was  an  acknow- 
ledging his  jurifdidion  over  his  Clergy,  or,  to  ufe  a  hard  word 
much  in  ufe  among  them,  it  was  homologating  his  power.  So 
Murray  propofed,  that  a  Court  fhould  be  conftituted  by  a  (pe- 
cial  commififion  from  the  King,  made  up  of  fome  of  the  Layity 
as  well  as  the  Clergy,  to  try  the  truth  of  thefe  fcandalous  reports 
that  went  upon  the  Clergy :  And  he  writ  about  it  to  Sheldon, 
who  approved  of  it.  Sharp  alfo  feemed  well  pleafed  with  it,  tho' 
he  abhorred  it  in  his  heart:  For  he  thought  it  ftruck  at  the  root 
of  their  authority,  and  was  Eraftianifm  in  the  higheft  degree. 
Burnet  faid,  it  was  a  turning  him  out  of  his  Bifhoprick,  and  the 
declaring  him  either  incapable  of  judging  his  Clergy,  or  unwor- 
thy of  that  truft.  His  Clergy  cried  out  upon  it  5  and  faid,  it  was 
a  delivering  them  up  to  the  rage  of  their  enemies,  who  hated 
them  only  for  the  fake  of  their  fundtioris,  and  for  their  obedience 
to  the  laws  ^  and  that,  if  irregular  methods  were  taken  to  en- 
courage them,  they  would  get  any  thing,  true  or  falfe,  to  be 
fworn  again  ft  them.  The  difficulties  that  arofe  upon  this  put 
a  ftop  to  it.  And  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale's  averfion  to  Sir  Robert 
Murray  began  a  disjointing  of  all  the  counfels  oi Scotland.  Lord 
Tweedak  had  the  chief  confidence:  And  next  him  Lord  Kmcar- 
d'ln  was  moft  trufted.  The  Prefbyterians,  feeing  a  foftening  in 
the  execution  of  the  law,  and  obferving  that  the  Archbifhops 
were  jealous  of  Lord  Tweedale^  fancied  he  was  theirs  in  his  heart. 
Upon  that  they  grew  very  infblent.  The  Clergy  was  in  many 
places  ill  ufed  by  them.  They  defpaired  of  any  farther  protec- 
tion from  the  Government*    They  faw  defigns  were  forming  to 

turn 


148         the  History  of  the  Reign 

1667.  turn  them  all  out:  And,  hearing  that  they  might  be  better  pro^ 
^-^""V*^^  vided  in  Ireland,  they  were  in  many  places  bought  out,  and  pre- 
vailed on  to  defert  their  cures.  The  people  of  the  country  hop- 
ed, that,  upon  their  leaving  tliem,  they  might  have  their  old 
Minifters  again  j  and  upon  that  were  willing  enough  to  enter  in- 
to thofe  bargains  with  them :  And  fo  in  a  very  little  time  there 
were  many  vacancies  made  all  over  thofe  Counties.  The  Lord 
Tweedak  took  great  pains  to  engage  Le'ightoun  into  the  fame 
counfels  with  him.  He  had  magnified  him  highly  to  the  King, 
as  much  the  greateft  man  of  the  Scotijh  Clergy.  And  the  Lord 
Tweedak'^  chief  aim,  with  relation  to  Church  matters,  was  to  fet 
him  at  the  head  of  them :  For  he  often  faid  to  me,  that  more 
than  two  parts  in  three  of  the  whole  bufinefs  of  the  government 
related  to  the  Church.  So  he  ftudied  to  bring  in  a  fet  of  Epif- 
copal  men  of  another  ftamp,  and  to  fet  Leightoun  at  their  head. 
He  ftudied  to  draw  in  Mr.  Charter'ts.  But  he  had  fuch  fad  thoughts 
of  mankind,  and  fuch  humble  ones  of  himfelf,  that  he  thought 
little  good  could  be  done,  and  that  as  to  that  little  he  was  not 
a  proper  inftrument.  Leightoun  was  prevailed  on  to  go  to  Lon- 
^don,  where,  as  he  told  me,  he  had  two  audiences  of  the  King. 
He  laid  before  him  the  madnefs  of  the  former  adminiftration  of 
Church  affairs,  and  the  neceflity  of  turning  to  more  moderate 
counfels:  In  particular,  he  propofed  a  comprehenfion  of  the  Pref- 
byterian  party,  by  altering  the  terms  of  the  laws  a  little,  and  by 
fuch  abatements  as  might  preferve  the  whole  for  the  future,  by 
granting  fomewhat  for  the  prefent.  But  he  entered  into  no  ex- 
pedients: Only  he  ftudied  to  fix  the  King  in  the  defign  that  the 
courfe  of  his  affairs  led  him  to,  tho'  contrary  to  his  own  incli- 
nations, both  in  England  and  Scotland.  In  order  to  the  open- 
ing this  I  muft  change  the  fcene. 
iTuir  '^^^  Dutch  war  had  turned  fo  fatally  on  the  King,  that  it 
made  it  neceffary  for  him  to  try  how  to  recover  the  affedions 
and  efteem  of  his  people.  He  found  a  (lackening  the  execution 
of  the  law  went  a  great  way  in  the  city  of  London,  and  with  the 
trading  part  of  the  Nation.  The  Houfe  of  Commons  continu- 
ed ftill  in  their  fiercenefs,  and  averfion  to  all  moderate  propofi- 
tions :  But  in  the  intervals  of  Parliament  the  execution  was  fof- 
airendon'i  fgned.  The  Earl  of  Clarendon  found  his  credit  was  declining, 
that  all  the  fecrets  of  State  were  trufted  to  Bennet,  and  that  he 
had  no  other  ftiare  in  them  than  his  poft  required.  The  Lady 
Caftlema'm  fet  her  felf  moft  violently  againft  him.  And  the  Duke 
of  Buckingham^  as  often  as  he  was  admitted  to  any  familiarities 
with  the  King,  ftudied  with  all  his  wit  and  humour  to  make 
Lord  Clarendon  and  all  his  counfels  appear  ridiculous.  Lively 
'  ■  lefts 


of  King  Charles  II.  249 

jefts  were  at  all  times  apt  to  take  with  the  King.     The  Earl  of  1 667. 
Clarendon  fell  under  two  other  misfortunes  before  the  war  broke '-^'V's 
out.     The  King  had  granted  him  a  large  piece  of  ground  near 
St.  James's,  to  build  a  houfe  on :    He  intended  a  good  ordinary 
houfe:  But,  not  iinderftanding  thofe  matters  himlclf,  he  put  the>. 
managing  of  that  into  the  hands  of  others  ,•  who  run  him  into 
a  vaft  charge,  of  about  50000  /,  three  times  as  much  as  he  had 
defigned  to  lay  out  upon  it.     During  the  war,  and  in  the  plague 
year,  he  had  about  three  hundred  men  at  work,  which  he  thought 
would  have  been  an  acceptable  thing,   when  lo  many  men  were 
kept  at  work,  and  fo  much  money,  as  was  duly  paid,  circulated 
about.     But  it  had  a  contrary  efted.     It  raifed  a  great  outcry 
againft  him.     Some  called  it  Dunkirk  hoUfe,  intimating  that  it 
was  built  by  his  fhare  of  the  price  of  Dunkirk.     Others  called  it 
Holland  hou(e,   becaufe  he  was  believed  to  be  no  friend  to  the 
war:    So  it  was  given  out,    that  he  had  the  money  from  the 
Dutch.    It  was  vifible,  that  in  a  time  of  publick  calamity  he  was 
building  a  very  noble  palace.     Another  accident  was,    that  be- 
fore the  war  there  were  fdme  defighs  on  foot  for  the  repairing 
of  St.  Pauls:    And  many  ftones  were  brought  thither.     That 
proje<5t  was  laid  afide  during  the  war.     He  upon  that  bought 
the  ftones,    and  made  ufe  of  them  in  building  his  own  houfe. 
This,  how  flight  foever  it  may  feem  to  be,  yet  had  a  great  ef- 
fe6t  by  the  management  of  his  enemies. 

Another  misfortune  was,  that  he  loft  his  chief  friend,  to  whom  Southamp. 
he  trufted  moft,  and  who  was  his  greateft  fupport,  the  Earl  of'""'  *^"'''* 
Southampton.  The  pain  of  the  ftone  grew  upon  him  to  fuch 
a  degree,  that  he  had  refolved  to  be  cut:  But  a  woman  came 
to  him,  who  pretended  flie  had  an  infallible  fecret  for  diifolving 
the  ftone,  and  brought  fuch  vouchers  to  him,  that  he  put  him- 
felf  into  her  hands.  The  medicine  had  a  great  operation,  tho' 
k  ended  fatally:  For  he  palfed  great  quantities  of  gravel,  thai: 
looked  like  the  coats  of  a  ftone  fliced  of.  This  encouraged  him 
to  go  on,  till  his  pains  encreafed  (o,  that  no  man  was  ever  feen 
to  die  in  fiich  torments  j  which  made  him  oft  tremble  all  over, 
fo  that  the  bed  ftiook  with  it :  Yet  he  bore  it  with  an  aftonifti-* 
ing  patieiice.  He  not  only  kept  himfelf  from  faying  any  inde* 
cent  thing,  but  endured  all  that  miiery  with  the  firmnefs  of  a 
great  man,  and  the  fubmiflion  of  a  good  chriftian.  The  cau(e 
of  all  appeared  when  he  Was  opened  after  his  death :  For  the 
medicine  had  ftrip'd  the  ftone  of  its  outward  flimy  coats,  which 
made  it  lye  foft  and  eafy  upon  the  mufcles  of  the  bladder  j  where- 
as when  thefe  were  diflblved,  the  inrier  and  harder  parts  of  the 
ftone,  that  were  all  ragged  by  the  diftolutidn  that  was  begun, 

Sff  'lay 


250  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1 667.  lay  upon  the  neck  of  the  bladder,  which  raifed  thofe  violent  pains 
^-^"V*"*^  of  which  he  died.  The  Court  was  now  delivered  of  a  great  man, 
whom  they  did  not  much  love,  and  who  they  knew  did  not  love 
them.  The  Treafury  was  put  in  commiffion :  And  the  Earl  of 
Clarendon  had  no  intereft  there.  He  faw  the  war,  tho'  manag- 
ed by  other  counfels,  yet  was  like  to  end  in  his  ruine:  For  all 
errors  were  caft  on  him.  The  bufinefs  of  Chatham  was  a  terri- 
ble blow:  And  tho'  the  lofs  was  great,  the  infamy  was  greater. 
The  Parliament  had  given  iabove  five  millions  towards  the  war: 
But,  thro'  the  luxury  and  wafte  of  the  Court,  this  money  was  (b 
fquandred  away,  that  the  King  could  neither  fet  out  a  fleet,  nor 
defend  his  coalls.  Upon  the  news  of  the  Dutch  fleet's  being  ia 
the  river,  the  King  did  not  ride  down  himfelf,  nor  appear  at 
the  head  of  his  people,  who  were  then  in  fuch  imminent  danger. 
He  only  lent  the  Duke  of  Albemarle  down,  and  was  intending  to 
retire  to  Wind/or.  But  that  looked  fo  like  a  flying  from  danger, 
that  he  was  prevailed  on  to  fliay.  And  it  was  given  out,  that  he 
was  very  chearful  that  night  at  fupper  with  his  Mifl:rij[res,  which 
drew  many  libels  upon  him,  that  were  writ  with  as  much  wit  as 
malice,  and  brought  him  under  a  general  contempt.  He  was  com- 
pared to  Nero,  who  fiing  while  Rome  was  burning.  A  day  or 
two  after  that  he  rode  thro'  London,  accompanied  with  the  mod 
popular  men  of  his  Court,  and  alTured  the  citizens  he  would 
live  and  die  with  his  people,  upon  which  there  were  fbmc  ac- 
clamations: But  the  matter  went  heavily.  The  City  was  yet  in 
aflies:  And  the  jealoufy  of  burning  it  on  defign  had  got  (o  among 
them,  that  the  King  himfelf  was  not  free  from  lufpicion.  If  the 
'IDutch  had  purlued  their  advantage  in  the  firfl:  confternation , 
they  might  have  done  more  mifchief,  and  have  come  a  great 
way  up  the  Thames,  and  burnt  many  merchant  fhips :  But  they 
thought  they  had  done  enough,  and  fo  they  failed  away.  The 
Court  was  at  a  fl:and  what  to  do:  For  the  French  had  afTured 
them  the  treaty  was  as  good  as  finifhed.  Whether  the  French 
fet  this  on,  as  that  which  would  both  weaken  the  fleet  of  En- 
gland, and  alienate  the  King  fo  entirely  from  the  Dutch  that  he 
would  be  eafiiy  engaged  into  new  alliances  to  revenge  this  affront, 
as  many  believed,  I  cannot  pretend  to  determine. 

The  Earl  of  EJJex  was  at  that  time  in  Parts,  on  his  way  home 
from  the  waters  of  Bourbon:  And  he  told  me,   the  Queen-mo- 
ther of  England  lent  for  him,    as  being  one  of  her  fon's  Privy 
The  irijb     Council ;  and  told  him,  the  Irijh  had  fent  over  fome  to  the  Court 
prmeaion    '^^  France ,    defiring  money  and  arms  with  fome  officers ,   and 
i,r  France,    undcrtook  to  put  that  ifland  into  the  hands  of  the  French.     He 
told  me,  he  found  the  Queen  was  in  her  incUnations  and  advices 
■  *  true 


of  King  C tt ARL  E  s  II.  i 5 1 

true  to  her  fon's  intereft:  But  he  was  amazed  to  fee,  that  a  wo-  \667. 
man,  who  in  a  drawing  room  was  the  Hveliefl:  woman  of  the  age,  ^^''V^^-' 
and  had  a  vivacity  of  imagination  that  furprized  all  who  came 
near  her,  yet  after  all  her  pradiice  in  affairs  had  fo  little  either 
of  judgment  or  condud :  And  he  did  not  wonder  at  the  mifcar- 
riage  of  the  late  King's  counfels,  fmce  flie  had  fuch  a  fhare  in 
them.  But  the  French  had  then  greater  things  in  view.  The 
King  of  Spam  was  dead.  And  now  after  the  trench  had  manag- 
ed the  war  fo,  that  they  had  been  at  no  part  of  the  expence  of 
it,  nor  brought  a  fhip  to  the  afliftance  of  the  Dutch  in  any  en- 
gagement, and  that  both  England  and  Holland  had  made  a  great 
lofs  both  in  fhips  and  treafure  ,•  they  refolved  to  manage  the  peace 
fb,  as  to  oblige  the  King  by  giving  him  a  peace,  when  he  was 
in  no  condition  to  carry  on  a  war.  I  enter  not  into  our  negotia- 
tion with  the  Bifliop  of  Munfier,  nor  his  treacherous  departing 
from  his  engagements,  fince  I  know  nothing  of  that  matter, 
but  what  is  in  print. 

As  (bon  as  the  pe^ce  was  made,  the  King  faw  with  what  dis- 
advantage he  was  like  to  meet  his  Parliament.  So  he  thought, 
the  difgracing  a  publick  Minifter,  who  by  his  being  long  in  fo 
high  a  poft  had  drawn  upon  himfelf  much  envy,  and  many  ene- 
mies, would  cover  himfelf  and  the  reft  of  his  Court.  Other 
things  concurred  to  fet  this  forward.  The  King  was  grown  ve- 
ry weary  of  the  Queen:  And  it  was  believed,  he  had  a  great  mind 
to  be  rid  of  her.  The  load  of  that  marriage  was  caft  on  the 
Lord  Clarendon,  as  made  on  defign  to  raife  his  own  grandchil- 
dren. Many  members  of  the  Houie  of  Commons,  fuch  as  Clif- 
fordj  Oihorn,  Ker,  Utttletoun,  and  Seimour,  were  brought  to  the 
King  J  who  all  alTured  him,  that  upon  his  Reftoration  they  in- 
tended both  to  have  raifedhis  authority,  and  to  have  encreaf- 
ed  his  revenue ;  but  that  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  had  difcouraged 
it,  and  that  all  his  creatures  had  pofTelTed  the  Houfe  with  fuch 
jealoufies  of  the  King,  that  they  thought  it  was  not  fit  to  truft 
him  too  much,  nor  too  far.  This  made  a  deep  impreffion  on 
the  King,  who  was  weary  of  Lord  Clarendon's  impofing  way, 
and  had  a  mind  to  be  freed  from  the  authority,  to  which  he  had 
been  fo  long  accuftomed  that  it  was  not  eafy  to  keep  him  with- 
in bounds. 

Yet  the  King  was  fo  afraid  to  engage  himfelf  too  deep  '^^'^^if*^^^ 
his  own  affairs,  that  it  was  a  doubt  whether  he  would  difmifs  him  monds  mar- 
or  not,  if  a  concern  of  one  of  his  amours  had  not  fharpened  his  "^s«- 
refentmentj  fo  that  what  other  confiderations  could  not  do,  was 
brought  about  by  an  ill  grounded  jealoufy.    Miftrifs  Steward\\2iA 
gained  fo  much  on  the  King,  and  yet  had  kept  hcrg  round  with 

fo 


252.        The  History  of  the  Reign 

1667.  To  much  firmnefs,  that  the  King  feemed  to  defign  if  poffible  to 
legitimate  his  addrelTes  to  her,  when  he  faw  no  hope  of  fucceed- 
jng  any  other  way.  The  Duke  of  R'tchmond,  being  a  widower, 
courted  her.  The  King  feemed  to  give  way  to  it;  and  pretend- 
ed to  take  fiich  care  of  her,  that  he  would  have  good  fettle- 
mehts  made  for  her.  He  hoped  by  that  means  to  have  broke 
the  matter  decently ;  for  he  knew  the  Duke  of  Richmond's  affairs 
were  in  diforder.  So  the  King  ordered  Lord  Clarendon  to  ex- 
amine the  eftate  he  pretended  to  fettle.  But  he  was  told,  whe- 
ther true  or  falfe  I  cannot  tell,  that  Lord  Clarendon  told  her, 
that  the  Duke  of /?/c^woWs  affairs,  it  was  true,  were  not  very  clear  j 
but  that  a  family  fo  near  related  to  the  King  could  never  be  left 
in  diftrefs,  and  that  luch  a  match  would  not  come  in  her  way 
everyday;  fo  (he  had  beft  confider  well,  before  fhe  rejedied  it. 
This  was  carried  to  the  King,  as  a  defign  he  had  that  the  Crowa 
might  defcend  to  his  own  grandchildren;  and  that  he  was 
afraid,  left  ftrange  methods  fhould  betaken  to  get  rid  of  the  Queen, 
and  to  make  way  for  her.  When  the  King  faw  that  fhe  had  a 
mind  to  marry  the  Duke  of  Richmond^  he  offered  to  make  her 
a  Duchefs,  and  to  fettle  an  eftate  on  her.  Upon  this  fhe  faid, 
fhe  faw  fhe  muft  either  marry  him,  or  fuffer  much  in  the  opi- 
nion of  the  world.  And  fhe  was  prevailed  on  by  the  Duke  of 
Richmond^  who  was  paffionately  in  love  with  her,  to  go  private- 
ly from  Whitehall,  and  marry  him  without  giving  the  King 
notice.  The  Earl  of  Clarendon^s  fon,  the  Lord  Cornbury,  was 
going  to  her  lodgings,  upon  fome  aflignation  that  fhe  had  giv- 
en him  about  her  affairs,  knowing  nothing  of  her  intentions. 
He  met  the  King  in  the  door  coming  out  full  of  fiiry.  And  he, 
fufpeding  that  Lord  Cornbury  was  in  the  defign,  fpoke  to  hini 
as  one  in  a  rage  that  forgot  all  decency,  and  for  fomc  time 
would  not  hear  Lord  Cornbury  fpeak  in  his  own  defence.  la 
the  afternoon  he  heard  him  with  more  temper,  as  he  himfelf 
told  me.  Yet  this  made  fo  deep  an  imprefTion,  that  he  rcfolved 
to  take  the  feals  from  his  father.  The  King  faid  to  the  Lord 
Lauderdale  y  that  he  had  talked  of  the  matter  with  Sheldon-,  and 
that  he  convinced  him,  that  it  was  neceifary  to  remove  Lord 
Clarendon  from  his  poft.  And,  as  fbon  as  it  was  done,  the  King 
fent  for  Sheldon,  and  told  him  what  he  had  done.  But  he  an- 
fwered  nothing.  When  the  King  iiafifted  to  obHge  him  to  de- 
clare himfelf,  he  faid,  Sir,  I  wifh  you  would  put  away  this  wo- 
man that  you  keep.  The  King  upon  that  replied  fliarply,  why 
had  he  never  talked  to  him  oT  that  fooner,  but  took  this  occa- 
fipn  now  to  fpeak  of  it.  Lauderdale  told  me,  he  had  all  this 
from  the  King;  And  that  the  King  and  Sheldon  had  gone  in- 
to 


of  King  Charles  II.  V         253 

to  fuch  expoftulations  upon  it,  that  from  that  day  forward  Shel-    1667. 
don  could  never  recover  the  King's  confidence.  <y>r^^ 

The  feals  were  given  to  Sir  Orlando  Br'tdgman^  Lord  Chief Br,</^w-»« 
Juftice  of  the  Common  Pleas,  then  in  great  efteem,  which  \^tTtt^»?^^ 
did  not  maintain  long  after  his  advancement.  His  ftudy  and 
pradice  lay  fo  intirely  in  the  Common  law,  that  he  never  feem- 
ed  to  apprehend  what  equity  was :  Nor  had  he  a  head  made  for 
bufinefs,  or  for  fiich  a  Court.  He  was  a  man  of  great  integri- 
ty, and  had  very  ferious  impreffions  of  religion  on  his  mind.  He 
had  been  always  on  the  fide  of  the  Church :  Yet  he  had  great 
tendernefs  for  the  Non-conformifts :  And,  the  Biihops  having  all 
declared  for  Lord  Clarendon^  except  one  or  two,  he  and  the 
new  fcene  of  the  Miniftry  were  incHned  to  favour  them.  The 
Duke  of  Buckingham ,  who  had  been  in  high  di(grace  before 
Lord  Clarendon's  fall,  came  upon  that  into  high  favour,  and  fee 
up  for  a  patron  of  liberty  of  confcience,  and  of  all  the  k€ts. 
The  See  of  Chejier  happened  to  fall  vacant  fbon  after :  And  Doc- 
tor JVdk'ms  was  by  his  means  promoted  to  that  See.  It  was  no 
fmall  prejudice  to  him,  that  he  was  recommended  by  fb  bad  a 
man.  Wtlk'im  had  a  courage  in  him  that  could  ftand  againft  2 
current,  and  againft  all  the  reproaches  with  which  ill  natured 
Clergy-men  ftudied  to  load  him.  He  faid,  he  was  called  for  by 
the  King,  without  any  motion  of  his  own,  to  a  publick  ftation, 
in  which  he  would  endeavour  to  do  all  the  good  he  could,  with- 
out confidering  the  ill  efFe<5ts  that  it  might  have  on  himfelf. 
The  King  had  fuch  a  command  of  himfelf,  that  when  his  inter- 
eft  led  him  to  {erve  any  end,  or  to  court  any  (brt  of  men,  he 
did  it  fo  dextroufly,  and  with  fuch  an  air  of  fincerity,  that  till 
men  were  well  pradifed  in  him,  he  was  apt  to  impofe  on  them. 
He  feemed  now  to  go  into  moderation  and  comprehenfion  with 
fo  much  heartinefs,  that  both  Brtdgman  and  IVdkim  believed  he 
was  in  earneft  in  it :  Tho'  there  was  nothing  that  the  Popifti  coun- 
fels  were  more  fixed  in,  than  to  oppofe  all  motions  of  that  kind. 
But  the  King  faw,  it  was  neceftary  to  recover  the  affedions  of 
his  people.  And,  fince  the  Church  oi  England  was  now  gone  off 
from  him,  upon  Lord  Clarendon's  difgrace,  he  refolved  to  (hew 
fome  favour  to  the  feds,  both  to  foften  them,  and  to  force  the 
others  to  come  back  to  their  dependence  upon  him. 

He  began  alfo  to  exprefs  his  concerns  in  the  affairs  oi Europe :'^^f^"^'^ 
And  he  brought  about  the  peace  between  Cajlde  and  Portugal,  teniions  to 
The  French  King  pretended,    that  by  the  law  of  Brabant  his  **  "* 
Queen,    as  the  heir  of  the  late  King  of  Spain's  firft  marriage, 
tho'  a  daughter,  was  to  be  preferred  to  the  young  King  of  Spain, 
the  heir  of  the  fecond  venter,   without  any  regard  to  the  re- 

X  t  t  nounci- 


2  54         ^^^  History  of  the  Reign 

1667.  nounciation  of  any  fucccflion  to  his  Queen  ftipalatcd  by  the  peace 
"^.'''"V"^  of  the  Pyrenees -y  and  was  upon  that  pretenfion  hke  to  over-run 
the  Netherlands.  Temple  was  fe^nt  over  to  enter  into  an  alliance 
with  the  Dutchy  by  which  fome  parts  of  Flanders  were  yielded 
up  to  France  J  but  a  barrier  was  preferved  for  the  fecurity  oi  Hol- 
land. Into  this  the  King  oi  Sweden ^  then  a  child,  was  engag- 
ed :  So  it  was  called  the  Triple  Alliance.  I  will  fay  no  moft  of 
that  fince  (o  particular  an  account  is  given  of  it  by  him  who 
could  do  it  beft,  Temple  himfelf.  It  was  certainly  the  mafter- 
piece  of  King  C/^^r/d-^'s  life :  And,  if  he  had  ftuck  toit,  it  would 
have  been  both  the  ftrength  and  the  glory  of  his  reign.  This  dif- 
pofed  his  people  to  forgive  all  that  was  pafs'd,  and  to  renew  their 
confidence  in  him,  which  was  much  fliaken  by  the  whole  con- 
du(5t  of  the  Dutch  war. 
Clarendon's  The  Parliament  were  upon  their  firfl:  opening  fet  on  to  deftroy 
riitegrity.  j^^j.^  ClarCndon.  Some  of  his  friends  went  to  him  a  few  days 
before  the  Parliament  met  5  and  told  him,  many  were  at  work 
to  find  out  matter  of  accufation  againft  him.  He  beft  kneWy 
what  could  be  brought  againft  him  with  any  truth  j  for  falfehood 
was  infinite,  and  could  not  be  guelTed  at.  They  dcfired,  he 
would  truft  fbme  of  them  with  what  might  break  out,  fince  pro- 
bably nothing  could  lye  concealed  againft  j(b  ftrid:  a  fearch.  And 
the  method  in  which  his  friends  muft  manage  for  him,  if  there 
was  any  mixture  or  allay  in  him,  was  to  be  very  different  from 
that  they  could  ufe,  if  he  was  fure  that  nothing  could  be  brought 
out  againft  him.  The  Lord  Burlington  and  Biftiop  Morley  both 
told  me,  they  talked  to  this  purpofe  to  him.  Lord  Clarendon 
upon  that  told  them,  that,  if  either  in  matters  of  juftice,  or  m 
any  negotiations  abroad,  he  had  ever  received  a  farthing,  he 
gave  them  leave  to  difown  all  friendfliip  to  him.  T\\q FrenchK.\ngy 
hearing  he  had  fent  for  all  the  books  of  the  Louvre  impreffion,  had 
fent  thefe  to  him,  which  he  took,  as  thinking  it  a  trifle,  as  in- 
deed it  was :  And  this  was  the  only  prefent  he  ever  had  from  any 
foreign  Prince:  He  had  never  taken  anything  by  virtue  of  his  of- 
fice, but  that  which  his  predeceftburs  had  claimed  as  a  right.  But 
now  hue  and  cry  were  lent  out  againft  him :  And  all  perions,  who 
had  heard  him  fay  any  thing  that  could  bear  an  ill  conftrudion, 
were  examined.  Some  thought,  they  had  matters  of  great  weight 
againft  him :  And,  when  they  were  told  thefe  would  not  amount 
to  high  treafon,  they  defired  to  know  what  would  amount  to  it. 
He  was  im-  When  twenty  three  articles  were  brought  into  the  Houfe 
theHSufeot^g^^"^^  him,  the  next  day  he  defired  his  lecond  fon,  the  now 
Commons.  Earl  of  Rochejler y  to  acquaint  the  Houfe,  tliat  he,  hearing 
what  articles  were  brought  againft  him,    did  in   order  to  the 

difpatch 


of  King  Charles  II.  25^ 

tJifpatcIi  of  the  bufinefs,  dcfire  that  thofe,  who  knew  bed  what  \6()7. 
their  evidence  was ,  would  fingle  out  any  one  of  the  articles,  ' 
that  they  thought  could  be  bed  proved  j  and,  if  they  could 
prove  that,  he  would  fubmit  to  the  cenfure  due  upon  them 
all.  Bat  thofe,  who  had  the  fecret  of  this  in  their  hands,  and 
knew  they  could  make  nothing  of  it,  refolved  to  put  the  mat- 
ter upon  a  preliminary,  in  which  they  hoped  to  find  caufe  to 
hang  up  the  whole  affair,  and  fix  upon  the  Lords  the  denial  of 
juftice.  So,  according  to  fome  few  and  late  precedents,  they  lent 
up  a  general  impeachment  to  the  Lords  bar  of  high  trcafon, 
without  any  fpecial  matter  ^  and  demanded,  that  upon  that  he 
might  be  committed  to  prifon.  They  had  reafon  to  beHeve  the 
Lords  would  not  grant  this:  And  therefore  they  refolved  to  in- 
fifl  on  it;  and  reckoned,  that,  when  fo  much  money  was  to 
be  given,  the  King  would  prevail  with  the  Lords.  Upon  this 
occafion  it  appeared,  that  the  private  animofities  of  a  Court  could 
carry  them  to  eftablifli  the  moft  de[lru<5tive  precedent  that  could 
have  been  thought  on.  For  if  this  had  pafs'd,  then  every  Mi- 
nifter  upon  a  general  impeachment  was  to  be  ruined,  tho'  no 
fpecial  matter  was  laid  againfl  him.  Yet  the  King  himfelf  prefT- 
ed  this  vehemently.  It  was  faid,  the  very  fufpicions  of  a  Houfe 
of  Commons,  efpecially  fuch  a  one  as  this  was,  was  enough  to 
blafl  a  man,  and  to  fecure  him :  For  there  was  reafon  to  think, 
that  every  perfon  fo  charged  would  run  away,  if  at  liberty. 
Lord  Clarendon^  enemies  had  now  gone  far:  They  thought, 
they  were  not  fafe  till  his  head  was  off:  And  they  apprehended, 
that,  if  he  were  once  in  prifon,  it  would  be  eafy  either  to  find, 
or  at  leaft  to  bring  witnefTes  againft  him.  This  matter  is  all  in 
print:  So  I  will  go  no  farther  in  the  particulars.  The  Duke 
was  at  this  time  taken  with  the  fmall-pox:  So  he  was  out  of  the 
whole  debate.  The  Peers  thought,  that  a  general  accufation 
was  only  a  clamour,  and  that  their  dignities  fignified  little,  if 
a  clamour  was  enough  to  fend  them  to  prifon.  All  the  Earl 
of  Clarendon^  friends  prefTed  the  King  much  on  his  behalf,  that 
he  might  be  fuffered  to  go  off  gently,  and  without  cenfure,  fince 
he  had  ferved  both  his  father  and  himfelf  fo  long,  fo  faithfully, 
and  with  fuch  fuccefs.  But  the  King  was  now  fo  fliarpened 
againfl  him,  that,  tho'  he  named  no  particulars,  he  exprcffed  a 
violent  and  irreconcilable  averfion  to  him  ,•  which  did  the  King 
much  hurt  in  the  opinion  of  all  that  were  not  engaged  in  the 
party.  The  affair  of  the  King's  marriage  was  the  moft  talk- 
ed of,  as  that  which  indeed  was  the  only  thing  that  could  in 
any  fort  juflify  fuch  a  feverity.  Lord  Clarendon  did  protefl,  as 
fome  that  had  it  from  himfelf  told  me,   that  he  had  no  other 

hand 


2^6         The  History  of  tbe  Reign 

1667.  hand  in  that  matter,  than  as  a  Counfellour:  And  in  that  he  ap- 
^^'^v^^  pealed  to  the  King  himfelf.  After  many  debates,  and  conferences, 
and  proteftations,  in  which  the  whole  Court  went  in  vifibly  to 
that  which  was  plainly  deftrudive  both  to  the  King  and  to 
the  Miniftry,  the  majority  of  the  Houfe  ftood  firm,  and  adhered 
to  their  firft  refolution  againft  commitment.  The  Commons  were 
upon  that  like  to  carry  the  matter  far  againft  the  Peers,  as  de- 
The  King  "ying  jufticc.  The  King  feeing  this  fpoke  to  the  Duke,  to  per- 
wouw^o  ^^'^^  Lord  Clarendon  to  go  beyond  fea,  as  the  only  expedient 
beyond  fea.  that  was  left  to  make  up  the  breach  between  the  two  Houfcs: 
And  he  let  fall  fome  words  of  kindnefs,  in  cale  he  fhould  com- 
ply with  this.  The  Earl  of  Clarendon  was  all  obedience  and  fiib- 
miflion  ,•  and  was  charmed  with  thofe  tender  words ,  that  the 
King  had  faid  of  him.  So,  partly  to  ferve  the  King,  and  fave 
himfelf  and  his  family,  but  chiefly  that  he  might  not  be  the  oc- 
cafion  of  any  difference  between  the  King  and  the  Duke,  who 
had  heartily  efpoufed  his  intereft,  he  went  privately  beyond 
fea ;  and  writ  a  letter  from  Calah  to  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  pro- 
tefting  his  innocence  in  all  the  points  objected  to  him,  and  that 
he  had  not  gone  out  of  the  Kingdom  for  fear,  or  out  of  any 
confcioufnefs  of  guilt,  but  only  that  he  might  not  be  the  unhap- 
py occafion  of  any  difference  between  the  two  Houfes,  or  of  ob- 
ftruding  publick  bufinefs.  This  put  an  end  to  the  difpute.  But 
his  enemies  called  it  a  confeffion  of  guilt,  and  a  flying  from  ju- 
ftice  :  Such  colours  will  people  give  to  the  moft  innocent  actions. 
He  was  ba-  ^  Bill  was  brought  in,  banifhing  him  the  King's  dominions 
As^^^f  p'  ^^'^^^  P^^^  ^^  treafon  if  he  fhould  return :  And  it  was  made 
liament.  trcafon  to  correfpond  with  him,  without  leave  from  the 
King.  This  Ad:  did  not  pafs  without  much  oppofition.  It 
was  faid,  there  was  a  known  courfe  of  law  when  any  man 
fled  from  juftice:  And  it  feemed  againft  the  common  courfe  of 
juftice,  to  make  all  correfponding  with  him  treafon,  when  he 
himfelf  was  not  attainted  of  treafon:  Nor  could  it  be  juft  to  ba- 
nifh  him,  unlefs  a  day  were  given  him  to  come  in :  And  then, 
if  he  did  not  come  in,  he  might  incur  the  punifhment  upon 
contempt.  The  Duke,  whom  the  King  had  employed  to  pre- 
vail with  him  to  withdraw  himfelf,  thought  he  was  bound  in 
honour  to  prefs  the  matter  home  on  the  King;  which  he  did 
fo  warmly,  that  for  fome  time  a  coldnefs  between  them  was 
very  vifible.  The  part  the  King  had  adted  on  this  matter  came 
to  be  known  ^  and  was  much  cenfured,  as  there  was  juft  caufe 
for  it.  The  vehemence  that  he  fhcwed  in  this  whole  matter 
was  imputed  by  many  to  very  different  caufes.  Thofe  who  knew 
him  beft,  but  efteemed  him  leaft,  faid  to  me  on  this  occafion, 

that 


of  King  Charles  IL  '257 

that  all  the  indignation,  that  appeared  in  him  on  this  head,  was  1667. 
founded  on  no  leafon  at  allj  but  was  an  efFed  of  that  eafinefs,  ^-^^vs-' 
or  rather  lazinefs  of  nature,  that  made  him  comply  with  every 
perfon  that  had  the  greateft  credit  with  him.  The  Miftrifs,  and 
the  whole  Bedchamber,  were  perpetually  railing  at  him.  This  by 
a  fort  of  infection  pofleifcd  the  King,  who,  without  giving  him- 
feif  the  trouble  of  much  thinking,  did  commonly  go  into  any 
thing  that  was  at  the  prefent  time  the  eafieft,  without  confidcr- 
ing  what  might  at  any  other  time  follow  on  it.  Thus  the  Lord 
Clarendon  fell  under  the  common  fate  of  great  Miniftcis^  whofc 
employment  expofes  them  to  envy,  and  draws  upon  them  the 
indignation  of  all  who  are  difappointed  in  their  pretenfions. 
Their  friends  do  generally  (hew,  that  they  are  only  the  friends 
of  their  fortunes :  And  upon  the  change  of  favour  they  not  only 
forfake  them  in  their  extremity,  but,  that  they  may  fecure  to 
themfelves  the  protection  of  a  new  favourite,  they  will  labour 
to  redeem  all  that  is  pafs'd  by  turning  as  violently  againft  them, 
as  they  formerly  fawned  abje<5tly  upon  them:  And  Princes  are  (b 
little  fenfible  of  merit  or  great  fervices,  that  they  facrifice  their 
beft  fervants,  not  only  when  their  affairs  feem  to  require  it,  but 
to  gratify  the  humour  of  a  miftrifs,  or  the  paflion  of  a  rifing 
favourite. 

I  will  end  this  relation  of  Lord  Clarendon^s  fall  with  an  ac- The  charad- 
count  of  his  two  fons.  The  eldeft,  now  the  Earl  of  Clarendon^  '^^^xvifioui. 
a  man  naturally  fin  cere:  He  is  a  friendly  and  good  natured  man. 
He  keeps  an  exa6t  journal  of  all  that  paffes,  and  is  pundlual  to 
tedioufnefs  in  all  that  he  relates.  He  was  very  early  engaged  in 
great  fecrets :  For  his  father,  apprehending  of  what  fatal  conle- 
quence  it  would  have  been  to  the  King's  affairs  if  his  correfpon- 
dence  had  been  difcovered  by  unfaithful  Secretaries,  engaged  him 
when  very  young  to  write  all  his  letters  to  England  in  cypher  • 
fo  that  he  was  generally  half  the  day  writing  in  cypher,  or  de- 
cyphering,  and  was  fo  difcrect,  as  well  as  faithful,  that  nothing 
was  ever  difcovered  by  him.  He  continued  to  be  ftill  the  per- 
fon whom  his  father  trufted  moft :  And  was  the  moft  beloved  of 
all  the  family  i  for  he  was  humble  and  oHiging,  tho'  fome- 
times  peevifh.  His  judgment  was  not  to  be  much  depended  on  ^ 
for  he  was  much  carried  by  vulgar  prejudices,  and  falfe  notions. 
He  was  much  in  the  Queen's  favour,  and  was  her  Chamberlain 
long.  His  father's  being  fo  violently  profecuted  on  the  account 
of  her  marriage,  made  that  fhe  thought  herfelf  hound  to  pro- 
ted  him  in  a  particular  manner.  He  was  fo  provoked  at  the 
ill  ufage  his  father  met  with,  that  he  flnick  in  violently  with 
the  party  that  oppofed  the  Court :  And  the  King  fpoke  always 

U  u  u  o^ 


258  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1667.  of  him  with  great  fliarpnels,  and  much  fcorn.  His  brother,  no^ 
<^"V^^  Earl  of  Rochefterj  is  a  man  of  far  greater  parts.  He  has  a  ve- 
ry good  pen,  but  fpeaks  not  gracefully.  He  was  thought  the 
fmootheft  man  in  the  Court :  And  during  all  the  difpute  con- 
cerning his  father  he  made  his  Court  fo  dextroufly,  that  no 
refentments  ever  appeared  on  that  head.  When  he  came  into 
bufinefs,  and  ro(e  to  high  pofts,  he  grew  violent :  But  was  thought 
an  incorrupt  man.  He  has  high  notions  of  Government,  and 
thinks  it  muft  be  maintained  with  great  feverity.  He  delivers 
up  his  own  notions  to  his  party,  that  he  may  lead  them.  He 
pafTes  for  a  fincere  man,  and  fecms  to  have  too  much  heat  to 
be  falfe.  Morley  was  long  Dean  of  the  Chapel :  But  he  ftuck 
io  to  the  Lord  Clarendon,  that  he  was  fent  into  his  diocefe: 
And  Crofts  Bifliop  of  Hereford  was  made  Dean  in  his  room. 
Crofts  was  a  warm  devout  man,  but  of  no  difcretion  in  his  con- 
dud:  :  So  he  loft  ground  quickly.  He  ufed  much  freedom  with 
the  King  ^  but  it  was  in  the  wrong  place^  not  in  private,  but 
in  the  pulpit. 
TbeKing        'pj^g  King  wals  highly  offended  at  the  behaviour  of  moft  of 

was  much        i-,/i  111  r  •  iy^ 

Offended  the  Bilhops :  And  he  took  occalion  to  vent  it  at  the  Council- 
ftops.***'  ''board.  Upon  the  complaints  that  were  made  of  fomc  diforders, 
and  of  fome  Conventicles,  he  faid,  the  Clergy  were  chiefly 
to  blame  for  thefe  diforders ;  for  if  they  had  lived  well ,  and 
had  gone  about  their  pariflies,  and  taken  pains  to  convince  the 
Non-conformifts ,  the  Nation  might  have  been  by  that  time 
well  fettled.  But  they  thought  of  nothing,  but  to  get  good  be- 
nefices, and  to  keep  a  good  table.  This  I  read  in  a  letter  that 
Sir  Robert  Murray  writ  down  to  Scotland:  And  it  agrees  with  a 
converfation  that  the  King  was  pleaded  to  have  with  my  felf  once, 
when  I  was  alone  with  him  in  his  clofet.  While  we  were  talk- 
ing of  the  ill  ftate  the  Church  was  in,  I  was  ftruck  to  hear  a 
Prince  of  his  courfe  of  life  fo  much  difgufted  at  the  ambition, 
covetoufnefs,  and  the  feandals  of  the  Clergy.  He  faid,  if  the 
Clergy  had  done  their  part,  it  had  been  an  eafy  thing  to  run 
down  the  Non-conformifts :  But  he  added,  they  will  do  nothing, 
and  will  have  me  do  every  thing:  And  moft  of  them  do  worle 
than  if  they  did  nothing.  He  told  me,  he  had  a  Chaplain, 
that  was  a  very  honeft  man,  but  a  very  great  blockhead,  to 
whom  he  had  given  a  living  in  Suffolk,  that  was  full  of  that  fort 
of  people :  He  had  gone  about  among  them  from  houfe  to 
houfej  tho'  he  could  not  imagine  what  he  could  fay  to  them^ 
for  he  faid  he  was  a  very  filly  fellow:  But  that,  he  believed,  his 
nonfenle  iuited  their  nonfenie,   for  he  had  brought  them  all  to 

Church ; 


of  King  Charles  II:  259 

church:    And,  in  reward  of  his  diligence,  he  had  given  him  a  1667 » 
Biflioprick  in  Ireland.  .•"V^-/ 

Bridgman  and  IV'tlkim  fet  on  foot  a  treaty,  for  a  comprehen-  166%. 
fion  of  fuch  of  the  DilTenters  as  could  be  brought  into  the  com-  X"'"^^^"'^^ 
munion  of  the  Church,  and  a  toleration  of  the  reft.  Hale,  the  a  comp?e-°' 
the  Chief  Juftice,  concurred  with  them  in  the  defign.  7///tf//o«,  JhrprnSj. 
St'tllmgfleet,  and  Burton  joined  alfo  in  it.  Bates,  Manton,  and""*°*- 
Baxter  were  called  for  on  the  fide  of  the  Prefbyterians.  And  a 
projedt  was  prepared,  confifting  chiefly  of  thofc  things  that  the 
King  had  promifed  by  his  declaration  in  the  year  1660.  Only 
in  the  point  of  re-ordination  this  temper  was  propofed,  that 
thofe  who  had  Prelbyterian  ordination  fhould  be  received  to  ferve 
in  the  Church  by  an  impofition  of  hands,  accompanied  with 
words  which  imported,  that  the  perfbn  (b  ordained  was  recei- 
ved to  ferve  as  a  Minifter  in  the  Church  of  England.  This 
treaty  became  a  common  fiibjed:  of  difcourfe.  All  Lord  Cla^ 
rendon^s  friends  cried  out,  that  the  Church  was  undermined  and 
betrayed :  It  was  faid,  the  caufe  of  the  Church  was  given  up, 
if  we  yielded  any  of  thofe  points,  about  which  there  had  been 
{o  much  difputing:  If  the  Sectaries  were  humble  and  niodeft, 
and  would  tell  what  would  fatisfy  them,  there  might  be  fome 
colour  for  granting  fome  conceflions :  But  it  was  unworthy  of  the  , 
Church  to  go  and  court,  or  treat  with  enemies ;  when  there  was 
no  reafon  to  think,  that  after  we  had  departed  from  our  grounds, 
which  was  to  confels  we  had  been  in  the  wrong,  that  we  fhould 
gain  much  by  it,  unlefs  it  was  to  bring  fcorn  and  contempt  on 
our  felves.  On  the  other  hand  it  was  faidj  the  Non-conformifts 
could  not  legally  meet  together  to  offer  any  fchemes  in  the  name 
of  their  party :  It  was  well  enough  known,  what  they  had  always 
excepted  to,  and  what  would  probably  bring  over  moft  of  the 
Prefbyterians :  Such  a  yielding  in  fome  lefTer  matters  would  be 
no  reproach,  but  an  honour  to  the  Church  j  that,  how  much  fo- 
ever  fhe  might  be  fuperiour  both  in  point  of  argument  and  of 
power,  fhe  would  yet  of  her  own  accord^  and  for  peace  fake,  yield 
a  great  deal  in  matters  indifferent:  The  Apoftles  complying 
with  many  of  the  obfervances  of  the  Jews,  and  the  offers  that 
the  Church  of  Jfrkk  made  to  the  Donat'tfis,  were  much  infifted 
on :  The  fears  of  Popery ,  and  the  progrefs  that  Atheifm  was 
making,  did  alarm  good  and  wife  men :  And  they  thought,  eve- 
ry thing  that  could  be  done  without  fin  ought  to  be  done  to- 
wards the  healing  our  divifions.  Many  books  were  upon  that 
account  writ,  to  expofe  the  Prefbyterians,  as  men  of  falfe  noti- 
ons in  religion,  which  led  to  Antinomianifm,  and  which  would 
8  foon 


l6o         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1668.    foon  carry  them  into  a  dilTolution  of  morals,  under  a  pretence  of 
^-^"^^"^^  being  juftifyed  by  faith  only,    without  works.     The  three  vo- 
lumes of  the  Friendly  Debate,  tho'  writ  by  a  very  good  man,  and 
with  a  good  intent,  had  an  ill  effed  in  fharpening  peoples  fpi- 
fits  too  much  againft  them.     But  the  moft  virulent  of  all  that 
writ  againft  the  feds  was  Parker,   afterwards  made  Biihop  of 
Oxford  hy  King  James-,  who  was  full  of  fatyrical  vivacity,  and 
was  confiderably  learned  j  but  was  a  man  of  no  judgment,  and 
of  as  little  vertue,    and  as  to  religion  rather  impious.     After  he 
had  for  jfbme  years  entertained  the  Nation  with  feveral  virulent 
books,  writ  with  much  life,  he  was  attacked  by  the  livclieft  droll 
of  the  age,  who  writ  in  a  burlefque  ftrain,  but  with  fo  peculiar 
and  (b  entertaining  a  condudt,  that,  from  the  King  down  to  the 
tradefman,  his  books  were  read  with  great  pleafure.     That  nor 
only  humbled  Parker ,  but  the  whole  party :  For  the  author  of 
the  Rehearfal  Tranfprofed  had  all  the  men  of  wit  (or,  as  the 
French  phrale  it,  all  the  Laughers)  on  his  fide.    But  what  advan- 
tages fbever  the  men  of  comprehenfion  might  have  in  any  other 
rcfpedt,  the  majority  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons  was  io  poflef- 
fed  againft  them,    that  when  it  was  known  in  a  fuccecding  fef- 
fion,  that  a  bill  was  ready  to  be  offered  to  the  Houfe  for  that 
end,  a  very  extraordinary  vote  pafs'd,  that  no  bill  to  that  pur- 
pole  fhould  be  received. 
'un^n^^  °^     ^^  ^^  pafs'd  in  this  feflion  for  rebuilding  the  City  qI London, 
built.         which  gave  Lord  Chief  Juftice  Hale  a  great  reputation :  For  it 
was  drawn  with  fb  true  a  judgment,    and  fb  great  forefight, 
that  the  whole  City  was  raifed  out  of  its  arties  without  any 
fiiits  of  law  J  which,  if  that  bill  had  not  prevented  them,  would 
have  brought  a  fecond  charge  on  the  City,  not  much  lefs  than 
the  fire  it  felf  had  been.     And  upon  that,   to  the  amazement 
of  all  Europe,   London  was  in  four  years  time  rebuilt,   with  f© 
much  beauty  and  magnificence,  that  we  who  faw  it  in  both  ftates, 
before  and  after  the  fire,  cannot  refled;  on  it  without  wondring 
where  the  wealth  could  be  found  to  bear  fo  vaft  a  lofs  as  was 
made  by  the  fire,  and  fo  prodigious  an  expence  as  was  laid  out 
in  the  rebuilding  it.     This  did  demonftrate,  that  the  intrinfick 
wealth  of  the  Nation  was  very  high,  when  it  could  anfwer  fuch 
a  dead  charge. 
Defigns  for       I  return  to  the  intrigues  of  the  Court.     Lord  Clarendon'^  cne- 
way  the**     Hiics  thought  they  were  not  fafe,    as  long  as  the  Duke  had  (o 
Queen.       much  Credit  with  the  King,  and  the  Duchefs  had  fo  much  pow- 
er over  him;  So  they  fell  on  propofitions  of  a  ftrange  nature  to 
ruine  them.     The  Duke  of  Buckingham  preiTed  the  King  to 
own  a  marriage  with  the  Duke  of  Monmouth\  mother:  And 

he 


^A»^  Charles  II.  ±6t 

he  undertook  to  get  witnefles  to  atteft  it.  The  Duke  o{  Tori  i662. 
told  mc,  in  general,  that  there  was  much  talk  about  it:  But' 
he  did  not  defcend  to  particulars.  The  Earl  of  Carli/Ie  of- 
lercd  to  begin  the  matter  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords.  The  King 
would  not  confent  to  this :  Yet  he  put  it  by  in  fuch  a  manner, 
as  made  them  all  concludcj  he  wiflied  it  might  be  done,  but  did 
not  know  how  to  bring  it  about.  Thefe  difcourfes  were  all  car- 
lied  to  the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  and  got  fatally  into  his  head. 
When  the  Duke  talked  of  this  matter  to  me  in  the  year  feven- 
ty  three,  I  afked  him,  if  he  thought  the  King  had  ftill  the  fame 
inclinations?  He  faid  he  believed  not:  He  thought,  the  Duke 
oi Monmouth  had  not  fpirit  enough  to  think  of  it:  And  he  com- 
mended the  Duchefs  of  Monmouth  fo  highly  as  to  fay  to  me, 
that  the  hopes  of  a  Crown  could  not  work  on  her  to  do  an  un- 
jull  thing.  I  thought  he  gave  that  matter  too  much  counte- 
nance, by  calling  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  nephew:  But  he  faid, 
it  pleafed  the  King.  When  the  party  faw  they  could  make  no- 
thing of  the  bufinefs  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  they  tried  next 
by  what  methods  they  could  get  rid  of  the  Queen ;  that  (b  the 
King  might  marry  another  wife:  For  the  King  had  children  by 
fo  many  different  creatures,  that  they  hoped  for  ifTue,  if  he  had 
a  wife  capable  of  any.  Some  thought,  the  Queen  and  he  were 
not  legally  married:  But  the  avowing  a  marriage,  and  thet 
living  many  years  in  that  flate,  did  certainly  fupply  any  defecSt 
in  point  of  form.  Others  pretended,  {he  was  barren  from  a  na- 
tural caufe,  and  that  feemed  equivalent  to  impotence  in  men. 
But  the  King  often  faid,  he  was  fiire  fhe  had  once  mifcarried. 
This,  tho'  not  overthrown  by  fiich  an  evidence,  could  never  be 
proved;  unlefs  the  having  no  children  was  to  be  concluded  a 
barrennefs :  And  the  diflblving  a  marriage  on  fuch  an  account 
could  neither  be  juftifyed  in  law  nor  confciencc.  Other  ftories 
were  given  out  of  the  Queen's  perfon,  which  were  falfe :  For  I 
faw  in  a  letter  under  the  King's  own  hand  that  the  marriage 
was  confiimmated.  Others  talked  of  polygamy :  And  officious 
perfbns  were  ready  to  thruft  themfelves  into  any  thing  that  could 
contribute  to  their  advancement.  Lord  Lauderdale  and  Sir  Ro^ 
hert  Murray  afked  my  opinion  of  thefe  things.  I  faid,  I  knew 
fpeculative  people  could  fay  a  great  deal  in  the  way  of  argu- 
ment for  polygamy,  and  divorce :  Yet  thefe  things  were  fo  de- 
cried, that  they  were  rejeded  by  all  Chriftian  focieties :  So  that 
all  fuch  propofitions  would  throw  us  into  great  convulfions; 
and  entail  war  upon  us,  if  any  ifTue  came  from  a  marriage  fo 
grounded. 

X  X  X  An 


^6%         The  History  of  the  Reign 

166%.        An  accident  happened  at  that  time,  that  made  the  difcourfing 
^-^^^^"■^^of  thofc  matters  the  common  rubjed  of  converfat-on.    The  Lord 
^iScT.or  Roos,  afterwards  fearl  of  Rutland,   brought   proofs  of  adultery 
tdtfuery.      againft  his  wife  J  and  obtained  a  fentence  of  divorce  in  the  Spiri- 
tual Court:  Which  amounting  only  to  a  reparation  from  bed  and 
board,  he  moved  for  a  bill  diflfolving  the  bond,  and  enabling  him 
to  marry  another  wife.     The  Duke  and  all  his  party  apprehend- 
ed the  confequenccs  of  a  Parliamentary  divorce:  So  they  oppofvd 
this  with  great  heat:  And  almoftall  the  Bifhops  were  of  that  fide: 
Only  Cofms  and  Wdkins,   the  Bi(hops  of  Durham  and  Chejler , 
Were  for  it.    And  the  King  Was  as  earneft  in  the  fetting  it  on,  as 
the  Duke  Was  in  oppofihg  it.    The  zeal  which  the  two  brothers 
exprelTed  on  that  occadon  made  all  people  conclude,  that  rliey 
had  a  particular  concern  in  the  matter.   The  bill  pafs'd :  And  up- 
on that  precedent  fome  moved  the  King,  that  he  would  order  a 
bill  to  be  brought  in  to  divorce  him  from  the  Queen.   This  went 
fo  far,  that  a  day  was  agreed  on  for  making  the  motion  in  the 
Houfe  of  Commons,    as  Mr.  May  of  the  privy  purfe  told  mcj 
(who  had  the  greateft  and  longeft  fhare  in  the  King's  f^cret  con- 
fidence of  any  man  in  that  timej  for  it  was  never  broke  cfF,  the' 
often  {haken,    he  being  in  his  notions  againft  everything  that 
the  King  was  for,   both  France,  Popery,  and  arbitrary  govern- 
Hient^  but  a  particular  fympathy  of  temper,  and  his  fervmg  the 
King  in  his  vices,  created  a  confidence  much  envied,  and  oftea 
attempted  to  be  broke,  but  never  with  any  fuccefs  beyond  a  fliort 
coldnels:)  But  he  added,  when  he  told  me  of  chis  defign,  that 
three  days  before  the  motion  was  to  be  made,  the  King  called  for 
him,  and  told  him,  that  matter  muft  be  let  alone,  for  it  would 
iiot  do.     This  difturbed  him  muchj  for  he  had  engaged  himfelf 
far  in  laying  the  thing,  and  in  managing  thofe  who  were  to 
undertake  the  debate. 
...      At  this  time  the  Court  fell  into  much  extravagance  in  mafque* 
foiution  of  rading,  both  King  and  Queen,    and  all  the  Court,  went  about 
CoSt! '"    mafked,  and  came  into  houies  unknown,  and  danced  there  with 
.    a  great  deal  of  wild  frolick.     In  all  this  people  were  fo  difguifed, 
that  Without  being  on  the  fecret  none  could  diftinguifh  them* 
They  Were  carried  about  in  hackney  chairs.     Once  the  Queen's 
chairmen,    not  knowing  who  {he  was,   went  from  her;  So  {lie 
was  alone,  and  was  much  difturbed,  and  came  to  Whitehall  m  a 
hackney  coach:  Some  fay  it  was  in  a  cart.     The  Duke  o^  Buck- 
ingham propofed  to  the  King,  that  he  would  give  him  leave  to 
fteal  her  away,    and  fend  her  to  a  plantation,  where  flie  ihould 
be  well  and  carefully  looked  to,    but  never  heard  of  any  more: 
So  it  ftiouid  be  given  out,  that  Ihe  had  delerted :  And  upon  that 

it 


J" 


of KingCnkKLv.s  II.  2^3 

It  would  fall  in  with  fome  principles  to  carry  an  ad  for  a  divorce,  166%, 
grounded  upon  the  pretence  of  a  wilful  defertion.  Sir  Robert 
Murray  told  me,  that  the  King  himfclf  rejeded  this  with  hor- 
rour.  He  faid,  it  was  a  wicked  thing  to  make  a  poor  lady  mife- 
rahlc,  only  becaufe  ilie  was  his  wife,  and  had  no  children  by  him 
which  was  no  fault  of  hers.  The  hints  of  this  broke  out :  For 
the  Duke  o^ Buckingham  could  conceal  nothing.  And  upon  that 
the  Earl  o^  Manchejier,  then  Lord  Chamber  I  am  ^  told  the  Queen 
it  was  neither  decent,  nor  fafe  for  her  to  go  about  in  fuch  a  man- 
ner as  file  had  done  of  late:  So  {he  gave  it  over.  But  at  laft 
all  thefe  fchemes  fettled  in  a  propofition,  into  which  the  King 
went  j  which  was  to  deal  with  the  Queen's  confelTor,  that  he  might 
perfuade  her  to  leave  the  world,  and  to  turn  religious :  Upon 
which  the  Parliament  would  have  been  eafily  prevailed  on  to 
pa(s  a  divorce.  This  came  to  be  known :  But  what  fteps  were 
made  in  it  were  never  known.  It  was  believed,  that  upon  this 
the  Duchcfs  of  Tork  fent  an  exprefs  to  Rome  with  the  notice  of 
her  converfion  ^  and  that  orders  were  fent  from  Rome  to  all  about 
the  Queen  to  perfuade  her  againft  fuch  a  propofition,  if  any  lliould 
fuggcft  it  to  her.  She  herfelf  had  no  mind  to  be  a  Nun :  And 
the  Duchels  was  afraid  of  feeing  another  Queen :  And  the  miftrils 
created  at  that  time  Duchefs  of  Cleveland,  knew  that  {he  muft 
be  the  firft  facrifice  to  a  beloved  Queen :  And  {lie  reconciled  her 
felf  upon  this  to  the  Duchefs  of  Tork.  The  Duke  of  Buckingham 
upon  that  broke  with  her,  and  fiudied  to  take  the  King  from 
her  by  new  amours:  And  becaufe  he  thought  a  gaity  of  hu- 
mour would  take  much  with  the  King,  he  engaged  him  to  en- 
tertain two  players  one  after  another,  Davies  and  Guin.  The  firfl 
did  not  keep  her  hold  long:  But  Gum,  the  indifcreeteft  and 
Wildeft  creature  that  ever  was  in  a  Court,  continued  to  the  end  of 
the  King's  life  in  great  favour,  and  was  maintained  at  a  vaft  ex^ 
pence.  The  Duke  of  Buckingham  told  me,  that  when  fhe  was 
firft  brought  to  the  King,  flie  afked  only  five  hundred  pounds  a 
year:  And  the  King  refufed  it.  But  when  he  told  me  this,  a- 
bout  four  years  after ,  he  faid,  fhe  had  got  of  the  King  above 
fixty  thoufand  pounds.  She  aded  all  perfons  in  fo  lively  a  man- 
ner, and  was  fuch  a  conftant  diverfion  to  the  King,  that  even 
a  new  miftrifs  could  not  drive  her  away.  But  after  all  he  never 
treated  her  with  the  decencies  of  a  mifirifs.  The  King  had  ano- 
ther miftrifs,  that  was  managed  by  Lord  Shaftesbury,  who  was 
the  daugluer  of  a  Clergyman,  Roberts;  in  whom  her  firft  edu- 
cation had  fo  deep  a  root,  that,  tho'  fhe  fell  into  many  fcan- 
dalous  diforders,  with  very  difmal  adventures  in  them  all,  yet 
a  principle  of  religion  was  fo  deep  laid  in  her^  that,  tho'  it  did 

not 


164         ^^^  History  of  the  Reigii 

166%.    notreftrain  her,  yet  it  kept  alive  in  her  fiieh  a  conftant  honour 

'*>'*V'"^^at  fin,  that  fhe  ^as  never  eafy  in  an  ill  courfe,  and  died  with  a 

great  (cnfe  of  her  former  ill  life.     I  was  often  with  her  the  lafl: 

three  months  of  her  life.  The  Duche(s of  C7d"z;^/s'W,  finding  that 

{he  had  loft  the  King,    abandoned  her  felf  to  great  diforders: 

One  of  which,  by  the  artifice  of  the  Duke  oi  Buckingham ^    was 

difcovered  by  the  King  in  perfon,  the  party  concerned  leaping 

out  of  the  window.    She  alfo  fpoke  of  the  King  to  all  people  in 

Many  libels  fuch  a  manner,  as  brought  him  under  much  contempt.    But  he 

rn'''-^**^r  ieemed  infenfible:  And  tho'  libels  of  all  forts  had  then  a  very 

beftwitsof   *  >.  1  1  A      I      1  •  ' 

i\M  time,    free  courfe,  yet  he  was  never  dilturbed  at  it. 

The  three  moft  eminent  wits  of  that  time,  on  whom  all  the 
lively  libels  were  faftened,  were  the  Earls  of  Dorfet^  and  Rochejler^ 
and  Sir  Charles  Sidley.    Lord  Dorfei  was  a  generous  good  natured 
Man.  He  was  fo  oppreffed  with  phlegm,  that  till  he  was  a  little  hea- 
ted with  wine  he  fcarce  ever  fpoke :  But  he  was  upon  that  exal- 
tation a  very  lively  man.    Never  was  fo  much  ill  nature  in  a  pea 
as  in  his,  joined  with  fo  much  good  nature  as  was  in  himfelf, 
even  to  excefs  -,  for  he  was  againft  all  puniihing,  even  of  malc- 
fadors.    He  was  bountiful,  even  to  run  himfelf  into  difficulties  i 
And  charitable  to  a  fault  ^  for  he  commonly  gave  all  he  had  a- 
bout  him,  when  he  met  an  object  that  moved  him.    But  he  was 
fb  lazy,  that,  tho'  the  King  feemed  to  court  him  to  be  a  favou- 
rite, he  would  not  give  himfelf  the  trouble  that  belonged  to  that 
poft.     He  hated  the  Court,  and  defpifed  the  King,  when  he  faw 
he  was  neither  generous,    nor  tender  hearted.     IVllmot  Earl  of 
Rochefter,  was  naturally  modeft,   till  the  Court  corrupted  him. 
His  wit  had  in  it  a  peculiar  brightnefs,  to  which  none  could  ever  ar- 
rive.   He  gave  himfelf  up  to  all  forts  of  extravagance,  and  to  the 
wildeft  frolicks  that  a  wanton  wit  could  devife.    He  would  have 
gone  about  the  ftreets  as  a  beggar,  and  made  love  as  a  porter. 
He  (tx.  up  a  ftage  as  an  Italian  mountebanck.    He  was  for  fbme 
years  always  drunk,    and  was  ever  doing  fome  mifchief.    The 
King  loved  his  company  for  the  diverfion   it  afforded,   better 
than  his  perfon :  And  there  was  no  love  loft  between  them.  He 
took  his  revenges  in  many  libels.    He  found  out  a  footman  that 
knew  all  the  Court,  and  he  fiarnifhed  him  with  a  fed  coat  and 
a  mufket  as  a  centinel,  and  kept  him  all  the  winter  long  every 
night  at  the  doors  of  fuch  ladies,  as  he  believed  might  be  in  in- 
trigues.   In  the  Court  a  centinel  is  little  minded,  and  is  believed. 
to  be  poftcd  by  a  captain  of  the  Guards  to  hinder  a  combat: 
So  this  man  faw  who  walked  about,    and  vifited  at  forbidden 
hours.    By  this  means  Lord  Rochefler  made  many  difcoveries. 
And  when  he  was  well  furnifhed  with  materials,    he  ufed  to 
$  retire 


of  King  Charles  11.  265 

retire  iMo  the  country  for  a  month  or  two  to  write  libels:   Once  \66%. 
being  drunk  he  intended  to  give  the  King  a  libel  that  he  had  ^^"V^ 
writ  on  fome  ladies:  But  by  a  miftake  he  gave  him  one  writ- 
ten on  himfelf.    He  fell  into  an  ill  habit  of  body :  And  in  (e- 
veral  fits  of  ficknefs  he  had  deep  remorfes  ,•   for  he  was  guilty 
both  of  much  impiety,  and  of  great  immoralities.  But  as  he  re- 
covered he  threw  thcfe  off,    and  turned  again  to  his  former 
ill  courfes.     In  the  laft  year  of  his  life  I  was  much  with  him, 
and  have  writ  a  book  of  what  pafs'd  between  him  and  me.  I  do 
verily  believe,  he  was  then  fo  entirely  changed,  that,  if  he  had 
recovered,  he  would  have  made  good  all  his  refolutions.     Stdl'^j 
had  a  more  jfudden  and  copious  wit,  which  furnifhed  a  perpetual 
run  of  diicourfe :  But  he  was  not  fo  correct  as  Lord  Dorfet,    nor 
fo  fparkling  as  Lord  Rochefier.    The  Duke  oi  BucHmqham  loved 
to  have  thefe  much  about  him :  And  he  gave  himfelf  up  to  a  mon- 
ftrous  courfe  of  ftudied  immoralities  of  the  worft  kinds :  He  was 
fo  full  of  mercury,  that  he  could  not  fix  long  in  any  friendfhip, 
or  to  any  defign.     Bennety  now  made  Lord  Arlington ^    and  he 
fell    out:    Bennet  was  all  cunning   and  artifice,    and  fb  could 
not  hold  long  with  him,   who  was  fb  open  that  he  difclofed 
every  thing.     Lord  Arlington  was  engaged  in  a  great  intimacy 
with  Clifford y   L'ttletoun^    and  Duncomb.     I  have  already  given 
ibme  account  of  the  two  firfl.    Dtmcomb  was  a  judicious  man, 
but  very  haughty,  and  apt  to  raife  enemies  againft  himfelf:  He 
was  an  able  Parliament  man :  But  could  not  go  into  all  the  de- 
figns  of  the.  Court  j  for  he  had  a  fenfe  of  religion,    and  a  zeal 
for  the  liberty  of  his  country.     The  Duke  oi  Buckingham's  chief 
friends  were  the  Earls  of  Shaftsbur^y  and  Lauderdale ,    but  above 
all  Sir  Thomas  Osborn^  raifed  afterwards  to  be  Lord  Treafurer,  and 
Earl  o^ Danb'y,  and  fince  made  Duke  o^ Leeds  by  the  late  King. 

The  King  took  Sir  William  Coventry  from  the  Duke,  and  ^\xt^\r ivnnam 
him  in  the  Treafiiry.  He  was  in  a  fair  way  to  be  the  chief  Mi-  charaacr. 
nifler,  and  deferved  it  more  than  all  the  reft  did.  But  he  was  too 
honefl  to  engage  in  the  defigns  into  which  the  Court  was  refblv- 
ed  to  go,  as  Toon  as  it  had  recovered  a  little  reputation ;  which 
was  funk  very  low  by  the  ill  management  of  the  Dutch  war,  and 
the  fquandring  away  of  the  money  given  for  it.  He  was  a  man 
of  the  fineft  and  the  beft  temper  that  belonged  to  the  Court. 
The  Duke  of  Buckingham^  and  he  fell  out,  I  know  not  for  what 
reafon :  And  a  challenge  pafs'd  between  them,  upon  which  Co- 
ventry was  forbid  the  Court.  And  he  upon  that  feemed  to  retire 
very  willingly :  And  he  was  become  a  very  religious  man  when 
I  knew  him.  He  was  offered  after  that  the  beft  pofts  in  the  Court, 
ofcner  than  once :  But  he  would  never  engage  again.     He  faw 

Y  Y  y  what 


±66         The  History  oftbe  Reign 

1668.   what  was  at  bottom,  and  was  refolvcd  not  to  go  through  with  it; 
'-'^'V'"'^  and  Co  continued  to  his  death  in  a  retired  c6uiTe  of  Hfe. 
The  Go-         The  Duke  of  Ormond  continued  ftill  in  the  Government  of 
/"w  "*  °^ Ireland,  tho'  feveral  interefts  joined  together  againft  him.     The 
changed.     Earls  of  Orrery  and  Ranelagh  on  the  one  hand,    and  Talhot  oni 
the  other.     Lord  Orrery  loved  to  appear  in  bufinefs;    but  dealt 
fo  much  underhand,  that  he  had  not  much  credit  with  any  fide. 
Lord  Ranelagh  was  a  young  man  of  great  parts,    and  as  great 
vices:  He  had  a  pleafantnefs  in  his  converfation  that  took  much 
with  the  King,    and  had  a  great  dexterity  in  bufmeis.     Many 
complaints  were  fecretly  brought  againft  the  Duke  of  Orrnond. 
The  King  loved  him:  And  he  accommodated  himfelf  much  to 
the  King's  humour.     Yet  the  King  Was,    with  much  difficulty, 
prevailed  on  to  put  an  end  to  his  government  of  Ireland^  and 
to  put  Lord  Roberts,    afterwards  made  Earl  of  Radnor,  in  his 
place;  who  was  a  morofe  man,  believed  to  be  feverely  juft,  and 
as  wife  as  a  cynical  humour  could  allow  him  to  be.     The  man- 
ner of  removing  the  Duke  oi  Ormond  "^'AX  give  a  paftieular  cha- 
ra(5ter  of  the  King's  temper.     He  lent  Lord  Arlington  to  him 
for  his  commiffion.     The  Duke  of  Ormond  faid,  he  had  recei- 
ved it  from  the  King's  own  hands,    and  he  would  go  and  deli- 
ver it  to  him.     When  he  carried  it  to  the  King,  the  King  de- 
nied he  had  fent  him  any  fuch  mefTage.     Two  days  after  that 
Lord  Arlington  was  fent  again  with  the  fame  melTage:  And  he 
had  the  fame  anfwer:  And  the  King  dilbwned  it  again  to  the 
Dttke.    So  the  King  declared  in  the  Privy  Council  the  change  of 
the  Government  of  Ireland,  and  made  Roberts  Lord  Lieutenant. 
And  it  flew  abroad  as  ai  piece  of  news.     The  Duke  of  Ormond 
hearing  that,  came  to  the  King  in  great  wrath,  to  expoftulate 
upon  it.     But  the  King  denied  the  whole  thing,  and  fent  him 
away:   But  he  fent  for  Fitzpatrickj  who  had  married  his  fifter, 
and  who  told  me  the  whole  ftory,  and  fent  him  to  the  Duke  of 
Ormond,   to  tell  him,    the  King  had  denied  the  matter  tho'  it 
was  true,   for  he  obferved  he  was  in  fuch  a  heat,   that  he  was 
afraid  he  might  have  faid  indecent  things:  And  he  was  refolved 
not  to  fall  out  with  him :  For,  tho'  his  affairs  made  it  neceffary  to 
change  the  Government  of  Ireland,  yet  he  would  ftill  be  kind  to 
him,  and  continue  him  Lord  Steward.  Lord  Radnor  did  not  con- 
tinue long  in  Ireland:  He  was  cynical  in  his  whole  adminiftration, 
and  uneafy  to  the  King  in  every  thing :  And  in  one  of  his  peevifli 
humours  he  writ  to  the  King,  that  he  had  but  one  thing  to  afk  of 
him,  which  if  it  might  be  granted,  he  would  never  afk  another,  and 
that  was  to  be  difcharged  of  his  employment.    The  Lord  Berk- 
ley iiicceeded  him,  who  was  brother  to  the  Lord  Fitzharding,  and 

from 


1  -      --  T    • 

of  King  Charles  II.  267 

from  fmall  beginnings  had  rifen  up  to  the  greatefl:  pod  a  fubjed  i66%, 
was  capable  of.  In  the  war  he  was  Governour  of  Exeter  for  '-^'^^'"^ 
the  King,  and  one  of  his  Generals.  He  was  named  by  him 
Governour  to  the  Duke  of  Tork.  He  was  now  made  Lord 
Lieutenant  oi  Ireland y  and  afterwards  fentAmbalTadour  to  f ranee, 
and  Plenipotentiary  to  Nimeguen.  He  was  a  man  in  whom  it  ap- 
peared with  how  Httle  true  judgment  Courts  diftribute  favours  and 
honours.  He  had  a  pofitive  way  of  undertaking  and  determining 
in  every  thing,  but  was  a  very  weak  man,  and  not  incorrupt. 

The  Court  deUvered  it  felf  up  to  vice.  And  the  Houfe  of  The  Com- 
Commons  loft  all  refped:  in  the  Nation  ^  for  they  gave  ftill  all  Brook-hnft 
the  money  that  was  afked.  Yet  thofe  who  oppofed  the  Court 
carried  one  great  point,  that  a  Committee  fhould  be  named  to 
examine  the  accounts  of  the  money  that  was  given  during  the 
Dutch  war.  It  was  carried,  that  they  fhould  be  all  men  out  of 
the  Hou(e.  Lord  Brereton  was  the  chief  of  them,  and  had  the 
chair.  He  was  a  philofbphical  man,  and  was  all  his  life  long 
in  fearch  of  the  philofophers  ftone,  by  which  he  negleded 
his  own  affairs,-  but  was  a  man  of  great  integrity,  and  was  not 
to  be  gained  by  the  flatteries,  hopes,  or  threatnings  of  the 
Court.  Sir  Willtam  Turner  was  another  of  the  Committee,  who 
had  been  Lord  Major  oi  London  the  former  year,  under  whofe 
wife  and  juft  adminiftration  the  rebuilding  of  the  City  advanced 
{o  fdft,  that  he  would  have  been  chofen  Lord  Major  for  the  en- 
fuing  year,  if  he  had  not  declined  it.  Pier  point  was  likewife 
fc>f  this  Committee:  So  was  Sir  James  Langham,  a  very  weak 
man,  famed  only  for  his  readinefs  of  fpeaking  florid  Latin,  which 
he  had  attained  to  a  degree  beyond  any  man  of  the  age;  but  his 
ftyle  was  too  poetical,  and  full  of  Epithetis  and  Figures. 

I  name  Sir  George  Saville  lafl,  becaufe  he  deferves  a  more  zo-  Halifax' % 
pious  character.  He  rofe  afterwards  to  be  Vifcount,  Earl,  and*^*"""^"- 
Marquis  of  Halifax.  He  was  a  man  of  a  great  and  ready  wit ; 
full  of  life,  and  very  pleafant;  much  turned  to  fatyr.  He  let 
his  wit  rufi  much  on  matters  of  religion ;  So  that  he  pafTed  f©r  a 
bold  and  determined  Atheift,-  tho'  he  often  pfotefted  to  me,  he 
was  not  one;  and  faid,  he  beUeved  there  was  not  one  in  the  world : 
He  coiifeffed,  he  could  not  fwallow  down  every  thing  that  di- 
vines impofed  on  the  world:  He  was  a  Chriftian  in  fubmiffion: 
He  believed  as  much  as  he  could,  and  he  hoped  that  God  would 
not  lay  it  to  his  charge,  if  he  could  not  difgeft  iron,  as  an  oftrich 
did,  nor  take  into  his  belief  things  that  muft  burft  him :  If  he 
had  any  fcruples,  they  were  not  fought  for,  nor  cherifhed  by 
him ;  for  he  never  read  an  atheiftical  book.  In  a  fit  of  fick- 
nefs,   I  knew  him  very  much  touched  with  a  fenfe  of  religion. 

I  was 


26§  The  History  of  the  Reign 

166%.  I  was  then  often  with  him.  He  feemed  full  of  good  purpofes: 
But  they  went  off  with  his  ficknefs.  He  was  always  talking  of 
morality  and  friendfliip.  He  was  pundual  in  all  payments,  and 
juft  in  all  his  private  dealings.  But,  with  relation  to  the  publick, 
he  went  backwards  and  forwards,  and  changed  fides  fo  often, 
that  in  conclufion  no  fide  trufted  him.  He  feemed  full  of  Com- 
mon-wealth notions :  Yet  he  went  into  the  worft  part  of  King 
Charkss  reign.  The  livelinefs  of  his  imagination  was  always 
too  hard  for  his  judgment.  A  fevere  jeft  was  preferred  by  him 
to  all  arguments  whatfbever.  And  he  was  endlefs  in  coplultati- 
ons :  For  when  after  much  difcourfe  a  point  was  fettled,  if  he 
could  find  a  new  jeft,  to  make  even  that  which  was  fuggefted 
by  himfelf  feem  ridiculous,  he  could  not  hold,  but  would  ftudy 
to  raife  the  credit  of  his  wit,  tho'  it  made  others  call  his  judg- 
ment in  queftion.  When  he  talked  to  me  as  a  philofopher  of 
his  contempt  of  the  world,  I  alked  him,  what  he  meant  by  get- 
ting fo  many  new  titles,  which  I  call'd  the  hanging  himfelf  about 
with  bells  and  tinfel.  He  had  no  other  excufe  for  it,  but  this, 
that,  fince  the  world  were  fuch  fools  as  to  value  thofe  matters,  a 
man  muft  be  a  fool  for  company :  He  confidered  them  but  as 
rattles:  Yet  rattles  pleafe  children:  So  thefe  might  be  ofufe  to 
his  family.  His  heart  was  much  fet  on  raifing  his  family.  But, 
tho'  he  made  a  vaft  eftate  for  them,  he  buried  two  of  his  fons 
himlelf,  and  almoft  all  his  grandchildren.  The  fon  that  furvi- 
ved  was  an  honeft  man,  but  far  inferior  to  him.  I  do  not  re- 
member who  befides  thefe  were  of  that  Committee,  which  becaufc 
it  fate  in  Brook-houfe^  was  called  by  the  name  of  that  houfe. 


\66^.        The  Court  was  much  troubled  to  fee  an  enquiry  of  this  kind 
^-"^"N^^  fet  on  foot.    It  was  faid,  the  King  was  bafely  treated,  when  all 
amentmen  his  expcncc  was  to  be  lookcd  into.     On  the  other  hand  it  was 
fheCourt.    ^nfwcred,   that  the  Parliament  did  not  look  into  his  revenue, 
but  only  to  the  diftribution  of  that  treafure  that  was  trufted  to 
him  for  carrying  on  the  war.     I  was  told,  that,  after  all  the 
moft  ftiameful  items  that  could  be  put  into  an  account,  there 
was  none    offered  for  about  800000  /.      But  I  was  not  then 
in  England:  So  I  was  very  imperfectly  informed  as  to  this  mat- 
ter.    The  chief  men  that  promoted  this  were  taken  off,  (as  the 
word  then  was  for  corrupting  members,)   in  which  the  Court 
made  fo  great  a  progrefs,   that  it  was  thought  the  King  could 
never  have  been  prevailed  on  to  part  with  a  Parliament  fb  much 
pradifed  on,  and  where  every  man's  price  was  known  ,•  for  as  a 
man  rofe  in  his  credit  in  the  Houfe,  he  raifcd  his  price,  and  ex- 
pected to  be  treated  accordingly.     In  all  this  enquiry  the  care- 
leflhefs  and  luxury  of  the  Court  came  to  be  fo  much  expofcd, 
7  that 


of  King  Charles  II. 


269 


that  the  King's  fpirit  was  much  fharpened  upon  it.     All  the 
flatterers   about   him   magnified    foreign  governments,    where' 
the  Princes  were  abfolute,    that  in   France  more   particularly. 
Many  to  pleafe  him  faid,   it  was  a  very  eafy  thing  to  (hake 
off  the  reftraints  of  law,    if  the  King  would  but  fet  about  it. 
The  Crown  of  Denmark  was  eledive,  and  fubjed:  to  a  Senate 
and  yet  was  in  one  day,    without  any  vifible  force,  changed  to 
be  both  hereditary  and  abfolute,    no  rebellion  nor  convulfion 
of  ftate  following  on  it.     The  King  loved  the  projedt  in  gene- 
ral j  but  would  not  give  himfelf  the  trouble  of  laying  or  mana- 
ging it.     And  therefore,    till  his  affairs  were  made  eafier,    and 
the  projed  grew  clearer,    he  refblved  to  keep  all  things  clofe 
within  himfelf  J  and  went  on  in  the  common  maxim,  to  balance 
party  againft  party,  and  by  doing  popular  things  to  get  money 
of  his  Parliament,  under  the  pretence  of  fupporting  the  Triple 
Alliance.     So  money-bills  palTed  eafily  in  the  Houfe  of  Com- 
mons: Which  by  a  ftrange  reverfe  came  to  be  oppofed  in  the 
Houfe  of  Lords  ^  who  began  to  complain,  that  the  money-bills 
came  up  fo  thick,  that  it  was  faid,   there  was  no  end  of  their 
giving.    End  fignifying  purpofe,  as  well  as  a  meafure,  this  pafs'd 
as  a  fevere  jeft  at  that  time.    Sir  John  Coventry  made  a  grofs  re- 
fledion  on  the  King's  amours.     He  was  one  of  thofe  who  ftrug- 
gled  much  againft  the  giving  money.     The  common  method 
is :  After  thofe  who  oppofe  fuch  bills  fail  in  the  main  vote,  the 
next  thing  they  endeavour  is,    to  lay  the  money  on  fonds  that 
will  be  unacceptable,    and  will   prove  deficient.     So  thefe  men 
propofed  the  laying  a  tax  on  thePlay-houfes,  which  in  fo  dilTolute 
a  time  were  become  nefts  of  proftitution.    And  the  ftage  was  defil- 
ed beyond  all  example,  Dr^yden^  the  great  mafter  of  Dramatick 
Poefy,  being  a  monfter  of  immodefty,  and  of  impurity  of  all  forts. 
This  was  oppofed  by  the  Court :  It  was  faid,  the  Players  were 
the  King's  fervants,    and  a  part  of  his  pleafure.    Coventry  afked, 
whether  did  the  King's  pleafiire  lie  among  the  men,  or  the  wo- 
men that  aded?  This  was  carried  with  great  indignation  to  the 
Court.     It  was  faid,    this  was  the  firft  time  that  the  King  was 
perfonally  refleded  on :  If  it  was  pafled  over,  more  of  the  fame 
kind  would  follow  j  and  it  would  grow  a  fafhion  to  talk  fo:  It 
was  therefore  fit  to  take  fiich  fevere  notice  of  this,  that  no  bo- 
dy fhould  dare  to  talk  at  that  rate  for  the  future.     The  Duke 
of  Tork  told  me,  he  (aid  all  he  could  to  the  King  to  divert  him 
from  the  refolution  he  took  5    which  was  to  (end  fome  of  the 
Guards,  and  watch  in  the  ftreets  where  Sir  John  lodged,    and 
leave  a  mark  upon  him.     Sands  and  Ohr'tan^  and  fome  others, 
went  thither :  And  as  Qoventry  was  going  home,  they  drew  about 

Z  z  z  him 


\66f). 


270  The  History  of  the  Reign 

j66^.    lilm.    He  ftood  up  to  the  wall,  and  fnatched  the  flambeau  out  of 
^-'^'"^•'"^his  fervant's  hands:  And  with  that  in  the  one  hand,    and  fiis 
fword  in  the  other,    he  defended  himfelf  fo  well,    that  he  got 
Coventry'i    niorc  ctcdit  by  it  than  by  all  the  actions  of  his  life.     He  woun- 
cot.  ed  fome  of  them^    but  was  foon  difarmed:   And  then  they  cut 

his  nofe  to  the  bone,  to  teach  him  to  remember  what  refpedt: 
he  owed  to  the  King:  And  fb  they  left  him,  and  went  back  to 
the  Duke  of  A/o«/;?/9f//*6's ,  where  0^r/<3!«'s  arm  was  drelTed.  That 
matter  was  executed  by  orders  from  the  Duke  of  Monmouth:  For 
which  he  was  feverely  cenfured,  becaufe  he  lived  then  in  profef- 
fions  of  friendfliip  with  Coventry-^  fo  that  his  fubjedtion  to  the 
King  was  not  thought  an  excufe  for  dire(5ting  fo  vile  an  attempt 
on  his  friend,  without  fending  him  fecret  notice  of  what  was 
defigned.  Coventry  had  his  nofe  fo  well  needled  up,  that  the 
fear  was  fcarce  to  be  difcerned.  This  put  the  Houie  of  Com- 
mons in  a  furious  uproar.  They  paffed  a  bill  of  banifhment 
againft  the  adors  of  it^  and  put  a  claufe  in  it,  that  it  fliould 
not  be  in  the  King's  power  to  pardon  them.  This  gave  great 
advantages  to  all  thole  that  oppofed  the  Court:  And  was  often 
remembred,  and  much  improved,  by  all  the  angry  men  of  this 
time.  The  names  of  the  Court  and  Country  party,  which  till 
now  had  feemed  to  be  forgotten,  were  again  revived. 
A  new  pro-  ,  When  the  City  was  pretty  well  rebuilt,  they  began  to  take 
Convemi-^  care  of  the  Churches,  which  had  lain  in  allies  fome  years.  And 
cies.  jQ  that  time  Conventicles  abounded  in  all  the  parts  of  the  City. 

It  was  thought  hard  to  hinder  men  from  worlhipping  God  any 
way  as  they  could,  when  there  were  no  Churches,  nor  Minifters 
to  look  after  them.  But  they  began  to  raife  Churches  of  boards, 
till  the  publick  allowance  fliould  be  railed  towards  the  building 
the  Churches.  Thefe  they  called  Tabernacles :  And  they  fitted 
them  up  with  pews  and  galleries  as  Churches.  So  now  an  Ad: 
was  propolcd,  reviving  the  former  Ad  againft  Conventicles, 
with  fome  new  claufes  in  it.  One  was  very  extraordinary,  that 
if  any  doubt  fhould  arife  concerning  the  meaning  of  any  part  of 
this  Ad,  it  was  to  be  determined  in  the  fenfe  that  was  the  mod 
contrary  to  Conventicles,  it  being  the  intention  of  the  Houle 
to  reprels  them  in  the  moft  effedual  manner  pollible.  The  other 
was,  the  laying  a  heavy  fine  on  fuch  Juftices  of  the  Peace,  as 
fliould  not  execute  the  law,  when  informations  were  brought 
them.  Upon  this  many,  who  would  not  be  the  inftruments  of 
fuch  feverities,  left  the  bench,  and  would  lit  there  no  longer. 
This  Ad  was  executed  in  the  City  very  feverely  in  Starl'mg^s  Ma- 
joralty,-  and  put  things  in  fuch  diforder,  that  many  of  the  trad- 
ing men  of  the  City  began  to  talk  of  removing  with  their  ftocks 

'  ®ver 

} 


r 


T 

^^/V/j^  Ch'aries  II.     ,       271 

over  to  Holland.  But  the  King  ordered  a  flop  to  be  put  to  far-  1660, 
ther  feverities.  Many  of  the  fe^ls  either  difcontinued  tlieir  meet-  ^^*VNJ 
ings,  or  held  them  very  fecretly  with  fmall  numbers,  and  not 
in  hours  of  publick  worrtiip.  Yet  informers  were  encouraged, 
and  were  every  where  at  work.  The  behaviour  of  the  Qua- 
kers was  more  particular,  and  had  fomething  in  it  that  looked 
bold.  They  met  at  the  fame  place,  and  at  the  fame  hour  as 
before.  And  when  they  were  feized,  none  of  them  would  go 
out  of  the  way :  They  went  all  together  to  prifon :  They  ftaid 
there  till  they  were  difmifs'd ;  for  they  would  not  petition  to  be  fet 
at  liberty,  nor  would  they  pay  their  fines  fet  on  them,  nor  fb 
much  as  the  jayl  ^teSy  calling  thefe  the  wages  of  unrighteouf- 
nefs.  And  as  foon  as  they  were  let  out,  they  went  to  their 
meeting  Koufes  again :  And,  when  they  found  thele  were  (hut  up 
by  order,  they  held  their  meetings  on  the  ftreets,  before  the 
doors  of  thofe  houfes.  They  faid,  they  would  not  difbwn,  or 
be  afliamed  of  their  meeting  together  to  worfliip  God:  But  in 
imitation  o^  Daniel  they  would  do  it  the  more  publickly,  becaufe 
they  were  forbidden  the  doing  it.  Some  called  this  obitinacy, 
while  others  called  it  firmnefs.  But  by  it  they  carried  their  point: 
For  the  Government  grew  weary  of  dealing  with  (b  much  per- 
verfencfs,  and  fo  began  with  letting  them  alone. 

The  King  had  by  this  time  got  all  the  money  that  he  ex- The  King 
peded  from  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  and  that  after  great  prac-  mon'iyT"ho 
tice  on  both  Lords  and  Commons.  Many  bones  of  contention  JJ°"[=  °f 
were  thrown  in,  to  create  differences  between  the  two  Houfes, 
to  try  if  by  both  Houfes  infifting  on  them  the  money  bills  might 
fall.  Bur,  to  prevent  all  trouble  from  the  Lords,  the  King  was 
adviled  to  go,  and  be  prefent  at  all  their  debates.  Lord  Lau- 
derdale valued  himfelf  to  me  on  this  advice,  which  he  faid  he. 
gave.  At  firft  the  King  fat  decently  on  the  throne,  tho'  even 
that  was  a  great  reflraint  on  the  freedom  of  debate  ,•  which  had 
ibme  effed:  for  a  while:  Tho'  afterwards  many  of  the  Lords 
fcemcd  to  fpeak  with  the  more  boldnefs,  becaufe,  they  faid, 
one  heard  it  to  whom  they  had  no  other  accefs  but  in  that  place; 
and  they  took  the  more  liberty,  becaufe  what  they  had  faid  could 
not  be  reported  wrong.  The  King,  who  was  often  weary  of 
time,  and  did  not  know  how  to  get  round  the  day,  liked  the 
going  to  the  Houfe,  as  a  pleafant  diverfion.  So  he  went  con- 
ftantly.  And  he  quickly  left  the  throne,  and  flood  by  the  fire; 
which  drew  a  croud  about  him,  that  broke  all  the  decency  ot 
that  Houfe:  For  before  that  time  every  Lord  fat  regularly  in 
his  place:  But  the  King's  coming  broke  the  order  of  their  fit- 
ting as  became  Senators.    The  King's  going  thither  had  a  much 

worfe 


iyi       The  History  of  the  Reign 

\66().  worfe  effect:  For  he  tecame  a  common  folicitor,  not  only  in 
publick  affairs,  but  even  in  private  matters  of  juftice.  He  would 
in  a  very  little  time  have  gone  round  the  Houfe,  and  fpoke  to 
every  man  that  he  thought  worth  fpeaking  to.  And  he  was  apt 
to  do  that  upon  the  folicitation  of  any  of  the  Ladies  in  favour, 
or  of  any  that  had  credit  with  them.  He  knew  well  on  whom' 
he  could  prevail:  So  being  once  in  a  matter  of  juftice  defired  to 
fpeak  to  the  Earl  of  EJfex^  and  the  Lord  Hollis^  he  faid,  they 
were  ftiff  and  fullen  men:  But  when  he  was  next  defired  to 
folicit  two  others,  he  undertook  to  do  itj  and  faid,  they  arc 
men  of  no  confcience,  fo  I  will  rake  the  government  of  their 
confcience  into  my  own  hands.  Yet  when  any  of  the  Lords 
told  him  plainly,  that  they  could  not  vote  as  he  defired,  he 
feemed  to  take  it  well  from  them.  When  the  Ad  againft  Con- 
venticles was  debated  in  that  Houfe,  Wtlk'im  argued  long  againft 
it,  The  King  was  much  for  having  it  pafs,  not  that  he  intend- 
ed tOj,execute  it,  but  he  was  glad  to  have  that  body  of  men  at 
mercy,  and  to  force  them  to  concur  in  the  defign  for  a  general 
toleration.  He  fpoke  to  fVdk'tm  not  to  oppofe  it.  He  anfwer- 
ed,  he  thought  it  an  ill  thing  both  in  confcience  and  policy : 
Therefore,  both  as  he  was  an  Engl'tjh  man,  and  a  Biihop,  he 
was  bound  to  oppofe  it.  The  King  then  defired  him  not  to 
come  to  the  Houfe  while  it  depended.  He  faid,  by  the  law  and 
conftitution  of  England,  and  by  his  Majefty's  favour,  he  had  a 
right  to  debate  and  vote :  And  he  was  neither  afraid  nor  afham- 
ed  to  own  his  opinion  in  that  matter,  and  to  ad:  purfuant  to 
it.  So  he  went  on :  And  the  King  was  not  offended  with  his  free- 
dom. But  tho'  he  bore  with  fuch  a  frank  refufing  to  comply 
with  his  defire,  yet  if  any  had  made  him  fuch  general  anfwers, 
as  led  him  to  believe  they  intended  to  be  compliant,  and  had  not 
in  all  things  done  as  he  expeded,  he  called  that  a  juggling  with 
him  j  and  he  was  apt  to  Ipeak  hardly  of  them  on  that  account. 
No  fooner  was  the  King  at  eafe,  and  had  his  fleet  put  in  good 
cafe,  and  his  ftores  and  magazines  well  furnifhed,  than  he  im- 
mediately fell  to  negotiating  with  France,  both  to  ruine  Holland^ 
and  to  lubvert  the  government  of  England.  The  Brook-houfe 
bufinefs,  as  well  as  the  burning  his  fleet,  ftuck  as  deep  as  any 
thing  could  do  in  his  heart.  He  refblved  to  revenge  the  one, 
and  to  free  himfelf  from  the  apprehenfions  of  the  others  return- 
ing upon  him :  Tho'  the  Houfe  of  Commons  were  fb  far  pradiied 
on,  that  the  report  of  Brook-houfe  was  let  fall  ^  and  that  matter 
was  no  more  infifted  on.  Yet  he  abhorred  the  precedent,  and 
the  difcoveries  that  had  been  made  upon  it. 

The 


of  King  Charles  II.  27^ 

The  Prince  oi  Orange  came  over  to  him  in  the  winter  i66^.  1669. 
He  was  then  in  the  twentieth  year  of  his  age:  So  he  came  over/^'Y"'^ 
both  to  fee  how  the  King  intended  to  pay  the  great  debt  that  of  OrJ»J** 
he  owed  him,    which  had  been  contracted  by  his  father  on  hisKi?""'** 
account,  and  Hkewife  to  try  what  offices  the  King  would  do  in 
order   to  his  advancement  to  the  Stadtholderfhip.     The  King 
treated  him  civilly.     He  affured  him  he  would  pay  the  debt:  But 
did  not  lay  down  any  method  of  doing  it:  So  thefe  were  only 
good  words.  He  tryed  the  Prince,  as  the  Prince  himfelf  told  me  in 
point  of  religion :    He  Ipoke  of  all  the  Proteftants  as  a  fadious 
body,  broken  among  themfelves  ever  fince  they  had  broken  off 
from  the  main  body^    and  wiihed,    that  he  would  take  more 
pains,   and  look  into  thefe  things  better,  and  not  to  be  led  by 
his  Dutch  blockheads.     The  Prince  told  all  this  to  Zuykfteyn 
his  natural  uncle.     They  were  both  amazed  at  it;  and  wonder- 
ed, how  the  King  could  truft  fo  great  a  fecret,    as  his  being  a 
Papift,    to  fo  young  a  perfon.     The  Prince  told  me,  that  he 
never  fpoke  of  this  to  any  other  perfon,    till  after  his  death : 
But  he  carried  it  always  in  his  own  mind,  and  could  not  hinder 
himfelf  from  judging  of  all  the  King's  intentions  after  that  from 
the  difcovery  he  had  then  made  of  his  own  fentiments.     Nor 
did  he,  upon  his  not  complying  with  that  propofition,  expedt 
any  real  afliftance  of  the  King,  but  general  interceflions,  which 
fignifyed  nothing :  And  that  was  all  he  obtained* 

So  far  have  I  carried  on  the  thread  of  the  affairs  of  England,  The  affair* 
down  from  the  peace  of  Breda  to  the  year  1^70,  in  which  the  °^ '^"'''""'' 
negotiation  with  the  Court  of  France  was  fet  on  foot.  I  am  not 
fure,  that  every  thing  is  told  in  juft  order;  becaufe  I  was  all  the 
while  very  much  retired  from  the  world  and  from  company.  But 
I  am  confident,  I  have  given  a  true  reprefentation  of  things,-  fince 
I  had  moft  of  thefe  matters  from  perfbns  who  knew  them  well,  and 
who  were  not  like  to  deceive  me.  But  now  I  return  to  my  own 
country,  where  the  fame  fpirit  appeared  in  the  adminiftration.     A  treaty  for 

The  King  was  now  upon  meafiires  of  moderation  and  com-  modatioa 
prehenfion :  So  thefe  were  alfo  purfued  in  Scotland.     Leightotm  p,'eJb*,uri- 
was  the  only  perfon  among  the  Bifhops  who  declared  for  thefe  ans  in  5««- 
methods :  And  he  made  no  ftep  without  talking  it  over  to  me. 
A  great  many  Churches  were  already  vacant.     The  people  fell 
off  entirely  from  all  the  Epifcopal  Clergy  in  the  weftern  Coun- 
ties:   And  a   fet  of  hot,    fiery,    young  teachers  went  about 
among  them,  inflaming  them  more  and  more :  So  it  was  necef- 
fary  to  find  a  remedy  for  this.     Letghtoun  propofcd,  that  a  trea- 
ty Ihould  be  fet  on  foot  in  order  to  the  accommodating  our  dif- 
ferences, and  for  changing  the  laws  that  had  carried  the  Epif- 

A  a  a  a  copal 


274         ^^^  History  of  the  Reign 

1660.  copal  authority  much  higher  than  any  of  the  Bifliops  them- 
'ielves  put  in  pradiice.  He  faw  both  Church  and  State  were  rent: 
ReHgion  was  Uke  to  be  loft:  Popery,  or  rather  barbarity,  was 
hke  to  come  in  upon  us:  And  therefore  he  propofed  i'uch  a 
fcheme,  as  he  thought  might  have  taken  in  the  fobereft  raea 
of  Prelbyterian  principles  j  reckoning  that,  if  the  fchifm  could 
be  once  healed,  and  order  be  once  reftored,  it  might  be  eafy 
to  bring  things  into  liich  management,  that  the  conceflions  then 
to  be  offered  fhould  do  no  great  hurt  in  prcfent,  and  fhould  die 
with  that  generation.  He  obferved  the  extraordinary  concefiii- 
ons  made  by  the  African  Church  to  the  Donat'tjls,  who  were  eve- 
ry whit  as  wild  and  extravagant  as  our  people  were :  Therefore 
he  went  indeed  very  far  in  the  extenuating  the  Epifcopal  autho- 
rity: But  he  thought,  it  would  be  eafy  afterwards  to  recover 
what  feemed  necefTary  to  be  yielded  at  prefent. 

He  propoled,  that  the  Church  fhould  be  governed  by  the 
Biihops  and  their  Clergy,  mixing  together  in  the  Church  Judi- 
catories ^  in  which  the  Biftiop  fhould  a(5t  only  as  a  prefidenr, 
and  be  determined  by  the  majority  of  his  Prefbyters,  both  in 
matters  of  jurifdi(5tion  and  ordination :  And  that  the  Prefbyterians 
fhould  be  allowed,  when  they  fat  down  firft  in  thefe  Judicatories, 
to  declare,  that  their  fitting  under  a  Bifliop  was  fubmitted  to 
by  them  only  for  peace  fake,  with  a  refervation  of  their  opi- 
nion with  relation  to  any  fiich  prefidency :  And  that  no  negative 
vote  fhould  be  claimed  by  the  Bifhop :  That  Bifhops  fhould  go 
to  the  Churches,  in  which  fuch  as  were  to  be  ordained  were  to 
ferve,  and  hear  and  difcufs  any  exceptions  that  were  made  to 
them,  and  ordain  them  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Prefbyte- 
ry :  That  fiich  as  were  to  be  ordained  fhould  have  leave  to  de- 
clare their  opinion ,  if  they  thought  the  Bifhop  was  only  the 
head  of  the  Prefbyters.  And  he  alfo  propofed,  that  there  fhould 
be  provincial  Synods,  to  fit  in  courfe  every  third  year,  or  oft- 
ner,  if  the  King  fliould  fummon  them  j  in  which  complaints  of 
the  Bifliops  fhould  be  received  j  and  they  fhould  be  cenfured 
accordingly.  The  laws  that  fettled  Epifcopacy,  and  the  autho- 
rity of  a  National  Synod,  were  to  be  altered  according  to  this 
fcheme.  To  juftify,  or  rather  to  excufe  thefe  conctflions,  which 
left  little  more  than  the  name  of  a  Bifliop,  he  faid,  as  for  their 
proteftation,  it  would  be  little  minded,  and  foon  forgotten: 
The  world  would  fee  the  union  that  would  be  again  fettled  among 
us,  and  the  proteftation  would  lie  dead  in  the  books,  and  die 
with  thofe  that  made  it:  As  for  the  negative  vote,  Bifhops 
generally  managed  matters  fo,  that  they  had  no  occafion  for 
it:  But,  if  it  fhould  be  found  necefTary,  it  might  be  lodged  in  the 

King's 


of  King  Charles  II.  if^* 

King's  name  with  fome  fecular  perfon,  who  fhould  interpofe  166^. 
as  often  as  the  Bifhop  faw  it  was  expedient  to  ufe  it:  And  if  > 
the  prefent  race  could  be  but  laid  in  their  graves  in  peace,  all 
thofe  heats  would  abate,  if  not  quite  fall  off.  He  alfo  thought, 
it  was  a  much  decenter  thing,  for  Bifhops  to  go  upon  the  place 
where  the  Minifter  was  to  ferve,  and  to  ordain  after  folemn 
fading  and  prayer,  than  to  huddle  it  up  at  their  Cathedrals, 
with  no  folemnity,  and  fcarce  with  common  decency.  It  feem- 
ed  alfo  reafonable,  that  Bifliops  fhould  be  liable  to  cenfure,  as 
well  as  other  people:  And  that  in  a  fixed  Court,  which  was  to 
confift  of  Bifhops,  and  Deans,  and  two  chofen  from  every 
Prefbytery.  The  liberty  offered  to  fuch  as  were  to  be  ordained, 
to  declare  their  opinion,  was  the  hardefl  part  of  the  whole.  Ic 
looked  like  the  perpetuating  a  fad:ious  and  irregular  humour. 
But  few  would  make  ufe  of  it.  All  the  Churches  in  the  gift  of 
the  King,  or  of  the  Bifhops,  would  go  to  men  of  other  princi-* 
pies.  But  tho'  fome  things  of  an  ill  difgeflion  were  at  fuch  a 
time  admitted,  yet,  if  by  thefe  means  the  fchifm  could  be  once 
healed,  and  the  Nation  again  fettled  in  a  peacable  flate,  the  ad- 
vantage of  that  would  balance  all  that  was  loft  by  thofe  abate- 
ments that  were  to  be  made  in  the  Epifcopal  authority ;  which 
had  been  raifed  too  high,  and  to  correct  that  was  now  to  be  let  fall 
too  low,  if  it  were  not  for  the  good  that  was  to  be  hoped  for 
from  this  Accommodation:  For  this  came  to  be  the  word  as 
Comprehenfion  was  in  England.  He  propofed  farther,  that  a 
treaty  might  be  fet  on  foot,  for  bringing  the  Prefbyterians  to 
accept  of  thefe  conceffions.  The  Earl  of  Ktncardm  was  againft 
all  treating  with  them:  They  were  a  trifling  fort  of  difputatious 
people :  They  would  fall  into  much  wrangling,  and  would  fub- 
divide  among  themfelves:  And  the  young  and  ignorant  men 
among  them,  that  were  accuftomed  to  popular  declamations, 
would  fay,  here  was  a  bargain  made  to  fell  Chrijfs  Kingdom, 
and  his  prerogative.  He  therefore  propofed,  that  fince  we  knew 
both  their  principles  and  their  tempers,  we  ought  to  carry  the 
conceflions  as  far  as  it  was  either  reafonable  or  expedient,  and 
pafs  thefe  into  laws:  And  then  they  would  fubmit  to  a  fettle- 
ment  that  was  made,  and  that  could  not  be  helped,  more  eafi- 
ly  than  give  a  confent  before  hand  to  any  thing  that  feemed  to 
entrench  on  that  which  they  called  the  liberty  of  the  Church. 
Leightoun  did  fully  agree  with  him  in  this.  But  Lord  Lauder- 
dale would  never  confent  to  that.  He  faid,  a  law  that  did  fo 
entirely  change  the  conftitution  of  the  Church,  when  it  came  to 
be  nafs'd  and  printed,  would  be  conftrued  in  England  as  a  pulling 
down  of  Epifcopacyj   unlefs  he  could  have  this  to  fay  in  excule 

£or 


276  The  History  of  the  Reign 

for  it,  that  the  Prcfbyterians  were  wiUing  to  come  under  that 
model.  So  he  faid,  fmce  the  load  of  what  was  to  be  done  in  Scot- 
land ^^ovXA  fall  heavieft  on  him,  he  would  not  expofe  himfclf  fo 
much,  as  the  paffing  any  fuch  ad  muft  certainly  do,  till  he 
knew  what  effects  would  follow  on  it.  So  we  were  forced  to  try 
how  to  deal  with  them  in  a  treaty. 

I  was  fent  to  propole  this  fcheme  to  Hutchinfon ,  who  was 
efteemcd  the  learnedeft  man  among  them.  But  I  was  only  to 
try  him,  and  to  talk  of  it  as  a  notion  of  my  own.  He  had  mar- 
ried my  coufin  german  j  and  I  had  been  long  acquainted  with 
him.  He  look'd  on  it  as  a  projcd:  that  would  never  take  efiTed:: 
So  he  would  not  give  his  opinion  about  it.  He  faid,  when  thefe 
conccffions  were  pafs'd  into  laws,  he  would  know  what  he  fliould 
think  of  them :  But  he  was  one  of  many,  fo  he  avoided  to  de- 
clare himfelf  The  next  thing  under  confideration  was,  how 
to  difpofe  of  the  many  vacancies,  and  how  to  put  a  ftop  to  Con- 
venticles. Le'tghtoun  propofed,  that  they  (liou'd  be  kept  ftill  va- 
cant, while  the  treaty  was  on  foot^  and  that  the  Prcfbyterians 
jfhould  fee  how  much  the  Government  was  in  earnefl  in  the  de- 
fign  of  bringing  them  to  fcrve  in  the  Church,  when  fo  many 
places  were  kept  open  for  them. 
An  indui-  The  Earl  of  Tweedale  thought  the  treaty  would  run  into  a 
pofed,'''°  great  length,  and  to  many  niceties,  and  would  perhaps  come 
to  nothing  in  conclufion.  So  he  propofed  the  granting  fome 
of  the  outed  Minifters  leave  to  go  and  ferve  in  thofe  parifhcs 
by  an  KQi  of  the  King's  indulgence,  from  whence  it  came  to  be 
called  the  Indulgence.  Letghtoun  was  againft  this.  He  thought, 
nothing  would  bring  on  the  Prefbyterians  to  a  treaty,  fo  much  as 
the  hopes  of  being  again  fiiffered  to  return  to  their  benefices: 
Whereas,  if  they  were  once  admitted  to  them,  they  would  reck- 
on they  had  gained  their  point,  and  would  grow  more  back- 
ward. I  was  defired  to  go  into  the  weflern  parts,  and  to  give 
a  true  account  of  matters,  as  I  found  them  there.  So  I  went, 
as  in  a  vifit  to  the  Duke  of  Hamilton  ,•  whofe  Duchefs  was  a  wo- 
man of  great  piety,  and  great  parts.  She  had  much  credit 
among  them,-  for  (he  pafs'd  for  a  zealous  Prefbyterian,  tho  fhe 
protefted  to  me,  fhe  never  entred  into  the  points  of  controverfy, 
and  had  no  fettled  opinion  about  forms  of  Government  j  only 
fhe  thought  their  Miniflers  were  good  men,  who  kept  the  coun- 
try in  great  quiet  and  order :  They  were,  flie  faid,  blamclefs  in 
their  lives,  devout  in  their  way,  and  diligent  in  their  labours. 
The  people  were  all  in  a  phrenzy,  and  were  in  no  difpofition 
to  any  treaty.  The  furioufefl  men  among  them  were  bufy  in 
Conventicles,   inflaming  them  againfl  all  agreements:    So  fhe 

thought. 


of  King  Charles  II.  ^  277 

thonght,  that,  if  the  more  moderate  Prelbyterians  were  put  in  i66cf. 
vacant  Churches,  the  people  would  grow  tamer,  and  be  taken  out«-^~v"^^ 
of  the  hands  of  the  mad  preachers,  that  were  then  moft  in  vogue: 
This  would  likewife  create  a  confidence  in  them:  For  they  were 
now  fo  polTefTed  with  prejudices,    as  to  believe  that  all  that  was 
propofed  was  only  an  artifice  to  make  them  fall  out  among  them-        •«"«>« 
Iclves,  and  deceive  them  at  laft.    This  feemed  reafonable:  And 
{he  got  many  of  the  more  moderate  of  them  to  come  to  me: 
And  they  all  talked  in  the  fame  ftrain. 

A  ftrange  accident  happened  to  Sharp  in  July  1668,  as  he  An  attempt 
was  going  into  his  coach  in  full  daylight,  the  Bifhop  oi  Orkney^^^l^^ 
being  with  him.  A  man  came  up  to  the  coach,  and  difcharged  a 
piftol  at  him  with  a  brace  of  bullets  in  it,  as  the  Bifliop  of  Ork- 
fiey  was  going  up  into  the  coach.    He  intended  to  fhoot  through 
his  cloak  at  Sharp,  as  he  was  mounting  up :  But  the  bullet  ftuck 
in  the  Bifhop  of  Orkney's  arm,  and  fhattered  it  fo,  that,  tho'  he 
lived  fome  years  after  that,    they  were  forced  to  open  it  every 
year  for  an  exfoliation.     Sharp  was  fo  univerfally  hated,  that, 
tho'  this  was  done  in  full  day  light,  and  on  the  high  ftreet,  yet 
no  body  offered  to  feize  the  afTaflin.     So  he  walked  off,    and 
went  home,    and  fliifted  himfelf  of  an  odd  wig,  which  he  was 
not  accuftomed  to  wear,    and  came  out,    and  walked  on  the 
ftreets  immediately.     But  Sharp  had  viewed  him  fo  narrowly, 
that  he  difcovered  him  afterwards,    as  fhall  be  mentioned  in  its 
proper  place.    I  lived  then  much  out  of  the  world :  Yet  I  thought 
it  decent  to   go  and   congratulate   on  this  occafion.     He  was 
much  touched  with  it,  and  put  on  a  ihew  of  devotion  upon  it.  He 
faid  with  a  very  ferious  look,  my  times  are  wholly  in  thy  hand, 
O  thou  God  of  my  life.     This  was  the  fingle  expredion  favour- 
ing of  piety,  that  ever  fell  from  him  in  all  the  converfation  that 
palTed  between  him  and  me.     Proclamations  were  iffued  out  with 
great  rewards  for  difcovering  the  ador:   But  nothing  followed 
on  them.     On  this  occafion  it  was  thought  proper,    that  he 
fhould  be  called  to  Court,    and  have  fome  marks  of  the  King's 
favour  put  on  him.    He  promifed  to  make  many  good  motions: 
And  he  talked  for  a  while  like  a  changed  man :  And  went  out  of 
his  way,  as  he  was  going  to  Court,  to  vifit  me  at  my  parfonage 
houfe,    and  feemed  refolved  to  turn  to  other  methods.      The 
King,    as  he  had  a  particular  talent  that  way,    when  he  had  a 
mind  to  it,    treated  him  with  fpecial  charaders  of  favour  and 
refped;.    But  he  made  no  pFopofition  to  the  King:  Only  in  gene- 
ral terms  he  approved  of  the  methods  of  gentlenefs  and  mode- 
ration then  in  vogue. 

B  b  b  b  When 


178  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1669.  When  he  came  back  to  Scotland^  he  moved  in  Council  that 
'ir''p''p^ah  indulgence  might  be  granted  to  fome  of  the  Publick  Refo- 
pofed  thein-lutioners,  with  fome  rules  and  reftraints ,-  fuch  as,  that  they  fliould 
fomeMini-  not  fpcak,  or  preach,  againft  Epifcopacy,  and  that  they  (hould 
fters  that  did  jjQf  admit  to  citlicr  of  the  Sacraments  any  of  the  neighbouring 

not  con*  00 

form.         pariflies  without  a  defne  from  their  own  Miniftcrs,-    and  that 
they  fliould  engage  themfelves  to  obferve  thefc  rules.    He  knew 
that  his  propofition,  for  all  the  (hew  of  moderation  that  was  in 
it,  could  have  no  effed :  For  the  Refolutioners  and  the  Protcftors 
had  laid  down  their  old  difputes,  and  were  refolved  to  come  un- 
der no  difcrimination  on  that  account  j    nor  would  they  engage 
to  obferve  any  limitations  that  fhould  be  laid  on  them.     They 
faid,  the  Government  might  lay  reftraints  on  them,  and  punifh 
them,    if  they  broke  thro'  them:    And  they  would  obey  them, 
or  not,  at  their  peril.    But  they  laid  down  this  for  a  maxim,  that 
they  had  received  a  com  pleat  Miniftry  from  Chrift,    and  that 
the  judicatories  of  the  Church  had  only  power  to  govern  them 
in  the  exercife  of  their  fundion.     If  the  King  fhould  lay  any 
hmitations  on  them,  they  might  obey  thefe,  as  prudence  fhould 
diredl :    But  they  would  not  bind  themfelves  up  by  any  engage- 
ment of  their  own.    Burnet^  and  his  Clergy,   (for  the  diocefe  of 
Glafcow  is  above  the  fourth  part  of  all  Scotland,)  came  to  Eden- 
bmgh  full  of  high  complaints,  that  the  Churches  were  univer- 
fally  forfaken,  and  that  Conventicles  abounded  in  every  corner 
of  the  country.     A  proclamation  was  upon  that  iffued  out,  in 
imitation  of  the  Englijh  A6t,  fetting  a  fine  of  50  /.  upon  every 
landlord,    on  whofe  grounds  any  Conventicle  was  held,  which 
he  might  recover,  as  he  could,  of  thofe  who  were  at  any  fuch 
Conventicle.    This  was  plainly  againft  lawj  for  the  Council  had 
no  power  by  their  authority  to  fet  arbitrary  fines.     It  was  pre- 
tended on  the  other  hand,  that  the  Ad:  of  Parliament  that  had 
reftored  Epifcopacy  had  a  claufe  in  it,  recommending  the  exe- 
cution of  that  Adi  to  the  Privy  Council  by  all  the  beft  ways 
they  could  think  of     But  the  lawyers  of  the  Council-board  faid, 
that  in  matters  of  property  their  power  was  certainly  tied  up  to 
the  direction  of  the  law :   And  the  claufe  mentioned  related  on- 
ly to  particular  methods,    but  could  not  be  conftrued  fo  far,  as 
this  proclamation  carried  the  matter.     The  proclamation  went 
out,    but  was  never  executed.     It  was  fent  up  to  London^    and 
had  a  fhew  of  zeal;  and  fo  was  made  ufe  of  by  the  Earl  o'i  Lau- 
derdale to  bear  down  the  clamour,  that  was  raifed  againft  him 
and  his  party  in  Scotland^  as  if  they  defigned  to  pull  down  EpiP 
copacy.      The  model  of  the  county  militia  was  now  executed: 
And  above  two  thoufand  horfe,  and  fixteen  thoufand  foot  were 
^  armed. 


of  King  Charles  II.  279 

armed,  and  trained,  and  caft  into  independent  regiments  and  i66q, 
troops,  who  were  all  to  be  under  Tuch  orders  as  the  Council  if-  ^^Y"^ 
fued  out.  All  this  was  againft  law:  For  the  King  had  only  a 
power  upon  an  extraordinary  occafion  to  raifc,  and  march  (iich 
a  body  of  men,  as  he  fliould  fummon  together,-  and  that  at  his 
own  charge:  But  the  converting  this  into  a  (landing  militia, 
which  carried  with  it  a  (landing  charge,  was  thought  a  great 
flretch  of  prerogative.  Yet  it  was  refolved  on,-  tho'  great  ex- 
ceptions were  made  to  it  by  the  lawyers,  chiefly  by  Sir  John  N'tf- 
hit,  the  King's  advocate,  a  man  of  great  learning,  both  in  law 
and  in  many  other  things,  chiefly  in  the  Greek  learning:  He 
was  a  perfon  of  great  integrity,  and  always  (lood  firm  to  the 
law.  The  true  fecret  of  this  delign  was,  that  Lord  Lauderdale 
was  now  prefling  to  get  into  the  management  of  the  affairs  of 
England.  And  he  fawwhat  the  Court  was  aiming  at.  And  he 
had  a  mind  to  make  himfelf  confiderable  by  this,  that  he  had 
in  his  hand  a  great  army,  with  a  magazine  of  arms,  and  a 
flock  of  money  laid  up  in  Scotland  for  any  accident  that  might 
happen.  So  all  his  creatures,  and  Lady  Dyfert  more  than  all 
the  reft,    had  this  up  in  all  companies,    that  none  before  him  \ 

ever  dreamt  how  to  make  Scotland  confiderable  to  the  King: 
But  now  it  began  to  make  a  great  figure.  An  Army,  a  Maga- 
zine, and  a  Treafure,  were  words  of  a  high  found  ^  chiefly  now 
that  the  Houfe  of  Commons  was  like  to  grow  fo  intractable, 
that  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  defpaired  of  being  able  to  manage 
them.  He  moved  the  diffolving  the  Parhament,  and  calling 
a  new  one :  And  thought  the  Nation  would  choofe  men  lefs  zea- 
lous for  the  Church  j  for  thefe  were  all  againft  him.  But  the 
King  would  not  venture  on  it.  He  knew  the  Houfe  of  Com- 
mons was  either  firm  to  him  by  their  own  principles:  Or  by 
his  management  they  could  be  made  fo:  And  therefore  he 
would  not  run  the  rifk  of  any  new  election.  He  had  the  Dif- 
fenters  much  in  his  power,  by  the  fevere  laws  under  which  they 
lay  at  his  mercy:  But  he  did  not  know  what  influence  they 
might  have  in  elections,  and  in  a  new  Parliament :  Thefe  he 
knew  were  in  their  hearts  enemies  to  prerogative  j  which  he 
believed  they  would  (hew,  as  foon  as  they  got  themfelves  to 
be  delivered  from  the  laws,  that  then  put  them  in  the  King's 
power. 

Lord  Tweedale  was  then  at  London:  And  he  fct  on  foot  afropofitions 
propofition,   that  came  to  nothing,    but  made  fo  much  noile,  ^If- ,nc  two 
and  was  of  fuch  importance,  that  it  deferves  to  be  enlarged  on. ^"'^<'"°^*- 
It  was  for  the  union  of  both  Kingdoms.     The  King  liked  itj 
becaufe  he  reckoned,    that,   at  leaft  for  his  time,  he  fliould  be 

furc 


1 8  o  The  H  I  s  ^ b  *r  y  of  the  Reign 

166^.  Ture  of  all  the  members  that  fliould  be  fent  up  from  Scotlanci. 
The  Duke  of  Bttck'tngham  went  in  eafily  to  a  new  thing:  And 
Lord  Keeper  Brtdgman  was  much  for  it.  The  Lord  Lauder^ 
dale  preflcd  ic  vehemently:  It  made  it  neceffary  to  hold  a  Par- 
liament in  Scotland^  where  he  intended  to  be  the  King's  Com- 
miflioner.  The  Earl  of  Tweedale  was  for  it  on  other  accounts, 
both  to  fettle  the  cflabliHiment  of  the  militia,  and  to  get  fbme 
alterations  made  in  the  laws  that  related  to  the  Church :  Aad  he 
really  drove  at  the  union,  as  a  thing  which  he  thought  might  be 
brought  about.  Scotland^  he  faid,  was  even  then  under  great  unea- 
fmels,  tho'  the  King  knew  the  (late  of  that  Kingdom :  But  when 
another  King  fliould  reign  that  knew  not  Jofeph,  ((b  he  expeiTed 
it,)  the  Natron  would  be  delivered  up  to  favourites,  and  be  de- 
voured by  them:  Rich  provinces,  like  thofe  that  belong- 
ed to  Spain  J  could  hold  out  long  under  oppreflion:  Biit  a 
poor  country  would  be  foon  difpeopled,  if  much  oppreffed:  And 
if  a  King  of  deep  defigns  againft  publick  liberty  fliould  care(s 
the  Scots,  he  might  eafily  engage  them,-  fince  a  poor  country 
may  be  fuppofcd  willing  to  change  their  feats,  and  to  break  in 
on  a  richer  one:  There  was  indeed  no  fear  of  that  at  prefent; 
for  the  dotage  of  the  Nation  on  Prefbytery,  and  the  firmnefs 
with  which  the  Government  fupported  Epifcopacy,  fet  them  (b 
far  from  one  another,  that  no  engagement  of  that  fort  could 
be  attempted  :  But  if  a  King  fliould  take  a  dextrous  method 
for  putting  that  out  of  the  way,  he  might  carry  Scotland  to  any 
dcfign  he  thought  fit  to  engage  in.  Lord  Tweedale  blamed  Sir 
Francis  Bacon  much  for  laying  it  down  as  a  maxim,  that  Scot- 
land was  to  be  reckoned  as  the  third  part  of  the  Ifland,  and  t(3 
be  treated  accordingly:  Whereas  he  affured  me,  Scotland  for 
numbers  of  people  was  not  above  a  tenth  part,  and  for  wealth 
not  above  a  fortieth  part  of  the  Ifland. 

The  difcourfe  of  the  union  was  kept  up,  till  it  was  refolved 
to  fummon  a  new  Parliament  in  Scotland.  Then  Lord  Lau- 
derdale made  the  King  reflect  on  the  old  fcheme  he  had  laid 
before  him  at  the  Refloration:  And  he  undertook  to  manage 
the  Parliament  fo,  as  to  make  it  anfwer  that  end  more  effed:ual- 
ly  than  any  before  him  had  ever  done.  This  was  refolved  on 
in  the  lummcr  1669.  I  being  then  at  Hamilton j  and  having 
got  the  befl:  information  of  the  fl:ate  of  the  country  that  I  could, 
wrote  a  long  account  of  all  I  had  heard  to  the  Lord  Tweedale, 
and  concluded  it  with  an  advice  to  put  fome  of  the  more  mo- 
derate of  the  Prefbyterians  into  the  vacant  Churches.  Sir  Ro- 
bert Murray  told  me,  the  letter  was  fo  well  liked,  that  it  was 
read  to  the  King.    Such  a  letter  would  have  fignifyed  nothing, 

if 


of  King  Charles  II.   V  28t 

\^  hoxA  Tweedale  had  not  been  fijted  in  the  fame  notion.  He  1660. 
had  now  a  paufible  thing  to  fupport  it.  So  my  principles,  and  ^-^''"V^^ 
zeal  for  the  Church,  and  I  know  not  what  befides  were  raifed 
to  make  iliy  advice  fignify  fbmewhat.  And  it  was  faid,  I  was 
the  man  that  went  moft  entirely  into  Le'tghtouris.  maxims.  So 
this  indifcreet  letter  of  mine,  fent  widiout  communicating  it  to 
Leightomij  gave  the  deciding  ftroke.  And,  as  may  be  eafily  be- 
lieved, it  drew  much  hatred  on  me  from  all  that  either  knew  it, 
or  did  fufped  it. 

The  King  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Privy  Council,  ordering  them  The  King 
to  indul<;je  fuch  of  the  Prcfbyterians  as  were  peaceable  and  loval  g"«"';<^«» 

r     r  r  rr  \  r  ■  11  J      >  loriheln- 

lo  tar  as  to  lufter  them  to  lerve  m  vacant  Churches,  tho'  they  duigence. 
did  not  fubmit  to  the  prefent  eftablifhment;  And  he  required 
them  to  fet  them  fiich  rules  as  might  pre(erve  order  and  peace, 
and  to  look  well  to  the  execution  of  them :  And  as  for  fuch  as 
could  not  be  provided  to  Churches  at  that  tirne,  he  ordered 
a  penfion  of  20  l.fler.  a  year  to  be  paid  every  one  of  them,  as 
long  as  they  lived  orderly.  Nothing  followed  on  the  fecond  ar- 
ticle of  this  letter :  The  Prefbyterians  look'd  on  this,  as  thd 
King's  hire  to  be  filent,  and  not  to  do  their  duty:  And  none  qF 
them  would  accept  of  it.  But,  as  to  the  firft  patt  of  the  letter, 
on  the  firft  Council  day  after  it  was  read,  twelve  of  the  Mifii- 
fters  were  indulged:  They  had  parifties  alfignfed  them:  And 
about  thirty  more  were  afterwards  indulged  in  the  fame  rtianner: 
And  then  a  ftop  was  put  to  it  for  fbme  time.  With  the  warrants 
that  they  had  for  their  Churches,  there  was  a  paper  of  rules 
likcwife  put  in  their  hands.  Hutchefon  in  all  their  names  made 
a  fpeech  to  the  Council :  He  began  with  decent  ejtprefliohs  of 
thanks  to  the  King,  and  their  Lordftiips:  He  {aid,  they  (liould 
at  all  times  give  fuch  obedience  to  laws,  and  orders,  as  could 
ftand  with  a  good  confcience. '  And  fo  they  were  difinilted.  A§ 
for  thofe  of  them  that  were  allowed  to  go  to  the  Churches  \<^her6 
they  had  ferved  before,  no  difficulty  could  be  made':  But  thofe  of 
them  that  were  named  to  other  Churches  would  not  enter  6|i 
the  ferving  them,  till  the  Church  feffions,  and  the  inhabitants  or 
the  parifh  met,  and  made  choice  of  them  for  their  paftors,  and 
gave  them  a  call  (as  they  worded  it)  to  ferve  among  theth. 
But  upon  this,  fcruples  arofe  among  fome,  who  Wd, the  peOplbs 
choice  ought  to  be  frecj  whereas  now  they  >^ere  hmited.  to 
the  perfon  named  by  the  Council,  which  looked  like  an  ele<^ 
ion  upon  a  Co^ge  d'elire  with  a  letter  naming  the  perfoi^ 
with  which  they  had  often  diverted  them felves.  But  fcFflples' 
are  mighty  things,  when  they  concur  with  incHnation  or  inter- 
eft  :  And  when  they  are  not  fupported  by  thefe,  men  learn  dif^ 

C  c  c  c  lan^^ioiw 


282  The  History  of  the  Reign 

\6,6q.  tindiions  to  get  free  from  them.  So  it  happened  in  this  cafe: 
S!f;:^?V"^  For  tho'  fome  few  were  ftartled  at  thefe  things,  yet  they  lay  in 
no  man's  way  j  for  every  man  went,  and  was  polTcfTed  of  the 
Church  marked  out  for  him.  And  at  firft  the  people  of  the 
country  ran  to  them  with  a  fort  of  tranfport  of  joy.  Yet  this 
was  foon  cooled.  It  was  hoped,  that  they  would  have  begun 
their  miniftry  with  a  publick  teftimony  againft  all  that  had  been 
'  done  in  oppofition  to  what  they  were  accuftomed  to  call  the 

work  of  God.    But  they  were  filent  at  that  time,  and  preached 
only  the  dodrines  of  Chriftianity.    This  difgufted  all  thofe  who 
loved  to  hear  their  Minifters  preach  to  the  times,  as  they  call'd 
^;         it.    The  flop  put  to  the  Indulgence  made  many  conclude,  that 
thofe,  who  had  obtained  the  favour,  had  entred  into  fecret  en- 
gagements.   So  they  came  to  call  them  the  King's  Curates,  as 
they  had  called  the  Clergy  in   derifion   the  Bifhop's  Curates. 
Their  caution  brought  them  under  a  worfe  character  of  dumb 
dogs^  that  could  not  bark.    Thofe,  who  by  their  fierce  behaviour 
had  {hut  themfelves  out  from  a  fhare  in  the  Indulgence,  began  to 
call  this  Eraftianifm,  and  the  Civil  Magiftrates  affuming  the  pow- 
er of  facred  matters.   They  faid,  this  was  vifibly  an  artifice  to  lay 
things  afleep  with  the  prefent  generation  j    and  was  one  of  the 
depths  of  Satan,  to  give  a  prefent  quiet,  in  order  to  the  certain 
deftrudtion  of  Prefbytery.     And  it  was  alfb  faid,  that  there  was 
a  vifible  departing  of  the  divine  afliftance  from  thofe  preachers : 
They  preached  no  more  with  the  power  and  authority  that  had 
accompanied  them  at  Conventicles.     So  many  began  to  fall  off 
from  them,    and  to  go  again  to  Conventicles.     Many  of  the 
preachers  confeffed  to  me,  that  they  found  an  ignorance  and  a 
deadnefs  among  thofe  who   had  been  the  hottefl  upon  their 
meetings,  beyond  what  could  have  been  imagined.     They  that 
could  have  argued  about  the  intrinfick  power  of  the  Church, 
and  Epifcopacy,    and  Prefbytery,   upon  which  all  their  fermons 
had  chiefly  run  for  feveral  years,   knew  very  little  of  the  effen- 
tials  of  religion.     But  the  indulged  preachers,  inftead  of  fetting 
themfelves  with  the  zeal  and  courage  that  became  them  againil 
the  follies  of  the  people ,    of  which  they  confelTed  to  my  felf 
they  were  very  fenfible,    took  a  different  method  ^    and  ftudied 
by  mean  compliances  to  gain  upon  their  affedions,  and  to  take 
them  out  of  the  hands  of  fome  fiery  men,  that  were  going  up 
and, down  among  them.     The  tempers  of  fbmc  brought  them 
under  this  fervile  popularity,  into  which  others  went  out  of  a  dc- 


fire  to  live  eafy. 


The 

5  3^ 


of  Kmg  Charles  it.  283 

The  Indulgence  was  fettled  in  a  hurry.    But  when  it  came  to  i66^. 
be  defcanted  on,    it  appeared  to  be  plainly  againft  law:  For  by.pj^?'^'^ 
the  A6t  reftoring  Epifcopacy  none  were  capable  of  benefices,  pi»in/d'S 
but  fuch  as  fhould  own  the  authority  of  Birfiops,  and  be  infti-  ",wf*'"^ 
tuted  by  them.    So  now  the  Epifcopal  party,  that  were  wont  to 
put  all  authority  in  the  King,  as  long  as  he  was  for  them,  be- 
gan to  talk  of  law.    They  faid,    the  King's  power  was  bounded 
by  the  law^    and  that  thefe  proceedings  were  the  trampling  of 
law  under  foot.    For  all  parties,  as  they  need  the  fhelter  of  law, 
or  the  ftretches  of  the  prerogative,  are  apt  by  turns  to  magnify 
the  one,  or  the  other.     Burnet  and  his  Clergy  were  out  of  mea- 
fiire  enraged  at  the  indulgence.     They  were  not  only  abandon- 
ed, but  ill  ufed  by  the  people,    who  were  beginning  to  threat- 
en, or  to  buy  them  out  of  their  Churches,  that  they  alfb  might 
have  the  benefit  of  the  Indulgence.     The  Synod  of  the  Clergy 
was  held  at  Glafcow  in  OBoher:  And  they  moved,    that  an  ad- 
drefs  might  be  drawn  up,  reprefenting  to  the  King  the  miferies 
they  were  under,  occafioned  by  the  Indulgence :  They  complain- 
ed of  it  as  illegal,  and  as  like  to  be  fatal  to  the  Church.    This 
was,  according  to  the  words  in  fome  of  their  A6ts  of  Parliament, 
a  mifreprefenting  the  King's  proceedings,  in  order  to  the  alie- 
nating the  hearts  of  his  lubjeds  from  him;  which  was  made  ca- 
pital, as  may  appear  by  the  account  given  in  the  former  book  of 
the  proceedings  againft  the  Lord  Balmermock.    He  that  drew  this 
addrefs  was  one  Rofs^    afterwards  Archbifhop,  firft  of  Glafcow^ 
and  then  of  St.  Andrews-^  who  was  an  ignorant  man,  and  vio- 
lent out  of  meafure.    So  it  was  drawn  full  of  acrimony.    Yet  they 
refolved  to  keep  it  fecret,    till  advice  fhould  be  taken  upon  itj 
and  accordingly  to  prefent  it  to  the  Privy  Council,  or  not.     A 
Copy  of  this  was  procured  by  indirect  methods :  And  it  was  fent 
up  to  Court,    after  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  was  come  off,   and 
was  in  his  way  to  hold   the   Parliament  in  Scotland.     Lord 
Lauderdale  had  left  all  his  concerns  at  Court  with  Sir  Robert 
Murray:  For,  tho',  at  his  Miftrifs's  inftigation,  he  had  ufed  him 
very  unworthily,    yet  he  had  fo  great  an  opinion  of  his  vertue 
and  candor,  that  he  left  all  his  affairs  to  his  care.     As  foon  as 
the  King  faw  the  Clergy's  addrefs,  he  faid,   it  was  a  new  wefl- 
ern  remonftrance:    And  he  ordered,  that  Burnet  fhould  not  be 
fiiffered  to  come  to  the  Parhament,  and  that  he  fhould  be  pro- 
ceeded againft  as  far  as  the  law  could  carry  the  matter.     It  was 
not  eafy  to  ftretch  this  fo  far,    as  to  to  make  it  criminal.     But 
Burnet  being  obnoxious  on  other  accounts,    they  intended  to 
frighten  him  to  fubmit,  and  to  refign  his  Bifhoprick. 

^nV  The 


The  H  I  s  T  O  p.  Y  of  the  Reign 

The  Parliament  was  opettcd  ih  November.  Lord  Lauderdalt'% 
p  .  fpeecli  ran  upon  two  hedds.  The  one  was,  the  recommending 
mem  in  to  their  care  the  prefervation  of  the  Church,  as  eftabHflied  by 
'*^*"'"'  ■  law:  Upon  which  he  took  occafion  to  exprefs  great  zeal  for  Epif- 
copacy.  The  other  head  related  to  the  union  of  both  Kingdoms. 
All  that  ^as  done  relating  to  that  was,  that  an  Ad:  pafs'd  fof  a 
treaty  about  it:  And  in  the  following  fummer,  in  a  fubfequent 
feffion,  Commiflioners  were  named,  who  went  up  to  treat  about 
it.  But  they  made  no  progrefs:  And  the  thing  fell  fo  foon, 
that  it  was  very  vifible  it  was  never  intended  in  good  earned. 
ThcSupre-  Thc  two  firft  A6ls  that  pafs'd  in  Parliament  were  of  more 
S''vcry1''gh'n^pO''t^nce,  and  had  a  de^-per  d^fign.  The  firft  explained,  and 
aflerted  the  King's  Supremacy  •  but  carried  it  in  fuch  general  words, 
that  it  might  have  been  ftrctched  to  every  thing.  It  was  de- 
clared, that  the  fe'ttling  all  things  relating  to  the  external  go- 
vernment of  the  Church  was  a  right  of  the  Crown :  And  that  all 
things  relating  to  Ecclefiadical  meetings,  matters,  and  perfbns, 
were  to  be  ordered  according  to  fuch  directions  as  the  KiUff 
fhould  fend  to  his  Privy  Council:  And  that  thefe  fliduld  be  pub- 
liflied  by  them,  and  {liould  have  the  force  of  laVs.  Lord  Lau- 
derdale very  probably  knew  the  lecret  of  the  Duke's  religion, 
and  had  got  into  his  favour.  So  it  was  very  likely,  that  he  in- 
tended to  eftablifh  himfelf  in  it,  by  putting  the  Church  oi  Scot- 
land wholly  in  his  power.  But  that  was  yet  a  fecret  to  us  all  in 
Scotland.  The  method  he  took  to  get  it  pafs'd  was  this:  He 
told  all  thofe  who  loved  Prefbytery,  or  that  did  not  much  fa- 
vour the  Bifliops,  that  it  was  neceffary  to  keep  them  under,  by 
making  them  depend  abfolutcly  on  the  King :  This  was  indeed 
a  transferring  the  whole  legiflature ,  as  to  the  matters  of  the 
Church,  from  the  Parliament,  and  vefting  it  fingly  in  the  King: 
Yet,  he  told  thetti,  if  this  were  done,  as  the  circumftances  might 
happen  to  be  favourable,  the  King  might  be  prevailed  on,  if  a 
dafh  of  a  pen  would  do  it,  to  change  all  on  the  fuddcn :  Where- 
as that  could  never  be  hoped  for,  if  it  could  not  be  brought 
about,  but  by  the  pomp  and  ceremony  of  a  Parliament.  He 
made  the  Nobility  fee,  they  needed  fear  no  more  the  infblcnce  of 
Bifhops,  if  they  were  at  mercy,  as  this  would  make  them.  Sharp 
did  not  like  it,  butdurft  not  oppofe  it.  He  made  a  long  dark  fpeeeh, 
copied  out  of  Dodor  Taylor ^  diftinguifhing  between  the  Civil  and 
Ecclefiaftical  authority j  and  then  voted  for  it:  So  did  all  the 
Bifhops  that  were  prefent:  Some  abfented  therafelves.  Leigh- 
toun  was  againft  any  fuch  Ad,  and  got  fome  words  to  be  alter- 
ed in  it.  He  thought,  it  might  be  ftretched  to  ill  ends :  And  fo 
he  was  very  averfe  to  it.  Yet  he  ^ave  his  vote  for  it,  not  hav- 
^—    ^  ing 


of  King  Charles  II.  285 

ing  rufficieatly  confidered  the  extent  of  the  words,  and  the  confe-    166^, 
quences  that  might  follow  on  fuch  an  Ad;  for  which  he  was^^'^v'C 
very  forry,  as  long  as  he  Uved.     But  at  that  time  there  was  no  ' 

apprchcnfions  in  Scotland  of  the  danger  of  Popery.  Many 
of  the  bed  of  the  Epifcopal  Clergy,  Nairn,  and  Chartens  in  par- 
ticular, were  highly  offended  at  the  Att.  They  thought  it 
plainly  made  the  King  our  Pope.  The  Prefbyterians  faid, 
it  put  him  in  Chr'tfi's  ftead.  They  faid,  the  King  had  alrea- 
dy too  much  power  in  the  matters  of  the  Church:  An^  no- 
thing ruined  the  Clergy  more,  than  their  being  brought  into 
fervile  compliances,  and  a  bafe  dependancc  upon  Courts.  I  had 
no  fliare  in  the  counfels  about  this  Ad:.  I  only  thought  it  was 
defigned  by  Lord  Tweedale  to  juftify  the  Indulgence,  which  he 
protefted  to  me  was  his  chief  end  in  \x..  And  no  body  could  ever 
tell  me  how  the  word  Ecckfiafl'ical  matters  was  put  in  the  Ad. 
Le'ightofm  thought,  he  was  fure  it  was  put  in  after  the  draught 
and  form  of  the  Ad  was  agreed  on.  It  was  generally  charged 
on  Lord  Lauderdale.  And  when  the  Duke's  religion  came  to  be 
known,  then  all  people  faw,  how  much  the  legal  fettlement  of 
our  religion  was  put  in  his  power  by  this  means.  Yet  the  pre- 
amble of  the  Ad  being  only  concerning  the  external  govern- 
ment of  the  Church,  it  was  thought,  that  the  words  Eccle/iafli- 
cal  matters  were  to  be  confined  to  the  fenfe  that  was  limited  by 
the  preamble. 

The  next  Ad  that  pafs'd  was  concerning  the  Militia:  All  that  An  Aa  for 
had  been  done  in  raifmg  it  was  approved:  And  it  was  enaded, Mnitia""'' 
that  it  fliould  (till  be  kept  up,  and  be  ready  to  march  into  any 
of  the  King's  dominions,  for  any  caufe  in  which  his  Majefty's 
authority,  power,  or  grcatnefs  fliould  be  concerned ;  and  that 
the  orders  fliould  be  tranfmitted  to  them  from  the  Council  board, 
without  any  mention  of  orders  from  the  King.  Upon  this  great 
reflc'dions  were  made.  Some  faid,  that  by  this  the  Army  was 
taken  out  of  the  King's  power  and  command,  and  put  under 
the  power  of  the  Council :  So  that  if  the  greater  part  of  the 
Council  fliould  again  rebel,  as  they  did  in  the  year  1638,  the 
Army  was  by  the  words  of  this  Ad  bound  to  follow  their  orders. 
But,  when  jealoufies  broke  out  in  England  of  the  ill  defigns  than 
lay  hid  under  this  matter,  it  was  thought  that  the  intent  of  this 
claufe  was,  that,  if  the  King  fliould  call  in  the  Scot'tfh  Army, 
it  fliould  not  be  neceifary  that  he  himfelf  fhould  fend  any  or- 
ders for  itj  but  that,  upon  a  fecret  intimation,  the  Council 
might  do  it  without  order,  and  then,  if  the  defign  fhould  mil- 
carry,  it  fliould  not  lie  on  the  King,  but  only  on  the  Council, 
whom  in  that  cafe  the  King  might  difown  j  and  fb  none  about 

D  d  d  d  him 


2  86        The  History  of  the  Reign 

\66q.  him  fliould  be  blameable  for  it.  The  Earl  oi Lauderdale  valued 
-^"V^^-^himfelfupon  thefe  Ads,  as  if  he  had  conquered  Kingdoms  by 
them.  He  wrote  a  letter  to  the  King  upon  it,  in  which  he  faid, 
all  Scotland \w:is  now  in  his  power:  The  Church  oi Scotland ^zs 
now  more  fubjed  to  him  than  the  Church  of  England  was:  This 
MiHtia  was  now  an  Army  ready  upon  call:  And  that  every  man 
in  Scotland  was  ready  to  march,  whenfbever  he  fliould  order  it, 
with  il'veral  very  ill  infmuations  in  it.  But  fo  dangerous  thing  it 
is  a  t6. write  fuch  letters  to  Princes:  This  letter  fell  into  Duke 
Hamdtorfs  hands  fome  years  after:  And  I  had  it  in  my  hands  for 
foitie  days.  It  was  intended  to  found  an  impeachment  on  it. 
But  that  happened  at  the  time  when  the  bufmefs  of  the  exclu- 
fion  of  the  Duke  from  the  fucceflion  of  the  Crown  was  fo  hot- 
ly purlued,  that,  this,  which  at  another  time  would  have  made 
great  noife,  was  not  fo  much  confidercd  as  the  importance  of 
of  it  might  feem  to  deferve.  The  way  how  it  came  into  fuch 
hands  was  this:  The  King,  after  he  had  read  the  letter,  gave  it 
to  Sir  Robert  Murray:  And  when  he  died  it  w.is  found  among 
his  papers.  He  had  been  much  trufted  in  the  King's  laboratory, 
and  had  feveral  of  his  chymical  proceffes  in  his  hands.  So  the 
King  after  his  death  did  order  one  to  look  over  all  his  pa- 
pers for  chymical  matters:  But  all  the  papers  of  State  were 
let  alone.  So  this,  with  many  other  papers,  fell  into  the  hands 
of  his  executors.  And  thus  this  letter  came  into  Duke  Hamil- 
ton's hands  J  v/ho  would  have  made  ufe  of  it,  if  greater  matters 
had  not  been  then  in  agitation.  This  is  not  the  fingle  inflance, 
that  I  have  known,  of  papers  of  great  confequence  filling  into 
the  hands  of  the  executors  of  great  Minifters,  that  might  have 
been  turned  to  very  bad  ufes,  if  they  had  fallen  into  ill  hands. 
It  feems  of  great  concern,  that  when  a  Minifter,  or  an  Am- 
baffadour,  dies,  or  is  recalled,  or  is  difgraced,  all  papers  rela- 
ting to  the  fecrets  of  his  employment  fhould  be  of  right  in  the 
power  of  the  Government.  But  I  of  all  men  fhould  complain 
the  leaft  of  this,  fmce  by  this  remiffnefs  many  papers  of  a  high 
nature  have  fallen  in  my  W^ay. 
Burnet  iMxn-  By  the  AOl  of  Supremacy  the  King  was  now  mafter,  and  could 
ed  out,  and  ^^^^  ^^^^  Billiops  at  pleafure.     This  had  its  firft  cfFed  on  Bur- 

Letghtuun  rr         ^  r  -r  ^  iiri-  y         r 

made  Arch-;?f/.  who  was  offered  a  penhon,  ir  he  would  iubmit  and  refign, 
^SJ.^  and  was  threatened  to  be  treated  more  feverely,  if  he  flood  out. 
He  complied,  and  retired  to  a  private  ilate  of  life,  and  bore  his 
difgrace  better  than  he  had  done  his  honours.  He  lived  four 
years  in  the  fhade,  and  was  generally  much  pitied :  He  was  of 
himfclf  good  naturcd,  and  fmcere^  but  was  much  in  the  power 
of  others :  He  meddled  too  much  in  that  which  did  not  belong 

to 


Glafi 


3 


of  Kmg  Chakl  Es  II.  287 

to  him,    and  he  did  not  underftand;  for  he  was  not  cut  out  for  1660. 
a  Court,    or  for  the  Miniftry:    And  he  was  too  remifs  in  that -^"V-s.' 
which  was  properly  his  bufinefs,  and  which  he  underftood  to  a 
good  degree ;  for  he  took  no  manner  of  care  of  the  fpiritual  part 
of  his  fund:ion. 

At  this  time  the  Univerfity  of  Glafcow,  to  whom  the  choice  The  nate  i 
of  the  Profeffor  of  divinity  does  belong,    chofc  me,    tho'  un- fn'"J'^/'^l"8» 
known  to  them  all,  to  be  ProfelTor  there.     There  was  no  fort""*, 
of  artifice  or  management  to  bring  this  about:  It  came  of  them- 
felves:  And  they  did  it  without  any  recommendation  of  any  per- 
fbn  whatfoever.     So  I  was  advifed  by  all  my  friends  to  change 
my  poft,  and  go  thither.     This  engaged  me  both  into  much 
ftudy,  and  in  a  great  deal  of  bufinefs.     The  Clergy  came  all  to 
me,  thinking  I  had  fome  credit  with  thofe  that  governed,  and 
laid  their  grievances  and  complaints  before  me.     They  were 
very  ill  ufed,  and  were  fb  entirely  forfaken  by  their  people,  that 
in  mod  places  they  fhut  up  their  Churches:    They  were  alfb 
threatened  and  affronted  on  all  occafions.     On  the  other  hand 
the  Gentlemen  of  the  country  came  much  to  me,    and  told  me 
fuch  flrangc  things  of  the  vices  of  fbme,    the  follies  of  others, 
and  the  indifcretions  of  them  all,  that,  tho'  it  was  not  rcafona- 
ble  to  believe  all  that  they  faid,  yet  it  was  impoffible  not  to  be- 
lieve a  great  deal  of  it.      And  fo  I  foon  faw,  what  a  hard  pro- 
vince I  was  like  to  have  of  it.     Accounts  of  the  flate  of  thole 
parts  were  expelled  from  me,  and  were  like  to  be  believed.    And 
it  was  not  eaiy  to  know,    what  ought  to  be  believed,  nor  how 
mnttcrs  were  to  be  reprefented :  For  I  found  calumny  was  fb  equally 
pnidtifed  on  both  fides,  that  I  came  to  miftruft  every  thing  that 
I  heard.     One  thing  was  vifible,    that  Conventicles  abounded, 
and  ilrange  doctrine  was  vented  in  them.     The  King's  Supre- 
macy was  now  the  chief  fubjed;  of  declamation;    It  was  faid, 
Bifhops  were  indeed  enemies  to  the  liberties  of  the  Church,  but 
the  King's  little  finger  would  be  heavier  than  their  loins  had 
been.     Aftt-r  I  had  been  for  fome  months  among  them,  and  had 
heard  fo  much,  that  I  believed  very  little,  I  wrote  to  Lord  Twee- 
dole  ^  that  di(orders  did  certainly  increafe;  but,  as  for  any  parti- 
culars, I  did  not  know  what  to  believe,    much  lefs  could  I  fug- 
gcft  what  remedies  fcemcd  proper :  I  therefore  propofed,  that  a 
Committee  of  Council  might  be  fent  round  the  country  to  exa- 
mine matters,  and  to  give  fuch  orders  as  were  at  prefent  necef^ 
fary  for  the  publick  quiet  ^  and  that  they  might  prepare  a  report 
againft  the  next  feffion  of  Parliament,  that  then  proper  remedies 


might  be  found  out. 


Duke 


1 6  8  The  History  of  the  Reign 

\66^.        Duke  Hamtlton^  Lord  Ktmardin,  Pr'tmerofe,  and  Drumbnd, 
't^O'^'V' wete  fent  to  thefe  parts.     They  met  firft  at  Hamilton^  next  at 

A  Commit-  ,  ,     ^  -i  ,  ' 

ittoiCo\xn-GlajcDw:  Then  they  went  to  other  parts  j  and  came  back,  and 
round"'he    cndcd  their  circuit  at  Glafco'm.     They  punifhed  fome  diforders, 
W'^"-         and  threatened  both  the  indulged  Minifters,  and  the  countries, 
I  with  greater  feverities,  if  they  fliould  ftill  grow  more  and  more 

'  infolent  upon  the  favour  that  had  been   fhewed  them.     I  was 

blamed  by  the  Prefbytcrians  for  all  they  did,  and  by  the  Epif^ 
copal  party  for  all  they  did  not,-  fince  theie  thought  they  did 
too  little,  as  the  others  thought  they  did  too  much.  They  con- 
fulted  much  with  me  j  and  (ufFered  me  to  intercede  fo  effectual- 
ly for  thofe  whom  they  had  put  in  prifon,  that  they  were  all 
fet  at  liberty.  The  Epifcopal  party  thought  I  intended  to  make 
my  felf  popular  at  their  coft:  So  they  began  that  ftrain  of  fury 
and  calumny  that  has  purlued  me  ever  fince  from  that  fort  of 
people,  as  a  fecret  enemy  to  their  intereft,  and  an  underminer 
of  it.  But  \  was,  and  ftill  am,  an  enemy  to  all  force  and  vio- 
lence in  matters  of  confcience:  And  there  is  no  principle  that 
is  more  hated  by  bad,  ill  natured  Clergymen,  than  that. 

The  Earls  of  Lauderdale  and  Tweedale  preffed  Leightoim  much 
to  accept  of  the  See  of  Glafcow.  He  declined  it  with  fo  much 
averfion,  that  we  were  all  uneafy  at  it.  Nothing  moved  him  to 
hearken  to  it,  but  the  hopes  of  bringing  about  the  accommodati- 
on that  was  propofed,-  in  which  he  had  all  affiftance  promifed 
him  from  the  Government.  The  King  ordered  him  to  be  fent 
for  to  Court.  He  fent  for  me  on  his  wayj  where  he  ftopt  a 
day,  to  know  from  me  what  profped  there  was  of  doing  any 
good.  I  could  not  much  encourage  him:  Yet  I  gave  him  all 
the  hopes  that  I  could  raife  my  (elf  to:  And  I  was  then  inclined 
to  think,  that  the  accommodation  was  not  impra6li cable.  Up- 
on his  coming  to  London^  he  found  Lord  Lauderdale''^  temper 
was  much  inflamed :  He  was  become  fierce  and  intradiable.  But 
Lord  Tweedale  made  every  thing  as  ea(y  to  him  as  was  pofiTible. 
They  had  turned  out  an  Archbifliop :  So  it  concerned  them  to 
put  an  eminent  man  in  his  room,  who  ftiould  order  matters 
with  fuch  moderation,  that  the  Government  fhould  not  be  un- 
der perpetual  difturbance  by  reafon  of  complaints  from  thofc 
parts. 

i<^70.        But  now  the  Court  was  entring  into  new  defigns,  into  which 

"^  'Lord  Lauderdale  was  thrufting  himfelf,  with  an  obfec^uio-us,  or 

rather  an  officious  zeal.     I  will  dwell  no  longer  at  prefent  on 

that,  than  jufl  to  name  the  Duchefs  oi  Orleans's  coming  to  Do- 

verj  of  which  a  more  particular  account  fhall  be  given,    after 

that 


.-    df  King   G  H  ARL  E  s  it     ^^^ 

that  I  have  laid  together  all  that  relates  to  Scotland  in  the  year 
1670,  and  the  whole  bufineis  of  the  Accommodation.     Le'tgh- 
toun  propofed  to  the  King  his  fchcitie  of  the  Accommodation, 
and  the  great  advantages  that  his  Majefty's  affairs  would  have, 
if  that  country  could  be  brought  into  temper.     Jhe  King  was  inftmiiions 
at  this  time  gone  off  from  the  defign  of  a  comprehenfion  in  En-  commodt- 
gland.     Toleration  was  now  thought  the  bell  way.     Yet  the''°"' 
Earl  oi Lauderdale  poffefTed  him  with  the  neceffity  of  doing  fbme- 
what  to  foften  the  Scots^    in  order  to  the  great  defign  he  was 
then  engaging  in.    Upon  that  the  King,  who  feldom  gave  him- 
felf  the  trouble  to  think  twice  of  any  one  thing,  gave  way  to  it. 
Leightounh  paper  was  in   fbme  places  corrected  by  Sir  Robert 
Murray -J  and  was  turned  into  inftrudions,  by  which  l^or6.  Lau- 
derdale was  authorifed  to  pafs  the  concefTions,    that  were  to  be 
offered,  into  laws.    This  he  would  never  own  to  me,  tho'  Leigh- 
toun  fhewed  me  the  copy  of  them.     But  it  appeared  probable 
by  his  condud;  afterwards,  that  he  had  fecrct  diredions  to  fpoil 
the  matter,  and  that  he  intended  to  deceive  us  all.     Lord  Twee- 
dale  was  more  to  be  depended  on.    But  he  began  to  Loofe  ground  '\ 
with  Lady  Dyfert:  And  fo  his  intereft  did  not  continue  ftrong  .' 
enough  to  carry  on  fuch  a  matter.                                                            s 
Le'tghtoun  undertook  the  adminiflration  of  the  See  of  Glafcow ;       ■'  ^ 
And  it  was  a  year  after  this  before  he  was  prevailed  on  to  be 
tranflated  thither.     He  came  upon  this  to  Glafcow,  and  held  a 
Synod  of  his  Clergy  j  in  which  nothing  was  to  be  heard,    but 
complaints  of  defertion  and  ill  ufage  from  them  all.     Leigh- Leigbuun't 
toun,  in  a  fermon  that  he  preached  to  them,  and  in  feveral  dif^  Jj'j^q"^^. 
courfes,  both  in  publick  and  private,  exhorted  them  to  look  up 
more  to  God,    to  confider  themfelves  as  the  minifiers  of  the 
Crofs  of  Chrifiy  to  bear  the  contempt  and  ill  ufage  they  met  with 
as  a  Crofs  laid  on  them  for  the  exercife  of  their  faith  and  patience, 
to  lay  afide  all  the  appetites  of  revenge,  to  humble  themfelves 
before  God,    to  have  many  days  for  fecret  fafling  and  prayers, 
and  to  meet  often  together  that  they  might  quicken  and  aflift  one 
another  in  thofe  holy  exercifes :  And  then  they  might  exped:  blef^ 
fings  from  Heaven  upon  their  labours.     This  was  a  new  flrain 
to  the  Clergy.    They  had  nothing  to  fay  againfl  it:  But  it  was 
a  comfortlefs  dodrine  to  them :  And  they  had  not  been  accufiom- 
ed  to  it.     No  fpeedy  Ways  were  propofed  for  forcing  the  people 
to  come  to  Church,    nor  for  fending  foldiers  among  them,  or 
raifing  the  fines  to  which  they  were  liable.     So  they  went  home, 
as  little  edified  with  their  new  Bifliop,    as  he  was  with  them. 
When  this  was  over,  he  went  round  fome  parts  of  the  country 
to  the  mofl  eminent  of  the  indulged  Minifiers,  and  carried  me 

E  e  e  e  with 


290         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1670.  with  him.  His  bufinefs  was,  to  perfuade  them  to  hearken  t6 
^-^''V'^^  propofitions  of  peace.  He  told  them,  fome  of  them  would  be 
quickly  fent  for  to  Edenburghy  where  terms  would  be- offered  them 
in  order  to  the  making  up  our  differences:  All  was  fincerely 
meant:  They  would  meet  with  no  artifices,  nor  harddiips:  And 
if  they .  received  thofe  offers  heartily,  they  would  be  turned  into 
laws :  And  all  the  vacancies  then  in  the  Church  would  be  .filled 
by  their  brethren.  They  received  this  v/ith  fo  much  indiffererice^ 
or  rather  negled,  that  it  would  have  cooled  any  zeal,  that  was 
lefs  warm,  and  lefs  adive,  than  that  good  man's  was.  They  were 
fcarce  civil  j  and  did  not  fb  much  as  thank  him  for  his  tehder- 
nefs  and  care:  The  more  artful  among  them,  fuch  as  Hmche- 
fon,  faid,  it  was  a  thing  of  general  concern,  and  they  were  bilt 
fingle  men.  Others  were  more  metaphyfical,  and  entertained 
us  with  fome  poor  arguings  and  diftind:ions.  Leightoun  began 
to  lofe  heart.  Yet  he  refolved  to  fet  the  negotiation  on  foot, 
and  carry  it  as  far  as  he  could. 
A  confe-  When  Lord  Lauderdale  came  down  to  hold  a  feffion  of  Par- 
twe"n^'  hament,  letters  were  writ  to  fix  of  the  Prefbyterian  preachers, 
Leightoun  ordering  them  to  come  to  town.  There  was  a  long  conference 
Presby^ri-  between  Leightoun  and  them,  before  the  Earls  of  Lauderdals, 
Rothes,  Tweedakj  and  Kmcardin.  Sharp  would  not  be  prcienc 
at  it:  But  he  ordered  Paterfon,  afterwards  Archbiihop  of  Gla/~ 
cow  to  hear  all,  and  to  bring  him  an  account  of  what  paffed. 
Leightoun  laid  before  them  the  mifchief  of  our  divifions,  and  of 
the  fchifm  that  they  had  occafioned :  Many  fouls  were  loft,  and 
many  more  were  in  danger  by  thefe  means :  So  that  every  one 
ought  to  do  all  he  could  to  heal  this  wide  breach,  that  had  al- 
ready let  in  fo  many  evils  among  us,  which  were  like  to  make 
way  to  many  more:  For  his  own  part,  he  was  perfuaded  that 
Epifcopacy,  as  an  order  diftind;  from  Prefbyters,  had  continued 
in  the  Church  ever  fince  the  days  of  the  Apoftlesj  that  the 
world  had  every  where  received  the  Chriftian  religion  from  Bi- 
fliops,  and  that  a  parity  among  Clergymen  was  never  thought 
of  in  the  Church  before  the  middle  of  the  laft  century,  and 
was  then  fet  up  rather  by  accident  than  on  defign:  Yet,  how 
much  fbever  he  was  perfuaded  of  this,  fince  they  were  of  ano- 
ther mind,  he  was  now  to  offer  a  temper  to  them,  by  which 
both  fides  might  ftill  preferve  their  opinions,  and  yet  unite  in 
carrying  on  the  ends  of  the  Gofpel  and  their  Miniftry:  They 
had  Moderators  amongft  them,  which  was  no  divine  inftitution, 
but  only  a  matter  of  order:  Tho  l^'"g  therefore  might  name 
thefe:  And  the  making  them  conftant  could  be  no  ftich  encroach- 
ment on  their  function,  as  that  the  peace  of  the  Church  muft 

be 


ans. 


of  King  C  H  A  R  t  JE  s  II  19 1 

te  broke  on  fuch  an  account:  Nor  could  they  fay,  that  the  1670. 
blefling  of  the  men  named  to  this  function  by  an  impofition  of  ^"v*"*^ 
hands  did  degrade  them  from  their  former  office,  to  fay  no  more  -'''»">*■ 
of  it:  So  they  were  ftill  at  leaft  Minifters:  It  is  true,  others 
thought,  they  had  a  new  and  Ipecial  authority,  more  than  a 
bare  prefidency:  That  did  not  concern  them,  who  were  not 
required  to  concur  with  them  in  any  thing,  but  in  fubmitting 
to  this  prefidency :  And,  as  to  that,  they  fhould  be  allowed  to  de- 
clare their  own  opinion  againfl:  it,  in  as  full,  and  as  publick  a 
manner  as  they  pleafed:  He  laid  it  to  their  confciences,  to  con-  ■  ••"'  ••-' 
fider  of  the  whole  matter,  as  in  the  prefence  of  God,  without 
any  regard  to  party,  or  popularity.  He  fpoke  in  all  near  half 
an  hour,  with  a  gravity  and  force  that  made  a  very  great 
impredion  on  thofe  who  heard  it.  Hutchefon  anfwered,  and 
faid,  their  opinion  for  a  parity  among  the  Clergy  was  well  known: 
The  prefidency  now  fpoke  of  had  made  way  to  a  lor<lly  domi- 
nion in  the  Church:  And  therefore  how  inconfiderable  foevet 
the  thing  might  feem  to  be,  yet  the  effeds  of  it  both  had  been, 
and  would  be  very  confiderable:  He  therefore  defired,  fomd 
time  might  be  given  them  to  confider  well  of  the  propofitions 
now  made,  and  to  confult  with  their  brethren  about  them :  And, 
fince  this  might  feem  an  alTembling  together  againft  law,  hd 
defired,  they  might  have  the  King's  Commiffioner's  leave  for  it. 
This  was  immediately  granted.  We  had  a  lecond  conference, 
in  which  matters  were  more  fully  opened,  and  prefled  home, 
on  the  grounds  formerly  mentioned.     Lord  Lauderdale  made  *" 

us  all  dine  together,  and  came  to  us  after  dinner:  But  could 
fcarce  reftrain  himfelf  from  flying  out,-  for  their  behaviour 
feemed  both  rude  and  crafty.  But  Le'tghtotm  had  prepared  him 
for  it,  and  prelTed  him  not  to  give  them  a  handle  to  excufe  their" 
flying  off,  by  any  roughnefs  in  his  deportment  towards  them. 
The  propofitions  offered  them  were  now  generally  known.  Sharp 
cried  out,  that  Epifcopacy  was  to  be  undermined,  fince  the 
negative  vote  was  to  be  let  go.  The  inferiour  Clergy  thought, 
that  if  it  took  effed,  and  the  Prefbyterians  were  to  be  general- 
ly brought  into  Churches,  they  would  be  negleded,  and  that 
their  people  would  forfake  them.  So  they  hated  the  whole  thing. 
The  bigotted  Prefbyterians  thought,  it  was  a  fnare,  and  the  doing 
that,  which  had  a  fair  appearance  at  prefent,  and  was  meant  on- 
ly to  lay  that  generation  in  their  graves  in  peace  j  by  which 
means  Epifcopacy,  that  was  then  fhaking  over  all  the  Nation, 
would  come  to  have  another  root,  and  grow  again  out  of  that. 
But  the  far  greater  part  of  the  Nation  approved  of  this  defign: 
And  they  reckoned,  either  we  fliould  gain  our  point,    and  thea 

all 


292  The  History  of  the  Reign 

i6jrb.    all  would  be  at  c[uiet,    or,    if  fuch  offers  were  rejeded  by  the 
^■^'"''*'^^-' Prefbyterians,  ^  it  would  difcover  their  temper,    and  alienate  all 
indifferent  men  from  them  ,•  and  the  Nation  would  be  convinced, 
how  unreafonable  and  ftubborn  they  were,  and  how  unworthy 
they  were  of  any  farther  favour.    All  that  was  done  in  this  fefli- 
on   of  ParHament  was,    the   raifing   a  tax,    and  the  naming 
Coramiilioners  for  the  union  with  England ^    befides  two  levere 
Ads  pafs'd  againft:  Conventicles. 
New  feveri-      There  had  been  a  great  one  held  in  Ftfe^  near  Tiunferml'm^ 
Convend-    where  none  had  ever  been  held   before.     Some  Gentlemen  of 
cics.  eftates  were  among  them:  And  the  novelty  of  the  thing  drew  a 

great  croud  together  j  for  intimation  had  been  given  of  it  fbme 
days  before.  Many  of  thefe  came  in  their  ordinary  arms.  That 
gave  a  handle  to  call  them  the  Rendezvous  of  rebellion.  Some 
of  them  were  taken,  and  brought  to  Ederthurgh,  and  prelTed  to 
name  as  many  as  they  knew  of  their  fellow  Conventicfers :  But 
they  reflifed  to  do  it.  This  was  fent  up  to  Court,  and  repre- 
fented  as  the  fore-runner  of  rebellion.  Upon  which  Lord  Lau- 
derdale, hearing  what  u(e  his  enemies  made  of  it,  was  tranfport- 
ed  almoft  to  fits  of  rage.  Severe  Ads  paffed  upon  it,  by  which 
their  fines  were  railed  higher,  and  they  were  made  liable  to  ar- 
bitrary feverities.  The  Earl  of  Lauderdale  with  his  own  hand 
put  in  a  word  in  the  Ad,  that  covered  the  Papifts,  the  fines  be- 
The  reform- ing  lai-d  on  fuch  of  the  reformed  religion  as  went  not  to  Church, 
td  religion,  j^^  pretended  by  this  to  merit  with  the  Popifh  party,  the  Duke 
in  particular  j  whofe  religion  was  yet  a  fecret  to  us  in  Scot- 
landy  tho'  it  was  none  at  Court.  He  faid  to  my  felf,  he  had 
put  in  thefe  words  on  defign  to  let  the  party  know,  they  were 
to  be  worfe  ufed  than  the  Papifts  themfelves.  All  Field  Con- 
venticles were  declared  treafonable:  And  in  the  preacher  they 
were  made  capital.  The  Landlords,  on  whofe  grounds  they  were 
held,  were  to  be  fevcrely  fined:  And  all  who  were  at  them  were 
to  be  puniihed  arbitrarily,  if  they  did  not  difcover  all  that  were 
prefent,  whom  they  knew.  Houfe  Conventicles,  crouded  with- 
out the  doors,  or  at  the  windows,  were  to  be  reckoned,  and  pu- 
niihed, as  Field  Conventicles.  Sir  Robert  Murray  told  me,  that 
the  King  was  not  well  pleafed  with  this  Ad,  as  being  extrava- 
gantly fevere^  chiefly  in  that  of  the  preachers  being  to  be  punifhed 
by  death.  He  faid,  bloody  laws  did  no  good ;  and  that  he  would 
never  have  palTed  it,  if  he  had  known  it  before  hand.  The 
half  of  the  Parliament  abhorred  this  Ad.  Yet  fo  abjed  were 
they  in  their  fubmiffions  to  Lord  LMuderdale,  that  the  young 
Earl  oiCaJfil'ts  was  the  fingle  perfon  that  voted  in  the  negative. 
This  pafs'd  in  Parliament  fo  fuddenly,  that  Leightoun  knew  no- 
thing 


of  King   C  H  A  R  L  £  S   11.  293 

thing  of  it,  till  it  was  too  late.    He  expoftulated  with  Lord  Twee-  1670. 

dale  feverely  about  it :   He  faid,   the  whole  complex  of  it  was  fo  -^^"V""^  . 

contrary  to  the  common  rules  of  humanity,  not  to  fay  Chriftia-* 

nity,  that  he  was  aftiamed  to  mix  in  counfels  with  thofe  who 

could  frame  and  pafs  fuch  A6ts :  And  he  thought  it  fomewhat 

ftrange,   that  neither  he,    nor  I,    had  been  advifed  with  in  it. 

The  Earl  oiTiveedale  faid,    the  late  Field  Conventicle  being  a 

new  thing,  it  had  forced  them  to  feverities,  that  at  another  time 

could  not  be  well  excufed :  And  he  affured  us,  there  was  no  de- 

fign  to  put  it  in  execution. 

Leightoun  fent  to  the  weftern  Counties  fix  Epifcopal  Divines,  all 
except  my  felf  brought  from  other  parts :  Nairn  and  Charteris  were 
two  of  them:  The  three  others  ^//t/.  Cook,  and  Pater/on^  were  the 
beft  we  could  perfuade  to  go  round  the  country  to  preach  in  va- 
cant Churches,  and  to  argue  upon  the  grounds  of  the  accommo- 
dation with  fuch  as  fhould  come  to  them.  The  Epifcopal  Clergy, 
who  were  yet  in  the  country,  could  not-  argue  much  for  any 
thing;  and  would  not  at  all  argue  in  favour  of  a  proportion  that 
they  hated.  The  people  of  the  country  came  generally  to  hear 
us,  tho'  not  in  great  crouds.  We  were  indeed  amazed  to  lee  a 
poor  commonalty  fo  capable  to  argue  upon  points  of  government, 
and  on  the  bounds  to  be  let  to  the  power  of  Princes  in  matters  of 
religion  :  Upon  all  thefe  topicks  they  had  texts  of  fcripture  at  hand  j 
and  were  ready  with  their  anfwers  to  any  thing  that  was  faid  to 
them.  This  meafure  of  knowledge  was  fpread  even  among  the 
meaneft  of  them,  their  cottagers,  and  their  fervants.  They  were 
indeed  vain  of  their  knowledge,  much  conceited  of  themfelves^ 
and  were  full  of  a  moll  entangled  Icrupulofity ;  fo  that  they  found, 
or  made,  difficulties  in  every  thing  that  could  be  laid  before 
them.  Wc  ftaid  about  three  months  in  the  country:  And  in 
that  time  there  was  a  ftand  in  the  frequency  of  Conventicles. 
But,  as  foon  as  we  were  gone,  a  fet  of  thofe  hot  preachers  went 
round  all  the  places  in  which  we  had  been,  to  defeat  all  the 
good  we  could  hope  to  do.  They  told  them ,  the  Devil  was 
never  fo  formidable,  as  when  he  was  transformed  into  an  Angel 
of  light. 

The  outed  Minifters  had  many  meetings  in  feveral  parts  of  thethePresby- 
Kingdom.    They  found  themfelves  under  great  difficulties.    T^^^Mvedlotf 
people  had  got  it  among  them,  that  all  that  Was  now  driven  at,  jea  the  of- 
was  only  to  extinguifh  Presbytery,  by  fome  feeming  conceflions,  them, 
with  the  prcfent  generation;  and  that  if  the  Minifters  went  into 
it,  they  gave  up  their  caufe,  that  fo  they  themfelves  might  be 
provided  for  during  their  lives,  and  die  at  more  eafe.     So  they, 
who  were  ftrangely  fiibdued  by  their  defire  of  popularity,  refolv- 

Ffff  ed 


194  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1670.  ed  to  rcjed  the  propoficions,  tho'  they  could  not  well  tell  on 
what  grounds  they  ftiould  juftify  it.  A  report  was  alio  fpread  a- 
mong  them,  which  they  believed,  and  had  its  full  effcd  upon 
them :  It  was  faid,  that  the  King  was  alienated  from  the  Church 
of  En^and ^  and  weary  of  fupporting  Epifcopacy  in  Scotland-^ 
and  fo  was  refolved  not  to  clog  his  Government  any  longer  with 
\t\  and  that  the  conccfiions  now  made  did  not  arife  from  any 
tendcrneis  we  had  for  them,  but  from  an  artifice  to  prefcrve 
Epifcopacy:  So  they  were  made  believe,  that  their  agreeing  k^ 
them  was  really  a  ftrengthening  of  thatGovcrnment,  which  was  o- 
therwife  ready  to  fall  with  its  own  weight.  And  becaufc  a  paf- 
fage  of  Scripture,  according  to  its  general  found,  was  apt  to  work 
much  on  them,  that  oi touch  not^  tajle  not,  handle  not,  it  was  often 
repeated  among  them.  It  w^as  generally  agreed  on  to  rejed  the 
offers  made  them.  The  next  debate  among  them  was,  about  the 
reafbns  they  were  to  give  for  rejecting  them,-  or  whether  they 
would  comply  witii  another  propofition,  "^h-ich.  Leightonn  had 
^  made  them,  that,  if  they  did  not  like  the  propofitions  he  had 
made,  they  would  (ee,  if  they  could^be  more  happy  than  he 
was,  and  offer  at  other  propofitions.  In  their  meetings  they 
named  two  to  maintain  the  debate,  pro  and  con.  They  difpured 
about  the  proteftation  that  they  were  allowed  to  make:  And  Pro- 
teflat'to  contraria  facio  was  a  maxim  that  was  in  great  vogue  among 
them.  They  argued  upon  the  obligation  by  the  Covenant  to 
maintain  their  Church,  as  th^n  eftabliflied,  in  dodrine,  worfhip, 
difcipline,  and  government:  And  fo  every  thing  that  was  contra- 
ry to  that,  was  reprefented  as  a  breach  of  covenant:  And  none 
durfl:  objed  to  that.  But  that  they  might  make  a  propofition, 
which  they  Were  fore  would  not  be  hearkened  to,  they  propofed, 
rliat  among  the  Gonceflions  to  be  infilled  on ,  one  might  be  a  li- 
berty to  oi^aiti  without  the  Siftiops.  When  weheard  what  their  rea- 
sonings Were,  papers  were  writ,  and  fent  among  them,  in  anlwer 
to  them.  But  k  is  a  vain  t^hins;  to  argue,  when  a  refolution  is 
taken  up,  not  founded  on  argument;  and  arguments  arc  only 
JfbugKtfor,  to  juftify  t'hat  which  is  already  refolved  on.  We  pref- 
fed  them  with  this,  that,  notwithftanding  their  Covenant,  they 
themfelves  had  afterwards  made  many  alterations,  much  more 
important  than  this  of  iubmitting  to  a  conftant  Moderator,  named 
by  thefCicyg:  Cromwell  ZQok  from  them  the  powej:  of  meeting 
in  General  AfTemblies:  Yet 'they  went  chi  doing  the  other  duties 
of  their  fundion;  tho*  ^is,  whidh  they  eftazmed  the  greateft  of 
all  their  lights,  was  denied  them:  When  an  order  came  out  to 
fecjuefter  the  half  of  the  benefices  offuchas  fhould  ftill  pray  for 
the  'King,  they  upon  that  'fubmitted,  tho'  ht-fore-they  had  affer- 
i/.*  ted 


^oilli 


of  King  Charles  IL  ^         295 

ted  it  as  a  duty,  to  which  they  were  bound  by  their  Covenant:  1670. 
They  had  difcontiniied  their  miniftry,  in  obedience  to  laws  and  '■■^'V~n-' 
proclamations  now  for  nine  years ;  And  thofe,  who  had  accept- 
ed the  Indulgence,  had  come  in  by  the  King's  authority,  and  had 
only  a  parochial  government,  but  did  not  meet  in  Presbyteries: 
From  all  which  we  inferred,  that,  when  they  had  a  mind  to  lay 
down  any  thing  that  they  thought  a  duty,  or  to  fubmit  to  any 
thing  that  they  thought  an  invafion  of  their  rights,  they  could 
find  a  diftindion  for  it:  And  it  was  not  eafy  to  flicw,  why  they 
were  not  as  compliant  in  this  particular.  But  all  was  loft  labour: 
Hot  men  among  them  were  pofitive:  And  all  of  them  were  full 
of  contention. 

Duchefs  Hamilton  fent  for  fome  of  them,  Htitchefon'm  parti- 
cular. She  faid,  flie  did  not  pretend  to  underftand  nice  diftinc- 
tions,  and  the  terms  of  difpute :  Here  was  plain  (enfe :  The  coun- 
try might  be  again  at  quiet,  and  the  reft  of  thofe  that  were  outed 
admitted  to  Churches,  on  terms,  that  feemed  to  all  reafbnable 
men  very  eafy:  Their  rejeding  this  would  give  a  very  ill  cha- 
rader  of  them,  and  would  have  very  bad  effects,  of  which  they 
might  fee  caufe  to  repent,  when  it  would  be  too  late.  She  told 
me,  all  that  ihe  could  draw  from  him,  that  ftie  underftood,  was, 
that  he  faw  the  generality  of  their  party  was  refolved  againft  all 
treaties,  or  any  agreement  j  and  that,  if  a  fmall  number  {hould 
break  off  fi-om  them,  it  would  not  heal  the  old  breaches,  but 
would  create  new  ones.  In  conclufion,  nothing  was  like  to  fol- 
low on  this  whole  negotiation.  We,  who  were  engaged  in  it, 
had  loft  all  our  own  fide  by  offering  at  it :  And  the  Presbyterians 
would  not  make  one  ftep  towards  us. 

Leightotm  defired  another  meeting  with  them  at  Paflej,  to 
which  he  carried  me  and  one  or  two  more.  They  were  about 
thirty.  We  had  two  long  conferences  with  them.  Leightoun  laid  Somecnnfe- 
out  befor-e  them  the  obligations  that  lay  on  them  to  feek  for  peace  [JJJ='^^Jp^° 
at  all  times,  but  more  cfpecially  when  we  already  faw  the  dif- 
mal  effe6ts  of  our  contentions :  There  could  be  no  agreement, 
unlefs  on  both  fuks  there  was  a  difpofition  to  make  fome  abate- 
ments, and  fome  fteps  towards  one  another:  It  appeared,  that 
we  were  willing  to  make  even  unreafonable  ones  on  our  fide: 
And  would  they  abate  nothing  in  theirs?  Was  their  opinion  fo 
mathematically  certain,  tliatthey  could  not  difpenfe  with  any  part 
of  it,  for  the  peace  of  the  Church,  and  for  the  faving  of  Ibuls? 
;Many  poor  things  were  faid  on  their  fide,  which  would  have  made 
-a  lc(s  mild  man,  than  he  was,  lofe  all  patience.  But  he  bore 
Avith  all :  And  urged  -this  qm-ftion  on  them ,  Would  they  have 
iield  communion  with  the  Church  of  God  at  the  time  of  the 

council 


2g6         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1670.  council  of  Nice,  or  not?  If  they  fhould  fay,  not,  he  would  be 
'^^'"V^^  lefs  defirous  of  entring  into  communion  with  them  ^  fmce  he 
muft  fay  of  the  Church  at  that  time,  let  m'^  foul  be  with  theirs: 
If  they  faid,  they  would ;  then  he  was  fure,  they  would  not  re- 
ject the  offers  now  made  them,  which  brought  Epifcopacy  much 
lower  than  it  was  at  that  time.  One  of  the  moft  learned  among 
them  had  prepared  a  fpeech  full  of  quotations,  to  prove  the  dif- 
ference between  the  primitive  Epifcopacy  and  ours  at  prefent.  I 
was  then  full  of  thofe  matters :  So  I  anfwered  all  his  fpeech , 
and  every  one  of  his  quotations,  and  turned  the  whole  upon 
him,  with  advantages  that  were  too  evident  to  be  fo  much  as 
denied  by  their  own  party :  And,  it  feemed,  the  perfon  himf^lf 
thought  fo  J  for  he  did  not  offer  at  one  word  of  reply.  In  con- 
clufion,  the  Prefbyterians  defired,  that  the  propofitions  might 
be  given  them  in  writing :  For  hitherto  all  had  pafs'd  only  ver- 
bally ^  and  words,  they  faid,  might  be  mifunderftood,  mifre- 
peated,  and  denied.  Le'tghtoun  had  no  mind  to  do  it:  Yet,  fince 
it  was  plaufible,  to  fay  they  had  nothing  but  words  to  fhew  to 
their  brethren,  he  wrote  them  down,  and  gave  me  the  original, 
which  I  flill  have  in  my  hands  ^  but  fuffered  them  to  take  as  ma-' 
ny  copies  of  it  as  they  pleafed.  At  parting  he  defired  them  to 
come  to  a  final  refolutton,  as  fbon  as  they  could  ,•  for  he  believ-* 
ed ,  they  -would  be  called  for  by  the  next  Januar'y  to  give  their 
anfwers.  And  by  the  end  of  that  month  they  were  ordered  to 
come  to  Edenburgh.  I  went  thither  at^  the  fame  time  upon  Leigh* 
toun's  defire. 
At  laa  they  We  met  at  the  Earl  of  Rothes's  houfe ,  where  all  this  treaty 
refufed  to  came  to  a  fliort  conclufion.  Hutchefon  in  all  their  names  faid, 
eonceffions.  they  had  confidered  the  propofitions  made  to  them,  but  were  not 
fatisfied  in  their  confciences  to  accept  of  them.  Leightoun  de- 
fired to  know  upon  what  grounds  they  flood  out.  Hutchefon  faid, 
it  was  not  fafe  to  argue  againfl  law.  Leightoun  faid,  that,  fince 
the  Government  had  (tt  on  a  treaty  with  them  in  order  to  the 
altering  the  laws,  they  were  certainly  left  to  a  full  freedom  of  ar- 
guing againft  them :  Thefe  offers  were  no  laws :  So  the  arguing 
about  them  could  not  be  called  an  arguing  againft  law:  He  of- 
fered them  a  publick  conference  upon  them,  in  the  hearing  of 
all  that  had  a  mind  to  be  rightly  informed :  He  faid,  the  peo- 
ple were  drawn  into  thofe  matters  fo  far,  as  to  make  a  fchifm  up- 
on them:  He  thought,  it  was  therefore  very  reafonable,  that 
they  fhould  likewife  hear  the  grounds  examined,  upon  which 
both  fides  went.  Hutchefon  refufed  this :  He  faid,  he  was  but 
one  man  j  and  that  what  he  faid  was  in  the  name  of  his  brethren, 
A^ho  had  given  him  no  farther  authority,    Leightoun  then  afked, 

if 


i 


of  King  Charles  \1.  \         297 

if  they  had  nothing  on  their  fide  to  propofe  towards  the  heaHng  1670. 
of  our  breaches.  Hutchefon  anfwered ,  th^ir  principles  were  ^''''*"'*''''"'^ 
well  enough  known,  but  he  had  nothing  to  propofe. '^^ Uj)- 
on  this  Le'tghtoun,  in  a  long  difcourfe,  told  what  was  the  de- 
fign  he  had  been  driving  at  in  all  this  negotiation :  It  was  to  pro- 
cure peace,  and  to  promote  religion:  He  had  offered  feveral 
things,  which  he  was  perfuaded  were  great  diminutions  of  the 
juft  rights  of  Epifcopacy :  Yet  fince  all  Church-power  was  for  edifi-  * 
cation,  and  not  for  deftrudion,  he  had  thought,  that  in  our 
prefent  circumftances  it  might  have  conduced  as  much  to  the 
intereft;  of  religion,  that  Epifcopacy  fhould  divert  it  felf  of  a  great 
part  of  the  authority  that  belonged  to  it,  as  the  Bifhop's  ufing 
it  in  former  ages  had  been  an  advantage  to  religion :  His  offers 
did  not  flow  from  any  miftruft  of  the  caufe :  He  was  perfuaded, 
Epifcopacy  was  handed  down  thro'  all  the  ages  of  the  Church 
from  the  Apoftles  days:  Perhaps  he  had  wronged  the  order  by 
the  conceflfions  he  had  made:  Yet  he  was  confident  God  would 
forgive  it,  as  he  hoped  his  brethren  would  excufe  it:  Now 
they  thought  fit  to  reject  thefe  conceffions,  without  either  offer- 
ing any  realbn  for  doing  it,  or  any  expedient  on  their  ficle: 
Therefore  the  continuance  of  our  divifions  mufl  lie  at  their  door, 
both  before  God  and  man :  If  ill  effeds  followed  upon  this,  he 
was  free  of  all  blame,  and  had  done  his  part.  Thus  was  this 
treaty  broke  off,  to  the  amazement  of  all  fober  and  difpaffio- 
nate  people,  and  to  the  great  joy  of  Sharpy  and  the  reft  of  the 
Bifhops  i  who  now  for  a  while  feemed  even  pleafed  with  us,  be- 
caufe  we  had  all  along  afferted  Epifcopacy,  and  had  pleadedfor 
it  in  a  high  and  pofitive  ftrain. 

I  hope  this  will  be  thought  an  ufeful  part  of  the  hiftory  ofcenforef 
that  time:  None  knew  the  fteps  made  in  it  better  than  my  felf  Ss ^hoit" 
The  fierce  Epifcopal  men  will  fee,  how  much  they  were  to  blame  **»>"«• 
for  accufing  that  Apoftolical  man  Leightotmy  as  they  did,  on  this 
occafion  j  as  if  he  had  defigned  in  this  whole  matter  to  betray 
his  own  order,  and  to  (i^t  up  Prefbytery.  The  Prefbyterians 
may  alfo  fee,  how  much  their  behaviour  difgufted  all  wife,  mo- 
derate and  good  men,  when  they  rejeded  propofitions,  that  came 
fo  home  even  to  the  maxims  they  had  fet  up,  that  nothing  but 
the  fear  of  offending,  that  is  of  loofing  the  credit  they  had  with 
their  party,  could  be  fb  much  as  pretended  for  their  refufing  to 
agree  to  them.  Our  part  in  the  whole  negotiation  was  fincere 
and  open.  We  were  aded  with  no  other  principle,  and  had 
no  other  defign,  but  to  allay  a  violent  agitation  of  men's  fpirits, 
that  was  throwing  us  into  great  diftradionsj  and  to  heal  a 
breach,   that  was  like  to  let  in  an  inundation  of  miferies  upon 

G  g  g  g  us, 


298  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1670.  us,  as  has  appeared  but  too  evidently  ever  fltite.  The  high  par- 
''-'^'■V^s^  ty,  keeping  ftill  their  old  biafs  to  perfecution,  and  recovering  af- 
terwards their  credit  with  the  Government,  carried  violent  pro- 
ceedings {b  far,  that,  after  they  had  thrown  the  Nation  into  great 
convulfions,  they  drew  upon  themfelvcs  fuch  a  degree  of  ftiry 
from  enraged  multitudes,  whom  they  had  opprefTed  long  and 
heavily,  that,  in  conclufion,  the  Epifcopal  order  wi&  put  doWtt,  a$ 
fhall  be  told  in  its  proper  place.  The  toughnels  of  out  o^n  jfide, 
and  the  perverfenefs  of  the  Prefbyteriatis,  did  fo  much  j^ienate 
me  from  both,  that  1  refblved  to  withdraw  my  (elf  from  any  far- 
ther meddling,  and  to  give  my  felf  wholly  to  ftudy.  I  was  tlien, 
and  for  three  years  after  that,  offered  to  be  made  ^  Bifliop :  But 
I  refufed  it.  I  faw  the  counfels  were  altering  above:  So  i  rcfolved 
to  look  on,  and  fee  whither  things  would  turn. 

1671.  My  acquaintance  at  Hamilton,  and  the  favour  and  friendfhip 
yCm"^^  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^  tbe  Duke  and  Duchefs,  made  me  offer 
moirsofthemy  fervicc  to  them,  in  order  to  the  fearch  of  many  papers,  that 
S"SL«*^  were  very  carefully  preferved  by  them:  'For  the  Duchefs's  uiicle 
was  writ  by  JiaJ  charged  her  to  keep  them  \vith  the  fame  care,  as  fhe  kept 
time.         the  writings  of  her  eftate ;  fincc  in  thefe  a  full  juftification  of  her 

father's  publick  actings,  and  of  his  own,  would  be  found,  when 
{lie  fhould  put  them  in  the  hands  of  one  that  couM  fet  them  iti 
order,  and  in  a  due  light.  She  put  them  all  in  my  hands, 
which  I  acknowledge  was  a  very  great  truft:  And  I  made  no 
ill  life  of  it.  I  found  there  materials  for  a  very  large  hiflory. 
I  writ  it  with  great  fincerity ;  and  concealed  none  df  their  errors. 
I  did  indeed  conceal  feveral  things  that  related  to  the  King :  I 
\tk  out  fbme  paffages  that  were  in  his  letters  j  in  fome  of  which 
Was  too  much  weaknefs,  and  in  others  too  much  craft  and  an- 
ger. I  got  thro'  that  work  in  a  {t^^  months.  When  the  Earl 
oi Lauderdale  heard  that  I  had  finifhed  it,  he  defired  me  to 
come  up  to  him  ,•  for  he  was  fure,  he  could  both  redify  many 
things,  and  enlarge  on  a  great  many  more.  His  true  defign  was, 
to  engage  me  to  put  in  a  great  deal  relating  to  himfelf  in  that 
work.  I  found  another  degree  of  kindnefs  and  confidence 
from  him  upon  my  coming  up,  than  ever  before.  I  had  nothing 
to  afk  for  my  felf,  but  to  be  excufcd  from  the  offer  of  two  Bifhop- 
"^icks.  iBut  whatfoever  I  alked  for  any  other  perfon  was  granted : 
And  I  was  confidered  as  his  favourite.  He  trufled  me  with  all 
fecrets,  and  feemed  to  have  no  referves  with  me.  He  indeed 
prclTed  me  to  give  up  with  S\t  Robert  Murray:  And  I  faw,  that 
tipon  my  doing  that  I  fhould  have  as  much  Credit  with  him 
as  I  could  dcfire.     Sir  Robert  himfelf  apprehended  this  would  be 

3  put 


of  King  Charles  IL  ^         299 

put  to  me  J  and  prefTed  me  to  comply  with  him  in  it.  But  I  1671, 
hated  fervitude,  as  much  as  I  loved  him :  So  I  refufed  it  flatly.  ^^0"^^ 
I  told  Lord  Lauderdale,  that  Sir  Roher!^  ha4  been  as  a  fecond 
father,  or  governour  to  me,  and  therefore  I  could  not  break 
friendfliip  with  him.  But  I  promifed  to  fpeak  to  him  of  nothing 
that  Jie  trufted  to  me.  And  this  was  all  that  ever  he  could  bring 
me  to,  tho'  he  put  it  often  to  me.  I  was  treated  by  him  with 
an  entire  confidence.  Applications  were  made  to  me :  And  eve- 
ry thing  that  I  propofed  was  done.  I  laid  before  him  the  ill 
ftate  the  affairs  o(  Scotland  were  falling  into,  by  his  throwing  off 
fb  many  of  his  friends.  Duke  Hamilton  and  he  had  been  for 
fome  years  in  ill  terms.  I  laid  down  a  method  for  bringing  them 
to  a  better  underftanding.  I  got  kind  letters  to  pa(s  on  both 
fides,  and  put  their  reconciliation  in  fo  fair  a  way,  that  upon 
my  return  to  Scotland  it  was  for  that  time  folly  made  up.  I  had 
authority  from  him  to  try,  how  both  the  Earls  of  Argtle,  and 
Tweedak,  might  return  to  their  old  iriendfhip  with  him.  Tjhie 
Earl  of  Argtle  was  ready  to  do  every  thing.  But  the  Earl  oi  Athql 
had  propofed  a  match  between  his  fbn  and  Lady  jD^ferfs  daugli- 
ter,  and  he  had  an  hereditary  hatred  to  the  Lord  Argde  and  his 
family:  So  that  could  not  be  eafily  brought  about.  Lord  Twee- 
dale  was  refolved  to  withdraw  from  ;bufinefs.  The  Earl  of  Lau- 
derdale had  for  many  years  treated  his  brother  the  Lord  Halton 
with  as  much  contempt  as  he  deferved;  for  he  was  both  weak 
.and  violent,  infblent  and  corrupt.  He  had  promifed  to  fettle 
Jiis  eftate  on  his  daughter,  when  the  Lord  Tmeedale's  fon  mar- 
ried her.  But  his  brother  offered  now  every  thing  that  Lady  Dy 
fert  defired,  provided  fhe  would  get  his  brother  to  fettle  his  eflate 
on  him.    So  Lord  Halton  was  now  taken  into  affair^ ,-  and  had  {o  \ 

-much  credit  with  his  brother,  that  all  the  dependance  was  upon 
him.  And  thus  the  breach  between  the  Earls  of  Lauderdale  and 
Tweedale  was.irreconcileable^  tho'  I  did  all  I  could  to  make  it  up. 

As  to  Church  affairs.  Lord  Lauderdale  afked  my  opinion  con-  ,v 

cerning  them.     I  gave  it  frankly  to  this  purpofe:  There  were  A  farther  I*: 
many  vacances  in  the  difaffeded  Counties,    to  which  no  con- p"opofcd. 
formable  men  of  any  worth  could  be  prevailed  on  to  go :    So 
I  propofed,   that  the  Indulgence  fhould  be  extended  to  them 
all  5  and  that  the  Miniflers  fhould  be  put  into  thofe  parifhes  by  cou-     v 
pies,  and  have  the  benefice  divided  between  them;  and,  in  the 
Churches  where  the  Indulgence  had  already  taken  place,    that 
a  fecond  Minifter  fhould  be  added,    and  have  the  half"  of  the 
-benefice:  By  this  means  I  reckoned,  that  all  the  outed  Miniflrers 
would  be  again  employed,    and  kept  from  going   round   the 
uninfeded  parts  of  the  Kingdom:   I  alfo  propofed  that  they 

fhould 


3  oo         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1671.  fliould  be  confined  to  their  parifVies,  not  to  ftir  out  of  them 
-''"V^  without  leave  from  the  Bifhop  of  the  diocefc,  or  a  Privy  Coun- 
fellour;  and  that,  upon  tranfgrefiing  the  rules  that  fhould  be 
fet  them,  a  proportion  of  their  benefice  fhould  be  forfeited, 
and  applied  to  Ibme  pious  ufe.  Lord  Lauderdale  heard  me 
to  an  end:  And  then,  without  arguing  one  word  upon  any 
one  branch  of  this  fcheme,-  he  defired  me  to  put  it  in  wri- 
ting,- which  I  did.  And  the  next  year,  when  he  came  down 
again  to  Scotland,  he  made  one  write  out  my  paper,  and  turned  it 
into  the  ftyle  of  inftrudions.  So  eafily  did  he  let  himfelf  be  go- 
verned by  thofe  whom  he  trufted,  even  in  matters  of  great  con- 
fe(]uence.  Four  Bifhops  happened  to  die  that  year,  of  which 
Edenburgh  was  one.  I  was  defired  to  make  my  own  choice: 
But  I  refufed  them  all.  Yet  I  obtained  a  letter  to  be  writ,  by 
the  King's  order,  to  Lord  Rothes,  that  he  fhould  call  the  two 
Archbilhops,  and  four  of  the  Officers  of  State,  and  fend  up  their 
opinion  to  the  King  of  the  perfons  fit  to  be  promoted :  And  a 
private  letter  was  writ  to  the  Lords,  to  join  with  Le'tghtoun  in 
recommending  the  perfons  that  he  fhould  name.  Le'tghtoun 
was  uneafy,  when  he  found  that  Char  tens,  and  Nairn ,  as  well 
as  my  felf,  could  not  be  prevailed  on  to  accept  Bifhopricks. 
They  had  an  ill  opinion  of  the  Court,  and  could  not  be  brought 
to  leave  their  retirement.  Leightoun  was  troubled  at  this.  He 
faid,  if  his  friends  left  the  whole  load  on  him,  he  muft  leave  all 
to  providence.  Yet  he  named  the  beft  men  he  could  think  on. 
And,  that  Sharp  might  not  have  too  publick  an  affront  put  on 
him,  Le'tghtoun  agreed  to  one  of  his  nomination.  But  now  I  go 
to  open  a  fcene  of  another  nature. 
Foreign  af-  The  Court  was  now  going  into  other  meafures.  The  Parli- 
fairs.  ament  had  given  the  King  all  the  money  he  had  afkcd  for  re- 

pairing his  fleet,  and  for  fupplying  his  ftores  and  magazines. 
An  alliance  Additional  revenues  were  alfo  given  for  fbme  years.  But  at  their 
Ittoaiool  ^^^  ^^'^''^g>  '^^  ^^^'^  beginning  of  the  year  1670,  it  appeared  that 
the  Houfe  of  Commons  were  out  of  countenance  for  having  giv- 
en fo  much  money,  and  feemed  refolved  to  give  no  more.  All 
was  obtained  under  the  pretence  of  maintaining  the  Triple  Alli- 
ance. When  the  Court  faw  how  little  reafon  they  had  to  ex- 
ped:  farther  fupplies,  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  told  the  King, 
that  now  the  time  was  come  in  which  he  might  both  revenge 
the  attempt  on  Chatham,  and  fliake  off  the  uneafy  reftraint  of  a 
Houfe  of  Commons.  And  he  got  leave  from  the  King  to  fend 
over  Sir  Ell'ts  Leightoun  to  the  Court  of  France,  to  offer  the 
projcd  of  a  new  aUiance,  and  a  new  war.  Sir  Ellis  told  me 
this  himfelf;  And  was  proud  to  think,  that  he  was  the  firft  man 

employed 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  $  11.  /;         301 

employed  in  thpfc  black  and  fatal  defiens.  But,  in  the  fiift.pro-   ^<^7l' 
pofition  made  by  us,  the  fubduing  pf  £»g/^</,  apd  the  toJ^rajl;i->;^^^^^ 
on  of  Popery,  here  was  offered,  as  that  with  wliich  the.  (Jelign 
muft  be  begun.     France^    feeing  Ejigland  fo  incUned,   refclved 
to  pufh  the  matter  farther. 

The  King's  fifter,  the  Duchefs  of  Orleans,  w;as  thougjif  thcTheDuch- 
wittieft  woman  in  France.  The  King  of  France  h^6.  made  love '^'/came'to 
to  her,  with  which  Hie  was  highly  incenfed,  when. (he  favK  it  was  ^'"^"'* 
only  a  pretence  to  cover  his  addreffes  to  Madar^o'tfdle  L'ciT^aTtpe^ 
one  of  her  maids  of  honour,  whom  lie  afterw4rd5..^i9clared'Op,e9r, 
ly  to  be  his  Miftrifs:  Yet  flie  had  reconciled  herfeljr  to  th^KLpE;, 
and  was  now  fb  entirely  trufted  by  hiin,  that  he  oidered  (ler  tq 
propofe  an  intervievy.with  her  brother  at  Doyer,  ,  The  King 
went  thither,  and  Vas  fo  much  charmed  wjtli  his  (ifter,  that 
every  thing  (he  propofed,  and  every  favour  f]i.e,^4ed,  wa^  grant- 
ed. The  King  could  deny  her  qo.tliing.  She  ,pr9pofe4^r;,pitli- 
ance  in  order  to  the  coaqueft  of  Helland.  Th,e  ^iug  hacl  a,njin4 
to  have  begun  at  home.  But  (he  diverted  him  from  that.  It 
could  not  be  forefeen,  what  difEculties  the  •  K,ing  miglit  n]eec 
with  upon  the  firft  opening  the  defign:  As  it  .wouId\^]arm  ail 
his  people,  fo  it  would  fend  a  great  deal  of  wealth,  a^d  trade, 
and  perhaps  much  people  over  to  Holland:  Ancl^by  fifcrh  an,  ac- 
cefTion  they  would  grow  ftronger,  as  he  would  grow  weaker. 
So  (he  propofed,  that  they  fliould  begin  with  Holland^  and  at- 
tack it  vigoroufly,  jboth  by  fea  and  land:  And  upon  di,eir  fuc- 
cefs  in  that,  all  the  reft  would  be  an  ealy  worlc.  This  accpunt 
of  that  negotiation  was  printed  twelve  years  Stfter^  at  P^r«,  by  ".-•;  ; 
one  Abbot  Pr'imi.  \  had  that  part  of  the  boqk  iq  my.haii^,  in 
which  this  was  containpd^  .J^ord  Prejion  was  t{i5^n,tlae  J^ing's  ^n- 
voy  at  Parts :  So  he,  knpwi  ng  how.gre^t  a  preju4ici?;  the  publifhing 
this  would  be  to  his  mafter's  affairs,  cpmplaine^  of  .it,.  The 
book  was  upon  that  fuppreffedj  ,p4',the  w,4H^r,]iV'j|S:  pi^in^,?^ 
Baflille.  But  he  had  dravynit  out' of'  tk^  piapei;s,pf  Mt  X<?  i^^- 
fc's  office:.  So  there  isJittle  reafph^o  doubi;  o^the  tj-ytiVi prtlie 
tlii ng .  Madame^  as  tliis  book  fay%  pfcy ailed  to ^ave  her;  ^.^fnae 
.  fettlefl,  and  fo  went  b^ck|ro^^^;?6:^..  The  jpi^roey  pr^pvgJ  fttal 
to  her:  For  the  Xi\^€ Qi^prleam  h^d  heard  iuch  things  of  her 
behaviour,  that  it  was  f^id  lie  ordered,;*  grea^i^^dpie  .of  lubliniatcsoon  after 
to  be  given  her  in  a  glais  qf  fucc^y-^^ter,^ ^f  ,\s^1iiah  fte,d,ied  a^"P°y^o"- 

few  hours  after  m  great  towents,:    A^^  ^ftfjlL  M  MJ^^^4' 
.her  ftomach  was  all  ulcerated.  ....         j  .,.  ...^      .,. .  ,t     ,-. 

Since  I  mention  her  deo^h,    I  wilLlit  .dpwii;pBe.,ilory'pF  her,someofhet 

th^t  was  to 
•fame  who 


3  02         The  History  of  the  Reign 

iSyi,    France  had  courted  Madame  Soijfons,  and  made  a  fliew  of  court- 
^-^■"V^^^  ing  Madame.    But  his  afFedtions  fixing  on  Madamo'tfelle  La  Val't- 
ere,  fhe  whom  he  had  forfaken,  as  well  as  {he  whom  he  had  de- 
ceived, refolved  to  be  revenged :  And  they  entred  into  a  friend- 
fhip  in  order  to  that.     They  had  each  of  them  a  Gallant:  Ma- 
dame had  the  Count  de  Guiche^  and  the  other  had  the  Marquifs 
Des  Fardes,   then  in  great  favour  with  the  King,    and  a  very 
graceful  perfbn.     When  the  treaty  of  the  King  of  France's  mar- 
riage was  fet  on  foot,  there  was  an  opinion  generally  received, 
that  the  Infanta  of  Spain  was  a  woman  of  great  genius,   and 
would  have  a  confiderable  ftroke  in  all  affairs.    So,  many  young 
men  of  Quality  fet  themfelves  to  learn  the  Span'tjh  language, 
to  give  them  the  more  credit  with  the  young  Queen.     All  that 
fell  to  the  ground,  when  it  appeared  how  weak  a  woman  rtie 
was.    Thefe  two  were  of  that  number.     Count  De  Guiche  watch- 
ed an  occafion,  when  a  letter  from  the  King  of  Spam  was  giv- 
en to  his  daughter  by  the  Span'tjh  Ambaflador,    and  (lie  tore 
the  envelope,    and  let  it  fall.     He  gathered  up  all  the  parcels 
of  it,  together  with  the  feal.    From  thefe  they  learnt  to  imitate 
the  King  of  Spain's  writing.     And  they  fent  to  Holland  to  get 
a  fcal  engraven  from  the  impreffion  of  the  wax.     When  all  was 
prepared,  a  letter  was  writ,  as  in  the  name  of  the  King  oi  Spain^ 
reproaching  his  daughter  for  her  tamencfs  in  fufFering  fuch  an 
affront  as  the  King  put  on  her  by  his  amours,    with  reflexions 
full  both  of  contempt  and  anger  upon  the  King.     There  was 
Some  of  the  one  Span'tfh  Lady  left  about  the  Queen:    So  they  forged  ano- 
intrigues.     ^j^^j.  letter,  as  from  the  Spanijh  AmbafTadour  to  her,  with  that  to 
the  Queen  inclofed  in  it,  defiring  her  to  deliver  it  fecrctly  into  the 
Queen's  own  hand.     And  they  made  a  livery,  fuch  as  the  Spa- 
mjh  AmbalTadour's  pages  wore:  And  a  boy  was  (ent  in  it  with 
the  letter.     The  Lady  fufpeded  no  forgery  j    but  fancied,    the 
letter  might  be  about  fome  matter  of  State.     She  thought  it 
fafeft  to  carry  it  to  the  King,  who  reading  it  ordered  an  enqui- 
ry to  be  made  about  it.     The  Span'tjh  AmbafTadour  faw  he  was 
abufed  in  it.     The  King  fpoke  to  the  Marquis  Des  Fardes,  not 
fufpeding  that  he  was  in  it,    and  charged  him  to  fearch  after 
the  authour  of  this  abufe  that  was  intended  to  be  put  on  him. 
The  two  Ladies  now  rejoyced,  that  the  looking  after  the  difco- 
very  was  put  in  the  hands  of  a  man  fb  much  concerned  in  it. 
He  amufed  the  King  with  the  enquiries  that  he  was  making, 
tho'  he  was  ever  in  a  wrong  fcent.    But  in  all  this  time  Madame 
was  fo  pleafed  with  his  condud,  that  fhe  came  to  like  his  per- 
fon  J  and  had  fo  little  command  of  her  felf,  that  fhe  told  Ma- 
dame So'tjfonsj   fhe  was  her  rival.     The  other  readily  complied 

3  with 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  303 

with  her.  And,  by  an  odd  piece  of  extravagance,  he  was  fent  for:  1^71. 
And  Madam  So'ijjons  told  him,  fince  he  was  in  Madame^  favour, ^-'^"V"^ 
fhe  releafed  him  from  all  obligations,  and  delivered  him  over  to 
her.  The  Marquis  Des  Vardes  thought,  this  was  only  an  artifice 
of  gallantry,  to  try  how  faithful  he  was  to  his  amours :  So  he 
declared  himfelf  incapable  of  changing,  in  terms  full  of  refped: 
for  Madame^  and  of  paflion  for  the  other.  This  raifed  in  Ma- 
dame fo  deep  a  refentment,  that  (he  refolved  to  facrifice  Des  Var- 
desj  but  to  fave  the  Count  De  Gu'tche.  So  flie  gave  him  notice, 
that  the  King  had difcovered  the  whole  intrigue,-  and  charged  him 
to  h alien  out  of  France.  And,  as  foon  as  fhe  believed  that  he  was 
in  Flanders^  flie  told  all  to  the  King  o{ France.  Upon  which  Des 
Vardes  was  not  only  difgraced,  but  kept  long  a  prisoner  in  At- 
gues  Mortes.  And  afterwards  he  was  fiiffered  to  come  to  Mon- 
pelter.  And  it  was  almoft  twenty  years  after,  before  he  was  dif- 
fered to  come  to  Court.  I  was  at  Court  when  he  came  firft  to 
it.  He  was  much  broke  in  his  health,  but  was  become  a  philofo- 
pher,  and  was  in  great  reputation  among  all  Z)^5 C^g-r/f^'s  followers. 
Madame  had  an  Intrigue  with  another  perfon,  whom  I  knew  well, 
the  Count  of  Trevdle.  When  flie  was  in  her  agony,  fhe  faid, 
adteu  Trevdle.  He  was  fb  ftruck  with  this  accident,  that  it  had 
a  good  ffFidt  on  him,-  for  he  went  and  lived  many  years  among 
the  Fathers  of  the  Oratory,  and  became  both  a  very  learned, 
and  devout  man.  He  came  afterwards  out  into  the  world.  \ 
faw  him  often.  He  was  a  man  of  a  very  (weet  temper,  only 
a  little  too  formal  for  a  French  man.  But  he  was  very  fmcere. 
He  was  a  Janfenift.  He  hated  the  Jefiiits.  And  had  a  very  mean 
opinion  of  the  King,  which  appeared  in  all  the  inftances,  in 
which  it  was  fafe  for  him  to  fhew  it. 

Upon  Madame'^  death,  as  the  Marftial  Belle fonds  came  from  The  treaty 
France  with  the  complement  to  the  Court  of  England,  fo  the  ^j'^j^^**J'' 
Duke  of  Buckingham  was  fent  thither  on  pretence  to  return  the 
complement,  but  really  to  finifh  the  treaty.  The  King  of  France 
ufedhim  in  fo  particular  a  manner,  knowing  his  vanity,  and  ca- 
reffed  him  io  fiich  a  degree,  that  he  went  in  without  relerve 
into  the  interefts  of  France.  Yet  he  protefted  to  me,  that  he 
never  confentcd  to  the  French  fleet's  coming  into  our  leas  and 
harbours.  He  faid,  he  was  offered  40000  /.  if  he  could  perfuade 
the  King  to  yield  to  it:  And  he  appealed  to  the  Earl  of  Dorfet 
for  this,  who  was  on  the  fecret .  He  therefore  concluded,  fince, 
after  all  the  uneafinefs  ihewed  at  firft,  the  King  had  yielded  to 
it,  that  Lord  Arlington  had  the  money.  Lord  Shaftsbur'y  laid 
the  blame  of  this  chiefly  on  the  Duke  of  Buckingham:  For  he 
told  me,   that  he  himfelf  had  writ  a  peremptory  inftruclion  to 

him 


5  04  TiM.  H I  s  T  o  R  Y  'S/^'  the  Reign 

167^.   hirrt  from  the  Ki-ng,  to  give  up  all  treaty,  if  the  'Fretjch,  did  in- 
iift  on  the  fending  a  fleet  to  our  afliftancc.     Anrd  therefore  he 
blamed  him,,   as  having  yielded  it  up,  fmce  he  ought  to  have 
broke  off  all  farther  treaty,  upon  tli^ir  infifting  on  this.    But  the 
Duke  of  Teratoid  me,  there  was  nomoney  givepto  corrupt  the 
King's  Miniflers  j    that  the  King  and  he  had  lorig  infifted  on 
having  all  tl\ei,r  fupplies  frprh  France  in  mon^y,  >yitaout  a  fleet; 
and  th^tth^J'remh  (hewe4  them  ie.wcs  not  pofllBle  for  them  to 
find  put  fun^s  for  fb  great  an  expence,,  unlelsr  we  took  a  ft]ua- 
dron;pf  their. flrtipsj    fmce  they  could  jtjot.^both  jpaintain  their 
awn  fleet,  ^I3,d  ffirnifli  us  with  the  money  that  would  be  necef- 
faiiy,.-''if;we:|pol^  not  thei:r  fquadron.,  .  It  was  agreed,    that  the 
Kingf  fliould  have  3^0000/.  a  year  ..during  the  war,  together 
withajeet  from  France.     England  W2i%  to  attack  the.  Dutch  by 
(^y  while  th^  King  oi  France  fliould  invade  them  by  land  with 
A:  njighty  Army,     It  was  not  doubted,  but  that  the  States  would 
i«ldiji/t{  impofllblelto  refifl;  fo  great  a  force,    and-  would  therefore 
jfuberitito  the  t^'o  Kings:    So  the  divifion  they;agreed  on  was, 
that  England  ^(m\ 6.  hsivc  Zealand,  and  that  the  ICjng  o(  France 
,fhopl^1iave  aU:,the  reft,  except  Holland,  which  was  to  be  given 
^Q.jjLht :l^nnc€  ciiMr^ng^,   if  he  Wfmlfl:  cpm^  into  the  alliance: 
•Amiitt^  ihould  bi?  ftill  a  trading  country,   but  \vifh6ut  any  capi- 
jteklflii^.    Lord  Lauderdale  faid  upon  that  occanoh  to  me,  that 
^vhgjtfoever  they  intended  to  do,    thqy  ^ere  re/plved  to  do  "it  ef- 
fectually all  at  once:  But  he  yould  nor  go  into-farther,  particulars. 
.Thiat;th«  year  167^  might  be  fatal  to  other  Common-wealths, 
'3^  well  as  to  the:  States,  the  Duke  oi  Savoy  wfts  encouraged  to 
ilhake  a  t:onqu£fft  of  Gi?^(?/2 :  tho  he  afterwards- failed  in  the  at- 
tempt :  And  the  King  of  Denmark  was  invited  into  the  atliance, 
with  the  offer  of  the  town  of  Hamburgh ,    pn  wk;^h  he  had 
lopg:fet  his  heart.     The  Duke  of  Richmond  w.^sX^^^  to  give  a 
'A^fp;  to  that'  negotiation,    which  was  chiefly  managed  by  Mr. 
-Mim/b^Wy  i^^o^  tcAd  me,  that  we  pifered  that  King  fome  fiiips 
-iKJ^ffiil  httti  in  feizing  that  rich  town.    But  he  was  then  in  thofe 
seQgftgemenfc^i  with  the  Sates  o(  Holland,  that  even  this  offer  did 
^srto^jprevajl  on  him. 
Locihart    LnzLQc'kharf  was  at  this  time  brought  to  Court  by  .Lord  Lauder- 
Fratill      Me^.hpY^^^  thbt  hfe  wpyW  continue  in  an  entire  dependance  oa 
hifil,\  ^nd'hejiisrcreature;-  tie  was  under  fb  great: ^  jealbu/y  from 
.therGovei-nhaent  for  his  former  a<^ings,  that  he  vt^as  too  eafy  to 
fjeni5er)irito.jafly'.^nployment,  that  might  bring  him  into  favour, 
jondt'fo.  hiuch'Diiitof  any-ambitioj^  ,-to  rife,  as  frojii  a  defi,re  to  be 
'>ftfc,  and  tc)  be  no  longer  looked  on. as  an  enemy  to  the  Court: 
oFor^when  a 'foreign  Miwifter  aflcesd  the  Kiog's. leave  io  treat  .with 
m\A      ^  him 


.L», 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s'  11.  "'^ 

him  in  his  mafter's  name,  the  King  confented;  but  with  this 
fcvere  reflexion,  that  he  beHeved  he  would  be  true  to  any  body 
but  himfelf.  He  was  fent  to  the  Courts  oF  Braridenbur^b  and 
Lfmenburgh,  either  to  draw  them  into  the  alliance,  or,  if  that 
could  not  be  done,  at  leaffc  to  fecure  them  from  all  apprehenfi- 
ons.  But  in  this  he  had  no  fucccfs.  And  indeed  when  he  Taw 
into  what  a  negotiation  he  was  engaged,  he  became  very  unea- 
ly:  For,  tho'  the  blacked  part  of  the  fecret  was  not  trufted  to 
him,  as  appeared  to  me  by  his  inftrudtions,  which  I  read  after 
his  death  j  yet  he  faw  whither  things  were  going.  And  that 
affedtcd  him  fo  deeply,  that  it  was  believed  to  have  contributed 
not  a  little  to  the  languilhing  he  ioon  fell  under,  which  ended  in 
his  death  two  years  after. 

The  war  being  thus  refolved  on,  fome  pretences  were  in  thePre»ended 
next  place  to  be  fought  out  to  excufe  it:   For,  tho'  the  King  oflhe  zSwSV 
France  went  more  roundly  to  work,  and  publifhed  that  he  was^'*'-        j 
fo  ill  fatisfied  with  the  condudt  of  the  States,  that  it  did  not  con-  ^ 

fift  with  his  glory  to  bear  it  any  longer,  yet  we  thought  it  de- 
cent for  us  to  name  fome  particulars.  It  was  faid,  we  had  fbme 
pretenfions  on  Surinam,  not  yet  compleatly  fatisfied^  and  that 
the  States  harboured  traitors,  that  fled  from  juftice,  and  lived 
in  Holland:  Some  medals  were  complained  of,  thiit  fcemed  dif- 
honourable  to  the  King  j  as  alfo  fome  pictures :  And,  tho'  thefc 
were  not  made  by  publick  order,  yet  a  great  nolle  was  raifed 
about  them.  But  an  accident  happened,  that  the  Court  laid 
great  hold  of.  The  Dutch  fleet  lay  off  the  coaft  of  Eng- 
land the  former  year:  And  one  of  the  King's  Yatchs  failed  by, 
and  expe<5ted  they  fliould  ftrike  fail.  They  faid,  they  ne- 
ver refufed  it  to  any  man  of  war:  But  they  thought  that  honour 
did  not  belong  to  fuch  an  inconfidcrable  vefTel.  I  was  then  at 
Court:  And  I  faw  joy  in  the  looks  of  thofe  that  were  in  the  fe- 
cret. Selden  had  in  his  Mare  claufum  raifed  this  matter  fo  high, 
that  he  made  it  one  of  the  chief  rights  and  honours  of  the 
Crown  of  England,  as  the  acknowledgement  of  the  King's  Em- 
pire in  the  four  fcas.  The  Dutch  offered  all  fatisfadion  for 
the  future  in  this  matter :  But  they  would  not  fend  their  Admi- 
ral over  as  a  criminal.  While  France  was  treating  with  England, 
they  continued  to  amufe  the  Dutch:  And  they  fo  polTefled  Z>f 
Groot,  then  the  Dutch  Ambaflador  at  Par:s,  or  they  corrupted 
him  into  a  belief  that  they  had  no  defign  on  them,  that  they 
were  too  fecure,  and  depended  too  much  on  his  advertifements. 
Yet  the  States  entred  into  a  negotiation,  both  with  Spain  and 
the  Empcrour,  and  with  the  King  ot  Denmark,  the  Ele»5tor  of 
,Bi andenburgh ,    and  the  Duke  of  Ltmenburgh.     The  King  of 

I  i  i  i  Sweden 


3  0(5        The  History  of  the  Reign 

1  <57 1 .  Sweden  was  yet  under  age :  And  the  Miniftry  there  defired  a  neu- 
traUty.  France  and  England  (cnt  two  AmbafTadors  to  them, 
both  men  of  great  probity,  Pompone  and  Coventry^  who  were 
both  recalled  at  the  fame  time  to  be  Secretaries  of  State.  Co- 
ventry was  a  man  of  wit  and  heat,  of  fpirit  and  candor.  He  ne- 
ver gave  bad  advices :  But  when  the  King  followed  the  ill  ad- 
vices that  others  gave,  he  thought  himfelf  bound  to  excufe,  if 
not  to  juftify  them.  For  this  the  Duke  of  Tork  commended 
him  much  to  me.  He  faid,  in  that  he  was  a  pattern  to  all  good 
flibjeds,  fince  he  defended  all  the  King's  counfels  in  publick, 
even  when  he  had  blamed  them  moft  in  private  with  the  King 
himfelf. 

1671.        Our  Court  having  refblved  on  a  war,    did  now  look  out  for 
^rT'y""^  money  to  carry  it  on.     The  King  had  been  running  into  a  great 

Theniutting  i         r^i-n/l  Xu  ir-ri 

upoi  the     debt  ever  Imce  his  Reltoration.    One  branch  ot  it  was  for  the  pay 
Exchequer.  ^^  ^^^^  ^^^^  ^]^^^  brought  him  over.    The  main  of  it  had  been 

contraded  during  the  former  Diach  war.  The  King  in  order 
to  the  keeping  his  credit  had  dealt  with  fome  Bankers,  and  had 
affigned  over  the  revenue  to  them.  They  drove  a  great  trade, 
and  had  made  great  advantage  by  it.  The  King  paid  them 
at  the  rate  of  %  per  cent:  And  they  paidthoie  who  put  money 
in  their  hands  only  6 per  cent:  And  had  great  credit;  for  pay- 
ments were  made  very  punctually.  The  King  had  in  fome  pro- 
clamations given  his  faith,  that  he  would  continue  to  make  good 
all  his  affignments,  till  the  whole  debt  fhould  be  paid,  which 
was  now  growing  up  to  almoft:  a  million  and  a  half.  So  one  of 
the  ways  propofed  for  fupplying  the  King  with  money  was,  that 
he  fhould  ftop  thefe  payments  for  a  year,  it  being  thought  cer- 
tain that  by  the  end  of  the  year  the  King  would  be  out  of  all  his  ne- 
ceflities,  by  the  hopes  they  had  of  fuccels  in  the  war.  The  Earl 
of  Shaftsbury  was  the  chief  man  in  this  advice.  He  excufed  it 
to  me,  telling  me  what  advantage  the  Bankers  had  made,  an<i 
how  juft  it  was  for  the  King  to  bring  them  to  an  account  for 
their  ulury  and  extortions:  And  added,  that  he  never  meant 
the  ftop  {hould  run  beyond  the  year.  He  certainly  knew  of  it 
before  hand;  and  took  all  his  own  money  out  of  the  Bankers 
hands,  and  warned  fome  of  his  friends  to  do  the  like.  Lord 
Lauderdale  did  about  this  time  marry  Lady  Dyfen  upon  his  own 
Lady's  death :  And  flic  writ  me  a  long  account  of  the  fliutting  up 
the  Exchecjuer,  as  both  juft  and  necefTary.  The  Bankers  were 
broke;  and  great  multitudes,  who  had  trufted  their  money  in 
tlieir  Jiands,  were  ruined  by  this  diflionourable  and  perfidious 

adion. 


of  King  C  H  A  R  t  £  s  ii.  307 

adioti.     But  this  gave  the  King  only  his  own   revenue  again.   1671, 
So  other  w  lys  were  to  be  found  for  an  encreafe  of  treafiire.  v-'^'v^s^ 

By  the  peace  ot  Breda  it  was  provided,  that,  in  order  to  the  "the attempt 
fecurity  of  trade,  no  merchant's  (hips  fliould  be  for  the  future  S^J^^*'/* 
fallen  on,  till  fix  months  after  a  declaration  of  war.  The  Dutch 
had  a  rich  fleet  coming  from  Sf^nyrnaj  and  other  parts  in  the 
Mediterranean,  under  the  convoy  of  a  few  men  of  war.  Our 
Court  had  advice  of  this.  And  Holmes  was  ordered  to  lye  for 
thera,  and  to  take  them  near  the  Ifle  of  Wtght  with  eight  men 
of  war.  As  he  was  failing  thither  he  met  Spragge,  who  was 
returning  from  the  Straits  with  a  (quadron  of  our  fliips,-  and 
told  him,  that  he  had  failed  along  with  the  Dutch  moft  of  the 
Vay,  and  that  they  would  pafs  within  a  day  or  two.  Holmes 
thought,  he  was  much  too  ftrong  for  them;  io  did  not  ac- 
cjuaint  Spragge  with  his  defign :  For,  if  he  had  ftopp'd  him  to  af- 
fift  in  the  execution,  probably  the  whole  fleet  had  been  taken, 
which  was  reckoned  worth  a  million  and  a  half.  When  they 
came  up.  Holmes  fell  upon  them :  But  their  convoy  did  their 
part  fb  well,  that  not  only  the  whole  fleet  failed  away,  while 
they  kept  him  in  play,  but  they  themfelves  got  off  at  lait  fa*  ' 
voured  by  a  mift:  And  there  were  only  a  itw  fhips  taken,  of  fo 
fmall  a  value,   that  they  were  not  worth  the  powder  that  was  "^ 

Ipent  in  the  action.  This  was  a  breach  cf  faith,  iuch  as  even 
Mahometans  and  Pyrates  would  have  been  afhamed  of.  The  un- 
fuccefsfulnefs  of  it  made  it  appear  as  ridiculous,    as  it  was  bafe:  •^'^■^ 

Holmes  was  prefTed  to  put  it  on  the  Dutch  refufing  to  flrike  fail. 
Yet  that  was  fb  falfe,  and  there  were  fo  many  witnefTesto  it,  that 
he  had  not  the  impudence  to  aiiirm  it. 

To  crown  all,  a  Declaration  was  ordered  to  be  (tt.  out,  fufpen- a  Dcciarati- 
ding  the  execution  of  all  penal  laws,  both  againfl:  Papifts  and°^"j/°^''^°"" 
Nonconformiflis.  Papifts  were  no  more  to  be  profecuted  for  their 
way  of  worfhip  in  their  own  houfes,  and  the  Nonconformifts 
Were  allowed  to  have  open  Meeting  Houfes,-  for  which  they  we^e 
to  take  out  licences,  and  none  were  to  difturb  thofe  who  ihould 
meet  for  worfhip  by  virtue  of  thofe  licences.  Lord  Kee- 
per Br'idgman  had  loit  all  credit  at  Court:  So  they  were  feeking 
an  occahon  to  be  rid  of  him,  who  had  indeed  loll  all  the  renuT 
tation  he  had  formerly  acquired,  by  his  being  advanc'd  to  a  poll 
of  which  he  was  not  capable.  He  refufed  to  put  the  feal  to  the 
Declaration,  as  judging  it  contrary  to  law.  So  he  was  difmifs'd,  and 
the  Earl  of  Shaftsbm'y  was  made  Lord  Chancellour.  Lord  Clifford 
was  made  Lord  Treafurer :  Lord  Almgton  and  Lord  Lauderdale 
had  both  of  them  the  Garter:  And,  ?iS  Arlington  was  made  an  Earl, 
Lauderdale  was  made  a  Duke:  And  this  Junto,  together  with  the 

Duke 


3  o  8  The  History  of  the  Reign 

\67i.    Duke  of  Buck'tnghamy  being  called  the  Cabal,    it  was  obfervecJ, 
^-^'^v"'^  that  Cabal  proved  a  technical  word,  every  letter  in  it  being  the 
flrft  letter  of  thofe  five,  Clifford^   Af^hy  Buck'mgham^  ArlingtoHy 
and  Lauderdale.  They  had  all  of  them  great  prefents  from  France, 
befides  what  was  openly  given  them:   For  the  French  hvch2S{2i- 
dour  gave  them  all  a  pid:ure  of  the  King  oi  France  fet  in  dia- 
monds, to  the  value  of  3000  /.     Thus  was  the  Nation,    and  our 
religion,  as  well  as  the  King's  faith  and  honour,  fet  to  fale,  and 
iold.      Lord  Shaftsbury  relblved  to  recommend  himftlf  to  the 
confidence  of  the  Court  by  a  new  ftrain  never  before  thought  of. 
He  faid,  the  writs  for  choofing  the  members  of  the  Houfe  of  Com- 
mons might  be  ifTued  out  in  the  intervals  of  a  feffionj  and  the 
eledions  made  upon  them  were  tobe  returned  into  Chancery,  and 
fettled  there.    So  the  writs  were  iffued  out,  but  whether  any  elec- 
tions were  made  upon  them,  and  returned,  I  cannot  tell.   I  know, 
the  Houfe  of  Commons  intended  to  have  impeached  him  for  this 
among  other  things:  But  he  had  the  forefight  and  Ikill  to  prevent 
it.      When  the  Declaration  for  Toleration  was  publifiied  ,    great 
endeavours  were  ufed  by  the  Court  to  perfuade  the  Nonconfor- 
mifts  to  make  addreffes  and  complements  upon  it.     But  few  were 
fo  blind,  as  not  to  fee  what  was  aimed  at  by  it. 
Tbc  Presby-      xhc  Duke  was  now  known  to  be  a  Papift: :  And  the  Ducheft 
the Sg"*  was  much  fufpeded.  Yet  the  Presbyterians  came  in  a  body :  And 
liirTokla-  ^^-  M^^^on  in  their  name  thanked  the  King  for  it,  which  of- 
tion.  fended  many  of  their  bed   friends.     There  was  alfo  an  order,  to 

pay  a  yearly  penfion  of  fifty  pounds  to  molt  of  them,  and  of  an 
hundred  pounds  a  year  to  the  chief  of  the  party.  Baxter  fent  back, 
his  pcnfiiin,  and  would  not  touch  it.  But  moft  of  them  took  it. 
All  this  I  fay  upon  Dr.  SullmgfleefSy  word  who  aiTured  me,  he 
knew  the  truth  of  it.  And  in  particular,  he  told  me,  that  PW, 
who  wrote  the  Synopfis  of  the  criticks,  confeffed  to  him,  that  he 
had  had  fifty  pounds  for  two  years.  Thus  the  Court  hired  them 
to  be  filent:  And  the  greateft  part  of  them  were  fo,  and 
very  compliant.  But  now  the  pulpits  were  full  of  a  new  ilrain: 
Popery  was  every  where  preached  again  ft,  and  the  authority  of 
the  laws  was  much  magnified.  TheBifhops,  the  Bilfliop  o(  Lon- 
don in  particular,  charged  the  Clergy  to  preach  againft  Popery, 
and  to  inform  the  people  of  the  controvcrfy  between  us  and  the 
Church  of  Rome.  This  alarmed  the  Court,  as  well  as  the  City, 
and  the  whole  Nation.  Clifford  began  to  lliew  the  heat  of  his 
temper  ,•  and  feemed  a  fort  of  Enthufiaft  for  Popery.  The  King 
complained  to  Sheldon  of  this  preaching  on  controvcrfy,  as  done 
on  purpole  to  inflame  the  people,  and  to  alienate  them  from  him, 
and  his  government.  Upon  this  Sheldon  called  fome  of  the  Cler- 
gy 


of  King  Charles  II.    r        309 

gy  together  to  confider  what  anfwer  he  (hould  make  the  King,  1671. 
if  he  preiTed  him  any  farther  on  that  head.    Ttllotfon  was  one  of  ^•^'V'"^^ 
the(e:  And  he  fuggefted  this  anfwer,  that,  fince  the  King  him- 
felf  profcflcd  the  Proteftant  reHgion,  it  would  be  a  thing  with-. 
out  a  precedent,  that  he  (hould  forbid  his  Clergy  to  preach  in^ 
defence  of  a  religion  which  they  believed,  whilehehimfelf  faid  he 
was  of  it.    But  the  King  never  renewed  the  motion. 

While  things  were  in  this  fermentation,  the  Duchels  of  2^or/^TheDu-  " 
died.  It  was  obferved,  that  for  fifteen  months  before  that  time?'!*"^^*^^ 
fhe  had  not  received  the  facrament  ,•  and  that  upon  all  occasi- 
ons file  was  cxcufing  the  errours  that  the  Church  of  Rome  was 
charged  with ,  and  was  giving  them  the  beft  colours  they  were 
capable  of.  An  unmarried  Clergy  was  al(b  a  common  topick  with 
her.  Morly  had  been  her  father  confelTour:  For,  he  told  me, 
fhe  pradifed  lecret  confcffion  to  him  from  the  time  that  (he 
was  twelve  years  old  :  And,  when  he  was  fent  away  from  the  Court, 
he  put  her  in  the  hands  oiBlanford^  who  died  Bifliop  oi  IVorcejier, 
Morley  alfo  told  me,  that  upon  the  reports  that  were  brought  him 
of  her  llacknefs  in  receiving  the  facrament,  fhe  having  been  for 
many  years  punctual  to  once  a  month,  he  had  fpoken  plainly  to 
her  about  it,  and  told  her  what  inferences  were  made  upon  it. 
She  pretended  ill  health,  and  bufinefs;  but  protefled  to  him,  flie 
had  no  fcruples  with  relation  to  her  religion,  and  was  ftill  of  the 
Church  o^  England-^  andalTured  him,  that  no  Popifh  Prieft  had 
ever  taken  the  confidence  to  fpeak  to  her  of  thofe  matters.  He 
took  a  folemn  engagement  of  her,    that,  i^  fcruples  fhould  arife  r 

in  her  mind,  fhe  would  let  him  know  them,   and  hear  what  he  ;5 

fhould  offer    to  her  upon  all  of  them.     And  he  protefled  to  1 

me,  that  to  her  death  flie  never  owned  to  him  that  fhe  had  any 
fcruples,  tho'  fhe  was  for  fome  days  entertained  by  him  at  Farn- 
hamj  after  the  date  of  the  paper  which  was  afterwards  publifhed 
in  her  name.  All  this  pafs'd  between  the  Bifhop  and  me,  upon 
the  Duke's  fhewing  me  that  paper  all  writ  in  her  own  hand,  which 
was  afterwards  publifhed  by  Ma'tmburg.  He  would  not  let  me  takef 
a  copy  of  it  j  but  he  gave  me  leave  to  read  it  twice.  And  I  went 
immediately  to  Morley ,  and  gave  him  an  account  of  it;  from 
whom  I  had  all  the  particulars  already  mentioned.  And  upon 
that  he  concluded,  that  that  unhappy  Princefs  had  been  prevail- 
ed onto  give  falfe  woods  under  her  hand,  and  to  pretend  that  thefe 
were  the  grounds  of  her  converflon.  Along  decay  of  health  came 
at  lafl  to  a  quicker  crifis  than  had  been  apprehended.  All  of 
the  fiidden  fhe  f^ll  into  the  agony  of  death.  BlanfordwSiS  f«nt  for, 
to  prepare  her  for  it,  and  to  offer  her  the  facrament.  Before 
he  could  come,  the  Queen  came  in,   and  fat  by  her.     He  was 

K  k  k  k  modeft 


j,l<:5         The  tt  I  s  T  o  R  t  of  the  Reign 

i6'fi.  mo^A  i^d  itflfflby,  eiJeh'td  a-fault.  '  So  he  tiad  not  prefence 
'^-""'V^'^  of  mind  enough  to  begin  prayers,  which  probably  would  have 
driven  the  Queen  out  of  the  room.  But,  that  not  being  done, 
fhe  pretending  kindnefs  would  not  leave  her.  The  Bifhop  fpoke 
but  little  and  fearfully.  He  happened  to  fay,  he  hoped  {he  con- 
tinued ftill  in  the  truth:  Upon  which  fhe  afked,  what  is  truth: 
And  then,  her  agony  encreafing,  (he  repeated  the  word  Truth  Truth 
'  -iKJ  often :  And  in  a  few  minutes  after  {he  died,  very  little  beloved,  or 
^  "^  lamented.  Her  haughtinefs  had  raifed  her  many  enemies.  She 
was  indeed  a  firm,  and  a  kind  friend:  But  the  change  of  her  re- 
ligion made  her  friends  reckon  her  death  rather  a  blefling  than 
a  lofs  at  that  time  to  them  all.  Her  father,  when  he  heard  of 
her  fhaking  in  her  religion,  was  more  troubled  at  it,  than  at  all 
his  own  misfortunes.  He  writ  her  a  very  grave  and  long  letter 
upon  it,  eticlofed  in  one  to  the  Duke.  But  fhe  was  dead  before 
it  came  into  En^and.  I  have  fet  down  all  that  I  know  concern- 
ing the  fatal  alliance  with  hrancey  and  our  preparations  for  the 
lecond  Dutch  War. 

But  that  I  may  open  the  fcene  more  diflindily,  I  will  give  as 
particular  an  account  as  I  was  able  to  gather  of  the  afwirs  of 
the  States  of  Holland  at  this  time.  And,  becaufe  this  was  the 
fifth  great  crifis,  under  which  the  whole  Proteftant  religion  was 
brought,  I  will  lead  my  reader  thro'  a  full  account  of  them  all; 
fince  I  may  probably  lay  things  before  him,  that  he  may  other- 
wife  pafs  over,  without  making  due  refledions  on  them. 
Thefirft  The  firftcrifis  was,  "^hcnCharles  V.  by  the  defeating  the  Duke 
Protcftanf*  of  ^^^^^3'j  and  the  getting  him  and  the  Landgrave  oi  Hejfe  in*- 
fciigion.  to  his  hands,  had  fubdued  the  Smalcaldkk  league  j  in  which  the 
flrength  of  the  Proteftant  religion  did  then  confift,  having  been 
weakened  by  the  fucceeding  deaths  of  Henry  VIII.  and  Francis  I. 
Upon  that  defeat  all  fubmitted  to  the  Emperor :  Only  the  Town 
of  Magdeburgh  ftood  out.  The  Emperor  fhould  either  not  have 
trufted  Maur'tce,  or  have  ufed  him  better:  And  it  feems,  that 
he  reckoned  Maurice  had  neither  religion  nor  honour,  fince  his 
ambition  had  made  him  betray  his  religion,  and  abandon  his 
party.  "When  Maurke  had  got  the  Elci^orate,  he  made  hira- 
felf  fiire  of  the  Army  j  and  entred  into  an  alliance  with  France^ 
and  other  Princes  of  the  Empire ;  and  made  fb  quick  a  turn  on 
the  Emperor,  that  he  had  almoft  furprifed  him  at  Inchfprucky 
and  of  a  fudden  overturned  all  that  defign,  upon  which  the  Em- 
peror had  been  labouring  for  many  years.  This  ended  in  the 
Edid:  of  PaffaUy  which  fettled  the  peace  of  Gfrrnany  for  that 
time. 

The 
1 


**  --^  _'*• 


bf  King  Charles  II.  V'         ^ii'^i 

The  fecond  Crifis  was,  towards  the  end  of'QueenM7r'v's  reign,  1 671, 
when  the  Proteftant  religion  feemed  extinguifhed  in  ^X^^^^^'fhTlCnd 
and  the  two  Cardinals  of  Lorra'm  and  Granvdl^  then  the  chiefCnfis. 
Minifters  of  the  two  Crowns,  defigned  a  peace  for  that  very 
end,  that  their  mafters  might  be  at  leifure  to  extirpate  herefy, 
which  was  then  fpreading  in  both  then-  dominions.  But,  after 
they  had  formed  their  fcheme,  Queen  Mav^  died,  and  was  fuc- 
ceeded  by  Queen  Elizabeth  in  England.  Soon  after  that  the 
King  of  France  was  accidentally  killed  :  So  that  Kingdom  fell 
under  a  long  continuance  of  a  minority,  and  a  civil  wa'r.  And 
the  Netherlands  felt  from  thence,  and  from  Fjnglandj  (acli  en- 
couragement, that  they  made  the  longeft  and  braved  tefiftancc 
that  is  to  be  found  in  all  hiftoryj  which  was  in  a  great  meafure 
owing  to  the  obftinate  and  implacable  cruelty  of  Phtlip  II,  and 
his  great  diftance  from  the  fcene  of  the  war  j  and  was  pad  all 
poflibility  of  being  made  up,  by  reafbn  of  his  perfidious  breach 
of  all  agreements,  and  his  ufing  thofe  th.lt  ferved  him  well  in 
fo  bafe  a  manner,  as  he  did  both  the  Duke  of  Alva^  and  the 
Vnr\zt  oi  Parma.  v 

The  third  Crifis  lafted  from  i  j 8  5  to^lfe^'^HJ^i  )'%<).  Then  The  third 
began  the  League  of  France.  The  Prince  oi Parma  ^2&  vidtori-^"''** 
ous  in  the  Netherlands.  The  Prince  of  Orange  Xv^as  murdered. 
The  States  fell  under  great  diftradions.  And  Spam  entered  into  % 
defign  of  dethroning  the  Queen  oi  England ^  and  putting  thfe 
Queen  of  Scots  in  her  ftead.  In  order  to  that  they  were  for 
fome  years  preparing  the  greateft  fleet  that  the  world  had  ever 
feen,  which  came  to  be  called  the  Invincible  Armada.  All  Eu- 
rope was  amazed  at  thefe  great  preparations :  And  many  conjec- 
tures were  made  concerning  the  defign  of  fiich  a  vaft  fleet.  Some 
thought  of  Conflanttnople.  Others  talked  of  /Eg^pt^  ill  cOn- 
jund:ion  with  the  Emperor  of  the  Ahtjfem:  'But  that  which  was 
moft  probable  was,  that  King  Philip  intended  to  make  a  great 
effort,  and  put  an  end  to  the  war  of  the  Netherlands  in  one 
campaign.  At  laft  the  true  intent  of  it  was  found  out.  I^al- 
Jrngham's  chief  fpies  were  Pricfts :  As  he  ufed  always  to  fay,  art 
adiive,  but  vicious,  Prieft  was  the  beft  fpy  in  the  world.  By 
one  of  thefe  he  had  advice,  that  the  King  of  Spain  had  fixed 
on  a  refolution  with  relation  to  his  fleets  but  that  it  wds  ipiot  yet 
communicated  to  any  of  his  Minifl:ers  in  fortign  Courts.  The 
King  himfelf  had  indeed  writ  a  letter  about  it  to  the  Pope :  But 
it  was  not  entrcd  in  any  office:  So  this  was  all  that  the  intel- 
ligence from  Madrid  could  difcover.  Upon  this  one  was  fent 
to  Veriice^  from  whence  the  correfpondence  with  Rome  was  held. 
And  at  Rome  it  was  found  out,   that  one  of  the  Pope's  chief 

confidents 


3  J^         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1671.  confidents  had  a  Miftrifs,  to  whom  twenty  thoufand  crowns  were 
given  for  a  fight  and  copy  of  that  letter.  The  copy  of  it  was  fent 
over  foon  after  Chrtflmafs^  in  the  winter  i  j86.  By  it  the  King 
of  Spam  had  acquainted  the  Pope,  that  the  defign  of  his  fleet 
was  to  land  in  England,  to  deftroy  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  here- 
ly,  and  to  fet  the  Queen  oi Scots  on  the  throne:  In  this  he  had 
the  concurrence  of  the  Houfe  of  Gu'tfe:  And  he  alfo  depended 
on  the  King  of  Scotland.  This  proved  fatal  to  the  Queen  of 
Scots.  It  is  true,  King  James  fent  one  Steward,  the  anctftor 
of  the  Lord  Blantyre,  who  was  then  of  his  bedchamber,  with 
an  earned  and  threatening  melTage  to  Queen  Elizabeth  for 
faving  his  mother.  But  in  one  of  the  intercepted  letters  of 
the  French  Ambalfadours  then  in  Scotland,  found  among  //W- 
ftngham's  papers,  it  appears,  that  the  King,  young  as  he 
was  then,  was  either  very  double,  or  very  inconftant  in  his  re- 
folutions.  The  French  Ambafladour  alTured  him,  that  Steward 
had  advifed  the  Queen  to  put  a  fpeedy  end  to  that  bufinefs, 
which  way  fhe  pleafed ;  and  that  as  for  his  matter's  anger,  he  would 
foon  be  pacified,  if  fhe  would  but  fend  him  dogs  and  deer.  The 
King  was  fo  offended  at  this,  that  he  faid,  he  would  hang  him 
up  in  his  boots,  as  foon  as  he  came  back.  Yet  when  he  came 
back,  it  was  fo  far  from  that,  that  he  lay  all  that  night  in  the 
bedchamber.  As  for  the  pompous  Embafly  that  was  fent  from 
France  to  protefl  againft  it,  Maurier  has  told  a  very  probable 
ftory,  of  Henry  III,  writing  a  letter  with  them  to  the  Queen, 
advifing  her  to  proceed  with  all  hafte  to  do  that  which  the  Em- 
baffy  was  fent  to  prevent.  He  faw,  the  Houfe  of  Gtiife  built  a 
great  part  of  their  hopes  on  the  profpedt  of  their  coufin's  com- 
ing to  the  Crown  oi  England,  which  would  cut  off  all  the  hopes 
the  Houfe  of  Bourbon  had  of  afliflance  from  thence.  I  have 
feen  an  original  letter  of  the  Earl  of  Leicefter's  to  the  Earl  of 
Bedford,  who  had  married  his  fifler,  and  was  then  Governour 
of  Berwick,  teUing  him,  that,  how  high  foever  the  French  Am- 
baffadours  had  talked  in  their  harangues  upon  that  occafion, 
calling  any  proceeding  againft  the  Queen  of  Scots  an  open  in^ 
dignity,  as  well  as  an  zd:  of  hoftility  againft  France,  fince  fhe 
was  Queen  Dowager  oi  France -,  yet  all  this  was  only  matter  of 
form  and  decency,  that  was  extorted  from  the  King  of  France.} 
and,  how  high  foever  they  might  talk,  they  were  well  affured 
he  would  do  nothing  upon  it.  So  that  unfortunate  Queen  fell 
at  that  time,  by  reafon  of  the  Spanijh  preparations  to  conquer 
England,  under  the  pretence  of  fetting  her  on  the  throne.  She 
died,   much  more  decently  than  ihe  had  lived,  in  Febr,  1587. 

But 

03 


of  King  Charles  It  313 

But  the  Court  o^ England  faw,  that  if  King  Ph'tlip's  fleet  was  1671.. 
in  a  condition  to  cono^nz^  England,  he  would  not  abandon  ^^^^■yCI'^^ 
defign  for  her  being  put  out  of  the  wayj  and  that  he  certainly  fleet  came 
intended  to  conquer  it  for  himfelf,    and  not  for  another.     So"n"eJdeif''* 
orders  were  given  to  make  all  poflTible  haftc  with  a  fleet.     Yet 
they  were  fo  httle  provided  for  fuch  an  invafion,  that,  tho'  they 
had  then  twenty  good  fliips  upon  the  (locks,  it  was  not  poflible  to 
get  them  in  a  condition  to  ferve  that  fummer :  And  the  defign  of 
Spam  was  to  fail  over  in  1587.     So,  unlefs  by  corruption,  or 
any  other  method,  the  attempt  could  be  put  off  for  that  year, 
there  was  no  ftrength  ready  to  refift  fb  powerful  a  fleet.      But, 
when  it  feemed  not  pofliblc  to  divert  the  prefent  execution  of  fo 
great  a  defign,  a  merchant  of  London  to  their  fiirprife  undertook 
it.   He  was  well  acquainted  with  the  ftate  of  the  revenue  oi  Spain , 
with  all  their  charge,  and  all  that  they  could  raife.     He  knew 
all  their  funds  were  (b  (wallowed  up,  that  it  was  impo(fible  for 
them  to  vidual,  and  fet  out  their  fleet,  but  by  their  credit  in  the 
bank  of  Genoa.     So  he  undertook  to  write  to  all  the  places  of 
trade,    and  to  get  (ucli  remittances  made  on  that  bank,  that  he 
lliould  by  that  means  have  it  fo  entirely  in  his  hands,  that  there 
fliould  be  no  money  current  there,  equal  to  the  great  occafion 
of  vidualling  the  fleet  oi  Spain.    He  reckoned,  the  keeping  (uch 
a  treafure  dead  in  his  hands  till  the  (eafon  of  vidualling  was 
over,   would  be  a  lofs  of  40000  /.    And  at  that  rate  he  would 
fave  England.     He  managed  the  matter  with  (iich  (ecrecy,  and 
fuccefs,    that  the  fleet  could  not  be  fet  out  that  year.     At  fo 
fraall  a  price,  and  with  fo  fkillful  a  management,  was  the  Nati- 
on (aved  at  that  time.     This  it  (eems  was  thought  too  great  a 
myftery  of  State  to  be  communicated  to  Cambden,  or 'to  be  pub- 
li(hed  by  him,    when  the  inftrudions  were  put  in  his  hands  for 
writing    the  hiftory  of  that  glorious   reign.     But  the  famous 
Boyky  Earl  o^  Cork,  who  had  then  a  great  (hare  in  the  affairs  of 
Ireland,    came  to  know  it ;    and  told  it  to  two  of  his  children, 
from  whom  I  had  it.     The  (lory  is  fo  coherent,  and  agrees  fo 
well  with  the  (late  of  affairs  at  that  time,  that  it  feems  highly 
credible.    And,  if  it  is  true,  it  is  certainly  one  of  the  curioufeft 
pafTages  in  our  whole  Englifh  hidory.     I  return  from  this  di- 
greffion,   which  I  hope  will  be  no  unacceptable  entertainment 
to  the  reader:  It  is  well  known,  how  the  defign  of  the  Armada 
mifcarried:  And  foon  after  that  the  Duke  of  Guife  was  dabbed: 
Not  long  after  Henry  III.  was  alfo  ft:abbed  :  And  Henry  IV.  fuc- 
ceeded,  who  broke  the  League,  with  which  the  great  defigns  of 
Spain  fell  to  the  ground.     So  happily  did  this  third  Crifis  pa(s 
over. 

L  1  1 1  The 


j  i^.         Tbe  History  of  the  Reign 

1671.  The  fourth  Ciifis  Was  from  the  battel  of  Prague  to  the  year 
^:j^^y~]^  1(^30,  in  which,  as  was  told  in  the  firft  book,  not  only  the 
Crifis.  Elc(5tor  Palatine  fell,  but  almoft  all  the  Empire  came  under  the 
Auflr'tan  yoke.  All  attempts  to  fliake  it  off  proved  unfuccefsfiil, 
and  fatal  to  thofe  who  undertook  it,  till  the  young  and  great 
King  of  Sweden,  Guflavus  Adolphm,  engaged  in  it.  The  wars 
o^Rochelkj  together  with  the  lofs  of  that  important  place,  feem- 
ed  to  threaten  the  deftrudtion  of  the  Proteftants  of  France.  En- 
gland fell  under  thofe  unhappy  jealoufics,  which  began  a  dis- 
jointing between  the  King  and  his  people.  And  the  States  were 
much  preffed  by  the  Spaniards  under  Spinola.  Breda  was  taken. 
But  the  worft  of  all  was,  a  quarrel  that  was  raifed  between 
Prince  Maurice  and  Barnevelt,  that  will  require  a  fuller  dicuflfi- 
on,  than  was  offered  in  the  former  book.  All  agree,  that  Wil- 
liam Prince  of  Orange  was  one  of  the  greateft  men  in  ftory,  who, 
after  many  attempts  for  the  recovery  of  the  liberty  of  the  Pro- 
vinces, was  in  conclufion  fiiccefsful,  and  formed  that  Republick. 
In  the  doing  of  it  he  was  guilty  of  one  great  error,  unlefs  he 
was  forced  to  it  by  the  necellity  of  his  affairs  5  which  was  the  fettling 
a  negative  in  every  one  of  the  Towns  of  Holland^  in  the  mat- 
ters of  religion,  of  taxes,  and  of  peace  and  war.  It  had  been 
much  fafer,  if  it  had  been  determined,  that  the  two  thirds  muft 
concur  ^  by  which  the  Government  would  have  been  much  ftron- 
gef.  Some  thought,  that  he  brought  in  fo  many  little  Towns  to 
balance  the  greater,  of  whom  he  could  not  be  fure-  whereas 
he  could  more  eafily  manage  thefe  fmaller  ones.  Others  have 
faid,  that  he  was  forced  to  it,  to  draw  them  to  a  more  hearty 
concurrence  in  the  war,  fince  they  were  to  have  fiich  a  fhare 
in  the  Government  for  the  future.  But,  as  he  fettled  it,  the 
corruption  of  any  one  fmall  Town  may  put  all  the  affairs  of 
Holland  in  great  diforder.  He  was  alfo  blamed,  becaufe  he  la- 
boured to  raife  the  power  of  the  Stadtholder  fo  high,  that  in 
many  regards  it  was  greater  than  the  power  of  the  Counts 
cf  Holland  had  been.  But  this  was  balanced  by  its  being  made 
elective,  and  by  the  fmall  appointments  he  took  to  himfelf  It 
feerris,  he  defigned  to  have  fettled  that  honour  in  his  family: 
For  after  his  death  there  were  reverfal  letters  found  among  his 
papers  from  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  when  the  Provinces  invited  him 
to  be  their  Prince,  by  which  the  Duke  engaged  himfelf  to  leave 
Holland  and  Zealand  in  the  Prince's  hands.  Before  he  died,  he 
had  in  a  great  mcafure  loft  the  affections  of  the  Clergy  j  becaufe 
lie  was  very  earneft  for  the  toleration  of  Papifts,  judging  that 
neccflary  for  the  engaging  men  of  all  perfuafions  in  the  common 
concerns  of  liberty,  and  for  encouraging  the  other  Provinces  to 

come 


of  King  Charles  II  315 

come  into  the  union.     This  was  much  oppofed  by  the  preach-   1671, 
crs  in  Hollanciy   who  were  for  more  violent  methods.     Thofe,  ^'N^^ 
who  but  a  few  years  before  had  complained  of  the  cruelty  of  the 
Church  of  RomCy   were  no  fooner  delivered  from  that,    than 
they  began  to  call  for  the  fame  ways  of  profecuting  thofe  who 
were  of  the  other  fide.    This  made  that  great  Prince  loofe  ground 
with  the  zealots  of  his  own  fide  before  he  died.     With  him  all 
their  affairs  funk  fo  fafl,    that  they  faW  the  necefTity  of  feeking 
protedion  elfewhere.     Their  Miniflers  did  of  themfelves,  with- 
out the  concurrence  of  the  States,  fend  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  to 
defire  her  to  take  them  under  her  protedion,    on  fuch  terms  as 
fhe  fhould  prefcribe.   And,  tho'  the  States  were  highly  offended 
at  this,    yet  they  durll  not  at  that  time  complain  of  it,  much 
lefs  punifh  it,-    but  were  farced  by  the  clamour  of  their  people 
to  follow  ati  example  that  was  fo  irregularly  (ct  them.     This  I 
had  from  Halewyn  of  Dort, '  of  whom  I  fhall  have  occafion  to 
write  afterwards.     When  the  Queen  fent  over  the  Earl  of  Leke- 
fter,  with  a  new  title,  and  an  authority  greater  than  was  either 
in  the  Counts  of  Hollandy    or  in  the  Stadtholder,   by  the  name 
of  Supreme  Governour :  He  as  foon  as  he  landed  at  Flujhtng  went 
firfl  to  Church,  where  he  ordered  prayers  to  be  offered  up  for  a 
blefliing  on  his  counfels,  and  defired  that  he  might  receive  the 
Sacrament  next  d^ay:  And  there  he  made  folemn  proteflations  of 
his  integrity  and  zeal.     This  pleafed  the  people  fo  much,  that 
Barnevelt,    and  the  States  at  the  Hague,  thought  it  neceffary  to 
fecure  themfelves  from  the  effeds  of  luch  a  threatning  popula- 
larity:  So  they  fent  for  the  Count,  afterwards  Prince,  Maurice* 
who  was  then  at  Leyden,  not  yet  eighteen,  and  chofe  him  Stadt- 
holder of  Holland  and  Zealand.     There  had  been  no  provi- 
fion  made  againfl  that  in  their  treaty  with  the  Earl  of  Leicejler, 
Yet  he  was  highly  offended  at  it.    I  will  go  no  farther  into  the 
errors  of  his  government,    and  the  end  that  the  Queen  put  to 
it,-  which  fhe  did,  as  foon  as  it  appeared  that  he  was  incapa- 
ble of  it,    and  was  beginning  to  betray,   and  to  fell  their  befl 
places. 

Prince  Maurice  and  Barneveh  continued  long  in  a  perfect  Differences 
conjundion  of  counfels:  Till  upon  the  negotiation  for  a  peace, ^;|''"" 


rince 


or  at  leaft  for  a  truce,  they  differed  fo  much,  that  their  friend-  ^^^"^'Jd 
fhip  ended  in  a  mofl  violent  hatred,  and  a  jealoufy  that  could  Barnndd. 
never  be  made  up.  Prince  Maurice  was  for  carrying  on  the 
war,  which  fet  him  at  the  head  of  a  great  army.  And  he  had 
fb  great  an  interefl  in  the  conquefts  they  made,  that  for  that 
very  reafon  Barnevelt  infufed  it  into  the  States,  that  they  were 
now  ^d,^t,  and  needed  not  fear  the  Spaniards  any  more;  {o  there 

was 


36 i         The  History  of  the  Reign 

i67i.  was  no  reafon  for  continuing  the  war.  Prince  Maurice  on  the 
other  hand  faid,  their  perfecuted  brethren  in  thePopifh  Provinces 
wanted  their  help  to  fet  them  at  Hberty.  The  work  Teemed  ve- 
ry eafy,  and  the  profped  of  fuccefs  was  great.  In  oppofition  to 
this  it  was  faid,-  fincc  the  feven  Provinces  were  now  fafc,  why 
fliould  they  extend  their  territories?  Tho(e  who  loved  their  re- 
ligion and  liberty  in  the  other  Provinces  might  come  and  live 
among  them :  This  would  encreafe  both  their  numbers,  and  their 
wealth :  Whereas  the  conqueft  of  Antwerp  might  prove  fatal  to 
them :  Befides,  that  both  France  and  England  interpofed :  They 
would  not  allow  them  to  conquer  more,  nor  become  more  for- 
midable. All  the  zealous  preachers  were  for  continuing  the  war  : 
And  thofe  that  were  for  peace  were  branded  as  men  of  no  religi- 
on, who  had  only  carnal  and  political  views.  While  this  was 
in  debate  every  where,  the  difputes  began  between  Arminms  and 
GohtaruSj  two  famous  Profeflors  at  Leyden,  concerning  the 
decrees  of  God,  and  the  efficacy  of  grace ;  in  which  thofe  two 
great  men,  Maurke  and  Barnevelt,  went  upon  intereft,  to  lead 
the  two  parties,  from  which  they  both  differed  in  opinion. 
Prince  Maurice  in  private  always  talked  on  the  fide  of  the  Armt- 
nians:  KndBarnevelt  believed  predeftination firmly.  But, as  he  left 
reprobation  out  in  his  fcheme,  fo  he  was  againft  the  unrealbna- 
ble  feverity  with  which  the  Minifters  drove  thofe  points.  He 
found  the  Arminians  were  the  better  patriots:  And  he  thought 
the  other  fide  out  of  their  zeal  were  engaged  for  carrying  on 
the  war,  fo  as  that  they  called  all  the  others  indifferent  as  to  all 
religions,  and  charged  them  as  favourers  of  Spain  and  Popery. 
I  will  go  no  farther  into  the  differences  that  followed,  concerning 
the  authority  of  the  States  General  over  the  feveral  Provinces. 
It  is  certain,  that  every  Province  is  a  feparated  State,  and  has 
an  entire  fbvereignty  within  it  felf,-  and  that  the  States  General 
are  an  alfembly  of  the  deputies  of  the  feveral  Provinces ,  but 
without  any  authority  over  them.  Yet  it  was  pretended,  that 
extraordinary  difeafes  required  extraordinary  remedies:  And  Prince 
Maurice^  by  the  aflifbance  of  a  party  that  the  Minifters  made 
for  him  among  the  people,  engaged  the  States  to  affume  an  au- 
thority over  the  Province  oi  Holland,  and  to  put  the  Government 
in  new  hands.  A  Court  was  ereded  by  the  fame  authority,  to 
judge  thofe  who  had  been  formerly  in  the  magiftracy.  Barneveh 
was  accufed,  together  with  Grottus,  and  fome  others,  as  fomen- 
ters  of  fedition,  and  for  raifing  diftradtions  in  the  country.  He 
wis  condemned,  and  beheaded.  Others  were  condemned  to  per- 
petual imprifonment.  And  every  one  of  the  Judges  had  a  great 
gold  medal  given  them,  in  the  reverfe  of  which  the  Synod  of 
-^  Dort 


of  King  Ch ARL E  s  11.  31 7 

Don  was  reprcfcnted,  which  was  called  by  the  fame  authority.  1671,^ 
I  faw  one  of  thofe  medals  in  the  pofTelTion  of  the  pofterity  of-^^V'^'O 
one  of  thofc  Judges.  King  James  afTided  Prince  Maurice  in  all 
thi^ :  So  powerfully  do  the  interefts  of  Princes  carry  them  to  con- 
cur in  things  that  are  moft  contrary  to  their  own  inclinations. 
The  prevailing  paflion  of  that  King  was  his  hatred  of  the  Pw 
r'ltam:  That  made  him  hate  thefe  opinions  into  which  they 
went  with  great  heat:  And,  tho' he  encouraged  all  that  were  of 
Jitvz  Armintan  party  in  his  own  dominions,  yet  he  helped  to 
crufh  them  in  Holland:  He  hated  Barneveh  upon  another  (core; 
for  his  getting  the  cautionary  towns  out  of  his  hands:  And,  ac- 
cording to  the  nature  of  impotent  paflions,  this  carried  him  to 
procure  his  ruine.  After  this  vid:ory  that  Prince  Maurice  had 
got  over  the  party  that  oppofed  him,  he  did  not  ftudy  to  car- 
ry it  much  farther.  He  found  quickly  how  much  he  had  loft 
the  hearts  of  the  people,  who  had  before  that  time  made  him 
their  idol,  and  now  look'd  at  him  with  horrour.  He  ftudied 
to  make  up  matters  the  beft  he  could,  that  he  might  engage 
the  States  in  the  Bohemian  war.  But  all  that  was  fbon  at  an  end. 
It  was  plain,  that  he  had  no  defign  upon  their  liberty:  Tho'  he 
could  not  bear  the  oppofition  that  he  began  to  meet  with  from 
a  free  State. 

His  death  put  an  end  to  all  jealoufies:  And  his  brother  Prince  Prince  Htn- 
Henr^  Frederick  quickly  fettled  the  difputes  oi  Arrntmamfmy  by  ^^ifc'^o-"*'* 
the  toleration  that  was  granted  them.     He  was  known  to  be  avcmmem. 
jfecret  favourer  of  their  tenets :  He  condud:ed  the  Armies  of  the 
States  with  fo  much  fuccefs,  and  left  them  fo  much  at  liberty  as 
to  all  their  ftate  affairs,   that  all  the  jealoufies  which  his  brother's 
conduct  had  raifed,  were  quite  extinguifhed  by  hirti.    The  States 
made  him  great  prefents.     He  became  very  rich.     And  his  fon 
had  the  lurvivance  of  the  Stadtholckrfhip.    But  his  fon  had  more  His  fon's    ; 
of  his  uncle's  fire  in  him,  than  of  his  father's  temper.     He  op-**"** 
pofed  the  peace  of  Mtmfler  all  he  could.     The  States  came  then 
to  fee,   that  they  had  continued  too  long  in  their  alliance  with 
France  againft  Spaing    fince  France  had  got  the  afcendant  by 
too  vifible  a  fuperiorky.     So  that  their  intereft  led  them  now. 
to  fupport  Sfdm  againft  France.     Prince  William  fell  to  be  in 
ill  terms  with  his  mother.    And  flie,  who  had  great  credit  with 
the  States,    fet  up  fuch  an  open  oppofition  to  her  fon,  that  the 
peace  of  Mtmfler  was  in  a  great  meafure  the  effed  of  their  private 
quarrel.     Prince  William^  being  married  into  the  Royal  family 
of  England,  did  all  he  could  to  embroil  the  States  with  the  new 
Common-wealth.     But  he  met  with  fuch  oppofition,  that,    he, 
finding  the  States  were  rcfolved  to  difmifs  a  great  part  of  their 

M  m  m  m  Army, 


3  1 8  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1671.  Army,  fuffered  himfelf  to  be  carried  to  violent  counfels.  I  need 
-^''V^^not  enlarge  on  things  that  are  fo  well  known,  as  his  fending 
fbme  of  the  States  prifoners  to  Lovejie'tytj  and  his  defign  to  change 
the  government  q>{  Amflerdam  -^  which  wasdifcovercd  by  the  poft- 
boy,  who  gave  the  alarm  a  few  hours  before  the  Prince  could 
get  thither. 

Thefe  things,    and  the  effects  that  followed  on  them,   are 
well  known:    As  is  alfo  his  death  which  followed  a  few  weeks 
after,  in  the  moft  unhappy  time  pofTible  for  the  Princefs  Royal's 
big-belly.     For  as  flie  bore  her  fon  a  week  after  his  death,  ia 
the  eighth  month  of  her  time,    fo  he  came  into  the  world 
under  great  difadvantages.     The  States  were  poifeiTed  with  great 
jealoufies  of  the  family ;  as  if  the  afpiring  to  fubdue  the  liberties 
of  their  country  was  inherent  in  it,    and  infeparable  from  it. 
His  private  affairs  were  alfo  in  a  very  bad  condition :  Two  great 
jointures  went  out  of  his  eftate,   to  his  mother,    and  grand- 
mother, befides  a  vaft  debt  that  his  father  had  contracted  to  af^ 
fifl  the  King.    Who  could  have  thought  that  an  infant,  brought 
into  the  world  with  fo  much  ill  health,    and  under  fo  many  ill 
circumllances,  was  born  for  the  prefervation  of  Europe^  and  of 
the  Proteflant  religion?   So  unlike  do  the  events  of  things  prove 
to  their  firft  appearances.    And,  fmce  I  am  writing  of  his  birth, 
I  will  fet  down  a  ftory,  much  to  the  honour  of  aflrology,  how 
little  regard  foever  I  my  felf  have  to  it.     I  had  it  from  the  late 
•joainnr  Queen's  own  mouth :  And  flie  directed  me  to  fome  who  were  of 
the  Prince's  Court  in  that  time,    who  confirmed  it  to  me.     An 
unknown  perfbn  put  a  paper  in  the  old  Princefs's  hands,  which  fhe 
took  from  him,    thinking  it  was  a  petition.      When  fhe  looked 
into  it>  fhe  found  it  was  her  fon's  nativity,    together  with  the 
fortufiies  of  his  life,    and  a  full  deduction  of  many  accidents, 
fe-,,,..      which  followed  very  pundually,  as  they  were  predided.    But  that 
which  was  moft  particular  was,  that  he  was  to  have  a  fon  by  a 
widow,  and  was  to  die  of  the  fmall  pox  in  the  twenty  fifth  year 
of  his  age.     So  thofe  who  were  apt  to  give  credit  to  predi<5ti- 
ons  of  that  fort  fancied,    that  the  Princefs  Royal  was  to  die,- 
and  that  he  was  upon  that  to  marry  the  widow  of  fome  other 
perfbn.     It  was  a  common  piece  of  raillery  in  the  Court,  upon 
the  death  of  any  Prince,   to  afk  what  a  perfon  his  widow  was. 
But  wJJuen  he  was  taken  ill  of  the  fmall  pox,   then  the  decy- 
pherJng  the  matter  was  obvious,  and  it  ftruck  his  fancy  fo  much, 
that  probably  it  had  an  ill  effed  upon  him.     Thus  was  the 
young  Prince  born;    who  was  fome  years  after  barred  by  the 
Perpetual  Edid,  from  all  hopes  of  arriving  at  the  Stadtholder- 
fhip. 

The 


ijovcrn- 
meo(. 


of  King  Charles  II.  319 

The  chief  error  in  De  lVtt\  adminiftration  was,  that  he  did  167 z. 
not  again  raife  the  authority  of  the  Council  of  State;  fince  itf''^^'^ 
was  very  inconvenient  to  have  both  the  legiflature  and  the  ex-  of  Z)"/J^I'i 
ecution  in  the  fame  hands.  It  feemed  ncceffary  to  put  the  con- 51 
dud  of  affairs  in  a  body  of  men,  that  fhould  indeed  be  accoun- 
table to  the  States,  but  (hould  be  bred  to  bufinefs.  By  this  means 
their  counfels  might  be  both  quick  and  fecretj  whereas,  when 
ail  is  to  be  determined  by  the  States,  they  can  have  no  fccrcts: 
And  they  muft  adjourn  often  to  confult  their  principals:  So  their 
proceedings  muft  be  flow.  During  De  IVifs  Miniftry,  the 
Council  of  State  was  fo  funk,  that  it  was  confidered  only  as  one 
of  the  forms  of  the  government.  But  the  whole  execution  was 
brought  to  the  States  themfclves.  Certainly  a  great  alfembly 
is  a  very  improper  fubjed:  of  the  executive  part  of  power.  It  is 
indeed  very  proper,  that  fuch  a  body  fliould  be  a  check  on  thofe, 
who  have  the  executive  power  trurted  to  them.  It  is  true,  De 
Wtt  found  it  fo;  which  was  occafioned  by  reafon  of  the  EngUJh 
AmbafTador's  being  once  admitted  to  fit  in  that  Council.  They 
pretended,  indeed,  that  it  was  only  on  the  account  of  the  cau- 
tionary towns ;  which  moved  the  States  to  give  England  a  right 
to  fbme  fliare  in  their  counfels.  After  thefe  were  reftored,  they 
did  not  think  it  decent  to  difpute  the  right  of  the  AmbafTador's 
fitting  any  more  there.  But  the  eafier  way  was,  the  making 
that  Council  to  fignify  nothing,  and  to  bring  all  matters  im- 
mediately to  the  States.  It  had  been  happy  for  De  Wtt  him- 
ftlf,  and  his  country,  if  he  had  made  ufe  of  the  credit  he  had 
in  the  great  turn  upon  Prince  tVtlliam's  death,  to  have  brought 
things  back  to  the  State  in  which  they  had  been  anciently;  fince 
the  eftabliflied  errors  of  a  conftitution  and  government  can  only 
be  changed  in  a  great  revolution.  He  fet  up  on  a  popular  bot- 
tom:  And  fo  he  was  not  only  contented  to  (uffer  matters  to  go 
on  in  the  channel  in  which  he  found  them ;  but  in  many  things  he 
gave  way  to  the  raifing  the  feparated  jurifdidion  of  the  towns,  and 
to  the  leffening  the  authority  of  the  Courts  at  the  Hague.  This 
raifed  his  credit,  but  weakened  the  union  of  the  Provinces.  The 
fecret  of  all  affairs,  chiefly  the  foreign  negotiations,  lay  in  ii'W 
hands.  Others,  who  were  not  taken  into  the  confidence,  threw 
all  raifcarriagcs  on  him;  which  was  fatal  to  him.  The  repu- 
tation he  had  got  in  the  war  with  England^  and  the  happy  con- 
clufion  of  it,  broke  a  party  that  was  then  formed  againft  him. 
After  that  he  didated  to  the  States :  And  all  fubmitted  to  him. 
The  concluding  the  Triple  Alliance  in  fo  fliort  a  time,  and 
againft  the  forms  of  their  government,  fhewed,  how  fure  he  was 
oV  a  general  concurrence  with  every  thing  that  he  propofed 

In 


3  20  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1671.  In  tb.e  negotiations  between  the  States,  and  f'-ame,  and  Englandy 
*^^''"v^  he  fell  into  great  errors.  He  flill  fancied  that  the  King  of 
Rn[ijand  miiil:  fee  his  own  intereft  fo  vifibly  in  the  exaltation  of 
the  Prince  of  Ormige^  that  he  reckoned  that  the  word  that  could 
happen  was,  to  raife  him  to  the  trufl:  of  Stadtholder;  fince  £«- 
xjcirid  could  net  gain  fo  much  by  a  conjundiion  with  France,  as 
by  the  King's  having  fuch  an  interell:  in  their  government,  as 
he  muft  certainly  come  to  have,  when  his  nephew  fliould  be 
their  Stadthoider.  So  he  thought,  he  had  a  lure  referve  to  gain 
England  at  any  time  over  to  them.  But  he  had  no  apprehen- 
fion  of  the  King's  being  a  Papift,  and  his  defign  to  make  him- 
felf  abfolute  at  home.  And  he  was  amazed  to  find,  that,  the' 
the  Court  of  England  had  talked  much  of  that  matter  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange  when  the  States  were  in  no  difpofition  to 
hearken  to  it,  and  fo  ufed  it  as  a  reproach  or  a  ground  of  a 
quarrel ,  yet  when  it  came  more  in  view,  they  took  no  fort  of 
notice  of  it,  and  feemed  not  only  cold,  but  even  difpleafed  with 
it.  The  Prince,  as  his  natural  refervednefs  faved  him  from  com- 
mitting many  errors ,  fo  his  gravity,  and  other  vertues  recom- 
mended him  much  to  the  Minifters,  and  to  the  body  of  the  peo- 
ple. The  family  of  De  Wit,  and  the  town  of  Amfierdam,  car- 
ried dill  the  remembrance  of  what  was  pafs'd  frefh  in  their 
thoughts.  They  fet  it  alfo  up  for  a  maxim,  that  the  making  of 
a  Stadthoider  was  the  giving  up  their  liberty,  and  that  the  con- 
fecjuence  of  it  would  be  the  putting  the  fovereignty  of  their 
country  in  him,  or  at  leaft  in  his  family.  The  long  conti- 
nuance of  a  Miniftry  in  one  perfon,  and  that  to  fo  high  a  de- 
gree, muft  naturally  raife  envy,  and  beget  difcontent,  efpecial- 
ly  in  a  popular  government.  This  made  many  become  De 
fV'tfs  enemies,  and  by  confequence  the  Prince's  friends.  And 
the  Preachers  employed  all  their  zeal  to  raife  the  refped:  of  the 
people  for  a  family,  under  which  they  had  been  fo  long  eafy 
and  happy. 
The  Prince  When  the  Prince  was  of  full  age,  it  was  propofed  in  fo  ma- 
oi  Orange  jjy  places  that  he  (hould  have  the  fupream  command  of  their 
ml^  "^""^  armies  and  fleets,  that  De  Wit  faw  the  tide  was  too  ftrong 
to  be  refifted.  So,  after  he  had  oppofed  it  long,  he  propofed 
fome  limitations,  that  fhould  be  fettled  previous  to  his  advance- 
ment. The  hardcft  of  all  was,  that  he  fliould  bind  himfelf  by 
oath  never  to  pretend  to  be  Stadthoider,  nor  fo  much  as  to  ac- 
cept of  it,  tho'  it  {liould  be  offered  him.  Thefe  conditions  were 
not  of  an  eafy  digeflion.  Yet,  it  was  thought  neceffary,  that  the 
Prince  fliould  be  once  at  the  head  of  their  armies:  That  would 
create  a  great  dependance  on  him :  And  if  God  blefs'd  him  with 

fuccefs. 


J 


w    of  King  Charles  II.  ^n;        321 

fuccefs,  it  would  not  be  poflible  to  keep  him  fo  low,  as  thcfe  167%, 
limitations  laid  him :  And  the  obligation  never  to  ticcept  of  the  ^t-'^V^ 
Stadtholdcr(hip  could  only  be  meant  of  his  not  accepting  the 
offer  from  any  tumultuary  bodies  of  the  populace,  or  the  armyi 
but  could  not  be  a  reftraint  on  him,  if  the  States  fliould  make 
the  offer,  fince  his  oath  was  made  to  them,  and  by  confequcnce 
it  was  in  their  power  to  releafe  the  obligation  that  did  arifc  from 
it  to  themfelves.  The  Court  of  England  blamed  him  for  fiib- 
mirting  to  fuch  conditions.  But  he  had  no  rcafon  to  rely  much 
on  the  advices  of  thofe,  who  had  taken  fo  little  care  of  him 
during  all  the  credit  they  had  with  the  States,  while  the  Triple 
Alliance  gave  them  a  great  intereft  in  their  affairs.  As  fbon  as  he 
was  brought  into  the  command  of  the  armies,  he  told  me,  he 
fpoke  to  De  Wtt^  and  defired  to  live  in  an  entire  confidence  with 
him.  His  anfwer  was  cold :  So  he  faw  that  he  coyld  not  depend 
upon  him.  When  he  told  me  this,  he  added,  that  he  was  cer- 
tainly one  of  the  greateit  men  of  the  age,  and  he  believed  he 
ft  rved  his  country  faithfully.  De  Wtt  reckoned,  that  the  French 
could  not  come  to  Holland  but  by  the  Maefe.  And  he  had  taken 
great  care  of  the  garrifon  of  Majirtcht;  but  very  little  of  thofe  that 
lay  on  the  Rhine  and  the  Ifel^  where  the  States  had  many  places, 
but  none  of  them  good.  They  were  ill  fortified,  and  ill  iupplied. 
But  mofl  of  them  were  worfe  commanded,  by  men  of  no  cou- 
rage, nor  practice  in  military  affairs,  who  confidered  their  go- 
vernments as  places,  of  which  they  were  to  make  all  the  advan- 
tage that  they  could. 

Now  I  come  to  give  an  account  of  the  fifth  Crifis  brought  The  fifth 
on  the  whole  Reformation,  which  has  been  of  the  longeft  con-^"''*' 
tinuance,  fince  we  are  yet  in  the  agitations  of  it.     The  defign 
was  firfl  laid  againfl  the  States.    But  the  method  of  invading 
them  was  furprizing,  and  not  look'd  for.     The  Elector  of  Co/fw 
was  all  his  life  long  a  very  weak  man :  Yet  it  was  not  thought 
that  hecould  havebeen  prevailed  on  to  put  ^\zFrench\^  poffefhon 
of  his  country,  and  to  deliver  himfelf  with  all  his  dominions  over 
into  their  hands.  When  he  did  that,  all  upon  the /^/^z/^d*  were  flruck 
With  filch  a  conflernation,    that  there  was  no  fpirit  nor  courage 
left.     It  is  true,    they  could  not  have  made  a  great  refinance. 
Yet  if  they  had  but  gained  a  little  time,  that  had  given  the  States        ,,,^,1; 
fome  leifure  to  look  round  them,  to  fee  what  was  to  be  done. 

The  King  of  France  came  down  to  Utrecht ^  like  a  land  flood. 
This  Itruck  the  Dutch  with  fo  jufl  a  terror,    that  nothing  butThcFr^^i 
great  errors  in  his  management  could  have  kept  them  from  de-^""'^'* 
livering  themfelves  entirely  up  to  him.     Never  was  more  ap- 
plaufc  given  with  lefs  reafon  than  the  King  of  France  had  upon 

N  n  n  n  this 


322        The  History  of  the  Reign 

i€fl'.'  ^is  campaign.  ^  His  fiiccefs  was  owing  rather  to  De  Wtfs  er- 
^•^^'^r^^  rors,  than  toliis  own  condu(5t.  There  was  fo  little  heart  or  judg- 
ment {hewn  in  the  management  of  that  run  of  fuccefs,  that,  when 
that  year  is  fet  out,  as  it  may  well  be,  it  will  appear  to  be  one 
of  the  leaft  glorious  of  his  life  j  tho',  when  feen  in  a  falfe  light, 
it  appears  one  of  the  moft  glorious  in  hiftory.  The  conqueft 
of  the  Netherlands  at  that  time  might  have  been  fo  eafily  com- 
palTed,  that,  if  his  underftanding  and  his  courage  had  not  been 
equally  ddcdLiwc^  he  could  not  have  mifcarried  in  it.  When  his 
army  pafs'd  the  Rhine j  upon  which  fo  much  eloquence  and  poetry 
have  been  beftowed,  as  if  all  had  been  animated  by  his  prefencc 
and  direction,  he  was  viewing  it  at  a  very  fafe  diftance.  When 
he  came  to  Utrecht ^  he  had  neither  the  Prince  of  Conde,  nor 
Mr.  Turenne  to  advife  with :  And  he  was  wholly  left  to  his  Mini- 
fters.  The  Prince  of  Conde  was  (lightly  wounded,  as  he  palTed 
the  Rhine:  And  Turenne  was  fent  againft  the  Elector  of  Bran- 
denburghj  who  was  coming  down  with  his  army,  partly  to  fave 
his  own  country  of  Cleve^  but  chiefly  to  aflift  his  allies  the  Dutch. 
So  the  King  had  none  about  him  to  advife  with,  but  Pompone 
and  Louvoy,  when  the  Dutch  fent  to  him  to  know  what  he  de- 
manded. Pompone\  advice  was  wife  and  moderate,  and  would 
in  conclufion  have  brought  about  all  that  he  intended.  He  pro- 
pofed,  that  the  King  fhould  reftore  all  that  belonged  to  the  fe- 
ven  Provinces,  and  require  of  them  only  the  places  that  they 
had  without  them  J  chlit^y  Mafirkht^  Boh  Le  Due,  Breda,  and 
Bergen-op-zoom :  Thus  the  King  would  maintain  an  appearance 
of  preferving  the  (even  f*rovinces  entire,  which  the  Crown  of 
France  had  always  proteded.  To  this  certainly  the  Dutch 
would  have  yielded,  without  any  difficulty.  By  this  he  had  the 
Span'tjh  Netherlands  entirely  in  his  power,  feparated  from  Hol- 
land and  the  Empire  ^  and  might  have  taken  them,  whenfbe- 
ver  he  pleafed.  This  would  have  an  appearance  of  moderation, 
and  would  flop  the  motion  that  all  Germany  was  now  in  j  which 
could  have  no  efFedt,  if  the  States  did  not  pay  and  fubfifl  the 
troops.  Louvoy  on  the  other  hand  propofed,  that  the  King 
gm  fo„o^.  fhould  make  u(e  of  the  confternation  the  Dutch  were  then  in, 
ed  by  an  ill  and  put  them  out  of  a  condition  of  oppofmg  him  for  the  future, 
ment.^*^  He  therefore  advifed,  that  the  King  fhould  demand  of  them, 
bcfides  all  that  Pompone  moved,  the  paying  a  vaft  fum  for  the 
charge  of  that  campaign;  the  giving  the  chief  Church  in  eve- 
*  '  ry  town  for  the  exercife  of  the  Popifh  religion ;  and  that  they  fhould 

put  themfelvcs  under  the  protediiOn  oi  France -y  and  fhould  fend 
an  EmbafTador  every  year  with  a  medal  acknowledging  it;  ^nd 
fhould  enter  into  no  treaties,  or  alliance,  but  by  the  directions 

of 


8 


of  King  C  H  A  R L  £  s  II.  3,23 

of  France.  The  Dutch  Embafladors  were  amazed,  when  they  1^72. 
faw  that  the  demands  rofe  to  fo  extravagant  a  pitch.  One  of  ^""V^ 
them  fwooned  away,  when  he  heard  them  read;  He  could  nei- 
ther think  of  yielding  to  them,  nor  fee  how  they  could  refift 
them.  There  was  an  article  put  in  for  form,  that  they  fliould 
give  the  King  of  England  full  fatisfadion.  But  all  tlie  other 
demands  were  made  without  any  concert  with  England,  tho' 
Lockhart  was  then  following  the  Court. 

I  fay  nothing  of  the  fca  fight  in  Solbay,  in  which  De  Ruyter 
had  the  glory  of  furprizing  the  Englt/h  fleet,  when  they  were 
thinking  lefs  of  engaging  the  enemy,  than  of  an  extravagant 
preparation  for  the  ufual  diforders  of  the  twenty  ninth  of  May : 
Which  he  prevented,  engaging  them  on  the  twenty  eighth,  in 
one  of  the  moft  obftinate  fea  fights  that  has  happened  in  our 
age  J  in  which  the  French  took  more  care  of  thqrpfelves  than 
became  gallant  men,  unlels  they  had  orders  to  look  on,  and 
leave  the  Englijh  and  Dutch  to  fight  it  out,  while  they  preferved 
the  force  of  France  entire.  De  Ruyter  difabled  the  fliip  in  which 
the  Duke  was,  whom  fome  blamed  for  leaving  his  fhip  too  fbon* 
Then  his  perfonal  courage  began  firft  to  be  called  in  qucftion. 
The  Admiral  of  the  blue  fquadron  was  burnt  by  a  fire-fliip,  af- 
ter a  long  engagement  with  a  Dutch  fhip  much  inferior  to  him  in 
flrength.  In  it  the  Earl  of  Sandwich  periflicd  witli  a  great  many 
about  him,  who  would  not  leave  him,  9s  he  would  Aot  leave  his 
iliip,  by  a  piece  of  obflinate  courage,  to  which  he  was  provoked 
by  an  indecent  refled:ion  the  Duke  made  ,Qn  an  advice  he  had  of- 
fered, of  drawing  nearer  the  fhore,  and  avoiding  an  engage^nent, 
as  if  in  that  he  took  more  careofhimfelf  than  of  the  King's  honour. 
The  Duke  ol Buckingham  came  aboard  the  fleet;  tho'  it  was  ob- 
ferved,  that  he  made  great  hafl:e  away,  when  he  heard. the  iD/^/c^ 
fleet  was  in  view.  The  Duke  told  me,  that  he  faid  to  him,  fince 
they  might  engage  the  enemy  quickly,  he  jntended  to  make 
fure  of  another  world  :  So  he  defned  to  .know  who  was  the  Duke.'s 
Priefl,  that  he  might  reconcile  himfelf  to  the  Church.  The 
Duke  told  him,  7^i^t?/would  help  him  toa  Prieft.  And  he  brought 
one  to  him.  They  were  for  ibme  time  fliut  up  together.  An.d 
the  Pricft  faid,  he  had  reconciled  him  , according,  to  their  form. 
The  Duke  oi  Buckingham,  wko  had.no  religion  at  heart,  d^d 
this  only  to  recommend  himftlf  to,  the. Duke's  coufidence. 

It  may  be  eafily.imagineij,  t^iat  all  things  were  at  this  time  in-pj^^  ^^^^^ 
great  diforder  at  th.Q:  .Hague.     ;The;i')-^^c/j  poflefTed  themfelves in  great  «- 
-oi Naerden:  And  a  party  had  entred  into  Muyden^  who  had  the"""""" 
:keys  of  the  gates  brought  to  them.    But  they,  (jb.cing  it  was  an 
inconfiderable  place,  not  knowing  the  importance  .pf  it,  by  tljc 


treiniues. 


comm 


and 


3  24         The  History  of  the  Reign 

i6yi.    command  of  the  water  that  could  drown  all  to  Amflerdam,  flung 
^-'''''^^''"^^  the  keys  into  the  ditch,  and  went  back  to  Naerden.    But  when 
the  confequence  of  the  place  was  underftood,  another  party  was 
fent  to  fecure  it.    But  before  their  return  two  battalions  were  fent 
from  the  Prince  of  Orange ^  who  fecured  the  place,-  and  by  that 
means  prefervcd  Amfterdam^  where  all  were  trembling,  and  thought 
of  nothing  but  of  treating  and  fubmifl!ion.     The  States  were  ve- 
ry near  the  extremities  of  defpair.    They  had  not  only  loft  ma- 
ny places,  but  all  their  garrifons  in  them.     Guelder^  Over^ffely 
and  Utrecht,   were  quite  loft:  And  the  Bifhop  of  Mimfler  was 
making  a  formidable  impreflion  on  Groninghenj  and  at  laft  befieg- 
cd  it.     All  thefe  misfortunes  came  fo  thick  one  after  another, 
that  no  fpirit  was  left.    And,  to  compleat  their  ruine,  a  jealoufy 
was  fpread  thro'  all  Holland,   that  they  were  betrayed  by  thofe 
who  were  in  the  government  j    and  that  De  Wtt  intended,  all 
fhould  periih,  rather  than  the  family  of  Orange  fhould  be  fet  up. 
Mombas,  one  of  their  Generals,  who  married  De  Groofs  fifter, 
had  bafely  abandoned  his  poft,  which  was  to  defend  the  Rh'rne 
where  the  French  pafTed  it:  And  when  he  was  put  in  arreft  for 
that,  he  made  his  efcape,  and  went  to  the  French  for  fand:uary. 
Upon  this  the  people  complained  loudly :  And  the  States  were  lb 
^     puzzled,   that  their  hearts  quite  failed  them.     When  they  were 
affembled,  they  looked  on  one  another  like  men  amazed ;  fome- 
times  all  in  tears.     Once  the  Spamjh  EmbafTador  came,    and 
demanded  audience.  And  when  he  was  brought  in,  he  told  them, 
that  out  of  the  affcdlion  that  he  bore  them,  and  the  union  of 
his  Mafter's  intereft  with  theirs,  he  came  to  blame  their  condu(5t : 
They  looked  fad :  They  never  appeared  in  the  Vorhaut  in  their 
coaches :  And  upon  all  occafions  they  looked  like  men  defpairing 
of  their  country :  This  quite  difheartened  their  people :  Therefore  he 
advifed  them  to  put  on  another  countenance,  to  publifh  that  they 
had  good  news,  that  their  allies  were  in  march  •  and  to  feed  their 
people  with  probable  ftories,    and  fo  to  keep  up  their  fpirits. 
They  thought  the  advice  was  leafonable,  and  followed  it. 
Embafla-         They  fent  two  EmbafTadors,  D'ycvelt  and  Halewjn ,  to  join 
Ellund.^^  with  Borel,   who  was  ftill  in  England  to  try  if  it  was  pofTible 
to  divide  England  from  France.     And  the  morning  in  which 
they  were  difpatch'd  away,    they  had  fecret  powers  given  them 
to  treat  concerning  the  Prince  of  Orange's  being  their  Stadthol- 
^-  der;  For  Lord  Arlington  had  lo  oft  reproached  Borel  for  their 

not  doing  it,  that  he  in  all  his  letters  continued  ftill  to  prefs  that 
on  them.  When  they  came  over,  they  were  for  form's  fake  put 
under  a  guard.  Yet  Borel  was  fiilfered  to  come  to  them  ,•  and 
was  transported  with  joy,  when  they  told  him  what  powers  they 

had 


i 


of  King  Charles  II  325 

had  in  that  affair  of  the  Prince.     And  immediately  he  Went  to  167%. 
Lord  Arl'm^on:    But  came  foon  back,  like  one  amazed,  when  ^'"^^^'^ 
he  found  that  no  regard  was  had  to  that,  which  he  had  hoped 
would  have  entirely  gained  the  Court.     But  he  was  a  plain  man, 
and  had  no  great  depth.     The  others  were  fent  to  Hampton 
Court  J  and  were  told,  that  the  King  would  not  treat  (eparately, 
but  would  fend  over  Embaffadors  to  treat  at  Utrecht.    They  met 
fecretly  with  many  in  Englandy    and  informed  themfelves  by 
them  of  the  ftate  of  the  Nation.    They  gave  money  hberally, 
and  gained  fome  in  the  chief  offices  to  give  them  intelligence. 
The  Court  underftanding  that  they  were  not  idle,  and  that  the 
Nation  was  much  inflamed,   fince  all  the  offers  that  they  made 
were  reje<5ted,    commanded  them  to  go  back.     The  Duke  of 
Buckingham  and  Lord  Arlington  were  ordered  to  go  to  Utrecht. 
And,   to  give  the  Nation  fome  fatisfadion,    Lord  Halltjax  was 
fent  over  afterwards.     But  he  was  not  put  on  the  fecret.     The 
Dutchy  hearing  that  their  Embaffadors  were  coming  over  with- 
out making  peace  with  Englandy  ran  together  in  great  numbers 
to  Mae/land  fluce,  and  refoived  to  cut  them  in  pieces  at  their 
landing  j   for  they  heard  they  were  at  the  Brill.     But,   as  they 
were  croflfmg  the  MaeSy  a  little  boat  met  them,   and  told  them 
of  their  danger,    and  advifed  them  to  land  at  another  place, 
where  coaches  were  flaying  to  carry  them  to  the  Hague.    So  they 
miffed  the  florm,  that  broke  out  fatally  at  the  Hague  the  next 
day,  where  mens  minds  were  in  great  agitation. 

De  Wit  was  once  at  night  going  home  from  the  States,  when  The  tragtcii 
four  perfons  fet  on  him  to  murder  him.  He  fhewed  on  that  oc-^J^^°f  ^ 
cafion  both  an  intrepid  courage,  and  a  great  prcfence  of  mind. 
He  was  wounded  in  feveral  places.  Yet  he  got  out  of  their  hands. 
One  of  them  was  taken,  and  condemned  for  it.  All  De  fVifs 
friends  prefTed  him  to  fave  his  life.  But  he  thought,  that 
fiich  an  attempt  on  a  man  in  his  pofl  was  a  crime  not  to  be  par* 
doned ;  tho',  as  to  his  own  part  in  the  matter,  he  very  freely  for- 
gave it.  The  young  man  confefTed  his  crime,  and  repented  of 
it:  And  protefled  he  was  led  to  it  by  no  other  confideration, 
but  that  of  zeal  for  his  country  and  religion,  which  he  thought 
were  betrayed.  And  he  died  as  in  a  rapture  of  devotion,  which 
made  great  impreflion  on  the  fpedtators.  At  the  fame  time  a  Bar- 
ber accufed  De  Wif%  elder  brother  of  a  pra<5tice  on  him,  in  or- 
der to  his  murdering  the  Prince.  There  were  fo  many  impro- 
babilities in  his  ftory,  which  was  fupported  by  no  circumftances, 
that  it  feemed  no  way  credible.  Yet  Cornelius  de  Wit  was  put  to 
the  torture  on  it,  but  flood  firm  to  his  innocence.  The  fentence 
was  accommodated  rather  to  the  flate  of  affairs,   than  to  the 

O  o  o  o  ftri(^ 


3 16         Th6  TI I  s  T  o  R  y' of  the  Reign 

1671.  ftrid  rules  of  juftice.  In  the  mean  time,  while  his  brother  had 
-^"V^^rciigaed  his  charge  of  Penfionary,  and  was  made  one  of  the 
Judges  of  the  High  Court,  Cornelius  De  Wtt  was  banillied  j  which 
was  intended  rather  as  a  fending  him  out  of  the  way,  than  as 
a  fentence  againft  him.  I  love  not  to  defcribe  fcenes  of  horror, 
as  was  that  black  and  infamous  one  committed  on  the  two  bro- 
thers. I  can  add  little  to  what  has  been  (b  often  printed.  De 
WW^  going  in  his  own  coach  to  carry  his  brother  out  of  town  was 
a-  great  error :  And  looked  like  a  triumph  over  a  fentence,  whiclb 
was  unbecoming  the  charader  of  a  Judge.  Some  furious  agita-; 
tors,  who  pretended  zeal  for  the  Prince,  gathered  the  rabble 
together.  And  by  that  vile  a6tion  that  followed  they  did  hini 
more  hurt,  than  they  were  ever  able  to  repair.  His  enemies  have 
taken  advantages  from  thence  to  caft  the  infamy  of  this  on  him*, 
and  on  his  party,  to  make  them  all  odious-  tho'  the  Prince 
fpoke  of  it  always  to  me  with  the  greateft  horror  poflible.  The 
Minifters  in  Holland  did  upon  this  occafion  {hew  a  very  particu- 
lar violence.  In  their  lermons,  and  in  fbme  printed  treaties,  they 
charged  the  Judges  with  corruption,  who  had  carried  the  fen- 
tence no  farther  than  to  banilhment :  And'  compared  the  fate 
of  the  De  Whs  to  Haman's. 
ThePrince  ^  nee<l  Dot  relate  the  great  change  of  the  Magiftracy  in  all  the 
°^?'^?^d  P^^^^i^^ceSj  the  repealing  the  Perpetual  Edid: ;  and  the  advancing" 
holder.  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  be  Stadtholder,  after  they  had  voidedi 
the  obligation  of  the  oath  he  had  taken,  about  which  he  took' 
fbme  time  to  deliberate.  Both  Lawyers  and  Divines  agreed, 
that  thofe  to  whom  he  had  made  that  oath  releafing  the  obli* 
gation  of  it,  he  was  no  long.er  bound  by  it.  The  States  gave 
him,  for  that  time,  the  full  power  of  peace  and  war.  All  this-was 
carried  farther  by  the  town  oi'  Amjierdam ;  for  they  fent  a  deputa- 
tion to  him,  offsring  him  the  Ibvereignty  of  their  town.  Wheat 
he  was;  pleafcd  to  tell  me  this  pafifage,  he  faid,  he  knew  the' 
reafon  for  which  they  niaid^it  was,  beeaufe  they  thought  all  was 
loft:  And  they  chofe  to^^l^a^^etthe  infamy  of  their  lols  fall  01^ 
him,-  rather  than  on  thenifekes.  He  added,  that  he  was  fure- 
the  country  could  not  beai;  Pj  fovereign  j  and  thati  they  would  con*- 
tribute  more  to  the  war,  wJi^rbit  w^s  in  order  to  the  preferving." 
their  own  liberty,  than  for-  apiy  Prince^  whatlbever.  So  he  told; 
them,  that,  without  taking  jany  time  to^  confult  on  theanfwer  tal 
be  made  to  fo  great  an  offer,  he  did  immediately  refufe  it.  He^ 
was  fully  fatisfied  with  the  power  already  lodged  with  him,  arid' 
would  never  endeavour  to  carry  it  any  farther. 

The  Prince's  advancement  gave  a  new  life  to  the -whole  coua- 
try.     He,  tho'  then  very  young,  and  little  acquainted  with  the 

3  affairs 


of  King  Q  H  ARLE  s.^^ll/^  ji^ 

afiTairs  of  State  or  War,  did  apply  himfelf  fo  to  both,  thair/^'fe-  t^'fi} 
withftanding  the  defperate  ftate  in  which  he  found  matters,  he^^^"^ 
neither  loll  heart,  nor  committed  errors.     The  Duke  of  Buck'tHg- 
ham  and  \\\e.\^ox^Arl'tn^on  tried  to  bring  the  King  oi  France  to 
offer  them  better  terms-  but  in  vain.     That  Prince  was  f()  lift- The  Enf^ujh 
ed  up,    that  he  feemed  to  confider  the  King  very  little.    While  diI'S''wr 


he  was  fo  high  on  the  one  hand,    iind  the  Prince  of  Ordn^e  f^- wholly  in 
fteddy  on  the  other,  the  Engl'ijh  EmbafTadors  fbon  faw,  that  all  ofVrLw". 
the  offices  they  could  do  were  ineffedtual.     One  day  the  Pffnce 
(who  told  me  this  himfelf)   was  arguing  with  them  upon  the 
Kmg's  conduit,  as  the  mod  unaccountable  thing  poflible,  wlio 
was  contributing  fb  much  to  the  exaltation  of  France,  which  mufl: 
prove  in  concluiion  fatal  to  himfelf;  and  was  urging  this  in  fb- 
veral  particulars.   The  Duke  oi Buckingham  broke  out  in  an  oath,       ^'"''^^•'^ 
which  was  his  ufual  ftyle,  and  faid,  he  was  in  the  right-  and  fo 
offered  to  fign  a  peace  immediately  with  the  Prince.     Lordy^r- 
Imgton  feemed  amazed  at  his  rafhneis.    Yet  heperfifted  in  it,  rrrid, 
faid  pofitively  he  would  do  it.     The  Prince  upon  that,    not 
knowing  what  feeret  powers  he  might  have,    ordered  the  arti- 
cles to  be  engroffed.    And  he  believed,  if  he  could  poflibly  have' 
gof  them  ready  while  he  was  with  hiin,    that  he  would  have 
figried  therri.     They  were  ready  by  next  morning:  But  by  that 
time  he  had  changed  his  mind.     That  Duke  at  parting  prefTcd 
him  much  to  put  himfelf  wholly  in  the  King's  hands,-    and  af^ 
fured  him  he  would  take  care  of  his  affairs,  as  of  his  o^Vn.    The 
Priti'ce  cut  him  fhbrt:  He  faid,  his  country  had  trufted  hint,  and 
he  would  never  deceive,    nor  betray  them  for  any  bafe  ends  of 
his  own.     The  Duke  anfwered,    he  waS  not  to  think  any  mbre 
dfhiS' (Country,   for  it  waslofl:  If  if  fhbuld  weadier  outthefuhi- 
rtcir,  byreafoh  of  the  waters  that  Iliad  drowned  a' great  part  of 
it,  the  winter's  froft  would  lay  them  open :  And  he  repeated  the 
words  often,  do  not  you. fee  it  is  loft?    The  Prince's  anfwer  de- 
ferves  to  be  remembred :  He  faid,  he  faw  it  was  indeed  in  great 
danger:  But  there  was  a  ftir?  way  neVtr  to  fee  it  loft,  and  that        "^^^^nA 
waS'  td  die  in  the  laft  ditch. 

The  perfbn  that  the  Prince  relied  on  chiefly,  as  to  the  affairs  The  charac- 
cf  Holland,  was  Fdgel:  A  man  very  learned  in  the  law,  who  had*"  °^  ^''^'^' 
a  quick  apprehenfion ,    and  a  cleai*  a)nd  ready  judgment.     He 
had  a  copious  eloquence,  more  popillki^' than  td^redr:  And  was 
fit  to  carry  matters  with  a  torrent  in-'anumerdii^  alTembly.     Z)? 
Wit  had  made  great  ufe  of  him,-    for  he  joined  with  him  very 
zealouQy  in  the  carrying  the  Perpetual  EdiA,  which  he  negoti- 
ated with  the  St2iX.ts,  o£ Frizeland,    who  oppofpd  it  moft:   And, 
he  was  made  GrefJier,  or  Secretary  to' the  States  General,  which' 

is 


328         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1671.   is  the  moft  beneficial  place  in  Holland.     He  was  a  pious,    and 
''^^'"^'^"'^ vertuous  man:    Only  he  was  too  eager,    and  violent.     He  was 
too  apt  to  flatter  himfelf.     He  had  much  heart,    when  matters 
went  well;  but  had  not  the  courage  that  became  a  great  Minifter 
on  uneafy  and  difficult  occafions. 
Prince  iVai-     Prince  Waldeck  was  their  Chief  General :   A  man  of  a  great 
'^'^'  compafs,  and  a  true  judgment ,-  equally  able  in  the  cabinet,  and 

in  the  camp.  But  he  was  always  unluccefsful,  becaufe  he  was 
never  furnifhed  according  to  the  fchemes  that  he  had  laid  down. 
The  opinion  that  Armies  had  of  him,  as  an  unfortunate  Gene- 
ral, made  him  really  fb :  For  (bldiers  cannot  have  much  heart, 
when  they  have  not  an  entire  confidence  in  him  that  has  the- 
chief  command. 
DUh>tU.  Dickvelt  on  his  return  from  England,  feeing  the  ruine  of  the 
De  Wtts,  with  whom  he  was  formerly  united,  and  the  progrefs 
the  French  had  made  in  Utrecht^  where  his  eftate  and  intereft 
lay,  defpaired  too  foon  ^  and  went  and  lived  under  them.  Yet 
he  did  great  fervice  to  his  Province.  Upon  every  violation 
of  articles,  he  went  and  demanded  juftice,  and  made  prote- 
ftations  with  a  boldnefs,  to  which  the  French  were  fb  little  ac- 
cuftomed,  that  they  were  amazed  at  it.  Upon  the  French  leav- 
ing Utrecht,  and  on  the  re-eftablifhing  that  Province  he  was  left 
out  of  the  Government.  Yet  his  great  abilities,  and  the  infina- 
ating  fmoothnefs  of  his  temper,  procured  him  fo  many  friends, 
that  the  Prince  was  prevailed  on  to  receive  him  into  his  con- 
fidence :  And  he  had  a  great  (hare  of  it  to  the  laft,  as  he  well 
deferved  it.  He  had  a  very  perfed  knowledge  of  all  the  aifairs 
of  Europe,  and  great  practice  in  many  Embaflies.  He  (poke  too 
/  ^oi^gj    ^"'^  with  too  much  vehemence.    He  was  in  his  private 

deportment  a  vertuous  and  religious  man,  and  a  zealous  Prote- 
ftant.  In  the  adminiftration  of  his  Province,  which  was  chief- 
ly trufl:ed  to  him,  there  were  great  complaints  of  partiality,  and 
of  a  defedive  juftice. 
And  Hale-  Hakzvyn,  a  man  of  great  intereft  in  the  town  of  Dort,  and 
*"■>■*•  one  of  the  Judges  in  the  Court  of  Holland,  was  the  perfon  of  them 

all  whom  I  knew  beft,  and  valued  moft:  And  was  the  next  to 
Fagel  in  the  Prince's  confidence.  He  had  a  great  compals  of 
learning,  befides  his  own  profeflion,  in  which  he  was  very  emi- 
nent. He  had  ftudied  divinity  with  great  exadtnefsj  and  was 
well  read  in  all  hiftory,  but  moft  particularly  in  the  Greek  and 
Roman  authors.  He  was  a  man  of  great  vivacity :  He  apprehend- 
ed things  foon,  and  judged  very  correc^tly.  He  fpoke  (hort, 
but  with  life.  He  had  a  courage  and  vigour  in  his  counfels,  that 
became  one  who  had  formed  himfelf  upon  the  beft  models  in 

the 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  11.  320 

the  ancient  authors.     He  was  a  man  of  feverc  morals.     And  as  1^72. 
he  had  great  credit  in   the  Court  where    he  fate,  fb  he  took-^'V^^ 
care  that  the  partialities  of  friendfhip  (hould  not  mix  in  the  ad- 
miniftration  of  juftice.     He  had  in  him  all  the  beft  notions  of 
a  great  patriot,  and  a  true  Chriftian  philofopher.  He  was  brought 
in  very  early  to  the  fecret  of  affairs,  and  went  into  the  bufinefs 
of  the  Perpetual  Edid;  very  zealoufly.     Yet  he  quickly  faw  the 
error  of  bringing  matters  of  State  immediately  into  numerous 
affemblies.     He  confidercd  the  States  maintaining  in  themfelvcs 
the  fovereign  power,  as  the  bafis  upon  which  the  liberty  of  their 
country  was  built.    But  he  thought,  the  adminiftration  of  the  go- 
vernment muft  be  lodged  in  a  Council.  He  thought  it  a  great  mif-    • 
fortune,  that  the  Prince  was  fo  young  at  his  firft  exaltation^  and  fb 
pofTefled  with  military  matters,  to  which  the  extremity  of  their  af- 
fairs required  that  he  fhould  be  entirely  applied,    that  he  did 
not  then  correct  that  error,  which  could  only  be  done  upon  Co 
extraordinary  a  conjund:ure.    He  faw  the  great  error  of  De  f-V'tfs 
miniftry ,    of  keeping  the  (ecret  of  affairs  fo  much  in  his  own 
hands.     Such  a  precedent  was  very  dangerous  to  publick  liber- 
ty, when  it  was  in  the  power  of  one  man  to  give  up  his  coun- 
try.    Their  people  could  not  bear  the  lodging  fo  great  a  truft 
with  one,  who  had  no  diftindtion  of  birth  or  rank.    Yet  he  faw 
it  was  neceffary  to  have  fuch  an  authority,    as  De  JVifs  merits 
and  fuccefs  had  procured  him,   lodged  fbme  where.     The  fac- 
tions and  animofities,  that  were  in  almoft  all  their  towns,  made 
it  as  necefTary  for  their  good  government  at  home,    as  it  was 
for  the  command  of  their  armies  abroad,    to  have  this  power 
trufted  to  a  perfon  of  that  eminence  of  birth  and  rank,  that  he 
might  be  above  the  envy  that  is  always  among  equals,    when 
any  one  of  them  is  raifed  to  a  difproportioned  degree  of  greatnefs 
above  the  reft.    He  obferved  fome  errors  that  were  in  the  Prin- 
ce's condud.    But  after  all,  he  faid,  it  was  vifible  that  he  was' al- 
ways in  the  true  intereft  of  his  country :  So  that  the  keeping  up 
a  faction  againft  him   was  like  to   prove  fatal  to  all  Europe, 
as  well  as  to  themfelves. 

The  greateft  misfortune  in  the  Prince's  affairs  was,  that  the  The  Prince 
wifeft,  and  the  moft  confiderable  men  in  their  towns,  that  had  ""^"^.'^^^'^e 
been  acquainted  with  the  condud  of  affairs  formerly,  were  now  errors  he uii 
under  a  cloud,  and  were  either  turned  out  of  the  Magiftracy,  or 
thought  it  convenient  to  retire  from  bufinefs.     And  many  hot, 
but  poor  men,  who  had  fignalized  their  zeal  in  the  turn  new- 
ly made,    came  to  be  called  the  Prince's  friends,  and  to  be  put 
every  where  in  the  Magiftracy.     They  quickly  loft  all  credit, 
having  little  difcretion,   and  no  authority.     They  were  very 

P  p  p  p  partial 


The  History  of  the  Reign 

parti?il  in  the  government,  and  oppreffive,  chiefly  of  thofe  of 
the  other  fide.  The  Prince  faw  this  fooner  than  he  could  find 
a  remedy  for  it.  But  by  degrees  the  men  of  the  other  fide  came 
into  his  intereft;  and  promifed  to  ferve  him  faithfiiUy,  in  order" 
to  the  driving  out  the  French ,  and  the  faving  their  country. 
The  chief  of  thofe  were  Halewyn  of  Dort,  Pats  of  Rotterdam^ 
and  Van  Beuntng  of  Amfterdam. 
VanBiun.  The  lafl:  of  thefe  was  fo  well  known,  both  in  France  and  En- 
,Vs  c*"»"c-^^^^^^  ^^^  j^^j  ^^  great  credit  in  his  own  town,  that  he  deferves 

to  b,e  more  particularly  fet  out.     He  was  a  man  of  great  noti- 
ons.    He  had  a  wonderful  vivacity,   but  too  much  levity  in  his 
thoughts.     His  temper  was  inconftant^  firm,  and  pofitive  for  a 
while,-   but  apt  to  change,   from  a  giddinefs  of  mind,   rather 
than  from  any  falfehood  in  his  nature.     He  broke  twice  with 
the  Prince,  after  he  came  into  a  confidence  with  him.    He  em- 
ployed me  to  reconcile  him  to  him  for  the  third  time:  But  the 
]^rince  fai,d,   he  could  not  truft  him  any  more.     He  had  great 
knowledge  in  all  fciences,    and  had  fuch  a  copioufnefs  of  in- 
vention, with  fuch  a  pleafantnefs,  as  well  as  a  variety,  of  con- 
verfation,   that  }  have  often  compared   him   to  the  Duke  of 
Buckingham:   Only  he  x^as  vertuous,    and  devout j    much   in 
the  enthufiaftical  way.     In  the  end  of  his  days  he  kt  himfelf 
wholly  to  mind  the  Eaji  India  trade.    But  that  was  an  employ- 
ment not  fo  well  fuited  to  his  natural  genius.     And  it  ended  fa- 
tally: For,  the  adions  finking  on  the  fudden  on  the  breaking 
out  of  a  new  war,  that  fimk  him  into  a  melanchoUy,  which  quite 
trroM  com- diftraded  him.     The  town  of  Amflerdam  was  for  many  years 
IheTovrn  of  coududed  by  him  as  by  a  dictator.    And  that  had  expofed  them 
Amfierdam.  iq  35  many  crrors,    as  the  irregularity  of  his  notions  fuggefted. 
The  breaking  the  W^ft  India  company,  and  the  lofs  oi  Munfler 
in  the  year  i6j8,  was  owing  to  that.     It  was  then  demonftrat- 
ed ,   that  the  lof$  of  that  town  laid  the  States  open   on   that 
fide,-  and  that  Munfter,  being  in  their  hands,   would  not  only 
cover  them,  but  be  a  fit  place  for  making  levies  in  IVefiphalia, 
Yet  Amjierdam  would  not  confent  to  that  new  charge  j  and  fan- 
cied, there  was  no  danger  on  that  fide.    But  they  found  after- 
wards, to  their  coft,   that  their  urireafonable  managery  in  that 
particular  drew  upon  them  an  expence  of  many  millions,   by 
reafon  of  the  unquiet  temper  of  that  martial  Bifhop,  who  had 
almoft  ruined  them  this  yea,r  on  the  fide  of  Frifeland.    But  his 
inifcarriage  in  the  fiege  of  Groninghen,    and  the  taking  Coevor- 
4en  by  furpri^e  in  the  end  of  the  year,  as  it  was  among  the  firft 
t^iin.gs  that  raifed  the  fpirits  of  the  Dutchy  fo  both  the  Bifhop's 

ftrength 


of  King  Charles  ILv.,  k         531 

flrength  and  reputation  funk  fo  entirely  upon  it,  that  he  never  1671, 
gave  them  any  great  trouble  after  that. 

Another  error,  into  which  the  managery  of  Amflerciam  drew 
the  States,  was  occafioned  by  the  offer  xh^itD'Kftrades,  the  French 
EmbafTador,  made  them  in  the  year  i<^^3,  of  a  divifion  of  the 
Spanijh  Netherlands^  by  which  Oflend  and  a  line  from  thence 
to  Maftricht  ^  within  which  Bruges  y  Ghent  ^  and  Antwerp  ^ 
were  to  be  comprehended,  was  off'ered  to  them ;  the  French  dc- 
firing  only  St.  Ornery  Valenciennes,  Camhra'y,  and  Luxemburgh: 
And  the  dominions  that  lay  between  thofe  lines  were  to  be  a 
free  Common-wealth  J  as //-a/d'zf)'^  allured  me,  who  faid,  he  was 
in  the  lecret  at  that  time.  This  was  much  debated  all  Hollmid. 
over.  It  was  vifible,  that  this  new  Common-wealth,  taken  out 
of  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards^  mull  naturally  have  fallen,  into  a 
dependance  on  the  States;  and  have  become  more  confiderable, 
when  put  under  a  better  condu6t.  Yet  this  would  have  put  the 
States  at  that  time  to  fome  confiderable  charge.  And,  to,  avoid  that, 
the  propofition  was  rejed:ed,  chiefly  by  the  oppoficion  tliat  Am- 
fierdam  made  to  it,-  where  the  prevaiUng  maxim  was,  to  reduce- 
their  expence,  to  abate  taxes,  and  to  pay  their  publick  debts. 
By  (uch  an  unreafonable  parfimony  matters  were  now  brought 
to  that  ftate,  that  they  were  engaged;  inio  a  war  of  fb  vaft 
an  expence,  that  the  yearly  produce  of  their  whole  eftates,  did 
not  anfwer  all  the  taxes  that  they  were. -forced.to.  lay  on  thei-p 
people.  .c-:i  rrt  -t-v-    r. 

After  the  Prince  faw,   that  the  French  demands  were  at  this  The  Prince 
time  fo  high,  and  that  it  was  not  poflible  to  draw  England  into  as"i^J',"*''* 
ieparate  treaty,  he  got  the  States  to  call  an  extraordinary  affembly,  continue  the 
the  moft  numerous  that  has  been  in  this  age.     To  them  the 
Prince  fpoke  near  three  hours,    to  the  amazement  of  all  that   'ii«^TisrfT 
heard  him,   which  was  owned  to  me  by  one  of  the  deputies  of 
Amjlerdam.     He  had  got  great  materials  put  in  his  hands,   of  »" 

which  he  made  very  good  ufe.  He  firft  went  thro'  the  French 
propohtions,  and  (hewed  the  confequence  and  the  effects  that 
would  follow  on  them;  that  the  accepting  them  would  be  cer- 
tain ruine,  and  the  very  treating  about  them  would  diitrad:  and 
difpirit  their  people:  He  therefore  concluded,  that  the  entertain- 
ing a  thought  of  thefe  was  the  giving  up  their  country:  if  any 
could  hearken  to  fuch  a  motion,  the  lovers  of  religion  and  li- 
berty muft  go  to  the  Indies,  or  to  any  other  country  where  they 
might  be  free  and  fafe.  After  he  had  gone  thro'  this,  near  an 
hour,  he  in  the  next  place  ihewed  the  poiTibiliry  of  making  a 
ftand,  notwithftanding  the  defperate  ftate  to  which  their  affairs- 
feemed  reduced :    He  Ihewed  the  force  of  all  their  allies ;   that 

England 


3  3  2  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1671.  Englayid  co\i\A  not  hoi  J  out  long  without  a  Parliament;  and  they 
were  well  afTured,  that  a  Parliament  would  draw  the  Kina  to 
other  meafures:  He  lliewed  the  impoffibility  of  the  French  hold- 
ing our  long,  and  that  the  Germans  coming  down  to  the  lower 
Rhhre  m.n{!t  make  them  go  out  of  their  country,  as  fall  as  they 
came  mto  it.  In  all  this  he  {hewed,  that  he  had  a  great  in- 
fjghtinto  the.:fre^h  affairs.  He  came  bft  to  (hew,  how  it  was 
pofifible  to  raife  the  taxes  that  muft  he  laid  on  the  country  to  an-' 
fwer  fueh  a  vaft  and  unavoidable  expence;  and  (et  before  them 
a  great-variety  of  projects  for  raifing  money.  He  concluded, 
that,  iif  they  laid  down  this  for  a  foundation,  that  religion  and 
liberty  could  not  -be  purchafed  at  too  dear  a  rate,  and  that  there- 
fore every  mah:among  themj  and  every  Minifter  in  the  country, 
ought  to  infufo'inlto  all  the  people,  that  they  muft  fubmit  to  the 
prefent  extremity,  and  to  very  extraordinary  taxes  ^  by  this  means, 
as  their  people  would  again;  take  hearty  fo  their  enemies  would 
loofe  theirs,  who  built  their  chief  hopes  on  that  univerfal  dcjec- 
tioa  among  them,  that  was  but  ;too  vifible  to  all  the  world.- 
Every  one  that  .was  prefent  feerned  amazed  to  hear  fo  young  a 
roan  fpeak  to  ib  many  things,,  with  fomuch  knowledge,  and  fo 
true  a  judgment.  It  raifed  his  character  wonderfully,  and  con- 
tributed not  a  little  to  put  new  life  in  a  country,  almoft  dead 
with  fear,  and  idifpirited' with'  fo-  many  loffes.  They  all  re- 
fplvcd  to  maintain  their  fiberty  to, the  iaftj  and,  if  things 
fhould  run  to  extremities,  to  carry  what  wealth  they,  could 
\vith  them  to  the  Eaji  incites..  The  ftate  of  the  fliipping  capa- 
ble of  fo  long  a  .voyage  was  examined:  And  it  was  reckoned, 
that  they  could  tranfport  above  two  hundred  thoufand  people 
thith'er. 
TY^t  French  \  Yct  all  thcit  couragc  would  probably  have  ferved  them  in  lit- 
back^°Pa-^^^  ftead,  if  the  King  oi  France  could  have  been  prevailed  on 
ris  to  ftay  longer  zt  Utrecht.    But  he  made  hafte  to  go  back  to  Pa- 

r^hi\:  Some  faid,  it  was  the  effed  of  his  amours,  and  that  it  was 
haftened  by  fome  quarrels  among  his  Miftriifes.  Others  thought, 
he  was  haftening  to  receive  the  flatteries  that  were  preparing  for 
him  there.  And  indeed  in  the  outward  appearances  of  things 
there  was  great  occafion  for  them  j  fince  he  had  a  run  of  fuc- 
cefs  beyond  all  expe6tation,  tho'  he  him/elf  had  no  fhare  in  it, 
unlels  it  was  to  fpoil  it.  He  left  a  garrifon  in  every  place  he 
took,  againft  Turenne's  advice,  who  was  for  difmantling  them 
all,  and  keeping  his  army  ftill  about  him.  But  his  Minifters  faw 
fo  far  into  his  temper,  that  they  refolved  to  play  a  fure  game, 
•y  and,  to  put  nothing  to  hazard.     Upon  the  Eledor  of  Branden- 

^  burgh\  coming  down,   Monfteur  Turenne  was  fcnt  againft  him: 

t-     .     '  \  By 


,-..-.n 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  £  s    II. 

By  which  means  the  army  about  the  King  was  fo  diminifVied, 
that  he  could  undertake  no  great  defign,  befides  the  fiege  of  A^/- 
megtien^  that  held  out  fome  weeks,  with  fo  fmall  a  force.  And  tho' 
the  Prince  of  Orange  had  not  above  eight  thoufand  men  about 
him,  employed  in  keeping  a  pafs  wzzxlVoerden^  yet  no  attempt 
was  made  to  force  him  from  it.  Another  probable  reafon  of  his 
returning  back  fo  ibon  was,  a  fuggeftion  of  the  defperate  tem- 
per of  the  Dutchy  and  that  they  were  capable  of  undertaking 
any  defign,  how  black  foever,  rather  than  peridi.  Some  told 
him  of  vaults  under  the  ftreets  of  Utrechty  where  gun-powder 
might  be  laid  to  blow  him  up,  as  he  went  over  them:  And  all 
thefe  were  obferved  to  be  avoided  by  him.  He  would  never  lodge 
within  the  town,  and  came  but  feldom  to  it.  He  upon  one  or 
other  of  thefe  motives  went  back.  Upon  which  the  Prince  of 
Conde  faid,  he  faw  he  had  not  the  foul  of  a  conqueror  in  him ; 
and  that  his  Minifters  were  the  beft  Commts,  but  the  pooreft 
Minifters  in  the  world,  who  had  not  fouls  made  for  great  things, 
or  capable  of  them. 

If  the  King  had  a  mind  to  be  flattered  by  his  people,  ht 
found  at  his  return  enough  even  to  furfcit  him.  Speeches,  verfes, 
infcriptions,  triumphal  arches,  and  medals  were  prepared  with 
a  profufion,  and  excefs  of  flattery,  beyond  what  had  been 
offered  to  the  worft  of  the  Roman  Emperors,  baiting  the  ce* 
remony  of  adoration.  But  blafphemous  impieties  were  not 
wanting  to  raife,  and  feed  his  vanity.  A  folemn  debate  was 
held  all  about  Parts,  what  title  fhould  be  given  him.  Le  Grand 
was  thought  too  common.  Some  were  for  Invincible,  Others 
were  for  Le  Conquerant.  Some,  in  imitation  of  Charlemagne^ 
for  Lewis  Le  magne.  Others  were  for  Maximus.  But  Tres 
Grand  founded  not  fo  well :  No  more  did  Maxime.  So  they 
fettled  on  Le  Grand.  And  all  the  bodies  of  Parts  feemed  to 
vie  in  flattery.  It  appeared,  that  the  King  took  pleafiire  in  it: 
So  there  has  followed  upon  it  the  greateft  run  of  the  moft 
fulfom  flattery  that  is  in  hifl:ory.  Had  the  King  oi  France  left 
fiich  a  man  as  Ttirenne  at  Utrecht,  it  might  have  had  ill  effed-s 
on  the  refolutions  taken  by  the  Dutch.  But  he  left  Luxem- 
burgh  there,  who  had  no  regard  to  articles  j  but  made  all  peo- 
ple fee  what  was  to  be  expedled,  when  they  fliould  come  under 
fuch  a  yoke,  that  was  then  fo  intolerable  a  burden,  even  while 
it  ought  to  have  been  recommended  to  thofe  who  were  yet 
free  by  a  gentle  adminiftration.  This  contributed  not  a  little 
to  fix  the  Dutch  in  thofe  obfliinate  refolutions  they  had  tak- 
en up. 

Q  q  q  q  There 


3  34         ^^^  History  of  the  Reign 

1672.        There   was   one   very   extraordinary   thing    that     happened 
'-^"v^^^  near  the  Hague  this  fammer:    I  had   it   from  many   eye  wit- 
fav^dby'    nefTes:  And  no  doubt  was  made  of  the  truth  of  it  by  any  at 
woinwy"   ^^^  Hague.      Soon   after  the  Engl'tjh  fleet  had  refitted  them- 
Providence,  felves ,    (for  they  had  generally  been   much  damaged   by  the 
engagement  in   Solbajj)    they   appeared   in   fight  of  Schevel- 
mgy  making  up  to  the  fhore.     The  tide  turned :  But  they  reck- 
oned that  with  the  next  flood  they  would  certainly  land  the 
forces  that  were  aboard,    where  they  were  like  to  meet  with 
no  refifl:ance.     So  they  fent  to  the   Prince  for  fome  regiments 
to  hinder  the  defcent.     He  could  not  fpare  many  men,    hav- 
ing the  French  very  near  him.     So  between  the  two  the  country 
was  given  for  loft:,    unlefs  De  Ruyter  flnould  quickly  come  up. 
The  flood   returned,    which  they  thought  was  to  end  in  their 
ruine.     But  to  all  their  amazement,    after  it  had  flowed  two  or 
three  hours,    an  ebb  of  many  hours  lucceeded,    which  carried 
the  fleet  again  to  the  fea.     And,    before  that  was  fpent,    De 
Rwyter  came  in  view.     This  they  reckoned  a  miracle  wrought 
for  their  prefervation.     Soon   after  that  they  efcaped   another 
defign,   that  otherwife  would  very  probably  have  been  fatal  to 
them. 
ojfory  in-         The  Earl  of  OJfoyy^  eldeft:  fon  to  the  Duke  of  Ormondy  a  man 
fmprik  Hei.  of  great  honour,  generofity,  and  courage,  had  been  oft  in  Hol-^ 
voetjiuyt.     land:  And,  coming  by  Helvoetjlwys,  he  obferved,  it  was  a  place 
of  great  confequence,   but  very  ill  looked  to.     The  Dutch  truft:- 
ing  to  the  danger  of  entring  into  it,  more  than  to  any  ftrength 
that  defended  it,  he  thought  it  might  be  eafy  to  feize,  and  for- 
tify that  place.     The  King  approved  this.     So  fome  fliips  were 
fheathed,    and  victualled ,    as  for  a  voyage  to  a  great  diftance. 
He  was  to  have  five  men  of  war,  and  tranfport  fhips  for  twelve 
or  fifteen  hundred  men.    And  a  fecond  Iquadron,  with  a  farther 
fupply,  if  he  fucceeded  in  the  attempt,  was  to  follow.    He  had 
got  two  or  three  of  their  pilots  brought  out  on  a  pretended  er- 
rand :  And  thcfe  he  kept  very  fafe  to  carry  him  in.     This  was 
communicated  to  none,  but  to  the  Duke,  and  to  Lord /^r/w^/*?;/; 
And  all  was  ready  for  the  execution.  Lord  Q^ry  went  to  this  fleet, 
and  faw  every  thing  ready  as  was  ordered,  and  came  up  to  re- 
ceive the  King's  failing  orders.    But  the  King,  who  had  order- 
ed him  to  come  next  morning  for  his  difpatch,    difcovered  the 
defign  to  the  Duke  of  Buck'mghamj  who  hated  both  the  Duke 
of  Ormondy    and  Lord  Offory^    and  would  have  feen  the  King 
and  all  his  affairs  perifli,    rather  than  that  a  perfon  whom  he 
hated  fhould  have  the  honour  of  fiich  a  piece  of  merit.     He  up- 
on that  did  turn  all  his  wit  to  make  the  thing  appear  ridiculous, 

and 


of  King  Charles  II.  335 

and  imprad:icable.  He  reprefcnted  it  as  unfafe  on  many  accounts ;  1671. 
and  as  a  defperate  ftroke,  that  put  things,  if  it  fhould  fucceed,  n^'"V"^^ 
out  of  a  poflibility  of  treaty  or  reconciliation.  The  King  could 
not  withftand  this.  Lord  OJfory  found  next  morning  that  the 
King  had  changed  his  mind.  And  it  broke  out,  by  the  Duke 
of  Buckingham^ ^  loofe  way  of  talking,  that  it  was  done  by  his 
means.  So  the  defign  was  laid  afide.  But  when  the  peace  was 
made.  Lord  OJJor'y  told  it  to  the  Dutch  EmbaiTadors :  And  faid, 
fince  he  did  not  deftroy  them  by  touching  them  in  that  weak 
and  fore  part,  he  had  no  mind  they  iliould  lye  any  longer  open 
to  fucli  another  attack.  When  the  EmbaiTadors  wrote  this  over 
to  their  mafters,  all  were  (eafible,  how  eafy  it  had  been  to  have 
feized,  and  fecured  that  place;  and  what  a  terrible  diforder  it 
would  have  put  them  in:  And  upon  this  they  gave  order  to 
pur  the  place  in  a  better  poflure  of  defence  for  the  future.  So 
powerfully  did  fpite  work  on  thofc  about  the  King:  And  fo  ca^ 
fy  was  he  to  the  man  of  wit  and  humour.  The  Duke  ftaid  long 
at  fea,  in  hopes  to  have  got  the  Eafi  India  fleet.  But  they  came 
(ailing  fo  near  the  German  coaft,  that  they  pafTed  him  before 
he  was  aware  of  it.  So  he  came  back  after  a  long  and  inglori- 
ous campaign.  He  loft  the  honour  of  the  atStion  that  was  at  Sol- 
bay  ^  and  miffed  the  wealth  of  that  fleet,  which  he  had  long 
waited  for. 

I  will  compleat  the  tranfadions  of  this  memorable  year  with  An  army 
an  account  of  the  impreflion  that  Luxemburgh  made  on  the  ^^^^^'j^"'*' 
Dutch  near  the  end  of  itj  which  would  have  had  a  very  tragi- ice  to //o/- 
cal  conclufion,  if  a  happy  turn  of  weather  had  not  faved  them. 
Stcupe  was  then  with  him,  and  was  on  the  fecret.  By  many 
feints,  that  amufed  the  Dutch  fo  fkillfully  that  there  was  no 
fufpicion  of  the  true  defign,  all  was  prepared  for  an  invafioo, 
when  a  froft  fhould  come.  It  came  at  laft:  And  it  froze 
and  thawed  by  turns  for  fome  time,  which  they  reckon  makes 
the  ice  firmeft.  At  laft  a  froft  continued  fo  ftrong  for  fbme  days, 
that  upon  piercing  and  examining  the  ice,  it  was  thought  it 
could  not  be  diffolved  by  any  ordinary  thaw  in  lefs  than  two 
days.  So  about  midnight  Luxemburgh  marched  out  of  Utrecht 
towards  Ley  den  with  about  iixteen  thoufand  men.  Thofe  of 
Utrecht  told  me,  that,  in  the  minute  in  which  they  began  to 
march,  a  thaw  wind  blew  very  frefh.  Yet  they  marched  on  till 
day  light,  and  came  to  Summer  dam  and  Bodegrave  y  which 
they  gained  not  without  difficulty.  There  they  ftopt,  and  com- 
mitted many  outrages  of  crying  luft  and  barbarous  cruelty;  and 
vented  their  impiety  in  very  blafphemous  ex;preffions,  upon  the 
continuance  of  the  thaw,  which  now  had  quite  melted  the  ice, 

3  (b 


3  3^        T^b^  History  of  the  Reign 

i6^i.  fo  that  it  was  not  poffible  to  go  back,  the  way  that  they  came, 
'^-'''''V'^^  where  all  had  been  ice,  but  was  now  difTolved  to  about  three  foot 
depth  of  water.  There  were  caufe-ways:  And  they  were  forced 
to  march  on  thefe.  But  there  was  a  fort,  thro'which  they  muft 
pafs.  And  one  Pamevirte  with  two  regiments  was  ordered  to 
keep  it,  with  fome  cannon  in  it.  If  he  had  continued  there, 
they  muft  all  have  been  taken  prifbners,  which  would  have  put 
an  end  to  the  war.  But,  when  he  faw  them  march  to  him  in 
the  morning,  he  gave  all  for  loft  j  and  went  to  Tergo-w,  where 
he  gave  the  alarm,  as  if  all  was  gone.  And  he  offered  to  them, 
to  come  to  help  them  by  that  garrifon  to  a  better  capitulation. 
So  he  left  his  poft,  and  went  thither.  The  French  army,  not 
being  ftopt  by  that  fort,  got  fafe  home.  But  their  behaviour  in 
thofe  two  villages  was  fuch,  that,  as  great  pains  was  taken  to 
fpread  it  over  the  whole  country,  fo  it  contributed  not  a  little 
to  the  eftablifliing  the  Dutch  in  their  refolutions,  of  not  only 
venturing  but  of  loofing  all,  rather  than  come  under  fo  cruel  a 
yoke. 
Painevine's  Pa'tnev'me's  withdrawing  had  loft  them  an  advantage  never  to 
be  regained.  So  the  Prince  ordered  a  Council  of  war  to  try  him. 
He  pleaded,  that  the  place  was  not  tenable  j  that  the  enemy 
had  pafs'd  itj  fo  he  thought  the  ufe  it  was  intended  for  was 
loft:  And  if  the  enemy  had  come  to  attack  him,  he  muft  have 
fiirrcndered  upon  dilcretion :  And  he  pleaded  farther,  that  he  went 
from  it  upon  the  defire  of  one  of  their  towns  to  fave  it.  Upon 
this  defence,  he  was  acquitted  as  to  his  life,  but  condemned  to 
infamy,  as  a  coward,  and  to  have  his  f\vord  broke  over  his 
head,  and  to  be  for  ever  baniftied  the  States  dominions.  But  an 
appeal  lay,  according  to  their  difcipline,  to  a  Council  of  war 
compofed  of  General  Officers:  And  they  confirmed  the  fentence. 
The  towns  of  Holland  were  highly  offended  at  thefe  proceed- 
ings. They  faid,  they  faw  the  officers  were  refolved  to  be  gen- 
tle to  one  another,  and  to  fave  their  fellow  officers,  how  guilty 
foever  they  might  be.  The  Prince  yielded  to  their  inflances, 
and  brought  him  to  a  third  trial  before  himfelf,  and  a  Court 
of  the  fupreme  officers,  in  which  they  had  the  afliftance  of  fix 
Judges.  Pa'wev'me  ftood  on  it,  that  he  had  undergone  two  tri- 
als, which  was  all  that  the  martial  law  fubjeded  him  to-  and 
in  thofe  he  was  acquitted.  Yet  this  was  over- ruled.  It  was  urged 
againft  him,  that  he  himfelf  was  prefent  in  the  Council  of  war 
that  ordered  the  making  that  fort  j  and  he  knew,  that  it  was  not 
intended  to  be  a  place  tenable  againft  an  army,  but  was  only 
meant  to  make  a  little  ftand  for  fome  time,  arid  was  intend- 
ed for  a  defperate  ftate  of  affairs  ^   and  that  therefore  he  ought 


not 

8 


of  King  C  H  A  n  L  £  s  II  3^7 

tiot  to  have  left  his  poft,  becaufe  of  the  danger  he  was  in:  He  1671, 
faw  the  thaw  began  j  and  fo  ought  to  have  ftaid,  at  lead  till  he  ^^"V"'^ 
had  ieen  how  far  that  would  go :  And  being  put  there  by  the 
Prince,  he  was  to  receive  orders  from  none  but  him.  Upon 
thefc  grounds  he  was  condemned,  and  executed,  to  the  great 
fatisfa.Mion  of  the  States,  but  to  the  general  difgufl:  of  all 
theoflicers,  who  thought  they  were  fafe  in  the  hands  of  an  or- 
dinary council  of  war,  and  did  not  like  this  new  method  of 
proceeding. 

They  were  alfo  not  a  little  troubled  at  the  ftridt  difcipline 
that  the  Prince  iettled,  and  at  the  fevere  execution  of  it.  But 
by  this  means  he  wrought  up  his  army  to  a  pitch  of  obedience 
and  courage,  of  fobriety  and  good  order,  that  things  put  on 
another  face:  And  all  men  began  to  hope  that  their  armies 
would  a6t  with  another  fpirit,  now  that  the  difcipline  was  fo 
carefully  look'd  to.  It  feems,  the  French  made  no  great  account 
of  them:  For  they  relealed  twenty  five  thoufand  prifoners,  tak- 
en in  feveral  places,  for  fifty  thoufand  crowns. 

Thus  I  have  gone  far  into  the  ftate  of  affairs  o^  Holland  m  this 
memorable  year.     I  had  moft  of  thefe  particulars  from  Dyckvelt 
and  Halewyn.    And  I  thought  this  great  turn  deferved  to  be  (et 
out  with  all  the  copioufnefs,  with  which  my  informations  could 
furnifh  me.     This  year  the  King  declared  a  new  Miftrifs,   andAir^wrA 
made  her  Duchcfs  oi Port/mouth.    She  had  been  maid  of  honour  njaJ^ooch- 
to  Madame^  the  King's  filler  and  had  come  over  with  her  to  Z^o-ersofPw-ejr- 
let-^  where  the  King  had  expreffed  fiich  a  regard  to  her,  that  the 
Duke  of  Buchingham^  who  hated  the  Duchefs  of  Cleveland^  in- 
tended to  put  her  on  the  King.     He  told  him,    that  it  was  a 
decent  piece  of  tendernefs  for  his  filler  to  take  care  of  fome  of 
her  fervants.     So  {lie  was  the  perfon  the  King  eafily  confented 
to  invite  over.     That  Duke  aflured  the  King  o^  hrancCy  that  he 
could  never  reckon  himfelf  fure  of  the  King,  but  by  giving  him 
a  Miftrifs  that  fliould  be  true  to  his  interefts.     It  was  foon  agreed 
to.     So  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  fent  her  with  a  part  of  his 
equipage  to  Dieppe  ■,    and  faid,  he  would  prefently  follow.    But 
he,  who  was  the  moft  inconftant  and  forgetful  of  all  men,    ne- 
ver thought  of  her  more  j  but  went  to  Efigland  by  the  way  of 
Calms.     So  Montague^    then  EmbafTador   at  Parisy    hearing  of 
this,    fent  over  for  a  Yacht  for  her,    and  fent  fbme  of  his  fer- 
vants to  wait  on  her,    and  to  defray  her  charge,    till  (he  was 
brought  to  li'httehall:    And  then  Lord  Arlington  took  care  of 
her.     So  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  loft  the  merit  he  might  have 
pretended  toj  and  brought  over  a  Miftrefs,  whom  his  own  ftrange 
condud  threw  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies.     The  King  was 

R  r  r  r  prefently 


3  3  8  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1671.    prefently  taken  with  her.    She  ftudied  to  pleafe  and  obferve  him 
^-^^'v^-^^ia  every  thing:  So  that  he  pafs'd  away  the  reft  of  his  Ufe  in  a 
great  fondnefs  for  her.    He  kept  her  at  a  vaft  charge.    And  flie 
by  many  fits  of  fickneis,   fome  beHeved  real,   and  others  thought 
only  pretended,    gained  of  him  every  thing  {he  defircd.     She 
ftuck  firm  to  the  French  intereft,    and  was  its  chief  fiipport. 
The  King  divided  himfelf  between  her  and  Miftri(s  Gw}';i ;  and  had 
no  other  avowed  amour.     But  he  was  fo  entirely  poilefled  by 
the  Duchefs  oiPortfmouth^   and  fb  engaged  by  her  in  the  French 
intereft,  that  this  threw  him  into  great  difficulties,  and  expofed 
him  to  much  contempt  and  diftruft. 
The  nffairs       I  do  HOW  rcturn  to  the  affairs  oi  Scotland ^  to  give  an  account 
oiScaUHd.  ^£  ^  feffion  of  Parliament,    and  the  other  tranfadtions  there  in 
this   critical  year.     About  the  end  of  May^    Duke  Lauderdale 
came  down  with  his  Lady  in  great  pomp.    He  was  much  lifted 
up  with  the  French  iuccefs  j   and  took  fuch  pleafure  in  talking  of 
De  PFh's  fate,  that  it  could  not  be  heard  without  horror.      He 
treated  all  people  with  fuch  fcorn,  that  few  were  able  to  bear  it. 
He  adjourned  the  Parliament  for  a  fortnight,  that  he  might  car- 
ry his  Lady  round  the  country  j    and  was  every  where  waited 
on,    and  entertained,    with  as  much  refpedt,    and  at  as  great 
a  charge,  as  if  the  King  had  been  there  in  perfon.     This  en- 
raged the  Nobility.    And  they  made  great  appHcations  to  Duke 
Hamilton^   to  lead  a  party  again  ft  him,  and  to  oppofe  the  tax, 
LatuUrdaWs  that  hc  demanded,    of  a  whole  year's  aftlftment.     I  foon  grew 
fence.'°^°     fo  weary  of  the  Court,    tho'   there  was   fcarce   a  perfon    fb 
well  ufed  by  him  as  I  my  felf  was,    that  I  went  out  of  town. 
But  Duke  hiam'dton  fent  for  me 5  and  told  me,  how  vehemently 
he  was  folicited  by  the  majority  of  the  Nobility  to  oppofe  the 
demand  of  the  tax.     He  had  promifed  me  not  to  oppofe  taxes 
in  general:    And  I  had  afTured  Duke  Lauderdale  of  it.     But  he 
faid,    this  demand  was  fo  extravagant,  that  he  did  not  imagine 
it  would  go  fo  far:  So  he  did  not  think  himielf  bound,  by  a 
promiie  made  in  general  words,    to  agree  to  fuch  a  high  one. 
Upon  this  I  {poke  to  Duke  Lauderdale^  to  fliew  him  the  incli- 
nations many  had  to  an  oppofition  to  that  demand,    and  the 
•danger  of  it.     He  rejeded  it  in  a  brutal  manner,  faying,  they 
durft  as  foon  be  damned  as  oppofe  him.     Yet  I  made  him  fo 
fenfible  of  it,  that  he  appointed  the  Marquifs  ofy^-fi6(?/to  go  and 
talk  in  his  name  to  Duke  HarndtoHy   who  moved  that  I  might 
be  prefent:  And  that  was  eafily  admitted.     Lord  Athol  prefled 
Duke  Hamilton  to  come  into  an  entire  confidence  with  Duke 
Lauderdale -y  and  promifed,  that  he  {hould  have  the  chief  direc- 
tion of  all  affairs  in  Scotland  under  the  other.     Duke  Hamilton 
^  ,  alked 


of  King  Charles  It  339 

afked,  howftood  the  Parliament  oi  Efjgland  zScdieA  to  the  war.   1^71. 

Lord  y^thol  aflured  him,  there  was  a  fettled  defign  of  having  no  '•^^'V"'^ 

more  Parliaments  in  England.     The  King  would  be  maiter, 

and  would  be  no  longer  curbed  by  a  Houfe  of  Commons.     He 

alio  laid  out  the  great  advantages  that  Scotland^  more  particular^ 

ly  the  great  Nobility,  might  find  by  ftriking  in  heartily  with  the 

King's  defigns,  and  in  niaking  him  abfolute  in  England.     Duke 

Hamilton  anfwered  very  honcflly,    that  he  would  never  engage 

in  fuch  defigns:    He  would  be  always  a  good  and  faithful  fub- 

je(5t:    But  he  would  be  likewife  a  good  country  man.     He  was 

very  unwilling  to  concur  in  the  land  tax.    He  (aid,  Scotland  hsid 

no  reafon  to  engage  in  the  war,  fmce  as  they  might  fufFer  much 

by  it,  fo  they  could  giin  nothing,    neither  by  the  prefent  war, 

nor  by  any  peace  that  (hould  be  made.     Yet  he  was  prevailed 

on,    in  conclufion,  to  agree  to  it.     And  upon  that  the  bufinefs 

of  the  fefTion  of  Parliament  went  on  fmoothly  without  any  op- 

pofition. 

The  Duchefs  of  Lauderdale,  not  contented  with  the  great 
appointments  they  had,  fet  her  felf  by  all  poflible  methods  to 
raife  money.  They  Hved  ait  a  vaft  expence:  And  every  thing 
was  fet  to  fale.  She  carried  all  things  with  a  haughtineis,  thac 
could  not  have  been  eafily  born  from  a  Queen.  She  talked 
of  all  people  with  an  ungoverned  freedom,  and  grew  to  be  uni-^ 
verfally  hated.  I  was  out  of  meafure  weary  of  my  attendance 
at  the  ir  Court,  but  was  prefTed  to  continue  it.  Many  found  I 
did  good  offices.  I  got  fome  to  be  confidered,  and  advanced, 
th.\t  had  no  other  way  of  acce/s.  But  that  which  made  it  more 
neceffary  was,  that  I  faw  Sharp  and  his  creatures  were  making 
their.  Court  with  the  moft  abjedt  flattery,  and  all  the  fiibmifli- 
ons  podible.  Letghtoun  went  feldom  to  them,  tho'  he  was  al- 
ways treated  by  them  with  great  diftin<5tion.  So  it  was  neccflary 
for  me  to  be  about  them,  and  keep  them  right:  Otherwile  all 
our  defigns  were  loft  without  recovery.  This  led  me  to  much 
unea(y  compliance^  tho'  I  afferted  my  own  liberty,  and  found 
fo  often  fault  with  their  proceedings,  that  once  or  twice  I  ufed 
fuch  freedom,  and  it  was  fo  ill  taken,  that  I  thought  it  was  fit 
for  me  to  retire.  Yet  I  was  fent  for,  and  continued  in  fuch  high 
favour,  that  I  was  again  tried  if  I  would  accept  of  a  Biiho prick, 
and  was  promifed  the  firft  of  the  two  Archbifhopricks  that  fhould 
fall.  But  I  was  ftill  fixed  in  my  former  refolutions,  not  to  en- 
gage early ,  being  then  but  nine  and  twenty :  Nor  could  I  come 
into  a  dependance  on  them. 

Duke  Lauderdale  at  his  coming  down  had  expeded,  that  theHecipea** 
Preiby  terians  fhould  have  addreffed  themfeives  to  him  for  a  fhare  \  Toiellui"' 


j^on. 


5,40.  The  H I  s  T  o  R  f  of  the  Reign 

i^Ti.  in  that  liberty,  which  their  brethren  had  now  in  En^ancl-,  and 
'whicli  he  had  aflerted  in  a  very  particular  manner  at  the  Coun- 
cil table  in  Whne-hall.  One  JVhatky ,  a  Juftice  of  peace  in 
Lmcolnjh'tre ^  if  I  remember  the  County  right,  had  difturbed 
one  of  the  Meeting-houfes,  that  had  got  a  licence  purfuant  to 
the  declaration  for  a  Toleration :  And  he  had  fet  fines  on  thofe 
that  met  in  it,  conformably  to  the  KQc  againft  Conventicles. 
Upon  which  he  was  brought  up  to  Council,  to  be  reprimanded 
for  his  high  contempt  of  his  Majefty's  declaration.  Some  Privy 
Counfellours  fliewed  their  zeal  in  levere  reflexions  on  his  pro- 
ceedings. Duke  Lauderdale  carried  the  matter  very  far:  He 
faid,  the  King's  edidts  were  to  be  confidered,  and  obeyed  as  laws, 
and  more  than  any  other  laws.  This  was  writ  down  by  fome 
that  heard  it,  who  were  relblved  to  make  ufe  of  it  againft  him 
in  due  time.  He  looked  on  near  two  months  after  he  came 
down  to  Scotland^  waiting  ftill  for  an  application  for  liberty  of 
confcience.  But  the  defigns  of  the  Court  were  now  clearly  leen 
into.  The  Prelbyterians  underftood,  they  were  only  to  be  made 
ufe  of  in  order  to  the  introducing  of  Popery.  So  they  refolved 
to  be  filent  and  paflive.  Upon  this  he  broke  out  into  fury  and 
rage  againft  them.  Conventicles  abounded  in  all  places  of  the 
country.  And  fome  furious  zealots  broke  into  the  houfes  of  fome 
of  the  Minifters,  wounding  them,  and  robbing  their  goods,  forc- 
ing (bme  of  them  to  fwear  that  they  would  never  officiate  any  more 
in  their  Churches.  Some  of  thefe  were  taken,  and  executed.  I  vi- 
(ited  them  in  prilbn^  and  faw  in  them  the  blind  madncfs  of  ill 
grounded  zeal,  of  which  they  were  never  fully  convinced.  One  of 
them  feemed  to  be  otherwife  no  ill  man.  Another  of  them  was  a 
bold  villain.  He  juftified  all  that  they  had  done,  from  the  Ifraehtes 
robbing  the  \Mq^ptians^  and  deftroying  the  Canaamtes. 
Defigns  That  which  gave  Duke  Lauderdale  a  jufter  ground  of  of- 

/^»?t?rlife^^'^^^  ^^^j  ^^'^'^  ^'^^  Carfla'trSy  much  employed  fmce  that  time 
a  rebellion  jn  greater  matters,  was  taken  in  a  fliip  that  came  from  Rot- 
terdam. He  himfelf  efcaped  out  of  their  hands:  But  his  let- 
ters were  taken.  They  had  a  great  deal  writ  in  whke  ink; 
which  fhewed,  that  the  defign  of  fendmg  him  over  was,  to 
Know  in  what  difpofition  the  people  were,  promihng  arms  and 
pther  neceflaries,  if  they  were  in  a  condition  to  give  the  Govern- 
faient  any  difturbance.  But  the  whole  was  fo  darkly  writ,  much 
being  referred  to  the  bearer,  that  it  was  not  poflible  to  under- 
ftand  what  lay  hid  under  fo  many  myfterious  exprcffions.  Up- 
on this  a  fevere  prolecution  of  Conventicles  was  let  on  foot: 
'  '  And  a  great  deal  of  money  was  railed  by  arbitrary  fines.     Lord 

*-i.r.=i>    .."^hol  msrde  of  this  in  one  week  i^oo  l.fier.     1  did  all  I  could 
''•''' Li  to 


nae. 


of  King  Charles  11.  341 

to  moderate  this  fury:  But  all  was  in  vdin.  Duke  Lauderdale  1671, 
broke  out  into  the  mofl:  fVvintick  fits  of  rage  poflible.  When  I  ^-^~^v^ 
was  once  faying  to  him,  was  that  a  time  to  drive  them  into  a 
rebeUion  ?  Yes,  faid  he,  would  to  God  they  would  rebel,  that 
fo  he  might  bring  over  an  army  of  Iri/h  Papifts  to  cut  all  their 
throats.  Such  a  fury  as  this  feemed  to  furnifh  work  for  a  phy- 
fician,  rather  than  for  any  other  fort  of  men.  But  after  he  had 
let  himfelf  loofe  into  thele  fits  for  near  a  month,  he  calmed  all 
on  the  fuddcn :  Perhaps  upon  fome  fignification  from  the  King  ,• 
for  the  party  complained  to  their  friends  in  London^  who  had 
ftill  fome  credit  at  Court. 

He  called  for  me  all  on  the  fudden,  and  piit  me  in  mind  of  a  farther 
the  projed  I  had  laid  before  him,  of  putting  all  the  outed  Mi-^"*^"'^* 
nifters  by  couples  into  pariflies :  So  that  inftead  of  wandring 
about  the  country,  to  hold  Conventicles  in  all  places,  they  might 
be  fixed  to  a  certain  abode,  aruJ  every  one  might  have  the 
half  of  a  benefice.  I  was  ftill  of  the  fame  mind :  And  fo  was 
Leightourii  who  compared  this  to  the  gathering  the  coals  that 
were  fcattered  over  the  houfe,  fetting  it  all  on  fire,  into  the 
chimney,  where  they  might  burn  away  fafely.  Duke  Lauder- 
dale fet  about  it  immediately :  And  the  benefit  of  the  Indulgence 
was  extended  to  forty  more  Churches.  This,  if  followed  as  to 
that  of  doubling  them  in  a  parifli,  and  of  confining  them  with- 
in their  pariflies,  would  have  probably  laid  a  flame  that  was 
Spreading  over  the  Nation,  and  was  like  to  prove  fatal  in  con- 
clufion.  But  Duke  Lauderdale's  way  was,  to  govern  by  fits^ 
and  to  pafs  from  hot  to  cold  ones,  always  in  extreams.  So  this 
of  doubling  them,  which  was  the  chief  part  of  our  fcheme, 
was  quite  negleded.  Single  Minifters  went  into  thofe  Church- 
es :  And  thofe,  who  were  not  yet  provided  for,  went  about  the 
country  holding  Conventicles  very  boldly,  without  any  reftraint: 
And  no  care  at  all  was  taken  of  the  Church. 

Sharp  and  his  inftruments  took  occafion  from  this  to  com- Lei^ktomi 
plain,  that  the  Church  was  ruined  by  Leightoun's  means.     And  J^?e' and tc| 
I  wanted  not  my  fliare  in  the  charge.     And  indeed  the  remiff-^^^J'  h'* 
nefs  of  the  government  was  fuch,    that  there  was  juft  caufe  of 
complaint.     Great  numbers   met  in  the  fields.     Men  went  ta 
thofe  meetings  with  fuch  arras  as  they  had.    And  we  were  blam- 
ed for  all  this.     It  was  faid,    that  things  went  fo  far  beyond 
what  a  principle  of  moderation  could  fuggefl,    that  we  did  cer- 
tainly dehgn  to  ruine   and   overturn  the  conftitution.     Leigh- 
toun  upon  all  this  concluded  he  could  do  no  good  on  either 
fide:    He  had  gained  no  ground  on  the  Prelbyterians,  and  was 
fufpected  and  hated  by  the  Epifcopal   party.     So  he  refolved 

Sfff  10 


3  42  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1671.   to  retire  from  all  publick  employments,    and  to  fpend  the  reft 
-'of  his  days  in  a  corner,    far  from  noife  and  bufmefs,    and  to 
give  himfclf  wholly  to  prayer  and  meditation,    fmce  he  faw  he 
could   not  carry  on  his  great  defigns  of  healing  and  reform- 
ing the  Church,    on  which  he  had  fct  his  heart.     He  had  ga- 
thered together  many  inftances  out  of  Church   hiftory  of  Bi- 
fliops  that  had  left  their  Sees,    and  retired  from  the  world: 
And  was  much  pleafed  with  thefc.    He  and  I  had  many  difcourfes 
on  this  argument.    I  thought  a  man  ought  to  be  determined  by 
the  providence  of  God,    and  to  continue  in  the  ftation  he  was 
in,  tho'  he  could  not  do  all  the  good  in  it  that  he  had  propo- 
fed  to  himfelf:    He  might  do  good  in  a  private  way  by   his 
example,    and   by  his  labours,    more  than   he   himfelf  could 
know:  And  as  a  man  ought  to  fubmit  to  ficknefs,  poverty,  or 
other  afflictions,   when  they  are  laid  on  him  by  the  hand  of 
providence  j  fo  I  thought  the  labouring  without  fiiccefs  was  in- 
deed a  very  great  trial  of  patience,    yet  fuch  labouring  in  an 
ungrateful   employment  was  a  crofs,    and  fo  was  to  be  born 
with  fubmiflion  ^    and  that  a  great  uneafmefs  under  that,  or  the 
forfaking  a  ftation  becaufe  of  it,  might  be  the  cffed  of  fecret 
pride,  and  an  indignation  againft  providenceT    He  on  the  other 
hand  faid,  his  work  feemed  to  be  at  an  end :  He  had  no  more 
to  do,   unlefs  he  had  a  mind  to  pleafe  himfelf  with  the  lazy 
enjoying  a  good  revenue.      So  he  could  not  be  wrought  on  by 
-all  that  could  be  laid  before  him ;    but  followed  Duke  Lauder-' 
dale  to  Court,  and  begged  leave  to  retire  from  his  Archbi/liop- 
rick.    The  Duke  would  by  no  means  confent  to  this.    So  he  cfs- 
fired,  that  he  might  be  allowed  to  do  it  within  a  year.     Duke 
Lauderdale  thought  fo  much  time  was  gained :    So  to  be  rid  of 
his  importunities  he  moved  the  King  to  proraife  him,    that, 
if  he  did  not  change  his  mind,    he  would  within  the  year  ac- 
cept of  his  refignation*    He  came  back  much  pleafed  with  what 
he  had  obtained,-  and  faid  to  me  upon  it,    there  was  now  but 
one  uneafy  ftage  between  him  and  reft,    and  he  would  wreftle 
thro'  it  the  befl  he  could. 

And  now  I  am  come  to  the  period  that  I  fet  out  for  this 
book.  The  world  was  now  in  a  general  combuilion,  fct  on 
by  the  ambition  of  the  Court  of  France^  and  fupported  by  the 
feeblenefs  and  treachery  of  the  Court  of  England.  A  ftand 
was  made  by  the  Prince  of  Orange^  and  the  Eledor  of  Bran- 
denburgh.  But  the  latter,  not  being  in  time  afliftcd  by  the  Empe- 
ror, was  forced  to  accept  of  fuch  conditions  as  he  could  ob- 
tain. This  winter  there  was  great  pradice  in  all  the  Courts 
of  Europe,    by  the  Agents  of  France,    to  lay  them  every  where 

afleep  ,• 


of  King  QnkKhv.s  II. 


345 


aflcepj  and  to  make  the  world  look  on  their  King's  defign  1671. 
in  that  campaign,  as  a  piece  of  glory,  for  the  humbling  of  a 
rich  and  proud  Common-wealthy  and  that,  as  foon  as  that 
was  done  fuitably  to  the  dignity  of  the  Great  Monarch,  he 
would  give  peace  to  the  world,  after  he  had  fhewn  that  no- 
thing could  (land  before  his  arms.  But  the  opening  the  pro- 
grefs  of  thele  negotiations,  and  the  turn  that  the  affairs  of  Eu- 
rope took,  belongs  to  the  next  period. 


&. 


THE 


344- 


THE 


HISTORY 


O  F 


My  Own  Times. 


S^i^MSk^M,M,M>ikikM,M,'-ik^ikM^ik'^«^SL^^^'St^Ski^^^»M^i^i!, 


Sh  ^f  9>  <^ 


1673. 

Great  jca- 
loolies  of  the 
King. 


BOOK    IIL 

Of  the  reji  of  King  Charles  11 V.  reign,  from 
the  year  1673  to  the  year  1685,  in 
which  he  died. 

Itherto  the  reign  of  King  Charles  was  pretty  fe- 
rene  and  calm  at  home.  A  Nation  weary  of  a 
long  civil  war  was  not  eafily  brought  into  jea- 
loufies  and  fears,  which  were  the  feeds  of  diftrac- 
tion,  and  might  end  innew  confufions  and  troubles. 
But  the  Court  had  now  given  luch  broad  intima- 
tions of  an  ill  defign ,  both  on  our  religion  and  the  civil  con- 
ftitution,  that  it  was  no  more  a  jealoufy:  All  was  now  open 
and  barefaced.    In  the  King's  prefence  the  Court-flatterers  were 

always 


I 


of  King  C  H  ARLE  s.  11.  "  345 

always  magnifying  abfolute  government,  and  refleding  on  the  1^73. 
inlblence  of  a  Houfe  of  Commons.  The  King  faid  once  to  the  ^-''"V^ 
Earl  of  E[feXy  as  he  told  me,  that  he  did  not  wifli  to  be  like  a 
Grand  Signior,  with  fbme  mutes  about  him,  and  bags  of  bow- 
ftrings  to  ftrangle  men,  as  he  had  a  mind  to  it:  But  he  did  not 
think  he  was  a  King,  as  long  as  a  company  of  fellows  were 
looking  into  all  his  adiions,  and  examining  his  Minifters,  as 
well  as  his  accounts.  He  reckoned,  now  he  had  fet  the  Church 
party  at  fuch  a  diftance  from  the  Diilenters,  that  it  was  impoflible 
to  make  them  join  in  oppofition  to  his  defigns.  He  hoped,  the 
Church  party  would  be  always  fubmiflive :  And  he  had  the  DifTen- 
ters  at  mercy. 

The  proceedings  of  the  former  year  had  opened  all  mens 
eyes.  The  King's  own  religion  was  fufpeded,  as  his  brother's 
was  declared:  And  the  whole  condud:  fhewed  a  dcfign  to  go- 
vern by  the  French  model.  A  French  General  was  brought  over 
to  command  our  armies.  Count  Schomherg^  who  was  a  German  Scbomherg 
by  birth,  (but  his  mother  was  an  Englijh  woman,)  was  fent  over,  command* 
He  was  a  firm  Proteftant,  and  ferved  at  firft  in  Holland,  But  the  Army. 
upon  the  Prince  oi  Orange's  death  he  went  into  France j  where 
he  grew  into  fo  high  a  reputation,  that  he  was  kept  under,  and 
not  raifed  to  be  a  Marfhal,  only  on  the  account  of  his  religion. 
He  was  a  calm  man,  of  great  application  and  condud.  He 
thought  much  better  than  he  fpoke.  He  was  a  man  of  true 
judgment,  of  great  probity,  and  of  an  humble  and  obliging 
temper :  And  at  any  other  time  of  his  life  he  would  have  been 
very  acceptable  to  the  Engltjh.  But  now  he  was  looked  on  as 
one  fent  over  from  France  to  bring  our  army  under  a  French 
difcipline:  And  fo  he  was  hated  by  the  Nation,  and  not  much 
loved  by  the  Court.  He  was  always  preffing  the  King  to  de- 
clare himfelf  the  head  of  the  Proteftant  party.  He  preis'd  him 
likewife  to  bring  his  brother  over  from  Popery :  But  the  King 
laid  to  him,  you  know  my  brother  long  ago,  that  he  is  as  ftiff  as 
a  mule.  He  liked  the  way  of  Charenton  (b  well,  that  he  went 
once  a  week  to  London  to  the  French  Church  there,  that  was 
according  to  that  form :  So  the  Duke  and  Lord  Clifford  looked  on 
him  as  a  Prefbyterian,  and  an  unfit  man  for  their  purpofe.  The 
Duke  of  Buckingham  hated  him  j  for  he  hoped  to  have  com- 
manded the  Army.  And  as  an  army  is  a  very  unacceptable  thing 
to  the  EngliJh  Nation,  fo  it  came  to  be  the  more  odious,  wheci 
commanded  by  a  General  fent  over  from  France.  Schomberg 
told  me,  he  faw  it  was  impofTible  that  the  King  could  bring 
any  great  defign  to  a  good  effed:  He  loved  his  ea(e  fo  much, 
that  he  never  minded  bufinefs:   And  every  thing  that  was  faid 

T  t  t  t  tQ 


34^  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1671.   to  him  of  affairs  was  heard  with  fo  Httle  attention,  that  it  made 
^^'■"""^^"'^  no  impredion. 

The  Court  The  Miniftry  was  all  broke  to  pieces.  The  Duke  of  Buckm- 
diJidS"*^^  gham  was  alone,  hated  by  all,  as  he  hated  all  the  reft.  But  he 
went  (b  entirely  into  all  their  ill  defigns,  that  the  King  confidered 
him,  and  either  loved  or  feared  him  £0  much,  that  he  had  a 
deep  root  with  him.  Lord  Clifford  ftuck  firm  to  the  Duke,  and 
was  heated  with  the  defign  of  bringing  in  Popery,  even  to  en- 
thufiafm.  It  was  believed,  if  the  defign  had  fucceedcd,  he  had 
agreed  with  his  wife  to  take  orders,  and  to  afpirc  to  a  Cardinal's 
hat.  He  grew  violent  j  and  could  fcarce  fpeak  with  patience  of 
the  Church  of  England,  and  of  the  Clergy.  The  Earl  of  Ar^ 
lington  thought,  that  the  defign  was  now  loft,  and  that  it  was  ne- 
celTary  for  the  King  to  make  up  with  his  people  in  the  beft  man- 
ner he  could.  The  Earl  of  Shaftsbury  was  relblvcd  to  fave  him- 
(elf  on  any  terms. 
A  feffion  of  The  money  was  exhaufted :  So  it  was  neceftary  to  have  a  (effion 
Parliament,  of  Parliament.  And  one  was  called  in  the  beginning  of  the  year. 
At  the  opening  it,  the  King  excufed  the  iftuing  out  the  writs,  as 
done  to  fave  time,  and  to  have  a  full  Houfe  at  the  firft  opening: 
But  he  left  that  matter  wholly  to  them :  He  fpoke  of  the  Declara- 
tion for  liberty  of  conlcience  in  another  ftyle:  He  faid,  he  had 
,  feen  the  good  efFe(5ts  of  it^  and  that  he  would  ftick  to  it,   and 

maintain  it :  He  faid,"  he  was  engaged  in  a  war  for  the  honour 
of  the  Nation,  and  therefore  he  demanded  the  fupplies  that  were 
neceffary  to  carry  it  on.  On  thefe  heads  Lord  Shafnhury  enlarg- 
ed. But  no  part  of  his  fpeech  was  more  amazing  than  that,  fpeak- 
ing  of  the  war  with  the  Dutch,  he  faid,  Delenda  eft  Carthago, 
Yet,  while  he  made  a  bafc  complying  fpeech  in  favour  of  the 
Court,  and  of  the  war,  he  was  in  a  fecret  management  with  ano- 
ther party. 
The  Deciar-  The  Houfc  of  Commons  was  upon  this  all  in  a  flame.  They 
JmcdiTregai/^^  Popery  and  (lavery  lay  at  the  bottom.  Yet,  that  they  might 
not  grafp  at  too  much  at  once,  they  refblved  effedually  to  break 
the  whole  defign  of  Popery.  They  argued  the  matter  of  the  De- 
claration J  whether  it  was  according  to  law,  or  not.  It  was  plainly 
an  annulling  of  the  penal  Law,  made  both  againft  Papiftsand  DiA 
(enters.  It  was  faid,  that  tho'  the  King  had  a  power  of  pardoning, 
yet  he  had  not  a  power  to  authorife  men  to  break  laws.  This  muft 
infer  a  power  to  alter  the  whole  government.  The  ftrength  of 
every  law  was  the  penalty  laid  upon  offenders :  And,  if  the  King 
could  fecure  offenders  by  indemnifying  them  before  hand,  it  was 
a  vain  thing  to  make  laws  ,•  fince  by  that  maxim  they  had  no  force, 
but  at  the  King's  difcretion.  Thofe  who  pleaded  for  the  Declara- 
^  tion 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  11.  347 

tion  pretended  to  put  a  difference  between  penal  Laws  in  fpiritu-  1(^73. 
al  matters,  and  all  others :  And  faid,  that  the  King's  fupremacy  ^-"0^^"^-'. 
leemed  to  give  him  a  peculiar  authority  over  thefe :  By  vertue  of  this 
it  was,  that  the  fynagogue  of  the  Jews,  and  the  Walloon  Church- 
es, had  been  fo  long  tolerated.     But  to  this  it  was  anfwercd,  that 
the  intent  of  the  law  in  aiferting  the  fupremacy  was  only  to  ex- 
clude all  foreign  jurifdidion,  and  to  lodge  the  whole  authority  with 
the  King:  But  that  was  ftill  to  be  bounded,  and  regulated  by  law: 
And  a  difference  was  to  be  made  between  a  connivance,  fuch  as  that     . 
the  JfW5  lived  under,  by  which  they  were  ftill  at  mercy,  and  a  legal  .    - 

authority :  The  Parliament  had  never  difputed  the  legality  of  the 
Patent  for  the /i^^^Z/oo/^  congregations, which  was  granted  to  encou- 
rage ftrangers,  profefling  the  fame  religion,  to  come  among  us, 
when  they  were  perfecuted  for  it  in  their  own  country :  It  was  at 
firft  granted  only  to  ftrangers:  But  afterwards  in  the  days  of  their 
children,  who  were  natives,  it  had  been  made  void :  And  now 
they  were  excepted  by  a  fpecial  claufe  out  of  the  A6t  of  Uniformi- 
ty. The  Houfe  came  quickly  to  a  very  unanimous  refolution, 
that  the  Declaration  was  againft  law.  And  they  fet  that  forth  in 
an  addrefs  to  the  King,  in  which  they  prayed  that  it  might  be 
called  in.  Some  were  ftudying  to  divert  this,  by  fetting  them  on 
to  enquire  into  the  iffuing  out  the  writs.  And  the  Court  feemed 
willing  that  the  ftorm  fliould  break  on  Lord  Shaftshury,  and 
would  have  gladly  compounded  the  matter  by  making  him  the 
facrifice.  He  faw  into  that  j  and  fo  was  refolved  to  change  fides  with 
the  firft  opportunity. 

The  Houfe  was  not  content  with  this:  But  they  brought  in  a  a  bin  for  a 
bill  difabhng  all  Papifts  from  holding  any  employment,  or  place "''^'^^• 
at  Court  •  requiring  all  perfons  in  publick  truft  to  receive  the  Sa^- 
crament  in  a  parifh  Church,  and  to  carry  an  attefted  certificate 
of  that,  with  witnelles  to  prove  it,  into  Chancery,  or  the  Coun- 
ty Seftions  ^  and  there  to  make  a  declaration  renouncing  Tranfub-    ^ 
ftantiation  in  full  and  pofitive  words.     Great  pains  was  taken  by 
the  Court  to  divert  this.    They  propofed  that  fome  regard  might 
be  had  to  Proteftant  DifTenters,  and  that  their  Meetings  might  be 
allowed.     By  this  means  they  hoped  to  have  fet  them  and  the 
Church  party  into  new  heats  j  for  now  all  were  united  againft  Po- 
pery.    Love  who  ferved  for  the  city  oi  London ,  and  was  himfelf-j-he  pru- 
a  DifTenter,    faw  what  ill  effeds  any  fuch  quarrels  might  have:^?"^'^**'' 
So  he  moved,  that  an  effectual  fecurity  might  be  found  againft  Po- 
pery, and  that  nothing  might  interpofe  till  that  was  done.    When 
that  was  over,  then  they  would  try  to  deferve  fome  favour :  But 
at  prefent  they  were  willing  to  lye  under  the  feverity  of  the  laws, 
rather  than  clog  a  more  neceffary  work  with  their  concerns.  The 

chief 


34^  7>&^  History  of  the  Reign 

1(^73.  chief  friends  of  the  fefts  agreed  to  this.  So  a  vote  pafs'd  to  bring 
^■"""V""^-' in  a  bill  in  favour  of  Proteftant  Diflfenters,  tho'  there  was  not  time 
enough,  nor  unanimity  enough,  to  finifti  one  this  feffion :  For 
it  went  no  farther  than  a  (econd  reading,  but  was  dropc  in  the 
Committee.  But  this  prudent  behaviour  of  theirs  did  fo  f often 
the  Church  party,  that  there  was  no  more  votes  nor  bills  offered  an 
againft  them,  even  in  that  angry  Parliament,  that  had  been  for- 
merly fo  fevere  upon  them. 
Debates  in  The  Court  was  now  in  great  perplexity.  If  they  gave  way  to 
•|j^^°"^^°f  proceedings  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  there  was  a  full  ftop  put 
to  the  defign  for  Popery :  And  if  they  gave  not  way  to  it,  there 
was  an  end  of  the  war.  The  French  could  not  furnifh  us  with  fo 
much  money,  as  was  necclTary :  And  the  fhutting  up  the  Exche- 
quer had  put  an  end  to  all  credit.  The  Court  tried  what  could 
be  done  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords.  Lord  67/^or^  refolved  to  affert  the 
Declaration  with  all  the  force,  and  all  the  arguments,  he  could 
bring  for  it.  He  fhewed  the  heads  he  intended  to  fpeak  on  to  the 
King,  who  approved  of  them,  and  fuggefted  forae  other  hints  to 
him.  He  began  the  debate  with  rough  words:  He  called  the  vote 
of  the  Commons  Monflrum  Horrendum  Ingem^  and  run  on  in  a  very 
high  ftrain.  He  faid  all  that  could  be  faid,  with  great  heat,  and 
many  indecent  exprelfions.  When  he  had  done,  the  Earl  of 
Shaftsbury,  to  the  amazement  of  the  whole  Houfe,  faid,  he  mufl: 
differ  from  the  Lord  that  fpoke  laft  toto  coslo.  He  faid,  while 
thofe  matters  were  debated  out  of  doors,  he  might  think  with 
others,  that  the  Supremacy,  afferted  as  it  was  by  law,  did  warrant 
the  Declaration :  But  now  that  luch  a  Houfe  of  Commons,  fo  loy- 
al and  aflPedtionate  to  the  King  were  of  another  mind,  he  fubmit- 
ted  his  reafbns  to  theirs :  They  were  the  King's  great  Council : 
They  muft  both  advife  and  fupport  him:  They  had  done  it; 
and  would  do  it  ftill,  if  their  laws  and  their  religion  were  once 
fecure  to  them.  The  King  was  all  in  fury  to  be  thus  forfaken 
by  his  Chancellor:  And  told  Lord  Clifford,  how  well  he  was  pleaf^ 
ed  with  his  fpeech,  and  how  highly  he  was  offended  with  the 
other.  The  debate  went  on,  and  upon  a  divifion  the  Court  had 
the  majority.  But  againft  that  vote  about  thirty  of  the  moft  con- 
fiderable  of  the  Houfe  protefted.  So  the  Court  faw,  they  had  gain- 
ed nothing  in  carrying  a  vote,  that  drew  after  it  fuch  a  proteftation. 
This  matter  took  Toon  after  that  a  quick  turn.  It  had  been 
much  debated  in  the  cabinet,  what  the  King  fhould  do.  Lord 
Clifford  and  Duke  Lauderdale  were  for  the  King's  ftanding  his 
ground.  Sir  Ellts  Le'tghtoun  affured  me,  that  the  Duke  of  Buck- 
mgham  and  Lord  Berkeley  offered  to  the  King,  if  he  would  bring 
the  army  to  town,  that  they  would  take  out  of  both  Houfes  the 

Members 


of  King  Charles  II.  349 

Members  that  made  the  oppofition.    He  fancied,  the  thing  might  i<^73. 
have  been  eafily  brouiiht  about,  and  that,  if  the  King  would  have 
adted  with  the  fpirit  that  he  fometimes  put  on,   they  might  have 
carried  their  bufmcfs.    Duke  Lauderdale  talked  of  bringing  an  ar-  Thevarietr 
my  out  of  Scotland  J    and  feizing  on  Newcajile-,    and  prefs'd  this  ,°'^,JP'^jp''?j 
with  as  much  vehemence,  as  if  he  had  been  able  to  have  execut-  Council, 
ed  it.      Lord  Cliford  Caid  to  the  King,    his  people  did  now  fee 
thro'  all  his  defigns :  And  therefore  he  muft  refblve  to  make  him- 
felf  maiter  at  once,  or  be  for  ever  fubjed:  to  much  jealoufy  and 
contempt.  The  Earls  oi Shaftsbtdry  znd  Arlington  prefled  the  King 
on  the  other  hand  to  give  the  Parliament  full  content:  And  they 
undertook  to  procure  him  money  for  carrying  on  the  war:  And, 
if  he  was.  fuccelsful  in  that,  he  might  eafily  recover  what  he  muft 
in  this  extremity  part  with.     This  fuited  the  King's  own  temper. 
Yet  the  Duke  held  him  in  jfufpence. 

Colbert\ brother,  Cro'tjpyj  was  then  the  French  EmbaiTador  here.  The  Fremh 
Lord  Arlington  polTefled  him  with  fuch  an  apprehenfion  of  the  J^'^;]''^^^^^* 
madne/s  of  violent  counfels,    and  that  the  lead  of  the  ill  cfFed:s  yew  to  the 
they  might  have  would  be  the  leaving  the  war  wholly  on  the  French 
King,  and  that  it  would  be  impoffible  to  carry  it  on,  if  the  King 
fhould  run  to  fuch  extremities,    as  (bme  were  driving  him  to  at 
home  -J  that  he  gained  him  both  to  prefs  the  King  and  his  brother 
to  comply  with  the  Parliament,  and  to  fend  an  exprefs  to  his  own 
mafter,  reprefenting  the  whole  matter  in  the  light  in  which  Lord 
Arlington  had  fet  it  before  him. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  day  in  which  the  matter  had  been  argu- 
ed in  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  the  Earls  o^  Shaft sbury  and  Arlington 
got  all  thofe  Members  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons  on  whom  they 
had  any  influence,  (and  who  had  money  from  the  King,  and  were 
his  fpies,  but  had  leave  to  vote  with  the  party  againfl  the  Court, 
for  procuring  them  the  more  credit,)  to  go  privately  to  him,  and 
to  tell  him  that  upon  Lord  Cltfford'^  fpeech  the  Houfe  was  in  fuch 
fury,  that  probably  they  would  have  gone  to  fbme  high  votes  and 
impeachments :  But  the  Lord  Shaftsbury  fpeaking  on  the  other  fide 
lefirained  them :  They  believed,  he  fpoke  the  King's  fenfe,  as  the 
other  did  the  Duke's:  This  calmed  them.  So  they  made  the  King 
apprehend,  that  the  Lord  Chancellor's  fpeech,  with  which  he  had 
been  fb  much  offended,  was  really  a  great  fervice  done  him :  And 
they  perfiiaded  him  farther,  that  he  might  now  fave  himfelf,  and 
obtain  an  indemnity  for  his  Minifters,  if  he  would  part  with  the 
Declaration,  and  pafs  the  bill.  This  was  fo  dextroufly  managed  The  King 
by  Lord  Arltngton^  who  got  a  great  number  of  the  Members  to  jj^^l^^^'^'^j'^^j^ 
^o  one  after  another  to  the  King,  who  by  concert  fpoke  all  theiy- 
lame  language,  that  before  night  the  King  was  quite  changed,  and 

U  u  u  u  faid 


3  50         The  History  of  the  Reign 

\67X.  Taid  to  his  brother,  that  Lord  Clifford  had  undone  himfelf,  and 
•^-^"^v^""^  had  fpoiled  their  bufinefs  by  his  mad  fpeech  ;  and  that,  tho'  Lord 
Shaftsbury  had  fpoke  like  a  rogue,  yet  that  had  ftopt  a  fury  which 
the  indifcrction  of  the  other  had  kindled,  to  (uch  a  degree  that  he 
could  ferve  him  no  longer.  He  gave  him  leave  to  let  him  know 
all  this.  The  Duke  was  ftruck  with  this,-  and  imputed  it  wholly 
to  Lord  Arlmgton^s  management.  In  the  evening  he  told  Lord 
Clifford  "^hzi  the  King  had  faid.  The  Lord  Clifford,  who  was  na- 
turally a  vehement  man,  went  upon  that  to  the  King,  who  fcarce 
knew  how  to  look  him  in  the  face.  Lord  Clifford  faid,  he  knew 
how  many  enemies  he  muft  needs  make  to  himfelf  by  his  fpeech 
in  the  Houfe  of  Lords:  But  he  hoped  that  in  it  he  both  f'erved 
and  pleafed  the  King,  and  was  therefore  the  lefs  concerned  in  eve- 
ry thing  elfe:  But  he  was  furprifed  to  find  by  the  Duke,  that  the 
Clifford dic-  King  was  now  of  another  mind.  The  King  was  in  fome  confu- 
graced.  f^^^ .  j^^  owued,  that  all  he  had  faid  was  right  in  it  felf :  But  he 
faid,  that  he,  who  fat  long  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  fhould 
have  confidered  better  what  they  could  bear,  and  what  the  ne- 
ceflity  of  his  affairs  required.  Lord  Clifford  in  his  firft  heat  was  in- 
clined  to  have  laid  down  his  white  flaff,  and  to  have  expoftulated 
roundly  with  the  King.  But  a  cooler  thought  ftop'd  him.  He 
reckoned  he  muft  now  retire:  And  therefore  he  had  a  mind  to 
take  fome  care  of  his  family  in  the  way  of  doing  it:  So  he  reftrain- 
ed  himfelf  J  and  faid,  he  was  forry  that  his  beft  meant  fervices 
were  fo  ill  underftood.  Soon  after  this,  letters  came  from  the  French 
King,  preffing  the  King  to  do  all  that  was  neceffary  to  procure 
money  of  his  Parliament,  fince  he  could  not  bear  the  charge  of 
the  war  alone.  He  alfo  writ  to  the  Duke,  and  excufed  the  ad- 
vice he  gave  upon  the  neceflity  of  affairs  ^  but  promifed  faithful- 
ly to  efpoufe  his  concerns,  as  foon  as  he  got  out  of  the  war,  and 
that  he  would  never  be  eafy,  till  he  recovered  that  which  he  was 
now  forced  to  let  go.  Some  parts  of  thefe  tranfadions  I  had  from 
the  Duke,  2inA  horn  "Dwkt  Lauderdale:  The  reft,  that  related  to 
the  Lord  Clifford,  "Titus  told  me,  he  had  from  his  own  mouth. 

As  foon  as  Lord  Clifford  faw  he  muft  loofe  the  white  ftaff,  he 
went  to  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  who  had  contributed  much  to 
the  procuring  it  to  him  j  and  told  him,  he  brought  him  the  firfl 
notice  that  he  was  to  lofe  that  place  to  which  he  had  helped 
him,  and  that  he  would  aflift  him  to  procure  it  to  fome  of  his 
friends.  After  they  had  talked  round  all  that  were  in  any  fort  ca- 
pable of  it,  and  had  found  great  objc<5lions  to  every  one  of  them, 
they  at  laft  pitched  on  Sir  Thomas  Osborn,  a  Gentleman  oiTork- 
Oibom  miAtJhire,  whofe  eftate  was  much  funk.  He  was  a  very  plaufible  fpeak- 
i^rJ?.^'""  ^^y  but  too  copious,  and  could  not  eafily  make  an  end  of  his  dif^ 

courfe. 


of  Kmg  Charles  II.  3^1 

courfe.  He  had  been  always  among  the  high  Cavaliers :  And  mif-  167^, 
fing  preferment  he  had  oppofed  the  Court  much,  and  was  one  of  ^^"^'''"^^ 
Lord  Clarendon's  bittereft  enemies.  He  gave  himfelf  great  hber- 
tie«  in  difcourie,  and  did  not  feem  to  have  any  regard  to  truth,  or 
fo  much  as  to  the  appearances  of  it,-  and  was  an  implacable  ene- 
my :  But  he  had  a  peculiar  way  to  make  his  friends  depend  on 
him,  and  to  believe  he  was  true  to  them.  He  was  a  pofitive,  and 
undertaking  man :  So  he  gave  the  King  great  eafe,  by  afTuring  him 
all  things  would  go  according  to  his  mind  in  the  next  feflion  of  Par- 
liament. And  when  his  hopes  failed  him,  he  had  always  fome  ex- 
cu(e  ready  to  put  the  mifcarriage  upon.  And  by  this  means 
he  got  into  the  higheft  degree  of  confidence  with  the  King,  and 
maintained  it  the  longefl:,  of  all  that  ever  ferved  him. 

The  King  now  went  into  new  meafures.  He  called  for  the  Decla-  A  great  ftp- 
ration,  and  ordered  the  feal  put  to  it  to  be  broken.  So  the  Ad:  for  Jjj[  "*^  ^'^" 
the  taking  the  Sacrament,  and  theTeft  againftTranfubftantiation 
went  on:  And  together  with  it  an  A(5t  of  Grace  pafs'd,  which  was 
defired  chiefly  to  cover  the  Miniftry,  who  were  all  very  obnoxious 
by  their  late  adings.  The  Court  defired  at  leaft  1 200000  /.  for 
that  fum  was  necelfary  to  the  carrying  on  the  war.  The  great  bo- 
dy of  thofe  who  oppofed  the  Court  had  refolved  to  give  only 
600000  /.  which  was  enough  to  procure  a  peace,  but  not  to  con- 
tinue the  war.  Garroway  and  Lee  had  led  the  oppofition  to  the 
Court  all  this  (eflion  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons :  So  they  were 
thought  the  propereft  to  name  the  fiim.  Above  eighty  of  the  chief 
of  the  party  had  met  overnight,  and  had  agreed  to  name  600000/. 
But  Garroway  named  iiooooo,  and  was  feconded  in  it  hy  Lee. 
So  this  furprife  gained  that  great  fum,  which  enabled  the  Court  to 
carry  on  the  war.  When  their  party  reproached  thefe  perfon«  for 
it,  they  faid,  they  had  tried  fome  of  the  Court  as  to  the  fiim  in- 
tended to  be  named,  who  had  affured  them,  the  whole  agreement 
would  be  broke,  if  they  offered  fo  fmall  a  fum :  And  this  made 
them  venture  on  the  double  of  it.  They  had  good  rewards  from 
the  Court :  And  yet  they  continued  flill  voting  on  the  other  fide. 
They  faid,  they  had  got  good  pennyworths  for  their  money :  A 
fure  law  againft  Popery,  which  had  claufes  in  it  never  ufed  before  j 
for  all  that  continued  in  office  after  the  time  lapfed,  they  not  tak- 
ing the  Sacrament,  and  not  renouncing  Tranfubftantiation  (which 
came  to  be  called  theTeft,  and  the  A6t  from  it  theTeft  Ad,)  were 
rendred  incapable  of  holding  any  office :  All  the  A6ts  they  did  in 
it  were  declared  mvalid  and  illegal,  befides  a  fine  of  500  /.  to  the 
difcoverer.  Yet  upon  that  Lord  Cavendijhy  now  Duke  of  Devon- 
Jh'tre^  faid,  that  when  much  money  was  given  to  buy  a  law  againfl 
Popery,  the  force  of  the  money  would  be  ftronger  in  order  to  the   . 

bringing 


3  52.  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1673.    bringing  it  in,  than  the  law  could  be  for  keeping  it  out.     I  nc- 
'^-'""V"'^  ver  knew  a  thing  of  this  nature  carried  fo  fuddenly,  and  fo  ar- 
tificially, in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  as  this  was,  to  the  great  amaze- 
ment of  the  Dutch,  who  relied  on  the  Parliament,  and  did  not 
doubt  but  that  a  peace  with  England  would  be  procured  by  their 
.  interposition. 
The  Duke       Tlius  tliis  memorable  feflion  ended.  It  was  indeed  much  the  befl: 
laid  down    fgffjon  of  that  long  Parliament.   The  Church  party  (hewed  a  no- 
miffions.     ble  zeal  for  their  religion :  And  the  DifTenters  got  great  reputation 
by  their  filent  deportment.    After  the  lefTion  was  over,  the  Duke 
carried  all  his  commiflions  to  the  King,  and  wept  as  he  deliver- 
ed them  up :  But  the  King  fliewed  no  concern  as  all.    Yet  he  put 
the  Admiralty  in  a  Commiflion  compofed  wholly  of  the  Duke's 
creatures:  So  that  the  power  of  the  navy  was  ftill  in  his  hands. 
Lord  Clifford  left  the  Treafury,  and  was  fucceeded  by  Qs^orn,  who 
was  (bon  after  made  Earl  of  Danhy.    The  Earl  of  Shaftsbury  had 
loft  the  King's  favour  quite.     But  it  was  not  thought  fit  to  lay 
him  afide,  till  it  fhould  appear  what  fervice  he  could  do  them  ia 
another  feflion  of  Parliament.    Lord  Arlington  had  loft  the  Duke 
more  than  any  other.  He  looked  on  him  as  a  pitiful  coward,  who 
would  forfake  and  betray  any  thing,  rather  than  run  any  danger 
himfelf  Prince /?«/?fr/ was  fcnt  to  command  the  fleet.  But  the  Cap- 
tains were  the  Duke's  creatures :  So  they  crofs'd  him  all  they  could, 
and  complained  of  every  thing  he  did.  In  a  word  they  faid,  he  had 
neither  fenfe  nor  condud:  left.     Little  could  be  expeded  from  a 
fleet  fo  commanded,  and  fo  divided.  He  had  two  or  three  engage- 
ments with  the  Dutch,  that  were  well  fought  on  both  fides,  but 
were  of  no  great  confequence,  and  were  drawn  battels.    None  of 
the  French  ihips  engaged,  except  one,  who  charged  their  Admiral 
for  his  ill  conduct :  But,  inftead  of  reward,  he  was  clapt  in  the 
Baftille  upon  his  return  to  France.     This  opened  the  eyes  and 
mouths  of  the  whole  Nation.  All  men  cried  out,  and  faid,  we  were 
engaged  in  a  war  by  the  French,  that  they  might  have  the  plea- 
fure  to  fee  the  Dutch  and  us  deftroy  one  another,  while  they  knew 
our  (eas  and  ports,  and  learned  all  our  methods,  but  took  care  to 
preierve  themfelves.     Count  Schomherg  told  me,  he  prels'd  the 
French  EmbafTador  to  have  the  matter  examined.    Otherwife,  if 
fatisfa^tion  was  not  given  to  the  Nation,  he  was  fiire  the  next  Parlia- 
ment would  break  the  alliance.   But  by  the  EmbalTador's  coldne(s 
ke  faw,  the  French  Admiral  had  a<5ted  according  to  his  inftruftions. 
So  Schomherg  made  hafte  to  get  out  of  England,   to  prevent  an 
addrefs  to  fend  him  away:  And  he  was  by  that  time  as  weary  of 
TheDuke   ^^  Court,  as  the  Court  was  of  him. 
treats  for  a      The  Dukcwas  now  looking  for  another  wife.   He  made  addref- 

lecond  mar-  "  ~ 

ri«ge.  les 


^■^ 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  IL  jL  3 1  ^ 

fes  to  the  Lady  Bellafis^  the  widow  of  the  Lord  Bellafts's  Ton.    She  1^73. 
was  a  zealous  Proteftant,  tho'  fhe  was  married  into  a  Popifh  fami-  ^-^^^/^ 
ly.    She  was  a  woman  of  much  Hfe,  and  great  vivacity,  but  of  a      7  ,.„,, 
very  fmall  proportion  of  beauty  j  as  the  Duke  was  often  obferved 
to  be  led  by  his  amours  to  objeds  that  had  no  extraordinary 
charms.  Lady  Bellafts  gained  fo  much  on  the  Duke,  that  he  gave 
her  a  promife  under  his  hand  to  marry  her.  And  he  (ent  Coleman  to 
her  to  draw  her  over  to  Popery :  But  in  that  fhe  could  not  be  niov- 
ed.    When  fome  of  her  friends  reproached  her  for  admitting  the 
Duke  fo  freely  to  fee  her,  fhe  could  not  bear  it,  but  faid,  flie. could 
fhew  that  his  addreffes  to  her  were  honourable.  When  this  came  to 
the  Lord  BeUafis's  ears,  who  was  her  father  in  law,  and  was  a  zea- 
lous Papift,  and  knew  how  intradable  the  Lady  was  in  thofe  mat- 
ters, he  gave  the  whole  defign  of  bringing  in  their  religion  for 
gone,  if  that  was  not  quickly  broke :  So  he,  pretending  a  zeal  for 
the  King,  and  the  Duke's  honor,  went  and  told  the  King  all  he 
had  heard.    The  King  fent  for  the  Duke,  and  told  him,  it  was 
too  much  that  he  had  plaid  the  fool  once :  That  was  not  to  be 
done  a  lecond  time,  and  at  (uch  an  age.    The  Lady  was  alfo  fo 
threatened,  that  fhe  gave  up  the  promife,  but  kept  an  attefted  co- 
py of  it,  as  file  her  felf  told  me.     There  was  an  Archduchefs  of 
Infpruck^  to  whom  marriage  was  folemnly  propofed :  But,  the  Em- 
prefs  happening  to  die  at  that  time,  the  Emperor  himfelf  married 
her.    After  that  a  match  was  propofed  to  the  Duke  of  Modena's 
daughter,  which  took  effect.    But  becaufe  thofe  at  Rome  were  not 
willing  to  confent  to  it,  unlefs  fhe  might  have  a  publick  Chapel, 
which  the  Court  would  not  hearken  to,  another  marriage  was  pro- 
pofed for  a  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Crequh.    I  faw  a  long  letter 
of  the  Duke's  writ  to  Sir  William  Lockhart  upon  this  fiibjed:  with 
great  anxiety.    He  apprehended,  if  he  was  not  married  before  the 
fefTion  of  Parliament,  that  they  would  fall  on  that  matter,  and  li- 
mit him  fo,  that  he  fhould  never  be  able  to  marry  to  his  content : 
He  was  vexed  at  the  fliffnefs  of  the  Court  of  Rome,  who  were  de- 
manding terms  that  could  not  be  granted;  He  had  fent  a  pofitive 
order  to  the  Earl  o£  Peterborough ,  who  was  negotiating  the  bufi- 
nefs  at  Modena,  to  come  away  by  fuch  a  day,  if  all  was  not  con- 
tented to :    In  the  mean  while  he  hoped,    the  King  of  France 
would  not  put  that  mortification  on  him,  as  to  expofe  him  to  the 
violence  of  the  Parliament,   (I  ufe  his  own  words  {)  but  that  he 
would  give  order  for  difpatching  that  matter  with  all  poflible  hafle. 
But,  while  he  was  thus  perplexed,  the  Court  of /^o;;?^' yielded:  And 
fo  the  Duke  married  that  Lady  by  proxy:  And  the  Earl  o( Peter- 
borough brought  her  over  thro'  France. 

The  Szvedes  offered  at  this  time  a  mediation  in  order  to  a  peace :  A  treaty  a- 

■^  A     J  pened  at  Co- 

A  X  X  X  AViQlogn. 


354         '^'^^  History  of  the  Reign 


1673. 


Lord  Sun- 

derUmtTi 

chancer. 


The  treaty 
broke  off. 


The  affairs 
of  Scotland. 


And  Cohgn  was  propofed  to  be  the  place  of  treaty.  The  King  or- 
dered the  Earl  of  Sunderland.^  Sir  Leolm  Jenkins,  and  Sir  Jojeph 
Will'tamfon,  thither,  to  be  his  Plenipotentiaries.  Lord  Sunderland 
was  a  man  of  a  clear  and  ready  apprehenfion,  andaquickdecifion  ia 
bufinels.  He  had  too  much  heat  both  of  imagination  and  paffion, 
and  was  apt  to  fpeak  very  freely  both  of  perfons  and  things.  His 
own  notions  were  always  good :  But  he  was  a  man  of  great  expence. 
And,  in  order  to  the  fupporting  himfelf,  he  went  into  the  prevail^ 
ingcounfels  at  Court:  And  he  changed  fides  often,  with  little  re- 
gard either  to  religion,  or  the  ixitereft  of  his  country.  He  raifed 
many  enemies  to  himfelf  by  the  contempt  with  which  he  treated 
thole  who  differed  from  him.  He  had  indeed  the  fiiperior  genius 
to  ail  the  men  of  bufinefs  that  I  have  yet  known.  And  he  had  the 
dexterity  of  infinuating  himfelf  (b  entirely  into  the  greateft  degree 
of  confidence  with  three  fucceeding  Princes,  who  fet  up  on  very 
different  interefts,  that  he  came  by  this  to  lofe  himfelf  fo  much, 
that  even  thofe  who  efteemed  his  parts,  depended  little  on  his 
firmnefs. 

The  treaty  of  Cologn  was  of  a  fhort  continuance :  For  the 
Emperor,  looking  on  Furfienberg,  the  Dean  of  Cologn,  and  Bi- 
fliop  of  Strasbourg,  afterwards  advanced  to  be  Cardinal,  who  was 
the  Eledor's  Plenipotentiary  at  that  treaty,  as  a  fubjecc  of  the  Em- 
pire, who  had  betrayed  it,  ordered  him  to  be  feized  on.  The 
French  look'd  on  this  as  fuch  a  violation  of  the  pafs-ports,  that 
they  fet  it  up  for  a  preliminary,  before  they  would  enter  upon  a 
treaty,  to  have  him  let  at  liberty. 

Maflrkht  was  taken  this  fummer^  in  which  the  Duke  o{  Mon- 
mouth diftinguifhed  himfelf  fo  eminently,  that  he  was  much  con- 
fidered  upon  it.  The  King  ^i  France  was  there.  After  the  tak- 
ing oi Majtrtcht  he  went  to  Nancy  m  Lorraine,  and  left  the  Prince 
oiConde  with  the  army  in  Flanders,  Turenne  having  the  command 
of  that  on  the  upper  Rhine  againft  the  Germans;  for  the  Emperor 
and  the  whole  Empire  were  now  engaged. 

But  I  return  now  to  the  intrigues  of  our  Court.  I  came  up  this 
jfiimmer,  in  order  to  the  publifhing  the  Memoirs  of  the  Dukes  of 
Hamilton.  I  had  left  Scotland  under  an  univerfal  difcontent.  The 
whole  adminiftration  there  was  both  violent  and  corrupt,  and 
feemed  to  be  formed  on  a  French  model.  The  Parliament  had  in 
the  year  1663,  in  order  to  the  bringing  our  trade  to  a  balance  with 
England,  given  the  King  in  truft  a  power  to  lay  impofitions  on 
foreign  commodities.  So  upon  that  a  great  duty  was  lately  laid  up- 
on French  fait,  in  order  to  the  better  vending  the  fait  made  at 
home :  Upon  which  it  was  fold  very  dear.  And  that  raifed  great 
complaints :  For,  as  the  fait  was  exceflive  dear,  fo  it  did  not  ferve 

all 


of  King  Charles  II.  ^^^ 

all  piirpofes.  All  people  looked  on  this,  as  the  beginning  of  a  ga-  167-^. 
bel.^  An  impofition  was  alfo  laid  on  Tobacco:  And  all  brandy  was  ^.-^"V""^^ 
prohibited  to  be  imported,  but  not  to  be  retailed:  S\i  tiiofe  who 
had  the  grant  of  the  feizures  fold  them,  and  raiied  the  price  very 
much.  Thefe  occafioned  monopolies:  And  the  price  of  thofe 
things  that  were  of  great  condimption  among  the  Commons  was 
much  raifed :  So  that  a  truft  lodged  with  the  Crown  was  now  abu- 
fed  in  the  higheft  degree.  As  thefe  things  provoked  the  body  of 
the  people,  fo  Duke  Lauderdale'^  infblence,  and  his  engroffing 
every  thing  to  himfelf,  and  to  a  few  of  his  friends,  and  his  wife 
and  his  brother  letting  all  things  to  fale,  raifed  a  very  high  difcon- 
tent  all  over  the  Nation.  The  affairs  of  the  Church  were  altoge- 
ther negleded:  So  that  in  all  refpe<5t:s  we  were  quite  out  of  joint. 

I  went  up  with  a  full  refolution  to  do  my  country  all  the  fervice 
I  could,  and  to  deal  very  plainly  with  the  Duke  of  Lauderdale, 
refolving  if  I  could  do  no  good,  to  retire  from  all  affairs,  and  to 
meddle  no  more  in  publick  bufinefs.  I  loft  indeed  my  beft  friend 
at  Court.  Sir  Robert  Murray  died  fuddenly  at  that  time.  He  was 
the  wifeft,  and  worthieft  man  of  the  age,  and  was  as  another  fa- 
ther to  me.  I  was  fenfible  how  much  I  loft  in  fb  critical  a  con- 
jun<5ture,  being  bereft  of  the  trueftand  faithfulleft  friend  I  had  ever 
known :  And  ib  I  faw,  I  was  in  danger  of  committing  great  errors 
for  want  of  ^o  kind  a  monitor. 

At  my  coming  to  Court,  Duke  Lauderdale  took  me  into  his  Lauderdale's 
clofet,  and  ^fked  me  the  ftate  of  Scotland.  I  upon  that  gave  him  *^^^^"" 
a  very  punctual  and  true  account  of  it.  He  feemed  to  think  that  I 
aggravated  matters  ^  and  afked  me,  if  the  King  ftiould  need  an  ar- 
my from  Scotland  to  tame  thofe  in  England,  whether  that  might 
be  depended  on?  I  told  him,  certainly  not:  The  Commons  in  the 
fouthern  parts  were  all  Preibyterians :  And  the  Nobility  thought 
they  had  been  ill  ufed,  and  were  generally  difcontented,  and  on- 
ly waited  for  an  occafion  to  fhew  it.  He  faid,  he  was  of  another 
mind:  The  hope  of  the  fpoil  o(  England  would  fetch  them  all  in. 
I  anfwer'd,  the  King  was  ruined  if  ever  he  trufted  to  that:  And  I 
added,  that  with  relation  to  other  more  indiflFerent  perfons,  who 
might  be  otherwife  ready  enough  to  pufh  their  fortunes  without 
any  anxious  enquiries  into  the  grounds  they  went  on,  yet  even  thefe 
would  not  truft  the  King,  fince  he  had  fo  lately  faid,  he  would 
ftick  to  his  Declaration,  and  yet  had  fo  foon  after  given  it  up.  He 
faid,  Hinc  ill<e  Lacryma:  But  the  King  was  forfaken  in  that  mat- 
ter, for  none  ftuck  to  him  but  Lord  Clifford,  and  himfelf:  And 
then  he  fet  himfelf  into  a  fit  of  railing  at  Lord  Shaftsbury.  I  was 
ftruck  with  this  converfation :  And  by  it  I  clearly  faw  into  the  deP 
perate  defigns  of  the  Court,  which  were  as  foohfh,  as  they  were 

wicked : 


3  5<5         The  History  of  the  Reign 

\67i  wicked :  For  I  knew,  that  upon  the  leaft  diforder  in  England  they 
<.y^"v^^  were  ready  in  Scotland  to  have  broke  out  into  a  rebeiUon :  So  far 
were  they  from  any  indination  to  have  affifted  the  King  in  the 
maftering  of  England.  I  was  much  perplexed  in  my  felf  what  I 
onaht  to  do,  whether  I  ought  not  to  have  tried  to  give  the  King 
a  truer  view  of  our  affairs :  But  I  refolved  to  ftay  for  a  fit  opportu- 
nity.  I  tried  the  Duchefs  of  Lauderdale,  and  fet  before  her  the 
injuftice  and  opprelTion  that  Scotland  was  groaning  under :  But  I 
faw  (lie  got  too  much  by  it  to  be  any  way  concerned  at  it.  They 
talked  of  going  down  to  hold  a  felTion  of  Parliament  in  Scotland: 
I  warned  them  of  their  danger.  But  they  defpifed  all  I  could  fay : 
Only  great  offers  were  made  to  my  felf,  to  make  me  wholly  theirs, 
which  made  no  impreffion  on  me. 

He  carried  me  to  the  King,  and  propofed  the  licenfing  my  Me- 
likedmy  moirs  to  him.  The  King  bid.me  bring  them  to  him  ^  and  faid,  he 
Memoirs,  ^^^j^  ^^^^  ^]^^^  himfelf.  He  did  read  fome  parts  of  them,  par- 
ticularly the  account  I  gave  of  the  ill  conduct  of  the  Bifhops,  that 
occafioncd  the  beginning  of  the  wars  j  and  told  me,  that  he  was 
well  pleafed  with  it.  He  was  at  that  time  fo  much  offended  with 
the  Engltfh  Billiops  for  oppofing  the  toleration,  that  he  feemed 
much  fliarpened  againft  them.  He  gave  me  back  my  book  to  car- 
ry it  to  Secretary  Coventry,  in  order  to  the  licenfing  it.  The  Se- 
cretary faid,  he  would  read  it  all  himfelf:  So  this  obliged  me  to  a 
longer  flay  than  I  intended.  Sir  Ellis  Leightoun  carried  me  to  the 
Duke  of  Biickinghamy  with  whom  I  pafs'd  almofl  a  whole  night  j 
and  happened  fo  far  to  pleafe  him,  that  he,  who  was  apt  to  be 
fired  with  a  new  acquaintance,  gave  fuch  a  charader  of  me  to  the 
King,  that  ever  after  that  he  took  much  notice  of  me,  and  faid, 
he  would  hear  me  preach.  He  feemed  well  pleafed  with  my  fer- 
mon,-  and  fpokeof  it  in  a  flrain  that  drew  much  envy  on  me. 
And  fliewed  He  Ordered  me  to  be  fworn  a  Chaplain,  and  admitted  me  to 
JJJjSreat  fa-  ^  j^j^g  pfiy^te  audicuce,  that  lafted  above  an  hour,  in  which  I 
took  all  the  freedom  with  him  that  I  thought  became  my  pro- 
feflion.  He  run  me  into  a  long  difcourfe  about  the  authority  of 
the  Church,  which  he  thought  we  made  much  of  in  our  difputes 
with  the  Diffenters,  and  then  took  it  all  away  when  we  dealt  with 
the  Papifts.  I  faw  plainly  what  he  aimed  at  in  this :  And  I  quick- 
ly convinced  him,  that  there  was  a  great  difference  between  an 
authority  of  government  in  things  indifferent,  and  a  pretence 
to  infallibility.  He  complained  heavily  of  the  Bifliops  for  neglect- 
ing the  true  concerns  of  the  Church,  and  following  Courts  fb 
much,  and  being  fo  engaged  in  parties.  I  went  thro'  fbme  other 
things  with  relation  to  his  courfe  of  hfe,  and  entred  into  many  par- 
ticulars with  much  freedom.  He  bore  it  all  very  well ,  and  thank'd 


me 


of  Kmg  Charles  IL  357 

me  for  it :  Some  things  he  freely  condemned,  fuch  as  living  with   1 67^. 
another  man's  wife:  Other  things  he  excufed,  and  thought  God  ^-^■"V^xj 
would  hot  damn  a  man  for  a  little  irregular  pleafure.     He  feem- 
ed  to  take  all  I  had  faid  very  kindly:  And  during  myftay  at  Court 
he  ufed  me  in  fo  particular  a  manner,  that  I  was  confidered  as  a 
man  growing  into  a  high  degree  of  favour. 

At  the  fame  time  Lord  Amram,  a  Scottjh  Earl,  but  of  a  fmall  My  conver- 
fortune,  and  of  no  principles,  either  as  to  religion  or  vertue,  whofe  Sc  Dukcl'' 
wife  was  a  Papift,   and  himfelf  a  member  of  the  Houfe  of  Com- 
mons, told  the  Duke  that  I  had  a  great  intereft  in  Scotland^  and 
might  do  him  fervice  in  that  Kingdom.    He  depended  on  Duke 
Lauderdale  -^  but  hated  him,  becaufe  he  did  nothing  for  him.  We 
were  acquainted  there:  And,  he  having  ftudied  the  moft  divinity 
of  any  man  of  quality  I  ever  knew,  we  found  many  (iibjedts  of  dif- 
courfe.    He  faw,  I  did  not  flatter  Duke  L«7^(^<fr<5^<3'/(?."  And  he  fanci- 
ed he  might  make  a  tool  of  me.   So  he  feemed  to  wonder  that  I 
had  not  been  carried  to  wait  on  the  Duke,-  and  brought  me  a  meA 
fage  from  him,  that  he  would  be  glad  to  fee  me :  And  upon  that 
he  carried  me  to  him.     The  Duke  received  me  very  gracioufly. 
Lord  Ancram  had  a  mind  to  engage  me  to  give  him  an  account  of 
the  affairs  Q>i  Scotland:  But  I  avoided  that,  and  very  bluntly  en- 
tred  into  much  difcourfe  with  him  about  matters  of  religion.   He 
laid  fome  of  the  common  things,  of  the  neceflity  of  having  but 
one  Church ,  otherwife  we  faw  what  fwarms  of  fedts  did  rife  up 
on  our  revolt  from  Rome  ^  and  thefe  had  raifed  many  rebellions, 
and  the  fhedding  much  blood :  And  he  named  both  his  father's 
death,  and  his  great  grandmother's,  Mar^  Queen  i^i Scots:  He 
alfo  turned  to  fome  paffages  in  Hejl'm'^  hiftory  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, which  he  had  lying  by  him:  And  the  paffages  were  mark- 
ed, to  fhew  upon  what  motives  and  principles  men  were  led  in- 
to the  changes  that  were  then  made.     I  enlarged  upon  all  thefe 
particulars  J  and  fhewed  him  the  progrefs  that  ignorance  and  fu- 
perflition  had  made  inmany  dark  ages,  and  how  much  bloodfhed 
was  occafioned  by  the  Papal  pretenfions,  for  all  which  the  opini- 
on of  infallibility  was  a  fource  never  to  be  exhaufled.    And  I  fpoke 
long  to  fuch  things  as  were  beft  fuited  to  his  temper,  and  his  ca- 
pacity.   I  faw  Lord  Ancram  helped  him  all  he  could,  by  which  I 
perceived  how  he'made  his  Court;  for  which  when  I  reproached 
him  afterwards,  he  faid,  it  was  ill  breeding  in  me  to  prefs  fo  hard 
on  a  Prince.    The  Duke  upon  this  converfation  expreffed  fiich  a 
liking  to  me,  that  he  ordered  me  to  come  oft  to  him :  And  af^ 
terwards  he  allowed  me  to  come  to  him  in  a  private  way,   as  oft 
as  I  pltafed.    He  defired  to  know  the  flate  of  affairs  in  Scotland. 
I  told  him  how  little  that  Kingdom  could  be  depended  on.  I  turn- 

Y  y  y  y  ed 


358  The  History  of  the  Reign 

167  X.  ed  the  difcourfe  often  to  matters  of  religion.  He  broke  it  very 
N-^'V"^  gently  j  for  he  was  not  at  all  rough  in  private  converfation.  He  wiih- 
ed,  1  would  let  thofe  matters  alone :  I  might  be  too  hard  for  him, 
and  filence  him,  but  I  could  never  convince  him.  I  told  him, 
it  was  a  thing  he  could  never  anfwer  to  God  nor  the  world,  that, 
being  born  and  baptized  in  our  Church,  and  having  his  father's 
laft  orders  to  continue  ftedfaft  in  it,  he  had  fuffered  himfelf  to  be 
feduced,  and  as  it  wif re  ftollen  out  of  it,  hearing  only  one  fide, 
without  offering  his  fcruples  to  our  divines,  or  hearing  what  they 
had  to  fay  in  anfwer  to  them  ,•  and  that  he  was  now  fo  fixed  in 
his  Popery,  that  he  would  not  fo  much  as  examine  the  matter. 
He  faid  to  me,  he  had  often  picqueered  out  (that  was  his  word) 
on  Sheldon,  and  fome  other  Bifhops  j  by  whofe  anfwers  he  could 
not  but  conclude,  that  they  were  much  nearer  the  Church  of 
Rome,  than  fome  of  us  young  men  were. 

Sttllmgfleet  had  a  little  before  this  time  publiflied  a  book  of  the 
idolatry  and  fanaticifin  of  the  Church  of  Rome.    Upon  that  the 
Duke  laid,  he  afked  Sheldon,  if  it  was  the  do(5trine  of  the  Church 
oi England,  that  Roman  Catholicks  were  idolaters:  Who  anfwer- 
ed  him,  it  was  not ;  but  that  young  men  of  parts  would  be  popu- 
lar ',  and  fuch  a  charge  was  the  way  to  it.    He  at  that  time  (hew- 
ed me  the  Duchefs's  paper,  that  has  been  fince  printed :  It  was  all 
writ  with  her  own  hand.    He  gave  me  leave  to  read  it  twice  over  : 
But  would  not  fuflfer  me  to  copy  it.    And  upon  the  mention  made 
in  it  of  her  having  fpoke  to  Bifhops  concerning  fome  of  her 
fcruples,  and  that  fhe  had  fuch  anfwers  from  them,  as  confirmed 
and  heightened  them,  I  went  from  him  to  Morley,  as  was  faid  for- 
I  carried      merly,  and  had  from  him  the  anfwer  there  fet  down.    I  afked  the 
i,«gjUtt  to  '  Duke's  leave  to  bring  Do6tor  Sttllmgfleet  to  him.    He  was  averfe 
him.  to  it;  and  faid,  it  would  make  much  noife,  and  could  do  no  good. 

I  told  him,  even  the  noife  would  have  a  good  effed: :  It  would  fhew 
he  was  not  fo  obflinate,  but  that  he  was  willing. to  hear  our  di- 
vines. I  preffed  it  much:  For  it  became  neceffary  to  me,  on 
my  own  account,  to  clear  my  lelf  fiom  the  fufpicion  of  Popery, 
which  this  extraordinary  favour  had  drawn  upon  me.  I  at  laft  pre- 
vailed with  the  Duke  to  confent  to  it:  And  he  affigned  an  hour  of 
audience.  Sttllmgfleet  went  very  readily,  tho'  he  had  no  hopes  of 
faccefs.  We  were  about  two  hours  with  him,  and  went  over  mofl 
of  the  points  of  controverfy.  Sitllmgfleet  thought,  the  point 
that  would  go  the  eafieft,  and  be  the  beft  underftood  by  him, 
was  the  Papal  pretenfions  to  a  power  over  Princes,  in  dcpofing 
them,  and  giving  their  dominions  to  others:  And  upon  that,  he 
mewed  him,  that  Popery  was  calculated  to  make  the  Pope  the 
fovereign  of  allChriftendom.  The  Duke  fhifted  the  difcourfe  from 

one 


of  King  Charles  II.  359 

one  point  to  another;  and  did  not  feem  to  believe  the  matters  1(^73. 
of  faft,  and  hiftory  alledgcd  by  us.    So  we  defired,  he  would  call 
for  fome  Priefts,  and  hear  us  difcourfe  of  thofe  matters  with  them 
in  his  prefence.  He  declined  this;  and  faid,  it  would  make  anoife. 
He  affured  us,    he  defired  nothing,    but  to  follow  his  own  con- 
fcience,  which  he  impofed  on  no  body  elfe,  and  that  he  would 
never  attempt  to  alter  the  eftabliflied  religion.    He  loved  to  repeat 
this  often.    But  when  I  was  alone  with  him,  I  warned  him  of  the 
great  difficulties  his  religion  was  like  to  caft  him  into.     This 
was  no  good  argument  to  make  him  change:  But  it  was  certain- 
ly a  very  good  argument  to  make  him  confider  the  matter  fo  well, 
that  he  might  be  fure  he  was  in  the  right.    He  objeded  to  me  the 
do(5lrine  of  the  Church  oi England  in  the  point  of  fubmiilion,  and 
of  paflive  obedience.    I  told  him,  there  was  no  trufting  to  a  dif- 
putable  opinion  :  There  were  alfo  diftindtions  and  referves,  even 
in  thofe  who  had  alTerted  thefe  points  the  moft:    And  it  was  ve- 
ry certain,  that  when  men  faw  a  vifible  danger  of  being  firft  un- 
done, and  then  burnt,  they  would  be  inclined  to  the  fhorteft  way 
of  arguing,  and  to  fave  themfelves  the  beft  way  they  could:  In- 
tereft  and  ielf-prefervation  were  powerful  motives.    He  did  very 
often  affure  mc,  he  was  againft  all  violent  methods,  and  all  per- 
fecution  for  confcience  fake,  and  was  better  furniflied  to  fpeak  well 
on  that  head,  than  on  any  other.  I  told  him,  all  he  could  fay  that 
way  would  do  him  little  fervice:  For  the  words  of  Princes  were 
looked  on  as  arts  to  lay  men  afleep:  And  they  had  generally  re- 
garded them  fo  little  themfelves,  that  they  ought  not  to  expert 
that  others  fliould  have  great  regard  to  them.     I  added,  he  was 
now  of  a  religion,    in  which  others  had  the  keeping  of  his  con- 
fcience, who  would  now  hi<le  from  him  this  point  of  their  religi- 
on, fince  it  was  not  fafe  to  own  it,  till  they  had  it  in  their  pow- 
er to  put  it  in  praftice:    And  whenever  that  time  fhould  come, 
I  was  fiire,  that  the  principles  of  their  Church  muft  carry  him  td 
all  the  extremities  of  extirpation.     I  carried  a  volume  of  Judge 
Crook's  to  him,  in  which  it  is  reported,  that  King  James  had  once 
in  Council  complained  of  a  flander  caft  on  him,  as  if  he  was  in- 
clined to  change  his  reHgion;  and  had  folemnly  vindicated  him- 
lelf  from  the  imputation ;    and  prayed,  that  if  any  fhould  ever 
fpring  out  of  his  loins  that  fhould  maintain  any  other  religion 
than  that  which  he  truly  maintained  and  profeifed,    thai  God 
would  take  him  out  of  the  world.     He  read  it:    But  it  made  no 
impreflion.  And  when  I  urged  him  with  fome  things  in  his  father's 
book,  he  gave  me  the  account  of  it  that  was  formerly  mentioned. 
He  entered  into  great  freedom  with  me  about  all  his  affairs :  And 
he  fhewed  me  the  journals  he  took  of  bufinefs  every  day  with  his 

^  own 


360        The  History  of  the  Reign 

167^.    own  hand:  A  method  he  faid,  that  the  Earl  oi Clarendon  had  fef 

^-"'"V^'^  him  on.  The  Duchefs  had  begun  to  write  his  hfe.  He  fliewed  me 
a  part  of  it  in  a  thin  volume  in  foUo.  I  read  fome  of  it,  and  found 
it  writ  with  a  great  deal  of  fpirit.  He  told  me,  he  intended  to 
truft  me  with  his  journals,  that  I  might  draw  a  hiftory  out  of 
them.  And  thus,  in  a  few  weeks  time,  I  had  got  far  into  his  con- 
fidence. He  did  alfo  allow  me  to  fpeak  to  him  of  the  irregulari- 
ties of  his  life,  fome  of  which  he  very  freely  confelTed :  And  when 
I  urged  him,  how  fuch  a  courfe  of  life  did  agree  with  the  zeal 
he  fhewed  in  his  religion  ,•  he  anfwered,  muft  a  man  be  of  no  re- 
ligion, unlefs  he  is  a  faint?  Yet  he  bore  my  freedon  very  gently, 
and  feemed  to  like  me  the  better  for  it.  My  favour  with  him  grew 
to  be  the  obfervation  of  the  whole  Court.  Lord  Ancram  faid,  I 
might  be  what  I  pleafed,  if  I  would  be  a  little  fofter  in  the  points 
of  religion.  Sir  RIU%  Leightoun  brought  me  a  melfage  from  F. 
Sheldon,  and  fome  of  his  Priefts,  affuring  me,  they  heard  fb  well 
of  me,  that  they  offered  me  their  fervice.  He  preffed  me  to  im- 
prove my  prefent  advantages  to  the  making  my  fortune:  The  Sec 
oi Durham  was  then  vacant:  And  he  was  confident,  it  would,be 
no  hard  matter  for  me  to  compafs  it.  But  I  had  none  of  thofe 
views,  and  fo  was  not  moved  by  them.  The  Duke  o£  Buckingham 
afked  me,  what  I  meant  in  being  fo  much  about  the  Duke?  If  I 
fancied  I  could  change  him  in  point  of  reHgion,  I  knew  him  and 
the  world  very  little :  If  I  had  a  mind  to  raife  my  felf,  a  fiirc  method 
for  that  was,  to  talk  to  him  of  the  Reformation,  as  a  thing  done 
in  heat  and  hafte,  and  that  in  a  calmer  time  it  might  be  fit  to  re- 
view it  all.  He  faid,  I  needed  go  no  farther  j  for  fuch  an  inti- 
mation would  certainly  raife  me.  And  when  I  was  pofitive  not  to 
enter  into  fuch  a  compliance,  he  told  me,  he  knew  Courts  better 
than  I  did :  Princes  thought  their  favours  were  no  ordinary  things : 
They  expected  great  fubmifTions  in  return :  Otherwife  they  thought 
they  were  defpifed :  And  I  would  feel  the  ill  effeds  of  the  favour  I 
then  had,  if  I  did  not  fVrike  into  fome  compliances:  And,  fince 
I  was  refolved  againft  thefe,  he  advifed  me  to  withdraw  from 
the  Court  j  the  looner  the  better.  1  imputed  this  to  his  hatred  of 
the  Duke :  But  I  found  afterwards  the  advice  was  found  and  good. 
I  likewife  faw  thofe  things  in  the  Duke's  temper,  from  which  I 
concluded,  I  could  not  maintain  an  intereit  in  him  long.  He  was 
for  fubjedis  fubmitting  in  all  things  to  the  King's  notions,-  and 
thought,  that  all  who  oppofed  him,  or  his  Minifters  in  Parlia- 
ment, were  rebels  in  their  hearts  j  and  he  hated  all  popular  things, 
as  below  the  dignity  of  a  King.    He  was  much  fliarpened  at  that 

The  Duke's  ^'"^^  ^1  ^^^  proceedings  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons. 

""',"'''p"P-  ■  In  the  former  feffion  it  was  known,  that  he  was  treating  a  mar- 

poled  by  the  '  °         . 

Commons.  riage 


a 


'i'  of  King  C  H  A  >Ri  I?  E  s  ^  11/'  T         3  6  J 

riage  with  the  Archduche(s;  ■  And'yet  no  addrefs  was  made  to  the  1675. 
King  to  hinder  his  marrying  a  Papiift.  His  honour  was  not  then  ^-^"^^^ 
engaged:  So  it  had  been iea(onable,  and  to  good  purpose  to  have 
moved  in  it  then.  But  now  he  was  married  by  proxy,  and  Lord 
Peterborough  had  brought  the  Lady  to  Parts.  Yet  the  Hou/e  of 
Commons  refolved  to  follow  the  pattern  the  King  oi  France hzA 
lately  fet.  He  treated  with  the  Elector  Palatine  for  a  marriage  be- 
tween his  brother  and  the  Elector's  daughter;  in  which  one  of 
the  conditions  agreed  to  was,  that  flic  fhould  enjoy  the  freedom 
of  her  religion,  and  have  a  private  Oratory  for  the  exercife  of  it. 
When  fhe  came  on  her  way  as  far  as  Metz,  an  order  was  fent  to  •  -' 

ftop  her,  till  flie  was  better  inftrudted :  Upon  which  ihe  changed^ 
at  lead  as  to  outward  appearance.  It  is  true,  the  Court  oi  France. 
gave  it  out  that  the  Eledior  had  confented  to  this  method,  foi*  the 
faving  his  own  honour.  And  he  had  given  the  world  caufe  to  be? 
heve,  he  was  capable  of  that,  tho'  he  continued  openly  to  deny  it.  ^ 

The  Houfe  of  Commons  refolved  to  follow  this  precedent,  ,an^  to  .^Jj, 

make  an  addrels  to  the  King,  to  ftop  the  Princefs  oi  Modena's 
coming  to  England,  till  fhe  fliould  change  her  religion.     Upon 
this  the  Duke  moved  the  King  to  prorogue  the  Parliament  for  a 
week :  And  a  Commiflion  was  ordered  for  it.    The  Duke  went  to 
the  Houfe  on  that  day,  to  prefs  the  calling  up  the  Commons  be- 
fore they  could  have  time  to  go  on  to  bufinels.    Some  Peers  were 
to  be  brought  in.    The  Duke  prefled  Lord  Shaftsbwy  to  put  that 
off,  and  to  prorogue  the  Parliament.  He  faid  coldly  to  him,  there 
was  no  hafte.  But  the  Commons  made  more  hafte :  For  they  quick- 
ly came  to  a  vote  for  flopping  the  marriage.    And  by  this  means 
they  were  engaged,  (having  put  fuch  an  affront  on  the  Duke,)  to 
proceed  farther.  He  prefently  told  me,  how  the  matter  went,  and 
how  the  Lord  Chancellor  had  ufed  him :  He  was  confident  the 
King  would  take  the  Seals  from  him,  if  he  could  not  manage 
the  feflions  fo  as  to  procure  him  money,  of  which  there  was  in- 
deed fmall  appearance.     I  told  him,  I  looked  on  that  as  a  fatal 
thing,  if  the  Commons  began  once  to  affront  him :  That  would 
have  a  fad  train  of  confequenccs,  as  foon  as  they  thought  it  necef- 
fary  for  their  own  prefervation  to  fecure  themfelves  from  falling 
under  his  revenges.    He  faid,  he  was  refolved  to  ftand  his  ground, 
and  to  fubmit  to  the  King  in  every  thing :  He  would  never  take  off 
an  enemy :  But  he  would  let  all  the  world  fee,  that  he  was  ready  to 
forgive  every  one,  that  ftaould  come  off  from  his  oppofition,  and 
make  applications  to  him.  When  the  week  of  the  prorogation  was 
ended,  the  feffion  was  opened  by  a  {peech  of  the  King's,  which 
had  fuch  various  ftrains  in  it,  that  it  was  plain  it  was   made 
by  different  perfons.     The  Duke  told  me,  that  Lord  Clarendon 

Z  z  z  z  during 


362         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1671.   daring  his  favour,  had  penned  all  the  King's  fpeeches  ,•  but  that  now 
^-'''V"*s>' they  were  compofed  in  the  Cabinet,   one  Minifter  putting  in 
one  period,   while  another  made  another;  fo  that  all  was  not 
of  a  piece.     He  told  me.   Lord  Arlington  was  almoft  dead  with 
fear :  But  Lord  Shaftsbury  reckoned  himfclf  gone  at  Court,  and 
aded  more  roundly.   In  his  fpeech  he  ftudied  to  correA  his  De- 
knda  efi  Cartha^o^  applying  it  to  the  Loevefte'm  party,  whom  he 
called  the  Carthagmtam:  But  this  made  him  as  ridiculous,  as  the 
other  had  made  him  odious.     The  Houfe  of  Commons  took  up 
again  the  matter  of  the  Duke's  marriage,    and  moved  for  an  ad- 
drels  about  it.     But  it  was  faid,  the  King's  honour  was  engaged. 
Yet  they  addreffcd  to  him  againft  it.  But  the  King  made  them  no 
anfwer.  By  that  time  I  had  obtained  a  licence  of  Secretary  Coven- 
try for  my  book,   which  the  King  faid  (hould  be  printed  at  his 
charge. 
A  ParH^         But  nowl  muft  give  an  account  of  a  ftorm  raifed  againft  my  felf, 
Uaui.         the  effedts  of  which  were  very  fenfible  to  me  for  many  years.  The 
Duke  oi  Lauderdale  had  kept  the  Scoiijh  Nation  in  fuch  adepen- 
dance  on  himfcif,  that  he  was  not  pleafed  with  any  of  them  that 
made  any  acquaintance  in  England^  and  leaft  of  all  in  the  Court: 
Nor  could  he  endure,  that  any  of  them  fhould  apply  thcmft^lves 
to  the  King,  or  the  Duke,  but  thro'  him.    So  he  looked  on  the 
favour  I  had  got  into  with  a  very  jealous  eye.     His  Duchefs  qne- 
flioned  me  about  it.   Thofe  who  know  what  Court  jealoufies  are 
will  eafily  believe,  that  I  muft  have  faid  fomewhat  to  fatisfy  them, 
or  break  with  them.  I  told  her,  what  was  very  true  as  to  the  Duke, 
that  my  converfation  with  him  was  about  religion ;  and  that  with 
the  King  I  had  talked  of  the  courfe  of  life  he  led.     I  obferved 
a  deep  jealoufy  of  me  in  them  both  j  eipecially,  becaufe  I  could  not 
go  with  them  to  Scotland.   I  faid,  I  would  follow,  as  fbon  as  the 
Secretary  would  dilpatch  me.  And  as  foon  as  that  was  done  I  took 
poft,  and  by  a  great  fall  of  fnow  was  ftopt  by  the  way.    But  I  un- 
happily got  to  Edenburgh  the  Night  before  the  Parliament  met. 
Duke  Hamilton,  and  many  others,  told  me  how  ftrangely  Duke 
Lauderdale  talked  of  my  intereft  at  Court  j    as  if  I  was  ready  to 
turn  Papift.  Duke  Hamilton  alfb  told  me,  they  were  refolved  next 
day  to  attack  Duke  Lauderdale,  and  his  whole  adminiftration  in 
Parliament.    I  was  troubled  at  this  j  and  argued  with  him  againft 
the  fitnefs  of  it  all  I  could.    But  he  faid  he  was  engaged :  The 
Earls  of  Rothes,  Argtle,  and  Tweedale,  and  all  the  Cavalier  par^ 
ty,  had  promifed  to  ftick  by  him.  I  told  him,  what  afterwards  hap- 
pened, that  moft  of  thefe  would  make  their  own  terms,  and  leave 
him  in  the  lurch:  And  the  load  would  lye  on  him.    When  I  faw 
the  tiling  was  paft  remedy,   I  refolved  to  go  home,    and  follow 

my 


of  King  Charles  II.  363 

rny  ftudies;   fince  I  could  not  keep  Duke  Lauderdale  and  him  1^73. 
any  longer  in  a  good  underftanding.  s>'"V'^ 

Next  day,  when  the  Parliament  was  opened,  the  King's  letter  a  party 
was  read,  defiring  their  alTiftance  in  carrying  on  the  war  with  Hoi-  ^^I^I^Cm- 
land,  and  alTuring  them  of  his  affe<5tion  to  them  in  very  kind  words,  '^'i*^' 
This  was  feconded  by  X^uke  Lauderdale  in  a  long  fpeech.  And  im- 
mediately it  was  moved  to  appoint  a  Committee  to  prepare  an  anfwer 
to  the  King's  letter,  as  was  ufual.  Duke  Ham'thon  moved,  that 
the  ftate  of  the  Nation  might  be  firft  confidered,  that  fo  they  might 
fee  what  grievances  they  had :  And  he  hinted  at  fbme.  And  then, 
as  it  had  been  laid,  about  twenty  men,  one  after  another,  fpoke 
to  feveral  particulars.  Some  mentioned  the  fait,  others  the  tobacco, 
and  the  brandy  :  Some  complained  of  the  adminiftration  of  juftice, 
and  others  of  the  coin.  With  this  the  Duke  of  Lauderdale  was 
ftruck,  as  one  dead  j  for  he  had  raifed  his  credit  at  Court  by  the 
opinion  of  his  having  ^SiScotlandva.  his  hand,  and  in  adependance 
on  him ;  So  a  difcovery  of  this  want  of  credit  with  us  jie  faw  muft 
fink  him  there.  He  had  not  looked  for  this  j  tho'  I  had  warned 
him  of  a  great  deal  of  it.  But  he  reflc(5ting  on  that,  and  on  the 
credit  I  had  got  at  Court,  and  on  the  hafte  I  made  in  my  journey, 
and  my  coming  critically  the  night  before  the  feffion  opened ;  he 
laid  all  this  together,  and  fancied  I  was  fent  upon  defign,  as  the 
agent  of  the  party,  and  that  the  licenfing  my  book  was  only  a 
blind:  He  believed  'iixi Robert Murra'^\i2i^  laid  it,  and  that  the  Earl 
oi Shaftsbury  had  managed  it.  And  becaufe  it  was  a  common  arti- 
fice of  King  Charles^  Minifters,  to  put  the  mifcarriage  of  affairs  up- 
on fome  accident  that  had  not  been  forefeen  by  them,  but  fhould 
be  provided  againfl  for  the  future  j  he  alTured  the  King,  that  I  had 
been  the  incendiary,  that  I  had  my  uncle's  temper  in  me,  and  that 
I  muft  be  fubdued,  otherwife  I  would  embroil  all  his  affairs.  The 
King  took  all  things  of  that  kind  eadly  from  his  Minifters, 
without  hearing  any  thing  to  the  contrary:  For  he  was  wont  to 
fay,  all  apologies  were  lies :  Upon  which  one  faid  to  him  once, 
then  he  would  always  believe  the  firft  lye.  But  all  this  was  much 
encreafed,  when  Duke  Lauderdale  upon  his  coming  up  told  the 
King,  that  I  had  boafted  to  his  wife  of  the  freedom  that  I  hadufed 
with  him  upon  his  courfe  of  life.  With  this  the  King  was  highly 
offended :  Or  at  leaft  he  made  much  ufe  of  it,  to  juftify  many  hard 
things  that  he  faid  of  me:  And  for  many  years  he  allowed  himfclf 
a  very  free  fcope  in  talking  of  me.  I  was  certainly  to  blame  for 
the  freedom  I  had  ufed  with  the  Duchefs  oi Lauderdale :  But  I  was 
furprized  by  her  queftion :  And  I  could  not  bring  my  felf  to  tell  a 
lye :  So  I  had  no  other  fhift  ready  to  fatisfy  her.  But  the  Duke  kept 
up  ftill  a  very  good  opinion  of  me.     I  went  home  to  GlafcoWf 

where 


./■ 


364  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1(^7  3 ;  where  I  profecuted  my  ftudics  till  ihe  Jtme  following,  when  I  wetttr 
'^-O'^""^  again  to  London.  ■■•■■ 

Heoffersto       DukeLrtf«rt(?;v5fe/(P  put  off  tliefeflion  of  Parliament  for  feme  time,- 
redrcfs  grie- 2JJ J  called  aCouncil,  in  which  he  faid,  great  complaints  had  been 

Tsnces  in  •'   o  1 

Council. '  made  in  Parliament  of  grievances :  He  had  full  authority  to  redrels 
them  all  in  the  King's  name :  Therefore  he  charged  the  Privy  Coun- 
fellors  to' lay  all  things  of  that  kind  before  that  board,  and  not  to 
carry  them  befofe  any  other  affembly,  till  they  faw  what  redrefs 
was  to  be  had  there.  DuVt  Hamilton  faid,  the  regular  way  of  com- 
plaints was  to  make  them  in  Parliament,  which  only  could  redreis 
them  effedlually  •  fince  the  putting  them  down  by  the  authority  of 
Council,  was  only  laying  them  afide  for  a  while,  till  a  fitter  op- 
portunity was  foutidto  take  them  up  again.  Upon  this  DxikcLau^. 
derdale  protefted,  -that  he  was  ready  in  the  King's  name  to  give  the 
fubjed:  eaie  and  freedom,  and  that  thofe  who  would  not  aflift  and 
concur  with  him  in  this  were  wanting  in  duty  and  refpedl  to  the 
King ,'  and  fince  he  faw  the  matter  of  the  fait,  the  tobacco,  and 
the  brandy,  had  raifed  much  clamour,  he  would  quafh  thefe.  But 
the  party  iiad  a  mind  to  have  the  inftruraents  of  their  oppreiTion 
punifiiKli,  as  well  as  the  opprcffion  it  fclf  removed ;  and  were  refolved 
to  have  thefe  things  condemned  by  fome  exemplary  puniftiments^ 
and  to  purfue  Duke  Lauderdale  and  his  party  with  this  clamour.   ! 

KJ74.  Next  (tfiion  of  Parliament  new  complaints  were  offered.  Duke 
Lauderdale  faid,  thefe  ought  to  be  made  firft  to  the  Lords  of  the 
fedTbout  Articles,  to  whom  all  petitions  and  motions  ought  to  be  made  firft; 
IheAnick"^^"'^  that  they  were  the  only  Judges,  what  matters  were  fit  to  be 
brought  into  Parliament.  The  other  fide  faid,  they  were  only  a 
Committee  of  Parliament,  to  put  motions  into  the  form  of  Adts ; 
but  that  the  Parliament  had  ftill  an  entire  authority  to  examine  in- 
to the  ftate  of  the  Nation.  In  this  debate,  they  had  the  reafon  of 
things  on  their  fide :  But  the  words  of  the  Ad:  favoured  Duke  Lau- 
derdale. So  he  lodged  it  now  where  he  wiftied  it  might  be,  in  a 
point  of  prerogative.  He  valued  himfelf  to  the  King  on  this,  that 
he  had  drawn  the  A6t  that  fettled  the  power  of  the  Lords  of  the  Ar- 
ticles ,•  who  being  all  upon  the  matter  named  by  the  King,  it  was 
of  great  concern  to  him  to  maintain  that,  as  the  check  upon  facti- 
ous Spirits  there,-  which  would  be  no  fooner  let  go,  than  the  Par- 
liament of  Scotland  would  grow  as  unquiet,  as  a  Houfe  of  Com- 
mons was  in  England:  That  was  a  confi deration  which  at  this 
time  had  great  weight  with  the  King.  I  now  return  to  give  aa 
account  of  this  year's  feflion  in  England. 
Thepro-  .  In  the  beginning of  it,  theDukeof  OrwoW,  t\\t^ikAs  o^ Shafts- 
the  Hariia-   hury,  and  Arlington,  and  Secretary  Coventry ,  offered  an  advice  to 

ment  of  £«'  ^L 


A  difpute 


ter* 


of  King  C  H  ARLE  S.  11*  355 

the  King,  for  fending  the  Duke  for  fome  time  from  the  Cburt^  ^s  1(^74. 
a  good  expedient  both  for  himfelf  and  rhe  Duke.  The  King  heark-  ^^-^-V^ 
ened  fo  far  to  it,  that  he  fent  them  to  move  it  to  the  Duke.  He 
was  highly  incenfed  at  it :  He  faid,  he  would  obey  all  the  King's  or- 
ders, but  would  look  on  thofe  as  his  enemies,  who  offered  him  fiich 
advices.  And  he  never  forgave  this  to  any  of  them  ^  no  not  to  Co^ 
ventry,  for  all  his  good  opinion  of  him.  He  preffed  the  King  ve- 
hemently to  take  the  feals  from  the  Earl  of  Shaftsbury.  So  it  was 
done:  And  they  were  given  to //«r/&j  then  Attorney  General,  made 
afterwards  Earl  oi  Nottingham.  He  was  a  man  of  probity,  and  well/7»f*'scht". 
verfed  in  the  laws.  He  was  long  miich  admired  for  his  eloquence :  "^' 
But  it  was  laboured  and  afFe(5tcd :  And  he  faw  it  as  much  defpifed  be- 
fore he  died.  He  had  no  fort  of  knowledge  in  foreign  affairs:  And 
yet  he  loved  to  talk  of  them  perpetually :  By  which  he  expofed 
himfelf  to  thofe  who  underftood  them.  He  thought  he  was  bound 
to  juftify  the  Court  in  all  debates  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  which  he 
did  with  the  vehemence  of  a  pleader,  rather  than  with  the  folcm- 
nity  of  a  fenator.  He  was  an  incorrupt  Judge :  And  in  his  Court 
he  could  refill  the  ftrongeft  applications  even  from  the  King  him- 
felf, tho'  he  did  it  no  where  elfe.  He  was  too  eloquent  on  the 
benchj  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  and  in  common  converfation. 
One  thing  deferves  to  be  remembred  of  him :  He  took  great  care 
of  filling  the  Church  livings  that  belonged  to  the  Seal  with  worthy 
men :  And  he  obliged  them  all  to  refidence.  Lord  Shaftsbury  was 
now  at  liberty  to  open  himfelf  againft  the  Court  j  which  he  did  with 
as  little  referve  as  decency^ 

The  Houfe  of  Commons  were  refblved  to  fall  on  all  th%  Miniliryi 
They  began  with  Duke  Lauderdale y  and  voted  an  addrefs  to  remove 
him  from  the  King's  Councils  and  prefence  for  ever*  They  went 
next  upon  the  Duke  oi  Buckingham :  And,  it  being  moved  in  his 
name,  that  the  Houfe  would  hear  him,  he  was  fuffered  to  come  to 
the  Houfe.  The  firfl  day  of  his  being  before  them  he  fell  into 
luch  a  diforder,  that  he  pretended  he  was  taken  ill,  and  defired  to 
be  admitted  again.  Next  day  he  Was  more  compofed.  He  juftifi- 
ed  his  own  defigns,  laying  all  the  ill  counfels  upon  others,  chiefly 
on  Lord  ArVmgton,  intimating  plainly  that  the  root  of  all  errors 
was  in  the  King  and  the  Duke.  He  faid,  hunting  was  a  good  di- 
verfion,  but  if  a  man  would  hunt  with  a  brace  of  lobfters,  he  would 
have  but  ill  fport.  He  had  ufed  that  figure  to  my  feif  ,•  but  had  thetl 
applied  it  to  Prince  Rupert  and  Lord  Arlington :  But  it  was  now  un- 
derftood to  go  higher.  His  fpeech  fignified  nothing  towards  the 
(aving  of  himfelf:  But  it  loft  him  the  King's  favour  fo  entirely^ 
that  he  never  recovered  it  afterwards.  Lord  Arlington  was  next  at- 
tack'd :  He  appeared  alfb  before  the  Commons,  and  fpoke  much 

J  A  better 


^66  The  History  of  the  Reign 

167 ±.  better  than  was  expected :  He  excufed  himfclf,  but  without  blam- 
^y^^n^  ing  the  King :  And  this  had  (b  good  an  effed,  that  tho'  he,  as 
Secretary  of  State,  was  more  expofed  than  any  other,  by  the  many 
warrants  and  orders  he  had  figned,  yet  he  was  acquitted,  tho'  by 
a  fmall  majority.  But  the  care  he  took  to  preferve  himfelf,  and  his 
fuccefs  in  it,  loft  him  his  high  favour  with  the  King,  as  the  Duke 
was  out  of  meafure  offended  at  him :  So  he  quitted  his  poft,  and 
was  made  Lord  Chamberlain. 

The  Houfe  of  Commons  was  refolved  to  force  the  King  to  a 
peace  with  the  Dutch.  The  Court  oi  France  recalled  Croijpy^  find- 
ing that  the  Duke  was  offended  at  his  being  led  \>^L,oi6./4rlmgtoH. 
Rouvigny'v^s  fent  over:  A  man  of  great  practice  in  bufinefs,  and 
in  all  intrigues.  He  was  ftill  a  firm  Proteftant,  but  in  all  other 
re/pe<5ts  a  very  dextrous  Courtier,  and  one  of  the  greateft  States- 
men \n  Europe.  He  had  the  appointments  of  an  EmbalTador,  but 
would  not  take  the  charafter,  that  he  might  not  have  a  Chapel, 
and  Mais  faid  in  it.  Upon  his  coming  over,  as  he  himfelf  told  me, 
he  found  all  the  Minifters  of  the  Allies  were  perpetually  plying  the 
Members  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons  with  their  memorials.  He 
knew  he  could  gain  nothing  on  them :  So  he  never  left  the  King. 
A  peace  The  King  was  in  great  perplexity :  He  would  have  done  any  thing, 
wUh'thc^*^  and  parted  with  any  perfbns,  if  that  would  have  procured  him  mo- 
Sutes.  ncy  for  carrying  on  the  war.  But  he  faw  little  appearance  of  that. 
He  found  he  was  indeed  at  the  mercy  of  the  States.  So  Lord  Arlm^ 
ton  prefled  ^tSpan'tJh  Minifters  to  prevail  with  the  States,  and  the 
Prince  oWrange^to  get  a  propofition  for  a  peace  to  be  fet  on  foot.  And 
that  it  might  have  fome  fhew  of  a  peace  both  beg'd  and  bought, 
he  propofed  that  a  fum  of  money  (liould  be  offered  the  King  by  the 
States,  which  fhould  be  made  over  by  him  to  the  Prince  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  debt  he  owed  him.  Rotw'tgny  prefs'd  the  King  much 
to  give  his  Parliament  all  fatisfadion  in  points  of  religion.  The 
King  anfwered  him,  if  it  was  not  for  his  brother's  folly,  {LaSotttfe 
de  mon  Frere^)  he  would  get  out  of  all  his  difficulties.  Rouvrngy 
drew  a  memorial  for  informing  the  Houfe  of  Commons  of  the  mo- 
defty  of  his  mafter's  pretenfions :  For  now  the  French  King  was  fen- 
fible  of  his  errors  in  making  fuch  high  demands,  as  he  had  made 
at  Utrecht  j  and  was  endeavouring  to  get  out  of  the  war  on  eafier 
terms.  The  States  committed  a  great  error  in  defiring  a  peace  with 
England^  without  defiring  at  the  fame  time,  that  the  King  ihould 
enter  into  the  alliance  for  reducing  the  French  to  the  terms  of  the 
Triple  Alliance.  But  the  Prince  of  Orange  thought,  that  if  he 
could  once  feparate  the  King  from  his  alliance  with  France^  tlie 
other  point  would  be  foon  brought  about.  And  the  States  were  much 
fet  on  the  having  a  peace  with  England^  hoping  then  both  to  be 

freed 


.  iT 


of  King  Charles  IL  367 

freed  of  the  great  trouble  of  fecuring  the  coaft  at  a  vaft  charge,  167 ^T 
and  alfo  by  the  advantage  of  their  fleet  to  ruine  the  trade,  and  to 
infult  the  coaft  oi  France-.  The  States  did  this  winter  confer  a  new- 
and  extraordinary  dignity  on  the  Prince  oiOrange.  They  made  him 
Hereditary  Stadtholder.  So  that  this  was  entailed  on  him,  and  his 
iffue  male.  He  had  in  a  year  and  a  half's  time  changed  the  whole 
face  of  their  affairs.  He  had  not  only  taken  Naerden,  which  made 
Amflerdam  eafy :  But  by  a  very  bold  undertaking  he  had  gone  up 
the  Rhine  to  Bon^  and  had  taken  it  in  a  very  few  days :  And  in 
it  had  cut  off  the  fupplies  that  the  French  fent  down  to  their  gar- 
rifons  on  the  Rhine  and  the  Ifel.  So  that  the  French  finding  they 
could  not  fubfift  longer  there,  were  now  refolved  to  evacuate  all 
thofe  places,  and  the  three  Provinces  of  which  they  were  polTef- 
fed-  which  they  did  a  few  months  after.  An  alliance  was  al- 
fo made  with  the  Emperor.  And  by  this  means  both  the  Eledior  of 
Cologn,  and  the  Bifhop  of  Munfler^  were  brought  to  a  peace  with  the 
States.  The  Elector  oiBrandenhurgh  was  likewife  returning  to  the 
alliance  with  the  States :  For  in  the  treaty,  to  which  he  was  forced 
to  fubmit,  with  Turenne  for  a  truce  of  a  year,  he  had  put  an  article, 
refervingtohimfelf  a  liberty  to  adt  in  concurrence  with  the  Empire, 
according  to  fuch  refolutions  as  fhould  be  taken  in  the  Diet.  This 
change  of  the  affairs  of  the  States  had  got  the  Prince  o{ Orange  the 
affed:ions  of  the  people  to  fuch  a  degree,  that  he  could  have  ob- 
tained every  thing  of  them  that  he  would  have  defired :  And  even 
the  lofs  of  fo  important  a  place  as  Mafiricht  was  not  at  all  charged 
on  him.  So  he  brought  the  States  to  make  applications  to  the  King 
in  the  ftyle  of  thofe  who  beg'd  a  peace,  tho'  it  was  vifible  they 
could  have  forced  it.  In  conclufion,  a  projed:  of  a  peace  with  En- 
gland was  formed,  or  rather  the  peace  of  Breda  was  writ  over 
again,  with  the  offer  of  2  or  300000/.  for  the  expence  of  the 
war.    And  the  King  figned  it  at  Lord  Arlington's  office. 

He  came  up  immediately  into  the  drawing  room  ^  where  feeing 
Rouvigny  he  took  him  afide,  and  told  him,  he  had  been  doing  a' 
thing  that  went  more  againft  his  heart,  than  the  lofmg  of  his  right 
hand :  He  had  figned  a  peace  with  the  Dutch,  the  project  being 
brought  him  by  the  Spamjh  Embaffador:  He  faw  nothing  could 
content  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  or  draw  money  from  them :  And 
Lord  Arlington  had  preffed  him  fo  hard,  that  he  had  ftood  out  till 
he  was  weary  of  his  life :  He  faw  it  was  impoffible  for  him  to  carry 
on  the  war  without  fupplies,  of  which  it  was  plain  he  could  have  no 
hopes.  Rouvign'y  told  him,  what  was  done  could  not  be  helped:  The  King 
But  he  would  let  him  fee  how  faithfully  he  would  ferve  him  on  this  '""™*=  '''* 

1111-  n  1  1   /-  I  mediator  ot 

occafion :  He  did  not  doubt  but  his  mafter  would  fubmit  all  his  pre- the  peace, 
tcnlions  to  him,  and  make  him  the  arbiter  and  mediator  of  the 
\ '  peace. 


3^8  the  History  of  the  Reigh 

r674.  peace.  This  the  King  received  with  great  joy ;  and  faid,  it  would 
•^^"V""^  be  the  moft  acceptable  fcrvice  that  could  be  done  him.  The  French 
rcfolved  upon  this  to  accept  of  the  King's  mediation.  And  fo  the 
King  got  out  of  the  war,  very  Httle  to  his  honour,  having  both  en- 
gaged in  it  upon  unjuft  grounds,  and  managed  it  all  along  with  ill 
condud,  and  bad  fuccefs :  And  now  he  got  oiit  of  it  in  (b  poor  and 
(b  difhonourable  a  manner,  that  with  it  he  loft  his  credit  both  at 
home  and  abroad.  Yet  he  felt  little  of  all  this.  He  and  his  brother 
were  now  at  their  eafe.  Upon  this,  the  Parliament  was  quickly  pro- 
rogued :  And  the  Court  delivered  it  felfup  again  to  its  ordinary  courfc 
of  floth  and  luxury.  But  'LoxAArl'mgton^  who  had  bfought  all  this 
about,  was  fo  entirely  loft  by  it,  that  tho'  he  knew  too  much  of  the 
(ecret  to  be  ill  ufed,yet  he  could  never  recover  the  ground  he  had  loft, 
the  Doch-  The  Duchefs  oiTork  came  over  that  winter.  She  was  then  very 
efs's  charac-yQujjg^  about  fixteen,  but  of  a  full  growth.  She  was  a  graceful  per- 
Ibn,  with  a  good  mealure  of  beauty,  andfo  much  wit  and  cunnings 
that  during  all  this  reign  ftie  behaved  her  felf  in  fo  obliging  a  man- 
ner, and  feemed  fo  innocent  and  good,  that  fhe  gained  upon  all 
that  came  near  her,  and  pofTelTed  them  with  fuch  impreffions  of 
her,  that  it  was  long  before  her  behaviour  after  fhe  was  a  Queea 
could  make  them  change  their  thoughts  of  her.  So  artificially  did 
this  young  Italian  behave  her  felf,  that  fhe  deceived  even  the  eld- 
cft  and  moft  jealous  perfons,  both  in  the  Court  and  Country.  Only 
fometimes  a  fatyrical  temper  broke  out  too  much,  which  was  im- 
puted to  youth  and  wit  not  enough  pradifed  to  the  world.  She 
avoided  the  appearances  of  a  zealot,  or  a  meddler  in  bufinefs ;  and 
gave  her  felf  up  to  innocent  cheerfulnefs ;  and  was  univerfally 
efteemed  and  beloved,  as  long  as  flie  was  Duchefs. 
Coleman's  She  had  one  put  about  her  to  be  her  Secretary,  Coleman ;  who  be- 
charaaer.  ^ame  (o  adive  in  the  affairs  of  the  party,  and  ended  his  hfe  fo  un-* 
fortunately,  that  fince  I  had  much  converfation  with  him,  his  cir- 
cumftances  may  dcferve  that  his  character  fhould  be  given,  tho'  his 
perfon  did  not.  I  was  told,  he  was  a  Clergyman's  fon :  But  he  was 
early  catched  by  thejefuits,  and  bred  many  years  among  them.  He 
underftood  the  art  of  managing  controverfies,  chiefly  that  great 
oneof  the  authority  of  the  Church,  better  than  any  of  their  Priefts. 
He  was  a  bold  man,  refolved  to  raife  himfelf,  which  he  did  by  de- 
dicating himfelf  wholly  to  the  Jefuits :  And  fo  he  was  raifed  by  them. 
He  had  a  great  eafinefs  in  writing  in  feveral  languages  ,•  and  writ  ma- 
ny long  letters,  and  was  the  chief  correfpondent  the  party  had  in 
England.  He  lived  at  a  vaft  cxpence.  And  talked  in  fo  pofitive  a 
manner,  that  it  looked  Uke  one  who  knew  he  was  well  fupported. 
.  I  foon  faw  into  his  temper;  and  I  warned  the  Duke  of  it:  For  I 
looked  on  him,  as  a  man  much  liker  to  fpoil  bufinefs,  than  to  car- 
ry 

7 


of  Kmg  CuAkt^s  11.    ^  369 

ry  it  on  dextroufly.  He  got  into  the  confidence  of  P.  Ferrier  the  167^. 
King  oi  France's  confeflbr  ,•  and  tried  to  get  into  the  fame  pitch  of  ^-^'"V""^ 
confidence  with  P.  de  la  Cha'tfe,  who  fucceeded  him  in  that  poft. 
He  went  about  everywhere,  even  to  the  jayls  among  the  criminals, 
to  make  profelytes.  He  dealt  much  both  in  the  giving  and  taking 
of  bribes.  But  now  the  affairs  of  £;^^/«W  were  calmed,  I  look 
again  to  Scot  Ian  d^  which  was  yet  in  a  ftorm. 

The  King  writ  to  Duke  Hamilton  to  come  up.    And  when  he  The  affair* 
and  Lord  Tweedale  arrived,  they  were  fb  well  received,  that  they"^"^"*^"'"'' 
hoped  to  carry  their  point.  But  the  King's  defign  in  this  was,  that,  if 
he  could  have  brought  the  Houfe  of  Commons  to  have  given  mo- 
ney, he  was  refolved  to  have  parted  with  Duke  L«W(?r^<ar/<?,  and  have 
employed  them.  And  his  kindufage  of  them  was  on  defign  to  pcr- 
jfiiade  the  Commons  to  ufe  himfelf  better,  by  (hewing  that  he  was 
ready  to  comply  with  them.  He  gave  them  fo  good  a  hearing,  that 
they  thought  they  had  fully  convinced  him:  And  he  blamed  them 
only  for  not  complaining  to  himfelf  of  thofe  grievances.    But,  as 
fbon  as  he  faw  it  was  to  no  purpofe  to  look  for  money  from 
the  Houfe  of  Commons,    and  had  figned  the  peace,    he  fent 
them  down  with  full  affurances  that  all  things  fhould  be  left  to  the 
judgment  of  the  ParHament.    They  came  down  thro'  the  greateft 
fall  of  fnow  that  has  been  in  all  my  life  time.  When  they  got  home,  ThePariia- 
inftead  of  a  fcffion,  there  was  an  order  for  a  prorogatiori  |  which  ^orogTcd. 
gave  fuch  an  univcrfal  difcontent,  that  many  offered  at  very  extra- 
vagant propofitions,  for  deflroying  Duke  Lauderdale  and  all  his  par- 
ty. Duke.  Hamilton,  who  told  me  this  fbme  years  after,  whenan  A(5t 
of  Grace  was  publifhed,  was  neither  fb  bad  nor  fobold  as  to  hearken 
to  thefe.     The  King  writ  him  a  cajoling  letter,  defiring  him  to 
come  up  once  more,  and  to  refer  all  matters  to  him :  And  he  af^ 
fiired  him,  he  would  make  up  all  differences. 

In  the  mean  while  Duke  Lauderdale  tookall  poffible  methods  to  be-  DakimpWs 
come  more  popular.  He  connived  at  the  infblence  of  the  Prefbyteri-  ^^''"^aer. 
ans,  wh  o  took  poffeffion  of  one  of  the  vacant  Churches  oiEdenburgh, 
and  preached  in  it  for  fome  months.  The  Earl  oiArgtle  and  Sir  James 
Dalrimple  were  the  men  on  whom  the  Prefbyterians  depended 
moft.    Duke  Lauderdale  returned  to  his  old  kindnefs  with  the  for- . 
mer :  And  Lord  Argtle  was  very  ready  to  forget  his  late  unkindnefs. 
So  matters  were  made  up  between  them.  Darlimple  was  the  Prefi- 
dent  of  the  feffion,  a  man  of  great  temper,  and  of  a  very  mild  de- 
portment, but  a  cunning  man.  He  was  now  takeninto  the  chief  con- 
fidence. He  told  the  Prefbyterians,  if  they  would  now  fupport  Duke 
Lauderdale y  this  would  remove  the  prejudice  the  King  had  againft 
them,  as  enemies  to  his  fervice.    This  wrought  on  many  of  them. 

What  influence  foever  this  might  have  on  the  Prefbyterians,  theTheCiergy 

"  T»  n^  was  much 

J  B  Itrange  provoked. 


3  70         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1 67 A.    ftrant^e  condud  with  relation  to  them  provoked  the  Clergy  out  of 
^^^W^^  mealure.    Some  hot  men,  that  were  not  preferred  as  they  thought 
they  deferved,  grew  very  mutinous,and  complained  that  things  were 
let  fall  irxto  much  confufion.  And  theyraifed  a  grievous  outcry  for 
the  want  of  a  National  Synod  to  regulate  ourworfliip  and  govern- 
ment: And  fo  moved  in  the  Diocefan  Synods,  that  a  petition  fhould 
be  offered  to  the  Privy  Council,  fetting  forth  the  neceflity  of  hav- 
ing a  National  Synod.  I  liked  no  part  of  this.  I  knew  the  temper  of 
our  Clergy  too  well,  to  depend  much  on  them.  Therefore  I  went  out 
of  the  way  on  purpofe  when  our  Synod  was  to  meet.  Petitions  were 
offered  for  a  National  Synod,  which  was  thought  an  innocent  thing. 
Yet,  it  being  done  on  defign  to  heighten  the  fermentation  the  King- 
dom was  in,  great  exceptions  were  taken  to  it.    One  Bifhop,  and 
four  of  the  Clergy,  were  turned  out  by  an  order  from  the  King, 
purfuant  to  the  A«3:  afferting  the  Supremacy.  After  a  year,  upon  their 
lubmifTion,  they  were  reftored.   Tho'  I  was  not  at  all  concerned  in 
this,  (for  I  was  ever  oi  Naztanzen^so^imony  who  never  wifhed  to 
fee  any  more  Synods  of  the  Clergy,)  yet  the  King  was  made  be- 
lieve, that  I  had  laid  the  whole  matter,  even  tho'l  did  not  appear 
in  any  part  of  it. 
^  great  di-       Another  diforder  broke  out,  which  had  greater  effeds.  A  caufe 
WW. '"  being  judged  in  the  (upreme  Court  of  Seflion,  the  party  appealed  to 
the  Parliament.  This  was  looked  on  as  a  high  contempt,  done  on 
defign  to  make  the  Parliament  a  Court  of  judicature,  that  fo  there 
might  be  a  neceflity  of  frequent  Parliaments.  So  the  Judges  requir- 
ed all  the  lawyers  to  condemn  this,  as  contrary  to  law.    And  they 
had  the  words  of  a  law  on  their  fide :  For  there  lay  no  fiich  appeal : 
as  ftopt  procefs,  nor  was  there  a  writ  of  error  in  their  law :  But  up- 
on petitions,  Parliaments  had,  tho'  but  feldom,  reviewed  and  re- 
ver/ed  the  judgments  of  the  Courts.    So  the  debate  lay  about  the 
fenfe  of  the  \foxA  Appeal.  Sir  George  Lockhartj  brother  to  theEm- 
baffador,  was  the  moft  learned  lawyer,  and  the  beft  pleader  I  have 
ever  yet  known  in  any  Nation  j  and  he  had  all  the  lawyers  almoft 
in  a  dependancc  on  him.  He  was  engaged  with  the  party,  andre- 
folved  to  ftand  it  out.  The  King  fentdown  an  order  to  put  all  men 
from  the  bar,thar.  did  not  condemn  appeals.  And,when  that  wrought 
not  on  them,  they  were  by  proclamation  banifhed  Edenburgby  and 
twelve  miles  about  it:  And  a  new  day  was  affignedthem  for  making 
their  fubmiffion,-  the  King  in  a  veryunufiial  ftyle  declaring,  on  the 
word  of  a  Prince,  that,  ifthey  fubmittednotby  thatday,  they  fhould 
never  be  again  admitted  to  their  pradice.They  flood  it  out :  And  the 
day  lapfed  without  their  fubmitting.  Yet  afterwards  they  renounced 
appeals  in  the  fenfe  oftheRoman  law :  And,notwithflanding  the  nnu- 
fual  threatnipg  in  the  proclamation,they  were  again  reflored  to  prac- 
tice. 

6 


of  King  C  H  AR  L  E  s  II.  371 


tice.   But  this  made  a  ftop  for  a  whole  year  in  all  legal  proceedings,    i  ^74. 

The'  government  of  the  city  oi  Edenbnrgh  was  not  fb  torn- 2^^"^^^,^ 
pliant,  as  was  cxpe6ted.  So  Duke  Lauderdale  procured  a  letter  procetoiDgi 
from  the  King  to  tarn  out  twelve  of  the  chief  Magiltrates,  and  '*^"'' 
to  declare  them  for  ever  incapable  of  all  publick  trufts :  So  entirely 
had  he  forgot  his  complaints  formerly  made  againft  incapacity, 
even  when  pafs'd  in  an  Ad:  of  Parliament.  The  boroughs  of  Scot- 
lafid  have  by  law  a  privilege  of  meeting  once  a  year  in  a  body,  to 
confider  of  trade,  and  of  by-laws  relating  to  it.  At  a  convention 
held  this  year  a  petition  was  agreed  on,  and  fent  to  the  King,  com- 
plaining of  fome  late  A6ts  that  hindered  trade,  for  the  repeal  of 
which  there  was  great  need  of  a  feflion  of  Parliament:  They  there- 
fore prayed,  that  when  the  King  fent  down  a  Commiflioner  to 
hold  a  feflion,  he  might  be  inftrudcd  in  order  to  that  repeal.  This 
was  judged  a  legal  thing  by  the  lawyers  there,-  for  this  was  a  law- 
ful affembly :  They  did  not  petition  for  a  Parliament,  but  only  for 
inftrudions  to  the  feffion.  Yet  it  was  condemned  as  fcditious :  And 
thofe  who  promoted  it  were  fined  and  imprifoned  for  it.  Thus 
Dukt  Lauderdale  ^zs  lifted  up  out  of  meafure,  and  refolved  tocrufh 
all  that  ftood  in  his  way.  He  was  made  Earl  of  Guilford  in  Englandy 
and  had  a  penfion  of  3000/;  And  he  lethimfelf  loofe  into  a  very 
ungoverned  fury.  When  Duke  Hamilton,  and  fbme  other  Lords 
came  up,  the  Kingdefired  they  would  put  their  complaints  in  wri- 
ting. They  faid,  the  laws  were  fo  oddly  worded,  and  more  oddly 
executed,  in  Scotland,  that  the  modefteft  paper  they  could  offcir 
might  be  condemned  as  leafing-making,  and  mifreprefenting  the 
King's  proceedings :  So  they  would  not  venture  on  it.  The  King 
promifed  them,  that  no  ill  ufe  fhould  be  made  of  it  to  their  pre- 
judice. But  they  did  not  think  it  fafe  to  trufl  him  j  for  he  feem- 
ed  to  be  entirely  delivered  up  to  all  Duke  Lauderdale's  paffions. 

It  is  no  wonder  then  that  I  could  not  ftand  before  him  ,•  tho'  at  i  was  tilf' 
my  coming  np  the  Duke  oiTork  received  me  with  great  kindneft,^"" 
and  told  me,  how  he  had  got  out  of  great  difficulties,  and  added,  that 
the  King  was  very  firm  to  him :  He  commended  likewife  his  new 
Duchefs  much :  He  was  troubled  at  our  difbrders :  He  was  firm  to 
Duke  Lauderdale :  But  he  would  have  endeavoured  to  reconcile  mat- 
ters, if  there  had  been  room  for  it.  He  told  me,  the  King  was  high- 
ly incenfed  againft  me  j  and  was  made  believe,  that  I  was  the  chief 
fpring  of  all  that  had  happened :  He  himfelf  believed  me  more  in- 
nocent; and  faid,  he  would  endeavour  to  ftt  me  right  with  him: 
And  he  carried  me  to  the  King,  who  received  me  coldly.  Some  days 
after,  when  the  Duke  was  a  hunting,  the  Lord  Chamberlain  told 
me,  he  had  orders  to  ftrike  my  name  out  of  the  lift  of  the  Chaplains  ,• 
and  that  the  King  foe  bad  me  the  Court,  and  expected  I  fliould  go 

back 


372.         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1674.  back  to  Scotland.  The  Duke  feemed  troubled  at  this,  and  fpoke  to 
'  the  King  about  it :  But  he  was  pofitive.  Yet  he  admitted  me  to  ray- 
to  him  what  I  had  to  offer  in  my  own  juftification.  I  faid  all  that  I 
thought  neceflfary  j  and  appealed  to  Duke  Ham'dton,  who  did  me 
juftice  in  it.  But  the  King  faid,  he  was  afraid  I  had  been  too  bufy ; 
and  wiflied  me  to  go  home  to  Scotland^  and  be  more  quiet.  The  Duke 
upon  this  told  me,  that,  if  I  went  home  without  reconciling  my  felf 
to  Duke  Lauderdale,  I  fhould  be  certainly  fhut  up  in  a  clofe  prifon, 
where  I  might  perhaps  lye  too  long.  This  I  look'd  on  as  a  very  high 
obligation :  So  I  refigned  my  employment,  and  refblved  to  flay  in 
England.  I  preached  in  many  of  the  Churches  oi London ;  and  was 
fo  well  recaiv'd,  that  it  was  probable  I  might  be  accepted  of  in  any 
that  was  to  be  difpofed  of  by  a  popular  eledion.  So  a  Church  faU- 
ing  to  be  given  in  that  way,  the  electors  had  a  mind  to  choofe  me ; 
But  yet  they  were  not  willing  to  oflFend  the  Court.  The  Duke  fpoke 
to  Duke  Lauderdale  J  and  told  him  that  he  had  a  mind  I  fhould  be 
fettled  in  London,  and  defired  he  would  not  oppofe  it.  Duke  Lau- 
derdale (zid,  all  this  was  a  trick  of  the  party  in  i5Vd?//««c/,  to  fettle 
me,  that  I  might  be  a  correfpondent  between  the  fadions  in  both 
Kingdoms.  Yet,  upon  the  Duke's  undertaking  that  I  fhould  not 
meddle  in  thofe  matters,  he  was  contented  that  the  King  fhould  let 
the  electors  know,  he  was  not  againft  their  choofing  me.  Upon 
this  Duke  Lauderdale ,  feeing  what  a  root  I  had  with  the  Duke, 
fent  a  mellage  to  me,  that,  if  I  would  promife  to  keep  no  farther 
correfpondence  with  Duke  Hamthon,  1  fhould  again  be  reflored  to 
his  favour.  I  faid,  I  had  promifed  the  Duke  to  meddle  no  more  in 
Scot'tjhz&diixs:  But  I  could  not  forfake  my  friends,  nor  turn  againft 
them.  By  this  he  judged  I  was  inflexible.  So  he  carried  a  flory 
to  the  King  the  very  night  before  the  eledtion,  that  upon  enquiry 
was  found  to  be  falfe,  when  it  was  too  late  to  help  what  was  done. 
Upon  that,  the  King  fent  a  fevere  meffage  to  the  electors.  So  I 
miffed  that.  And  feme  time  after  a  new  flory  was  invented,  of  which 
Sharp  \^as  indeed  the  author,  by  which  the  King  was  made  believe 
that  I  was  poffeffing  both  Lords  and  Commons  againfl  Duke  Lau- 
derdale. Upon  that,  the  King  ordered  Coz;^;^/^)/ to  command  me  to 
leave  London,  and  not  to  come  within  twenty  miles  of  it.  The  Duke 
told  me  what  the  particulars  were,  which  were  all  falfe :  For  Lord 
Faulconbrtdge  andLovd Carli/Ie  were  the  Lords,  into  whom  it  was 
faid  I  was  infufing  thofe  prejudices.  Now  I  was  known  to  neither 
of  them  J  for,  tho'  they  had  defired  my  acquaintance,  I  had  decHn- 
ed  it.  So  I  told  all  this  to  Secretary  Coventry,  who  made  report  of 
it  to  the  King  in  the  Duke's  prefence :  And  thofe  Lords  juftificd  me 
in  the  matter.  I  hoped  the  King  would  upon  all  this  recall  his  order. 
But  he  would  not  do  it.  So  I  afkfd  to  have  it  in  writing,  TheSecre- 

3  tary 


of  King  Charles  II.  "^         373 

tary  knew  it  was  againft  law:  So  he  would  not  do  it.  But  I  was  forbid  167^,, 
the  Court.  The  Duke  brought  Duke  Lauderdale  and  me  once  toge-  -'O^^^ 
ther,  to  have  made  us  friends.  But  nothing  would  do,  unlefs  I  would 
forfake  all  my  friends,  and  difcover  fecrets.  I  faid,  I  knew  no  wicked 
ones :  And  I  could  not  break  with  perfons,with  whom  I  had  lived  long 
in  great  friendfhip.  The  Duke  (poke  to  the  Lord  Treafurer,  to  foften 
V>\x\<.^  Lauder  dale  ^j'wk^.  relation  tome  j  and  fent  me  to  him. He  under- 
took to  doit  ^  but  faid  afterwards,  Duke  L(7Wc'r<^<a'/£' was  intractable. 

This  violent  and  groundlefs  profecution  lafted  fome  months.  And 
during  that  time  I  faid  to  fome,  \}i\2Li^v^z Lauderdale  had  gone  fb 
far  in  opening  (bme  wicked  defigns  to  me,  that  I  perceived  he  could 
not  be  fatisficd,  unlefs  I  was  undone.  So  I  told  what  was  mention- 
ed before  of  the  difcourfes  that  pafs'd  between  him  and  me.  This 
I  ought  not  to  have  done,  fince  they  were  the  effects  of  confidence 
and  friendfliip.  But  fuch  a  courfe  of  provocation  might  have  heat- 
ed a  cooler  and  elder  man  than  I  was,  being  then  but  thirty,  to 
forget  the  caution  that  I  ought  to  have  u(ed.  The  perfons  who  had 
this  from  me,  refolved  to  make  ufe  of  it  againft  him,  in  the  next 
feflion  of  Parliament :  For  which  the  Earl  of  Danby  and  he  were 
preparing,  by  turning  to  new  methods. 

Lord  Danby  fct  up  to  be  the  patron  of  the  Church-party,  and  The  Mfnj. 

of  the  old  Cavaliers:  AndDukeL««^(?/'<^<«/^joinedhimfelf  tohim.  Ittothe"' 
was  faid,  the  King  had  all  along  negleded  his beft  and  fureft  friends  :^''"'*=''  P"' 
So  a  new  meafure  was  taken  up,  of  doing  all  poflible  honours  to  the 
memory  of  King  C,6^r/d'5 1,  and  to  all  that  had  been  in  his  interefts. 
Aftatue  of  brafs  on  horfe  back,  that  had  been  long  negleded,  was 
bought,  and  fet  xx^  ztCharmg-crofs :  And  a  magnificent  funeral  was 
defigned  for  him.  The  building  of  St.  Pauls  \n  London  was  now 
fet  on  foot  with  great  zeal.  MorkyznA  fome  of  the  Bifhops  were 
fent  for :  And  the  new  Miniftry  fettled  a  fcheme  with  them,  by 
which  it  was  offered  to  cru(h  all  the  defigns  of  Popery.  The  Mi- 
nifters  expreffed  a  great  zeal  in  this ;  and  openly  accufed  all  the  for- 
mer Minifters  for  negleding  it  fo  long.  But,  to  excufe  this  to  the 
Duke,  they  told  him,  it  was  a  great  misfortune,  that  the  Church 
party  and  the  Diffenters  were  now  run  into  one;  that  the  Churcn 
party  muft  have  fome  content  given  them  j  and  then  a  teft  was  to 
be  fet  on  foot,  that  fliould  for  ever  fhut  out  all  Diffenters,  who  were 
an  implacable  fort  of  people.  A  Declaration  renouncing  the  law- 
fulnefs  of  refiftance  in  any  cafe  whatfoever,  and  an  engagement  to 
endeavour  no  alteration  in  Church  or  State,  was  defigned  to  be  a 
neceffary  qualification  of  all  that  might  choofe,  or  be  chofen  Mem- 
bers of  Parliament.  If  this  could  be  carried,  the  King's  party  would 
be  for  ever  feparated  from  the  Diffenters,  and  be  fo  much  the  more 
united  to  him.    In  order  to  this,  it  was  necelTary  to  put  out  fevere 

5  C  orders 


^74         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1674.    orders  of  Council  againft  all  convided  or  fufpeded  Papifts.    The 
"iO"""^  Duke  acquainted  me  with  this  fcheme.    He  diiliked  it  much.    He 
thought,  this  would  raife  the  Church  party  too  high.    He  looked 
on  them  as  intradiable  in  the  point  of  Popery.    Therefore  he 
thought,  it  was  better  to  keep  them  under  by  fupporting  the  Papifts. 
He  looked  on  the  whole  project,  as  both  knavifh  and  fooliih.  And 
upon  this  he  fpoke  {everelyofDukeLauderdaky  who  he  faw  would 
.    do  any  thing  to  fave  himfelf:  He  had  been  all  along  in  ill  terms 
both  with  Sheldon  and  Morley :  But  now  he  reconciled  himfelf  to 
them:  He  brought <y^^r^  out  o^ Scotland ,  who  went  about  aflur- 
ing  all  people,  that  the  party  fet  againft  him  was  Ukewife  fet  againft 
the  Church.    This,  tho'  notorioufly  falfe,  palTed  for  true  among 
ftrangers.  And,  Le'tghtoun  coming  up  at  the  year's  end  to  quit  his 
Archbiflioprick  of  Glafcow,  Burnet  had  made  fuch  fubmiffions  that 
he  was  reftored  to  it.    So  that  wound,  which  had  been  given  to 
Epifcopacyin  hisperfbn,  was  now  healed.    AnA  Le'tghtoun  xttutd 
to  a  private  houfe  mSuJfex^  where  he  lived  ten  years  in  a  moft  hea- 
venly manner,  and  with  a  {hining  converfation.  SonowDukeL<3;«- 
derdale  was  at  the  head  of  the  Church  party. 
Correfpon-      The  Court  was  fomewhat  difturbed  with  difcoveries  that  were 
i/SJdif-  niade  at  this  time.    When  Sir  Jofeph  WtlUamfon  came  back  from 
covered.     Cologn,  he  fecretly  met  mthWicque forty  who  has  publiftied  a  work 
about  Embaffadors.  He  was  the  Dutch  Secretary,  that  tranflated  the 
intelligence  that  came  from  England.  And  fometimes  the  originals 
were  left  in  his  hands.    Willtamfon  prevailed  with  him  to  deliver 
thefe  to  him.  Moft  of  them  were  writ  by  the  Lord  Howard's  bro- 
ther, who  upon  his  brother's  death  was  afterwards  Lord  Howard, 
He  was  a  man  of  wit  and  learning,  bold  and  poor,  who  had  run 
thro'  many  parties  in  religion.  In  Cromwelh  time  he  was  rebaptiz- 
cd,  and  had  preached  \n  London.  He  fet  up  in  oppofition  to  Crom- 
well, as  a  great  Common- wealth's  man,  and  did  fome  fervice  in  the 
Reftoration.   But  he  was  always  poor,  and  ready  to  engage  in  any 
thing  that  was  bold.    He  went  over  in  the  beginning  of  the  war, 
and  offered  to  ferve  DeWtt.   But  he  told  me,  he  found  him  a  dry 
man.  As  fbon  as  the  Prince  was  raifed,  he  waited  on  him,  andon/v?- 
gel'y  and  undertook  not  only  to  fend  them  good  intelligence,  but  to 
make  a  great  party  for  them.  He  prelTed  the  Prince  to  make  a  des- 
cent on  England^  only  to  force  the  King  to  call  a  Parliament,  and 
to  be  advifed  by  it.   And  he  drew  fuch  a  Manifefto,  as  he  believed 
would  be  acceptable  to  the  Nation.    He,  and  one  of  the  Du  Mou- 
Itnsy  that  was  in  Lord  Arlington'^  office,  joined  together,  and  gave 
the  States  very  good  intelligence.  DuMoul'm,  fearing  that  he  was 
Jifcovered,  took  the  alarm  in  time,  and  got  beyond  fea.   Moft  of 
the  papers  l\izt  Wkquefort  delivered  were  9f//(3w^r^'s  writing.  So 

upon 


of  King  Charles  II.  375 

upon  his  examination  in  tlie  Tower,  it  appeared  they  had  his  let-  167^. 
ters  againft  him.  And,  when  notice  was  fent  of  this  to  Holland^  Wtc-  ^-^'"V"'^-' 
'quefort  was  called  on  to  bring  before  them  all  the  original  letters  that 
Were  trufted  to  him.  And,  upon  his  not  doing  it,  he  was  clapt  up.  And 
the  States  fent  word  to  the  King,  that,  if  anyperfon  fuffered  \x\En- 
gland  on  the  account  of  the  letters  betray'dby  him,  his  head  fhould 
go  for  it.  Halewyn  told  me,  when  it  was  put  to  the  Judges  to  know 
what  fort  of  crime  this  could  be  made,  fmce  the  papers  were  given 
up  after  the  peace  was  concluded,  (otherwife  the  betraying  the  fe- 
crets  of  the  State  to  enemies  was  a  manifeft  crime,)  they  came  to 
this  refolution,  that  as  hyi\\Q.  Roman  law  everything  was  made  ca-  .  j' 
pital  that  was  contra  falutem  Popult  Romania  (b  the  delivering  up  / 
fiich  papers  was  a  capital  crime.  This  threatning  faved  Howard. 
But  "^tiWtcquefort  was  kept  very  long  in  prifon,  and  ruined  by  it. 
He  had  a  fort  of  a  charad;er  from  one  of  the  Princes  of  G(?rw^^)', 
upon  which  he  infifted.  But  the  States  thought,  that  his  coming  in- 
to their  fervice  was  the  throwing  up  of  that  charader.  Upon  this  jeaionfiesof 
occafionC^z/?^/r^,  mentioned  in  the  year  1672,  was  fent  over  from'^^^^j^"""^ 
Holland  to  Rn^and.  And  he  was  feized  on  with  a  paper  of  inftruc- 
tions,  that  were  drawn  (b  darkly,  that  no  wonder  if  they  gave  a 
jealouiy  of  (bme  ill  defigns  then  on  foot.  The  Prince  faid,  when 
alked  about  it,  that  it  was  only  meant  for  a  dired:ion  for  carrying 
on  the  levies  of  fbme  regiments  that  the  King  had  allowed  the 
Dutch  to  make  in  Scotland ^  which  the  King  did  the  better  to  ex- 
cu(e  his  letting  fo  many  continue  in  x}(\Q.French  fervice.  Howfbever, 
mention  being  made  of  money  to  be  paid,  and  of  men  to  be  raifed, 
and  a  complement  being  ordered  to  be  made  to  Duke  HamUton, 
this  looked  fufpicious.  Howard  \\2i6.  confefTed  all  he  knew  upon  pfo- 
mife  of  pardon.  So  that  and  this  laid  together  gave  the  Court  fome 
apprehenfions.  Duke  Lauderdale  made  ufe  of  it  to  heighten  the 
King's  ill  opinion  of  the  party  againft  him.  And,  becaufe  Lieute- 
nant GtntvdXDrummond  was  of  all  the  military  men  he  that  had 
the  beft  capacity,  and  the  greateft  reputation,  he  moved  that 
he  might  be  fecured.  The  mithod  he  took  in  doing  it  (hewed, 
that  he  neither  (ulpeded  him,  nor  regarded  the  law.  The  ancient  Z)r«»»»7o»<; 
method  was  to  require  men  to  render  themfelves  prifoners  by  fuch  7o\dioZ^ 
a  day.  This  was  a  fnare  to  many,  who,  tho'  innocent,  yet  hating 
reftraint  went  out  of  the  way,  and  were  proceeded  againft  in  an  out- 
lawry: But  anA6t  of  Parliament  had  been  made,  condemning  that 
method  for  the  future.  YetDuke Lauderdale  refolved  to  follow  it. 
And  Drummondj  knowing  his  innocence,  rendred  himfelf  as  requir- 
ed ;  and  was  kept  a  year  in  a  very  cold  and  inconvenient  prifon,  at 
Dunhartony  on  the  top  ef  a  high  rock.  This,  coming  after  a  whole 
life  of  loyalty  and  zeal,  was  thought  a  very  extraordinary  reward  to 
fuch  high  pretenfions.  One 


3  7^        The  History  of  the  Reign 

KJ74.        One  thing  on  this  occafion  may  be  fit  to  be  told.  Lord  Kincar- 
^y^r-^dm  had  ferved  Duke  Lauderdale  faithfully,  even  longer  than  he 
could  do  with  a  good  confcience :  For  he  had  ftuck  to  him,  and 
was  left  by  him  with  the  King,  when  he  went  to  Scotland,  who 
knew  well  with  how  much  zeal  he  had  fupported  his  intereft,  and 
cxcufed  his  faults.  When  Duke  Lauderdale  was  hotly  pulhed  at,  he 
then  promifcd  to  all  his  friends,  that  he  would  avoid  all  former  er- 
rors, if  he  got  out  of  his  trouble :  And  that  made  Lord  Ktncard'm 
fb  earneft  to  fcrve  him.  But,  when  he  faw  into  how  much  fury  he 
was  running,  he  tried  to  have  perfuaded  him  to  more  temper  j  but 
found  it  was  in  vain.  Then  he  confelfed  to  me,  that  I  had  judged 
truer  than  he  had  done;  for  I  believed  he  would  grow  worfeihaa 
ever.  When  Lord  Kmcard'm  found,  he  could  not  hinder  things  in 
private,  he  oppofed  them  at  Council :  And  fo  they  broke  with  him. 
Hecameuptojuftifyhimfelf  to  the  King,  who  minded  thofe  mat- 
ters very  little ;  but  thought  it  was  neceflary  to  give  a  full  fcope  to 
Duke  Lauderdale's  motions,  who  had  told  the  King  there  was  a 
fpirit  of  rebellion  that  run  thro'  all  forts  of  people,  and  that  was  to 
be  fubdued  by  ads  of  power,  tho'  perhaps  neither  legal  nor  juft: 
And  when  that  evil  fpirit  was  once  broken,  then  it  would  be  fit  to 
return  to  more  legal  and  moderate  counfels.     So  Lord  Kmcardtn 
found,  therewas  no  arguingwiththe  King  upon  particulars.  There- 
fore he  beg'd  leave  to  ftay  fome  time  at  Court,  that  he  might  not 
be  obliged  to  oppofe  that,  which  the  King  was  made  believe  his 
fervice  required.    The  King  confented  to  this;  and  upon  all  occa- 
fions  uftd  him  very  well.  Duke  Lauderdale  could  not  bear  that,  and 
prelTed  the  King  often  to  command  him  home;  which  he  refufed 
to  do.  Once  he  urged  it  with  much  vehemence :  And  the  King  aa- 
fwered  as  pofitivdy,  that  he  faw  no  rca(bn  for  it,  and  he  would  not 
do  it.    Upon  this  he  came  home  as  in  a  fit  of  diftradion,  and  was 
gathering  together  all  his  commiflions  to  deliver  them  up  to  the 
King.  Upon  that  the  Marquifs  oiAihol,  who  was  then  in  high  fa- 
vour with  him,  went  to  the  King;  and  told  him  that  he  had  fent 
V)ukt  Lauderdale  home  half  dead,  and  half  mad;  and  beg'd  the 
King  to  take  pity  on  him.    So  the  King  fent  a  meifage  to  Lord 
Ktncardm,  ordering  him  to  go  home.    This  Lord  Athol  himfelf 
told  me  afterwards. 

The  baud  Towards  the  end  of  fummer  the  battel  oi Semff''V2&  fought:  Iq 
the  beginning  of  which  the  French  had  a  great  advantage :  But  the 
Prince  ofConde  pufhed  it  too  far :  And  the  Prince  of  Orange  enga- 
ged the  whole  army  with  fb  much  bravery,  that  it  appeared  that  the 
Dutch  army  was  now  brought  to  another  ftate  than  he  had  found 
it  in.  He  charged  himfelf  in  many  places,  with  too  great  a  negled 
of  his  perfon,  confidering  how  much  depended  upon  it.    He  once 


was 

6 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  /  li.  I77 

was  engaged  among  a  hodyoi  French ^  thinking  they  were  his  own  1^74. 
men,  and  bid  them  charge :  They  told  him,  they  had  no  more  pow-  -y^^^T"^ 
der :  He,  perceiving  they  were  none  of  his  men,with  great  prefenceof 
mind  got  out  of  their  hands,  and  brought  up  a  body  of  his  army  to' 
charge  them  ■  who  quickly  routed  them.  The  adiion  in  the  after-* 
noon  recovered  the  lofs  that  was  made  in  the  mornings  and  pop 
fefTcd  all  the  world,  the  Prince  oi  Conde  in  particular,  with  a  great 
efteem  of  the  Prince's  condu6t  and  courage. '  I  will  fay  little  of  fo- 
reign affairs  ,•  becaufe  there  are  many  copious  accounts  of  them  in 
print  J  and  I  can  add  little  to  them.  With  relation  to  the  battel  of 
Sefieff^  the  Prince  himfelf  told  me  that  the  day  before  he  faw  a  Ca- 
puchin, that  came  over  from  the /re'/^Ci^  army,  and  had  along  con- 
vcrfation  with  Zouch,  the  Emperor's  General  j  who  behaved  him- 
felf  foill  on  the  day  of  battel,  that  the  Prince  faid  to  his  fon  atnight, 
that  his  father  had  a6ted  fobafely,  that,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the 
refped:  he  bore  the  Emperor,  he  would  have  fliot  him  thro'  the  head. 
He  was  difgraced  on  this.  But  the  fucceis  of  the  campaign  was  loft 
by  it.  They  had  a  noble  army  j  and  might  have  done  much  more 
than  they  did.  Grave  was  retaken  in  the  end  of  the  campaign.  So 
the  Provinces  were  now  fafe  on  that  fide.  And  the  Prince  had 
gained  fo  much  credit  with  the  States,  that  he  was  now  more  than 
ever  the  mafter  of  rheir  counfels. 

The  alarm  that  thofe  difcoveries  from  Holland  gave  our  Court,  Ari!»gto» 
made  hotdArl'tngton  offer  at  one  trial  more  for  recovering  the  King's  217.  ^°  ^"^ 
confidence.  He  offered  to  go  over  to  Holland  with  the  Earl  o^Of- 
fory:  For  they  fancied  they  had  a  great  intereft  in  the  Prince,  by 
their  having  married  two  oiBevervardfs  daughters :  And  the  Prince 
had  always  a  particular  affedtion  to  Lord  Offor'y.  Lord  Arlington  faid, 
he  would  go  to  the  bottom  of  every  thing  with  the  Prince  j  and 
did  not  doubt,  but  he  would  bring  him  into  an  entire  dependance 
on  his  uncle,  and  particularly  difpofe  him  to  a  general  peace  j  on 
which  the  King  was  much  fet,  it  being  earneftly  defired  by  the 
French.  It  was  likewife  believed,  that  he  had  leave  to  give  the  Prince 
the  hope  of  marrying  her,  whom  he  afterwards  married.  The  Duke 
told  me,  he  knew  nothing  of  the  matter:  He  had  heard,  l^ov^  Ar- 
lington had  tal  ked,  as  if  the  man  aging  that  was  his  chief  errand :  And 
upon  that  he  had  afked  the  King,  who  affured  him  that  he  ha'd  a 
pofitive  order  not  fo  much  as  to  fpeak  of  that  matter.  Yet,  whe- 
ther notwithftanding  this  he  had  a  fecret  order,  or  whether  he  did 
it  without  order,  he  certainly  talked  a  great  deal  of  it  to  the  Prince, 
as  a  thing  which  he  might  depend  on,  if  he  would  in  all  other 
things  be  governed  by  the  King. 

Sir  Wtlitam  Temple  had  been  fent  over  the  fummer  before,  as  rempu  ftnt 
EmbafTador :  And  his  chief  inftrudions  were,  to  difpofe  all  peo-  fo'^^/ 

5  D  pies 


37  8  The  History  of  the  Reign 

t67^.  pies  mintls,  chiefly  the  Prince's,  to  a  peace.  But  the  Prince  had  avoid- 
ed the  feeing  him  till  the  end  of  the  campaign.  Lord  /Irlmgton  had 
thrown  him  oflf,  when  he  weatinto  the/rf^f^intereft:  AndTem- 
pk  was  too  proud  to  bear  contempt,  or  forget  fuch  an  injury  foon. 
He  was  a  vain  man,  much  blown  up  in  his  own  conceit,  which  he 
fhewed  too  indecently  on  all  occafions.  He  had  a  true  judgment  in 
affairs,  and  very  good  principles  with  relation  to  government  ■  but  in 
nothing  elfe.  Hefeemed  to  think  that  things  were  as  they  are  from 
all  eternity:  At  leaft  he  thought  religion  was  fit  only  for  the  mob. 
He  was  a  great  admirer  of  the  le6t  of  6i9;/y/^«5  in  Chmaj  who  were  a- 
theiflsthemfelves,  but  left  religion  to  the  rabble.  He  was  a  corrupter 
of  all  that  came  near  him.  And  he  delivered  himfelf  up  wholly  to  ftu- 
dy  eafe  and  pleafure.  He  entred  into  a  clofe  friendfhip  with  Lord 
Danbjj  who  depended  much  on  him :  And  was  dired:ed  in  all  his  no- 
tions as  to  foreign  affairs  by  him ;  for  no  man  ever  came  into  the 
Miniflry,  that  underflood  the  affairs  o^ Europe  fo  little  as  he  did. 

I  will  henceforth  leave  the  account  of  our  affairs  beyond  fea  whol- 
ly to  Temple's  letters,  in  which  they  are  very  truly  and  fully  fet  forth. 
And  in  them  it  appears,  that  the  Prince  of  Or««g<?,  even  while  fb 
young,  and  fb  little  pradifed  in  affairs,  had  fo  clear  and  fb  juft  a 
view  of  them,  that  nothing  could  mifguide  him  ,•  and  that  the  bad 
profped:  he  had  from  the  ill  condition  of  affairs  did  not  frighten 
him  to  accept  of  any  mean  or  bafe  conditions  of  peace.  His  fideli- 
ty to  his  country,  and  the  pubhck  intereft,  was  fo  firm,  that  no  pri- 
vate confiderations  of  his  own  could  biafs  him,  or  indeed  be  much 
confidered  by  him.  Thefe  letters  give  him  a  Ghara(5ter  that  is  fbfiib- 
lime,  as  well  as  fo  genuine,  thatitraifes  him  much  above  all  the  per- 
formances of  rhetorickorpanegyrick.  I  will  mention  very  little  that 
is  to  be  found  in  them.  i7(?//^W  was  in  great  expedation,  when  they 
faw  two  fuch  men,  as  the  Earls  oi  OJfory  ^nd  Arlington y  come  over, 
together  with  theEarlof  Z)^;?^)/'seldeft  fon,  tho'thelafl  only  made 
the  fhew  a  little  greater.  Lord  Arlington  for  fome  days  infifled  vehe- 
mently on  the  Prince's  difmilTing  Du  Moulm^^fho  had  difcovered  the 
lecrets  of  his  office  to  him. In  this  the  Prince  complied :  And  DuMou- 
//T/wasfent  to  one  of  their  plantations.  As  to  all  other  things.  Lord 
Arlington  talked  to  him  in  the  flrain  of  a  governour  j  and  fcemed  to 
prefiimc  too  much  on  his  youth,  and  on  his  want  of  experience.  But, 
inftead  of  prevailing  on  the  Prince,  he  lofl  himfb  entirely,  that  all 
his  endeavours  afterwards  could  never  beget  any  confidence  in  him. 
So  he  came  back  j  and  reckoned  this  was  his  laft  eilay,  which  fucceed- 
ing  lb  ill,  he  ever  after  that  withdrew  from  all  bufinefs.He  made  him- 
felf eafy  to  the  King,  who  continued  to  be  ilill  very  kind  to  him. 


167 


5 


At  Rafter  a  piece  of  private  news  came  from  hrance,  which  the 

Affairsia  J  l  C  rx    1 

i.,>gia«d.  Duke 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  3 7p 

Duke  was  much  delighted  with,  becaufe  it  did  an  honour  to  the  or-  id/f. 
der  of  the  Jefuits,  to  whom  he  had  devoted  himfelf.  The  new  Con-  ^-^'~Vn> 
fefTor  had  fo  prefTed  the  King  oi  France  in  Lent  to  fend  away  his 
Miftrifs,  Monte/pan^  that  he  prevailed  at  laft.  She  was  fent  to  a 
Nunnery.  And  fo  the  King  received  the  Sacrament,  as  was  faid,  in 
a  ftate  of  contrition.  This  was  writ  to  the  Duke,  and  fet  out  with 
fuch  circumftances,  as  the  French  ufually  do  every  thing  that  relates 
to  their  King.  The  Duke  was  much  pleafed  with  it.  He  told  me, 
he  had  related  it  with  all  its  circumftances  to  the  King  in  the 
Duchefs  of  Fortfmoulh'^  hearing  j  and  faid,  they  both  heard  it  with  .  - 
great  uneafmefs,  and  were  much  out  of  countenance  at  it.  The  Duke 
himfelf  was  then  in  the  beft  temper  I  had  ever  known  him  in.  He 
was  i^'sAin^Nuremhergim  of  the  diflference  ol:  things  temporal  and 
things  eternal:  And  we  had  much  good  difcourfe  on  that  fubjc6t. 
'Lord  Arlington  ran  fo  much  in  his  mind,  that  he  once  faid  to  me, 
if  Lord  Arlington  would  read  that  book,  he  would  not  meddle  in 
fo  many  affairs  as  he  did.  I  faw  he  was  very  jealous  of  him,  and 
of  his  intereft  in  the  King.  Thus  I  have  given  a  full  account  of 
my  acquaintance  with  the  Duke. 

I  lofl  his  favour  foon  after  this.  For  in  April  167^  a  feflion  of  Par- 1  was  exami- 
liament  was  held,  as  preparatory  to  one  that  was  defigned  next  win-  Hou^ie^of 
ter,  in  which  money  was  to  be  alked:  But  none  was  now  alked ;  it  Commons. 
being  only  called  to  heal  all  breaches,  and  to  beget  a  good  under- 
flanding  between  the  King  and  his  people.  The  Houle  of  Com- 
mons fell  upon  Duke  Lauderdale.  And  thofe  who  knew  what  had 
pafs'd  between  him  and  me,  moved  that  I  fhould  be  examined  be- 
fore a  Committee.  I  was  brought  before  them.  I  told  them  how  I 
had  been  commanded  out  of  town.  But  tho' that  was  illegal,  yet, 
fince  it  had  been  let  fall,  itwasnot  infifted  on.  I  was  next  examin- 
ed concerning  his  defign  of  arming  the  Irtjh  Papifts.  I  faid,  I,  as  well 
as  others,  had  heard  him  fay,  he  wifhed  the  Prefbyterians  in  Scot- 
land would  rebel,  that  he  might  bring  over  the  Irtjh  Papifts  to  cut 
their  throats.  I  was  next  examined  concerning  the  defign  of  bring- 
ing zScotifh  zxm^  into  England.  I  defired  to  be  excufed,  as  to  what 
had  pafTed  in  private  difcourfe  j  to  which  I  thought  I  was  not  bound 
to  anfwer,  unlefs  it  were  high  treafbn.  They  preiTed  me  long :  And 
1  would  give  them  no  other  anfwer.  So  they  all  concluded,  that  I 
knew  great  matters  j  and  reported  this  fpecially  to  the  Houfe.  Upon 
that  I  was  fent  for,  and  brought  before  the  Houfe.  I  ftood  upon  it 
as  I  had  done  at  the  Committee,  that  I  was  not  bound  to  anfwer  j 
that  nothing  had  pafTed  that  was  high  treafon  ^  and  as  to  all  other 
things,  I  did  not  think  my  felf  bound  todifcover  them.  I  faid  far- 
ther, I  knew  Dxikc  Lauderdale  was  apt  to  fay  things  in  a  heat,  which 
he  did  not  intend  to  do.  And,  fmce  he  had  ufed  my  felf  fo  ill,I  thought 

my 


3  8o         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1675.  my  felf  the  more  obliged  not  to  fay  any  thing  that  looked  like  re- 
^-^''"v^^  venge  for  what  I  had  met  with  from  him.  I  was  brought  four  times 
to  the  bar.  At  laft  I  was  told,  the  Houfe  thought  they  had  a  right 
to  examine  into  every  thing  that  concerned  the  fafety  of  the  Nation, 
as  well  as  into  matters  of  treafon:  And  they  looked  on  me  as  bound 
to  fatisfy  them :  Otherwife  they  would  make  me  feel  the  weight  of 
their  heavy  difpleafure,  as  one  that  concealed  what  they  thought 
was  neceflary  to  be  known.  Upon  this  I  yielded,  and  gave  an  ac- 
count of  the  difcourfe  formerly  mentioned.  They  laid  great  weight 
on  this,  and  renewed  their  addrefs  againft  Duke  Lauderdale. 

I  was  much  blamed  for  what  I  had  done.  Some,  to  make  it  look 
the  worfe,  added,  that  I  had  been  his  Chaplain,  which  was  falfe,- 
and  that  I  had  been  much  obliged  to  him,  tho'  I  had  never  receiv- 
ed any  real  obligation  from  him,  but  had  done  him  great  fervices, 
for  which  I  had  been  very  unworthily  requited.  Yet  the  thing  had 
an  ill  appearance,  as  the  difclofing  of  what  had  pafs'd  in  confidence  - 
tho'  I  make  it  a  great  queftion,  how  far  even  that  ought  to  bind  a 
man,  when  the  defigns  are  very  wicked,  and  the  perfon  continued 
ftill  in  the  fame  poft,  and  capacity  of  executing  them.  I  have  told 
the  matter  as  it  was,  and  muft  leave  my  felf  to  the  cenfure  of  the 
reader.  My  love  to  my  country,  and  my  private  friendfhips  carried 
me  perhaps  too  far  5  efpecially  fince  1  had  declared  much  againft 
Clergymen's  meddling  in  fecular  affairs,  and  yet  had  run  my  felf 
{o  deep  in  them. 

This  broke  me  quite  with  the  Court,  and  in  that  refped  proved 

a  great  blefling  to  me.  It  brought  me  out  of  many  temptations,- the 
greateft  of  all  being  the  kindnefs  that  was  growing  upon  me  from 
the  Duke,  which  might  have  involved  me  into  great  difficulties 
as  it  did  expofe  me  to  much  cenfure;  all  which  went  off  upon  this 
occafion.    And  I  applied  my  felf  to  my  ftudies,  and  my  fundion 
being  then  fettled  preacher  at  the  Rolls,  and  foon  after  Ledlurer  of 
St.  Clements.  I  lived  many  years  under  the  protedion  of  St.  Harhot- 
tle  Grimfioney  Mafter  of  the  Rolls,  who  continued  fteady  in  his  fa- 
vour tome,  tho'  the  King  fent  ^tcrtt^LX'^ fVilliamfon  to  defire  him 
to  difmifs  me.  He  faid,  he  was  an  old  man,  fitting  himfelf  for  ano- 
ther world,  and  he  found  my  miniftry  ufeful  to  him,-  fb  he  prayed 
that  he  might  be  excufed  in  that.    He  was  a  long,  and  very  kind 
patron  to  me.  I  continued  ten  years  in  that  poft,  free  from  all  ne- 
ceffities:  And,  I  thank  God,  that  was  all  I  dcfired.  But,  fince  I  was 
fb  long,  happy  in  fb  quiet  a  retreat,  it  feems  but  a  juft  piece  of  crra- 
titude,  that  I  fhould  give  fome  account  of  that  venerable  old  man. 
Sh  Harbottie      Hc  was  defccndcd  from  a  long-lived  family  j  for  his  great  grand- 
chawaw.*  father  lived  till  he  was  ninety  eight,  his  grand-father  to  eicrhty  (\Xy 
and  his  father  to  feventy  eight,  and  himfcif  to  eighty  two.  He  had 

to 


of  King  Charles  II.  381 

to  the  laft  a  great  foundnefs  of  health,  of  memory,  and  of  judgment.  167^, 
He  was  bred  to  the  ftudy  of  the  law,  being  a  younger  brother.  Upon 
his  elder  brother's  death  he  threw  it  up.  ButfaUingin  love  with  Judge 
6V<?o^'sdaughter,the  father  would  not  beftow  her  on  him,  unlefs  he 
would  return  to  his  fludies ;  which  he  did  with  great  (uccefs.  That 
Judge  was  one  ofthofe  who  delivered  his  judgment  in  the  Chequer- 
chamber  againft  the  fliip  money,which  he  did  with  a  long  and  learn- 
ed argument.  And  S'w  Harbottle'^  father,  who  ferved  in  Parliament 
iorEffex,  laylonginprifon,  becaufe  he  would  not  pay  the  loan-mo* 
ney.  Thus  both  his  family,  and  his  wife's,  were  zealous  for  the  intcr- 
eft  of  their  country.  In  the  beginning  of  the  long  Parliament  he  was 
a  great  aflerter  of  the  laws  j  and  inveigh'd  feverely  againft  all  that 
had  been  concerned  in  the  former  illegal  oppreflion.  His  principle 
was,  that  allegiance  and  protedtion  were  mutual  obligations  ^  and 
that  the  one  went  for  the  other.  He  thought  the  law  was  the  mea- 
fure  of  both  ,•  and  that  when  a  legal  protection  was  denied  to  one 
that  paid  a  legal  allegiance,  the  fubjed  had  a  right  to  defend  him- 
lelf  He  was  much  troubled,  when  preachers  afTerted  a  divine  right 
of  regal  government.  He  thought  it  had  no  other  effedt,  but  to  give 
an  ill  impreflion  of  them  asafpiring  men:  No  body  was  convinced 
by  it :  It  inclined  their  hearers  rather  to  fufped  all  they  faid  befides : 
It  looked  Hke  the  facrificing  their  country  to  their  own  preferment; 
and  an  encouraging  of  Princes  to  turn  tyrants.  Yet  when  the  long 
Parliament  engaged  into  the  league  with  Scotland,  he  would  not 
fwear  the  Covenant.  And  he  difcontinued  fitting  in  the  Houfe  till 
it  was  laid  abdc.  Then  he  came  back,  and  joined  with  Hollis,  and 
the  other  Prefbyterians,  in  a  high  oppofition  to  the  Independents, 
and  to  Cromzvell  in  particular,  as  was  told  in  the  firft  book.  And  he 
was  one  of  the  fecluded  Members,  that  were  forced  out  of  the  Houfe. 
He  followed  afterwards  the  prafticeof  thelaw,  but  was  always  look- 
ed at  as  one  who  wiflied  well  to  the  ancient  government  of  £;ir^/<3;W. 
So  he  was  chofen  Speaker  of  that  Houfe  that  called  home  the  King  j 
and  had  fo  great  a  merit  in  that  whole  aflfair,  that  he  was  foon  af- 
ter, without  any  application  of  his  own,  mad-e  Mafter  of  the  Rolls : 
In  which  poft  he  continued  to  his  death  with  a  high  reputation,  as 
he  well  deferved  it.  For  he  was  a  juft  Judge  j  very  flow,  and  ready 
to  hear  every  thing  that  was  offered,  without  paffion  or  partiality, 
I  thought  his  only  fault  was,  that  he  was  too  rich :  And  yet  he  gavcf 
yearly  great  fiims  in  charity,  difcharging  many  prifoners  by  paying 
their  debts.  He  was  a  very  pious  and  devout  man,  and  fpent  every 
day  at  leaft  an  hour  in  the  morning,  and  as  much  at  night,  in  prayer 
and  meditation.  And  even  in  winter,  when  he  was  obliged  to  be  ve- 
ry early  on  the  bench,  he  took  care  to  rife  fo  foon,  that  he  had 
always  the  command  of  thattime,  which  he  gave  to  thofe  exercifes. 
He  was  much  fharpened  againft  Popery ;  but  had  always  a  tender- 
-li  ;  E  nefs 


381  The  History  of  the  Reign 

J 67  J.  nc(s  to  the  Diflenters,  tho'  he  himfelf  continued  ftill  in  the  com-* 
^-''''^^'"^^  munion  of  the  Church.  His  fecond  wife,  whom  I  knew,  was  niece 
to  the  great  Sir  framis  Bacon :  And  was  the  laft  heir  of  that  family. 
She  had  all  the  high  notions  for  the  Church  and  the  Crown,  in 
which  fhe  had  been  bred  j  but  was  the  humbleft,  the  devouteft,  and 
beft  tempered  perfon  1  ever  knew  of  that  fort.  It  was  really  a  plea- 
iure  to  hear  her  talk  of  religion :  She  did  it  with  fo  much  elevation 
and  force.  She  was  always  very  plain  in  her  clothes :  And  went  oft 
to  jayls,  to  confider  the  wants  of  the  prifoners,  and  relieve,  ordif^ 
charge  them ;  and  by  the  meannefs  of  her  drels  (he  pafs'd  but  for  a 
fervatit  trufted  with  the  charities  of  others.  When  (he  was  travelling 
in  the  country,  as  {he  drew  near  a  village,  flie  often  ordered  her 
coach  to  ftay  behind  till  ihe  had  walked  about  it,  giving  orders  for 
the  inftru6tion  of  the  children,  and  leaving  liberally  for  that  end. 
With  two  fuch  perfons  I  fpent  fevcral  of  my  years  very  happily. 
But  I  now  return  to  the  feffion  of  Parliament. 
Daniyit'  In  tlic  Houfc  ofCommous  the  bufinels  againftDukeL^/^^(?r<^/(?- 
lack'd^utin  ^^^  taken  up  warmly  at  three  feveral  times:  And  three  feveral  ad- 
drefles  were  made  to  the  King  againft  him.  The  King's  aniwer 
was,  that  he  would  protect  no  man  againft  law  and  jufticej  but 
would  condemn  none  without  fpecial  matter  well  made  out.  There 
was  no  money  offered :  So  addreffes  were  feeble  things.  The  next 
attempt  was  againft  the  Earl  of  Danby^  who  had  begun  to  invert 
the  ufual  methods  of  the  Exchequer.  But  the  majority  were  for  him : 
So  that  charge  came  to  nothing.  Only  thofe  who  begun  it  formed 
a  party  againft  him,  that  grew  in  conclufion  to  be  too  hard  for  him. 
He  took  a  different  method  from  thofe  who  were  in  the  Miniftry 
before  him.  They  had  taken  off  the  great  and  leading  men :  And 
left  the  herd  as  a  defpifed  company,  who  could  do  nothing,  be- 
caufe  they  had  none  to  head  them.  But  Lord  Danby  reckoned 
that  the  major  number  was  the  furer  game :  So  he  neglcded  the 
great  men,  who  he  thought  raifed  their  price  too  high  ^  and  reck- 
oned, that  he  could  gain  ten  ordinary  men,  cheaper  than  one  of 
thofe.  This  might  have  fucceedcd  with  him,  if  they  that  did  lead  his 
party  had  been  wife  and  Ikilful  men.  But  he  feemed  to  be  jealous 
of  all  fuch,  as  if  they  might  gain  too  much  credit  with  the  King. 
The  chief  men  that  he  made  ufe  of  were  of  fo  low  a  fize,  that 
they  were  baffled  in  every  debate.  So  that  many,  who  were  inclin- 
ed enough  to  vote  in  all  obedience,  yet  were  afhamed  to  be  in  the 
vote  on  the  fide  that  was  manifeftly  run  down  in  the  debate. 
Stimour'i  The  ableft  man  of  his  party  was  Setmour,  who  was  the  firft  Speak- 
charader.  cr  of  the  Houfc  of  Commons  that  was  not  bred  to  the  law.  He  was 
a  man  of  great  birth,  being  the  elder  branch  of  the  Setmour  fami^ 
ly ;  and  was  a  graceful  man,  bold  and  quick.  But  he  had  a  fort  of  a 
pride  fo  peculiar  to  himfelf,  that  I  never  faw  any  thing  like  it. 
tba  He 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  383 

He  had  neither  fhame  nor  decency  with  it.  He  was  violent  167  <). 
againft  the  Court,  till  he  forced  himfelf  into  good  ports.  He  was '"^''^^'''*^ 
the  moft  afluming Speaker  that  ever  fate  in  the  chair.  He  knew  the 
Houfe,  and  every  man  in  it  fo  well,  that  by  looking  about  he  could 
tell  the  fate  of  any  queftion.  So,  if  any  thing  was  put,  when  the 
Court  party  was  not  well  gathered  together,  he  would  have  held  the 
Houfe  from  doing  any  thing,  by  a  wilful  midaking  or  miftating 
the  queftion.  By  that  he  gave  time  to  thofe,  who  were  appointed  for 
that  mercenary  work,  to  go  about  and  gather  in  all  their  party.  And 
he  would  difcern  when  they  had  got  the  majority.  And  then  he  would 
very  fairly  ftate  the  queftion,  when  he  faw  he  was  fure  to  carry  it. 

A  great  many  of  the  Court  grew  to  be  founeafy,  efpeciallywhcti 
they  faw  the  King  was  under  the  influence  of  Fremh  and  Popifti 
counfels,  that  they  were  glad  to  be  out  of  the  way  at  critical  times. 
On  fome  occafions  they  would  venture  to  vote  againft  the  Court : 
Of  which  the  memorable  anfwer  of  Harvey's^  who  was  Treafurer  to' 
the  Queen,  was  a  noted  inftance.  He  was  one  whom  the  King  lov- 
ed perfonally ;  And  yet  upon  a  great  occafion  he  voted  againft  that 
which  the  King  defned.  So  theKing  chid  him  feverelyfor  it.  Next 
day,  another  important  queftion  falling  in,  he  voted  as  the  King 
would  have  him.  So  the  King  took  notice  of  it  at  night  •  and  faid, 
you  were  not  againft  me  today.  He  anfwered,  no.  Sir,  I  was  againft 
my  confcience  today.  This  was  fo  gravely  delivered,  that  the  King 
feemed  pleafed  with  it :  And  it  was  much  talked  of  While  things 
went  thus  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  there  was  the  greateft  and 
longeft  debate  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  that  has  been  in  all  my 
time.     They  fate  upon  it  often  till  midnight. 

It  was  about  the  teft  that  Lord  Danby  had  contrived,  as  was  for-  Debates 
tnerly  mentioned.  Lord  Danby,  and  Lord  Ftnch^  and  fome  of  the  concetning 
Biftiops,  were  the  chief  arguers  for  it.  They  faid,  it  was  neceffary 
that  a  method  (hould  be  found  out,  to  difcriminate  the  goodfubje<5ts 
from  the  bad:  We  had  been  lately  involved  in  a  long  civil  war^ 
occafioned  by  the  ill  principles  that  fome  had  taken  up  with  relation 
to  government:  It  was  fit  to  prevent  the  return  of  (uch  miferies: 
The  King  had  granted  a  very  full  indemnity,  and  had  obferved  it 
religioufly :  But  there  was  no  reafon,  while  fo  much  of  the  old  lea- 
ven ftill  remained,  to  leave  the  Nation  expofed  to  men  of  fuch  prin- 
ciples: It  was  not  fit  to  make  a  Parliament  perpetual:  Yet  that 
was  a  Icfs  evil,  than  to  run  the  hazard  of  a  bad  elediion  ,•  efpecially 
when  jealoufies  and  fears  had  been  bio  wed  about  the  Nation: 
A  good  conftitution  was  to  be  preferved  by  all  prudent  methods : 
No  man  was  to  be  prefted  to  take  this  teft :  But,  as  tlicy,  who  were 
not  willing  to  come  into  fuch  an  engagement,  ought  to  have  the 
modefty  to  be  contented  with  the  favour  and  connivance  of  the  Go- 
vernment, fo,  if  that  did  not  teach  them  good  manners,  it  might  b^ 


384         The  History  of  the  Reign 

167^.  fit  to  ufe  feverer  tools.  To  all  this  great  opposition  was  made.  It 
^^"v^'^  was  plain,  the  Duke  did  not  like  it :  But  the  King  was  fo  (ct  on  it, 
that  he  did  not  declare  himfelf  againft  it.  But  all  the  Papifts  were 
againftit:  They  thought  the  bringing  any  teft  in  pradice,  would 
certainly  bring  on  one  that  would  turn  them  outof  theHoufe.  The 
Lords  Shaftsbtiryy  BucBngham^  Hollts^  Hallifax^  and  all  thofe  who 
were  thought  the  Country  party,  oppofed  this  mightily.  They 
thought,  there  ought  to  be  no  tefts,  beyond  the  oath  of  allegiance, 
upon  the  elections  to  Parliament:  That  it  being  the  great  privi- 
lege oi  Englf/h  men,  that  they  were  not  to  be  taxed  but  by  their 
repreientatives  ^  it  was  therefore  thought  a  difmheriting  men  of  the 
main  part  of  their  birthright,  to  do  any  thing  that  (hould  fhut  them 
out  from  their  votes  in  eleding :  All  tefts  in  publick  aifembiies  were 
thought  dangerous,  and  contrary  to  publick  liberty:  For  if  a  Par- 
liament thought  any  law  inconvenient  for  the  good  of  the  whole, 
they  muft  be  fiippofed  ftiU  free  to  alter  it:  And  no  previous  limi- 
tation could  bind  up  their  legiflature :  A  great  deal  was  faid,  to  fhew 
that  the  peace  of  the  world  washed  fecured  by  good  laws,  and  good 
government  j  and  that  oaths  or  tefts  were  no  fecurity:The  fcrupulous 
might  be  fettered  by  them :  Yet  the  bulk  oi  the  world  would  boldly 
take  any  teft,  and  as  boldly  break  thro'  itj  of  which  the  late  times 
had  given  large  proofs :  The  matter  of  this  teft  was  very  doubtful : 
For,  tho'  generally  fpeaking  the  King's  per(bn  and  his  power  were 
not  to  be  diftinguiftied,  yet  that  was  not  univerfally  true :  An  infant 
King,  or  alunatick,  were  exceptions:  As  alfo  a  King  in  his  enemies 
hands  •  which  was  the  cafe  o{ Henry  Yl,  for  who(e  power  his  own 
party  fought  even  againft  his  perfon :  So  an  exception  was  to  be 
underftood ;  otherwife  the  propofition,  that  affirmed  it  was  a  trai- 

;in  terous  pofition  to  (eparate  them,  was  not  true:  Nor  could  it  be  rea- 

fbnable  to  bind  up  men  againft  alterations :  Every  new  law  was  an  al- 
teration:  It  was  noteafy  to  define  how  far  the  power  of  making  al- 
terations might  go,  and  where  it  muft  ftop :  Thefe  things  were  beft 
left  at  large:  Upon  the  whole  matter,  as  they  were  againft  any 
Parliamentary  tefts,  fo  they  were  more  particularly  againft  this. 
Lord  Shaftsbury  diftinguiflied  himfelf  more  in  this  feflion,  than 
ever  he  had  done  before.  He  fpoke  once  a  whole  hour,  to  fhew 
the  inconvenience  of  Condemning  all  refiftance  upon  any  pretence 
whatfoeven  He  faid,  it  might  be  proper  to  lay  fuch  ties  upon  thofe 
who  ferved  in  the  militia,  and  in  Corporations,  becaufe  there  was 
ftillafuperiorpowerinPaliament  to  declare  the  extent  of  the  oath: 
But  it  might  be  of  very  ill  confequence  to  lay  it  on  a  Parliament: 
Since  tliere  might  be  cafes,  tho'  fo  far  out  of  view  that  it  was  hard  to 
foppofe  them,  in  which  he  believed  no  man  would  fay,  it  was  not 
lawful  to  refift.  If  a  King  would  make  us  a  Province,  and  tributa- 
ry CO  France f  and  fubdue  the  Nation  by  a  French  army,  or  to  the 
'^.  ^  Papal 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  385 

Papal  authority,  muft  we  be  bound  in  that  cafe  tamely  to  fubmit?  167^, 
Upon  which  he  faid  many  things,  that  did  cut  to  the  quick.  And  ^.^-VN, 
yet,  the' his  words  were  watched,  fo  that  it  was  refolved  to  havefent 
him  to  the  Tower  if  any  one  word  had  fallen  from  him  that  had 
made  him  liable  to  fuch  a  cenfure,  he  fpoke  both  with  fo  much  bold- 
nefs  and  fo  much  caution,  that  tho'  he  provoked  the  Court  extreara- 
ly  no  advantage  could  be  taken  againft  him.  The  Court  carried  eve- 
ry queftion  in  favour  of  the  teft,  tho' with  great  oppofition,  and  a 
proteftation  made  upon  every  ftep  that  was  carried.  So  that  the  bill 
was  in  a  fair  way  to  have  pafs'd :  And  very  probably  it  would  have 
pafs'd  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  when  by  an  unlooked  for  emer- 
gent the  feflion  was  broke. 

Ever  fince  the  end  of  King  James  Vs.  reign  petitions  of  appeal  A  difpm* 
were  brought  to  the  Houfe  of  Lords  from  decrees  in  Chancery.  JeaiTand 
This  rofe  from  a  parity  of  reafon,becaufe  writs  of  error  lay  from  theP"''''8«' 
Courts  of  law  to  the  Houfe  of  Lords.  And  fince  the  bufinefs  of  the 
Chancery  grew  to  be  fb  extended  and  comprehenfive,  it  was  not 
thought  fafe  to  leave  it  to  the  Lord  Chancellor's  confcience.  So  this 
prad:ice,  tho'  fb  lately  begun,  grew  on  by  degrees  to  be  the  main  bu- 
finefs of  the  Houfe  of  Lords.  A  petition  of  appeal  was  brought 
againfl  a  Member  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons.  The  Lords  received 
it,  and  made  an  order  upon  it.  The  Member  being  ferved  with  it, 
brought  it  into  the  Houfe  of  Commons.  And  they  voted  it  a  breach 
of  privilege,  for  the  Lords  to  meddle  with  one  of  their  Houfe. 
The  Lords  on  the  other  hand  faid,  they  were  bound  to  do  juflice 
to  all:  And  no  privilege  could  lye  againfl  that:  And,  fince  they 
never  fate  but  when  the  Commons  fate  likewife,  if  a  privilege  from 
that  Houfe  could  flop  their  proceedings,  there  mufb  be  a  failure  in 
juflice :  And  fince  no  privilege  was  ever  pretended  in  the  cafe  of 
a  writ  of  error,  it  could  not  lye  againft  an  appeal.  So  they  refolved 
to  proceed  in  the  caufe.  The  Commons  pafs'd  a  vote  againft  any 
lawyers  that  fliould  plead  at  the  Lords  bar  in  this  caufe.  But  the 
Lords  commanded  the  Council  to  go  on  j  with  which  they  compli- 
ed. And  as  they  went  from  the  Lords  bar,  they  were  by  an  order 
from  the  Houfe  of  Commons  fent  to  the  Tower.  But  they  were  by 
another  order  from  the  Lords  fet  at  liberty.  So  the  two  Houfes  be- 
ing as  it  were  at  war,  it  was  neceffary  to  put  an  end  to  the  fellion. 

This  was  very  uneafy  to  the  Court :  For  they  faw  it  was  a  very  fure  ^^^  feffioo 
method  to  break  a  feffion  of  Parliament,  every  time  that  it  was  tak-  broke  up 
en  up.  lam  not  fure,  if  this  was  laid,  or  if  it  happened  by  accident. 
l^oiiiShafisbur'yidi^j  it  was  laid  byhimfelf  But  others  affured  me, 
it  happened  in  courfe,  tho'  it  produced  great  effedts:  For  there 
never  was  a  ftrength  in  the  Court  to  raife  this  debate  of  the  teft  in 
any  fubfequent  feflion.  And  as  this  made  the  Court  apprehend, 
they  might  by  the  profecution  of  the  fame  appeal  loofe  the  next  fef^ 

J  F  fion, 


on 


3  86  The  History  of  the  Reign 

\67*s.    fion,  (Tncc  the pf6rogatron  did  only  difcontinue Parliamentary  pro- 

^-^'^'^^ceedings,  but  not  Judiciary  ones  j  fo  they  feared  this  might  go  To 

far  as  to  force  a  diiTolution  of  the  prefent  ParUament:  To  which 

the  Court  would  be  Very  hardly  brought,  after  they  had  pradlifed 

fo  lotig  upon  the  Members,  and  knew  them  all  fo  well. 

In  tnis  feffion,  on  a  diy  that  grievances  were  to  be  gone  upon^ 
Xinmfto^e  faid,  that  confidering  the  extent  of  privilege,  he  looked 
bn  d  ftanding  Parliament  as  the  greateft  grievance  of  the  Nation  ,• 
fb  mi'tly  meri  beittg  exempted  from  juftice,  and  from  the  demands 
bfrheir  creditors,  for  fo  long,  and  fo  indefinite  a  time.  This  mo- 
tion was  let  fall  at  th^ttime.  But  it  was  not  forgot.  And  it  was  likely 
to  be  taken  up,  when  new  opportunities  Ihould  be  offered.  The  fum- 
rirer  Nvetit  over  without  any  confiderable  accidents  at  home. 
A  fvfTion  of  A  ne^'feflion  tntt  next  winter.  And  at  the  firft  opening  it  tht 
Parfiametit.  j^jj^i^  :j3Jjj  before  the  Common s  the  great  difficulties  he  was  in  by 
the  anticipations  of  his  revenues.  It  was  then  generally  thought, 
that  the  King  was  in  fuch  ftraits,  that,  if  money  could  not  be  obtain- 
ed, he  muft  turn  to  other  counfels,  and  to  other  Minifters.  The 
debate  went  high  th  the  Committee  of  the  whole  Houfe.  It  was 
offered  on  the  one  fide  to  fhew,  that  the  King  had  not  enough  in 
his  hands  to  maintain  the  government,  and  to  fecure  the  Nation : 
Tho'  our  neutrality  at  that  time  made  trade  flow  in  upon  us,  fo  that 
the  Cufloms  rofe  higher  than  ever.  On  the  other  hand  it  was  faid, 
that  if  anticipations  \vere  once  admitted  as  a  reafon  for  a  fupply, 
the  Court  would  never  want  that  reafon.  It  was  fitter  to  examine  by 
whofe  means,  or  on  whatdefign  thofe  anticipations  were  made.  At 
'laft  the  queftion  was  put.  And,  the  vote  being  then  flated,  and  the 
'l^rcVious  queflion  being  then  put,  whether  the  main  queftion  fhould 
be  then  put,  or  not,  the  votes  were  equal.  So  Sir  Charles Harbord, 
who  was  in  the  chair,  gave  it  for  putting  the  main  queflion.  But, 
(bme  of  the  Country  fide  coming  in  between  the  two  queftions,  the 
main  queflion  was  loft  by  two  or  three.  So  near  was  the  Court  to 
the  carrying  fo  great  a  point.  Harhord^z%  much  blamed  for  his 
fafhnefs.  He  faid,  the  duty  of  the  chair  was  always  to  fet  matters 
forward :  And  fo  he  ought  to  have  given  it  for  putting  the  main  que- 
flion :  And,if  the  fame  equality  had  continued, he  faid,he  would  have 
giv^h  it  for  the  Court.  He  was  a  very  rich  and  covetous  man, 
who' knew  £«^/^W  well :  And  his  parts  were  very  quick  about  him 
in  that  great  age,  being  paft  eighty.  A  lively  repartee  was  made 
by  his  own  fon  to  him  in  the  debate.  He  had  faid,  the  right  way 
•Cf  dealing  with  the  King,  and  of  gaining  him  to  them,  was,  to  lay 
their  hands  on  their  purfes,  and  to  deal  roundly  with  him.  So  his  fon 
faid,  he  feconded  his  motion :  But  he  meant,that  they  fliould  lay  their 
I  hands  on  their  purfes,  as  he  himfelf  did,  and  hold  them  well  fhut, 

that  no  money  fhould  go  out  of  them.    The  Earl  oi  Dariby  was 

much 


NJ 


of  Khig  C  H  A  R  L£  S.    II.  387 

much  difappointeci  at  this.  Yet  he  took  heart,  fince  it  was  brought  i  (^75". 
fo  near,  that  he  reckoned  he  would  make  the  next  feflion  fiire.  The 
petition  of  app!;fal,  that  had  broke  the  former  feflion,  was  now 
brought  on  again  before?  the  Lords.  The  Court  tried  their  whole 
ftrengch  to  keep  it  off,  till  they  faw  what  might  be  exped:ed  from 
the  Commons.  So,  upon  the  mifcarriage  of  the  great  vote  in  the 
Houfe  of  Commons,  the  l^ords  went  on  upon  the  petition :  And, 
the  Commons  oppofing  them  vigoroufly,  as  before,  it  was  vifible 
that  the  Parliament  muft  be  prorogued. 

Upon  this  it  was  propofed  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords  to  addrefs  the  The  chawc- 
King  fordiffolving  the  prefcnt  Parliament.  It  was  manifefl  the  two  [47iiaijfgn'|J* 
Houfes  could  no  longer  maintain  the  corrcfpondence  that  was  ne-  "len. 
cefTary.    In  a  new  Parliament  this  mufl  fall  to  the  ground :  But  it 
could  not  while  this  lailed.  It  was  faid,  a  flanding  Parliament  chang- 
ed the  conflitutioa  o^ England.    The  King  did  no  more  confult 
with  his  people,  nor  know  them :  But  he  had  now  a  cabal  of  fingl^ 
perfons  to  deal  with.  The  people  were  now  cut  oiF  from  their  liber- 
ty of  eledting;  and  fo  had  no  more  a  truereprefentative.  It  was  faid, 
that  aParJiamentof  a  long  continuance  would  be  either  an  engine 
to  fell  the  liberties  of  their  country,  or  would  by  rendring  themfcl  ves 
popular  join  with  the  people  againft  the  Crown.    In  either  cafe  it 
was  like  to  be  deftrudtive  to  theconftitution.  So  it  was  moved,  that 
an  addrefs  fhould  be  made  to  .the  King  for  diffolving  the  Parliament. 
And,  tothewonderof  all  men,  the  Duke  joined  in  it.  The  majority 
of  the  temporal  Lords  were  for  it.     But  the  bench  of  Bifhops 
was  againft  it :  And  fo  it  was  not  carried.    The  thing  became  the 
univerfal  fubjev^;  of  difcourfe.    It  was  infufed  into  the  Members  of 
the  Houfe  of  Commons,  that,  if  they  would  not  be  more  tracftable, 
and  help  the  King  out  of  his  necefhties,  he  was  fure  a  new  Parlia- 
ment would  give  him  money,  and  make  him  eafy  ,•  and  that  the  ra- 
ther for  having  difTolved  them.    This  wrought  on  many  of  them, 
who  had  been  chofen  while  the  Nation  was  in  a  fit,  or  rather  a  fui  y 
of  loyalty.  They  knew,  they  could  never  hope  to  be  chofen  again. 
Many  of  them  were  ruined  in  their  fortunes,  and  lived  upon  their 
.privileges,  and  upon  their  penfions.     They  had  got  it  among  them 
for  a  maxim,  which  contributed  not  a  little  to  our  prefervation 
while  we  were  in  fuch  hands,    that,    as  they  mufl:  not  give  the 
King  too  much  at  a  time,    leaft  there  fhould  be  no  more  ufe  qf 
them,  fb  they  were  to  take  care  not  to  flarve  the  Court,  leafl  they 
themfelves  fhould  be  flarved  by  that  means.  They  were  indeed  ge- 
nerally both  againfl  Popery  and /'r<3;«c^.  And,  to  redeem  their  cre- 
dit for  the  money  that  they  were  ready  to  give  fomewhat  too  la- 
vifhly,  they  faid,  when  they  went  into  their  countries,  that  it  was 
on  defign  to  fix  the  King  to  an  Engltjh  interefl,  and  the  Prote- 
flant  religion.    And  they  had  talked  fo  high  on  thofe  heads, .  that 

the 


3  8  8        The  History  of  the  Reign 

167').   the  Court  it  felf  could  not  manage  them,  when  anything  relating 
to  thefe  came  before  them.  Some  •f  them  were  high  for  the  pre- 
rogative: Others  high  for  the  Church  :  And  all  the  mercenary  men 
were  careful  of  themfelves.    In  oppofition  to  thefe  a  great  party 
was  formed,  who  declared  more  heartily  for  the  Proteftant  religi- 
on, and  for  the  intereft  o^  England.  The  Dnkcof  Buckingham j  and 
the  Earl  p(  Shaft shurjy  opened  many  of  their  eyes,  and  let  them 
know  the  defigns  of  the  Court.  And  indeed  they  were  then  (b  vifible, 
that  there  was  enough  feen,  without  fiich  fecret  intelligence,  to  con- 
vince the  mod  incredulous.    Sir  fVtlltam  Coventry  had  the  greateft 
credit  of  any  man  in  the  Houfe.  He  never  meddled  perfon  ally  with 
any  Minifter.  He  had  a  perfect  underftanding  of  affairs.  So  he  laid 
open  the  errors  of  the  government  with  the  more  authority,  be- 
caufe  he  mixed  no  pafTion  nor  private  refentments  with  it.  His  bro- 
ther ufually  anfweredhim  with  much  Ufe  in  a  repartee,  but  not  with 
<he  weight  «id  force  with  which  he  fpoke.    Colonel  Birch  was  a 
man  of  a  peculiar  charader.  He  had  been  a  carrier  at  firlt,  and  re- 
tained ilill,  even  to  an  affectation,  theclownifhnefs  of  his  education. 
He  got  up  in  the  progrefs  of  the  war  to  be  a  Colonel,  and  to  be  con- 
cerned in  the  Excife.  And  at  the  Refloration  he  was  found  to  be  fb 
ufcful  in  managing  the  Excife,  that  he  was  put  in  a  good  pofl.   He 
was  the  rougheft  and  boldefl  fpeaker  in  the  Houfe  ,•  and  talked  in 
the  language  aiid  phrafes  of  a  carrier,  but  with  a  beauty  and  elo- 
cjuence  that  was  always  acceptable.    I  heard  Coventry  f^,  he  was 
the  beft  fpeaker  to  carry  a  popular  afTembly  before  hJfo  that  he 
^  had  ever  known.    He  fpoke  always  with  much  life  and  heat.   But 
judgment  was  not  his  talent.  Waller  was  the  delight  of  the  Houfe : 
And  even  at  eighty  he  faid  the  liveHefl  things  ef  any  among  them : 
He  was  only  concerned  to  fay  that  which  fhould  make  him  be  ap- 
plauded. But  he  never  laid  the  bufinefs  of  the  Houfe  to  heart,  being 
a  vain  and  empty,  tho'  a  witty,  man.    He  deferves  the  character 
of  being  one  of  the  great  refiners  of  our  language  and  poetry.  "He 
was  for  near  fixty  years  one  of  the  befl  of  all  our  writers  that  way. 
The  two  men  of  quality  that  were  the  mofl  confidered  were,  the 
Lord  Rujfelly  and  the  Lord  Cavendtjh.   Lord  Rujfell  was  a  man  of 
great  candor,  and  of  a  general  reputation  j  univerfally  beloved,  and 
trufted  i  of  a  generous  and  obliging  temper.     He  had  given  fnch 
-proofs  of  an  undaunted  courage,  and  of  anunfhaken  firmnefs,  that 
I  never  knew  any  man  have  fo  entire  a  credit  in  the  Nation  as  he 
had.    He  quickly  got  out  of  fbme  of  the  diforders  into  which  the 
Court  had  drawn  him.  And  ever  after  that  his  life  was  unblcmifh'd 
in  all  refpedts.  He  had  from  his  firfl  education  an  inclination  to  fa- 
vour the  Non-conformifts  j  and  wifhed  the  laws  could  have  been 
made  eafier  to  them,  or  they  more  pliant  to  the  law.  He  was  a  flow 
man,  and  of  little  difcourfe:  But  he  had  a  true  judgment,  when  he 

confj- 


i 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  389 

confidered  things  at  his  own  leifure.    His  underftanding  was  not  1(^7  y. 
defedive :  But  his  vertues  were  fo  eminent,  that  they  would  have  <>''''V"n-^ 

more  than  balanced  real  defeats,  if  any  had  been  found  in  the  other. 
Lord  Cavend'tfhy  afterwards  Earl,  and  then  Duke,  of  Devon/hire 
was  too  much  a  libertine  both  in  principle  and  pradice.    He  went 
off  from  the  Court  at  firft  upon  refentments  for  fbme  difappoint- 
ments  there.     He  was  ambitious,  and  had  the  courage  of  a  hero, 
with  an  unufual  proportion  both  of  wit  and  knowledge.  He  had  a 
great  foftnefs  in  his  exteriour  deportment.  Littleton  and  Powle  were 
the  men  that  laid  the  matters  of  the  Houfe  with  the  greateft  dex- 
terity and  care.    Powle  was  very  learned  in  precedents,  and  Parlia- 
ment journals,  which  goes  a  great  way  in  their  debates :  And,  when 
he  had  time  to  prepare  himfelf,  he  was  a  clear  and  ftrong  fpeaker. 
JJntkton  was  the  ableft  and  the  vehementeft  arguer  of  them  all.  He 
commonly  lay  quiet  till  the  end  of  a  debate:  And  he  often  ended 
it,  fpeaking  with  a  ftrain  of  conviction  and  authority,  that  was  not 
eafily  refilled.    I  lived  the  very  next  door  to  him  for  feveral  years  : 
And  we  fpent  a  great  deal  of  our  time  every  day  together.  He  told 
me  all  their  management:  And  commonly,  when  he  was  to  put  his 
•whole  ftrength  to  argue  any  point,  he  ufed  to  talk  it  over  with  me, 
jand  to  (et  me  to  obje<^  all  that  I  could  againft  him.  He  lived  wholly  in 
^London.    So  matters  were  moft  in  his  hands  during  the  intervals  of 
•Parliament.  And  by  his  means  it  was,  that  I  arrived  at  luch  know- 
ledge of  their  intrigues.    He  was  a  wife  and  worthy  man,  had  ftu- 
died  much  modern  hiftory,  and  the  prelentftate  andintereftof  £«- 
rope.    Sir  Thomas  Lee  was  a  man  that  valued  himfelf  upon  artifice 
and  cunning,  in  which  he  was  a  great  mafter,  without  being  out  of 
countenance  when  it  was  difcovered.    Vau^an^  the  chief  Juflice's 
fon,  was  a  man  of  great  integrity,  had  much  pride,  but  did  great 
fervice.    Thefe  were  the  chief  men  that  preferved  the  Nation  from 
a  very  deceitful  and  pradiling  Court,  and  from  a  corrupt  Houfe  of 
Commons.  And  by  their  Ikill  and  firmnefs  they,  from  a  fmall  num- 
ber who  began  the  oppofition,  grew  at  lafl  to  be  the  majority. 

All  this  I  thought  fit  to  lay  together,  and  to  fill  as  it  were  an  emp-  1 676, 
.ty  place  in  my  hiftory :  For,  as  our  main  bufinels  lay  in  preparing  for,  ^'J^JJ^''^^^ 
or  managing  a  feflion  of  Parliament,  fo  we  had  now  a  long  interval,  tervai  be- 
of  above  a  year,  between  this  leflion  in  winter  1675,  and  the  next  feffions  of 
feffion  of  Parliament,  which  was  not  till  thefpring  in  1677.    The  Parliament. 
French  vt'ere  muchfeton  procuring  a  peace.  And  they,  feeing  how 
jTiUch  the  Parliament  was  fet  on  engaging  the  King  in  theAUiance, 
prevailed  with  him  to  difcontinue  the  feflion  j  for  which  no  doubt 
he  hid  round  fums  of  money  fent  to  him.  Anaccount 

About  this  time  Lockhart  the  EmbafTador  in  France  died.    The  "3  g^^f^*^* 
.farther  he  faw  into  the  defi^ns  of  the  Court,  he  grew  the  moreun-  Lockban's 

"^  r-^  r   courage  iq 


390  TheHi^i^OKY  dfthe  Reign 

1676.    eafy  in  the  poft  he  was  in,  tho'  he  a6ted  in  it  with  great  fpirit  and 
'refolution,  both  with  relation  to  his  own  mafter,  and  to  the  Fremh 
King:  Of  which  I  will  fetdown  two  palTages,  that  maybe  very  in- 
ftru<5tive  to  Embafladors.  In  this  time  of  neutrality  the  frem'b  pri- 
vateers took  m2LnyEngliJh  fhips,  pretending  they  were  Dutch  only 
with  EngliPo  pafTes.     One  of  thefe  was  taken  by  a  privateer,  that, 
as  was  believed,  Pf/^ys,  then  fecretary  to  the  £«i^/{y^  Admiralty,  and 
in  great  favour  with  the  Duke,  had  built;  and,  as  was  faid,  out  of 
the  King's  ftores.  The  merchants  proved  in  Council,  that  the  (hip 
was  Rngl'tfh.  So  Lockhart  had  an  order  to  demand  her :  And  he  pref- 
fed  it  fo  effedually,  that  an  order  was  fent  from  the  Court  oi  France 
to  difcharge  her.  But,  before  that  was  executed,  the  King  was  pre- 
vailed on  by  PepySy  to  tell  the  French  EmbafTador,  that  he  did  not 
concern  himfelf  in  that  fhip:  He  believed  merchants  were  rogues, 
and  could  bring  witneffes  to  prove  whatfoever  they  had  a  mind  to : 
So  the  Comtoi  France  might  do  what  theypleafed  in  that  matter. 
This  was  writ  to  Verfa'tlles  a  day  or  two  after  the  former  order  was 
fent.   But  upon  it  a  new  one  went  to  Dunkirk j  where  the  fliip  lay, 
to  flop  her.    This  came  before  fhe  could  get  out.  So  Lockhart,  be- 
ing informed  of  that,  went  to  Court,  and  complained  heavily.  He 
was  told,  what  the  King  himfelf  had  faid  about  it.    He  anfwered 
refblutely,  that  the  King  fpoke  to  them  only  by  him.  Yet  he  wrote 
upon  this  to  the  Court  oi England ,  defiring  to  be  recalled,  fince  he 
could  ferve  no  longer  with  honour,  after  he  had  been  fo  difbwned. 
Upon  this  the  King  wrote  him  a  letter  with  his  own  pen,  excufing 
the  matter  the  bed  he  could ;  and  juftified  him  in  what  he  had  done. 
And  upon  that  fecret  orders  were  fent,  and  the  fhip  was  difcharged. 
The  other  was  a  higher  point ,    confidering  the  bigotry  of  the 
King  oi  France.    Lockhart  had  a  French  Popifh  (ervant,  who  was 
dying,  and  fent  for  the  Sacrament.    Upon  which  it  was  brought 
with  the  proceffion  ordinary  in  fuch  cafes.     Lockhart,  hearing  of 
this,  ordered  his  gates  to  be  fliut.  And  upon  that  many  were  enflam- 
ed,  and  were  running  to  force  his  gates :  But  he  ordered  all  his  fami- 
ly to  fland  to  their  arms,  and,  if  any  force  was  offered,  to  fire.  There 
was  a  great  noife  made  of  this.  But  no  force  was  offered.  He  refolved 
to  complain  firfl:  And  fb  went  to  Court,  and  expoflulated  upon  it. 
He  faid,  his  houfe  was  his  mafler's  houfe :  And  here  a  publick  tri- 
umph was  attempted  on  his  mailer's  religion,  and  affronts  were  of- 
fered him:  He  faid,  if  a  Priefl  had  brought  the  Sacrament  private- 
ly, he  would  have  connived  at  it:  But  he  alked  reparation  for  fb 
publick  an  injury.    The  King  oi  France  feemed  to  be  highly  dif^ 
pleafed  at  this,  calling  it  the  greatefl  indignity  that  had  ever  been 
done  to  his  God  during  his  reign.  Yet  the  point  did  not  bear  arguing : 
SoLockhart^ixd.  nothing  to  that.  When  Lockhart  went  from  him, 
Pompone  followed  him,  fent  after  him  by  the  King;  and  told  him, 

he 


of  King  Charlj^sIL  39 1 

he  would  force  the  King  to  fuffef  none  of  his  fubjcds  to  ferve  him.  \676. 
He  anfwered,  he  would  order  his  coach-man  to  drive  the  quicker  to 
Parts,  to  prevent  that^  and  leftPompone  to  guefs  the  meaning.  As 
(bon  as  he  came  to  his  houfe,  he  ordered  all  his  French  fervants  to 
be  immediately  paid  off,  and  difmifs'd.  The  Court  of  £«g/<2W  was 
forced  to  juftify  him  in  all  this  matter.  A  publick  letter  of  thanks 
was  writ  to  him  upon  it.  And  the  Court  of  France  thought  it  fit  to 
digeft  it.  But  the  French  King  look'd  on  him  ever  after  with  great 
coldnefs,  if  not  with  averfion.  Soon  after  that  he  fell  into  a  lan- 
guifliing,  which  after  fome  months  carried  him  off.  I  have  ever 
look'd  on  him  as  the  greateft  man  that  his  country  produced  in  this 
age,  next  to  Sir  Robert  Murray. 

The  Earl  of  Danbyhcgzn  now  to  talk  againft  the  French  inteir- Manage 
eft  with  open  mouth.  Rouv'igny  ^zxd  but  two  ycoixsm  England:  For,  JJ.^°*  j" 
tho'  he  fcrved  his  mafter's  interefts  but  too  well,  yet  the  Popifli  par- 
ty could  not  bear  the  want  of  a  Chapel  in  the  French  Embalfador's 
houfe.  So  he  was  recalled :  And  Courttn  was  fent  in  his  room.  Be- 
fore he  parted,  he  talked  roundly  with  Lord  Danhy:  He  faid,  he 
was  going  into  popular  interefts  againft  thofe  of  his  mafter's  ho- 
nour, who  having  engaged  theKing  of/r^^^cd"  in  the  war,  and  be- 
ing forced  to  leave  him  to  fight  it  out  alone,  ought  not  to  turn 
againft  him  j  efpecially,  fince  the  King  of  France  referred  every 
thing  to  him  as  the  arbiter  and  mediator  of  the  peace :  He  remem- 
bred  him  of  the  old  Duke  oi  Buckingham's  fate,  who  thought  to 
become  popular  by  breaking  xh^Spam/h  match  j  and  it  was  his  ru- 
in :  He  faid,  the  King  of  France  was  the  King's  beft  friend,  and 
trucft  ally :  And  if  he  made  the  King  forfake  him,  and  depend  on 
his  Parliament,  being  fb  tempered  as  they  were  then,  both  the  King 
and  he  might  come  to  repent  it,  when  it  was  too  late.  I  had  all  this 
from  himfelf.  To  this  Lord  Z)^;?<^}/ replied,  that  he  fpoke  as  a  faith- 
ful fervant  to  his  own  mafter,  and  that  he  himfelf  would  ad:  as  a 
fiithfulfervantto  his  mafter.  CourtmfpoktagrcsLt  deal  to  the  fame 
purpofe,  in  the  Prince  of  C(!?W(?'s  prefence,  when  I  had  the  honour 
to  wait  on  him.  He  told  me,  there  was  a  ftrange  reverfe  in  things : 
Lord  Danby  was  at  that  time  fuffering  for  being  in  the  French  in- 
tereft :  And  Lord  Montague  was  popular  as  being  againft  it :  Where- 
as, to  his  knowledge,  during  his  employment  in  England^'^T^^  Dan- 
by was  an  enemy  to  their  intereft,  as  much  as  Lord  Montague  was 
for  it.  I  can  fay  nothing  as  to  one  point,  whether  any  great  fums 
came  over  from  France  all  this  while,  or  not.  Some  watched  the  ri- 
fing  and  falling  of  the  exchange,  by  which  men  (kilful  in  thofe  mat- 
ters can  judge,  when  any  great  fum  paffes  from  one  Kingdom  to 
another,  either  in  fpecie,  or  by  bill:  But  they  could  never  find  out 
any  thing  to  make  them  conclude  it  was  done.  Lord  Montague  told 
me,  he  tried  often  to  get  into  that  fecret,  but  in  vain :  He  often  faid 

to 


39i  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1 676.    to  the  King,  that,  if  he  would  truft  him,  he  could  make  better  bar- 
-^'"^''^^  sains  for  him,  than  others  had  made:  But  the  King  never  anfwer- 
cd  him  a  word  on  that  head :  And  he  believed,  that  what  fums  fo- 
cver  came  over,  they  were  only  to  the  Duchels  o(  Portfmomhj  or 
to  the  King's  privy  purfe,-  and  that  the FrenchEmhsii^ador  had  the 
fole  managing  of  that  matter,  the  King  perhaps  not  being  willing  to 
truft  any  of  his  own  fubjed:s  with  fo  important  and  fo  dangerous  a 
fecret.     In  all  companies  the  Earl  of  Danby  was  declaring  openly 
againft  France^  and  Popery.    And  the  See  of  London  felling  then 
void  by  Henchman's  death,  he  brought  Compton^  brother  to  the  Earl 
o{  Northampton^  to  fucceed  him.    He  was  made  Bifhop  oi  Oxford, 
upon  Crew's  being  promoted  to  Durefme. 
Thecharac-      Compton  Carried  arms  for  (bme  years.   When  he  was  pafs'd  thir- 
BiJiKf^°"*  ^y>  ^^  took  orders.  He  was  an  humble  and  modeft  man.  He  appli- 
ed himfelf  more  to  his  fundtion,  than  Bifliops  had  commonly  done. 
He  went  much  about  hisdiocefe,-  and  preached,  and  confirmed  in 
many  places.     His  preaching  was  without  much  life  or  learning : 
For  he  had  not  gone  tho'  his  ftudies  with  the  exadinefs  that  was  fit- 
ting.   He  was  a  great  patron  of  the  Converts  from  Popery,  and  of 
thofe  Proteftants,  whom  the  bad  ufage  they  were  beginning  to  meet 
with  in  France  drove  over  to  us:  And  by  thefe  means  he  came  to 
have  a  great  reputation.    He  was  making  many  complaints  to  the 
King,  and  often  in  Council,  of  the  infolence  of  the  Papifts,  and  of 
Coleman's  in  particular.  So  that  the  King  ordered  the  Duke  to  dif- 
mifs  Coleman  out  of  his  fervice.  Yet  he  continued  ftill  in  his  confi- 
dence.    But  with  thefe  good  qualities  Compton  was  a  weak  man, 
willful,    and  ftrangely  wedded  to  a  party.     He  was  a  property 
to  Lord  Danby  J  and  was  turned  by  him  as  he  plealed.  The  Duke 
'hated  him.    But  Lord  Danby  perluaded  both  the  King  and  hirn, 
that,  as  his  heat  did  no  great  hurt  to  any  perfbn,  fo  the  giving  way 
to  it  helped  to  lay  the  jealoufies  of  the  Church  party.  About  a  year 
after  that,  Sheldon  Ay'mg,  Compton  was  perfuaded  that  Lord  Dan- 
by had  tried  with  all  his  ftrength  to  promote  him  to  Canterbury ;  tho' 
that  was  never  once  intended.  There  were  none  of  the  order,  that 
were  in  any  fort  fitted  to  fill  that  See,  whom  the  Court  could  truft. 
Saner  oft  J  Deanof  St.  PW's,  was  raifedtoit.  He  was  a  man  of  fo- 
lemn  deportment,  had  a  fiillen  gravity  in  his  looks,  and  was  confi- 
dcrably  learned.    He  had  put  on  a  monaftick  ftridnefs,  and  lived 
abftracted  from  company,    Thefe  things,  together  with  his  liv- 
ing unmarried,  and  his  being  fixed  in  the  old  maxims  of  high  loy- 
alty, and  a  fuperftitious  valuing  of  little  things,  made  the  Court  con- 
clude, that  he  was  a  man,  who  might  be  entirely  gained  to  ferve 
all  their  ends  j  or;  at  leaft,  that  he  would  be  an  unadlive  fpeculative 
man,  and  give  them  little  oppofition  in  any  thing  that  they  might 
attempt,  when  they  had  more  promifing  opportunities.    He  was  a 

%  dry, 


of  King  ChArLeS  II.  ^93 

dry,  cold  man,  referved,  and  peevifli;  fo  that  none  loved  him,    1676, 
and  few  efteemed  him :  Yet  the  high  church  party  were  well  plea-  ^■-^'V^sJ' 
led  with  his  promotion. 

As  Lord  Dayiby  thus  raifed  his  creatures  in  the  Church,  fo  he 
got  all  men  turned  out  of  their  places,  that  did  not  entirely  de- 
pend on  him :  And  went  on  in  his  credit  with  the  King,  ftill  affur- 
ing  him,  that,  if  he  would  leave  things  to  his  conduct,  he  would  cer- 
tainly bring  about  the  whole  Cavalier  party  again  to  him.  And  fuch 
was  the  corruption  and  poverty  of  that  party,  that,  had  it  not  been 
t\\2it  French  and  Popilli  counfelswere  fo  vifible  in  the  whole  cour(e 
of  our  affairs,  he  had  very  probably  gained  them  to  have  raifed  the  .  ' 
King's  power,  and  to  have  extirpated  the  Diffenters,  and  to  have 
brought  things  very  near  to  the  ftate  they  were  in,in  K.\nQ(Oharles  Vs. 
time,  before  the  war. 

All  this  while  the  Papifts  were  notidle.  They  tried  their  ftrengtliTheprojeae 
with  the  King  to  get  the  Parliament  diflblved:  In  which  their  hopes  pffls^*^  ^*" 
carried  them  lb  far,  that  6Wi?w<««  drew  a  declaration  for  juftifyingit. 
Their  deflgn  in  this  was,  once  to  divide  the  King  and  his  people: 
For  they  reckoned  the  netv' Parliament  would  not  be  fo  eafy  to  him 
as  this  was.  For  how  angry  foever  this  was  at  him,  andhelbmetimes 
at  them,  yetthey  faw  that  a  fevere  Ad:  againft  Popery,  or  Ibmefteps 
made  againft  France,  woiild  difpofe  them  to  forget  all  former  qua- 
rels,  and  to  give  money.  And  as  the  King  always  wanted  that,  and 
loved  to  be  eafy,  fo  the  profpeA  of  it  was  ever  in  his  view.  They 
feared,  that  atfome  time  or  other  this  might  make  him  both  facri- 
fice  Popery,  and  forfake  France.  So  they  took  all  polfible  methods 
to  engage  the  King  to  a  more  entire  dependance  on  France,  and 
to  a  diftrufl:  of  his  own  people.  They  were  labouring  for  a  general 
peace  in  all  Courts,  where  they  had  anyintereft.  The  Prince  of 
Orange"^  obftinacy  was  the  common  fubjed:  of  their  complaints. 
Lord  Shaftsbury  tried,  upon  the  Duke's  concurring  in  the  vote  for 
an  addrels  to  have  the  Parliament  dilfolved,  if  he  could  feparate 
him  from  the  Earl  o^Danby.  And  he  fent  a  melTage  to  him  by  the 
Lord  Stafford,  that  his  voting  as  he  did  in  that  matter  had  gain- 
ed much  on  many  who  were  formerly  his  enemies :  He  wilhed  he 
would  ufe  his  interefl:  with  the  King  to  get  that  brought  about: 
And  he  durft  undertake,  that  a  new  Parliament  lliould  be  more  in- 
clinable to  grant  the  Papifts  a  toleration ,  than  they  would  ever 
find  this  wculd  prove. 

But  the  Duke  and  Lord  Danbyv/tx^  too  firmly  united  to  be  z2l- Coieman'% 
fily  divided :  For  whatever  Lord  Danby  gave  out,  he  made  the  Duke*""'^""* 
believe,  that  all  that  he  intended  would  really  turn  to  his  fervice. 
Coleman  was  very  buly  in  writing  many  letters  to  all  places,  but  chief- 
ly to  the  Court  of  France.    He  was  in  all  his  difpatches  letting  forth 
the  good  ftate  of  the  Duke's  affairs,  and  the  great  ftrength  he  was 

5  H  daily 


3  94         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1 676.  daily  gaining.  He  was  either  very  fanguine,  if  he  beUeved  this  him* 
felf,  or  very  bold  in  offering  to  impofe  it  (o  pofitively  on  others. 
He  was  always  full  of  affurances,  that,  if  a  peace  could  be  brought 
about,  fo  that  the  King  q{  France  was  (et  at  liberty  to  aflift  them 
with  his  purfe,  and  his  force,  they  were  never  in  fuch  hopes  in  iiic- 
ceeding  in  the  great  defign  of  rooting  out  this  pcftilent  herefy,  that 
had  (b  long  over-run  thefe  northern  Kingdoms,  as  now.  He  had  a 
friend,  one  S\i  fVilltamTTjrogmortony  of  whom  he  intended  to  make 
great  ufe.  He  and  his  wife  had  prevailed  with  him  and  his  Lady  to 
change  their  religion.  And  fo  he  fent  them  over  to  Fraf7ce,  recom- 
mending him  to  the  King's  confefTor,  /'.  Ferrter,  as  a  man  that 
might  do  them  great  fcrvice,  if  he  could  be  made  one  of  theirs.  So 
ferrter  J  looking  on  him  as  a  man  of  importance,  applied  himfelf 
to  turn  him,  which  was  foon  done.  And  the  confelTor,  to  raife  the 
value  of  his  convert,  fpoke  of  him  to  the  King  in  fuch  a  ftrain, 
that  he  was  much  confidered.  When  his  Lady  abjured,  the  Duke 
oi Orleans  led  her  up  to  the  altar.  He  took  great  ftate  on  him,  and 
foon  fpent  all  he  had.  He  was  a  bufy  man  between  the  two  Courts. 
But,  before  hegotintoanyconfiderable  poft, /"^mfr  died :  And  the 
new  confelTor  did  not  take  (iich  care  of  him  as  his  predecefTor  had 
done.  So  he  was  forced  to  quit  his  high  living,  and  retire  to  a  pri- 
vate houfe.  And  he  fent  his  Lady  into  a  monaftery.  Yet  he  conti- 
nued ftill  tohcColeman's  agent,  and  correfpondent.  He  went  often 
to  fee  an  EngUJh  Lady,  that  was  of  their  religion.  Lady  Brown. 
And,  being  one  day  with  her,  he  received  a  deep  wound  by  a  knife 
ftruck  into  his  thigh,  that  pierced  the  great  artery.  Whether 
the  Lady  did  it  to  defend  her  felf,  or  he  to  fliew  the  violence  of 
his  paflion,  was  not  known.  It  was  not  poflible  to  flop  the  bleeding. 
Yet  the  Lady  would  have  him  carried  out  of  her  houfe.  He  died  in 
the  houfe  o(  one  Hollman,  an  eminent  man  of  their  religion,  then 
at  Paris.  The  whole  matter  was  carried  off  in  fuch  fecrccy  ,that  Lock- 
harty  then  at  Paris,  could  never  penetrate  farther  into  it.  I  had 
this  from  his  Lady  after  his  death. 

Coleman  quickly  found  out  another  correfpondent,  that  was  more 
ufcful  to  him  than  he  whom  he  loft  could  ever  have  been,  F.  St. 
German,  a  Jeftiit,  who  was  fent  over  with  the  Duchefs,  and  pafs'd 
for  her  confelTor,  tho'  I  have  been  afTured  that  was  a  miftake.  He 
had  all  the  heat  of  his  order  in  him,  and  was  apt  to  talk  very  boldly. 
I  was  fometimes  in  company  with  him.  He  was  complained  of 
in  Council  by  the  Bifhop  oi  London  for  fome  pradice  on  one  that 
was  come  over  a  convert,  whom  he  was  between  threatning  and  per- 
fualion  working  on,  in  order  to  the  fending  him  back.  This  came 
to  be  difcovered.  Upon  which  he  fled.  And  on  him  Coleman  fixed 
for  his  chief  correfpondent.  Howard  ^zs  about  this  time  by  Cardi- 
nal ^//;m's  means  promoted  to  be  a  Cardinal.  And  upon  that  the 

King 


of  Kh^g  Charles  IL  395 

King  and  Duke  Cent  complements  to  Rome.  This  opened  a  nego-  i6y6. 
tiation  with  that  Court,  that  was  put  in  the  hands  of  the  Internuncio  ^-^''V^'- 
^tBruJfeh.  So  it  was  propofed,  that  a  Turn  of  money  (hould  be  giv- 
en the  King,  if  in  return  of  that  fome  fuitable  favours  for  thofe  of 
their  reHgion  could  be  obtained.  Coleman  was  (ent  over  by  the  Duke 
to  BrufJeUy  to  treat  about  it,  none  being  in  the  (ecret,  but  the  Lord 
Arundell.  Yet,  as  he  undcrftood  it,  the  King  himfelf  knew  of  it. 
When  he  went  thither,  he  found  the  fum  offered  was  fo  fmall,  and 
the  conditions  demanded  were  io  high,  that  he  made  no  progrefs 
in  the  negotiation.  Whatfoevcr  Coleman  did  in  the  main  bufinefs, 
he  took  good  care  of  himfelf  All  his  letters  were  full  of  their  be- 
ing able  to  do  nothing  for  want  of  money.  And  he  made  the  French 
EmbafTador  believe,hc  could  do  his  mafter  great  fervice,if  he  was  well 
fiipplied.  He  got  once  1500  guineas  from  him,  to  gain  his  mafter 
Ibme  friends.  But  he  applied  it  all  to  furnifh  out  his  own  expence. 
He  was  at  that  time  fo  hfted  up,  that  he  had  a  mind  to  pafs  for  the 
head  of  the  party.  And  of  this  1  will  give  one  inftance,  in  which 
I  my  felf  had  a  fliare. 

Sir  P^////?7^rw/»/V,aPapift,  had  married  a  zealous  Proteftant,who 
fufpeding  his  religion  charged  him  with  it.  But  he  denied  it  before 
marriage  j  and  carried  that  fo  fafj  that  he  received  the  Sacra- 
ment with  her  in  her  own  Church.  After  they  were  married,  fhe 
found  that  he  had  deceived  her :  And  they  lived  untowardly  toge- 
ther. At  this  time  fome  fcruples  were  put  in  her  head,  with  which 
fhe  acquainted  me,  and  feemed  fully  fatisfied  with  the  anfwersthat  I 
gave  her.  She  came  afterwards  to  me,  and  defired,  I  would  come 
to  her  houfe,  and  talk  of  all  thofe  matters  with  fome  that  her  huf^ 
band  would  bring  to  meet  us.  I  told  her,  I  would  not  decline  the 
thing,  if  defired,  tho' I  feldom  knew  good  come  of  fuch  conferences. 
She  made  the  fame  propofition  to  Dr.  Still'ingfleet  j  and  he  gave  the 
fame  anfwer.  So  a  day  was  fet,  and  we  went  thither,  and  found  ten  a  conft- 
or  twelve  perfbns,  that  were  not  known  to  us.  We  were  fcarce  ^tJ^/Zn^J/^, 
down,  when  Coleman  came  in,  who  took  the  whole  debate  upon  him. »"»« and 
I  writ  down  a  very  exad:  account  of  all  that  pafs'd,  and  lent  it  to^ 


'  vines. 


them,  and  had  their  additions  to  it :  And  I  printed  it.  The  thing  made 
a  great  noife,  and  was  a  new  indication  of  Coleman's  arrogance.  Soon 
after  that  the  Lady,  who  continued  firm  upon  this  conference,  was 
polltlled  with  new  Icruples  about  the  validity  of  our  ordmations.  I 
got  from  her  the  puper  that  was  put  in  her  hand,  and  anfwered  it; 
And  file  feemed  fatisfied  with  that  likewife.  But  afterwards  the 
uneafmefs  of  her  life  prevailed  more  on  her ,  than  her  fcruples 
did;   and  fhe  changed  her  religion. 

Some  time  after  I  had  printed  the  Memoirs  of  the  Dukes  ofi  un^crtoofe 
Hamilton  J  which  were  favourably  received,  the  reading  of  thefe  got'° '^"'^J,^* 
me  the  acquaintance  and  friendfliipof  Sir/^///;«w  ^^^e-;,  then  At- our  Refo*. 

^  matioa. 

torney 


3  9^  The  History  of  the  Reign 

1676.    torney  General.  He  was  raifed  to  that  high  poft  merely  by  merit; 

"■"^"V^-^  and  by  his  being  thought  the  greateft  man  of  the  law:  For,  as  he 
was  no  flatterer,  but  a  man  of  a  morofe  temper,  fo  he  was  againft 
all  the  meaiures  that  they  took  at  Court.  They  were  weary  of  him, 
and  were  railing  Sir  John  King  to  vie  with  him :  But  he  died  in  his 
rife,  which  indeed  went  on  very  quick.  Jones  was  an  honeft,  and 
Wife  man.    He  had  a  roughnefs  in  his  deportment,  that  was  very 
difagreeable:  But  he  was  a  good  natured  man  at  bottom,  and  a  faith- 
ful friend.    He  grew  weary  of  his  employment,  and  laid  it  down  ;, 
And,  tho'  the  Great  Seal  was  offered  him,  he  would  not  accept  of 
it,  nor  return  to  bufinefs.     Thequicknefs  of  his  thoughts  carried 
his  views  far.    And  the  fournefs  of  his  temper  made  him  too  apt 
both  to  fufpedt  and  todefpife  moft  of  thole  that  came  to  him.  My 
way  of  writing  hiftory  pleas'd  him :  And  fb  he  prefTcd  me  to  under- 
take thehifl:oryof£»g/^W.  "Stux.Sanclers'shookj  that  was  then  tran- 
dated  into  French,  and  cried  up  much  in  France ,  made  all  my  friends 
prels  me  to  anfwer  it,  by  writing  the  hift:ory  of  the  Reformation. 
So  now  all  my  thoughts  were  turned  that  way.  I  laid  out  forMS^, 
and  fearched  into  all  offices.     I  got  for  fome  days  into  the  Cotton 
library.  But  Duke  Lauderdale^  hearing  of  my  defign,  and  appre- 
hending it  might  fucceed  in  my  hands,  got  Dolben,  Bifhop  of /?<?- 
chejier,  to  divert  Siv  John  Cotton  fromfufferingmetofearch  into  his 
library.    He  told  him,  I  was  a  great  enemy  to  the  prerogative,  to 
which  Cotton  was  devoted,even  to  flavery.  So  he  faid,  I  would  certain- 
ly make  an  ill  ufe  of  all  I  had  found.  This  wrought  To  much  on  him, 
that  I  was  no  more  admitted,  till  my  firft  volume  was  publiflicd.  And 
then,when  he  faw  how  I  had  compofed  it,he  gave  me  free  accefs  to  it. 

The  Earl  of     At  this  time  the  Earl  ofE^ex\i/2is  brought  over  from  being  Lord 

tfete/.'^  *  Lieutenant  oi Ireland,  whofe  friendfhip  to  me  was  afterwards  fuch, 
that  I  think  my  fclf  obliged  to  flop,  and  to  give  fome  account  of 
him.  He  was  the  Lord  CapcWs  fon.  His  education  was  negled:ed 
by  reafon  of  the  war.  But,  when  he  was  at  man's  age,  he  madehim- 
felf  mafter  of  the  Latin  tongue,  and  made  a  great  progrefs  in  ma- 
thematicks,  and  in  all  the  other  parts  of  learning.  He  knew  our 
law  and  confliitution  well,  and  was  a  very  thoughtful  man.  He  be- 
gaft  Toon  to  appear  againfl  the  Court.  The  King  imputed  it  to 
his  refentments:  So  he  refblved  to  make  ufe  of  him.  He  fent 
him  EmbafTador  to  Denmark,  where  his  behaviour  in  the  affair 
of  the  flag  gain«d  him  much  reputation :  Tho'  he  faid  to  me 
there  was  nothing  in  it.  That  King  had  ordered  the  Governour 
oi Croonenburgh  to  make  all  fliips  that  pafs'd  flrike  to  him.  So  when 
l^or^EJfex  was  failing  by,  he  fent  to  him,  either  to  flrike  to  him, 
or  to  fail  by  in  the  night,  or  to  keep  out  of  his  reach :  Otherwife  he 
muft  fhoot,  firfl  with  powder,  but  next  with  ball.  Lord  EJfex  fent 
him  a  refolute  anfwer,  that  the  Kings  of  England  m'SidQ  others  flrike 

to 


of  King  Charles  II.  397 

to  them,but  their  (hips  ftruck  to  none  :H e  would  not  (leal  thro'  in  the  1 676. 
dark,  nor  keep  out  of  his  reach:  And  if  he  (hot  at  him,  he  would  -^"V^^n-/ 
defend  himfelf.  The  Governour  did  (hoot  at  him,  but  on  defign  His  empioy- 
fhot  over  him.  This  was  thought  great  bravery  in  him :  Yet  heJ^^^^J^. 
reckoned,  it  was  impoffible  the  Governour  would  endeavour  to  fink 
a  {hip  that  brought  over  an  Embaflador.  While  he  was  there,  the 
King  di;:?d,  which  made  a  great  change  in  the  Court.  ForthatKing 
had  made  one  of  his  fervants  Stadtholder,-  which  was  indeed  a 
ftrange  thing,  he  himfelf  being  upon  the  place.  He  was  but  a  mean 
perfon,  and  was  advanced  by  the  favour  the  Queen  bore  him.  Lord 
Effex^s  firft  bufinefs  was  to  juftify  his  behaviour  in  rcfufing  to  ftrike. 
Now  at  his  going  itovn  England  Sit  John  Cotton  had  defired  him  to 
take  fome  volumes  of  his  library  that  related  to  Dantjh  affairs  j  which 
he  took,  without  apprehending  that  he  fhould  have  great  occafion 
to  ufe  them :  But  this  accident  made  him  fearch  into  them.  And 
he  found  very  good  materials  to  juftify  his  condu6t  j  fince  by  formal 
treaties  it  had  been  exprellly  ftipulated,  t\\2.ti\\Q  Engl'tfh  fhips  of  war 
fhould  not  ftrike  in  the  Damjh  feas.  This  raifed  his  charad:er  (d 
high  at  Court,  that  it  was  writ  over  to  him,  that  he  might  expert 
every  thing  he  fliould  pretend  to  at  his  return.  The  change  of  go- 
vernment that  he  faw  mDenmark^  and  the  bringing  it  about  with 
fo  little  difficulty,  made  a  great  impreffion  on  him  j  fince  one  of  the 
freeft  Nations  in  the  world  was  on  a  fudden  brought  under  a  moft 
arbitrary  form  of  government.  Many  of  the  ancient  Nobility 
feemed  uneafy  under  the  change.  And  even  the  Chancellor  him- 
felf, tho'  raifed  by  favour  from  very  mean  beginnings,  could  not 
forbear  to  lament  even  to  him  the  change  of  their  conftitution. 

Upon  his  return  from  Denmark^  he  was  made  Lord  Lieutenant  ^^j  ^^^ 
oi Ireland.  He  could  never  underftand  how  he  came  to  be  raifed  to  vemment  ot 
that  poftj  for  he  had  not  pretended  to  it:  And  he  was  a  violent  ""*  * 
enemy  to  Popery  •  not  fo  much  from  any  fix'd  principle  in  religion, 
in  which  he  was  too  Loofe,  as  becaufe  he  looked  on  it  as  an  invafi- 
on  made  on  the  freedom  of  human  nature.    In  his  government  of 
Ireland  he  exceeded  all  that  had  gone  before  him ;  and  is  ftill  con- 
fidered  as  a  pattern  to  all  that  come  after  him.    He  ftudied  to  un- 
derftand exad:ly  well  the  conftitution,  and  intereft  of  the  Nation* 
He  read  over  all  their  Council  books  ^  and  made  large  abftrads  out 
of  them,  to  guide  him,  fo  as  to  advance  every  thing  that  had  been 
at  anytime  fet  on  foot  for  the  good  of  the  Kingdom.  He  made  fei- 
veral  volumesof  tables  of  the  flate,  and  perfons  that  were  in  every 
county  and  town  j  and  got  true  characters  of  all  that  were  capable 
to  fervethe  publick.  And  he  preferred  men  always  upon  merit,  with- 
out any  application  from  themfelvcs  ^  and  watched  over  all  about 
him,  that  there  fhould  be  no  bribes  going  among  his  fervants.  The 
revenue  of  Zr^/^W  was  then  in  the  Earl  of/?^;/<?/<?^^'snaanagement  j 

^  I  who 


^ pS  Th^  li  I  s  T  o  R  Y  of  tbe  Reign 

1 676.  wKo  was  one  of  the  alileft  men  that  Ifland  had  bred,  capable  of  all 
affairs,  even  in  the  midftof  a  loofe  run  of  pleafure,  and  much  ri- 
ot. He  had  the  art  of  pleafing  mailers  of  very  different  tempers  and 
interefts  fo  much,  that  he  continued  above  thirty  years  in  great  pofts. 
He  had  undertaken  to  furnifli  the  King  with  money  for  the  building 
oiWtndfor  out  of  the  revenue  of  Ireland.  And  it  was  believed  the 
Duchefs  oi  Port/mouth  had  a  great  yearly  penfion  out  of  his  office. 
By  this  means  payments  in /rf/»«^  were  not  regularly  made.  So  the 
Earl  oiEJfex  complained  of  this.  The  King  would  not  own  how 
much  he  h^d  from  Lord  Ranelagh,  but  prefs'd  Lord  EJfex  to  pafs 
his  accounts.  He  anfwered,  he  could  not  pafs  them  as  accounts :  But, 
if  the  King  would  forgive  Lord  Ranelaghj  he  would  pafs  a  difcharge, 
but  not  an  ill  account.  The  King  was  not  pleafed  with  this,  nor  with 
his  exadnefs  in  that  governnient :  h  reproached  his  own  too  much. 
So  he  took  a  refolution  about  this  time  to  put  the  Duke  oiOrmond 
in  it  again.  Upon  this  occafion  the  Earl  oi  EJfex  told  me,  that  he 
knew  the  King  did  often  take  money  into  his  privy  purfe,  to  de- 
fraud his  Exchequer :  For  he  reckoned  that  what  was  carried  thither, 
was  not  fo  much  his  own,  as  his  privy  purfe  was.  And  Coventry  told 
Lord  EJfex,  that  there  was  once  a  Plantation-caufe  at  the  Council 
board :  And  he  was  troubled  to  fee  the  King  efpoufe  the  worft  fide : 
And  upon  that  he  went  to  him,  and  told  him  fecretly,  that  it  was 
a  vile  caufe  which  he  was  fupporting :  The  King  anfwered  him, 
he  had  got  good  money  for  doing  it. 

About  this  time  there  was  a  proportion  made  for  farming  the  re- 
venue of  Ireland.  And  Lord  Danby  feemed  for  fbme  time  to  favour 
one  fetof  men,  who  offered  to  farm  it.  But  on  the  fiidden  he  turn- 
ed to  another.  The  fecret  of  this  broke  out,  that  he  was  to  have 
great  advantages  by  the  fecond  propofition.The  matter  was  brought 
to  the  Council  table:  And  fome  were  examinedto  it  upon  oath.  Lord 
IVidr'mgton  did  confefs  that  he  made  offer  of  a  round  fum  to  Lord 
Danby  J  but  faid  that  he  did  notaccept  of  it.  Lord  Halltfax  was  yet  of 
the  Council.  So  he  obferved  that  the  Lord  Treafurer  had  rejeded 
that  offer  very  mildly ;  but  not  fo  as  to  difcouragc  a  fecond  attempt : 
It  would  be  fomewhat  flrange,  if  a  man  fhould  aik  the  ufe  of  another 
man's  wife,  and  if  the  other  fhould  indeed  refufe  it,  but  with  great 
civiHty.  This  nettled  Lord  Danby,  who  upon  that  got  him  to  be 
difmils'd  from  that  board :  At  which  the  Duke  was  much  pleafed, 
who  hated  hord  Hallifax  at  that  time,  more  even  than  the  Earl  of 
Shaftsbury  himfdf;  for  he'had  fallen  feverely  on  the  declaration  for 
toleration  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords.  He  faid,  if  we  could  make  good 
the  Eaflern  complement,  0  King  live  for  ever,  he  could  truft  the 
King  with  everything,-  but  fince  that  was  fo  much  a  complement, 
that  it  could  never  become  real,  he  could  not  be  implicite  in  his 
confidence.    Thus  matters  went  on  all  1676,  and  to  the  begin- 

mng 
a 


of  King  Charijes  IL  ^         ^tjc) 

ning  of  the  1677,  when  another  fcflion  of  Parliament  was  held.    I  1^76* 
have  brought  within  this  year  jfcveral  things  that  may  be  of  ufe  to  en-  >-^~V"''^ 
hghten  the  reader  as  to  the  ilate  of  things,  tho'  perhaps  of  their  own 
nature  they  were  not  important  enough  to  deferve  to  be  told.  But 
in  {o  bare  a  year,  as  this  proved  to  be,  it  Teemed  no  impertinent 
digreflion^  to  bring  all  fuch  matters  into  the  reader's  way. 

I  {hall  next  give  fome  account  of  Scottjh  affairs.  The  Duke  of  The  affairs 
Lauderdale  had  maftered  the  oppofition  made  to  him  fb  entirely, "^'^'^'''''""'* 
that  men  were  now  tho'  filent,  not  quiet.  The  field  Conventicles 
increafed  mightily.  Men  came  to  them  armed.  And  upon  that  great 
Dumbers  were  outlawed :  And  a  writ  was  ifTued  out,  that  was  indeed,  *  ** 
legal,  but  very  feldom  ufed,  called  Intercommoning:  Becaufe  it 
made  all  that  harboured  fuch  perfons,  or  did  not  feize  them,  when 
they  had  it  in  their  power,  to  be  involved  in  the  fame  guilt.  By  this 
means  many,apprehending  a  fevereprofecution,left  their  houfes,and 
went  about  like  a  fort  of  Banditti,  and  fell  under  a  fierce  and  fava^e 
temper.  The  Privy  Council  upon  this  pretended  they  were  in  a  ftate 
of  war.  And  upon  an  old  flatute,  that  was  almoft  quite  forgot,  it 
was  fet  on  foot,  that  the  King  had  a  power  to  take  any  Caftle  that 
lay  convenient  for  his  forces,  and  put  a  garrifbn  in  it.  So  twelve 
houfes  were  marked  out:  Of  which  two  were  the  chief  dwellmg 
houles  of  two  Peers.  The  reft  were  the  houfes  of  gentlemen,  that 
had  gone  into  the  party  againft  Duk^ Lauderdale.  And,  tho'  thefe 
were  houfes  of  no  ftrength,  and  not  at  all  properly  fituated  for  the 
fupprefling  of  Conventicles,  yet  they  were  taken.  Soldiers  were  put 
in  them.  And  the  countries  about  were  required  to  furnifh  thofe  fmall 
garrifons  with  all  thingsnecelTary  .This  was  againft  the  exprefs  words 
of  the  law  that  had  lately  fettled  the  militia.  Great  oppofition  was 
made  to  it.  Yet  it  was  kept  up  above  a  year,  till  the  houfes  were 
quite  ruined  by  the  rude  foldiers,who  underftood  that  the  more  wafte 
they  made  it  would  be  the  more  acceptable.  At  laft  it  was  let  fall. 

Another  thing  happened,  fcarce  worth  mentioning,  if  it  was  not 
for  the  effects  that  followed  on  it.  One  Carjiairs,  a  loofe  and  vici- 
ous gentleman,  who  had  ruined  his  eftate,  undertook  10 Sharp  10' 
go  about  in  difguife  to  fee  thofe  Conventicles,  and  to  carry  fome 
with  him  to  witnefs  againft  fuch  as  they  faw  at  them  ^  in  which  he 
himfelf  was  not  to  appear:  But  he  was  to  have  a  proportion  of  all 
the  fines  that  fhould  be  fet  upon  this  evidence :  And  he  was  to  have 
fo  much  for  every  one  of  their  teachers  that  he  could  catch.  He 
had  many  diflFerent  difguifes,  and  paff^d  by  different  names  in  every 
one  of  them.  Wdonnd  Ktrkton,  an  eminent  preacher  among  them, 
who  was  as  cautious  as  th«  reft  were  bold,  and  had  avoided  all  fuf^ 
pitious  and  dangerous  meetings.  Carjiatrs,  feeing  him  walking  on 
the  ftreets  o£  Edenburgh,  told  him,  there  was  a  perfon  that  was  tick, 
and  fent  him  to  beg  a  viiit  from  him.  He  fufpeding  nothing  went 

with 


L 


4oo         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1676,  with  him.    Car/fairs  brought  him  to  his  own  lodgings :  And  there 
he  told  him,  he  had  a  warrant  aga inft  him,  which  he  would  execute, 
if  he  would  not  give  him  money  to  let  him  alone.  Ktrkton  faid,  he 
had  not  offended,  and  was  wilHng  to  go  to  prifon  till  his  innocence 
fliould  appear.  Car  flam  really  had  no  warrant :  But,as  was  afterwards 
difcovered,  he  had  often  taken  this  method,  and  had  got  money 
by  it.    So  he  went  out  to  procure  a  warrant,  and  Xtit  Ktrkton  lock'd 
up  in  his  chamber.  ^/r/^/o«  called  to  the  people  of  the  houfe:  And 
told  them,  how  he  was  trepan'd.  And  he  got  one  of  them  tofeek 
Baillieofjerr'tfwoody  his  brother-in-law,  who  was  a  Gentleman  of 
great  parts,  but  of  much  greater  vertue.    Carfta'trs  could  not  find 
nine  Privy  Counfeilors  to  fign  a  warrant,  which  were  the  number 
required  by  law.  Yet,  when  he  came  back,  he  pretended  he  had  a 
warrant,  and  would  force  Ktrkton  to  go  to  prifon  upon  it.  Ktrkton 
refufed  to  obey  any  fuch  warrant,  till  he  faw  it.  And  upon  that  Car^ 
flairs  ftruggled,  and  pulled  him  to  the  ground,  and  fate  on  him, 
the  other  crying  out  murther.  At  that  time  Ba'tll'te  came  to  the  door : 
And,  hearing  him  cry  out,  he  called  to  Carflairs  to  open  the  door: 
And,  that  not  being  done,  he  forced  it,  and  found  Carflairs  fitting 
upon  Ktrkton.    He  drew  his  fword,  and  made  him  come  oflF  him. 
He  then  aiked  him,  what  warrant  he  had  to  ufe  him  as  he  did.  He 
faid,  he  had  a  warrant  to  carry  him  to  prifon :  But  he  refufed  to  fliew 
it.  Baillie  offered  to  afTift  in  executing  it,  if  he  had  any :  But  heper- 
fifled  in  this,  that  he  was  not  bound  to  fhew  it.  Ba'tll'te  made  AT/r/f- 
/<7«togoout;  and  followed  him,  no  violence  being  ufedj  for  which 
he  had  many  witneffes,   whom  the  noife  had  brought  together. 
And  he  faid,  he  was  refolved  to  fueCarflairs  for  this  riot.  But  before 
the  next  Council  day  a  warrant  was  figned  by  nine  Privy  Counfei- 
lors, but  antedated,  for  the  committing  ofKtrkton^  and  of  fix  or 
feven  more  of  their  preachers.   Lord  Athol  told  me,  he  was  one  of 
thofe  who  figned  it,  with  that  falfe  date  to  it.  So  Ba'tll'te  was  cited  be- 
fore the  Council :  Carfla'trs  produced  his  warrant,  which  he  pretend- 
ed he  had  at  the  time  that  Ktrkton  was  in  his  hands,  but  did  not 
think  fit  to  fhew,  fince  that  would  difcover  the  names  of  others, 
againfl  whom  he  was  alfo  to  make  ufe  of  it.  Ba'tll'te  brought  his  wit- 
neffes to  prove  his  behaviour.   But  they  would  not  fo  much  as  ex- 
amine them.  It  was  faid,  that  upon  6'<3:r/?rt/r5  faying  he  had  a  warrant 
Ktrkton  was  bound  to  go  to  jayl ;  and  that,  if  it  had  been  found  that 
hewas  carried  thither  without  a  warrant,  the  jaylor  would  not  have 
received  him.  Duke  Hamilton,  and  Lord  Kinkardin,  were  yet  upon 
the  Council.  And  they  argued  long  againft  this  way  of  proceeding, 
as  likeraCourtoflnquifition,  than  a  legal  government.  Yet Ba'tllie 
was  fined  500/,  andcondemn'dtoayear'simprifbnment.  And  upon 
this  an  occafion  was  taken  to  turn  Duke  Hamilton  and  Lord  Ktnkar- 
<5^/»  out  of  the  Council,  as  enemies  to  the  Church,  and  as  favourers  of 
Conventicles,  The 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  ESVu,^^         ^0.1 

The  Parliament  oi  England  h.2i^  been  prorogued  .fpr„  about    167/ 

a  year  and  feme  months,  by  two  diffcrept  prorogations.     Oncy"'^^'''^ 
rur  r  i  cl-  j    ^  que  a  ion 

or  theie  was  for  more  than  a  year,     bo  upon  that  it  was  maderaidd  in 

a    qucftion,  whether  by  that  the  Parliament  was  not  dilToIv-folfuheie- 
cd.     The   argument  for   it  was   laid  thus.     By   the   ancient ^^''"yor'' 
laws   a  Parliament  was  to  be  held  once  a  'year,  and  oftener  if    ^"^'^  "'' 
need  be:   It  was  faid,   the  words,  tf  need  be,  in  one  ad,  which 
were  not  in  another  that  enacted  an  annual  Parliament  with- 
out that  addition,    did  not  belong  to  the  whole  period,    by 
which  a  feflion  was  only  to  be  held  once   a  year    if  it  was        .  -" 
needful  J  but  belonged  only  to  the  "wotd  oftener:   So  that  the 
law  was  pofitive  for  a  Parliament  once  a  year :    And  if  fo, 
then  any  ad  contrary  to  that  law  was  an  unlawful  ad:    By 
confequence,    it  could  have  no  operation:    From  whence  it 
was  inferred ,    that  the  prorogation  which  did  run  beyond  a 
year,    and  by  confequence   made  that  the   Parliament  could 
not  fit  that  year,  was  illegal  j  and  that  therefore  the  Parlia- 
ment could  not  fit  by  virtue  of  fuch   an  illegal  ad.      Lord 
Shaftsbury  laid  hold  on  this  with  great  joy,  and  he  thought 
to  work  his  point  by  it.     The  Duke  of  Buckingham  was  for 
every  thing  that  would  embroil  matters.     The  Earl  of  idf//j- 
bury  was  brought  into  it,  who  was  a  high  fpirited  man,   and 
had  a  very  ill  opinion  of  the  Court.     Lord  Wharton  went  alfo 
into   it.     And  Lord  HoUis   writ  a  book   for  it:     But  a  fit  of 
the  gout  kept  him  out  of  the  way.     All  the  reft  of  the  par- 
ty'was  againft  it.     They  faid,  it  was  a  fubtilty :  And  it  was 
very  dangerous   to   hang  fo   much   weight  upon    fuch  weak 
grounds.     The   words,    if  need  be ,  had  been  underftood  to 
belong  to  the  whole  ad;     And  the  long  Parliament  did  not 
pretend  to  make  annual   Parliaments   neceflary,    but  infifted 
only  on  a  triennial   Parliament: ,  If  there  had  been   need  of 
a  Parliament  during  that  long  prorogation,   the  King  by  pro- 
clamation might  have  dilTolved  it ,    and   called  a  new  one. 
All  that   knew  the  temper  of  the  Houfe   of  Commons  were 
niuch  troubled  at  this  difpute,  that  was  like  to  rife   on  fuch 
a  point.     It  was  very  certain  the  majority  of  both  Houfes, 
who  only  could  judge  it ,    would  be  againft  it.     And  they 
thought  fuch  an  attempt  to  force  a  diifolution,  would  make 
the  Commons  do  every  thing  that  the  Court  defired.      Lord 
HaUifax  fct  hirafelf  much  againft  this;   and  did  it  not  with- 
out, exprelTing  great  fharpnels  againft  Lord  Shaftsbury ,    who 
could  not  be  managed  in  this  matter.    So,  upon  the  firll  open- 
ing the  fefiion,  the  debate  was  brought  on:   And  thefe  Lords 
ftood  againft  the  whole  Houfe.     That  matter  was  fooa  de- 
cided by  a  queftion.  I         J -K  But 


402        The  HIST  OKY  of  the  Reign 

\6i7        But   then   a    fccond    debate    rofe,     which   held    for    two 
"^yy^i  days      whether  thefc  Lords  were  not   liable   to  cenfure,    for 
offering  a   debate  ,    that    might    create    great    diftra£tions 
in  the  fubjed's   minds,    concerning  the   legality   of   Parlia- 
ment.      Lord    Hall'ifax    with     the    reft    of   the     party   ar- 
gued againft  it  ftrongly.     They  faid,  if  an  idle  motion  was 
made,  and  checked  at  firft,  he  that  made  it  might  be   cen- 
fured  for  it,    tho*  it  was  feldom,    if  ever,   to  be   pradifed  in 
ii  free  Council,  where  every  man  was  not  bound  to  be  wife, 
nor  to  make  no  impertinent  motion :  But  when   the  motion 
was  entertained,  and  a  debate  followed,    and  a  queftion  was 
put  upon  it,    it   was  deftrudive  to   the  freedom   of  publick 
The  Lords  Couucils,  to  Call  any  one  to  an  account  for  it :  They  might  with 
kfcnTmhe^^^  fame  juftice  call  them   to  an  account   for   their  debates 
Tower,      and  votes:    So  that  no  man  was  fafe,  unlefs  he  could  know 
where  the  majority  would  be:    Here  would  be   a   precedent 
to  tip  down  fo  many  Lords  at  a  time,  and  to  garboil  the 
Houfe,  as  often  as  any  party  {hould  have  a  great  majority. 
It  was  faid  on  the  other  hand,  here  was  a  defign  to  put  the 
Nation  into  great  diforder ,    and  to  bring  the  legality  of  a 
Parliament  into  difpute.    So  it  was  carried  to  oblige  them  to  afk 
pardon  as  delinquents :  Otherwife  it  was  refolved  to  fend  them 
to  the  Tower.     They  refufed  to   alk  pardon ,-    and  fo  were 
fent  thither.     The  Earl  of  Salisbury  was  the  firft  that  was 
called  on :    For   the  Duke   of  Buckingham  went  out  of  the 
Houfe.     He  defired,  he  might  have  his  fervafits  to  wait  on 
him  :    And  the  firft  he  named  was  his  cook  ;    which   the 
King  refented  highly,  as  carrying  in  it  an  infinuation  of  the 
worft  fort.     The  Earl  of  Shaftsbury  made  the  fame  demand. 
But  the  Lord  Wharton  did  not  afk  for  his   cook.     The  Duke 
t>i Buckingham  came  in  next  day;    and  was   fent  after  them 
to  the  Tower.     And  they  were  ordered  to  continue  prifoners 
during  the  pleafiire  of  the  Houfe,  or  during  the  King's  plea- 
fiite.     They  were  much  vifited.     So  to  check  that,  tho'  no 
Complaint  was  made  of  their  behaviour,  they  were  made  clofe 
prifonets,  not  to  be  vifited  without  leave  from  the  King,  or 
the  Houfe;     And  particular   obfervations  were  made    of  all 
thofe  that  afked  leave.     This  was  much  cried  out  on :    And 
the  Earl  ofDanby's  long  imprifonmcnt  afterwards,  was  thought 
^  juft  rferaliation  for  the  violence  with  which  he  drove  this 
bn.     Three  of  the  Lords  lay  in  the  Tower  for  fome  months : 
But  they  were  fet  at  liberty  upon  their  petitioning  the  King. 
Lord  Shaftsbury    would  not  petition :  But  he  moved  in   the 
King's  Bench   that  he   might   be  difcharged.     The   King's 

4  juftice. 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  11.  405 

juftice,    he  faid,    was   to   be  difpenfed  in  that  Court.     The    1677 
Court  faid,  he  was  committed  by  an  order   from  the  Houfe '-'"VS^ 
of  Lords,    which  was   a  Court   fuperior  to  them:     So  they- 
could  take  no  cognizance  of  the  matter.      Lord  Danby  cen-'' 
fured  this  motion  highly,   as  done  in  contempt  oftheHoufe 
of  Lords  j     and  faid  ,    he  would  make  ufe  of  it  againft  him 
next  feflion  of  Parliament.     Yet  he  was  often  forced  to  make 
the  fame  motion  at  that  bar:   And  he  complained  of  the  in- 
juftice   of  the   Court   for  refufing   to  bail  or  difcharge  him,> 
tho'  in  that  they  followed  the  precedent,  which  at  this  time         -  -* 
was  directed  by  himfelf 

The  debate  about  the  diffolution  of  the  Parliament,  had  Proceedings 
the  effedt  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons  that  was  forfeen  :  ForJiJent']^''*' 
the  Commons  were  much  inflamed  againft  Lord  Shafishury^ 
and  his  party.  They  at  firft  voted  600000  /.  for  the  build- 
ing thirty  (hips :  For  they  refolved  to  begin  with  a  popu+t 
lar  bill.  A  claufe  was  put  in  the  bill  by  the  Country  party,^ 
that  the  money  fhould  be  accounted  for  to  the  Commons, 
in  hope  that  the  Lords  would  alter  that  claufe,  and  mak6 
it  accountable  to  both  Houfes  •  which  was  done  by  the  Lords, 
and  conferences  were  held  upon  it.  The  Lords  thought, 
that,  fince  they  paid  their  ihare  of  the  tax,  it  was  not  rea- 
fonable  to  exclude  them  from  the  accounts.  The  Commons 
adhered  to  their  claufe :  And  the  bill  was  in  great  danger  of 
being  loft.  But  the  King  prevailed  with  the  Lords  to  re* 
cede.  An  additional  excife,  that  had  been  formerly  given, 
was  now  falling:  So  they  continued  that  for  three  years  lon- 
ger;' And  they  were  in  all  things  fo  compliant,  that  the 
Court  had  not  for  many  years  had  fo  hopeful  a  feffion  as  this 
was.    But  all  was  changed  of  a  fudden. 

,  The  King  of  France  was  then  making  one  of  his  earJyAffaip^  i,^,;^ 
campaigns  in  Flanders-^  in  which  he  at  firft  took  Valencien-^^'^'^*''''  ■ 
nesj  and  then  divided  his  Army  in  two.  He  with  one  be- 
fieged  Cambray.  And  th-e  other  commanded  by  his  brother 
befieged  St.  Omer.  But,  tho*  I  intend  to  fay  litt'le  of  foreign 
affairs,  yet  where  I  came  to  the  knowledge  of  particulars 
that  I  have  not  feen  in  any  printed  relations,  I  will  venture 
to  fct  them  down.  Turenne's  death  was  a  great  blow  to  the 
King  oi  France ;  but  not  to  his  Minifters,  whom  he  defpif- 
ed,  and  who  hated  him:  But  the  King  had  fuch  a  perfo- 
nal  regard  to  him,  that  they  were  afraid  of  oppofing  him 
too  much.  He  was  both  the  moft  cautious,  and  the  moft  oblig- 
ing General  that  ever  commanded  an  Army.  He  had  the 
art  of  making  every  man  love  him,  except  thofe  that  thought 

they 


404^        The  Hist  OKY  of  the  Reign 

1677  they  came  in  fome  competition  with  him:  For  he  was  apt 
^^^^y^*^  to  treat  them  with  too  much  contempt.  It  was  an  extraor- 
dinary thing  that  a  random  cannon  fhot  fliould  have  killed 
him.  He  fat  by  the  balance  of  his  body  a  while  on  the  fad- 
die,  bu:  fell  down  dead  in  the  place:  And  a  great  defign  he 
had,  which  probably  would  have  been  fatal  to  the  German 
Army,  died  with  him.  The  Prince  of  Conde  was  fcnt  to 
command  the  Army  to  his  great  affliftion :  For  this  was  a 
declaration,  that  he  was  efteemed  inferior  to  Turenne^  which 
he  could  not  well  bear,  tho'  he  was  inferior  to  him  in  all 
that  related  to  the  command  j  unlefs  it  was  in  a  day  of  bat- 
tel, in  which  the  prefence  of  mind,  and  vivacity  of  thought, 
which  were  wonderful  in  him,  gave  him  fome  advantage. 
But  he  had  too  much  pride,  to  be  fo  obliging  as  a  General 
ought  to  be.  And  he  was  too  much  a  (lave  to  pleafure,  and 
gamed  too  much  ,  to  have  that  conftant  application  to  his 
bufinefs  that  the  other  had.  He  was  entirely  loft  in  the 
King's  good  opinion,  not  only  by  reafon  of  his  behaviour 
during  his  minority.  But,  after  that  was  forgiven,  once  when 
the  King  was  ill,  not  without  apprehenfions,  he  fent  for 
him,  and  recommended  his  fon  to  his  care,  in  cafe  he  fhould 
die  at  that  time.  But  he,  inftead  of  receiving  this,  as  a  great 
mark  of  confidence,  with  due  acknowledgments,  expoftulat- 
ed  upon  the  ill  ufage  he  had  met  with.  The  King  reco^ 
veredj  but  never  forgot  that  treatment,  and  took  all  occafi- 
ons  to  mortify  him  ,•  which  the  Mijiifters  knew  well ,  and 
feconded  him  in  it:  So  that,  bating  the  outward  refpe(9:  due 
to  his  birth,  they  treated  him  very  hardly  in  all  his  pretenfions. 
'i\it  French  The  French  King  came  down  to  Flanders  in  76,  and 
Sa^bln/rfirft  took  Conde,  and  then  befieged  Boucha'm.  The  fiege 
^^'^^  oft""- went  on  in  form:  And  the  King  lay  with  an  Army 
Prince  of  covering  it,  when  on  a  fudden  the  Prince  of  Orange  drew 
'""'^*'  hi3  Army  together,  and  went  up  almoft  to  the  King's  camp, 
offering  him  battle.  All  the  Marfhals  and  Generals  con- 
cluded that  battle  was  to  be  given,  and  that  the  war  would 
be  that  day  ended.  The  King  heard  all  this  coldly.  Schom- 
berg  was  newly  made  a  Marlhal,  and  had  got  great  honour 
the  year  before  againft  the  Prince  oi  Orange ^\x\  railing  the  liege 
oi  Maejlrickt.  He  commanded  in  a  quarter  at  fome  diftance. 
The  King  faid,  he  would  come  to  no  refolution,  till  he 
heard  his  opinion.  Louvoy  fent  for  him  by  a  confident  per- 
fon,  whom  he  ordered  to  tell  him  what  had  happen'd^  and 
that,  in  any  opinion  he  was  to  give,  hemuft  confidt;r  the  Kino's 
perfon.  So,  when  he  came  to  the  King's  tent,  a  council  of 
t  ■'  I  war 


.'.«'« 


of  King  C  H  A  R  E  L  S  II.  40?5 

war  was  called :  And  Schomberg  was  ordered  to  deliver  his  opi-  1(^77 
nion  firft.  He  faid ,  the  King  was  there  on  defign  to  cover  ^-'^^^''^^ 
the  fiege  oi  Boucha'mi  A  young  General  was  come  up  on  a 
defperate  humour  to  offer  him  battle:  He  did  hot  doubt,  but 
it  would  be  a  glorious  decifion  of  the  war:  But  the  King 
ought  to  confider  his  own  defigns,  and  not  to  be  led  out  of 
thefe  by  any  bravado,  or  even  by  the  great  hope  of  fuccefs: 
The  King  ought  to  remain  in  his  poft  ,  till  the  place  was 
taken  :  Otherwife  he  fuffered  another  man  to  be  the  mafter  of 
his  counfels  and  actions.  When  the  place  was  taken,  then  he 
was  to  come  to  new  counfels:  But  till  then  he  thought  he  was  to 
purfue  his  firft  defign.  The  King  faid  Schomberg  was  in  the 
right:  And  he  was  applauded  that  day,  as  a  better  Courtier  than 
a  General.     I  had  all  this  from  his  own  mouth. 

To  this  I  will  add  a  pleafant  palTage,    that  the  Prince  of 
Conde  told  young  Rouv'tgn'y,  now  Earl  of  Galloway.     The  King 
of  France  has  never  yet  fought  a  battel  j   and  has  a  mighty 
notion  of  that  matter:  And,  it  feems,  he  apprehends  the  dan- 
ger of  it  too  much.     Once  he  was  chiding  the  Prince  of  Conti 
for  his  being  about  to  fight  a  combat  with  a  man  of  quality. 
The  King  told  him,  he  ought  to  confider  the  dignity  of  his 
blood,    and  not  put  himfelf  on  the  level  with  other  fubjedts^ 
and  that  his  uncle  had  declined  fighting  on  that  very  account. 
The  Prince  of  Conti  anfwered,  my  uncle  might  well  have  done 
fo,  after  he  had  won  two  battels  ^  but  I,  who  have  yet  done  no- 
thing, muft  pretend  to  no  fuch  diftindion.     The  King  told 
this  anfwer  to  the  Prince  of  Conde^  who  faw  he  was  nettled 
with  it.    So  he  faid  to  him,  that  his  nephew  had  in  that  fpoke 
like  a  young  man:    For  winning  of  a  battel  was   no    great 
matter  J  fince,  tho'  he  who  commanded  had  the  glory  of  it, 
yet  it  was  the  fubalterns  that  did  the  bufinefs:    In  which  he 
thought  he  pleafed  the  King  j  and  for  which  he  laughed  hear- 
tily at  him,  when  he  told  the  ftory.     The  late  King  told  me, 
that  in  thefe  campaigns  the  Spaniards  were  both  fo  ignorant 
and  fo  backward,  fo  proud  and  yet  fo  weak,  that  they  would 
never  own  their  feeblenefs,    or  their  wants,  to  him.     They 
pretended  they  had  ftores,    when  they  had  nonej  and  thou- 
fands,  when  they  fcarce  had  hundreds.     He  had  in  their  coun- 
fels often  dcfired,  that  they  would  give  him  only  a  true  ftate 
of  their  garrifons  and  magazines.    But  they  always  gave  it 
falfe.     So  that  for  fome  campaigns  all  was  loft,  merely  becaufe 
they  deceived  him  in  the  ftrength  they  pretended  they  had. 
At  laft  he  believed  nothing  they  faid,  but  fent  his  own  officers 
to  examine  every  thing.     Monterey  ^2iS  a  wife  man,  and  a  good 

J  L       ^^  Governor, 

? 


40C        TbeHi^T^OKY  of  the  Reign 

1677   Governor,  but  was  a  coward,    f'^tlla  Hermofa  was  a  brave  man, 
^^^^^^^^  but  ignorant  and  weak.     Thus  the  Prince  had  a  fad  time  of 
it    every  campaign.     But  none  was  fo  unhappy  as  this  :    Iq 
which,  upon  the  lofs  of  Valenctennes^  he  looking  on  St.  Omer 
as  more  important  than  Camhrayy  went  thither,    and  ventured 
a  battle  too  ra(hly.     Luxembourg ^  with  a  great  body  of  horfe, 
came  into  the  Duke  oi  Orleans'i  Army,  juft  as  they  were  engag- 
ing.    Some  regiments  of  marines,  on  whom  the  Prince  de- 
pended much,   did  bafely  run  away.    Yet  the  other  bodies 
fought  fo  well,   that  he  loft  not  much,  befidcs  the  honour  of 
c«iwir<fy«ndthe  day.    But  upon  that  St.  Omer  did  immediately  capitulate, 
fien!""     as  Cambray  did  fome  days  after.      It  was  thought,    that  the 
King  was  jealous  of  the  honour  his  brother  had  got  in  that 
adion ;  for  he  never  had  the  command  of  an  army  after  that 
time :  And,  courage  being  the  chief  good  quality  that  he  had, 
it  was  thought  his  having  no  occafion  given  him  to  (hew  it 
flowed  from  fome  particular  reafon. 
The  Houfc     Thefe  things  happening  during  this  Seflion  of  Parliament,madc 
mons'JJefr-  great  impreffion  on  all  peoples  minds.  Sir  IV.  Coventry  opened  the 
•ocngagj"f„bufinefsintheHoufeof  Commonsj  and  (hewed  the  danger  of  all 
the  war.     thcfe  Provinces  falling  under  the  power  oi  France -y  which  muft 
end  in  the  ruin  of  the  United  Provinces,  if  a  timely  ftop  were  not 
put  to  the  progrefs  the  French  were  making.     He  demonftrat- 
cd,  that  the  intereft  of  England  made  it  neceffary  for  the  King 
to  withdraw  his  mediation,  and  enter  into  the  alliance  againft 
France:  And  the  whole  Houfe  went  into  this.     There  were 
great  complaints  made  of  the  regiments  that  the  King  kept 
in  the  French  army,  and  of  the  great  fervice  that  was  done 
by  them.     It  is  true,  the  King  fuffered  the  Dutch  to  make  le- 
vies.  But  there  was  another  fort  of  encouragement  given  to 
the  levies  for  France^  particularly  in  Scotland-,  where  it  looked 
liker  a  prefs  than  a  levy.     They  had  not  only  the  publick 
jails  given  them  to  keep  their  men  in:  But,  when  thefe  were 
full,  they  had  the  caftle  of  Edenburgh  afligned  them,  till  fhips 
were  ready  for  their  tranfport.     Some,  that  were  put  in  prifoa 
for  Conventicles,  were,  by  order  of  Council,  delivered  to  their 
officers.     The  SpantPo  EmbalTador  heard  of  this,   and  made 
great  complaints  upon  it.     So  a  Proclamation  was  ordered, 
prohibiting  any  more  levies.     But  Duke  Lauderdale  kept  it  up 
fome  days,  and  writ  down  to  haften  the  levies  away  j  for  a  Pro- 
clamation was  coming  down  againft  them.     They  were  all 
(hipped  off,  but  had  not  failed,  when  the  Proclamation  came 
down :  Yet  it  was  kept  up,  till  they  failed  away.     One  of  the 
(hips  was  driven  back  by  ftrefs  of  weather :   But  no  care  was 

3  taken 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II,  407 

taken  to  execute  the  Proclamation.    So  apparently  was  that    1677 
Kingdom  in  a  French  management.  oOTV/ 

The  Houfe  of  Commons  preffed  the  King,  by  repeated  ad- 
drelTes,  to  fall  into  the  intereft  of  Europe^  as  well  as  into  his 
own.  The  King  was  uneafy  at  this,  and  fent  them  feveral  an- 
gry meffages.  Peace  and  war,  he  faid,  were  undoubtedly 
matters  within  his  prerogative,  in  which  they  ought  not  to 
meddle.  And  the  King  in  common  difcourfe  remembred  often 
the  Parliament's  engaging  his  father  and  grandfather  in  the  af- 
fairs of  Germany y  and  to  break  the  match  with  Spain,  which 
proved  fatal  to  them :  And  he  refolved  not  to  be  ferved  in  fuch 
a  manner.  Upon  this  occalion.  Lord  Z)<3t»(^}'faw  his  error,  of  ne- 
glebing  the  leading  men,  and  reckoning  upon  a  majority,  fuch 
as  could  be  made :  For  thefe  leading  men  did  fo  entangle  the 
debates,  and  over-reached  thofeon  whom  he  had  praiStifed,  that 
they,  working  on  the  averfion  that  the  Englijh  Nation  natu- 
rally has  to  a  French  intereft,  fpoiled  the  hopefuUeft  Seflion 
the  Court  had  had  of  a  great  while,  before  the  Court  was 
well  aware  of  it.  The  King,  who  was  yet  firmly  united  with 
France y  difmilTed  them  with  a  very  angry  fpeech,  checking 
them  for  going  fo  far  in  matters  that  were  above  them,  and 
that  belonged  only  to  him :  Tho'  they  brought  to  him  ma- 
ny precedents  in  the  Reigns  of  the  higheft  fpirited  of  all  our 
Kings,  in  which  Parliaments  had  not  only  offered  general  ad- 
vices, about  the  entring  into  wars,  but  even  fpecial  ones,  as 
to  the  condud:  that  was  to  be  held  in  them.  The  whole  Na- 
tion thought  it  a  great  happinefs,  to  fee  a  Seflion,  that  Lord 
Shaftsbury'i  willfolnefs  had,  as  it  were,  driven  in  to  the  Court, 
end  with  doing  fo  little  mifchief  j  far  contrary  to  all  mens  ex- 
pe(5tations.  ' 

When  the  Seffion  was  over.  Lord  Danhy  faw  his  ruin  wtuDanhyit- 
inevitable,  if  he  could  not  bring  the  King  off  from  a  French^^^^^' 
intereft :  Upon  which  he  fet  himfelf  much  to  it.    And,  as  he^' 
talked  with  an  extraordinary  zeal  againft  France  on  all  occafi- 
ons,  fo  he  prelfed  the  King  much  to  follow  the  advices  of  his 
Parliament.    The  King  feemed  to  infift  upon  this,  that  he 
would  once  have  a  peace  made,  upon  the  grounds  that  he  had 
concerted  with  France :    And,  when  that  was  done,  he  would 
enter  next  day  into  the  Alliance.     But  he  ftood  much  upon 
this  ,•  that  having  once  engaged  with  France  in  the  war,  he 
could  not  with  honour  turn  againft  France,  till  it  was  at  an 
end.     This  was  fuch  a  refining  in  a  point  of  honour,  which 
that  King  had  not  on  all  other  occafions  confidered  fo  much^ 
that  all  CDcn  believed  there  was  fomewhat  elfe  at  the  bottom. 

The 


ainll 
ranee. 


408        The  H  1 S  T  o  R  Y:of  the  Reign 

-^^7  :^tie,Earl  of  Danby  continued  to  give,  by  Six  IVill'mm  Temple^ 
^'^'^^^'^  all  poffibie  alTurances  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  prefling  him 
Jike'wirc  to  make  fome  compliances  on  his  fide.    And  he  gave 
^him  great  hopes  of  bringing  about  a  marriage  with  the  Duke's 
-Daughter  ,•  which  was  univerfally  defired  by  all  the  Proteftant 
yparty,  both  at  home  and  abroad.     Great  offers  were  made  to 
^_the  Duke  to  draw  him  into  the  AHiance.     He  was  offered  the 
fCommand  of  the  whole  force  of  the  Allies.    And  he  fcemed 
_to  be  wrought  on  by  the  profped:  of  fo  great  an  authority. 
jThej-e  was  a  party  that  were  flill  very  jealous  of  Lord  Danby 
^in.^ll,  this  matter.     Some  thought,  all  this  was  artifice ^  that 
a  war  would  be  offered  to  the  next  Selfion,  only  to  draw  mo- 
,ney  from  the  Parliament,  and  thereby  to  raife  an  army-  and 
that,  when  the  army  was  raifed,  and  much  money  given  to 
fupport  it,  all  would  be  fold  to  France  for  another  great  fum  ,• 
and  that  the  Parliament  would  be  brought  to  give  the  money 
to  pay  an  army  for  fome  years,  till  the  Nation  fhould  be  fub- 
dued  to  an  entire  compliance  with  the  Court.  It  was  given  out, 
that  this  muft  be  the  fcheme  by  which  he  maintained  himfelf 
in  the  King  and  the  Dnke's  confidence,  eveii  when  he  declar- 
,ed  himfelf  an  open  enemy  to  that  which  they  were  flill  fup- 
portijUg.     This  he  did  with  fo  little  decency,  that  at  Sancroff% 
confecration  dinner,    he  began  a  health,   to  the  confufion 
'         of  all  that  were  not  for  a  war  with  /rrfwh     He  got  the 
^Prince  of  Orange  to  afk  the  King's  leave  to  come  over  at  the 
.end  of  the  campaign:  With  which  the  Court  of  France  was 
not   pleafedj    for  they  fufpcded   a  defign  for  the  marriage. 
But  the  King  alTured  Bar'tllon^  who  was  lately  fent  over  Em- 
balTador  in  Court'm's  place,    that  there  was  not  a  thought  of 
that  J  and  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  had  only  a  mind  to  talk 
with  him:    And  he  hoped,    he  fhould  bring  him  into  fuch 
meafures,  as  fhould  produce  a  fpeedy  peace. 
The  Prince      The  campaign  ended  unfuccefsfully  to  the  Prince:  For  he 
cam^TnTo    ^^^   ^^owu   before   Charlero<y  J    but    was    forced    to    raife    the 
England,     ficge.     When  that  was  over,   he  came  to  England,  and  flaid 
.fome  time  in  it,  talking  with  his  two  uncles  about  a  peace, 
jBut  they  could  not  bring  him  up   to   their  terms.     After  a 
ifruitlefs  flay  for  fome  weeks,  he  intended  to  go  back  without 
.propofing  marriage.     He  had  no  mind  to  be  denied;  And  he 
faw  no  hope  of  fucceeding,  unlefs  he  would  enter  more  entire- 
ly into  his  uncle's  meafures.     Lord  Danby  preffed  his  flaying 
.a  few  days  longer,  and  that  the  management  of  that  matter 
might  be  left  to  him.     So  next  Monday  morning,    after  he 
Jhad  taken  care,  by  all  his  creatures  about  the  King,    to  put 

him 


91    . 

2 


of  King  CUAKLES  11.     SI     400 

him  in  a  very  good  humour,  he  came  to  the  King,  and  told  1677 
him,  he  had  received  Letters  from  all  the  beft  friends  his  *^"'^'^''^*^ 
Majefty  had  m  England y  and  fhewed  a  bundle  of  them;  fin 
which  he  was  pretty  fure  the  King  would  not  trouble  himfelf 
to  read  them ;  probably  they  were  written  as  he  had  dircfted.) 
They  all  agreed,  he  faid,  in  the  fame  advice,  that  the  King 
fhould  make  a  marriage  between  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  the 
Duke's  daughter :  For  they  all  believed  he  came  over  on  that 
account:  And,  if  he  went  away  without  it,  no  body  would 
doubt,  but  that  he  had  propofed  it,  and  had  been  denied. 
Upon  which  the  Parliament  would  certainly  make  addreffes  to 
the  King  for  it.  And  if  the  marriage  was  made  upon  that, 
the  King  would  iofe  the  grace  and  thanks  of  it:  But  if  it  was 
ftill  denied,  even  after  the  addrefles  of  both  Houfes,  it  would 
raife  jealoufies  that  might  have  very  ill  confequences.  Where- 
as, if  the  King  did  it  of  his  own  motion,  he  would  have  the 
honour  of  it:  And,  by  fo  doing,  he  would  bring  the  Prince 
into  a  greater  dependance  on  himfelf,  and  beget  in  the  Nati- 
on fuch  a  good  opinion  of  him,  as  would  lay  a  foundation  for 
a  mutual  confidence.  This  he  enforced  with  all  the  topicks 
he  could  think  on.  The  King  faid,  the  Prince  had  not  fo 
much  as  propofed  it:  Lord  Danby  owned  he  had  fpoke  of  it  to 
himfelf  j  and  faid,  that  his  not  moving  it  to  the  King  was 
only,  becaufe  he  apprehended  he  was  not  like  to  fucceed  in  it* 
The  King  faid  next,  my  brother  will  never  confent  to  iu 
Lord  Danby  anfwered,  perhaps  not,  unlefs  the  King  took  it 
upon  him  to  command  it :  And  he  thought  it  was  the  Duke's 
intercft  to  have  it  done,  even  more  than  the  King's:  All 
people  were  now  polTefs'd  of  his  being  a  Papift,  and  were  very 
apprehenfive  of  it:  But  if  they  faw  his  daughter  given  to 
one  that  was  at  the  head  of  the  Proteftant  intereft,  it  would 
very  much  foften  thofe  apprehenfions,  when  it  did  appear 
that  his  rehgion  was  only  a  perfonal  thing,  not  to  be  derived 
to  his  children  after  him.  With  all  this  the  King  was  con- 
vinced. So  he  fent  for  the  Duke,  Lord  Danby  flaying  ftill 
with  him.  When  the  Duke  came,  the  King  told  him  he  had 
fent  for  him,  to  defire  he  would  confent  to  a  thing  that  he 
was  fure  was  as  much  for  his  intereft,  as  it  was  for  his  own 
quiet  and  iatisfaftion.  The  Duke,  without  alking  what  it 
was,  faid,  he  would  be  ready  always  to  comply  with  the  King's 
pleafure  in  every  thing.  So  the  King  left  it  to  the  Lord  Dan^ 
by  to  fay  over  all  he  had  faid  on  that  head  to  himfelf  The 
Duke  feemed  much  concerned.  But  the  King  faid  to  himj 
Brother,  I  defire  it  of  you  for  my  fake,  as  well  as  your  own; 

j  M  And 


JfP&     The  H I  ST  a R!  Y  »fthe  Reign- 

i6y7   And  upon  that  the  Duke  confented  to  it.     So  Lard  Danby 
^•^^"^f^^  fcnt  immediately  for  the  Prince,  and  in  the  King^s  name  or- 
dered a  Council  to  be  prefently  fummoned.    Upon  th^  Prince's 
coming,  the  King,  in  a  very  obliging  way,  faid  to  him^  Ne- 
phew, it  is  not  good  for  man  to  be  alone,  I  will  give  you  a 
help  meet  for  you:  And  fo  he  told  him  he  w6uld  beftow  his 
niece  on   him.     And  the  Duke,   with  a  feeming  heartinefs, 
gave  his  confent  i'n  very  obliging  terms :    The  King  adding. 
Nephew,  remember  that  love  and  war  do  not  agree  well  toge- 
ther.    In  the  mean  while  the  news  of  the  intended  marriage 
went  over  the  Court  and  Town.    All,  except  the /r^;/r^  and  the 
Popilh  party,  were  much  pleafed  with  it.     Bar'dlon  was  amaz- 
ed.   He  went  to  the  Duchefs  of  Portfrnouth^   and  got  her  to 
fend  all  her  creatures  to  defire  to  fpeak  to  the  King;  She  writ 
JheDu"e?  tim  likewife  feveral  Billets  to  the  fame  purpofe.     But  Lord 
daughter.    Danby  had  ordered  the  Council  to  be  called :    And  he  took 
care,  that  neither  the  King  nor  the  Duke  fhould  be  fpoke  to, 
till  the  matter  was  declared  in  Council.     And  when  that  was 
done,  the  King  prefentedthe  Prince  to  the  yonng  Lady,  as  the 
perfon  he  defigned  fhould   be  her  huiband.      When  Barillort 
faw  it  was  gone  fo  far,  he  fent  a  courier  to  the  Court  of  France 
with  the  news :  Upon  whofe  arrival  Mountague^  that  was  then 
ourEmbalTador  there,  was  fent  for.  When  he  came  to  P'er failles^ 
he  faw  the  King  the  moft  moved,  that  he  had  everobferved  him 
to  be.  Heaflcedhim,  when  was  the  marriage  to  be  made?  Moun^' 
tague  underftood  not  what  he  meant.  So  he  explained  all  to  him, 
Motmtague  prbtefted  to  him,    that  he  knew   nothing   of  the 
whole  matter.     That  King  faid,  he  always  believed  the  journey 
would  end  in  this :  And  he  feemed  to  think  that  our  Court  had 
now  forfaken  him.     He  fpoke  of  the  King's  part  in  it  more 
decently ;  but  expoftulated  feverely  on  the  Duke's  part,   who 
had  now  given  his  daughter  to  the  greateft  enemy  he  had  in 
the  world.     To  all  this  Mountague  had  no  anfwer   to  make. 
But   next  night  he    had  a  courier    with   letters,    from    the 
King,   the  Duke,   and  the  Prince,    to  the  King  of  France, 
The  Prince  had  no  mind  to  this  piece  of  courtfliip :  But  his 
uncle  obliged   him  to  it,    as  a  civility  due  to  kindred  and 
blood.     The  King  alTured  the  King  of  France^  that  he  had 
made  the  match  on  defigh  to  engage  the  Prince  to  be  more 
tradable  in  the  treaty,  that  was  now  going  on  at  Ntmeguen. 
The  King  of  France  received  thefe  letters  civilly  j  but  did  not 
f«em  much  fatisfied  with  them.      Mountague  was  called  over 
foon  after  this,     to  get  new  inftrudions.     And  Lord  Danhy 
aflced  him,  how  the  King  of  France  received  the  news  of  the 

-  \  marriage. 


1 


of  King  G.JH..A;R  L  £-S  lU^       4 1 1 

marriage.  He  anfweredi  as  he  would  have  done  the  lo/s  of  an  1677 
army ;  and  that  he  had  fpoke  very  hardly  of  the  Duke,  for  *-*Or>^ 
coaicnting  to  it,  and  not  at  leaft  acquainting  him  with  it. 
Lord  Danb'y  anfwered,  he  wronged  him ;  £Dr  he  did  n;ot  know 
of  it  an  hour  before  it  was  publifked,  and>  the  King  himfelf 
ROC  above  two  hours.  All  this  relatioa  I  hadlfrom  MQuntague 
kimfelf.  It  was  a  raafter-picce  indeed,  aadii  the  chief  thiaij 
in  the  Earl  of  Danbyls  mmi^vYi  for  which,  the  Duke  due vcr 
forgave  him.  ;  arjj  |f ' 

Upon  the  general  fatisfaAion  that  this  mairiage  gave  the  i^y% 
whole  Nation,  a  new  feflSon  of  ParHameat  was  called  .in  the  oo^xjf 
beginning  of  the  year  78 :  To  which  the  King  declared  the 
fenfe  he  had  of  the  dangerous  ftate  their  neighbours  wqre  in, 
and  that  it  was  necelTary  he  fhould  be  put  in  a  pofture  to  bring 
things  to  a  balance.  So  the  Houllb  was  preffed  to  fupply  the 
King  in  fo  plentiful  araanner,  as  the  occaiion  did  require. 
The  Court  aflced  money,  both  for  an  army,  and  a  fleet.  Sir 
William  Coventry  {)[ic\ftii  the  great  inconvenience  of  raifmg  a 
land  army,  the  danger  that  might  follow  on  it,  the  little  ufe 
could  be  made  of  it,  and  the  great  charge  it  mull  put  the  Na- 
tion to :  He  was  for  hiring  bodies  from  the  German  Princes, 
and  for  aflifting  the  Dutch  with  money :  And  he  moved  to  re- 
cal  our  troops  from  France,  and  to  employ  them  in  the  Dutch 
Service:  He  thought,  that  which  did  more  properly  belong 
to  England^  was  to  fet  out  a  great  fleet,  and  to  cut  ofif  the 
French  trade  every  where  j  for  they  were  then  very  high  in 
their  manufa6tures  and  trade  j  their  people  were  ingenious 
as  well  as  induilriousj  they  wrought  hard,  and  lived  lowj  fo 
they  fold  cheaper  than  others  could  do;  and  it  was  four>d, 
that  we  fent  very  near  a  million  of  our  money  in  fpecie  every 
year  for  the  balance  of  our  trade  with  them.  But  the  King 
had  promifed  fo  many  Commiflions  to  men  of  quality  in  both 
Houfes,  that  this  carried  it  for  a  land  army.  It  was  faid, 
what  hazard  could  there  be  from  an  army  commanded  by  men 
of  eftates,  as  this  was  to  be?  A  fcvere  ^di  pafs'd  prohibiting  a{l 
importation  of  the  French  manufadiures  or  growth  for  three 
years,  and  to  the  next  feflion  of  Parliament  after  that.  This 
was  made  as  ftrid;  as  was  poflible:  And  for  a  year  after  it  was 
well  look'd  to.  But  the  merchants  found  ways  to  evade  it: 
And  the  Court  was  too  much  French,  not  to  connive  at  the 
breach  of  it.  In  the  preamble  of  this  A6t  it  was  fet  forth,  that 
we  were  in  an  adual  war  with  France.  This  was  excepted  to, 
as  not  true  in  fadt.  But  the  Miniftry  affirmed  we  were  already 
engaged  fo  far  with  the  Allies,  that  it  was  really  a  war,  and 

that 


4ia       TheHisr  OK  Y  of  the  Heiga 

1678    that  our  troops  were  already  called  from  France.     Coventry  in 
^^''^^^''^^  fome  heat  faid,  the  King  was  engaged,  and  he  would  rather 
be  guilty  of  the  murder  of  forty  men,  than  to  do  any  thing 
to  retard  the  progrefs  of  the  war.    The  oddnefs  of  the  expref- 
fion  made  it  to  be  often  objected  afterwards  to  him.     A  poll 
bill  was  granted,  together  with  the  continuance  of  the  addi- 
Suppiies  gi-tional  cultoms,  that  were  near  falling  off.     Six  hundred  thou- 
*="^"^wards|[-^jjj  pound  was  alfo  given  for  a  land  army,    and  for  a  fleer. 
All  the  Court  party  magnified  the  defign  of  raifing  an  army. 
3-  N      They  faid,  the  employing  hired  troops  was  neither  honourable 
v^  nor  fafe.     The  Spaniards  were  willing  to  put  Oftend  and  New- 

port in  our  hands:  And  we  could  not  be  anfwerable  for  thefe 
places,  if  they  were  not  kept  by  our  own  people. 
ThtFrencb      At  this  time  the  King  of  France  made  a  ftep  that  ftruck 
take  Ghtnt.  ^^^^^^  j^jjq  ^ |^g  Dutchy  and  enflamed  the  Engltjh  out  of  mea-* 
fure.     Louvoy  till  then  was  rather  his  father's  afliftant,  than  a 
minifter  upon  his  own  foot.     He  at  this  time  gained  the  credit 
with  the  King,  which  he  maintained  fo  long  afterwards.     He 
propofed  to  him  the  taking  o{ Ghent-,  and  thought  that  the 
King's  getting  into  fuch  a  place,   fo  near  the  Dutch,  would 
immediately  difpofe  them  to  a  peace.     But  it  was  not  eafy  to 
bring  their  army  fo  foon  about  it,  without  being  obferved : 
So  the  execution  feemed  impoflible.     He  therefore  laid  fuch  a 
fcheme  of  marches  and  countermarches,  as  did  amufe  all  the 
Allies.     Sometimes  the  defign  feemed  to  be    on  the  Rhine: 
Sometimes  on  Luxemburg.     And  while  their  forces  were  fent 
to  defend  thofe  places,  where  they  apprehended  the  defign  was 
laid,  and  that  none  of  the  French  Generals  themfelves  did  ap- 
prehend what  the  true  defign  was,    all  on  the  fudden  Qhertt 
was  inverted :  And  both  town  and  citadel  were  quickly  taken. 
This  VfJL^LoiWoy's  mafter-piece.    And  it  had  the  intended eflFeiSt. 
It  brought  the  Dutch  to  refolve  on  a  peace.     The  French  King 
might  have   taken    Bruges,    OJiend  and    Newport.      But  he 
only  took  Tpres-,  for  he  had  no  mind  to  provoke  the  Engliifh, 
He  was  fure  of  his  point  by  the  fright  this  put  the  Dutch  in. 
We  were  much  alarmed  at  it.  And  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  was 
immediately  fent  over  with  fome  of  the  Guards. 
The  affairs      But  the  Parliament  grew  jealous,   as  they  had  great  caufe 
9i Scotland.  gj^gQ  them,  both  by  what  was  then  doing  in  Scotland,  and  by 
the    management    they  obferved    at    Court.       And    now  I 
mufl:  look  Northward  to  a  very  extraordinary  fcene  that  open- 
ed there*     Duke  Lauderdale  and  his  Duchefs  went  to  Scotland 
the  former  year.     Her  defign  was  to  marry  her  Daughters  in- 
to two  of  the  great  Families  of  Scotland,  Argtle  and  Murray, 

3  which 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  11.  "  ■■  4l  3 

which  {he  did.   But,  things  being  then  in  great  diforder,  by  reafon    1(^78 
of  the  numbers  and  defperate  tempers  of  thofe  who  were   ^^~  kjflT^ 
tercommoned,  Sharp  pretended,  he  was  in  great  danger  of  his  trial, 
life  J   and  that  the  rather,  becaufe  the  perfon  that  had  made 
the  attempt  on  him  was  let  live  ftill.      Upon  this  I  muft  tell 
what  had  paft  three  years  before  this.     Sharp  had  obferved  a 
man  that  kept  (hop  at  his  door,   who  look'd  very  narrowly  at 
him  always  as  he  pafs'd  by  :  And  he  fancied,  he  was  the  man 
that  had  (hot  at  him  fix  years  before.     So  he  ordered  him  to 
be  taken  up,   and  examined.      It  was  found,  he  had  two  piftols 
by  him,  that  were  deeply  charged,  which  encreafed  the  fufpicion. 
Yet  the  man  denied  all.     But  Sharp  got  a  friend  of  his  to  go 
to  him,   and  deal  with  him  to  make  a  full  confeffion:   And  he 
made  folemn  promifes,    that  he  would    procure   his   pardon. 
His  friend  anfwered,  he  hoped  he  did  not  mtend  to  make  ufe  of 
him  to  trepan  a  man  to  his  ruin.     Upon  that,  with  lifted  up 
hands,  Sharp  promifed  by  the  living  God,  that  no  hurt  fhould 
come  to  him,  if  he  made  a  full  difcovery.      The  perfon  came 
again  to  him,   and  faid,   if  a  promife  was  made  in  the  King's 
name,   the  prifoner  would  tell  all.      So  it  was  brought  before 
the  Council.    Lord  Rothes^  Halton^  2.x\fS.Pr'imerofe  were  ordered 
to  examine  him. ,    Pr'tmerofe  faid,  it  would  be  a  ftrange  force 
of  eloquence,    to  perfuade  a  man  to  confefs,   and  be  hanged. 
So  Duke  Lauderdale,    being   the  King's  Commiflioner,    gave 
them  power  to   promife  him  his  life.     And  as  foon  as  thefe 
Lords  told  him  this,   he  immediately  kneeled  down,   and  con- 
felfed  the  fa6l,   and  told  the  whole  manner  of  it.      There  was 
but  one  perfon   privy  to  it,    who  was  then  dead.     Sharp  was 
troubled   to  fee   fo  fmall  a  difcovery  made;     Yet  they  could 
not  draw  more  from  him.      So  then  it  was  confidered,  what 
/liould  be  done  to  him  .   Some  moved  the  cutting  off  his  right 
hand.    Others  faid,    he  might  learn  to  praftife  with  his  left 
hand,    and  to  take  his  revenge  j   therefore  they  thought  both 
hands  Ihould  be  cut  off.     Lord  Rothes,    who  was  a   pleafanc 
man,  faid,  how  fhall  he  wipe  his  breech  then.     This  is  not 
very  decent  to  be  mentioned  in  fuch  a  work,    if  it  were  not 
neceflary;    for  when  the  truth  of  the  promife  now  given  was 
afterwards  called  in  queftion,  this  jeft  was  called  to  mind,  and 
made  the  whole  matter  to  be  remembred.    But  Pnmerofe  mov- 
ed, that  fince  Hfe  was  promifed,  which  the  cutting  off  a  limb 
might  endanger,  it  was  better  to  keep  him  prifoner  during  life 
in  a  caftle  they  had  in  the  Bafs,  a  rock  in  the  mouth  of  the 
Frith:  And  thither  he  was  fent.     But  it  was  thought  neceffary 
to  make  him  repeat  his  confeflion  in  a  Court  oT  Judicature: 
So  he  was  brought  into  the  Juflitiary  Cou-rt,  upon  an  iaditemcnc 

^  N  for- 


414       The  History  of  the  Reign 

1(^78  for  the  crime,  to  which  it  was  expeded  he  fhould  plead  gniltyi 
<^^^^^^  But  the  Judge,  who  hated  tT-^^r^,  as  he  went  up  to  the  bench, 
paflingby  theprifoner  faidto  him,  Confefs  nothing,  unlefs  you 
are  fure  of  your  limbs  as  well  as  of  your  life.  Upon  this  hint 
he,  apprehending  the  danger,  refufed  to  confefs:  Which  being 
reported  to  the  Council,  an  adt  was  part:  mentioning  the  pro- 
mifeand  his  confeflion,  and  adding,  that  fince  he  had  retracted  his 
confcfl'ion,  they  likewife  recalled  the  promife  of  pardon:  The 
meaning  of  which  was  this,  that,  if  any  other  evidence  was 
brought  againft  him,  the  promife  fhould  not  cover  him:  But 
it  ftili  was  underftood,  that  this  promife  fecured  him  from  any 
ill  effe(5t  by  his  own  confelfion.  The  thing  was  almoft  forgot 
after  four  years,  the  man  being  in  all  refpe6ts  very  inconfider- 
able.  But  now  i^/^^r^  would  have  his  life.  So  l^ukt  Lauderdale 
gave  way  to  it:  And  he  was  brought  to  Edenburgh  in  order  to 
his  trial.  N'lshtt,  who  had  been  the  King's  Advocate,  and  was 
one  of  the  worthieft  and  learncdeft  men  of  the  age,  was  turned 
out.  And  Mackenzie  was  put  in  his  place,  who  was  a  man  of 
much  life  and  wit,  but  he  was  neither  equal  nor  correal  in  it: 
He  has  publifhed  many  books,  fome  of  law,  but  all  full  of  faults; 
for  he  was  a  flight  and  fuperficial  man.  hochhart  was  alfigned 
counfel  for  the  prifoner.  And  now  that  the  matter  came  agaia 
into  peoples  memory,  all  were  amazed  at  the  proceeding.  Pr'ime^ 
rofe  was  turned  out  of  the  place  of  Lord  Regifter,  and  was 
made  Juftice  General.  He  fancied  orders  had  been  given  to 
raze  the  A<5t  that  the  Council  had  made :  So  he  turned  the 
books,  and  he  found  the  A(5t  ftill  on  record.  He  took  a  copy 
ofit,  and  fent  it  toA^//<:^^//'s  Counfel:  That  was  the  prifoner's 
name.  And,  a  day  or  two  before  the  trial,  he  went  to  Duke 
Lauderdale^  who,  together  with  Sharps  Lord  Rothes,  and  Lord 
Haltojtj  were  fummoned  as  the  prifoner's  witnefles.  Hetoljihim, 
many  thought  there  had  been  a  promife  of  life  given.  Duke 
Lauderdale  denied  it  ftiffly.  Primerq/efa'idj  he  heard  there  was  an 
A6t  of  Council  made  about  it,  and  he  wiflied  that  might  be 
looked  into.  Duke  Lauderdale  faid,  he  was  fure  it  was  not 
poflible,  and  he  would  not  give  himfelf  the  trouble  to  tura 
over  the  books  of  Council.  Prtmerofe,  who  told  me  this,  faid 
his  confcience  led  him  to  give  Duke  Lauderdale  this  warning 
of  the  matter,  but  that  he  was  not  forry  to  fee  him  thus  re- 
je(5t  it.  The  trial  was  very  folemn.  The  confeffion  was  brought 
againft  him,  as  full  evidence :  To  which  Lockhart  did  plead, 
to  the  admiration  of  all,  to  fhew  that  no  extrajudicial  confef- 
fion could  be  allowed  in  a  Court.  The  hardships  of  a  prifon, 
the  hopes  of  life,  with  other  practices,  might  draw  confcflions 
from  men,  when  they  were  perhaps  drunk,  or  out  of  their 
-  I  fenfes. 


of  King  CUARtES  II.  T        415 

fenfes.  He  brought  upon  this  a  mcafure  of  learning,  that  a-  1^78 
mazed  the  audience,  out  of  the  lawyers  of  all  civilized  Nati-  ^-^^V^^ 
ons.  And,  when  it  was  oppofed  to  this,  that  the  Council  was  a 
Court  of  Judicature,  he  fhcwed,  that  it  was  not  the  proper  Court 
for  crimes  of  this  nature,  and  that  it  had  not  proceeded  in 
this  as  a  Court  of  Judicature.  And  he  brought  out  likewife  a 
great  deal  of  learning  upon  thofe  heads.  But  this  was  over- 
ruled by  the  Court,  and  the  confcflion  was  found  to  be  judicial. 
The  next  thing  pleaded  for  him  was,  that  it  was  drawn  from 
him  upon  hope  and  promife  of  life:  And  to  this  Sharp  was 
examined.  The  perfon  he  had  fent  to  Mitchell  gave  a  full  evi- 
dence of  the  promifes  he  had  made  him  :  But  Sharp  denied 
them  all.  He  alfo  denied  he  heard  any  promife  of  life  made 
him  by  the  Council :  So  did  the  Lords  Lauderdale^  Rothes^  and 
Halton,  to  the  aftonifhment  of  all  that  were  prefent.  Lockhart 
upon  that  produced  a  copy  of  the  A6t  of  Council,  that  made 
cxprefs  mention  of  the  promife  given,  and  of  his  having  con- 
felTed  upon  that.  And  the  prifoner  prayed  that  the  books  of 
Council,  which  lay  in  a  room  over  that  in  which  the  Court 
fat,  might  be  fent  for.  Lockhart  pleaded,  that  fince  the 
Court  had  judged  that  the  Council  was  a  Judicature,  all  peo- 
ple had  a  right  to  fearch  into  their  regifters,'  and  the  pri- 
foner, who  was  like  to  fuffer  by  a  confeflion  made  there,  oughc 
to  have  the  benefit  of  thofe  books.  Duke  Lauderdale^  who  was 
in  the  Court  only  as  a  witnefs,  and  fo  had  no  right  to  fpeak, 
Hood  up,  and  faid,  he  and  thofe  other  noble  perfons  were 
Jiot  brought  thither  to  be  accufed  of  perjury  ^  and  added,  that 
the  books  of  Council  were  the  King's  fecrets,  and  that  no 
Court  fhould  have  theperufingof  them.  The  Court  was  terrified 
with  this,  and  the  Judges  were  divided  in  opinion.  Primerofe, 
and  one  other,  was  for  calling  for  the  books.  But  three  were 
of  opinion,  that  they  were  not  to  furnifli  the  prifoner  with  evi- 
dence, but  to  judge  of  that  which  he  brought.  And  here  was 
only  a  bare  copy,  not  attefted  upon  oath,  which  ought  not  to 
Jiave  been  read.  So,  this  defence  being  reje<^ed,  he  was  caft 
^nd  condemned. 

As  foon  as  the  Court  broke  up,  the  Lords  went  up  ftairs,^"*^  '^""' 
and  to  their  fhame  found  the  A<5t  recorded,     and  figned  by 
Lord  Rothes,   as  Prefident  of  the  Council.      He  pretended,  he  / 

ifigned  every  thing  that  the  clerk  of  Council  put  in  the  book 
without  reading  it.  And  it  was  intended  to  throw  it  on  him. 
iBut  he,  to  clear  himfelf,  fearchcd  among  his  papers,  and  found 
a  draught  of  the  A<5t  in  Nishifs  hand.  So,  he  being  rich,  and 
one  they  had  turned  out,  they  rcfolved  to  put  it  upon  him, 
and  to  fine  him  deeply.     But  he  examined  the  Sederunt  in  the 

book. 


41(5        TheHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

167Z    book,  and  fpoke  to  all  who  were  there  at  the  board,   of  whom 
**>''^^^^^  nine  happened  to  be  in  Town,  who  were  ready  to  depofe  up- 
on oath,  that  when  the  Council  had  ordered  this  Adt  to  be 
drawn,  the  clerk  of  the  Council  defired  the  help  of  the  King's 
Advocate  in  penning  it,  which  he  gave  him  j  and  his  draught  was 
approved  by  the  Council.     And  now  Lord  Rothes's  jeft  was  re- 
membred.     Y etDuke Lauder^^ak  ftill  ftood  to  it,  that  thepro- 
mife  could  only  be  for  interceeding  with  the  King  for  his  par- 
don, fince  the  Council  had  not  the  power  of  pardoning  ia 
them.      Lord  Kmcardm  a6ted  in  this  the  part  of  a  Chriftian  to 
an  enemy.     Duke  Lauderdale  had  writ  to  him,  he  being  then 
ferving  for  him  at  Court,  that  he  referred  the  account  of  Mit- 
chell's  bufinefs  to  his  brother's  letters  ^  in  whi^hthe  matter  was 
truly  related,   that  upon  promife  of  life  he  had  confelTed  the 
fa6t  J   and  he  concluded,  defiring  him  to  alk  the  King,  that  he 
would  be  pleafed  to  make  good  the  promife.      Thefe  letters  I 
faw  in  Lord  K'lncard'm's  hand.     Before  the  trial  he  fent  a  Bi- 
fhop  to  Duke  Lauderdale^    defiring  him  to  confider  better  of 
that  matter,  before  he  would  upon  oath  deny  it :  For  he  was 
fure  he  had  it  under  his,  and  his  brother's  hand,  tho'  he  could 
not  yet  fall  upon  their  letters.     But  Duke  Lauderdale  defpifed 
this.    Yet,  before  the  execution  he  went  to  his  houfe  in  the 
countrcy,    and  there   found   the  letters,    and  brought    them 
in  with  him,  and  (hewed  them  to  that  Bifliop.     All  this  made 
fome  impreflion  on  DnVt  Lauderdale :  And  he  was  willing  to 
grant  a  reprieve,  and  to  refer  the  matter  to  the  King.     So  a 
petition  was  offered  to  the  Council:  And  he  fpoke  for  it.    But 
Sharp  faid,  that  was  upon  the  matter  the  expofing  his  perfon 
to  any  man  that  would  attempt  to  murder  him,  fince  favour 
was  to  be  {hewed  to  fiich  an  alTaflin.     Then  faid  'Dxxkt  Lauder- 
daky    in  an  impious  jeft.  Let  A///f/'f// glorify  God  in  the  grafs 
market,  which  was  the  place  where  he  was  to  be  hanged.  This 
adion,  and  all  concern'd  in  it,  were  look'd  at  by  all  people 
with  horror.  And  it  wasfuch  a  complication  of  treachery,  per- 
jury, and  cruelty,    as  the  like  had  not  perhaps  been  known. 
^  Yet  Duke  Lauderdale  had  a  Chaplain,  Htckes^  afterwards  Dean 

of  Worcefter^  who  publifhed  a  fa-lfe  and  partial  relation  of  this 
matter,  in  order  tothe  juftifying  of  it.  Primero/e  not  only  gave 
me  an  account  of  this  matter,  but  fent  me  an  authentick  re- 
cord of  the  trial,  every  page  figned  by  the  clerk  of  the  Court; 
of  which  I  have  here  given  an  abftra<5t.  This  I  fet  down  the  more 
fully,  to  let  my  readers  fee  to  what  a  height  in  wickednefs  mea 
may  be  carried,  after  they  have  once  thrown  off  good  princi- 
ples. What  Sharp  did  now  to  preferve  himfelffrom  fuch  prac- 
tices was  probably  that  which,  both  in  the  juft  judgment  of  God, 

4  ^^^ 


and  the  en  flamed  fury  of  ^t'icked  men,  brought  hini  two  years    167^ 
after  to  fuch  a  difmal  end.  '^■O^^^^ 

.  ,  This  made  way  to  more  defperate  undertakings.     Conven- 
ticles  grew  in  the  Weft  to  a  very  unfufftrable  pitch:    They 
had  generally  with  them  a  troop  of  ar,med  and  defperate  men, 
that  drew  up,  and  fent  parties  out  to  fecure  them.     Duke  Lau- 
derdale upon  this  threatned  he  would  extirpate  them,   and  ruin 
the  whole  countrey,  if  a  ftop  was  not   put  to  thofe  meetings. 
The  chief  men  of  thofe  parts  upon  that  went  into  Edenhurgh: 
They  offered  to  guard  and  aflift  any  that  iliould  be  fent  to  exc-         .    ~ 
cute  the  laws  againft  all  o£Fenders,'  and  offered  to  leave  forae 
as  Hoftages,   who  fhould  be  bound  body  for  body  for  their  fe- 
curity  :   They  confeffed  there  were  many  Conventicles  held  a- 
mong  them  in  a  moft  fcandalous  manner :  But,  tho'  they  met 
in  the  fields,  and  many  of  them  were  armed,  yet,  when  their 
fermons  were  done,  they  difperfed  themfelves :  And  there  was 
no  violent  oppofition  made  at  any  time  to  the  execution  of  the 
law :  So,  they  faid,  there  was  no  danger  of  the  publick  peace  of 
the  countrey.     Thofe  conventicling  people  were  become  very 
giddy  and  furious:    And   fome  hot  and  hair-brained  young 
preachers  had  the  chief  following  among  them,  who  infufed  wild 
principles  in  them,  which  were  difowned  by  the  chief  men  of 
the  party.     The  truth  was,    the  countrey  was  in  a  great  di- 
ftraftion:  And  that  was  chiefly  occafioned  by  the  ftrange  ad- 
miniftration  they  were  then  under.     Many  grew  weary  of  their  The  adrnj- 
countrey,  and  even  of  their  lives.     If  Duke  Lauderdale^  or  ^i^y  tog^w 
of  his  party,  brought  a  complaint  againft  any  of  the  other  fide,  very  violent 
how  falfc  or  frivolous  foever,  they  were  fummoned  upon  it  to 
appear  before  the  Council,  as  fowers  of  fedition,  and  as  men 
that  fpread  lies  of  the  Government:    And  upon  the.  flighteft 
pretences  they  were  fined  and  imprifoned.     When  very  illegal 
things  were  to  be  done,  the  common  method  was  this :  A  let- 
ter was  drawn  for  it  to  be  figned  by  the  King,   direding  it  up- 
on fome  colour  of  law  or  ancient  practice:  The  King  figned 
whatfoevcr  was  thus   fent  to  him:    And  when  his  letter  was 
read  in  Council,   if  any  of  the  lawyers  or  others  of  the  board 
offered  to  objeditoit,  he  was  brow-beaten,  as  a  man  that  oppof^ 
ed  the  King's  fervice,   and  refufed  to  obey  his  orders.     And  by 
thefe  means  things  wiere  driven  to  great  extremities. 

Upon  one  of  thofe  letters,  a  new  motion  was  fet  on  foot, 
that  went  beyond  all  that  had  been  yet  made.  All  the  land- 
lords in  the  Weftern  Counties  were  required  to  enter  into  bonds 
for  themfelves,  their  wives,  children,  fervants,  tenants,  and 
all  that  lived  upon  their  cflates,  that  they  fhould  not  go  to 
Conventicles,  nor  harbour  any  vagrant  teachers,  or  any  Inter- 

5   O  communed 


41 8       ^The  H  I  S  T  o  11  Y  of  the  Reign 

1^78    communed  perfons,-  and  that  they  fhould  live  in  all  points  ac- 
v>'V>^  cording  to  law  under  the  penalties  of  the  laws.     This  was  ge- 
nerally refufed  by  them :  They  faid,  the  law  did  not  impofe 
it  on  them :  They  could  not  be  anfwerable  for  their  fervants, 
much  lefs  for  their  tenants:  This  put  it  in  the  power  of  every 
fervant  or  tenant  to  ruin  them.    Upon  their  refufingthis,  Duke 
Lauderdale  writ  to  the  King,  that  the  countrey  was  in  a  ftate  of 
rebellion,  and  that  it  was  necelTary  to  proceed  to  hoftilities  for 
reducing  them.     So  by  a  letter,  fuch  as  he  fent  up,  the  King 
left  it  to  him  and  the  Council  to  take  care  of  the  publick  peace 
in  the  beft  way  they  could. 
An  army  of      Upon  this  all  the  force  the  King  had  was  fent  into  the  weft 
SflrfhT  countrey,  with  fome  cannon,  as  if  it  had  been  for  fome  dange- 
Weiiupon  j.Qys  expedition:    And   letters  were  writ  to  the  Lords  in  the 
'"*^"''""* Highlands,    to  fend  all  the  ftrength  they  could   to  aflift  the 
King's   army.      The  Marquifs  of  Atholy  to   (hew  his  great- 
nefs,    fent  1400   men.     The  Earl  of  Braidalb'm  fent    1700. 
And,  in  all,  8000  men  were  brought  into  the  countrey,  and  let 
loofe  upon  free  quarter.     A  Committee  of  Council  was  fent  to 
give  neceflary  orders.     Here  was  an  Army.    But  no  enemy  ap- 
peared.    The  Highlanders  were  very  unruly,  and  ftole,  and 
robbed  every  where.    The  gentlemen  of  the  countrey  were  re- 
quired to  deliver  up  their  arms  upon  oath,    and  to  keep  no 
horfe  above  four  pound  price.      The  gentlemen  looked  on, 
and  would  do  nothing.     This  put  Duke  Lauderdale  in  fiich  a 
frenzy,  that  at  Council  table  he  made  bare  his  arms  above  his 
elbow,  and  fwore  by  Jehovah  he  would  make  them  enter  into 
thofe  bonds.     Duke  Hamilton^  and  others,  who  were  vexed  to 
fee  fuch  wafte  made  on  their  eftates,  in  plowing  time  efpeci- 
ally,  came  to  Edenburgh  to  try  if  it  was  poflibleto  mollify  him. 
But  a  Proclamation  was  iflued  out,  requiring  all  the  inhabitants  of 
thofe  Counties  to  go  to  their  houfes,  to  be  afliftant  to  the  King's 
hoft,  and  to  obey  fuch  orders  as  fhould  be  fent  them.     And 
by  another  Proclamation  all  men  were  forbidden  to  go  out  of 
the  Kingdom  without  leave  from  the  Council,  on  pretence  that 
their  ftay  was  necelTary  for  the  King's  fervice.     Thefe  things 
feemed  doneondefign  to  force  a  rebellion  ^  which  they  thought 
would  be  foon  quafh'd,  and  would  give  a  good  colour  for  keep- 
ing up  an  army.     And  Duke  Lauderdale's  party  depended  fo 
much  on  this,  that  they  began  to  divide  in  their  hopes  the 
confifcated  eftates  among  them:    So  that  on  Valentine's  day, 
inftead  of  drawing   miftreftes,    they  drew  eftates.    And  great 
joy  appeared  in  their  looks  upon  a  falfe  alarm  that  was  brought 
them  of  aninfurreftion  :  And  they  were  as  much  dejefted,  when 
they  knew  it  was  falfe.     It  was  happy  for  the  publick  peace, 

that 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.    '  419 

that  the  people  were  univerfally  poffefTed  with  this  opinion:  167% 
For  when  they  faw  a  rebellion  was  defired,  they  bore  the  pre- ^''^'""'*'''"^ 
fent  oppreflion  more  quietly,  than  perhaps  they  would  have 
done,  if  it  had  not  been  for  that.  All  the  chief  men  of  the 
countrey  were  fummoned  before  the  Committee  of  Council, 
and  charged  with  a  great  many  crimes,  of  which  they  were 
required  to  purge  themfelves  by  oath :  Otherwife  they  would 
hold  them  guilty,  and  proceed  againft  them  as  fuch.  It  was 
in  vain  to  pretend,  that  this  was  againft  all  law,  and  was  the 
practice  only  of  the  Courts  of  Inquifition.  Yet  the  gentlemen, 
being  thus  forced  to  it,  did  purge  themfelves  by  oath.  And, 
after  all  the  enquiries  that  were  made,  there  did  not  appear  one 
lingle  circumftance  to  prove  that  any  rebellion  was  intended. 
And,  when  all  other  things  failed  fo  evidently,  recourfe  was  had 
to  a  writ,  which  a  man  who  fufpedts  another  of  ill  defigns  to- 
wards him  may  ferve  him  with :  And  it  was  called  Law-Bor- 
roughs,  as  moft  ufed  in  Borroughs.  This  lay  againft  a  whole 
family :  The  mafter  was  anfwerable,  if  any  one  of  his  houfhold 
broke  it.  So,  by  a  new  practice,  this  writ  was  ferved  upon 
the  whole  countrey  at  the  King's  fuit:  And,  upon  ferving  the 
writ,  fecurity  was  to  be  given,  much  like  the  binding  men  to 
their  good  behaviour.  Many  were  put  in  prifon  for  refufing 
to  give  this  fecurity. 

Duke  Hamilton  had  intimation  fent  him,  that  it  was  defign-Manyofthe 
ed  to  ferve  this  on  him.     So  he,  and  ten  or  twelve  of  the  No-^°''''"y 
bility,  with  about  yo  gentlemen  of  quality,  came  up  to  com- compiam  to 
plainof  allthis  J  which  looked  like /r(?«c/',  or  rather  like  7«r/^//Z?,'  ^    '"^" 
government.     The  Lords  of  Athol  and  Perth,  who  had  been 
two  of  the  Committee  of  Council,  and  had  now  fallen  off  from 
Duke  Lauderdale,  came  up  with  them  to  give  the  King  an  ac- 
count of  the  whole  progrefs  of  this  matter.     The  clamour 
this  made  was  fo   high,    that  Duke  Lauderdale  faw  he  could 
not    ftand  under  it.      So   the   Highlanders  were   fent   home, 
after    they   had    wafted    the    countrey    near     two     months. 
And  he  magnified  this  as  an  a6t  of  his  compaflion,  that  they 
were  fo  foon  difmift.     Indeed  all  his  own  party  were  againft 
him  in  it.     Lord  Argile  fent  none  of  his  men  down  with  the 
other  Highlanders.     And  Lord  Stairs  pretended  that  by  a  fall 
his  hand  was  out  of  joint :    So  he  figned  none  of  thefe  wild 
orders. 

When  the  Scot'ijh  Nobility  came  to  London,  the  King  would  But  the  Kmg 
not  fee  them,    becaufe  they  were  come  out  of  the  Kingdom  in^°5JeiJJ°' 
contempt  of  a  Proclamation  ,•    tho'  they  faid,  that  Proclama- 
tion, being  intended  to  hinder  them  from  bringing  their  com- 
plaints  to   the  King,   was  one  of  their  greateft  grievances. 

3  But 


420        B^  Hi  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

01678    But  it  was  anfwered,  they  ought  ought  to  have  afked  leave:  And, 
yQTSy  if  it  had  been  denied  them,  they  were  next  to  have  aflced  the  King's 
leave ;  And  the  King  infilled  ftill  on  this.    Only  he  faw  the  Lords 
of  ^t/johnd  Perth.   The  madnefs  of  this  proceeding  made  him 
conclude,  that  Duke  L(7//^<?/'<^<ar/^'s  head  was  turned.  Yet  he  would 
not  difown,  much  lefs  punifh  him  for  what  he  had  done.   But 
he  intended  to  put  Scotia  fid  in  another  management,  and  to  fet 
the  Duke  of  Monmouth  at  the  head  of  it.     So  he  fuflfered  him 
to  go  to  the  Scoiijh  Lords,  and  be  their  intercelTor  with  him. 
They  were  all  much  charmed  with  the  foftnefs  of  his  temper  and 
behaviour.     But,  tho'  he  alTured  them  the  King  would  put  their 
affairs  in  other  hands,  they  looked  on  that  as  one  of  the  King's 
artifices  to  get  rid  of  them.     The  matter  made  great  noife: 
And  it  was  in  the  time  of  the  fefiion  of  Parliament  here.     And 
all  people  faid,  that  by  the  management  in  Scotland  it  appear- 
ed what  was  the  fpirit  of  the  Government  j  and  what  would  be 
done  here,  as  foon  as  the  defigns  of  the  Court  were  brought 
to  a  greater  perfection.     Th&  Earl  of  Danby,  by  fiapporting 
Duke  Latiderdaky  heightned  the  prejudices  that  himfelf  lay 
nnder.     The  Duke  did  alfo  juftify  his  conduct;    which  raifed 
higher  jealoufies  of  him,  as  being  pleafed  with  that  method  of 
government.    The  chief  of  the  Scoitjh  Nobility  were  heard  be- 
fore the  Cabinet-Council.     And  the  Earl  of  Nott'mgham  held 
them  chiefly  to  the  point  of  coming  out  of  the  Kingdom  in 
the  face  of  a  Proclamation.     They  faid,    fuch  Proclamations 
were  anciently  legal,  when  we  had  a  King  of  our  own  among 
our  felves :  But  now  it  was  manifeftly  againft  law,  fince  it  bar- 
red them  from  accefs  to  the  King,  which  was  a  right  that  was 
never  to  be  denied  them.     Lord  Nott'mgham  objected  next  to 
them  a  practice  of  making  the  heads  of  the  families  or  clans 
in  the  Highlands  to  bind  for  their  whole  namej  and  why  by  a 
parity  of  reafon  might  they  not  be  required  to  bind  for  their 
tenants  ?  It  was  anfwered,  that  anciently  eftates  were  let  fo  low, 
that  fervice  and  the  following  the  landlords  was  inftcad  of  a 
rent;  and  then,  in  the  inroads  that  were  made  into  England, 
landlords  were  required  to  bring  their  tenants  along  with  them  ; 
But  now  lands  were  let  at  rack:  And  fo  an  end  was  put  to  that 
fervice :  In  the  Highlands  the  feuds  among  the  families  were 
ftill  fohigh,  that  every  name  came  under  fuch  a  dependance  on 
the  head  or  chief  of  it  for  their  own  fecurity,  that  he  was  re- 
ally the  mafter  of  them  all,  and  fo  might  be  bound  for  them  : 
But  even  this  was  only  to  reftrain  depredations  and  murthers: 
And  it  was  an  unheard  of  ftretch,  to  oblige  men  to  be  bound 
for  others  in  matters  of  Religion  and  Confcience,    whether 
real  or  pretended.  3 

The 


of  King  en  AKELS  II.  421 

The  whole  matter  was  at  that  time  let  fall.     And  Duke  Lau-    167S 
(ierciak  took  advantage  from  their  abfencc  to  defire  leave  from  the  tn'^^'"'^ 
King  to  lummon  a  Convention  of  Eitates;  from  whom  he  mightt'on  of  e- 
more  certainly  underftand  the  fenfe  of  the  whole  Kingdom.    And,  nSncy.'S 
what  by  corrupting  the  Nobility,  what  by  carrying  cle6bions,  orSmSll.^ 
at  leaft  difputes  about  them,  which  would  be  judged  as  the  ma-t'on. 
jority  fliould  happen  to  be  at  firft,  he  hoped  to  carry  his  point. 
So  he  ifTued  out  the  writs,  while  they  were  at  London,  knowing 
nothing  of  the  defign.     And  thefe  being  returnable  in  three 
weeks,  he  laid  the  matter  fo,  that  before  they  could  get  home,  all 
the  elections  were  over :  And  he  was  mafter  of  above  four  parts    - 
in  five  of  that  AfTembly.     So  they  granted  an  aifelTment  for  three 
years,  in  order  to  the  maintaining  a  greater  force.     And  they 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  King,  not  only  juftifying,  but  highly  mag- 
nifying Duke  Lauderdale's  government.     This  was  fo  bafe  and  fb 
abjed  a  thing,    that  it  brought  the  whole  Nation  under  great 
contempt. 

And  thus  I  leave  the  affairs  of  Scotland,  which  had  a  very  ill  Affairs  in 
influence  on  the  minds  of  the  Englijh  ,•  chiefly  on  the  Houfe  of^"^'""^' 
Commons  then  fitting,  who  upon  it  made  a  new  addrefs  againft 
Duke  Lauderdale.  And  that  was  followed  by  another  of  a  higher 
drain,  reprefentingto  the  King  the  ill  effedis  of  his  not  harkniiig 
to  their  addrefs  the  former  year  with  relation  to  foreign  affairs ; 
and  dcfiring  him  to  change  his  Miniflry,  and  to  difmifs  all  thofe 
that  had  advifed  the  prorogation  at  that  time,  and  his  delaying 
fo  long  to  affifl:  the  Allies.  This  was  carried  only  by  afmall  majo- 
rity of  two  or  three.  So  Lord  Z)*?^*^)/ brought  up  all  his  creatures.  The  Houfe 
the  aged  and  infirm  not  excepted :  And  then  the  majority  lay  the^ojj"^^^ 
other  way  :  And  by  ihort  adjournments  the  Parliament  was  keptJ^aiojis  of 
{itimgiiWMidfummer.  Once  Lord  Z)<3!«/^}',  thinking  he  had  a  clear 
majority,  got  the  King  to  fend  a  meffage  to  the  Houfe,  defiring 
an  additional  Revenue  of  300000  /.  during  life.  This  fet  the 
Houfe  all  in  a  flame.  It  was  faid,  here  was  no  demand  for  a  war, 
but  for  a  revenue,  which  would  furnifh  the  Court  fo  well,  that 
there  would  be  no  more  need  of  Parliaments.  The  Court  party 
thought  fuchagift  as  this  would  make  them  ufelefs.  So  the  thing 
was  upon  one  debate  rejected  without  a  divifion.  Lord  Danby 
was  much  cenfured  for  this  rafh  attempt,  which  difcovered  the 
d^figns  of  the  Court  too  barefacedly.  At  the  fame  time  he  or- 
dered Monntague  to  treat  with  the  Court  q{  France  for  a  peace,  in 
cafe  they  would  engage  to  pay  the  King  300000  /.  a  year  for 
three  years.  So,  when  that  came  afterwards  to  be  known,  it  was 
then  generally  believed,  that  the  defign  was  to  keep  up  and  mo- 
del the  army  now  raifed,  reckoning  there  would  be  money  enough 
to  pay  them  till  the  Nation  ihould  be  brought  under  a  military  go- 

j  P  vernment. 


422       TheHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

1678  vernment.  Andtheopinionof  this  prevailed  fo,  that  Lord  Z)rt«^y 
^-^^^^^^^  became  the  mod  hated  Minifter  that  had  ever  been  about  the 
King.  All  people  faid  now,  they  faw  the  fecret  of  that  high 
favour  he  had  been  fo  long  in,  and  the  black  defigns  that  he  was 
contriving.  At  this  time  expreffes  went  very  quick  between  E^- 
gland  znd  France :  And  the  ftate  of  foreign  affairs  varied  every 
poft.  So  that  it  was  vifible  we  were  in  a  fecret  negotiation:  Of 
which  Temple  has  given  fo  particular  an  account,  that  I  refer  my 
reader  wholly  to  him.  But  I  (hall  add  one  particular,  that  he  has 
not  mentioned  :  Mountague,  who  was  a  man  of  pleafure,  was  in 
an  intrigue  with  the  Duchefs  of  Cleveland^  who  was  quite  caft  off 
by  the  King,  and  was  then  at  Parts.  The  King  had  ordered 
him  to  find  out  an  aftrologerj  of  whom  it  was  no  wonder  he  had 
a  good  opinion  ^  for  he  had,  long  before  his  Reftoration,  fore- 
told he  fhould  enter  London  on  the  ip'^'of  Ma'^  6q.  He  was  yet 
alive,  zwdi  Mount  ague  found  him^  And  faw  he  was  capable  of  being 
corrupted.  So  he  refolved  to  prompt  him,  to  fend  the  King  fuch 
hints  as  fhould  ferve  his  own  ends.  And  he  was  fo  bewitched  with 
the  Duchefs  of  Cleveland^  that  he  trufted  her  with  this  fecret. 
But  (he,  growing  jealous  of  anew  amour,  took  all  the  ways  (he  could 
think  on  to  ruin  him,  referving  this  of  theaftrologer  for  her  laft 
fhift.  And  by  it  (he  compalTed  her  ends :  For  Mountague  was  en- 
tirely loft  upon  it  with  the  King,  and  came  over  without  being 
recalled.  The  Earl  of  Sunderland  was  fent  EmbalTador  in  his 
room. 
AfTairs  a-  The  treaty  went  on  at  N'tmeguen,  where  Temple  and  Jenkins 
were  our  Plenipotentiaries.  The  States  were  refolved  to  have  a 
peace.  The  Prince  of  Orange  did  all  he  could  to  hinder  it.  But 
De  PFifs  party  began  to  gather  ftrength  again.  And  they  infufed 
a  jealoufy  in  all  people,  that  the  Prince  intended  to  keep  up  the 
war  for  his  own  ends.  A  peace  might  be  now  had  by  reftoring 
all  that  belonged  to  the  States,  and  by  a  tolerable  barrier  in 
Flanders.  It  is  true,  the  great  difficulty  was  concerning  their  al- 
lies, the  King  of  Denmark,  and  the  Elector  of  Brandenburgh ; 
who  had  fallen  on  the  Swede,  upon  the  King's  declaring  for 
France,  and  had  beat  him  out  of  Germany.  No  peace  could  be 
had,  unlefs  the  Swede  was  reftored.  Thofe  Princes,  who  had 
been  quite  exhaufted  by  that  war,  would  not  confent  to  this.  So 
they,  who  had  adhered  fo  faithfully  to  the  States  in  their  extre- 
mity, preflfed  them  to  ftick  by  them.  And  this  was  the  Prince 
of  Orange's  conftant  topick  :  How  could  they  expe(5t  any  of  their 
allies  (hould  ftick  to  them,  if  they  now  forfook  fuch  faithful 
friends  i  But  nothing  could  prevail.  It  was  given  out  in  Holland, 
that  they  could  not  depend  on  England,  that  Court  being  fo  en- 
tirely in  a  French  intereft,  that  they  lufpe6ted  they  would,  as  they  had 

once 


■broad. 


of  King  Charles  II.  425 

once  done,  fell  them  again  to  the  French.  And  this  was  believed  1^78 
to  be  let  out  by  the  French  minifters  themfelves,  who,  to  come '^'"^'^^^ 
at  their  ends,  were  apt  enough  to  give  up  even  thofe  who  facrificed 
every  thing  to  them.  It  was  faid,  the  Court  of  France  would 
confider  both  Denmark  and  Brandenburgh,  and  repay  the  charge 
of  the  war  zg2^\n^  Sweden.  This,  it  was  faid,  was  to  force  thofe 
Princes  into  a  dependance  on  France^  who  would  not  continue 
thofe  payments  fo  much  for  paft  as  for  future  fervices.  In  the 
mean  while  the  French  had  block'd  up  Mons.  So  the  Prince 
of  Orange  went  to  force  them  from  their  polls.  Luxemhurgh 
commanded  there,  and  feemed  to  be  in  full  hope  of  a  peace, 
when  the  Prince  came  and  attack'd  him.  And,  notwithftanding 
the  advantage  of  his  fituation,  it  appeared  how  much  the  Dutch 
army  was  now  fuperior  to  the  French  ^  for  they  beat  them  out  of 
fcveral  pofts.  The  Prince  had  no  order  to  ftop.  He  indeed 
knew  that  the  peace  was  upon  the  matter  concluded.  But  no  in- 
timation was  yet  made  to  him.  So  it  was  lawful  for  him  to  take 
all  advantages.  And  he  was  not  apprchenfive  of  a  new  embroil- 
ment, but  rather  wilVd  it.  The  French  treafure  was  fo  exhaufted, 
and  their  King  was  fo  weary  of  the  war,  that  no  notice  was  tak- 
en of  the  bufinefs  of  Mons.  The  treaty  at  N'tmeguen  was  finilh- 
cd,  and  ratified.  Yet  new  difficulties  arofc,  upon  the  French 
King's  refufingto  evacuate  the  places  that  were  to  be  reftored  till 
the  Swede  was  reftored  to  all  his  dominions.  Upon  this  the  En- 
gUJh  ftruck  in  again :  And  the  King  talked  fo  high,  as  if  he  would 
engage  anew  in  the  war.  But  the  French  prevented  that,  and 
did  evacuate  the  places.  And  then  they  got  Denmark  and  Bran- 
denburgh into  their  dependance,  under  the  pretence  of  repaying 
the  charge  of  the  war.  But  it  was  more  truly,  the  engaging  them 
into  the  interefts  of  France  by  great  penfions.  So  a  general  peace 
quickly  followed.  And  there  was  no  more  occafion  for  our  troops 
beyond  fea.  Tht  French  were  fo  apprehenfive  of  them,  lh.3t.tRou- 
v'tgn'y,  now  Earl  of  Gallway,  was  fent  over  to  negotiate  matters. 
That  which  France  infifted  moft  on,  was  the  dilbanding  the  ar- 
my. And  the  force  of  money  was  fo  ftrong,  that  he  had  orders 
to  offer  fix  millions  of  their  money,  in  cafe  the  army  fhould  be 
difbanded  in  Augufi.  Rouv'tgny  had  fuch  an  ill  opinion  of  the  de- 
figns  of  our  Court,  if  the  army  was  kept  up,  that  he  infifted  on 
fixing  the  day  for  difbanding  it  ^  at  which  the  Duke  was  very  un- 
cafy.  And  matters  were  fo  managed,  that  the  army  was  not  dif- 
banded by  the  day  prefixed  for  it.  So  the  King  of  France  fav'd 
his  money.  And  for  this  piece  of  good  management  Rouvigny  was 
much  commended.  The  troops  were  brought  into  England,  and 
kept  up,  under  the  pretence  that  there  was  not  money  to  pay  them 
off.     So  all   people  look'd  on  the  next  feffioa  as  very  critical. 

z  The 


424  ThetilST  ORY  of  the  Reign 

167^  The  party  againft  the  Court  gave  all  for  loft.  They  believed  the 
^^'^^^^^^  Lord  Danby^  who  had  fo  often  brought  his  party  to  be  very  near 
the  majority,  would  now  lay  matters  fo  well  as  to  be  fure  to  carry 
the  Scflion.  And  many  did  fo  defpair  of  being  able  to  balance 
his  numbers,  that  they  refolved  to  come  up  no  more,  and  reck- 
oned that  all  oppofition  would  be  fruitlefs,  and  ferve  only  to  ex- 
pofe  themfelves  to  the  fury  of  the  Court.  But  of  a  fudden  an 
unlooked  for  accident  changed  all  their  meafures,  and  put  the 
Kingdom  into  fo  great  a  fermentation,  that  it  well  deferves  to 
be  opened  very  particularly.  I  am  fo  well  inftrudted  in  all  the 
fteps  of  it,  that  I  am  more  capable  to  give  a  full  account  of  it 
than  any  man  I  know.  And  I  will  do  it  fo  impartially,  that  no 
party  (hall  have  caufe  to  cenfure  me  for  concealing,  or  altering 
the  truth  in  any  one  ihftance.  It  is  the  Hiftory  of  that  called 
the  Popifli  Plot. 
ThePopifli  Three  days  before  Mkhaelmas  Dr.  Tonge  came  to  me.  I  had 
known  him  ^tS'u Robert  Murray's.  He  was  a  gardiner  and  achy- 
mift,  and  was  full  of  projeds  and  notions.  He  had  got  fome  credit 
mCromwelh  time:  And  that  kept  him  poor.  He  was  a  very  mean 
Divine,  and  feemed  credulous  andfimple.  But  I  had  always  look'd 
on  him  as  afincere  man.  At  this  time  he  toldmeof  ftrangedefigns 
againft  the  King's  perfon  ,•  and  that  Comers,  a  Bened'tii'mj  had 
provided  himfelf  of  a  poniard,  with  which  he  undertook  to  kill 
hira.  I  was  amazed  at  all  this  j  and  did  not  know  whether  he  was 
crazed,  or  had  come  to  me  on  defign  to  involve  me  in  a  conceal- 
ing of  treafon.  So  I  went  to  Dr.  Lloyd,  and  fent  him  to  the  Se- 
cretary's office  with  an  account  of  that  difcourfe  of  Tonge's,  fince 
I  would  not  be  guilty  of  mifprifion  of  treafon.  He  found  at  the 
office,  that  Tonge  was  making  difcoveries  there ;  of  which  they 
made  no  other  account,  but  that  he  intended  to  get  himfelf  to 
be  made  a  Dean.  I  told  this  next  morning  to  Littleton  and  PoweL 
And  they  looked  on  it  as  a  defign  of  Lord  Danbfs,  to  be  laid 
before  the  next  Scflion,  thereby  to  difpofe  them  to  keep  up  a 
greater  force,  fince  the  Papifts  were  plotting  againft  the  King's 
life :  This  would  put  an  end  to  all  jealoufics  of  the  King,  now 
the  Papifts  were  confpiring  againft  his  life.  But  Lord  Hallifax, 
when  I  told  him  of  it,  had  another  apprehenfion  of  it.  He  faid, 
confidering  the  fufpicions  all  people  had  of  the  Duke's  Religion, 
he  believed  every  difcovery  of  that  fort  would  raife  a  flame, 
which  the  Court  would  not  be  able  to  manage, 
o^w'scha-  The  day  after  that  Titus  Oates  was  brought  before  the  Council. 
He  was  the  fon  of  an  Anabaptift  teacher,  who  afterwards  con- 
formed, and  got  into  orders,  and  took  a  benefice,  as  this  his  fon 
did.  He  was  proud  and  ill  natured,  haughty,  but  ignorant.  He 
had  been  complained  of  for  fome  very  indecent  cxpreflions  con- 
%  cerning 


<?/K/>^^ Charles  Ilr'''-^       425 

cerning  the  myfteries  of  the  Chriftian  Religion.  He  was  once  k^/S 
prefcnted  for  perjury.  But  he  got  to  be  a  Chaplain  in  one  of  the  ^^^VN.; 
King's  (hips,  from  which  he  was  difmifs'd  upon  complaint  of 
fome  unnatural  pradices,  not  to  be  named.  He  got  a  qualification 
from  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  as  one  of  his  Chaplains :  And  there  he 
fell  into  much  difcourfe  with  the  Priefts  that  were  about  that  fa- 
mily. He  feemed  inclined  to  be  inftrudted  in  the  Popirti  Religi- 
on. One  Hutch'wfony  a  Jefuit,  had  that  work  put  on  him.  He 
was  a  weak  and  light-headed  man,  and  afterwards  came  over 
to  the  Church  of  England.  Hutchtnfon  was  a  Curate  about 
the  City  near  a  year,  and  came  oft  to  me,  and  preached  once  for  -  ' 
me.  He  feemed  to  be  a  fincere  devout  man,  who  did  not  at  all 
love  the  Order,  for  he  found  they  were  a  deceitful  and  med- 
dling fort  of  people.  They  never  trufted  him  with  any  fecrecs, 
but  employed  him  wholly  in  making  converts.  He  went  after- 
wards back  to  that  Church.  So  all  this  was  thought  a  juggle 
only  to  call  an  odium  upon  Oates.  He  told  me,  that  Oates  and 
they  were  always  in  ill  terms.  They  did  not  allow  Oates  above 
nine  pence  a  day,  of  which  he  complained  much.  And  Hutchtn- 
fon relieved  him  often.  They  wiflied  they  could  be  well  rid  of 
him  ,•  and  fcnt  him  beyond  fea,  being  in  very  ill  terms  with  him. 
This  mzAcHutchinfon  conclude,that  they  had  not  at  that  time  trufted 
Oatesmih.  their  fecrets.  Oates v/sls  kept  for  fome  time  at  St.  Omers; 
and  from  thence  fent  thro^  France  into  Spain  ^  and  was  now  returned^ 
into  England.  He  had  been  long  acquainted  withTonge  j  and  made 
his  firft  difcovery  to  him.  And  he,  by  the  means  of  one  Kirbjy 
aChymift,  that  was  fometimes  in  the  King's  laboratory,  fignified 
the  thing  to  the  King.  So  Tonge  had  an  audience  j  and  told  the 
King  a  long  thread  of  many  palTages,  all  tending  to  the  taking 
away  his  life;  which  the  King,  as  he  afterwards  told  me,  knew  not 
what  to  make  of:  Yet  among  fo  many  particulars  he  did  not 
know  but  there  might  be  fome  truth.  So  he  fent  him  to  Lord 
Danb^y  who  intended  to  make  fome  ufe  of  it,  but  could  not  giye 
much  credit  to  it,  and  handled  the  matter  too  remiilly :  For,  if 
at  firft  the  thing  had  been  traced  quick,  either  the  truth  or  the 
impofture  of  the  whole  affair  might  have  been  made  appear. 
The  King  ordered  Lord  Danby  to  fay  nothing  of  it  to  the  Duke. 
In  the  mean  while  fome  letters  of  an  odd  ftrain,  relating  to  plots 
and  difcoveries,  were  fent  by  the  poft  to  Windfor,  dired:ed  to 
Beddtngfieldj  the  Duke's  ConfclTor;  who,  when  he  had  read  them, 
carried  them  to  the  Duke,  and  protefted  he  did  not  know  what 
they  meant,  nor  from  whom  they  came.  The  Duke  carried 
them  to  the  King.  And  he  fancied  they  were  writ  either  by 
Tonge  or  Oates^  and  fent  on  defign  to  have  them  intercepted,  to 
give  the  more  credit  to  the  difcovery.  The  Duke's  enemies  on 
the  other  hand  gave  out,  that  he  had  got  fome  hints  of  the  dif- 

j   Q.  *  covery. 


4:^6         TheHlSTOKYofthe  Reign 

1677  covery,  and  brought  thefe  as  a  blind  to    impofe  on  the  King.' 
^•^^^"^^"^  The  matter  lay  in  a  fecret  and  remifs  management  for  fix  weeks. 
„.  ^.r  At   lad,    on  Michaelmas   Eve,     Oaies  was  brouoht  before  the 

His  difco-  '  -lU  -11  !•/•  ^■r 

very.  Council  J  and  entertamed  them  with  a  long  relation  or  many  dil- 

courfes  he  had  heard  among  the  Jefuites,  of  their  defign  to  kill 
the  King.  He  named  perfons,  places,  and  times,  almoft  with- 
out number.  He  faid,  many  Jefuites  had  difguifed  themfelves, 
and  were  gone  to  Scotlandy  and  held  Field-Conventicles,  on  de- 
fign to  diftradt  the  Government  there.  He  faid,  he  was  fent  firft 
to  St.  OmerSy  thence  to  Parts,  and  from  thence  to  Spam,  to  ne- 
gotiate this  defign  j  and  that  upon  his  return,  when  he  brought 
many  letters  and  directions  from  beyond  fea,  there  was  a  great 
meeting  of  the  Jefuites  held  in  London,  in  April  laft,  in  different 
rooms  in  a  tavern  near  St.  Clements-,  and  that  he  was  employed  to 
convey  the  refolutions  of  thofe  in  one  room  to  thofe  in  another, 
and  fo  to  hand  them  round.  The  ilTue  of  the  confultation  was, 
that  they  came  to  a  refolution  to  kill  the  King  by  fhooting,  ftab- 
ing,  or  poifoning  himj  that  feveral  attempts  were  made,  all 
which  failed  in  the  execution,  as  fliall  be  told  when  the  trials  are 
related.  While  he  was  going  on,  waiting  for  fome  certain  evi- 
dence to  accompany  his  difcovery,  he  perceived  they  were  jea- 
lous of  him :  And  fo  he  durft  not  truft  himfelf  among  them  any 
more.  In  all  this  there  was  not  a  word  of  Comers,  of  whom 
Tonge  had  fpoke  to  me.  So  that  was  dropt.  This  was  the  fub- 
ftance  of  what  Oates  told  the  firft  day.  Many  Jefuites  were  upon  this 
fcized  on  that  night,  and  the  next  day.  And  their  Papers  were 
fealed  up  next  day.  He  accufed  Coleman  of  a  ftrid:  correfpon- 
dence  with  P.  de  laCha'tfe;  (whofe  name  he  had  not  right,  for 
he  called  him  Father  Le  Shee:)  And  he  faid  in  general,  that  Cole- 
man was  acquainted  with  all  their  defigns. 
CoUmanmA  Cokman  had  a  whole  day  free  to  make  his  efcape,  if  he  thought 
fe^zS''"*  he  was  in  any  danger.  And  he  had  conveyed  all  his  papers  out 
of  the  way :  Only  he  forgot  a  drawer  under  the  table,  ia 
which  the  papers  relating  to  74,  75,  and  a  part  of  76  were  left. 
And  from  thefe  I  drew  the  negotiations,  that  I  have  formerly 
mentioned  as  direded  by  him.  If  he  had  cither  left  all  his  pa- 
pers, or  withdrawn  all,  it  had  been  happy  for  his  party.  No- 
thing had  appeared,  if  all  his  papers  had  been  put  out  of  the  way. 
But,  if  all  had  been  left,  it  might  have  been  concluded,  that  the 
whole  fecret  lay  in  them.  But  he  left  enough  to  give  great  jea- 
loufy.  And,  no  more  appearing,  all  was  believed  that  the  wit- 
neffes  had  depofed.  Coleman  went  out  of  the  way  for  a  day, 
hearing  that  there  was  a  warrant  out  againft  him.  But  he  delivered 
himfelf  the  next  day  to  the  Secretary  of  State.  When  Oates 2X^^ 
he  were  confronted,  Oates  did  not  know  him  at  firft:  But  he 
named  him,    when  he  heard  him  fpeak.    Yet  he  only  charged 

X  him 


of  King  Charles  II.  A  k       427 

him  upon  hear-fay.  So  he  was  put  in  a  mefTenger's  hands.  Oates  167% 
named  fVakeman,  the  Queen's  phyfician;  but  did  not  know  him  ^>'^^V^»*^ 
at  all.  And  being  afked,  if  he  knew  any  thing  againft  him,  he 
anfwcred  he  did  not,-  adding,  God  forbid,  he  fhould  fay  any 
thing  more  than  he  knew,  he  would  not  do  that  for  all  the 
world.  Nor  did  he  name  Langhorn  the  famous  Lawyer,  that 
indeed  managed  all  their  concerns.  The  King  found  him  out 
in  one  thing.  He  faid,  when  he  was  in  Spa'm^  he  was  carried  to 
Don  Johiiy  who  promifed  great  affiftance  in  the  execution  of  their 
defigns.  The  King,  who  knew  Don  John  well,  afked  him  what 
a  fort  of  man  he  was :  He  anfwered,  he  was  a  tall  lean  man  :  Now 
Don.John  was  a  little  fat  man.  At  firft  he  feemed  to  defign  to 
recommend  himfelf  to  the  Duke  and  the  Minifters :  For  he  faid, 
he  heard  the  Jefuites  oft  fay,  that  the  Duke  was  not  fure  enough 
to  them :  And  they  were  in  doubt,  whether  he  would  approve  of 
their  killing  the  King :  But  they  were  refolved,  if  they  found 
him  ftifF  in  that  matter,  to  difpatch  him  likewlfe.  He  faid, 
they  had  oft  made  ufe  of  his  name,  and  counterfeited  his  hand 
and  feal,  without  his  knowledge.  He  faid,  the  Jefuites  cherifhed 
the  fa6tion  in  Scotland  againft  Duke  Lauderdale  -^  and  intended  to 
murder  the  Duke  of  Ormondy  as  a  great  enemy  to  all  their  de- 
iigns.  And  he  aflfirmed,  he  had  feen  many  letters,  in  which  thefe 
things  were  mentioned,  and  had  heard  them  oft  fpoke  of.  He 
gave  a  long  account  of  the  burning  of  London^  at  which  they  in- 
tended to  have  killed  the  King:  But  they  relented,  when  they 
faw  him  fo  ad:ive  in  quenching  the  fire,  which,  as  he  faid,  they  had 
kindled. 

The  whole  town  was  all  over  enflamed  with  this  difcovery.  Co/f«,a»'s 
It  confifted  of  fo  many  particulars,  that  it  was  thought  to  beJ5""^coa- 
above  invention.  But  when  C(9/(?w^«'s  letters  came  to  be  read  and 
examined,  it  got  a  great  confirmation;  fince  by  thefe  it  appear- 
ed, that  fo  many  years  before  they  thought  the  defign  for  the 
converting  the  Nation,  and  rooting  out  the  pcftilent  hercfy  that 
had  reigned  fo  long  in  thefe  northern  Kingdoms,  was  very  near 
its  being  executed:  Mention  was  oft  made  of  the  Duke's  great 
zeal  for  it:  And  many  indecent  reflections  were  made  on  the 
King,  for  his  inconftancy,  and  his  difpofition  to  be  brought  to 
any  thing  for  money :  They  depended  on  the  French  King's  af- 
fiftance: And  therefore  were  earneft  in  their  endeavours  to  bring 
about  a  general  peace,   as  that  which  muft  finifh  their  defign. 

On  the  fecond  day  after  this  difcovery,  the  Kmg  went  to 
Newmarket.  This  was  cenfured,  as  avery  indecent  levity  in  him, 
to  go  and  fee  horfe-races,  when  all  people  were  fo  much  pof- 
fefted  with  this  extraordiaary  difcovery,  to  which  Coleman's  let- 
ters had  gained  an  univerfal  credit.  While  the  King  was  gone, 
Tonge  defired  to  fpeak  with  me.  So  I  went  to  him  to  Whttehall^ 
/  where 


428       The  History  of  the  Reign 

^678  where  both  he  and  Oafes  were  lodged  under  a  guard.  I  found 
'^^'"^^"^-^him  To  lifted  up,  that  he  feemed  to  have  loft  the  little  fenfe  he 
had.  Oates  came  in,-  and  made  me  a  complement,  that  I  was 
one  that  was  mark'd  out  to  be  kill'd.  He  had  before  faid  the 
fume  to  Stillwg/leet  of  him.  But  he  madethathonourhe  whichdid 
us  too  cheap,  when  he  faid  7tf«g^  was  to  be  fervcd  in  the  fame  man- 
ner, becaufe  he  had  tranflated  the  Jefuites  morals  into  £«rg///Z>. 
He  broke  out  into  great  fury  againft  the  Jefuites;  and  faid,  he 
would  have  their  blood.  But  I,  to  divert  him  from  that  ftrain, 
aiked  him,  what  were  the  arguments  that  prevailed  on  him  to 
change  his  Religion,  and  to  go  over  to  the  Church  of  Rome, 
He  upon  that  ftood  up,  and  laid  his  hands  on  his  breaft^  and 
faid,  God  and  his  holy  Angels  knew,  that  he  had  never  changed, 
but  that  he  had  gone  among  them  on  purpofe  to  betray  them. 
This  gave  me  fuch  a  character  of  him,  that  I  could  have  no  re- 
gard to  any  thing  he  either  faid  or  fwore  after  that. 
Godfrey  is       A  fcw  davs  after  this,  a  very  extraordinary  thins;  happened. 

murthered.     ,  -i  j  l  L  L-  u         n    Jin  • 

that  contributed  more  than  any  other  tamg  to  the  eitablilhmg 
the  belief  of  all  this  evidence.  Sir  Edmondbury  Godfrey  was  an 
eminent  Juftice  of  Peace,  that  lived  near  Whitehall.  He  had  the 
courage  to  ftay  in  London,  and  keep  things  in  order  during  the 
plague  5  which  gained  him  much  reputation,  and  upon  which  he 
was  Knighted.  He  was  efteemed  the  beft  Juftice  of  Peace  m  En- 
gland; .  and  kept  the  Quarter  where  he  lived  in  very  good  order. 
He  was  then  entring  upon  a  great  defign  of  taking  up  all  beg- 
gars and  putting  them  to  work.  He  was  thought  vain,  and  apt 
to  take  too  much  upon  him.  Butthereare  fofewmen  of  apublick 
fpirit,  that  fmall  faults,  tho'  they  leffen  them,  yet  ought  to  be  gently 
cenfured.  I  knew  him  well,  and  never  had  reafon  to  think  him 
faulty  that  way.  He  was  a  zealous  Proteftant,  and  loved  the 
Church  of  England;  but  had  kind  thoughts  of  the  Nonconfor- 
mifts,  and  was  not  forward  to  execute  the  laws  againft  them. 
And  he,  to  avoid  being  put  on  doing  that,  was  not  apt  to  fearch 
for  Priefts  or  Mafs-hou(cs.  So  that  few  men  of  his  zeal  lived  in 
better  terms  with  thePapifts  than  he  did.  Oates  went  to  him  the 
day  before  he  appeared  at  the  Council  board  ,•  and  made  oath  of 
the  narrative  he  intended  to  make,  which  he  afterwards  publifli- 
ed.  This  feemed  to  be  done  in  diftruft  of  the  Privy  Council, 
as  if  they  might  ftifle  his  evidence  j  which  to  prevent  he  put  it 
in  fafe  hands.  Upon  that  Godfrey  was  chid  for  his  prefumingto 
meddle  in  fo  tender  a  matter.  And  it  was  generally  believed, 
that  Coleman  and  he  were  long  in  a  private  converfation,  be- 
tween the  time  of  his  (Coleman^s)  being  put  in  the  meffenger's 
hands,  and  his  being  made  a  clofe  prifoner:  Which  was  done 
as  foon  as  report  was  made  to  the  Council  of  the  contents  of  his    . 

I  letters. 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II/T  429 

letters.     It  is  cettain,  Godfrey  ^rtw  apprehcnfive  and  refeivcd:     i6y% 
For  meeting  me  in  the  ftreet,  after  fome  difcourfe  of  the  prcfent  ^-^^"^^ 
ftate  of  affairs,  he  faid,  he  believed  he  himfelf  fhould  be  knock- 
ed on  the  head.     Yet  he  took  no  care  of  himfelf,  and  went  a- 
bout  according  to  his  own  maxim,    ftill  without  a  fervant:    For 
he  ufed  to  fay,  that  the  fervants  in  London  were  corrupted  by  the 
idlcnefs  and  ill  company  they  fell  into,   while  they  attended  on 
their  mafters.     On  the  day  fortnight  from  that  in  which  0^/<?5  had 
made  his  difcovery,  being  Saturday^  he  went  abroad  in  the  mor-' 
ning,  and  was  feen  about  one  a  clock  near  St.  Ckmenf^  Church  j  but 
was  never  feen  anymore.   He  was  a  punctual  man  to  good  hours': 
So  his  fervants  were  amazed  when  he  did  not  come  home.     YetJ 
he  having  an  ancient  mother  that  lived  at  Hamerfmhh,    they 
fancied,    he  had    heard   {he  was  dying,     and  fo  was  gone  to 
fee  her.     Next  morning  they  fent  thither,  but  heard  no  news  of 
him.     So  his  two  brothers,  who  lived  in  the  City,  were  fent  to. 
They  were  not  acquainted  with  his  affairs:   So  they  did  not  kno^ 
whether  he  might  not  have  ftept  afide  for  debt,-    fince  at  that 
time  all  people  were  calling  in  their  money,  which  broke  a  great 
many.    But,  no  creditors  coming  about  the  houfe,  they  on  Tuef- 
^(3);  publiflied  his  being  thus  loft.     The  Council  fate  upon  h,  snd 
were  going  to  order  a  fearch  of  all  the  houfes  about  the  town  ; 
but  were  diverted  from  it,  by  many  ftories  that  were  brought 
them  by  the  Duke  oi  Norfolk.     Sometimes  it  was  faid,  he  was  in- 
decently married  :    And  the  fcene  was  often  fhifted  of  the  places 
where  it  was  faid  he  was.     The  Duke  of  Norfolk's  officioufnefs 
in  this  matter,    and  the  laft  place  he  was  feen  at,    being  near 
Arundel  houfe,  brought  him  under  great  fufpicion.      On  Thtirfday 
one  came  into  a  Bookfcller's  fhop  after  dinner,    and  faid,  he  was 
found  thruft  thro'  with  a  fword.     That  was  prefently  brought  as 
news  to  me:   But  the  reporter  of  it  was  not  known.     That  night  His  body 
late  his  body  was  found  in  a  ditch,  about  a  mile  out  of  the  town,^"^°""''- 
near  St.  Pancras  Church.    His  fword  was  thrufl  thro'  him.  But  no 
blood  was  on  his  clothes,  or  about  him.     His  fhoes  were  clean. 
His  money  was  in  his  pocket.    But  nothing  was  about  his  neck. 
And  a  mark  was  all  round  it,  an  inch  broad,  which  fliewcd  he 
was  ftrangUd.     His  breaft  was   likewife  all  over  marked  with 
bruifes:  And  his  neck  was  broken.      All  thislfawj  for  Dr.  Lloyd 
and  I  went  to  view  his  body.     There  were  many  drops  of  whitc^ 
wax-lights  on  his  breeches,  which  he  never  ufed  himfelf.    And 
fmce  only  perfons  of  quality,    or  Priefts,  ufe  thofe  lights,    this 
madcall  peopleconclade  in  whofe  hands  he  muft  have  been.  And  it 
was  vifible  he  was  firft  ftrangled,  and  then  carried  to  that  place, 
where  his  fword  was  run  thro'  his  dead  body.      For  a  while  it 
was  given  out,  that  he  was  a  hypocondriacai  man,  and  had  kill- 

5  R  cd 


450         77;^  H  I  s  T  o  R  Y  <?/  the  Reign 

1678  ed  himfclf.  Of  this  the  King  was  pofTclTed,  till  Dr.  Lloyd  wtnt 
*-''^^*^"^*^ancl  told  him  what  he  had  feen.  The  body  lay  two  days  expofed, 
many  going  to  fee  it,  who  went  away  much  moved  with  the 
fight.  And  indeed  mens  fpirits  were  fo  fharpncd  upon  it,  that 
we  all  looked  on  it  as  a  very  great  happinefs,  that  the  people 
did  not  vent  their  fury  upon  the  Papifts  about  the  town. 
Odir!  mndc      TheSefiion  of  Parliament  was  to  be  opened  within  three  days : 

a  new  dif-  ,  n      •  •         1  •  L  1  i-wii 

covery.  And  It  may  be  eahly  imagined  in  what  a  temper  they  met.  The 
Court  party  were  out  of  countenance.  So  the  Country  party  were 
mafters  this  feflion.  All  Oates's  evidence  was  now  fo  well  believ- 
ed, that  it  was  not  fafe  for  any  man  to  feem  to  doubt  of  any 
part  of  it.  He  thought  he  had  the  Nation  in  his  hands,  and 
was  fwelledupto  a  high  pitch  of  vanity  and  infolence.  And  now 
he  made  a  new  edition  of  his  difcovery  at  the  bar  of  the  Houle 
of  Commons.  Hefaid,  the  Pope  had  declared  that  £;^^/<»W was  his 
Kingdom,  and  that  he  had  fent  over  commiffions  to  feveral  perfons  : 
And  had  by  thefe  made  Lord  Arundel  of  JVardour  Chancellor, 
LordPow/^  Treafurer,  Sir  Wtlltam  Godolphtn^  then  xnSpam^  Privy 
Seal,  Coleman  Secretary  of  State,  fi^//^5  General,  Petre  Lieutenant 
General, /^«/t7/^ Major  General,  ^9/<2^;y/ Paymaftcr  General,  and 
Langhorn  Advocate  General  ^  befidcs  many  other  commiffions  for 
fubaltern  officers.  Thefe,  he  faid,  he  faw in L«;?g/6(?r«'s chamber; 
and  that  he  had  delivered  out  many  of  them  himfclf,  and  faw  many 
more  delivered  by  others.  And  henowfwore,  upon  his  own  know- 
ledge, that  both  Coleman  and  Wakeman  were  in  the  plot;  that 
Coleman  had  given  eighty  Guineas  to  four  ruffians,  that  went  to  fVmd^ 
for  laft  fummer,  to  ftab  the  King  •  that  IVakeman  had  undertakea 
to  poifon  him,  for  which  i  oooo  /.  was  offered  him,  but  that  he  got 
the  price  raifed  to  1 5000/.  He  excufed  his  not  knowing  them,  whea 
confronted  with  them;  andfaid,  that  he  was  then  fofpent  by  along 
examination,  and  by  not  fleeping  for  two  nights,  that  he  was  not 
thenmafterof  himfelf;  tho'it  feemed  very  ftrange,  that  he  fhould 
then  have  forgot  that  which  he  made  now  the  main  part  of  his 
evidence,  and  fhould  have  then  obje6t:ed  only  reports  uponhear- 
fay,  when  he  had  fuch  matter  againft  them,  as  he  now  faid,  up- 
on his  own  knowledge.  And  it  feemed  not  very  congruous,  that 
thofe  who  went  to  ftab  the  King  had  but  twenty  guineas  apiece, 
when  Wakeman  was  to  have  i  jooo  /.  for  a  fafer  way  of  killing 
him.  Many  other  things  in  the  difcovery  made  it  feem  ill  di- 
gefted,  and  not  credible.  Bellafts  was  almoft  perpetually  ill  of 
the  gout.  Petre  was  a  weak  man,  and  had  never  any  military 
command.  Ratcliffe  was  a  man  that  lived  in  great  ftate  in  the 
North,  and  had  not  ftirred  from  home  all  the  laft  fummer. 
Gates  alfo  fwore,  he  delivered  a  commiffion  to  be  a  Collonel,  in 
May  laft,  to  Howardy  the  Earl  of  Carl'de's  brother,  that  had  mar- 
i  1  tied 


of  King  CE.ARLES  II.  431 

ri'ed  the  Duchefs  of  Richmond.     But  a  friend  of  mine  told  me,    1(^78 
he  was  all  that  month  at  Bathj  lodged  in  the  fame  houfe  with^^^"'*^'"^'^ 
Howard,  with  whom  he  was  every  day  engaged  at  play.      He  was 
then  miferably  ill  of  the  gout,     of  which   he  died  foon  after. 
Oates  did  alfo  charge  General  Lambert,    as  one  engaged  in  the 
defign,  who  was  to  have  a  great  poft,  when  fet  at  liberty.     But 
he  had  been  kept  in  prifon  ever  fince  the  Reftoratioo ;  and  by 
that  time  had  loft  his  memory  and  fenfe.     But  it  was  thought 
ftrange,  that  fince  Oates  had  fo  often  faid,  what  I  once  heard  him 
fay,  that  he  had  gone  in  among  them  on  defign  to  betray  them,  that 
he  had  not  kept  anyone  of  all  thefe  commiflions  to  be  real  proof 
in  Tupport  of  his  evidence.     He  had  alfo  faid  to  the  King,  that 
whereas  others  ventured  their  lives  to  ferve  him,  he  had  ventured 
his  foul  to  ferve  him:  And  yet  he  did  fuffer  the  four  ruffians  to 
go  to  Wmdfor  to  kill  him,  without  giving  him  any  notice  of  his 
danger.     Thefe  were  characters  ftrong  enough  to  give  fufpicion, 
if  Coleman's  letters,  and  Godfrey's  murder,  had  not  feemed  fuch 
authentick  confirmations,  as  left  no  room  to  doubt  of  anything. 
Ttllotfon  indeed  told  me,    that  Langhorn's  wife,  who  was  ftill  as 
zealous  a  Proteftant  as  he  was  a  Papift,  came  oft  to  him,  and 
gave  him  notice  of  every  thing  fhe  could  difcover  among  them ; 
tho'  {he  continued  a  faithful  and  dutiful  wife  to  the  laft  minute 
of  her  hufband's  life.      Upon  the  firft  breaking  out  of  the  plot, 
before  Oates  had  fpoke  a  word  of  commiflions,  or  had  accufcd 
Langhorn,  fhe  engaged  her  fon  into  fome  difcourfe  upon  thofe 
matters,    who  was   a  hot  indifcreet  Papift.     He  faid,  their  de- 
figns  were  fo  well  laid,  it  was  impoffible  they  could   mifcarry:. 
And  that  his  father  would  be  one  of  the  greateft  men  oi England; 
for  he  had  feen  a  commiflion  from  the  Pope,  conftitutmg  him 
Advocate  General.     This  he  told  me  in  St'dlingfleefs  hearing. 

The  Earl  of  Shaftsbury  had  got  out  of  the  Tower  in  the  for- 
mer Seflion,  upon  his  fubmiflion,  to  which  it  was  not  eafy  to 
bring  him.  But  when  he  faw  an  army  raifed,  he  had  no  mind 
to  lie  longer  in  prifon.  The  matter  bore  a  long  debate,  the  mo- 
tion he  had  made  in  the  King's  bench  being  urged  much  againft 
him.  But  a  fubmiflion  always  takes  off  a  contempt.  So  he  got 
out.  And  now  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  and  he,  with  the  Lords 
EJfex  and  Hall'tfax,  were  the  governing  men  among  the  Lords. 
Many  hard  things  were  faid  againft  the  Duke.  Yet  when  they 
tried  to  carry  an  Addrefs  to  be  made  to  the  King  to  fend  him 
away  from  Court,  the  majority  was  againft  them. 

While  things  were  thus  in  a  ferment  at  London,   Bedlow  deli- b^^/oi^s 
vered  himfelf  to  the  magiftrates  of  Br'tfiol,  pretending  he  knew *^'*^^""- 
the  fecrct  of  Godfrey's  murder.     So  he  was  fent  up  -to  London, 
The  King  told  me,  that  when  the  Secretary  examined  him  in 

his 


432         The  H  I  S  T  o  R  Y  0/  the  Reign 

J 67^  his  prcTence,  at  his  firft  coming  he  faid  he  knew  nothing  of  the 
^-^'^^'^'"^  plot  J  but  that  he  had  heard  that  40000  men  were  to  come  over 
from  S'pahf,  who  were  to  meet  as  pilgrims  at  St.  Jago's,  and  were 
to  be  fhip'd  for  England:  But  he  knew  nothing  of  any  fleet  that 
was  to  bring  them  over.  So  this  was  looked  on  as  very  extrava- 
gant. But  he  faid,  he  had  fcen  Godfrey's  body  at  Somerfet  houfe  j 
and  that  he  was  offered  4000  /,  by  a  fervant  of  the  Lord  Bellafis^ 
to  alTift  in  carrying'  it  away:  But  upon  that  he  had  gone  out  of 
town  to  Br'ijlolj  where  he  was  fo  purfued  with  horror,  that  ic 
forced  him  to  difcover  it.  Bedlow  had  led  a  very  vitious  life. 
He  had  gone  by  manyfalfe  names,  by  which  he  had  cheated  many 
perfons.  He  had  gone  over  many  parts  of  France  and  Spatn^  as 
a  man  of  quality.  And  he  had  made  a  fhift  to  live  on  his  wits, 
or  rather  by  his  cheats.  So  a  tendernefs  of  confcience  did  not 
Teem  to  be  that  to  which  he  was  much  fubjecSt.  But  the  very 
next  day  after  this,  when  he  was  brought  to  the  bar  of  the 
Houfe  of  Lords,  he  made  a  full  difcovery  of  his  knowledge 
of  the  plot,  and  of  the  Lords  in  the  tower:  For  all  thofe  againft 
whom  Oates  had  informed  were  now  prifoncrs.  The  King 
was  upon  this  convinced,  that  fome  had  been  with  Bedlow 
after  he  had  been  before  him,  who  had  inftru<5ted  him  in  this 
narration,  of  which  he  had  faid  the  night  before  that  he  knew 
nothing :  And  yet  he  not  only  confirmed  the  main  parts  o(Oates's 
difcovcries,  but  added  a  great  deal  to  them.  And  he  now  pre- 
tended, that  his  rambling  over  fo  many  places  of  Europe  was 
all  in  order  to  the  carrying  on  this  defign ;  that  he  was  trnfted 
with  the  fecret,  and  had  opened  many  of  the  letters,  which  he 
was  employed  to  carry. 
othcrproofs  Here  were  now  twowitnelTes  to  prove  the  plot,  as  far  as  fwear- 
lo^fuppw''  i"g  could  prove  it.  And  among  the  papers  of  the  Jefuites,  that 
thedifco-  were  feized  on  when  they  were  clapt  up,  two  letters  were  found 
that  feeraed  to  confirm  all.  One  from  Rome  mentioned  the 
fending  over  the  patents  j  of  which  it  was  faid  in  the  letter,  that 
they  guefTed  the  contents,  tho'  their  patrons  there  carried  their 
matters  fo  fecretly,  that  nothing  was  known,  but  as  they  thought 
fit.  The  Jefuites,  when  examined  upon  this,  faid,  thefe  were  on- 
ly patents  with  relation  to  the  offices  in  their  order.  Another 
letter  was  writ  to  a  Jefuite  in  the  countrey,  citing  him  to  come  to 
London  by  the  24th  of  Apr'tl-^  which  was  the  day  in  which  Oates 
fwore  they  held  their  confiilt,  and  that  fifty  of  them  had  figned 
the  refolution  of  killing  the  King,  which  was  to  be  executed  by 
Grove  and  Bickering.  In  the  end  of  that  letter  it  was  added,  I 
need  not  enjoin  fecrecy,  for  the  nature  of  the  thing  requires  ix.. 
When  the  Jefuite  was  examined  to  this,  he  faid,  it  was  a  lummons 
for  a  meeting  according  to  the  rule  of  their  order:    And  they 

3  h€\Vig 


of  King  CiiAKELSlll^       HS^ 

being  to  meet  during  the  fitting  of  the  Parh'ament,  that  Was  th'e  \6rS 
particular  reafon  for  enjoining  fecrccy.    Yet,  while  mens  minds  ^-'^'^^"^^ 
were  ftrongly  pofTefTed,    thefe  anfwers  did  not  fatisfy,  but  were 
thought  only  Ihifts. 

At  this  time  CarfiairSj  of  whofe  behaviour  in  Scotland  mention Car/iana 
has  been  made,  not  having  met  with  thofe  rewards  that  he  ex-''"'^"^"' 
ped;ed,  came  up  to  London^  to  accufe  Duke  Lauderdale,  as  de- 
iigning  to  keep  up  the  oppofition  that  was  made  to  the  laws  in 
Scotland^  even  at  the  time  that  he  feemed  to  profecute  Conventi- 
cles with  the  greateft  fury  ,•  becaufe  he  had  often  drawn  the  chief 
of  their  teachers  into  fuch  fnares,  that  upon  the  advertifemenrs 
that  he  gave  they  might  have  been  taken,  but  that  Duke  Laii- 
derdale  had  negleded  it :  So  he  faw,  he  had  a  mind  that  Con- 
venticles {hould  go  on,  at  the  fame  time  that  he  was  putting  the 
countrey  in  fuch  a  flame  to  punifli  them.  This  he  undertook  to 
prove,  by  thofe  witneffes  of  whom  on  other  occafions  he  had 
made  ufe.  He  alfo  confeffed  the  falfe  date  of  that  warrant  upon 
which  Baillle  had  been  cenfured.  He  put  all  this  in  writing,  and 
gave  it  to  the  Marquifs  o^  Atholj  and  prelfed  him  to  carry  him  to 
Duke  Hamilton,  and  the  Y.vAo'i  Ktncardm,  that  he  might  beg  their 
pardon,  and  be  alTured  of  their  favour.  I  was  againft  th-e  making 
ufe  of  fo  vile  a  man,  and  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  him. 
He  made  application  to  Lord  Cavend'ijh,  and  to  fome  of  the 
Houfe  of  Commons,  to  whom  I  gave  fuch  a  charafter  of  him, 
that  they  would  fee  him  no  more. 

While  he  was  thus  looking  about  where  he  could  find  a  lucky  ^/^/f/striai. 
piece  of  villany,  he  happened  to  go  into  an  eating  houfe  in  Co- 
vent  garden,  that  was  over  againft  the  (hop  of  one  Staley,  the 
Popifh  Banker,  who  had  been  in  great  credit,  but  was  then  under 
fbme  difficulties;  for  all  his  creditors  came  to  call  for  their  money. 
Staley  happening  to  be  in  the  next  room  to  Carfla'trs,  Carjiairs 
pretended  he  heard  him  fay  in  French,  that  the  King  was  a  rogue, 
and  perfecuted  the  people  of  God;  and  that  he  himfelf  would 
ilab  him,  if  no  body  elfe  would.  The  words  were  writ  down, 
which  he  refolved  to  fwear  againft  him.  So  next  morning  he 
and  one  of  his  witneffes  went  to  him,  and  told  him  what  they 
would  fwear  againft  him,  and  afked  a  fum  of  money  of  him.  He 
was  in  much  anxiety,  and  faw  great  danger  on  both  hands.  Yet  he 
chofe  rather  to  leave  himfelf  to  their  malice,  thanbeprey'd  on  by 
them.  Sohewasfeiz'don  :  And  theyfwore  the  words  againft  him; 
And  he  was  appointed  to  be  tried  within  five  days.  When  I  heard  who 
the  witnelles  were,  I  thought  I  was  bound  to  do  what  I  could  to 
ftop  it.  So  I  fent  both  to  the  Lord  Chancellor,  and  to  the  At- 
torney General,  to  let  them  know  what  profligate  wretches  thefe 
witneffes  were.     Jones,  the  Attorney  General,  took  it  ill  of  me, 

J  S  ^  that 


434         77;^  H  I  S  T  O  R  Y  (>/fJ[7^  Reign 

167%    that  I  (hould  difparagc  the  King's  evidence.     The  thing  grew 
<^'y^>  publick,  and  raifcd  great  clamour  againft  me.     It  was  faid,  I  was 
taking  this  method  to  get  into  favour  at  Court.      I  had  likewife 
obferved   to  feveral   perfons  of   weight,    how  many  incredible 
things  there  were  in  the  evidence  that  was  given:    I  wifhcd  they 
would  make  ufe  of  the  heat  the  Nation  was  in  to  fecure  us  effec- 
tually  from  Popery :  We  faw  certain  evidence  to  carry  us  (o  far, 
as  to  graft  that  upon  it:    But  I  wifhed  they  would  not  run  too 
haftily  to  the  taking  mens  lives  upon  fuch  teftimonies.    Lord  Mollis 
had  more  temper,  than  I  expeded  from  a  man  of  his  heat.    Lord 
Hall'tfax  was  of  the  fame  mind.    But  the  Earl  of  Shaftshw^  could 
not  bear  the  difcourfe.     He  faid,  we  muft  fupport  the  evidence; 
and  that  all  thofe  who  undermined  the  credit  of  the  witnelTcs 
were  to  be  look'd  on  as  publick  enemies.     And  fo  inconftanc  a 
thing  is  popularity,  that  I  was  moft  bitterly  railed  at  by  thofe 
who  feemed  formerly  to  put  fome  confidence  in  me.     It  went  ^o 
far,  that  I  was  advifed  not  to  ftir  abroad  for  fear  of  publick  affronts. 
But  thefe  things  did  not  daunt  me.     Stak'^  was  brought  to  his 
trial,  which  did  not  hold  long.     The  witnefTes  gave  a  full  evi- 
dence againft  him:    And  he  had  nothing  to  offer  to  take  away 
their  credit.     He  only  fhewed  how  improbable  it  was,  that  in  a 
publick  houfe  he  fhould  talk  fuch  things  with  fo  loud  a  voice  as 
to  be  heard  in  the  next  room,  in  a  quarter  of  the  town  where 
almoft  every  body  underftood /rf;/c^.     He  was  caft:  And  he  pre- 
pared himfelf  very  ferioufly  for  death.     Dr.  Llo'^d  went   to  fee 
him  in  prifon.     He  was  offered  his  life,    if  he  would  difcover 
their  plots.     He  protefted,  he  knew  of  none,-  and  that  he  had 
not  faid  the  words  fworn  againft  him,  nor  any  thing  to  that  pur- 
pofe.    And  he  died  the  firft  of  thofe  who  fuffered  on  the  account  of 
the  plot.  Dvkt  Lauderdale,  having  heard  how  I  had  moved  in  this 
matter,  railed  at  me  with  open  mouth.     He  faid,  I  had  ftudied  to 
h.vcS'taley,  for  the  liking  I  had  to  any  one  that  would  murder  the 
King.    And  he  infufed  this  into  the  King,  fo  that  he  repeated  it  in 
the  Houfe  of  Lords  to  a  company  that  were  ftanding  about  him. 
Yet  fo  foon  could  theKing  turn  to  make  ufe  of  a  man  whom  he  h  ad 
cenfurcd  fo  unmercifully,  that  two  days  after  this  he  fent  the  Earl 
of  Dunhartojiy  that  was  a  Papift,  and  had  been  bred  in  France, 
and  was  Duke  HamtltorC%  brother,  to  me,  to  defire  me  to  come 
tohimfecretly,  for  he  had  a  mind  to  talk  with  me.  He  faid,  he  be- 
lieved I  could  dohimfervicc,  if  I  had  a  mind  to  it.  And  the  See  of 
Chkhefier  being  then  void,  he  faid,  he  would  not  difpofe  of  it,  till 
he  faw  whether  I  would  dcferve  it,  or  not.     lafked,  if  he  fancied  I 
would  be  a  fpy ,  or  betray  any  body  to  him.  But  he  undertook  to  me, 
that  the  King  Ihould  afk  me  no  queftion,  but  fhould  in  all  points 
leave  me  to  my  liberty.     '" 

2  An 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  11.  i455 

An  accident  fell  in,  before  I  went  to  him,  which  took  off  1(^78 
much  from  Gates's  credit.  When  he  was  examined  by  the  Houfe-^rj^^T^ 
of  Lords,  and  had  made  the  fame  narrative  to  them  that  he  hid  was  cnarg- 
offcred  to  the  Commons,  they  afkcd  him,  if  he  had  now  named  plot. "' 
all  the  perfons  whom  he  knew  to  be  involved  in  the  plot?  He  faid, 
there  might  be  fome  inferior  perfons  whom  he  had  perhaps  for- 
got, but  he  had  named  all  the  perfons  of  note.  Yet,  it  feems, 
afterwards  he.  bethought  himfelf :  And  Mrs.  EUiot^  wife  to  Elliot 
of  the  bedchamber,  came  to  the  King,  and  told  him,  Oates  had 
fomewhat  to  fwear  againft  the  Queen,  if  he  would  give  way  to  it. 
The  King  was  willing  to  give  Oates  line  enough,  as  he  expreflfed 
it  to  me,  and  feemed  to  give  way  to  it.  So  he  came  out  with  a 
new  ftory,  that  the  Queen  hiad  fent  for  fome  Jefuites  to  Somerfet 
houfej  and  that  he  went  along  with  them,  but  ftaid  at  the 
door,  when  they  went  in ;  where  he  heard  one,  in  a  woman's 
voice,  exprefling  her  refentments  of  the  ufage  fhe  had  met 
with,  and  alTuring  them  fhe  would  affift  them  in  taking  off  the 
King:  Upon  that  he  was  brought  in,  and  prefented  to  her: 
And  there  was  then  no  other  woman  in  the  room  but  (he.  When 
he  was  bid  defcribe  the  room,  it  proved  to  be  one  of  the  publick 
rooms  of  that  Court,  which  are  fo  great,  that  the  Queen,  who 
was  a  woman  of  a  low  voice,  could  not  be  heard  over  it,  unlefs 
{he  had  drained  for  it.  Oates^to  excufe  his  faying  that  he  could  not 
lay  any  thing  to  the  charge  of  any  beiides  thofe  he  had  already  nam- 
ed, pretended,  that  he  thought  then  it  was  not  lawful  to  accufe  the 
Queen.  But  this  did  not  fatisfy  people.  BedloWj  to  fupport  this, 
fwore,  that  being  once  at  chapel  at  Somerfet  houfe,  he  faw  the 
Queen,  the  Duke,  and  fome  others  very  carneft  in  difcourfe  in 
the  clofet  above;  and  that  one  came  down  with  much  joy,  and 
faid,  the  Queen  had  yielded  at  laft;  and  that  one  explained 
this  to  him  beyond  fea,  and  faid,  it  was  to  kill  the  King.  And, 
ht^iditsBedlow's  oath  that  he  faw  Godfrey's  body  in  Somerfet  houfe, 
it  was  remembred,  that  at  that  time  the  Queen  was  for  fome 
days  in  fo  clofe  a  retirement,  that  no  perfon  was  admitted. 
Prince  Rupert  came  then  to  wait  on  her,  but  was  denied  accefs. 
This  raifed  a  ftrange  fufpicion  of  her.  But  the  King  would  not 
fuffer  that  matter  to  go  any  farther. 

While  examinations  were  going  on,  and  preparation  was  mak-A  law  part 
ing  for  the  trial  of  the  prifoners,  a  bill  was  brought  into  thetoVetakea 
Houfe  of  Commons,  requiring  all  members  of  cither  Houfe,  and 
all  fuch  as  might  come  into  the  King's  Court,  or  prefence,  to 
take  a  teft  againft  Popery  j  in  which,  not  only  Tranfubftantiati- 
on  was  renounced,  but  the  worfhip  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and 
the  Saints,  as  it  was  pradifcd  in  the  Church  oi  Rome,  was  declar- 
ed to  be  idolatrous.     This  paffed  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons 

without 


by  both 
Houfes. 


436  B^  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

167^   without  any  difficulty.     But  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  Qunn'mg^  Bi- 
^'^^^'''^^  fhop  of  Ely y  maintained,  that  the  Church  oi  Rome  was  not  ido- 
latrous.   He  was  anfwered  by  Barlow^  Bifhop  of  Lincoln.     The 
Lords  did  not  much  mind  Gunnings  arguments,  but  pafTed  the 
bill.     And  tho'  Gunning  had  faid,  that  he   could  not  take  that 
tcft  with  a  good   confcience,  yet,  as  foon  as  the  bill  was  paft, 
With  a  pro- he  took  it  in  the  croud  with  the  reft.     The  Duke  got  a  provifo 
Duke°^'  ^  to  be  put    in  it   for  excepting   himfelf    He  fpoke  upoa   that 
occafion   with  great   earneftnefs,     and  with  tears    in  his   tyts. 
He   faid,   he  was   now  to  caft  himfelf  upon   their  favour   in 
the  greateft  concern   he  could  have  in  this  world.      He  fpoke 
much  of  his  duty  to  the  King,  and  of  his  zeal  for  the  Nation  : 
And  folemnly  protefted,   that,  whatever  his  religion  might  be, 
it   fhould  only  be  a  private  thing  between  God  and  his   own 
foul,    and  that  no  effe(5t  of  it  fhould  ever  appear  in  the  govern- 
ment.     The  provifo  was  carried   for  him  by  a    few    voices. 
And,  contrary  to  all  mens  expeftations,  it  paft  in  the  Houfe  of 
Commons.     There  was  alfo  a  provifo  put  in,  excepting  nine  La- 
dies about  theQueen.    And  fhe  faid,  fhe  would  have  all  the  Ladies 
of  that  religion  caft  lots,  who  flibnld  be  comprehended.    Only 
(he  named  the  Duchefs  of  Port/mouth,   as  one  whom  fhe  would 
not  expofe  to  the  uncertainty  of  a  lot^   which  was  not  thought 
very  decent  in  her,  tho'  her  circumftances  at  that  time  required 
an  extraordinary  fubmiffion  to  the  King  in  every  thing. 
Coieman\        Cokman  was  brought  to  his  trial.     Oates  and  Bedlow  fwore  flat- 
*""'  ly  againft  him,    as  was   mentioned  before.      He   denied,    that 

^  he  had  ever  feen  either  the  one  or  the  other  of  them  in  his  whole 
life:  And  defended  himfelf  by  Oates's  not  knowing  him,  when 
they  were  firft  confronted,  nor  objefting  thofe  matters  to  him 
for  a  great  while  after.  He  alfo  prelTed  Oaies  to  name  the  day 
in  Augujiy  in  which  he  had  fent  the  fourfcore  guineas  to  the  four 
rufi^ians.  But  Oates  would  fix  on  no  day,  tho'  he  was  very  pundu- 
al  in  matters  of  lefs  moment.  Coleman  had  been  out  of  town  al- 
moft  that  whole  month.  But,  no  day  being  named,  that  ferved 
him  in  no  ftead.  He  urged  the  improbability  of  his  talking  to  two 
fuch  men,  whom  he  had  by  their  own  confeflion  never  feen  be- 
fore. But  they  faid,  he  was  told  that  they  were  trufted  with  the 
-^  whole  fecret.  His  letters  to  P.  de  la  Chdtfe  was  the  heavieft  part 
of  the  evidence.  He  did  not  deny,  that  there  were  many  im- 
pertinent things  in  his  letters:  But,  he  faid,  he  intended  nothing 
in  them,  but  the  King's  f^/vice  and  the  Duke's:  He  never  in- 
tended to  bring  in  the  Catholick  religion,  by  rebellion,  or  by 
blood,  but  only  by  a  toleration:  And  the  aid,  that  was  pray'd 
from  France y  was  only  meant  the  afliftance  of  money,  and  the  in- 
terpofition  of  that  Court.     After  a  long  trial,  he  was  convicted ; 

4  And 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.    ^  457 

And  fentence  paffed  upon  him  to  die  as  a  traitor.     He  continued    167% 
to  his  laft  breath  denying  every  tittle  of  that  which  the  witnefles'^^V>w' 
had  fworn  againft  him.  Many  were  fent  to  him  from  bothHoufes, 
offering  to  interpofe  for  his  pardon,   if  he  would  confefs.     He 
ftill  protefted  his  innocence,  and  took  great  care  to  vindicate  the 
Duke.     He  faid,    his  own  heat  might  make  him  too  forward: 
For,  being  perfuaded  of  the  truth  of  his  religion,  he  could  not 
but  wilh,  that  all  others  were  not  only  almoft,  but  altogether, 
fuch  as  he  was,  except  in  that  chain ,-  for  he  was  then  in  irons : 
He  confelTed,  he  had  mixed  too  much  intereft  for  raifing  himfelf 
in  all  he  did  j  and  that  he  had  received  ijoo  Guineas  from  the    '* 
French  EmbafTador,  to  gain  fome  friends  to  his  mafter,  but  that 
he  had  kept  them  to  himfelf:  He  had  a<5ted  by  order  in  all  that 
he  had  done:  And  he  believed  the  King  knew  of  his  employ- 
ment, particularly  that  at  Bmjfels.     But,  tho'  he  Teemed  willing 
to  be  queftioned  concerning  the  King,  the  Committee  did  not 
think  fit  to  do  it,  nor  to  report  what  he  faid  concerning  it:   On- 
ly in  general   they  reported,    that  he  fpoke  of  another  matter, 
about  which  they  did  not  think  fit  to  interrogate  him,    nor  to 
mention  it.     Littleton  was  one  of  the  Committee  ^  and  gave  me 
an  account  of  all  that  pafs'd  that  very  night.  And  I  found  his  be- 
haviour made  great  impreflion  on  them  all.     He  fuflPered  withAndexecu- 
much  compofednefs  and  devotion  j  and  died  much  better  than  he"°n- 
had  lived.  It   was  given  out  at  that  time,  to  make  the  Duke  more 
odious,  that  Coleman  was  kept  up  from  making  confeflions,  by 
the  hopes  the  Duke  fent  him  of  a  pardon  at  Tyburn.     But  he 
could  not  be  fo  ignorant,  as  not  to  know  that,    at  that  time,  it 
was  not  in  the  King's  power  to  pardon  him,  while  the  tide  went 
fo  high. 

The  Nation  was  now  fo  much  alarmed,  that  all  people  were  fur- 
nifhing  themfelves  with  arms,  which  heightned  the  jealoufy  of  the 
Court.  A  bill  pafs'd  in  bothHoufes  for  raifing  all  the  Militia,  and 
for  keeping  it  together  for  fix  weeks :  A  third  part,  if  I  remem- 
ber right,  being  to  ferve  a  fortnight,  and  fo  round.  I  found, 
fome  of  them  hoped  when  that  bill  paft  into  a  law,  they  would 
be  more  mafters;  and  that  the  Militia  would  not  feparate,  till 
all  the  demands  of  the  two  Houfes  fhould  be  granted.  The  King 
rejected  the  bill,  when  offered  to  him  for  his  affent. 

I  waited  often  on  him  all  the  month  of  December.     He  caraeThe  King's 
to  me  to  Chtffinck%,  a  Page  of  the  back  flairs  j  and  kept  the  timejju^whoi? 
healTigncd  me  to  a  minute.     He  was  alone,  and  talked  much,  and  "tatter, 
very  freely  with  me.    We  agreed  in  one  thing,  that  the  greateft  part 
of  the  evidence  was  a  contrivance.      But  he  fufped^ed,   fome  had 
iti  on  Oates^  andinftrudted  him:  And  he  named  the  Earl  oi  Shafts- 
bury.     I  was  of  another  mind.     I  thought  the  many  grofs  things 

J  T  in 


438  TheHlSTOKYofthe  Reign 

167%  in  his  narrative  (hewed,  there  was  no  abler  head  than  Oale^^ 
'^^^^^^^or  To^igej  in  the  framing  it:  And  Oates  in  his  firfl:  ftory  had  co- 
vered the  Duke,  and  the  Minifter*  fo  much,  that  from  thence  it 
fccmed  clear  that  Lord  Shaftsbwy  had  no  hand  in  it,  who  hated 
them  much  more  than  he  did  Popery.  He  fancied,  there  was  a 
defign  of  a  rebellion  on  foot.  I  affured  him,  I  faw  no  appear- 
ances of  it.  I  told  him,  there  was  a  report  breaking  out,  that 
he  intended  to  legitimate  the  Duke  of  Monmouth.  He  anfwered 
quick,  that,  as  well  as  he  lov'd  him,  he  had  rather  fee  him  hang- 
ed. Yet  he  apprehended  a  rebellion  fo  much,  that  he  feemed  not 
ill  pleafed  that  the  party  fhould  flatter  themfelves  with  that  ima- 
gination, hoping  that  would  keep  them  quiet  in  a  dependance 
upon  himfelf :  And  he  fuflfered  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  to  ufc  all 
methods  to  make  himfelf  popular,  reckoning  that  he  could  keep 
him  in  his  own  management.  He  was  furprifed,  when  I  told 
him  that  Coleman  had  infinuated  that  he  knew  of  all  their  fo- 
reign negotiations  j  or  at  leaft  he  feemed  fo  to  me.  I  prefled 
him  much  to  oblige  the  Duke  to  enter  into  conferences  with  fome 
of  our  Divines,  and  to  be  prefent  at  them  himfelf  This  would 
very  much  clear  him  of  jcaloufy,  and  might  have  a  good  effedh 
on  his  brother :  At  leaft  it  would  give  the  world  fome  hopes  ^  like 
what  Henr'y  IV.  of  France^  his  grandfather,  did,  which  kept  a  party 
firm  to  him  for  fome  time  before  he  changed.  He  anfwered,  that 
his  brother  had  neither  Henr'y  IV.'s  underftanding,  nor  his  con- 
fcience:  For  he  believed,  that  King  was  always  indifferent  as 
tothofe  matters.  He  would  not  hearken  to  this,  which  made  me 
incline  to  believe  a  report  I  had  heard,  that  the  Duke  had  got  a 
folemn  promife  of  the  King,  that  he  would  never  fpeak  to  him 
of  religion.  The  King  fpoke  much  to  me  concerning  Oaies's 
accufing  the  Queen,  and  acquainted  me  with  the  whole  progrefs 
of  it.  He  faid,  (he  was  a  weak  woman,  and  had  fome  difagree- 
able  humours,  but  was  not  capable  of  a  wicked  thing:  And, 
confidering  his  faultinefs  towards  her  in  other  things,  bethought 
it  a  horrid  thing  to  abandon  her.  He  faid,  he  looked  on  falfe- 
hood  and  cruelty  as  the  greateft  crimes  in  the  fight  of  God : 
He  knew,  he  had  led  a  bad  life;  (of  which  he  fpoke  with  fome 
fenfe:)  But  he  was  breaking  himfelf  of  all  his  faults:  And  he 
would  never  do  a  bafe  and  a  wicked  thing.  I  fpoke  on  all  thefe 
fubjedis  what  I  thought  became  me,  which  he  took  well.  And 
I  encouraged  him  much  in  his  refolution  of  not  expofing  the 
Queen  to  pcriHi  by  falfe  fwearing.  I  told  him,  there  was  no 
poffibility  of  laying  the  heat  that  was  now  raifed,  but  by  changing 
his  Miniilry.  And  I  told  him  how  odious  the  Earl  oiDanhy  was, 
and  that  there  was  a  defign  againft  him :  But  I  knew  not  the  par- 
ticulars.    He  faid,  he  knew  that  lay  at  bottom.     The  Army  was 

noc 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  n.  439 

not  yet  difbanded  ;  And  the  King  was  in  great  ftraits  for  money.    1(^78 
The  Houfe  of  Commons  gave  a  money  bill  for  this.     Yet  they  '--''VNn^ 
would  not  truft  the  Court  with  the  difbanding  the  Army:    But 
ordered  the  money  to  be  brought  into  the  chamber  of  London^ 
and  named  a  Committee  for  paying  off,  and  breaking  the  Army. 
I  perceived  the  King  thought  I  was  referved  to  him,  becaufe  I 
would  tell  him  no  particular  ftories,  nor  name  perfons.    Upon 
which  I  told  him,  fmce  he  had  that  opinion  of  me,  I  faw  I  could 
do  him  no   fervice,    and  would  trouble  him  no  more,-    but  he 
fhould  certainly  hear  from  me,  if  I  came  to  know  any  thing  that 
might  be  of  any  confequence  to  his  Perfon  or  Government. 

This  favour  of  mine  lafted  all  the  month  of  December  78.  I 
acquainted  him  with  Carjiair's  practice  againft  Duke  Lauderdale^ 
and  all  that  I  knew  of  that  matter,-  which  was  the  ground  on 
which  I  had  gone  with  relation  to  Staley.  The  King  told  Duke 
Lauderdale  ot  it,  without  naming  me.  And  he  fent  for  Carjiatrs, 
and  charged  him  with  it.  Carjiairs  denied  it  all,-  but  faid,  that 
Duk.t  Hamdton  and  Lord  Kmcardin  had  prefs'd  him  to  do  it: 
And  he  went  to  the  King  and  affirmed  it  confidently  to  him. 
He  did  not  name  Lord  Athol^  hoping  that  he  would  be  gentle  to 
him  for  that  reafon.  The  King  fpoke  of  this  to  Duke  HamiU 
tOHy  who  told  him  the  whole  flory,  as  I  had  done.  Lord  Athol 
upon  that  fent  for  Carfia'trsy  and  charged  him  with  all  this  foul 
dealing,  and  drew  him  near  a  clofet,  where  he  had  put  two  wit- 
neffes.  Carfia'irs  faid,  that  fomebody  had  difcovered  the  matter 
to  Duke  Lauderdale y  that  he  wars  now  upon  the  point  of  majcing 
his  fortune,  and  that  if  Duke  Lauderdale  grew  to  be  his  enemy, 
he  was  undone.  He  confefTed,  he  had  charged  Duke  Hamilton. 
and  Lord  Kincardm  falfely :  But  he  had  no  other  way  to  fave 
himfelF.  After  the  Marquifs  of  Aihol  hzd  thus  drawn  everything 
from  him,  he  went  to  the  King  with  histwo  witnelfes,  and  the  pa- 
per thzt  Car/iairs  had  formerly  put  in  his  hand.  Carjia'trs  was  then 
with  the  King,  and  was,  with  many  imprecations,  juftifying  his 
charge  againlt  the  two  Lords:  But  he  was  confounded,  when  he 
faw  hordAihol.  And  upon  that  his  villany  appeared  fo  evidently, 
that  the  part  I  had  aded  in  that  matter  was  now  well  underflood, 
and  approved  of.  CarJIairsditd,  not  long  after,  under  great  hor- 
ror J  and  ordered  himlelf  to  be  caft  into  fome  ditch  as  a  dog  ■  for 
he  faid  he  was  no  better.  But  I  could  never  hear  what  he  faid 
of  Stalej^s  bufincfs. 

While  all  matters  were  in  this  confufion,  a  new  incident  hap- ^'*»Vs  let- 

•'  1      tcrs  to 

pencd  that  embroiled  them  yet  more.      The  Earl  oi  Dariby  h2.a Mouata^ue 
broke  with  Mountague:    But  he  knew  what  letters  he  had  writ  tOo'^fj''^°"Sfit 
him,   and  with  what  fecrets  he  had  trufted  him.      He  apprehend- 
ed Mountague  might  accule  him  :  So  he  refolved  to  prevent  him. 

I  Jenkms 


440  TT?^  H  I  S  T  0  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1678    JeMkim,  x/ho  vfzs  xhtii  ^t  Ntmeguen,  writ  over,  according  to  a  di- 
yy^y^^  rc6tion  fent  him,   as  was  believed,  that  he  underftood  that  A/tf««- 
tavue  had  been  in  a  fecret  correfpondence,    and  in   dangerous 
prad:ices  with  the  Pope's  Nuntio  at  Paris.     This  was  meant  of 
one  Con,  whom  I  knew  well,  who  had  been  long  in  Rome:  And 
moft  of  the  letters  between  £;/^/^W  and /^owd-paft  thro'  his  hands: 
He  was  a  crafty  man,  and  knew  news  well,    and  loved  money : 
So  Mountague  made  ufe  of  him,    and  gave  him  money  for  fuch 
fecrets  as  he  could  draw  from  him.     Upon  Jenkins's  letter  the 
King  fent  a  meffage  to  the  Houfe  of  Commons,    letting  them 
know  that  he  was  refolved  to  bring  Mountague  to  a  trial,  for  being 
a  confederate  with  Romej  and  in  the  plot  to  bring  in  Popery  :  And 
at  the  fame  time  he  fent  to  fecure  his  cabinets  and  papers.    This 
was  a  device  of  Lord  Danby's  to  find  his  own  letters,  and  deftroy 
them  ,•  and  then  to  let  the  profecution  fall :  For  they  k  new  they  had 
nothing  zgzin^  Mountague.  But  A/(?««/^^a^  underftood  the  arts  of  a 
Court  too  well  to  be  eafily  catchedj  and  had  put  a  box,  in  which 
thofc  letters  were,  in  fure  hands  out  of  the  way.     A  great  de- 
bate rofe  upon  this  matter  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons.     It  was 
thought  a  high  breach  of  privilege  to  feize  on  the  papers  of  a 
Member  of  their  Houfe,    when  there  was   nothing   of  treafoa 
fworn  ai^ainft  him.    After  fome  hours  fpent  in  the  debate,  during 
which  Mountague  fat  filent  very  long,-  at  laft,  when  the  box  was 
brought  to  him  from  the  perfon  to  whom  he  had  trufted  it,  he 
opened  it,  and  took  out  two  of  Lord  Danbfs  letters,  that  con- 
tained inftrudions  to  him  to  treat  with  the  King  of  France  for 
300000/.   a  year  for  three  years,  if  a  peace  fucceeded,  fince  it 
would  not  be  convenient  for  the  King  to  meet  a  Parliament  ia 
all  that  time,  and  he  was  charged  to  mention  no  part  of  this  to 
the  Secretary  of  State.     IVinningtony  who  from  fmall  beginnings, 
and  from  as  fmall  a  proportion  of  learning  in  his  profeflion,  in 
which  he  was  rather  bold  and  ready  than  able,  was  now  come 
to  be  Solicitor  General,  fell  feverelyupon  thofe  letters.     Hefaid, 
here  was  a  Minifter,  who,  going  out  of  the  affairs  of  his  owa 
province,  was  directing  the  King's  Embaffadors,  and  excluding 
the  Secretary  of  State,  whofe  office  it  was,  from  the  knowledge 
of  it:    Here  was  the  faith  of  England  to  our  Allies,  and  our  in- 
teieft  likewife,  fet  to  fale  for  French  money,  and  that  to  keep  off 
a  Seflion  of  Parliament:    This  was  a  defign  to  fell  the  Nation, 
and  to  fubvert  the  Government:    And  he  concluded,   that  was 
high  treafon.     Upon  which  he  moved,  that  Lord  Danby  fhould 
be  impeached  of  high  treafon.     The  Earl  oi  Danby' %  party  was 
much  confounded.    They  could  neither  deny  nor  juftify  his  let- 
ters. ,    But  they  argued,    that  they  could  not  be  high  treafon, 
fince  no  fuch  fad:  was  comprehended  in  any  of  the  ftatutes  of 

I  treafon. 


of  King  Charles  II.  441 

treafon :  The  letters  feemed  to  be  writ  by  the  King's  order,  1^78 
who  certainly  might  appoint  any  perfoa  he  pleafed  to  fend  his  ♦^^"^^^^ 
orders  to  his  Minifters  abroad  :  They  refleded  on  the  bufinefs 
of  the  Earl  of  Strafford^  and  on  conftrudive  treafom,  which  was 
a  device  to  condemn  a  man  for  a  fa<5t  againft  which  no  law  did 
lie.  Ma'mard,  an  ancient  and  eminent  lawyer,  explained  the 
words  of  the  Statute  of  25  Edward  III,  that  the  Courts  of  law 
could  not  proceed  but  upon  one  of  the  crimes  there  enumerated; 
But  the  Parliament  had  ftill  a  power,  by  the  claufe  in  that  aft, 
to  declare  what  they  thought  was  treafon  :  So  an  ad:  pafs'd,  de- 
claring poifoning  treafon,  inKing//(?«r)/ VIII.'s  time:  And,  tho' 
by  the  Statute  it  was  only  treafon  to  confpire  againft  the  Prince 
of  Wales '^  yet  if  one  fliould  confpire  aa^ainft  the  whole  Royal  Fa^ 
mily,  when  there  was  no  Prince  of  Wales,  they  would  without 
doubt  declare  that  to  be  high  treafon. 

After  a  long  debate  it  was  voted  by  a  majority  of  above  feventyAndhewas 
voices,  that  Lord  Danb'^  fliould  be  impeached  of  high  treafon. of Kg^rM- 
And  the  impeachment  was  next  day  carried  up  to  the  Lords. ^°"' 
The  Eari  of  Danb'^'yi^x^tA  himfelf,  that  he  had  ferved  the  King 
faithfully,  and  according  to  his  own  orders.  And  he  produced 
fome  of  Momtague's  letters,  to  {hew  that  at  the  Court  of  France 
he  was  looked  on  as  an  enemy  to  their  intereft.  He  faid,  they 
knew  him  well  that  judged  fo  of  him  ,•  for  he  was  indeed  an  ene- 
my to  it :  And,  among  other  reafons,  he  gave  this  for  one,  that 
he  knew  the  French  King  held  both  the  King's  perfon  and  go- 
vernment under  the  laft  degree  of  contempt.  Thefe  words  were 
thought  very  ftrange  with  relation  to  both  Kings.  A  great  de- 
bate arofc  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords  concerning  the  impeachment  j 
whether  it  ought  to  be  received  as  an  impeachment  of  high 
treafon,  only  becaufe  the  Commons  added  the  word  high 
treafon  in  it.  It  was  faid,  the  utmoft  that  could  be  made 
of  it,  was  to  fuppofe  it  true  :  But  even  in  that  cafe 
they  muft  needs  fay  plainly,  that  it  was  not  within  the  Sta- 
tute. To  this  it  was  anfwered,  that  the  Houfe  of  Com- 
mons, that  brought  up  the  impeachment,  were  to  be  heard  to 
two  points:  The  one  was,  to  the  nature  of  the  crime:  The 
other  was,  to  the  trial  of  it:  But  the  Lords  could  not  take 
upon  them  to  judge  of  either  of  thefe,  till  they  heard  what  the 
Commons  could  offer  to  fupport  the  charge :  They  were  bound 
therefore  to  receive  the  charge,  and  to  proceed  according  to 
the  rules  of  Parliament,  which  was  to  commit  the  perfon  fo  im- 
peached, and  then  give  a  fhort  day  for  his  trial:  So  it  would 
be  foon  over,  if  the  Commons  could  not  prove  the  matter 
charged  to  be  high  treafon.  The  debate  went  on  with  great 
heat  on  both  fides:   But  the  majority  was  againft  the  commit- 

5:  U  mcnt. 


442        TheHlST  OR  Y  of  the  Reign 

1678    menr.     Upon  this,  it  was  vifible,  the  Commons  would  have  coni' 
^-^^^^^ plained  that  the  Lords  denied  them  jufticc.     So  there  was  no 
ThcPariii-  hope  of  making  up  the  matter.    And  upon  that  the  Parliament 


ment  was 


^     .   wjs  prorogued 

prorogued     "  ■'•'  r  0 


This  was  varioufly  cenfured.    The  Court  condemned  Motm- 
tague  for  revealing  the  King's  fecrets.     Others  faid,  that,  fince 
Lord  Danby  had  begun  to  fall  on  him,    it  was  reafonable  and 
natural  for  him  to  defend  himfelf     The  letters  did  caft  a  very 
great  blemifh,    not  only  on  Lord  Danby ^   but  on   the  King,- 
who,  after  he  had  entred  into  alliances,  and  had  received  great 
fupplies  from  his  people  to  carry  on  a  war,    was  thus  treating 
with  France  for  money,  which  could  not  be  aflced  or  obtained 
from  France  on  any  other  account,  but  that  of  making  the  Con- 
federates accept  of  lower  terms,  than  otherwife  they  would  have 
flood  on  ;    which  was  indeed  the  felling  of  the  Allies  and  of  the 
publick  faith.      All  that  the  Court  faid  in  excufe  for  this  was, 
that,  fince  the  King  fawa  peace  was  refolved  on,  after  he  had  put 
himfelf  to  fo  great  a  charge  to  prepare  for  war,  it  was  reafon- 
able for  him  to  be  reimburfed  as  much  as  he  could  from  France :  This 
was  ordinary  in  all  treaties,  where  the  Prince  that  defired  a  peace  was 
made  to  buy  it.  This  indeed  would  have  juftified  the  King,  if  it  had 
been  demanded  above  board :  But  fuch  underhand  dealing  was  mean 
and  diflionourable :  And  it  was  faid,  that  the  States  went  into  the 
peace  with  fuch  unreafonable  earneflnefs  upon  the  knowledge,  or 
at  leaft  the  fufpicion,  that  they  had  of  fuchpra<5tices.  This  gave  a 
new  wound  to  the  King's  credit  abroad,  or  rather  it  opened  the 
old  one :  For  indeed  after  our  breaking  both  the  treaty  oi Breda, 
and  the  Tripple  Alliance,    we  had  not    much  credit   to  lofe 
abroad.     None   gained  fo  much   by  this  difcovery,    as  Secre- 
tary Coventry  j    fince  now  it  appeared,    that   he  was  not  trufted 
with  thofe  ill  pradices.     He  had  been  feverely  fallen  on  for  the 
fam'd  faying  of  the  murder  of  forty  men.     B'trch  aggravated  the 
matter  heavily  ,•    and  faid,  it  feemed  he  thought  the  murder  of 
forty  men  a  very  fmall  matter,  fince  he  would  rather  be  guilty  of 
it,  than  oppofe  an  Alliance  made  upon  fuch  treacherous  views. 
Coventry  anfwered,  that  he  always  fpoke  to  them  fincerely,  and 
as  he  thought  J  and  that  if  an  Angel  from  Heaven  (hould  come 
and  fay  otherwife,  fat  this  they  were  very  attentive  to  fee  how 
he  could  clofe  a  period  fo  ftrangely  begun,J  he  wasfure,  he  fhould 
never  get  back  to  Heaven  again,    but  would   be  a  fallen  and  a 
lying  angel.     Now  the  matter  was  well  underftood,  and  his  cre- 
dit was  fet  on  a  fare  foot. 

After  the  prorogation,  the  Earl  of  Danby  faw  the  King's  af- 
fairs, and  the  ftate  of  the  Nation  required  a  fpeedy  Seflion.  He 
faw  litrle  hope  of  recovering  himfelf  with  that  Parliament,  in 
which  fo  great  a  majority  were  already  fo  deeply  engaged.     So  he 

J  entred 


of  King  Charles  IL  445 

entred  into  a  treaty  with  fomc  of  the  Country  party  for  a  new  1678 
Parliament.  He  undertook  to  get  the  Duke  to  be  fent  out  of  the  ^-^'^^'^"^ 
way  againft  the  time  of  its  meeting.  Lord  Hollis,  Littleton,  Bof- 
cawen,  and  Hambden  were  fpoke  to.  They  were  all  fo  apprehcQ- 
five  of  the  continuance  of  that  Parliament,  and  that  another 
fet  of  Minifters  would  be  able  to  manage  them  as  the  Court 
pleafed,  that  they  did  undertake  to  fave  him  if  he  could  bring 
thefe  things  about.  But  it  was  underftood,  that  he  muft  quit  his 
poft,  and  withdraw  from  affairs.  Upon  which  they  promifed 
their  affiftance  to  carry  off  his  impeachment  with  a  mild  cenfure.  .  - 
The  Duke  went  into  the  advice  of  a  diffolution  upon  other 
grounds.  He  thought,  the  Houfe  of  Commons  had  engaged 
with  fo  much  heat  in  the  matter  of  the  Plot,  that  they  could  ne- 
ver be  brought  off,  or  be  made  more  gentle  in  the  matter  of  re- 
ligion. He  thought,  a  new  Parliament  would  a6t  in  a  milder 
ftrain,  and  not  fly  fo  highj  or  that  they  would  give  no  money, 
and  fo  the  King  and  they  would  break:  For  he  dreaded  'nothing 
fo  much  as  the  bargains  that  were  made  with  the  prefent  Parlia- 
ment, in  which  Popery  was  always  to  be  the  facrifice.  Thus 
both  the  Duke  and  Lord  Danby  joined  in  advancing  a  diffo- 
lution, which  was  not  refolved  on  till  the  January  following. 

In  December y  Ireland,  Whitebread,  and  Fenwick,  three  Jefuites  ,•  The  trial  of 
and  Grove  and  Pickering,  two  of  the  fervant's  in  the  Queen's  f^dfdme^ 
chapel,  were  brought  to  their  trial.  Oates  and  Bedlow  fwore^'*^^"- 
home  againfl  Ireland,  that  in  Auguji  laft  he  had  given  particular 
orders  about  killing  the  King.  Oates  fwore  the  fame  againfl  the 
other  two  Jefuites.  But  Bedlow  fwore  only  upon  hear-fay  againfl 
them.  So,  tho'  they  had  pleaded  to  their  inditement,  and  the 
jury  was  fworn,  and  the  witneffes  examined ;  yet,  when  the  evi- 
dence was  not  found  full,  their  trial  was  put  off  to  another  time, 
and  the  jury  was  not  charged  with  them.  This  looked,  as  if  it  was 
refolv'd  that  theymufl  not  be  accquitted.  I  complained  of  this  to 
Jones:  But  he  faid,  they  had  precedents  for  it.  I  always  thought, 
that  a  precedept  againfl  reafon  fignified  no  more,  but  that  the 
like  injuftice  had  been  done  before.  And  the  truth  is,  the  Crown 
has,  or  at  leafl  had,  fuch  advantages  in  trials  of  treafon,  that  it 
feems  flrange  how  any  perfon  was  ever  acquitted.  Ireland,  in 
his  own  defence,  proved  by  many  witneffes,  that  he  went  from 
London  on  the  fecond  of  Auguji  to  Stafford/hire,  and  did  not 
come  back  till  the  twelfth  of  September,  Yet,  in  oppofition  to 
that,  a  woman  fwore  that  flie  faw  him  \n  London  about  the  mid- 
dle oi  Auguji.  So,  fince  he  might  have  come  up  pofl  in  one  day, 
and  gone  down  in  another,  this  did  not  fatisfy.  Oates  and  Bed- 
low  fwore  againfl  Grove  and  Pickering,  that  they  undertook  to 
(hoot  the  King  at  Windfor-,    that  Grove  was  to  have  i  joo  /.  for 


It, 


444  77^^  H  I S  T  O  R  y  0/  the  Reign 

1678  it  J  and  that  P/cy^(?r/«gchofe  thirty  thoufandmalTes,  which,  at  a  fhil- 
<yy"^^  ling  a  mafs,  amounted  to  the  fame  fum :  They  attempted  it 
three  feveral  times  with  a  piftol:  Once  the  flint  was  loofe:  At 
another  time  therewas  no  powder  in  the  pan :  And  the  third  time 
the  piftol  was  charged  only  with  bullets.  This  was  ftrange  ftufF. 
But  all  was  imputed  to  a  fpecial  providence  of  God :  And  the 
whole  evidence  was  believed.  So  they  were  convidted,  con- 
demned, and  executed.  But  they  denied  to  the  laft  every  particu- 
lar that  was  fworn  againft  them. 
DKgJaie's  This  began  to  fliake  the  credit  of  the  evidence,  when  a  more 
fcvidence.  compofed  and  credible  perfon  came  in  to  fupport  it.  One  Dug- 
c/aky  that  had  been  the  hordj^Jlo^'s  bailiff,  and  lived  in  a  fair  re- 
putation in  the  country,  was  put  in  prifon  for  refuling  the  oaths 
of  allegiance  and  fupremacy.  He  did  then,  with  many  impre- 
cations on  himfelf,  deny,  that  he  knew  of  any  plot.  But  after- 
wards he  made  a  great  difcovery  of  a  correfpondence  that  Evers, 
the  Lord  Afhton's  Jefiiite,  held  with  the  Jefuites  in  London  i  who 
had  writ  to  Evers  of  the  defign  of  killing  the  King,  and  defired 
him  to  find  out  men  proper  for  executing  it,  whether  they  were 
gentlemen  or  not.  This,  he  fwore,  was  writ  plain  in  a  letter 
from  Wh'ttebread,  the  Provincial,  direded  to  himfelf:  But  he 
knew  it  was  meant  for  Even.  Evensy  and  Govany  another  Jefuite, 
prelTed  this  Dugdale  to  undertake  it :  They  promifed  he  fliould 
be  canonized  for  it:  And  the  Lord  Stafford oStttd.  him  yoo  /,  if 
he  would  fet  about  it.  He  was  a  man  of  fenfe  and  temper  ^  and 
behaved  himfelf  decently  ,•  and  had  fomewhat  in  his  air  and  de- 
portment that  difpofed  people  to  believe  him :  So  that  the  King 
himfelf  began  to  think  there  was  fomewhat  in  the  Plot,  tho' he  had 
very  little  regard  either  to  Oates  or  Bedlow.  Dugdale's  evidence 
was  much  confirmed  by  one  circumftance.  Ht  had  talked  of  a 
Juftice  of  peace  in  Weftminfler  that  was  killed,  on  the  Tuefday 
'  after  Godfrey  was  mifs'd:  So  that  the  news  of  this  muft  have 
been  writ  from  London  on  the  Saturday  night's  poft.  He  did  not 
think  it  was  a  fecret:  And  fo  he  talk'd  of  it  as  news  in  an  ale- 
houfe.  The  two  perfons,  he  faid  he  fpoke  it  to,  remembred  no- 
thing of  it,  the  one  being  the  minifter  of  the  parifli:  But  feve- 
ral others  fwore  they  had  heard  it.  He  faw  this,  as  he  fwore,  in 
a  letter  writ  by  Harcourt  the  Jefuite  to  Evers j  in  which  Godfrey  was 
named.  But  he  added  a  ftrange  ftory  to  this,  which  he  faid 
Evers  told  him  afterwards  j  that  the  Duke  had  fent  to  Coleman, 
when  he  was  in  Newgatdy  to  pcrfuade  him  to  difcover  nothing, 
and  that  he  defired  to  know  of  him,  whether  he  had  ever  d'\(- 
covered  their  defigns  to  any  other  perfon  ^  and  that  Coleman  fent 
back  anfwcr,  that  he  had  fpoke  of  them  to  Godfrey,  but  to  no  other 
man  :    Uponi  which  the  Duke  gave  order  to  kill  hira.     This  was 

3  never 


of  King  CHARLES  II.     '^  445 

never  made  publick,  till  the  L or dS'i afford' s  trial.  And  I  wasamaz-    167S 
cd  to  fee  fucli  a  thing  break  out  after  fo  long  a  filcnce.    It  looked '^^"^'''"^ 
like  an  addition  to  Dugdale'%  firft  evidence^   tho'  he  had   been"   . 
noted  for  having  brought  out  all  his  difcoveries  at  once.     The 
Earl  of  Effex  told  mc,  he  fwore  it  in  his  firft  examination :  Ba:, 
fince  it  was  only  upon  hear-fay  from  Evers^  and  fo  was  nothing' 
in  laWj,  and  yet  would  heighten  the  fury  againft  the  Duke,  the' 
King  charged  Dugdale  to  fay  nothing  of  it. 

At  the  fame  time  a  particular  difcovery  was  made  of  GodfreysP'''"'cfii^- 
murder.  Prance,  agoldfmith,  that  wrought  for  the  Queen's  cha-/r"ys"mur-' 
pel,  had  gone  from  his  houfe  for  two  or  three  days,  the  week*^"' 
i?efore  the  murder.  And  one  that  lodged  in  his  houjfe,  calling 
that  to  mind,  upon  Bedlow's  fwearing  he  faw  the  body  in  Somerfet 
houfe,  fancied  that  this  was  the  time  in  which  he  was  from  home, 
and  that  he  might  be  concerned  in  that  matter;,  tho'  it  appeared 
afterwards,  that  his  abfence  was  the  week  before.  He  faid,  he 
went  from  his  own  houfe,  fearing  to  be  put  in  prifon,  as  many 
were,  upon  fufpicion,  or  on  the  account  of  his  religion.  Yet 
upon  this  information  he  was  feized  on,  and  carried  to  JVejlm'm- 
fier.  Bedlow  accidentally  pafs'd  by,  not  knowing  any  thing  con- 
cerning him  :  And  at  firft  fight  he  charged  fomebody  to  fcize  oa 
him;  for  he  was  one  of  thofe  whom  he  faw  about  Godfrey's  body. 
Yet  he  denied  every  thing  for  fome  days.  Afterwards  he  con- 
feffed,  he  was  concerned  in  it:  And  he  gave  this  account  of  it: 
Girald  2ind  Kdly,  two  priefts,  engaged  him  and  three  others  into 
it,-  who  were  Greerty  that  belonged  to  the  Queen's  chapel.  Hill, 
that  had  ferved  Godden.  the  moft  celebrated  writer  among:  them, 
and  Berry,  the  porter  of  Somerfet  houfe.  He  faid,  thefe  all,  ex- 
cept Berry,  had  feveral  meetings,  in  which  the  priefts  perfuaded 
them  it  was  no  fin,  but  a  meritorious  action,  to  difpatch  Godfrey, 
who  had  been  a  bufy  man  in  taking  depofitions  againft  them, 
and  that  the  taking  him  off  would  terrify  others.  Prance  n^mcd 
an  alehoufe,  where  they  ufed  to  meet:  And  the  people  of  that 
houfe  did  confirm  this  of  their  meeting  there.  After  they  had 
refolved  on  it,  they  followed  him  for  feveral  days.  The  mor- 
ning before  they  killed  him,/////  went  to  his  houfe  to  fee  if  he  was 
yet  gone  out,  and  fpoke  to  his  maid.  And,  finding  he  was  yet  at 
home,  they  ftaid  for  his  coming  out.  This  was  confirmed  by 
the  maid,  who,  upon  /////'s  being  taken,  went  to  Newgate,  and, 
in  a  croud  of  prifoners,  diftinguifticd  him,  and  faid,  he  was  the 
perfon  that  alked  for  her  mafter  the  morning  before  he  was 
loft.  Prance  faid,  they  dogged  him  into  a  place  near  St.  Clemenfs 
Church,  where  he  was  kept  till  night.  Prance  was  appointed 
to  be  :iit Somerfet  houfe  at  night.  And,  as  Godfrey  \ftnt  by  the  wa- 
ter gate,  two  of  them  pretended  to  be  hot  in  a  quarrel.     And  one 

5   X  run 


446  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

167^    run  oXit  to  call  a  Juftice  of  peace,  and  fo  prefTed  Godfrey  to  go  ia 
'^^VNi-' and  part  them.    He  was  not  eafily  prevailed  on  to  do  it.    Yet  he  did 
at  laft.  Green  then  got  behind  him,  and  pulled  a  cravat  about  his 
neck,  and  drew  him  down  to  the  ground,  andftrangledhim.   Upoa 
that  Giraldwou\d  have  run  him  thro' :  But  the  reft  diverted  him  from 
that,  by  reprefentingthedangerof  adifcovery  by  the  blood's  being 
feen  there.  Upon  that  they  carried  his  body  up  to  Godderfs  room,  of 
which  Hillhad  the  key,  Godden  being  then  in  France.  Two  days  after 
that  they  removed  it  to  a  room  crofs  the  upper  court,  "which.  Prance 
could  never  defcribe  particularly.  And,  that  not  being  found  a  con- 
venient place,  they  carried  it  back  x.oGodden's  lodgings.  At  laft  ic 
was  refolved  to  carry  it  out  in  the  night  in  a  fedan  to  the  re- 
mote parts  of  the  town,  and  from  thence  to  caft  it  into  fomc 
Jitch.     On //^<?^;^(^<3}' a  fedan  was  provided.    And  one  of  the  ccn- 
tinels  fworc  he  faw  a  fedan  carried  in :  But  none  faw  it  brought 
out.       Prance  faid,    they  carried  him  out,  and  that  Green  had 
provided  a  horfe,  onwhofe  back  he  laid  him,  when  they  were  got 
clear  of  the  town :  And  then  he  carried  him,  as  he  believed,  to  the 
place  where  his  body  was  found.    This  was  a  confifting  ftory,  which 
was  fupported  in  fome  circumftances  by  collateral  proofs.  He  added 
another  particular,  that,  fome  days  after  the  fa<3:,  thofe  who  had  been 
concerned  in  it,  and  two  others,  who  were  in  the  fecret,  appointed 
to  meet  3.tBow,  where  they  talked  much  of  that  matter.  This  was 
confirmed  by  a  fervant  of  that  houfe,  who  was  coming  in  and  out  to 
them,  and  heard  them  often  mention  Got^f^/'s  name.  Upon  which. 
he  ftood  at  the  door  out  of  curiofity  to  hearken  :  But  one  of  them 
came  out,  and  threatened  him  for  it.  The  priefts  were  not  found;  But 
Green,  Hilly  and  Berrywerc  apprehended  upon  it.    Yet  fome  days 
after  this,Pr^;/f^  defired  to  be  carried  to  the  King,who  would  not  fee 
him,  but  in  Council:  And  he  denied  all  that  he  had  formerly  fworn, 
and  faid  itwasallafidiion.   Butasfoon  as  he  was  carried  back  to  pri- 
fon,  he  fent  the  keeper  of  Newgate  to  the  King  to  tell  him,  that  all  he 
hadfwornwastrue,  but  that  the  horror  and  confufion  he  was  in  put 
him  on  denying  it.  Yet  he  went  offfrom  this  again,  and  denied  every 
thing.   Dr.  L/(?)'^was  upon  this  fent  to  him  to  talk  with  him.  Atfirft 
he  denied  every  thing  to  him.  But  Dr.  Lloyd  faid  to  me,  that  he  was 
almoft  dead  thro'  the  diforder  of  his  mind,  and  with  cold  in  his  body. 
But  after  that  Dr.  Lloydhzd  made  a  fire,  and  caufed  him  to  be  put  in  a 
bed,  and  began  to  difcourfe  the  matter  with  him,  he  returned  to  his 
confeflion  5  which  he  did  in  fuch  a  manner,  that  L/o)v/ faid  to  me, 
itwasnotpoffibleforhimtodoubt  of  his  fincerityin  it. 
Some  con-       So,  he  perfifting  in  his  firft  confeflion.  Green,  Hill  and  Berry  were 
f  wh?dkd  broughtto  their  trial.  Bedlowdiud  Prance ,  with  all  the  circumftances 
denyivg  it.   formerly  mentioned,  were  the  evidence  againft  them.   On  the  other 
hand  they  brought  witnelTes  to  prove^  that  they  came  home  in  a 

2  good 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  447 

good  hour  on  the  nights,  in  which  the  fad  was  faid  to  be  done.   167% 
Thofe  that  lived  in  Godden's  lodgings  depofed,  that  no  dead  body  '-'^VNy^ 
could  be  brought  thither,    for  they  were  every  day  in  the  room 
that  Prance  had  named.     And  the  centinels  of  that  night  of  the 
carrying  him  out  faid,  they  faw  no  fedan  brought  out.   They  were, 
upon  a  full  hearing,  convi<5ted  and  condemned.    Green^  and  Htll 
died,  as  they  had  lived,  Papifts;  and,  with  folemn  proteftationSj 
denied  thewholething.    B^rr); declared  himfelf  a  Proteftant;  and 
that  tho'  he  had  changed  his  religion  for  fearof  lofing  his  place, 
yet  he  had  ftill  continued  to  be  one  in  his  heart.   He  faid,  he  looked 
on  what  had  now  befallen  him,  as  a  juft  judgment  of  God  upon  him 
for  that  diflimulation.  He  denied  the  whole  matter  charged  on  him. 
He  feemed  to  prepare  himfelf  feriouflyfor  death:  And  to  the  laft 
minute  he  affirmed  he  was  altogether  innocent.    Dr.  Llo'yd  attended 
onhim,  andwasmuchperfuaded  of  his  fincerity.  Prance  {^^oxcx^o- 
thing  againft  him,  but  that  he  aflifted  inthefadt,  and  in  carrying 
about  the  dead  body.  So  Z//(9|y(5^  reckoned,  that,  thofe  things  being 
done  in  the  night,  Prance  might  have  miftaken  him  for  fome  other 
perfon,  who  might  belike  him,  confidering  the  confufion  that  io 
much  guilt  might  have  put  him  in.    He  therefore  believed,  Prtsr;^^^ 
had  fworn  rafhly  with  relation  to  him,  but  truly  as  to  the  main  of 
the  fadr^    The  Papifts  took  great  advantage  from  Berry^s  dying  a 
Proteftant,  and  yet  denying  all  that  was  fworn  againft  him,  tho' he 
might  have  had  his  life  if  he  would  have  confeffed  it.    They  faid, 
this  {hewed  it  was  not  from  the  dodrine  of  equivocation,  or  from 
the  power  of  abfolution,  or  any  other  of  their  tenets,  that  fo  many 
died,  denying  all  that  was  fworn  againft  them,  but  from  their  own 
convidiion.     And  indeed  this  matter  came  to  be  charged  on  Dr. 
Lloyd,  as  if  he  had  been  made  a  tool  for  bringing  Berry  to  this 
feeming  converfion,   and  that  all  was  done  on  defign  to  cover  the 
Queen.  But  I  faw  him  then  every  day,  and  was  well  alTured  that  he 
a<5ted  nothing  in  it,  but  what  became  his  profeffion,  with  all  pofli- 
ble  fincerity.   Prance  began,  after  this,  to  enlarge  his  difcoveries. 
He  faid,  he  had  often  heard  them  talk  of  killing  the  King,  and  of 
/etting  on  a  general  malTacre,  after  they  had  raifed  an  Array.    Dug- 
dale  alfo  faid,  he  had  heard  them  difcourfe  of  a  malTacre.  The  me* 
mory  of  the/rz/Z?  mafTacre  was  yet  fo  frefh,  as  to  raife  a  particular 
horror  at  the  very  mention  of  this,-  tho' where  the  numbers  were 
fo  great  as  in  Ireland,  that  might  have  been  executed,  yet  there 
feemedtobe  noocafion  to  apprehend  the  like,  where  the  numbers 
were  in  fo  great  an  inequality,  as  they  were  here.  Prance  did  alfo 
fwear,  that  a  fervant  of  the  Lord  Powh  had  told  him  that  there 
was  one  intheir  family  who  had  undertaken  to  kill  the  King,-  but 
that  fome  days  after  he  told  him,  they  were  now  gone  off  from  that 
defign.  It  looked  very  ftrange,  and  added  no  credit  to  his  other  evi- 
dence?" 


448  TheHlsr  OR  Y  of  the  Reign 

I  (^78    dence,  that  the  Papifts  (hould  be  thus  talking  of  killing  the  King,  as 
^-^^^'^^'^^^  if  it  had  been  a  common  piece  of  news.    But  there  are  feafons  of  be- 
lieving, as  well  as  of  difbelieving :  And  believing  was  then  To  much  in 
feafon,  that  improbabilities  or  inconfiftencies  were  little  confidered. 
Nor  was  it  fafe  fo  much  as  to  makercfledions  on  them.  That  was 
called  the  blaftingof  the  plot,  and  difparaging  the  King's  evidence : 
Tho' indeed  O.^^^-^  and  ^e-^^xf  did,  by  their  behaviour,  detrad:  more 
from  their  own  credit,  than  all  their  enemies  could  have  done.  The 
former  talked  of  all  perfons  with  infuffcrable  infolence;  And  the 
other  was  a  fcandalous  libertine  in  his  whole  deportment. 
^C^L  ^""^      ^^^  Lord  Chief  Juftice  at  that  time  was  Sir  tVilliam  Scroggs.a.  man 
Chief  juf-    more  valued  for  a  good  readinefs  in  fpeaking  well,  than  either  for 
'"■         learning  in  his  profcflion,  or  for  any  moral  virtue.   His  life  had  beea 
indecently  fcandalous,  and  his  fortunes  were  very  low.  He  was  raifed 
by  the  Earl  of  Danby's  favour,  fir  ft  to  be  a  Judge,  and  then  to  be  the 
Chief  Juftioe.  And  it  was  a  melancholy  thing  to  fee  fo  bad,  fo  igno- 
rant,and  fo  poor  a  man  raifed  up  to  that  great  poft.  Yet  he,now  feeing 
how  the  ftream  run,  went  into  it  with  fomuch  zeal  and  heartinefs, 
that  be  was  become  the  favourite  of  the  people.  But,  when  he  faw  the 
King  had  an  ill  opinion  of  it,  he  grew  colder  in  the  purfuit  of  it.    He 
began  to  negled:  and  check  thewitneffes  :  Upon  which,  they,  who 
behaved  themfelves  as  if  they  had  been  the  Tribunes  of  the  people, 
began  to  rail  at  him.  Yet  in  all  the  trials  he  fet  himfelf,  even  with 
indecent  earneftnefs,  to  gettheprifoners  to  be  always  caft. 
jennifonh        Anothct  wituefs  came  in  foon  after  thefe  things,   lenmCon^  the 

evidence.  /•  .  o  *    u  j      j 

younger  brother  of  a  Jefuite,  and  a  gentleman  of  a  family  and 
eftate.  He,  obferving  that  Ireland  h^d  defended  himfelf  againft 
Oates  chiefly  by  this,  that  he  was  in  Staffordfhhe  from  the  begin- 
ning Q){  Augufl  till  the  12'''  o^  September  J  and  that  he  had  died  af- 
firming that  to  be  true,  feemed  much  furprized  atitj  and  upon  that 
turned Proteftant.  Forhefaid,  h.t(vw\iimm London  on  the  ipti^  of 
Augitfl,  on  which  day  he  fixed  upon  this  account,  that  he  faw  him 
the  day  before  he  went  down  in  theftage  coachtoTor/^,  which  was 
proved  by  the  books  of  that  office  to  be  the  20""  of  Augufl.  He  faid, 
he  was  come  to  town  havCi.Wtndfor :  And  hearing  that  Ireland  was  in 
town,  he  went  to  fee  him,  and  found  him  drawing  off  his  boots. 
Ireland z^td  him  news,  and  in  particular,  how  theKing  was  attended 
2iiJVmdfor?  Andwhenheanfwered,  that  he  walked  about  very  care- 
lefly  with  very  few  about  him, /re/^;^^ feemed  to  wonder  at  it, and  faid, 
it  would  be  eafy  then  to  take  him  off:  To  which  ^^w^/^«anfwered 
quick,  God  forbid:  But /rd'/^W  faid,  he  did  not  mean  that  it  could  be 
lawfully  done.  'Jenntfon,  in  the  letter  in  which  he  writ  this  up  to  a 
friend  in  London^  added,  that  he  remembred  an  inconfiderable 
pafTagc  or  two  more,  and  that  perhaps  iS'wz/i'  (aPrieft  that  had  lived 
with  his  Father)  could  help  him  to  one  ort^omorecircumftances 
^-  I  relating 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  11.  449 

relating  to  thofe  matters:  But  he  protefted,  as  he  defired  the  for-  1678 
givenefs  of  his  fins,  and  the  falvation  of  his  foul,  that  he  knew  no.^-Q'T^ 
more  j  and  wifiied  he  might  never  fee  the  face  of  God,  if  he  knew  anyi 
more.  This  letter  was  printed.  Andgreatufewasmadeof  it,  tortiew, 
how  little  regard  was  to  be  had  to  thofe  denials,  with  which  fo  many, 
had  ended  their  lives.  But  this  man  in  the  fummer  thereafter  pub- 
liflied  a  long  narrative  of  his  knowledge  of  the  plot.  He  faid,  him- 
felf  had  been  invited  to  affift  in  killing  the  King.  He  named  the 
four  ruffians  that  went  to //^w^r  to  doit.  And  he  thought  t.o  have 
reconciled  this  to  his  letter,  by  pretending  thefe  were  thecircum-^ 
ftances,  that  he  had  not  mentioned  in  it.  Smith  Aid  alfo  change  his 
religion,-  anddepofed,  that,  when  he  was  ztRome^  he  was  told  in 
general  of  the  delign  of  killing  the  King.  He  was  afterwards  difco-. 
vered  to  be  a  vicious  man.  Yet  he  went  no  farther  than  to  fwear,  that 
hewas  acquainted  with  thcdefign  in  general,  but  not  with  theper- 
fons  that  were  employed  in  it.  By  thefe  witnclTes  the  credit  of  the 
plot  was  univerfallyeftablifhed.  Yet,  no  real  proofs  appearing,  be- 
fides  Coleman's  letters  and  Godfref^  murder,  the  King,  by  a  procla- 
mation, did  offer  both  a  pardon  and  200  /.  to  any  one  that  would 
come  in,  and  make  further  difcoveries.  This  was  thought  too  great 
a  hire  to  purchafe  witneffcs.  Money  had  been  offered  to  thofe  who 
fhould  bring  in  criminals.  But  it  was  faid  to  be  a  new  and  indecent 
practice  to  offer  fo  much  money  to  men,  that  fhould  merit  it  by 
fwearing :  And  it  might  be  too  great  an  encouragement  to  perjury.> 

While  the  witneftes  were  weakning  their  own  credit,  fomePraaices 
pradices  were  difcovered,  that  did  very  much  fupport  it.wimefli 
Readings  a  lawyer  of  fome  fubtilty,  but  of  no  vertue,  was  employ- '^'^'^°^"^''- 
ed  by  the  Lords  in  the  Tower  to  folicit  their  affairs.  Heinfinuated 
himfelf  much  into  ^d'^^w's  confidence,  and  was  much  in  his  com- 
pany: And,in  the  hearing  of  others,  he  was  always  preffing  him  to 
tell  all  he  knew.  He  lent  him  money  very  freely,  which  the  other 
wanted  often.  And  he  feemed  at  firft  to  defign  only  to  find  out  fome- 
what  that  fhould  deflroy  the  credit  of  his  teftimony .  But  he  ventured 
on  other  practices;  and  offered  him  much  money,  if  he  would  turn 
his  evidence  againflthePopifh  Lords  only  into  a  hear-fay,  fo  thatic 
fhculd  not  come  home  againft  them.  Reading  faid,  Bedlow  began  the 
propofuion  to  him  j  and  employed  him  to  fee  how  much  money 
thefcLords  could  give  him,if  he  fhould  bring  them  off:  Upon  which. 
Readings  as  he  pretended  afterwards,  feeing  that  innocent  blood  was 
like  to  be  flied,-  was  willing,  even  by  indecent  means,  to  endeavour  to 
prevent  it.  Yet  he  freed  the  Lords  in  the  Tower.  Hefaid,  they  would 
not  promife  a  farthing  :  Only  the  Lord  iV<7^r^  faid,  he  would  give 
himlclf  two  or  three  hundred  pounds,  which  he  might  difpofeof  as 
he  pleafed.  While  Reading  was  driving  the  bargain,  Bedlow^fz.^ 
too  hard  for  him  at  his  own  trade  of  craft:  For,  as  he  acquainted 

J   Y  both 


450        The  History  of  the  keign 

1(^78    both  VtinceRf/pert,  and  the  Earl  of  Efex,  with  the  whole  negotla- 
<>^y^>^  tioo,  From  the  firftftepof  it,  Co  he  placed  twowitnefTes  fccretly  in 
his  chamber,  when  Reading  was  to  come  to  him  ^  and  drew  him  into 
thofedifcourfes,  which  discovered  the  whole  practice  of  that  cor- 
ruption.   Reading  had  likewife  drawn  a  paper,  by  which  he  fliewed 
him  with  how  few  and  fmall  alterations  he  could  fofren  hisdepofiti- 
on,  fo  as  not  to  afFecSt  the  Lords.  With  thefc  witneiTeSjand  this  paper, 
Bedlow  charged  Reading.  The  whole  matter  was  proved  beyond  con- 
tradiction. And,as  this  raifed  his  credit,  fo  it  laid  a  heavy  load  on  the 
Popifh  Lords;  tho' the  proofs  came  home  only  to  Reading,  and  he 
was  fet  in  the  pillory  for  it.  Bedlow  made  a  very  ill  ufe  of  this  difco- 
very,  which  happened  in  A/^rr^,  to  cover  his  having  fworn  againft 
WhitebreadzndFenwick  only  upon  hear-fay  in  December :  For,  being 
refolved  to  fwear  plain  matter  upon  his  own  knowledge  againft 
them,  when  they  fhould  be  brought  again  on  their  trial,  he  faid, 
/?^^^/«g  had  prevailed  on  him  to  be  eafy  to  them,  as  he  called  it;  and 
that  he  had  faid  to  him  that  the  Lords  would  take  the  faving  of  thefe 
Jefuites,  asanearneftofwhathewoulddofor  themfelvcs ;  tho' it  was 
not  very  probable,  that  thefe  Lords  would  have  abandoned  Ireland, 
when  they  took  fuch  care  of  the  other  Jefuites.    The  truth  was,  he 
ought  to  have  been  fet  afide  from  being  a  witnefs  any  more,fince  now 
by  his  own  confeffion  he  had  fworn  falfly  in  that  trial :  He  had  firft 
fworn,  he  knew  nothing  of  his  own  knowledge  againft  the  two  Je- 
fuites, and  afterwards  he  fwore  copioufly  againft  them,  and  upon  his 
own  knowledge.     fFyld,  a  worthy  and  ancient  Judge,   faid  upon 
that  to  him,  that  he  was  a  perjured  man,  and  ought  to  come  no  more 
into  Courts,  but  to  go  home,  and  repent.    Yet  all  this  was  paft  over, 
as  if  it  had  been  of  no  weight :  And  the  Judge  was  turned  out  for  his 
plain  freedom.  There  was  foon  after  this  another  pradicedifcovered 
concerning  Oates.    Some  that  belonged  to  the  Earl  oi  Danbycon- 
verfed  much  with  Oates'i  his  fervants.  They  told  them  many  odious 
things  that  he  was  daily  fpeaking  of  the  King,  which  looked  liker 
one  that  intended  to  ruin  than  to  fave  him.  One  of  thefe  did  alfo  af- 
firm, that  Oates  had  made  an  abominable  attempt  upon  him  not  fit 
to  be  named.  O^sr/^i-fmelled  this  out,  and  got  his  fervants  to  deny  all 
that  they  had  faid,  and  to  faften  it  upon  thofe  who  had  been  with 
them,  as  a  pradice  of  theirs :  And  they  were  upon  that  likewife  fee 
on  the  pillory.     And,  to  put  things  of  a  fort  together,  tho'  they 
happen'd  not  all  at  once  :  OntTasborough jt\\2ii  belonged  to  theDnke's 
court,  entred  into  fome  correfpondence  with  Dugdale,  who  was 
courting  a  kinfwoman  of  his.  It  was  propofcd,  th^t  Dugdale  (hould 
fign  a  pap&r,  retracing  all  that  he  had  formerly  fworn,  and  (liould 
tponthat  go  beyond  fea,  for  which  he  was  promifed,  in  the  Duke's 
hame,  a  confiderable  reward.    He  had  written  the  paper,  as  was  de- 
fired  ;  Bat  he  was  too  cunning  for  Tasborougby  and  he  proved  his 

pradtices 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  ,E _S,1I.     '         451 

practices  upon  him.  He  pretended  he  drew  the  paper  only  to  draw    1 67  8 
the  other  further  on,  that  he  might  be  able  to  penetrate  the  deeper ''*-^'^*^^^ 
into  their  defigns.     Tasboroughw2i%  fined,  and  let  in  the  pillory  for 
tampering  thus  with  the  King's  evidence. 

This  was  the  true  ftate  of  the  plot,  and  of  the  witnefTes  that  prov-  Refleaions 
edit:  which  1  have  open'd  as  fully  as  was  poflible  forme:  And  I  had  TV'*"  • 

r  L  II    •    n.      rL    1  whole cvi- 

particular  occahons  to  be  well  mltructed  m  n.  Here  was  matter *^ciicc. 
enough  to  work  on  the  fears  and  apprehenfions  of  the  Nation  : 
So  it  was  nottobewondredat,  if  Parliaments  were  hot,  and  Juries 
were  eafy  inthis  profecution.  Thevifible  evidences  that  appeared, 
made  all  people  conclude  there  was  great  plotting  among  them. 
And  it  was  generally  believed,  that  the  bulk  of  what  was  fworn  by 
the  witnefTes  was  true,  tho' they  had  by  all  appearance  drefTed  it  up 
with  incredible  circumftances.  What  the  men  of  learning  knew 
concerning  their  principles,  both  of  depofing  of  Kings,  and  of 
the  lawfulnefs  of  murdering  them  when  fo  depofed,  made  them  ea- 
fily  conclude,  that  fince  they  faw  the  Duke  was  fo  entirely  theirs, 
and  that  the  King  was  fo  little  to  be  depended  on,  they  might  think 
the  prefent  conjuncture  was  not  to  be  loft.  And  fince  the  Duke's 
eldeft  daughter  was  already  out  of  their  hands,  they  might  make 
the  more  hafte  to  [tt  the  Duke  on  the  throne.  The  tempers,  as  well 
as  the  morals,  of  the  Jefuites,  made  it  reafonable  to  believe,  that  they 
were  not  apt  to  negledt  fiich  advantages,  nor  to  ftickatany  fortof 
falfliood  in  order  to  their  own  defence.  The  dodtrine  of  probability, 
befides  many  other  maxims  that  are  current  among  them,  made  ma- 
ny give  little  credit  to  their  witnefles,  or  to  their  moft  folemn  deni- 
als, even  at  their  execution.  Many  things  were  brought  to  fhew, 
that  by  the  cafuiftical  divinity  taught  among  them,  and  publiflied 
by  them  to  the  world,  there  was  no  practice  fo  bad,  but  that  the 
do(5trines  of  probability,  and  of  ordering  the  intention,  might 
juftify  it.  Yet  many  thought,  that,  what  dodrines  fijever  mcp 
might  by  a  fiibtilty  of  fpeculation  be  carried  into,  the  approaches 
of  death,  with  the  ferioufnefs  that  appeared  in  their  deportment, 
mufl:  needs  work  fo  much  on  the  probity  and  candor  which  Teemed 
rooted  in  human  nature,  that  even  immoral  opinions,  maintained 
in  the  way  of  argument,  could  not  then  refift  it.  Several  oTour  Di- 
vines went  far  in  this  charge,  againft  all  regard  to  their  dying 
Tpecchcs  J  of  which  Tome  of  our  own  Church  complained,  as  inhu- 
man and  indecent. 

In  Januar<y  a  new  Parliament  was  Tummoned.      The  elections    i<^79 
were  carried  with  great  heat,  and  went  almoft  every  where  again  ft  aIQT^ 
the  Court.    LordD^/z^yreTolved  toleavetheTreaTury  atL«<f/)'-<5/i3)/.''^'"^"^- 
And  in  that  time  he  made  great  advantage  by  Tcveral  payments 
which  he  got  the  King  to  order,  that  were  due  upon  Tuch  flight  pre- 
tences, that  it  was  believed  he  had  a  large  fliare  of  them  to  himfelf: 

J  So 


452        The  History^/  the  Reign 

i($79  So  that  he  left  the  Treafury  quite  empty.  He  perfuadedtheKingto 
»^>^^<"^' fend  the  Dnke  beyond  Tea,  that  To  there  might  be  no  colour  for  fuf- 
peding  that  the  counfels  were  influenced  by  him.  He  endeavoured 
toperfuade  the  Duke,  thatit  wasfit  for  him  togooutof  the  way.  If 
the  King  and  the  Parliament  came  to  an  agreement,  he  might  de- 
pend on  the  promife  that  the  King  would  make  him,  of  recalling 
him  immediately:  Andif  they  did  not  agree,  no  part  of  theblame 
could  be  caft  on  him ;  which  muft  happen  otherwife,  if  he  (laid  fl:ill 
at  Court.  Yet  no  rhetorick  would  have  prevailed  on  him  to  go,  if  the 
King  had  not  told  him  pofitively,  it  was  for  both  their  fervice,  and 
fo  it  muft  be  done. 
The  Duke  Before  he  went  away,  the  King  gave  him  all  poflible  fatisfadion 
fent  beyond  ^j^j^  relation  to  the  Vixiktoi  Monmouth  J  who  was  become  very  po- 
pular, and  his  creatures  were  giving  it  out,  that  he  was  the  King's 
lawful  fon.  So  the  King  made  afolemn  declaration  in  Council,  and 
both  figned  it  and  took  his  oath  on  it,  that  he  was  never  married,  nor 
contracted  to  that  Duke's  mother  J  nor  to  any  other  woman,  except 
tohisprefentQueen.  The  Duke  was  fent  away  upon  very  fhort  warn- 
ing, not  without  many  tears  fhed  by  him  at  parting,  tho'the  King 
fhed  none.  He  went  firft  to  Holland^  and  then  to  Bmjfels^  where  he 
was  but  coldly  received. 

At  the  opening  the  Parliament  inMarch,  the  parting  with  an  only 
brother,  to  remove  all  jealoufy,was  magnified  with  all  the  pomp  of 
the  Earl  of  Nottingham's  eloquence.  Lord  Danby's  friends  were  ia 
forae  hopes,  that  the  great  fervices  which  he  had  done  would  make 
matters  brought  againft  him  to  be  handled  gently  .But  in  the  manage-' 
ment  he  committed  fome  errors,  that  proved  very  unhappy  to  him. 
Sc'imour  and  he  had  fallen  into  fome  quarrellings,  both  being 
very  proudand  violent  in  their  tempers.  Setmour\\7idim  thelaftSef- 
fion  ftruckinwith  that  heat  againft  Popery,  that  he  was  become  po- 
pular upon  it.  So  he  managed  the  matter  in  this  new  Parliament, 
that  tho'  the  Court  nzmed  Meres  yet  hewaschofen  Speaker.  The 
nomination  of  the  Speaker  was  underftood  to  come  from  the  King, 
tho' he  was  not  named  as  recommending  theperfon.    Yet  a  Privy 
Counlellor  named  one:  And  it  was  underftood  to  be  done  by  or- 
der.    And  the  perfon  thus  named  was  put  in  the  chair,  and  was 
next  day  prefented  to  the  King,  who  approved  the  choice.    When 
Seimour  was  next  day  prefented  as  the  Speaker,  the  King  refufed 
to  confirm  theeledtion.     Hefaid,  he  had  other  occafions  for  him, 
which  could  not  be  difpenfed  with.  Upon  this,great  he^ts  arofc,with 
a  long  and  violent  debate.  It  was  faid,  the  Houfe  had  the  choice  of 
their  Speaker  in  them,  and  that  their  prefentixig  the  Speaker  was 
only  alolemnfliewing  him  to  theKing,  fuch  as  was  theprefenting 
the  Lord  Mayor  and  Sheriffs  of  LoWi?;?  in  the  Exchequer,-  but  that 
the  King  was  bound  to  confirm  their  choice.    This  debate  held  a 
week,  and  created  much  anger.  i  A 


of  King  Charles  II.  455 

A  temper  was  found  at  lafl:.  Se'mour's  eledion  was  let  fall ;  But  the  1 67^ 
point  was  fettled,  that  the  right  of  eledingwas  ia  the  Houfc,  and  <^v-^*/^ 
that  the  confirnaaticn  was  a  thing  of  courfe.  So  another  was  chofea 
Speaker.  And  the  Houfe  immediately  fell  on  Lord  Z)^;^/^)/.  Thofe 
who  intended  to  ferve  him  faid,  the  heat  this  difpute  had  raifed, 
which  was  imputed  wholly  to  him,  had  put  it  out  of  their  power  to 
do  it.  But  he  committed  other  errors.  He  took  out  a  pardon  under 
theGreatSeal.  TheEarlof  A'i?^?w^/'^wdurft  not  venture  to  pafs  it. 
So  the  King  ordered  the  Seal  to  be  put  to  the  pardon  ia  his  own 
prefence.  And  thus,  according  to  Lord  Nottingham's  figure  when 
he  was  afterwards  queftioned  about  it,  it  did  not  pafs  thro' the  or- 
dinary methods  of  produdion,  but  was  an  immediate  effect  of  his 
Maj  efty's  power  of  creating.  He  alfo  took  out  a  warrant  to  be  Mar- 
auiCs  of  Caermartben.  AndtheKing,  in  a  fpeech  to  the  Parliament, 
faid,  he  had  done  nothing  but  by  his  order  j  and  therefore  he  had 
pardoned  him  j  and,  if  there  was  any  defe6t  in  his  pardon,  he  would 
pafs  it  over  and  over  again,  till  it  (hould  be  quite  legal. 

Upon  this  a  great  debate  was  raifed.    Some  queftioned  whetherz)j»^ypar- 
theKing's  pardon,  cfpecially  when  paffed  in  bar  to  an  impeachment,  ^IJ',''  ^J^^^ 
was  good  in  law  :  This  would  encourage  ill  Minifters,  who  would  be  proftcuted 
always  fure  of  a  pardon,  and  fo  would  a6b  more  boldly,    if  they  of  Com-"  * 
faw  fo  eafy  a  way  to  be  fecured  againft  the  danger  of  impeachments :  "^°"** 
The  King's  pardon  did  indeed  fecure  one  againft  all  profecution  at 
hisfuit:  But,  as  in  the  cafe  of  murder  an  appeal  lay,  from  which 
the  King's  pardon  did  not  cover  the  perfon,  fince  the  King  could  no 
more  pardon  the  injuries  done  his  people,  than  he  could  forgive 
the  debts  that  were  owing  to  them ;  fo  from  a  parity  of  reafon  it  was 
inferred,  that  fince  the  offences  of  Minifters  of  State  were  injuries 
done  the  publick,  the  King's  Pardon  could  not  hinder  a  profecu- 
tion in  Parliament,  which  feemed  to  be  one  of  the  chief  fecurities, 
and  moft  effeutial  parts  of  our  conftitution.    Yet  on  the  other  hand 
it  was  faid,  that  the  power  of  pardoning  was  a  main  article  of  the 
King's  Prerogative :  None  had  ever  yet  been  annulled:  The  law 
had  made  this  one  of  the  trufts  of  the  Government,  without  any 
limitation  upon  it :  All  arguments  againft  it  might  be  good  reafons 
for  the  limiting  it  for  the  future :  But  what  was  already  paft  was  good 
in  law,  and  could  not  be  broke  thro'.    The  temper  propofedwas, 
that,  upon  hoidDani^ys  going  out  of  the  way,  an  A<5t  of  banifhment 
ftiould  pafs  againft  him,  like  that  which  had  paft  againft  the  Earl  of 
Clarendon.    Upon  that,  when  the  Lords  voted  that  he  fhould  be 
committed,  he  withdrew.    So  a  bill  of  banifhment  paffed  in  the 
Houfeof  Lords,  and  was  fent  down  to  the  Commons.    Winnington 
fell  on  it  there  in  a  moft  furious  manner.  He  faid,  it  was  an  Ad:  to 
let  all  Minifters  fee  what  was  the  worft  thing  that  could  happen 
to  them,  after  they  had  been  engaged  in  thcblackeft  defigns,  and 

5  Z  had 


454        TheHlSTOKYoftheReign 

1670  had  got  great  rewards  of  wealth  and  honour:  All  they  could  fuffcr 
^'-^V>^  was,  to  be  obliged  to  live  beyond  Tea.  This  enflamed  the  Houfefo, 
that  thofcjwho  intended  to  have  moderated  that  heat,  found  they 
could  not  flop  it.  Littleton  fent  for  me  that  night,  to  try  if  it  was 
pofTible  to  mo\\\^^  fVtmmgton.  We  laid  before  him,  that  the  King 
Teemed  brought  near  adifpofition  to  grant  everything  that  could 
be  defired  of  him :  And  why  muft  an  attainder  be  brought  on,  which 
would  create  a  breach  that  could  not  be  healed?  The  Earl  o^  Danby 
wasrefolved  to  bear  abaniftiment;  but  would  come  in,  rather  than 
be  attainted,  and  plead  his  pardon  :  And  then  the  King  was  upoa 
the  matter  made  the  party  in  the  profecution,  which  might  ruin 
all:  We  knew  how  bad  a  Minifter  he  had  been,  and  had  felt  the 
ill  efFeds  of  his  power:  But  the  publick  was  to  be  preferred  to  all 
other  confiderations.  But^/;/w«^/<?«  was  then  fo  entirely  in  A/i?««- 
iague's  management,  and  was  fo  blown  up  with  popularity,  and  fo 
much  provoked  by  being  turned  out  of  the  place  of  SolicitorGeneral, 
that  he  could  not  be  prevailed  on.  It  was  offered  afterwards  from  the 
Court,  2iS  Littleton  told  me,  both  that  Lord  Danby  ihould  by  Ad  of 
Parliament  be  degraded  from  his  Peerage,  aswellasbanifhed,  and 
thatan  A(5t  fhould  pafs  declaring  for  the  future  no  pardon  fhould  be 
pleaded  in  bar  to  an  impeachment.  But  the  fury  of  the  time  was  fucb, 
that  all  offers  were  rejeded.  And  fo  a  very  probable  appearance  of 
fettling  the  Nation  was  lofl :  For  the  bill  for  banifhing  Lord  Dan' 
by  was  thrown  out  by  the  Commons.  And  inflead  of  it  a  bill  of 
attainder  was  brought  in.  The  Treafury  was  put  in  commiflion. 
The  Earl  o(  Effex^ns  put  at  the  head  of  it.  And  Hide  nad  Godolphin 
were  two  of  the  commiflion.  The  Earl  of  Sunderland  was  brought 
over  from  France,  and  made  Secretary  of  State.  And  Lord  EJfex  and 
Lord  Sunderland  joined  with  the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  to  prefs  the 
King  to  change  hiscounfels,and  to  turn  to  another  method  of  go- 
vernment, and  to  take  the  men  of  the  greateft  credit  into  his  con- 
fidence. Lord  Effex  was  much  blamed  for  going  in  fo  early  into  the 
Court,  before  the  refl  were  brought  in.  He  faid  to  me,  he  did  it  in  the 
profped  of  working  the  change  that  was  afterwards  effeded.  Lord 
Sunderland  a\Co  told  me,  that  the  King  was  eafyin  the  bringing  in 
Lord  Shaftsbury-  for  he  thought  he  was  only  angry  in  revenge, 
becaufe  he  was  not  employed ;  but  that  he  had  fo  ill  an  opinion  of 
Lord  Hallifax,  that  it  was  not  eafy  to  get  over  that.  The  Duke  of 
Monmouth  told  me,  that  he  had  as  great  difficulty  in  overcoming 
that,  as  ever  in  any  thing  that  heftudiedtobring  theKingto. 
A  new  At  laft  the  King  was  prevailed  on  todifmifs  the  whole  Council, 

which  was  all  made  up  of  laOtdDanbfi  creatures.  And  the  chief 
men  of  both  Houfes  were  brought  into  it.  This  was  carried  with  fo 
much  fecrecy,that  it  was  not  fo  much  as  fufpeded,  till  the  day  before 
it  was  done.  The  King  was  weary  of  the  vexation  he  had  been  long 

3  in 


of  King  Charles  II.  455 

ia,  anddefircdtobefetateafe.  And  at  that  time  he  would  have  done  1679 
any  thing  to  get  an  end  put  to  the  Plot,  and  to  the  fermentation  that'^^^'''""^ 
Was  now  over  the  whole  Nation  '•  So  that,  if  the  Houfe  of  Commons 
would  have  let  the  matter  of  Lord  Dani^y's  pardon  fall,  and  have 
accepted  of  limitations  on  his  brother,  inftead  of  excluding  him^ 
he  was  willing  to  have  yielded  in  every  thing  elfe.  He  put  like- 
wife  the  Admiralty  and  Ordnance  into  commiflions:  Out  of  all 
which  the  Duke's  creatures  were  fo  excluded,  that  they  gave  both 
him  and  themfelves  for  loft.  But  the  hatred  that Mountag/ie  bore 
Lord  Danl^y J  and  Lord  Shafisl^ury' shitrcd  to  the  Duke,  fpoiled  all 
this.  There  were  alfo  many  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  whofind- 
ing  themfelves  forgot,  while  others  were  preferred  to  them,  refolv- 
ed  to  make  themfelves  confiderable.  And  theyinfufed  into  a  great 
manyamiftruftof  all  that  was  doing.  It  wasfaid,  the  King  was  ftill 
what  he  was  before.  No  change  appeared  in  him.  And  all  this  was 
only  an  artifice  to  lay  the  heat  that  was  in  the  Nation,  to  gain  fo  ma- 
ny over  to  him,  and  fo  to  draw  money  from  the  Commons.  So  they 
refolved  to  give  no  money,  till  all  other  things  (hould  be  firft  fettled. 
No  part  of  the  change  that  was  then  made  was  more  acceptable  thaa 
that  of  the  Judges :  For  Lord  Danby  had  brought  in  fome  fad 
creatures  to  thofc  important  pofts.  And  Jones  had  the  new  mo- 
delling of  the  Bench.  And  he  put  in  very  worthy  men,  in  the  room 
of  thofe  ignorant  Judges  that  were  now  difmifs'd. 

The  main  point  in  debate  was,  what  fecurity  the  King  {hould  offer  Debates 
to  quiet  the  fears  of  the  Nation  upon  the  account  of  the  Duke's  fuc-JTeExcii-^ 
ceflion.  TheEarlofv$'/'^//5^«r3;propofed  the  excluding  him  limply, ''°"" 
and  making  the  fucceffion  to  go  on,  as  if  he  was  dead,  as  the  only 
mean  that  was  eafy  and  fafe  both  for  the  Crown  and  the  peo- 
ple :  This  was  nothing  but  the  difinheriting  the  next  heir, 
which  certainly  the  King  and  Parliament  might  do,  as  well  as 
any  private  man  might  difinherit  his  next  heir,  if  he  had  a  mind 
to  it.  The  King  would  not  confent  to  this.  He  had  faithfully 
promifed  theDuke,  that  he  never  would.  And  he  thought,  if  A6tS 
of  Exclufion  were  once  begun,  it  would  not  be  eafy  to  ftop  them  ^  but 
that  upon  any  difcontent  at  the  next  heir,  they  would  be  fet  on  : 
religion  was  now  the  pretence:  But  other  pretences  would  be  found 
out,  when  there  was  need  of  them:  This  infenfibly  would  change 
the  nature  of  the  Engltjh  Monarchy :  So  that  from  being  hereditary 
it  would  become  elective.  The  Lords  of  £^a;  and  HaUifax  upon 
this  propofed  fuch  limitations  of  the  Duke's  authority,  when  the 
Crown  Ihould  devolve  on  him,  as  would  difable  him  from  doing 
any  harm,  either  in  Church  or  State :  Such  as  the  taking  out  of  his 
hand  all  power  in  Ecclefiaftical  matters,  the  difpofal  of  the  pub- 
lick  money,  with  the  power  of  peace  and  war,  and  the  lodging 
thefeinbothHoufes  of  Parliament  ^  and  that  whatever  Parliament 

was 


456  TheHlSTOKY  oftheReign 

1 679   was  in  being,  or  the  Uft  that  had  been  in  being  at  the  King^s  death, 
<-y"y"^  fliould  meet,  without  a  new  fummons,  upon  it,  and  alTume  the  admini- 
flration  of  affairs.  LordL^^y/J^^ryarguedagainftthis,  as  much  more 
prejudicial  to  the  Crown  than  the  exclufion  of  one  heir:  For  this 
changed  the  whole  Government,  and  fct  up  a  Democracy  inftead  of  a 
Monarchy.  Lord  Hallffax's  arguing  now  fo  much  againft  the  danger 
of  turning  the  Monarchy  to  be  eledive,  was  the  more  extraordinary 
in  him,  becaufe  he  had  made  an  hereditary  Monarchy  the  fubjedt  of 
his  mirth  5   and  had  often  faid,  who  takes  a  coachman  to  drive  him, 
becaufe  his  father  was  a  good  coachman  ?  Yet  he  was  no w  j  ealous  of 
a  fmall  flip  in  the  fucceflfion.  But  at  the  fame  time  he  fl:udied  to  infufc 
into  fomeazealfor  a  Commonwealth.  Andtothefe  he  pretended, 
that  he  preferred  limitations  to  an  exclufion :  Becaufe  the  one  kept 
up  the  Monarchy  ftill,  only  pafling  over  one  perfon^  whereas  the 
other  brought  us  really  into  a  Commonwealth,  as  foon  as  we  had  a 
Popifh  King  over  us.  And  it  was  faid  by  fome  of  his  friends,  that  the 
limitations  propofed  were  fo  advantageous  to  publick  liberty,  that 
a  man  might  be  tempted  to  wifh  for  a  Popifh  King,  to  come  at  them. 
Upon  this  great  difference  of  opinion, a  fadion  was  quickly  form- 
ed in  the  new  Council.   The  Lords  Effex^Strnderland  za<i  Hallifax 
declaring  for  limitations,  and  againft  the  Exclufion,-  while  Lord 
ShaftshiV'y,  now  made  Prefident  of  the  Council,  declared  highly 
for  it.  They  took  much  pains  on  him  to  moderate  his  heat ;  But  he 
was  become  fo  intolerably  vain,  that  he  would  not  mix  with  them 
urilefs  he  might  govern.    So  they  broke  with  him  :  And  the  other 
three  were  called  the  Triumvirate.    Lord  EJfex  applied  himfelf  to 
thebufinefs  of  theTreafury,  to  the  regulating  the  King's  expence, 
and  the  improvement  of  the  Revenue.  His  clear,  tho'  flow,  fenfe 
made  him  very  acceptable  to  the  King.  Lord  Hall'tfax  ftudied  to 
managetheKing'sfpirit,  andto  gain  an  afcendant  there  by  a  lively 
and  libertine  converfation.  Lord  ^Ti^Wfr/r/w^  managed  foreign  af- 
fairs, and  had  the  greateft  credit  with  the  Duchefs  oi  Ponfmouth. 
After  it  was  agreed  on  to  offer  the  limitations,  the  Lord  Chancellor 
by  order  from  the  King  made  the  propofition  to  both  Houfes.  The 
Duke  was  ftruck  with  the  news  of  this,  when  it  came  to  him  to  Bmf- 
fels.  I  faw  a  letter  writ  by  his  Duchefs  the  next  pofl::  In  which  flie 
wrote,  that  as  for  all  the  high  things  that  were  faid  by  their  enemies 
they  looked  for  them,  but  that  fpecch  of  the  Lord  Chancellor's  was 
afurprize,  and  a  great  mortification  to  them.  Their  apprehenfions 
of  that  did  not  hang  long  upon  them.  The  Exclufion  was  become 
the  popular  expedient.   So,  after  much  debating,  a  bill  was  ordered 
for  excluding  the  Duke  of  Tork.  I  will  give  you  here  a  fhort  abftra(5t 
otall  that  was  faid,  both  within  and  without  doors,  for  and  againft 


the  Exclufion. 


Thofe 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  • -rr  45  7 

Thofe  who  argued  for  it  laid  it  down  for  a  foundation,  that  every    167% 
perfon,  who  had  the  whole  right  of  any  thing  in  him,  had  likewifc^^-^'"^*^'^^ 
the  power  of  transferring  it  to  whom  he  pleafed.  So  the  King  and  ufed  for  and 
Parliament,  being  entirely  polTclTed  of  the  whole  authority  of  theNa-  SlUiii! 
tion,hadapower  to  limit  the  fiicceffion,  and  every  thing  elfe  relating 
to  the  Nation, as  they  pleafed.  And  by  confequence  there  was  no  fuch 
thing  as  a  fundamentallaw,  by  which  the  power  of  Parliament  was 
bound  up :    For  no  King  and  Parliament  in  any  former  age  had  a 
power  over  the  prefent  King  and  Parliament ;  otherwife  the  Govern- 
ment was  not  entire,  nor  abfolute.  A  father,  how  much  foever  deter- 
mined by  nature  to  provide  for  his  children,    yet  had  certainly  a 
power  of  difinheriting  them,  without  which,  in  forae  cafes,  the 
refpeft  due  tohimcouldnotbepreferved.   The  life  of  the  King  oa 
the  throne  was  not  fecurc,  unlefs  this  was  acknowledged.   For  if  the 
next  heir  was  a  traitor,  and  could  not  be  feized  on,  the  King  would 
be  ill  ferved  in  oppofition  to  him,  if  he  could  not  bar  his  fucceilion  by 
anexclufion.  Government  was  appointed  for  thofe  that  were  to  be 
governed,  and  not  for  the  fake  of  Governors  themfelves :  Therefore 
all  things  relating  to  it  were  to  be  meafured  by  the  publick  intereft, 
and  the  fafety  of  the  people.  In  none  of  God's  appointments  in  the 
OldTeftament  regard  was  had  to  theeldeft.     Jjaac^  Jacobs  Judah^ 
Ephraimy  and  more  particularly  i^o/jwo;?,  were  preferred  without  any 
regard  to  the  next  in  line.    In  the  feveral  Kingdoms  oi  Europe  the 
fucceflion  went  according  to  particular  laws,  and  not  by  any  general 
law.    \n  England,  Spain  and  Sweden,  the  heir  general  did  fucceed  : 
Whereas  it  was  only  the  heir  male  in  France,  and  Cvrmany.     And 
whereas  the  oath  ofallegiance  tied  us  to  the  Krng  and  his  heirs,  the 
word  heir  was  a  term  that  imported  that  perfon  who  by  law  ought 
to  fucceed  :  And  fo  it  fell  by  law  to  any  perlon  who  was  declared  next 
in  the  fucceflion.  In  England  the  heir  of  the  King  that  reigned  had 
been  fometimes  fet  afide,and  the  right  of  fucceflion  transferred  to  ano- 
therperfon.  //<?;^r);  VII.  fet  up  his  title  on  his  poflefling  the  Crown. 
//(?;/;);  VIII.  got  his  two  daughters,  whilethey  were  by  adis  of  Parlia- 
ment illegitimated,  put  in  the  fucceflion :  And  he  had  a  power  given 
him  to  devife  it  after  them,  and  their  iflue,  at  his  pleafure.  QuecnEli- 
zabeth,  when  fhewas  in  danger  from  the  practices  of  the  Queen  of 
Scots,  got  an  Ad:  to  pafs  aflerting  the  power  of  the  Parliament  to  limit 
the  fucceflion  of  the  Crown.  It  was  high  treafon  to  deny  fhis  during 
her  life,  and  was  fl:ill  highly  penal  to  this  day.  All  this  was  laid  down 
in  general, to  aflert  a  power  in  the  Parliament  to  exclude  the  next  heir, 
if  therewasa  juftcaufe  forit.  Now,  as  to  the  prefent  cafe,  thePopilh 
religion  was  fo  contrary  to  the  whole  frame  and  conftitution  of  our 
Government, as  well  as  to  that  dignity  inherent  in  theCrown, of  being 
the  head  of  the  Church,  that  aPapift  feemed  to  be  brought  under  a 
difability  to  hold  theCrown.  A  great  partoftheproperty  of  theNa- 
tioft,  the  Abbey  lands,  was  fhakenby  the  profpcd  of  fuch  a  fuccef- 

6  A  ftoa. 


458  TheHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

1^79  fion.  Theperfidyandthecrueltyof  that  religion  made  the  clanger 
'>'V>*^niore(cnrible.  Fires,  and  Courts  of  Inquifition,  were  that  which  ail 
mult  reckon  for,  who  would  not  redeem  themfelves  by  an  early  aad 
zealous  converfion.  The  Duke's  own  temper  was  much  infiftedon. 
It  appeared  by  all  their  letters,  how  much  thePapifts  depended  on 
him :  And  his  own  deportment  (hewed,  there  was  good  reafoa  for  it. 
He  would  break  thro' all  limitations,  and  call  in  a  foreign  power,  ra- 
ther than  fubmit  to  them.  Some  mercenary  lawyers  would  give  it  for 
law,  thatthe  prerogative  could  not  be  limited,  and  that  a  law  limiting 
it  was  void  of  itfelf.  Revenges  for  paft  injuries,  when  join'd  to  a  bi- 
gotry in  religion,  would  be  probably  very  violent. 

On  the  other  hand,  feme  argued  againft  the  Exclufion :  That  it  was 
unlawful  in  it  felf,  and  againft  the  unalterable  law  of  fucceflion ; 
(which  came  to  be  the  common  phrafe.j  Monarchy  was  faid  to  be  by 
divine  right:  So  the  Law  could  not  alter  what  God  had  fettled.  Yet 
few  went  at  firftfo  high.  Much  weight  was  laid  on  the  oath  of  allegi- 
ance, that  tied  us  to  the  King's  heirs  :  And  whofo  was  the  heir  when 
any  man  took  that  oath,  was  ftill  the  heir  to  him.  All  lawyers  had 
great  regard  to  fundamental  laws.  And  it  was  a  maxim  among  our 
lawyers, that  even  an  A<5t  of  Parliament  zg^in([Magna  Charta  was  null 
of  it  felf.  There  was  no  arguing  from  the  changes  in  thecourie  of 
theSucceflion.  Thefe  had  been  the  cflFcfts  of  profperous  rebellions. 
Nor  from  HemyYW's  reigning  in  the  right  of  his  Queen,  and  yet 
not  owning  it  to  be  fo.  Norwasitftrange,  ifinfoviolent  a  reignas 
Henr'^  VIII.'s  ads  were  made  in  prejudice  of  the  right  of  blood. 
Buttho'  his  daughters  were  made  baftards  bytwofeverala<5ts,  yet  it 
was  notorious  they  were  both  born  in  a  ftate  of  marriage.  And  when 
unlawful  marriages  were  annulled,  yet  fuch  iffue  as  defcended  from 
them  ^(?«^?y^V(?ufed  not  to  be  illegitimated.  But  tho' that  King  made 
a  will  purfuant  to  an  ad  of  Parliament,  excluding  the  Scottjh  line,  yet 
fuch  regard  theNation  had  to  the  next  in  blood, that,without  examin- 
ing the  will,  the  iV<?///2?  line  was  received.  Itistrue,  Qnttn El'tzabeth^ 
out  of  her  hatred  to  the  Queen  of  Scots y  got  the  famed  adt  to  pafs,  that 
declares  the  Parliament's  power  of  limiting  the  fucceflion.  But  lincc 
that  whole  matter  ended  fo  fatally,  and  was  the  great  blemifh  of  her 
reign,  itwasnotreafonabletobuildmuchon  it.  Thefe  were  the  ar- 
guments of  thofe,  who  thought  the  Parliament  had  not  the  power  to 
cnaft  an  exclufion  of  the  next  heir :  Of  which  opinion  theEarl  oiEJfex 
was  at  this  time.  Others  did  not  go  on  thefe  grounds:  But  they  faid, 
that  tho'  a  father  has  indeed  a  power  of  difinheriting  hisfon,  yet  he 
ought  never  to  exert  it  but  upon  a  juft  and  necelTary  occafion.  It  was 
not  yet  legally  certain,  that  the  Duke  was  a  Papift.  This  was  a  con- 
demning him  unheard.  A  man's  confcience  was  not  even  in  his  own 
power.  It  feemed  therefore  to  be  an  unjuftifiable  fcverity,  to  cut  oflF  fo 
great  a  right  only  for  a  point  of  opinion.  It  is  true,it  might  be  reafon- 
ableto  fecure  theNation  from  the  ill cffedts  that  opinion  might  have 

4-  upon 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  459 

nponthem,  which  was  fully  done  by  the  limitations.  Butitwasnnjuft  16-7^ 
to  carry  it  further.  The  Proteftants  had  charged  the  Church  of  Rome  ^^'^^^'^""^ 
heavily  for  the  League  of  France^  in  order  to  the  excluding  the  Houfe 
oi Bourbon  from  the  fucceflion  to  the  Crown  of  France ^  becaufe  of  he- 
refy :  And  this  would  make  the  charge  return  back  upon  us,  to  our 
fhame.  In  the  cafe  ofinfancy,  or  lunacy,  guardians  were  affigned  :  But 
the  right  was  ftiil  in  the  true  heir.  A  Popifli  Prince  was  confidered  as 
in  thatftatc:  And  thefe  limitations  were  like  the  afligning  him  guar- 
dians. The  Crown  had  been  for  feveral  ages  limited  in  the  power  of 
raifin g  money  ,•  towhichit  may  befuppofedahighfpiritedKingdid 
noteafilyfubmit,  and  yet  we  had  long  maintained  this:  And  might 
it  not  be  hoped,  the  limitations  propofed  might  be  maintained 
in  one  reign;  chiefly  confidering  the  zeal  and  the  number  of  thofe 
who  were  concerned  to  fupportthem.^  Other  Princes  might  think 
themfelves  obliged  in  honour  and  religion  to  aflift  him,  i^  he  was 
quite  excluded :  And  it  might  be  the  occafion  of  a  new  Popifh  League, 
that  might  be  fatal  to  the  whole  Proteftantinterefl.  Whereas,if  the 
limitations  paft,  other  Princes  would  not  fo  probably  enter  into  the 
laws  and  eftablifhment  fettled  among  us.  It  was  faid,  many  in  the 
Nation  thought  the  Exclufion  unlawful :  But  all  would  j  ointly  concur 
in  the  limitations;  So  this  was  the  fecureflway,  that  comprehended 
the  greateft  part  of  the  Nation  :  And  probably  Scotland  would  not  go 
into  the  Exclufion,  but  merit  at  the  Duke's  hands  by  afTerting  his  title : 
So  here  was  a  foundation  of  war  round  about  us,  as  well  as  of  great  di- 
ftrad:ions  among  our  felves :  Some  regard  was  to  be  had  to  the  King's 
honour,who  had  fo  often  declared,  he  would  not  confent  to  an  Exclu- 
fion J  but  would  to  any  limitations,  how  hard  foever. 

Thefe  were  the  chief  arguments  upon  which  this  debate  was  ma- 
naged. For  my  own  part,  I  did  always  look  on  it  as  a  wild  and  extrava- 
gant conceit,to  deny  the  lawfulnefs  of  anExclufion  in  any  cafe  whatfo- 
cver.  But  for  a  great  while  I  thought  the  accepting  the  limitations  was 
thewifeft  and  beft  method.  I  faw  the  driving  on  the  Exclufion  would 
probably  throw  us  into  great  confufions.  And  therefore  I  made  ufe  of 
all  the  credit  I  had  with  many  in  bothHoufcs,  to  divert  them  from 
porfuingit,  astheydid,  withfucheagernefs,  that  they  would  hearken 
to  nothing  elfe.  Yet,when  I  faw  the  party  fo  deeply  engaged, and  fo  vi- 
olently fet  upon  itjboth  Ttllotfon  and  I,who  thought  we  had  fome  inte- 
reft  in  Lord  Hall'ifaXy  took  great  pains  on  him,  to  divert  him  from  op- 
pofingitfofuriouflyashedid:  Forhe  became  as  it  were  the  cham- 
pion againft  the  Exclufion.  I  forefaw  a  great  breach  was  like  to  fol- 
low. And  that  was  plainly  the  game  of  Popery,  to  keep  us  in  fuch 
anunfettled  ftate.  Tfhis  was  like  either  to  end  in  a  rebellion,  or  in  an 
abjeft  fubmiffion  of  the  Nation  to  the  humours  of  the  Court.  I  con- 
fcfs,  that  which  1  apprehended  moft  was  rebellion,  tho'  it  turned  after- 
wards quite  the  other  way.  But  men  of  more  experience,  and  who  had 

better 


460         TheHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

1679  bettor  advantages  to  make  a  truejudgment  of  the  temper  of  the  Na- 
•-^^VN-Zcion,  weremiftakenaswellasmyfelf.  All  the  progrefs  that  was  made 
in  this  matter  in  the  prefentParliament  was,  that  the  bill  of  Exclufion 
was  read  twice  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons.  But  the  Parliament  was  dip- 
folved  before  it  came  to  a  third  reading. 
DaMhy'spro-  The  Earl  of  Danby's  profecutioa  was  the  point  on  which  the  Par- 
fecuiion.  Jiamentwas  broken.  The  bill  of  attainder  for  his  wilful  abfcncewas 
pafs'd  by  the  Commons,  and  fent  up  to  tiie  Lords.  Bur,  when  it  was 
brought  to  the  third  reading,he  delivered  himfclf  ^  and  was  upon  that 
fent  to  the  Tower:  Upon  which  he  moved  for  his  trial.  The  man  of 
the  law  he  depended  moft  upon  was  Pollexfen^  an  honeft,  and  learned, 
but  perplexed  lawyer.  He  advifed  him  pofitively  to  (land  upon  his 
pardon.  It  was  a  point  of  prerogative  never  yet  judged  againft  the 
Crown:  So  he  might  in  that  cafe  depend  upon  the  Houfe  of  Lords, 
and  on  the  King's  intereft  there.  It  might  perhaps  produce  fomeAdt 
againft  all  pardons  for  the  future.  But  he  thought  he  was  fecure  in  his 
pardon.  It  was  both  wifer,  and  more  honourable,  for  the  King,  as 
well  as  for  himfelf,  to  ftand  on  this, than  to  enter  into  the  matter  of  the 
letters,  which  would  occafion  many  indecent  reflections  on  both.  So 
he  fettled  on  this,  and  pleaded  his  pardon  at  the  Lord's  bar :  To 
which  the  Commons  put  in  a  reply,  queftioning  the  validity  of  the 
pardon,  on  the  grounds  formerly  mentioned.  And  they  demanded  a 
trial  and  judgment. 

Upon  this  a  famous  debate  arofe,  concerning  the  Bifhops  right  of 
voting  in  any  part  of  a  trial  for  treafon.  It  was  faid,  that,  tho'  the 
Bifliops  did  not  vote  in  the  final  judgment,  yet  they  had  a  right  to 
vote  in  all  preliminaries.  Now  the  allowing,  or  not  allowing  the  par- 
don to  be  good,  was  but  a  preliminary :  And  yet  the  whole  matter  was 
concluded  by  it.  The  \^ox6iS  Nottingham  znd  Roberts  argued  for  the 
Bifliops  voting.  But  the  Lords  ^^j*-,  Shaftsbury^  znA  Hollts,  were 
againft  it.  Many  books  were  writ  on  both  fides,  of  which  an  account 
ftiall  be  given  afterwards.  But  upon  this  debate  it  was  carried  by 
the  majority,  that  the  Bifliops  had  aright  to  vote.  Upon  which  the 
Commons  faid,  they  would  not  proceed,  unlefs  the  Bifliops  wefc 
obliged  to  withdraw  during  the  whole  trial.  And  upon  that  breach  be- 
tween the  two  Houfes  the  Parliament  was  prorogued:  And  foon  after 
it  was  dilToived.  And  the  blame  of  this  was  caft  chiefly  on  the  Bifliops. 
The  truth  was,  they  defired  to  have  withdrawn,  but  the  King  would 
not  fuffer  it.  Hewasfofeton  maintaining  the  pardon,  thathewould 
not  venture  fucha  point  on  the  votes  of  the  temporal  Lords.  And 
he  told  the  Bifliops,  theymuftftick  to  him,  and  to  his  prerogative, 
as  they  would  exped  that  he  fliould  ftick  to  them,  if  they  came  to 
be  putli'd  at.  By  this  means  they  were  expofcd  to  the  popular 
fury. 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  401 

Hot  people  began  every  where  to  cenfure  them,  as  a  fet  of    i<^79 
men  that  for  their  own  ends,  and  for  every  pun<5tilio  that  they  h^'^^^O*^ 
pretended  to,  would  expofe  the  Nation  and  the  Proteftant  Religi-  raife'dagainft 
on  to  ruin.   And  in  revenge  for  this  many  began  to  declare  open-  ^^^  ^'"SJ^* 
ly  in  favour  of  the  Non-conformifts :  And  upon  this  theNon- 
conformifts  behaved   themfelves  very  indecently.     For,  the* 
many  of  the  more  moderate  of  the  Clergy  were  trying  if  an  ad- 
vantage might  be  taken  from  the  ill  ftate  we  were  in  to  heal 
thofe  breaches  that   were  among  us,  they  on  their  part  fell 
very  feverely  upon  the  body  of  the  Clergy.     The  ad:  that  re- 
ftrained  the  prefs  was  to  laft  only  to  the  end  of  the  firft  feflioa 
of  the   next  Parliament  that  fhould  meet  after  that  was  dif- 
fojved.     So  now,  upon  the  end  of  the  feflion,  the  ad:  not  be- 
ing rtV-ved,  the  prefs  was  open:  And  it  became  very  licenti- 
ous, both  againft  the  Court  and  the  Clergy.     And  in  this  the 
Non-conformifts  had  fo  great  a  hand,  that  the  Bifhops  and 
Clergy,  apprehending  that  a  rebellion,  and  with  it  the  pul- 
ling the  Church  to  pieces,  was  defigned,    fet  themfelves  on 
the  other  hand  to  write  againft  the  late  times,  and  to  draw  a 
parallel  between  the  prefent  times  and  them ;  Which  was  not 
decently  enough  managed  by  thofe  who  undertook  the  argu- 
ment, and  who  were  believed  to  be  fet  on,  and  paid  by  the  Court 
for  it.     The  chief  manager  of  all    thofe  angry   writings  was  The  occafl- 
one  Sir  Roger  L'Ejirange,  a  man  who  had  lived  in  all  the  late  memed  that 
times,  and  was  furnillied  with  many  paiTages,    and  an  unex-^^^'" 
haufted  copioufnefs  in  writing :  So  that  for  four  years  he  pub- 
lifhed  three  or  four  ftiects  a  week  under  the  title  of  the  Ob- 
fervator,    all  tending  to  defame  the  contrary   party,    and  to 
make  the  Clergy  apprehend  that  their  ruin  was  defigned.  This 
had  all  the  fuccefs  he  could  have  wiflied,  as  it  drew  confidera- 
ble  fums  that  were  raifed  to  acknowledge  the  fervice  he  did. 
Upon  this  the  greater  part   of  the   Clergy  ,    who  were  al- 
ready much  prejudiced  againft  that  party,    being  now  both 
Iharpned  and  furnilhed  by  thefe  papers,  delivered  themfelves 
up  to  much  heat  and  indifcretion,  which  was  vented  both  in 
their  pulpits  and  common  converfation,  and  moft  particularly, 
at  the  elections  of  parliament  men  :  And  this  drew  much  ha- 
tred and  cenfure  upon  them.     They  feemed  now  to  lay  down 
all  fears  and  apprehenfions  of  Popery :  And  nothing  was   fo 
common  in  their  mouths  as  the  year  forty  one,  in  which  the 
late  wars  begun,  and  which  feemed  now  to  be  near  the  be- 
ing, adted  over  again.    Both  City  and  Country   were  full  of 
many  indecencies  that  broke  out  on  this  occafion.     But,  as 
there  were  too  many  of  the  Clergy  whom  the  heat  of  their 

6  B  tempers, 


4(J2        The  History  of  the  Reign 

1^79  tempers  and  the  hope  of  preferment  drove  to  fuch  extrava- 
^^^^^y^^  gancies,  fo  there  were  ftill  many  worthy  and  eminent  men  a- 
mong  them,  whofe  lives  and  labours  did  in  a  great  meafure 
refcue  the  Church  from  thofe  reproaches  that  the  follies  of 
others  drew  upon  it.  Such  were,  befides  thofe  whom  I  have 
often  named,  Tenn'tfon^  Sharpy  Patrick^  Sherlock,  Fowler,  Scot, 
Calamy,  Claget,  Cudworth,  two  Mores,  JVillmms,  and  many- 
others,  whom  tho'  I  knew  not  fo  particularly  as  to  give  all 
their  Charaders,  yet  they  deferved  a  high  one  j  and  were  in- 
deed an  honour,  both  to  the  Church,  and  to  the  age  in  which 
they  lived. 
Arguments  I  return  from  this  digreflion  to  give  an  account  of  the  ar- 
^°-a"'i^D.  euments  by  which  that  debate  concerning;  the  Bifhops  vo- 
fliops  voting  tmg  m  prelimmaries  was  maintamed.  It  was  laid,  -  le  Bi- 
minaHe^s7n "  fliops  wcrc  onc  of  Three  Eftates  of  which  the  Parliament  was 
tSfon°^  compofed,  and  that  therefore  they  ought  to  have  a  (hare  ia 
all  parliamentary  matters :  That  as  the  temporal  Lords  trans- 
mitted their  honours  and  fees  to  their  heirs,  fo  the  Bifliops  did 
tranfmit  theirs  to  their  lucceffors :  And  they  fat  in  Parlia- 
ment, both  as  they  were  the  Prelates  of  the  Church  and  Ba- 
rons of  the  Realm  :  But  in  the  time  of  Popery,  when  they  had 
a  mind  to  withdraw  themfelves  wholly  from  the  King's  Courts, 
and  refolved  to  form  themfelves  into  a  ftate  apart,  upon  this 
attempt  of  theirs,  our  Kings  would  not  difpenfe  with  their 
attendance :  And  then  feveral  regulations  were  made,  chiefly 
the  famed  ones  ztClarendon  -,  not  fomuch  intended  asreflraints 
on  them  in  the  ufe  of  their  rights  as  they  were  Barons,  as 
obligations  on  them  to  perform  all  but  thofe  that  in  compli- 
ance with  their  defires  were  then  excepted :  The  Clergy,  who 
had  a  mind  to  be  excufed  from  all  parliamentary  attendance, 
obtained  leave  to  withdraw  in  judgments  of  life  and  death, 
as  unbecoming  their  profeflion  and  contrary  to  their  Canons. 
Princes  were  the  more  inclinable  to  this  ,  becaufe  Bifhops 
might  be  more  apt  to  lean  to  the  merciful  fide:  And  the 
judgments  of  Parliament  in  that  time  were  commonly  in  fa- 
vour of  the  Crown  againft  the  Barons :  So  the  Bifhops  had 
leave  given  them  to  withdraw  from  thefe;  But  they  had  a 
right  to  name  a  proxy  for  the  Clergy,  or  to  proteft  for  faving 
their  rights  in  all  other  points  as  Peers :  So  that  this  was  ra- 
ther a  conceHion  in  their  favour  than  a  reftraint  impofed  on 
them :  And  they  did  it  on  defign  to  get  out  of  thefe  Courts 
as  much  as  they  could :  At  the  Reformation  all  fiich  prac- 
tices as  were  contrary  to  the  King's  prerogative  were  con- 
demned :  So  it  was  faid,  that  the  King  having  a  right  by 
I  his 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  405 

his  prerogative  to  demand  juflice  in  Parliament  againft  fuch  as  167^ 
he  fhould  accufe  there,  none  of  the  Peers  could  be  excufed  from  '-^^^^^ 
that  by  any  of  the  conftitutions  made  in  the  time  of  Popery, 
which  were  all  condemned  at  the  Reformation :  The  pfotefta- 
tion  they  made  in  their  afking  leave  to  withdraw  fnewed  it 
was  a  voluntary  ad  of  theirs,  and  not  impofed  on  them  by 
the  law  of  Parliament :  The  words  of  the  article  of  Clarendon 
feemed  to  import,  that  they  might  fit  during  the  trial,  till  it 
came  to  the  final  judgment  and  fentence  of  life  or  limbj  and 
by  confequence  that  they  might  vote  in  the  preliminaries. 

On  the  other  hand  it  was  argued,  that  Bilhops  could  not 
judge  the  temporal  Lords  as  their  Peers :  For  if  they  were  to 
be  tried  for  high  treafon,  they  were  to  be  judged  only  by  a 
jury  of  Commoners :  And  fince  their  honour  was  not  he- 
reditary ,  they  could  not  be  the  Peers  of  thofe  whofe 
blood  was  dignified :  And  therefore,  tho'  they  were  a  part 
of  thatHoufe  with  relation  to  thelegiflatureand  judicature,  yet 
the  difference  between  a  perfonal  and  hereditary  Peerage  made 
that  they  could  not  be  the  judges  of  the  temporal  Lords,  as 
not  being  to  be  tried  by  them :  The  cuftom  of  Parliament 
was  the  law  of  Parliament :  And  fince  they  had  never  judged 
in  thefe  cafes,  they  could  not  pretend  to  it  :  Their  pro- 
teftations  was  only  in  barrtothe  Lords  doing  any  thing  befides 
the  trial  during  the  time  that  they  were  withdrawn  :  The 
words  of  the  article  of  Clarendon  muil  relate  to  the  whole  trial 
as  one  complicated  thing,  tho'  it  might  run  out  into  many 
branches:  And  fince  the  final  fentence  did  often  turn  upon  the 
preliminaries,  the  voting  in  thefe  was  upon  the  matter  the  vo- 
ting in  the  final  fentence  :  Whatever  might  be  the  firft  in- 
ducements to  frame  thofe  articles  of  the  Clergy,  which  at  this 
diftance  muft  be  dark  and  uncertain,  yet  the  laws  and  practice 
purfuant  to  them  Were  flill  in  force  :  By  the  ad  of  Henry  the 
eighth  it  was  provided,  that,  till  a  new  body  of  canon  law 
fliould  be  formed,  that  which  was  then  received  fhould  be  f^ill 
in  force,  unlefs  it  was  contrary  to  the  King's  prerogative  or 
thelawof  the  land:  And  it  was  a  remote  and  forced  inference 
to  pretend  that  the  prerogative  was  concerned  in  this  matter. 

Thus ^  the  point  was  argued  on  both  fides.  Dr.  StUlingfleet  stiiUngfleet 
gave  upon  this  occafion  a  great  proof  of  his  being  able  to  make  Jhi$°|^in!! 
himfelf  the  mafler  of  any  argument  which  he  undertook  : 
For  after  the  lawyers,  and  others  converfant  in  Parliament 
records,  in  particular  the  Lord  Hollis  who  undertook  the  ar- 
gument with  great  vehemence,  had  writ  many  books  about  it, 
he  publifhed  a  treatife  that  difcovered  more  (kill  and  exadnefs 

in 


404         The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1679    in  judging  thofe    matters    than   all   that    had  gone    before 
^<yy^>^  him.    And  indeed  he  put  an  end   to  the  controverfy  in   the 
opinion  of  all  impartial  men.     He  proved  the  right  that  the 
Bifliops  had  to  vote  in  thofe  preliminaries^  beyond  contradic- 
tion in   my  opinion,  both  from  our  records,  and   from  our 
conftitution.     But  now  in  the  interval  of  Parliament  other  mat- 
ters come  to  be  related. 
The  trial  of     The  King  upon  the  prorogation  of  the  Parliament  became  ful- 
tivc  jefiafs.  Jen  aud  thoughtful :  He  faw,  he  had  to  do  with  a  ftrange  fort  of 
people,  that  could  neither  be  managed  nor  frightned :  And  from 
that  time  his  temper  was  obferved  to  change  very  vifibly.  He  faw 
the  neceflity  of  calling  another  Parliament,  and  of  preparing  mat- 
ters in  order  to  it:  Therefore  the  profecution  of  the  plot  was  ftill 
carried  on.     So  five  of  the  Jefu'tts  that  had  been  accufed  of  it 
were  brought  to  their  trial:  They  were  IVh'ttebread ih.tiv  Pro- 
vincial, Fenwkkj  Harcourty  Govan^  ^xidiTurner.     0<3r/f5 repeat- 
ed againft  them  his  former  evidence :  And  they  prepared  a  great 
defence  againft  it :    For  fixteen  perfons  came  over  from  their 
Houfe  at  St.  Omers,  who  teftified  that  Oates  had  ftaid  among 
them  all  the  while  from  December  feventy  feven  till  June  feventy 
eight  J  fo  that  he  could  not  poflibly  be  at  London  in  the  y^pr'tl 
between  at  thofe  confultations,  as  he  had  fworn.     They  re- 
membred  this  the  more  particularly,  becaufe  he  fat  at  the  table 
by  himfelf  in  the  refed:ory,  which  made  his  being  there  to  be 
the  more  obferved  ^  for  as  he  was  not  mixed  with  the  fcho- 
lars  fo  neither  was   he  admitted  to  the  Jefu'tts  table.     They 
faid,  he  was  among  them  every  day,    except  one  or  two  in 
which  he  was  in  the  infirmary:  They  alfo  teftified,  that  fome 
of  thofe  who  he  fwore  came  over  with  him  into  England  in 
April  had  ftaid  all  that  iummer  in  Flanders.     In  oppofition  to 
this  Oates  had  found  out  feven  or  eight  perfons  who  depofed 
that  they  faw  him  in  England  about  the  beginning  of  May  ,• 
and  that  he  being  known  formerly  to  them  in  a  Clergyman's 
habit,  they  had  obferved  him  fo  much  the  more  by  reafon  of 
that  change  of  habit.     With  one  of  thefe  he  dined  -,  and  he 
had  much  difcourfe  with  him  about  his  travels.     An  old  Domi- 
nican Frier,  who  was  ftill  of  that  Church  and  Order,  fwore  al- 
fo that  he  faw  him,  and  fpoke  frequently  with  him  at  that 
time:  By  this  the  credit  of  the  St.  Omer's  fcholars  was  quite 
blafted.     There  was  no  reafon  to  miftruft  thofe  who  had  no 
intereft  in  the  matter,  and  fwore  that  they  faw  Oates  about 
that  time,-  whereas  the  evidence  given  by  fcholars  bred  in  the 
Jefuits  college,  when  it  was  to  fave  fome  of  their  Order,  was 
liable  to  a  very  juft  fufpicion.     BedlowviQ"^  fwore  againft  them 
3  all, 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  11.  ^^T       4(55 

all,  not  upon  hearfay  as  before,  but  on  his  own  knowledge,-    i67Cf 
and  no  regard  was  had  to  his  former  Oath  mentioned  in  Ire-  ^^■'^"y^^^. 
land's  trial.     Dugdale  did  likewife  fwear  againft  fomeof  them:. 
One  part  of  his  evidence  feemedfcarce  credible.   He  fwore,  that 
fVhitebreadAld  in  a  letter  that  was  directed  to  himfelf,  tho'  intend- 
ed for /".  £z;(?r5,  and  that  came  to  himby  the  common  poft,  and 
was  figned  by  H^hkebread,  defire  him  to  find  out  men  proper  to 
be   made  ufe  of  in  killing  the  King,  of  what  quality  foever 
they  might  be.      This  did  not  look  like  the  cunning  oi  Jefuits 
in  an  age,  in  which  all  people  made  ufe  either  of  cyphers, 
or  ©f  fome  difguifed  cant.     But  the  overthrowing  the  St.  Omers    ■ 
evidence  was  now  iuch  an  additional  load  on  the  JefuitSy  that 
the  jury  came  quickly  to  a  verdict  ^  and  they  were  condemned.^ 
At  their  execution  they  did  with  the  greateft  folemnity,  and 
the  deepefl  imprecations  polfible,  deny  the  whole  evidence  up'l 
on  which  they  were  condemned  :    And  protefted ,   that  they 
held  no   opinions    either    of  the  lawfulnefs  of  alTaflinating 
Princes,  or  of  the  Pope's  power  of  depofing  them ,  and  that 
they  counted  all  equivocation  odious  and  finful.  All  their  fpeeches 
were  very  full  of  thefe  heads.     Govan's   was  much   laboured, 
and  too  rhetorical.     A  very  zealous  Proteftant,  that  went  oft 
to  fee  them  in  prifon,  told  me,  that  they  behaved  themfelves 
with  great  decency,  and  with  all  the  appearances  both  of  in- 
nocence and  devotion.  ,      .    — 

Langhorfiy  the  lawyer,  was  tried  next :  He  madeufeof  theSt.^'»?^*<"-»*s 
Omer's  fcholars:  But  their  evidence  feemed  to  be  fo  baffled, 
that  it  ferved  him  in  no  flead.  He  infilled  next  on  fome  con- 
traditions  in  the  feveral  depofitions  that  Oates  had  given  at 
(everal  trials :  But  he  had  no  other  evidence  of  that  befides 
the  printed  trials,  which  was  no  proof  in  law.  The  Judges 
faid  upon  this,  (that  which  is  perhaps  good  in  law,  but  yet  does 
not  fatisfy  a  man's  mind,)  that  great  difference  was  to  be  made 
between  a  narrative  upon  oath,  and  an  evidence  given  in 
Court.  If  a  man  was  falfe  in  any  one  oath,  there  feemed  to 
bejuft  reafon  to  fet  him  afide,  as  no  good  witnefs.  Langhorn 
likewife  urged  this,  that  it  was  fix  weeks  after  Gates's  firft  dif^ 
covery  before  he  named  him :  Whereas,  if  thecommilfions  had 
been  lodged  with  him,  he  ought  to  have  been  feized  on  and 
fearched  firft  of  all.  Bedlow  fwoie,  he  faw  him  enter  fome  of 
Coleman's  treaConable  letters  in  a  regifter,  in  which  exprefs  men- 
tion was  made  of  killing  the  King.  He  fhewed  the  improba- 
bility of  this,  that  a  man  of  his  bufinefs  could  be  fet  to  regifter 
letters.  Yet  all  was  of  no  ufe  to  him;  for  he  was  caft.  Great 
pains  was  taken  to  perfuade  him  to  difcover  all  he  knew ;  and 
aril  6  C  his 


466      Tk  H I  S  T  o  R  V  of  the  Ueign 

1679    his  execution  was  delayed  for  feme  week's,' in  hopes  that  fome- 
^-^^'^^^^  what -might  be  drawn  from  him.     He    offered  a  difcovery  of 
the  eftates  and   ftock  that   the  J e/uits  had  in  England ^  the 
fecrct  of  which  was  lodged  with  him:  But  he  protefted,  that  he* 
could  make  no  other  difcovery  j  and  perfifted  in  this  to  his  death*^ 
He  fpent  the  time,  in  which  his  execution  was  refpited,  in' 
And  death,  writing  fome   very   devout  and  well  compofed  meditations. 
He  was  in  all  refpedts  a  very  extraordinary  man :  He  was  learn- 
ed,   and  honefl  in   his  Profeffion  j    but  was  out  of  meafiire 
bigotted  in  his  religion.     He  died  with  great  conftancy. 

Thefe  executions,  withthe  denials  of  all  that  fuffered,  made- 
great  imprcftions  on  many.  Several  books  were  writ,  to  (hew 
that  lying  for  a  good  end  was  not  only  thought  lawful  among 
them,  but  had  been  often  pra<5tifed,  particularly  by  fome  of 
thofe  who  died  for  the  gunpowder  treafon,  denying  thofe 
very  things  which  were  afterwards  not  only  fully  proved, 
but  confefled  by  the  perfons  concerned  in  them:  Yet  thc^ 
behaviour,  and  laft  words ,  of  thofe  who  fuffered  made  im- 
preflions  which  no   books  could  carry  off. 

Some  months  after  this  one  Serjeant,  a  fecular  Prieft,  who' 
had  been  always  in  ill  terms  with  the  Jefu'tts,  and  was  a  zea- 
lous Papift  in  his  own  way,  appeared  before  the  Council 
upon  fecurity  given  him,-  and  he  averred,  that  Govan,  the' 
Jefuh,  who  died  protefting  he  had  never  thought  it  lawful  to 
murder  Kings,  but  had  always  detefted  it,  had  at  his  laft  being 
in  Flanders  faid  to  a  very  devout  perfbn,  from  whom  Ser- 
j»ant  had  it,  that  he  thought  the  Queen  might  lawfully  take 
away  the  King's  life  for  the  injuries  he  had  done  her,  but 
much  more  becaufc  he  was  a  heretick.  Upon  that  Serjeant 
run  out  into  many  particulars,  to  fhew  how  little  credit  was 
due  to  the  proteftations  made  by  Jefmts  even  at  their  death. 
This  gave  fome  credit  to  the  tendereft  part  of  Gates's  evi- 
dence with  relation  to  the  Queen.  It  fhewed,  that  the  trying 
to  do  it  by  her  means  had  been  thought  of  by  them.  All  this 
was  only  evidence  from  fecond  hand :  So  it  fignified  little.  Ser^ 
jeant  was  much  blamed  for  it  by  all  his  own  fide.  He  had  the 
reputation  of  a  fincere  and  good,  but  of  an  indifcreet,  man. 
The  executions  were  generally  imputed  to  Lord  Shajisburyy 
who  drove  them  on  in  hopes  that  fome  one  or  other  to  have 
faved  himfelf  would  have  accufed  the  Duke.  But  by  thefe 
the  credit  of  the  witnefTes,  and  of  the  whole  plot,  was  finking 
apace.  The  building  fo  much,  and  fhedding  fo  much  blood, 
upon  the  weakeft  part  of  it,  which  was  the  credit  of  the  wit- 
meffes,  raifed  a  general  prejudice  againft  it  all  j  and  took  away 

I  the 


^  KiftgCHARLES  II.        V     407 

the  force  of  that,   which  was  certainly  true,  that  the  whole    167^ 
party  had  been  contriving  a  change  of  religion  by  a  foreign  ^-'^V>o' 
afliftance,  fo  that  it  made  not  impreffion  enough,  but  went  off 
too  fail:.     It  was  like  the  letting  blood,   (  as  one  obferved,  ) 
which  abates  a  fever.     Every  execution,  like  a  new  bleedingj|/ 
abated  the  heat  that  the  Nation  was  in  ,•  and  threw  us  into  a 
cold  deadncfs,  which  was  like  to  prove  fatal  to  us. 

JVakeman's  trial  came  on  next.  Oates  fwore,  he  faw  him  write  fFakem»H*i 
a  bill  to  ^Jhby  the  Jefmt,  by  which  he  knew  his  hand:  And'^"^' 
he  faw  another  letter  of  his  writ  in  the  fame  hand  ,  in 
which  he  direded  ^Jhby,  who  was  then  going  to  the  Bath^ 
to  ufe  a  milk  diet,  and  to  be  pump'd  at  the  Bath  ^  and  that 
in  that  letter  he  mentioned  his  zeal  in  the  defign  of  killing 
the  King.  He  next  repeated  all  the  ftory  he  had  fworn  a- 
gainft  the  Queen  :  Which  he  brought  only  to  make  it  probable 
that  fVakeman,  who  was  her  phyfician,  was  in  it.  To  all 
this  Wakeman  objedied,  that  at  firft  Oates  accufed  him  only 
upon  hearfay:  And  did  folemnly  proteft  he  knew  nothing  a-<.  -?:  uw -h 
gainft  him :  Which  was  fully  made  out.  So  he  faid,  all  that 
Oates  now  fwore  againft  him  muft  be  a  forgery  not  thpught 
of  at  that  time.  He  alfo  proved  by  his  own  fervant,  and  by 
the  apothecary  at  the  Bath^  that  Afhby's  paper  was  not  writ,  but 
only  didated  by  him :  For  he  hapned  to  be  very  weary  when 
he  came  for  it,  and  his  man  wrote  it  out:  And  that  of  the  milk 
diet  was  a  plain  indication  of  an  ill  laid  forgery,  fince  it  was  known 
that  nothing  was  held  more  inconfiftent  with  the  Bath  water 
than  milk.  Bedlow  fwore  againft  him,  that  he  faw  him  re- 
ceive a  bill  of  2000  /.  from  Harcourt  in  part  of  a  greater  fum,- 
and  that  Wakeman  told  him  afterwards  that  he  had  received 
the  moneys  and  that  Harcourt  told  him  for  what  end  it  was 
given,  for  they  intended  the  King  fhould  be  killed,  either 
by  thofe  they  fent  to  fVmdfor,  or  by  Wakeman's  means:  And, 
if  all  other  ways  failed ,  they  would  take  him  off  at  New- 
market. Bedlow  in  the  firft  giving  his  evidence  depofed,  that 
this  was  faid  by  Harcourt  when  fVakeman  was  gone  out  of  the 
room.  But  obferving,  by  the  queftions  that  were  put  him, 
that  this  would  not  affed  Wakeman^  he  fwore  afterwards,  that 
he  faid  it  likewife  in  his  hearing.  Wakfman  had  nothing  to 
fet  againft  all  this,  but  that  it  feemed  impoifible  that  he  could 
truft  himfelf  in  fuch  matters  to  fuch  a  perfon :  And  if  Oates 
was  fet  afide,  he  was  but  one  witnefs.  Three  other  Bene- 
didin  Priefts  were  tried  with  Wakeman.  Oates  fwore,  that 
they  were  in  the  plot  of  killing  the  King;  that  one  of  them, 
beiog  their  Superior,  had  engaged  to   give   6000  /.  t£)wards 

the 


4(58     Ti?;^  H I S  T  O  R  Y  <)/  the  Reign 

1679  the  carrying  it  on.  Bellow  fwore  fomewhat  circumftantial  to 
^■'^^^^^-^  the  fame  purpofe  againft  two  of  them:  But  that  did  not  rife 
up  to  be  treafon:  And  he  had  nothing  to  charge  the  third 
with.  They  proved,  that  another  perfon  had  been  their  Su- 
perior for  feveral  years  5  and  that  Oates  was  never  once  differ- 
ed to  come  within  their  houfe,  which  all  their  fervants  de- 
pofed.  And  they  alfo  proved,  that  when  Oates  came  into  their 
'  houfe  the   night   after   he   made    his  difcovery ,    and    took 

Pickering  out  of  his  bed,  and  faw  them,  he  faid,  he  had  no- 
thing to  lay  to  their  charge.  They  urged  many  other  things 
to  deftroy  the  credit  of  the  witneifes:  And  one  of  them  made 
a  long  declamation,  in  a  high  bombaft  drain,  to  (hew  what 
credit  was  due  to  the  fpeeches  of  dying  men.  The  eloquence 
wasfo  forced  and  childifh,  that  this  did  them  more  hurt  than 
good.  Scroggs  fummed  up  the  evidence  very  favourably  for 
the  prifoners,  far  contrary  to  his  former  pradicc.  The  truth 
is,  that  this  was  looked  on,  as  the  Queen's  trial,  as  well  as 
He  Wis  zc-  IVakeman's,  The  prifoners  were  acquitted:  And  now  the 
^"'"^  ■  witnefTes  faw  they  were  blafted.  And  they  were  enraged  upoa 
itj  which  they  vented  with  much  fpite  upon  Scroggs.  And 
there  was  in  him  matter  enough  to  work  on  for  fiich  foul 
mouthed  people  as  they  were.  The  Queen  got  a  man  of 
great  Quality  to  be  fent  over  AmbalTador  from  Portugal,  not 
knowing  how  much  fhe  might  ftand  in  need  of  fuch  a  pro- 
tection. He  went  next  day  with  great  ftate  to  thank  Scroggs 
for  his  behaviour  in  this  trial.  If  he  meant  well  in  this  com- 
plement, it  was  very  unadvifedly  done :  For  the  Chief  Juftice 
was  expofed  to  much  cenfure  by  it.  And  therefore  fome 
thought  it  was  a  (hew  of  civility  done  on  defign  to  ruin  him. 
For,  how  well  pleafed  foever  the  Papifts  were  with  the  fuccefs 
of  this  trial,  and  with  Scrogg's  management,  yet  they  could 
not  be  fuppofed^  to  be  fo  fatisfied  with  him,  as  to  forgive  his 
behaviour  in  the  former  trials,  which  had  been  very  inde- 
cently partial  and  violent. 
Debates  a-  It  was  now  debated  in  Council  whether  the  Parliament,  now 
in°g"the  Sr-  prorogued,  fhould  be  diffolved,  or  not.  The  King  prevailed  on 
hament.  jj^jg  Lords  ofEffex  and  Halifax  to  be  for  a  dilTolution,  promifing 
to  call  another  Parliament  next  winter.  Almoft  all  the  new  Coun- 
fellors  were  againft  the  dilTolution.  They  faid,  the  Crown 
had  never  gained  any  thing  by  dilTolving  a  Parliament  in  an- 
ger :  The  fame  men  would  probably  be  chofen  again,  while 
all  that  were  thought  favourable  to  the  Court  would  be  blafted, 
and  for  the  moft  part  fet  afide.  The  new  men  thus  chofen, 
being  fretted  by  a  diffolution,  and  put  to  the  charge  and  trou- 

\  ble 


I 


s\    of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  4(J9 

ble  of  a  new  election,  they  thought  the  next  Parliament  would  1(^79 
be  more  uneafy  to  the  King  than  this  if  continued.  Lord  '-'^"VX^- 
E(['ex  and  Halifax  on  the  other  hand  argued,  that  fince  the 
King  was  fixed  in  his  refolutions,  both  with  relation  to  the 
Exclufion  and  to  the  Lord  Dankf%  pardon,  his  Parliament 
had  engaged  fo  far  in  both  thefe,  that  they  could  not  think 
that  thefe  would  be  let  fall:  Whereas  a  new  Parliament,  tho' 
compofcdof  the  fame  members,  not  being  yet  engaged,  might 
be  perfuaded  to  take  other  methods.  The  King  followed  this 
advice,  which  he  had  directed  himfelf :  Two  or  three  days 
after.  Lord  Halifax  was  made  an  Earl,  which  was  called  the 
reward  of  his  good  counfel.  And  now  the  hatred  between 
the  Earl  of  Shaftsbury  and  him  broke  out  into  many  violent 
and  indecent  inftances.  On  Lord  Shaftsburfs  fide  more  an- 
ger appeared,  and  more  contempt  on  Lord  Halifax's.  Lord 
RJfex  was  a  fofter  man,  and  bore  the  cenfiire  of  the  party 
more  mildly :  He  faw  how  he  was  cried  out  on  for  his  laft 
advice :  But  as  he  was  not;  apt  to  be  much  heated,  fo  all  he 
faid  to  me  upon  it  was,  that  he  knew  he  was  on  a  good  bot- 
tom, and  that  good  intentions  would  difcoverthemfelves,  and' 
be  juftified  by  all  in  conclufion. 

I  now  put  a  flop  in  the  further  relation  of  affairs  in  Rng-  Th^  ^^^j^^ 
land^  to  give  an  account  of  what  pafl  in  iVW-^W.  The  party  of-y^^z-sW. 
againfl  Duke  Lauderdale  had  lofl  all  hopes,  feeing  how  af- 
fairs were  carried  in  the  lafl  convention  of  Eflates:  But  they 
began  to  take  heart  upon  this  great  turn  in  England.  The 
Duke  was  fent  away,  and  the  Lord  Danhy  was  in  the  Tower, 
who  were  that  Duke's  chief  fupports :  And  when  the  new 
council  was  fettled,  Duke  Hamilton  and  many  others  were 
encouraged  to  come  up  and  accufe  him.  The  truth  was, 
the  King  found  his  memory  was  failing  him,-  and  fo  he  re- 
folvedto  let  him  fall  gently,  and  bring  all  iVo«//Z?  affairs  into  the 
Duke  oi  Monmouth's  hands.  The  Scottijh  Lords  were  defired, 
not  only  by  the  King,  but  by  the  liew  Miniflers,  to  put  the 
heads  of  their  charge  againft  Duke  Lauderdale  in  writing  ^  and 
the  King  promifedto  hear  lawyers  on  both  fides,  and  that  the 
Earls  of  E[fex  and  Halifax  fhould  be  prefent  at  the  hear- 
ing. Mackenzie  was  fent  for,  being  the  King's  advocate,  to 
defend  the  adminiflration  j  and  Lockhart  and  Cunningham 
were  to  argue  againfl  it.  The  lafl  of  thefe  had  not  indeed 
Lockharfs  quicknefs,  nor  his  talent  in  fpeakingj  but  he  was 
a  learned  and  judicious  man,  and  had  the  mofl.  univerfal, 
and  indeed  the  moft  deferved  reputation  for  integrity  and  vertue 
of  any  man,  not  only  of  his  own  profeffion,  but  of  the  whole 
,,;.xi  ^  d»  D  Nation, 


470        TheHlSTORY  Of  the  Reign 

1679   l^^ation.     The  hearing  came  on  as  was  promifed,-  and  it  was 
••^"V*^^  made  out  beyond  the  poflibility  of  an  anfwer,  that  the  giv- 
ing commiflions  to  an  Army  to  live  on   free  Quarters  in  a 
quiet  time  was  againft  the  whole  conftitution,  as  well  as  the 
exprefs  laws  of  that  Kingdom  j  and  that  it  was  never  done  but 
in   an  enemy's  country,    or   to  fupprefs  a  rebellion  :  They 
fhewed  likewife,  how  unjuft  and  illegal  all  the  other  parts  of 
his adminiftration  were.     TheEzrh  o( Effex and  Halifax  toldme 
every  thing  was  made  out  fully  j  Mackenzie  having  nothing  to 
fhelter  himfelf  in  ,    but  that  flourifh  in  the  ad:  againft  field 
Conventicles,  in  which  they  were  called  the  rendezvous  of  re- 
bellion j  from  which   he   inferred ,  that  the  country  where 
thefe  had  been  frequent  was   in   a  ftate  of  rebellion.     Kings 
naturally  love  to  hear  prerogative  magnified :  Yet  on  this  oc- 
\  cafion  the  King  had  nothing  to  fay  in  defence  of  the  admi- 

fliftration.  But  when  May^  the  mafter  of  the  privy  purfe, 
^ikfed  him  in  his  familiar  way  what  he  thought  now  of  his 
Lauderdale  J  he  anfwered,  as  A/aiy  himfelf  told  me,  that  they 
had  objeded  many  damned  things  that  he  had  done  againft 
them,  but  there  Was  nothing  objed:ed  that  was  againft  his  fer- 
vice.  Such  are  the  notions  that  many  Kings  drink  in,  by 
which  they  fet  up  an  intereft  for  themfelves  in  oppofition  to 
the  intereft  of  the  people:  And  as  foon  as  the  people  obferve 
that,  which  they  will  do  fooner  or  later,  then  they  will  na- 
turally mind  their  own  intereft,  and  itt  it  up  as  much  in  op- 
pofition to  the  Prince:  And  in  this  cOnteft  the  pebple  will 
grow  always  too  hard  for  the  Prince  ,  unlefs  he  is  able 
to  fubdue  ^nd  govern  them  by  an  army.  The  Duke  of 
Monmouth  was  beginning  to  form  a  fcheme  of  a  miniftry: 
But  now  the  government  in  Scotland  was  fo  remifs,  that  th^ 
people  apprehended  they  might  run  into  all  fort  of  confufion. 
They  heai'd  that  England  was  in  fuch  diftradiions  that  they 
needed  feiir  no  force  from  thence.  Duke  Lauderdale^  party 
^as  lofing  heart,  and  were  fearing  fuch  a  new  model  there 
is  was  fet  up  here  in  England.  All  this  fet  thofe  mad  people 
that  had  run  about  with  the  field  Conventicles  into  a  frenzy : 
They  drew  together  in  great  bodies:  Some  parties  of  the 
troops  came  to  difperfe  them,  but  found  them  both  fo  re- 
folute  and  fo  ftrong,  that  they  did  not  think  fit  to  engage 
them:  Sometimes  they  fired  on  one  another,  and  fome  were 
killed  of  both  fides. 
The  Arch-  Wheh  a  party  of  furious  men  were  ri<ling  thro'  a  moor 
^/hZms^i^'^^^  ^^'  '^ndre'ws,  they  faw  the  Archbifhop's  coach  appear :  He 
murdered,   wfts  comihg  from  a  council  day,  an<i  Was  drivifig  home :  He 

liad 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  n.  47  ! 

had  fent  fome  of  his  fervants  home  before  him,  to  let  them  167^ 
know  he  was  coming,  and  others  he  had  fent  off  on  com-  WOTN/ 
plements  ;  fo  that  there  was]  no  horfemen  about  the 
coach.  They  feeing  this  concluded >  according  to  their 
frantick  enthufiaftick  notions ,  that  God  had  now  de- 
livered up  their  greateft  enemy  into  their  hands:  Seven  of 
them  made  up  to  the  coach,  while  the  reft  were  as  fcouts 
riding  all  about  the  moor.  One  of  them  fired  a  piftol  at  him, 
which  burnt  his  coat  and  gown,  but  did  not  go  into  his  bo- 
dy :  Upon  this  they  fancied  he  had  a  magical  fecret  to  fecure 
him  againft  a  (hot  ,•  and  they  drew  him  out  of  his  coach,  and 
murdered  him  barbaroufly,  repeating  their  ftrokes  till  they 
were  fure  he  was  quite  dead :  And  fo  they  got  clear  off,  no 
body  happening  to  go  crofs  the  moor  all  the  while.  This 
was  the  difmal  end  of  that  unhappy  man :  It  ftruck  all  people 
with  horror,  and  foftned  his  enemies  into  fome  tendernefs: 
So  that  his  memory  was  treated  with  decency  by  thofe  who 
had  very  little  refped:  for  him  during  his  life. 

A  week  after  that,  there  was  a  great  field  Conventicle  held  A  "i»«^ji'o» 
within  ten  miles  o{  Glafgow:  A  body  of  the  guards  engaged 
with  them,  and  they  made  fuch  vigorous  refiftance,  that 
the  guards  having  loft  thirty  of  their  number  were  forced 
to  run  for  it :  So  the  Conventicle  formed  itfelf  into  a  bo- 
dy and  marched  to  Glafgow:  The  perfon  that  led  them  had 
been  bred  by  me,  while  I  lived  at  Glafgow  ^  being  the  younger 
fon  of  Sir  Tho.  Hamilton  that  had  married  my  fifter,  but  by 
a  former  wife:  He  was  then  a  lively  hopefiil  young  man: 
But  getting  into  that  company,  and  into  their  notions,  he 
became  a  crack-brained  enthufiaft.  Duke  Lauderdale  and 
his  party  publiftied  every  where  that  this  rebellion  was  headed 
by  a  nephew  of  mine,  whom  I  had  prepared  for  fuch  a  work 
while  he  was  in  my  hands:  Their  numbers  werefo  magnified, 
that  a  company  or  two  which  lay  at  Glafgow  retired  in  all  haft, 
and  left  the  town  to  them ,  tho'  they  were  then  not  above 
four  or  five  hundred  j  and  thefe  were  fo  ill  armed,  and  fo  ill 
commanded,  that  a  troop  of  horfe  could  have  eafily  difperfed 
them.  The  Council  at  Edinburgh  fent  the  Earl  of  Linltthgow 
againft  them  with  a  thoufand  foot,  two  hundred  horfc, 
and  two  hundred  dragoons:  A  force  much  greater  than  was 
neceflary  for  making  head  againft  fuch  a  rabble.  He  march- 
ed till  he  came  within  ten  miles  of  them  ^  and  then  he  pre- 
tended he  had  intelligence  that  they  were  above  eight  thou- 
fand ftrong ;  fo  he  marched  back  j  for  he  faid,  it  was  the 
venturing  the  \vhole  force  the  King  had  upon  too  great  an 

1  inequa- 


i\ 


472        TheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

1679  inequality:  He  could  never  prove  that  he  had  any  fuch  in- 
^vy^YN^  telligence:  Some  imputed  this  to  his  fear:  Others  thought, 
that  being  much  engaged  with  Duke  Lauderdale  ^  he  did 
this  on  purpofe  to  give  them  time  to  encreafe  their  numbers: 
And  thought  their  madnefs  would  be  the  beft  juftification 
of  all  the  violences  that  had  been  committed  in  Duke  Lau- 
derdale'^ admin iftration.  Thus  the  country  was  left  in  their 
hands;  And  if  there  had  been  any  defigns  or  preparations 
made  formerly  for  a  rebellion,  now  they  had  time  enough 
to  run  together  and  to  form  themfelves:  But  it  appeared 
that  there  had  been  no  fuch  defigns,  by  this,  that  none  came 
into  it  but  thofe  defperate  intercommoned  men,  who  were  as  it 
were  hunted  from  their  houfes  into  all  thofe  extravagances  that 
men  may  fall  in,  who  wander  about  inflaming  one  another, 
and  are  heated  in  it  with  falfe  notions  of  Religion.  The  re- 
bels having  the  country  left  to  their  difcretion  fancied 
that  their  numbers  would  quickly  encreafe :  And  they  fet  out 
a  fort  of  manifefto,  complaining  of  the  oppreffions  they  lay 
under,  affcrting  the  obligation  of  the  covenant :  And  they 
concluded  it  with  the  demand  of  a  free  Parliament.  When 
the  news  of  this  came  to  Court,  Duke  Lauderdale  faid,  it  was 
the  effed:  of  the  encouragement  that  they  had  from  the 
King's  hearkning  to  their  complaints :  Whereas  all  indifferent 
men  thought  it  was  rather  to  be  imputed  to  his  infolence  and 
tyranny. 
Monmouth  The  King  refolved  to  lofe  no  time:  So  he  fent  the  Duke  of 
f^atiovfn  to  Monmouth  down  poft,  with  full  powers  to  command  in  chief: 
"ppre  s  It.  ^^^  diredions  were  fent  to  fome  troops  that  lay  in  the  north 
oi  England  to  be  ready  to  march  upon  his  orders.  Duke  Lau- 
derdale apprehended  that  thofe  in  arms  would  prefently  fub- 
mit  to  the  Duke  of  Monmouthy  if  there  was  but  time  given 
for  proper  inftruments  to  go  among  them,  and  that  then 
they  would  pretend  they  had  been  forced  into  that  rifing 
by  the  violence  of  the  government:  So  he  got  the  King  to 
fend  pofitive  orders  after  him,  that  he  (hould  not  treat  with 
them,  but  fall  on  them  immediately :  Yet  he  marched  foflowly 
that  they  had  time  enough  given  them  to  difpofethem  to  a  fub- 
miflion.  They  fixed  at  Hamilton,  near  which  there  is  a  bridge 
on  ClidCy  which  it  was  believed  they  intended  to  defend  j  but 
they  took  no  care  of  it.  They  fent  fome  to  treat  with  the 
Duke  of  Monmouth :  He  anfwered,  that  if  they  would  fubmit 
to  the  King's  mercy,  and  lay  down  their  arms,  he  would 
.  interpofe  for  their  pardon ,  but  that  he  would  not  treat  with 
rhem  as  long  as  they  were  in   arms  :  And  •  fome  were  be- 

j  .  ginning 


of  King  Charles  IL        473 

ginning  to  prefs  their  rendring  themfelves  at  difcretion  :  They    1679 
had  neither  the  grace  to  fubmit,  nor  the  fenfe  to  march  a-  ^^^^y^^^ 
way,  nor  the  Courage  to  jfightit  out;  But  fufFered  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth  to  make  himfelf  mafter  of  the  bridge.     They  were 
then  four  thoufand  men  :  But  few  of  them  were  well  armed : 
If  they  had  charged  thofe  that  came  firft  over  the  bridge,  they  jT^'^J,  "'"'^ 
might  have  had  fome   advantage:  But  they  looked   on  like 
men  that  had  loft  both   fenfe  and  courage:  And  upon  the 
firft  charge  they  threw  down  their  arms  and  ran  away :  There 
were    between    two   or    three  hundred   killed  ,    and    twelve 
hundred  taken  prifoners.     The  Duke  of  Monmouth  ftopt  the 
execution  that  his  men  were  making  as  foon  as   he  could, 
and   faved  the  prifoners  j  for  fome  moved,  that  they  fhould 
be  all  killed  upon  the  fpot.     Yet  this  was  afterwards  objected  to 
him  as  a  negled  of  the  King's  fervice,  and  as  a  courting  the 
people:  The  Duke  o^Tork  talked  of  it  in  that  ftrain :  And  the 
King  himfelf  faid  to  him,  that   if  he  had  been  there  they 
(hould  not  have  had  the  trouble  of  prifoners :  He  anfwered, 
he  could  not  kill  men  in  cold  blood  ^  that  was  work  only  for 
butchers.    Duke  Lauderdale's  creatures  prelTed  the  keeping  the 
army  fome  time  in  that  Country,  on  defign  to  have  eat  it 
up  :    But  the   Duke   of  Monmouth  fent  home    the    Militiaj 
and  put  the  troops  under  difcipline :  So  that  all  that  Country 
wasfenfible,  that  he  had  preferved  them  from  ruin :  The  very 
fanatical  party  confefTed  that   he  treated  them  as  gently  as 
poffible,  confidering  their  madnefs:  He  came  back  to  Court 
as  foon  as  he  had  fettled  matters ,    and  moved  the  King  to 
grant  an  indemnity  for  what  was  paft,  and  a  liberty  to  hold 
meetings  under  the  King's  licenfe  or  connivance:  He  ihewed 
the   King  that  all  this  madnefs  of  field  Conventicles  flowed 
only  from  the  feverity  againft  thofe  that  were   held  within 
doors.     Duke  Lauderdale  drew  the  indemnity  in  fiich  a  man- 
ner that  it  carried  in  fome  claufes  of  it  a  full  pardon  to  him- 
felf and   all  his  party;  but  he  clogged  it  much  with  relation 
to  thofe  for  whom  it  was  granted.     All  Gentlemen,  Preachers 
and  Officers  were  excepted  out  of  it;  fo  that  the  favour  of 
it  was  much  limited   two  of  their   Preachers  were  hanged, 
but  the  other  prifoners  were  let  go  upon  their  figning  a  bond 
for  keeping   the  peace :  Two  hundred  of  them  were  fent  to 
lArgima^    but  they  were  all  caft  away  at  fea.     Thus  ended 
this  tumultuary  rebellion,  which  went  by  the  name  o^ Bothwell- 
Bridge^  where  the  ad:ion    was.     The  King  foon   after  fent 
down  orders  for  allowing  meeting  houfes:  But  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth's  intereft  funk  fo  foon  after  this,  that  thefe   were 

6  E  fcarce 


474        The  History  of  the  Reign 

i67Cf    fcarce  opened  when  they  were  fhut  up  again:  Their  enemies 
^^y^^f'^^^  faid,  this  looked  like  a  rewarding  them  for  their  rebellion. 
T^.   ,,.  An  accident  happened  foon  after   this  that  put  the  whole 

1  he  King  r  i  rr   ry  i  .«i 

taken  ill,  and  Nation  iu  a  fright,    and  produced  very  great  eftects  :    The 
comes  "J    King  was  taken  ill  at  Wtndfor  oi  an  intermitting  fever:  The 
Court.        ^fj  ^gj-g  ^^  jQjjg  jjjjjj  fQ  fevere,  that  the  phyficians  apprehend- 
ed he  was  in  danger :  Upon  which  he  ordered  the  Duke  to 
be  fent  for,  but   very    fecretly  ,•  for  it   was  communicated  to 
none    but    to    the   Earls    of  Sunderland^    Effex   and  Halifax. 
The  Duke  made  all  poflible  hafte,   and  came  in  difguife  thro' 
Calaisy  as  the  quicker  paifage :  But  the  danger  was  over  before 
he  came :  The  fits  did  not  return  after  the  King  took  ^'mqu'may 
called  in  England t)a.Q  J efuits  powder:  As  he  recovered  it  was 
moved,  that  the  Duke  fhould  be  again  fent  beyond  fea:  He 
had  no  mind  to  it:  But  when   the  King  was  pofitive  in  it, 
he  moved  that  the  Duke  oi Monmouth  fhould  be  put  out  of  all 
command,  and  likewife  fent  beyond  fea.     The  Duke  o^  Mon- 
mouth's friends  advifed   him  to   agree  to  thisj    for  he  might 
depend  on  it,  that    as  foon   as    the  Parliament   met    an  ad- 
drefs  would   be  made  to  the  King  for   bringing  him  back, 
fince  his  being  thus  divefted  of  hiscommiffions,  and  fent  away 
at  the  Duke's  defire,    would   raife  his  intereft  in  the  Nation. 
At  this  time  the  party  that  began  to  be  made  for  the  Duke 
The  many    of  '^ork  Were  endeavouring    to   blow  matters  up  into  a  flame 
f 'ead^°""  ^^^'^y  where :  Of  which  the  Earl  of  EJfex  gave  me  the  foUow- 
raife  jea-    ing  inftancc,  by  which  it  was  eafy  to  judge  what  fort  of  in- 
°"  ^'        telligence  they  were  apt  to  give,  and  how  they  were  polTef^ 
fmg  the  King  and  his  miniflers  with  ill  grounded  fears :  He 
came  once  to  London  on  fome  treafiiry  bufinefs  the  day  before 
the  common  Hall  was  to  meet  in  the  City:  So  the  fpies  that 
were  employed  to  bring  news  from  all  corners  came  to  him, 
and  affured  him  that  it  was  refolved  next  day  to  make  ufe 
of  the    noife   of  that  meeting,  and  to  feize  on   the  Tower, 
and  do  all  fuch  things  as  could  be  managed  by  a  popular 
fury.     The  advertifements  came  to  him  from  fo  many  hands, 
that  he  wasincHned  to  believe  there  was  fomewhat  in  it:  Some 
prelTed  him  to  fend  foldiers  into  the  Tower  and  to  the  other 
parts  of  the  City.     He  would  not  take  the  alarm  fo  hot,  but  he 
lent  to  the  Lieutenant  of  the  Tower  to  be  on  his  guard :  And  he 
ordered  fome  companies  to  be  drawn  up  in  Covent-Garden  and 
in  Lmcolns  Inn  Fields:  And  he  had  two  hundred  men  ready,' 
and  barges  prepared  to  carry  them  to  the  Tower,  if  there  fhould 
have  been   the  leaft  fliadow  of  tumult  :    But  he  would  not 
•juii.  feem 


tf/K^'/?^  Charles  II.  -        475 

feem  to  fear  a  diforder  too  much,  Jeft  perhaps  that  might  1(^79 
have  produced  one :  Yet  after  all  the  affrightning  ftories  that  ^■^''y^*^ 
had  been  brought  him,  the  next  day  pafl:  over  very  calmly, 
it  not  appearing  by  the  leaft  circumftance  that  any  thing 
was  defigned,  befides  the  bufmefs  for  which  the  common  Hall 
was  fiimmoned.  He  often  refledted  on  this  matter:  Thofe 
mercenary  fpies  are  very  officious,  that  they  may  deferve  their 
pay  ,•  and  they  fhape  their  ftory  to  the  tempers  of  thofe  whom 
they  ferve :  And  to  fuch  creatures,  and  to  their  falfe  intelli- 
gence, I  imputed  a  great  deal  of  the  jealoufy  that  I  found  the 
King  polTened  with.  Both  the  Dukes  went  now  beyond  fea : 
And  that  enmity  which  was  more  fecret  before,  and  was  co- 
vered with  a  Court  civility,  did  now  break  out  open  and 
barefaced.  But  it  feemed  that  the  Duke  ofTork  had  prevailed 
with  the  King  not  to  call  the  Parliament  that  winter,  in 
hope  that  the  heat  the  Nation  was  in  would  with  the  help 
of  fome  time  grow  cooler  ,  and  that  the  party  that  began 
now  to  declare  more  openly  for  the  right  of  fuccelTion  would 
gain  ground.  There  was  alfo  a  pretended  difcovery  now 
ready  to  break  out,  which  the  Duke  might  be  made  believe 
would  carry  off  the  plot  from  the  Papifts,  and  call  it  on  the 
contrary  party. 

Dangerfield ,  a  fubtile  and  dexterous  man,  who  had  gone  a  pretended 
thro'  all  the  fhapes  and  prad:ices  of  roguery,  and  in  particu-  ?cKd,ca'i?€d 
lar  was  a  falfe  coiner,  undertook  now  to  coin  a  plot  for  the  ^^x^"^'^"^ 
ends  of  the  Papifts.  He  was  in  jayl  for  debt,  and  was  in  an 
ill  intrigue  with  one  Cellter  a  Popifh  midwife  ,  who  had  a 
great  fhare  of  wit,  and  was  abandoned  to  lewdnefs.  She  got 
him  to  be  brought  out  of  prifon ,  and  carried  him  to  the 
Countefs  of  Pow'ts  a  zealous  managing  Papift.  He,  after  he 
had  laid  matters  with  her,  as  will  afterwards  appear,  got  into 
all  companies,  and  mixed  with  the  hotteft  men  of  the  Town, 
and  ftudied  to  engage  others  with  himfelf  to  fwear,  that  they 
had  been  invited  to  accept  of  commiflions,  and  that  a  new 
form  of  government  was  to  be  fet  up,  and  that  the  King  and 
the  Royal  Family  were  to  be  fent  away.  He  was  carried  with 
this  ftory  firft  to  the  Duke,  and  then  to  the  King ,  and  had 
a  weekly  allowance  of  money,  and  was  very  kindly  ufed  by 
many  of  that  fide 5  fo  that  a  whifper  run  about  Town,  that 
fome  extraordinary  thing  would  quickly  break  out:  And  he 
having  fome  correfpondence  with  one  CoUonel  Manfely  he 
made  up  a  bundle  of  feditious  but  ill  contrived  letters,  and 
laid  them  in  adark  corner  of  his  room :  And  then  fome  fearch- 
*crs  were  fent  from  the  Cuftom  Houfe  to  look  for  fome  forbid- 

I  den 


\ 


47©        T/?^  H I  S  T  o  R  Y  <?/  the  Reign 

1670    den    goods,  which   they  heard   were    in    ManfeH    chamber. 
^/^v^^^  There  were  no  goods  found :  But  as  it  was  laid  they  found 
that  bundle  of  letters :  And  upon  that  a  great  noife  was  made 
of  a  difcovery  :  But   upon    enquiry    it   appeared  the   letters 
were  counterfeited,    and   the   forger  of  them   was  fufpedled ; 
£0  they  fearched  into  all  Dangerfield's  haunts,    and  in   one 
of  them  they  found   a  paper  that  contained  the  fcheme  of 
this  whole  fiction,  which  becaufe  it  was  found  in  a  Meal-tub 
came  to  be  called  the  Meal-tub  plot.     Dangerfield  "f/^s  upon 
"^    that  clapt  up,  and  he  foon  after  confelTed  how  the  whole  mat- 
ter was  laid  and  managed :  In   which  it  is  very  probable  he 
mixed  much  of  his  own  invention  with  truth ,  for  he  was  a 
profligate  liar.     This  was  a  great  difgrace  to  the  Popifh  par- 
ty ,  and  the  King  fuffered  much  by  the  countenance  he  had 
given  him :  The  Earls  of  Effex  and  Halifax  were  fet  down  in 
the  fcheme  to  be  fworn  againft  with  the  reft. 
Great  jea-       Upon  this  they  prelTed  the  King  vehemently  to  call  aParlia- 
joufiesofthe  ^^^^  immediately.  But  the  King  thought  that  if  a  Parliament 
fhould  meet  while  all  mens  fpirits  were  fliarpned  by  this  new  dif^ 
covery,    he   would    find  them   in  worle  temper   than  ever: 
When  the  King  could  not  be  prevailed  on  to  do  that.  Lord 
EJfex  left  the  treafury.     The  King  was  very  uneafy  at  this. 
But  Lord  EJfex    was    firm    in    his    refolution  not  to  med- 
r  die  in  that  poft  more  fince  a  Parliament  was  not  called:  Yet, 

at  the  King's  earneft  defire,  he  continued  for  fome  time  to  go 
to  Council.     Lord  Halifax  fell  ill,  much  from  a  vexation  of 
mind :  His  fpirits  were  oppreflfed,  a  deep  melancholy  feizing 
him :  For  a  fortnight  together  I  was  once  a  day  with  him , 
and  found  then  that  he  had  deep  impreffions  of  Religion  on 
him :  Some  foolifli  people  gave  it  out  that  he  was  mad :  But 
I  never  knew  him  fo  near  a  ftate  of  true  wifdom  as  he  was 
at  that  time.     He  was  much  troubled  at  the  King's  forgetting 
his  promife  to  hold  a  Parliament  that  winter,-  and  expoftulated 
feverely  upon  it  with  fome  that  were  fent  to  him   from  the 
King :  He  was  offered  to  be  made  Secretary  of  State,  but  he 
refufed  it.     Some  gave  it  out  that  he  pretended  to  be  Lord 
Lieutenant  oi  Ireland ^  and  was  uneafy  when  that  was  denied 
him :  But  he  faid  to  me  that  it  was  offered  him,  and  he  had  re- 
fufed it.     He  did  not  love,  he  faid,  a  new  fcene,  nor  to  dine 
with  found  of  trumpet  and  thirty  fix  difhes  of  meat  on  his 
table.     He  likewife  faw  that   Lord  Effex  had  a  mind  to  be 
again  there  j    and  he  was   confident  he  was  better  fitted  for 
it  than  he  himfelf  was.     My  being  much  with  him  at  that 

time 


of  King  Charles  II.  477 

time  was  refleded  on:  It   was  faid,  I  had  hcightned  his  dif-    1^79 
affedion  to  the  Court.   I  was  with  him  only  as  a  divide.  onr\^ 

The  Court  went  on  in  their  own  pace:  Lord  Twedale  ht- 
ing  then  at  London  moved  the  Earl  of  Peterborough ,  that  it 
would  be  more  honourable,  and  more  for  the  Duke's  intereftj 
inftead  of  living  beyond  fea  to  go  and  live  in  Scotland.  Lord 
Peterborough  went  immediately  with  it  to  the  King,  who  ap- 
proved of  it.  So  notice  was  given  the  Duke:  And  he  was 
appointed  to  meet  the  King  at  New-Market  in  OBober.  Lord 
Twedale  faw,  that  fince  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  had  loft  his 
credit  with  the  King,  Duke  Lauderdale  would  again  be  con- 
tinued in  his  poftsj  and  that  he  would  ad  over  his  former 
extravagances :  Whereas  he  reckoned  that  this  would  be  checked 
by  the  Duke's  going  to  Scotland -^  and  that  he  would  ftudy  to 
make  himfelf  acceptable  to  that  Nation,  and  bring  things  a- 
mong  them  into  order  and  temper.  The  Duke  met  the 
King  at  New-Market  as  it  was  ordered;  But  upon  that  the 
Earl  o(  Shaftsbury,  who  was  yet  Prefident  of  the  Council,  tho' 
he  had  quite  loft  all  his  intereft  in  the  King,  called  a  Council 
at  White-Hall)  and  reprefented  to  them  the  danger  the  King 
was  in  by  the  Duke's  being  fo  near  him,-  aad  prefTed  the  Council 
to  represent  this  to  the  King.  But  they  did  not  agree  to  it :  And 
upon  the  King's  coming  to  London  he  was  turned  out,  and 
Lord  Roberts^  mad-e  then  Earl  of  Radnor ^  was  made  Lord  Pre- 
fident. 

The  Duke  went  to  Scotland  foon  after:  And  upon  that  ^tMonmouthh 
Duke  of  Monmouth  grew  impatient,  when   he  found  he  was '^'^^"'^*' 
ftill  to   be   kept  beyond   fea.     He  begged  the  King's  leave 
to   return:    But   when   he  faw  no  hope  of  obtaining  it,    he 
came  over  without  leave.     The  King  upon  that  would  not 
fee  him,  and  required  him  to  go  back^  on  which  his  friends 
were  divided.     Some  advifed  him  to  comply  with  the  King's 
pleafiire :  But  he  gave  himfelf  fatally  up  to  the  Lord  Shafts- 
bur'fs  Gondud,  who  put  him  on  all  the  methods  imaginable 
to  make  himfelf  popular.     He  went  round  many  parts   of 
England,  pretending  it  was  for  hunting  and  horfe  matches^ 
many  thoufands  coming  together  in  moft  places  to  fee  him  j 
So  that  this  looked  like  the  muftering  up  the  force  of  the 
party:  But  it  really  weakned  it:  Many  grew  jealous  of  the  de- 
Hgn,  and  fancied  here  was  a  new  civil  war  to  be  raifed.     Up- 
on this  they  joined  in  with  the  Duke's  party.    Lord  Shafts- 
bury  fet  alfo  on  foot  petitions  for  a  Parliament,  in  ordejr  to  Petitions  fo^ 
the  fecuring  the  King's  perfon,  and  the  Proteftant  Religion.  '•P"^"'""^ 
Thefe  were  carried  about  and  figned  in  many  places,  not-, 

6  F  with-' 


48  f       The  History  of  the  Reign 

1679    withftahding  tke  King  fet  out  a  proclamation  againfl:  them: 


v>nr>4-' 


Upon  that  a  fct.  of  counter  petitions  was  promoted  by  the  Court, 
exprefling  an  abhorrenceof  all feditious practices,  andreferring 
the  time, of  calling  a  Parliament  wholly  to  the  King.  There 
were  not  fuch  numbers  that  joined  in  the  petitions  for  the 
Parliament,  as  had  been  expected :  So  this  fhewed  rather  the 
weaknefs  than  the  ftrength  of  the  party :  And  many  well  mean- 
ing men  began  to  diflike  thofe  practices,  and  to  apprehend 
that  a  change  of  government  was  defigncd. 

Some  made  a  reflexion  on  that  whole  method  of  proceed- 
ing, which  may   deferve  well  to  be  remembred:  In  the  in- 
tervals of  Parliament,  men  that  complain  of  the  government 
by  keeping  thcmfelves  in  a  fuUen  and  quiet  ftate,  and  avoid- 
ing cabals  and  publick  afTcmblies,  grow  thereby  the  ftrongcr 
and  more  capable  to  make  a  ftand  when  a  Parliament  comes : 
Whereas  by  their  forming  of  parties  out  of  Parliament,  un- 
Icfs  iti  order  to  the  managing  of  eledions,  they  do  bothexpofe 
themfelves  to  much  danger,    and  bring  an   ill   charader  on 
their  defigns  over  the  Nation  ^  which   naturally  loves  par- 
liamentary cures,  but  is  jealous  of  all  other  methods. 
Great  dif-       The  King  was  now  wholly  in  the  Duke's  intereft ,  and  re- 
aiTiides.°"  Solved  to  pafs  that  winter  without  a  Parliament.     Upon  which 
the  Lords  Rujfel  and  Cavendtjh^  Sir   Henry  Capel^    and  Mr. 
Powel,  four   of  the    new   Counfellors,    defired  to  be  excufed 
from  their  attendance  in  Council.     Several  of  thofe  who  were 
put  in  the  Admiralty  and  in  other  commiflions  defired  like- 
wife  to  be  difmifled:    With  this  the  King  was  fo  highly  of- 
fended, that  he  became  more  fuUen  and  intractable  than  he 
had  ever  been  before. 
Godoiphin\       The  men  that  governed  now  were  the  Earl  of  Sunderland^ 
Lord  Htde,  and  Godolph'm:  The  laft  of  thefe  was  a  younger 
brother  of  an  ancient  Family  in  Cornwall^  that  had  been  bred 
about  the  King  from  a  page,  and  was  now  confidered  as  one 
of  the  abltft  men  that  belonged  to  the  Court :  He  was  the 
filenteft  and  modefteft  man  that  was  perhaps  ever  bred  in  a 
Court.     He  had  a  clear  apprehenfion,   and  difpatched  bufi- 
nefs  with  great  method,  and  with  fo  much   temper  that  he 
had  no  perfonal  enemies:  But  his  filence  begot  a  jealbufy, 
which  has  hung  long  upon  him.     His   notions   were  for  the 
Court:  But  his  incorrupt  and   fincere  way  of  managing  the 
concei-ns  of  the  treafury   created  in  all   people  a  very  high 
efteem  for  him.     He  loved  gaming  the  molt  of  any  man  of 
bufinefs  I  ever  knew;  and  gave  one  rcafon  fi>r  it,  becaufe  it 
delivered  him  from  the  obligation   to  talk   much  :  Hie  had 
-iMiH  true 


of  King  Char  le  s  II.         4'^9 

true  principles    of  religion   and  vertue,    and  was   free  from    167^ 
all  vanity,  and  never  heaped  up  wealth:  So  that  all  things  ^--^'""^''^^ 
being    laid   together ,     he    was    one    of  the  worthieft    and 
wifcit  men  that  has  been    employed  in  our  time  :    And  he 
has  had  much  of  the  confidence  of  four  of  our   fucceeding 
Princes,  ^t^   *- 

In  the  fpring  of  the  year  eighty  the  Duke   had  lea,ve  to    i<^8o 
come  to  England  j    and  continued   about   the  King  till  next  ^-'^"^^^*-' 
winter,  that  the  Parliament  was  to  fit.    Foreign  affairs  feemed 
to  be  forgot  by  our  Court.     The  Prince  oi  Orange  had- pro- An  alliance 
jeded  an  alliance  againft  France:   And  moft  of  the  G^irnah^^^n^^fame. 
Princes  were  much  difpofed  to  come  into  it:  For  the  French 
had  fct  up  a  new  Court  at  Metz,    in  which  many    Princes 
were,  under  the  pretence  of  dependencies  and  fome  old  for- 
got or  forged   titles,   judged    to   belong   to  the  new  French 
conquefts.  This  was  a  mean  as  well  as  a  perfidious  practice, 
in  which  the  Court  of  France  raifed  much  more  jealoufy  an4 
hatred    againft  themfelves   than   could  ever  be  balanced  by 
fuch  fmall  acceflions  as  were  adjudged  by  that  mock  Court. 
The  Earl  of  Sunderland  entred  into  a  particular   confidence 
with  the  Prince  of  Orange,  which  he  managed  by  his  Uncle 
Mr.  Sidney  ,    who  was  fent  Envoy  to  Holland:   The  Prince 
feemed  confident,   that  ii  England  wovXd  come  heartily  into 
it,  a  ftrong  confederacy  might  then  have  been   formed   a- 
gainft  France.     Van  Beunmg  was  then  in  England:  And   he 
wrote  to  the  town  of  Amflerdam,  that  they  could  not  depend 
on  the  faith  or  affiftance  of  England.     He  alTured  them  the 
Court  was  ftill  in  the  French  intereft :  He  alfo  looked  on  the 
jealoufy  between  the  Court  and  the  Country  party  as    thep 
fo  high,  that  he  did  not  believe  it  poffible  to  heal  matter's 
fo  as  to  encourage  the  King  to  enter  into  any  alliance  that 
might  draw  on  a  war :   For  the  King  feemed  to  fet  that  up  for 
a  maxim,  that  his  going  into  a  war  was  the  putting  himfelf 
into  the  hands  of  his  Parliament  ,•  and  was  firmly  refolved  againft 
it.     Yet  the  projed;  of  a  league  was  formed :  And  the  King 
feemed  inclined  to  go  into  it,  as  foon  as  matters  could  be  w^eil 
adjufted  at  home.  7  -^  'i    '''» 

There  was  this  year  at  midfummer  a  new  prad;ice  -  begun '^''^  ^j^'^'- 
in   the  city  of  London,  that  produced  very,  ill  conf^c^uenc?^.  Sheriffs  of 
The  city  oi  London  has  by  Charter  the  {hrivalry  ' ot .j\^fd4^  ^"*^'^' 
fex,  as   well   as  of  the  city:   And  the   two   Sheriffs *j\^efe  to 
be  chofen   on  midfiimmer  day.     But   the  common  jn^tTipd 
had   been  for  the  Lord  Mayor  to  name  one  of  the,$/>eri^ 
by  drinking  to  him  on  a  publick  occafion:  And  that  nomi- 
nation 

3 


480    The  History  of  the  Reign 

167^    nation  was  commonly  confirmed  by  the  Common  Hall:    And 
^^^'y^*^  then   they  named  the  other   Sheriff.     The  truth  was ,    the 
way  in  which   the   Sheriffs  lived  made  it  a  charge  of  about 
yooo  /.  a  year:  So  they  took  little  care  about  it,  but  only  to 
find  men  that  would  bear  the  charge  j    which  recommended 
them  to   be  chofen  Aldermen  upon  the  next  vacancy,  and 
to  rife  up   according   to   their   ftanding  to  the  Mayoralty, 
Vhich  generally   went  in    courfe   to    the    fenior   Alderman. 
When  a  perfon  was  fet  up  to  be  Sheriff  that  would  not  ferve,  he 
compounded  the  matter  for  400/.  fine.  All  juries  were  returned 
by  the  Sheriffs :  But  they  commonly  left  that  wholly  in  the  hands 
of  their  Under-Sheriffs :  So  it  was  now  pretended  that  it  was 
neceffary   to   look  a  little  more   carefully  after  this   matter. 
The  Under-sheriffs  were  generally  Attorneys ,  and  might  be 
eafily  brought  under  the  management  of  the  Court:  So  it  was 
propofed,  that  the  Sheriffs  fhould  be  chofen  with  more  care, 
toot  fo  much  that  they  might  keep  good  tables,  as  that  they 
fhould  return  good  juries :  The  perfon  to  whom  the  prefent 
Mayor  had  drunk  was  fet  afide :  And  Bethel  and  Cornifh  were 
chofen  Sheriffs  for   the  enfuing  year.     Bethel  was  a  man  of 
knowledge,  and  had  writ  a  very  judicious  book  of  the  inte- 
refls  of  Princes :  But  as  he  was  a  known  republican  in  princi- 
ple, fo  he  was  a  fullen  and  wilful  man  ^  and  turned  from  the 
ordinary  way  of  a  Sheriff's   living  into  the  extream  of  for- 
didnefs,  which  was  very  unacceptable  to  the  body  of  the  citi- 
zens, and  proved  a  great  prejudice  to  the  party.     Cormjh^  the 
other  Sheriffwas  a  plain,  warm,  honeflman,-  and  lived  very  no- 
bly all  his  year:  The  Court  was  very  jealous  of  this,  and  under- 
flood   it  to  be  done  on  defign   to  pack  juries:    So  that  the 
party  fhould  be   alwayes  fafe,    whatever  they  might  engage 
in.     It  was  faid,    that  the  King  would   not  have  common 
juflice  done  him  hereafter  againfl  any   of  them,  how  guilty 
fbever.     The  fetting  up  Bethel  gave  a  great  colour  to  this 
jealoufy^  for  it  was  faid,  he  had  exprelfed  his  approving  the 
late  King's  death  in  very  indecent  terms.     Thefe  two  per- 
fons  had  never  before  received  the  Sacrament  in  the  Church, 
being  Independents:    But  they  did  it  now  to  qualify  them- 
felves  for  this   office  ,  which  gave  great  advantages    againfl 
the  whole  party :  It  was  faid,  that  the  ferving  an  end  was  a 
good  refolver   of  all   cafes  of  confcience,    and  purged  all 
fcruples. 

Thus  matters  went  on  till  the  winter  eighty  ,  in  which 
the  King  refolved  to  hold  a  feffion  of  Parliament:  He  fent 
the  Duke  to  Scotland  a  few  days  before  their  meeting :  And 

2  upon 


r.' 


of  King  Charles  II.  t      48 1 

upon  that  the  Duchefs  oi Port/mouth  declared  openly  for  the    1^80 
Exclufionj  and  fo  did  Lord  Sunderland znd  Godolph'm.     Lord  ^^'VV^ 
Sunderland  aflured  all  people,  that  the  King  was  rcfolvcd  to 
fettle  matters  with  his  Parliament  on   any  terms,    fmce    the 
intereft  oi  England  and   the   affairs   oi  Europe  made  a  league 
againft  France  indifpenfably  neccifary    at  that   time  j    which 
could  not  be  done  without   a  good  underftanding  at  home. 
hord  Sunderland  Cent  Lord  Arran  for  me:   I  declined  this  new 
acquaintance  as  much  as  I  could:  But  it  could  not  be  avoid- 
ed: He  feemed  then   very   zealous  for  a  happy   fettlement: 
And  this  I  owe  him   in  Juftice,  that  tho'  he  went  off  from 
the  meafures  he  was  in  at  that  time,  yet  he   ftill  continued 
perfonally  kind  to  my  felf:  Now  the  great  point  was,  whether 
the  limitations  fliould  be  accepted,  and  treated  about,  or  the 
Exclufion   be   purfued.     Lord  Halifax  alfured   me,  that  ^^yThcbwxoi 
limitations  whatfoever  that  fhould  leave  the  title  of  King  toexciufiona- 
the  Duke,   tho'   it  fhould  be  little  more   than  a  mcer  title,  up"  "^" 
might  be  obtained  of  the  King :    But  that  he  was   pofitive 
and  fixed  againft  the  Exclufion.     It  is  true,  this  was  in  a  great 
meafure  imputed  to  his  management,  and  that  he  had  wrought 
the  King  up  to  it. 

The  mofl  fpecious  handle  for  recommending  the  limita- 
tions was  this :  The  Duke  declared  openly  againft  them :  So 
if  the  King  fhould  have  agreed  to  them,  it  muft  have  occa- 
fioned  a  breach  between  him  and  the  Duke:  And  it  feemed 
to  be  very  defirable  to  have  them  once  fall  out,-  fince,  as 
foon  as  that  was  brought  about,  the  King  of  his  own  accord 
and  for  his  own  fecurity  might  be  moved  to  promote  the 
Exclufion.  The  truth  is.  Lord  Halifax's  hatred  of  the  Earl 
of  Shafisbm<yy  and  his  vanity  in  defiring  to  have  his  own 
notion  preferred,  fharpned  him  at  that  time  to  much  inde- 
cency in  his  whole  deportment :  But  the  party  depended  on 
the  hopes  that  Lady  Portfmouth  and  Lord  Sunderland  gave 
them :  Many  meetings  were  appointed  between  Lord  Halifax 
and  fome  leading  men  j  in  which  as  he  tried  to  divert  them 
from  the  Exclufion,  fo  they  ftudied  to  perfuade  him  to  it, 
both  without  effect.  The  majority  had  engaged  themfelves  to 
promote  the  Exclufion,  Lord  Rujffei  moved  it  firft  in  the 
Houfe  of  Commons,  and  was  feconded  by  Capel^  Mountague^ 
and  Wtnn'mgton:  "Jones  came  into  the  Houfe  a  few  days  after 
this,  and  went  with  great  zeal  into  it  :  Jenkins ^  now  made 
Secretary  of  State  in  Coventrfs  place,  was  the  chief  manager 
for  the  Court.  He  was  a  man  of  an  exemplary  life, 
and  confidcrably  lea,rned;  But  he  was  duJJi.an^.fipjW:  He  was 

6  G  ^  -   ' '       fufpeded 

3 


48a        77?^  H I  s  T  o  R  Y  ^/  the  Reign 

i6%o   fufpeaed  of  leaning  to   Popery,  tho'  very  unjuftly:  But  he 
^<yy^>u  ^ff2s  fet  on  every  punctilio  of  the  Church   of  England  to  fu- 
peiftition,    and  was  a  great  affertor   of  the  divine   right  of 
monarchy,  and  was  for  carrying  the  prerogative  high:  Henei- 
ther  fpoke  nor  writ  well :  But  being  fo  eminent  for  the  moft 
courtly  qualifications,  other  matters  were  the  more  eafily  dif- 
penfcd  with.    All  his  fpeeches  and  arguments  againft  the  Ex- 
clufion   were  heard  with  indignation  :  So  the  bill  was  brought 
Pan  by  the  into   the   Houfe.     It  was  moved  by  thofe  who   oppofed  it, 
commons.   ^^^  ^^  Dukc's  daughters  might  be  named  in  it,  as  the  next 
in  the  fucceflion:  But  it   was  faid,  that  was  not   neceflfary,- 
i*or  fince  the  Duke  was  only  perfonally  difabled,  as  if  he  had 
been  adlually  dead,  that  carried  the  fucceflion   over   to    his 
dauohters :   Yet  this  gave  a  jealoufy,  as  if  it  was  intended  to 
ic  keep  that  itiatter  ftill  undetermined;  and  that  upon  another 

'  occafion  it  might  be  pretended,  that  the  difabling  the  Duke 

^-  to  fucceed  did  likewife  difable  him  to  derive  that  right  to 
others  ,  which  was  thus  cut  off  in  himfelf.  But  tho'  they 
would  not  name  the  Duke's  daughters,  yet  they  fent  fiich  aA 
Turances  to  the  Prince  of  Orange^  that  nothing  thus  propofed 
could  be  to  his  prejudice ,  that  he  believed  them,  and  de- 
clared his  defire,  that  the  King  would  fully  fatisfy  his  Par- 
liament :  The  States  fetit  over  memorials  to  the  King,  pref- 
iing  him  to  conlent  to  th«  Exclusion.  The  Prince  did  not 
bpenly  appear  in  this:  But  it  being  managed  by  Fagel^  it 
Was  utiderftood  that  he  approved  of  it :  And  this  created  a 
Ihatred  in  th-e  Duice  to  him,  Vhich  was  never  to  be  removed. 
Lord  Sunderland  by  Sidney's  means  engaged  the  States  into  it : 
And  he  fancied  that  it  might  have  fome  effedl. 

The  bill  of  Ex:clufion  was  quickly  brought  up  to  the  Lords. 

The  Earls  of  Effex  and  Shaftsburj  argued  moft  for  it:  And 

the  Earl  of  Halifax  was  the  champion  on  the  other  fide :  He 

gained  great  honour  in  the  debate,-  and  had  a  vifible  fupe- 

But  rcjcacd  rioriry  to  Lord  Shaftsbury  in  the  opinion  of  the  whole  Houfe: 

by  the  Lords.   .       ,•',  i.--iit  ir  i 

And  that  was  to  him  trmmph  enough.  In  conclunon,  the 
bill  was  thrown  out  upon  the  firft  reading:  The  country  par- 
ty brought  it  nearer  an  equality,  than  was  imagined  they 
could  do,  confidering  the  King's  earneftnefs  in  it,  and  that 
the  whole  bench  of  the  Bifliops  was  againft  it.  The  Commons 
were  inflamed  when  they  faw  the  fate  of  their  bill:  Tliey 
voted  an  addrefs  to  the  King  to  remove  Lord  Halifax  from 
"his  counfels  and  prefence  for  ever :  Which  was  an  unparliamen- 
tary thing;  fince  it  was  vifible  that  it  was  for  his  arguing 
as  he  -did  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  tho'  they  pretended  it  was 
-         .  ^  for 


ofKi/tgCHAKLESU.^'         485 

for  his  advifing  the  diffolution  of  the  Uft  Parliament:  Buf  1680 
that  was  a  thin  difguife  of  their  anger :  Yet  without  deftroy-  '^^>'^^ 
ing  the  freedom  of  debate,  they  could  not  found  their  ad- 
drefs  on  that  which  was  the  true  eaufe  of  it.  Ruffel  and  Jo^es^ 
tho'  formerly  Lord  Half/ax's  friends  ,  thought  it  wa& 
enough  not  to  fpeak  againft  him  in  the  Houfc  of  Commons; 
But  they  fat  frlent.  Some  called  him  a  Papift :  Others  faid 
he  was  an  Atheift.  Ch'icheljj  that  had  married  his  mother, 
moved,  that  I  might  be  fent  for  to  fatisfy  the  Houfe  as  to 
the  truth  of  his  Religion.  I  wifh,  I  could  have  faid  as  much 
to  have  perfuaded  them  that  he  was  a  good  Chriftian,  as  that 
he  was  no  Papift :  I  was  at  that  time  in  a  very  good  charac- 
ter in  that  Houfe;  The  firft  volume  of  the  Hiftory  of  the 
Reformation  was  then  out;  and  was  fo  well  received,  that  I 
had  the  thanks  of  both  Houfes  for  it,  and  was  defired  by 
both  to  profecute  that  work.  The  Parliament  had  made 
an  addrefs  to  the  King  for  a  faft  day.  Dr.  Sprat  and  I 
were  ordered  to  preach  before  the  Houfe  of  Commons :  My 
turn  was  in  the  morning :  I  mentioned  nothing  relating  to 
the  plot,  but  what  appeared  in  Coleman's  letters :  Yet  I  lai^ 
open  the  cruelties  of  the  Church  of  Rnme  in  many  inftanccs 
that  hapned  in  Queen  Mary's  Reign,  which  were  not  then 
known;  And  I  aggravated,  tho'  very  truly,  the  danger  of 
falling  under  the  power  of  that  Religion.  I  prefled  alfo  a 
mutual  forbearance  among  our  felves  in  lelTer  matters:  But 
I  infifted  moft  on  the  impiety  and  vices  that  had  worn  out 
all  fenfe  of  Religion,  and  all  regard  to  it  among  us.  Sprat 
in  the  afternoon  went  further  into  the  belief  of  the  plot  than 
I  had  done:  But  he  infinuatedhis  fears  of  their  undutifulnefs  to 
the  King  in  a  fuch  manner,  that  they  were  highly  offended 
at  him:  So  the  Commons  did  not  fend  him  thanks,  as  they 
did  to  mcj  which  raifed  his  merit  at  Court,  as  it  increafed 
the  difpleafure  againft  me.  Sprat  had  ftudied  a  polite  ftile 
■much  :  But  there  was  little  ftrength  in  it :  He  had  the 
;beginnings  of  learning  laid  well  in  him :  But  he  has  allowed 
himfelf  in  a  courfe  of  fome  years  in  much  lloth  and  too  many 
liberties. 

The  King  lent  many  mefTages  to  the  Houfe  of  Commons, 
prefling  for  a  fupply,  Hrft  for  preferving  Tangier^  he  being 
then  in  a  war  with  the  King  of  Fez^  which  by  reafon  of  the 
diftance  put  him  to  much  charge ;  but  chiefly  ,  for  ena- 
bling him  to  go  into  alliances  neceffary  for  the  common 
prefervation. 

The 


484        Ti^^  H  I S  T  O  R  Y  <>/  the  Reign 

1680        The  Houfe  upotl  that  made  a  long   reprefentation  to  thd 
'-/^^^  Kin'^  of  the  dangers  that  both  he  and  theywerein,-  andalTured 
of"c"r^'  him^   they    would  do   every  thing   that  he  could   exped   of 
mons  pro-  j.|^^j^    ^^  foon   as  they   were    well   fecured:    By   which  they 
"aitirt  ie  meant,  as  foon  as  the  Exclufion   (hould   pafs ,   and  that  bad 
S'y!'  ^'''"    Minifters,   and  ill  Jtidges  fliould  be  removed.     They  renew- 
ed their  addrefs   againft  Lord  Halifax;    and   made   addrelTes 
both  againft  the  Marquis  of  fVorcefier,  foon  after  made  Duke 
of  Beaufort y  and  againft  Lord  Clarendon  and  Hide,  as  men  in- 
clined  to  Popery.     H'yde  fpoke  fo  vehemently  to   vindicate 
himfelf  from  the  fufpicions  of  Popery ,  that  he  cried  in  his  fpeech  : 
And  7(7;?^^  upon  the  fcoreof  old  friendlhip  got  the  words  relating 
to  Popery  to  be  ftruck  out  of  the  addrefs  againft  him.     The  Com- 
mons alfo  impeached  feveral  of  the  Judges,  and  Mr.  Seymour: 
The  Judges  were  accufed  for  fome  illegal  charges  and  judg- 
ments; and  Seymour,  for  corruption  and  male-adminiftration 
in   the  office  of  treafurer   of  the  Navy.     They  impeached 
Scro^rgs  for  high  treafon :  But  it  was  vifible  that  the  matters 
obieded  to  him  were  only  mifdemeanors :  So  the   Lords  re- 
jeded  the  impeachment,-  which  was   carried  chiefly  by  the 
Earl  of  Danby's  party,  and  in  favour  to  him.     The  Commons 
did  alfo  afTert  the  right  of  the  people  to  petition  for  a  Par- 
liament :    And   becaufe  fome  in  their  counter-petitions  had 
cxprefTed  their  abhorrence  of  this  pradice,  they  voted  thefe 
abhorrers  to  be  betrayers  of  the  liberties  of  the  Nation.     They 
expelled  one  With'im  out  of  their  Houfe  for  figning  one  of 
thefe,  tho'   he  with  great  humility  confefTed  his  fault,  and 
begged  pardon  for  it.     The  merit  of  this  raifed  him  foon  to 
be  a  Judge;  for  indeed  he  had   no  other  merit:    They  fell 
alfo  on  Sir  George  Jeffer'tes,  a  furious   declaimer  at  the  bar  : 
But  he  was  raifed  by  that,  as  well  as  by  this   profecution. 
The  Houfe  did  likewife  fend  their  Serjeant  to  many  parts  of 
England  to  bring  up  abhorrers  as  delinquents:  Upon  which 
the  right  that  they   had  to  imprifon  any  befides   their  own 
members  came  to  be  much  queftioned,  fince  they  could  not 
receive  an  information  upon  oath,  nor  proceed  againft  fuch 
as  refufed  to  appear  before  them.    In  many  places  thofe  for 
whom  they  fent  their  Serjeant  refufed   to  come  up.     It  was 
found,    that  fuch  pradiccs  were  grounded   on   no  law,  and 
were  no  elder  than  Queen  Elizabeth's  iimt:  While  the  Houfe 
of  Commons  ufed   that  power   gently,  it  was  fiibmittcd   to 
in  refped  to  it:  But  now  it  grew  to  be   fo   much  extended, 
that  many  refolved  not  to  fubmit  to  it.     The  former  Parliament 
had  paft  a  very  ftrid  ad  for  the  due  execution  of  the  Habeas 

Corpus  J 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  485 

Corpmi  which  was  indeed  all  they  did:  It  was  carried  by  an    1680 
odd  artifice   in  the  Houfe  of  Lords.      Lord  Grey  and  Lord  V^^'^CV-- 
Norr'is  were  named  to  be  the   tellers:   Lord  Norrh,    beini^  a 
man  fubjed  to  vapours,  was  not  at  all  times  attentive  to  what 
he  was   doing:    So  a  very  fat  Lord   cominii;  in.    Lord  Grey 
counted  him  for  ten,  as  ajeft  at  firft:  But  feeing  Lord  A^<?r-  . 

rts  had  not  obferved  it,  he  went  on  with  this  mifreckoning 
of  ten :  So  it  was  reported  to  the  Houfe,  and  declared  that  they 
who  were  for  the  bill  were  the  Majority,  the'  it  indeed  went 
on  the  other  fide:  And  by  this  means  the  bill  paft.  There 
was  a  bold  forward  man,  Sheredon^  a  nutive  of  Ireland,  whom 
the  Commons  committed:  And  he  moved  for  his  Habeas 
Corpus:  Some  of  the  Judges  were  afraid  pf.the  Houfe,  and 
kept  out  of  the  way:  But  Y^zxow Weflon  had  the  courage  to 
grant  it.  The  feflion  went  yet  into  a  higher  ftrain ,-  for  they 
voted,  that  all  anticipations  on  any  branches  of  the  Reve- 
nue were  againft  law,  and  that  whofoever  lent  any  money 
upon  the  credit  of  thofe  anticipations  were  publick  enemies 
to  the  Kingdom.  Upon  this  it  was  faid,  that  the  Parlia- 
ment would  neither  fupply  the  King  themfelves,  nor  fuffer 
him  to  make  ufe  of  his  credit ,  which  every  private  man 
might  do.  They  faid  on  the  other  hand,  that  they  looked 
on  the  revenue  as  a  publick  treafiire,  that  was  to  be  kept 
clear  of  all  anticipations,  and  not  as  a  private  eftate  that 
might  be  mortgaged:  And  they  thought,  when  all  other 
means  of  fupply  except  by  Parliament  were  flopped,  that  muft- 
certainly  bring  the  King  to  their  terms.  Yet  the  clamour 
raifed  on  this,  as  if  they  had  intended  to  flarve  the  King, 
and  blafl  his  credit,  was  a  great  load  on  them:  And  their 
vote  had  no  effect,  for  the  King  continued  to  have  the  fame 
credit  that  he  had  before.  Another  vote  went  much  higher : 
It  was  for  an  aflbciation,  copied  from  that  in  Queeli  Eltza-  AnaflbdMi- 
heth'^  time,  for  the  revenging  the  King's  death  upon  all  Pa-""^'^^^^^  * 
pifls,  if  he  fhould  happen  to  be  killed.  The  precedent  of 
that  time  was  a  fpecious  colour;  But  this  difference  was  af- 
figned  between  the  two  cafes:  Queen  Elizabeth  was  in  no 
danger  but  from  Papifts:  So  that  alTociation  flruck  a  ter- 
ror into  that  whole  party,  which  did  prove  a  real  fecurity 
to  her  J  and  therefore  her  Minifters  fet  it  on.  But  now,  it  was 
faid,  there  were  many  Republicans  ftill  in  the  Nation,  and 
many  oi  Cromwell' %  officers  we^e  yet  alive,  who  feemed  not 
to  repent  of  what  they  had  done :  So  fome  of  thefe  might 
by  this  means  be  encouraged  to  attempt  on  the  King's  life, 
prefuming  that  both  the  fufpicions  and  revenges  of  it  would 

6  H  be 


486        TheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

16^0    be  caft  upon  tiie  Duke  and  the  Papifts.     Great  ufe  was  nlakf<^ 

Kyy^  of  this  to  pofTefs  all   people  ,  that   this  afTociation  was   in^ 

tended  to  deftroy  the  King,  inftead  of  preferving  him. 

There  was  not  much  done    in   the  Houfe  of  Lords  aftei? 

offercdinthe  thev threw  out  the  bill  of  Exclufion.  Lord  Halifax'mdeed  pref- 

Lw(h.  °^    fed  them  to  go  011   to  limitations :  And  he  began  with  one,^ 

that  the  Duke  fhould  be  obliged  to  live  five  hundred  mites> 

out  of  En^and  during  the  King's  life.    Bun  the   Houfe  wa^ 

cold,  and  backward  in  all  that  raattefj     Thofe  that  were  really 

the  Duke's  friends  abhorred  all  thofe   motiorts:  And  LarS 

Shaftsbury  and  his  party  laiJghed  at  them:  They  were  re-^ 

folved  to  let  all  lie  in  corifufion,  rather  than  hearken  to  iny 

thing  befides  the  Exclufion.     The  Houfe  of  Commons  feem-" 

ed  alfo  to  be  fo  let  againft  that  projed,   that  very  little  pfo- 

grels  was    made  in  it.     Lord  EJfex  made  a  motion,  which 

was  agreed  to  in  a  thin  Houfe :  But  it  put  an  end  to  all  dif^ 

courfes  of  th^t  nature :  He  movedj  that  an  alToGiatiOn  (hould 

be  entred  into  to  maintain  thofe  expedients ,  and  that  fbmtf 

cautionary  Towns  fhould  be  put  into  the  hands  of  the  afTocia- 

tors  during  the  King's  life  to  make  them  good  after  his  de^th. 

The  King  looked  oh  this  as  a  depofiilg  of  himfelf.    He  had 

iread  moire  in  Ddvtla  than  in  any  other  book  of  hiftory :  And 

he  h^d  a  clear  view  into  the  cOnfet^lierices  of  fuch   things, 

and  looked  on  this  as  wbrfe  than  the  Exclufion.     So  irhat, 

as  Lord  Maltfax  often  obferved  t6  me,  this  whole  itianage- 

meiit  looked  like  a  defign  to  unite  the  King  more  entirely 

to  the  Duke,  inftead  of  feplrating  hifti  fr6m  hilh :  The  King 

came  to  think  that  he  himfelf  Was  levelled  at  chiefly,  the* 

for  detency's  fake  his  brother  Was  only  ni'med.     The  truth. 

was,  the  leading  men  thought  they  Were  fiire  of  the  Natiort, 

and  of  all  future  elections ,  as  long  as  Popery  was  in  vJeW. 

They  fancied   the  King  rriuft  have  a  Parliament,  and  money 

from  it  very  foon,    and  that  in  conclufion  he  would  come 

in  to  them.     He  was  much  befet  by  all  the  hungry  courtiers, 

who  longed  for  a  bill  of  money :    They  ftudied  to  perfuade 

him,  from  his  Father's  misfortunes,  that  the  longer  he  was 

in  yielding,  the  terms  would  grow  the  higher. 

Duchefs  of      They  relied  much  on  the  Lady  Portfmmth's  intereft,  who 

fJn&if?^^^  openly  declare  her  felf  for  the  Houfe  of  Commons:  And 

this  matter  they  werc  fo  careful  of  her,  that  when  one  moved  that  an 

flood         addrefs  fhould  be  made  to  the  King  fOr  fending  her  away, 

he  could  not  be  heard,  tho'  at  another  time  fuch  a  motion 

would  have  been  better  entertained.     Her  behaviour  in  this 

matter  was  unaccountable :  And  the  Duke's  behaviour  to  her 

after- 


oorx/ 


of  King  Charles  H         487 

afterwards  looked  liker  an  acknowledgment  than  a  refent-  1^80 
ment.  Many  refined  upon  it,  and  thought  (he  was  fct  on 
as  a  decoy  to  keep  the  party  up  to  the  Exclufion  ,  that  they 
might  not  hearken  to  the  limitations.  The  Duke  was  af- 
fured,  that  the  King  would  not  grant  the  one:  And  fo  (he 
was  artificially  managed  to  keep  them  from  the  other,  to 
which  the  King  would  have  confented,  and  of  which  the 
Duke  was  moft  afraid.  But  this  was  too  fine :  She  was  hear- 
ty for  the  Exclufion :  Of  which  I  had  this  particular  account 
from  Mount  ague  y  who  I  believe  might  be  the  perfon  that 
laid  the  bait  before  her.  It  was  propofed  to  her,  that  if  {he 
could  bring  the  King  to  the  Exclufion,  and  to  fome  other 
popular  things,  the  Parliament  would  go  next  to  prepare  a 
bill  for  fecuring  the  King's  perfon  j  in  which  a  claufe  might 
be  carried,  that  the  King  might  declare  the  SuccefTor  to  the 
Crown,  as  had  been  done  in  H^my  the  eighth's  time.  This 
would  very  much  raife  the  King's  authority,  and  would  be 
no  breach  with  the  Prince  oiOran^y  but  would  rather  oblige 
him  to  a  greater  dependance  on  the  King.  The  Duke  of 
Monmotuh  and  his  party  would  certainly  be  for  this  claufe, 
fince  he  could  have  no  profpeiSt;  any  other  way,-  and  he 
would  pleale  himfelf  with  the  hopes  of  being  preferred  by 
the  King  to  any  other  perfon.  But  fince  the  Lady  Portf- 
mouth  found  (he  was  fo  abfolutely  the  miftrefs  of  the  King's 
ipirit,  fhe  might  reckon,  that  if  fiich  an  a6t  could  be  carried 
the  King  would  be  prevailed  on  to  declare  her  fon  his  fiic- 
celTor  :  And,  it  was  fuggefted  to  her,  that  in  order  to  the 
ilrenjgth-ening  her  Son's  intereft  fhe  ought  to  treat  for  a  match, 
with  die  King  of /<r«/?c^'s  natural  Daughter,  now  the  Duchefs 
of  Bourbon.  A«d  thus  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  and  fhe  were 
iuoiight  to  an  agreement  to  carry  on  the  Exclufion,  and  that 
other  ad:  ;periuant  to  it:  And  they  thought  they  were  mak- 
ing tools  of  one  another  to  carry  on  their  own  ends.  The 
Nation  was  polTeiTed  with  fuch  a  diftrufl  of  the  King,  that 
there  -was  no  fe-aibn  to  think  they  could  ever  be  brought 
to  \{o  entije  a  confidence  in  him,  as  to  deliver  up  themfelves 
■and  their  pafterity  fo  blindfold  into  his  hands.  Mountague 
aifured  me,  that  fhe  not  only  atSted  heartily  in  this  matter, 
but  file  once  drew  the  King  to  confent  to  it,  if  fhe  might 
hav«  had  Sooooo /.  for  it:  And  that  was  afterwards  brought 
(down  to  600000  /.  But  the  jealoufies  upon  the  King  him- 
felf w.cic  fuch,  that  the  managers  in  the  Houfe  of  Com- 
mons dur  ft  not  iiiove  for  giving  money  till  the  bill  of  Ex- 
clufion fiiould  pafs,  left  they  fhould  have  loft  their  credit  by 

fuch 


488       The  History  of  the  Reign 

1680    fuch  a  motion:    And   the  King   would   not  truft  them.    So 
<y^y^^  near  was  this   point  brought  to  an  agreement,    if  Montague 
told  me  true. 

That  which  reconciled  the  Duke  to  the  Duchefs  of  Portf- 
mouth  was,  that  the  King  affured  him,  flie  did  all  by  his 
order,  that  fo  (he  might  have  credit  with  the  party,  and 
fee  into  their  defigns:  Upon  which  the  Duke  faw  it  was 
necelTary  to  believe  this,  or  at  leaft  to  feem  to  believe  it. 
stafford'%  The  other  great  bufinefs  of  this  Parliament  was  the  trill 
trial.  jjf  j[je  Vifcount  of  Stafford^    who  was  the    younger  fon  of 

the  old  Earl  of  Arunddl^  and  fo  was  uncle  to  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk.     He  was  a  weak,  but  a  fair  conditioned  man:    He 
was  in  ill   terms  with  his   nephew's  family :  And  had  been 
guilty  of  great  vices  in  his  youth,     which  had  almoft  proved 
fatal  to  him :  He  married  the  heirefs  of  the  great  Family  of 
the  Staffords.     He  thought  the  King  had  not  rewarded  him 
for  his  former  fervices  as  he  had  deferved :  So  he  often  voted 
againft  the  Court,  and  made  great  applications  always  to  the 
Earl  of  Shaftsbury.     He  was  in  no  good  terms  with  the  Duke  j 
for  the  great  confideration  the  Court  had  of  his  nephew's 
family  made  him  to  be    the    moft  negleded:    When  Oates 
depofed  firft  againft  him,  he  happned  to  be  out  of  the  way: 
And  he  kept  out  a  day  longer.     But  the  day  after  he  came 
in,  and  delivered  himfelf :  Which,  confidering  the  feeblenels 
of  his  temper,  and  the  heat  of  that  time,  was  thought  a  fiiga 
of  innocence.     Oates  and  Bedlow  fwore,  he   had  a  patent  to 
be  paymafter  general  to  the  army,  Dugdale  fwore,   that  he 
offered  him  joo  /.  to  kill  the  King.     Bedlow  had  died  the 
fummer  before  at  Brifiol.  It  was    in  the  time  of  the  affizes: 
North,  Lord  Chief  Juftice  of  the  Common  Pleas,  being  there, 
he  fent   for  him,    and  by  oath  confirmed  all  that  he  had 
fworn  formerly,    except  that  which  related  to  the  Queen, 
and  to  the  Duke.     He  alfo  denied  upon  oath,  that  any  per- 
fon  had  ever  pradifed    upon  him,    or  corrupted  him:  His 
difowning  fome  of  the  particulars  which  he  had  fworn  had 
;an  appearance  of  fincerity,  and  gave  much  credit  to  his  for- 
mer depofitions.     I  could  never  hear  what  fenfe  he  expreffed 
of  the  other  ill  parts  of  his  life,  for  he  vanifhed  foon  out  of 
all  men's  thoughts. 

::  Another  witnefs  appeared  againft  Lord  Stafford,  one  Tur- 
■hervill;  who  fwore,  that  in  the  year  feventy  five  the  Lord 
Stafford  had  taken  much  pains  to  perfiiade  him  to  kill  the 
-King:  He  began  the  propofition  to  him  at  Paris ^  and  fent 
him  by  the  way  of  D/e^  over  to  England^  telling  him  that 
xi  .-  he 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  U.     ^         489 

he  intended  to  follow  by  the  fame  road:  But  he  wrote  after-  1680 
wards  to  him  that  he  was  to  go  by  Calais.  But  he  faid  ^-OTn-^ 
he  never  went  to  fee  him  upon  his  coming  to  England.  Tur- 
bervill  fwore  the  year  wrong  at  firft :  But  upon  recollection 
he  went  and  correded  that  error.  This  at  fuch  a  diftance 
of  time  feemed  to  be  no  great  matter:  It  feemed  much 
ftranger,  that  after  fuch  difcourfes  once  begun  he  fhould 
never  go  near  the  Lord  Stafford-^  and  that  Lord  Stafford 
{hould  never  enquire  after  him.  But  there  was  a  much  more 
material  objedion  to  him.  TurhervtU^  upon  difcourfe  with 
fbme  in  St.  Martm\  pariHi,  feemed  inclined  to  change  his 
Religion :  They  brought  him  to  Dr.  Llo^d^  then  their  minif- 
ter:  And  he  convinced  him  fo  fully  that  he  changed  up- 
on it:  And  after  that  he  came  often  to  him,  and  was  chiefly 
fiipported  by  him :  For  fome  months  he  was  conflantly  at 
his  table.  Llo'yd  had  prefifed  him  to  recoiled:  all  that  he  had 
heard  among  the  Papifts  relating  to  plots  and  defigns 
againft  the  King  or  the  Nation.  He  faid  that  which  all 
the  converts  at  that  time  faid  often,  that  they  had  it  among 
them  that  within  a  very  little  while  their  Religion  would 
be  fet  up  in  England-,  and  that  fome  of  them  faid,  a  great 
deal  of  blood  would  be  fhed  before  it  could  be  brought  about : 
But  he  protefted  that  he  knew  no  particulars.  After  fome 
months  dependance  on  Llo^d  he  withdrew  entirely  from  him  ,- 
and  he  faw  him  no  more  till  he  appeared  now  an  evidencie 
againft  Lord  Stafford:  Llo^d  was  in  great  difficulties  upon  that 
occafion.  It  had  been  often  declared,  that  the  mofl:  folemn 
denials  of  witneffes  before  they  make  difcoveries  did  not  at 
all  invalidate  their  evidence  ^  and  that  it  imported  no  more, 
but  that  they  had  been  fo  long  firm  to  their  promife  of  re- 
vealing nothing :  So  that  this  negative  evidence  againft  Tur- 
hervtll  could  have  done  Lord  Stafford  no  fervice.  On  the 
other  hand,  confidering  the  load  that  already  lay  on  Llo'yd 
on  the  account  of  Berry's  bufinefs,  and  that  his  being  a  lit- 
tle before  this  time  promoted  to  be  Bifhop  of  St.  Afaph  was 
imputed  to  that,  it  was  vifible  that  his  difcovering  this  againft 
Turbervill  would  have  aggravated  thofe  cenfures,  and  very 
much  blafted  him.  In  oppofition  to  all  this  here  was  a  jus- 
tice to  be  done,  and  a  fervice  to  truth,  towards  the  faving  a 
man's  life:  And  the  queftion  was  very  hard  to  be  deter- 
mined. He  advifed  with  all  his  friends,  and  with  my  felf 
in  particular.  The  much  greater  number  were  of  opinion 
that  he  ought  to  be  filent.  I  faid ,  my  own  behaviour  in 
Stake's  affair   fhewed  what  I  would  do  if  I  was  in  that  cafe: 

6  \  But 


490        Tk  H I S  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

i6%o    But   his  circumftances  were  very   different:    So  I   concurred 
»-^^V>^  with   the  reft  as    to  him.     He  had   another   load  on   him: 
He  had  writ  a  book  with  very  fincere   intentions,  but  upon 
a  very  tender  point :   He  propofed,  that  a  difcrimination  (hould 
be  made  between  the  regular  Priefts   that  were   in  a  depen- 
dance  and  under  directions  from  Rome,    and  the  fecular  Priefts 
that  would    renounce    the   Pope's    depofing   power    and   his 
infallibility :  He  thought  this  would  raife  heats  among  them- 
felves,  and  draw  cenfurcs  from  Rome  on  the  feculars,  which 
in  conclufion  might  have  very  good  effects.     This  was  very 
plaufibly  writ,  and  defigned  with  great  fincerity :  But  angry 
men    faid,  all  this  was  intended  only  to  take  off  fo  much 
from  the  apprehenfions  that  the  Nation  had  of  Popery,  and 
to  give  a  milder  idea  of  a  great  body  among  them:  And  as 
foon  as  it  had  that  effed,  it  was  probable  that  all  the  mif- 
flonaries  would  have  leave  given  them   to  put  on  that  dif- 
guife,    and   to   take   thofe  difcriminating  tefts  till  they  had 
once  prevailed:  And  then  they  would  throw  them  off.     Thus 
the  moft  zealous  man  againft  Popery  that  I  ever  yet  knew, 
and  the   man   of  the  moft  entire   fiacerity,   was   fo  heavily 
cenfured  at  this  time,  that  it  was   not  thought  fit,  nor  in- 
deed fafe,  for  him  to  declare  what  be  knew  concerning  Tur- 
bervtll. 

The  trial  was  very   auguft :  The   Earl  of  Nottingham  was 
the  Lord  High  Steward:    It  continued  five  days.    On  the  firfl 
day  the  Commons  brought  only   general  evidence  to  prove 
the  plot:  Smith  fwore  fome  things  that  had  been  faid  to  him 
at   Rome  of  killing    the   King  :    An   Irijh  Prieft    that  had 
been  long  in  Spain  confirmed  many  particulars  in  Gates's  nar- 
rative :  Then  the  witneffes  depofed  all  that  related  to  the  plot 
in  general.     To  all  this  Lord  Stafford  faid  little,  as  not  be- 
ing much  concerned  in  it:  Only  he  declared,  that  he  was  always 
againft  the  Pope's  power  of  depofmg  Princes.     He  alfo  ob- 
ferved  a  great  difference  between    the  gunpowder   plot  and 
that  which  was  now  on  foot;  That  in   the  former   all  the 
chief  confpirators  died  confeffing  the  fa6t  5  but  that  now  all 
died  with  the  folemneft  proteftations  of  their  innocence.     On 
the  fecond   day  the  evidence   againft  himfelf  was  brought: 
He  urged  againft  Gates  that  he  fwore  he  had  gone  in  among 
them  on  defign  to  betray   them :    So  that  he  had  been  for 
fome  years  taking  oaths  and  receiving  facraments  in  fo  trea- 
cherous a  manner,  that  no  credit  could  be  given   to  a  man 
that  was  fo  black  by  his  own  confefiion.     On  the  third  day 
he  brought  his  evidence  to  difcredit  the  witneffes:  His  fer- 
.^^  \  vant 


of  King  Charles  11.         49i 

vant  fwore,  that  while  he  was  at  the  Lord   /^Jlon's  Dugdale    i6%o 
never  was  in  his   chamber  but  once,-    and  that  was  on  the  ^^'VX^ 
account  of  a  foot  race.     Some  depofed   again  ft  Dugdale' %  re- 
putation :  And  one  faid,  that  he  had  been  pradifing  on  him- 
lelf  to  fwear  as  he  ftiould  dired:  him.     The  minifter  of  the 
pariih  and  another  gentleman  depofed,  that  they  heard  no- 
thing  from    Dugdale  concerning    the   killing   a    Juftice     of 
Peace  in  fVefimmfier,.  which,   as  he  had  fworn,  he  had  faid  to 
them.     As  to  Turberv'ill^  who  had  faid  that  the  Lord  Stafford 
was  at  that  time  in  a  fit  of  the  gout ,    his  fervants  faid  they 
never  knew  him  in  a    fit  of  the  gout:    And  he  himfelf  af- 
firmed,   he   never     had    one  in    his   whole   life.       He    alfo 
proved    that    he   did   not  intend   to   come    to   England   by 
Diep'y    for   he   had  writ   for   a    Yacht   which    met   him   at 
Calais.     He  alfo  proved  by  feveral  witnefTes,  that  both  Dug- 
dale and  Turbervdl  had  often  faid  that  they  knew  nothing  of  any 
plot;  and  that  Turbervdl  had  lately  faid,  he  would  fet  up  for 
a  witnefs,  for  none  lived  fo  well  as  witnefTes  did :  He  infifted 
likewife  on  the  miftake  of  the  year,  and  on  Turbervdl's  never 
coming  near  him   after    he  came    over    to  England.      The 
flrongeft  part  of  his  defence  was ,    that  he  made  it  out  un- 
anfwerably,    that  he  was  not  at  the  Lord  Aflon's  on  one  of 
the  times  that  Dugdale  had  fixed  onj  for  at  that  time  he 
was  either  at  Bath  or   at  Badminton.     For  Dugdale  had  once 
fixed  on  a  day^  tho'  afterwards  he  faid   it  was   about   that 
time:    Now  that    day  happned  to  be  the  Marquis  of  Wor- 
cejier's  wedding  day:  And  on   that  day  it  was  fully  proved 
that  he  was    at  Badminton,  that  Lord's  houie,  not  far  from 
the  Bath.     On  the  fourth   day  proofs  were  brought  to  fiip- 
port  the  credit  of  the  witnefTes :  It  was  made  out,  that  Dug- 
dale had  ferved  the  Lord  Afion  long  and   with  great  repu- 
tation.    It  was  now  two  full  years  fincc  he  began  to  make 
difcoverics:    And  in  all  that  time  they  had  not   found  any 
one  particular  to  blemifh  him  with ;  tho'  no  doubt  they  had 
taken   pains  to   examine   into  his   life.       His   publifhing  the 
news  of  Godfrey's  death  was  well  made  out,  tho'  two  perfons 
in    the   company   had  not  minded   it:     Many    proofs    were 
brought  that  he  was   often  in  Lord  Stafford's  company,  of 
which    many  more   affidavits  were   made    after   that  Lord's 
death.     Two    women   that   were   ftill    Papifts    fwore ,     that 
upon    the    breaking    out     of    the     plot    he    fearched    into 
many    papers   and    burnt   them  :    He  gave  many  of  thefe 
to  one  of  the  women  to  fling  in  the  fire,-  but  finding  a  book 
of  accounts  he  laid    that  afide,  faying,  there  is  no  treafon 

here, 


492     72?^  History  of  the  Reign 

i<J8o    here,  which  imported  that  he  thought  the  others  were  trea- 
y^y^f"^  fonable.      He    proved  that    one    of  the    witnelTes   brought 
againft  him  was  (o  infamous  in  all  refpe£ts,  that  Lord  Staf- 
ford himfelf  was    convinced   of  it.     He  faid,    he  had  only 
prelTed  a  man,  who   now  appeared  againft  him,  to  difcover 
all  he  knew:  He  faid,  at  fuch   a  diftance  of  time  he  might 
miftake  as  to  time  or  a  day,-  but  could  not   be  miftaken  as 
to  the  things  themfelves.     Turbervtll  defcribed  both  the  ftreet 
and  the  room   in  Parts  in  which  he  faw  Lord  Stafford.     He 
found   a  witnefs   that  faw  him  at  Diep^  to  whom  he  com- 
plained, that  a  Lord  for  whom  he  looked  had  failed  him: 
And  upon  that  he  faid    he   was   no  good   ftafF  to  Lean   on  j 
by  which,  tho'  he  did   not   name  the   Lord,  he  believed  he 
meant  Lord  Stafford,     Dugdale  and    he  both   confelTed  they 
had  denied  long  that  they  knew  any  thing  of  the  plot,  which 
was  the   effect  of  the  refolution    they  had  taken,  to  which 
they  adhered  long,  of  difcovering  nothing :  It  was  alfo  prov- 
ed that  Lord  Stafford  was  often  lame,  which  Turbervdl  took 
for  the  gout.     On   the    fifth  day  Lord  Stafford  refumed  all 
his  evidence,  and  urged  every  particular  very  ftrongly.    Jones 
in  the   name  of  the  Commons   did  on  the  other  hand  re- 
fume  the  evidence  againft  him   with  great  force :   He   faid 
indeed  nothing  4br  fupporting  C?^/«  j  for  the  obje(5tion  againft 
him  was  not  to  be  anfwered.     He  made  it  very  clear  that  Dng- 
dale  and  Turhervill  were  two  good  witnelfes,    and  were  not 
at  all  difcredited  by  any  thing  that  was  brought  againft  them. 
Hewascon-  When  it  came  to  the  giving  of  judgment,  above  fifty  of  the 
Peers  gave  it  againft  Lord  Stafford,  and  above  thirty  acquit- 
ted  him :    Four  of  the  Howards,    his  kinfmen,  condemned 
him:    Lord   Arundell,    afterwards  Duke  oi  Norfolk,    tho'   in 
enmity  with  him,  did  acquit  him.Duke  Lauderdale  condemn- 
ed him :  And  fo  did  both  the  Earls  of  Nottmgham  and  An- 
glefej.  Lord  Halifax  acquitted  him.     Lord  Nottmgham  when 
he  gave  judgment  delivered  it  with  one  of  the  beft  fpeeches 
ke  had  ever  made.    But  he  committed  one  great  indecency 
in  it:  For  he  faid,  who  can  doubt  any  longer  that  London 
was  burnt  by   Papifts,  tho'    there  was  not   one  word  in  the 
whole  trial  relating  to  that  matter.     Lord  Stafford  behaved 
himfelf  during  the   whole  time,    and  at   the  receiving  his 
fentence,  with  much  more  conftancy  than  was  exped:ed  from 
him. 
He  fent  for      Within  two  days    after  he  fent  a  melTage   to  the  Lords, 
pioyed  mc  '^^^""g  'hat  the  Bifhop  of  London  and  I  might  be  appointed 
i?rvic°e*"'"  ^°  ^°^^  '^  ^^"^-     ^^  waited  on  him:  His  defign  feemed  to 

j  be 


«-    of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  IL  \  493 

be  only  to  pofTefs  us  with   an  opinion  of  his  innocence,   of    i6%o 
which  he  made  very  folemn  proteftations.    He  heard  us  fpeak  '-O'X^ 
of  the  points  in  difference  between  us   and   the  Church   of 
Rome  with  great   temper   and  attention.     At  parting  he  de-* 
fired  me  to  come  back  to  him  next  day;  for  he  had  a  mind 
to  be  more  particular  with  me.    When  I  came   to  him,   he 
repeated  the  proteftations  of  his  innocence  ^  and  faid,  he  was 
confident   the  villany   of  the  witneffes  would   foon  appear: 
He  did  not  doubt  I  ihould  fee  it  in  lefs  than  a  year.    I  preA 
fed  him  in  feveral  points  of  Religion  j  and  urged  feveral  things, 
which   he   faid  he  had  never  heard   before.     He  faid,  thefe 
things  on  another  occafion  would  have  made  fome  impreflion 
upon  him  J  but  he  had  now  little  time,  therefore   he  would 
loofe    none    in    controverfy  ;    So  I    let  that    difcourfe   fallj 
I  talked  to  him  of  thofe  preparations  for  death  in  which  all 
Chriftians   agree:  He  entertained   thefe  very   ferioufly.     He>  ^ 
had   a   mind   to  live,  if  it  was  poffible:  He  faid,  he   could 
difcover  nothing   with  relation  to    the  King's  life,  proteft- 
ing  that  there  was  not   fo  much   as    an  intimation  about  it 
that  had  ever  paft  among  them.     But  he  added,  that  he  could  diP 
cover  many  other  things,  that  were  more  material  than  any 
thing  that  was  yet  known ,  and  for  which  the  Duke  would  nevet 
forgive  him :  And  of  thefe,  if  that  might  fave  his  life,  he 
would  make  a  full  difcovery.     I  ftopt  him  when  he  was  go- 
ing on  to  particulars  i  for  I  would  not  be  a  confident  in  any* 
thing  in  which  the  publick  fafety  was  concerned.     He  knew 
beft  the  importance  of  thofe  fecretsj  and  fo  he  could  only 
judge,  whether  it  would  be  of  that  value  as  to  prevail  with 
the  two  Houfes  to  interpofe  with  the  King  for  his  pardon: 
He  feemed  to  think  it  would  be  of  great  ufe,  chiefly  to  fup- 
port  what  they  were   then  driving  on  with   relation   to  the 
Duke:  He  defired  me  to  fpeak  to  Lord  EJfex,  Lord   Ruffely 
and  Sir  IVtlltam  Jones.  .   I  brought  him  their  anfwer  the  next 
day;  which  was,  that  if  he  did  difcover  all  he  knew  con- 
cerning the  Papift's  defigns,  and  more  particularly  concern- 
ing the  Duke,  they  would  endeavour  that  it   fhould  not  be 
iniifted  on,  that  he  muft  confefs  thofe  particulars  for  which 
he  was  judged.     He  afkcd  me,  what  if  he  fhould  name  fome 
who  had  now  great  credit,  but  had  once  engaged  to  ferve 
their  defigns :    I  faid,  nothing  could  be  more  acceptable  thaa 
the  difcovering  fuch  difguifed  Papifts,  or  falfe  Proteftants: 
Yet  upon  this  I  charged  him  folemnly  not  to  think  of  re- 
deeming his  own  life  by  accufing  any  other  falfly,    but  to 
tell  the  truth,  and  all  the  truth,  as  far  as  the  common  iifety 

6  K  was 


494       The  History  of  the  Reign 

i(S8o  \Vas  concerned  in  it.  As  we  were  difcourfing  of  thefe  mat4 
'^''^^''^^  tersy  the  Earl  of  Carlile  came  in:  In  his  hearing,  by  Lord 
Stajhiri's  leave,  I  went  over  all  that  had  palTed  between  us, 
and  did  again  folemnly  adjure  him  to  fay  nothing  but  the 
truth.  Upon  this  he  defired  the  Earl  of  Carlile  to  carry  a 
melfifige  from  him  to  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  that  whenfoever 
they  would  fend  for  him  he  would  difcover  all  that  he 
knew:  Upon  that  he  was  immediately  fent  for.  And  he  be- 
gan \Vith  a  long  relation  of  their  firfl:  confiiltations  after  the 
Rcftoration  about  the  methods  of  bringing  in  their  Religi- 
on, which  they  all  agreed  could  only  be  brought  about  by 
a  toleration.  He  told  them  of  the  Earl  of  Bnfiol's  pro-t 
je\5t,'  and  went  on  to  tell  who  had  undertaken  to  procure 
the  toleration  for  them:  And  then  he  named  the  Earl  of 
Shafnbury.  When  he  named  him  he  was  ordered  to  with- 
draw:. And  the  Lords  would  hear  no  more  from  him.  It 
was  alfo  given  out,  that  in  this  I  was  a  Tool  of  Lord  Halt- 
fax's  to  bring  him  thither  to  blaft  Lord  Shaftsbur^.  He  was 
fent  back  to  the  Tower :  And  then  he  compofed  himfelf  in 
the  beft  way  he  could  to  (uffer,  which  he  did  with  a  conftant 
His  execu-  and  undifturbcd  mind :  He  fupped  and  flept  well  the  night 
before  his  execution,  and  died  without  any  {hew  of  fear  or 
diforder.  He  denied  all  that  the  witnelTes  had  fworn  againft 
him.  And  this  was  the  end  of  the  plot.  I  was  very  unjuft- 
ly  cenfured  on  both  hands.  The  Earl  of  Shaftsbury  railed  fo 
at  me  that  I  went  no  more  near  him.  And  the  Duke  was 
made  believe,  that  I  had"  perfiiaded  Lord  Stafford  to  charge 
him,  and  ro  difcover  all  he  knew  againft  him:  Which  was 
the  beginning  of  the  implacable  hatred  he  fhewed  on  many 
occafions  againft  me.  Thus  the  innocenteft  and  beft  meant 
parts  of  a  man's  life  may  be  mifunderftood,  and  highly  ccn- 
fiired.  , 

yr.  The  Houfe  of  Commons  had  another  bufinefs  before  them 

\^y^y>^  ^  ^^^^  feilion :  There  was  a  fevere  ad;  paft  in   the  end  of 
Motions  in  Quccn  Elizabeth's  reign,  when  (he  was  highly  provoked  with 
of  the  Non-  the  fcditious  behaviour  of  the  Puritans^  by  which  thofe  who 
conformiih.  ^j^j  not  conform  to  the  Church  were  required  to  abjure  the 
Kingdom  under  the  pain  of  death:  And  for  fome  degrees 
of  Non-conformity  they  were  adjudged  to  die,    without  the 
Itivour  of  banilhment.     Both  Houfes  paft  a  bill  for  repeaHng 
chis  a<5t:    It  went  indeeid  heavily   in  the   Houfe  of  Lords; 
for  many  of  the  Bifliops,  th©'  they  were  not  for  putting  that 
laiv  in  execution,    which  had   never  been  done  but  in   one 
fingle  idftance,  yet  they  thought  the  terror  of  it  was  ofibme 
««^  ^  i)  ufe. 


ofKmgCnARLEsll.  '495 

ufe,  and  that  the  repealing  it  might  make  the  party  more  'i6^'i 
infolent.  On  the  day  of  the  prorogation  the  bill  ought  to  ^^^^VX:/ 
have  been  offered  to  the  King,  but  the  Clerk  of  the  Crown, 
by  the  King's  particular  order,  withdrew  the  bill.  The 
King  had  no  mind  openly  to  deny  it;  But  he  had  iefs  miti'd 
to  pafs  it.  So  this  indifcreet  method  was  taken,  which  was 
n  high  offence  in  the  Clerk  of  the  Crown.  There  was  k 
bill  of  comprehenfion  offered  by  the  epifcopal  party  in  the 
Houfe  of  Commons,  by  which. the  Prelbyterians  would 
have  been  taken  into  the  Church.  But  to  the  ^ipaze- 
ment  of  all  people  their  party  in  the  Houfe  did  not  feem 
concerned  to  promote  it:  On   the  contrary  they  negledted  « 

it.  This  increafed  the  jealoufy,  as  if  they  had  hoped  they 
were  fo  near  the  carrying  all  before  them,  that  they  defpifed 
a  comprehenfion :  There  was  no  great  progrefs  made  ia  this 
bill.  But  in  the  morning  before  they  were  prorogued  two 
votes  were  carried  in  the  Houfe  of  a  very  extraordinary  na- 
ture: The  one  was,  that  the  laws  made  againft  recufants 
ought  not  to  be  executed  againft  any  but  thofe  of  the  Churcn^]"'^^'''.,^ 
of  Rome.  That  was  indeed  the  primary  intention  of  the  ■'^  ^^""'^ 
Jaw:  Yet  all  perfons  who  came  not  to  Church,  and  did  not  ''"''^ 
receive  the  facrament  once  a  year,  were  within  the  letter  of 
the  law.  The  other  vote  was,  that  it  was  the  opinion  df 
that  Houfe,  that  the  laws  agaidft  DifTenters  ought  not  to  be 
executed.  This  was  thought  a  great  invafion  o?  the  Legifl^- 
ture,  when  one  Houfe  pretended  to  fufpend  the  execution  of 
laws :  Which  was  to  ad:  like  dictators  in  the  State ;  for  they 
meant  that  Courts  and  Juries  fhould  govern  themfclves  by 
the  opinion  that  they  now  gave:  Which,  inftead  of  being 
a  kindnefs  to  the  Non-conformifts,  raifed  a  new  ftprm  againft 
them  over  all  the  Nation.  When  the  King  faw  no  hope 
of  prevailing  with  the  Commons  on  any  other  terrhs,  hiit 
his  granting  the  Exclufion,  he  refolved  to  prorogue  the  Par- 
liament. And  it  was  diffolved  in  a  few  days  after, '  is  i7a»«^rjy 
eighty  one.  -.^  (  3  ...  luu 

The  King  refolved  to  try  a  Parliament  Onee  liidfe:  BtitThe  Pariia- 
apprehending  that  they  were  encouraged,  if  not  .inflamed  by^ivTd* 
the  city  of  London  ,  he  fummoned  the  r^e;xt  Parliithent  to 
meet  at  Oxford.  It  was  faid,  ipen  were  now  very  b(iyld  about 
London^  by  their  confidence  in  the  Juri'es'  thilt  the"  Sheritfs 
took  care  to  return.  Several  printers  were  indited  for  fcan- 
dalous  libels  that  they  had  printed:  Biit  the'  drand  Juries 
returned  an  Ignoramus  upon  the  bills  agaiiriV/.them,  qh  ,t|ii"s 
pretence,  that  the  law  only  condemnetl  the  printing  inch 
''■'■"-'  I  *  libels 


496       The  History  of  the  Reign 

1 68 1  libels  malicioufly  and  feditioufly,  and  that  it  did  not  apr 
^■^VN^  pear  that  the  Printers  had  any  ill  intentions  in  what  they 
did;  whereas,  if  it  was  found  that  they  printed  fuch  libels, 
the  conftru(5tion  of  law  made  that  to  be  malicious  and  fedi- 
tious.  The  eleftions  over  En^and  for  the  new  Parliament 
went  generally  for  the  fame  perfons  that  had  ferved  in  the 
former  Parliament:  And  in  many  places  it  was  given  as 
an  inftru6tion  to  the  members  to  ftick  to  the  bill  of  Ex- 
clufion. 

The  King  was  now  very  uneafy:  He  faw  he  was  defpifed 
all  Europe  over,  as  a  Prince  that  had  neither  treafure  nor 
power  :  So  one  attempt  more  was  to  be  made,  which  was 
to  be  managed  chiefly  by  Littletoriy  who  was  now  brought 
into  the  commiflion  of  the  Admiralty.  I  had  once  in  a 
long  difcourfe  with  him  argued  againft  the  expedients,  be- 
cauie  they  did  really  reduce  us  to  the  ftate  of  a  Common- 
wealth. I  thought  a  much  better  way  was,  that  there  (hould 
be  a  Protestor  declared,  with  whom  the  regal  power  fliould 
Anewcxpc-bc  lodged  j  and  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  ihould  be  the  per- 
KSSc^r/-* ^o"-  He  approved  the  notion:  But  thought  that  the  title 
gent.  Protestor  was  odious,  fince  Cromwell  had  affumed  it,  and 
that  therefore  Regent  would  be  better:  We  dreifed  up  a 
fcheme  of  this  for  near  two  hours :  And  I  dreamt  no  more 
of  it.  But  fomc  days  after  he  told  me  the  notion  took  with 
fome,  and  that  both  'Lor^  Halifax  2ind  Seymour  \\kt^  it:  But  he 
wondered  to  find  Lord  Sunderland  did  not  go  into  it.  He 
told  me  after  the  Parliament  was  diflblved,  but  in  great  fe- 
crecy,  that  the  King  himfelf  liked  it.  Lord  Nottingham  talk- 
ed in  a  general  and  odd  ftrain  about  it.  He  gave  it  out, 
that  the  King  was  refolved  to  offer  one  expedient,  which 
was  beyond  any  thing  that  the  Parliament  could  have  the 
confidence  to  afk.  Littleton  prefTed  me  to  do  what  I  could 
to  promote  it  j  and  faid,  that  as  I  was  the  firft  that  had  fug- 
gefted  it,  fo  I  fhould  have  the  honour  of  it,  if  it  proved  fo 
liiccefsful  as  to  procure  the  quieting  of  the  Nation.  I  argued 
upon  it  with  Jones:  But  I  found  they  had  laid  it  down  for 
a  maxim,  to  hearken  to  nothing  but  the  Exclufion.  All  the 
Duke  of  Monmouth's  party  looked  on  this  as  that  which  mufl 
put  an  end  to  all  his  hopes.  Others  thought,  in  point  of  ho- 
nour they  muft  go  on  as  they  had  done  hitherto:  Jones 
flood  upon  a  point  of  law  ,  of  the  unfeparablenefs  of  the 
prerogative  from  the  perfon  of  the  King.  He  faid,  an  in- 
fant or  a  lunatick  was  in  a  real  incapacity  of  ftruggling 
with  his  guardians  J  but  that  if  it  was  not  fo,  the  law  that 

%  con- 


"»/  King  Charles  II.  497 

conftituted  their  guardians  would  be  of  no  force.     He  faid,  ii  the    16^1 
Duke  came  to  be  King,  the  prerogative  would  by  that  veft  **>^VN^ 
in  him  j  and  the  Prince  Regent  and  he  muft  either  ftrike  up  a  bar- 
gain, or  it  muft  end  in  a  civil   war,    in  which  he  believed- 
the  force  of  law   would  give  the  King  the  better   of  it.     It 
was  not  to  be  denied  but  that  there  was  fome  danger  in  this  : 
But  in  the  ill  circumftances  in  which    we   were  no  remedies 
could    be  propofed  that  were  without  great  inconveniences, 
and  that  were  not  liable  to  much  danger.     In  the  mean  while 
both  fides   were  taking  all  the  pains  they   could  to   fortify 
their  party :  And  it  was  very  vifible,  that  the  fide  which  was 
for  the  Exclufion  was  like  to  be  the  ftrongeft.  i..Jvi(| 

A  few  days  before  the  King  went  to  Oxford  Fttzhm ris ^Fitzharris 
an  Irtjh  Papift,  was  taken  up  for  framing  a  malicibus  anci  ^** '*''^°' 
treafonable  libel  againft  the  King  and  his  whole  Family.  He 
had  met  with  one  Rverard,  who  pretended  to  make  difco- 
veries,  and  as  was  thought  had  mixed  a  great  deal  of  falfe- 
hood  with  fome  truth :  But  he  held  himfelf  in  general  terms, 
and  did  not  defcend  to  fo  many  particulars  as  the  witnefTcs  had 
done.  Fitzharns  and  he  had  been  acquainted  in  France:  So 
OQ  that  confidence  he  ihewed  him  his  libel:  And  he  made 
an  appointment  to  come  to  ^z/^/'^xr^a^'s  chamber,  who  thought 
he  intended  to  trepann  him ,  and  fo  had  placed  witnelTes  to 
overhear  all  that  paft.  Fttzharr'is  left  the  libel  with  him, 
all  writ  in  his  own  hand:  Rverard  went  widb  the  paper 
and  with  his  witnelTes  and  informed  againft  Fttzharr'ts^  who 
upon  that  was  committed.  But  feeing  the  proof  againft 
him  was  like  to  be  lull,  he  faid,  the  libel  was  drawn  by 
Rverard^  and  only  copied  by  himfelf:  But  he  had  no  fort  of 
proof  to  fupport  this.  Corn'ijh  the  Sheriff  going  to  fee  him, 
he  defired  he  would  bring  him  a  Juftice  of  Peace  j  for  he 
could  make  a  great  difcovery  of  the  plot,  far  beyond  all 
that  was  yet  known.  Cornifh  in  the  fimplicity  of  his  heart 
went  and  acquainted  the  King  with  this:  For  which  he  was 
much  blamed  j  for  it  was  faid,  by  this  means  that  difcovery 
might  have  been  ftopt:  But  his  going  firft  with  it  to  the 
Court  proved  afterwards  a  great  happinefs  both  to  himfelf 
and  to  many  others.  The  Secretaries  and  fome  privy 
Counfellors  were  upon  that  fent  to  examine  Fitzharns. -^  to 
whom  he  gave  a  long  relation  of  a  pradiice  to  kill  the 
King,  in  which  the  Duke  was  concerned,  with  many  other 
particulars  which  need  not  be  mentioned  j  for  it  was  all  a 
lidion.  The  Secretaries  came  to  him  a  fecond  time  to  ex- 
amine him  farther :  He  boldly  ftood  to  all  he  had  faid  :  And 

6  h  he 


^9-       The.  H  I  an  a  B.  Y  <?/  ti/eReign 

1681 '  he  de/ired  that  fctmc  Juftibes  of  the  Gity  might  he  brougho 

'^-''''^^'^*^^  to  him.     So  C/ajtofj  and  Trei>j  went  to   him:  And  hemadei 

the  fame  pretended  difcover!y»to  them  over  again ;  andinfiHi 

nuated,  thathb.w.as  glad  if  was'  now-infafe  hands  that  wouldLJ 

not  ftrfle  it.     Tlile  King  w.ds' highly  ofiftnded  with  this,  fmce^ 

it  plain:l:y.  fhewedjaidiftruit'of  his  miniftcrs:  Abd/o /k^^^m*/ 

was  removed  to  the  Tower  j  whichr:  the  Court!  refolved  tol 

make  the  prifon  for -all  offenders,   tilbthere  {hopW  be  SherifFsj 

chofen  more   ati  the   KiDg.''s  devotion;j    Yet  the  depofitiooii 

made  to ^ Clayton  and  Treby.  was  in  uzW  points  the  fame  thacJ 

he  had  made  to  the  Secretaries:  So  that  there  was  no  colouitj 

for  the  pretence*  afterward  put  on  this,  as  if  they  had  prao*i 

;..        tiled  on  him. 

The  Pariia-  *■  The  ParHameflt'met  at  Oat/W ill  A/<3';'c/j;  The  King  opene4i". 

nieutofo^v- jj.  ,^-jj^  fevcre  refl^(5tions  on  the  proceedings   of  the  formepJ 

jora    was  /-ii  A  t         ^  ' 

foon  dif-    P-arliament.     He  laid,  he  was  refolved  to  maintain  the  [t'O^l 

ceilion  of  the  Grown  in  the  right  Hne:  But  for  quieting  hi^ 

peoples  fears  he  was  willing)  to  put  the  adminiftration  of  the 

gjovernment  into  Proteflant's  hands.     This  was  explained  by- 

Ernley  and  Littletons  to  be  meant  of  a  Prince  Regent,   witH> 

whom  the  regal  prerogative  fhould  be  lodged    during    the> 

Duke's; life.     Jpnes  and  Littleton  managed  the  debate  on  the*- 

grounds  formerly,  mentioned:  But  in  the  end  the  propofiti^i 

an  was; rejected !i  and  they  refolv^  to  go  again   to  the  bill> 

of^Exclufion,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  Duke's  party,  who  declar-i 

ed  themfelves  more  againft  this,  than;  againlt  the  Exclufion-  it> 

{tU,     The  Gommons  refolvedllikewife  to  take  the  manager*^ 

ment  oi  Fitzharris'i  affiiir  out  ofi  the  hands  of  the  Court: 

So  they  carried   to  the  Lords  bar  an  impeachment  againft 

him,  which'  was  rejeded  by  the  Lords  upon  a  pretence  withi 

which  Lord  iVo///«'^^fl»?  furniflied  them.     It  was  this:   Edward 

the  third  had  got  fome  Commoners  to  be  condemned  by  the 

Lords ;  of  wliich  when  the  Houfe  of  Gommons  complained^ 

an  order  was   made,  that  no  fuch  thing   fhould  be  done  for- 

thz  future.     Now  that  related   only  to   proceedings  at  the 

King's  fuit:  But  it  could  not  be  meant,    that  an  impeach- 

rtient  from  the  Commons  did  not  lie  againft  a  Commoner. 

Judges,  Secretaries  of  State,  and   the  Lord  Keeper  were  of*- 

ten Commoners:  So  if  this  was  good  law,  here  was  a  certain 

method  offered  to  the  Court,  to  be  troubled  no  more  with 

impeachments,    by  employing   only  Commoners.     In  fhort, 

the  Peers  faw   the  dcfign   of  this  impeachment,    and   were 

refolved   not  to  receive  it:   And  fo  made  ufe  of  this  colour 

to  rejed   it.     Upon   that  the   Commons  pait  a  vote,    that 

juftice 


<?/■  Ki;^.  C  HWSL  L  E  SI  Bl  ^^^Y     ^^ 

juflice  was.  denied  them- by.  the  Lords:  And  they  alfofy-ofced;^    ]?<^i^ 
that  all  thofe  who  concurred  in  any  fqrt  in   trying  Fitahmr'n  ^^'^^ 
in  any  other  Court  were   betrayers  of  the  ^ liberties  of^  thein 
Country.     By  thefe  fteps  which  they  had  already   nvade  the; 
King  faw  what  might  be  expeded  from  them :  So  very  fad- 
denly,   and   not   very  decently,    he  came  to  the  Hbufe- oP 
Lords,  the  Crown  being  carried  between  his  feet  in  a  fbdan: 
And  he  put  on  his  robes  in  haft,  without  any  previous  nor 
tice ,    and    called    up    the    Commons,     and   dilTolved  -  the 
Parliament ;    and   went  with   fuch   haft  to  Wmdfor^    th'at   it- 
looked  as  if  he  was  afraid  of  the  crouds  that  this  meeting    2>'X»riT 
had  brought  to  Oxford, 

Immediately  upon  this  the  Court  took  a  new  ply^  and  things  A  great 
went  in  another  channel:   Of  whichv  I  go  next  to  give  as  im- affairs.  '° 
partial  an  account,  as  I  have  hitherto  given  of  the  plot,  and- 
of  all   that  related   to   it.     At   this  time  the  diftinguiflring- 
nannes  oi  PVMg  and  Tory  came  to  be  the  denominations   of  the^ 
parties.    I  have  given  a:  full  account  of  all  errors  during  this, 
time  with  the  more  exa^tnefs,  to  warn  pofterity  from  falling 
into  the  like  exceftcs,  and  to  make,  it  appear  how  mad  ,and^ 
fatal  a^  thing  it  is  to  run  violently  into  a  torrent,  and  in  a' 
heat  to  do  thofe  things;  which  may  give  a  general  difguft, 
and  to  let   precedents  to  others,  when  times  turn,  tojuftify 
their  excefles,  by  faying  they   do   only   follow  the  fteps  oP 
thofe  who  went  before  them.     The  fbedding-fo  much  blood'' 
upon  fuch  doubtful  evidence  was  like  to  have  proved  fatal  to  hini' 
wjboj.  drove  all  thefe  things  on.  with  the  greateft-fury:  Imean^ 
the  ^2LxV  oi  Shaftsbury  himfelf.     And  the  ftrange  change  that 
appeared,  over  the  Nation  with  relation  to  the  Duke,  from 
fuch  an  eager  profecution.  of  the  Exclufion-  to  an  indecent 
courting  and  magnifying  him,    not   without  a  vifiblc  cold- 
nefs  towards  the   King  in  comparifon   of  him,  {hewed  how 
little  men  could  build  on   popular  heats,  which  have  their 
cbhings  and  flowings,  and  their  hot  and  cold  fits,  almpft  as 
certainly  as  feas  or  fevers  have.     When  fbch  changes  hap- 
pen, thofe  who  have  been  as  to  the  main  with  the  fide  that 
is  run  down  will  be  charged  with  all  the  errors  of  their  fide, 
how  much  foever  they  may  have  oppofed  them.     I  who  had' 
been   always  in  diftruft  of  the  witnefTes,  and  diflatisfied  with, 
the  wJiole  method  of  proceedings,  yet  came  to  be  fallen  on. 
not  only  in  pamphlets  and  poems,  but  even  in  fermons,.  as; 
if  I  had  been  an  incendiary,  and  a  main  ftickler  againft  the 
Court,  and  in  particular  againft  the  Duke.     So  upon  this  I. 
Wient  iato  a  clofer  retirement:  Andto  keep  my   mind^from 

I  r  running 


500     TleHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

16%  I  running  after  news  and  affairs,  I  fct  my  my  felf  to  the  ftudy 
V^^"^^  of  Philofophy  and  Algebra.  I  diverted  my  felf  with  many 
proccfTes  in  Chymiftry  :  And  I  hope  I  went  into  the  beft 
cxercifes,  from  which  I  had  been  much  diverted  by  the  buft- 
ling  of  a  great  town  in  fo  hot  a  time.  I  had  been  much 
trufted  by  both  fides;  And  that  is  a  very  dangerous  ftatc; 
for  a  man  may  come  upon  that  to  be  hated  and  fufpe(5ted 
by  both.  I  withdrew  much  from  all  converiation :  Only 
I  lived  ftill  in  a  particular  confidence  with  the  Lords  EJifx 
and  Rujfel.  itiiw 

The  King's      The  King  fet  out  a  declaration  for  fatisfying  his  people. 
declaration,  j^g  reckoned  up  in  it  all  the  hard  things  that  had  been  done 
by  the  three  laft  Parliaments  j  and  fet  out  their  undutiful  beha- 
viour to  himfclf  in  many   inftances:     Yet  in  conclufion  he 
alTured  his  good  fubjedts,   that  nothing  fiiould  ever  alter  his 
affection  to    the  Proteftant    Religion  as   eftablifhed  by   law, 
nor  his  love  to  Parliaments:    For  he  would  have  ftill  fre- 
quent Parliament^.     When  this  pail  in  Council,    the  Arch- 
biihop  of  Canterbury  moved,  that  an  order  ihould  be  added 
to  it,  requiring  the  Clergy  to  publiih  it  in  all  the  Churches 
of  England:  This  was  looked  on  as  a  moft  pernicious  pre- 
cedent, by  which  the  Clergy  were  made  the  heralds  to  pub- 
lifh  the  King's  declarations,  which  in  fome  iniUnces  might 
come  to  be  not  only  indecent  but  mifchievous..    An  anfwer 
was  writ  to  the  King's  declaration  with  great  fpirit  and  true 
judgment.     It  was  at  firft    penned    by   Sidney:    But  a  new 
draught  was  made  by  Somers,  and  corredted  by  Jones.     The 
fpirit  of  that  fide  was  now  fpent :  So  that  this,  tho'  the  beft 
AddrcfTes  to  ^^^^  paper  in   all  that  time,  yet  had  no  great  effed:.     The 
ftom^au     declaration  raifed  over  England  a  humour  of  making  addrelTes 
parts  of     to  the  King,  as  it  were  in  anfwer  to  it.     The  Grand  Juries 
*'^'"' '      and  the  bench  of  Juftices  in  the  counties,  the  cities  and  bo- 
roughs, the  franchifes  and  corporations,  many  mannors,  the 
companies  in  towns,  and  at  laft  the  very  apprentices  fent  up 
addreffes.     Of  thefe  fome  were  more  modeftly  penned,  and 
only  exprefted  their  joy   at   the  afTurances   they   faw   in  the 
King's  declaration,-  and  concluded,  that  they  upon  that  de- 
dicated their  lives  and  fortunes  to  his  fervice.     But  the  greater 
number,  and  the  moft  acceptable,  were  thofe  who   declared 
they  would  adhere  to  the  unalterable  fucceffion  of  the  Crown 
in  the  lineal   and  legal  defcent,  and  condemned  the  bill  of 
Exclufion.     Others  went  higher,  and  arraigned  the  late  Par- 
liaments as  guilty    of    fedition   and  treafon.     Some  reflected 
feverely  on  the  Non-conformifts  ^  and  thanked  the  King  for 
■    I.    .  4  '  ^is 


of  King  Charles  II.  -so  i 

his  not  repealing  that  ad:  of  the  thirty  fifth  of  Queen  Elizabeth ^  1681 
which  they  prayed  mii^ht  be  put  in  execution.  Some  oft  he  ^-'^"^''^^ 
addreffcs  were  very  high  panegyricks,  in  which  the  King's 
perfon  and  government  were  much  magnified.  Many  of 
thofe  who  brought  thefe  up  were  knighted  upon  it:  And 
all  were  well  treated  at  Court.  Many  zealous  healths  were 
drunk  among  them:  And  in  their  cups  the  old  valour  and 
the  fwaggerings  of  the  Cavaliers  feemed  to  be  revived.  The 
Minifters  faw  thro'  this ,  and  that  it  was  an  empty  noife,  and 
a  falfe  fhew.  But  it  was  thought  neceiTary  then  to  encourage 
it.  Tho'Lord  Halifax  could  not  reftrain  himfelf  from  (hewing 
his  contempt  of  it,  in  a  faying  that  was  much  repeated:  Hefaid, 
the  petitioners  for  a  Parliament  fpit  in  the  King's  face,  but  the 
addrefTers  fpit  in  his  mouth.  As  the  country  fent  up  ad- 
dreffes,  fo  the  town  fent  down  pamphlets  of  all  forts,  to 
polTefs  the  Nation  much  againft  the  late  Parliament:  And 
the  Clergy  ftruck  up  to  a  higher  note,  with  fuch  zeal  for 
the  Duke's  fucceflion,  as  if  a  Popifh  King  had  been  a  fpe- 
cial  blefling  from  heaven,  to  be  much  longed  for  by  a  Pro- 
tcftant  Church.  They  likewife  gave  themfelves  fuch  a  loofe 
againft  Non-conformifts,  as  if  nothing  was  fo  formidable  as 
that  party:  So  that  in  all  their  fermons  Popery  was  quite 
forgot,  and  the  force  of  their  zeal  was  turned  almoft  wholly 
againft  the  Dilfenters,-  who  were  now  by  order  from  the 
Court  to  be  proceeded  againft  according  to  law.  There 
was  alfo  a  great  change  made  in  the  commillions  all  Eng- 
land over:  None  were  left  either  on  the  Bench,  or  in  the 
Militia,  that  did  not  with  zeal  go  into  the  humour  of  the 
Court.  And  fuch  of  the  Clergy  as  would  not  engage  iii  that 
fury  were  cried  out  upon  as  the  betrayers  of  the  Church,  and 
as  fecret  favourers  of  the  Dilfenters.  The  truth  is,  the  num- 
bers of  thefe  were  not  great :  One  obferved  right,  that,  ac- 
cording to  the  proverb  in  the  Gofpel,  where  the  carcafe  is 
the  Eagles  will  be  gathered  together:  The  fcent  of  preferment 
will  draw  afpiring  men  after  it. 

Fitzharris's  trial  came  on  in  Eajler  Term :  Scroggs  was  turned  Fitzharrhh 
out,  and  Pemberton  was  made  Chief  Juftice.     His  rife  was  fo  *"*'" 
articular,  that  it  is  worth  the  being  remembred :  In  his  youth 
e  mixed  with   fuch  lewd  company    that  he  quickly   fpent 
all  he  hadi  and  ran  fo  deep  in  debt  that  he  was  caft  into 
a  jayl ,  where  he  lay  many  years :  But  he  followed  his  ftudies 
f©  clofe  in  the  jayl,  that  he  became  one  of  the  ableft  men 
of  his  profeOiori.     He   was  not    wholly  for  the  Court:  He  ». 
had  been  a  Judge  before ,    and  was  turned  out  by  Scroggs's  y  * 

6  M  means: 


I 


i 


502         The  H I S  T  o  R  Y  <?/  the  Reign 

1 1-^8 1    means :  And  no\it^  he  was  raifed  again,  and  was  afterwards  riiadfc 
'v^'^^'^^  Chief  Juftice  of  the  other   Bench :  But  not  being  compliant 
enough,  he  was  turned  out  a  fecond  time,  when  the  Court 
w  ould   be  ferved  by  none  but  by  men  of  a  thorough  paced 
obfcquioufnefs.     Fitzharrh  pleaded  the  impeachment  in  Par- 
liament:   But  fince  the   Lords  had   thrown   that  out  it  was 
over-ruled.     He  pretended  he  could   difcovet  the    fecret   of 
Godfreys  murder :  He  faid,  he  heard  the  Earl  of  Danhy  fay 
:at  Wmdfor^  that  it  muft  be  done:  But  when  the  Judge  told 
the  Grand  Jury,  that  what  was  faid   at  Wmdfor  did  not  lie 
before  them,  Fttzharrn  immediately  faid,  he  had  heard  him 
fay   the  fame  thing    at  Whitehall.     This  was    very   grofs : 
Yet  upon  fo  flight   an  evidence  they  found  the  bill  againft 
the  Loni  Danby.     And  when  they  were  reproached  with  it, 
they  faid   a  dubious   evidence  was   a  fufficieht   ground  for  a 
Grand  Jury:  Yet  another   dodirine   was  fet   up  by  the  iame 
fort  of  men  within  a  few  months. 
piunht  an       Plunket,  the  Popifh  Primate  of  Armagh^  was  at  this  time 
3emS  brought  to  his  trial.     Some  lewd  Ir'tfh  Priefts,  and  others  of 
and  exe-     that  Nation,  hearing  that  England  was  at  that  time  difpofed 
to  hearken  to  good  fwearers,  thought  themfelves  well  quali- 
fied for  the  employment :  So  they  came  over  to  fwear,  that 
there  was  a  great  plot  in  Ireland^    to  bfing  over  a  French 
army,  and  to  maflTacre  all  the  Engl'tjh.     The  witneffes  were 
brutal  and  profligate  men :  Yet  the  Earl  of  Shaftsbury  che- 
riflbed  them  much:  They  were  examined  by  the  Parliament 
at  Wefltnmfler:  And  what  they  faid  was  believed.     Upon  that 
encouragement  it  was  reckoned  that  we  fhould  have  witnelTes 
come  over  in  whole  companies.    Loixl  FJfex  told  me,    that 
this  Flunket  was  a  wife  and  fober  man,  who  was  always  in 
a  different  interefl:  from  the  two  Talbots-y  the   one  of  thefe 
being  the  titular  Archbifliop  of  Dublin j  and  the  other  raifed 
afterwards   to  be  Duke   of  TtrconnelL     Thefe  were  medling 
and  fadious  men,-  \f]iet€2i'^Plunket  was  for  their  living  quietly, 
and  in  due  fubmiflion  to  the  government,  without  engaging  in- 
«'m.        to  innigues  of  State.     Some  of  thefe  Prieflis  had  been  cen- 
"^'    fured  Ky  him  for  their  lewdnefs:  And  they  drew  others  to 
fwear  as  they  dired:ed  them.     They  had  appeared  the  win- 
ter before  upon  a  bill  offered  to  the  Grand  Jury :  But  as  the 
foreman  of  the  Jury,  who  was  a  zealous  Protefl:ant,  toM  me, 
they  contradicted  one  another  fo  evidently,  that  they  would 
not  find  the  bill.     But  now  they  laid  their  ftory  better  toge- 
ther-j  and  fwore  againft  Plunket^    that  he  had   got   a  great 
bank  of  money  to  be  prepared,  and  that   he  had  an- army 

lifted. 


.^il}  JUi, 


I 


of  King  Charles  II.        :505 

lifted,  and  was    in   a  correfpondence    with  France    to  bring    i<58i 
over  a  fleet   from  thenee.     He  had   nothing  td  fay   in   his  ^^'y^^ 
own  defence,  but  to   dtny  all:  So  he  was  condemned j  artd 
fufFered  very  decently,  exprcffing   himfelf  in   many   particu- 
lars   as   became    a  Biftiop.     He  died   denying    every   thing 
that  had  been  fworn  againft  him. 

Fttzharrts  was  tried  next:  And  the  proof  was  fo  full  that 
he  was  caft.  He  moved  in  Court  that  I  might  be  ordered 
to  come  to  him,  upon  what  reafon  I  could  never  imagine: 
A  rule  was  made  that  I  might  fpeak  to  him  in  the  prefence 
of  the  Lieutenant  of  the  Tower.  I  went  to  him,  and  preffed 
him  vehemently  to  tell  the  truth,  and  not  to  deceive  him- 
felf with  falfe  hopes.  I  charged  him  with  the  improbabili-  ^^•>-''^»  " 
ties  of  his  difcovery,-  and  laid  home  to  him  the  fin  of  per- 
jury, chiefly  iii  matters  of  blood,  fo  folly,  that  the  Lieute- 
nant of  the  Tower  made  a  very  juft  report  of  it  to  the  King, 
as  the  King  himfelf  told  me  afterwards.  When  he  faw  there 
was  no  hope,  he  faid  the  Lord  Howard  was  the  author  of 
the  libel.    Howard  ^2&  fo  ill  thought  of,  that,  it  being  known  ' 

that  there  was  a  familiarity  between  Fttzharrts  and  him,  it 
was  apprehended  from  the  beginning  that  he  was  concerned 
in  it.  I  had  leen  him  in  Lord  Howards  company,  and  had  told 
him  how  indecent  it  was  to  have  fiich  a  man  about  him : 
He  faid  he  was  in  want,  and  was  as  honeft  as  his  Reli- 
gion would  fuifer  him  to  be.  I  found  out  afterwards^  that 
he  was  a  fpy  of  the  Lady  Portfmouth'i:  And  that  he  had  car- 
ried Lord  ^(?ze;^r<5^  to  her :  And,  as  Lord  i^«?wa!r(3^  himfelf  told 
me,  (he  brought  the  King  to  talk  with  hiih  twice  or  thrice. 
The  King,  as  he  faid,  entred  into  a  particular  fcheme  with 
him  of  the  new  frame  of  his  Miniftry  in  cafe  of  an  agree- 
ment, which  feemed  to  him  to  bfe  very  heir.  As  foon  as 
I  faw  the  libel  I  was  fatisfied  that  Lord  Howard  Was  not 
concerned  in  it:  It  was  fo  ill  drawn,  and- fo  little  difguifed 
in  the  treafonable  part,  that  none  but  a  than  of  the  4oweft 
form  could  be  capable  of  making  it.  The-i-eport  <6f  Lord 
Howards  being  charged  with  this  was  over  the  whole  Town  a 
day  before    any  warrant  was  fent    out  againft  himj  which  ^ 

made  it  appear,  that  the  Court  had  a  mind  to  give  him 
time  to  go  out  of  the  way.  He  came  to  me,  and  folemnly 
vowed  he  was  not  at  all  concerned  in  that  matter :  So  I  ad- 
vifed  him  not  to  ftir  from  home.  He  was  committed  that 
night:  I  had  no  liking  to  the  man's  temper:  Yet  he  infi- 
nuated  himfelf  fo  into  me,  that  Without  being  rude  to  him 
it  was  not  poiTible  to  avoid  him.     He  was  a  ittan  of  a  pleafant 

i  con- 


504       TheHlSTORY  ofthe  Reign 

1 68 1    converfation :  But  he  railed  Co  indecently  both  at  the  Kii>g 
'^■'''^*'^"^^ and   the  Clergy,  that  I   was   very  uneafy  in  his  company: 
Yet  now,  during  his  imprifonment,  I  did  him  all  the  fervice 
I  could.     But  Algermon  Sidney  took  his  concerns  and  his  fa- 
mily fo  to  heart,  and  managed  every  thing  relating  to  him 
with  that  zeal,  and  that  care,  that   none  but  a  monfter  of 
ingratitude  could  have  made  him  the  return  that  he  did  af- 
terwards.    When  the  bill  againft  Lord  Howard  was  brought 
to  the  Grand  Jury,  Fttzharris's  wife  and  maid  were  the  two 
witnelTes  againft  him:    But   they  did  fo  evidently  forfwear 
themfelves,  that  the  Attorney  General  withdrew  it.    Lord 
Howard  lay  in  the  Tower  till  the  Michaelmas  termj  and 
Praaicesup- came  out  by  the  Habeas  Corpus.     I  went  no  more   to  Fttz- 
uSl'd^th!^^^^"'-  But  Hawkms  the   Minifter   of  the  Tower  took  him 
into  his  management  j  and   prevailed  with  him  not  only  to 
deny  all   his   former  difcovery,    but  to  lay   it  on    Clayton^ 
Trebjy    and  the    Sheriffs,    as    a  fubornation    of  theirs,  tho' 
k  was    evident    that   was   impoflible    to  be   true.      Yet    at 
the  fame  time  he  writ  letters  to  his  wife,  who  was  not  then 
admitted  to  him,    which  I  faw  and  read,  in  which  he  told 
her,  how  he  was  pradifed  upon  with  the  hopes  of  life.     He 
charged  her  to  fwear  falfly  againft  none:  One  of  thefe  was 
writ  that  very  morning  in  which  he  fufiFered:,  And  yet  be-- 
fore  he  was  led  out  he  figned  a  new  paper  containing  the 
former  charge  of  fubornation,  and  put  it  in  Hawkins's  hands. 
And  at  Tyburn  he  referred  all  he  had  to  fay  to  that  paper, 
which  was   immediately  publifhed:    But  the   falfhood   of  it 
was  fo  very  notorious,  that  it  fhewed  what  a  fort  of  man 
Hawkms  was  :  Yet  he  was  foon  after  rewarded  for  this  with 
the  Deanry  of  Chichefter.     But  when   the  Court  heard  what 
letters  Fuzharrts  had  writ  to  his  wife  they  were  confound- 
ed :  And  all  further  difcourfe  about  him  was  ftifled.     But  the 
Court  pradtifed  on  her  by  the  promifc  of  a  penfion  fo  far,  that 
fhe  delivered  up  her  hufband's  letters  to  them.     But  fo  many 
had  feen  them  before  that,  that  this  bafe  pradice  turned  much 
to  the  reproach  of  all  their  proceedings. 
AProtertant      Soon  after  this  Dugdale,  Turbervill,  Smithy  and  the  Ir'tjh 
^^°^  witneffes  came  under  another  management ;  and  they  difco- 

vered  a  plot  laid  againft  the  King  to  be  executed  at  Oxford. 
The  King  was  to  be  killed,  and  the  government  was  to  be 
changed.  One  Colledge^  a  Joyner  by  trade,  was  an  adtive  and 
hot  man,  and  came  to  be  known  by  the  name  of  the  Pro- 
teftant  Joyner.  He  was  firft  feized  on:  And  the  witneffes 
fwore  many  treafonable  fpeeches  againft  him:  He  was  be- 
-n  I  lieved 


on  It. 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  505 

lieved  to  have  fpoken  oft  with  great  indecency  of  the  King,    i<J8i 
and  with  a  fort   of  threatning,  that  they  would  make  him  ^^'^^^^^ 
pafs  the  bill  of  Exelufion.     But   a  defign   to   feize   on  the 
King   was  fo  notorious  a  falfhood,  that  notwithftanding  all 
that  the   witnelTes  fwore  the  Grand  Jury  returned  Ignoramus 
upon  the  bill.     Upon  this  the  Court  cried  out  againft  the  Ju- 
ries   now    returned  ,    that    they    would   not    do   the  King 
juftice ,  tho'  the  matter  of  the   bill  was  fworn    by   witnefTes 
whofe   teftimony   was   well  believed  a  it^  months    before: 
It  was  commonly  faid,  thefe  Juries  would  believe  every  thing 
one  way,  and   nothing  the   other.     If  they   had  found  the 
bill,  fo  that  Colledge  had  been  tried  upon  it,  he  would  have 
been  certainly   faved:  But  fince  the  witnefTes   fwore  that  he 
went  to  Oxford  on  that  defign,  he  was  triable  there.     North 
went  to  Oxford^  Colledge  being  carried  thither :  And  he  tried  ^^^^l§^^^ 
him  there.     North's  behaviour  in  that  whole  matter  was  fuch,  and  died  up^ 
that    probably,    if  he    had    lived    to    fee    an     impeaching 
Parliament,  he  might  have  felt  the  ill  efFed:s  of  it.     The 
witnefTes  fwore  feveral  treafonable  words  againft  CoUedge,  and 
that  his  coming  to  Oxford  was  in  order  to  tne  executing  thefe  : 
So  here  was  an  over-a6t.     Colledge  was  upon  a  negative:  So 
he  had  nothing  to  fay  for  himfelf,  but  to  fhew  how  little 
credit  was  due  to  the  witnefTes.     He   was   condemned,  and 
fuffered  with  great  conftancy,  and  with  appearances  of  de- 
votion.    He  denied  all  the  treafonable  matter  that  had  been 
fworn  againft  him,  or  that  he  knew  of  any  plot  againft  the 
King.     He  confefTed,  that  a  great  heat  of  temper  had  carried 
him  to  many  undutiful  expreflions  of  the  King :  But  he  pro- 
tefted  he  was  in  no  defign  againft  him.     And  now  the  Court 
intended  to  fet  the  witnefTes  to  fwear  againft  all  the  hot  par- 
ty^ which  was  plainly  murder  in  them,  who  believed  them 
falfc  witnefTes,  and  yet  made  ufe  of  them  to  deftroy  others. 
One   pafTage  happned   at  Colledge^  trial,    which   quite   funk 
Dugdale's  credit :  It  was  objected  to  him  by  Colledge^  to  take 
away  his  credit,  that,  when  by  his  lewdncfs  he  had  got  the 
French  Pox,  he  to  cover  that  gave  it  out  that  he  was  poy- 
foned  by  Papifts :  Upon  which  he,  being  then  in  Court,  pro- 
tefted  folemnly  that    he   never  had  that   difeafe^    and  faid, 
that  if  it  could  be  proved  by  any  phyfician  that  he  ever  had 
it,  he  was  content  that  all  the  evidence  he  had  ever  given 
fhould   be  difcredited  for   ever.     And  he  was  taken  at    his 
word:  For  Lower,  who  was  then  the  moft  celebrated  phy- 
fician in  London,  proved  at  the  Council  board  that  he  had 
been  under  cure  in  his  hands  for  that  difeafe  j  which  was  made 

6  N  out 


500        TheHiSTORY  of  the  Reign 

J (58 1    out  both  by  his  bills,  and  by   the  Apothecary   that  ferved 
<y^^r\J  them.     So  he  was  never   more  heard  of. 
sbaftsbury        Thc  Earl  of  Shaftsbury  was  committed   next,  and  fent  to 
feiu  to  the  ji^e  Tower  upon    the  evidence  of  the  Irijh  witnefTes.     His 
papers  were  at  the  fame  time  feized  on  and  fearched :    No- 
thing material   was  found  among  them,  but  a  draught  of  an 
alTociation,  by  which  the  King,  if  it  had  taken  place,  would 
have  reigned  only  at  the  difcretion  of  the  party.     This  was 
neither  writ,  nor  marked  in   any  place  with  his  hand:  But, 
when  there  was  a  talk  of  an  alTociation,  fome  had    formed 
this   paper,    and   brought  it  to  him^    of  which  he   always 
profelTed,  after   the   matter   was   over,    that   he   remembred 
nothing  at  all.     So  it  is  probable,  that,  as  is  ordinary  when 
any  great  bufinefs  is  before  the  Parliament  that  zealous  men 
are  at  the  doors  with  their  feveral  draughts,  this  was  one  of 
thefe  cad  carelefHy  by,  and  not  thought  on  by  him  when  he 
had  fent  his  more  valuable  papers  out  of  the  way.     There 
was  likewife   but   one  witnefs  that  could  fwear  to  its  being 
found  there:  And  that  was  the  Clerk  of  the  Council,    who 
had  perufed  thofe  papers  without  marking  them  in  the  pre- 
fence  of  any   witnefs  ,    as    taken   among    Lord  Shaftsbury's 
papers. 
PraQiccsup-      There  was  all   this  fummer  ftrange    pradifing  with  wit- 
on  wimcffes.nelfes  to  find  more  matter  againfl:  him:    l^t^'dkinfon,  a   prifo- 
ner  for   debt  that  had  been  often  with  him,  was  dealt  with 
to  accufe  him.     The  Court  had  found  out  two  folicitors  to 
manage  fuch  matters.  Burton  and  Graham,  who  were  indeed 
fitter  men  to  have  ferved  in   a  court   of  inquifition  than  in 
a  legal  government.     It  was  known,    that   Lord   Shaftsbury 
was  apt  to  talk  very  freely,  and  without  difcretion:  So  the 
two  folicitors  fought  out  all  that  had  frequented  his  com- 
pany ^  and  tried  what  they  could  draw  from  them,    not  by 
a  barefaced    fubornation ,    but  by   telling   them,  they  knew 
well  that  Lord  Shaftsbury  had  talked  fuch   and   fuch  things, 
which  they  named,  that  were  plainly  treafonable  ,•  and  they 
required  them  to  atteft  it,  if  they  did  ever  hear  fuch  things 
from   him :    And    they    made   them    great    promifes  upon 
their  telling  the  truth.     So  that  they  gave  hints  and  made 
promifes  to  fuch  as  by  fwearing  boldly  would  deferve  them, 
^nd  yet  kept  themfelves  out  of  danger  of  fubornation,  hav- 
ing \vitnefl'es   in  fome  corner  of  their   chambers  that  over 
heard  all  their  difcourfe.     This  was  their  common  practice, 
of  which  I  had  a  particular  account  from  fome  whom  they 
examined  with  relation  to  my  felf.     In  all   this  foul  deal- 
ing 


-      of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  507 

ing  the  King  himfelf  was  believed  to  be  the  chief  director :  .  i(J8i 
And  Lord  Halifax  was  thought  deep  in  it^  tho'  he   always  ^-''"VX^ 
exprefTed  an  abhorrence  of  fuch  practices  to  me. 

His  refentments  wrought  fo  violently  on  him,  that  he  i  wsts  then 
feemed  to  be  gone  off  from  all  his  former  notions.  He  prei^  fcrmenr^' 
fed  me  vehemently  to  accept  of  preferment  at  Court  j 
and  faid,  if  I  would  give  him  leave  to  make  promifcs  in  my 
name,  he  could  obtain  for  me  any  preferment  I  pleafed.  But 
I  would  enter  into"  no  engagements.  I  was  contented  with 
the  condition  I  was  in,  which  was  above  neceflity,  tho'  be-  > 

low  envy:  The  mafterihip  of  the  Temple  was  like  to  fall, 
and  I  liked  that  better  than  any  thing  elfe.     So  both   Lord 
Halifax    and    Lord    Clarendon  moved   the   King  in  it.     He 
promifed  I  ihould  have  it.    Upon  which  Lord  Halifax  car- 
ried me  to  the  King.    I  had  reafon  to  believe,  that  he  was 
highly  difpleafed  with   me  for  what  I   had  done  a  year  be- 
fore.    Mrs.  Roberts ,    whom    he    had   kept   for  fome  time, 
fent  for  me  when  fhe  was  a  dying:  I  faw  her  often  for  fome 
weeks,  and  among  other  things  I  defired  her  to  write  a  let- 
ter  to  the  King,    exprefling  the  fenfe   fhe  had  of  her   pad 
life :    And  at  her  defire  I  drew  fuch  a   letter,  as  might  be 
fit  for  her  to  write:  But  {he   never  had  ftrength  enough  to 
write  it:  So  upon  that  I  refolved  to  write  a  very  plain  let- 
ter to   the  King:    I   fet  before  him  his   paft  life,    and   the 
effeds  it  had  on  the  Nation,  with  the  judgments  of  God  that 
lay  on  him,  which  was  but  a  fmall  part  of  the  punifhment 
that  he  might  look   for:  I  preffed  him  upon   that  earneftly 
to  change   the  whole  courfe  of  his  life  :    I  carried  this  let- 
ter to  Chiffinch's  on  the  twenty  ninth  of  Januar'y-,  and   told 
the  King  in  the  letter,  that  I  hoped  the  reflediions  on  what 
had  befallen  his  Father  on  the  thirtieth  o^  January  might  move 
him  to   confider   thefe   things    more  carefully.     Lord  Arran 
happned  to  be  then  in   waiting:  And   he   came  to  me  next 
day,  and  told  me,  he  was  fure  the   King  had  a  long   letter 
from  me,-  for  he  held  the  candle  to  him  while  he  read  it: 
He  knew  at  all  that  diftduce   that   it  was  my   hand  :    The 
King  read  it  twice  over,  and  then  threw  it  into  the  fire:  And 
not  long  after  \^ox^  Arran  took  occafion  to  name  me;  And 
the  King  fpoke  of  me  with  great  fharpnefs :  So  he  perceived 
that  he  was  not  pleafed  with  my  letter.     Nor  was  the  King 
pleafed  with  my  being  fent  for  by  JVilmot  Earl  of  Rochefler, 
when  he   died  :    He    fancied,    that  he   had   told  me   many 
things,  of  which  I  might  make  an  ill  ufe:   Yet;  he  had  read 
the  book  that  I  writ  concerning  him,   and  fpoke  well  of  it* 
\  ^  In 


508        neHisroRY  of  the  Reign 

1 68 1   -In  this  ftatc  I  was  in  the  King's  thoughts,  when  Lord  Ha^ 
^y'y^^  lifax  carried  me  to  him,  and  introduced  me  with  a  very  ex- 
SftVto"  traordinary  complement,    that  he  did  not  bring  me  to  the 
the  King.    King  to  put  me  in    his    good  opinion   fo   much  as  to  put 
the  King  in  my  good  opinion;  And  added,  he  hoped   that 
the  King  would  not  only  take  me  into  his  favour,  but  into 
his  heart.     The  King  had  a  peculiar  faculty  of  faying  oblig- 
ing things  with  a  very  good  grace:  Among  other  things  he 
faid,  he  knew  that,  if  I  pleafed,  I  could  ferve  him  very  con- 
fiderablyj    and   that  he  defired  no  fcrvice  from   me  longer 
than  he  continued  true  to  the  Church  and  to  the  Law.     Lord 
Halifax  upon  that  added,    that   the  King  knew  he  ferved 
him  on  the  fame  terms,  and  was  to  make  his  flops.     The 
King  and  he  fell  into  fome  difcourfe  about  Religion.  Lord 
Halifax  faid  to  the  King,  that  he  was  the  head  of  his  Church: 
To  which  the  King  anfwered,  that  he  did  not  defire  to  be 
the  head   of  nothing,-   for  indeed  he  was   of  no    Church. 
From  that  the  King  run  out  into  much  difcourfe  about  Lord 
Shaftsbury^  who  was  fhortly  to  be  tried :  He  complained  with 
great  fcorn  of  the  imputation   of  fubornation  that  was  call 
on  himfelf.     He  faid,  he  did  not  wonder  that   the  Earl  of 
Shaftsbury,  who  was  fo  guilty  of  thofe  pra<5t:ices,  fhould  faf- 
ten  them  on  others.     The  difcourfe  lafted  half  an  hour  very 
hearty  and  free:  So  I  was  in  favour  again.     But  I  could  not 
hold  it.    I  was  told  I  kept  ill  company:  The  perfons  Lord 
Halifax  named  to  me  were  the  Earl  of  Effex,  Lord  Rujfely 
and  Jones.     But  I  faid,  I  would  upon  no  confideration  give 
over  converfing  with  my  friends :  So  I  was  where  I  was  be- 
fore. 
shaftsbury        A  bill  of  indidmcut  was  prefented  to  the  Grand  Jury  againft 
S^y "the"  Lord  Shaftsbury.    The  Jury  was  compofed  of  many   of  the 
Grand  Jury,  chief  citizeus   of  London.     The  witnelTes   were  examined  ia 
open  Court,  contrary   to  the  ufual   cuftom:    The  witneffes 
fwore  many  incredible  things  againft  him,  mixed  with  other 
things  that  looked  very  like  his  extravagant  way  of  talking. 
The  draught  of  the  alfociation  was  alfo  brought  as  a  proof 
of  his  trcafon,  tho'  it  was  not  laid  in  the  indidment ,  and 
was  proved  only  by  one  witnefs.    The  Jury  returned  Ignoramus 
upon  the  bill.     Upon  this  the  Court  did  declaim  with  open 
mouth  againft  thefe  Juries  ^  in  which  they  faid  the  fpirit  of 
the    party   did   appear,    fince  men  even   upon  oath  fhewed 
they  were  refolved  to  find  bills  or  Ignoramus,  as  they  pleafed, 
without  regarding  the  evidence.     And   upon  this  a  new  fet 
of  addreffcs  went  round  the  Kingdom,  in  which  they  expref^ 

i,  fed 


of  King  Charles  II.  sob 

fed  their  abhorrence  of  that  aflfociation  found  in  Lord  i<^Si 
Shaftsbur'y's  cabinet  j  and  complained,  that  Juftice  was  denied  ^'-OTv/ 
the  King  5  which  were  fet  off  with  all  the  fulfom  rhetorick 
that  the  penners  could  varnifh  them  with.  It  was  upon  this 
occafion  (aid,  that  the  Grand  Jury  ought  to  find  bills  even 
upon  dubious  evidence,  much  more  when  plain  treafon  was 
fworn,-  fince  all  they  did  in  finding  a  bill  was  only  to 
bring  the  perfon  to  his  trial,  and  then  the  falfhood  of  the 
witnefTes  was  to  be  deted:ed.  But  in  defence  of  thefe  Igm- 
ramus  Juries  it  was  faid,  that  by  the  exprefs  words  of  their 
oath  they  were  bound  to  make  true  prcfentments  of  what 
{hould  appear  true  to  them:  And  therefore,  if  they  did  not 
believe  the  evidence,  they  could  not  find  a  bill,  tho'  fwora 
to.  A  book  was  writ  to  fiipport  that,  in  which  both  law 
and  reafon  were  brought  to  confirm  it:  It  paft  as  writ  by 
Lord  EjfeXj  tho'  I  underftood  afterwards  it  was  writ  by  Somers, 
who  was  much  efteemed  and  often  vifited  by  Lord  Effex , 
and  who  trufted  himfelf  to  him,  and  writ  the  beft  papers 
that  came  out  in  that  time.  It  is  true,  by  the  practice  that 
had  generally  prevailed.  Grand  Juries  were  eafy  in  finding 
bills  upon  a  flight  and  probable  evidence.  But  it  was  made 
out,  that  the  words  of  their  oath,  and  the  reafon  of  the  law 
feemed  to  oblige  them  to  make  no  prefentments  but  fuch 
as  they  believed  to  be  true.  On  the  other  hand  a  private 
ill  opinion  of  a  witnefs,  or  the  looking  on  a  matter  as  in- 
credible, did  not  feem  to  warrant  the  return  of  an  Ignora- 
mus: That  feemed  to  belong  to  the  Jury  of  life  and  death. 
The  chief  complaint  that  was  made  in  the  addreffes  was 
grounded  on  their  not  finding  the  bill  on  the  account  of  the 
draught  of  the  afTociation :  And  this  was  in  many  refpeds 
very  unreafonable.  For  as  that  was  not  laid  in  the  bill,  fb 
there  was  but  one  witnefs  to  prove  it;  nor  did  the  matter 
of  the  paper  rife  up  to  the  charge  of  high  treafon.  And 
now  Dugdale  and  Turbervill,  who  had  been  the  witnelTes  up- 
on whofe  evidence  Lord  Stafford  "^'^ls  condemned,  being  with- 
in a  year  detected,  or  at  leaft  fufpeded  of  this  villany, 
I  could  not  but  refle(5t  on  what  he  faid  to  me,  that  he  was 
confident  I  fliould  fee  within  a  year  that  the  witnefTes  would 
be  found  to  be  rogues. 

As  to  Turbervilly  what  happned  foon  after  this  will   per-    i6%z 
haps  mitigate  the  cenfure :  He  was  taken  with  the  fmall  pox  ^^^^O''^ 
in  a  few  days  after  Lord  Shaftsbury's  trial.     The   fymptoms  death, 
were  fo  bad,  that  the  phyfician  told  him  he  had  no  hope  of 
his  recovery:    Upon  which  he  compofed   himfelf  to  die  as 

6  O  became 

3 


610        TbeHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

i6ii    became  a  Chriftian,   and  fent  for  Mr.  Hewes  the  Curate  of 
*->^V>^  St.  Martins^  who  was  a  very  worthy  man,    and  from  whom 
I  had   this  account  of  him.     Turbervtll   looked   on  himfelf 
as  a  dead  man  at  the  firft  time  he   came   to  him  :    But   his 
difeafe  did  no  way  a£Fed  his  underftanding  or  his    memory. 
He  feemed  to  have  a  real  fenfe  of  another  ftate,  and  of  the 
account  that  he  was  to  give  to  God  for  his  pad  Hfe.    Hewes 
charged  him  to  examin  himfelf  j  and  if  he  had  fworn  falfly 
againft  any  man,    to  confefs  his  fin  and  glorify  God,   tho' 
to  his  own  fhame.     TurbervUly  both  in  difcourfe  and  when 
he  received  the  facrament,  protefted  that  he  had  fworn  no- 
thing but  the  truth,  in  what  he  depofed  both  againfl:  Lord 
Stafford  and  the  Earl  oi  Shafuburyi  and  renounced  the  mer- 
cies of  God,  and  the  benefit  of  the  death  of  Chrift,  if  he  did 
not    fpeak  the  plain  and  naked  truth  without  any  referva- 
tion :    And  he  continued   in   the  fame   mind  to  his   death. 
So  here  were  the  laft  words  of  dying  men,  againftthe  laft  words 
of  thofe  that  fuffered.    To  this  may  well  be  added,  that  one 
who  died  of  ficknefs,  and  under  a  great  depreffion  in  his  fpi- 
rits,  was  lefs  able  to  ftifle  his  confcience,  and  refift  the  im- 
preffions  that  it  might  then  make  on  him,  than  a  man  who 
iuffers  on  a  fcaffold,  where  the  ftrength   of  the  natural  fpi- 
rits  is  entire,  or  rather  exalted  by  the  fenjfe  of  the  caufe  he 
fuffers  for.     And  we  know  that  confeffion  and  abfolution  in 
the  Church  of  Rome  give  a  quiet,  to  which  we  do  not  pre- 
tend, where  thefe  things  are  faid  to  be  only  minifterial,  and 
not  authoritative.    About  a  year  before  this  Tonge  had  died, 
who  firft  brought  out  Oates.      They  quarrelled  afterwards  : 
And  Tonge  came  to  have  a  very  bad  opinion  of  Oates,  up- 
on what  reafon  I  know  not.     He  died  with  exprelfions  of  a 
very  high  devotion :  And  he  protefted  to  all  who  came  to  fee 
him,    that  he  knew  of  no  fubornation   in  all  that  matter, 
and  that  he  was  guilty  of  none  himfelf     Thefe  things   put 
a  man  quire  in  the  dark:  And  in  this  mift  matters  muft  be 
left  till  the  great  revelation  of  all  fecrets.     And  there  I  leave  it : 
And   from  the  affairs  of  England  turn  to  give   an    account 
of  what    paft  in  Scotland   during   this    diforder  among    us 
here. 
The  afHiirs       The  Dukc  behavcd  himfelf  upon  his  firft  going  to  Scot- 
mdfottand.  land  in  fo  obliging  a  manner,  that  the  Nobility   and  Gen- 
try, who  had  been  fo  long  trodden  on  by  Duke  Lauderdale 
and   his   party,    found  a  very  fenfible  change:  So   that  he 
gained   much  on  them  all.     He    continued  ftill  to  fupport 
that  fide:  Yet  things  were  fo  gently  carried,  that  there  was 

no 


^j/K?^,^' Charles  11.         sii 

BO  caufe  of  complaint.  It  was  vifibly  his  intereft  to  make  i6Zz 
that  Nation  fure  to  him,  and  to  give  them  fuch  an  elTay  of '^'^^'^^^ 
his  government,  as  might  diflipate  all  the  hard  thoughts  of 
him  with  which  the  world  was  pofTefTed:  And  he  purfued 
this  for  fome  time  with  great  temper  and  as  great  fuccefs. 
He  advifcd  the  Bifhops  to  proceed  moderately,  and  to  take 
no  notice  of  Conventicles  in  houfesj  and  that  would  put  an 
end  to  thofe  in  the  fields.  In  matters  of  juftice  he  (hewed 
an  impartial  temper,  and  encouraged  all  propofitions  relat- 
ing to  trade :  And  fo,  confidering  how  much  that  Nation  was 
fet  againft  his  Religion,  he  made  a  greater  progrefs  in  gain- 
ing upon  them  than  was  expeded.  He  was  advifed  to  hold 
a  Parliament  there  in  fummer  eighty  one,  and  to  take  the 
charader  of  the  King's  Commiflioner  upon  himfelf. 

A  ftrange  fpirit  of  fury  had  broke  loofe  on  fome  of  the 
Prefbyterians,  called  Cargtllites  from  one  Cargtll  that  had 
been  one  of  the  Minifters  of  Glafgow  in  the  former  times, 
and  was  then  very  little  confidered,  but  now  was  much  fol- 
lowed to  the  great  reproach  of  the  Nation.  Thefe  held 
that  the  King  had  loft  the  right  of  the  Crown  by  his  break- 
ing the  Covenant,  which  he  had  fworn  at  his  Coronation: 
So  they  faid,  he  was  their  King  no  more :  And  by  a  formal 
declaration  they  renounced  all  allegiance  to  him,  which  a 
party  of  them  affixed  to  the  crofs  oi  Dunfreh^  a  Town  near 
the  weft  border.  The  guards  fell  upon  a  party  of  them, 
whom  they  found  in  arms,  where  Cameron  one  of  their  fu- 
rious teachers  (  from  whom  they  were  alfo  called  Cameron- 
mans)  was  killed:  But  Hackfton,  that  was  one  of  the  Arch- 
bifhop's  murderers,  and  Cargtll  were  taken.  Hackftony  when 
brought  before  the  Council  would  not  own  their  authority, 
nor  make  any  anfwer  to  their  queftions.  He  was  fo  low  by 
reafon  of  his  wounds,  that  it  was  thought  he  would  die  in  the 
queftion  if  tortured :  So  he  was  in  a  very  fiimmary  way  con- 
demned to  have  both  his  hands  cut  off,  and  then  to  be 
hanged.  All  this  he  fuffered  with  a  conftancy  that  amaz- 
ed all  people:  He  feemed  to  be  all  the  while  as  in  an  en- 
thufiaftical  rapture,  and  infenfible  of  what  was  done  to  him. 
When  his  hands  were  cut  off,  he  afked,  like  one  unconcern- 
ed, if  his  feet  muft  be  cut  off  likewife;  And  he  had  fo  ftrong 
a  heart,  that  notwithftanding  all  the  lofs  of  blood  by  his 
wounds,  and  the  cutting  off  his  hands,  yet  when  he  was 
hanged  up,  and  his  heart  cut  out,  it  continued  to  palpitate 
fome  time  after  it  was  on  the  Hangman's  knife,  as  fome 
Eye-witnefTes  alTured  me.     Cargtll^  and  many  others  of  that 

mad 


512     TheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

i68i    mad  fed,  both  men  and  women,  fufFcred  with  an  obftinacy 
^^^^y"^  that  was  fo  particular,  that  the'  the  Duke  fent  the  offer  of 
pardon  to  them  on  the  Scaffold,  if  they  wouldonly  fay  God  blefs 
the  King,  it  was  rcfiifed  with  great  negled:  One  of  them, 
a  woman,  faid  very  calmly,   Ihe  was  fure  God  would  not  blefs 
him,  and  that  therefore   fhe  would  not  take  God's  name  in 
vain  :   Another  faid  more  fuUenly,  that  ihe  would  not  wor- 
fhip  that  idol,  nor  acknowledge  any  other  King  but  Chrifl: 
And  fo  both  were   hanged.     About   fifteen   or  fixteen   died 
under  this  delufion,  which  feemed  to  be  a  fort  of  madnefs : 
For   they  never    attempted   any  thing    againft  any  perfon  : 
Only  they  feemed  glad  to  fuffer  for   their  opinions.     The 
Duke  flopt  that  profecution,  and  appointed  them  to  be  put 
in   a  houfe  of  correction,  and  to    be  kept  at    hard  labour. 
Great  ufe  was  made  of  this  by  prophane  people  to  difparage  the 
fufltering  of  the  Martyrs   for  the  Chriftian   Faith,    from  the 
unfliaken   conftancy  which   thefe  frantick  peopled  expreffed. 
But  this  is  undeniable,  that  men  who   die  maintaining   any 
opinion,  fhew  that  they  are  firmly  perfuaded  of  it:  So  from 
this  the  Martyrs  of  the  firft  age,  who  died    for   afferting   a 
matter  of  fadt,  fuch  as  the  refurrc6tion  of  Chrijiy  or  the  mira- 
cles that  they  had  feen,  fhewed  that  they  were  well  perfuad- 
ed of  the  truth  of  thofe  fads.     And  that  is  all  the  ufe  that 
is  to  be  made  of  this  argument. 
A  Pariia-        Now  the  time  of  the  fitting  of  the  Parliament  drew  on. 
SS'""^"'*  T^^  Duke  feeing  how  great  a  man  the  Earl  of  Argyle  was  in 
Scotland^  concluded  it  was  neceifary  for  him  either  to  gain 
him  or    to  ruin    him.     Lord  Arg'yk  gave  him  all   poffible 
alTurances  that  he  would  adhere  to  his  interefl  in  every  thing, 
except  in  the  matters  of  Religion:    But  added,    that  if  he 
went  to  meddle  with  thefe,    he  owned  to  him  freely  that  he 
would  oppofe  him  all  he  could.     This  was  well  enough  taken 
in  (hew:  But  Lord  Ar^le  faid,  he  obferved  ever  after  that 
fuch    a  vifible  coldnefs   and  diflruft,    that  he  faw  what  he 
might  expe<5b  from  him.     Some  moved  the  excepting  againft 
the  Duke's  Commiffion  to  reprefent  the  King  in  Parliament, 
fince  by  law  no  man    could  execute   any  office  without  tak- 
ing the  oaths:  And  above  forty  members  of  Parliament  pro- 
mifed  to  flick  to  Duke  Hamilton  if  he  would  infifl  on  that. 
But  Lockhart  and   Cunningham^    the    two   lawyers   on  whofc 
opinion  they  depended   chiefly,    faid,  that  a  commiffion    to 
reprefent  the  King's  perfon  fell  not  under  the  notion   of  an 
office:  And  fince  it  was  not  expreflly  named  in  the  adts  of  Par- 
liament^ they  thought  it  did  not  fall  within  the  general  words 

of 


of  King  Charles  II.  515 

of  all  places  and  offices  of  trufl.  So  this  was  laid  afide:  And  \6%i 
many  who  were  offended  at  it  complained  of  Duke  Hamil-  "^-^VN^ 
ton's  cowardife.  He  faid  for  himfelf,  he  had  been  in  a 
ftorm  of  feven  years  continuance  by  his  oppofing  Duke 
Lauderdale  J  and  that  he  would  not  engage  in  a  new  one  with 
a  ftronger  party,  unlefs  he  was  fure  of  the  majority:  And 
they  were  far  from  pretending  to  be  able  to  bring  matters 
to  near  an  equality.  The  firft  ad  that  pad  was  one  of 
three  lines,  confirming  all  the  laws  formerly  made  againft 
Popery :  The  Duke  thought  it  would  give  a  good  grace  to 
all  that  Ihould  be  done  afterwards,  to  begin  with  fuch  a 
general  and  cold  confirmation  of  all  former  laws.  Some 
moved,  that  a  Committee  might  be  appointed  to  examine  all 
the  former  laws,  Cfince  fome  of  them  feemed  unreafonably 
fevere,  as  paft  in  the  firft  heat  of  the  Reformation  J  that  fb 
they  might  draw  out  of  them  all  fuch  as  might  be  fit  not 
only  to  be  confirmed,  but  to  be  executed  by  better  and  pro- 
perer  methods  than   thofe  prefcribed  in  the  former  ftatutes,  ><> 

which  had  been  all  eluded.  But  it  was  not  intended  that 
this  new  confirmation  fhould  have  any  effed:  And  there- 
fore this  motion  was  not  hearkned  to.  But  the  ad  was  hur- 
ried on,  and  paft. 

The  next  ad  was  for  the  unalterablenefs  of  the  fucceflion 
of  the  Crown.  It  was  declared  high  treafon  ever  to  move 
for  any  alterations  in  it.  Lord  Argyle  ran  into  this  with 
zeal:  So  did  Duke  Hamilton:  And  all  others  that  intended  to 
merit  by  it  made  harangues  about  it.  Lord  Tweedale  was  the 
only  man  that  ventured  to  move,  that  the  ad  might  be 
made  as  ftrid  as  was  poftible  with  relation  to  the  Duke :  But 
he  thought  it  not  necelTary  to  carry  it  further  j  fince  the 
Queen  of  Spam  ftood  fo  near  the  fucceflion,  and  it  was  no 
amiable  thing  to  be  a  Province  to  Spam.  Many  were  {q^ 
ignorant  as  not  to  underftand  the  relation  of  the  Queen  of 
Spam  to  the  King,  tho'  ftie  was  his  niece,  and  thought  it 
an  extra^gant  motion.  He  was  not  feconded :  And  the  ad 
paft  without  one  contradidory  vote.  There  was  an  additio- 
nal revenue  given  for  fome  years  for  keeping  up  more 
troops.  Some  complaints  were  alfo  made  of  the  Lords  of 
regalities,  who  have  all  the  forfeitures  and  the  power  of  life 
and  death  within  their  regalities.  It  was  upon  that  pro- 
mifed,  that  there  lliould  be  a  regulation  of  thefe  Courts, 
as  there  was  indeed  great  caule  for  it,  thefe  Lords  being  fo 
many  tyrants  up  and  down  the  country :  So  it  was  intended 
to  fiibjed  thefe  jurifdidions  to  the  fupream  Judicatories.     But 

6  P  the 


514        The  H I  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

i68i    the  a(5t  was  penned  in  fuch  words,  as  imported  that  the  whole 
v/V^o'  courfe  of  juftice  all  over  the  Kingdom  was  made   fubjed  to 
the  King's  will  and  pleafure:  So  that  inftead  of  appeals  to  the 
fupream  Courts,  all  was  made  to  end  in  a   perfonal   appeal 
to  the  King:  And  by  this  means  he  was  made  mafter  of  the 
whole  juftice  and   property  of  the   Kingdom.     There   was 
not  much  time  given  to  confider  things :  For  the  Duke,  find- 
ing that  he  was  mafter  of  a  clear  majority,  drove  on  every 
thing  faft,  and  put  bills  on  a  very  fhort  debate  to  the  vote,  which 
went  always  as  he  had  a  mind  to   it.     An  accident  hapned, 
that  begot  in  many  a  particular  zeal  to  merit  at  his  hands : 
Lord  Rothes  J  who  had  much  of  his  confidence,  and  was  chief- 
ly   trufted    by   him,    and   was  made  a  Duke   by  his  means, 
died  the  day  before  the  opening  of  the  Parliament:  So  up- 
on the  hopes  of  fucceeding  him,    as  there  were  many  pre- 
tenders, they   tried    who   could  deferve   it  beft  by  the  moft 
compliant  fubmiilion  and  the  moft  a<5tive  zeal. 
Several  ac-       As  they  wcre  going  on  in  publick  bufinefs,  one  ftood  up 
<^^J'™s.ofin  Parliament  and  accufed   Lord  Halton^  Duke  Lauderdale's 
fled  by  the  brother,  of  perjury,  on  the  account  oi  Mitchell's  bufinefs:  He 
^^^'        had  in  his  hands  the  two  letters  that  Lord  Halton  had  writ 
to  the  Earl  of  Kincardine  mentioning  the  promife  of  life  that 
was  made  him :  And,  as  was  told  formerly.  Lord  Halton  fwore 
at  his  trial  that  no  promife  was  made.     The  Lord  Kincardin 
was  dead  a  year  before  this:  But  his  Lady  had  delivered  thofe 
letters  to  be  made  ufe  of  againft  Lord  Halton*   Upon  read- 
ing them  the  matter  appeared  plain.     The  Duke   was  not 
ill  pleafed  to  have  both  Duke  Lauderdale  and  him  thus  at 
mercy :  Yet  he  would  not  fuffer  the  matter  to  be  determined 
in  a  parliamentary  way :  So  he  moved,  that  the  whole  thing 
might  be  referred  to  the  King ;  which  was  immediately  agreed 
to.     So  that  infamous  bufinefs  was  made  publick,    and   yet 
ftifled  at  the  fame  time:  And  no  cenfure  was  ever  put  on 
that  bafe  action.  Another  difcovery  was  made  of  as  wicked 
a  confpiracy,  tho'  it  had  not  fuch  bad  efFed;s,  becaufe  the 
tools  employed  in  it  could  not  be  wrought  up  to  fuch  a  de- 
termined pitch  of  wickednefs.     The  Lord  Bargeny,  who  was 
nephew  to  Duke  Hamilton^  had  been  clapt  up  in  prifon,  as 
concerned  in  the  rebellion  of  Bothwell-Bridge,     Several  days 
were  fixed  on  for  his  trial:  But  it  was  always  put  off.     And  at 
laft  he  was  let  out  without  having  any  one  thing  ever  ob- 
jected to  him.    When  he  was  at  liberty  he  ufed   aU  poffible 
endeavours    to   find    out  on    what    grounds    he   had    been 
committed.     At  laft  he  difcovered    a  confpiracy,  in  which 

Halton 


of  King  Charles  Itr      sis 

Hahon     and  Tome    others    of    that   party    were   concerned:    \6%z 
They   had  pradifed  or  fome,  who  had  been  in  that  rebel-  ''-'^"'^f*'^ 
lipp,,  to  fwear  that  he  and  feveral  others  were  engaged  in  it,  and 
that  they  had  fent   them  out  to  join  in  it.     They  promiled 
thefe  witnelTes  a  large  fhare  of  the  confifcated  eftates,  if  they 
went   thro'  in  the  bufinefs.     Depofitions  were   prepared  for 
them :  And  they  promifed  to  fwear  them :   Upon  which  a  day 
was  fixed  for  their  trial.     But  the  hearts  of  thofe  witnelTes  failed 
them,  or  their   confciences  role  upon  them :  So   that  when 
the  day  came  on,  they  could  not  bring  themfelves  to  fwear 
againft  an  innocent  man  j  and  plainly  refufed  to  do  it:  Yet, 
upon   new   practices  and    new  hopes,  they  again  refolvcd  to 
fwear  boldly :  Upon  which  new  days  had  been  fet   twice  or 
thrice:  And,  their  hearts  turning  againft  it,  they   were   ftili 
put  off.     Lord  Bargeu'y  had  full  proofs  of  all  this  ready  to 
be  offered :  But  the  Duke  prevailed  to  have  this  likewife  re- 
ferred to  the  King :  And  it  was  never  more  heard  of.     This 
fhewed  what  Duke   Lauderdale's   party   were   capable   of.    It 
likewife  gave  an  ill  character  of  the  Duke's  zeal  for  juftice, 
and  againft  falfe  fwearingj  tho'  that  had  been  the  chief  to- 
pick  of  difcourfe  with  him  for  above  three  years.     He  was 
angry  at  a  fuppofed  pradice  with  witnelTes,  when  it  fell  up- 
on his  own  party:  But  now  that  there  were  evident  proofs 
of  perjury  and  fubornation,  he  ftopt  proceedings  under  pre- 
tence of  referring  it  to  the  King  j  who  was  never  made  ac- 
quainted with  it,  or  at  leaft  never  enquired  after  the  proof 
of  thefe  allegations  ,    nor    ordered    any   proceedings  upon 
them. 

The  main  bufinefs  of  this  Parliament  was  the  a6t  concern-  a  teft  en- 
ing  the  new  teft  that  was  propofed.  It  had  been  promifed  liamein. 
in  the  beginning  of  the  felfion,  that  as  foon  as  an  ad:  for 
maintaining  the  fuccelfion  Ihould  pafs  they  lliould  have  all 
the  fecurity  that  they  could  defire  for  the  Proteftant  Reli- 
gion. So,  many  zealous  men  began  to  call  for  fome  more 
effectual  fecurity  for  their  Religion:  Upon  which  a  teft 
was  propofed  for  all  that  fhould  be  capable  of  any  office 
in  Church  or  State,  or  of  eleding  or  being  eleded  mem- 
fcrs  of  Parliament,  that  they  Ihould  adhere  firmly  to  the  Pro- 
teftant Religion  j  to  which  the  Court  party  added,  the  con- 
demning of  all  refiftance  in  any  fort,  or  under  any  pre- 
tence, the  renouncing  the  Covenant,  and  an  obligation  to 
defend  all  the  King's  rights  and  prerogatives,  and  that  they 
fhould  never  meet  to  treat  of  any  matter  civil  or  ecclefiafti- 
cal  but  by  the  King's  permiflion,  and  never  endeavour  any 

altera- 


51(5        TheHlsroRY  of  the  Reign 

idSi    alteration  in  the  government  in  Church  or  State:  And  they 
^^-'^^y^^  were  to  fwear  all  this  according  to  the  literal  fenfe  of  the 
words.     The  teft  was  thus  loaded  at  firft  to  make  the  other 
fide    grow   weary   of  the    motion    and   let  it    fall,     which 
they  would  willingly  have  done.     But  the  Duke  was  made  to' 
apprehend ,    that  he   would  find  fuch   a  teft   as  this  prove 
much  for  his  fervice :  So  it  feems,  that   article  of  the  Pro- 
teftant  Religion    was    forgiven  for  the  fervice  that  was  ex- 
pe6ted  from  the  other  parts  of  the  teft.     There  was  a  hot 
debate  upon  the  impofing  it  on  all   that  might  eled:   or  be 
cleded  members   of  Parliament:  It  was  faid,  that  was    the 
moft  eflential  of  all  the  privileges  of  the  fubjeds,  therefore 
they  ought  not  to  be  limited  in  it.     The  Bifhops  were  earneft 
for  this,  which   they   thought  would  fecure  them   for  ever 
from  a  Prefby terian  Parliament.     It  was  carried  in  the  vote : 
And  that  made  many  of  the  Court  more  zealous  than  ever 
for  carrying  thro'  the  ad.     Some  propofed  that  there  iTiould 
be  two  tefts :  One  for  Papifts  with  higher  incapacities :  And 
another  for  Prefbyterians  with  milder  cenfiires.     But  that  was 
rejected  with  much  fcorn,  fome  making  their  Court  by  fay- 
ing, they  were  more  in  danger  from  the  Prefbyterians  than 
from  the  Papifts:  And  it  was  reported  that  Paterfon,    then 
Biftiop  of  Edenburgh,  faid  to  the  Duke,  that  he  thought  the 
two  Religions,  Popifh  and  Proteftant,  were  fo  equally  ftated 
in  his  mind,  that  a  few  grains  of  loyalty,  in  which  the  Pro- 
teftants   had    the  better   of   the   Papifts,  turned  the  balance 
with  him.     Another    claufe  in  the   bill   was   liable  to  great 
objections :  All  the  Royal  Family    were   excepted  out  of  it. 
Lord  Arg^le  fpoke  zealoufly  againft  this :  He  faid,  the  only 
danger  we  could  apprehend  as  to  Popery  was,  if  any  of  the 
Royal  Family  ftiould    happen    to   be  perverted :    Therefore 
he  thought  it  was  better  to   have  no  a6t  at  all  than  fuch  a 
claufe  in  it.    Some  few    feconded  him:    But    it  was  carried 
without  any  confiderable  oppofition.     The  niceft  point  of  all 
was,  what  definition   or  ftandard  ftiould  be  made  for  fixing 
the  fenfe  of  fo  general  a  term,  as  the  Proteftant  Religion. 
Dalrymple  propofed   the  confcflion    of  faith    agreed   on  .4n 
the  year  one    thoufand  five  hundred  fifty  nine,  and  enaded 
in  Parliament  in  one  thoufand  five  hundred  fixty  feven,  which 
was  the  only  confeflion  of  faith  that  had  then  the  fandion  of 
a  law.     That  was  a  book  fo  worn  out  of  ufe,   that  fcarce 
any  one  in  the  whole  Parliament  had  ever  read  it:  None 
of  the  Bifhops  had,  as  appeared  afterwards.     For  thefe  laft 
thirty  years  the  only  confeflion  of  faith  that  was  read  in  Scot- 

2  landy 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.     "  517 

/a^c/y  was  that  which  the  afTembly  of  divines  at  IVeJim'wJler  i68i 
Jmo  1648  had  fet  out,  which  the  ScotuPo  Kirk  had  fet  up  ^"^^^^^^^ 
inftead  of  the  old  one:  And  the  Bifhops  had  left  it  in  pol- 
feflion,  the'  the  authority  that  enadted  it  was  annulled.  So 
here  a  book  was  made  the  matter  of  an  oath,  (for  they  were  to 
fwear  that  they  would  adhere  to  the  Proteftant  Religion,  as  it 
was  declared  in  the  confeflion  of  faithenadedin  the  year  1567, 
that  containeda  large  fyftem  of  Religion,  that  was  not  fomuch 
as  known  to  thofe  who  enadedit:  Yet  the  Bifhops  went  all  into 
it.  Dakymple,  who  had  read  it,  thought  there  were  propofitions^  > 

in  it,  which  being  confidered  better  of  would  make  the  teft 
be  let  fall:  For  in  it  the  reprefling  of  tyranny  is  reckoned 
a  duty  incumbent  on  good  iubjeds.  And  the  confeflion  be- 
ing made  after  the  Scots  had  depofed  the  Queen  Regent, 
and  it  being  ratified  in  Parliament  after  they  had  forced  their 
Queen  Mary  to  refign,  it  was  very  plain  what  they  who 
made  and  enaded  this  confeflion  meant  by  the  repreffing  of 
tyranny.  But  the  Duke  and  his  party  let  it  on  fo  earnefl- 
ly,  that  upon  one  day's  debate  the  ad  paft,  tho'  only  by  a 
majority  of  feven  voices.  There  was  fome  appearance  of 
fecurity  to  the  Proteftant  Religion  by  this  teft:  But  the  pre- 
rogative of  the  Crown  in  ecclefiaftical  matters  had  been 
raifed  fo  high  by  Duke  Lauderdale's  a<5t,  that  the  obliging 
all  people  to  maintain  that  with  the  reft  of  the  prerogative, 
might  have  made  way  for  every  thing.  All  ecclefiaftical 
Courts  fubfifted  now  by  this  teft  only  upon  the  King's 
permiflion,  and  at  his  difcretion. 

The  Parliament  of  Scotland  was  diflx)lved  foon  after  this 
ad  paft:  And  H<yde  was  fent  down  from  the  King  to  the 
Duke  immediately  upon  it.  It  was  given  out,  that  he  was 
fent  by  the  King  to  prefs  the  Duke  upon  this  vidory 
to  fhew,  that  what  ill  ufagc  could  not  extort  from  him  he 
would  now  do  of  his  own  accord,  and  return  to  the  Church 
of  England.  I  was  alTured,  that  Lord  Halifax  had  prevailed 
with  the  King  to  write  to  him  to  that  purpofe :  The  letter 
was  writ,  but  was  not  fent:  But  Lord  Hyde  had  it  in  charge 
to  manage  it  as  a  meflage.  How  much  of  this  is  true  I 
cannot  tell :  One  thing  is  certain,  that  if  it  was  true  it  had 
no  eff^ed. 

As  fooQ  as  the  teft  with  the  confeflion  of  faith  was  print- 
ed, there  was  a  univerfal  murmuring  among  the  beft  of  the 
Clergy.  Many  were  againft  the  fwearing  to  a  fyftem  made 
up  of  fo  many  propofitions,    of  which  fome  were  at  leaft 

6  Q^  doubt- 


518        TheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

1681    doubtful,-  tho'  it  was  found  to  be  much  more  moderate  in  many 
^o/'y*^  points,  than  could   have  been  well  expeded  confidering  the 
heat  of  that  time.     There  was  a  limitation  put  on  the  duty 
of  fubjeds  in  the  article,  by  which  they  were  required   not 
to  refift  any  whom  God  had  placed    in   authority  in    thefe 
words,  while  they  pafs   mt  the  bounds   of  their  office:  And  in 
another  they  condemned  thofe  who  refift  the  fupream  power 
s  doing  that  thing  which  appertaineth  to  his  charge,     Thefe  were 
made  to  the  propofitious  now  of  a  vcry  ill  found :  They  were  alfo  high- 
*^""  ly   offended  at  the  great    extent  of  the  prerogative   in  the 

point  of  fupremacy,  by  which  the  King  turned  Bifhops  out 
at  pleafure  by  a  letter.     It  was  hard  enough  to   bear   this: 
But  it  feemed  intolerable  to  oblige  men  by  oath  to  maintaia 
it.     The  King  might  by    a  Proclamation   put    down    even 
Epifcopacy  it  felf,  as  the  law  then  ftood:  And  by  this  oath 
they  would  be  bound  to  maintain  that.     All  meeting  in  Sy- 
nods, or  for  Ordinations,  were  hereafter  to  be  held  only  by 
permiflion :  So  that  all  the  vifible  ways   of  preferving  Reli- 
gion depended  now  wholly   on  the  King's    good   pleafure: 
And   they  faw  that  this  would  be  a  very  feeble  tenure  un- 
der a  Popifh  King.     The  being  tied  to  all  this  by  oath  feem- 
ed very  hard.    And  when  a  Church  was  yet  in  fo  imperfcd: 
a  ftate  without  liturgy  or  difcipline,  it  was  a  flrange  impo- 
lition  to  make  people  fwear  never  to  endeavour  any  altera- 
tion either   in  Church  or  State.     Some  or  all  of  thefe  excep- 
tions   did  run  fo  generally  thro'    the  whole    body    of   the 
Clergy,  that  they  were  all  fhaking  in  their  refolutions.     To 
prevent  this,  an  explanation  was  drawn  by  Bifhop  Paterfon, 
and  paft  in  Council.     It  was  by  it  declared,  that  it  was  not 
meant  that  thofe  who  took  the  teft  fhould  be  bound  to  every 
article  in  the  confeflion   of  faith ,  but  only  in   fo   far  as  it 
contained  the  doctrine  upon  which  the  Protcftant  Churches 
had  fettled  the  reformation :  And  that  the  teft  did   not  cut 
off  thofe  rights,  which  were  acknowledged  to  have  been  in 
the  primitive  Church  for  the  firft  three  hundred  years  after 
Chriji:  And  an  alfurance  was  given,  that  the  King  intended 
never  to  change  the  government  of  the  Church.     By  this 
it  was   pretended  that  the  greateft   difficulties   were  now  re-^ 
moved.    But  to  this  it  was  anfwered,  that  they  were  to  fwear 
they  took  the  oath    in   the  literal  fenfe  of  the  words.     So 
that,  if  this  explanation  was  not  conform  to  the  literal  fenfe, 
they  would  be  perjured  who  took  it  upon  this   explanation. 
The  impofers  of  an  oath  could  only  declare  the  fenfe  of  it: 
But  that  could  not  be  done  by  any  other,  much  lefsby  a  lower 

I  autho- 


of  King  Charles  il.  t       519 

authority,  fucli  as  the  privy   Councils  was   confeffed   to  be.    1682 
Yet  when  men  are  to  be  undone  if  they  do  not  fubmit  to  a  ^"^"^^^^^ 
hard  law,  they  willingly  catch  at  any  thing  that  feems   to 
refolve  their  doubts. 

About  eighty  of  the  moil  learned  and  pious  of  their  Clergy  Many  turn- 
left  all  rather  than  comply  with  the  terms  of  this  law:  And  not  taking  L 
thefe  were  noted  to  be  the  bed  preachers,  and  the  moft 
zealous  enemies  to  Popery,  that  belonged  to  that  Church. 
The  Biihops,  who  thought  their  refufing  the  teft  was  a  re- 
proach to  thofe  who  took  it,  treated  them  with  much  con- 
tempt, and  put  them  to  many  hardfliips.  About  twenty  of 
them  came  up  to  England:  I  found  them  men  of  excellent 
tempers,  pious  and  learned,  and  I  efteemed  it  no  finall  hap- 
pinefs  that  I  had  then  fo  much  credit  by  the  ill  opinion 
they  had  of  me  at  Court,  that  by  this  means  I  got  moft  of 
them  to  be  well  fettled  in  England -^  where  they  have  behaved 
themfelves  fo  worthily,  that  I  have  great  reafon  to  rejoice 
in  being  made  an  inftrument  to  get  fo  many  good  men, 
who  fuffered  for  their  confciences,  to  be  again  well  employ- 
ed, and  well  provided  for.  Moft  of  them  were  formed  by 
Charteris,  who  had  been  always  a  great  enemy  to  the  impo- 
sing of  books  and  fyftems  as  tefts  that  muft  be  figned  and 
fworn  by  fuch  as  are  admitted  to  ferve  in  the  Church.  He  ;w  -ir 
had  been  for  fome  years  Divinity  Profelfor  at  Edenburgh^  where 
he  had  formed  the  minds  of  many  of  the  young  Clergy 
both  to  an  excellent  temper  and  to  a  fet  of  very  good  prin- 
ciples. He  upon  this  retired,  and  lived  private  for  fome 
years:  He  writ  to  me,  and  gave  me  an  account  of  this  breach, 
that  was  like  to  be  in  the  Church  ^  and  defired,  that  I  would 
try  by  all  the  methods  I  could  think  of  to  ftop  the  pro- 
ceedings upon  the  teft.  But  the  King  had  put  the  affairs 
of  Scotland  fo  entirely  in  the  Duke's  hands ,  and  the  Biftiops 
here  were  fo  pleafed  with  thofe  claufes  in  the  teft  that  re- 
nounced the  covenant  and  all  endeavours  for  any  alteration 
in  Church  and  State,  that  I  faw  it  was  in  vain  to  mak«  any 
attempt  at  Court. 

Upon  this  matter  an  incident  of  great  importance  hap-  ArgiU't  ex- 
ned:  The  Earl  of  Agile  was  a  privy  Counfellor,  and  oneP''"'"°"" 
of  the  Commiflloners  of  the  Treafury :  So  when  the  time  limit- 
ed was  near  lapling  he  was  forced  to  declare  himfelf.  He  had 
once  refolved  to  retire  from  all  employments,  but  his  en- 
gagements with  Duke  Lauderdale's  party,  and  the  entangle- 
ments of  his  own  affairs  overcame  that.  His  main  obje<5tion 
lay  to  that  part  which  obliged  them  to  endeavour  no  altera- 

,  tion 


$20        The  HlsroRY  of  the  Reign 

1(^8 1  tion  in  the  Government  in  Church  or  State,  which  he  thought 
'^-'^^^'^^^  was  a  limitation  of  the  Legiflature.  He  defired  leave 'to  ex- 
plain himfelf  in  that. point:  And  he  continued  always  to 
affirm,  that  the  Duke  was  fatisfied  with  that  which  he  pro- 
pofed :  So  being  called  on  the  next  day  at  the  Council  table 
to  take  the  teft,  he  faid,  he  did  not  think  that  the  Parlia- 
ment did  intend  an  oath  that  fhould  have  any  contra- 
^idions  in  one  part  of  it  to  another;  therefore  he  took  the 
reft,  as  it  w«s  'confiftent  with  it  felf :  ( This  related  to  the 
abfolute  loyalty  in  the  teft,  and  the  limitations  that  were  on 
it  in  the  confefTion:)  And  he  added,  that  he  did  not  intend 
to  bind  himfelf  up  by  it  from  doing  any  thing  in  his  fta- 
tion  for  the  amending  of  any  thing  in  Church  or  State,  fo 
far  as  was  confiftent  with  the  Proteftant  Religion  and  the 
duty  of  a  good  fubjed:  And  he  took  that  as  a  part  of  his 
oath.  The  thing  paft,  and  he  fat  that  day  in  Council,-  and 
went  next  day  to  the  Treafury  chamber,  where  he  repeated 
the  fame  words.  Some  officious  people  upon  this  came,  and 
fuggefted  to  the  Duke,  that  great  advantage  might  be  taken 
againft  him  from  thefe  words.  So  at  the  Treafury  chamber 
he  was  defired  to  write  them  down,  and  give  them  to  the 
Clerk,  which  he  did,  and  was  immediately  made  a  prifbner 
He  was  'in  the  Caftle  of  Edenbur^  upon  it  It  was  faid,  this  was 
committed  .j^^gj^  tteafon ,  and  the  affuming  to  himfelf  the  legiftative 
power,  in  his  giving  a  fenfe  of  an  adt  of  Parliament,  and 
itiaiking  that  a  part  of  his  oath.  It  was  alfo  faid,  that  his 
faying  that  he  did  not  think  the  Parliament  intended  an 
oath  that  did  contradict  it  felf,  was  a  tacit  way  of  faying 
■that  he  did  think  it,  and  was  a  defaming  and  a  fpread- 
ing  lies  of  the  proceedings  of  Parliament,  which  was  capi- 
tal. The  liberty  that  he  referved  to  himfelf  was  likewife 
called  treafonable,  in  affuming  a  power  to  a<5t  againft  law: 
Thefe  were  fuch  apparent  ftretches,  that  for  fome  days 
it  was  believed  all  this  was  done  only  to  affright  him  to  a 
more  abfolute  fubmiflion,  and  to  furrender  up  fome  of  thofe 
great  jurifdi<5tions  over  the  Highlands  that  were  in  his  fartii- 
ly.  We  defired  he  might  be  admitted  to  (peak  with  the 
Duke  in  .private:  But  that  was  refufed.  He  had  let  his  old 
correfpondenCe  with  me  fall  for  fome  years :  But  I  thought 
it  became  me  in  this  extremity  to  ferve  him  all  I  could.  And 
-I  prevailed  with  Lord  Halifax  to  fpeak  fo  oft  to  the  King 
■about  it,  that  it  came  to  be  known:  And  Lord  Argile  writ 
mc  fome  letters  of  thanks  upon  it.  Duke  Lauderdale  was  ftill 
in  a  firm  friendfhip  with  him,  and  tried  his  whole  ftrength 

I  with 


upon  It. 


of  King  CHARLES' E  B%t 

with  the  King  to  preferve  hiin:  But  he  was  fioking  both  ia  i^8,^ 
body  and  mind,  and  was  like  to  be  caft  off  in  his  old  age.  ^-^VV^ 
Upon  which  I  alfo  prevailed  with  Lord  Halifax  to  offer  him 
his  Tervice,  for  which  Duke  Lauderdale  fent  me  very  kind 
melTages.  I  thought  thefe  were  the  only  returns  that  I  ought 
to  make  him  for  all  the  injuries  he  had  done  me,  thus  to 
ferve  him  and  his  friends  in  diftrefs.  But  the  Duke  of  T.ork 
took  this,  as  he  did  every  thing  from  me,  by  the  worft 
handle  poflible.  He  faid,  I  would  reconcile  my  felf  to  the 
greateft  enemies  I  had  in  oppofition  to  him.  Upon  this  it 
was  not  thought  fit  upon  many  accounts  that  I  fhould  go 
and  fee  Duke  Lauderdale^  which  I  had  intended  to  do.  It 
was  well  known  I  had  done  him  ads  of  friendfhip :  So  the 
fcandal  of  being  in  enmity  with  him  was  over:  For  a  Chrifti- 
an  is  no  man's  enemy:  And  he  will  always  ftudy  to  over- 
come evil  with  good. 

Lord  Argile  was  brought  to  a  trial  for  the  words  he  had  '^'?'/« «« trf- 
fpokc.  The  Fa<5t  was  certain:  So  the  debate  lay  in  a  point dcinned!^°" 
of  law ,  what  guilt  could  be  made  out  of  his  words.  Lock- 
hart  pleaded  three  hours  for  him,  and  Ihewed  fo  manifeftly 
that  his  words  had  no  fort  of  criminoufnefs,  much  lefs  of 
treafon  in  them,  that,  if  his  caufe  had  not  been  judged  be- 
fore  his  trial,  no  harm  could  have  come  to  ham.  The 
Court  that  was  to  judge  the  point  of  law  (or  the  relevancy 
of  the  libel  as  it's<:alled  in  Scotland)  confifted  of  a  Juftice  Ge^ 
neral,  the  Juftice  Clerk,  and  of  five  Judges.  The  Juftice  General 
does  not  vote,  unlefs  the  Court  is  equally  divided.  One  of 
the  Judges  was  deaf,  and  fo  old  that  he  could  not  fit  all  the 
while  the  trial  lafted,  but  went  home  and  to  bed.  The 
other  four  were  equally  divided  :  So  the  old  Judge  was 
fent  for:  And  he  turned  it  againft  Lord  Argile.  The  Jury 
was  only  to  find  the  fad  proved  :  But  yet  they  were 
officious,  and  found  it  treafon:  And,  to  make  a  fliew  of  im- 
partiality, whereas  in  the  libel  he  was  charged  with  perjury 
for  taking  the  path  falfly,  they  acquitted  him  of  the  per- 
jury. No  fentence  in  our  age  was  more  univerfally  cried 
out  on  than  this.  All  people  fpokeofit,  and  of  the  Duke 
who  drove  it  on,  with  horror:  All  that  was  faid  to  leiTea 
that  was,  that  Duke  Lauderdale  had  reftored  the  family  with 
fiich  an  extended  jurifdidion  that  he  was  really  the  mafter 
of  all  the  Highlands:  So  that  it  was  fit  to  attaint  him,  that 
by  a  new  reftoring  him  thefe  grants  might  be  better  limit- 
ed. This,  as  the  Duke  wrote  to  the  King,  was  ail  he  in- 
tended by  it,  as  Lord  Halifax  alTured  me.    But  Lord  Argile 

6  K  was 


S22       TheHiST  OR  Y  of  the  Reign 

i6it    was  made  believe,  that  the  Duke  in  tended,  to  proceed  to  ex- 
vy'WJ  ecution.     Some  more  of  the  guards  were  ordered   to  come 
to  Edenbiirgh.   Rooms  were  alfo  fitted  for  him  in  the  common 
jayl,  to  which  Peers  ufe  to  be  removed  a  few  days  before 
their   execution.     And   a    perfon    of  Quality,    whom  Lord 
Argtle  never  named,  affirmed  to  him  on  his  honour,  that  he 
heard  one  who  was  in  great  favour  fay  to  the  Duke,  The 
thing  muft  be  done ,  and  that  it  would  be  eafier  to  fatisfy 
the  King  about  it  after  it  was  done,  than  to  obtain  his  leave 
for  doing  it.     It  is  certain,  many  of  the  Scotitjh  Nobility  did 
believe   that  it  was  intended  he  (hould  die. 
He  made  his     Upon  thefe  reafons  Lord  Argile  made  his  efcape  out  of 
efcape.       xS\z  CalUe  in  a  difguife.    Others  fufpeded  thofe  ftories  were 
fent  to  him  on  purpofe  to  frighten  him  to  make  his  efcape  j 
as  that  which  would  juftify  further    feverities   againft  him. 
He   came  to  London^  and    lurked  for  fome  months   there. 
It  was  thought   I  was   in  his  fecret.     But  tho'  I  knew  one 
that  knew  it,  and  faw  many  papers  that  he  then  writ,  giv- 
ing an  account  of  all  that  matter,  yet  I  abhorred  lying :  And 
it  was  not  eafy  to  have  kept  out  of  the  danger  of  that,  if  I 
had  feen  him,  or  known  where  he  was:  So  I  avoided  it  by 
not  feeing  him.     One  that   faw  him  knew  him,  and   went 
and  told  the  King  of  it:  But  he  would  have  no  fearch  made 
for  him ,  and  retained  ftill  very  good  thoughts  of  him.     In 
one  of  Lord  Argtle's  papers  he  writ,  that,  if  ever  he  was  ad- 
mitted to  Ipeak  with  the  King,  he  could  convince  him  how 
much  he  merited  at  his  hands  by  that  which  had  drawn  the  Duke's 
indignation  on  him.     He  that  fhewed  me  this  explained  it, 
that  at  the  Duke's  firft  being  in   Scotland,  wherl  he  appre- 
hended that  the  King  might  have  confented  to  the  Exclufion , 
he  tried   to    engage   Lord  Argile  to    ftick   to    him  in  that 
cafe  ,•  who  told  him,  he  would  always  be  true  to  the  King, 
and  likewife  to  him  when  it  fhould  come  to  his  turn  to  be 
King,  but  that  he  would  go  no  farther,  nor  engage  him- 
felf  in  cafe  the  King  and  he  fhould  quarrel. 

I  had  lived  many  years  in  great  friendfhip  with  the  Earl 
of  Perth:  I  lived  with  him  as  a  father  with  a  fon  for  above 
twelve  years:  And  he  had  really  the  fubmiflions  of  a  child 
to  me.  So,  he  having  been  on  Lord  Argile's]my,  I  writ  him 
a  letter  about  it  with  the  freedom  that  I  thought  became  me: 
He  ,  to  merit  at  the  Duke's  hands  ,  fhewed  it  to  him , 
as  he  himfelf  confelTed  to  me.  I  could  very  eafily  forgive 
him,  but  could  not  efleem  him  much  after  fo  unworthy  an 
a(^ion.    He  was  then  afpiring  to  great  preferment,  and  fo 

facri- 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  s  II.  5aS 

facrificed  me  to  obtain  favour:  But  he  made  greater  facri-  \6%t 
fices  afterwards.  The  Duke  now  feemed  to  triumph  in  Scot-  '*>''VN.> 
land.  All  ftooped  to  him.  The  Preibyterian  party  was  much 
dcprelTed.  The  beft  of  the  Clergy  were  turned  out.  Yet,  with 
all  this,  he  was  now  more  hated  there  than  ever.  Lord  ^rg//?*s 
bufmefsmade  him  be  looked  on  as  one  that  would  prove  a  terrible 
mafter  when  all  fhould  come  into  his  hands.  He  had  promifed  to 
rcdrefs  all  the  merchant's  grievances  with  relation  to  trade, 
that  fo  he  might  gain  their  concurrence  in  Parliament:  But, 
as  foon  as  that  was  over,  all  his  promifes  were  forgotten. 
The  accufations  of  perjury  were  ftifled  by  him.  And  all  the 
complaints  of  the  great  abufe  Lord  Halton  was  guilty  of  in  the 
matter  of  the  coin  ended  in  turning  him  out  of  all  his  em- 
ployments, and  obliging  him  to  compound  for  his  pardon 
by  paying  loooo  /.  to  two  of  the  Duke's  creatures :  So  that 
all  the  reparation  the  Kingdom  had  for  the  oppreflion  of 
fo  many  years,  and  fo  many  ads  of  injufticc,  was,  that  two 
new  opprelTors  had  a  fliare  of  the  fpoils,  who  went  into  the 
fame  tradt,  or  rather  invented  new  methods  of  oppreflion. 
All  thefe  things,  together  with  a  load  of  age  and  of  a  vaft 
bulk,  funk  Duke  Lauderdale  fo  that  he  died  that  lummer. 
His  heart  feemed  quite  Ipent :  The^re  was  not  left  above  the 
bignefs  of  a  walnut  of  firm  fiibftance :  The  reft  was  fpungy, 
liker  the  lungs  than  the  heart. 

The  Duke  had  leave  given  him  to  come  to  the  King  at  The  Duke 
New-Market:  And  there  he  prevailed  for  leave  to  come  up,  qJ^"  ^ 
and  live  again  at  Court.  As  he  was  going  back  to  bring 
the  Duchefs,  the  Glocefier  frigat  that  carried  him  ftruck  on 
a  bank  of  fand.  The  Duke  got  into  a  boat:  And  took 
care  of  his  dogs,  and  fome  unknown  perfons  who  were 
taken  from  that  earneft  care  of  his  to  be  his  Priefts: 
The  long-boat  went  off  with  very  few  in  her,  tho'  (he  might 
have  carried  off  above  eighty  more  than  (he  did.  One  hundred 
and  fifty  perfons  perifhed:  Some  of  them  men  of  great  Quality. 
But  the  Duke  took  no  notice  of  this  cruel  neglect,  which  was 
laid  chiefly  to  Le^s  charge. 

In  Scotland  the  Duke  declared  the  new  minifters:  Gordt^ny^'^^y^'^iai- 
i\o\f^2ix\  oi  Aberdeen,  was  made  Chancellor :  And  ^^eensbury  i^d!'^ 
was  made  Treafiircr :  And  the  care  of  all  affairs  was  commit- 
ted to  them.  The  Duke  at  parting  recommended  to  the 
Council  to  preferve  the  publick  peace,  to  fupport  the  Church, 
and  to  oblige  all  men  to  live  regularly  in  obedience  to  the 
laws.  The  Bifhops  made  their  court  to  him  with  fo  much 
zeal,  that  they  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Archbifhop  of  Canter- 


524     The  H  1ST  OR.  Y  of  the  Reign 

i68i    Ifury,  to  be  communicated  to  the  reft  of  the  Engli/h  BidiopSy 
^^^^y^^  fetting  forth  in  a  very  high  ftrain  his  afFedion  to  the  Church, 
and  his  care  of  it :  And,  Icaft  this  piece  of  merit  Ihould  have 
been  ftiflcd  by  Sancroft,  they  fent  a  copy  of  it  to  the  prefs,- 
which  was  a   greater  reproach   to  them   than   a  fervice  to 
the  Duke,  who  could  not  but  defpife  fuch  abje6t  and  indecent 
flattery.     The   proceedings  againft   Conventicles  were   now 
like  to  be  feverer  than  ever :  All  the  fines,  that  were  fet  fo 
high  by  law  that  they  were  never  before  levied  but  on  fome 
particular  inftanccs,  were  now  ordered  to  be  levied  without 
exception.     All  people  upon  that  faw,  they  muft  either  con- 
form or  be  quite  undone.     The  Chancellor  laid  down  a  me- 
thod for   proceeding   againft  all  offenders  punctually:  And 
the  Treafurer  was  as  rigorous  in  ordering  all  the  fines  to  be 
levied. 
They  pro-        When  the  people  faw  this,  they  came  all  to  Church  again  : 
gre^'^feve-''  "^"^  ^^^^^  ^^  ^°"^^    placcs  whcre  all  fermons  had  been  dif- 
rity-  continued  for  many  years.     But  they   came  in  fo  aukward  a 

manner,  that  it  was  vifible  they  did  not  mean  to  worfhip  God, 
but  only  to  ftay  fome  time  within  the  Church  walls:  And 
they  were  either  talking  or  fleeping  all  the  while.  Yet  moft 
of  the  Clergy  feemed  to  be  tranfported  with  this  change  of 
tl>eir  condition,  and  fent  up  many  panegyricks  of  the  glo- 
rious fervices  that  the  Duke  had  done  their  Church.  The 
enemies  of  Religion  obfervcd  the  ill  nature  of  the  one  fide, 
and  the  cowardlinefs  of  the  other,  and  pleafed  themfelves 
in  cenfuring  them  both.  And  by  this  means  an  impious  and 
atheiftical  leaven  began  to  corrupt  moft  of  the  younger  fort. 
This  has  fince  that  time  made  a  great  progrefs  in  that 
Kingdom,  which  was  before  the  freeft  from  it  of  any  Na- 
tion in  Chriftendom.  The  beginnings  of  it  were  reckon- 
ed from  the  Duke's  ftay  among  them,  and  from  his  Court, 
which  have  been  cultivated  fince  with  much  care  and  but 
too  much  fiiccefs. 

^j  About  the  end  of  the  year  two  trials  gave  all  people  fad 
apprehenfions   of  what  they  were  to  look  for.     One  Home 
.,,.,  was  charged  by  a   kinfman  of  his  own  for  having  been  at 

■*'  Bothwell-Bndge.    All   Gentlemen  of  eftates  were  excepted  out 

of  the  indemnity :  So  he  having  an  eftate  could  have  no 
benefit  by  that.  One  fwore,  he  faw  him  go  into  a  village, 
and  leize  on  fome  arms  :  Another  fwore,  he  faw  him  ride 
towards  the  body  of  the  rebels :  But  none  did  fwear  that 
they  faw  him  there.  He  was  indeed  among  them :  But  there 
was  no  proof  of  it.   And  he  proved,  that  he  was  not  in  the 

2  company 


. ^y^of  King  Charles  II.        Ba,s 

company  where  the  fingle  witnefs  fwore  he  faw  him  feize    i6%z 
on  arms ,  and  did  evidently  drfcredit  him :  Yet  he  was  con-  *^>'>'^-' 
vi(5ted  and   condemned  on  that..fingle  evidence,  that  was  fb 
manifeftly  proved  to  be  infamous.     Many  were   fenfiblc  of 
the  mifchievoufnefs   of  fuch  a  precedent:  And  great  appli- 
cations were  made  to  the  Duke  for  faving  his   Hfe:  But  he 
was  not  born  under  a  pardoning   planet.      Lord   Aberdeen, 
the  Chancellor,  profecuted  Home  with  the  more  rigour,  becaufe 
his  own  grandfather  had  fuffered  in  the  late  times  for  bear- 
ing arms  on  the  King's  fide,  and  Home's  father  was  one  of         -"* 
the  Jury  that   caft  him.     The  day  of  his  execution  was  fet 
to  be  on  the  fame  day  of  the  year   on  which  Lord  Stafford 
had  fuffered  ^    which   was  thought  done  in  complement  to 
the  Duke,  as  a  retaliation  for  his  blood.     Yet  Home's  infa- 
mous kinfman,  who  had  fo  bafely  fworn  againft  hina,  lived 
not  to  fee  his  execution ;  for  he  died  before  it  full  of  hor- 
ror for  what  he  had  done.     Another  trial  went  much  deeper; 
and  the  confequences  of  it  ftruck  a  terror   into   the  whole 
country. 

One  fi'^eir  oiBlakewood,  that  managed  the  Marquis  o^Doaglafs's 
concerns,  was  accufed  oftreafon  for  having  kept  company  with 
one  that  had  been  in  the  bufinefs  of  Bothwell-Bridge.     Blake- 
wo^^  pleaded  for  himielf,  that  theperfon,  on  whofe  account  he 
was    now  profecuted   as  an   abettor   of  traitors,   had   never 
been  marked  out  by   the   government  by  procefs  of'^j^tocla- 
mation.     It   did   not   fo  much    as  appear  that  he  had   ever 
fufpedied  him  upon  that  account.     He  had  lived  in  his  owa 
houfe  quietly  for  fome  years    after  that  rebellion  before  he 
employed  him :  And  i^  the  government  feemed  to  forget  his 
crime,  it  was  no  wonder  if  others  entred  into  common  deal- 
ings with  him.     All  the  lawyers  were  of  opinionj  that  no- 
thing could  be  made  of  this  profecution :  So  that  Blakewood 
made  ufe  of  no  fecret  application,  thinking  he  Was  in  no 
danger.     But  the  Court  came  to  a  ftrange  fentence  itt  this 
matter,    by  thefe  fteps:  They  judged,    that   all  rri^ii    who 
fufpeded  any  to  have  been  in  the  rebellion  were  bdimd  to 
difcover  fuch  their  fufpicion,  and  to  give  no  harbour  td  fuch 
perfons:  That  the  bare  fufpicion  made  it  treafon  to  harbout 
the  perfon  fufpedied,  whether  he  was  guilty  or  not:   That 
if  any  perfon  was  under  fuclf  a  fufpicion,  it  wai  to  beptefemed 
that  all  the  neighbourhood  knew  it:  So  that  there  was  no  need 
of  proving  that  againft  any  particular  perfon,  finte  the  pre- 
fumption  of  law  did  prove  it:  And  it  betng  proved  tfeat  the 

6  S  perfoA 


52(5        fheHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

i6%i    perfon  with  whom  Blakewood  had  converfcd  lay  under  that  fufpi- 
^-^^y**^  cion,  5/«/^dwo<?^was  upon  that  condemned  as  guilty  of  high  trea- 
fon.    This  was  fuch  a  conftrud:ive  treafon,  that  went  upon  fo 
many  unreafonable  fuppofitions ,  that  it  {hewed  the  {hame- 
leffnefs  of  a  fort  of  men  who  had  been  for  forty  years  de- 
claiming againft  a  parliamentary  attainder  for  a  conftrudive 
treafon  in  the  cafe  of  the  Earl  of  Strafford,  and  did  now  in  a 
common  Court  of  Juftice  condemn  a  man  upon  a  train   of 
fo  many  inferences  that  it  was  not  pollible  to  make  it  look 
even  like  a  conftrudive  treafon.     The  day  of  his  execution 
was  fet :  And  tho'  the  Marquis  of  Douglas  writ  earneftly  to 
the  Duke  for  his  pardon,  that  was  denied.     He  only  obtained 
two  months  reprieve  for  making  up  his  accounts.    The  re- 
prieve  was  renewed   once  or   twice:    So  Blakewood  was  not 
executed.     This  put  all  the  Gentry  in  a  great  fright:  Many 
knew  they  were  as  obnoxious   as  Blakewood  was :   And  none 
could  have  the  comfort  to   know  that  he  was  fafe.     This 
revived  among  them  a  defign,  that  Lockhart  had  fet  on  foot 
ten  years  before,  of  carrying  over  a  Plantation  to  Carolina. 
All  the    Prelbyterian  party  faw    they    were  now     difinhe- 
rited    of   a   main   part    of  their    birth-right,    of  choofing 
their   reprefentatives  in   Parliament:     And  upon    that  they 
faid,  they  would  now  feek  a  country  were  they  might  live 
undifturbed,  as  freemen,  and  as  Chriftians.     The  Duke  en- 
couraged the  motion :  He  was  glad  to  have  many  untoward 
people  fent  far  away,  who  he  reckoned  would  be  ready  up- 
on the  firft  favourable  conjundture  to  break  out  into  a  new 
rebellion.     Some  Gentlemen  were  fent  up  to  treat  with  the 
Patentees  of  Carolina:  They  did  not  like  the  government  of 
thofe  Palatinates,  as  they  were  called:  Yet  the  profpe(5t  of 
fo  great  a  Colony  obtained  to  them  all  the  conditions  they 
propofed.    I  was  made  acquainted  with  all  the  fteps  they  made; 
for  thofe  who  were  fent   up  were  particularly  recommended 
to  me.     In  the  negotiation  this   year  there  was  no  mixing 
with  the- male-contents  in  England:  Only  they  who  were  fent 
up  went  among  them,  and  informed  them   of  the  opprefli- 
ons  they  lay  under;  in  particular  of  the  terror  with  which 
this  fentence  againft  Blakewood  had  ftruck  them  all.     The 
Court  refolved  to  profecute  that  farther :  For  a  Proclamation 
was  ilTued  out  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  eighty  three,  by 
jvhieh  the  King  ordered  circuit  Courts  to  be  fent  round  the 
Wejlern  and  Southern  Counties,  to  enquire  after  all  who  had 
been  guilty  of  harbouring  or  converfing  with  thofe  who  had  been 
in  rebellion,  even  tho'  there  had  been  neither  procefs  nor 

procla- 


V     of  King  CHARLES  VLSi  527 

proclamation  ilTued  out  againft  them.  He  alfo  ordered,  that  i6^i 
all  who  were  found  guilty  of  fuch  converfe  with  them  (hould  '-^^VN*/ 
be  profecuted  as  traitors.  This  inquifition  was  to  laft  three 
years:  And  at  the  end  of  that  time  all  was  to  conclude  in 
a  full  indemnity  to  fuch  as  fhould  not  be  then  under  pro- 
fecution.  But  the  indemnity  was  to  take  place  immediately 
to  all  fuch  as  fhould  take  the  Teft.  This  was  perhaps  fuch 
a  Proclamation  as  the  world  had  not  feen  fince  the  days 
of  the  Duke  of  Alva.  Upon  it  great  numbers  run  in  to 
take  the  Tefl,  declaring  at  the  Tame  time  that  they  took  it 
againft  their  confciences :  But  they  would  do  any  thing  to  be 
fafe.  Such  as  refolved  not  to  take  it  were  trying  how  to 
fettle  or  fell  their  eftates  j  and  refolved  to  leave  the  coun- 
try ,  which  was  now  in  a  very  opprelfed  and  defperate 
ftate. 

But  I  muft  next  turn  again  to  the  affairs  of  England.    The  Affairs  ia 
Court  was  every  where  triumphant.     The  Duke  was  highly  "^'"' ' 
complemented  by  all,  and  feemed  to  have  overcome  all  dif- 
ficulties.    The  Court,  not  content  with  all  their  vi(5torics, 
refolved  to  free  themfclves  from  the  fears  of  troublefome  Par- 
liaments for  the  future.     The  Cities  and  Boroughs  of  Eng-^ 
land  were  invited,  and  prevailed  on,    to    demonftrate  their 
loyalty ,  by  furrendring  up  their  Charters,  and  taking  new  Aiicharters 
ones  modelled  as  the  Court  thought  fit.     It  was  much  quef-  werefurren- 
tioned,  whether  thofe  furrenders  were  good  in  law  or  not :  Kfng.'° '^'^ 
It  was  faid,  that  thofe  who  were  in  the  government  in  Cor- 
porations, and  had  their  Charters  and  Seals  trufted  to  their 
keeping ,    were   not    the    proprietors   nor   mafters  of  thofe 
rights:    They  could  not  extinguifh  thofe  Corporations,  nor 
part  with  any  of  their  privileges.     Others  faid,   that  what- 
ever might  be  objected  to  the  reafon  and  equity  of  the  thing, 
yet,  when  the  Seal  of  a  Corporation  was  put  to  any  deed, 
liich  a  deed  was  good  in  law.     The  matter  goes  beyond  my 
fkill  in  law  to  determine  it:    This   is  certain,   that   whatfo- 
ever  may  be  faid  in  law,  there  is  no  fort  of  theft  or  perfidy 
more  criminal  than  for  a  body  of  men,  whom  their  neigh- 
bours have  trufted  with  their  concerns,  to  fteal  away  their 
Charters,  and  affix  their  Seals  to  fuch  a  deed,  betraying  in 
that  their  truft  and  their  oaths.     In  former  ages  Corporati- 
ons were  jealous  of  their  privileges  and  cuftoms  to  excefs  and 
fuperftition:    So   that  it   looked  like  a   ftrange  degeneracy, 
when  all  thefe  were  now  delivered  upj  and  this  on  defign 
to  pack  a  Parliament  that  might  make  way  for  a  Popifti 
King.     So  that,  inftead  of  iecuring  us  from  Popery  under 
z  ,x  fuch 


528        The  History  of  the  Reign 

i6St    fuch  a  Prince,  thefe  perfons  were  now  contriving  ways  to 
*^^VNj  make  all  eafy  to  him.     Popery  at  all  times  has  looked  odious 
and  cruel:  Yet  what  the  Emperor  had  lately  done  in  Him^ 
^arjy  and  what  the  King  of  France^  was  then  doing  againft 
Proteftants  in  that  Kingdom,  fhewed  that  their  Religion  was 
as  perfidious  and  as  cruel  in   this  age  as  it  had  been  in  the 
laft :  And  by  the  Duke's  government  of  Scotland  all  men  did 
fee  what  was  to  be  expected   from  him.     All  this  laid  toge- 
ther, the  whole  looked  like  an  extravagant  fit  of  madnefs: 
Yet  no  part  of  it  was  fb  unaccountable,  as  the  high  ftrains 
\j  to  which  the  Univerfities  and  moft  of  the  Clergy  were  car- 

ried.    The  Non-conformifts  were  now  profecuted  with  much 
eagernefs.    This  was  vifibly  fet  on  by  the  Papifts :  And  it  was 
wifely  done   of  them;  for  they  knew   how  much  the  Non- 
conformifts  were  fet  againft  them^  and  therefore  they  made 
uk  of  the  indifcreet  heat  of  fome  angry  Clergymen  to  ruin 
them :  This  they  knew  would  render  the  Clergy  odious,  and 
give  the  Papifts  great  advantages  againft  them,  if  ever  they 
ihould  ftrike  up   into  an  oppofition   to   their  defigns. 
The  difputc      At  Midfiimmet  a  new  conteft   difcovered    how  little    the 
the"she"S  Coutt  rcfolved   to  regard   either  juftice   or  decency.     The 
oiLondm.   Court  had  carried  the  election  of  Sir  John  Moor  to  be  Mayor 
of  the  city  of  London  at  Michaelmas  eighty   one.     He  was 
the  Alderman  on  whom  the  election  fell  in  courfe.    Yet  fome 
who  knew  him  well  were  for  fetting  him  afide,  as  one  whom 
the  Court  would  eafily  manage.     He  had  been  a  Non-con- 
formift  himfelf,  till  he  grew   fo   rich  that  he  had    a  mind 
to  go  thro'  the  dignities  of  the  City :  But  tho'  he  conform- 
ed to  the  Church,  yet  he  was   ftill  looked   on   as  one  that 
in  his  heart  favoured  the  Sed:aries:    And  upon  this   occafi- 
en  he  pcrfiiaded  fome  of  their  preachers  to  go  among  their 
congregations  to  get  votes  for  him.     Others,  who  knew  him 
to  be  a  flexible  and  faint-hearted  man,  oppofed  his  ele<5tion : 
Yet  it  was  carried  for  him.     The  oppofition  that  was  made 
to  his  eledion  had  iharpned  him  fo  much,  that  he  became 
in  all  things  compliant  to  the  Court,  in  particular  to  Secre- 
tary Jenkins ,    who  took  him  into  his    own    management. 
When  the  day  came  in  which  the  Mayor  ufed  to   drink  to 
one,  and  to  mark  him  out  for  Sheriff,  he  drank  to  North^ 
a  merchant   that  was  brother  to  the  Chief  Juftice.    Upon 
that  it  was  pretended,   that  this  ceremony  was  not   a  bare 
nomination,  which  the  common   Hall  might  receive  or  re- 
fufe  as  they  had  a  mind,  to  it ;  but  that  this  made  the  She- 
riff, and  that  the  common  Hall  was  bound  to  receive  and 

*  '  confirm 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  52g 

confirm  him  in  courfe,  as  the  King  did  the  Mayor.     On  the     i^8i 
other  hand  it  was  faid,  that  the  right  was  to  be  determined  ^^'V"^^ 
by  the  Charter,  which  granted  the  election  of  the  Sheriffs 
to  the  citizens  oi  London-,  and  that,   whatever   cuftoms   had 
crept  in  among  them,    the  right  ftill  lay  where  the  Charter 
had  lodged  it  among  the  citizens.     But   the  Court   was   re- 
folved  to  carry  this  point:  And  they  found  orders  that  had 
been  made  in  the  City  concerning  this  particular,  which  gave 
fome  colour  to  this  pretenfion  of  the  Mayor's.     So  he  claim- 
ed it  on  Midfummer  day  j  and  faid,  the  common  Hall   were 
to  go  and  ele6t   one  Sheriff,  and  to  confirm  the  other  that 
had  been  declared  by  him.     The  Hall  on  the  other   hand 
faid,  that  the  right  of  choofing  both  was  in    them.     The 
old  Sheriffs  put  it    according  to    cuftom   to  a  poll:  And   it 
was  vifible,  the  much  greater  number    was  againft  the  Lord 
Mayor.     The  Sheriffs  were  always  underftood  to  be  the  offi- 
cers of  that  Court:  So  the  adjourning  it  belonged  to  them: 
Yet  the  Mayor  adjourned   the   Court;    which    they   faid  he 
had   no   power   to  do ,    and   fo    went   on  with    the    poll. 
There  was  no  diforder  in  the  whole  progrefs  of  the  matter, 
if  that  was  not  to  be  called  one,  that   they  proceeded   after 
the  Mayor  had  adjourned  the  poll.     But  tho'  the  Mayor's 
party   carried  themfelves  with  great   infolence   towards   the 
other  party,  yet  they  fhewed  on  this  occafion  more  temper 
than  could  have  been  exped:ed  from  fo  great  a  body,  who 
thought  their  rights  were   now  invaded.     The  Mayor  upon 
this  refolved  to  take  another  poll,   to  which  none  fhould  be 
admitted  but   thofe   who  were  contented   to   vote  only   for 
one,  and  to  approve  his  nomination  for  the  other.     And  it 
was  refolved,  that  his  poll  fhould  be  that  by  which  the  bu- 
finefs  fhould  be  fettled :  And  tho'   the  Sheriffs  poll  exceeded 
his    by     many    hundreds ,    yet  order   was   given    to    return 
thofe  on  the  Mayor's  poll,  and  that  they  fhould  be  fwornj 
and  fo  thofe  of  the  Sheriffs  poll  fhould  be  left  to  feek  their 
remedy   by  law,  where   they   could   find   it.     Box,  who  was 
chofen   by  the  Mayor's   party  and  joined  to  North,  had  no 
mind  to  ferve   upon   fo  doubtful  an  eledion,  where  fo  many 
adtions  would  lie  if  it  was  judged  againft  them  at  law:  And 
he  could  not  be  perfuaded  to  hold  it.     So  it  was   neceffary 
to  call  a  new  common  Hall,  and  to  proceed  to  a  new  elec- 
tion: And  then,  without  any  Proclamation  made  as  was  ufual, 
one  in  a  corner   near  the  Mayor  named  Rich,    and   about 
thirty  more   applauded  it,  thofe  in  the  Hall,    that  was  full 
of  people  and  of  noife,  hearing  nothing  of  it.   Upon  this  it 

6  T  was 


530        rk  H  I S  T  O  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

i6^z    was  faid,  that  Rkh  was  chofen  without  any    contradidion  : 

'^•^"^"''"'^^  And  fo   North  and   Rich   were   returned,  and   fworn   Sheriffs 

Carried  by   foT  the  enfuing   year.     The  violence  and  the  injuftice  with 

the  Court.    ^J^fch  this  matter  was  managed  fllewed,  that  the  Court  was 

refolved  to  carry  that  point  at  any  rate:  And  this  gave  great 

occafions  of  jealoufy,  that  Tome  wicked  defign  was  on  foot, 

for  which  it  was  necelTary   in  the  firft  place    to  be  fure  of 

favourable  Juries. 

Lord  Shaftsbury  upon  this,  knowing  how  obnoxious  he  was, 
went  out  of  England.     His  voyage  was  fatal  to  him :  He  juft 
got  to  Amflerdam  to  die  in  it.     Of  the  laft  parts  of  his  life 
I  fhall    have    fome  occafion    to    make   mention    afterwards. 
When  Michaelmas  day  came,  thofe  who  found  how  much  they 
had  been   deceived  in    Moor  refolved  to  choofe  a  Mayor  that 
might  be   depended   on.     The   poll   was    clofed    when   the 
Court  thought  they  had  the  majority:  But  upon  cafting  it 
up  it  appeared   they  had  loft  it :  So  they  fell  to  canvafs  it : 
And  they  made  fuch  exceptions  to   thofe   of  the  other  fide, 
that  they  difcounted  as  many  voices  as  gave  them  the  majo- 
rity.    This  was  alfo  managed  in  fo  grofs  a  manner,  that  it 
was  vifible  the  Court  was  refolved  by  fair  or  foul  means  to 
have  the  government  of  the  City  in  their  own  hands.     But 
becaufe   they  would   not  be  at   this    trouble  ,    nor   run   this 
hazard  every  year,  it  was  refolved  that  the   Charter   of  the 
City  muft  either  be  given  up,    or  be  adjudged  to  the  King. 
The  former  was  much  the  eafier  way:  So   great  pains  was 
taken  to  manage  the  next  eledion  of  the  common  Council, 
fo  as  that  they  might  be  tradable  in  this  point.     There   was 
much  injuftice   complained   of  in  many  of  the  wards  of  the 
City,  both  in  the  poll,  and  in  the  returns  that  were  made. 
In  order  to  the  difabling    all  the  Diffenters  from  having   a 
vote  in  that  election,  the  Biftiop  and  Clergy  of  London  were 
prelTed  by  the  Court  to  profecute  them  in  the  Church  Courts, 
that  fo  they  might  excommunicate  them^  which  fome  lawyers 
thought  would  render  them  incapable   to  vote,  tho'    other 
lawyers  were  very  pofitively  of  another  opinion.     It  is  cer- 
tain it   gave  at  leaft  a  colour  to  deny  them  votes.      The 
Biftiop   of  London  be^an   to  apprehend,    that    things  were 
running  too  faft,    and  was  backward  in    the  matter.     The 
Clergy  of  the  City  refufed  to  make  prefentments:    The  law 
laid    that   on   the  Church-wardens:  And  fo  they  would  not 
meddle  officioufly.     The  King  was  difpleafed  with  them  for 
their  remiftnefs :   But  after  all  the  pradices  of  the  Court,  in 
ihe  returns  of  the  common  Council  of  the  City,  they  could 

not 


of  King  Charles  II.  53 1 

not  bring  it  near  an  equality  for  delivering  np  their  Char-  i6^i 
ter.  Jenkins  managed  the  whole  bufinefs  of  the  City  with  '^^'V'^^ 
[o  many  indirect  pradtices,  that  the  reputation  he  had  for 
probity  was  much  blemiihed  by  it:  He  feemed  to  think  it 
was  necelTary  to  bring  the  City  to  a  dependence  on  the  Court 
in  the  faireft  methods  he  could  fall  on;  and,  if  thefe  did 
not  fucceed,  that  then  he  was  to  take  the  mofl:  effedual 
ones,  hoping  that  a  good  intention  would  excufe  bad  prac- 
tices. 

The  Earl  of  Sunderland  had  been  difgraced  after  the  Ex-  changes  in 
clufion  Parliaments,  as  they  were  now  called,  were  difTolved :  and'aiweL' 
But  the  King  had  fo  entire  a  confidence  in  him,  and  Lady  among  them. 
Port/mouth  was  fo  much  in  his  interefts,  that  upon  great  fub- 
miflions  made  to  the  Duke  he  was  again  reftored  to  be  Se- 
cretary this  winter.  Lord  Hyde  was  the  perfon  that  difpo- 
ied  the  Duke  to  it:  Upon  that  Lord  Halifax  and  he  fell 
to  be  in  ill  terms  j  for  he  hated  Lord  Sunderland  beyond 
expreflion,  tho'  he  had  married  his  fifter.  From  Lord  Sun- 
derland's returning  to  his^  poll:  all  men  concluded,  that  his 
declaring  as  he  did  for  the  Exclufion  was  certainly  done 
by  diredion  from  the  King,  who  naturally  loved  craft  and 
a  double  game,  that  fo  he  might  have  proper  inftruments 
to  work  by  which  way  foever  he  had  turned  himfelf  in  that 
affair.  The  King  was  the  more  defirous  to  have  Lord  Sun- 
derland again  near  him,  that  he  might  have  fome  body  about 
him  who  underftood  foi^ign  affairs.  Jenkins  underftood  no- 
thing: But  he  had  fo  much  credit  with  the  high  Church  • 
party,  that  he  was  of  great  ufe  to  the  Court.  Lord  Conway 
was  brought  in  to  be  the  other  Secretary,  who  was  fo  very 
ignorant  of  foreign  affairs,  that  his  province  being  the  North 
when  one  of  the  foreign  minifters  talked  to  him  of  the  Cir- 
cles oi Germany^  it  amazed  him:  He  could  not  imagine  what 
Circles  had  to  do  with  affairs  of  flate.  He  was  now  difmiffed. 
Lord  Halifax  and  Lord  Hyde  fell  to  be  in  an  open  war, 
and  were  both  much  hated.  Lord  Halifax  charged  Hyde^ 
who  was  at  this  time  made  Earl  oi  Rocheflerj  of  bribery,  for 
having  farmed  a  branch  of  the  revenue  much  lower  than 
had  been  profered  for  it.  Lord  Halifax  acquainted  the 
King  firfl  with  it:  And,  as  he  told  me,  he  defired  Lord 
Rochefter  himfelf  to  examine  into  it,  he  being  inclined  to 
think  it  was  rather  an  abufe  put  on  him  than  corruption 
in  himfelf  But  he  faw  Lord  Rochefler  was  cold  in  the  mat- 
ter, and  inftead  of  profccuting  any  for  it  protected  all 
concerned  in  it.     He  laid  the  complaint  before  the  King  in 

Council  I 


532       The  History  of  the  Reign 

16^  1    Council:  And  to   convince   the  King  how  ill  a   bargain  he 
^--^^y^^^  had  made,  the  complainers  offered,  if  he  would    break  the 
bartrain,  to  give  him   40000  /.  more  than  he  was   to  have 
from  the  farmers.     He  looked  alfo  into  the  other  branches  of 
the  revenue,  and  found  caufe  to  fufped  much  corruption  in 
every  one  of  them :  And  he  got  undertakers  to  offer  at   a 
farm  of  the  whole  revenue.     In  this  he  had  all   the  Court 
on  his  fide:  For   the  King  being  now   refolved  to  live  on 
his   revenue,    without  putting  himfelf  on  a  Parliament,    he 
was  forced  on  a  great  reduction  of  expence:  So  that  many- 
payments  run    in    arrear:  And  the  whole  Court  was   fo  ill 
paid,  that  the  offering  any  thing  that  would  raife  the  revenue, 
and  blemifh  the  management  of  the  treafury,  was  very  ac- 
ceptable to  all  in  it.     Lord  Rochefier  was  alfo  much  hated: 
But  the  Duke  and  the  Lady  Portfmouth  both  proteded  the 
Earl  of  Rochefier  fo  powerfully,    that  even  propofitions  to 
the  King's  advantage,  which  blemifhed  him,  were  not  hcark- 
ned  to.     This  touched  in  too  tender  a  place  to  admit  of  a 
reconciliation :  The  Duke  forgot  all  Lord  Halt/ax's  fervice 
in  the  point  of  the  Exclufion:    And  the  dearnefs  that  was 
between    them    was    now    turned     upon    this    to    a    cold- 
nefs,  and  afterwards  to  a   mofl  violent  enmity.     Upon  this 
occafion  Lord  Halifax  fent  for  me ,  (  for  I  went  no  more  near 
any  that  belonged  to  the  Court,)  and  he  told  me  the  whole 
matter.     I  afked  him  how  he  flood  with  the  King:  He  an- 
fwered,  that  neither  he  nor  I  had  the  making  of  the  King : 
f       God  had  made  him  of  a  particular  compofition.     He  faid,  he 
knew  what  the   King  faid  to  himfelf:  I  alked   him,  if  he 
knew  likewife  what  he  faid  to  others  j  for  he  was  apt  to  fay 
to  his  feveral  Miniflers  whatfoever  he  thought  would  pleafe 
them,  as  long  as   he    intended  to  make  ufc   of  them.     By 
the  death  of  the  Earl  of  Nottingham  the   Seals  were  given 
to  North,  who  was  made   Lord  Guilford.     He  had  not  the 
vertues  of  his  predecefTor :  But  he  had  parts  far  beyond  him  : 
They   were   turned   to  craft:    So   that  whereas   the  former 
feemed  to  mean   well  even  when   he  did  ill,  this   man  was 
believed   to  mean  ill  even  when   he  did  well.     The  Court 
finding  that  the  City  of  London  could  not  be  wrought  on  to 
furrender  their  Charter,  refolved  to  have  it  condemned  by 
a  judgment  in  the  King's  bench.     Jones  had  died  in   May: 
So  now  Pollexphen   and  Treby  were  chiefly  relied  on  by  the 
City  in  this  matter.     Sawyer  was  the  Attorney  General,  a 
dull  hot  man,  and  forward  to  ferve  all    the  defigns  of  the 

Court. 


3 


of  King  Charles  IL    '     555 

Court,     He  undertook  by    the  advice  of  Sanders:^  a  learned    \6%z 
but  a  very  immoral  man,  to  overthrow  the  Charter.  onr>^ 

The  two  points  upon  which  they  refted  the  caufe  were,  The  argu- 
that  the  Common  Council  had  petitioned  the  King  upon  a  ind"ag[|;[ft 
prorogation  of   Parliament  that  it  mieht   meet  on   the  day  the  Charter 

■•^i-i.  1  iLjji  .'of  London. 

to  which  It  was  prorogued,  and  had  taxed  the  prorogation 
as  that  which  occafioned  a  delay  of  juftice:  This  was  con- 
ftrued  to  be  the  raifing  fedition,  and  the  poffefling  the  people 
with  an  ill  opinion  of  the  King  and  his  government.  /  The 
other  point  was,  that  the  City  had  impofed  new .  taxes  on 
their  wharfs  and  markets ,  which  was  an  invafion  of  the 
liberty  of  the  fubjed:,  and  contrary  to  law.  It  was  faid, 
that  all  that  the  Crown  gave  was  forfeitable  back  to  the 
Crown  again  upon  a  male-verfation  of  the  body,-  and  that  as 
the  Common  Council  was  the  body  of  the  City,  chofen 
by  all  the  citizens,  fo  they  were  all  involved  in  what  the 
Common  Council  did:  And  they  inferred,  that  fince  they 
had  both  fcandalized  the  King's  government ,  and  op- 
prelTed  their  fellow  fubjeds,  they  had  thereupon  forfeited 
their  liberties :  Many  precedents  were  brought  of  the  feizing 
on  the  liberties  of  Towns  and  other  Corporations,  and  of 
cxtinguifhing  them. 

The  arguments  againft  this  were  made  by  Treby^  then  the 
Recorder  oi  London,  and  Pollexphen,  who  argued  about  three 
hours  apiece.  They  laid  it  down  for  a  foundation,  that  trading 
Corporations  were  immortal  bodies  for  the  breeding  a  fuc- 
ceflion  of  trading  men,  and  for  perpetuating  a  fund  of  pub- 
lick  chambers  for  the  eftates  of  orphans  and  trufts  and  for 
all  pious  endowments :  That  crimes  committed  by  perfbns 
entrufted  in  the  government  of  them  were  perfonal  things, 
which  were  only  chargeable  on  thofe  who  committed  them, 
but  could  not  affed  the  whole  body:  The  treafon  of  a 
Bi(hop,  or  a  Clerk,  only  forfeited  his  title,  but  did  not  diP- 
folve  the  Bifhoprick,  or  Benefice:  So  the  magiftrates  only 
were  to  be  punifhed  for  their  own  crimes :  An  entailed  eftate, 
when  a  tenant  for  life  was  attainted,  was  not  forfeited  to  the 
King,  but  went  to  the  next  in  remainder  upon  his  death. 
The  government  of  a  city,  which  was  a  temporary  admi- 
niftration,  veiled  no  property  in  the  magiftrates :  And  there* 
fore  they  had  nothing  to  forfeit,  but  what  belonged  to  them- 
fclves :  There  were  alfo  exprefs  a6ts  of  Parliament  made  in 
favour  of  the  City,  that  it  (hould  not  be  punifhed  for  the 
mifdemeanors  of  thofe  who  bore  office  in  it:  They  an- 
fwered  the  great  objedion  that    was  brought  from  the  for- 

^  U  '  feitures 


554     The  H  I S  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

i6^z    feitures  of  fome  Abbeys  on   the  attainder  of  their  Abbots  in 
'^'^^v'^^King  Henry  the  eighth's  time,  that  there  were  peculiar  laws 
made  at  that  time,  upon  which  thofe  forfeitures  were  ground- 
ed, which  had  been  repealed  fince  that  time :  All  thofe  for- 
feitures were  confirmed  in   Parliament:  And  that  purged  all 
defeds :  The  Common  Council  was  a  fele^ted  body,   chofen 
for  particular   ends:  And  if  they  went  beyond   thefe,  they 
were  liable  to  be  puniflied  for  it :    If  the  petition  they  offer- 
ed the  King  was  feditious,  the  King    might  proceed  againft 
every  man  that  was  concerned  in  it :  And  thofe  upon  whom 
thofe  taxes  had  been  levied,  might  bring  their  adions  againft 
thofe  who   had   levied  them  :  But  it  feemed    very  ftrange, 
that  when  none  of  the  petitioners  were  proceeded  againft 
for  any  thing  contained  in  that  petition,  and  when  no  ac- 
tions were  brought  on  the  account  of  thofe  taxes,  that  the 
whole  body  fhould   fuffer  in   common  for  that,  which  none 
of  thofe  who  were  immediately  concerned  in  it  had  been  (6 
much  as  brought  in  queftion  for  in  any   Court    of  law:  If 
the   Common    Council  petitioned  more   earneftly  than  was 
fitting  for  the  fitting   of  the  Parliament,    that  ought  to  be 
afcribed  to   their  zeal  for   the  King's   fafety ,    and  for  the 
eftabliflied  Religion :  And  it  ought  not  to  be  ftrained  to  any 
other  fenfc  than  to  that  which  they   profefs  in  the  body  of 
their  petition,  much  lefs  to  be  carried  fo  far  as  to  diflblve 
the  whole   body  on   that  account :  And  as  for  the  tolls  and 
taxes,    thefe  were  things   pradifed  in   all  the   Corporations 
of  England ^    and  feemed  to  be   exadly    according  to  law: 
.The  City  fince  the  fire    had  at  a   vaft  charge  made  their 
wharfs  and  markets  much  more   noble  and  convenient  than 
they  were  before:  And  therefore  they  might  well   deny   the 
benefit  of  them  to  thofe  who  would   not   pay   a  new    rate, 
that  they  fet  on   them   for  the  payment  of  the  debt   con- 
traded    in    building  them:  This    was   not    the   impofing   a 
tax,  but  the  raifing  a  rent  out  of  a  piece  of  ground,  which  the 
City  might  as  well  do,  as  a  man  who  rebuilds  his  houfe  may 
raife  the  rent  of  it:  All   the  precedents  that   were  brought 
were  examined  and  anfwered:  Some  Corporations   were  de- 
ferted  ,     and    fo    upon    the    matter    difTolvcd    themfelves : 
Judgments  in  fuch  cafes  did  not  fit  this  in  hand  :  The  feizing 
on  the  liberties  of  a  Corporation  did  not  diifolve  the  body  j 
for  when   a  Bifhop  dies  the   King  feizes   the  temporalties; 
but   the  Corporation  ftill  fubfiftsj    and  they  are   reftored  to 
the  next  incumbent.     There  were  indeed  fome  very  ftrange 
precedents  made  in  Richard  the  fecond's  time :  But  they  were 

x  followed 


of  King  Charles  II.  555 

followed  by   as  ftrange  a  reverfe:  The  Judges  were  hanged    i6%% 
for   the   judgments   they   gave  :    They   alfo  infifted   on  the  '^^^VV^ 
efFeds  that  would  follow  on  the  forfeiting  the  Charter:  The 
cuftom  of  London  was  thereby  broken  :    All  the  publick  en- 
dowments, and   charities  lodged    with  the  City  muft  revert 
to  the  heirs  of  the  donors.     This  is  the  fubftance  of  the  ar- 
gument, as  I  had  it  from  Pollexphen.     As  for  the  more  in- 
tricate  points  of  law,  I  meddle  not  with  them ,    but  leave 
them  to  the  learned  men  of  that  profeflion.     When  the  mat- 
ter was  brought  near  judgment,    Sanders^  who  had  laid  the  I- 
whole  thing,  was  made  Chief  Juftice.     Pemberton\  who  was 
not  fatisfied   in  the  point,  being   removed   to  the  Common 
P4eas  upon   North's   advancement.     Dolben^  a  Judge    of  the 
King's  bench,  was  found  not  to  be  clear :  So  he  was  turned  out, 
and  J4^'tthms  came  in  his  room.     When   fentence   was  to  be  Judgment 
given,  Sanders  was  ftruck  with  an  apoplexy:  So  he  could  not  mitten" '''^ 
come   into  Court :  But  he  fent  his  judgment  in  writing,  and 
died  a  few  days  after.     The  fentence  was  given  without  the 
folemnity  that  was  ufual  upon  great  occafions :  The  Judges 
were  wont  formerly  in  delivering  their  opinions  to  make  long 
arguments,  in  which  they  fet  forth  the  grounds  of  law  on  which 
they  went,    which  were  great  inftrudions    to    the  ftudents 
and  barrifters :  But  that  had  been  laid  afide  ever  fince  Hale's 
time. 

The  judgment  now  given  was,  that  a  city  might  forfeit 
its  Charter  ,•  that  the  male-verfations  of  the  Common  Coun- 
cil were  the  a6ts  of  the  whole  City,  and  that  the  two  points 
fet  forth  in  the  pleadings  were  juft  grounds  for  the  forfeiting 
of  a  Charter.  Upon  which  premiffes  the  proper  conclufion 
leemed  to  be,  that  therefore  the  City  of  London  had  forfeited 
their  Charter :  But  the  cortfequences  of  that  were  fo  much 
apprehended,  that  they  did  not  think  fit  to  venture  on  it: 
So  they  judged,  that  the  King  might  ieize  the  liberties  of 
the  City.  The  Attorney  General  moved,  contrary  to  what 
is  ufual  in  fuch  cafes,  that  the  judgment  might  not  be  re- 
corded. And  upon  that  new  endeavours  were  ufed  to  bring 
the  Common  Council  to  deliver  up  their  Charter ;  Yet  that 
could  not  be  compalTed,  tho'  it  was  brought  much  nearer 
in  the  numbers  of  the  voices  than  was  imagined  could  ever 
be  done. 

There  were  other  very  fevere   proceedings    at   this   timesome  other 
with  relation  to  particular  perfons.     P'dkmton  was  Sheriff  of  ^^^"^  J^'^s- 
London  the  former  year;    an   hooeft  but  an  indifcreet  man, 
that  gave  himfelf  great  liberties  in  difcourfe.     He  being  de- 
fired 


536        TheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

i69i    fired  to  ffo  along   with  the   Mayor   and  Aldermen  to  coni- 
<.^^^  plemcnt  the  Duke  upon    his   return    from  Scotland  declined 
goino-,  and  reflected  on  him  as  one  concerned  in  the  burning 
of  the  City.     Two  Aldermen  faid  they  heard  that,  and  fwore 
it  againft  hiffl.     Sir   Patience  ff^ard^  the   Mayor   of  the  for- 
mer year,  feeing  him  go  in  to   that  difcourfe  had  diverted 
him  from  it,  but  heard  not  the  words  which  the  others  fwore 
to:  And  he  depofed,  that  to  the  beft  of  his  remembrance  he 
faid  not  thofe  words.     Pilkinton'wSLScaik  in  an  looooo  /.  dama- 
ges,   the    moft   exceflive   that    had   ever   been  given.     But 
the  matter  did  not  flop  there:  /^ard  wa.s  indided  of  perjury, 
it  being  faid,  that  fince  he  fwore  that  the  words  were  not 
fpoken,  and   that  the  Jury   had   given   a   verdid:  upon   the 
evidence    that    they    were    fpoken  ,     by    confequence    he 
was  guilty  of  perjury.     It  was  faid  on  the  other   fide,  that 
when  two  fwear  one  way,  and   a  third  fwears   another  way, 
a  Jury  may  believe  the  two  better  than  the  one :  But  it   is 
not  certain  from  thence  that  he  is  perjured:  If  that  were  law, 
no  man  would  be  a  witnefs,-  if,  becaufe  they  of  the   other 
fide  were  believed,  he  fhould  be  therefore  convidted   of  per- 
jury.    A  man's  fwearing  to  a  negative,  that  fuch  words  were 
not  fpoken,  did  only  amount  to  this,  that  he  did  not  hear 
them:  And  it  would  be  hard   to  prove  that  he   who  fwore 
fo  had  heard   them.     But  IVard  proved   by  him  that  took 
the  trial  in    fhort  hand,  as   he  had   done  fome  others  with 
great  approbation,    that  he  had  faid,    to  the  befi  of  his  re- 
membrance thefe  words   were   not  fpoken   by   Pilk'mton:  Upon 
which  Jefferies  had  faid,  that  his  invention  was  better  than 
his  memory:  And  the  Attorney  General  in  fumming  up  the 
evidence  to  the  Jury  had  faid,  they  ought  to  have  no  regard 
to   Ward's  evidence,    fince    he   had   only   depofed  upon   his 
memory.     Yet  that  Jury  returned  Ward  guilty  of  perjury : 
And  it  was  intended,  if  he  had  not  gone  out  of  the  way, 
to  have  fet  him  on   the  pillory.     The   truth  is,  Juries  be- 
came at  that  time  the  fhame  of  the  nation,    as  well  as    a 
reproach    to   religion:  For  they  were  packt,    and   prepared 
to  bring  in  verdids  as  they  were  direded  and  not  as  mat- 
ters appeared  on  the  evidence. 
1(583        Thus  affairs  were  going  on  all  the  year  eighty  two,  and 
All  people  to  the  beginning  of  eighty  three.     The  Earl    of  Shaftsbury 
CiSJgr'tat    had  been  for  making  ufe  of  the  heat  the  City  was  in  during 
fears.         tiie   conteft   about  the   Sheriffs ;    and  thought  they   might 
have  created  a  great  diflurbance,  and  made  themfelves  maflers 
of  the  Tower :  And  he  believed,  the  firfl  appearance  of  the 

leaft 


(ff  King  G  H  A  R  L  E  S  II,  ^  557 

leaft  diforder  would  have  prevailed  on  the  Kii^g  to  yield  16%^ 
every  thing.  The  Duke  of  MqnmoutJ^  ,  \^ho  upderftood  "-^^^^^^ 
what  a  rabble  was  and  what  troops  were,  looked  on  this 
as  a  mad  expofing  of  themfelves  and  of  their  friends.  The 
Lords  EJfex  2in6.  Rujfel  were  of  the  fame  min^.  Sp  Lord 
Shaftsburjy  feeing  they  could  not  be  engagecf  into  adion,  flew 
out  againft  them.  He  faid,  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  was  fent 
into  the  party  by  the  King  for  this  end,  to  keep  all  things 
quiet  till  the  Cqur^  had  gained  it?  point:  He  faid,  Lord 
EJfex  had  alfo  made  his  bargain,  and  was  tp  go  to  Ireland-^ 
and  that  among  them  Lord  Rujfel  was  d^qeived.  With  this 
he  endeavoured  to  blaft  them  in  the  City :  They  ftudied  tp 
prevent  the  ill  eflPeds  that  thofe  jealoufies  which  he  was  in- 
fufing  into  the  citizens  rpight  have  among  th^n^.  So  the  ;,,.,-? 
Duke  of  Monmouth  gave  an  appointment  to  Lord  Shaftsbury 
or  fome  of  l^i^  friends  to  meet  him,  ^nd  fome  others  that 
he  fhould  bring  along  with  him,  at  Shepherd's,  a  wine  mer- ■^<""««»'* 
chant  in  whom  they  had  an  entire  conhdence.  The  night  shephird^. 
before  this  appointment  Lord  Rujfel  came  to  towq  on  the 
account  of  his  uncle's  illnefs.  The  Duj^e  of  Monmouth  went 
to  him,  and  told  him  of  thp  apppjntrrienf,  and  deiired  he 
would  go  thither  with  him :  He  cpnfented,  the  rather  be- 
caufe  he  intended  to  taft  fon^e  of  that  merchant's  wine.  At 
night  they  went  with  Lord  Qrej  and  Sir  Thomas  Armfirong. 
When  they  capie,  they  found  none  thprp  |)^t  Rumfey  and 
Fergufan,  two  of  Lord  Shaftsbury'^  tools  that  hp  ernployed: 
Upon  whi^h,  they  (ieeing  qo  better  company  rpfblved  im- 
mediately to  go  back.  But  Lpfd  fi^Jfel  called  for  a  taft  of 
the  wines:  And  while  they  were  fringing  it  hjni  up,  Rumfey 
and  Armfirong  fell  into  ^  difcourfe  of  furprizing  the 
guards.  Rumfey  fancied  it  might  have  been  eafily  done : 
/irmftrong  ,  that  had  commanded  them  ,  fhewcd  him  hi^ 
miftakes.  This  was  no  confultation  about  \^hat  was  to  be 
done,  but  only  about  what  migl^t  have  been  done.  Lord 
Rujfel  fpoke  npthing  upqn  the  fubjed: :  But  as  foon  as  he 
had  taftcd  his  wines  they  went  away.  I,t;  may  feem,  that  this 
is  too  light  a  palTage  to  be  told  fo  copionfly:  But  much 
depends  on  it.  Lord  Shaftsbwy  had  one  meeting  with  the 
Earls  of  EJfex  and  Salisbury  before  he  went  out  of  England. 
Fear,  anger,  and  difappointmcnt,  had  wrought  fo  much  on 
him,  that  Lord  EJfex  tpld  me  he  \Y4?  m.ijc|i  broken  in 
l^is  thoughts:  His  notions  were  wil4  ajQ.d  impracticable? 
And  he  was  glad  that  he  was  gone  put  of  England:  But  faid, 
that  he  hgd   done  them   already   a  gre^t  iieal  oi  mifchief, 

6  X  and 


538'        The  History  of  the  Reign 

1683    and  would  have  done   more    if  he  had  ftayed.     As   foon  as 
^^y^^^TK^  he  was  gone,  the  Lords  and  all  the  chief  men  of  the  party 
faw  their  danger  from  forward   Sheriffs,  willing  Juries,  mer- 
cenary Judges,  and   bold  witnefTcs.    So  they  refolved  to  go 
home,  and   be  filent,    to  Ipeak    and   to  meddle  as  little  as 
might  be  in  publick  bufineft,  and  to  let  the  prefent  ill  tem- 
per the  Nation  was  fallen   into  wear  out:  For  they  did  not 
doubt  but  the  Court,  efpecially  as  it  was   now  managed   by 
the  Duke,  would  foon  bring  the  >^ation  again  into  its  wits 
by  their  ill  condu6t  and   proceedings.     All  that  was  to   be 
done  was,  to  keep  up  as   much  as  they  could  a  good  fpirit 
with  relation   to  ele6tions   of  Parliament,  if  one  fhould  be 
called. 
Monmonih        The  Dukc  of  Monmouth  refolved  to  be  advifed   chiefly  by 
?has^meet°  Lord  £^;f.      Hc  would  HOt  be  alone  in  that,   but  named 
often toge-  L-ord  Rujfely  agaiuft  whom  no  objedion  could  lie:  And  next 
to  him  he  named  Algermon  Sidney,  brother   to   the  Earl  of 
Le'icefieKy   2i  man   of  moft  extraordinary   courage,    a  Iteady 
man,  even  to  obftinacy ,  fincere,  but  of  a  rough  and  boifte- 
rous  temper  that  could  not  bear  contradiction.     He  feemed 
to  be  a  Chriftian,  but  in  a  particular  form  of  his  own :  He 
thought,  it  was  to  be  like  a  Divine  Philofophy  in  the  mind : 
But  he  was  againfl:  all  publick  worfhip,  and  every  thing  that 
looked  like  a  Church.     He  was  ftiff  to  all  republican  prin- 
ciples J  and  fuch  an  enemy  to  every  thing  that  looked   like 
monarchy,  that  he  fet  himfelf  in  a   high  oppofition  againft 
Cromwell  when   he  was   made  Prote6tor.      He    had    ftudied 
theJ  hiftory   of  government  in  all    its  branches   beyond  any 
man  I  ever  knew.    He  was  AmbalTador  in  Denmark  at  the 
time  of 'the  Reftoration,  but  did  not  come  back  till  the  year 
feventy  eight,  when   the   Parliament  was  prefling  the  King 
into  a  war.     The  Court  of  /r^wd' obtained  leave  for  him  to 
return.      He  did  all   he  could  to  divert    people   from    that 
war:  So  that  fome  took  him  for  a  penfJoner  of /r««f<?;  But 
to  thofe  to  whom  he  durft  fpeak  freely  he  faid,  he  knew  it 
was  all   a  juggle  5  that    our  Court  was  in  an  entire  confi- 
dence with  France,  and  had   no    other  defign  in   this   (hew 
of  a  war  but  to  raife  an  'army,  and  keep  it  beyond  fea  till 
it  was  trained  and  modelled.     Sidney  had  a  particular  way 
of  infinuating  himfelf   into   people  that   would  hearken   to 
his  notions,  and  not  contradid:   him.     He  tried  me:  But  I 
Vasnot  fo  fubmiflive  a  hearer:  So  we  lived  afterwards  at  a  great 
diftance.     He  wrought  himfelf  into  Lord  Rffex's  confidence 
to  fuch  a  degree,  that  he   became  the   mafler  of  his  fpirit. 
Lai  j^  c  He 


"^" '<?/  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  IL  i         S39 

He  had  a  great  kindnefs  for  Lord  Howard^  as  was  formerly  1^83 
told:  For  that  Lord  hated  both  the  King  and  monarchy  as'  "* 
much  as  he  himfelf  did.  He  prevailed  on  Lord  Rffex  to  take 
Lord  Howard  into  their  fccrets,  tho'  Lord  Rjfex  had  exprefled 
fuch  an  ill  opinion  of  him  a  little  before  to  me,  as  to- 
fay  he  wondred  how  any  man  would  trufl:  himfelf  alone' 
with  him.  Lord  Rujfel^  tho'  his  coufin  german,  had  the 
'fame  ill  opinion  of  him.  Yet  Sidney  overcame  both  their 
averfions.  Lord  Howard  had  made  the  Duke  of  Monmouth 
enter  into  confidenfce  with  Sidney ^  who  ufed  to  fpeak  very 
flightly  of  him,  and  to  fay,  it  was  all  one  to  him  whether 
James  Duke  of  Tork  or  James  Duke  of  Monmouth  was  to  fuc-> 
ce€d.  Yet  Lord  Howard  perhaps  put  a  notion  into  him, 
which  he  offered  often  to  me,  that  a  Prince  who  knew  there, 
was  a  flaw  in  his  title  would  always  govern  well,  and  confi-- 
der  himfelf  as  at  the  mercy  of  the  right  heir  if  he  was  not 
in  all  things  in  the  interefts  and  hearts  of  his  people,  which-^ 
was  often  neglected  by  Princes  that  relied  on  an  undoubted 
title.  Lord  Howard  by  a  trick  put  both  on  the  Duke  of 
Monmouthy  and  Sidney  brought  them  to  be  acquainted.  He 
told  Sidney  that  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  was  refolved  to 
come  fome  day  alone  and  dine  with  him  :  And  he  made  the 
Duke  of  Monmouth  believe  that  Sidney  defired  this,  that  fo 
he  might  not  feem  to  come  and  court  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth :  And  faid  that  fome  regard  was  to  be  had  to  his 
temper  and  age.  Hamden  was  alfo  taken  into  their  fecret: 
He  was  the  grandfon  of  him  that  had  pleaded  the  caufe  of 
England  in  the  point  of  the  fhip  money  with  King  Charles  the 
firlL  His  father  was  a  very  eminent  man,  and  had  been 
zealous  in  the  Exclufion  :  He  was  a  young  man  of 
great  parts ;  one  of  the  learnedefl  Gentlemen  I  have  ever 
known  J  for  he  was  a  critick  both  in  Latin^  Greek,  and 
Hebrew:  He  was  a  man  of  great  heat  and  vivacity,  but  too 
unequal  in  his  temper:  He  had  once  great  principles  of  re- 
ligion :  But  he  was  much  corrupted  by  P.  Stmon^s  converfati-i 
on  at  Paris.  i 

With  thefe  men  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  met  often.     His  They  treat 
intereft  in  Scotland,  both  by  the  dependance  that  his  wife's  JJg'^^J'jJ^^''^ 
great  eftate  brought  him,  but  chiefly  by  the  knowledge  he  ^"'°"- 
had  of  their  affairs  while  he  was  among  them,  and  by  the  con- 
fidence he  knew  they  had  all  in  him,  made  him  turn  his  thoughts 
much  towards  that   Kingdom  as  the  properefl  fcene  of  acti- 
on.    He  had   met  often  with   Lord  Argile  while  he  was  in 
London^  and   had   many  coaferences  with  him  of  the  ftate 
^■filVA  :  of 

5 


5  40        TheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

1683  of  that  Kingdom,  and  of  what  might  be  done  there:  And 
^^^^y"'^  he  thought  the  bufinefs  of  Carolina  was  a  very  proper  blind, 
to  bring  up  fome  of  the  Scotch  Gentlemen  under  the  appear- 
ance of  treating  about  that.  They  upon  this  agreed  to  fend 
one  Aaron  Smith  to  Scotland^  to  defire  that  fome  men  of  ab- 
folute  confidence  might  be  fcnt  up  for  that  end.  So  when 
the  Proclamation  that  was  formerly  mentioned  was  pub- 
lilhed,  it  fprcad  fuch  an  univerfal  apprehenfion  thro'  all  the 
fufpeded  counties,  that  they  looked  on  themfelves  as  marked 
out  to  deftrud:ion:  And  it  is  very  natural  for  people  under 
fuch  impreflions  to  fet  themfelves  to  look  out  for  remedies 
as  foon  as  they  can. 

In  the  beginning  of  April  fome  of  them  came  up.  The 
perfon  that  was  moft  entirely  trufted,  and  to  whom  the 
journey  proved  fatal,  was  Bailie^  of  whofe  unjuft  treatment 
upon  Carftairs's  information  an  account  was  formerly  given. 
He  was  my  coufin  german:  So  I  knew  him  well.  He  was 
in  the  prelbyterian  principles,  but  was  a  man  of  great  piety 
and  vertue,  learned  in  the  law,  in  mathematicks,  and  in  Ian?-- 
guages:  I  went  to  him,  as  foon  as  I  heard  he  was  come,  in 
great  fimplicity  of  heart,  thinking  of  nothing  but  of  Carolina. 
I  was  only  afraid  they  might  go  too  much  into  the  com-? 
pany  of  the  Englijhy  and  give  true  reprefentations  of  the 
ftate  of  affairs  in  Scotland:  This  might  be  reported  about  by- 
men  that  would  name  them:  And  that  might  bring  them 
into  trouble.  But  a  few  weeks  after  I  found  they  came  not 
to^xne  as  they  were  wont  to  do:  And  I  heard  they  were 
often  with  Lord  Rujfel.  I  was  apprehenfive  of  this:  And 
Lord  Effex  being  in  the  country,  I  went  to  him,  to  warn 
him  of  the  danger  I  feared  Lord  Rujfel  might  be  brought 
into  by  this  converfation  with  my  countrymen.  He  diverted 
me  from  all  my  apprehenfions  ,•  and  told  me,  I  might  de-: 
pend  on  it.  Lord  Rujfel  would  be  in  nothing  without  ac- 
quainting him :  And  he  feemed  to  agree  entirely  with  me, 
that  a  rifing  in  the  ftate  in  which  things  were  then  would 
be  fatal.  I  always  faid,  that  when  the  root  of  the  confti-? 
tution  was  ftruck  at  to  be  overturned,  then  I  thought  fub- 
jeds  might  defend  themfelves :  But  I  thought  jealoufies  and 
fears,  and  particular  a6ts  of  injuftice,  could  not  warrant  this. 
He  did  agree  with  me  in  this :  He  thought,  the  obligation 
between  Prince  and  fubje(5t  was  fo  equally  mutual,  that  upon 
a  breach  on  the  one  fide  the  other  was  free:  But  tho'  he 
thought  the  late  injuftice  in  London^  and  the  end  that  was 
driven  at  by  it,  did  fet  them  at  liberty  to  look  to  them- 
it  +  fclves. 


)  1  ^i.    J I )  j 


'^iof  King  Charles  II.iI       541 

felves,  yet  he  confefTcd  things  were  not  ripe  enough  yet,  1683 
and  that  an  ill  laid  and  an  ill  managed  rifing  would  be  ^^^^''^^"'^ 
our  ruin.  I  was  then  newly  come  from  writing  my  hifto- 
ry  of  the  Reformation ;  and  did  fo  evidently  fee,  that  the 
ftruggle  for  Lady  Jean  Grey,  and  lVyaf%  rifing,  was  that 
which  threw  the  nation  fo  quickly  into  Popery  after  King 
Edward's  days,  (for  fuch  as  had  rendred  themfelves  obnox- 
ious in  thofe  matters  faw  no  other  way  to  fecure  themfelves, 
and  found  their  turning  was  a  fiire  one,^  that  I  was  now  very 
apprehenfive  of  this  J  befides  that  I  thought  it  was  yet  unlaw- 
ful. What  paft  between  the  Scots  and  the  Engltjh  Lords  I 
Jtnow  not^  only  that  Lord  Argtle,  who  was  then  in  Holland, 
afked  at  firft  20000  /.  for  buying  a  (lock  of  arms  and  ammu- 
nition, which  he  afterwards  brought  down  to  8000/.  and 
a  thoufand  horfe  to  be  fent  into  Scotland:  Upon  which  he 
undertook  the  condud  of  that  matter.  I  know  no  further  than 
general  hints  of  their  matters:  For  tho'  Hamden  offered  fre- 
quently to  give  me  a  particular  account  of  it  all,  knowing 
that  I  was  writing  the  hiflory  of  that  time,  yet  I  told  him, 
that  till  by  an  indemnity  that  whole  matter  was  buried  I 
would  know  none  of  thofe  fecrets,  which  I  might  be  obliged 
to  reveal,  or  to  lie  and  deny  my  knowledge  of  them :  So 
to  avoid  that  I  put  it  off  at  that  time.  And  when  I  re- 
turned to  England  at  the  Revolution,  we  appointed  often  to 
meet,  in  order  to  a  full  relation  of  it  all.  But  by  feveral 
accidents  it  went  off,  as  a  thing  is  apt  to  do  which  one  can 
recover  at  any  time.  And  fo  his  unhappy  end  came  on  be- 
fore I  had  it  from  him.  I  know  this,  that  no  money  was 
raifed.  But  the  thing  had  got  fome  vent  j  for  my  own  bro- 
ther, a  zealous  Prefbyterian,  who  was  come  from  Scotland,  it 
not  being  fafe  for  him  to  live  any  longer  in  that  King- 
dom knowing  that  he  had  converfed  with  many  that  had 
been  in  the  rebellion,  told  me,  there  was  certainly  fomewhat  in 
agitation  among  them,  about  which  fome  of  their  teachers  had 
let  out  fomewhat  very  freely  to  himfelf :  How  far  that  matter 
went,  and  how  the  fcheme  was  laid,  I  cannot  tellj  and  fo 
muft  leave  it  in  the  dark.  Their  contrad  for  the  projedt 
of  Carolina  feemed  to  go  on  apace :  They  had  fent  fome  thi- 
ther the  former  year,  who  were  now  come  back,  and  brought 
them  a  particular  account  of  every  thing :  They  likewife, 
to  cover  their  negotiations  with  Lord  ^r^//*?,  fent  fome  over 
to  him^  but  with  the  bUnd  of  inflrudions  for  buying  fhips 
in  Holland,  aud  other  things  neceffary  for  their  tranfpor- 
tation.  .  ;  ; 

6  Y  While 


542,        TheHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

1683        While  this  matter  was  thus  in  a  clofe  management  among 
^«^^^^  them,  there  was  another  company  of  Lord  Shaftsbur^fs  crea- 
^ilSor?"  tures  that  met  in  the  Temple  in  the  chambers  of  one  Weji^ 
meet  at  the  ^  Y^,^tty  and  active  man,  full  of  talk,  and  believed  to  be  a  de- 
ondefignsoftermined  Atheift.     Rumfey  and  Fergufon  came  conftantly  thi- 
Jhe  K"ng"^  ther.    The  former  of  thefe  was  an  officer  in  CromwelH  army, 
who  went  into  Portugal  with  the  forces  that  ferved  there  un- 
der Schomherg.     He  did   a  brave  adion  in  that  fervice :  And 
Schomberg  writ  a  particular  letter  to  the  King  fetting  it  out  : 
Upon  which  he  got  a  place:    And  he  had  applied  himfelf 
to  Lord  Shaftsbury  as  his  patron.     He  was  much  trufted  by 
him,  and  fent  often  about  on  meifages.    Once  or  twice  he 
came   to   Lord  Rujfelj  but  it  was  upon  indifferent    things. 
Lord    Rujfel  faid  to    me  ,     that    at    that     very    time    he 
felt  fuch  a  fecret  averfion  to  him,  that  he  was  in  no  danger  of 
trufting   him  much.     He  was  one  of  the  bold  talkers,  and 
kept  chiefly  among  Lord  Shaftsbur'y's  creatures.     He  was  up- 
on all  the  fecret  of  his  going  beyond  feaj  which  fcemed  to 
{hew,  that   he  was  not   then  a  fpy   of  the   Court's,  which 
fome  jfufpe^tcd  he  was  all  along.     Fergufon  was  a  hot  and  a  bold 
man,  whofefpirit  was  naturally  turned  to  plotting  :  He  was  al- 
ways  unquiet,  and  fetting   people   on    to   fome  mifchief:    I 
knew  a  private  thing  of  him,  by  which  it  appeared  he  was  a 
profligate  knave,  and  could  cheat  thofe  that  trufl:ed  him  en- 
tirely: So  tho' he,  being  z.  Scotttjh  man,  took  all   the  ways 
he  could  to  be  admitted  into  fome  acquaintance  with  me, 
I  would  never  fee  him  ,  or  fpeak  with  him :  And  I  did  not 
know  his  face  till  the  Revolution :    He  was  caft  out  by  the 
Prefbyterians  j    and    then    went   among    the   Independents  , 
where  his  boldnefs  raifed  him  to  fome  figure,  tho'  he  was 
at  bottom  a  very  empty  man :  He  had  the  management  of 
a  fecret  prefs,  and  of  a  purfe   that  maintained  it:  And  he 
gave  about  moft  of  the  pamphlets  writ  of  that   fide :  And 
with  fome  he  paft  for  the  author  of  them:  And  fuch  was 
his  vanity,  becaufe  this  made  him   more  confiderable,    that 
he  was  not  ill  pleafed  to  have  that  believed  ^  tho'  it  only  ex- 
pofed   him    fo   much    the    more.      With   thefe    Goodenough, 
who  had  been  Under-SherifF  of  London  in  Bethels  year,  and 
one  Halloway  oi  Brtjiol  met  often,  and  had  a  great  deal  of 
rambling  difcourie,  to  fhew  how  eafy  a  thing  it  was  of  the 
ludden  to  raife  four  thoufand  men  in  the  City.     Goodenough 
by  reafon  of  his   office  knew   the   City  well,  and  pretended 
he  knew  many  men  of  fo  much  credit  in  every  corner  of  it, 
and  on  whom  they  might  depend,  as  could  raife  that  num- 
v/  ber. 


•  if  King  Charles  I1.-»  i       $4^ 

ber,  which  he  reckoned  would  quickly  grow  miich  ftronger:    i6%^ 
And  it  is  probable ,  this  was  the  fcheme  with  which  Lord  v-orv/ 
Shajtshitry  was  fo  pofTelTed,    that  he  thought  it  might  be  de-  o'wvo.i.;* 
pended  on.     They  had  many  difcourfes  of  the  heads  of  a 
declaration  proper  for  fuch  a  fifing,  and  difputed   of  thefe 
with  much  fubtilty  as  they  thought:  And  they  intended  to 
fend  Halloway  to  Er'tflol^  to  try  what  could   be  done  there 
at  the  fame  time.     But  all  this  was  only  talk,  and  went  no 
further   than  to  a  few   of   their    own  confidents.     Rnmfeyy 
Fergufon^  and  Wefi  were  often  talking  of  the  danger  of  ex- 
ecuting this,  and  that  the  fiiorter  and  fiirer  way  was  to  kill 
the  two  brothers.     One  Rumhold,   who  had  ferved  in  Crom- 
well's army,  came  twice  among  them,-  and  while  they  were 
in  that  wicked  difcouric,  which  they  exprelTed  by  the  term 
lopping.     He    upon    that  told   them  ,    he  had  a   farm   near 
Hodfden  in  the  way  to  New-Market:  And  there  was  a  moat 
caft  round  his  houfe,  thro'  which  the  King  fometimes  paft 
in  his  way  thither.     He  faid,  once  the   coach   went    thro' 
quite  alone,  without  any  of  the  guards  about  it,-  and  that,  if 
he  had  laid  any  thing  crofs  the  way  to  have  ftopt  the  coach 
but  a  minute,  he  could  have  fhot  them  both,  and  liave  rode 
away  thro'  grounds  that  he  knew  fo  well  that  it  lliould  not 
have  been  pofiible  to  have  followed  him.     tjpon  which  they 
ran  into  much  wicked  talk  about  the  way  of  executing  that. 
But   nothing  was  ever  fixed  on:  All  was  Btrttalk.     At  one 
time  Lord  Howard  was  among  them:  And  they  talked  over 
their  feveral   fchemes  of  lopping.    One   of  them  was  to  be 
executed  in  the  Play  Houfe.     Lord   Howarid  faid,  he  liked 
that  beft,  for  then  they   would   die  in  their   calling.     This 
was  fo  like  his  way  of  talk,  that  it  was  eafily 'believed,  tho'  he 
always  denied   it.      Walcot ^    an    Ir'tjh  Gentleman    that    had 
been  of  CromwelH  army,   was  now  in  London,  and  got  into 
that'  company:  And  he  was  made  believe,  that  the  thing  was 
fo  well  laid  that  many  both  in  City  and  Country  were  en- 
gaged in  it.     He  liked  the  projeA  of  a  rifing,  but  declared 
he  would  not  meddle  in  their  lopping.    So  this  wicked  knot 
of  men   continued  their  caballings  item  the  time  that  the 
Earl  of  Shaftsbury  went  away :  And  thefe  were  the  fubjeds  of 
their  difcourfes.     The  King  went  conftantly  to  New-Market 
for  about  a  Month   both    in   April  zxiA  OBober.     In  Aprfl 
while  he  was  there  a  fire  broke  out,  and  burnt  a  part  of  the 
town:  Upon  which  the  King  came  back  a  week  fooner  than       _ 
he  intended. 

While 
+■ 


544        Tl'^  H I S  T  O  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1683  While  all  thefe  things  were  thus  going  on,  there  was  on(i 
^^•^^"^^  Keelmgy  an  Anabaptift  in  London  ^  who  was  (inking  in  his 
difcovercd.  bufincfs,  and  began  to  think  that  of  a  witnefs  would  be  the 
better  trade.  Goodenough  had  employed  him  often  to  try 
their  ftrength  in  the  City,  and  to  count  on  whom  they 
could  depend  for  a  fudden  rifing:  He  had  alfo  talked  to  him 
of  the  defign  of  killing  the  two  brothers:  So  he  went  and 
difcovered  all  he  could  to  Legj  at  that  time  made  Lord 
Dartmouth.  Lf^  made  no  great  account  of  it,  but  fent  him 
to  Jenkins.  Jenkins  took  his  depofitions,  but  told  him  he  could 
not  proceed  in  it  without  more  witnefTes:  So  he  went  to 
his  brother,  who  was  a  man  of  heat  in  his  way,  but  of  probity, 
who  did  not  incline  to  ill  defigns,  and  lefs  to  difcover  them. 
Keeling  carried  his  brother  to  Goodenough^  and  aifured  him 
he  might  be  depended  on.  So  Goodenough  run  out  into  a 
#  rambling  difcourfe  of  what  they  both  could   and   would  do : 

And  he  alfo  fpoke  of  killing  the  King  and  the  Duke,  which 
would  make  their  work  eafy.  When  they  left  him  the  difco- 
verer  prefTed  his  brother  to  go  along  with  him  to  M'^efiminfter^ 
where  he  pretended  bufinefs,  but  ftopt  at  White-Hall.  The 
other  was  uneafy,  longing  to  get  out  of  his  company,  to 
go  to  fome  friends  for  advice  upon  what  had  hapned. 
But  he  drew  him  on:  And  at  laft,  he  not  knowing  whether 
he  was  going,  he  drew  him  into  Jenkins's  office;  and  there 
told  the  Secretary  he  had  brought  another  witnefs,  who  had 
heard  the  fubftance  of  the  plot  from  Goodenough^ s  own  mouth 
juft  then.  His  brother  was  deeply  ftruck  with  this  cheat  and 
furprize,  but  could  not  avoid  the  making  oath  to  Jenkins 
of  all  he  had  heard.  The  Secretary  ,  whofe  phlegmatick 
head  was  not  turned  for  fuch  a  work,  let  them  both  go, 
and  fent  out  no  warrants,  till  he  had  communicated  the 
^matter  to  the  reft  of  the  Miniftry,  the  King  being  then  at 
IVindfor.  So  Keeling^  who  had  been  thus  drawn  int©  the 
fnare  by  his  brother,  fent  advertifements  to  Goodenough,  and 
all  the  other  perfons  whom  he  had  named,  to  go  out  of  the 
way; 

Rumfey  and  Wefi  were  at  this  time  perpetually  together: 

And  apprehending   that  they  had  trufted  themfelves  to  too 

many  perfons,  who.  might  difcover  them,  they  laid  a  ftory, 

in  which   they   refolved  to   agree   it  fo  well   together,  that 

A  forged    they  fhould  not .  contradi(5t  one  another.     They  framed  their 

Itulf^ml  ^^^y   thus:  That  they   had  laid  the  defign  9/   their    rifing 

/^'A         to  be  executed  on  the  feventeenth  of  November,   the  day   of 

Queen  Elizabeth's  coming  to  the  Crown,  on  which  the  citi- 

-1-  zens 


of  King  Charles  II.  545 

zens  ufed  to  run  together,  and  carry  about  Popes  in  pro-  i(J8j' 
ceflion,  and  burn  them:  So  that  day  feemed  proper  to  cover  ^■^'y*'^ 
their  running  together,  till  they  met  in  a  body.  Others, 
they  faid,  thought  it  beft  to  do  nothing  on  that  day,  the 
rout  being  ufually  at  night,  but  to  lay  their  riling  for  the 
next  Sunday  at  the  hour  of  people's  being  at  Church.  This 
was  laid  to  fhew  how  near  the  matter  was  to  the  beins:  ex- 
ecuted.  But  the  part  of  their  ftory  that  was  the  beft  laid, 
(for  this  looked  ridiculous,  fince  they  could  not  name  any 
one  perfon  of  any  condition  that  was  to  head  this  rifing,) 
was,  that  they  pretended  that  Rumhold  had  offered  them  his 
houfe  in  the  Heath  for  executing  the  defign.  It  was  cal- 
led Rrje:  And  from  thence  this  was  called  the  Rye-Plot, 
He  afked  forty  men,  well  armed  and  mounted,  whom  Rum- 
fey  and  Walcot  were  to  command  in  two  parties:  The  one  • 
was  to  engage  the  guards,  if  they  fhould  be  near  the  coach  : 
And  the  other  was  to  ftop  the  coach,  and  to  murder  the 
King  and  the  Duke.  Rumjeytook  the  wicked  partonhimfelf, 
faying,  that  Walcot  had  made  a  fcruple  of  killing  the  King, 
but  none  of  engaging  the  guards :  So  Rumfey  was  to  do  the 
execution.  And  they  faid,  they  were  divided  in  their  minds 
what  to  do  next:  Some  were  for  defending  the  moat  till 
night,  and  then  to  have  gone  off :  Others  were  for  riding 
thro'  grounds  in  a  fhorter  way  towards  the  Thames.  Of  thefe 
forty  they  could  name  but  eight.  But  it  was  pretended  that 
Walcot^  Goodenoughy  and  Rumhold  had  undertaken  to  find 
both  the  reft  of  the  men,  and  the  horfes :  For,  tho'  upon 
fuch  an  occafion  men  would  have  taken  care  to  have  had 
fiire  and  well  tried  horfes,  this  alfo  was  faid  to  be  trufted 
to  others.  As  for  arms,  Weji  had  bought  fome,  as  on  a 
commilfion  for  a  plantation:  And  thefe  were  faid  to  be 
fome  of  the  arms  with  which  they  were  to  be  furniflied^  tho' 
when  they  were  feen  they  feemed  very  improper  for  luch 
a  fervice.  I  faw  all  Wefl's  narrative,  which  was  put  in  Lord 
Rochejier^s  hands:  And  a  friend  of  mine  borrowed  it  of  him, 
and  lent  it  me.  They  were  fo  wife  at  Court  that  they 
would  not  fuffer  it  to  be  printed  ^  for  then  it  would  have  ap- 
peared too  grofs  to  be  believed. 

But  the  part  of  it  all  that  feemed  the  moft  amazing  was, 
that  it  was  to  have  been  executed  on  the  day  in  which  the 
King  had  intended  to  return  from  New-Market:  But  the 
happy  fire  that,  fent  him  away  a  week  fooner  had  quite  de- 
feated the  whole  plot,  while  it  was  within  a  week  of  its  exe- 
cution,   and  neither   horfes  ,    men ,     nor    zxm^    yet    pro- 

6  Z  vided. 


ri 


54(5        The  History  of  the  Reign 

1683    vided.     This  Teemed  to  be  fo  eminent  a  Providence,  that  the 

^^"'^y^^  whole  nation  was  ftruck  with  it:    And  both  preachers  and 

poets  had  a  noble  fubjeft  to  enlarge  on,  and  to  fhew  how 

much  the  King  and  the  Duke  were  under  the  watchful  care 

of  Providence. 

Within  three  days  after  Keelin^s  difcovery  the  plot  broke 
out,  and  became  the  whole  difcourfe  of  the  Town.  Many 
examinations  were  taken,  and  feveral  perfons  were  clapt  up 
upon  it.  Among  thefe  Wildman  was  one,  who  had  been  an 
agitator  in  Cromwell's  army,  and  had  oppofed  his  Prote<5tor- 
fhip.  After  the  Reftoration  he  being  looked  on  as  a 
high  repubHcan  was  kept  long  in  prifon,-  where  he  had 
ftudied  law  and  phyfick  fo  much,  that  he  paft  as  a  man  very 
knowing  in  thofe  matters.  He  had  a  way  of  creating  in  others 
a  great  opinion  of  his  fagacity,  and  had  great  credit  with 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  and  was  now  very  a<Stive  under 
Sidney's  condud.  He  was  feized  on,  and  his  houfe  was  fearch- 
cd:.;In  his  cellars  there  hapned  to  be  two  fmall  field-pieces 
that  belonged  to  the  Duke  of  Buckingham^  and  that  lay  in 
York-Houfe  when  that  was  fold,  and  was  to  be  pulled  down : 
Wildman  carried  thofe  two  pieces,  which  were  finely  wrought, 
but  of  little  ufe,  into  his  cellars,  where  they  were  laid  on 
ordinary  wooden  carriages,  and  no  way  fitted  for  any  fervice : 
Yet  thefe  were  carried  to  White-Hall,  and  expofed  to  view, 
as  an  undeniable  proof  of  a  rebellion  defigned,  fince  here  was 
their  cannon. 

Several  perfons  came  to  me  from  Court,  afifuring  me  that 
there  was  full  proof  made  of  a  plot.  Lord  Howard  com- 
ing foon  after  them  to  fee  me  talked  of  the  whole  matter 
in  his  fpiteful  way  with  fo  much  fcorn,  that  I  really  thought 
he  knew  of  nothing,  and  by  confequence  I  believed  there 
was  no  truth  in  all  thefe  difcoveries.  He  faid,  the  Court 
knew  they  were  fure  of  Juries,  and  they  would  furnifh  them- 
felves  quickly  with  witnefTes:  And  hefpokeof  the  Duke  as  of 
one  that  would  beworfe,  not  only  than  QiieenA/^r)/,  but  than 
Nero  :  And  with  eyes  and  hands  lifted  to  heaven  he 
vowed  to  me,  that  he  knew  of  no  plot,  and  that  he  believ- 
ed nothing  of  it. 

Two  days  after,  a  Proclamation  came  out  for  feizing  on 
fome  who  could  not  be  found:  And  among  thefe  Rum/ey 
and  Weft  were  named.  The  next  day  W^ejl  delivered  him- 
felf ;  And  Rum/ey  came  in  a  day  after  him.  Thefe  two  brought 
out  their  ftory,  which,  how  incredible  foever  it  was,  pafl 
fo  for  certain,    that  any  man  that  feemed  to  doubt  it  was 

con- 


of  King  CHARLES  Ihim  i     54?^ 

concluded  to  be  in  it.     That  of  defending  themfelves  within    i<^83 
mud  walls  and  a  moat  looked  like  the  invention  of  a  law-  ^>^^^f^^ 
yer,  who   could   not  lay  a   military   contrivance    with   any 
fort  of  probability.     Nor  did  it  appear  where  the  forty  horfe 
were  to  be  lodged,  and  how  they  were  to  be  brought  toge-^ 
thcr.     All  thefe  were  thought  objedions  that  could  be  made 
by  none  but  thofe  who  either  were  of  it,  or  wifhed  well  to 
it.     Thefe  new  witnelTes  had  alfo  heard  of  the  conferences 
that  the   Duke  of  Monmouth  and  the  other  Lords  had  with 
thofe  who  were  come   from  Scotland ^    but  knew  nothing  of 
it  themfelves.     Rumfey  did  likewife  remember  the  difcourie  at 
Shepherd's. 

When  the  Council  found  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  and  Lord  ^«/7'' and 
Ruffelw^xQ.  named,  they  writ  to  the  King  to  come  to  London :vicxq  put  fn 
They  would  not  venture  to  go  further  without  his  prefence  P['^°"  "p°" 
and  leave.  A  melTenger  of  the  Council  was  fent  the  morn- 
ing before  the  King  came  to  wait  at  Lord  Ruffel's  gate,  to 
have  ftopt  him  if  he  had  offered  to  go  out.  This  was  ob- 
ferved  j  for  he  walked  many  hours  there :  And  it  was  looked 
on  as  done  on  purpofe  to  frighten  him  away;  for  his  back 
gate  was  not  watched:  So  for  feveral  hours  he  might  have 
gon-e  away  if  he  had  intended  it.  He  heard  that  Rumfey 
had  named  him :  But  he  knew  he  had  not  trufted  him,  and 
he  never  refleded  on  the  difcourfe  at  Shepherds.  He  fent 
his  wife  among  his  friends  for  advice.  They  were  of  diffe- 
rent minds:  But  fince  he  faid  he  apprehended  nothing  from 
any  thing  he  had  faid  to  Rumfey^  they  thought  his  going 
out  of  the  way  would  give  the  Court  too  great  an  advan- 
tage^ and  would  look  like  a  confefling  of  guilt.  So  this  agree- 
ing with  his  own  mind,  he  flayed  at  home  till  the  King 
was  come :  And  then  a  meffenger  was  fent  to  carry  him  be- 
fore the  Council.  He  received  it  very  compofedly,  and 
went  thither.  Rumfey  had  alfo  faid,  that  at  Shepherd's  there 
was  fome  difcourfe  of  Trenchard's  undertaking  to  raife  a  body 
out  of  Taunton,  and  of  his  failing  in  it :  So  Lord  Rujfel  was 
examined  upon  that ,  the  King  telling  him,  that  no  body 
fufpeded  him  of  any  defign  againfl  his  perfon,  but  that  he 
had  good  evidence  of  his  being  in  defigns  againfl  his  govern- 
ment. Lord  Rujfel  protefted,  he  had  heard  nothing  relat- 
ing to  Trenchard:  And  faid  to  the  lafl,  that  either  it  was  a 
fidtion  oi  Rumfey' s J  or  it  had  paft  between  him  and  Armjirong, 
while  he  was  walking  about  the  room,  or  tafling  the  wines 
at  Shepherd's  i  for  he  had  not  heard  a  word  of  it.  Upoa 
all  this  he  was  fent  a  clofe  prifoner  to  the  Tower. 

Sidney 


548     7ib^  H I  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1683  Sidfjey  was  brought  next  before  the  Council.  Bat  his  ex- 
^^'^y^^  amination  lafted  not  long.  He  faid,  he  muft  make  the  beft 
defence  he  could,  if  they  had  any  proof  againft  him :  But  he 
would  not  fortify  their  evidence  by  any  thing  he  fliould  fay. 
And  indeed  that  was  the  wifeft  courfe,-  for  the  anfwering 
queftions  upon  fuch  examinations  is  a  very  dangerous  thing: 
Every  word  that  is  faid  is  laid  hold  on,  that  can  be  turned 
againft  a  man's  felf  or  his  friends,  and  no  regard  is  had  to 
what  he  might  fay  in  favour  of  them:  And  it  had  been 
happy  for  the  reft,  efpecially  for  Bail/ie,  if  they  had  all  held 
to  this  maxim.  There  was  at  that  time  no  fort  of  evidence 
againft  Sidfjey  ,  fo  that  his  commitment  was  againft  law. 
Trenchard  was  alfo  examined :  He  denied  every  thing.  But 
one  point  of  his  guilt  was  well  known :  He  was  the  firft  man 
that  had  moved  the  Exclufion  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons: 
So  he  was  reckoned  a  loft  man. 

BatUte  and  two  other  Gentlemen  of  Scotland^  both  Camp^ 
bell's,  had  changed  their  lodgings  while  the  Town  was  in  this 
fermentation ;  And  upon  that  they  were  feized  on  as  fufpec- 
ted  perfons,  and  brought  before  the  King.  He  himfelf  exa- 
mined them,  and  firft  queftioned  them  about  the  defign  againft 
his  perfon,  which  they  very  frankly  anfwered,  and  denied 
they  knew  any  thing  about  it.  Then  he  afked  them,  if  they 
had  been  in  any  confultations  with  Lords  or  others  in  Eng- 
land, in  order  to  an  infurredion  in  Scotland.  Ba'dlie  faultred 
at  this:  For  his  confcience  reftrained  him  from  lying.  He 
faid,  he  did  not  know  the  importance  of  thofe  queftions,  nor 
what  ufe  might  be  made  of  his  anfwers:  He  defired  to  fee 
them  in  writing,  and  then  he  would  confider  how  to  anfwer 
them.  Both  the  King  and  the  Duke  threatnedhim  upon  this: 
And  he  feemed  to  negledt  that  with  fo  much  of  the  air  of  a 
Philofopher,  that  it  provoked  them  out  of  meafure  againft 
him.  The  other  two  were  fo  lately  come  from  Scotland^ 
that  they  had  feen  no  body,  and  knew  nothing.  Baill'te  was 
loaded  by  a  fpecial  direction  with  very  heavy  irons :  So  that 
for  fome  weeks  his  life  was  a  burden  to  him.  Cockran,  an- 
other of  thofe  who  had  been  concern'd  in  this  Treaty,  was 
complained  of,  as  having  talked  very  freely  of  the  Duke's 
government  oi  Scotland.  Upon  which  the  Scotttjh  Secretary 
fent  a  note  to  him  defiring  him  to  come  to  him ;  for  it  was 
intended  only  to  give  him  a  reprimand,  and  to  have  order- 
ed him  to  go  to  Scotland,  But  he  knew  his  own  fecret :  So 
he   left  his  lodgings,   and  got  beyond    fea.      This  fhewed 

the 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  >^  549 

the  Court  had  not  yet  got  full  evidence  :  Otherwife  he  would    16%^ 
have  been  taken  up,  as  well  as  others  were.  \yy>sj 

As  foon  as  the  Council  rofe,  the  King  went  to  the  Duchefs  Monmouth 
oi  Monmouth' Sy  and  feemed  fo  much  concerned  for  the  Duke  elbipcd"* 
of  Monmouth^  that  he  wept  as  he  fpoke  to  her.  That  Duke 
told  a  ftrange  palTage  relating  to  that  vifit  to  the  Lord 
QittSj  from  whom  I  had  it.  The  King  told  his  Lady,  that 
fome  were  to  come  and  fearch  her  lodgings:  But  he  had 
given  order  that  no  fearch  (hould  be  made  in  her  apartments : 
So  {he  might  conceal  him  fafely  in  them.  But  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth  added,  that  he  knew  him  too  well  to  truft  him : 
So  he  went  out  of  his  lodgings.  And  it  feems  he  judged 
right :  For  the  place  that  was  firft  fearched  for  him  was  her 
rooms :  But  he  was  gone.  And  he  gave  that  for  the  reafoa 
why  he  could  never  truft  the  King  after  that.  It  is  not 
likely  the  King  meant  to  proceed  to  extremities  with  him, 
but  that  he  intended  to  have  him  in  his  own  hands,  and  in 
his  power. 

An  order  was  fent  to  bring  up  the  Lord  Grey,  which  met 
him  coming  up.  He  was  brought  before  the  Council,  where 
he  behaved  himfelf  with  great  prefence  of  mind.  He  was  fent 
to  the  Tower.  But  the  gates  were  fhut :  So  he  ftaid  in  the 
melfenger's  hands  all  night,  whom  he  furnillied  fo  liberally 
with  wine,  that  he  was  dead  drunk.  Next  morning  he  went 
with  him  to  the  Tower  gate,  the  meffenger  being  again  faft 
afleep.  He  himfelf  called  at  the  Tower  gate,  to  bring  the 
Lieutenant  of  the  Tower  to  receive  a  prifoner.  But  he  be- 
gan to  think  he  might  be  in  danger  :  He  found  Rumfey  was 
one  witnefs:  And  if  another  fhould  come  in  he  was  gone: 
So  he  called  for  a  pair  of  oars,  and  went  away,  leaving  the 
drunken  melTenger  faft  afleep.  Warrants  were  fent  for  fe- 
veral  other  perfons :  Some  went  out  of  the  way,  and  others 
were  difmilTed  after  fome  months  imprifonment.  The  King 
{hewed  fome  appearance  of  fincerity  in  examining  the  wit- 
nefles:  He  told  them,  he  would  not  have  a  growing  evi- 
dence: And  fo  he  charged  them  to  tell  out  at  once  all  that 
they  knew :  He  led  them  into  no  accufations  by  alking  them 
any  queftions :  He  only  aflced  them,  if  Oates  was  in  their  fe- 
cret:  They  anfwered,  that  they  all  looked  on  him  as  fuch 
a  rogue,  that  they  would  not  truft  him.  The  King  alfo  faid, 
he  found  Lord  Howard  was  not  among  them,  and  he  believ- 
ed that  was  upon  the  fame  account.  There  were  many  more 
perfons  named,  and  more  particulars  fet  down  iji  tVefl's  nar- 

7  A  rativc. 


^50         The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

i($83    rative,  than  the  Court  thought  fit  to  make  ufe  of:  For  they 
^^yy'*^^  had  no  appearance  of  truth  in  them. 

Lord  RuJ/el  from  the  time  of  his  imprifonment  looked 
upon  himfelf  as  a  dead  man,  and  turned  his  thoughts  whol- 
ly to  another  world.  He  read  much  in  the  Scriptures,  par- 
ticularly in  the  Pfalms,  and  read  Baxter's  dying  thoughts. 
He  was  as  ferene  and  calm  as  if  he  had  been  in  no  danger 
at  all.  A  Committee  of  Council  came  to  examine  him  upon 
the  defign  of  feizing  on  the  guards,  and  about  his  treating 
with  the  S'cots.  He  anfwered  them  civilly ;  and  faid,  that  he 
was  now  preparing  for  his  trial  ,  where  he  did  not  doubt 
but  he  fhould  anfwer  every  thing  that  could  be  objedted  to 
him.  From  him  they  went  to  S'tdne'^  ^  who  treated  them 
more  roughly :  He  faid,  it  feemed  they  wanted  evidence,  and 
therefore  they  were  come  to  draw  it  from  his  own  mouth; 
but  they  (hould  have  nothing  from  him.  Upon  this  exami- 
nation of  Lord  Rujfely  in  which  his  treating  with  the  Scots 
was  fo  pofitively  charged  on  him,  as  a  thing  of  which  they 
were  well  afTured,  his  Lady  defired  me  to  fee  who  this  could  be, 
that  had  fo  charged  him :  But  this  appeared  to  be  only  an 
artifice,  to  draw  a  confeflion  from  him.  Cochran  was  gone: 
And  Badlie  was  a  clofe  prifoner,  and  was  very  ill  ufed :  None 
were  admitted  to  him.  I  fent  to  the  keeper  of  the  prifon 
to  let  him  want  for  nothing,  and  that  I  fhould  fee  him  paid. 
I  alfo  at  his  defire  fent  him  books  for  his  entertainment, 
for  which  I  was  threatned  with  a  prifon.  I  faid,  I  was  his 
neareft  kinfman  in  the  place,  and  this  was  only  to  do  as  I 
would  be  done  by.  From  what  I  found  among  the  Scots 
I  quieted   the  fears  of  Lord  Rujfel's  friends. 

Lord  Howard  wzs  ftill  going  about,  and  protefting  to  every 
perfon  he  law  that  there  was  no  plot,  and  that  he  knew  of 
none:  Yet  he  feemed  to  be  under  a  confternation  all  the 
while.  Lord  Rujfel  told  me,  he  was  with  him  when  the 
news  was  brought  that  IVeft  had  delivered  himfelf,  upon 
which  he  faw  him  change  colour :  And  he  alked  him,  if  he 
apprehended  any  thing  from  him  ?  He  confeffed,  he  had 
been  as  free  with  him  as  with  any  man.  Hamden  faw  him 
afterwards  under  great  fears:  And  upon  that  he  wiflied  him 
to  go  out  of  the  way,  if  he  thought  there  was  matter  againfl: 
him,  and  if  he  had  not  a  ftrength  of  mind  to  fuffer  any  thing 
that  might  happen  to  him.  The  King  fpoke  of  him  with 
fuch  contempt,  that  it  was  not  probable  that  he  was  all  this 
while  in  correfpondence  with  the  Court. 

At 


•  -■•  'Of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  n.  551 

At  laft,  four  days  before  Lord  RuJfeVs  trial,  he  was  takea    KJ83 
in  his  own  houfe  after  a  long  fearch,-  and  was  found  ftand- ^^'^'VX^ 
ing  up  within  a  chimney.     As  foon  as  he  was  taken  he  fell  confedion. 
a  crying :    And   at  his  firft  examination   he  told,  as  he  faid, 
all  that  he  knew.     Weji   and  Rumfey  had  refolved   only  to 
charge  fome  of  the  lower  fort ;    but  had  not  laid  every  thing 
fo  well  together,    but   that   they   were   found  contradicting 
one  another.     So  Rumfey   charged  IVeJi  for  concealing  fome 
things:  Upon  which  he  was  laid  in   irons,    and   was  threat- 
ncd  with  being  hanged :  For  three  days  he  would  eat  nothing, 
and  leemed  refolved   to  ftarve   himfelf:  But  nature  overcame 
his    refolutions :    And  then    he  told  all   he   knew,  and   per- 
haps more  than  he  knewj  for  I  believe  it  was  at  this   time 
that  he  wrote    his  narrative.      And  in   that   he  told  a   new 
ftory   of  Lord   Howard^  which  was  not  very   credible,  that 
he  thought  the  beft  way  of  killing  the  King  and  the  Duke, 
was  for  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  to  fall  into  New-Market  with 
a  body  of  three  or  four   hundred  horfe  when  they  were  all 
afleep,  and  fo  to  take  them  all  :    As  if  it  had  been  an  eafy 
matter  to  get  fiich  a  body  together,  and  to  carry  them  thi- 
ther invifibly  upon  fo  defperate  a  fervice.     Upon  Lord  Hoiv- 
ard's  examination,  he  told  a  long  ftory  of  Lord  Shaftsbury's 
defign  ofraifing  the  City:     He  affirmed,  that  the  Duke   of 
Monmouth  had  told  him,  how   Trenchard  had  undertaken  to 
bring  a  body  of  men  from   Taunton  ,    but  had  failed  in  it : 
He  confirmed   that  of  a  rifing  intended  in  the  City  on  the 
feventeenth  or  the  nineteenth  oi November  laft:  But  he  knew 
of  no  body   that  was  to  be  at  the  head   of  it .   So   this   was 
looked  on   as  only  talk.    But  that  which   came  more  home 
was,  that  he  owned  there  was  a  Council  of  fix  fettled,   of  which 
he  himfelf  was  one  ^    and  that  they  had  had  feveral  debates 
among  them  concerning  an  infiirred:ion,  and  where  it  ftiould 
begin,  whether  in  the  City  or  in  the  Country^  but  that  they 
refolved  to  be  firft  well  informed  concerning  the  ftate  Scot- 
land was  in  -y  and  that  Sidney  had  fcnt  Aaron  Smith  to  Scotland^ 
to  bring  him  a  fiire  information  from   thence,  and  that  he 
gave  him  fixty  guineas  for  his  journey:  More  of  that  mat- 
ter he  did  not  knowj  for  he  had  gone  out  of  Town  to  the 
Bathy  and  to  his  eftate  in  the  Country.     During  his  abfence 
the  Lords  began  to  apprehend  their  error  in   trufting  him: 
And  upon  it  Lord  EJfex  faid  to  Lord  Rujfely  as  the  laft  told 
me  in  prifon,  that  the.  putting  themfelves  in  the  power  of 
fuch  a  man  would  be  their  reproach,  as  well  as  their  ruin, 
for  truftine  a  man  of  fo  ill  a  charader :  So  they  refolved  to 

talk 


552        TheHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

i6^l    talk  no  more  to  him:  But  at  his  next  coming  to  Town  they 
v^'VNJ  told  him,  they  faw  it  was  neceffary  at  prefent  to   give  over 
all   confultations,  and  to  be  quiet :  And  after  that  they  faw 
him  very  little.     Hamden  was  upon  Lord  Howard's  difcovery 
feized  on :  He ,  when  examined,  defired  not  to  be  prefled  with 
queftions :  So  he  was  fent  to  the  Tower. 
The  Earl  of     A  party  of  horfe  was  fent  to  bring  up  Lord  EffeXy  who 
Effex  wiu    jj jj  f^^jjj  q[\  t{;iis  while  at  his  houfe  in  the   Country  ,•    and 
Toww.  ^  feemed  fo  Ifttle  apprehenfive  of  danger,  that  his  own  Lady 
did  not  imagine  he  had  any  concern  on  his  mind.     He  was 
offered  to  be  conveyed  away  very  fafely :  But  he   would  not 
ftir.     His  tendernefs  for  Lord  Rujfel  was  the  caufe  of  this : 
For  he  thought  his  going  out  of  the  way  might  incline  the 
Jury  to  believe  the  evidence  the  more  for   his  abfconding. 
He  feemed   refolved,  as  foon  as  he  faw  how  that  went,  to 
take  care  of  himfelf.    When   the  party  came  to  bring  him 
up,  he  was  at  firft  in  fome  diforder,  yet  he  recovered  him- 
felf.    But  when    he   came   before   the  Council,    he  was  in 
much  confufion.     He  was  fent  to  the  Tower:  And  there  he 
fell  under  a  great  depreflion  of  fpirit :  He  could  not  deep  at 
all.     He  had  fallen  before  that  twice  under  great  fits  of  the 
fpleen,  which  returned  now  upon  him  with  more  violence. 
He  fent  by  a  fervant,  whom  he  had  long  trufted,  and  who 
was  fuffered  to   come   to  him,    a  very  melancholy  meffage 
to  his  wife 3  That  what  he  was  charged  with  was  true:  He 
was  forry  he  had  ruined  her  and  her  children :  But  he  had 
fent  for  the  Earl  of  Clarendon^    to  talk  freely  to  him ,   who 
had  married  his   fifter.     She  immediately  fent  back  the  fer- 
vant, to  beg   of  him  that  he  would  not  think  of  her  or 
her  children,  but  only  ftudy  to  fupport  his  own  fpirits  ^  and 
defired  him  to  fay   nothing  to  Lord   Clarendon^  nor  to  any 
body  elfe,  till  (he   Ihould  come   to  him,    which  Ihe  was  in 
hope  to  obtain  leave  to  do  in  a  day  or  two.     Lord  Claren- 
don came  to  him  upon  his  meffage :  But  he  turned  the  mat- 
ter fo  well  to  him,  as  if  he  had  been  only  to  explain  fome- 
what  that  he  had  miflaken  himfelf  in  when  he  was  before 
the  Council:  But  as  to  that  for  which  he  was  clapt  up,    he 
faid  there  was  nothing  in  it,  and  it  would  appear  how  in- 
nocent he  was.     So  Lord  Clarendon  went  away  in  a  great  mea- 
fure  fatisfied,  as  he  himfelf  told  me.    His  Lady  had  another 
meffage  from  him,    that   he  was  much   calmer,-   efpecially 
when  he  found  how  fhe  took  his  condition  to  heart,  with- 
out feeming  concerned  for  her  own  fhare  in  it.     He  ordered 
many  things  to  be  fent  to  him :  And  among  other  things  he 

^  called 


'  of  King  Charles  It.  $53 

called  at  feveral  times  for  a   penknife,  with   which  he  ufed    i6S^ 
to  pare  his  nails  very  nicely :  So  this   was   thought  intended  ^-^^VX.; 
for  an  amufement.     But  it  was  not  brought  from  his  houfe 
in  the  Country,  tho'  fent  for.    And  when  it  did   not  come, 
he  called  for  a  razor,  and  faid,  that  would  do  as  well.     The 
King  and  the  Duke   came  to  the  Tower  that  morning,  as 
was  given  out,   to  fee  fome  invention  about  the   ordinance. 
As  they  were  going   into  their  barge,    the  cry  came  after 
them  of  what    had   hapncd   to  Lord  Effex:    For   his   man, 
thinking  he   ftaid    longer  than    ordinary  in  his  clofet,  faid, 
he  looked  thro'  the  key  hole,  and  there  faw  him  lying  dead: 
Upon  which  the  door  being  broke  open,  he  was  found  dead; 
his  throat  cut,  fo  that  both  the  jugulars  and  the  gullet  were 
cut,  a  little  above   the  Afpera    Arter'ta.     I   {hall   afterwards 
give   an   account   of  the  further    enquiry    into   this  matter, 
which  pad  then  univerfally  as  done  by  himfelf     The  Co- 
roners Jury  found  it  felf- murder.    And  when  his  body   was 
brought  home  to  his  own  houfe,  and  the  wound  was  examin- 
ed by  his  own  Surgeon,  he  faid  to  me,  it  was  impoflible  the 
wound  could  be  as  it  was,  if  given  by  any  hand  but  his  own: 
For  except  he  had  caft  his  head  back,  and  ftretched  up  his 
neck  all  he   could,  the  Afpera  Arteria  muft  have  been   cut. 
But  to  go  on  with  this  tragical  day,  in  which  I  loft  the  two 
beft  friends  I  had  in  the  world : 

The  Lord  Ruffeh  trial  was  fixed   for   that  day.     A  Jury  The  Lord 
was  returned  that  confifted  of  citizens  oi  London  who  were  ^*-^^^ '"'*'' 
not  freeholders .  So  the  firft  point  argued  in  law  was,  whether 
this  could   be  a  legal  Jury.     The  ftatute  was  exprefs :  And 
the  reafon  was,  that  none  but  men  of  certain  eftates  might 
try  a  man  upon  his  life.     It  was  anfwered,  that  the  pradice  , 
of  the  City   was  to  the  contrary,  upon   the  very    reafon   of 
the  law:     For  the  richeft   men  of  the  City   were  often   no 
freeholders,    but  merchants  whofe  wealth  lay  in  their  trade 
and  ftock.    So  this  was  over-ruled,  and  the  Jury  was  fworn. 
They  were  pickt  out  with  great  care,  being  men  of  fair  re- 
putation in  other  refpeds,  but  fo  engaged   in  the  party  for 
the  Court,  that  they  were  eafy  to  believe  any  thing  on  that 
fide.     Rumfey  y  Shepherd,  and   Lord  Howard  were  the  wit- 
nelTes,  who  depofed  according  to  what  was  formerly  related. 
Shepherd  fwore.  Lord  Rujfel  was  twice  at  his  houfe,  tho'  he 
was  never  there  but  once.    And  when  Lord  Rujfel  fent  him 
word  after   his  fentence,  that   he  forgave   him  all  he  had 
fworn  againft  him,  but  that  he  muft  remember  that  he  was 
never  within  his  doors  but  one  fingle  time :  To  which  all  the 

7  B  anfwcr 


554        TheHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

i6^z    anfwer  Shepherd  made  was,  that  all  the  while  he  was  in  Court 
»./V>o'  durinfT  the    trial  he   was  under  fuch  a  confufion ,    that  he 
fcarce  knew  what  he  faid.     Both  Rumfey  and  he  fwore,  that 
Lord  Ruffel  had  exprelTed  his  confent  to  the  feizing  on  the 
guards ,  tho'  they  did  not  fwear  any  one  word  that  he  fpoke 
which  imported  it:  So  that  here  a  man  was  convided  of  trea- 
fon,  for  being  prefent  by  accident,  or  for  fome  innocent  pur- 
pofe,  where  treafonable  matter  was  difcourfed,  without  bear- 
ing a  part  in  that  difcourfe,  or  giving  any   affent  by  words 
or'  otherwife  to  what  was  fo    difcourfed  j  which  at  the  moil 
amounts  to  mif-prifion,  or  concealment  of  treafon  only.     As 
Lord  Howard  began   his  evidence,  the  news  of  the  Earl  of 
Effex's  death  came  to  the  Court.    Upon  which  Lord  Howard 
flopped,  and  faid,  he  could  not  go  on  till  he  gave  vent  to 
his  grief  in  fome  tears.    He  foon  recovered  himfelf,  and  told 
all  his  ftory.     Lord  Rujfel  defended  himfelf  by  many  com- 
purgators ,    who   fpoke   very  fully  of  his   great   worth ,    and 
that  it  was  not  likely  he  would  engage  in  ill  defigns.     Some 
others  befides  my  felf  teftified,  how  folcmnly  Lord  Howard 
had  denied  his  knowledge  of  any  plot  upon  its   firft  break- 
ing out.     Fmch,  the  Solicitor  General,  fa;id,  no  regard  was 
to  be  had   to  that,  for  all  witnelfcs  denied  at   firil.    It  was 
anfwered,  if  thefe  denials  had  been  only  to  a  magiftrate,  or 
at  an  examination,    it  might  be  thought   of  lefs  moment: 
But  fuch  folemn  denials,  with  affeverations,  to  friends,   and 
officioufly  offered,  fhewed   that  fuch  a  witnefs  was  fo  bad  a 
man,  that  no  credit  was  due  to  his  teftimony.     It  was  alfo 
lirged,  that  it  was  not  fworn  by  any  of  the  witnefTcs,  that 
Lord  Rujfel  had  fpoken  any  fuch  words,  or  words  to  that 
effed::  And  without  fome  (iich  indication,    it  could  not  be 
known  that  he  hearkned   to  the  difcourfe,  or  confented  to 
it.     Lord  Ruffel  alfo  alked,  upon  what  ftatute  he  was  tried: 
If  upon  the  old  ftatute  of  the  twenty  fifth  of  Edward  the 
third,  or  li  upon   the  ftatute  made  declaring  what   fhall  be 
held  treafon  during  the  King's  reign  .^  They  could  not  rely 
on  thelaft,  becaufeof  the  limitation  of  time  in  it:  Six  months, 
and  fomething  more,   were  palfed  fmce  the  time  of  thefe  dif- 
courfes:  So  they  relied  on  the  old  ftatute.     Upon  which  he 
alked,  where  was  the  overt-ad:?  For  none  appeared.     It  was 
alfo  faid,  that  by  that  ftatute  the  very  imagining  the  King's 
death,  when  proved  by  an  overt-ad,  was  treafon :  But  it  was 
only  the  levying  war,  and   not  the  imagining   to  idvy  war 
againft  the  King,  that  was  treafon  by  that  ftatute.     Cook  and 
Hale  were  of  this  opinion,  and  gave  their  reafons  for  it.    And 

it 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  55^ 

ic   feemed,  that  the  Parliament  that  paft  the   a6t  oftreafoti    1683 
during  the  prefent  Reign  were  of  that  mind  j  for  they  enu-  vXVN./-' 
merated  confultations  to  raife  war  among  thofe  things  which' 
were  declared  to  be  treafon  during   that  Reign  :  This  fheW^^ 
ed,  that  they  did  not  look  on  them  as  comprehended  withi*! 
in  the  old  ftatute.     The  King's  Counfel  pretended,  that  con^^ 
lultations  to  feizc  on   the   guards  were    an    overt-ad:   of  a 
defign  againft  the  King's  perfon.     But  thofe  forces,  that  have 
got  the  defignation  of  guards  appropriated  to  them,  are  not 
the  King's  guards  in  law :  They  are  not  fo  much  as  allowed 
of  by  law:    For  even  the  lately  diflblved  long   ParHament, 
that  was  fo  careful  of  the  King,  and  fo  kind  to  him,  would 
never  take  notice  of  the  King's  forces,  much  lefs  call  them 
his  guards.     The  guards  were  only  a  company  of  men  in  the 
King's  pay :     So  that  a  defign   to   feize  on  them  amounted 
to  no  more,  than  to  a  defign  to  feize  on  a  part  of  the  King's 
army.     But  the  word  guards  founded  fo  like  a  fecurity  to  the 
King's  perfon,  that  the  defign  againft  them  was  conftruded 
a  defign  againft  his  life:  And  yet  none  of  thewitnefles  fpokeof     /sr-ToH 
any  defign  againft  the  King's  perfon.   Lord  Howard  ("woxq  po- 
fitively,  that  they  had  no  fuch  defign.    Yet  the  one  was  con- 
ftruded  to  be  the  natural  confequence  of  the  other.     So  that 
after  all  the  declaiming  againft  a  conftrudive  treafon  in  the 
cafe  of  Lord  Strafford,  the  Court  was  always  running  into  it, 
when  they  had   a  mind  to  deftroy  any  that  ftood  in  their  way/ 
Lord  Rujfel  defired,  that  his  Counfel  might  be  heard  to  this 
point  of  feizing  the  guards:  But  that  was  denied,  unlefs  he 
would  confefs  the  fa6t :  And  he  would  not  do  that,  becaufe, 
as  the  witneftes  had  fworn  it,  it  was  falfe.    He  once  intend- 
ed  to  have  related  the  whole  fad:,  juft   as   it  was:  But  his 
Counfel  advifed  him  againft  it.     Some  of  his  friends  were  for 
it,  who  thought  that  it  could  amount    to    no   more  than  a 
concealment  and  mif-prifion  of   treafon.     Yet   the  Counfel 
diftinguiftied   between  a  bare   knowledge,  and  a  concealing 
that,    and   a  joining  defignedly  in  council   with  men   that 
did  defign  treafon :  For  in  that  cafe,  tho'  a  man  ftiould  dif- 
fer in  opinion  from  a  treaibnable  propofition,  yet  his  mix- 
ing in  council  with   fiich  men  will  in  law  make  him  a  trai- 
tor.    Lord  Ruff'el  fpoke  but  little  :     Yet   in   iz'v   words  he 
touched  on  all  the  material  points  of  law  that  had  been  fug- 
gefted  to  him.     Finch  fummed  up  the  evidence  againft  him: 
But  in  that,  and  in  feveral  other  trials  afterwards,  he  ftiew- 
ed  more  of  a  vicious  eloquence,  in  turning  matters  with  fome 
fubtlety  againft  the  prifoners,  than  of  folid  or  fincere  rea- 

foning. 

3 


^^6        TheHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

16% z    Toning.     J^ff^ries  would  (hew  his  zeal,  and  fpeak  after  him: 

^^yy^'^^  But  it  was  only  an  infolent  declamation,  fuch  as  all  his  were, 

full  of  fury  and  indecent  invedtives.     Pemberton  was  the  head 

of  the   Court,    the    other  Bench   not   being  yet  filled.    He 

fummed  up  the  evidence  at  firft  very  fairly :  But  in  conclufion 

he  told  the  Jury,  that  a  defign  to  feize  the  guards  was  fure- 

ly  a  defign  againft  the  King's  life.    But  tho'  he  ftruck  upon 

this,  which  was  the  main   point,    yet  it  was   thought  that 

his    dating    the     whole    matter    with    fo    little    eagernefs 

againft  Lord   Rujfel^   was   that    which    loft  him   his   place: 

For  he  was  turned  out  foon    after.     Lord  Ruffel\  behaviour 

during  the  trial  was  decent  and  compofed:    So  that  he  feem- 

ed  very  little  concerned  in  the  ifTue  of  the  matter.     He  was 

a  man  of  fo  much  candour,  that  he   fpoke  little  as   to  the 

fa<5t:  For  fince  he  was  advifed  not  to   tell  the    whole   truth, 

he  could  not  fpeak  againft  that  which  he  knew  to  be  true, 

tho'  in  fome  particulars  it  had  been  carried  beyond  the  truth. 

But  he  was  not  allowed  to   make  the  difference:  So  he  left 

Hewascon-  that  wholly   to  the  Jury ,     who  brought  in    their   verdid: 

demned.      againft  him  ,  upon  which  he  received  fentence. 

He  then  compofed  himfelfto  die  with  great  ferioufnefs.  He 
faid,  he  was  fure  the  day  of  his  trial  was  more  uncafy  to  him, 
than  that  of  his  execution    would  be.     All   poffible  methods 
were  ufed  to  have  faved  his  life:  Money  was   offered  to  the 
Lady  Portfmouthj  and  to  all  that  had  credit,  and  that  with- 
out mcafure.     He  was  preffed  to  fend  petitions  and  fubmif- 
fions  to  the  King,  and  to  the  Duke:    But  he  left  it  to  his 
friends  to  confider  how  far  thefe   might  go,  and  how  they 
were  to  be  worded.     All  he   was  brought   to   was,    to  offer 
to  live  beyond  fea  in  any  place  that  the  King  fhould  name, 
and  never   to  meddle  any   more   in  Englifh  affairs.     But  all 
was  in  vain:  Both  King  and  Duke  were  fixed  in  their  refo- 
lutionsj  but  with  this  difference,  as  Lord  Rochejier  afterwards 
told  me,  that  the  Duke  fiiffered  fome,  among  whom  he  was 
one,  to  argue  the  point  with  him,    but  the  King  could  not 
bear  the  difcourfe.     Some  have  faid,  that  the   Duke  moved 
that  he  might  be  executed  in  Southampton  iquare  before  his 
own  houfe,  but  that  the  King  rejected  that  as  indecent.    So 
L'mcolns- Inn-Fields  was  the  place  appointed  for  his  execution. 
The  laft  week  of  his  life  he  was  {hut  up  all  the  mornings, 
as  he  himfelf  defired.    And  about  noon  I  came  to   him,  and 
ftaid  with  him  till  night.  All  the  while  he  expreffed  a  very 
Chriftian  temper,  without  fharpnefs  or  refentment,  vanity  or 
affediation.    His  whole  behaviour  looked  like  a  triumph  over 

z  death. 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  557 

death.     Upon  fome  occafions,  as  at  table,  or  when  his  friends     16^^ 
came  to  fee  him,   he  was   decently  cheerful.     I  was  by  him  '^^^^^^'^^ 
when  the  Sheriffs  came  to  fhew  him  the  warrant  for  his  exe- 
cution.    He  read  it  with  indifference:  And  when  they  were 
gone  he  told  me,  it  was  not  decent  to  be  merry  with  fuch 
a  matter,  otherwife  he  was  near  telling  Rich^  (who  tho'  he 
was  now  of  the  other  fide,  yet  had  been   a  member  of  the 
Houfe  of  Commons,  and  had  voted  for  the  Excliifion,^  that 
they    fhould   never   fit  together  in   that    Houfe  any  more  to 
vote  for  the  bill  of  Exclufion.     The  day  before  his  death  he 
fell  a  bleeding  at  the  nofe:  Upon  that  he  faid  to  me  pleafantly, 
I  ihall  not  now  let  blood  to  divert   this:  That  will  be  done 
to  morrow.     At  night  it  rained  hard:  And  he  faid,  fuch   a 
rain  to  morrow  will  fpoil  a   great   fhew,    which  was  a  dull 
thing  in  a  rainy  day.     He  faid,  the  fins   of  his  youth  lay 
heavy  upon  his  mind :  But  he  hoped  God  had  forgiven  them, 
for  he  was  fure  he  had  forfaken  them,  and  for  many  years  he 
had  walked  before  God  with  a  fincere  heart :  If  in  his  pub- 
lick    adings  he  had  committed  errors,    they   were  only  the 
errors  of  his  underftanding  j  for  he  had  no  private  ends,   nor 
ill  defigns   of  his  own    in   them  :    He  was   flill   of  opinion 
that  the  King  was  limited  by  law,  and  that  when  he  broke 
thro'  thofe  limits  his  fubjeds  might  defend  themfelves,  and 
reflrain  him:    He   thought   a  violent  death  was  a  very  de- 
firable  way  of  ending  one's  life :    It  was  only  the  being  ex- 
poled  to  be  a  little  gaze<l  at,  and  to   fuffer  the  pain  of  one 
minute,  which,    he  was  confident,  was  not  equal  to  the  pain 
of  drawing  a  tooth.     He  laid,  he  felt  none  of  thofe  tranfports 
that  fome  good  people  felt  j  but  he  had  a  full  calm  in  his  mind, 
no  palpitation  at  heart,    nor  trembling  at  the  thoughts  of 
death.     He   was  much  concerned  at  the  cloud  that  feemed 
to  be  now  over  his  Country :  But  he  hoped  his  death  fhould 
do  more  fervice,  than  his  life  could  have  done. 

This  was  the  fubilance  of  the  difcourfe  between  him  and  JJI^^^''"''' 
me.  TtUotfon  was  oft  with  him  that  laft  week.  We  thought  death. 
the  party  had  gone  too  quick  in  their  confultations,  and  too 
fatj  and  that  refiftance  in  the  condition  we  were  then  in 
was  not  lawful.  He  faid,  he  had  not  leifure  to  enter  into 
difcourfcs  of  politicks  ^  but  he  thought  a  government  limited 
by  law  was  only  a  name,  if  the  fubjeds  might  not  maintain 
thofe  limitations  by  force:  Otherwife  all  was  at  the  difcretion 
of  the  Prince  :  That  was  contrary  to  all  the  notions  he  had 
lived  m  of  our  government.  But  he  faid,  there  was  nothing 
among  them  but  theembrio's  of  things,  that  were  never  like  to 

7  C  have 


558     TheHlsroKY  of  the  Reign 

1685    have  any  effe<^,    and   that  were    now   quite   diflfolvcd.  '   He 
^•yy>>^  thoufrht,  it  was  neceffary  for  him   to  leave   a  paper   behind 
him  at  his  death:  And  becaufe  he  had  not  been  accuftomed  to 
draw  fuch  papers,  he  delired  me  to  give  him  a  (cheme  of  the 
heads  fit  tobefpoken  to,  and  of  the  order  in  which  they  fhould  be 
laid:  Which  I  did.    And  he   was   three   days  employed   for 
fome  time  in  the  morning  to  write  out  his  fpecch.     He  ordered 
four  copies  to  be  made  of  it,  all  which  he  figned,-  and  gave 
the  original  with  three  of  the  copies  to  his  Lady,    and  kept 
the  other  to  give  to  the  Sheriffs  on  the  Scaffold.     He  writ 
it  with   great   care:  And    the  palfages  that  were  tender  he 
writ  in  papers   apart  ,  and  fhewed   them  to   his  Lady,  and 
to   my  felf,     before    he  writ   them   out  fair.     He  was  very 
cafy   when   this    was    ended.     He   alfo  writ  a  letter   to  the 
King,  in    which  he  afked  pardon   for  every  thing   he   had 
faid  or  done  contrary  to  his  duty,   protefting  he  was  inno- 
cent as  to  all  defigns  againft  his  perfon  or  government,  and 
that  his  heart  was  ever   devoted   to  that  which  he  thought 
was  his  true  intereft.     He  added,   that  tho'   he  thought  he 
had  met  with  hard  meafure,  yet  he  forgave  all   concerned 
in   it  from  the  highefl  to   the  lowed  j    and  ended,  hoping 
that  his  Majefty's  difpleafure  at  him  would  ceafe  with    his 
own  life,  and  that  no  part  of  it  fhould  fall  on  his  wife  and 
children.     The  day  before  his  death  he  received  the  Sacra- 
ment from  Ttllotfon  with  much  devotion.     And  I  pieached 
two  fhort  fermons  to  him,  which  he  heard   with  great  af- 
fc(flion.    And  we  were  (hut  up  till  towards  the  evening.     Then 
he  fuffered   his   children   that  were  very  young,    and   fome 
few  of  his  friends  to  take  leave  of  him;    in  which  he  main- 
tained his   conflancy   of  temper,  tho'   he   was   a  very  fond 
father.     He  alfo    parted   with   his  Lady    with    a   compofed 
filence :  And,  as  foon   as  fhe  was  gone,  he  faid  to  me,  The 
bitternefs  of  death  is  paft:  For  he  loved    and   efteemed   her 
beyond   expreflion,     as    flie  well  deferved  it  in   all   refpedts. 
She  had  the  command  of  her  felf  fo  much,  that  at  parting 
fhe  gave   him    no    difturbance.     He  went  into  his  chamber 
about    midnight  :    And    I  flaid    all   night    in    the   outward 
room.     He  went  not  to  bed  till  about  two  in  the  morning : 
And  was  faf}  afleep  at  four,  when  according  to  his  order  we 
called  him.     He   was   quickly   drelTed,    but   would    lofe   no 
time  in  (having:  For   he  faid,    he  was  not  concerned  in  his 

The  trial    8^°^  looks  that  day. 

andexecu-        He  was   not   ill   pleafed   with    the  account    he  heard  that 

^^i^Q^'  mQivim^  of  the  manner  oi IVakot's  death,  who  together  with 

one 


t\oi\oi  IVal- 

cot 

thers 


of  King  Charles  II.  ss^ 

one  Hone  and  Rowfe  had  fuflfered  the  day  before.  Thefe  ^Gtt  \6%^ 
condemned  upon  the  evidence  of  the  witnefTeS.  Rumfey  and  ^-^^"^^^"^ 
I'Vefi  fwore  fully  againft  Walcot:  He  had  alfo  writ  a  letter  to 
the  Secretary  offering  to  make  difcoveries,  in  which  he  fard 
the  plot  was  laid  deep  and  wide.  Walcot  denied  at  his 
death  the  whole  bufinefs  of  the  Rye-Ptot^  and  of  his  under- 
taking to  fight  the  guards  while  others  fhould  kill  the 
King.  He  faid,  fVefi  had  often  fpoken  of  it  to  him  in  the 
phrafe  of  lopp'mgi  and  that  he  always  faid  he  would  not 
meddle  in  it,  and  that  he  looked  on  it  as  an  infamous  thing, 
and  as  that  which  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  would  certainly 
revenge,  tho'  IVeft  alTured  him  that  Duke  had  engaged  un- 
der his  hand  to  confent  to  it.  This  confeffion  of  lVa!cof$^ 
as  it  {hewed  himfelf  very  guilty,  fo  it  made  Wefi  appear  fo 
black,  that  the  Court  made  no  more  ufe  of  him.  Honey 
a  poor  tradefman  in  London^  who  it  feems  had  fome  heat 
but  fcarce  any  fenfe  in  him,  was  drawn  in  by  Keeling^  and 
Lee^  another  witnefs,  who  was  alfo  brought  in  by  Keeling 
to  a  very  wild  thing,  of  killing  the  King  but  fparing  the 
Duke,  upon  this  conceit,  that  we  would  be  in  lefs  danger  in 
being  under  a  profelTcd  Papift  than  under  the  King.  Hone 
had  promifed  to  ferve  in  the  execution  of  it,  but  neither 
knew  when,  where,  nor  how  it  was  to  be  done:  So,  tho' he 
feemed  fitter  for  a  Bedlam  than  a  trial,  yet  he  was  tried  the 
day  before  the  Lord  Ruffel,  and  fufferedwith  the  others  the  day 
before  him.  He  confefTed  his  own  guilt;  but  faid,  thefe 
who  witnefTed  againft  him  had  engaged  himin  that  defign, 
for  which  they  now  charged  him:  But  he  knew  nothing 
of  any  other  perfons,  befides  himfelf  and  the  two  witnelTes. 
The  third  was  one  Rowfe^  who  had  belonged  to  Player  the 
Chamberlain  of  London -^  againft  whom  Lee  and  Keeling  fwore 
the  fame  things.  He  was  more  affeded  with  a  fenfe  of  the 
heat  and  fiiry  with  which  he  had  been  aded,  than  the  others 
were:  But  he  denied,  that  he  was  ever  in  any  defign  againft 
the  King's  life.  He  faid,  the  witnelTes  had  let  fall  many 
wicked  things  of  that  matter  in  difcourfe  with  him :  So  that 
he  was  refolved  to  difcover  them ,  and  was  only  waiting 
till  he  could  find  out  the  bottom  of  their  defigns:  But  that 
now  they  had  prevented  him.  He  vindicated  all  his  acquain- 
tance from  being  any  way  concerned  in  the  matter,  or  from 
approving  fuch  defigns.  Thefe  men  dying  as  they  did,  was 
fuch  a  difgrace  to  the  witnelTes,  that  the  Court  faw  it  was 
not  fit  to  make  any  further  ufe  of  them.  Great  ufe  was 
made  of  the  conjun<5tion  of  thefe  two  plots,  one  for  a  rifing, 

and 


500       TheHlsroRY  ofthe Reign 

16%  z    and  another  for  an  alTaflination.    It  was  faid,  that  the  one 
^^y'y^^  was  that  which  gave  the  heart  and  hope  to  the  other  black 
confpiracy :  By  which  they  were  over  all  England  blended  to- 
gether as  a  plot  within  a  plot,  which  cart:  a  great  load  on 
the  whole  party. 
iRnferinz-      Lofd  Ru[fel  fecmed  to  have  fome  fatisfadion  to  find  that 
cution.       there  was  no  truth  in  the  whole  contrivance  of  the  R'ye-Plot: 
So  that  he  hoped,  that  infamy,  which  now  blaftcd  their  party, 
would  foon  go  off.     He  went  into  his  chamber  fix  or  feven 
times  in  the  morning,  and  prayed  by  himfelf,  and  then  came 
out   to  Ttllotfon  and  me:  He  drunk  a    little  tea  and    fome 
Iherry.     He  wound   up   his  watch  ^   and  faid,    now  he  had 
done  with  time,  and  was  going  to  eternity.     He  afked  what  he 
Ihould  give  the  executioner  :  I  told  him  ten  guineas :  He  faid, 
with   a  fmile,  it  was  a  pretty   thing  to  give   a   fee   to  have 
his  head  cut  off.     When  the  Sheriffs  called   him  about  ten 
a  clock,  Lord  Cavendtjh  was  waiting  below  to  take  leave  of 
him.    They  embraced  very  tenderly.     Lord  Rujfel^  after  he 
had  left  him ,  upon  a  fudden   thought  came  back  to  him, 
and  prefTed  him  earneflly  to  apply  himfelf  more  to  Religion; 
and  told  him  what  great  comfort  and  fupport  he  felt  from 
it  now  in  his  extremity.    Lord  Cavendtjh  had  very  generoufiy 
offered  to  manage  his  efcape,  and  to  flay  in  prifon  for  him 
while  he  fhould  go  away  in  his  cloaths:  But  he  would  not 
hearken  to  the  motion.     The  Duke  of  Monmouth  had  alfo 
fent  me  word,  to  let  him  know,  that,  if  he  thought  it  could 
do  him  any  fervice,  he  would  come  in,  and  run  fortunes  with 
him.    He  anfwered,  it  would  be  of  no  advantage  to   him  to 
have  his  friends  die  with  him.     Ttllotfon  and  I   went  in  the 
coach  with   him  to   the   place  of  execution.     Some  of   the 
croud   that    filled   the   flreets  wept,    while   others  infulted: 
He  was  touched  with  the  tendernefs  that  the  one  gave  him, 
but  did  not  feem  at  all  provoked  by  the  other.     He  was  fing- 
ingPfalms  a  great  part  of  the  way  j  and  faid,  he  hoped  to  fing 
better  very  foon.     As  he  obferved  the  great  crouds  of  people 
all  the  way,  he  faid  to  us,  I  hope  I  fhall  quickly  fee  a  much 
better  affembly.     When  he  came  to  the  Scaffold,  he   walk- 
ed about  it  four  or  five  times.    Then  he  turned  to  the  She- 
riffs, and  delivered  his  paper.    He  protefted,  he  had  always 
been  far  from  any  defigns  againft  the  King's  life  or  govern- 
ment:   He  prayed  God   would   preferve  both,  and  the  Pro- 
teftant  Religion.     He  wifhed  all  Proteftants  might  love  one 
another,    and    not  make  way  for  Popery   by   their  animo- 
fities.  I 

The 


I 


^/iiL/>^  Charles  11.  ^r       •^oi 

The  fubftance  of  the  paper  he  gave  them  was,  firft  a  pro-  i<^83 
feffion  of  his  Religion,  and  of  his  fincerity  in  it :  That  he  ^^^Ji^hft 
was  of  the  Church  oi England:  But  wifhed  all  would  unite  to-  fpeech. 
gether  againft  the  common  enemy :  That  Churchmen  would 
be  lefs  fevere,  and  DilTenters  lefs  fcrupulous.  He  owned,  he 
had  a  great  zeal  againft  Popery,  which  he  looked  on  as  an 
idolatrous  and  bloody  Religion :  But  that,  tho'  he  was  at  all 
times  ready  to  venture  his  life  for  his  Religion  or  his  Coun- 
try, yet  that  would  never  have  carried  him  to  a  black 
or  wicked  defign.  No  man  ever  had  the  impudence  to 
move  to  him  any  thing  with  relation  to  the  King's  life: 
He  prayed  heartily  for  him,  that  in  his  perfon  and  govern- 
ment he  might  be  happy,  both  in  this  world  and  in  the 
next.  He  protefted,  that  in  the  profecution  of  the  Popiih 
plot  he  had  gone  on  in  the  fincerity  of  his  heart;  and  that 
he  never  knew  of  any  prai^tice  with  the  witnelTes.  He  own- 
ed, he  had  been  earneft  in  the  matter  of  the  Exclufion,  as 
the  beft  way  in  his  opinion  to  fecure  both  the  King's  life 
and  the  Proteftant  religion:  And  to  that  he  imputed  his 
prefent  fufferings:  But  he  forgave  all  concerned  in  them; 
and  charged  his  friends  to  think  of  no  revenges.  He  thought 
his  fentence  was  hard :  Upon  which  he  gave  an  account  of 
all  that  had  paft  at  Shepherd's.  From  the  heats  that  were 
in  choofing  the  Sheriffs  he  concluded,  that  matter  would 
end  as  it  now  did:  And  he  was  not  much  furprized  to  find 
it  fall  upon  himfelf :  He  wiflied  it  might  end  in  him :  Kill- 
ing by  forms  of  law  was  the  worft  fort  of  murder.  He  con- 
cluded with  fome  very  devout  Ejaculations.  After  he  had 
delivered  this  paper  he  prayed  by  himfelf:  Then  Tdlotfon 
prayed  with  him.  After  that  he  prayed  again  by  himfelf: 
And  then  undreffed  himfelf,  and  laid  his  head  on  the  block, 
without  the  leaft  change  of  countenance:  And  it  was  cut  off 
at  two  ftrokcs. 

This  was  the  end  of  that  great  and  good  man:  On  which 
I  have  perhaps  enlarged  too  copioufly :  But  the  great  efteem 
I  had  for  him,  and  the  {hare  I  had  in  this  matter,  will  I 
hope  excufe  it.  His  fpeech  was  fo  foon  printed,  that  it  was 
felling  about  the  ftreets  an  hour  after  his  death :  Upon  which 
the  Court  was  highly  enflamed.  So  Ttllotfon  and  I  were  ap- 
pointed to  appear  before  the  Cabinet  Council.  Ttllotfon  had 
little  to  fay,  but  only  that  Lord  Ruj^el  had  (hewed  him  his 
fpeech  the  day  before  he  fuffered ;  and  that  he  fpoke  to  him, 
what  he  thought  was  incumbent  on  him,  upon  fome  parts  of 
it,    but  he  was  not  difpofed  to  alter  it.     I  was  longer  before 

7  D  them. 


502        The  History  of  the  Reign 

1683    them.    I  faw  they   apprehenck'd  I   had   penned   the   fpeech. 
^-^V^^  I  told  the   King,  that  at  his   Lady's   defire   I  writ  down  a 
very  particular  journal   of  every    palTage,    great  and  fmall, 
that  had  hapned  during  my  attendance  on  him  :  I  had  jufl  end- 
ed it,  as  1  received  my  fummons  to  attend  his  Majefty  :  So, 
if  he  commanded  me,  I  would  read  it  to  him:   Which  upon 
his    command  I   did.     I   faw  they  were  all  aftoniilied  at   the 
many  extraordinary  things  in  it :  The  moft  important  of  them 
are  fet  down  in  the  former  relation.      The   Lord  Keeper 
aflcedme,  if  I  intended  to  print  that.  I  faid,  it  was  only  inten- 
ded for  his  Lady's  private  ufe.  The  Lord  Keeper,  feeing  the 
King  filent,  added.  You  are  not  to  think  the  King  is  pleafed 
with  this,  becaufe  he  fays  nothing.     This   was  very   mean. 
He  then  alked  me,  if  I  had  not  ftudied  to  dififuade  the  Lord 
Ruffel  from   putting  many  things  in  his  fpeech.     I  faid,  I 
had    difcharged    my    confcience     to    him     very     freely     in 
every  particular:    But  he  was  now  gone:     So  it  was  impof- 
fible  to  know,    if  I  (hould  tell  any  thing  of  what  had  pail 
between  us,  whether  it  was  true  or  falfe :  I  defired  therefore 
to  be  excufed.     The   Duke  afked   me,    if  he  had   faid   any 
thing  to  me  in  confefTion.    I  anfwered,  that  if  he   had   faid 
any  thing  to  me  in  confidence,  that  was  enough  to  reftrain 
me  from  fpeaking   of  it.     Only  I  offered  to  take  my  oath, 
that  the  fpeech  was  pehned  by  himfelf,  and  not  by  me.     The 
Duke,    upon   all   that   paft  in   this    examination  ,    exprelfed 
himfelf  fo  highly   offended  at  me,  that  it  was   concluded  I 
would  be  ruined.     Lord  Halifax  fent  me   word  ,    that  the 
Duke  looked  on  my  reading   the  journal  as  a  ftudied  thing, 
to   make   a   panegyrick  on   Lord   RuJfeH  memory.     Many 
pamphlets  were  writ  on   that  occafion:    And  I  was  heavily 
charged  in  them  all,  as  the  advifer,    if  not  the  author,   of 
the  fpeech.     But  I  was  advifed  by  all   my  friends  to   write 
no  anfwer,  but  to  bear  the  malice  that  was  vented  upon  me 
with  filenccj  which  I  refolved  to  do. 
Prince  At  this  time  Prince   George  of  Denmark  came  into   Eng- 

Deumark  ^^^^^  to  marry  the  Duke's  fecond  daughter.  The  Prince  of 
PHncefs'''^  Hanover  had  come  over  two  years  before  to  make  addreffes 
^'>«<.  to  her  :  But  he  was  fcarce  got  hither,  when  he  received 
orders  from  his  father  not  to  proceed  in  that  defign  ,•  for 
he  had  agreed  a  match  for  him  with  his  brother  the  Duke 
of  Zell  for  his  daughter,  which  did  at  that  time  more  ac- 
commodate the  family.  The  marriage  that  was  now  made 
with  the  brother  of  Denmark  did  not  at  all  pleafe  the  nati- 
on; For  we  knew  that  the  propofition  came  from  France. 

So 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  irr  505 

So  it  was  apprehended,  that  both  Courts  reckoned  they  1(^83 
were  fure  that  he  would  change  his  Religion:  In  which  we  ^"^^^f^"^ 
have  feen,  fince  that  time,  that  our  fears  were  ill  grounded. 
He  has  lived  in  all  refpeds  the  happielt  with  his  Princefs 
that  was  poflible,  except  in  one  particular:  For  tho'  there 
was  a  child  born  every  year  for  many  years,  yet  they  have 
all  died  :  So  that  the  fruitfulleft  marriage  that  has  been 
known  in  our  age,  has  been  fatally  blafted  as  to  the  efFe(5t 
of  it. 

The  affairs  abroad  were  now  every  where  in  a  great  fcr- X*^^  ^«g«  of 
mentation.     The  Emperor  had  governed  Hungary  fo  ftrange- 
ly,  as  at  once  to   perfecute  the  Proteftants    and   to   opprefs 
the  Papifts  in   their  liberties,  which   dijfpofed  both  to  rebel: 
Upon  which  the  male-contents  were  now  in  arms,  and  had 
poffelTed  themfelves  of  feveral  places  in  the  upper  Hungary  ^ 
which  being  near  Poland^  they  were  managed  and  aflifted  by 
the  French  Minifters  in   that  Kingdom  j  in  which   the  Car- 
dinal o^  Four  bin  was  the  chief  inftrument.     But  they  not  be- 
ing able  to  maintain  themfelves  againft  the  Emperor's  whole 
force,  Tekelij  who  was  fet  at  their    head,  offered  all  fubmif^ 
fions  to   the  Turk,    and  begged  his  prote(5tion.     Upon  this 
that  great  war  broke  out,  all  fet  on  by  the  practices  of  the 
King  of  France  ^  who,  while  he  was  perfecuting  the  Protef^ 
tants  in  his  own  Kingdom,  was  at  the  fame  time  encourag- 
ing the  rebellion   of  Hungary,    and   drawing   the    Turk   into 
Chriftendom.     I   need  not  enlarge  further   on  a  matter  fo 
well  known   as  the  fiege  of  Vienna:   Which,  if  it  had  been 
as  well  profecuted  as  it  was  firft  undertaken,  the  Town  would 
have  been  certainly  taken,  and  with  that  the  Emperor  and 
his  family  ruined.     The  King  of  France  drew  a  great  army 
together  near   the   frontier  of  Germany,  and  feemed   to  de- 
pend upon  it  that  the  Town  would  be  taken;  and  that  he 
would   be  called   in   by   the  Princes  of  Germany  to  proted: 
them  ,  and  upon   that  have  been   chofen  Emperor.     He  at 
the  fame  time  fent  Humieres  with  an  army  into  Flanders,  up- 
on   a   pretenfion   to  Alofi ,    that    would    have   feemed  very 
flrange  in  any  other  Court  but  that.     He  had  once  poffelfed 
himfelf,  during  the  war,   of  Alofi:  But  afterwards   he  drew 
his  troops   out  of  it.     So  it   not  being  in  his  hands  when 
the  peace  of  Nimeguen  was  made,    no  mention   was  made  of 
reftoring  it.     But  now  it  was  faid,  that,  it  being  once  in  the 
King's  hands  by  the  right  of  his  arms,  it  was  ftill  his,  fince 
he  had   not  exprellly  renounced  it:    Therefore   he  now   de- 
manded it,  or  to  have  Luxembourg  given  him  as  an  equiva- 
lent 


564        JheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

16^2    lent  for   it.     Humieres  finding   no  refiftance  in  the  Spamjh 
<yT^^  Netherlands^  deftroyed  and    ruined  the  country,  beyond   any 
thing  it  had  felt  during  the  whole  war.     This  was  the  ftate 
of  affairs  abroad  at  the  time  of  thefe  trials. 

All  people  thought  we  fhould  fee  a  Parliament  prefently 
/  called,  from  which  both  the  King  and  the  Duke  might  have 

expeded   every  thing  that  they  could  defire:    For  the  body 
of  the  nation  was  yet  fo  pofTelTed  with  the  belief  of  the  plot, 
that  probably  all  eledions  would  have  gone  as  the  Court  di- 
rected, and  fcarce  any  of  the   other  party   would  have  had 
the  courage  to  have  ftood  for  an  election  any  where.     But 
the  King  of  France  began    to  apprehend,    that   the  King 
might  grow  fo  much   the  mafter  at  home,  that  he  would 
be  no  longer  in  their  management:  And  they  forefaw  that, 
what  fuccefs  foever  the  King  might  have  in   a  Parliament 
with  relation   to  his  own  affairs,  it  was  not  to  be  imagined 
but  that  a  Houfe  of  Commons,  at  the  fame  time  that  they 
fhewed  their  fubmiflion  to  the  King,  would  both  enable  him 
to  refift  the  progrefs  of  the  French  arms,  and  addrefs  to  him 
to  enter  into  alliances  with   the   Spaniards   and    the   States. 
So  the  French  made  ufe  of  all  their  inftruments  to  divert  our 
Court  from  calling  a  ParHament:  And  they  got  the  King 
to  confent  to  their  poffefling  themfelves  oi  Luxembourg:  For 
which,  I  was  told,  they  gave  him  300000  /.   But  I  have  no 
certainty  of  that.     Lord  Mountague  told  me  of  it,  and  feem- 
ed  to  believe  it;    And   Lady  Port/mouth  valued  her  felf  on 
this   of  Luxembourg  as  gained  by  her^  and  called  it  the  lafl 
fervice  (he  did  the  Court  of  France. 
The  author      At  this  time  I  went  over  into   France ,    chiefly  to  be  out 
CoSrtof^^of  the  way,  when  I  was  fallen  on  almoft  in  every  libel:  For 
Frame.       ^^y^^  f^tj   of  addreffes  were  now  running  about  the  nation, 
with  more  heat  and  fwelled  eloquence  in  them  than  the  for- 
mer ones.       In    all   which  the   providential    fire    of  New- 
Market  was  fet  off  with  great  pomp :  And  in  many  of  them 
there  were  hard  things  faid  of  Lord  Rujfel  and  his  fpeech, 
with  infmuations  that  looked  towards  me. 
charaScrs       In   France  Rouvigny ,    who  was  the  Lady .  RuJfeH  uncle , 
ktiew'^hcrV  ^"'^^^'^  to   get  me  to  be  much  vifited  and  known.     There 
my  acquaintance  with  Marfhal  Schomberg  began :  And  by  him 
i   was    acquainted    with  Marfhal  Bellfonds^    who   was    a  de- 
vout man,  but  very  weak.     He  read  the  Scriptures  much,  and 
feemed  to  pradife  the  vertues  of  the  defert  in  the  midfl  of 
that  Court.     I  knew  the  Archbifliop  of  Rheims,  who   was  a 
rough  boifterous  man :  He  feemed  to  have  good  notions  of 

the 


K^'y^^j 


of  King  C  H  A  RLE  Fn)^         t8  5 

the  epifcopal   duty,  in   all  thing"^'' except  that  of' the'^fet'ting    l^^i 
a  good  example  to  his  Clergy:    For  he  allowed   himfelf  in      ^"^ 
liberties  of  all  kinds.     The  Duke  of  Momau/ier  vi^as  a  pattern 
of  vertue  and  fincerity,  if  not  too  cynical  in  it.     He  was  fo 
far  from   flattering  the  King,    as  all    the  reft  did  moft  ab- 
jedly,  that  he  could  not  hold   from  contradiding  him,  as 
often  as  there  was  occafion  for  it.     And  for  that  reafon  chief- 
ly the  King  made  him  the  Dauphin's  governor;    To  which, 
he  told  me,  he  had  applied   himfelf  with   great  care,  tho', 
he  very  frankly  added,  without  fuccefs.     The  exterior  of  the 
King  was  very  folemn:   The  firft  time  I  hapned  to  fee  him 
was ,  when  the  news  came  of  the  railing  the  fiege  of  Vtenna  j 
with  which,    Schomherg  told  me,   he   was  much   ftruck,  for 
he   did   not  look    for   it.     While   I   was    at    Court,    which 
was  Only  for  four  or  five  days,    one  of  the  King's  coaches 
was  fent  to  wait  on  me,  and  the  King  ordered  me  to  be  well 
treated  by  all  about  him,   which  upon  that  was  done  with 
at  great    profufion  of  extraordinary   refpeds:    At  which  all 
people  ftood  amazed.     Some   thought,  it  was  to  encourage 
the  fide  againft    the  Court  by    this   treatment  of  one  then 
in  dilgrace.     Others  more  probably  thought,  that  the  King, 
hearing  I  was  a  writer  of  hiftory,  had  a  mind  to  engage  me 
to  write  on  his  fide.    I  was  told  a  penfion  would  be  offered 
me.     But  I  made  no  fteps  towards  it :  For  tho'  I  was  offer- 
ed an  audience  of  the  King,  lexcufed  it,  fince  I  could  not  have 
the  honour  to  be  prefented  to  that  King  by  the    Minifter 
oi  England.     I  faw  the  Prince  of  Conde  but  once,    tho'  he 
intended  to  fee  me  oftner.    He  had  a  great  quick  nefs  of  ap- 
prehenfion,  and  was  thought  the  beft  judge  in  France  both 
of  v/it  and  learning.     He  had  read  my  hiftory  of  the  Refor- 
mation,  that  was   then   tranflated  into  French,   and  feemed 
pleafed  with  it.     So  were  many  of  the  great  lawyers  j  in  par- 
ticular Harla'y,  then   Attorney  General,  and  now  firft  Prcfi- 
dent  of  the   Court  of  Parliament  of  Parts,      The  contefts 
with  Rome  were  then  very  highj    for  the  AfTembly  of  the 
Clergy   had   paft  fome    articles  very  derogatory  to  the  Pa-i 
pal  authority  :    So   many    fancied,   that    matter   might    go 
to  a  rupture:  And  Harlay  faid  very  publickly,  that,  if  that 
ftiould  happen,  I  had  laid  before  them  a  good  plan  to  copy 

Bellefonds  had  fo  good  an  optnion'orme,'tnat  lie  thought 
inftances  of  devotion  might  have  fome  efFe<5t  on  me:  So  he 
made  the  Duchefs  La  Val'iere  think,  that  fhe  might  be  an 
inftrument  in  converting  me:  And"  he  brought  a  meflage  from 

7  E  her. 


^6<S        The  Hist  OKY  of  the  Reign 

16%^     her,    defiling    rne    to    come    to  the  grate  to  her.      I  was 
^<-^^y^  twice  there:  And  Hie  told  me   the  fteps   of  her  converfion, 
and  of  her  coming  into   that  ftrid  order  of  the  Carmelites, 
with    great   humility   and  much  devotion.     Trev'ille ,  one  of 
the   Duchefs   of  Orleans^  admirers,  was  fo   ftruck  with  her 
death,  that  he  had  lived  in  retreat  from  that  time,  and  was 
but  newly  come  to  appear  again:  He  had  great  knowledge, 
with  a  true   fenfe   of  Religion:  He   feemed   to  groan  under 
many  of  the  corruptions  of  their  Church.     He  and  fome  others 
whom  I  knew  of  the  Jori'(9«,  chiefly  Faur,  Pique,  and  Bray er, 
feemed  to  think  that  almoft  every   thing   among  them  was 
out  of  order  ^    and  wifhed   for  a  regular  Reformation :    But 
their  notion  of  the  unity  of  the  Church  kept   them   ftill  in 
a  communion  that   they  feemed  uneafy  in:  And   they  faid 
very  freely,   they  wondered  how  any  one  that  was  once  out  of 
their  communion  fhould  defire  to  come  back  into  it.     They 
were  generally  learned  only  in  one  point:  Faur 'was  the  beft 
fead  in  ecclefiaftical  hiftory  of  any  man  I  faw  among  them : 
I       And  I  never  knew  any  of  that  Church  that  underftood   the 
Scriptures  fo  well  as  Pique  did.     They  declared  themfelves 
for  abolifhing   the  Papal   authority,    and   for  reducing   the 
Pope  to  the  old  Primacy  again.     They  fpoke  to  me  of  the 
Bifhops  oi  France,  as  men  that  were  both  vitious  and  ignorant: 
They  feemed  how  to  be  againfl:  the  Pope:  But  it  was  only  be- 
caufe  he  was  ia  the  interefts  of  the  Houfe  of  Auflria:  For 
they  would  declare  him  infallible  the  next  day  after  he  fhould 
torn  to  the  intcreft  of  France:  So   they  expeded  no  good, 
neither  from  the  Court  nor  from  the  Clergy.     I  faw  ^i.  Amour y 
the  author  of  the  journal  of  what  paft  at  Rome  in  the  con- 
demnation of  the  five  propofitions  of  Janfenms.     He  feemed 
to  be  a  fincere  and  worthy  man,  who  had    more  judgment 
than  either  quicknefs   or  learning.     He  told  me,  his  whole 
life  had  been  one  campaign   againft  the  Jefuits;  and   fpoke 
of  them  as  the  great  plague  of  the  Church.     He  lamented 
alfo  that  fharpnefs   of  ftile   with   which   his  friend  Arnauld 
treated. the  Proteftantsj  for  which,  he  faid,  both  he  and  all 
his  friends  blamed  him.     I  was  carried  by  a  Bifhop  to  the  Je- 
fu'its  at    St.  Anthome'%.     There  I  faw  P.  Bourdalou,  efteemed 
one  of  the  greateft  preachers  of  the  age,    and   one  of  the 
honours   of  his   order.     He  was  a  man  of  a  fweet  temper, 
not  at  all  violent  againft  Proteftants:  On  the  contrary,  he 
believed  good  men  among  them  might  be  faved,  which  was 
a  pitch  in  charity  that  I  had  never  obferved  in  any  of  the 
learned  of  that  Communion.     I  was  alfo  once  with  P.  de  la 

Chatfe, 


ofKing  CrarlesII.'.       5Gi. 

Ghatfey  the  King's  ConfelTor,  who  was  a  dry  man.     He  told    1(^83 
me,  how  great  a  man  they  would  make  me,  if  I  would  come  ^•^"'^^^''^^ 
over  to  them. 

This  was  my  acquaintance  on  the  Popifli  fide.     I  fay  lit^- 
tic  of  the  Proteftants.    They  came  all  to  me;  So  I  was  well 
known  among  them.      The  method  that   carried  over   the 
men   of  the   fined   parts   among  them   to  Popery  was  thisq 
They  brought  themfelves    to  doubt  of  the  whole  Chriftian 
Religion:  When  that  was   once  done,  it  feemed  a  more  in- 
different  thing   of  what  fide  or   form   they  continued  to  be 
outwardly.     The  bafe  practices   of  buying  many  over  with 
penfions,  and  of  driving  others  over  with  perpetual  ill  ufage 
and  the  adts  of  the  higheft  injuftice   and  violence,  and  the 
vile  artifices  in  bringing  on  and  carrying  fo  many  procelTes 
againft  moft  of  their  Churches,  as  not  comprehended  within 
the  edi<St   of  Nantes^  were  a  reproach  both   to  the  greatnefs 
of  their   King    and  to   the  juftice   of  their  Courts.     Many 
new  edids  were  coming  out  every  day  againft  them,  which 
contradided  the  edid:  oi  Nantes   in  the  moft  exprefs  words 
poflTible:    And  yet  to  all   thefe  a  ftrange  claufe  was  added, 
That  the  King  did  not  intend  by  them  to  recal,  nor  to  go 
againft  any  article  of  the  edid  oi  Nantesy  which   he  would 
maintain  inviolable.     I  knew  Spanhetm  particularly,  who  was 
Envoy  from  the  Eledor  of  Hrandenbourgy  who  is  the  greaceft 
Gritick  of  the  age  in  all  ancient  learning,  and  is  with  that  a 
very   able   man  in   all   affairs,    and    a    frank   cheerful  man-: 
Qualities  that  do  not  always  meet  in  very  learned  men.    Af- 
ter a  few  months  ftay  I  returned,  and  found  both  the  King 
and  Duke  were  highly  offended  with  the  reception  I  had  met 
with  in  France.     They  did  not  know   what  to  make   of  it, 
and  fancied  there  was .  fomething  hid  under  it. '.''^3  ; 

The  addreffes  had  now  gone  round  England.     The  Grand  Affiurs  in 
Juries    made   after   that   high    prefentments    againft  all  that   "^''^  ' 
were  efteemed  Whigs  and  Non-conformifts.    Great  pains  were 
taken  to  find  out  more  witneffes.     Pardons  and  rewards  were 
offered  very  freely.  But  none  came  in:  Which  made  it  evident, 
that  nothing  was  fo  well  laid,  or  brought  fo  near  execution^ 
as  the  witneffes  had  depofed:  Otherwife  people  would  have 
been  crouding  in  for  pardons.     All  people   were  apprehen- 
five  of  very  black  defigns,  when  they  faw  Jeffer'ies  made  '^^^^'^Q£ll'{^l^f 
Chief  Juftice,  who  was  fcandaloufly   vitious,  and  was  drunk  preferred. 
every  day ,-  befides  a  drunkcnnefs  of  fury  in  his  temper,  that 
looked  like  Enthufiafm.     He  did  not  confider  the   decencies 
of  his  poft;  Nor  did  he.fo  much  as  affed  to  feem  impartial, 
.-  as 


5(58        TheHlSTORYofthe  Reign 

i6^z  as  became  a  Judge  j  but  rua  out  upon  all  occafions  into  de- 
^-^"VX^  clamations ,  that  did  not  become  the  Bar,  much  lefs  the 
Bench.  He  was  not  learned  in  his  profeflion :  And  his  elo- 
quence, tho'  vitioufly  copious,  yet  was  neither  corred:  nor 
agreeable.  /*ewi'^r/<7«  was  turned  out  of  the  Common  Pleas,  and 
Jones  was  put  in  his  place:  And  Jeffer'tes  had  three  Judges 
joined  with  him  in  the  King's  Bench,  fit  to  fit  by  him. 

The  King  fent  a  new  melTage  to  the  City  of  London^  re- 
quiring the  Common  Council  to  deliver  up  their  Charter, 
threatning  them,  that  otherwife  he  would  order  the  judg- 
ment to  be  entred.  Upon  this  a  great  debate  arofe  among 
them.  Some  were  for  their  compliance,  that  they  might  pre- 
vent the  prejudice  that  would  otherwife  arife.  On  the  other 
hand  it  was  laid,  that  all  freemen  took  an  oath  to  maintain 
the  rights  of  their  Corporation:  So  that  it  was  perjury  in 
them  to  betray  thefe.  They  faid,  it  was  better  to  leave  the 
matter  to  the  King,  than  by  any  ad  of  their  own  to  deli- 
ver all  up.  So  it  was  carried  not  to  do  it  by  a  few 
voices.  Upon  that  the  judgment  was  entred:  And  the  King 
feized  on  their  liberties.  Many  of  the  Aldermen  and  other 
oiEcers  were  turned  out :  And  others  were  put  in  their  places. 
So  they  continued  for  fome  time  a  City  without  a  Cnarter, 
or  a  Common  Council :  And  the  King  named  the  magiftrates. 
New  Charters  were  fent  to  moft  of  the  Corporations,  in 
which  the  King  referved  a  power  to  himfelf  to  turn  out 
magiftrates  at  his  pleafiire.  This  was  done  to  make  all  fiirc 
for  a  new  eled:ion  of  Parliament ,  which  came  now  under 
confideration. 

There  was  a  claufe  in  the  a6t  that  repealed  the  triennial 
^^^4    bill,  which  had  paft  in  the  beginning  of  the  troubles,  which 
The  calling  enadted  that  a  Parliament  fhould  meet  every  third  year:  But 
^^o^ST^^^  had  none  of  thofe  enforcing  claufes,  in  cafe  it  did  not  meet, 
but rejeded. that  Were  in  the  other  ad:  And  the  third  year  from  the  Par- 
liament of  Oxford  was  now  near  an  end.     So,  fince  the  King 
had  declared  he  would  govern  according  to  law,  and  in  par- 
ticular that  he  would  have  frequent  Parliaments,  for  which 
he  had  fpecial  thanks  given  him  in  many  of  the  addreffes, 
it  was  propofed  that  a  Parliament  fhould  be  called.     A  war 
leemed  like  to  break  out  in  Flanders -^  where  the  Spaniards y 
how  ill  foever  they  were  prepared  for  it,  had  declared  war, 
upon  the  French  troops  polTeffing  themfelvcs  of  D/xmuyd  aad 
(Jourtray,     The  Prince  of  Orange  /wzs   prefling  the  States  to 
go  into  a  new  war,    rather  than  let  Luxembourg  be  taken* 
But  this  was  much  oppofedby  the  Town  oiAmjierdami   The 

4-  calling 


of  Kiag Charles  II.  §69 

calling  a  new  Parliartient  here,  and  England's  engaging,  as  t6i^ 
all  believed  they  might  do,  would  be  an  efFedtual  reftraint  ^-^''V"^ 
on  the  French.  But  the  King  had  confented  to  let  Luxem^ 
hourg  fall  into  their  hands:  So  it  was  apprehended  that  the 
Parliament  might  fall  upon  that,  which  was  the  only  point 
that  could  occafion  any  difference  between  the  King  and 
them.  It  was  alfo  faid,  that  it  was  fit  all  the  Charters  (hould 
be  firft  brought  in,  and  all  the  Corporations  new  modelled, 
before  the  Parliament  fhould  be  called.  The  prerogative 
lawyers  pretended,  that  the  prerogative  was  indeed  limited 
by  negative  and  prohibiting  words,  but  not  by  affirmative 
words.  Lord  Halifax  told  me,  he  preifed  this  all  he  could  j 
but  there  was  a  French  intereft  working  ftrongly  againft  it: 
So  the  thoughts  of  a  Parliament  at  that  time  were  laid  afide. 
The  Scott'tjh  prifoners  were  ordered  to  be  fent  down  to  be 
tried  in  Scotland.  This  was  fad  news  to  them :  For  the  boots 
there  are  a  fevere  torture.  Batllie  had  reafon  to  expert  the 
worft  ufage:  He  was  carried  to  Newgate  in  the  morning  that 
Lord  Ruffel  was  tried,  to  fee  if  he  could  be  perfuaded  to  be 
a  witnefs  againft  him.  Every  thing  that  could  work  on  him 
was  made  ufe  of,  but  all  in  vain:  So  they  were  refolved  to 
ufc  him  feverely. 

I  pafled  {lightly  over  the  fufpicions  that  were  raifed  up-  Sufpicions 
on  Lord  EJfexi's  death,  when  I  mentioned  that  matter.  This  bein/^^'^  * 
winter  the  bufinefs  was  brought  to  a  trial;  A  boy  and  a  girl*^"^^ 
did  report,  that  they  heard  great  crying  in  his  lodgings, 
and  that  they  faw  a  bloody  razor  flung  out  at  window,  which 
was  taken  up  by  a  woman  that  came  out  of  the  houfe  where 
he  was  lodged.  Thefe  children  reported  this  confidently 
that  very  day,  when  they  went  to  their  feveral  homes :  They 
were  both  about  ten  or  twelve  years  old.  The  boy  went 
backward  and  forward  in  his  ftory,  fometimes  affirming  it, 
and  at  other  times  denying  it:  But  his  father  had  an  office 
in  the  Cuftom  Houfe :  So  it  was  thought,  he  prevailed  with 
him  to  deny  it  in  open  Court.  But  the  girl  flood  firmly  to 
her  ftory.  The  fimplicity  of  the  children,  together  with  the 
ill  opinion  that  was  generally  had  of  the  Court,  inclined 
many  to  believe  this.  As  foon  as  his  Lady  heard  of  it,  fhc 
ordered  a  ftrid  enquiry  to  be  made  about  it ;  and  fent  what 
(he  found  to  me,  to  whom  Ihe  had  trufted  all  the  meffages 
that  had  paft  between  her  Lord  and  her  while  he  was  in 
the  Tower.  When  I  perufed  all,  I  thought  there  was  not 
a  colour  to  found  any  profccution  onj  which  fhe  would 
have  done  with  all  poftible  zeal,  if  fhe  had  found  any  ap- 

7  F  pearances 


mur- 


570       The  History  of  the  Reign 

16^4    pearances  of  truth  in  the  matter.     Lord  Effex  had  got  into 
v>^VN-^  an  odd  fct  of  fome  ftrange  principles :  And  in  particular  he  . 
thoucrht,  a  man  was  the  mafter  of  his  own  life;  and  feemed 
to  approve  of  what  his  wife's  great  grandfather,  the  Earl  of 
Northumberland y  did,  who  Ihot  himfelf  in  the  Tower  after  he 
was  arraigned.     He  had  alfo  very  black  fits  of  the  fpleen. 
But  at  that  time  one  Braddon,  whom  I  had  known  for  fome 
years  for  an  honeft  but  enthufiaftical  man,  hearing  of  thefe 
llorics,  refolved  to  carry  the  matter  as  far  as  it  would  go: 
And  he  had  pickt  up  a  great  variety   of  little  circumftances, 
all  which  laid  together  feemed  to  him  fo   convincing,  that 
he  thought  he  was  bound  to  profecute  the  matter.     I  defir- 
ed  him  to  come  no  more  near  me,    fince  he  was  fo   pofi- 
tive.     He  talked   of  the  matter  fo  publickly,    that  he  was 
taken  up  for  i'preading  falfe  news  to  alienate  people's  hearts 
from  the  King.     He   was  tried  upon  it.    Both  the  children 
owned,  that  they  had  reported  the  matter  as  ,he  had  talk- 
ed it;  the   boy   faying  then,    that  it  was  a  lie.      Braddon 
had  defired  the  boy  to  fet  it  all  under  his  hand,  tho'  with  that 
he  charged  him  to  write  nothing  but  the  truth.     This  was 
called  a  fuborning :  And  he  was  fined  for  it  in  2000  /.  But 
I  go  next  to  a  trial  of  more  importance. 
j;y«y$ trial.     Howard  was  the  only  evideace  againft  the   prifooers   of 
better  rank ;    for  they  had  no  communication  with  the  other 
witneffes.    So  other  things  were  to  be  found  out  as  fupple-' 
ments  to  fupport  it.     Sidney  was  next  brought  to  his  triaK 
A  Jury  was  returned,  confifting  for  moft  part  of  very  mean 
perfons.     Men's   pulfes  were  tried  beforehand,   to  fee  how 
tradable  they  would  be.    One  Parry,  a  violent  man,  guilty 
of  feveral  murders,  was  not  only  pardoned,  but  was  now  made 
a   Juftice    of  Peace,    for  his    officious    meddling  and  vio- 
lence.   He  told   one  of  the  Duke's  fervants,  thinking  that 
fuch  a  one  was  certainly  of  their  party,    that  he  had  fent 
in  a  great  many  names  of  jurors,  who  were  fure  men:  That 
perfon  told  me   this   himfelf.     Sidney  excepted  to  their  not 
being  freeholders.    But  Jeffer'ies  faid,    that  had  been  over- 
ruled tn  Lord  Rujfeh  cafe:  And  therefore  he  over-ruled  itj 
and  would  not  fo  much  as.  fuffer  Sidney  to  read  the  ftatute. 
This  was  one  of  his  bold  ftrains.    Lord  Rujfel  was  tried  at 
the  Old  Ba'dy,  where   the  Jury  confifted  of  Londoners:  And 
there  indeed  the  contrary  pradice  had  prevailed,    upon  the 
reafon  before  mentioned  5  for  the  merchants  are  fuppofed  to 
be  rich :  But  this  trial  was  in  M'tddlefex,  where  the  contrary 
prad:ice  had  not  prevailed;  for  in  a  county  a  man  who  is  no 
3  free- 


^^/^y^\j 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  ^liJ  '^^^      571 

freeholder   is    fuppofed  to  be   poor.       But   Jefferies   faid    on     16% j^ 
another  occafion,  why  might  not  they  make  precedents   to 
the  fucceeding  times,  as  well  as  thofe  who  had  gone  before 
them  had  made  precedents   for  them?    The  witnefles  of  the 
other  parts  of  the  plot  were  now  brought  out  again  to  malcjc' 
a  fhevvj  for  they  knew  nothing  oi  Sidney.    Only   they  faid,' 
that  they  had   heard   of  a   Council   of  fix  ,    and    that    hej 
was    one  of  them.      Yet  even    in    that    they   contradided 
one   another,-    Rumfey  fwearing    that  he  had  it   from  Wefl^ 
and  Wejl  fwearing  that  he  had  it  from  him  ^  which  was  not 
obferved  till  the  trial   came  out.     If  it    had  been  obfervqid 
fboner,  perhaps  Jefferies  would  have  ordered  it  to  be  (truck 
out,-  as  he  did  all  that  Sidney  had  objeded   upon  the   point 
of  the  Jury,    becaufe  they  were  not  freeholders.      Howard 
gave  his  evidence,  with  a  preface  that  had   become   a  plea- 
der better   than   a  witnefs.     He  obferved  the   uniformity  of 
truth,  and  that  all  the  parts  of  his  evidence  and   theirs  med; 
together  as  two  tallies.     After   this  a  book  was   produced,' 
which  Sidney  had  been  writing,  and  which  was  found  in  his' 
clofet,  in    anfwer  to  Filmer's  book    entitled  Patriarchal  by*, 
which  Ftlrner  alTerted   the  divine  right  of  monarchy,  upon' 
the  eldeft  fon's  fucceeding   to  the  authority   of  the  father. 
It  was  a  book  of  fome  name,  but  fo  poorly  writ,  that  it  was , 
fomewhat   ftratige  that  Sidney   beftowed   fo  much   pains   in  J 
anfwering  it.     In  this  anfwer  he  had   aiferted,  that  Princes' 
had  their  power  from  the  people  with  reftridions  and  limi- 
tations J  and  that  they  were  liable  to  the  Juftice  of  the  peo- 
ple, if  they  abufed  their  power  to  the  prejudice  of  the  fiib- 
je6ts,  and   againft  eflabliihed  laws.     This  by   an  Innuendo'! 
was  faid  to  be  an  evidence  to  prove,  that  he  was  in   a  plot 
againft  the   King's  life.     And   it  was  inlifted  on,  that  this'' 
ought   to  ftand  as  a  fecond  witnejfs.     The   Earls   of  Clare, 
/Jnglefey,  and  fome  others  with  my  felf,  depofed  what  Lord 
Howard  had  faid,  denying  there  was  any  plot.     Blake ,  a  dra- 
per, depofed,  that  having   afked  him   when   he  was  to  have^ 
his  pardon,  he  anfwered,   not  till  the  drudgery  of  fwearing 
was  over.     Howard  had  alfo  gone  to  Sidney's  houfe,  and  had  ' 
alfured   his  fervants    that  there  was    nothing    againft    him, 
and  had  defired  them  to  bring  his  goods  to  his  own  houfe. 
Sidney  ftiewed,  how  improbable  it  was  thzt  Howard,  who  could 
not  raife  five  men,  and   had  not  five  fhillings  to  pay  them, 
fhould  be  taken  into  fuch  confultations.    As  for  the  book,, 
it  was  not  proved  to  be  writ  by  him;    for  it  was  a  judged'''' 
cafe  in  capital  matters,  that  a  fimilitude  of  hands  was  not  a 

legal 


572,     71?^  H I S  T  O  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1684   legal  proof,  tho'  it  was  in  civil  matters:  That  whatever  was 
^^yy^^  in  thofc  papers,    they  were  his  own  private  thoughts,    and 
fpeculations    of  government,    never   communicated  to   any: 
It  was  alfo  evident,  that  the  book  had  been  writ  fome  years 
ago ;  So  that  could  not  be  pretended  to  be  a  proof  of  a  late 
plot:     The  book,  was  not  finiflied:  So  it  could  not  be  known 
how  it  would   end :    A   man  writing  againft  Atheifm,  who 
fets  out  the  ftrength  of  it,  if  he  does  not  finifh  his  anfwer, 
could  not  be  concluded  an  Atheift,  becaufe  there  was  (iich  a 
Chapter  in   his  book.     Jefferies  interrupted  him  often  very 
rudely,  probably  to  put  him  in   a  paflion,  to  which  he  was 
fubjed::  But  he  maintained  his  temper  to  admiration.     Fmch 
aggravated  the  matter  of  the  book,  as  a  proof  of  his  inten- 
tions, pretending  it  was  an  overt- a(5tj  for  he  faid,  fcribere  efi 
agere.     Jefferies  delivered  it  as  law,   and  faid,    that  all  the 
Judges  were  of  the  fame  mind,  That  if  there  were  two  wit- 
nertes,  the  one  to  the  treafon,  the  other  only  to  a  circum- 
ftance,  fuch  as  the  buying  a  knife,  thefe  made  the  two  wit- 
nelTes,    which  the  ftatute  required  in  cafes  of  treafon.     In 
conclufion,    Sdnej  was  caft.     And  fome  days  after  he  was 
brought  to  Court  to  receive  fentence.     He  then  went  over 
his  objediions  to  the  evidence  againft  him,  in  which  Judge 
W'tthtm  interrupted  him,  and  by  a  ftrange  indecency  gave 
him  the  lie  in  open  Court.     But  he  bore  it  patiently.     He 
fent  to  Lord  Halifax^  who  was  his  nephew  by  marriage,  a 
paper   to  be    laid   before    the   King,    containing  the  main 
points  of  his  defence:  Upon  which  he  appealed  to  the  King, 
and  defired  he  would  review  the  whole  matter.     Jefferies  up- 
on that  in  his  furious  way  faid,    either  Sidney  muft  die,  or 
he  muft  die.    His  execution  was  refpited  for  three  weeks,  the 
trial  being  univerfally  cried  out  on,  as  a  piece  of  moft  en- 
ormous injuftice.     When  he  faw   the  warrant  of  his  execu- 
tion, he  expreffed  no  concern  at  it.     And  the  change  that 
was  now  in  his  temper  amazed  all  that  went  to  him,     He 
told  the  Sheriffs  that  brought  it,  he  would  not  expoftulate 
upon  any  thing  on  his  own  account;  (for  the  world  was  now 
nothing  to  him  ^ )  but  he  defired,    they  would  confider  how 
guilty  they  were  of  his  blood,  who  had  not  returned  a  fajr 
Jury,  but  one  packt,  and  as  they  were  directed  by  the  King's 
Solicitor :    He  fpoke  this  to  them,  not  for  his  own  fake,  but 
for  their  fake.    One  of  the  Sheriffs  was  ftruck  with  this,  and 
wept.     He  told  it  to  a  perfon,   from  whom  Ttllotfon  had  it, 
who  told  it  me.     Sidney  wrote  a   long  vindication  of  him- 
felf,    (which   I  read,)   and  fummed  up  the  fubftance  of  it 

3  in 


of  Kmg  Charles  11.        575 

in  a  paper  that  he  gavf  the  Sheriffs:  But,  fufpedting  they  might    16^^ 
fupprefs  it,  he  gave  a  copy  of  it  to  a  friend.     It  was  a  fon-  ^^^^^^^^ 
night  before  it  was  printed,  tho'  we  had  all  the  fpeeches  of""  ^'"^  i^*' 
thofe  who   died  for  the   Popifh  plot  printed   the  very  next 
day.      But,    when  it  was  underftood  that   written  copies  of 
Sidney's  fpeech   were  going  about,  it  was   alfo    printed.     Iq. 
it  he  fhewed  his  innocence  ;  that  Lord  Howard  was  a  infa- 
mous perfon,  and   that  no  credit  was  due  to  hini;  Yet  he 
did  not  deny  the  matter  he  Iwore  againft  him.     As  for  his 
book,  he  fhewed  what  reafon  all  Princes  had  to  abhor  Fflmer'^ 
maxims:  For   if  primogeniture  from  Noah   was   the  ground 
fettled  by  God  for  monarchy,    then  all  the  Princes  now  in 
the  world  were  Ufurpers ;    None  claiming  by   that   pedigree, 
and   this  primogeniture  being  only  in  one  perfon.     He  faid, 
fince  God  did  not  now  by  any   declaration   of  his   will,  as 
of  old  by   Prophets,    mark  out  fuch   or  fuch   pcrfons    for 
Princes,  they   could  have  no  title,  but  what  was  founded  on 
law  and   compad:    And   this   was   that  in  which  the  diffe- 
rence lay  between  lawful  Princes    and  Ufurpers;     If  poffef- 
fion  was  a  donation  from  God ,    Cwhich  Ftlmer  had  f ubfii- 
tuted  to  the  conceit  of  primogeniture,)  then  every  profpe- 
rous  Ufurper  had  a  good  right.     He  concluded  with  a  prayer, 
that  the  nation  might  be  preferved  from  idolatry  and  tyran- 
ny.   And  he  faid,  he  rejoyced   that  he  fuffered  for  the  old 
caufe,  in  which  he  was  lo  early  engaged.     Thefe  laft  words 
furnifhed  much  matter  to  the  fcriblers  of  that  time.     In  his 
imprifonment  he  fent  for  fome  Independent  preachers,  and 
expreffed    to   them   a   deep  remorfe    for   his    paft   fins,  an4 
great  confidence  in  the  mercies  of  God.    And  indeed  he  met 
death  with  an  unconcernednefs,    that  became   one  who  had 
fet  up  Marcus  Brutus  for   his  pattern.     He  was   but   a   very 
few    minutes    on    the    fcaffold    at    Tower   Hill  :    He  fpojje 
little,  and  prayed  very  fhort :  And  his  head  was  cut  olf^jiffyi^ 
blow.  ' 

At  this  time  an  accident  hapned,  that  furprifed  both   x!ii£.  Monmouth 
Court  and  City  J  and  which,  if  well  managed,  might  probably  wSpal'doJf- 
have  produced  great  cffe6ts.     The   Duke  of  Monmouth  ha4  ^^' 
lurked  in  England  all  this  ifjimmer,  and  was  then  ^tk<^m^ 
to  go  beyond   fea,    and  to   engage  in   the  Sfamfh  ferv^e. 
The  King  ftill  loved  him  paflionately.    Lord  HaltfsXf  fee- 
ing  matters  run    fo   much    further    than   he    apprehended, 
thoaght  that  nothing  could  ftop  that  lb  effectually,  as  the 
bringing  the  Duke  of  Monmmth  again   into  favour.     That 
Duke  writ  to  the  King  feveral  letters,  penned  with  an  ex- 

7  G  traordinary 


574       TheHisroRY  of  the  Reign 

1684    traordinary  force.    Lord  Halifax  drew  them  all,  as  he  himi' 
^^^'y^*<-^  felf  told   me,    and   (hewed   me  his   own   draughts  of  them) 
By   thefe  the   King  was   mollified,    and  refolved  to  reftorc 
him  again  to  his  favour.     It  ftuck  much   at  the  confeflion 
that   he   was   to   make.     The   King  promifed,    that  no  ufe 
(hould  be  made  of  it :  But  he  flood  on  it,  that  he  muft  tell 
him  the  whole  truth  of  the  matter.     Upon  which  he  con- 
fented  to  fatisfy  the  King.    But  he  would  fay  nothing  to  the 
Duke,    more  than  to  aflc  his   pardon  in   a  general  comple- 
ment.    Lord    Halifax   had    prefTcd   him   earneftly   upon  hrs 
firft  appearance  to   be   filent,  and  for  a  while  to  bear  the 
cenfures  of  the  Town.     The  laft  day  of  the  term  was  very 
near,  in  which  all  the  prifoners   were   to   be  difcharged  ac- 
cording to  the  Habeas  Corpus  ad.     That  would  fhew  he  had 
difcovered  nothing  to  their  prejudice.    So  that  all  difcourfes 
concerning  his  confelTion  and  difcoveries  would   vanifh  in  a 
few  days.     And  if  he  had   followed  this,  probably  it   would 
have  given  a  great  turn  to  affairs.    The  King  fpoke  nothing 
of  the  reconciliation  to  the  Duke  of  Tork^  till  the  day  before  it 
was  to  be  done.     He  was  much  flruck  with  it :  But  the  King 
was  pofitive.    Yet  the  Duke's  creatures  in  the  Cabinet  Coun- 
cil moved,  that  for  form's  fake  he  fhould  be  for  fome  days 
put  in  the  Tower.     The   King   cut  that  off  by  faying,  he 
had  promifed  to  pardon  him.     The  Duke   of  Monmouth^  as 
was  agreed,  made  a  humble  confeflion  of  his  offences  in  ge- 
^  neral  words   to  the  King;  and   made  a  complement  to  the 

Duke,  and  begg'd  that  he  would  intercede  with  the  King  to 
pardon  him.     The  King   received  him  with  a  fondnefs  that 
confounded   all  the   Duke's   party:  He  ufed   him   more  ten- 
derly than  he   had    done    formerly.     The  Duke  put  on  an 
outward  appearance  of  being  very  well  pleafed  with  it.     The 
King  faid  next  day,  that  James  (for  fo  he  called  him)  had 
confirmed  all  that  Howard  had  fworn.    This   was  carried  to 
the  Duke  of  Monmouth^  who  denied  he  had  ever  faid  any 
fiich   thing,-    adding,   that   Lord  Howard  was  a  liar   and  a 
rogue:  And  this  was  fet  round  the  Town   by  his  creatures, 
who  run  with  it  from  CofFee-Houfe  to  Coffee-Houfe.     The 
next  Gazette  mentioned,  that  the  King  had   pardoned  him 
upon  his  confefling  the  late  plot.     Lord  Halifax  preffed  the 
Duke  of  Monmouth  to   pafs  that  over ,    and  to  impute  it  to 
the  importunity  of  his  enemies,  and  to  the  King's  eafinefs: 
But  he  could   not  prevail.  Yet  he  faid  little  till  his  pardoa 
was   paft^.     But   then  he   openly   denied,  that   he  had  con- 
feffed  the  plot.    By  that  he  engaged  himfelf  in  a  plain  coa- 

z  tradition 


^v  of  King  Cm  A  RLE  S  11.  \         ^75 

tradition  to  what  the  King  had  faid.  Some  were  brought  1^84 
by  the  Duke  to  the  King,  who  confirmed,  they  had  heard  ^"^^'"^^"^^j 
the  Duke  of  Monmouth  fay,  that  he  had  not  confelTed  the  plot : 
Upon  which  the  King  ordered  him  to  give  a  confeflion  of 
it  under  his  hand.  Lord  Halifax  prefled  him  to  write  a  letter 
to  the  King,  acknowledging  he  had  confelTed  the  plot.  Plot 
was  a  general  word,  that  might  fignify  as  much  or  little  as 
a  man  pleafed :  They  had  certainly  dangerous  confultations 
among  them,  which  might  be  well  called  plots.  He  faid, 
the  fervice  he  might  do  his  friends  by  fuch  a  general  let- 
ter, and  by  his  gaining  the  King's  heart  upon  it,  would 
quickly  balance  the  feeming  prejudice  that  fuch  a  general 
acknowledgment  would  bring  them  under,  which  could 
do  them  no  hurt.  Upon  that  he  got  him  to  write  a 
letter  to  that  purpofe  which  he  carried  to  the  King. 
And  the  King  was  fatisfied.  But  the  Duke  of  Monmouth^ 
whether  of  himfelf,  or  upon  the  fuggeftion  of  others,  reflect- 
ed on  what  he  had  done ,  and  thought  it  a  bafe  thing. 
-Tho'  this  was  no  evidence,  yet  he  thought  it  might  have 
an  influence  on  Juries,  to  make  them  believe  every  thing 
that  might  be  fworn  by  other  witnefTes,  when  from  his  con- 
feflion  they  were  pofTelTed  with  a  general  belief  of  the  plot. 
So  he  went  full  of  uneafinels  to  the  King,  and  defired 
he  might  have  his  letter  again,  in  the  terms  of  an  agony 
like  defpair.  The  King  gave  it  back,  but  prefled  him  ve- 
hemently to  comply  with  his  defire:  And  among  other  things  Butfoon  af- 
theDuke  oi  Monmouth  faid,  that  the  King  ufed  this  expref- "''^'^^""*^' 
fion.  If  you  do  not  yield  in  this  you  will  ruin  me.  Yet  he 
was  firm.  So  the  King  forbid  him  the  Court,  and  fpoke  of 
him  more  feverely  than  he  had  ever  done  formerly.  He 
was  upon  this  more  valued,  and  trufl:ed  by  his  own  party 
than  ever.  After  fome  days  he  went  beyond  fea:  And  af- 
ter a  fhort  concealment  he  appeared  publickly  in  Holland^ 
and  was  treated  by  the  Prince  of  Orange  with  a  very  par- 
ticular refped:. 

The  Prince  had  come  for  a  few  days  to  England  after  the 
Oxford  Parliament,  and  had  much  private  difcourfe  with  the 
King  at  Windfor.  The  King  aflured  him,  that  he  would  keep 
things  quiet,  and  not  give  way  to  the  Duke's  eagernefs,  as 
long  as  he  lived :  And  added,  he  was  confident,  whenever 
the  Duke  fhould  come  to  reign,  he  would  be  fo  reflilefs  and 
violent,  that  he  could  not  hold  it  four  years  to  an  end. 
This  I  had  from  the  Prince's  own  mouth.  Another  paflage 
was  told  me  by  the  Earl  of  Portland,     The  King  (hewed 

the 


57(5        The  HisroRY  of  the  Reign 

1(584   the  Prince  one  of  his  feals ;  and  told  him,  that  wh^ttver  he 
^*y^y^<^  might  write  to  him,    if  the  letter  was  not  fealed  with  that 
feal,  he  was  to  look  on  it  as  only  drawn  from  him  by  im- 
portunity.    The  reafon   for  which   I  mention    that  in  this 
place  is,  becaufe,  tho'  the  King  wrote  fome  terrible  letters 
to  the  Prince  againft  the  countenance  he  gave  to  the  Duke 
of  Monmouth,  yet  they  were  not  fealed  with  that  feal  ,•  from 
which  the  Prince  inferred,  that  the  King  had  a  mind  that 
he    ihould  keep  him    about  him,   and  ufe  him  well.     And 
the  King  gave  orders,    that  in   all   the   entries   that   were 
made  in  the  Council  books  of  this  whole  bufinefs  nothing 
ihould   be  left  on  record  that  could  blemifli  him. 
Hmiden's         Hamdeu  was  now  the  only  man   of  the  fix  that  was  left. 
Yet  there  was  nothing  but  Howard's  evidence  againft  him, 
without   fo   much   as   any  circumftance  to    fupport   it.      So 
fince  two  witneffes  were  necelTary  to  treafon,  (whereas  one 
was  enough  for  a  mifdemeanor,^  he  was  indided  of  a  mifde- 
meanor,  tho'  the  crime  was  either  treafon  or  nothing.     Jef- 
feriesy  upon  Howard's  evidence,    charged  the  Jury  to  bring 
him  in  guilty :  Otherwife,  he  told  them,  they  would  difcredit 
all  that  had  been   done  before.     So  they   brought   him   in 
guilty.    And   the  Court  fet  40000  /.  fine  on  him,  the  moft 
extravagant  fine  that  had  ever  been  f^t  for  a  mifdeneanor  in 
that  Court.  It  amounted  indeed  to  an  imprifonm'cnt  for  life. 
Haihwafs       Some  time  in  the  fpring  eighty  four  Halloway  was  taken 
in  the  fVeJl-hdieSy  and  fent  over.     He  was  under  an  out- 
lawry for   treafon.     The  Attorney   General   offered   him    a 
trial,    if  he  defired  it.     But  he  was   prevailed  on,    by  the 
hope  of  a  pardon,  to  fubmit  and  confefs  all  he  knew.     He 
faid,  he  was  drawn  into  fome  meetings,  in  which  they  con- 
fulted   how   to  raife  an  infiirred:ion,  and  that  he   and  two 
more  had   undertaken   to  manage  a  defign  for  feizing   on 
Br'tfioly  with   the  help  of  fome  that  were  to  come  to  them 
from  Taunton:     But  he  added,  that  they  had  never  made  any 
progrefs  in  it.     He  faid,  at  their  meetings  at  London,  Rum- 
fey  and  M'^efi  were   often   talking   of  lopping    the  King  and 
the  Duke:  But  that  he  had  never  entred  into  any  difcourfe 
with  them  upon  that  fubje<5t:  And  he  did  not  believe,  there 
were  above  five  perfons  that  approved  of  it.     Thefe  were  IVefi, 
Rumfeyy  Rumboldy  and  his  brother:  The  fifth  perfon  is  not 
named  in  the  printed  relation.  Some  faid,  xt'wzs  Fergufon :  Others 
faid,  it  was  Goodenough.     Halloway  was  thought  by  the  Court 
not  to  be  fincere  in  his  confeffion.    And  fo,  fince  what   he 
had   acknowledged  made   himfelf  very   guilty,  he  was  exc- 
I  cuted, 


execution. 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  577 

cuted,  and  died  with   a  firm  conftancy.     He   fhewed  great    i<^84 
prefence  of  mind.    He  obferved  the  partiality   that   was  evi-  ^"^^"^^^^ 
dent   in   managing  this   plot,  different  from  what  had  ap- 
peared in  managing   the  Popifhplot.     The  fame  men  who 
were  called   rogues,  when  they  Iwore   againft  Papifts,    were 
looked  on  as  honeft  men,  when  they  turned  their  evidence 
againft  Proteftants.     In  all  his  anfwers  to  the  Sheriffs,  who  at 
the  place  of  execution  troubled  him  with  many  impertinent 
queftions,  he  anfwered   them   with  fo   much  life,    and   yet 
with  fo  much  temper,  that  it  appeared  he  was  no.  ordinary 
man.     His  fpecch  was  fiippreffed  for  fome  days :  But  it  broke 
out  at  laft.     In  it  he  exprelTed   a  deep   fenfe  of  Religion: 
His  prayer  was  an  excellent  compofure.     The  credit  of  the 
Rye-Plot  received  a  great  blow  by  his  confeflion.     All  that 
difcourfe  about  an  infurredion,   in  which  the  day  was  faid 
to  be  fet,    appeared  now  to  be  a  fiction;  fince  Briftol  had 
been  fo  little   taken   care  of,    that  three  perfons  had  only 
undertaken  to  difpofe   people  to  that  defign,    but  had  not 
yet  let  it  out  to  any  of  them.    So  that  it  was  plain,    that 
after  all  the  ftory  they  had  made  of  the  plot,  it  had  gone 
no  further,  than  that  a  company  of  feditious  and  inconflde- 
ble  perfons  were  framing  among  themfelves  fome  treafonable 
fchemes,  that  were  never  likely  to  come  to  any  things  and 
that  Rumfey  and  IVefi  had  pufhed  on  the  execrable  defign  of 
the  alTaflination ,  in  which,  tho'  there  were  few  that  agreed 
to  it ,    yet  too  many  had  heard  it  from  them ,    who  were 
both  fo  foolifh,  and  fo  wicked,  as  not  to  difcover  them. 

But  if  the  Court  loft  much  by  the  death  of  Halloway ^  Armftrong'% 
whom  they  had  brought  from  the  Wefl-Indtes^  they  loft  much'^^*^'^' 
more  by  their  proceedings  againft  Sir  Thomas  Armflrongy  who 
was  furprifed  at  Leyden^  by  vertue  of  a  warrant  that  Chud- 
leigh  the  King's  Envoy  had  obtained  from  the  States,  for 
feizing  on  luch  as  fhould  fly  out  oi  England  on  the  account 
of  the  plot.  So  the  Scout  at  Leyden^  for  jooo  gilders,  feiz- 
ed  on  hira  j  and  delivered  him  to  Chtidletgh^  who  fent  him 
over  in  great  haft.  Armjirong  in  that  confufion  forgot  to 
claim  that  he  was  a  native  of  the  States:  For  he  was  born  at 
Ntmeguen:  And  that  would  have  obliged  the  Dutch  to  have 
protected  him,  as  one  of  their  natural  born  fiibjed:s.  He  was 
trufted  in  every  thing  by  the  Duke  of  Monmouth:  And  he 
having  led  a  very  vitious  life,  the  Court  hoped  that  he, 
not  being  able  to  bear  the  thoughts  of  dying,  would  dif- 
cover every  thing.  He  fhewed  fuch  a  dejection  of  mind, 
while  he  was  concealing  himfelf  before  he   efcaped   out   of 

7  H  England  J 


578        TheHl^T OKY  of  the  Reign 

1(584    Englandy  that  Hamden,  who  faw  him  at  that  tifne,  told  me, 
\yy^^  he  believed  he  would  certainly  do  any  thing  that  would  fave 
his  life.      Yet    all     were    difappointed    in    him:    For  when 
he  was  examined  before  the  Council,  he  faid,  he  knew  of 
DO   plot  but   the  Popifh  plot:     He  defired,  he  might  have 
a  fair  trial   for  his  life:    That   was  all   he  alked.     He  was 
loaded  with  irons,-  tho'  that  was  not  ordinary  for   a   man 
who  had  ferved  in  fuch  pofts,    as  to  be  Lieutenant  of  the 
firft  troop  of  guards ,    and  Gentleman   of  the  horfe  to  the 
King.     There  was  nothing   againft  him,    but  what  Rumfey 
and  Shepherd  had  fworn  of  the  difcourfes  at  Shepherd's,  for 
which   Lord   Rujfel  had   fuffered.      But    by    this   time  the 
credit  of  the  witnelTes    was   fo  blafted ,    that   it   feems   the 
Court  was  afraid  that  Juries  would  not   now  be   fo   eafy  as 
they  had  been.     The  thing  that  Rumfey  had  fworn  againft 
him  fcemed  not  very  credible:    For  he  fwore  that  at  the 
firft  meeting  Armflrong  undertook  to  go  and  view  the  guards 
in    order   to  the  feizing  them,-   and   that  upon   a   view  he 
faid   at   a   fecond  meeting   that  the    thing   was  very    feifi- 
ble.     But    Armjirongy    who  had    commanded  the  guards  fo 
long,  knew  every  thing  that  related  to  them   fo  well,  that 
without  fuch  a  tranfient  view  he  could  of  the  fudden   have 
anfwercd  every  thing  relating  to  them.     The  Court  had  a 
mind  to  proceed  in  a  fummary  way  with  him,  that  he  ftiould 
by  the  hurry  of  it  be  driven  to  fay  any  thing  that  could 
fave  him.     He  was  now  in  an  outlawry:  But  tho'  the  fta- 
tute  was    exprefs,    that  if  an  outlawed   perfon   came   in   at 
any  time  within  the  year,  he  was  to  have  a  trial  notwith- 
ftanding  his  outlawry.     It  was  pretended  in  anfwer  to  this,  that 
he  not  coming  in,  but  being  taken,  had  not  a  right  to  the  be- 
nefit of  theftatute.     But  there  were  feveral  months  of  the  year 
yet  to  run.    And  fince  a  trial  was  a  demand  founded  on  natural 
juftice,  he  infifted  on  it.    And  when  he  was  brought  to  the 
King's  bench  bar,  and  afked  what  he  had  to  fay  why  fentence 
ftiould  not  be  executed,  he  claimed  the  benefit  of  the  ftatute. 
He  faid,  he  had  yet,  when  he  was  taken,  feveral  months  to  de- 
liberate upon  his  coming  in :  And  the  feizing  on  him  before 
his  time  was   out,  ought  not  to   bar  him  a  right   that  the 
law   gave   him.     He  alfo   mentioned  Halloway ,  to  whom  a 
trial  was  offered  the  former  term.    And,  fince  it  was  a  point 
of  law,  he  defired  Council  might  be  heard  to  argue  it.     Jef- 
Jeries  rejected  all  this:   He  faid,  the  King  might  either  offer 
a  trial   or   not,  as  he    faw  caufe:   And    he  refufed  to    hear 
Council;    Which    being   demanded    upon    a    point  of  law, 

I  the 


i 


'     of  King  Charles  II.  579 

the  denying  it  was  thought  a  very  impudent  piece  of  in-  1^84 
jufticc.  And  when  Armfirong  infifted,  that  he  aflced  nothing  *^>^VV-/ 
but  the  law,  Jefferies  in  his  brutal  way  faid,  he  fhould  have 
it  to  the  full,-  and  fo  ordered  his  execution  within  fix  days. 
And  the  law  was  executed  on  him  with  the  utmoft  rigor: 
For  he  was  carried  to  Tyburn  in  a  fledge,  and  was  quarter- 
ed, and  his  quarters  were  fet  up.  His  carriage,  during  his 
imprifonment  and  at  his  death,  was  far  beyond  what  could 
have  been  imagined.  He  turned  himfelf  wholly  to  the 
thoughts  of  God,  and  of  another  ftate  ,•  and  was  praying  con- 
tinually. He  rejoiced,  that  he  was  brought  to  die  in  fiich 
a  manner.  He  faid,  it  was  fcarce  poflible  for  him  to  have 
been  awaken'd  into  a  due  fenfe  of  his  fins  by  any  other  me- 
thod. His  pride  and  his  refentments  were  then  /b  entirely 
conquered,  that  one  who  faw  him  faid  to  me,  that  it  was 
not  eafy  to  think  it  was  the  fame  perfon  whom  he  had 
known  formerly.  He  received  the  Sacrament-  and  died  in 
fo  good  a  temper,  and  with  fo  much  quiet  in  his  mind, 
and  fo  ferene  a  deportment,  that  we  have  fcarce  known  in 
our  time  a  more  eminent  inftance  of  the  grace  and  mercy 
of  God.  Armflrong  in  his  laft  paper  denied,  that  he  ever 
knew  of  any  defign  againft  the  King's,  or  the  Duke's  life, 
or  was  in  any  plot  againft  the  government.  There  were 
no  remarks  publiihed  on  his  fpeech,  which  it  was  believed 
the  Court  ordered:  For  they  faw  how  much  ground  they 
had  loft  by  this  ftretch  of  law,  and  how  little  they  had 
gained  by  his  death.  One  palTage  in  it  was  the  occafion 
of  their  ordering  no  fuch  reflexions  to  be  made  on  it,  as 
had  been  made  on  the  other  fpeeches.  The  King  had 
publiflied  a  ftory  all  about  the  Court,  and  had  told  it  to  the 
foreign  Minifters  ,  as  the  reafon  of  this  extream  feverity 
againit  Armjirong:   He  faid,  that  he  was  fent  over  by  Crom-  / 

well  to  murder  him   beyond  fea ,    and   that  he  was   warned  ' 

of  it,  and  challenged  him  on  it^  and  that  upon  his  con- 
feffing  it  he  had  promifed  him  never  to  fpeak  of  it  any 
more  as  long  as  he  lived.  So  the  King,  counting  him  now 
dead  in  law,  thought  he  was  free  from  that  promife.  Arm- 
firofig  took  this  heavily:  And  in  one  paper  which  I  faw,  writ 
in  his  own  hand,  the  refentments  upon  it  were  (harper 
than  I  thought  became  a  dying  penitent.  So,  when  that 
was  reprefented  to  him,  he  changed  it:  And  in  the  paper 
he  gave  the  Sheriffs  he  had  foftned  it  much.  But  yet  he 
fhcwed  the  falfliood  of  that  report  :  For  he  never  went 
beyond  fea  but  once,  fent  by  the  Earl  of  Oxford j  and  fome 

other 


580        TheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

1684  Other  Cavaliers,  with  a  confiderable  prefent  to  the  King  in 
v/W-^  money,  which  he  delivered,-  and  brought  back  letters  of. 
thanks  from  the  King  to  thofe  who  made  the  prefent.  But 
Cromwell  having  a  hint  of  this  clapt  him  up  in  prifon,  where 
he  was  kept  almofl;  a  year.  And  upon  the  merit  of  that 
fervice,  he  was  made  a  Captain  of  horfe  foon  after  the  Re- 
ftoration.  When  Jeffer'tes  came  to  the  King  at  Wmdjor  foon 
after  this  trial,  the  King  took  a  ring  of  good  value  from  his 
finger,  and  gave  it  him  for  thefe  fervices:  The  ring  upon 
that'was  called  his  blood  ftone.  The  King  gave  him  one 
advice,  which  was  fomewhat  extraordinary  from  a  King  to 
a  Judge;  but  it  was  not  the  lefs  necelTary  to  him:  The 
King  faid,  it  was  a  hot  fummer,  and  he  was  going  the  cir- 
cuit, he  therefore  defired  he  would  not  drink  too  much.  With 
this  I  leave  the  affairs  of  England  to  look  towards  Scot- 
land. 
Great  feve-  Great  pains  were  taken  there  to  make  a  further  difcovery  of 
x\t^m Scot-  the  negotiation  between  the  Engltjh  and  xkitScots.  A  Gentle- 
man, who  had  been  at  Bothwell- Bridge y  was  fent  over  by  the 
Cargtllites  to  fome  of  their  friends  in  Holland:  And  he  carried 
with  him  fome  letters  writ  in  an  odd  cant.  He  was  feized  at 
New-Cafile  together  with  his  letters  ^  and  wasfo  frighted,  that 
he  was  eafily  managed  to  pretend  to  difcover  any  thing  that 
was  fuggefted  to  him.  But  he  had  never  been  at  London: 
So  he  could  fpeak  of  that  negotiation  but  upon  hearfay. 
His  ftory  was  fo  ill  laid  together,  that  the  Court  was  aiham- 
ed  to  make  any  ufe  of  it;  But  it  turned  heavily  on  him- 
felf,  for  he  went  mad  upon  it.  Two  others  came  in,  and 
charged  Sir  Hugh  Cambell  of  Cefnock^  an  antient  Gentleman 
of  a  good  eftate,  that  he  had  fet  on  the  rebellion  of  Both- 
"iVell-Bridge^  and  had  chid  them  for  deferting  it.  Upon  this 
he  was  brought  to  a  trial.  In  Scotland  the  law  allows  of  an 
exculpation,  by  which  the  prifoner  is  fuffered  before  his  trial 
to  prove  the  thing  to  be  impoflfible.  This  was  prayed  by 
that  Gentleman,  who  had  full  proofs  of  his  being  elfewhere, 
and  at  a  great  diftance  from  the  place,  at  that  time.  But 
that  is  a  favour  which  the  Court  may  grant,  or  not:  So 
that  was  denied  him.  The  firft  witnefs  that  was  examined 
at  his  trial  began  with  a  general  ftory:  And  when  he  came 
to,  that,  in  which  the  priloner  was  concerned,  CVzw^^d'// charg- 
ed him  to  look  him  full  in  the  face,  and  to  confider  well 
what  he  was  to  fay  of  him,-  for  he  took  God  to  witnefs, 
he  never  faw  his  face  before,  as  far  as  he  could  remember. 
Upon  that  the  witnefs  was  ftruck,    and  ftopt,-  and  faid,   he 

could 


o/Xi/T^ Charles  II.         sst 

could  fay  nothing  of  him.  The  Earl  of  Perth  was  then  1(^84 
Juftice  General,  and  offered  to  lead  him  into  his  ftory.  But  ^^^^^^^^ 
the  Jury  ftopt  that  ^  and  faid,  that  he  upon  his  oath 
had  declared  he  knew  nothing  of  the  prifoner,  and  that  af- 
ter that  they  could  have  no  regard  to  any  thing  that  he 
might  fay.  Upon  which  fome  {harp  words  paiTed  between 
Lord  Perth  and  them,  in  which  he  (hewed  how  ready  he 
was  to  facrifice  juftice  and  innocent  blood  to  his  ambition. 
And  that  was  yet  groflfcr  in  this  cafe  ,•  becaufe  his  brother 
was  promifed  that  Gentleman's  eftate,  when  it  fhould  be  con- 
fifcated.  The  fecond  witnefs  faid  nothing,  but  feemed  con- 
founded :  So  Cambell  was  acquitted  by  the  Jury,  but  was  ftill 
kept  in  prifon.  Thefe  witneifes  were  again  examined  before 
the  Council :  And  they  adhered  to  their  firft  depofition  againft 
the  prifoner.  The  law  in  Scotland  is  very  fevere  againft  falfe 
witneifes,  and  treats  them  as  felons.  But  the  government 
there  would  not  difcourage  fuch  practices  j  of  which,  when 
they  ftiould  be  more  lucky,  they  intended  to  make  good 
ufe.  The  Circuits  went  round  the  Country,  as  was  dire<5t- 
ed  by  the  Proclamation  of  the  former  year.  Thofe  who 
were  moft  guilty  compounded  the  matter,  and  paid  liberally 
to  a  creature  of  the  Lord  Chancellor's,  that  their  names 
might  be. left  out  of  the  citations.  Others  took  the  teft: 
And  that  freed  them  from  all  further  trouble.  They  faid 
openly,  that  it  was  againft  their  confcience,-  but  they  faw 
they  could  not  live  in  Scotland  unlefs  they  took  it.  Others 
obferved,  that  the  feverity  which  the  Prefbyterians  formerly 
had  ufed,  forcing  all  people  to  take  their  covenant,  was 
now  returned  back  on  them  in  this  teft,  that  they  were  thus 
forced  to  take. 

In  the  mean  while  a  great  breach  was  formed,  and  ap-^  breach  in 
peared  on  all  occafions,  between  the  Earls  oi  Aberdeen  andthere.'"'  "^^ 
^leensbmy.  The  latter  was  very  exa6t  in  his  payments, 
both  of  the  foldiers  and  of  the  penfions  :  So  his  party 
became  the  ftrongeft.  Lord  Aberdeen's  method  was  this :  He 
writ  up  letters  to  the  Duke  of  all  affairs,  and  offered  expe- 
dients, which  he  pretended  were  concerted  at  Edenburgh; 
and  fent  with  them  the  draughts  of  fuch  letters,  as  he  de- 
fired  fliould  be  fent  down  from  the  King.  But  thefe  expe- 
dients were  not  concerted,  as  he  faid:  They  were  only  his 
own  conceits.  Lord  ^teensbury,  offended  with  this,  let  the 
Duke  underftand  how  he  had  been  deceived.  So  an  order 
was  fent  down  that  all  expedients  fhould  be  concerted  by  a 
Junto ,    confifting  of  Lord    ^eembury's    creatures.      Lord 

7  I  Aberdeen 


58a        TheHi^TORY  of  the  Reign 

1(^84    Aberdeen  faw  that  by  this  he  came  to  fignify  little:  And  fee- 
'-''VN^  ing  he  was  lofing  ground  at  Court,  he  intended  to  recover 
himfelf  a  little  with  the  people.    So   he  rcfolved  for  the  fu- 
ture to  keep  to  the  law,  and  not  to  go  beyond  it.    And  fuch 
was  the  fury  of  that  time,  that  this  was  called  moderation 
and  popularity.     The  Churches  were  now  all  well  kept  by 
the  men:    But  their  wives  not  being  named  in  the  ad  of 
Parliament,    none  of  them   went  to  Church.     The  matter 
was  laid  before  the  Council :  And  a  debate  arofe  upon  it  ^  whe- 
ther, man  and  wife  making   one   perfon   in  law,   hufbands 
fhould  not  be  fined  for  their  wife's   offence,    as  well  as  for 
their  own.     Lord  Aberdeen  ftood  upon  this,  that  the  ad  did 
not  mention  the  wives :  It  did  indeed  make  the  hufbands  lia- 
ble to  a  fine,  if  their  wives  went  to  Conventicles  ^  for  they 
had  it  in  their  power  to  reftrain    them :     And  fince  the  law 
provided  in  the  one  cafe,  that  the  huiband  fliould  fuffer  for 
his  wife's  fault,  but  had  made  no  provifion  in  the  other  cafe, 
as  to  their  going  to  Church,   he  thought   the  fining  them 
on  that  account  could  not  be  legally   done.     Lord  Queens- 
bury  was  for  every  thing  that  would  bring  money  into  the 
treafury:  So,   fince  in  thofe  parts  the  Ladies  had  for  many- 
years  withdrawn  wholly  from  the  Churches,  he  reckoned  the 
fetting  fines  on  their  hufbands  to  the  rigour  would  make  all 
the  eftates  of  the  Country  be  at  mercy ;  for  the  felling  them 
outright  would  not  have  anfwered    this  demand  for  the  of- 
fences of  fo  many  years.     The  Earl  of  Perth  ftruck  in  with 
this,  and  feemed  to  fet  it  up  for  a  maxim,  that  the  Pref- 
byterians  could  not  be  governed,  but  with  the  extremity  of 
rigour  J    and   that  they   were  irreconcileable  enemies  to  the 
King  and  the  Duke,    and  that  therefore  they  ought  to   be 
extirpated.      The  Miniflry  in   Scotland  being  thus  divided, 
they  referred  the  decifion   of  the  point  to  the  King:  And 
Lord  Perth  came  up  to  have  his  refolution  upon  it.     The 
King  determined  againft  the  Ladies:  Which  was  thought  very 
indecent  J    for  in  dubious   cafes  the  noblenefs  of  a  Prince's 
temper  fhould  always  turn  him  to  the  merciful  fide.     This 
was  the  lefs  expeded  from  the  King,    who  had  all  his  life 
time  exprefTed  as  great  a  negled  of  women's   confciences, 
as  cfteem  for  their  perfons. 
The  Duke       But  to  do  him  right,  he  was  determined  to  it  by  the  Duke,- 
affairs?'      who  fincc   the  breaking  out  of  the  plot  had  got  the  whole 
management   of  affairs,    Englifh  as  well  as  Scotttjh^   into  his 
hands.     Scotland  was  fo  entirely  in  his  dependance,  that  the 
King  would  feldom  afk  what  the  papers  imported ,  which  the 

Duke 


torturms. 


5   of  King  CRARLESU.    T         583 

Duke  brought  to  be  figned  by  him.  In  En^and ^  the  1(^84 
application  and  dependance  was  vifibly  on  the  Duke.  The  ^'•^""^'^^^ 
King  had  fcarce  company  about  him  to  entertain  him,  when 
the  Duke's  levees  and  couchees  were  fo  crouded,  that  the  an- 
tichambers  were  full.  The  King  walked  about  with  a  fmall 
train  of  the  neceflary  attendants,  when  the  Duke  had  a  vaft 
following :  Which  drew  a  lively  reflection  from  Waller  the 
celebrated  wit.  He  faid,  the  Houfe  of  Commons  had  refolv- 
ed  that  the  Duke  fhould  not  reign  after  the  King's  death: 
But  the  King  in  oppofition  to  them  was  refolved  he  fhould 
reign  even  during  his  life.  The  breach  grew  to  that  heighth 
between  Lord  Aberdeen  and  Lord  ^eensbury^  that  both  were 
called  up  to  give  an  account  of  it.  It  ended  in  difmiffing 
Lord  Aberdeen  J  and  making  hord  Perth  Chancellor,  to  which 
he  had  been  long  alpiring  in  a  mod  indecent  manner.  He 
faw  into  the  Duke's  temper,  that  his  fpirit  was  turned  to  an 
unrelenting  feverity:  For  this  had  appeared  very  indecently 
in  Scotland. 

When  any  are  to  be  ftruck  in  the  boots,  it  is  done  in  the  The  cruelty 
prefence  of  the  Council :  And  upon  that  occafion  almofl  all  ^J^^^lf^^^^' 
offer  to  run  away.  The  fight  is  fo  dreadful,  that  without  Minifters,  in 
an  order  reftraining  fiich  a  number  to  flay  the  board  would 
be  forfaken.  But  the  Duke,  while  he  had  been  in  Scotland, 
was  fo  far  from  withdrawing  ,  that  he  looked  on  all  the 
while  with  an  unmoved  indifference,  and  with  an  attention, 
as  if  he  had  been  to  look  on  fome  curious  experiment.  This 
gave  a  terrible  idea  of  him  to  all  that  obferved  it,  as  of  a 
man  that  had  no  bowels  nor  humanity  in  him.  Lord  Perth, 
obferving  this,  refolved  to  let  him  fee  how  well  qualified  he 
Was  to  be  an  Inquifitor  General.  The  rule  about  the  boots 
in  Scotland  was,  that  upon  one  witnefs  and  prefiimptions 
both  together,  the  queflion  might  be  given :  But  it  was  never 
known  to  be  twice  given  j  or  that  any  other  fpecies  of  tor- 
ture, befides  the  boots,  might  be  ufed  at  pteafiire.  In  the 
Court  of  Inquifltion  they  do  upon  fiifpicion,  or  if  a  man  re- 
fufes  to  anfwer  upon  oath  as  he  is  required,  give  him  the 
torture j  and  repeat  it,  or  vary  it,  as  often  as  they  think  fit,- 
and  do  not  give  over,  till  they  have  got  out  of  their  mangled 
prifoners  all  that  they  have  a  mind  to  know  from  them. 

This  Lord  Perth  refolved  to  make  this  his  pattern :  And 
was  a  little  too  early  in  letting  the  world  fee,  what  a  govern- 
ment we  tt^ere  to  exped:  under  the  influence  of  a  Prince  of 
that  Religion.     So,  upon  his  going  to  Scotland  one  Spence, 
who  was  afervant  of  Lord /fr^//?'s,  and  was  taken  up  zx.  London, 

z  r  only 


584        TheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

1(^84  only  upon  fufpicion,  and  fent  down  to  Scotland^  was  requir- 
^>^"VNj  ed  to  talce  an  oath  to  anfwer  all  the  queftions  that  fhould 
be  put  to  him.  This  was  done  in  a  dire<5t  contradidtion  to 
an  exprefs  law  againft  obliging  men  to  fwear,  that  they  will 
anfwer  fuper  inqutrendts.  Spence  like  wife  faid,  that  he  him- 
felf  might  be  concerned  in  what  he  might  know:  And  it  was 
againft  a  very  univerfal  law,  that  excufed  all  men  from  fwear- 
ing  againft  themfelves,  to  force  him  to  take  fuch  an  oath. 
So  he  was  ftruck  in  the  boots,  and  continued  firm  in  his  re- 
fufal.  Then  a  new  fpecies  of  torture  was  invented:  He  was 
kept  from  deep  eight  or  nine  nights.  They  grew  weary  of 
managing  this.  So  a  third  fpecies  was  invented;  Little  fcrews 
of  fteel  were  made  ufe  of,  that  fcrewed  the  thumbs  with  fo 
exquifite  a  torment,  that  he  fimk  under  this,-  for  Lord  Perth 
told  him,  they  would  fcrew  every  joint  of  his  whole  body,  one 
after  another,  till  he  took  the  oath.  Yet  fuch  was  the  firm- 
nefs  and  fidelity  of  this  poor  man ,  that  even  in  that  ex- 
tremity he  capitulated,  that  no  new  queftions  fhould  be  put 
to  him,  but  thofe  already  agreed  on;  and  that  he  fhould 
not  be  obliged  to  be  a  witnefs  againft  any  perfon,  and  that 
he  himfelf  fhould  be  pardoned :  So  all  he  could  tell  them  was, 
who  were  Lord  Argde's  correfpondents.  The  chief  of  them 
was  Holmes  at  London^  to  whom  Lord  Argile  writ  in  a  cypher, 
that  had  a  peculiar  curiofity  in  it:  A  double  key  was  ne- 
ceflary :  The  one  was,  to  fhew  the  way  of  placing  the  words 
or  cypher,  in  an  order  very  different  from  that  in  which  they 
lay  in  the  paper:  The  other  was,  the  key  of  the  cyphers 
themfelves,  which  was  found  among  Holmes's  papers,  when 
he  abfconded.  Spence  knew  only  the  firft  of  thefe:  But  he 
putting  all  in  its  true  order,  then  by  the  other  key  they  were 
decyphered.  In  thefe  it  appeared,  what  Argile  had  demand- 
ed, and  what  he  undertook  to  do  upon  the  granting  his 
demands:  But  none  of  his  letters  fpoke  any  thing  of  any 
agreement  then  made. 

When  the  torture  had  this  effedt  on  Spence^  they  offered 
the  fame  oath  to  Carjia'trs.  And,  upon  his  refufing  to  take 
it,  they  put  his  thumbs  in  the  fcrews  5  and  drew  them  fo 
hard,  that  as  they  put  him  to  extream  torture,  fo  they  could 
not  unfcrew  them,  till  the  fmith  that  made  them  was  brought 
with  his  tools  to  take  them  off.  So  he  confeffed  all  he 
knew,  which  amounted  to  little  more  than  fome  difcourfes 
of  taking  off  the  Dukej  to  which  he  faid  that  he  anfvvered, 
his  principles  could  not  come  up  to  that:  Yet  in  this  he, 
who  was  a  preacher  among  them,  was  highly  to  blame,  for 


of  King  CHARLES  II.  585 

not  revealing  fuch  black  propofitions;  tho'  it  cannot  be  de-    1^84 
nied,  but  that  it  is  a  hard  thing  to  difcover  any  thing  that  "-^"^''^^ 
is  faid  in  confidence:  And  therefore  I  faved  my  felf  out  of 
thofc  difficulties  by  faying  to  all   my  friends,  that  I  would 
not  be  involved  in   any  luch  confidence,-    for   as   long  as  I, 
thought  our  circumftances  were  fiich  that  refiftance  was  not. 
lawful,   I  thought  the  concealing  any  defign  in  order  to  it 
was  likewife  unlawful:   And  by  this  means  I  had  preferved 
my  felf.     But  Carjia'trs  had  at  this  time  fome  (ecrets  of  great 
conlequence  from  Holland  trufted  to  him  by  Fagel,  of  wnich 
they  had  no  fufpicion:  And  fo  they  afked  bim  no  queftions 
about  them.    Yet  Fagel  faw  by  that,  as  he  himfelf  told  me, 
how  faithful  Carjiairs  was,    fince  he  could  have  faved  him- 
felf from  torture,  and  merited  highly,   if  he  had  difcovered 
them.     And  this  was  the  foundation  of  his  favour  with  the 
Prince  of  Orangey  and  of  the  great  confidence  he  put  in  him 
to  his  death. 

Upon  what  was  thus  fcrewed  out  of  thcfe  two  perfons ,  Proceedings 
the  Earl  of  Tarras,  who  had  married  the  Duchefs  of  M?»-B)^. 
mouth's  elder  filler ,  and  fix  or  (even  Gentlemen  of  Quality, 
were  clapt  up.  The  Minifters  of  State  were  ftill  moft  ear- 
neftly  fet  on  Batllie's  deftrudtion;  tho'  he  was  now  in  fo 
languilhing  a  ftate,  occafioned  chiefly  by  the  bad  ufage  he 
met  with  in  prifon,  that  if  his  death  would  have  fatisfied  the 
malice  of  the  Court,  that  feemed  to  be  very  near.  But  they 
knew  how  acceptable  a  facrifice  his  dying  in  a  more  violent 
way  would  prove.  So  they  continued  even  in  that  extremity 
to  ufe  him  barbaroufly.  They  were  alfb  trying  what  could 
be  drawn  from  thofe  Gentlemen  againft  him.  Tarras  had 
married  his  niece,  who  was  his  fecond  wife.  So  they  con- 
cluded that  their  confidence  was  entire.  Batllie's  illnefs  in- 
creafed  daily :  And  his  wife  prayed  for  leave  to  attend  on  him : 
And,  if  they  feared  an  efcape,  fhe  was  willing  to  be  put  in 
irons:  But  that  was  denied.  Nor  would  they  fuffer  his  daugh- 
ter, a  child  of  twelve  years  old,  to  attend  him,  even  when 
he  was  fo  low,  that  it  was  not  probable  he  could  live  many 
weeks,  his  legs  being  much  fwellcd.  But  upon  thefe  exami- 
nations a  new  method  in  proceeding  againft  him  was  taken. 
An  accufation  was  fent  him,  not  in  the  form  of  an  indid:- 
ment,  nor  grounded  on  any  law,  but  on  a  letter  of  the  King's, 
in  which  he  charged  him  not  only  for  a  confpiracy  to  raife 
rebellion,  but  for  being  engaged  in  the  Rye-plot -^  of  all  which 
he  was  now  required  to  purge  himfelf  by  oath,  otherwife  the 
Council  would  hold  him  guilty  of  it,  and  proceed  accord- 

7  K  ingly. 


fS6     B^  H  i  S  T  O  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

J  684    ingly.     He  was  not,  as  they  faid,  how  in  a  criminal  Cour^ 
^^y^y^^  upoii  his  life,  but  before  the  Council,  who  did  only  fine  and 
imprifon.     It  was  to  no  purpofe  for  him  to  fay,  that  by  no 
law,  unlefs  it  was  in  a  Court  of  Inquifition,  a  man  could  be 
required  to  fwear  againft  himfelf,  the  temptation  to  perjury 
being  fo  ftrong  when  felf-prefervation  was  in  the  cafe,  that 
it  feemed   agiinft    iall  law  and  religion   to  lay  liich  a  fnare 
in  a  man's  way.   But  to  anfwcr  all  this,  it  was  pretended  he 
was  not  now  6n  his  life,  and  that  whatfoever  he  confeflfed 
was  not  to  be  made  ufe  of  againft  his  lifej  as  if  the  ruin  of 
his  family,  which  confifted  of  nine  children,  and  perpetual 
imprifonment,  were  not  more  terrible,   efpecially  to  one  (6 
neiar  his  end  as  he  was,  than  death  it  felf     But  he  had  to 
do  with  inexorable  men :  So  he  was  required  to  take  this  oath 
within  two  days.     And  by  that  time,   he  not  being  able  to 
appear  before  the  Council,  a  Committee  of  Council  was  fent 
to  tender  him  the  oath,  and  to  take  his  examination.     He 
"-'"''   'told  them,    he  was  not  able  to  fpeak  by  reafon  of  the  low 
ftate  of  his  health,  which  appeared  very  evidently  to  them: 
For  he  had  almoft  died  while  they  were  with  him.     He  in 
general  prof efted  his  innocence ,   and  his  abhorrence  of  all 
deligns  againft  the  King,  or  the  Duke's  life:  For  the  other 
interrogatories,  he  defired  they  might  be  left  with  him,  and 
he  would  confider  them.     They  perfifted  to  require  him  to 
take  his  oath:  But  he  as  firmly  refufed  it.     So,  upon  their 
report,  the  Council  conftrued  this  refufal  to  be  a  confeilion : 
And  fined  him  6000  /.  and  ordered  him  to  lie  ftill  in  prifon 
till  it  was  paid.     After  this  it  was  thought   that  this  mat- 
ter was  at  an  end,  and  that  this  was  a  final  fentence:    But 
he  was  ftill  kept  ftiut  up,  and  denied  all  attendance  or  affif- 
tance.     He  feemed  all  the  while  fo  compofed,  and  even  fo 
cheerful,  that  his  behaviour  looked  like  the  reviving  of  the 
fpirit  of  the  nobleft  of  the  old  Greeks  or  Romans^  or  rather 
of  the  primitive  Chrifi'tanSy   and   firft  Martyrs  in  thofe  bcft 
days  of  the  Church.     But  the  Duke  was  not  fatisfied  with 
^11  this.    So  the  Miniftry  applied  their  arts  to  Tarras,  and 
the  other  prifoners,  threatning  them  with  all  the  extremities 
of  mifery,  if  they  would  not  witnefs  treafonable  matter  againft 
Baillie.     They  alfo  pradifed  on  their  wives,  and  frightning 
them  fet  them  on  their  hufbands.     In  conclufion,  they  gained 
what  had  been  fb  much  laboured:  TarraSy    and  one  Murray 
oi PhiUpJhaughy  did  depofe  fome  difcourfes  that  Ba'tU'te   had 
with  them  before  he  went  up  to  LondoHy  difpofing  them  to 
a  rebellion.      In  thefe  they  fwelled  up  the  matter   beyond 

•  the 


ecution. 


y.  of  King  Charles  II.  587 

the  truth.  Yet  all  did  not  amount  to  a  full  proof.  So  the  1^84 
Minifters,  being  afraid  that  a  Jury  might  not  be  fo  eafy  as  V^^^V^ 
they  expeded ,  ordered  Carjla'trs's  confeflion  to  be  read 
in  Court,  not  as  an  evidence ,  (for  that  had  been  promife^  him 
fliould  not  be  done,)  but  as  that  which  would  fully  fatisfy 
the  Jury,  and  difpofe  them  to  believe  the  witnefTes.  So  5^//- And  his  «* 
lie  was  hurried  on  to  a  trial.  And  upon  the  evidence  he  was^ 
found  guilty,  and  condemned  to  be  executed  that  fame  day: 
So  afraid  they  were  left  death  fhould  be  too  quick  for  them. 
He  was  very  little  difturbed  at  all  this:  His  languifliing  in 
fo  folitary  a  manner  made  death  a  very  acceptable  deliver- 
ance to  him.  He  in  his  laft  fpeech  (hewed,  that  in  feveral 
particulars  the  witnefTes  had  wronged  him :  He  ftill  denied 
all  knowledge  of  any  defign  againft  the  King's  life ,  or  the 
Duke's  J  and  denied  any  plot  againft  the  government:  He 
thought  it  was  lawful  for  fubjeds,  being  under  fuch  preflfures, 
to  try  how  they  might  be  relieved  from  them :  And  their 
defign  never  went  further :  But  he  would  enter  into  no  par- 
ticulars. Thus  a  learned,  and  a  worthy  Gentleman,  after 
twenty  months  hard  ufagc,  was  brought  to  fuch  a  death, 
in  a  way  fo  full  in  all  the  fteps  of  it  of  the  fpirit  and  prac- 
tice of  the  Courts  of  Inquilition,  that  one  is  tempted  to 
think  that  the  methods  taken  in  it  were  fuggefted  by  one 
well  ftudied,  if  not  pradifed  in  them.  The  only  excufe  that 
was  ever  pretended  for  this  infamous  profecution  was,  that  they 
were  fure  he  was  guilty;  and  that  the  whole  fecret  of  the 
negotiation  between  the  two  Kingdoms  was  trufted  to  him; 
and  that,  fince  he  would  not  difcover  it,  all  methods  might 
be  taken  to  deftroy  him :  Not  confidering  what  a  precedent 
they  made  on  this  occafion,  by  which,  if  men  were  once 
polfelTed  of  an  ill  opinion  of  a  man,  they  were  to  fpare 
neither  artifice  nor  violence,  but  to  hunt  him  down  by  any 
means.  I  have  been  perhaps  too  long  in  this  particular,  but 
the  cafe  was  fo  fingular,  and  my  relation  to  the  perfon  was  jfb 
near,  and  my  value  for  him  was  fo  great,  that  I  hope  I  need 
make  no  apology  for  it. 

In  this  I  faw  how  ambition  could  corrupt  one  of  the  beft 
tempered  men  that  i  had  ever  known:  I  mean  Lord  Pfr/^,  who 
for  above  ten  yeirs  together  feemed  to  me  incapable  of  an 
immoral  or  cruel  a6tion,  and  yet  was  now  deeply  engaged 
in  the  fouleft  and  blackeft  of  crimes.  1  had  not. now  (een 
him  for  two  years.  But  I  hoped,  that  ftill  feme  rrood  im- 
prcflions  had  been  left  in  him;„  And  now,  v^ien  he 
came  to  London  to  be  made  Lord  Chancellor,  I  had  a  very 

earneft 


m 


588         The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

16%  j\.   earneft  melTage  from  him,  defiring  by  my  means  to  fee  Leigh- 
^^^'y^^  toun.     I  thought,  that  angelical  man  might  have  awaken'd  in 
him  fome  of  thofc  good  principles  which  he  feemcd  once  to 
have,  and  which  were  now  totally  extinguifhed  in  him.     I  writ 
fo  earneftly  to  Le'tghtoun,    that  he  came  to  London.     Upon 
his  coming  to  me,  I  was  amazed  to  fee  him  at  above  feven- 
ty  look  fo  frefh  and  well,  that  age  feemed  as  it  were  to  ftand 
ftill  with  him :  His  hair  was  ftill  black,    and  all  his  motions 
were  lively:    He  had  the  fame  quicknefs  of  thought,  and 
ftrength  of  memory,  but  above  all  the  fame  heat  and  life  of 
devotion,  that  I  had  ever  feen  in  him.     When  I  took  notice 
to  him  upon  my  firft  feeing  him  how  well  he  looked,  he 
told  me,    he  was  very  near  his  end  for  all  that;  and  his 
work  and  journey  both  were  now  almoft  done.     This  at  that 
time  made  no  great  impreffion  on  me.     He  was   the  next 
day  taken  with  an  oppreffion,  and  as  it  feemed  with  a  cold 
and  with  flitches,  which  was  indeed  a  plurify. 
Le,gbtotttt\       The   next  day  Leightoun  funk  fo,    that  both   fpeech   and 
death.        fenfe  went  away  of  a  fudden  :    And  he  continued   panting 
about  twelve  hours  ,•    and  then  died  without  pangs   or  con- 
vulfions.     I  was  by  him  all  the  while.    Thus  I  loft  him,  who 
had  been  for  fo  many   years  the  chief  guide  of  my  whole 
life.     He  had   lived  ten  years   in  SuJfeXy    in  great  privacy, 
dividing  his  time  wholly  between  ftudy  and  retirement,  and 
the  doing  of   good:    For    in    the  parifli    where  he  lived, 
and  in  the  parifhes  round  about,  he  was  always  employed  in 
preaching,  and  in  reading  prayers.     He  diftributed  all  he  had 
in  charities,  choofing  rather  to  have  it  go  thro'  other  peo- 
ple's hand  than  his  own :  For  I  was  his  almoner  in  London. 
He  had  gathered  a  well  chofen  library  of  curious,    as   well 
as  ufeful  books;    which  he  left  to  the  Diocefs  of  Dunblane, 
for  the  ufe  of  the  Clergy  there,  that  Country  being  ill  pro- 
vided with  books.     He  lamented  oft  to  me  the  ftupidity  that 
he  obferved  among  the  Commons  of  England ,    who  feemed 
to  be  much  more  infenfible  in  the  matters  of  Religion,  than 
the  Commons  of  Scotland  were.     He  retained  ftill  a  peculiar 
inclination  to  Scotland:  And  if  he  had  feen  any  profpeft  of 
doing  good  there,  he  would  have  gone   and  lived  and  died 
among  them.     In  the  fhort  time  that  the  affairs  of  Scotland 
were  in  the  Duke  of  Monmouth's  hands,  that  Duke  had  been 
poffeffed  with  fuch  an  opinion  of  him,  that  he  moved  the 
King  to  write  to  him,  to  go,  and  at  leaft  live  in  Scotland, 
if  he  would  not  engage  in  a  Bifhoprick  there.     But  that  fell 
with  that  Duke's  credit.   He  was  in  his  laft  years  turned  to  a 
1  greater 


of  KmgX:nK^L ES  II. 


589 


greater  feverity  againft  Popery  than  I  had  imagined  a  man  of   i6S^ 
his  temper,  and  of  his  largenefs  in  point  of  opinion,  wascapa-  **/'^^'^'"*^ 
ble  of.     He  fpoke  of  the  corruptions,  of  the  feciilar  fpirit,  and 
of  the  cruelty  that  appeared  in  that  Church,  with  an  extraordi- 
nary concern^  and  lamented  the  fhameful  advances  that  we 
feemed  to  be  making  towards   Popery.     He  did   this  with  a 
tendernefs,  and  an  edge,  that  I  did  not  expedt  from  fo  re- 
clu(e  and    mortified  a  man.     He  looked   on  the    State   the 
Church  oi  En^and  ^z%  in  with  very  melancholy  refle(5lions, 
and  was  very  uneafy  at  an   expreflion  then  much  ufed,  that 
it  was  the  beft  conftituted  Church  in  the  world.     He  thought 
it  was  truly  fo,  with  relation  to  the  doctrine,    the  worlhip, 
and  the  main  part   of  our  government.     But  as  to  the  ad- 
miniftration,  both  with  relation  to  the  Ecclefiaftical  Courts, 
and  the  paftoral  care,  he  looked  on  it  as   one  of  the   moft 
corrupt   he  had  ever    feen.     He   thought,    we  looked  like  a 
fair  carcafe  of  a  body  without  a  fpirit,-  without  that  zeal,  that 
flri6tnef9  of  life,  and  that  laborioufnefs  in  the  Clergy,  that 
became  us. 

There  were  two  remarkable   circumftances  in   his  death. 
He  ufed  often  to  fay,  that  if  he  were   to  choofe  a  place  to 
die  in,  it  fhould  be   an  inn ;  it  looking  like  a  Pilgrim's  go- 
ing home,  to  whom  this  world  was  all  as  an  inn,  and  who  was 
weary  of  the  noife  and  confufion  in  it.     He  added,  that  the 
officious  tendernefs  and  care  of  friends  was  an  entanglement 
to  a  dying  man,-    and   that  the  unconcerned  attendance  of 
thofe  that  could  be  procured  in  fuch  a  place  would  give  \^^^ 
difturbance.    And  he  obtained  what  he  defired  ,•  for   he  died 
at  the  Bell  inn  in  Warwick- Lane.     Another  circumftance  was, 
that  while  he  was  Biftiop  in  Scotland,  he  took  what   his   te- 
nants were  pleafed   to  pay   him:    So  that  there  was  a  great 
arrear  due,  which  was  raifed  flowly  by  one  whom  he  left  in 
truft  with  his  affairs  there:    And   the  laft  payment  that  he 
could  exped:  from  thence  was  returned  up  to  him  about  fix 
weeks  before  his  death :     So  that  his   provifion  and  journey 
failed   both   at   once.    And  thus  in  the  feveral  parts  of  this 
hiftory  I  have  given  a  very  particular  account  of  every  thing 
relating  to  rhis   apoftolical  man^    whofe  life   I  would   have 
writ,    if  I   had   not   found  proper  places  to  bring  the  moft 
material  parts  of  it  within  this  work.    I  reckon,  that  I  owed 
this  to  that  perfed:  friendlhip  and  fatherly   care  with  which 
he  had  always  treated  me. 

The  mentioning  his  death  leads  me  to  name  fome  other  The  i 


promo- 


Clergymen    of  note,    that  died   in   this   and  in  the  former  jj';""''""™« 


7  L 


y 


,'ear. 


590       TheHlSTORYoftheReig/i 

1684   year.      Bmnet  died  in  Scotland.  And  Rofs,  a  poor,  ignorant, 
^y^y^^  worthlefs  man,  but  in  whom  obedience   and   fury   were   fo 
eminent,  that  thefe  fupplied  all  other  defeats,  was  raifed  to 
be  the   Primate  of  that  Church:     Which  was  indeed  a   fad 
omen,  as  well  as  a  ftep  to  its  fall  and  ruin.     Stearn^  Arch- 
bifhop  of  Tork,  died   in  the   eighty   fixth  year   of  his   age: 
He  was  a  four  ill  tempered  man,     and  minded   chiefly   the 
enriching  his  family.     He  was  fufpeded  of  Popery,  becaufe 
he  was  more  than  ordinarily  compliant  in  all  things  to  the 
Court,  and  was  very  zealous  for  the  Duke.     Dolben,  Bifhop  of 
Rochefiery  fucceeded  him,  a  man  of  more  fpirit  than  difcre- 
tion,  and  an  excellent  preacher,  but  of  a  free  converfation, 
which  laid  him  open  to  much  cenfure  in  a  vitious  Court.     And 
indeed  he  proved  a  much    better  Archbifhop   than  he  had 
been  a  Bifhop.     Gunning  oi  Ely  died  this  fummer,  a  man  of 
great   reading :  He  had   in   him   all   the  fubtilty  ,    and  the 
difputing  humour  of  a  fchoolman :  And  he  ftudied  to  infufe 
that  into  all  thofe  who  were  formed  by  him.     He  was  ftrid: 
in  the  whole  courfe  of  his  life:    But  was  a  dry  man,  and 
much  inclined  to  fuperftition.     He  had  a  great  confufion  of 
things  in  his  head,  and  could  bring  nothing  into  method: 
So  that  he  was  a  dark  and  perplexed  preacher.     His  fermons 
were  full  of  Greek  and  Hebrew  y   and  of  the  opinions  of  the 
Fathers.     Yet  many  of  the  Ladies  of  a  high  form  loved  to 
hear  him  preach :  Which  the  King  ufed  to  fay,  was  becaufe 
they  did   not  underftand  him.     Turner  fucceeded   him.    He 
had  been  long  in  the  Duke's  family,  and  was  in  high  favour 
with    him.      He   was    a   fincere    and    good    natured   man, 
of  too  quick  an  imagination,  and  too  defective  a  judgment. 
He  was  but  moderately  learned,  having  converfed  more  with 
men  than   with  books:    And  fo  he  was   not  able  to  do  the 
Duke  great  fervice.    But  he  was  fo  zealous  for  his  fucceflion, 
that  this  raifed  him  high  upon  no  great  flock  of  fufficiency. 
Old   Morley,  Bifhop  of  fVincheJier ,  died  this  winter,  in  the 
eighty  feventh  year  of  his  age.     He  was  in  many  refpeds 
a  very  eminent  man,  zealous  againft  Popery,  and  yet  a  great 
enemy  to  the  DilTenters:  He  was  confiderably  learned,  and 
had  a  great  vivacity  of  thought :  But  he  was  too  foon  pro- 
voked, and  too  little  mafler  of  himfelf  upon  thofe  occafions. 
Mew  J    Bifhop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  fucceeded  him:     He  had 
been  a  Captain  during  the  wars ,  and  had  been  Middletouh's 
Secretary,    when  he  was  fent  to  command  the  infurredion 
that  the  Highlanders  oi  Scotland  made  for   the  King  in  fifty 
three.     After  that  he  came  into  Orders:  And,  tho'  he  knew 

very 


of  King  Charles  11.'^      591 

very  little  of  Divinity,  or  of  any  other  learning,  and  was  1(^84 
weak  to  a  childifh  degree,  yet  obrec|uiourners  and  zeal  raifed  ^^"^VN*/ 
him  thro'  feveral  fteps  to  this  great  See.  Ken  fueceeded  him 
in  Bath  and  IVdlsi  a  man  of  an  afcetick  courfe  of  life,  and 
yet  of  a  very  lively  temper,  but  too  hot  and  fudden.  He 
had  a  very  edifying  way  of  preaching :  But  it  was  more  apt 
to  move  the  paffions,  than  to  inftrud:.  So  that  his  fermons 
were. rather  beautiful  than  folid:  Yet  his  way  in  them  was 
very  taking.  The  King  feemed  fond  of  him.  And  by  him 
and  Turner  the  Papifts  hoped,  that  great  progress  might  be 
made  in  gaining,  or  at  leaft  deluding  the  Clergy.  It  was 
obferved,  that  all  the  men  in  favour  among  the  Clergy 
were  unmarried  j  from  whom,  they  hoped,  they  might  more 
probably  promife  themfelves  a  difpofition  to  come  over  to 
them. 

The  profecution  of  the  DifTenters  was  carried  very  high  Danhy  and 
all  this  year :  They  were  not  only  proceeded  againft  for  go-  LordsTifcd. 
ing  to  Conventicles,  but  for  not  going  to  Church,  and  for 
not  receiving  the  Sacrament;  the  laws  made  againft  Papifts 
with  relation  to  thofe  particulars  being  now  applied  to  them. 
Many  were  excommunicated,  and  ruined  by  the  profecutions; 
The  Earl  of  Danby^  for  all  his  feverity  againft  Lord  Shafts-^ 
Bury  for  moving  in  the  King's  bench  to  be  bailed,  tho'  com-* 
mitted  by  the  Lords  only  for  contempt,  yet  had  been  forc- 
ed to  move  often  for  his  being  let  out  upon  bail.  It  was 
certainly  a  very  great  hardship  that  he  lay  under:  For  he 
had  been  now  five  years  in  the  Tower.  And  three  Parlia- 
ments had  fat.  The  two  laft  had  not  mentioned  him.  And 
now  a  Parliament  feemed  out  of  fight.  Yet,  tho'  he  offer- 
ed a  very  long  and  learned  argument  for  their  bailing  him, 
the  Judges  of  the  King's  bench,  even  Sanders  himfelf,  were 
afraid  to  meddle  in  it.  But  Jefferies  was  bolder.  So  he  bailed 
him.  And  upon  the  fame  grounds  all  the  Popifh  Lords  were 
alfo  bailed.  Oates  was  profecuted  at  the  Duke's  fuit  for  fcan- 
dalous  words :  Rogue  and  traitor  were  very  freely  beftowed  on 
the  Duke  by  him:  So  an  looooo  /.  was  given,  which  fhut 
him  up  in  a  perpetual  imprifonment,  till  they  faw  a  fit  op- 
portunity to  carry  matters  further  againft  him.  The  Duke 
of  Beaufort y  Lord  Peterborough ,  and  fome  others ,  brought 
actions  of  Scandalum  MagnaturK  againft  thofe  who  in  the 
time  of  our  great  beat  had  fpoke  foul  things  of  them:  And 
great  damages  were  given  by  obfequious  and  zealous  Juries. 
An  information  of  a  higher  nature  was  brought  againil  fVil- 
Itams^  who,  tho'  he  was. a  worthlefs  man,  yet  was  for  his 

,  zeal 

3 


59^        TheHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

\6%A.    zeal  chofen  Speaker  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons  in  the  two 
^^^^y^^  laft  Parliaments.     He   had  licenfed  the  printing  the  Votes, 
which  had  in  them  matters  of  fcandal  relating  to  fome  Lords, 
So  an  information   was  brought  againft  him :  And  he  upon 
it  demurred  to  the  jurifdidion  of  the  Court.     This  was  driven 
on  purpofe  by  the  Duke's  party,  to  cut  off  the  thoughts  of 
another  Parliament;  fmce  it  was  not  to  be  fuppofed,    that 
any  Houfe  of  Commons  could  bear  the  puniihing  the  Speaker 
for  obeying  their  orders. 
Some  re-        Jcnktm  had  now  done  all  the  drudgery  that  the  Court  had 
moves  made  Qccafion  for  from  him:  And  being  capable  to  ferve  them  in 
nothing  elfe,  he  was  difmifl  from  bemg  Secretary  of  State: 
And  GodolphiHy    one  of  the  Commiflioners  of  the  Treafury, 
fucceededhim.     Another  Commiflioner  of  the  Treafury,  Deer^ 
mgy  dying  at  the  fame  time,  the  Earl  of  Rochefier  hoped   to 
have  been  made  Lord  Treafurer.     He  had  loft  much  ground 
with  the  King.    And  the  whole  Court  hated  him,  by  reafon  of 
the  ftop  of  all  payments,  which  was  chiefly  imputed  to  him. 
Lord  Halifax  and  Lord  North  joined  their  intereft  to  bring 
in  two  other  Commiflioners  upon  him,  without  fo  much   as 
letting  him  know  of  it,  till  it  was  refolved  on.     Thefe  were 
Th^nn  and  North.    This  laft  was  to  be  rewarded  for  his  fer- 
vice  during  his  Shrievalty  in  London.     Lord  Rochefier  engaged 
both  the  Duke  and  the  Lady  Portfmotuh  to  divert  this,  if  ic 
was  poflible.   But  the  King  was  not  to  be  ftiaken.    So  he  re- 
folved to  quit  the  Treafury.     The  Earl  oi Radnor  W2is  difcharged 
from  being  Lord  Prefident  of  the  Council,    where  he   had 
for  fome  years  a6ted  a  very  mean  part,    in  which  he  had 
loft  the  character  ofa.  fteady,  cynical,  EngUJhman,    which 
he  had   maintained  in   the  former   courfe    of  his  life.    And 
Lord  Rochefier  was  made  Lord  Prefident:  Which  being  a  poft: 
fiiperior  in  rank,  but  much  inferior  both  in  advantage  and 
credit  to  that  he  held  formerly,  drew  a  jeft  from  Lord  Ha- 
Itfax  that  may  be  worth  remembring  :    He  faid,  he  had  heard 
of  many  kicked  down  ftairs,  but  never  of  any  that  was  kickc 
up  ftairs  before.     Godolph'm  was  weary  of  the  drudgery  that 
lay  on  a  Secretary  of  State.    He  chofe  rather  to   be  the  firft 
Commiflioner  of  the  Treafury.     And  he  was  made  a  Baron. 
The  Earl  of  Middletoun^  fon  to  him  that  had  governed  Scot- 
land,  was  made  Secretary  of  State,  a  man  of  a  generous  tem- 
per, but  without  much   religion,  well  learned,    of  a  good 
judgment,  and  a  lively  apprehenfion. 
The  bom-        If  foreign  afl^airs  could  have  awaken'd  the  King,  the  French 
Gw'^  °^  ^^^  enough  this  fummer  in  order  to  it.     Befides  their  pof- 

4  fefling 


of  King  CrARLEsU.  595 

fefling  themfelves  of  Luxembourg ^  they  fent  a  fleet  againft  1^84 
Genoa  upon  no  fort  of  provocation,  but  becaufe  Genoa  would  ^-^'y^^ 
not  comply  with  fome  demands,  that  were  both  unjuft  and 
unreafonable:  The  King  oi  France  ordered  it  to  be  bombard- 
ed, hoping  that  in  that  confufion  he  might  by  landing  a 
few  men  have  made  himfelf  eafily  mafter  of  that  State. 
This  would  very  probably  have  fucceeded,  if  the  attempt 
had  been  made  upon  the  firft  confternation  they  were  in, 
when  the  bombardment  began.  But  the  thing  was  delayed  a 
day  or  two.  And  by  that  time  the  Genoefe  not  only  re-- 
covered themfelves  out  of  their  firft  fright  5  but  putting  them- 
felves in  order,  they  were  animated  with  that  indignation  and 
fury  that  they  beat  off  the  French  with  a  courage  that  was 
not  expe<5ted  from  them.  Such  an  afTault,  that  looked  likcr 
the  violence  of  a  robber,  than  the  attack  of  one  that  would 
obferve  forms  in  his  conquefts,  ought  to  have  provoked  all 
Princes,  efpecially  fuch  as  were  powerful  at  fea,  to  have 
joined  againft  a  Prince,  who  by  thefe  pradices  was  become 
the  common  enemy  of  mankind.  But  we  were  now  purfuing 
other  defigns,  from  which  it  was  refolved  that  nothing  from 
beyond  fea  ftiould  divert  us. 

After  the  King  had  kept  Tangier  about  twenty  years,  and  TangUr 
had  been  at  a  vaft  charge  in  making  a  mole  before  it,  in  *  *" 
which  feveral  fets  of  undertakers  had  failed  indeed  in  the 
main  defigns,  but  had  fucceeded  well  in  the  enriching  of 
themfelves,  and  the  work  was  now  brought  near  perfed:i- 
on,  which  feemed  to  give  us  the  key  of  the  Mediterranean  -, 
He ,  to  deliver  himfelf  from  that  charge ,  fent  Lord 
Dartmouth  with  a  fleet  to  deftroy  all  the  works,  and  to  bring 
home  all  our  men.  The  King,  when  he  communicated  this 
to  the  Cabinet  Council,  charged  them  to  be  fecret.  But  it 
Was  believed,  that  he  himfelf  fpoke  of  it  to  the  'Lox A  Arlington y 
and  that  Lord  Arlington  told  it  to  the  Portugal  Ambaflador : 
For  the  AmbaflTador  took  fire  upon  it  5  and  defired,  that,  if  the 
King  was  weary  of  keeping  it,  he  would  reftore  it  to  his 
Mafter:  And  he  undertook  to  pay  a  great  fum  for  the  charge 
the  King  had  been  at,  all  thefe  years  that  he  had  it.  But 
the  King  believed,  that  as  the  money  would  never  be  paid, 
fo  the  King  of  Portugal  would  not  be  able  to  main- 
tain that  place  againft  the  Moors:  So  that  it  wouW  fall  in 
their  hands,  and  by  that  means  prove  too  important  to  com- 
mand the  Straits.  The  thing  was  boldly  denied  by  the  Mi- 
nifters,  when  prefled  by  the  AmbalTador  upon  the  fubjed:. 
Lord  Dartmouth  executed  the  defign  as  he  was  ordered.    So    » 

7  M  aa 


594        TheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

16%^   an  end  was  put  to  our  polTcfling  that  place.   This  was  done 
^yy^^^  only  to   fave  charge,    that  the  Court  might  hold  out  the 
longer  without  a  Parliament.     So  the  Republick  of  Ge^oa, 
feeing  that  we  would  not,  and  that  without  us  the  Dutch  could 
not  undertake  their  protection,  were  forced  to  make  a  very 
abjed  compliment  to  the  King  oi  France ;  if  any  thing  could 
be  abjed,  that  was  neceflary  to  fave  their  Country.     The 
Doge  and  fome  of  the  Senators  were  fent  loVerfa'tUes  to  aflc 
the  King  pardon,  tho'  it  was  not  eafy  to  tell  for  what^  un- 
lefs  it  was,  becaufe  they  prefumed  to  refift  his  invafion.    I 
hapned  to  be  at  Parts  when  the  Doge  was  there.     One  fay- 
ing of  his  was  much  repeated:  When  all  the  glory  of  Ver- 
failles  was  fct  open  to  him,  and  the  flatterers  of  the  Court 
were  admiring  every  thing,  he  feemed  to  look  at  them  with 
the  coldnefs  that  became  a  perfon   who  was  at  the  head  of 
a  free  Common  Wealth:    And  when  he  was  alked,    if  the 
things   he  faw   were  not  very  extraordinary,    he  faid,  the 
moft  extraordinary  thing  that  he  faw  was,  that  he  faw  him- 
felf  there. 
Affairs  be-        The  affairs  of  Holland  were  much  broken :  The  Prince  of 
yondfea.     Qrange  and  the  Town  oi  Amfterdam  were  in  very  ill  terms 
by  the  French  management,  to  which  Chudle'tgh  the  Englijh 
.l3c  Envoy  joined  his  ftrength ,    to  fuch   a  degree  of  infolence, 

that  he  offered  perfonal  affronts  to  the  Prince  ^  who  upon 
that  would  fee  him  no  more:  Yet  the  Prince  was  not  con- 
fidered  enough  at  our  Court  to  get  Chudle'tgh  to  be  recalled 
upon  it.  The  Town  of  Amfterdam  went  fo  far,  that  a  mo- 
tion was  made  of  fetting  up  the  Prince  of  Fr'tezeland  as  their 
Statholder :  And  he  was  invited  to  come  to  their  Town  in 
order  to  it.  But  the  Prince  of  Orange  prevented  this  by 
coming  to  a  full  agreement  with  that  Town.  So  he  and 
his  Princefs  were  invited  thither :  And  that  mifunderltanding 
was  removed,  or  at  lead  laid  afleep  for  that  time.  The  war 
oi Hungary  went  on  with  flow  fuccefs  oij  the  Emperor's  fide: 
He  was  poor,  and  his  revenue  was  exhaufted,  fo  that  he  could 
Hot  prefs  fo  hard  upon  the  Turks ,  as  he  might  have  done 
with  advantage  J  for  they  were  in  great  confufion.  The 
King  oi  Poland  hz^  married  a  French  wife:  And  fhe  had  a 
great  afcendant  over  him :  And  not  being  able  to  get  her 
family  raifed  in  France ,  flie  had  turned  that  King  to  the 
Emperor's  interefts.  So  that  he  had  the  glory  of  raifing  the 
fiege  of  Vienna.  The  French  faw  their  error ;  and  were  now 
ready  to  purchafe  her  at  any  rate:  So  that  all  the  reft:  of 
that  poor  King's  inglorious  life,    after  that  great  ad:ion  at 

I  Fienna^ 


:      of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  595 

Vienna^    was  a  perpetual  going  backwards  and  forwards  be-    1(^84 
tween   the  interefts  of  France  and  l^tennai    which  depended  ^-^''VN^ 
entirely  upon  the  fecret  negotiations  of  the  Court  of  France 
with  his  Queen,  as  they  came  to  her  terms,  or  as  they  did 
not  quite  comply  with  them.  jj 

The  mifunderftanding  between  the  Court  of  Rome  and 
France  went  on  ftill.  The  Pope  declared  openly  for  the 
Houfe  of  Aujtr'ia  againfl:  the  Turk ;  and  made  great  returns  of 
money  into  Germany.  He  engaged  the  Venetians  into  the 
alliance.  He  found  alfo  fault  with  many  of  the  proceedings 
in  France^  with  relation  to  the  Regale.  And  now  the  tables 
were  turned :  The  JefuitSy  who  were  wont  to  value  them- 
felves  on  their  dependance  on  the  Court  oi  Rome,  were  now 
wholly  in  the  interefts  of  France -^  for  they  refolved  to  be  on 
the  ftronger  fide :  And  the  Janfemjis,  whom  Rome  had  treat- 
ed very  ill,  and  who  were  looked  on  as  the  moft  zealous 
alfcrtors  of  the  liberties  of  the  Galltcan  Church ,  were  now 
the  men  that  admired  the  Pope,  and  declared  for  him.  The 
perfecution  of  the  Proteftants  went  on  ftill  in  France:  And 
no  other  care  was  had  of  them  here,  but  that  we  fheltred 
them,  and  fo  had  great  numbers  of  them  coming  over  to 
us.  A  quarrel  was  in  debate  between  the  Englijh  and 
Dutch  Eaji-India  company.  The  Dutch  had  a  mind  to  drive 
us  out  of  Bantam ;  for  they  did  not  love  to  lee  the  Engli/h 
fettle  fo  near  Batavia.  So  they  engaged  the  old  King  of 
Bantam  into  a  war  with  his  fon,  who  was  in  poiTellion  of 
Bantam:  And  the  fon  was  fupported  by  the  Englt/h.  But 
the  old  King  drove  out  his  fon  by  the  help  that  the  Dutch 
gave  him :  And  he  drove  out  the  Engl'tjh  likewife,  as  having 
eJfpoufed  his  fon's  rebellion  againft  him;  tho'  we  underftood 
it^  that  he  had  refigned  the  Kingdom  to  his  fon,  but  that 
by  the  inftigation  of  the  Dutch  he  had  now  invaded  him. 
It  is  certain,  our  Court  laid  up  this  in  their  heart,  as  that 
upon  which  they  would  lay  the  foundation  of  a  new  war  with 
the  States,  as  foon  as  we  fhould  be  in  condition  to  under- 
take it.  The  Eafl-Ind'ta  company  faw  this,  and  that  the 
Court  prelTed  them  to  make  publick  remonftrances  upon  it, 
which  gave  a  jealoufy  of  an  ill  defign  under  it:  So  they  re- 
folved to  proceed  rather  in  a  very  flow  negotiation,  than  in 
any  thing  that  might  give  a  handle  to  a  rupture. 

I   muft  now  mix    in  fomewhat  with  relation  to  my  felf, The  hard* 
tho'  that  may  Teem  too  inconfiderable  to  be  put  into  a  feries  ofSo^met* 
matters  of  fuch  importance.     But  it  is  necelfary  to  give  fome^'^''- 
account  of  that  which  fet  me  at  liberty  to  go  round  fome 

parts 


59(5        The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1(^84  parts  of  Europe,  and  to  ftay  for  fome  years  out  o{  En^and. 
^^^y^  I  preached  a  ledtare  at  St.  Clements  on  the  Thurfdays:  But 
after  the  Lord  Rujfefs  death  the  King  fent  an  order  to  Dr. 
Hafcard,  then  Redor  of  the  parifli ,  to  difcharge  me  from 
it.  I  continued  at  the  Rolls,  avoiding  very  cautioufly  every 
thing  that  related  to  the  publick :  For  I  abhorred  the  mak- 
ing the  pulpit  a  ftage  for  venting  of  paflTion,  or  for  the  ferv- 
ing  of  interefts.  There  was  a  parifli  in  London  vacant,  where 
the  eleiStion  lay  in  the  inhabitants:  And  it  was  probable  it 
would  have  fallen  on  mej  tho'  London  was  in  fo  divided  a 
ftate,  that  every  thing  was  managed  by  the  ftrength  of  par- 
ties. Yet  the  King,  apprehending  the  choice  might  have 
fallen  on  me,  fent  a  meffage  to  them,  to  let  them  know, 
he  would  take  it  amifs  if  they  chofe  me.  Old  Sir  Harbotle 
Gr'tmflone  lived  ftill  to  the  great  indignation  of  the  Court: 
When  the  fifth  of  Novemher,  being  gunpowder  treafon  day, 
came,  in  which  we  had  always  fermons  at  the  Chapel  of 
the  Rolls,  I  beg'd  the  Mafter  of  the  Rolls  to  excufe  me 
then  from  preaching ;  for  that  day  led  one  to  preach  againft 
Popery,  and  it  was  indecent  not  to  do  it.  He  faid,  he 
would  end  his  life  as  he  had  led  it  all  along,  in  an  open 
deteftation  of  Popery.  So,  fince  Ifaw  this  could  not  be  avoided, 
tho'  I  had  not  meddled  with  any  point  of  Popery  for  above 
a  year  together,  I  refolved,  fince  I  did  it  fo  feldom,  to  do 
it  to  purpofe.  I  chofe  for  my  text  thele  words:  Save  me 
from  the  lion's  mouth ,  thou  haji  heard  me  from  the  horns  of 
the  unkorns.  I  made  no  refle<3:ion  in  my  thoughts  on  the 
Jion  and  unicorn,  as  being  the  two  fupporters  of  the  King's 
fcutcheon:  (For  I  ever  hated  all  points  of  that  fort,  as 
a  profanation  of  Scriptures:)  But  I  fliewed  how  well  Popery 
might  be  compared  to  the  lion's  mouth,  then  open  to  de- 
vour us:  And  I  compared  our  former  deliverance  from  the 
extremities  of  danger  to  the  being  on  the  horn  of  a  rhino- 
ceros. And  this  leading  me  to  the  fubje<5t  of  the  day,  I  men- 
tioned that  wifli  of  King  James  the  firft  againft  any  of  his 
pofterity  that  fliould  endeavour  to  bring  that  religion  in 
among  us.  This  was  immediately  carried  to  the  Court.  But 
it  only  raifed  more  anger  againft  me;  for  nothing  could 
be  made  of  it.  They  talked  moft  of  the  choice  of  the  text, 
as  levelled  againft  the  King's  coat  of  arms.  That  had  never 
been  once  in  my  thoughts.  Lord  Keeper  North  diverted  the 
King  from  doing  any  thing  on  the  account  of  my  fermon. 
And  fo  the  matter  flept  till  the  end  of  the  term.  And  then 
North  writ  to  the  Mafter  of  the  Rolls,  that  the  King  confi- 
2,  dered 


•^ 


I 


of  King  Charles  II.   I     597 

dered  the  Chapel  of  the  Rolls  as  one  of  his  own  Chapels:  1684 
And,  fince  he  looked  on  me  as  a  perfon  dirafFed:ed  to  his  e;o-  '^^''VN^ 
vernment,  and  had  for  that  reafon  difmifTed  me  from  his  own 
fervice,  he  therefore  required  him  not  to  fuflfer  me  to  ferve 
any  longer  in  that  Chapel.  And  thus  all  my  fervice  in  the 
Church  was  now  ftopt.  For  upon  fuch  a  publick  declara- 
tion made  againft  me,  it  was  not  fit  for  any  Clergyman  to 
make  ufe  of  my  afliftance  any  more.  And  by  thefe  means  I  was 
fet  at  liberty  by  the  procurement  of  my  enemies.  So  that 
I  did  not  abandon  my  poft,  either  out  of  fear,  or  out  of 
any  giddinefs  to  ramble  about  Europe.  But,  being  now  un- 
der fuch  publick  marks  of  jealoufy,  and  put  out  of  a  capa- 
city of  ferving  God  and  the  Church  in  the  way  of  my  func- 
tion, it  feemed  a  prudent  and  a  decent  thing  for  me  to  with- 
draw my  felf  from  that  fury,  which  I  faw  was  working  fo 
ftrongly,  and  in  fo  many  repeated  inftances,   againft  me. 

Thefe  difgraces  from  the  Court  were  the  occafion  of  my 
going  out  of  England j  which  both  preferved  me  from  what  I 
had  reafon  to  apprehend,  when  the  Duke,  by  the  change  that 
hapned  foon  after,  might  have  had  it  in  his  power  to  make  me 
feel  all  that  difpleafure,  which  had  been  growing  upon  him 
in  a  courfe  of  fo  many  years  againft  me,-  and  it  alfo  put  me 
in  a  way  to  do  the  greateft  fervices  I  was  capable  of,  both 
to  the  intereft  of  religion,  and  of  thefe  Nations.  So  that 
what  was  intended  as  a  mifchief  to  me  proved  rjjiy  preferva- 
tion.  My  employment  at  the  Roils  would  have  fallen  in 
coui-fe  within  a  month ,  if  the  Court  had  delayed  the  put- 
ting me  from  it  in  fuch  an  open  manner,-  for  that  worthy 
man.  Sir  Harhotle  Grtmflone^  died  about  Chr'tjlmas.  Nature 
funk  all  at  once,  he  being  then  eighty  two:  He  died,  as 
he  had  lived,  with  great  piety  and  refignation  to  the  will  of 
God. 

There  were  two  famous  trials  in  Michaelmas  term:  Three  Trials  for 
women   came    and  depofed    againft  Rofwell^    a  Prefbyterian  I^"I?//and 
preacher,  treafonable  words  that  he  had  delivered  at  a  Con-  '^'"'^• 
venticle.     They  fwore  to   two  or  three   periods,    in   which 
they    agreed  fo  exadly    together  ,    that  there   was   not  the 
fmalleft  variation  in  their  depofitions.     Rofwell  on  the  other 
hand  made  a  ftrong  defence:  He  proved,  that  the  witneffes  were 
leud  and  infamous  perfons.     He  proved,  that  he  had  always 
been  a  loyal  man,  even   in  Cromwell's  daysj  that  he  prayed 
conftantly  for  the  King  in  his  family,  and  that  in  his  fcr- 
mons  he  often  infifted  on   the   obligations  to  loyalty.     And 
as  for  that  fermon,    in   which  the  witneffes  fwore   he  deli- 

7  N  vered 


598     TheHlsr  OR  Y  of  the  Keigft 

1684    vered  thofe  words,  he  (hewed  what  his  text  was,  which  the 
^y^y^^  witnefTes  could  not  remember,    as  they   remembred  nothing 
elfe  in  his  fermon  befides  the  words  they  had  depofed.     That 
text,  and  his  fermon  upon  it,  had  no  relation  to  any  luch 
matter.     Several  witnefTes  who  heard  the  fermon,    and  fome 
who  writ  it  in  fhort  hand,  declared,  he  faid  no  fuch  words, 
nor  any  thing  to  that   purpofe.     He   offered   his  own  notes 
to  prove  this  further :  But  no  regard  was  had  to  them.     The 
women  could  not  prove  by  any  circumflance  that  they  were 
at  his  meeting;  or  that  any  perfon  faw  them  there  on  that 
day.     The  words  they  fwore  againfl  him  were  fo  grofs,  that 
it  was  not  to  be  imagined   any   man  in   his  wits   could  ex- 
prefs  himfelf  fo,  were  he  ever  fo  wickedly  fet,  before  a  mix- 
ed affembly.     It  was  alfo  urged,  that  it  was  highly  impro- 
bable, that  three  women  could  remember  fo  long  a  period 
upon  one  Ungle  hearing  j  and  that  they  fhould  all  remember 
it  fo  exactly,  as  to  agree  in  the  fame  depofition.     He  of- 
fered  to    put    the  whole    upon   this  iifue:    He  would   pro- 
nounce a  period,  as  long  as  that  which  they  had  fworn,  with 
his  ufual  tone  of  voice  with  which  he  preached ,   and  then 
leave  it  to  them  to  repeat  it,  if  they  could.     I  fet  down  all 
this  defence  more  particularly,    that  it  may  appear  what  a 
fpirit  was  in  that  time,  when  a  verdid:  could  be  brought  in 
upon  fuch  an  evidence,  and  againfl  fuch  a  defence.     Jeffenes 
urged  the  matter  with  his  ordinary  vehemence:  He  laid  it 
for  a  foundation,  that  all  preaching  at  Conventicles  was  trea- 
fonable,  and  that  this  ought   to  difpofe  the  Jury  to  believe 
any  evidence  whatfbever  upon  that  head ,  and  that  here  were 
three  pofitive  concurring  witnefTes :  So  the  Jury  brought  him 
in  guilty.     And  there  was  a   fhameful  rejoycing  upon  this. 
It  was  thought,  now  Conventicles  would  be  all  fuppreffed  by 
it  5  fince  any  perfon  that  would  witncfs  that  treafonable  words 
were  delivered  at  them  would  be  believed,  how  improbable 
foever  it  might  be.     But  when  the  importance  of  the  words 
came  to  be  examined ,  by  men  learned  in  the  law,  they  were 
found  not  to  be  treafon  by  any  flatute.     So  Rofwell  moved 
for  an   arrefl  of  judgment,  till  Counfcl   fhould   be  h'card  to 
that  point,  whether  the  words  were  treafon,  or  not.     In  Std- 
ftefs  cafe   they   refufed  to   grant   that,  unlefs  he  would  firfl 
confefs  the  fad.    And,  tho'  that  was  much  cenfured,  yet  it  was 
more  doubtful,  whether  Council  ought  to  be  heard  after  the 
Jury   had    brought  in    the    verdid.     But   the  King   was  fo 
put  out   of  countenance  with   the    many   flories   that   were 
brought  him  of  his  witnefTes,  that  the  Attorney  General  had 

orders 


oo'x^ 


of  King  Charles  il.  599 

orders  to  yield  to  the  arreft  of  judgment-  tho*  it  had  been  1(^84 
more  to  the  King's  honour  to  have  put  an  end  to  the  bufi- 
nefs  by  a  pardon.  It  was  thought  a  good  point  gained,  which 
might  turn  to  the  advantage  of  the  fubjed:,  to  allow  that  a 
point  of  law  might  be  argued  after  conviction.  The  impu- 
dence of  this  verdid  was  the  more  fhameful,  fince,  tho'  we 
had  a  Popifli  fucceflor  in  view,  here  was  a  precedent  made, 
by  which  pofitive  witnefTes,  fwearing  to  any  thing  as  faid  in 
a  fermon,  were  to  be  believed  againft  fo  many  probabilities, 
and  fo  much  proof  to  the  contrary,-  which  might  have  been 
at  another  time  very  fatal  to  the  Clergy. 

The  other  trial  was  of  more  importance  to  the  Court. 
In  Armjiron^s  pocket,  when  he  was  taken,  a  letter  was  found 
writ  by  Hates^  a  Banquier  in  London,  direded  to  another 
name,  which  was  believed  a  feigned  one:  In  it  credit  was 
given  him  upon  Hates's  correfpondent  in  Holland  for  money  .- 
He  was  defired  not  to  be  too  lavifh :  And  he  was  promifed, 
that  he  fhould  be  fupplied  as  he  needed  it.  Here  was  an 
abetting  of  a  man  outlawed  for  treafon.  Much  pains  was 
taken  on  Hates,  both  by  perfuafion  and  threatning,  to  induce 
him  to  difcover  that  whole  cabal  of  men ,  that,  it  feemed, 
joined  in  a  common  purfe  to  fupply  thofe  who  had  fled  be- 
yond fea  on  the  account  of  the  plot.  And  they  hoped  to 
know  all  Monmouth's  friends  j  and  either  to  have  attainted 
them,  or  at  leaft  to  have  fined  them  feverely  for  it.  But 
Haies  (hewed  a  fidelity  and  courage  far  beyond  what  could 
have  been  expe(5ted  from  fuch  a  man :  So  he  was  brought 
to  a  trial.  He  made  a  ftrong  defence.  The  letter  was  not 
exadily  like  his  hand.  It  was  not  addrefTed  to  Armflrongy 
but  to  another  perfon,  from  whom  he  perhaps  had  it.  No 
entry  was  made  of  it  in  his  books ,  nor  of  any  fum  paid 
in  upon  it.  But  his  main  defence  was,  that  a  Banquier  ex- 
amined into  no  perfon's  concerns  •  and  therefore,  when  money 
or  good  fecurity  was  brought  him,  he  gave  bills  of  exchange, 
or  letters  of  credit,  as  they  were  defired.  Jefferies  prclled 
the  Jury,  in  his  impetuous  way,  to  find  Hates  guilty  of  high 
treafon ,-  bccaufe,  tho'  there  was  not  a  witnefs  againft  Hates, 
but  only  prefumptions  appeared  upon  the  proof,  yet,  Jef- 
feries faid,  it  was  proved  by  two  witnefTes  that  the  letter  was 
found  in  Armjiron^s  pocket ,-  and  that  was  fufficient,  the  reft 
appearing  by  circumftances.  The  little  difference  between 
the  writing  in  the  letter  and  his  ordinary  hand,  was  faid 
to  be  only  a  feint  to  hide  it,  which  made  him  the  more 
guilty.     He  required  the  Jury  to  bring  him  in  guilty:    And 

faid. 


(500        TheHlSTOKYofthe  Reign 

1(^84  faid,  that  the  King's  life  and  fafety  depended  upon  this  trial: 
*»>^V>^  So  that  if  they  did  it  not,  they  expoied  the  King  to  a  new 
Rye-Plot;  with  other  extravagancies,  with  which  his  fury 
prompted  him.  But  a  Jury  of  merchants  could  not  be 
-wrought  up  to  this  pitch.  So  he  was  acquitted,  which  mor- 
tified the  Court  a  little:  For  they  had  reckoned,  that  now 
Juries  were  to  be  only  a  point  of  form  in  a  trial,  and  that 
they  were  always  to  find  bills  as  they  were  direded. 
Strange  A  trial  in  a  matter  of  blood  came  on  after  this.    A  Gen- 

praaiccs,     tlcman   of  a  noble  family   beine  at  a   publick  fupper  with 

and  very  uii-  -  '  1  n    L  L  •  > 

becoming  a  mucli  Company,  lome  hot  words  pait  between  nim  and  an- 
^"'^'  other  Gentleman,  which  raifed  a  fudden  quarrel,  none  but 
three  perfons  being  engaged  in  it.  Swords  were  drawn,  and 
one  was  killed  out-right:  But  it  was  not  certain  by  whofe 
hand  he  was  killed:  So  the  other  two  were  both  indited  up- 
on it.  The  proof  did  not  carry  it  beyond  manflaughter, 
no  marks  of  any  precedent  malice  appearing.  Yet  the  young 
Gentleman  was  prevailed  on  to  confefs  the  indidment,  and 
to  let  fentence  pafs  on  him  for  murder,-  a  pardon  being  pro- 
mifed  him  if  he  fhould  do  fo,  and  he  being  threatned  with 
the  utmoft  rigour  of  the  law  if  he  ftood  upon  his  defence. 
After  the  fentence  had  paft,  it  appeared  on  what  defign  he 
had  been  pracStifed  on.  It  was  a  rich  family,  and  not  well  af- 
fected to  the  Court:  So  he  was  told  that  he  mud  pay  well 
for  his  pardon  :  And  it  coft  him  i<5ooo  /,•  of  which  the  King 
had  the  one  half,  the  other  half  being  divided  between  two 
Ladies  that  were  in  great  favour.  It  is  a  very  ill  thing  for 
Princes  to  fuffer  themfelves  to  be  prevailed  on  by  importu- 
nities to  pardon  blood,  which  cries  for  vengeance.  Yet  an 
qafinefs  to  importunity  is  a  feeblenefs  of  good  nature,  and 
fo  is  in  it  felf  leis  criminal.  But  it  is  a  monftrous  per- 
verting of  juftice,  and  a  deftroying  the  chief  end  of  govern- 
ment, which  is  the  prefervation  of  the  people,  when  their 
blood  is  fet  to  fale ;  and  that  not  as  a  compenfation  to  the 
family  of  the  perfon  murdered,  but  to  the  Prince  himfelf, 
and  to  fome  who  are  in  favour  with  him  upon  unworthy  ac- 
counts :  And  it  was  robbery  if  the  Gentleman  was  innocent. 
Another  thing  of  a  ftrange  nature  hapned  about  this  time. 
The  Earl  of  Clancarty  in  Ireland,  when  he  died,  had  left  his 
Lady  the  guardian  of  his  children.  It  was  one  of  the  no- 
bleft  and  richeft  families  of  the  MJh  Nation,  which  had  al- 
ways been  Papifts.  But  the  Lady  was  a  Proteftant.  And 
fhe,  being  afraid  to  truft  the  education  of  her  fon  to  Ire- 
landf  tho'  in  Proteftant  hands,  confidering  the  danger  he 
X  might 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  I  001 

might  be  in  from  his  kindred  of  that  religion,  brought  him  16%^ 
over  to  Oxford^  and  put  him  in  Fell's  hands,  who  was  both  "^^^"^v^^^^' 
Bifliop  of  Oxford  and  Dean  of  Chrift  Church,-  where  (he 
reckoned  he  would  be  fafe.  Lord  Clancarty  had  an  uncle. 
Coll.  Maccarfy^  who  was  in  moft  things,  where  his  religion 
was  not  concerned,  a  man  of  honour.  So  he,  both  to  per- 
vert his  nephew,  and  to  make  his  own  court,  got  the  King 
to  write  to  the  Bifhop  of  Oxford  to  let  the  young  Lord  come 
up,  and  fee  the  diverlions  of  the  Town  in  the  CJbriJlmas  time ; 
to  which  the  Bifhop  did  too  eafily  confent.  When  he  came 
to  Town,  he,  being  then  at  the  age  of  confent,  was  mar- 
ried to  one  of  the  Lord  Sunderland's  daughter.  And  fo  he 
broke  thro'  all  his  education ,  and  foon  after  turned  Papilt. 
Thus  the  King  fuffered  himfelf  to  be  made  an  inftrument  in 
one  of  the  greateft  of  crimes,  the  taking  an  infant  out  of  the 
hand  of  a  guardian,  and  marrying  him  fecretly,-  againft 
which  the  laws  of  all  nations  have  taken  care  to  provide 
very  effectually.  But  this  leads  me  into  a  further  view  of 
the  defigns  at  Court. 

The  Earl  of  Rochefter  grew  weary  of  the  infisfnificant  place  PfP'"*  5"*' 
of  Prefident,  which  procured  him  neither  confidence  nor  de-  Ireland. 
pendance.  And,  fince  the  government  of  Ireland  was  the 
greatefl  pofl  next  to  the  Treafury,  he  obtained  by  the  Duke's 
favour  to  be  named  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland.  The  King 
fecmed  to  be  founeafy  with  him,  that  he  was  glad  to  fend  him 
away  from  the  Court.  And  the  King  intended  to  begin  in  his 
perfon  a  new  method  in  the  government  of  Ireland.  For- 
merly the  Lords  Lieutenants  were  Generals  of  the  army,  as 
well  as  the  Governors  of  the  Kingdom.  Their  intereft  in 
recommending  to  pofls  in  the  army,  and  the  giving  the 
commiflions  for  them,  brought  the  army  into  their  depen- 
dance,  and  encreafed  the  profits  of  their  Secretaries.  It  was 
now  fiiggefled  by  Lord  Sunderland,  that  this  was  too  much 
in  one  perfon :  And  therefore  he  propofed,  that  there  fhould 
be  a  General  of  the  army,  independent  on  the  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant, and  who  fhould  be  a  check  upon  him:  When  there 
were  but  a  few  troops  kept  up  there,  it  might  be  more  rea- 
fonable  to  leave  them  in  the  Lord  Lieutenant's  hands ;  But 
now  that  an  army  was  kept,  it  feemed  too  much  to  put 
that,  as  well  as  the  civil  adminiflration  of  the  Kingdom, 
into  the  power  of  one  man.  In  this  the  Earl  oi Sunderland's  de- 
fign  was,  to  keep  that  Kingdom  in  a  dependance  upon  himfelfi 
And  he  told  the  King,  that  if  he  thought  that  was  a  good 

7  O  maxim 


002       The  History  of  the  Reign 

i6%4    maxim  for  the  government  o£  Ireland y  he  ought  to  begin  ift 
^'-yy^^i  when  a  creature  of  his  own  was  fent  thither,  who   had  not 
fuch  a  right  to  difpute  points  of  that  kind  with  him,  as  an^ 
cient  noblemen  might  pretend  to.      Lord  Rochefter  was  much 
mortified  with  this.    He  faid,  the  chief  Governor  of  Ireland 
could  not  be  anfwerable  for  the  peace  of  that  Kingdom,  if 
the  army  was  not  in  a  dependance  on  him.     Yet  little   re- 
gard was  had  to  all  that  he  could  obje<5t  to   this  new  me- 
thod; for  the  King  feemed  to  be  the  more   pleafed  with  it, 
becaufe  it  aiHi6ted  him  fo  much.     The  firftinftance,  in  which 
the  King  intended   to  begin   the   immediate   dependance    of 
the  Irijh  army  on  himfelf,  was  not  fo  well  chofen,  as  to  make 
it  generally  acceptable:  For  it  was,  that  CoW.  Mace  arty  was 
to  have  a  regiment  there.     He  had  a  regiment  in  the  French 
fervice  for  feveral  years,  and  was  called  home  upon  that  ap- 
pearance that  we  had  put  on  of  engaging  with  the  allies  in  a 
warwith/r^«C(?inthe  year  1(^78.  The  Popifliplot  had  kept  the 
King  from  employing  him  for  fome  years,  in  which  the  Court 
was  in  fome  management  with  the  Nation.    But  now  that  being  at 
an  end,  the  King  intended   to  employ  him,    upon  this  ac- 
ceptable fervice  he  had  done   with  relation  to  his   nephew. 
The  King  fpoke  of  it  to  Lord  Halifax:  And  he,  as  he  tpld 
me,  afked  the  King ,  if  he  thought  that  was  to  govern  ac- 
cording to  law.     The  King  anfwered,  he  was   not  tied  up 
by  the  laws  of  Ireland,  as  he  was   by  the  laws   of  England, 
Lord  Halifax  offered  to  argue  thdt  point   with  any  perfon 
that  afferted  it  before  him:    He  faid,    that  army  was  raifed 
by  a  Proteftant  Parliament,  to  fecure  the  Proteftant  intereft : 
And  would  the  King  give  occafion  to  any  to  fay,  that  where 
his  hands  were  not  bound  up,  he  would  fhew  all  the  favour 
he  could  to  the  Papifts.^    The  King  anfwered,  he  did   not 
trouble  himfelf  with  what  people  faid,  or  would  fay.     Lord 
Halifax  replied  to  this,  that  it  was  a  juft  piece  of  greatnefs 
in  the  King  not  to  mind  what  his  enemies  faid  ,•  but  he  hoped 
he  would  never  defpife  what  his  friends  faid ,  efpecially  when 
they  feemed   to  have   reafon  on   their  fide:  And   he  wifhed 
the  King  would  choofe  rather  to  make  up  Maccarty's  lolT^s 
for  his  fervice  in   penfions ,     and  other   favours ,    than  in  a 
way  that  would  raifc  fo  much  clamour  and  jealoufy.     In  all 
this  Lord  Halifax  only  offered  his  advice  to  the   King,  up- 
on the  King's  beginning   the  difcgurfe  with  him.    Yet   the 
King  told  it  all  to  Mace  arty -,  who  came  and  expoftulated  the 
matter  with  that  Lord.    So  he  faw  by  that  how  little  fafc  a 

man 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  If."  (J03 

man  was,    who  fpoke  freely  to  the  King,  whuen  he  crofTed    i<^84 
the  King's  own  inclinations.  ^>yv>^ 

There  was  a  great  expe(5tation   in    the   Couft   of  Frcmoe^  Sufpicfons 
that  at  this  time  the  King  would   declare  himfelf  a   Papift.  Sldarlng^'* 
They  did  not  keep  the  fecret  very  carefully  tlxere:  For  thie  p"^.^'^* 
Archbifhop  of  Rhe'ims  had  faid  to  my  felf,  that  the  King 
was  as  much   theirs   as  his   brother   was,  only   he  had  not 
fo    much   confcience.       This    I    reported    to   Lord  Haltf<fx 
to  tell  the  King.    Whether  he  did  it,    or  not,  I  |cnpw  nor. 
But  it  was  written  over   at  this  time    from   Paris ^    that  the 
King  oi  France  had  faid   at  his  levee,    or  at   table,    that  a 
great  thing  would  quickly  break  out  in  England  with  relati- 
on to  religion.     The  occafion  of  that  was  afterwards  better 
known.     One  of  our  Eajl-India  fliips  had  brought  over  one 
of  the  Miffionaries  of  Sianij  who  was  a  man  of  a  warm  inift'- 
gination,  and  who  talked  of  his  having  converted  and  bap- 
tized  many    thoufands    in    that    Kingdom.       He  was    well 
received  at  Court:  And  the  King  diverted  himfelf  with  hear- 
ing him  relate  the  adventures,  and  other  palTages  of  his  tra- 
vels.    Upon  this  encouragement  he  defired  a  private  audience.^ 
in  which  in  a  very  inflamed  fpeeqh,    and  with  great  velie- 
mence,  he  prelTed  the  King  to  return   into  the  bofom    of 
the  Church.     The  King  entertained  this  civilly,  and  gave 
him   thofe  anfwers,  that  he,  not  Icnowing  the  King's  way, 
took  them  for  fuch  fteps  and  indications,  as  made  him  con- 
clude the  thing  was  very  near  done:  And  upon  that  he  writ 
to  P.  de  la  Chatfe ,    that  they  would  hear  the  news  of  the 
King's  converlion  very  quickly.     The  ConfelTor  carried  the 
news  to  the  Kingj    who,     not  doubting  it,    gave  the   ge- 
neral hint  of  that  great  turn,  of  which  he  was  then  full  of 
hopes. 

That  Prieft  was  directed  by  fome  to  apply  himfelf  to 
XvOrd  Halifax^  to  try  if  he  could  convert  him.  Lord  Hali- 
fax told  me,  he  was  fo  vain  and  fo  weak  a  man,  that  none 
could  be  converted  by  him,  but  fuch  as  were  weary  of  their 
religion,  and  wanted  only  a  pretence  to  throw  it  off.  Lord 
Halifax  put  many  queftions  to  him,  to  which  he  made  fuch 
fimple  anfwers,  as  furnifbed  that  Lord  with  many  very  lively 
fallics  upon  the  converfions  fo  much  boafted  of,  as  made  by 
fuch  men.  Lord  Halifax  aflced  him,  how  it  came  that,  fince 
the  King  of  Siam  was  fo  favourable  to  their  religion  , 
they  had  not  converted  him?  The  Miffionary  upon  that 
told  him,  that  the  King  had  faid,  he  would  not  examijie 
into  the  truth  of  ajl  that  they  had  told  him  concerning  J^fm 

Chriji: 

3 


C04        TheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

16%^  Chrift:  He  thought  it  was  not  reafonable  to  forfake  the  re- 
^^yy^^  ligion  of  his  fathers ,  unlefs  he  faw  good  grounds  to  juf- 
tify  the  change:  And,  fince  they  pretended  that  the  author 
of  their  religion  had  left  a  power  of  working  miracles  with 
his  followers,  he  defircd  they  would  apply  that  to  himfcif: 
He  had  a  palfey  both  in  his  arm,  and  in  his  leg:  And  if 
they  could  deliver  him  from  that,  he  promifed  to  them  he 
would  change  immediately.  Upon  which  the  MiHionary  faid, 
that  the  Bilhop,  who  was  the  head  of  that  miflion,  was  bold 
enough  [ajfez  hardt  y  were  the  Prieft's  own  words  J  to  under- 
take it.  A  day  was  fet  for  it.  And  the  Bifhop ,  with 
his  Prieft  and  fome  others,  came  to  the  King.  Aad  after 
fome  prayers,  the  King  told  them ,  he  felt  fome  heat  and 
motion  in  his  arm ;  but  the  palfey  was  more  rooted  in  his 
thigh:  So  he  defired  the  Biftiop  would  go  on,  and  finifli  that 
which  was  fo  happily  begun.  The  Bilhop  thought  he  had 
ventured  enough,  and  would  engage  no  further,-  but  told 
the  King,  that  fincf  their  God  had  made  one  ftep  towards 
him,  he  mull  make  the  next  to  God,  and  at  lead  meet  him 
half  way.  But  the  King  was  obftinate,  and  would  have  the 
miracle  finilhed  before  he  would  change.  On  the  other 
hand  the  Bifhop  ftood  his  ground.  And  fo  the  matter  went 
no  further.  Upon  which  Lord  Halifax  faid,  fince  the  King 
was  fuch  an  infidel,  they  ought  to  have  prayed  the  palfey 
into  his  arm  again,  as  well  as  they  prayed  it  out:  Other- 
wife,  here  was  a  miracle  loft  on  an  obftinate  infidel:  And, 
if  the  palfey  had  immediately  returned  into  his  arm,  that 
would  perhaps  have  given  him  a  full  convidtion.  This  put 
the  Miflionary  into  lome  confufion.  And  Lord  Halifax  re- 
peated it  both  to  the  King  and  to  the  Duke  with  that  air 
of  contempt,  that  the  Duke  was  highly  provoked  by  it:  And 
the  Prieft  appeared  at  Court  no  more, 
^o  There  was  at  this  time  a  new  fcheme  formed,  that  very 

t^y^TKj  probably  would  have  for  ever  broken  the  King  and  the 
A  new  Duke.  But  how  it  was  laid  was  fo  great  a  fecret,  that  I  could 
govennnent.  ncvct  penetrate  into  it.  It  was  laid  at  Lady  Portfmouth's. 
Bartllon  and  Lord  Sunderland  were  the  cehief  managers  of  it. 
Lord  Godolph'm  was  alfo  in  it.  The  Duke  of  A/w»2o«/i6  came 
over  fecretly.  And  tho'  he  did  not  fee  the  King,  yet  he 
went  back  very  well  pleafed  with  his  journey.  But  he  never 
told  his  reafon  to  any  that  I  know  of  Mr.  Ma'^  of  the  privy 
purfe  told  me,  that  he  was  told  there  was  a  defign  to  break 
out,  with  which  he  himfcif  would  be  well  pleafed:  And  when 
it  was  ripe,   he  was  to  be   called   on  to  come   and  manage 

I  the 


of  King  Charles  n.  005 

the  King's  temper,  which  no  man  underftood  better  than  he    16%^ 
did  J    for  he  had   been    bred   about  the  King  ever  fmce  he  '^-'^^^^'N/ 
was  a  child :  And  by  his  poft  he  was  in  the  fecret  of  all  his 
amours;    but  was  contrary  to  his  notions  in  every  thing  elfc, 
both  with  relation  to  Popery,    to  France^    and   to   arbitrary 
government.     Yet  he  was  fo  true  to   the  King  in  that  leud 
confidence   in  which  he  employed  him,  that  the  King  had 
charged  him  never  to  prefs  him  in  any  thing  fo  as  to  provoke 
him.     By  this  means  he  kept  all  this  while   much  at  a  dif- 
tancej  for  he   would  not  enter  into   any   difcourfewith  the 
King   on   matters   of  ftate,    till   the  King  began   with  him. 
And  he  told  me  ,    he  knew  by  the  King's  way  things  were 
not  yet  quite  ripe,  nor   he   thoroughly  fixed  on  the  defign. 
That  witli   which  they  were  to  begin  was,  the  fending  the 
Duke  to  Scotland,   And  it  was  generally  believed,  that  if  the 
two  brothers  fhould  be  once  parted,  they  would  never  meet 
again.     The  King  fpoke  to  the  Duke  concerning  his  going 
to  Scotland:  And  he  anfwered,  that  there  was  no  occafion  for 
it:  Upon  which  the  King  replied,   that  either  the  Duke  muft 
go,  or  that  he  himfelf  would  go  thither. 

The  King  was  obferved  to  be  more  than  ordinarily  pen- 
five.    And   his  fondnefs  to  Lady  Port/mouth  increafed ,  and 
broke  out  in  very  indecent  inftances.     The  Grand  Prior  of 
France y  the  Duke  oi  Fendome's   brother,  had  made  fome  ap- 
plications to  that  Lady,  with  which  the  King   was   highly 
offended.     It  was  faid,  the  King  came  in  on  a  fudden,  and 
faw  that  which  provoked  him :  So  he  commanded  him  im- 
mediately to  go  out  of  England.     Yet  after   that   the   King 
carefTed  her  in  the  view  of  all  people,    which  he  had  never 
done  on  any  occafion  or  to  any  perfon  formerly.     The  King 
was  obferved  to   be  colder  and   more  referved   to  the   Duke 
than  ordinary.    But  what  was  under  all  this  was  ftill  a  deep 
fecret.     Lord  Halifax  was  let  into  no  part  of  it.     He  ftill 
went  on  againft  Lord  Rochefier.     He   complained  in  Coun- 
cil, that  there  were  many  razures  in  the  books  of  the  Trear 
fury,  and  that  feveral   leaves   were   cut  out  of  thofe  books: 
And  he  moved   the  Kirjg  to  go  to   the  Treafury  chamber, 
that  the  books  might  be  laid  before  him,  and  that  he  might 
judge  of  the  matter  upon  fight.     So   the  King  named  the 
next  Monday.     And  it  was  then  expected,    that  the  Earl   of 
Rochefier  would  have  been  turned  out  of  all,  if  not  fent  to  th? 
Tower.    And  a  melTage  was  fent  to  Mr.  May,  then  at  Wind*- 
fory  to  defire  him  to  come  to  Court  that  day,  which  it  was  ex- 

7  P  pe(ite4 


606       UeHlsr  OR  Y  of  the  Reign 

1685    pc6ted  would  prove  a  critical  day.    And  it  proved  to  be  fo  in- 
^^^^y^^  deed,  tho'  in  a  different  way. 

The  King's      All  this  winter  the  King  looked  better  than  he  had  done 
ficknefs.     £^^  many  years.     He  had  a  humour  in  his  leg,  which  look- 
ed like  the  beginning  of  the  gout:  So  that  for  fome  weeks 
he  could  not  walk,  as  he  ufed  to  do  generally  three  or  four 
hours  a  day  in  the  Park ,-  which  he  did  commonly  fo  faft, 
that  as  it  was  really  an  exercife  to  himfelf,  fo  it  was  a  trouble 
to  all  about  him  to  hold  up  with  him.     In  the  ftate  the  King 
was  in,  he  not  being  able  to  walk,  fpent  much  of  his  time  in 
his  laboratory,  and  was  running  aprocefsforthe  fixing  ofMer- 
cury.     On  the  firft  of /(?^r««r)f,  being  a  Sunday j  he  eat  little  all 
day,  and  came  to  Lady  Port/mouth  at  night,  and  called  for 
a  porringer  of  fpoon  meat.    It  was  made  too  ftrong  for  his 
ftomach.     So  he  eat  little  of  it:    And  he  had  an   ui;.quiet 
night.     In  the  morning  one  Dr.  King^  a   Phyfician,  and  a 
Chymift,  came,  as  he  had  been  ordered,  towaitonhim.     All 
the  King's  difcourfe  to   him  was  fo  broken,  that   he  could 
not  underftand  what  he  meant.    And  the  Dodor  concluded, 
he  was  under  fome  great  diforder,  either  in  his  mind,  or  ia 
his  body.     The  Dodor  amazed  at  this,  Went  out,  and  meet- 
ing with   Lord  Peterborough ,    he  faid,    the  King  was  in   a 
ftrange  humour,    for  he  did  not  fpeak  one  word  of  fenfc. 
Lord  Peterborough  defired  he  would  go  in  again  to  the  bed- 
chamber, which  he  did.    And  he  was  fcarce  come  in,  when 
the  King,  who  feemed  all  the  while  to  be  in  great  confufi- 
on,  fell  down  all  of  a  fudden  in  a  fit  like  an  apoplexy:  He 
looked  black,  and  his  eyes  turned  in  his  head.     The  phyfi- 
cian, who  had  been  formerly   an  eminent  Surgeon,  faid,  it 
was  impoflible  to  fave  the  King's  life,  if  one  minute  was  loft: 
He  would  rather  venture  on  the  rigour  of  the  law,  than  leave 
the  King  to  perifti.    And  fo  he  let  him  blood.     The  King 
came  out  of  that  fit :  And  the  phyficians  approved  what  Dr. 
King  had  done :  Upon  which  the  Privy  Council  ordered  him 
a  thoufand  pound,   which  yet  was  never  paid  him.     Tho' 
the  King  came  out  of  that  fit,  yet  the  efFeds  of  it  hung  ftill 
upon  him,  fo  that  he  was  much  opprelTed.    And  the  phyfi- 
cians did  very  much  apprehend  the  return  of  another  fit, 
and  that  it  would  carry  him  off:  So  they  looked  on  him  as 
a  dead  man.     The  Bifliop  of  London  fpoke  a  little  to  him, 
to  difpofe  him  to  prepare  for  whatever  might  be  before  him.; 
to  which  the  King  anfwered  not  a  word.    But  that  was  im- 
puted partly  to    the  Bifhop's  cold    way    of  fpeaking,    and 
partly  to  the  ill  opinion  they  had  of  him  at  Court,  as  too 
i  bufy 


irh 


'    of  KingC  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  "^        607 

bufy  in  oppofition  to  Popery.  iT-^wr^y/ made  a  very  weighty  1(^85- 
exhortation  to  him;  in  which  he  ufed  a  good  degree  of  free-  ^>'VX> 
dom,  which  he  faid  was  neceffary,  fince  he  was  going  to  be 
judged  by  one  who  was  no  refpedter  of  perfons.  To  him 
the  King  made  no  anfwer  neither;  nor  yet  10  Ken ^  tho'  the 
moft  in  favour  with  him  of  all  the  Bifhops.  Some  imputed 
this  to  an  infenfibility,-  of  which  too  vifible  an  inftance  ap- 
peared, fmce  Lady  Portfmouth  fat  in  the  bed  taking  care  of 
him  as  a  wife  of  ahufband.  Others  gueffed  truer,  that  it  would 
appear  he  was  of  another  religion.  On  Thurfda'^  a  fecond  fit 
returned.  And  then  the  phyficians  told  the  Duke,  that  the 
King  was  not  like  to  live  a  day  to  an  end. 

The  Duke  immediately  ordered  Hudleflon^  the  Priefl:  that  He  received 
had  a  great  hand  in  faving  the  King  at  Worcefler  fight,  (for  Jjemrftotn 
which  he  was  excepted  out  of  all  fevere  a6ts  that  were  made  ?,  .^^p 
againft  Priefts,)  to  be  brought  to  the  lodgings  under  the  bed- 
chamber. And  when  he  was  told  what  was  to  be  done,  he 
was  in  great  confufion,  for  he  had  no  hoftie  about  him. 
But  he  went  to  another  Prieft,  that  lived  in  the  Court,  who 
gave  him  the  pix  with  an  hoftie  in  it.  But  that  poor  Prieft 
Was  fo  frighted  ,  that  he  run  out  of  Whitehall  in  fuch 
hafte  that  he  ftruck  againft  a  poft,  and  feemed  to  be  in  a  fit 
of  madnefswith  fear.  As  foon  z^Hudleflon  had  prepared  every 
thing  that  was  neceffary,  the  Duke  whifpered  the  King  in  the 
car.  Upon  that  the  King  ordered  that  all  who  were  in  the 
bedchamber  fhould  withdraw,  except  the  Earls  o^  Bathy  and 
Feverjham:  And  the  door  was  double  locked.  The  compa- 
ny was  kept  out  half  an  hour:  Only  Lord  Feverjham  opened 
the  door  once,  and  called  for  a  glafs  of  water.  Cardinal 
Howard  told  me  at  Rome,  that  Hudlejlon ,  according  to  the 
relation  that  he  fent  thither,  made  the  King  go  thro'  fome 
a(3:s  of  contrition,  and,  after  fuch  a  confeflion  as  he  could 
then  make,  he  gave  him  abfolution  and  the  other  Sacraments. 
The  hoftie  ftuck  in  his  throat :  And  that  was  the  occafion  of 
calling  for  a  glafs  of  water.  He  alfo  gave  him  extream  Unc- 
tion. All  muft  hare  been  performed  very  fuperficially,  fince 
it  was  fo  foon  ended.  But  the  King  feemed  to  be  at  great 
cafe  upon  it.  It  was  given  out,  that  the  King  faid  to  Hudle- 
fioriy  that  he  had  faved  him  twice,  firft  his  body,  and  now  his 
foul;  and  that  he  afked  him,  if  he  would  have  him  declare 
himfelf  to  be  of  their  Church.  But  it  feems  he  was  prepared 
for  this,  and  fo  diverted  the  King  from  it ;  and  faid,  he  took 
it  upon  him  to  fatisfy  the  world  in  that  particular.  But  tho* 
by  the  principles  of  all  religions  whatfoever  he  ought  to  have 

obliged 


(JOS        TheHlSTOKY  of  the  Feign 

i68y    obliged  him  to  make  open  profeflion  of  his  reli  ;ion,  yet,  it 
v-<V>^  feems,  the  confeciuences  of  that  were  apprehended  ,•  for  with- 
out doubt  that  poor  Pricft  aded  by  the  diredions  that  were 
given  him.     The  company  was  fuffered  to  come  in.    And  the 
King  went   thro'  the  agonies  of   death  with    a  calm   and  a 
conftancy,  that  amazed  all  who  were  about   him,  and  knew 
how  he  had  lived.     This  made  fome  conclude,  that  he  had 
made  a  will,  and  that  his  quiet  was  the  effe<5t  of  that.     Ken 
applied  himfelf  much  to  the  awaking  the  King's  confcience. 
He  fpoke  with  a  great  elevation,  both  of  thought  and  expref- 
fioti,  like  a  man  infpired,  as  thofe  who  were  prefent  told  me. 
He  refumed  the  matter  often,  and  pronounced  many  (hort  eja- 
culations and  prayers,  which  affeded  all  that  were  prefent,  ex- 
cept him  that  was  the  moft  concerned,  who  feemed  to  take 
no  notice  of  him,  and  made  no  anfwers  to  him.     He  pref- 
fed   the  King  fix  or  feven  times   to  receive  the  Sacrament. 
But  the  King  always  declined  it,  faying,  he  was  very  weak. 
"^  A  table  with  the  elements  upon  it  ready  to  be  confecrated  was 

brought  into  the  roomj  which  occafioned  a  report  to  be  then 
fpread  about,  that  he  had  received  it.  Keti  preffed  him  to 
declare  that  he  defired  it,  and  that  he  died  in  the  Commu-' 
nion  of  the  Church  of  En^and.  To  that  he  anfwered  no^ 
thing.  Ken  alked  him,  if  he  defired  abfolution  of  his  fins. 
It  feems  the  King,  if  he  then  thought  anything  at  all,  thought 
that  would  do  him  no  hurt.  So  Ken  pronounced  it  over 
him:  For  which  he  was  blamed,  fincetheKingexpreffednofenfe 
or  forrow  for  his  paft  life,  nor  any  purpofc  of  amendment. 
It  was  thought  to  be  a  proftitution  of  the  peace  of  the  Church, 
to  give  it  to  one,  who,  after  a  life  led  as  the  King's  had  been, 
feemed  to  harden  himfelf  againft:  every  thing  that  could  be  faid 
to  him.  Ken  was  alfo  cenfured  for  another  piece  of  indecen- 
cy :  He  prefented  the  Duke  of  Richmondy  Lady  Port/mouths 
fon,  to  be  blelfed  by  the  King.  Upon  this  fome  that  were 
in  the  room  cried  out,  the  King  was  their  common  father. 
And  upon  that  all  kneeled  down  for  his  blefling,  which  he 
gave  them.  The  King  fuffered  much  inwardly,  and  faid, 
he  was  burnt  up  within  j  of  which  he  complained  often,  but 
with  great  decency.  He  faid  once,  he  hoped  he  fhould  climb 
up  to  heaven's  gates,  which  was  the  only  word  favouring  of 
religion  that  he  was  heard  to  fpeak. 

He  gathered  all  his  ftrength  to  fpeak  his  lafl  words  to  the 
Duke,  to  which  every  one  hearkned  with  great  attention.  He 
expreffed  his  kindnefs  to  him,  and  that  he  now  delivered  all 
over  to  him  with  great  joy.  He  recommended  Lady  Portf- 
£,  ■  \.  mouth 


of  Kmg Charles  II.  -6c9 

m(^f/th  over  and  over  again  to  him.  He  faid,  he  had  always  1^85- 
loved  her,  aqdheloved  her  now  to  the  lail;  and  befought  the  ^-^^^^^^ 
Duke,  in  as  melting  words  as  he  could  fetch  out,  to  be  very 
kind  to  her  and  to  her  Ton.  He  recommended  his  other  chil- 
dren to  him:  And  concluded,  let  not  poor  iVf//)/ ftarve,-  that 
was  Mrs.  Gt/yn.  But  he  faid  nothing  of  the  Queen,  nor  any 
one  word  of  his  people,  or  of  hisfervants:  Nor  did  he  fpeak 
one  word  of  religion,  or  concerning  the  payment  af  his  debts, 
tho'  he  left  behind  him  about  poooo  guineas,  which  he  had 
gathered,  either  out  of  the  privy  purfe,  or  out  of  the  money  which 
was  fcnt  him  from  Frame,  or  by  other  methods,  and  which  he  had 
kept  fo  fecretly  that  no  perfon  whatfoever  knew  any  thing  of  it. 

He  continued  in  the  agony  till  Friday  at  eleven  a  clock ,  His  death, 
being  the  fixth  of  February  K^Sy,-  and  then  died  in  the  fifty 
fourth  year  of  hisage,  after  he  had  reigned,  if  we  reckon  from 
his  father's  death,  thirty  fix  years,  and  eight  days  j  or,  if  we 
reckon  from  hisReftoration,  twenty  four  years,  eight  months, 
and  nine  days.  There  were  many  very  apparent  fufpicions  of 
his  being  poifoned :  For  tho'  the  firft  acccfs  looked  like  an 
apoplexy,  yet  it  was  plain  in  the  progrefs  of  it  that  it  was  no 
apoplexy.  When  his  body  was  opened,  -the  phyficians  who 
viewed  ic  were,  as  it  were,  led  by  thofe  who  might  fiifpedt 
the  truth  to  look  upon  the  parts. that  were  certainly  found. 
But  both  Lower  and  Needham,  two  famous  phyficians,  told 
me,  they  plainly  difcerned  two  or  three  blewfpots  on  the  out- 
fide  of  the  ftpmach.  Needham  called  twice  to  have  it  open- 
ed: But  the  furgeons  feemed  not  to  hear  him.  And  when  he 
moved  it  the  fecond  time,  he,  as  he  told  me,  heard  Lower 
fay  to  one  that  ftood  next  him,  Needham  will  undo  us,  calling 
thus  to  have  the  ftomach  opened,  for  he  may  fee  they  will  not 
do  it.  They  were  div^erted  to  look  to  fomewhat  elfe:  And 
when  they  returned  to  look  upon  the  ftomach,  it  was  carried 
away  :  So  that  it  was  never  viewed.  Le  Fevre,  -a  French  phy- 
fician,  told  me,  he  faw  a  blacknefs  in  the  ihoulder:  Upon 
which  he  made  an  incifion  ,  and  faw  it  was  all  mortified. 
Shorty  another  phyfician,  who  was  a  Papift,  but  after  a  form 
of  his  own,  did  very  much  fufpedt  foul  dealing;  And  he  had 
talked  more  freely  of  it,  than  any  of  the  Proteftants  durft 
do  at  that  time.  But  he  was  not  long  after  taken  fuddenly 
ill,  upon  a  large  draught  of  wormwood  wine  which  he  had  drunk 
in  the  houfe  of  a  Popifli  patient,  that  lived  near  the  Tower, 
who  had  fent  for  him,  of  which  he  died.  And,  as  he  faid  to 
Lower,  Mdlmgton y  and  fome  other  phyficians,  he  believed 
that  he  himlclf  was  poifoned  for  his  having  fpoken  fo  freely  of 

7  CL  the 


(510         The  Hi  STORY  of  the  Reign 

1685    the  King's  death.     The  King's  body  was  indecently  negled- 
^>yy^'^<-^  cd.  Some  parts  of  his  inwards,  and  fome  pieces  of  the  fat,  were 
left  in  the  water  in  which  they  were  walhed :  All  which  were 
fo  careleflly  looked  after,  that  the  water  being  poured  out  at  a 
fcullery  hole  that  went  to  a  drain,  in  the  mouth  of  which  a 
grate  lay  ,  thefe  were  feen  lying  on  the  grate  many  days  af- 
ter.    His  funeral  was  very  mean.     He  did  not  lie  in  ftate:  No 
mournings  were  given:    And  the  expence  of  it  was  not  equal 
to  what  an  ordinary  Nobleman's  funeral  will  rife  to.     Many 
upon  this  faid,   that  he  deferved  better  from  his  brother,  than 
to  be  thus  ungratefully  treated  in  ceremonies  that  are  publick, 
and  that  make  an  impreflion  on  thofe  who  fee  them,  and  who 
will  make  fevere  obfervations  and  inferences  upon  fuch  omif- 
fions.     But  fince  I  have  mentioned  the  fufpicions  of  poifon, 
as  the  caufeof  his  death,  I  muft  add,  that  I  never  heard  any 
lay  thofe  fufpicions  on  his  brother.     But  his  dying  fo  critical- 
ly, as  it  were  in  the  minute  in  which  he  feemed  to  begin  a  turn 
of  aflFairs,  made  it  to  be  generally  the  more  believed,  and  that 
the  Papifts  had  done  it,  either  by  the  means  of  fome  of  Lady 
Port/mouth's  fervants,  or,  as  fome  fancied,  by  poifoned  fnuflF;  for 
fo  many  of  the  fmall  veins  of  the  brain  were  burft,    that  the 
brain  was  in  great  diforder,  and  no  judgment  could  be  made 
concerning  it.     To  this  I  fhall  add  a  very  furprifing  ftory,  * 
that  I  had  in  November  1709  from  Mr.  Henly  of  Hampjhire. 
He  told  me,  that,  when  the  Duchefs  of  Portjmouth  came  over 
to  Efigland  in  the  yen  1^99,  he  heard,  that  {he  had  talked 
as  if  King  Charles  had  been  poifoned  j  which  he  defiring  to  have 
from  her  own  mouth,  fhe  gave  him  this  account  of  it.     She 
was  always  prefTmg  the  King   to  make  both  himfclf  and  his 
people  eafy,  and  to  come  to  a  full  agreement  with  his  Parlia- 
ment: And  he  was  come  to  a  final  refolution  offending  away 
his  brother,  and  of  calling  a  Parliament;  which  was  to  be  ex- 
ecuted the  next  day  after  he  fell  into  that  fit  of  which  he  died. 
She  was  put  upon  the  fecret,  and  fpoke  of  it  to  no  perfon  alive, 
but  to  herConfeffor  :  But  the  Confeffor,  fhe  believed,  told  it  to 
fome,  who  feeing  what  was  to  follow  took  that  wicked  courfe 
to  prevent  it.     Having  this  from  fo  worthy  a  perfon,  as  I  have 
fet  it  down  without  adding  the  leaft  circumftance  to  it,  I  thought 
it  too  important  not  to  be  mentioned  inthishiftory.  It  difcovers 
bofh  the  knavery  of  Confelfors,   and  the  pradices  of  Papifts, 
fo  evidently,    that  there  is  no  need  of  making  any  further 
reflections  on  it. 

*  N,  B.    This  is  added  to  the  original  in  a  loofe  ilieet. 

Thus 


k 


of  King  Charle  sit  6ii 

Thus   lived  and  died   King  Charles  the  fecond.     He  was    16%^ 
the  greateft  inftance  in  hiftory  of  the  various  revolutions  of  J^jfT^^ 
which  any  one  man  Teemed  capable.     He  was  bred  up,  thetcr. 
iirft   twelve  years  of  his  life,  with  the  (plendor  that  became 
the  heir  of  fo  great  a  Crown.     After  that  he  paft  thro'  eigh- 
teen years  in  great  inequalities,  unhappy  in  the  war,  in  the 
lofs  of  his   Father,  and  of  the  Crown   of  England,     Scotland 
did  not  only  receive  him,  tho'  upon  terms  hard  of  digefti- 
on,  but  made  an  attempt  upon  England  for  him,  tho'  a  fee- 
ble one.     He  loft  the  battle  oi  Worcefler  with  too"  much  in- 
difference! And  then  he  {hewed  more  care  of  his  perfon,  than 
became  one  who  had  fo  much  at  ftake.     He  wandered  about 
England  for  ten  weeks  after  that,  hiding  from  place  to  place. 
Bttt,  under  all  the  apprehedfions  he  had  then  upon  him,  he 
{hewed  a  temper  fo  carelefs,  and  fo  much  turned   to   levity, 
that  he  was  then  diverting  himfelf  with  little  houfliold  fports, 
in  as  unconcerned  a  manner,  as  if  he  had  made  no  lofs,  and 
had  been  in  no  danger  at  all.     He  got  at  laft  out  of  Eng- 
land.   But  he  had  been  obliged  to  fo  many,  who  had   been 
faithful  to  him,  and  careful  of  him,  that  he  feemed  afterwards 
to  refolve  to  make  an  equal  return  to  them  all :  And  finding 
it  not  eafy  to  reward  them  all   as  they  defervcd,  he  forgot 
them  all  alike.     Moft  Princes  feem  to  have  this  pretty  deep 
in  them  j  and  to  think  that  they  ought  never  to  remember 
paft  fer vices,  but  that  their  acceptance  of  them  is  a  full  re- 
ward.    He,  of  all  in  our  age,  exerted  this  piece  of  preroga- 
tive in  the  ampleft   manner:  For  he  never  feemed  to  charge 
his  memory,  or  to  trouble  his  thoughts,  with  the  fenfe  of  any 
of  the  fervices  that  had  been  done  him.     While  he  was  abroad 
at  Parts,  Colen,  or  Brujfells,  he  never  feemed  to  lay  any  thing 
to  heart.     He  purfued  all  his  diverfions,  and  irregular  plea- 
fures,  in  a  free  carrier  j  and  feemed  to  be  as  ferene  under  the 
lofs  of  a  Crown,  as  the  greateft  Philofopher  could  have  been. 
Nor  did  he  willingly  hearken  to  any  of  thofe  projeAs,  with 
which  he  often  complained  that  his  Chancellor  perfecuted  him. 
That  in  which  he  feemed  moft  concerned  was,  to  find  money 
for  fupporting  his  expence.      And  it  was  often  faid,  that,  if 
Cromwell  would  have  compounded  the  matter,  and  have  given 
him  a  good  round  penfion,  that  he  might  have  been  induced 
to  refign  his  title  to  him.     During  his  exile  he  delivered  him- 
felf fo  entirely  to  his  pleafures,  that  he  became  incapable  of 
application.     He  fpent  little  of  his  time  in  reading  or  ftudy, 
andyetlefs  in  thinking.    And,  in  the  ftate  his  affairs  were  then 
in,  he  accuftomed  himfelf  to  fay  to  every  perfon,  and  upon  all 
3  occafions. 


612     71^^  Hi  STORY  fifth  Reign 

'  1,68  y    occafions,  that  which  he  thought  would  pleafe  moft:  So  that 
^J^^y""^  words  or  promifes  went  very  eafily  from  him.    And  he  had 
fo  ill  an  opinion  of  mankind,  that  he  thought  the  great  art 
of  living  and  governing  was,  to  manage  all  things*  and  all  per- 
fons  with  a  depth  of  craft  and  diflimulation.     And  in  that  few 
men  in  the  world  could  put  on  the  appearances  of  fincerity 
better  than  he  could :  Under  which  So  much  artifice  was  ufual- 
ly  hid,  that  in  conclufion  he  could  deceive  none,  for  all  were 
'become  miftruftful  of  him.     He  had  great  vices,  but  fcarce 
any  vertues  to  corred  them :  He  had  in  him  fome  vices  that 
were  lefs  hurtful,  which  corre(5ted  his  more  hurtful  ones.     He 
was.  during  the  adive  part  of  life  given  up  to  floth  and  lewd- 
nefs  to  fuch  a  degree,  that  he  hated  bufinefs,  and  could  not 
bear  the  engaging  in  any  thing  that  gave  him  much  trouble, 
or.put  himunder  any  conftraint.    And,  tho' he  defired  to  be- 
come abfolute,  and  to  overturn  both  our  religion  and  our  laws, 
yet  he  would  neither  run  the  rifque,  nor  give  himfelf  the  trou- 
ble, which  fo  great  a  defign  required.     He  had  an  appearance 
of  gentlenefs  in  his  outward  deportment :    But  he  leemcd  to 
have  no  bowels  nor  tendernefs  in  his  nature :  And  in  the  end 
of  his  life  he  became  cruel.     He  was  apt  to  forgive  all  crimes, 
even  blood  it  felf:  Yet  he  never  forgave  any  thing  that  was 
done  again  ft  himfelf,  after  his  firft  and  general  ad  of  indem- 
nity, which  was  to  be  reckoned  as  done  rather  upon  maxims 
of  ftate  than  inclinations  of  mercy.     He  .delivered  himfelf  up 
to  a  moft  enormous  courfe  of  vice,  without  any  fort  of  re- 
Ilraint ,     even   from  the   confideration    of  the  neareft  rela- 
tions :  The  moft  ftudied  extravagancies  that  way  feeyned,  to  the 
very  laft,  to  be  much  delighted  in,  and  purfued  by  him.     He 
had  the  art  of  making  all  people  grow  fond  of  him  at  firft, 
by  a  foftnefs  in  his  whole  way  of  converfation,  as  he  was  cer- 
tainly the  beft  bred  man  of  the  age.     But  when  it  appeared 
how  little  could  be  built  on  his  promife,  they  were  cured  of 
the  fondnefs  that  he  was  apt  to  raife  in  them.     When  he  faw 
young  men  of  quality,  who  had  fomething  more  than  ordi- 
nary in  ..them,  he  drew  them  about  him,  and  fet  himfelf  to 
jcorruptthem  both  in  religion  and  morality  j  in  which  he  proved 
fo  unhappily  fuccefsful,  that  he  left  England  muz\\  changed  at 
his  deatli  from  what  he  had  found  it  athisReftoration.  He  lov- 
ed to  talk  over  all  the  ftories  of  his  life  to  every  new  man  that 
came  about  him.     His  ftay  iwScotland^  and  the  fhare  he  had  in 
the  war  of  Pans,  in  carrying  meifages  from  the  one  fide  to  the 
other,  were  his  common  topicks.     He  went  over  thefe  in  a 
very  graceful  manner  5  but  fo  often,  and  fo  copioufly,  that  all 

I  thofe 


of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S  II.  ^         (J15 

tliofe  who  had  been  long  accuftomed  to  them  grew  weary  of    i6%<) 
them:  And  when  he  entred  on  thofe  ftories  they  ufually  with-  ^-^V>^ 
drew:  So  that  he  often  began  them  in  a  full  audience,  and  before 
he  had  done  there  were  not  above  four  or  five  left  about  him : 
Which   drew  a  fevere  jeit   from  U^'tlmot^  Earl  of  Rochefter. 
He  faid,  he  wondred  to  fee  a  man  have  fo  good  a  memory 
as  to  repeat  the  fame  ftory  without  lofing  the  leaft  circum- 
ftance,  and  yet  not  remember  that  he  had  told  it  to  the  fame 
perfons  the  very  day  before.     This  made  him  fond  of  flrangers ; 
for  they  hearkned  to  all  his  often  repeated  ftories,  and  went 
away  as  in  a  rapture  at  fuch  an  uncommon  condefcenfion  in  a     , 
King. 

His  perfon  and  temper,  his  vices  as  well  as  his  fortunes,  re- 
femble  the  character  that  we  have  given  us  oiTiberius  fo  much, 
that  it  were  eafy  to  draw  the  parallel  between  them.  Ttberius's 
ba.nifliment,  and  his  coming  afterwards  to  reign,  makes  the 
comparifon  in  that  refpe<5b  come  pretty  near.  His  hating  of 
bufinefs,  andhisloveof  pleafuresj  his  raifing  of  favourites,  and 
truftijDg  them  entirely,-  and  his  pulling  them  down,  and  hat- 
ing then!  excefhvely  ,•  his  art  of  covering  deep  defigns,  par- 
ticularly of  revenge,  with  an  appearance  ofioftnefs,  brings 
them  fo  near  a  likenefs,  that  I  did  not  wonder  much  to  ob- 
ferve  the  refemblance  of  their  face  and  perfon.  At  Rome  I 
faw  one  of  the  laft  ftatues  made  for  Ttberms,  after  he  had  loft 
his  teeth.  But,  bating  the  alteration  which  that  made,  it  was 
fo  like  King  Charles,  that  Prince  Borghefey  and  S'tgn'tor  Domi- 
mco  to  whom  it  belonged,  did  agree  with  me  in  thinking  that 
it  looked  like  a  ftatue  made  for  him.  * 

Few  things  ever  went  near  his  heart.  The  Duke  o^Glocef- 
ter's  death  feemed  to  touch  him  much.  But  thofe  who  knew 
him  beft  thought  it  was,  becaufe  he  had  loft  him  by  whom 
only  he  could  have  balanced  the  furviving  brother,  whom  he 
hated,  and  yet  embroiled  all  his  affairs  topreferve  the  fucceflion 
to  him. 

His  ill  condu6l:  in  the  firft  Dutch  war,  and  thofe  terrible  ca- 
lamities of  the  plague,  and  fire  of  London,  with  that  lofs  and 
reproach  which  he  fuffered  by  the  infult  2iX.Chatham,  made  all 
people  conclude  there  was  a  curfe  upon  his  government.  His 
throwing  the  publick  hatred  at  that  time  upon  Lord  Clarendon 
•was  both  unjuft  and  ungrateful.  And  when  his  people  had 
brought  him  out  of  all  his  difficulties  upon  his  entring  into  the 
triple  alliance,  his  felling  that  to  France,  and  his  entring  on 
the  fecond  Dutch  war  with  as  little  colour  as  he  had  for  the  fir{t ; 
his  beginning  it  with  the  attempt  on  the  Dutch  Smirna  fleet  j 

7  K  the 


614        TheHiST  OR  Y  of  the  keign 

,x6%^    the  (liuttinp;  up  the  Exchequer ,-  and  his   declaration  for  tolera- 
<y^rsj  tion,  which  was  a  ftep  for  the  introdu(5tion  of  Popery,-  make 
fuch  a  chain  of  black  adions,   flowing  from  blacker  defigns, 
that  it  amazed  thofe  who  had  known  all  this  to  fee  with  what 
impudent  flrains  of  flattery  addreffes  were  penned  during  his 
life,  and  yet  more  groflly  after  his  death.     His  contributing 
fo  much  to  the  raifing  the  greatnefs  of  France ,  chiefly  at  fea, 
was  fiich  an  error,  thatit  could  not  flow  from  want  of  thought, 
or  of  true  fenfe.     Rouvigny  told  me,  hedefired  that  all  the  me- 
thods the  French  took  in  the  increafe  and  condu6t  of  their  na- 
val force  might  be  fent  him.    And,  he  faid,  he  feemed  to  ftudy 
them  with  concern  and  zeal.     He  fhewed  what  errors  they 
committed,  and  how  they  ought  to  be  corrected,  as  if  he  had 
been  a  Viceroy  toFrancey  rather  than  a  King  that  ought  to  have 
watched  over  and  prevented  the  progrefs  they  made,  as  the 
greateft  of  all  the  mifchiefs  that  could  happen  to  him  or  to  his 
people.     They  that  judged  the  moft  favourably  of  this,  thought 
it  was  done  out  of  revenge  to  the  Dutch,  that,  with  the  aflif- 
tance  of  fo  great  a  fleet  as  France  could  join  to  his  own,  he 
might  be  able  to  deftroy  them.     But  others  put  a  worfe  con- 
ftrudion  on  it,-  and  thought,  that  feeing  he  could  not  quite 
mafter  or  deceive  his  fubjeds  by  his  own  ftrength  and  manage- 
ment, he  was  willing  to  help  forward  the  greatnefs  of  the />-fw/& 
at  fea,  that  by  their  afliftance  he  might  more  certainly  jfubdue 
his  own  people,-  according  to  what  was  generally  believed  to 
have  fallen  from  Lord  Clifford^  that,  if  the  King  muft  be  in  a 
dependance,  it  was  better  to  pay  it  to  a  great  and  generous 
King,  than  to  five  hundred  of  his  own  infolent  fubje<^s. 

No  part  of  his  chara<5ter  looked  wickeder,  as  well  as  mean- 
er, than  that  he,  all  the  while  that  he  was  profefling  to  be  of 
the  Church  oi  England ^  expreffing  both  zeal  and  affediion  to 
it,  was  yet  fecretly  reconciled  to  the  Church  oi  Rome:  Thus, 
mocking  God  and  deceiving  the  world  with  fo  grofs  a  preva- 
rication. And  his  not  having  the  honefty  or  courage  to  own 
it  at  the  lafl::  His  dot  fhewing  any  fign  of  the  leafl:  re- 
morfe  for  his  ill  led  life,  or  any  tendernels  either  for  his  fub-* 
jtdts  in  general,  or  for  the  Queen  and  his  fervants;  And  his  re- 
commending only  his  miftreffes  and  their  children  to  his  bro- 
ther's care,  would  have  been  a  ftrange  conclufion  to  any  othe^;'s 
life,  but  was  well  enough  fuited  to  all  the  other  parts  of  his. 

The  two  papers  found  in  his  ftrong  box  concerning  religi- 
on, and  afterwards  publiflied  by  his  brother,  looked  like  ftudy 
and  reafoning.  Tennifon  told  me,  he  faw  the  original  in  Pe- 
py's  hand,  to  whom  King  James  trufted  them  for  fome  time. 

3  They 


tf/Az;?^ Charles  II.         615 

They  were  interlined  in  feveral  places.  And  the  interlinings  idSj 
fcemed  to  be  writ  in  a  hand  different  from  that  in  which  the  ^-^^"V'"^^ 
papers  were  writ.  But  he  was  not  fo  well  acquainted  with  the 
King's  hand,  as  to  make  any  judgment  in  the  matter,  whe- 
ther they  were  writ  by  him  or  not.  All  that  knew  him, 
when  they  read  them,  did  without  any  fort  of  doubting  con- 
clude, that  he  never  compofed  them :  For  he  never  read  the 
Scriptures,  nor  laid  things  together,  further  than  to  turn  them 
toajcft,  or  for  fome  lively  exprellion.  Thefepapers  were  pro- 
bably writ  either  by  hord  Brijiol,  or  by  Lord  Auhtgn'),  who  knew 
the  fecret  of  his  religion,  and  gave  him  thofe  papers,  as  ab- 
ftrads  of  fome  difcourfes  they  had  with  him  on  thofe  heads, 
to  keep  him  fixed  to  them.  And  it  is  very  probable  that  they, 
apprehending  their  danger  if  any  fuch  papers  had  been  found 
about  him  writ  in  their  hand,  might  prevail  with  him  to  copy 
them  out  himfelf,  tho'  his  lazinefs  that  way  made  it  certainly 
no  eafy  thing  to  bring  him  to  give  himfelf  fo  much  trouble. 
He  had  talked  over  a  great  part  of  them  to  my  felf :  So  that,  as 
foon  as  I  faw  them,  I  remembred  his  expreffions,  and  perceiv- 
ed that  he  had  made  himfelf  mafter  of  the  argument,  as  far 
as  thofe  papers  could  carry  him.  But  the  publiihing  them 
fhewed  a  want  of  judgment,  or  of  regard  to  his  memory,  in 
thofe  who  did  it :  For  the  greateft  kindnefs,  that  could  be 
{hewn  to  his  memory,  would  have  been,  to  let  both  his  papers 
and  himfelf  be  forgotten. 

Which  I  (hould  certainly  have  done,  if  I  had  not  thought 
that  the  laying  open  of  what  I  knew  concerning  him  and  his 
affairs  might  be  of  fome  ufe  to  pofterity.  And  therefore,  how 
ungrateful  foever  this  labour  has  proved  to  my  felf,  and  how 
unacceptable  foever  it  may  be  to  fome,  who  are  either  obliged 
to  remember  him  gratefully,  or  by  the  engagement  of  parties 
and  interefts  are  under  other  bialTes,  yet  I  have  gone  thro'  all 
that  I  knew  relating  to  his  life  and  reign  with  that  regard  to 
truth,  and  what  I  think  may  be  inftru6tive  to  mankind,  which 
became  an  impartial  writer  of  hiftory,  and  one  who  believes, 
that  he  muft  give  an  account  to  God  of  what  he  writes,  as  well 
as  of  what  he  fays  and  does. 


Tloe  END  of  King  C  h  a  r  l  e  s  /^^  fecond's  Reign. 


THE 


617 


THE 


^ 


HISTORY 


¥ 


O  F 


My  Own  Times. 


BOOK    IV 

Of  the  reign  of  King  James  IL 


AM  now  to  profecute  this  work,  and  to  give    K^gr 
the  relation  of  an  inglorious   and  unprofpe-  oorv-^ 
rous  reign,  that  was  begun  with  great  advan-  happ5fy^be- 
tages :  But  thefe  were  fo  poorly  managed,  and  Ifo^jjJjJi'ji"" 
fo  ill  improved,  that  bad  defigns  were  ill  laid,  over, 
and  worfe  condu6ted;   and  all  came  in  con- 
clufion  under  one  of  the  ftrangeft  cataftrophe's  that  is  in  any 
hiftory.     A  great  King   with   ftrong  armies  ,    and  mighty 
fleets ,    a  vaft  treafure,  and  powerful  allies,  fell  all  at  once : 
And  his  whole  ftrength,  like  a  fpider's  web,  was  fo  irrecover- 
ably broken  with  a   touch,  that  he  was   never   able   to   re- 


% 

4 

.^■^^i 

if 

trieve 


what  for    want  both    of  judgment    and   heart   he 

7  S  threw 


018        The  History  of  the  Reign 

i6^<(    threw  up  in  a  day.     Such  an  uncxpeded  revolution  deferves 
v-'^V^^  to  be  well  opened:  I  will  do  it  as  fully  as  I  can.     But,  hav- 
ing been  beyond  fea  almoft  all  this  reign,  many  fmall  par- 
tiaulars,  that  may  well  deferve  to  be  remembred,  may  have 
efcaped  me:  Yet  as  I  had  good  opportunities  to  be  well  in- 
formed, I  will   pafs  over  nothing  that  feems  of  any  impor- 
tance to  the  opening  fuch  great  and  unufual  tranfa6tions.    I 
will  endeavour  to  watch  over  my  pen  with  more  than  ordinary 
caution,  that  I  may  let  no  fharpnefs,    from  any  ill  ufagc  I 
my  felf  met  with,  any  way  pofTefs  my  thoughts,  or  biafs  my 
mind:    On  the  contrary,    the  fad   fate   of  this  unfortunate 
Prince  will  make  me  the  more  tender  in  not  aggravating  the 
errors  of  his  reign.     As  to  my  own  particular,    I  will  re- 
member how  much  I  was  once  in  his  favour ,  and  how  high- 
ly I  was  obliged  to  him.    And  as  I  muft  let  his  defigns  and 
mifcarriages  be  feen,  fo  I  will  open  things  as  fully  as  I  can, 
that  it  may  appear  on  whom  wc  ought  to  lay  the  chief  load 
of  them :  Which  indeed  ought  to  be  chiefly  charged  on  his 
religion,  and  on  thofe  who  had  the  management  of  his  con- 
fcience,  his  Priefl;s,  and  his  Italian  Queen  ^  which  laft  had 
hitherto  a6ted  a  popular   part  with  great  artifice  and   fkill, 
but  came  now  to   take  oflF  the   mafk  ,    and  to  difcover  her 
felf. 
The  King's       This  Prlncc  was  much  negledled  in  his  childhood,  during 
firrt  educa-  j.|^g  j-j^^g  j^^  ^^^  Under  his  Father's  care.      The  Parliament, 

getting  him  into  their  hands,  put  him  under  the  Earl  of  Nor- 
thumberland's government,  who,  as   the  Duke  himfelf   told 
me,  treated  him  with  great   refped:,    and  a  very  tender  re- 
gard.    When  he  cfcaped  out  of  their   hands,  by  the  means 
of  Coll. ' Bamfieldy  his  Father  writ  to  him  a  letter  in  cypher, 
concluding  in   thele  plain  words.  Do  this  as  <you  expeB  the 
hlejfmg  of  'your  loving  Father.     This  was  fent  to  William  Duke 
of  Hamilton,  but  came  after  he  had  made  his  efcape  :   And 
fo  I  found  it  among  his  papers:  And  I  gave  it  to  the  Duke  of 
York  in  the  year  1674.     He  faid  to  me,  he  believed  he  had  his 
Father's  cypher  among  his  papers,    and   that  he  would   try 
to  decypher   the  letter:    But  I  believe  he  never   did  it.     I 
told  him,  I  was  confident,  that  as  the  letter  was  writ  when 
his  efcape  was  under  confideration,  fo  it  contained  an  order 
to  go  to  the  Queen,  and  to  be  obedient  to  her  in  all  things, 
except  in  matters   of  religion.      The  King   appointed    Sir 
'^john  Berkeley,  afterwards  Lord  Berkeley,  to  be  his  Governor. 
It  was  a  ftrange  choice,    if  it  was  not  that,  in  fuch  a  wane 
of    men    who    ftuck    to    the    King   as    was    then  ,    there 


tion 


were 


-'-« of  King  J  A.M  iE  S:  II.      r         ^^ ,  9 

were  few  capable  in  atiy  fort  of  fuch  a  truft.     Berkeley  was    i<58j 
bold  and  infolent,  and  feemed  to  lean  to  Popery:  He  was  ^"'^^''^ 
certainly   very  arbitrary,    both  in   his  temper  and   notions. 
The  Queen  took  fuch  a  particular  care  of  this  Prince,  that 
he  was  foon  obferved  to  have  more  of  her  favour  than  either 
of  his  two  brothers :  And  (he  was   fo  fet  on  making  profe- 
lytes,  hoping  that  to  fave  a  foul  would  cover  a  multitude  offim^ 
that  it  is  not  to  be   doubted  but  fhc  ufed  more  than  ordi- 
nary arts  to  draw  him  over  to  her  religion.     Yet,    as  he 
himfelf  told  me,  he  ftood  out  againft  her  practices. 

During  his  ftay  in  France  he  made  fome  campaigns  un-  He  learned 
der  Mr.  de  Turenne,  who  took  him  fo  particularly  under  his  SJii*" . 
care,  that  he  inftrudled  him  in  all  that  he  undertook,  and 
fhewed  him  the  reafons  of  every  thing  he  did  fo  minutely, 
that  he  had  great  advantages  by  being  formed  under  the 
greateft  General  of  the  age.  Turenne  was  fo  much  taken 
with  his  application,  and  the  heat  that  he  fhewed,  that  he 
recommended  him  out  of  meafure.  He  faid  often  of  him: 
There  was  the  greateft  Prince,  and  like  to  be  the  beft  Ge- 
neral of  his  time.  This  raifed  his  character  fo  much,  that 
the  King  was  not  a  little  eclipfed  by  him.  Yet  he  quickly 
ran  into  amours  and  vice.  And  that  by  degrees  wore  out 
any  courage  that  had  appeared  in  his  youth.  And  in  the 
end  of  his  life  he  came  to  lofe  the  reputation  of  a  brave 
man  and  a  good  Captain  fo  entirely,  that  either  he  was  ne- 
ver that  which  flatterers  gave  out  concerning  him,  or  his  age 
and.  affairs  wrought  a  very  unufual  change  on  him.  7   ;?r. .'/ 

He  feemed  to  follow  his  mother's  maxims  all  the  while 
he  was  beyond  fea.  He  was  the  head  of  a  party  that  was 
formed  in  the  King's  fmall  Court  againft  Lord  Clarendon^ 
And  it  was  believed  that  his  applications  to  Lord  Clarendon's 
daughter  were  made  at  firft  on  defign  to  diihonour  his  fa- 
mily ,  tho'  fhe  had   the  addrefs  to  turn  it  another  way. 

After  his  brother's  Reftoration  he  applied  himfelf  much  to  HewasAd^ 
the  Marine,  in  which  he  arrived  at  great  fkill,  and  brought  England* 
the  fleet  fo  entirely  into  his  dependance,  that  even  after  he 
laid  down  the  command  he  was  ftill  the  mafter  of  our  whole 
ica  force.     He   had  now  for  thefe  laft   three  years  directed 
all    our  counfels   with    fo    abfolute  an   authority,    that   the 
King   feemed   to   have  left   the   government   wholly  in   his 
hands;    Only  the  unlocked    for   bringing  in  the    Duke    of 
Monmouth  put  him  under  no   fmall  apprehenfions,     that  at 
fome  time  or  other  the  King  might  flip  out  of  his  hands: 
Now  that  fear  was  over. 

J  The 


620        The  HlsrOKY  of  the  Reign 

16%^        The  King  was  dead :  And  Co  all  the  Court  went  immediately 
<^^y^<J  and  paid  their  duty  to  him.     Orders  were  prefently  given 
dJiwd^'°'for  proclaiming  him  King.     It  was  a  heavy  ibiemnity:  Few 
^°*'        tears  were  fhed  for  the  former,    nor  were  there  any  ftiouts 
of  joy  for  the  prefent  King.     A  dead  filence,    but  without 
any  diforder  or  tumult,  followed  it  thro'  the  ftreets.     When 
the  Privy  Counfellors  came  back   from   the   proclamation, 
and  waited  on  the  new  King,  he  made  a  fhort  fpeech  to 
them  J  which  it  feems  was  well  confidered,  and   much  liked 
by  him,  for  he  repeated  it  to  his  Parliament,  and  upon  fe- 
veral  other  occaiions. 
His  firft         He  began  with  an  expoftulation  for  the  ill  character  that 
fpeech        [lad  been  entertained  of  him.     He  told  them ,  in  very  pofi- 
tive  words,    that  he  would  never  depart  from   any    branch 
of  his  prerogative:  But  with  that  he  promifed,  that  he  would 
maintain  the  liberty  and  property  of  the  fubjedt.   He  expreA 
fed  his  good  opinion  of  the  Church  of  England,  as  a  friend  to 
monarchy.     Therefore,  he  faid,  he  would  defend  and  main- 
tain the  Church ,    and  would  preferve  the  government  in 
Church  and  State,  as  it  was  eftabliihed  by  law. 
well  w-         This  fpeech  was  foon  printed,  and  gave  great  content  to 
ccired.       thofc  who  bcHcved  that  be  would  ftick  to  the  promifes  made 
in  it.   And  thofe  few,  who  did  not  believe  it,  yet  durft  not 
fecm  to  doubt  of  it.     The  pulpits  of  England  were  full  of  it, 
and  of  thankfgivings  for  it.     It  was  magnified  as  a  fecurity  far 
greater  than  any  that  laws  could  give.   The  common  phrafc 
was.  We  have  now  the  word  of  a  King^  and  a  word  never  ^et 
broken, 
Addrcfles        Upon  this  a  new  fet  of  addrelTes  went  round  England,  in 
madetohim.^jj-^j^  the  higheft  commendations  that  flattery  could  invent 
were  given  to  the  late  King  j  and  alTurances  of  loyalty  and 
fidelity  were  renewed  to  the  King,    in  terms    that  Ihewed 
there  were  no  jealoufies  nor  fears  left.     The  Univerfity  of 
Oxford  in  their  addrefs  promifed  to   obey  the   King  without 
limitations  or  reJiriBions.     The  King's  promife  paft  for  a  thing 
fo  facred,  that  they  were  looked  on  as  ill  bred  that  put  in 
their  addrefs,  our  Religion  efiablijhed  by  law-,    which  looked 
like  a  tie  on  the  King  to  maintain  it :  Whereas  the  ftile  of 
the  more  courtly  was  to  put  all  our  fecurity  upon  the  King's 
promife.     The  Clergy  of  London  added  a  word   to   this   in 
their  addrefs,  our  Religion  ejiablijhed  by  law,  dearer  to  us  than 
our  lives.     This  had  fuch   an   infinuation  in  it,    as  made  it 
very  unacceptable.     Some  followed  their  pattern.   But  this  was 

J.  marked 


of  King]  AMES  II.        :^         621 

inarked  to  be  remembrcd  againft  thofe  that  ufed  fo  menacing     i6^j 
a  form.  oorv^ 

All  employments  were  ended  of  courfe  with  the  life  of  the 
former  King.     But  the  King  continued  all  in  their  places: 
Only  the  pofts  in  the  Houfhold  were  given  to  thofe  who  had 
fervcd  the  King,  while  he  was  Duke  of  Tork.     The  Marquis 
of  Halifax  had  reafon  to  look  on   himfelf  as   in  ill   terms 
with  the  King :  So  in  a  private  audience  he  made  the  beft  ex- 
cufes  he  could  for  his  conduct  of  late.     The  King  diverted 
the  difcourfe^  and  faid,    he  would   forget  every  thing  that 
was  paft,  except  his  behaviour  in  the  bufinefs  of  the  Exclu- 
lion.     The  King  alfo  added,  that  he  would  exped  no  other 
fervice  of  him  than  what  was  confiftent  with  law.     He  pre- 
pared him  for  the  exaltation   of  the  Earl  of  Rochefier.     HeTheEariof 
laid,    he  had  fcrved  him  well,    and  had  fuffered  on  his  ac-^nade'td 
count,    and   therefore  he  would   now   fhew  favour  to  him:^'^"^"^"- 
And  the  next  day  he   declared    him   Lord   Treafurer.     His 
brother  the  Earl   of  Clarendon  was  made  Lord   Privy  Seal : 
And  the  Marquis  of  Halifax  was  made  Lord  Prefident  of  the 
Council.     The  Earl  of  Sunderland  was  looked  on  as  a  man 
loft  at  Court:  And  fo  was  Lord  Godolphin,    But   the  former 
of  thefe  infinuated  himfelf  fo  into   the  Queen's  confidence, 
that    he  was,    beyond  all    peoples    expe(5tation  ,     not    only 
maintained  in  his  pofts,  but  grew  into  great  degrees  of  fa- 
vour. 

The  Queen  was  made  to  confider  the  Earl  of  Rochefier  as  a  The  Eari  of 
perfon  that  would  be  in  the  intereft  of  the  King's  daughters,  tah7^l^f 
and  united  to  the  Church  party.  So  fhe  faw  it  was  neceftary 
to  have  one  in  a  high  poft,  who  fhould  depend  wholly  on 
her,  and  be  entirely  hers.  And  the  Earl  of  Sunderland  was 
the  only  perfon  capable  of  that.  The  Earl  of  Rochefier  did 
upon  his  advancement  become  fo  violent  and  boifterous,  that 
the  whole  Court  joined  to  fupport  the  Earl  of  Sunderland^  as 
the  proper  balance  to  the  other.  Lord  Godolphin  was  put  in 
a  great  poft  in  the  Queen's  Houfliold, 

But  before  the  Earl  of  Rochefier  had  the  White  Staff,  the  Cunoms 
Court  engaged  the  Lord  Godolphin^  and  the  other  Lords  of  |'e"'Jef ^^1^" 
the  Treafury,   to  fend  orders   to  the  Commiffioners  of  the  s^'"*^  ''»^- 
Cuftoms   to   continue   to   levy    the   Cuftoms,     tho'   the   a6t 
that  granted  them   to  the  late  King  was   only  for  his  life, 
and  fo   was   now  determined  with   it.     It   is   known ,    how 
much  this  matter  was   contefted  in  King  Charles  the  firft's 
time,  and  what  had  paft  upon  it.     The  legal  method  was 
to  have  made  entries,    and  to  have  taken   bonds  for  thofe 

7  T  duties. 


622       TheHlSTORYoftheReign 

168  f  duties,  to  be  paid  when  the  Parliament  fliould  meet,  and 
^^^'y^  renew  the  grant.  Yet  the  King  declared,  that  he  would 
levy  the  Cuftoms,  and  not  ftay  for  the  new  grant.  Bur, 
tho'  this  did  not  agree  well  with  the  King's  promife  of 
maintaining  liberty  and  property,  yet  it  was  faid  in  excufe 
for  it,  that,  if  the  Cuftoms  fhould  not  be  levied  in  this 
interval,  great  importations  would  be  made,  and  the  markets 
would  be  fo  ftocked,  that  this  would  very  much  fpoil  the 
King's  Cuftoms.  But  in  anfwerto  this  it  was  faid  again,  entries 
were  to  be  made,  and  bonds  taken,  to  be  fued  when  the  a6b 
granting  them  fhould  pafs.  Endeavours  were  ufed  with  fomc 
of  the  merchants  to  refufe  to  pay  thofe  duties,  and  to  dif- 
pute  the  matter  in  JVeftm'mJier-Hall:  But  none  would  venture 
on  fo  bold  a  thing.  He  who  fhould  begin  any  fuch  oppo- 
fition  would  probably  be  ruined  by  it:  So  none  would  run 
that  hazard.  The  Earl  of  Rochefter  got  this  to  be  done  be-" 
fore  he  came  into  the  Treafury:  So  he  pretended,  that  he 
only  held  on  in  the  courfe  that  was  begun  by  others. 

The  additional  Excife  had  been  given  to  the  late  Kino- 
only  for  life.  But  there  was  a  claufe  in  the  ad  that  em- 
powered the  Treafury  to  make  a  farm  of  it  for  three  years, 
without  adding  a  limiting  claufe,  in  cafe  it  fhould  be  fo  long 
due.  And  it  was  thought  a  great  ftretch  of  the  claufe,  to 
make  a  fraudulent  farm,  by  which  it  fhould  continue  to  be 
levied  three  years  after  it  was  determined  according  to  the 
5n'  letter  and  intendment  of  the  a6t.     A  farm  was  now  brought 

out,  as  made  during  the  King's  life,  tho'  it  was  well  known 
that  no  fuch  farm  had  been  made;  for  it  was  made  after 
his  death,  but  a  falfe  date  was  put  to  it.  This  matter  feemed 
doubtful.  It  was  laid  before  the  Judges.  And  they  all,  ex- 
cept two,  were  of  opinion  that  it  was  good  in  law.  So  two 
Proclamations  were  ordered,  the  one  for  levying  the  Cuftoms, 
and  the  other  for  the  Excife. 

Thefe  came  out  in  the  firft  week  of  the  reign,  and  gave 

a  melancholy   profpedt.     Such   beginnings   did   not   promife 

well,  and  raifed  juft  fears  in    the  minds   of  thofe  who  con- 

fidered  the  confequences  of  fuch  proceedings.    They  faw,  that 

by  violence  and  fraud  duties  were  now  to  be  levied  without 

law.    But  all  people  were  under  the  power  of  fear  or  flattery 

to  fuch  a  degree,  that  none  durft  complain,  and  few  would 

venture  to  talk  of  thofe  matters. 

The  King's      Perfons  of  all  ranks  went  in  fiich  crouds  to  pay  their  duty 

t^hofe  who  to  the  K,ing,  that  it  was  not  eafy  to  admit  them  all.     Moft 

the  Exdu°^^^  the  Whigs  that  were  admitted  were  received  coldly  at  beft. 

fion.  X  Some 


of  King] AMES  II.  623 

Some  were  fliarply  reproached  for  their  paft  behaviour.  i6S^ 
Others  were  denied  accefs.  The  King  begtan  likewife  to  ^•-0'>*>' 
fay,  that  he  would  not  be  ferved  as  his  brother  had  been: 
He  would  have  all  about  him  ferve  him  without  referve,  and 
go  thorough  in  his  bufinefs.  Many  were  amazed  to  fee 
fuch  fteps  made  at  firft.  The  fecond  Sunda'^  after  he  came 
to  the  Throne,  he,  to  the  furprize  of  the  whole  Court,  went 
openly  to  Mafs,  and  fent  Car'^l  to  Rome  with  letters  to  the 
Pope,  but  without  a  character. 

In  one  thing  only  the  King  feemed  to  comply  with  theH^^^nied  - 
genius  of  the  Nation,  tho'  it  proved  in  the  end  to  be  onlyquai  terms 
afhew.  He  feemed  refolved  not  to  be  governed  by  FrenchYr^„!i^^^„ 
counfels,  but  to  act  in  an  equality  with  that  haughty  Mo- 
narch in  all  things.  And,  as  he  entertained  all  the  other 
foreign  Minifters  with  affurances  tbat  he  would  maintain  the 
balance  of  Eurape  with  a  more  fteady  hand  than  had  been 
done  formerly  j  fo  when  he  fent  over  the  Lord  Church'tl  to 
the  Court  of  France  with  the  notice  of  his  brother's  deatli, 
he  ordered  him  to  obferve  exadly  the  ceremony  and  ftate 
with  which  he  was  received,  that  he  might  treat  him,  who 
ihould  be  fent  over  with  the  complement  in  return  to  that, 
in  the  fame  manner.  And  this  he  obferved  very  punctually, 
when  the  Marfhal  de  Lorge  came  over.  This  was  fet  about 
by  the  Courtiers  as  a  fign  of  another  fpirit,  that  might  be 
looked  for  in  a  reign  fo  begun.  And  this  made  fome  im- 
preffion  on  the  Court  of  France^  and  put  them  to  a  ftand. 
But,  not  long  after  this,  the  French  King  faid  to  the  Duke 
of  F^tlleroyy  (  who  told  it  to  young  Rotw'tgn'y ,  now  Earl  of 
Galloway^  from  whom  I  had  it,)  that  the  King  of  England^ 
after  all  the  high  things  given  out  in  his  name,  was  willing 
to  take  his  money,  as  well  as  his  brother  had  done. 

The  King   did  alfo   give  out,    that   he  would   live   in  a 
particular   confidence  with   the   Prince   oi  Orange ,    and   the 
States  of  Holland.    And,  becaufe   Chudleigh  the  Envoy  there 
had  openly  broken  with  the  Prince,   (for  he  not  only  wait- 
ed no  more  on  him,  but  adted  openly  againft  him  ,•  and  once 
in  the  Vorhaut  had  affronted  him,  while  he  was  driving  the 
Princefs  upon  the  fnow  in  a  Trainau,  according  to  the  Ger- 
man manner,  and  pretending  they  were   mafked,    and   that 
he  did  not  know  them,  had  ordered  his  coachman  to  keep 
his  way,  as  they  were  coming  towards  the  place  where  he 
drove i)  the  King  recalled  him,  and  itntShelton  in  his  room, 
who  was  the   haughtieft,  but  withal  the  weakeft  man,   that 
he  could  have  found  out.   He  talked  out  all  fecrets,  and  made 

him- 


624     TheHiSTOk'^ofthe  Reign 

1685    himfelf  the  fcorii   of  all  Holland.     The  Courtiers  now  faid 
yy^y^^  every  where,  that  we  had  a  martial  Prince  who  loved  glory, 
who  would  bring  France  into  as  humble  a  dependance  on  us, 
as  we  had  been  formerly  on  that  Court. 
The  King's       The  King  did,  fome  days  after  his  coming  to  the  Crown, 
courfe  of    promifc  the  Queen  and   his  Priefts,   that  he  would  fee  Mrs. 
Sidley  no  more,  by  whom   he  had  fome  children.     And  he 
fpoke  openly  againft  leudnefs,  and  exprelTed  a  deteftation  of 
drunkennefs.    He  fate  many  hours  a  day  about  bufinefs  with, 
the  Council,  the  Treafury,  and  the  Admiralty.     It  was  up- 
on this  faid,  that  now  we  fhould  have  a  reign  of  adion  and 
bufinefs,  and  not  of  floth  and  luxury,  as  the  laft  was.     Mrs. 
Sidley  had  lodgings  in  Whitehall:    Orders   were   fent   to  her 
to  leave  them.     This  was  done  to  mortify  her;  for  fhe  pre- 
tended  that    {he   fhould    now   govern    as   abfolutely    as   the 
Duchefs  of  Port/mouth  had    done :  Yet  the  King   ftill  conti- 
nued a  fecret  commerce  with  her.    And  thus  he  began  his 
reign   with  fome  fair  appearances.     A  long  and  great  froft 
had  fo  fhut  up  the  Dutch  ports,    that  for  fome  weeks  they 
had   no  letters  from  England:  At  laft  the  news  of  the  King's 
ficknefs  and  death,  and  of  the  beginnings  of  the  new  reign, 
came  to  them  all  at  once. 
The  Prince       '^^^  ^^^  difficulty  the  Prince  oi  Orange  was  in,  was  with 
oi Orange    relation  to  the  Duke  oi  Monmouth.     He  knew  the  King  would 
the  Duife  of  immediately,  after  the  firft  compliments  were  over,  alk  him 
Monmouth.  ^^  Jifmifs  him,  if  not  to  deliver  him  up.    And  as  it  was  no 
way  decent  for  him  to  break  with  the  King  upon  fuch  a 
point,  fo  he  knew  the  States  would  never  bear  it.     He  thought 
it  better  to  difmifs  him  immediately,    as  of  himfelf.     The 
Duke  of  Monmouth  feemed  furprifed  at  this.    Yet  at  parting 
he  made  great  proteftations  both  to  the  Prince  and  Princefs 
of  an  inviolable  fidelity  to  their  interefts.    So  he  retired  to 
Brujfehj  where  he  knew  he  could  be  fuffered  to  ftay  no  longer 
than  till  a  return  fhould  come  from  Spain,  upon  the  notice  of 
King  Charles's   death,    and  the   declarations   that  the  King 
was  making   of  maintaining   the   balance  of  Europe.     The 
Duke  was  upon  that  thinking  to  go  to  Vienna,  or  to  fome 
Court  in  German'^.     But  thofe  about  him  fludied  to  inflame 
him  both  againft  the  King  and  the  Prince  of  Orange.     They 
told  him,  the   Prince  by   cafting  him  off  had  cancelled  all 
former  obligations,  and  fet  him  free   from   them:    He  was 
now  to  look  to  himfelf:    And  inftead  of  wandring  about  as  a 
vagabond,    he  was   to  fet  himfelf  to   deliver  his  countrey, 
and  to  raife  his  party  and  his  friends,  who  were  now   like 
I  to 


of  King]  AMES  II.  625 

to  be  ufed   very  ill   for  their  adhering    to  him  and   to  his     i<^8j 
intereft.  ^  ^^^^^ 

They  fent  one  over  to  Rnoland  to  try  mens  pulfes,  and  Some  in 
to  lee  ir  it  was  yet  a  proper  time  to  make  an  attempt.  ga„  to  move 
Wtldman,  Charlton,  and  fome  others  went  about  trying,  {{^ot  hmi. 
men  were  in  a  difpofition  to  encourage  an  invafion. 
They  talked  of  this  in  fo  remote  a  way  of  /peculation,  that 
tho'  one  could  not  but  fee  what  lay  at  bottom,  yet  they  did  not 
run  into  treafonable  difcourfe.  I  was  in  general  founded  by 
them :  Yet  nothing  was  propofed  that  ran  me  into  any  dan- 
ger from  concealing  it.  I  did  not  think  fears  and  dangers, 
nor  fome  illegal  a<5ts  in  the  adminiftration  ,  could  juf- 
tify  an  infurredion,  as  lawful  in  it  felf:  And  I  was  confident 
an  infurrediion  undertaken  on  fuch  grounds  would  be  fo  ill 
(econded,  and  fo  weakly  fiipported,  that  it  would  not  only 
come  to  nothing,  but  it  would  precipitate  our  ruin.  There- 
fore I  did  all  I  could  to  divert  all  perfons  with  whom  I  had 
any  credit  from  engaging  in  fuch  defigns.  Thefe  were  for 
fome  time  carried  on  in  the  dark.  The  King,  after  he  had 
put  his  affairs  in  a  method,  refolved  to  haften  his  Corona- 
tion ,  and  to  have  it  performed  with  great  magnificence  : 
And  for  fome  weeks  he  was  fo  entirely  polfeffed  with  the 
preparations  for  that  folemnity,  that  all  bufinefs  was  laid 
afide,  and  nothing  but  ceremony  was  thought  on. 

At  the  fame  time  a  Parliament  was  fummoned :  And  all  Strange 
arts  were  ufed  to  manage  eledions  fo,  that  the  King  fhouldeiea.ons'of 
have  a  Parliament  to  his  mind.  Complaints  came  up  from  jn^en'''™^"* 
all  the  parts  of  England  of  the  injuftice  and  violence  ufed  in 
elections,  beyond  what  had  ever  been  pra<5tifed  in  former 
times.  And  this  was  fo  univerfal  over  the  whole  Nation,  that 
no  corner  of  it  was  neglected.  In  the  new  Charters  that 
had  been  granted,  the  election  of  the  members  was  taken 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  inhabitants,  and  reftrained  to  the 
Corporation-men,  all  thofe  being  left  out  who  were  not  ac- 
ceptable at  Court.  In  fome  Boroughs  they  could  not  find 
a  number  of  men  to  be  depended  on :  So  the  neighbouring 
Gentlemen  were  made  the  Corporation-men:  And,  in  fome 
of  thefe,  perfons  of  other  Counties,  not  fo  much  as  known  in 
the  Borough,  were  named.  This  was  prad:ifed  in  the  mofl: 
avowed  manner  in  Cornwall  hy  the  Earl  oi  Bath -^  who  to  ie- 
cure  himfelf  the  Groom  of  the  Stole's  place,  which  he  held 
all  King  Charles's  time,  put  the  officers  of  the  guards  names 
in  almoft  all  the  Charters  of  that  County;  which  fending  up 

7  U  forty 


0Q.6        TheHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

1685    forty  four  members,    they   were  for   moft   part  fo   chofed, 
vXV>w/  that  the  King  was  fure  of  their  votes  on  all  occafions. 

Thefe  methods  were  fo  fuccefsful  over  En^and,  that  when 
the  clediojis  were  all   returned,    the  King  faid,  there  were 
not  above  forty  members,  but  fuch  as  he  himfclf  willied  for. 
They  were  neither  men   of  parts  nor  eftates :  So  there  was 
no  hope  left,  either  of  working  on  their  underftandings,  or 
of  making  them  fee  their  intereft,    in  not  giving  the  King 
all  at  once.    Moft  of  them   were  furious  and  violent,    and 
feemed  refolved  to   recommend  themfelves   to  the  King  by 
putting  every   thing  in  his  power,  and  by  ruining  all  thofe 
who  had  beep  for  the  Exclufion.     Some  few  had  defigned  to 
give  the  King  the  revenue  only  from  three  years  to  three 
years.     The  Earl  oi  Rochejier  told  me,     that  was   what  he 
looked  for,  tho'   the   poft  he  was  in  made  it  not  fo  proper 
for  him   to  move  in  it.     But  there  was  no  profpedt  of  any 
ftrength  in  oppofing  any  thing  that  the  King  fliould  aflc  of 
them. 
Evil  pro-        This  gave  all  thinking  men  a  melancholy  profped.     Eng- 
fpeSfroma/^^^now  feemed  loft,  unlefs  fome  happy  accident  fhould  fave 
mcnt.^'^"'   it.     All  people  faw  the  way   for  packing  a  Parliament  now 
laid  open.     A   new  fet  of  Charters  and  Corporation-men, 
if  thofe  now  named  (hould  not  continue  to  be  ftill  as  com- 
pliant as  they  were  at  prefent,  was  a  certain  remedy,  to 
which  recourfe  might    be    eafily    had.      The   Boroughs    of 
England  faw  their  privileges  now  wrefted  out  of  their  hands, 
and  that  their  eledions,  which  had  made  them  fo  confidera- 
ble  before,  were  hereafter  to  be  made  as  the  Court  fhould 
dired: :     So  that  from  henceforth  little  regard  would  be  had 
to  them  J  and  the  ufual  practices  in  courting,  or  rather  in 
corrupting   them,    would  be  no  longer  purfued.     Thus  all 
people  were  alarmed :  But  few  durft  fpeak  out,  or  complain 
openly.    Only  the  Duke   of  Monmouth's   agents  made  great 
ule  of  this  to  inflame  their  party.     It  was  faid ,  here  was  a 
parliament  to  meet,  that  was  not  the  choice  and  reprefenta- 
tive  of  the  Nation ,  and   therefore  was  no  Parliament.      So 
they  upon  this  poffefTed  all  people  with  dreadful  apprehen- 
sions that  a  blow  was  now  given  to  the  conftitution,  which 
could   not  be   remedied,    but  by    an   infurre<5tion.     It   was 
refolved    to    bring    up    petitions    againft    fome    ele(ftions  , 
that  were  fo  indecently  managed  that  it  feemed  fcarce  pofli- 
ble  to  excufe  them:  But  thefe  were  to  be  judged  by  a  ma^ 
jority  of  men,  who  knew  their  own  ele(^ions  to  be  fo  faulty, 
that  to  fecure  themfelves  they   would  juftify  the  reft:  And 

fair 


'       of  King  James  II  ^vi  v       ©27 

fair  dealing  was  not  to  be  expedied  from  thofe,   who  were  fo    16^^ 
deeply  engaged  in  the  like  injuftice.  <yysj 

All  that  was  offered  on  the  other  hand  to  lay  thofe  fears, 
which  (o  ill  an  appearance  did  raife,  was,  that  it  was  pro- 
bable the  King  would  go  into  meafures  again  ft  France. 
All  the  offers  of  fubmiflion  poflible  were  made  him  by  Spain, 
the  Empire,  and  the  States. 

The   King  had  begun  with  the  Prince  oi  Orange  upon  a  The  Prince 
hard   point.     He  was   not   fatisfied   with  his    difmilhng   the  fifbmS- 
Duke  oi  Monmouth y    but  wrote   to   him  to  break   all    thofe  ^^"^ '{^'."S 
officers  who   had   waited   on  him  while  he  was  in  Holland.  '"^' 

In  this  they  had  only  followed  the  Prince's  example:  So  it 
was  hard  to  punifh  them  for  that,  which  he  himfelf  had  en- 
couraged. They  had  indeed  fhcwed  their  afFed:ions  to  him 
fo  evidently,  that  the  King  wrote  to  the  Prince,  that  he 
could  not  truft  to  him,  nor  depend  on  his  friendfhip,  as 
long  as  fuch  men  ferved  under  him.  This  was  of  a  hard 
digeftion.  Yet,  fince  the  breaking  them  could  be  eafily  made 
up  by  employing  them  afterwards,  and  by  continuing  their 
appointments  to  them,  the  Prince  complied  in  this  like- 
wife.  And  the  King  was  fo  well  pleafed  with  it,  that  when 
Bifhop  Turner  complained  of  fome  things  relating  to  the 
Prince  and  Princefs,  and  propofed  rougher  methods,  the 
King  told  him,  it  was  absolutely  necelTary  that  the  Prince 
and  he  fhould  continue  in  good  correfpondence.  Of  this 
Turner  gave  an  account  to  the  other  Bifhops,  and  told  them 
very  folemnly,  that  the  Church  would  be  in  no  hazard  dur- 
ing the  prefent  reign  ^  but  that  they  muft  take  care  to  fecure 
themfelves  againft  the  Prince  oi  Orange,  otherwife  they  would 
be  in  great  danger. 

The  fubmiflion  of  the  Prince  and  the  States  to  the  King 
made  fome  fancy,  that  this  would  overcome  him.  All  peo- 
ple concluded,  that  it  would  foon  appear  whether  bigotry, 
or  a  deiire  of  glory  was  the  prevailing  paflion  j  fince  if  he 
did  not  ftrike  in  with  an  alliance  that  was  then  projei^ted 
againft  France^  it  might  be  concluded  that  he  was  refolved 
to  deHver  himfelf  up  to  his  Priefts,  and  to  facrifice  all  to 
their  ends.  The  feafon  of  the  year  made  it  to  be  hoped, 
that  the  firft  feffion  of  Parliament  would  be  fo  ftiort  that 
much  could  not  be  done  in  it,  but  that  when  the  revenue 
fhould  be  granted,  other  matters  might  be  put  off  to  a  win- 
ter feffion.  So  that,  if  the  Parliament  Ihould  not  deliver  up 
the  Nation  in  a  heat  all  at  once,  but  ftiould  leave  half  their 
work  to  another  feffion,  they  might  come  under  fome  ma- 
nagement, 

3 


028        TheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

i68y    nagement,  and  either  fee  the  intereft  of  the  Nation  in  ge- 
*-^^^"^^  neral,.  or  their  own  in  particular;  and  fo   manage  their  fa- 
vours to  the  Court  in  fuch  a  manner  as  to  make  thejnfelves 
necelTary,  and  not  to  give  away  too   much  at  once,  but  be 
fparing  in   their  bounty  j  which  they  had  learned  fo  well  in 
King  Charles's  time,  that  it  was  to  be  hoped  they  would  foon 
fall  into  it,  if  they  mlide  not  too  much  hafte  at  their  firft  fet- 
ting  out.   So  it  was  refolved  not  to  put  them  on  too  haftily 
in  their  firft  feflion  to  judge  of  any   election,    but  to  keep 
that  matter  entire  for  fome  time,  till  they  (hould  break  in- 
to parties. 
The  King        The  Coronation  was  fet  for  St.  George's  day.     Tt4rnervf!i^ 
was  crown-  ordered  to  preach  the  fcrmon  :    And  both  King  and  Queen 
refolved  to  have  all   done  in  the   Proteftant  form,    and  to 
aflift  in  all   the  prayers:  Only  the  King  would  not  receive 
the  Sacrament,  which  is  always  a  part  of  the  ceremony.    la 
this  certainly   his  Priefts  difpenfed  with   him,    and  he  had 
fuch  fenfes  given  him  of  the  oath,  that  he  either  took  it  as  a 
fin  with  a  refolution  not  to  keep  it,  or  he  had  a  referved  mean- 
ing in    his  own  mind.     The  Crown  was  not  well  fitted   for 
the  King's  head:  It  came  down  too  far,    and  covered  the 
upper   part  of   his    face.      The   canopy   carried    over  him 
did    alfo  break.      Some  other  fmaller  things  happen'd  that 
were  looked  on   as  ill  omens:  And  his  fon  by  Mrs.  Sidley 
died  that  day.     The  Queen  with  the  PeerelTes  made  a  more 
graceful  figure.     The  befl:  thing  in  Turner's  fermon  was,  that 
he  fet  forth   that    part  of  Confiant'tus  Chlorus's  hiftory   very 
handfomely,    in  which  he  tried  who  would  be  true  to  their 
religion ,    and  reckoned  that  thofe  would  be  faithfuUeft  to 
himfelf  who  were  trueft  to  their  God. 
I  went  out       I  muft  now  fay  fomewhat  concerning  my   felf.     At  this 
Qi England,  jjj^g  J  ^gj^j  q^j.  oi  England.    Upon    King  Charles's  death,  I 
had  defired  leave  to  come  and  pay  my  duty  to  the  King  by 
the  Marquis  oi  Halifax.     The  King  would  not  fee  me.    So, 
fince  I  was  at  that  time  in  no  fort   of  employment,  not  fo 
much   as  allowed  to  preach   any  where,    I  refolved  to  go 
abroad.     I  faw  we  were  like  to  fall  into  great  confufion ;  and 
were  either  to  be  refcued,  in  a  way  that  I  could  not  approve 
of,    by   the  Duke  of  Monmouth's  means,  or  to  be  delivered 
up  by  a  meeting  that  had  the  face  and  name  of  a  Parliament. 
I  thought  the  beft  thing  for  me  was  to  go  out  of  the  way. 
The  King  approved  of  this,    and   confented  to  my  going: 
But  ftill  refufed  to  fee  me.    So  I  was  to  go  beyond  fea,  as  to 
a  voluntary  Exile.     This  gave  me  great  credit  with  all  the 

I  male- 


I 


(f  King  James  IL  629 

jnale-contents:     And   I  made  the  befl:  ufe  of  if  I  could.     I     i68y 
fpoke  very  e'arneftly  to  the  Lord  de  la  Meer,  to  Mrs.  Hamb-  ^'^'y^^ 
Jen,  and  Tuch  others  as  I  could  meet  with,  who  I  feared  might 
he  drawn  in  by  the  agents  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth.     The 
King  had   not   yet   done  that  which-  ^^vould   juftify   extream 
counfels.     A   raw  rebellion  would  be  foon  cruihed,  and  give 
a  colour  for  keeping  up  a  (landing   army,    or  for   bringing 
jover  a  force  from  France.     I  perceived,  many  thought  the  con-       /,' 
flitution  was  fo  broken  into  by  the  elections  of  the  Houfe  of 
Commons,  that  they  were  difpofed  to  put  all  to  hazard.    Yet 
moft  people  thought  the  crifis  was  not  fo  near,  as  it  proved 
to  be. 

The  deliberations  in  Holland^  among  the  Englijh  andA?'/^de- 
Scotch  that  fled  thither,  came  to  ripen  fafter  than  wasvade^w-"' 
expected.  Lord  Argtle  had  been  quiet  ever  fince  the  dif- '"*''• 
appointment  in  the  year  eighty  three.  He  had  \\\Q.di  for 
moft  part  in  Frizeland,  but  came  oft  to  Amflerdam^  and 
met  with  the  reft  of  his  countrymen  that  lay  concealed 
there:  The  chief  of  whom  were  the  Lord  Melv'dl,  Six  Patrick 
Hume,  and  Sir  John  Cochran.  With  thefe  Lord  Argile  com- 
municated all  the  advices  that  were  fent  him.  He  went  on 
ftili  with  his  firft  projcd.  He  faid,  he  wanted  only  a  fum  of 
money  to  buy  arms,  and  reckoned,  that  as  foon  as  he  was  fur- 
niftied  with  thefe,  he  miaht  venture  onScotJand.  Herefolved 
to  go  to  his  own  country,  where  he  hoped  he  could  bring  five 
thoufand  men  together.  And  he  reckoned  that  the  fFeJlern 
and  Southern  Counties  were  under  fuch  apprehenfions,  that 
without  laying  of  matters,  or  having  correfpondence  among 
them,  they  would  all  at  once  come  about  him,  when  he 
had  gathered  a  good  force  together  in  his  own  country* 
There  was  a  rich  widow  in  Amflerdam^  who  was  full  of  zeal: 
So  ftie,  hearing  at  what  his  defigns  ftuck,  fent  to  him,  and 
furniflied  him  with  ten  thoufand  pounds.  With  this  money 
he  bought  a  ftock  of  arms  and  ammunition ,  which  was 
very  dextroufly  managed  by  one  that  traded  to  Venice^  as 
intended  for  the  fervice  of  that  Republick.  All  was  perform- 
ed with  great  fecrecy  ,  and  put  on  board.  They  had 
fharp  debates  among  them  about  the  courfe  they  were  to  hold. 
He  was  for  failing  round  Scotland  to  his  own  country.  Hume 
was  for  the  ftiorter  pafiage:  The  other  was  a  long  naviga- 
tion, and  fubjcd:  to  great  accidents.  Argtle  faid,  the  faft- 
neftes  of  his  own  country  made  that  to  be  the  fafer  place 
to  gather  men  together.  He  prefumed  fo  far  on  his  own 
power,  and  pn  his  management  hitherto,  that  he  took  much 

7  X  upon 


oil  an  ill- 
tiincd  iiiva- 


030       The  History  of  th Reign 

i6^^    upon  him:  So  that  the  reft  Were  often  on  the  point  of  break- 
'^'^^^^  ing  with  him. 

The  Duke       The  Duke  of  Monmorith  came  fecretly  to  them,  and  made 
moHbloTcc^^V  all  their   quarrels.     He  would   willingly   have  gone  with 
them  himfelf:  But  Argtle  did   not  offer  him  the  command: 
On  the  contrary  he  prelTcd  him  to  make   an  impreflion  on 
England  2it  the  fame  time.     This  was  not  poffible:  For  the 
Duke  of  Mommuth  had   yet  made   no   preparations.     So  he 
was  hurried  into  a  fatal  undertaking,   before  things  were  in 
any  fort  ready  for  it.     He  had  been  indeed  much  prefled  to 
the  fame  thing  by  Wade,    Fergufon,  and  fome   others  about 
him,  but  chiefly  by  the  Lord  Gre'^,  and  the  Lady  JVentworth, 
who  followed  him  to  BrujJ'elh  defperately  in  love  with  him. 
And  both  he  and  fhe  came  to  fancy,  that  he  being  married 
to  his  Duchefs  while  he   was   indeed  of  the  age  of  confent, 
but  not  capable  of  a  free  one,  the  marriage  was  null :  So  they 
lived  together:  And  fhe  had  heated  both  her  felf  and  him  with 
fuch  enthufiaftical  conceits,  that  they  fancied  what  they  did 
was  approved  of  God.    With   this  fmali  council  he  took  his 
meafures.     Fletcher^  a  Scotch  Gentleman   of  great  parts,  and 
many  vertues,  but  a  moft  violent  republican ,  and   extrava- 
gantly paflionate,  did  not  \C&.Q.Argde\  fcheme:  So  he  refolvcd 
to  run  fortunes  with  the  Duke  of  Monmouth.     He  told  me, 
that  all  the  Englijh  among  them  were  ftill  prcfling  the  Duke 
oi  Monmouth  to  venture.    They  faid,  all  the  Weft  oi  F^ngland 
would  come  about   him,  as   foon   as   he   appeared,    as  they 
had  done  five  or  fix  years  ago.     They  reckoned  there  would 
be    no   fighting,    but    that    the    guards,    and    others    who 
adhered    to    the   King  ,     would    melt    to    nothing    before 
him.     They  fancied,  the  City  of  London  would  be  in  fiich 
a  difpofition   to  revolt,  that  if  he  ftiould    land  in  the  Weft 
the  King  would  be  in  great  perplexity.     He  could  not  have 
two  armies :  And  his  fear  of  tumults  near   his  perfon  would 
oblige  him  to  keep  fuch  a  force  about   him,  that   he  would 
not  be  able  to  fend  any  againft  him.     So  they  reckoned  he 
would  have  time  to  form  an  army,  and  in  a  little  while  be 
in  a  condition  to  feek  out  the  King,  and  fight  him  on  equal 
terms. 

This  appeared  a  mad  and  defperate  undertaking  to  the 
Duke  of  Monmouth  himfelf.  He  knew  what  a  weak  body  a 
rabble  was,  and  how  unable  to  deal  with  troops  long  train- 
ed. He  had  neither  money  nor  officers,  and  no  encourage- 
ment from  the  men  of  eftates  and  intereft  in  the  country. 
It  feemed  too  early  yet  to  venture.    It  was  the  throwing  away 

all 


'         of  King  JAMES  IL  ^  ■  651 

all  his  hopes  in  one  day.  Fkidjer^  how  vehemently  fbevcr  K^Sy 
he  was  fet  on  the  dcfign  in  general,  yet  faw  nothing  in  this  *-^'^'^^^ 
fcheme  that  gave  any  hopes:  So  he  argued  much  againft  it. 
And  he  faid  to  me,  that  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  was  puftied 
on  to  it  againft  his  own  fenfe  and  reafon :  But  he  could  not 
Tefufe  to  hazard  his  perfon,  when  others  were  fo  forward. 
Lord  Grey  faid,  that  Henry  the  fcventh  landed  with  a  fmaller  * 
number,  and  fucceeded.  Fletcher  o.nC'wcred)  he  was  ftire  of 
feveral  of  the  Nobility,  who  were  little  Princes  in  thofe 
days.  Fergu/on  in  his  enthufiaftical  way  faid,  it  was  a  good 
caufe,  and  that  God  would  not  leave  them  unlefs  they  left 
him.  And  tho'  the  Duke  of  Monmouth's  colirfe  of  life  gave 
him  no  great  reafon  to  hope  that  God  would  appear  iignal- 
ly  for  him,  yet  even  he  came  to  talk  enthufiaftically  on  the 
fubje6t.  But  Argtle's  going ,  and  the  promife  he  had 
made  of  coming  to  England  with  all  poflible  haftc,  had  fo 
fixed  him,  that,  all  further  deliberations  being  laid  afide,  he 
pawned  a  parcel  of  jewels,  and  bought  up  arms,-  and  they 
were  put  aboard  a  (hip  freighted  for  Spain. 

King  James  was  fo  intent  upon  the  pomp  of  his  Corona-  J^^^^  ^^^ 

o    */  i  1  i..  iigns  were 

tion,  that  for  fome  weeks  more  important  matters  were  not  carried  on 
thought  on.  Both  Argtle  and  Monmouth's  people  were  fo  true  ^"r^gc?.^* 
to  them,  that  nothing  was  difcovered  by  any  of  them.  Yet 
fome  days  after  Argile  had  failed,  the  King  knew  of  it :  For 
the  night  before  I  left  London^  the  Earl  of  Aran  came  to 
me,  and  told  me,  the  King  had  an  advertifement  of  it  that 
very  day.  I  faw,  it  was  fit  for  me  to  make  hafte:  Otherwife 
I  might  have  been  feized  on,  if  it  had  been  only  to  put  the 
affront  on  me,  of  being  fufpedted  of  holding  correfpondencc 
with  traitors. 

Argtle  had  a  very  profperous  voyage.  He  fent  out  a  boat  Argiu  iand« 
at  Orkney  to  get  intelligence,  and  to  take  prifoners.  ThisL^? 
had  no  other  effe<5t,  but  that  it  gave  intelligence  where  he 
was:  And  the  wind  chopping,  he  was  obliged  to  fail  away, 
and  leave  his  men  to  mercy.  The  winds  were  very  favour- 
able, and  turned  as  his  occafions  required :  So  that  in  a  very 
few  days  he  arrived  in  Argtlefhire.  The  mifunderftandings 
between  him  and  Hume  grew  very  high ;  for  he  carried  all 
things  wirh  an  air  of  authority,  that  was  not  eafy  to  tho(e 
who  were  fetting  up  for  liberty.  At  his  landing  he  found, 
that  the  early  notice  the  Council  had  of  his  defigns  had 
Ipoiled  his  whole  fcheme  j  for  they  had  brought  in  all  the 
Gentlemen  of  his  country  to  Edenburgh,  which  faved  them, 
tho'  it  helped  on  his  ruin.     Yet  he  got  above  five  and  twen-^ 

X  ty 


.UvUU<3 


^f  ^        TheHlSTQRY  of  the  Reign 

i6%  %    ty  hundred  men  to  come  to  him.  If  with  thcfe  hie  had  immedi- 
v/^V^-^  ately  gone  over  to  the  IVeJlem  counties  of  Atr  and  RenfreWy 
he  might  have  given  the  government  much  trouble.    But  he 
jiingred  to,o  long,  hoping  ftill  to  ^ave  brought  jaore  of  his 
Highlanders  together.    He  reckoned   thefe  were  fure   to  him, 
an,d  WQuld  ,obey  him  blindfold :  Whereas,  if  he  had  gone  out 
♦  of  hi^  own  co,i?ntry   with  a  fipall  force,    thofe  who  might 
j^ave  come  in  fo  his  afliftance  ipjght  alfo  have  difputed  his 
authority :  And  he  could  not  bear  cpntradidion.  Much  time 
y/^  by  this  ipeans  loft :  And  all  tl?^  country  was  fummoned 
to  come  o^t  againft  him.     At  laft  he  crolTed  an  arm  of  the 
fe^,  and  landed  in  th^  ifle   q^  Bute -^  vvhere  he  fpent  twelve 
.days  more,  till  he  ha4  eat  up  that  Ifland,   pretending  ftill, 
th^t  J)e  lapped  to  be  jojned   by  more  of  his  Highlanders. 
But  was  de-      ^e  |:^ad  left  his  arms  in  a  cafllp,  with  fuch  a  guard  as  he 
Mhen.^"''    icould  fpare:  3pt  they  were  rout^^  by  a  party  of  the  King's 
forces,  /ind  with  this  he  loft  bpth  heart  and   hope.    And 
therj,  apprehending  that  all  was  gone,  he  put  himfelf  in  a  diA- 
guife,  and  had  almoft  efcaped:  But  he  was  taken.     A  body 
of  QentjeiTien  that  I^ad  foljoiif ed  him  ftpod  better  to  it,  and 
forced   their   way    thro':     ^o  that  the  greater  part  of  them 
efp^ped.     ^ome  of  thpfe  were  taken  :    Thechief  of  them  were 
Sir  John  Cochrat^j  Ailoffe^  and  Rurnbold.     Thefe  two  laft  were 
^  E^glijhmen:  But  I  kn^w  qot  upon  what  motive   it  was,  that 
^hey  c}iofp  rather  tp  run  fprtunes  with  Argtle^  than  with  the 
Duke  of  IVfmmQi<{th.     Thus  was  this   rebellion  brought  to  a 
fpeedy  end,  with  the  effufion  of  very  little  blood.    Nor  was 
ther^  much  fhed  in  the  vvay  of  juftice;  for  it  was  confidered, 
that  the  Highlanders  wer?  under  fuch  ties  by   their  tenures, 
that  it  was  fomewhat  excufable  in  them  to  follow  their  Lord. 
Moft  of  the  Gentlemen  were  brought  in  by  order  of  Coun- 
cil to  Rdenhwgh^  wVch  preferved  them.     One  of  thofc  that 
were  with  Argile^  by  a  great  prefence  of  mind,  got  to  Carlile, 
where  he  called  for  poft  horfes,-  and  faid ,    he  was   fent  by 
the  General  tp  carry  the  good  news  by  word  of  mouth  to 
the  Kin,g.    And  fo  he  got  to  London:  And  there  he  found  a 
wa,y  to  get  beyond  fea,. 
/irgii/%  ex-       ArgHe  was  brought  in  to  Edenburgh.     He  expreffed  even 
a  cheerful  calm  under   all  his  misfortunes.    He  juftified  all 
he  had  done:   For,  he  fa^id,  he  was  unjuftly  attainted ;   That 
^lad  diflblved  his  allegiance:  So  it  was  juftice  to  himfelf  and 
his  family,  to  endeavpur  to  recover  what  was  fo  wrongfully 
taken  from  him.     He  alfo  thought,  that  no   allegiance  was 
due  tp  the  King,  till  he  had  taken  the  oath  which  the  law 

2.  .,  prefcribed 


ccution. 


v.«;.  -of  King  J  A  M  E  s  IL     ^T       ^55 

jirefcribed  to  be  taken  by  our  Kings  at  their  Goro'nati-  i<58j 
on ,  or  the  receipt  of  their  princely  dignity.  He  dcfired  ^-^Vx^y 
that  Mr.  Charteris  might  be  ordered  to  attend  upon  him; 
^hich  was  granted.  When  he  came  to  him,  he  told  him  he 
•was  fatisfied  in  confcience  with  the  lawfulnefs  of  what  he 
liad  done,  and  therefore  defired  he  would  not  difturb  him 
with  any  difcourfe  on  that  lubjed:.  The  other,  after  he  had 
told  him  his  fenfe  of  the  matter,  complied  eafiiy  with  this. 
So  -all  that  remained  was  to  prtpar^  him  to  die,  in  which. 
he  exprefTed  ian  unihaken  firrnhefi.  The  Duke  of  ^eem- 
hury  examined  him  in  private.  He  iaid,  he  had  not  laid  his 
bufinefs  with  any  inScotknd.  He  had  only  found  credit  with  a 
perfon  that  lent  hifti  money  i  upon  whith  he  had  trufted, 
perhaps  too  much,  to  the  difpofitiohs  of  the  people,  fharpned 
'by  their  adminiftration.  When  the  day  of  his  execution  came, 
Mr.  'Charter'fs  happen'd  to  come  to  liim  as  he  was  ending  din'- 
34'et :  He  faid  to  him  pleafa'ntly,  fero  ventent'tbm  ojfa.  He  pray- 
■ed  often  with  hiiii,  and  by  hirnfelf,  and  went  to  the  fcaf- 
jfold  with  greit  feetii'ty.  He  had  complained  of  the  Dukb 
of  Monmouth  mucli,  fbr  ddaying  his  coming  fo  long  aftei: 
him,  and  for  alTuming  the  name  bf  Kingj  both  which,  he 
fiid,  were  contrary  to  their  agreement  at  parting.  Thus  he 
died,  pitied  by  all.  His  death,  beih^  ^lirfuant  to  the  fentence 
paft  three  years  before,  df  which  mention  "Vi^ds  made ,  was 
looked  on  as  no  better  than  itiurder.  But  his  conduct  in 
this  matter  was  itoade  up  of  lb  hiany  errors,  that  it  appear- 
ed he  was  not  made  for  deiigns  pf  this  kind.  ^^.-      ^ 

Atloffe  had  a  hiind  to  plrevent  the  courfc  of  jiiftice,  and  hav- 
ing got  a  peakhiife  into  his  hinds  gave  himfelf  feverll 
ftabbs.  And  thinking  he  was  Ceptainly  a  diead  man,  he  cried 
out,  and  faid,  now  he  defied  his  enemies. -Yet  he  had  not 
pierced  his  guts:  So  his  wounds  were  not'inhortal.  And,  it 
being  believed  that  he  could  make  grelt  difcoveries,  he 
was  brought  up  to  London. 

Rumbold  Was  he  that   dwelt  in  R.'ye-Honfe ,    where  it  y^^L^Rtmboidja 
pretended   the  plot  was  laid  for  murdering  the  late  and  the  nicdchcAy*- 
prefent  King.     He  denied  the  tiruth  of  that  confpiracy.     Hc^"^' 
owned,  he  thought  the  Prince  was  as  much  tied  to  the  peo- 
ple, as  the  people  Were  to  the  Prince  j  and  that,  when  a  King 
departed  from  the  legal  meafures  of  government,  the  people 
had  a  right  to  alTert  their  liberties,  and  to  reftrain  him.  He  did 
not  deny,  but  that  he  had  heard  many  propofitions  at  IVeJi'^ 
chambers  about  killing  the  two  brothers  j  and  upon  that  he 
had  faid,  it  could  have  been  eafiiy  executed  near  his  houfe  ,• 

,7  Y  upon 


^34       TheHlST  OR  Y  of  the  Reign 

i68f  upon  which  fome  difcourfe  had  followed,  how  it  migiit  have 
v/V>^  been  managed.  But,  he  faid,  it  was  only  talk,  and  that  no* 
thing  was  either  laid,  or  fo  much  as  refolved  on.  He  faid, 
he  was  not  for  a  Commonwealth ,  but  for  Kingly  govern- 
ment according  to  the  laws  of  En^and:  But  he  did  not  think 
that  the  King  Jiad  his  authority  by  any  divine  right,  which 
he  exprelTed  in  rough,  but  fignificant  words.  He  faid,  he  did 
not  believe  that  God  had  made  the  greater  part  of  man- 
kind with  faddles  on  their  backs,  and  bridles  in  their  mouths, 
and  fome  few  booted  and    fpurred  to  ride  the  reft. 

Cochran  had  a  rich  father,    the  Earl  of  Dundonald:    And 
he  offered  the  Priefts  5000  /.  to  fave  his  fon.     They  want- 
ed   a    ftock    of,,  ffioney    for   managing    their   defigns:     So 
they  interpofed  ,fo  effe<iually ,    that  the  bargain   was  made. 
But,  to  co\er  it,  Cochran  petitioned  the  Council  that  he  might 
be  Tent  to  the  King^  for  he  had  fome  fecrets  of  great  im- 
portance, which  were  not  fit  to  be  communicated  to  any  but 
to  the  King  himfelf.     He  was  upon  that  brought  up  to  Lon- 
don: And,  after  he  had  been  for  fome  time  in  private  with 
the  King,  the  matters  he  had  difcovered  were  faid  to  be  of 
fuch  importance,  that  in  confideration  of  that  the  King  par- 
doned him.     It  was  faid,  he  had  difcovered  all  their  nego- 
tiations with  the  Eledor  of  Brandenburg,  and  the  Prince  of 
Orange.    But  this  was  a  pretence  only  given  out  to  conceal/ 
the  bargain  j    for  the  Prince  told   me,    he  had   never  once 
feen  him.      The    fecret   of  this  came  to   be  known   foon 
after. 
^  When  Adoffe  was  brought  up  to  London,  the  King  examin- 

ed him,  but  could  draw  nothing  from  him,  but  one  fevere 
repartee.     He  being  fuUen ,    and   refufing   to   difcover    any 
thing,  the  King  faid  to  him;  Mr.  Adoffe,  you  know   it  is 
.'in  my  power  to  pardon  you,  therefore  fay  that  which  may 
defer ve  it.     It  was  faid  that  he  anfwered,  that  tho'  it  was 
in  his  power,  yet  it  was  not  in  his  nature  to  pardon.     He 
was  nephew  to  the  old  Earl  of  Clarendon  by  marriage  ,•  for 
AUoffe's  aunt  was   his  firft  wife,  but   (he  had   no  children. 
•^  It  was  thought,  that  the  nearnefs  of  his  relation  to  the  King's 
children   might   have    moved   him   to   pardon  him,    which 
would  have  been  the  moft  effcdual  confutation  of  his  bold 
repartee:  But  he  fuffered  with  the  reft. 
A  Pariia-        Immediately   after   Argik's    execution,    a  Parliament   was 
WW.      held    in   Scotland.      Upon   King   Charles's   death,    the    Mar- 
quis   of  ^leensbmyy  foon  after  made  a  Duke,    and  the  Earl 
of  Perth,    came  to  Court.     The   Duke   of  ^eembury  told 

.    i  the 


i;u'j:j 


v^-of  Ki/!§  James  Ui  M       c^s 

the  King,  that  if  he  h^d  any  thoughts  of  changing  the  i6^f 
cftablifhed  religion,  he  could  not  make  any  one  flep  with  ^"'^"^^'^"'^ 
him  in  that  matter.  The  King  feemed  to  receive  this 
very  kindly  from  him^  and  afTured  him,  he  had  no  fueh  in- 
tention, but  that  he  would  have  a  Parliament  called  ,  to 
which  he  fhould  go  his  Commiflioner,  and  give  all  polliblc 
alTurances  in  the  matter  of  religion,  and  get  the  revenue  to 
be  fettled,  and  fuch  other  laws  to  be  paft  as  might  be  ne-* 
celTary  for  the  common  fafety.  The  Duke  of  .^deensbury 
prelTed  the  Earl  of  Perth  to  fpeak  in  the  fame  ftrain  to  the 
King.  But,  tho'  he  pretended  to  be  flill  a  Profeftanty  yet  he 
could  not  prevail  on  him  to  fpeak  in  fo  pofitive  a  ftile.  I 
had  not  then  left  London:  So  the  Duke  fent  me  word  of  this, 
and  feemed  fo  fully  fatisfied  with  it,  that:  he  thought  all 
would  be  fafe.  So  he  prepared  inftrudions  by  which  both 
the  revenue  and  the  King's  authority  were  to  be  carried  ve- 
ry high.  He  has  often  fincc  that  time  told  me,  that  the 
King  made  thofe  promifes  to  him  in  fo  frank  and  hearty  a 
manner,  that  he  concluded  it  was  impoffible  for  him  to  be 
ading  a  part.  Therefore  he  always  believed,  that  the  Priefls 
gave  him  leave  to  promife  every  thing,  and  that  he  did  it 
very  fincerely  j  but  that  afterwards  they  pretended,  they  had 
a  power  to  difTolve  the  obligation  of  all  oaths  and  pro- 
mifes -y  fince  nothing  could  be  more  open  and  free  than  his 
way  of  exprefling  himfelf  was,  tho'  afterwards  he  had  no 
fort  of  regard  to  any  of  the  promifes  he  then  made.  The  Teft 
had  been  the  King's  own  ad  while  he  was  in  Scotland.  So 
he  thought,  the  putting  that  on,  all  perfons  would  be  the 
moil  acceptable  method,  as  well  as  the  moft  efFedual,  for 
fecuring  the  Proteftant  Religion.  Therefore  he  propofed 
an  inftrudion  obliging  all  people  to  take  the  Teft,  not 
only  to  qualify  them  for  publick  employments,  but  that  all 
thofe  to  whom  the  Council  fhould  tender  it  fhould  be  bound 
to  take  it  under  the  pain  of  treafon:  And  this  was  granted. 
He  alfo  projeded  many  other  fevere  laws,  that  left  an  arbitrary 
power  in  the  Privy  Council.  And,  as  he  was  naturally  vio- 
lent and  imperious  in  his  own  temper,  fo  he  faw  the  King's 
inclinations  to  thofe  methods,  and  hoped  to  have  recom- 
mended himfelf  effedually  by  being  inftrumental  in  fet- 
ting  up  an  abfolute  and  defpotick  form  of  government.  But 
he  found  afterwards  how  he  had  deceived  himfelf,  in  think- 
ing that  any  thing,  but  the  delivering  up  his  religion,  could 
be  acceptable  long.  And  he  faw,  after  he  had  prepared  a 
cruel  fcheme  of  government,  other  men   were  truftcd  with 

the 


ya 


0  3«         B^  H I S  T  O'  R  t  of  the  Reign 

1685    tKe  management  of  it 't" And  it  had  almoft  proved  fatal  to 
^y^^r^  himfelf. 

Granted  all       The  Parliament  of  .S^cff//*?///^  fat  not  long.    No  oppofition 
thatthcKiiig^as  m^de.     The  Duke  of  ^eembury  gave  very   full  affur- 
'*^''"^'       ances'in  the  point   of  religion,  that  the   King  would  never 
alter  it,  but  would  maintain  it,  as  it  was  eftablifhed  by  law. 
And  in  confirmation  of  them  he  propofed  that  a(5t  enjoining 
the  Teft,  which  was  paft,  and  was  looked  on  as  a  full  fecu- 
rityj    tho'   it  was  very  probable,   that  all  the  ufe   that  the 
Council  would  make  of  this  difcretional  power  lodged  with 
them,  would  be  only  to  tender  the  Ted  to  thofe  that  might 
fcruple  It  on  other  accounts ,  but  that  it  would  be  offered  to 
none  of  the  Church  of  Rome.     In  return  for  this  the  Par- 
liament  gave  the  King   for  life  all  the   revenue    that    had 
been  given   to  his  brother:    And  with  that  fome  additional 
taxes  were  given. 
Severe  laws      Other  fevcrc  laws  were  alfo  paft.    By  one  of  thefe  an  Inquifi- 
were  paired.  tJQp  ^^s  upon  the  matter  iet  up.     All  perfons  were  required, 
under  the  pain  of  treafon,  to  ;infwer  to  all  fuch  queftions  as 
ihould  be  put  to  them  hy-fhe  Privy  Council.     This  put  all 
men  under  great   apprehenfions  ,    fince  upon  this  ad  an  In- 
quifition  might  have  been  grafted,  as  foon  as  the  King  pleaf^ 
edii    Another  d(5t  was  only  in  otie    particular   cafe:    But  it 
was  a  crying  one,  and  fo  deferves  to  be  remembred. 

When  Cajia'trs  was  put  to  the  torture,    and  came  to  capi- 
tulate in  order  to  the  making  a  difcovery,  he  got  a  promife 
from  the  Council,  that  no  ufe  fhould  be  made  of  his  depo- 
fition  againft  any  perfon   whatfoever.     He  in  his  depofition 
faid  fomewhat  that    brought  Sir  Hugh  Cambell  and   his  fon 
under  the  guilt  of  treafon,  who  had  been  taken  up  in  Lon- 
don two  years  before,  and  were  kept  in  prifon  all  this  while. 
The  Earl  of  Melfort  got  the   promife   of  his  eftate,  which 
was  about    1000  /.    a   year,    as  foon    as   he  fhould  be  con- 
victed of  high  treafon.     So  an  adt  was  brought  in ,  which 
was  to  laft  only  fix  weeks,-  and  enadcd,  that  if  within  that 
time  any  of  the  Privy  Council  would  depofe  that   any  man 
was  proved  to  be  guilty  of  high  treafon,  he  (hould  upon  fuch 
a  proof  be  attainted.     Upon  which,    as  foon   as  the  a<5t  was 
paft,  four  of  the  Privy  Council   ftood  up,  and   affirmed  that 
the  Cambells  were  proved  by  Caftain's  depofition  to  be  guilty. 
Upon  this  both  father  and  fon   were  brought  to  the  bar,  to 
fee  what  they  had  to  fay,  why  the   fentence   fhould   not  be 
executed.     The  old  Gentleman,  then  near  eighty,  feeing  the 
ruin  of  his  family  was  determined,    and  that  he  was  con- 

I  demncd 


of  King  J  AMES  11.       rr    "037 

«Jemned  in  Co  unufiial  a  manner,  took  courage,  and  faid,  16^^ 
the  oppreffion  they  had  been  under  had  driven  them  to  de-  ^^-'^V^^ 
fpair,  and  made  them  think  how  they  might  fecure  their 
lives  and  fortunes :  Upon  this  he  went  to  London,  and  had 
fome  meetings  with  Badlte,  and  others :  That  one  was  fent  to 
Scotland  to  hinder  all  rifings :  That  an  oath  of  fecrecy  was 
indeed  ofiFered,  but  was  never  taken  upon  all  this.  So  it 
was  pretended,  he  had  confeffed  the  crime,  and  by  a  {hew 
of  mercy  they  were  pardoned :  But  the  Earl  of  Melfort  pof- 
felTed  himfelf  of  their  eftate.  The  old  Gentleman  died  foon 
after.  And  very  probably  his  death  was  haftned  by  his  long  and 
rigorous  imprifonment,  and  this  unexampled  conclufion  of 
it,*  which  was  fo  univerfally  condemned,  that  when  the  news 
of  it  was  writ  to  foreign  parts,  it  was  not  eafy  to  make 
people  believe  it  poflible. 

But  now  the   fitting   of  the  Parliament  of  England  came  fi^ej  ^""" 
on.    And,  as  a  preparation  to  it,  Oates  was  convi<9ted  of  per- Perjury, 
jury,    upon   the  evidence  of  the  witneifes  from  St.  Omar'Sy 
who  had  been  brought  over  before  to  difcredit  his  teftimo- 
ny.     Now  Juries  were  fo  prepared,  as  to  believe  more  eaiily 
than  formerly.     So  he  was  condemned  to  have  his  Prieftly 
habit  taken  from  him,    to  be  a  prifoner   for  life,    to  be  fet 
on  the  pillory  in  all  the  publick  places  of  the  City,  and  ever 
after  that  to  be  fet  on  the  pillory  four  times  a  year,  and  to 
be  whipt  by  the  common  hangman  from  Aldgate  to  Netvgate  ^^icf  "^^'' 
one  day,  and  the  next  from  Newgate  to  T'yburn-,  which  was 
executed  with  fo  much  rigour,  that  his  back  feemed  to  be  all 
over  flead.     This  was  thought  too  little  if  he  was  guilty,  and 
too  much  if  innocent,  and  was  illegal  in  all  the  parts  of  it: 
For  as   the  fecular   Court  could   not   order   the  Ecclefiaftical 
habit  to  be  taken  from  him,  fo  to  condemn  a  man  to  a  per- 
petual  imprifonment  was  not  in   the  power   of  the   Court: 
And  the  extream  rigour  of   fuch  whipping   was  without  a 
precedent.    Yet  he,  who  was  an  original  in  all  things,  bore 
this   with  a  conftancy   that   amazed  all   thofe   who  faw  it. 
So  that  this  treatment  did   rather  raife  his  reputation,   than 
iink  it. 

And,  that  I  may  join  things  of  the  fame  fort  togcthtx ,  Dangtrfidd 
tho'  they  were  tranfadied  at  fome  diftance  of  time,  Danger-^^^^^'^' 
field,  another  of  the  witnelTes  in  the  Popifh  plot,  was  alfo 
found  guilty  of  perjury,  and  had  the  fame  puni(hment.  But 
it  had  a  more  tei-rible  conclufion  -,  for  a  brutal  ftudent  of  the 
Jaw,  who  had  no  private  quarrel  with  him,  but  was  only 
tranfported  with  the  heat  of  that  tinre^j.  ftruck  him  over  the 

7^Z  bead 


658      TheHt^TCy^"^  of  the  Reign 

168^    head  with  his  cane,  as  he  got  his   laft  h(h.     This  hit  him 
<y^y*^  fo  fatally,  that  he  died  of  it  immediately.     The  {^erfon  was 
apprehehded.    And  the  King  left  him  to  the  law.    And,  tho' 
great  interceflion  was  made  for   him,    the  King  Would  not 
interpofe.    So  he  was  hanged  for  it* 
A  Pariia-        At  laft  the  Parliament  met.     Thfc  King  in  his  fp^ech  re^ 
E"w     peated  that,  \<^hich  he  had  faid  to  the  Council  upoii  his  firft 
acceflion  to  the  Throne.     He  told  them,  fome  might  think, 
the  keeping  hint  low  would  be   the   fureft  way  to  have  fre- 
cjuent  Parliamens:  But  they  (hould  find   the   contrary,  that 
the  nfing  him  well  would  be  the  beft  argument  to  perfuade 
him   to   meet  them   often.     This  was  put  in  to  prevent  a 
motion,  which  was  a  little  talked  of  abroad,  but  none  would 
venture  on  it  within  doors,    that  it  was  fafeil  to  grant  the 
revenue  only  for  a  term  of  years. 
Grants  the       The   Tcvenuc  was   granted  for  life,  and  every  thing  elfe 
revenue  for  that  ^as   aflced  ,  with  fuch  a  profufion,  that  the  Houfe  was 
more  forward  to  give,  than  the  King  was  to  afk :  To  which 
the  King  thought  fit  to  put  a  flop  by  a  melTage,  intimat- 
ing that  he  defired  no  more  money  that  feffion.    And  yet 
this  fbrwatdnefs  to   give   in  fuch    a  reign    was  fet  on    by 
Mujgrave    and   others ,    who    pretended    aftervl^ards ,    wheti 
money  was  aflced  for  juft  and  necelTary  ends,    to  be  fiugal 
patriots,    and  to  be  careful  managers  of  the  publick  trea- 
fure. 
Andtrurts       ^^  ^°^  religion,  fome  began  to  propofe  a  new  and  firmer 
to  the  King's  fecurity  to  it.     But  all  the  Courtiers  run  out  into  eloquent 
harangues  on  that  fiibjeft:    And  prefTed  a  vote,   that  they 
took  the  King's  word  in  that  matter,  and  would  truft  to  it  5 
and  that  this  fhould  be  fignified  in  an  addrefs  to  him.     This 
would  bind  the   King  in  point    of  honour,    and   gain  his 
heart  fo  entirely,  that  it  would  be  a  tie  above  all  laws  what- 
foever.   And  the  tide  run  fo  ftrong  that  way,  that  the  Houfe 
went  into  it  without  oppofition. 

The  Lord  Prefion,  wno  had  been  for  fome  years  Envoy 
in  France ^  was  brought  over,  and  fet  up  to  be  a  manager  in 
the  Houfe  of  Commons.  He  told  them,  the  reputation  bf 
the  Nation  was  beginning  to  rife  very  high  all  Europe  over, 
under  a  Prince  whofe  name  fpread  terror  every  where :  And 
if  this  was  confirmed  by  the  entire  confidence  of  his  Parlia- 
ment, even  in  the  tendereft  matters,  it  would  give  fuch  a 
turn  to  the  aflPiirs  oi  Europe y  t\\^t  England  would  again  hold 
the  balance,  and  their  King  would  be  the  arbiter  of  Europe. 
This  was  feconded  by  all  the  Court  flatterers.    So  in  their 

-  3  ,  addrefs 


of  King]  AMES  II.     u        639 

addrefs  to  ttie  King,  thanking  him  for  his  fpeech^  they  told     i68y 
him,    they    trufted    to    him   fa  entirely ^    that    they   relftd  ^^'^^'^^'^ 
on  his  word,  and  thought  therafclTes  and  their  rehgioiii  fafe, 
fince  he  had  promifed  it  to  them. 

When  this  was  fettled,  the  petitions  concerning  the  elec- 
tions were  prefented.  Upon  thofe  Seimour  fpokc  Very  high, 
and  with  much  weight.  He  faid,  the  complaints  of  the  ir'- 
regularities  in  eledions  were  fo  great,  that  many  doubted 
whether  this  was  a  true  reprefentative  of  the  Nation,  or  not. 
He  faid,  little  equity  was  expeded  upon  petitions,  where  fo 
many  were  too  guilty  to  judge  juftly  and  impartially.  He 
faid,  it  concerned  them  to  look  to  thefe :  For  if  the  Nation 
faw  no  juftice  was  to  be  expeded  from  them,  other  methods 
would  be  found,  in  which  they  might  come  to  fuffer  that 
jpftice  which  they  would  not  do.  He  was  a  haughty  man, 
and  would  not  communicate  his  defign  in  making  this  mo- 
tion to  any :  So  all  were  furprifed  with  it,  but  none  fccond- 
cd  it.  This  had  no  effed,  not  fo  much  as  to  draw  on  a 
debate. 

The  Courtiers  were  projeding  many  laws  to  ruin  all  whoT^^eParifa- 
oppofed  their  defigns.  The  moft  important  of  thefe  wasanSnu^* 
a6t  declaring  treafons  during  that  reign  ^  by  which  words 
were  to  be  made  treafon.  And  the  claufe  Wis  fo  drawn, 
that  any  thing  faid  to  difparage  the  King's  perfon  or  go- 
vernment was  made  treafon  {  within  which  every  thing  faid 
to  the  difhonour  of  the  Kirlg's  religion  would  have  been 
comprehended,  as  Judges  and  Julies  were  then  modelled. 
This  was  chiefly  oppofed  by  Serjeant  Maynard^  who  in  a 
very  grave  fpeech  laid  open  the  inconvenience  of  making 
words  treafon:  They  were  often  ill  heard  and  ill  underftood, 
and  were  apt  to  be  mifrccited  by  a  very  fmall  Variatioti ; 
Men  in  paflfion  or  in  drink  might  fay  things  they  never 
intended:  Therefore  he  hoped  they  would  keep  to  the  law 
of  the  twenty  fifth  of  Edward  the  third,  by  which  an  overt- 
ad  was  made  the  neceflTary  proof  ojf  ill  intetttions.  And  when 
others  infilled,  that  out  of  the  ahnndance  of  the  heart  the 
mouth  fpake^  he  brought  the  in  fiance  of  our  Saviour's  \vords, 
Defiroy  this  Temple  ^  and  {hewed  how  near /^i?  Temple  was  to 
this  Temple^  pronouncing  it  in  Syriack,  fo  that  the  diffe- 
rence was  almoft  imperceptible.  There  was  nothihg  more 
innocent  than  thefe  words,  as  our  Slviour  meant,  and  fpoke 
them :  But  nothing  was  more  criminal  thin  the  fetting  on  a 
multitude  to  deftroy  the  Temple.  This  made  fome  impref- 
iion  at  that  time.     But  if  the  Duke   of  Monmouth^  landing 

had 


040        TheHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

i<^8c    had  not  brought  the  feflion  to   an  early   conclufion,    that, 
i/V>^  and  every  thing  elfe  which  the  oflScious  Courtiers  were  pro- 

jeding,  would  have  certainly   paft. 
The  Lords       '^^^  moft  important  bufinefs  that  was  before  the  Houfe  of 
were  more  Lords  was  the  reverfing  the  attainder  of  the  Lord  Stafford.     It 
cautious.     ^^^  ^^.^  £^^  .^  ^    ^j^^^  ^j^^  witnelTes  were  now   convidcd  of 

perjury,  and  therefore  the  reftoring  the  blood  that  was  taint- 
ed by  their   evidence  was  a  juft  reparation.     The   proceed- 
ings in  the  matter  of  the  Popifh   plot  were  chiefly  founded 
on  Gates's  difcovery ,  which  was  now  judged  to  be  a  thread 
of  perjury.     This  ftuck  with  the  Lords,  and  would  not  go 
down.    Yet  they  did  juftice  both  to   the  Popirti  Lords  then 
in  the  Tower,    and   to  the  Earl  of  Danby,  who  moved  the 
Houfe  of  Lords,  that  they  might  either  be  brought  to  their 
trial,  or  be  fct  at  liberty.     This  was   fent  by  the  Lords  tp 
the  Houfe  of  Commons,  who  returned  anfwer,  that  they  did 
not  think  fit  to  infift  on   the  impeachments.    So  upon  that 
they  were  difcharged  of  them,  and  fet  at  liberty.     Yet,  tho' 
both   Houfes  agreed  in  this  of  profecuting  the  Popifli  plot 
no  further,  the  Lords  had  no  mind  to  reverfe  and  condema 
paft  proceedings. 
The  Duke       But  whilc  all  thefe  things  were  in  agitation,  the  Duke  of 
^^^jJJl'^jjj  A/^«;»(7»if^'s  landing  brought  the  feflion  to  a  conclufion.     As 
ed  at  Lime,  foou  as  Lotd  Argtk  failed  for  Scotland j  he  fet  about  his  de- 
fign  with  as  much  hafte  as  was  poflible.     Arms  were  bought, 
and  a  fliip  was  freighted  for  Bilbao  in  Spain.     The  Duke  of 
Monmouth  pawned  all   his  jewels:    But  thefe  could  not  raife 
much  :  And  no  money  was  fent  him  out  of  England.     So  he 
was  hurried  into  an  ill  defigned  invafion.     The  whole  com- 
pany confifted  but  of  eighty  two   perfons.     They   were  all 
faithful  to   one  another.     But  fome  fpies,  whom  Shelton  the 
new  Envoy  fet  on  work,  fent  him  the  notice  of  a  fufpeded 
ihip  failing  out   of  Amfierdam   with  arms.     Shelton  neither 
underftood  the  laws  of  Holland^  nor  advifed  with  thofe  who 
did :  Otherwife  he  would  have  carried  with  him  an  order  from 
the  Admiralty  of  Holland^  that  fat  at  the  Hague y  to  be  made 
ufe  of  as  the   occafion   fhould   require.     When    he  came  to 
Amflerdam  y    and  applied  himfelf  to    the   Magiftrates  there, 
defiring  them  to  ftop  and  fearch  the  fliip  that  he  named,  they 
found  the  fhip  was  already  failed  out  of  their  port,  and  their 
jurifdidion  went  no  further.    So  he  was  forced  to  fend  to  the 
Admiralty  at  the  Hague.  But  thofe  on  board,  hearing  what  he 
was  come  for,  made  all  poflible  hafte.  And,  the  wind  favour- 


of  King]  AMES  11.  64i 

ing    them,  they  got  out    of  the  Texe/y    before  the  ovdev  de-     i6^^ 
fired  could  be  brought  from  the  Ha^ue.  onrs-/ 

After  a  profperous  courfe,  the  Duke  landed  at  Ljme  in 
Dorfetpoire :  And  he  with  his  fmall  company  came  artiore  with 
fome  order,  but  with  too  much  day  light,  which  difcovered 
how  few  they  were. 

The  alarm  was  brought  hot  to  London:  Where,  upon  the^"^.'^"f 
general  report  and  belief  of  the  thing  an  zd:  of  Attainder  paficd  n- 
paft  both  Houfes  in  one  day,-  fome  fmall  oppofition  being  ^'""^^  ^'™' 
made  by  the  Earl  of  Anglefey,  becaufe  the  evidence  did  not 
feem  clear  enough  for  fo  fevere  a  fentence,  which  was  ground- 
ed on  the  notoriety  of  the  thing.  The  fum  of  jooo  /.  was 
fet  on  his  head.  And  with  that  the  feffioh  of  Parliament 
ended j  which  was  no  fmall  happinefs  to  the  Nation,  fuch 
a  body  of  men  being  difmiffed  with  doing  fo  little  hurt. 
The  Duke  of  Monmouth's  Mamfejlo  was  long,  and  ill  penned : 
Full  of  much  black  and  dull  malice.  It  was  plainly  Fergu- 
fon^s  ftile,  which  was  both  tedious  and  fulfome.  It  charged  the 
King  with  the  burning  of  London^  the  Popifh  plot,  Godfrey's 
murder,  and  the  Earl  of  Effex's  death :  And  to  crown  all,  it 
was  pretended,  that  the  late  King  was  poifoned  by  his  or- 
ders :  It  was  fet  forth,  that  the  King's  religion  made  him 
incapable  of  the  Crown  ,•  that  three  fubfequent  Houfes  of 
Commons  had  voted  his  Exclufion  :  The  taking  away  the  old 
Charters,  and  all  the  hard  things  done  in  the  laft  reign, 
were  laid  to  his  charge:  The  elections  of  the  prefent  Par- 
liament were  alfo  fet  forth  very  odiouily,  with  great  inde- 
cency of  ftile :  The  Nation  was  alfo  appealed  to,  when  met 
in  a  free  Parliament,  to  judge  of  the  Duke's  own  pretenfions: 
And  all  fort  of  liberty,  both  in  temporals  and  fpirituals,  was 
promifed  to  perfons  of  all  perfuafions. 

Upon  the  Duke  oi Monmouth's  landinff,  many  of  the  coun-  ^  "'^'^'^ 
try  people  came  in  to  jom  him,  but  very  tew  or  the  Gentry,  joined  him. 
He  had  quickly  men  enough  about  him  to  ufe  all  his  arms. 
The  Duke  of  Albermale^  as  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Devonjljtre^ 
was  fent  down  to  raife  the  Militia,  and  with  them  to  make 
head  againft  him.  But  their  ill  affedion  appeared  very  evi- 
dently:  Many  deferted,  and  all  were  cold  in  the  fervice.  The 
Duke  of  Monmouth  had  the  whole  country  open  to  him  for 
almoft  a  fortnight,  during  which  time  he  was  very  diligent 
in  training  and  animating  his  men.  His  own  behaviour  was 
fo  gentle  and  obliging,  that  he  was  mafter  of  all  their  hearts, 
as  much  as  was  poffible.  But  he  quickly  found,  what  it  was 
to  be  at  the  head  of  undifciplined  men,  that  knew  nothing 

8  A-  of 


042        B^  H I  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

\6%^    of  war,  and  that  were  not  to  be  ufed  with  rigour.     Soon  af- 
^oy^f"^  ter  their  landing,   Lord  Grey  Was  fent  out  with  a  fmall  party; 
cowardifS*  He  faw  a  few  of  the  Militia,  and  he  ran  for  it:   But  his  men 
ftood,  and  the  Militia  ran  from  them.     Lord  Grey  brought 
a   falfe  alarm,   that  was  foon  found  to  be  fo :  For  the  men 
whom  their  leader   had  abandoned  came  back  in  good  or- 
der.    The  Duke  of  Monmouth  was  ftruck  with  this,  when  he 
found  that  the  perfon  on  whom  he  depended  moft,  and  for 
whom  he   defigned  the    command   of  the   horfe,    had  al- 
ready made  himfelf  infamous  by  his  cowardife.    He  intended 
to  join  Fletcher  with  him  in  that  command.    But  an  unhap- 
py accident  made  it   not  convenient  to   keep   him   longer 
about  him.     He  fent  him  out  on  another  party:  And  he,  not 
being  yet  furnifhed  with  a  horfe,  took  the  horfe  of  one  who  had 
brought  in  a  great  body  of  men  from  'Taunton.     He  was  not 
in  the  way:    So  Fletcher ^    not  feeing  him  to  afk  his  leave, 
thought  that  all  things  were  to  be  in  common  among  them, 
that  could  advance  the  fervice.     After  Fletcher  had  rid  about, 
as  he  was  ordered,  as  he  returned,  the  owner   of  the  horfe 
he  rode  on,    who  was  a  rough  and  ill-bred  man,  reproached 
him  in  very  injurious  terms,  for  taking  out  his  horfe  with- 
out his  leave.     Fletcher  bore  this  longer  than  cpuld  have  beea 
expeded  from  one  of  his  impetuous  temper.    But  the  other 
perfifted  in  giving  him  foul  language,  and  offered  a  fwitch 
or  a  cane :  Upon  which  he  difcharged  his  piftol  at  him,  and 
fatally  fhot  him  dead.     He  went  and  gave  the  Duke  oi  Mon- 
mouth an  account  of  this,  who  faw  it  was  impoHible  to  keep 
him  longer  about  him,    without    difgufting  and  lofing  the 
country  people,  who  were  coming  in  a  body  to  demand  juf^ 
tice.    So  he  advifed  him  to  go  aboard  the  Ihip,  and  to  fail 
on  to  Spam,  whither  fhe  was  bound.  By  this  means  he  was 
preferved  for  that  time. 

Fergufon  ran  among  the  people  with  all  the  fury  of  an  en- 
raged man,  that  affeded  to  pafs  for  an  enthufiaft,  the'  all 
his  performances  that  way  were  forced  and  dry.  The  Duke 
oi  Monmouth's  great  error  was,  that  he  did  not  in  the  firfl  heat 
venture  on  fome  hardy  adion,  and  then  march  either  to 
Exeter  Qx  Brijiol-y  where,  as  he  would  have  found  much  wealth, 
fo  he  would  have  gained  fome  reputation  by  it.  But  he  lin- 
gred  in  exercifing  his  men,  and  flaid  too  long  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Ltme. 

By  this  means  the  King  had  time  both  to  bring  troops 
out  of  Scotland  J  after  Argtle  was  taken,  and  to  fend  to  Hol- 
land for  the  Englijh  and  Scotch  Regiments   that  were  in  the 

JL.,    ,  fervice 


^^  -        of  King  j  A  M  E  S  II.  (545 

fervice  of  the  States;  which  the  Prince  fent  over  very  readi-    i6%<) 
ly,  and  offered  his  own  perfon,  and  a  greater  force,  if  it  was  ^^-^y^^ 
neceffary.     The  King  received  this  with  great  exprefllons  of 
acknowledgment   and  kindnefs.     It  was  very  vifible,  that  he 
was  much  diftraded  in  his  thoughts,  and  that  what  appear- 
ance of  courage  foever  he  might  put  on,  he  was  inwardly 
full  of  apprchenfions  and  fears.     He  durft  not  accept  of  the 
offer  of  afliftance,    that  the  French  made  him  :  For  by  that 
he  would  have  loft  the  hearts  of  the  EngUJh  Nation.    And 
he  had  no  mind  to  be  much  obliged  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,        .'    - 
or  to  let  him  into  his  counfels  or  affairs.     Prince  George  com- 
mitted a  great  error  in  not  afking   the  command  of  the  Ar- 
my: For  the  command,    how  much  foever  he  might  have 
been   bound    to  the   counfels  of  others,    would  have  given 
him  fome  luftre;   whereas  his  ftaying  at  home  in  fuch  time 
of  danger  brought  him  under  much  negled:. 

The  King  could  not  choofe  worfe  than  he  did,  when  heTheEariof 
gave   the   command   to   the  Earl   of  Feverjham,  who  was  a  commanded 
Frenchman  by  birth,  and  nephew  to  Mr.  de  Turenne.     Both '''^ ^'"S* 
his  brothers  changing  religion,  tho'  he  continued  ftill  a  Pro- 
teftant,    made   that  his   religion    was  not  much  trufted  to. 
He  was  an  honeft,  brave,  and  good  natured  man,  but  weak 
to  a  degree   not  eafy   to  be  conceived.     And  he  condudted 
matters  fo  ill,  that  every  ftep  he  made  was  like  to  prove  fa- 
tal to  the  King's  fervice.    He  had  no  parties  abroad.    He  got 
no  intelligence:  And  was  almoft  furprifed,  and  like  to  be  de- 
feated,   when  he  feemed  to  be  under  no  apprehenfion,    but 
was   abed  without  any  care  or  order.     So  that,  if  the  Duke 
of  Monmouth  had  got  but  a  very  fmall  number  of  good  fol- 
diers  about  him,    the  King's  affairs  would  have  fallen  into 
great  diforder. 

The  Duke  o^ Monmouth  had  almoft  furprifed  Lord  Feverjham, 
and  all  about  him,  while  they  were  abed.  He  got  in  between 
twobodies,  into  which  the  Army  lay  divided.  Henowfawhis 
error  in  lingring  fo  long.  He  began  to  want  bread,  and  to 
be  fo  ftraitned,  that  there  was  a  neceffity  of  pufhing  for  a 
fpecdy  decifion.  He  was  fo  milled  in  his  march,  that  he 
loft  an  hour's  time:  And  when  he  came  near  the  Army,  there 
was  an  inconfiderable  ditch,  in  the  palling  which  he  loft  fo 
much  more  time,  that  the  officers  had  leilure  to  rife  and  be 
drcfted,  now  they  had  the  alarm.  And  they  put  themfelves 
in  order.  Yet  the  Duke  of  Monmouth^s  foot  ftood  lon2:er., 
and  fought  better  than  could  have  been  expedied  ^  efpecially, 
when  the  fmall  body  of  horfe  they  had  ran  upon  t'he  firft 

charge. 


044        TheHlSTORYofthe  Reign 

16%^    cfiar^e,  the  blame  of  which  was  caft  on  the  Lord  Grey.     Thtf 
^^'^y^^^  foot  being  thus  forfakcn,  and  galled  by  the  cannon,  did  rua 
at  laft.   About  a  thoufand  of  them  were  killed  on  thefpot: 
And   fifteen    hundred   were   taken    prifoners.       Their   num- 
TheDoke   bers  when  fuUeft  were  between  five  and  fix  thoufand.     The' 
^outb'de-    Duke  of  Monmouth  left  the  field  too  foon  for  a  man  of  cou- 
feated.        rage,  who  had  fuch  high  pretenfions :  For  a  ^^^^  days  before 
he  had  fuffercd  himfelf  to  be  called  King,  which  did  him  no 
fervice, ,  even  among  thofe  that  followed  him.     He  rode  to- 
wards Dorfetjh'ire :   And  when  his  horfe  could   carry  him  no 
further,    he  changed  clothes  with  a  {hepherd,    and  went  as 
far  as  his   legs   cbiild  catry  him,    being    accompanied   only 
with  a  'German,  whom  he  had  brought  over  with  him.     At 
laft,  when  he  could  go  no  further,  he  lay  down   in  a  field 
where  there  was  hay  and  ftraw,  with  which  they  covered  them- 
felves,    fo  that  they  hoped   to   lie  there  unfeen   till    night. 
Parties  werit  out  on  all  hands  to  take  prifoners.     The  fhep- 
^^,,       herd  was  found  by   the  Lord  Lumley  in    the  Duke  o£  Mon- 
mouth's clothes.    So  this  put  them  on  his  track,  and  having 
fome  dogs  with  them  they  followed  the  fcent,  and  came  to 
the  place   where  the  German   was  firft  difcovered.     And  he 
immediately  pointed  to   the  place  where  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
And  taken,  mouth  lay.     So  he  was  taken  in   a  very   indecent   drefs  and 
pofture. 

His  body  was  quite  funk  with  fatigue:  And  his  mind  was 
now  fo  low,  that  he  begged  his  life  in  a  manner  that  agreed 
ill  with  the  courage  of  the  former  parts  of  it.  He  called 
for  pen,  ink,  and  papery  and  wrote  to  the  Earl  oi Fever/ham^ 
and  both  to  the  Queen,  and  the  Queen  Dowager,  to  intercede 
with  the  King  for  his  life.  The  King's  temper,  as  well  as 
his  intereft,  made  it  fo  impoffible  to  hope  for  that,  that  it 
fhewed  a  great  meannefs  in  him  to  afk  it  in  fuch  terms  as 
he  ufed  in  his  letters.  He  was  carried  up  to  Whitehall^ 
where  the  King  examined  him  in  perfon,  which  was  thought 
very  indecent,  fince  he  was  refolved  not  to  pardon  him. 
He  made  new  and  unbecoming  fubmiflions,  and  infinuated  a 
readinefs  to  change  his  religion :  For  he  faid ,  the  King 
knew  what  his  firft  education  was  in  religion.  There  were 
no  difcoveries  to  be  got  from  him^  for  the  attempt  was  too 
rafh  to  be  well  concerted,  or  to  be  fo  deep  laid  that  many 
were  involved  in  the  guilt  of  it.  He  was  examined  on 
Monday,  and  orders  were  given  for  his  execution  on  IVed- 
nefday, 

X  Turner 


of  King  James  II.      ■        645 

Turner  and  Keri^  theBifhops  of  Ely  and  of  Bath  and  fVells^     16%  <^ 
were  ordered  to  wait  on  him.    But  he  called  for  Dr.  Tenn't-  ^•'^^^^^^^. 
fon.  The  Bifliops  ftudied  to  convince  him  of  the  fin  of  re- «ecuteV" 
bellion.     He  anfwered,  he  was  forry  for  the  blood  that  was 
fhed  in  it:    But  he  did  not  feem  to  repent  of  the   defign. 
Yet  he  confefTed  that  his   Father  had   often  told  him,  that 
there  was  no  truth  in  the  reports  of  his  having  married   his 
Mother.     This  he  fet  under  his  hand,  probably  for  his  chil- 
drens  fake,  who  were  then   prifoners  in  the  Tower,  that  fo 
they  might  not  be  ill   ufed   on   his  account.     He  fhewed  a 
great  ncgled:  of  his  Duchefs.    And  her  refcntraents  for  his 
courfe  of  life  with  the  Lady  IVentworth  wrought  fo  much  on 
her,  that,  tho'  he  defired  to   fpeak  privately  with  her,  fhe 
would  have  witnefTes  to  hear  all  that  pafl,  to  juftify  her  idf^ 
and  to  preferve  her  family.     They  parted   very  coldly.    He 
only  recommended  to   her   the   breeding   their    children  in 
the  Proteftant  Religion.      The    Bifhops   continued    ftill   to 
prefs   on  him  a  deep  fenfe  of  the  fin  of  rebellion ;  at  which 
he  grew  fo  uneafy,  that  he  defired  them  to  fpeak  to  him  of 
other  matters.     They  next  charged  him  with  the  fin  of  liv- 
ing with  the  Lady  Wentworth  as  he  had  done.     In  that  he 
juftified  himfclf :    He  had  married  his  Duchefs  too  young  to 
give  a  true  confent :  He  faid,  that  Lady  was  a  pious  worthy 
woman,  and  that  he  had  never  lived  fo  well  in  all  refpeds, 
as  fince  his  engagements  with  her.     All  the  pains  they  took 
to  convince  him  of  the  unlawfulnefs  of  that  courfe  of  life  had 
no  eflFed.     They  did  certaitily  very  well  in  difcharging  their 
confcicnces,    and  fpeaking  fo  plainly  to  him.   But  they  did 
very  ill  to  talk  fo  much  of  this  matter,  and  to  make  it  fo 
publick  as  they  did,-  for  divines  ought  not  to  repeat  what  they 
fay  to  dying  penitents,  no  more  than  what  the  penitents  fay 
to  them.     By  this  means  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  had  little 
fatisfadion  in  them,  and  they  had  as  little  in  him. 

He  was  much  better  pleafed  with  Dr.  Tenn'ifon,  who  did 
very  plainly  fpeak  to  him,  with  relation  to  his  publick  ad:- 
ings,  and  to  his  courfe  of  life :  But  he  did  it  in  a  fofter  and 
lefs  peremptory  manner.  And  having  faid  all  that  he  thought 
proper,  he  left  thofe  points,  in  which  he  faw  he  could  not 
convince  him,  to  his  own  confcience,  and  turned  to  other 
things  fit  to  be  laid  before  a  dying  man.  The  Duke  begged 
one  day  more  of  life  with  fuch  repeated  earneftnefs ,  that 
as  the  King  was  much  blamed  for  denying  fo  fmall  a  fa- 
vour, fo  it  gave  occafion  to  others  to  believe,  that  he  had 
fome  hope  from  aftrologers,  that,  if  he  out- lived  that  day, 

SB  he 


a^©        The  Hi  S  T  o  R  X  of  the  Reign 

iki^    ^^  Tm%\\t  h^Ve'^a  better  feW"   As  long  as  he  fancied  tliere 
yJ'^tiJ  was  any  hope,  he  was  too  much  unfettled  in  his  mind  to  be 

capable  of  any  thing. 
Hediedwith      But  when  he  faw  all  was  to  no  purpofe,  and  that  he  muft 
greatcaim-  ^jj^^    [^^  complaincd   a    little  that  his  death  was  hurried  on 
fo  faft.  But  all  on  the  fudden  he  came  into  a  compofure  of 
mind,  that  furprifed  thofe  that  faw  it.     There  was  no  afFeda- 
tion  in  it.    His  whole  behaviour  was  eafy  and  calm,  not  with- 
out a  decent  cheerfulnefs.     He  prayed  God  to  forgive  all  his 
fins,  unknown  as  well  as  known.    He  feemed  confident  of  the 
mercies   of  God,  and  that  he  was  going  to  be  happy  with 
him.    And  he  went  to  the  place  of  execution  on  Tower  Hill 
with  an  air   of  undifturbed   courage,    that  was    grave  and 
compofed.     He  faid  little  there  ,    only   that  he  was    forty 
for  the  blood  that  was  fhed :  But  he  had  ever  meant  well  to 
the  Nation.     When  he  faw  the  axe,  he  touched  it,  and  faid, 
it  was  not  fharp  enough.     He   gave  the  hangman  but  half 
the  reward  he  intended  j  and  faid,  if  he  cut  off  his  head  clea- 
verly,  and  not  fo  butcherly  as  he  did  the  Lord  Rujfel's,  his 
man  would  give  him  the  reft.     The  executioner  was  in  great 
difordcr,  trembling  all  over:    So  he  gave  him  two  or  three 
ftrokes  without  being  able    to   finifh   the   matter,  and  thea 
flung  the  axe  out  of  his  hand.    But  the  Sheriff  forced  him  to 
take  it  up:  And  at  three  or  four  more  ftrokes  he  fevered  his 
head  from  his  body :  And  both  were  prefently  buried  in  the 
thapel  of  the  Tower.     Thus  lived  and  died  this  unfortu- 
nate young   man.     He  had   feveral  good   qualities  in   him, 
and  fome  that  were  as  bad.     He  was  foft  and  gentle  even  to 
excefs,  and  too  tafy  to  thofe  who  had  credit  with  him.    He 
was  both  fincere  and  good  n^tured,  and  underftood  war  well. 
But  he   was   too  muc'h    given    to   pleafiire    and    to  favou- 
rites. 
Lord  Cr^^       The  Lord  Grey  it  was  th'oufght  would  go  next.    But  he 
pardoned.    ^^^  ^  great  eftate  that  by  his   death  was  to  go  over  to  his 
brother.     So   the  Court  refolved   to   preferve   him,    till   he 
ftiould  be  brought  to  compound  for  his  life.     The   Earl  of 
Rochejler  had    16000  /.  of  him.    Others  had   fmaller  {hares. 
He  was  likewife  obliged  to  tell   all  he  knew,    and  to  be  a 
witnefs  in  order  to  the  conviction  of  others,  but   with  this 
allurance,  that  no  body  fhould  die  upon  his  evidence.     So  the 
Lord  Brandon^  fon  to  the  Earl  of  Macclesfield ^  was  conviiS- 
ed  by  his  and  fome  other  evidence.     Mr.  Hamhden  was  alfo 
brought  on  his  trial.    And  he  was  told,  that  he  muft  expe(5t 
no  favour  unlefs  he  would  plead  guilty.    And  he,  knowing 

that 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  11.  ^  -  ^        04-5^ 

that  legal  evidence  would  be  brought  againft  hinij  fubmltted    i68j 
to  this;  and  begged  his  life  with  a  meannefs,   of  which   he  VOf^^. 
himfelf  was  fo  afhamed  afterwards,    that  it  gave  his  fpirits  a 
depreftion  and  diforder  that  he  could  never  quite  mafter.    And 
that  had  a  terrible  conclufion ;    for  about  ten  years  after  he 
cut  his  own  throat. 

The  King  was  now  as  fuccefsful  as  his  own  heart  could  Tfie  King 
wifti.     He  had  held  a   fefHon  of  Parliament  in  both  King- up  wich  his 
doms,  that  had  fettled  his  revenue:  And  now  two  ill  prepar- ^""*'"^'*' 
ed  and  ill  managed  rebellions  had  fo  broken  all  the  party  that 
was  againft  him,  that  he  feemed  fecure  in  his  Throne,  and 
above  the  power   of  all  his   enemies.    And   certainly  a  reii!:ti 
that  was  now  fo  beyond  expedation  fuccefsful  in  its  firft  fix 
months  feemed  fo  well  fettled,  that  no  ordinary  mifmanage- 
ment  could  have  fpoiled  fuch  beginnings.     If  the  King  had 
ordered   a  fpeedy  execution  of  fuch   perfons,  as  were  fit  to 
be  made  publick  examples,  and  had  upon  that  granted  a  ge- 
neral indemnity,  and  if  he  had  but   covered   his  intentions 
till  he  had  got  thro'  another  feflion  of  Parliament,  it  is  not 
eafy  to  imagine  with  what  advantage  he  might  then   have 
opened  and  purfued  his  defigns. 

But  his  own  temper,  and  the  fury  of  fome  of  his  Minif^Bit'tha^an 
ters,  and  the  maxims  of  his  Pricfts,  who   were  become  en-hisaffansw 
thufiaftical  upon  this  fuccefs,  and  fancied  that  nothing  could        '  '" 
now  ftand  before  him :  All  thefe  concurred    to  make  him 
lofe  advantages  that  were  never  to   be   recovered:    For  the 
fhews  of  mercy,  that  were  afterwards  put  on,  were  looked  oji 
as  an  after-game,  to  retrieve  that  which  was  now  loft.     The 
Army  was  kept  for  fome  time  in  the  Weflern  Counties,  where 
both  officers   and   foldicrs  lived   as  in  an   enemy's  country, 
and  treated   all  that  were  believed  to  be  iU  affeded  to  the 
King  with  great  rudenefs  and  violence. 

Kirk,  who  had  commanded   long  in  Tangier,  was  become  G'^"' '^"'^^- 
fo  favage  by  the  neighbourhood  of  ^dciQ  Moors  there,  that  fome  ted  by  his 
days  after  the  battle  he  ordered  fevcral  of  the  prifoners  to  be^"^'*^'"*" 
hanged  up  at  Taunton,   without  fo  much  as  the  form  of  law, 
he  and  his  company  looking  on  from  an  entertainment  they 
were  at.     At  every  new  health  another  prifoner  was  hanged 
up.    And  they  were  fo  brutal,  that  obferving  the  ftiaking  of 
the  legs  of  thofe  whom   they  hanged,    it  was  faid   among 
them,  they  were  dancing  j  and  upon  that  mufick  was  called 
for.     This  was  both   fo  illegal ,    and  fo  inhuman ,    that  \t 
might  have  been  expeded  that  fome  notice  would  have  been 
taken  of  it.    But  Ktrk  was  only  chid  for  it.    And  it  was  faid, 

that 


C48       TheHlsroRY  of  the  Reign 

idS?    that  he  had  a  particular  order  for  fome  military  executions; 
^yy^^u  So  that  he  could  only  be  chid  for  the  manner  of  it. 
And  much       But,  as  if  this   had  been  nothing,    Jefferies  was  fent  the 
greater  by    J^^eftem  Circuit  to  try  the  prifoners.     His  behaviour  was  be- 
ejicrics.       ^^j  ^^y  thing  that  was  ever  heard  of  in  a  civilized  Nati- 
on.    He  was  perpetually  either  drunk,  or  in  a  rage,   liker  a 
fury  than  the  zeal  of  a  Judge.     He  required  the  prifoners  to 
plead  guilty.    And  in  that  cafe  he  gave  them  fome  hope  of 
favour,  if  they  gave  him  no  trouble :  Otherwife  he  told  them 
he  would  execute  the  letter  of  the  law  upon  them  in  its  ut- 
moft  feverity.     This  made  many  plead  guilty,   who  had  a 
great  defence  in  law.    But  he  fhewed  no  mercy.    He  order- 
ed a  great  many  to  be  hanged  up  immediately,   without  al- 
lowing them  a  minute's  time  to  fay  their  prayers.     He  hang- 
ed, in  feveral  places,  about  fix  hundred  perfons.     The  great- 
eft  part  of  thefe  were  of  the  meancft  fort,  and  of  no  diftinc- 
tion.     The  impieties  with  which  he  treated  them,  and  his 
behaviour  towards    fome  of  the  Nobility  and  Gentry  that 
were  well  affeiSted,  but  came  and  pleaded  in  favour  of  fome 
prifoners,  would  have  amazed  one,  if  done  by  a  Bajhaw  in 
Turkey.     England  had  never  known  any  thing  like  it.     The 
inftances  are  too  many  to  be  reckoned  up. 
With  which      But  that  which  brought  all  his  exceffes  to  be  imputed  to 
was  weu    the  King  himfelf,  and  to  the  orders  given  by  him,  was,  that 
picafcd.      jjjg  King  had  a  particular   account  of  all   his   proceedings 
writ  to  him  every  day.    And  he  took  pleafure  to  relate  them 
in  the  drawing  room  to  foreign  Minifters,  and  at  his  table, 
calling  it  Jefferies's  campaign :  Speaking  of  all  he  had  done 
in  a  ftile,  that  neither  became  the  Majefty,  nor  the  merci- 
fiilnefs,  of  a  great  Prince.     Dykfield  was  at  that  time  in  Eng- 
land,   one   of  the   EmbalTadors  whom  the  States  had  fent 
over  to  congratulate  the  King's  coming  to  the  Crown.     He 
told  me,    that  the  King  talked  fo  often   of  thefe  things  in 
his  hearing,  that  he  wondered   to  fee  him  break  out  into 
thofe  indecencies.     And  upon  Jeffertes'^  coming  back,  he  was 
created  a  Baron,  and  Peer  oi England:  A  dignity  which,  tho* 
anciently  fome  Judges  were  raifed  to  it,  yet  in  thefe  later 
ages,  as  there  was  no  example  of  it,    fo  it  was  thought  in- 
confiftent  with  the  charaifter  of  a  Judge. 
Theexecu-      Two  executions  were  of  fiich  an  extraordinary  nature,  that 
wTen"^°'^^^  deferve  a  more    particular  recital.     The   King  appre- 
hended that  many  of  the  prifoners  had  got  into  London,  and 
were  concealed  there.   So  he  faid,  thofe  who  concealed  them 
were  the  worft  fort  of  traitors,  who  endeavoured  to  preferve 

3  fuch 


y,v^ycfKi)tg  J  AMES  II.       "f  649 

fuch  perfons  to  a  better  time.    He  had  likewifc  a  great  mind    i6S<f 
to  find  out  any  among  the  rich  merchants,  who  might  af*  ^'•^'^^'^^ 
ford  great    compoiitions  to  fave  their  lives:    For  tho'  there 
was  much  blood  Ihed,  there  was  little  booty  got  to  reward 
thofe  who  had  ferved.     Upon  this  the  King  declared,  he  would 
fooner  pardon  the  rebels,   than  thofe  who  harboured  them. 

There  was  in  London  one  Gaunt ^  a  woman  that  was  aa 
Anabaptift,  who  fpent  a  great  part  of  her  life  in  ads.  of 
charity,  vifiting  the  jayles,  and  looking  after  the  poor  of 
what  perfuafion  foever  they  were.  One  of  the  rebels  found 
her  out,  and  fhe  harboured  him  in  her  houfe,-  and  was  look- 
ing for  an  occafion  of  fending  him  out  of  the  Kingdom.  He 
went  about  in  the  night,  and  capie  to  hear  what  the  King 
had  faid.  So  he,  by  an  unheard  of  bafenefsj,  went  and  deli- 
vered himfelf,  and  accufed  her  that  harboured  him.  She 
was  feized  on,  and  tried.  There  was  no  witnefs  to  prove 
that  ftie  knew  that  the  perfon  flie  harboured  was  a  rebel, 
but  he  himfelf:  Her  maid  witnelTed  only,  that  he  was  enter- 
tained at  her  houfe.  But  tho'  the  crime  was  her  harbouring 
a  traitor ,  and  was  proved  only  by  this  infamous  witr 
nefs ,  yet  the  Judge  charged  the  Jury  to  bring  her  in 
guilty,  pretending  that  the  maid  was  a  fecond  witnefs, 
tho'  fhe  knew  nothing  of  that  which  was  the  criminal  part. 
She  was  condemned,  and  burnt,  as  the  law  direds  in  the 
cafe  of  women  convid  of  treafon.  She  died  with  a  con- 
ftancy,  even  to  a  cheerfulnefs,  that  ftruck  all  that  faw  it.  She 
faid,  charity  was  a  part  of  her  religion,  as  well  as  faith: 
This  at  worft  was  the  feeding  an  enemy:  So  (he  hoped,  fhe 
had  her  reward  with  him,  for  whofe  fake  fhe  did  this  fer- 
vice,  how  unworthy  foever  the  perfon  was,  that  made  fo  ill 
a  return  for  it :  She  rejoyced,  that  God  had  honoured  her 
to  be  the  firft  that  fuffered  by  fire  in  this  reign  j  and  that 
her  fuffering  was  a  martyrdom  for  that  religion  which  was  all 
love.  Pen  the  Quaker  told  me,  he  faw  her  die.  She  laid 
the  ftraw  about  her  for  burning  her  fpeedily ;  and  behaved  her 
felf  in  fuch  a  manner,  that  all  the  fpedators  melted  in  tears. 

The  other  execution  was  of  a  woman  of  greater  quality: 
The  Lady  LAfle.  Her  hulband  had  been  a  Regicide,  and 
was  one  of  Cromwelt's  Lords,  and  was  called  the  Lord  LtJIe. 
He  went  at  the  time  of  the  Reftoration  beyond  fea,  and  liv- 
ed at  Laufanne.  But  three  defperate  Injhmen,  hoping  by  fuch 
a  fervice  to  make  their  fortunes,  went  thither,  and  killed 
him  as  he  was  going  to  Church;  and  being  well  mounted, 
and  ill  purfued,    got  into  France.     His    Lady   was  known 

8  C  to 


8  5d        B^  H I  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

t68t   to  be  much  affcded  with  the  King's  death,    and  not  eafily 
•*^^>^  reconciled  to  her  hulband  for  the  (hare  he  had  in  it.     She 
was  a  woman  of  great  piety  and  charity.     The  night  after 
the  adion,    Hicks,  a  violent  preacher  among  the  Diffenters, 
and  Neltharpy  came  to  her  houfe.  She  knew  Htcks,  and  treat- 
ed him  civilly,  not  afking  from  whence  they  came.    But  Htcks 
told  what  brought  them  thither  ^    for   they   had  been  with 
the  Duke  of  Monmouth.    Upon  which  (he  went  out  of  the 
room  immediately,  and  ordered  her  chief  fervant  to  fend  an 
information  concerning  them  to  the  next  Juftice  of  Peace, 
and  in  the  mean  while  to  fuffer  them  to  make  their  efcape. 
But,  before  this  could  be  done,  a  party  came  about  the  houfe, 
and  took  both  them,  and  her  for  harbouring  them.     Jeffenes 
refolved  to  make  a  facrifice  of  her;    and  obtained  of  the 
King  a  promife  that  he  would  not  pardon  her.    Which  the 
King  owned  to  the  Earl  of  Feverjham,  when  he,  upon  the 
offer  of  a  looo  /.  if  he  coujd  obtain  her  pardon,  went  and 
begged  it.    So  ihe  was  brought  to  her  trial.     No  legal  proof 
was  brought,  that  fhe  knew  that  they  were  rebels :  The  names 
of  the  perfons  found  in  her  houfe  were  in  no  Proclamation : 
So  there  was  no  notice  given  to  beware  of  them.     Jefferies 
affirmed  to  the  Jury  upon  his  honour,  that  the  perfons  had 
confelTed   that  they  had  been  with  the  Duke  of  Monmouth. 
This  was  the  turning  a  witnefs  againft  her,  after  which  he 
ought  not  to  have  judged  in  the  matter.   And,  tho'  it  was 
infifted  on ,  as   a  point  of  law,  that  till  the  perfons  found 
in  her  houfe  were  conviAed,  fhe  could  not  be  found  guilty, 
yet  Jefferies  charged  the  Jury  in   a  moft  violent  manner  to 
bring  her  in  guilty.     All  the  audience  was  flrangely  affeded 
with  fo  unufual  a  behaviour   in  a  Judge.     Only   the  perfoa 
mofl  concerned,  the  Lady  herfelf,  who  was  then  paft  feven- 
ty,  was  fo  little  moved  at  it,  that  fhe  fell  afleep.     The  Jury 
brought  her  in  not  guilty.    But  the  Judge  in  great  fury  fent 
them  out  again.  Yet  they  brought  her  in  a  fecond  time  not 
guilty.    Then  he  feemed  as  in  a  tranfport  of  rage.    He  upon 
that  threatned  them  with  an  attaint  of  Jury.  And  they,  over- 
come with  fear,  brought  her  in  the  third  time  guilty.     The 
King  would  fhew  no  other  favour,  but  that  he  changed  the 
fentence  from  burning  to  beheading.     She  died  with  great 
conftancy  of  mind^  and  exprelfed  a  joy,  that  fhe  thus  fuffer- 
ed  for  an  ad  of  charity  and  piety. 
Thcbehavi-      Moft  of  thofe  that  had   fuffered   exprelfed   at  their  death 
who^^fSJ  ^"^^  ^  ^^'"^  firmnefs,  andfuch  a  zeal  for  their  religion,  which 
«d.  they  believed  was  then  in  danger,  that  it  made  great  impref- 

'■■'  I  fions 


"-^  o/  King  J  A  M  E  S  II.  H  ^tl      <5  51 

fions  on  the  fpedators.  Some  bafc  men  among  them  tried  i6Ss; 
to  fave  themfelves  by  accufing  others.  Goodcnoti^j,  who  had  '^^''Vv.j 
been  Under-SherifF  o{  London  when  Cormjij  was  Sheriff,  of- 
fered to  fwear  againft  Cormfh-^  and  alfo  faid,  that  Rumfey 
had  not  difcovered  all  he  knew.  So  Rumfey  to  fave  him- 
felf  joined  with  Goodenough  ^  to  fwear  Cormfh  guilty  of  that 
for  which  the  Lord  Ruffel  had  fuffered.  And  this  was  driven 
on  fo  faft,  that  Corntjh  was  feized  on,  tried,  and  executed 
within  the  week.  If  he  had  got  a  little  time,  the  falfliood. 
of  the  evidence  would  have  been  proved  from  Rumfey's  for-j 
mer  depofition,  which  appeared  fo  clearly  foon  after  his. 
death,  that  his  eftate  was  reftored  to  his  family,  and  the 
witnefTes  were  lodged  in  remote  prifons  for  their  lives.  Cor^ 
fitjh  at  his  death  alTerted  his  innocence  with  great  vehe- 
mence ^  and  with  fome  acrimony  complained  of  the  methods 
taken  to  deftroy  him.  And  fo  they  gave  it  out,  that  he 
died  in  a  fit  of  fury.  But  Pen,  who  faw  the  execution,  faid 
to  me,  there  appeared  nothing  but  a  juft  indignation  that 
innocence  might  very  naturally  give.  Pen  might  be  welt 
relied  on  in  fuch  matters,  he  being  fo  entirely  in  the  King's 
interefts.  He  faid  to  me,  the  King  was  much  to  be  pitied, 
who  was  hurried  into  all  this  efFufion  of  blood  by  Jeffenes's 
impetuous  and  cruel  temper.  But,  if  his  own  inclinations 
had  not  been  bialTed  that  way,  and  if  his  Priefts  had  not 
thought  it  the  intereft  of  their  party  to  let  that  butcher 
loofe,  by  which  fo  many  men  that  were  like  to  oppofe  them 
were  put  out  of  the  way,  it  is  not  to  be  imagined,  that 
there  would  have  been  fuch  a  run  of  barbarous  cruelty,  and 
that  in  fo  many  inftances. 

It  gave  a  general  horror  to  the  body  of  the  Nation :  And  The  Nation 
it  let  all  people  fee,  what  might  be  expected  from  a  reign  chang^d'^by 
that  feemed  to  delight  in    blood.    Even  fome  of  the  faireft  JJj'j„™S"=- 
of  Tories   began  to  relent  a  little,    and  to  think  they   had 
trufted  too  much,  and  gone  too  far.     The  King  had  raifed 
new  regiments,  and  had  given  commiffions  to  Papifts.     This 
was  over-looked  during   the  time    of  danger,    in  which  all 
men's  fervice  was  to  be  made  ufe  of:  And  by  law  they  might 
fcrve  three  months.  But  now,  as  that  time  was  near  lapfing, 
the  King  began  to  fay,  the  laws  for  the  two  Tefts  were  made 
en  defign  againft  himfelf :    The  firft  was  made  to  turn  him 
out  of  the  Admiralty,  and  the  fecond  to  make  way  for  the 
Exclufion :  And,  he  added,  that  it  was  an  affront  to  him  to 
infift  on   the    obfcrvance   of   thofe   laws.     So  thefe   perfons 
notwithftanding  that  a<5t  were  continued  in  commiflion ;  And 

the 


652     TheHlSTORYofthe  Reign 

168  J    the  King  declared   openly,  ^hat  he  rauft  look  on  all  thofe, 
v/v^^  who  would  not  confent  to  the  repeal  of  thofe  laws,  in  the 

next  feflion  of  Parliament,  as  his  enemies. 
Great  dif-        The  Courtiers  began  every  where  to  declaim  againft  them. 
putes  for     ]t  ^ras  fajd  fo  bc  againft  the  rights  of  the  Crown   to  deny 
thcS'*  the  King  the  fervice  of  all  his  fubjeds,    to  bc  contrary  to 
the  dignity  of  Peerage  to  fubje(5t  Peers  to  any  other  Tefts 
than  their  allegiance,  and  that  it  was  an  infufferable  affront 
done  the  King,  to  oblige  all  thofe,  whom  he  (hould  employ, 
to  fwear  that  his  religion  was  idolatrous.    On  the  other  hand 
all  the  people  faw,  that,  if  thofe  a<5ts  were  not  maintained, 
no  employment  would  be  given  to  any  but  Papifts,  or  to  thofe 
who  gave  hopes  that  they  would  change:    And,  if  the  Par- 
liament Teft   was  taken   off,    then  the  way  was  opened   to 
draw  over  fo  many  members  of  both  Houfes,  as  would  be  in 
time  a  majority,  to  bring  on  an  entire  change  of  the  laws 
with  relation  to  religion.     As  long  as  the  Nation  reckoned 
their  Kings  were  true  and  fure  to  their  religion,    there  was 
no  fuch  need  of  thofe  Tefts,   while  the  giving  employments 
was  left  free,  and  our  Princes  were  like  to  give  them  only 
to  thofe  of  their  own  religion.  But,   fince  we  had  a  Prince 
profefling  another  religion,  it  feemed  the  only  fecurity  that 
was  left  to  the  Nation,  and  that  the  Tefts  ftood  as  a  bar- 
rier to  defend  us  from  Popery.     It  was  alfo  faid,  that  thofe  Tefts 
had  really  quieted  the  minds  of  the  greater  part  of  the  Na- 
tion, and  had  united  them  againft  the  Exclufion  j    lince  they 
reckoned   their  religion  was  fafe  by  reafon   of  them.     The 
military  men  went  in  zealoufly  into  thofe  notions  j  for  they 
faw,  that,  as  foon  as  the  King  fhould  get  rid  of  the  Tefts, 
they  muft  either  change  their  religion,  or  lofe  their  employ- 
ments.    The  Clergy,    who  for  moft  part  had  hitherto  run 
in  with  fury  to  all  the  King's  interefts,  began  now  to  open 
their  eyes.     Thus  all  on  a  fudden  the  temper  of  the  Nation 
was  much  altered.     The   Marquis   of  Halifax  did  move  in 
Council,  that  an  order  fhould  be  given  to  examine,  whether 
all  the  officers  in  commillion  had  taken  the  Teft,  or  not. 
But  none  feconded  him:  So  the  motion  fell.     And  now  all 
endeavours  were  ufed  ,  to  fix  the  repeal  of  the  Tefts  in  the 
feflion  that  was  coming  on. 
Some  Some  few  converts  were  made  at  this  time.     The  chief  of 

tdigS' *^'^thcfe  were  the  Earl  of  Perth ,  and  his  brother  the  Earl  of 
Melford.  Some  differences  fell  in  between  the  Duke  of  ^eens- 
borough  and  the  Earl  of  Perth.  The  latter  thought  the  for- 
mer was  haughty  and  violent,  and  that  he  ufed  him  in  too 

4  impe- 


rious  a  manner.  So  they  broke.  At  that  time  the  King  i(^8j 
publifheci  the  two  papers  found  in  his  brother's  ftrong  box.  ^"^^y^^ 
So  the  Earl  of  Perth  was  either  overcome  with  the  reafons 
in  them,  or  he  thought  it  would  look  well  at  Court,  if  he 
put  his  converfion  upon  thcfe.  He  came  up  to  complain 
of  the  Duke  of  ^ieensborough.  And  his  brother  going  to 
meet  \s\vci2xJVarey  hedifcovered  his  defign  to  him,  who  fcemed 
at  firft  much  troubled  at  it:  But  he  plied  him  fo,  that  he 
prevailed  on  him   to   join  with   him  in   his  pretended  Con-  ,i 

verfion,  which  he  did  with  great  (hews  of  devotion  and  zeah 
But  when  his  objections  to  the  Duke  of  ^eemborongh's  ad* 
miniftration  were  heard,  they  were  fo  flight,  that  the  King 
was  aihamed  of  them  j  and  all  the  Court  juftified  the  Duke 
of  ^leemhorotigh.  A  repartee  of  the  Marquis  of  Halifax  was 
much  talked  of  on  this  occafion.  The  Earl  of  Perth  was 
taking  pains  to  convince  him,  that  he  had  juft  grounds  of 
complaint,  and  feemed  little  concerned  in  the  ill  effe(5t 
this  might  have  on  himfelf.  The  Marquis  anfwered  him^ 
he  needed  fear  nothing,  Hts  faith  would  make  htm  whole:  And 
it  proved  fo. 

Before  he  declared  his  change,  the. King  feemed  fo  well  The  Duke 
fatisfied  with  the  Duke  oi  ^leensborough^  that  he  was  rcfolvr  "f^^'^'^f^^''''" 
ed  to  bring  the  Earl  oi  Perth  to  a  fubmiffion,  otherwife  tos^^i"^- 
difmifs  him.  But  fuch  converts  were  ,to  be  encouraged. 
So  the  King,  having  declared  himfelf  too  openly  to  recal 
that  fo  foon,  ordered  them  both  to  go  back  to  Scotland-  and 
faid,  he  would  fignify  his  pleafure  to  them  when  they  fhonld 
be  there.  It  followed  them  down  very  quickly.  The  Duke 
of  ^leemhorough  was  turned  out  of  the  Treafury,  and  it  was 
put  in  Commiflion :  And  he,  not  to  be  too  much  irritated 
at  once,  was  put  firft  in  the  Ccmmiffiori.  And  now  it  be- 
came foon  very  vifible,  that  he  had  the  fecret  no  more; 
but  that  it  was  lodged  between  the  two  brothers,  the  Earls 
oi Perth y  and  Melford.  Soon  after  that,  the  Duke  of  ^ieens- 
borough  was  not  only  turned  out  of  all  his  employments,  but 
a  defign  was  laid  to  ruin  him.  All  perfons  were  encouraged 
to  bring  accufations  againft  him,  either  with  relation  to  the 
adminiftration  of  the  government,  or  of  the  Treafury.  And, 
if  any  colourable  matter  could  have  been  found  againft  him, 
it  was  refolved  to  have  made  him  a  facrifice.  This  fudden 
hatred,  after  fo  entire  a  confidence,  was  imputed  to  the  fug- 
geftions  the  Earl  of  Perth  had  made  of  his  zeal  againft  Po- 
pery, and  of  his  having  engaged  all  his  friends  to  ftick  firm 
in  oppofition  to  it.     It  was  faid,  there  was  no  nqed  of  mak- 

8  D  -  ing 


(554        TheHlsrOKY  of  the  'keigti 

1(58  5    ing  fuch  promiTes,  as  he  had  engaged  the  King  to  make  tcj 
^yy""^  the   Parliament   of  Scotland:    No  body   defired  or   expeded 
them :  He  only  drove  that  matter  on  his  own  account ;     So 
it  was   fit  to  let  all   about  the  King  fee,    what   was  to  be 
looked  for,  if  they  prefTed  any  thing  too  feverely  with  rela- 
tion  to  religion. 
The  King       ^"^  ^°  Icavc  Scotland,  and  return  to  England:  The  King^ 
declared  a-  after  hc  had  declared  that  he  would  be  ferved  by  none  but 
¥e5s.,   ^    thofe  who  would  vote  for  the  repeal  of  the  Tefts,  called  for 
the  Marquis  of  Halifax^  and  afked  him,  how  he  would  vote 
in  that  matter.     He  very  frankly  anfwered,  he  would  never 
confent  to  it:     He  thought,   the  keeping  up  thofe  laws  was 
necelTary,    even   for    the   King's   fervice,  fince   the  Nation 
trufted  fo  much  to  them,  that  the  publick  quiet  was  chiefly 
preferved   by   that  means.     Upon  this   the   King  told  him, 
that  tho'  he  would  never  forget  paft  fervices,    yet  fince  he 
could  not  be  prevailed  on  in  that  particular,  he  was  refolv- 
ed  to  have  all  of  a  piece.     So  he  was  turned  out.    And  the 
Earl  of  Sunderland  "wsis  made  Lord  Prefident,  and  continued 
ftill  Secretary  of  State.     More  were   not  queftioned  at  that 
time,  nor  turned  out:  For  it  was  hoped,  that,  fince  all  men 
faw   what  was  to    be  expected   if  they   fliould   not   comply 
with    the    King's    intentions  ,     this    would    have   its    full 
effed:   upon   thofe,    who   had  no  mind  to   part   with   their 
places. 
Proceedings     The  King  rcfolved  alfo  to   model  Ireland,  fo  as  to  make 
mireiatid.   ^]^^^  Kiugdom   a  nurfery  for    his  army  in  England,  and  to 
be  fiire  at  leaft  of  an  army  there,  while  his  defigns  were  to 
go  on  more  flowly  in   the  ifle  of  Britain.     The  Irijh  bore 
an  inveterate  hatred  to  the  Duke  of  Ormond:  So  he  was  re- 
called.    But,  to  difmifs  him  with  fome  {hew  of  refpe6t,  he 
was   ftill    continued   Lord  Steward   of   the    houfhold.     The 
Earl  of  Clarendon  was  declared  Lord  Lieutenant.    But  the  Ar- 
my was   put  under   the  command   of  Talbot,  who  was  made 
Earl  of  Ttrconnell.     And    he  began  very   foon  to    model   it 
anew.     The  Archbifhop  of  Armagh  had  continued  Lord  Chan- 
cellor of  Ireland,  and  was  in  all  points  fo  compliant  to  the 
Court,  that  even  his  religion  came  to  be  fufpedted  on  that  ac- 
count. Yet,  itfeemed,  he  was  not  thought  thoroughpaced.  So 
Sir  Charles  Porter,  who  was  a  zealous  promoter  of  every  thing 
that  the  King  propofed,  and  was  a  man  of  ready  wit,  and 
being   poor  was  thought  a  perfon  fit  to  be  made  a  Tool  of, 
i-.  was   declared   Lord    Chancellor   of  Ireland.      To   thefe  the 

King  faid,  he  was  refolved   to  maintain   the  fettlement  of 
I  Ireland. 


ofJ^ng  James  li.  055 

trelanj.    They  had  authority  to  promife  this,  and  to  Ad:  pur-    i6S^ 
fuant  to  it.     But,  as  both  the  Earl  of  Clarendon   and   Porter  SC^9V> 
were  poor,  it   was  hoped,    that  they  would  underftand   the 
King's  intentions,  and  fee   thro'  thofe   promifes,    that  were 
made  only  to  lay  men  afleepj  and  that  therefore  they  would 
not  iniift  too  much  on  them,  nor  purfue  them  too  far. 

But  now,  before  I  come  to  relate  the  fliort  fedion  of  Par-  The  perfc- 
liament  that  was  abruptly  broken  off,  I  muft  mention  onttran?e!^ 
great  tranfadtion  that  went  before  it,  and  had  no  fraall  in- 
fluence on  all  men's  minds.  And  fince  I  faw  that  difmal 
tragedy,  which  was  at  this  time  aded  in  France,  I  muft  now 
change  the  fcene,  and  give  fome  account  of  my  felf.  When 
I  refolved  to  go  beyond  fea,  there  was  no  choice  to  be 
made.  So  many  exiles  and  outlawed  perfons  were  fcattered 
up  and  down  the  Towns  of  Holland,  and  other  Provinces, 
that  I  law  the  danger  of  going  where  I  was  fure  many 
of  them  would  come  about  me,  and  try  to  have  involved 
me  in  guilt  by  coming  into  my  company  ,  that  fo  they 
might  engage  me  into  their  defigns.  So  I  refolved  to  go 
to  France:  And,  if  I  found  it  not  convenient  to  ftay  there, 
I  intended  to  go  on  to  Geneva  or  Switzerland.  I  afked  the 
French  Embaflador,  if  I  might  be  fafe  there.  He  after  fome 
days,  I  fiippofe  after  he  had  writ  to  the  Court  upon  it,  af- 
fured  me,  I  (hould  be  fafe  there  j  and  that  ,  if  the  King 
fhould  alk  after  me,  timely  notice  fhould  be  given  me,  that 
I  might  go  out  of  the  way.  So  I  went  to  Paris.  And,  there 
being  many  there  whom  I  had  reafon  to  look  on  as  fpies,  I 
took  a  little  houfe,  and  lived  by  my  felf  as  privately  as  I 
could.  I  continued  there  till  the  beginning  of  Augufi,  that 
I  went  to  Italy.  I  found  the  Earl  of  Mountague  at  Paris, 
with  whom  I  converfcd  much,  and  got  from  him  moft  of 
the  fecrets  of  the  Court,  and  of  the  negotiations  he  was  en- 
gaged in.  The  King  of  France  had  been  for  many  years 
weakning  the  whole  Proteftant  intereft  there,  and  was  then 
upon  the  laft  refolution  of  recalling  the  edi6t  of  Nantes. 
And,  as  far  as  I  could  judge,  the  affairs  of  England  gave  the 
laft  ftroke  to  that  matter. 

This  year,     of   which  I   am   now  writing,  muft  ever  be  a  fatal  year 
remembred,  as  the  moft  fatal  to  the  Proteftant  Religion.     In  tdulu  Reii- 
February^  a  King  of  England  declared  himfelf  a  Papift.     In^ 
June,   Charles  the  '^{^dioi  Palatine  dying  without  iflue,    the 
Ele(5toral  dignity   went  to  the  Houfe  of  Newburgh ,    a  moil 
bigotted  Popifli  family.     In  OBober,  the  King  of  France  re- 
called and  vacated    the   edi(^  of  Nantes.   And  in  December, 

the 


lOU. 


(55(5        Tlje  Hi  S  t  O  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1(^8^  the  Dukeof  5'^Z'O)!  being  brought  to  it,  not  only  by  the  per-. 
^yv^^  fuafions,  but  even  by  the  threatnings  of  the  Court  of  France^ 
recalled  the  edid  that  his  father  had  granted  to  the  /^?/-' 
dots.  So  it  mud  be  confelfed ,  that  this  was  a  very  critical 
year.  And  I  have  ever  reckoned  this  the  fifth  great  crifis  o£ 
the  Proteftant  Religion.    *^' 'J  :  r-:>  i 

For  fome  years  the  Priefts  were  every  where  making 
converfions  in  France.  The  hopes  of  penfions  and  prefer-^ 
ment  wrought  on  many.  The  plaufible  colours,  that  the 
Bifhop  of  Meaux,  then  Bifhop  of  Condom,  put  on  all  the  er- 
rors of  the  Church  oi  Rome ,  furnifhed  others  with  excufes 
for  changing..  Many  thought,  they  muft  change  at  laft,  or 
be  quite  undone:  For  the  King  feemed  to  be  engaged  to  go 
thro'  ^ith  the  matter,  both  in  compliance  with  the  fhadow. 
of  confcience  that  he  feemed  to  have,  which  was  to  fpl- 
low  implicitly  the  condud:  of  his  Confcffor  ,  and  of  the 
Archbifhop  of  Paris ,  he  himfelf  being  ignorant  in  thole 
matters  beyond  what  can  be  well  imagined  ,•  and  becaufe  his 
glory  feemed  alfo  concerned  to  go  thro'  with  every  thing  that 
he  had  once  begun. 
Roiivtgnfs  0\d  Rotivtgny ,  who  was  theDeputy  General  of  the  Churches,- 
behaviour.    ^^j^  ^^^    j-j^^j.  j^g  ^^^  ^^^g  deceived  in   his  opinion   of  the 

King.    He  knew  he  was   not  naturally  bloody.     He  faw  his 
grofs  ignorance   in    thofe  matters.     His   bigottry   could  riot 
rife  from  any    inward  principle.     So  for  many  years  he  flat- 
tered himfelf  with  the  hopes,  that  the   defign  would  go  on 
fo  flowly,  that  fome  unlooked  for   accident  might  defeat  it. 
But  after  the  peace  g^ Ntmeguen  he  faw  fuch  fteps  made  with 
fo  much  precipitation,  that  he  told  the  King  he  mufl:  beg  a 
full  audience  of  him  upon  that  fubjed.     He  gave  him   one 
that  lafted  fome  hours.     He  came  well   prepared.     He  told 
him,  what  the  State  of  France  was  during    the  wars   in  his 
Father's   reign,-     how  happy  France  had  been  now  for  fifty 
years,  occafioned  chiefly  by  the  quiet  it  was   in  with  relati- 
on to  thofe  matters.     He  gave  him  an  account  of  their  num- 
bers, their  indufl:ry  and   wealth ,    their  confliant  readinefs  to 
advance   the  revenue,     and  that  all   the  quiet  he   had  with 
the  Court  of  Rome  was   chiefly   owning    to  them:    If  they 
were  rooted  out,  the  Court  of  Rome  would  govern   as  abfo- 
lutely  in  France ,    as  it  did   in  Spain.     He  defired  leave   to 
undeceive  him,  if  he  was  made  believe  they  would  all  change, 
as  foon  as  he  engaged   his  authority  in   the  matter:  Many 
would  go  out  of  the  Kingdom,  and  carry  their  wealth  and 
induftry  into  other  countries.    And  by  a  fcheme  of  particu- 

z  lars 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  II.       T  (557 

lars  he  reckoned   how  far  that  would   go.     In  fine,  he  faid,     i<^8^ 
it  would  come  to  the  fhedding  of  much  blood :  Many  would   ^-^^^^^^^^ 
fuffer,     and    others    would    be    precipitated    into    defperate 
courfes.     So  that  the  moft   glorious  ©f  all    reigns  would  be 
in  conclufion  disfigured  and  defaced,  and  become  a  fcene  of 
blood  and  horror.  He  told  me,  as  he  went  thro'  thefe  matters  the 
King    feemed   to   hearken   to  him   very  attentively.    But  he 
perceived  they  made  no  impreilion  ;   For  the  King  never  aiked 
any   particulars,     or   any  explanation,     but  let  hirh   go  on. 
And,  when  he  had  ended,  the  King  faid,  he  took  his  free- 
dom well,  fince  it  flowed  from  his  zeal  to  his  fervice.    He  be- 
lieved all  that  he  had  told  him,    of  the  prejudice  it   might 
do  him  in  his   affairs :    Only  he   thought,  it  would   not  go 
to  the  fhedding  of  blood.     But  he  faid,  he  confidered  him- 
felf  as  fo  indilpenfably  bound  to  endeavour   the  converfion 
of  all  his   fubjeds,    and  the  extirpation  of  herefy ,     that  if 
the  doing  it   Ihould  require  that  with  one  hand    he  fliould 
cut  off  the  other,  he  would  fubmit  to  that.     After  this  Ron- 
vtgny  gave  all  his  friends   hints  of  what  they  were  to  look 
for.    Some  were   for  flying  out  into  a  new  civil  war.     But, 
their  chief  confidence  being  in  the  afliflance  they   expetfted 
from  England,  he,  who  knew  what   our  Princes  were,    and 
had  rcafon   to  believe  that  King  Charles  was  at  lead  a  cold 
Proteflianr,  if  not  a  fecret  Papift,  and  knew  that  the  States 
would  not  embroil  their  affairs  in  aflifting  them,  their  max- 
ims rather  leading  them  to  connive  at  any  thing  that  would 
bring  great    numbers    and   much   wealth  into   their  Country 
than  to   oppofe  it,    was  againft   all   motions  of  that   kind. 
He  reckoned,    thofe   rifings  would   be  foon   crufht,  and  fo 
would  precipitate  their  ruin  with  fome  colour  of  juftice.    He 
was  much  cenfured  for  this   by  fome  hot  men  among  them, 
as  having  betrayed  them  to  the  Court.    But  he  was  very  un- 
juflly   blamed,    as  appeared   both  by  his  own  condudt,  and 
by  his  fons;  who  was  received  at   firfl  into   the  furvivance 
of  being  Deputy  General  for  the  Churches,  and  afterwards, 
at   his    Father's    defire  ,    had  that    melancholy    pofl    given 
him,  in  which   he   daily  faw   new  injuftices  done,  and  was 
only  fuffered,   for  form's  fake,  to  inform  againft  them ,  but 
with  no  hope  of  fuccefs. 

The  Father  did,  upon   King  Charles'^  death,    write  a  let-  He  came 
ter  of  congratulation  to  the  King,  who  wrote  him  fuch  an  S.^"^"^' 
obliging   anfwcr,     that  upon    it   he  wrote  to  his   niece  the 
Lady  Rtijfel,  that,  having  fuch  affurances  given  him  by  the 
King  of  a  high  fenfe  of  his  former  fervices,  he  rcfolved  to 

8  E  come 


058        TheHiSTORYofthe  Reign 

i68y  come  over,  and  beg  the  reftoring  her  fon's  honour.  The 
»-/^^^^  Marquis  of  Halifax  did  prefently  apprehend,  that  this  was  a 
blind,  and  that  the  King  of  Frame  was  fending  him  over 
to  penetrate  into  the  King's  defigns ;  fince  from  all  hands 
intimations  were  brought  of  the  promifes  that  he  made  to 
the  Minifters  of  the  other  Princes  of  E.urope.  So  I  was  or- 
dered to  ufe  all  endeavours  to  divert  him  from  coming  over: 
His  niece  had  indeed  begged  that  journey  of  him,  when  fhe 
hoped  it  might  have  faved  her  hulband's  life,  but  fhe  would 
not  venture  to  defire  the  journey  on  any  other  confiderati- 
on,  confidering  his  great  age,  and  that  her  fon  was  then  but 
five  years  old.  I  preffed  this  fo  much  on  him,  that,  finding 
him  fixed  in  his  refolution,  I  could  not  hinder  my  felffrom 
fufpedting,  that  fuch  a  high  a6t  of  friendlliip,  in  a  man  fome 
years  paft  fourfcore,  had  fomewhat  under  it :  And  it  was  faid, 
that,  when  he  took  leave  of  the  King  oi  France,  he  had  an  au- 
dience of  two  hours  of  him.  But  this  was  a  falfe  fuggeftion : 
And  I  was  alTured  afterwards  that  he  came  over  only  in  friend- 
fliip  to  his  niece,  and  that  he  had  no  diredions  nor  melTages 
from  the  Court  of  France. 

He  came  over,  and  had  feveral  audiences  of  the  King, 
who  ufed  him  with  great  kindnefs,  but  did  not  grant  him 
that  which  he  faid  he  came  for:  Only  he  gave  him  a  ge- 
neral promife  of  doing  it  in  a  proper  time. 

But  whether  the  Court  of  France  was  fatisfied,  by  the  con- 
verfation  that  Rouv'tgny  had  with  the  King,  that  they  needed 
apprehend  nothing  from  England ^  or  whether  the  King's  be- 
ing now  fo  fettled  on  the  Throne  made  them  conclude,  that 
the  time  was  come  of  repealing  the  edicts,  is  not  certain: 
Mr.  de  Lotwoy,  feeing  the  King  fo  fet  on  the  matter,  pro- 
pofed  to  him  a  method,  which  he  believed  would  fliorten  the 
work,  and  do  it  efFedually :  Which  was,  to  let  loofe  fome 
Dragoons  bodics  of  Dragoous  to  live  upon  the  Proteftants  on  difcreti- 
ondifcrS  ou.  They  were  put  under  no  reftraint,  but  only  to  avoid 
Pro"eaants'*^  ^^P^^>  and  the  killing  them.  This  was  begun  in  Beam,  And 
the  people  were  fo  ftruck  with  it,  that,  feeing  they  were  to  be 
eat  up  firft,  and,  if  that  prevailed  not,  to  be  caft  in  prifon,  when 
all  was  taken  from  them,  till  they  fhould  change,  and  be- 
ing required  only  to  promife  to  reunite  thcmfelves  to  the 
Church,  they,  overcome  with  fear,  and  having  no  time  for  con- 
fulting  together,  did  univerfally  comply.  This  did  fo  animate 
the  Court,  that,  upon  it  the  fame  methods  were  taken  in  moft 
places  of  Guienney  Languedoc,  znd  Dauphiney  where  the  great- 
eft  numbers  of  the  Proteftants  were,     A  difmal  confternati- 


on 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  II. "     \T  GS9 

on  and  feeblenefs  ran  thro'  moft  of  them,  fo  that  greit  num-     1685- 
hers   yielded.      Upon  which   the   King,    now  refolved  to  go  m^]]^''^ 
thro' with  what  had  been  long  projected,  publifhed  the  edid; 'hem yielded 
repealing  the  edid  of  Nantes,  in  which  (tho'  that  edid  was*  '"  *"^' 
declared  to  be  a  perpetual  and  irrevocable  law)  he  fet  forth^ 
that  it  was   only  intended   to  quiet  matters   by  it,  till  more 
efFedual  ways  fhould  be  taken  for  the  converfion   of  Here- 
ticks.     He  alfo  promifed  in  it,  that,  tho'  all  the  publick  ex- 
ercifes  of  that  religion  were  now  fupprelTed,  yet  thofe  of  that 
perfuafion  who  lived  quietly  fhould  not  be  difturbed  on  that 
account,  while  at  the  fame  time  not  only  the  Dragoons,  but 
all  the  Clergy,  and  the  bigots  o^  France y  broke  out  into  all  the 
inftanccs  of  rage  and  fury  againft  fuchas  did  not  change  upon 
their  being  required  in  the  King's  name  to  be  of  his  religion,* 
for  that  was   the  ftile  every  where. 

Men  and  women  of  all  ages,  who  would  not  yield,  were  Great  cruel- 
not  only  ftript  of  all  they  had  ,  but  kept  long  from  fleep,  where"' 
driven  about  from  place  to  place,  and  hunted  out  of  their 
retirements.  The  women  were  carried  into  Nunneries,  in 
many  of  which  they  were  almoft  ftarved,  whipt,  and  bar- 
baroufly  treated.  Some  few  of  the  Bifhops,  and  of  the  fe- 
cular  Clergy,  to  make  the  matter  eafier,  drew  formularies, 
importing  that  they  were  refolved  to  reunite  themfelves  to 
the  Catholick  Church,  and  that  they  renounced  the  errors 
of  Luther  and  Calvin.  People  in  fuch  extremities  are  eafy  to 
put  a  ftretched  fenfe  on  any  words  ,  that  may  give  them 
prefent  relief.  So  it  was  faid,  what  harm  was  it  to  promife 
to  be  united  to  the  Catholick  Church :  And  the  renouncing 
thofe  men's  errors  did  not  renounce  their  good  and  found 
dodrine.  But  it  was  very  vifible,  with  what  intent  thofe 
fubfcriptions  or  promifes  were  alked  of  them :  So  their  com- 
pliance in  that  matter  was  a  plain  equivocation.  But,  how 
weak  and  faulty  foever  they  might  be  in  this,  it  muft  be 
acknowledged ,  here  was  one  of  the  moft  violent  periecuti- 
ons  that  is  to  be  found  in  hiftory.  In  many  refpeds  it  ex- 
ceeded them  all,  both  in  the  feveral  inventions  of  cruelty, 
and  in  its  long  continuance.  I  went  over  the  greateft  part 
of  France  while  it  was  in  its  hotteft  rage,  from  Marfeilles 
to  Montpel'ter,  and  from  thence  to  Lions,  and  fo  to  Geneva. 
I  faw  and  knew  fo  many  inftances  of  their  injuftice  and 
violence,  that  it  exceeded  even  what  could  have  been  well 
imagined  i  for  all  men  fet  their  thoughts  on  work  to  in- 
vent new  methods  of  cruelty.  In  all  the  Towns  thro'  which 
I  paft,  I  heard  the  moft  difmal  accounts  of  thofe  things  pof- 

fible; 


660       The  History  of  the  Reign 

1(5 8 y  fible;  but  chiefly  at  Faience,  where  one  Dherapme  feemed 
^y^^f^  to  exceed  even  the  furies  of  Inquifitors.  One  in  the  ftreets 
could  have  known  the  new  converts,  as  they  were  pafling 
by  them,  by  a  cloudy  dejedion  that  appeared  in  their  looks 
and  deportment.  Such  as  endeavoured  to  make  their  efcape, 
and  were  feized,  (for  guards  and  fecret  agents  were  fpread 
along  the  whole  roads  and  frontier  of //vj'w^,)  were,  if  men, 
condemned  to  the  gallies,  and,  if  women,  to  raonafteries. 
To  compleat  this  cruelty,  orders  were  given  that  fuch  of 
the  new  converts,  as  did  not  at  their  death  receive  the  Sa- 
crament, fhould  be  denied  burial,  and  that  their  bodies  {hould 
be  left  where  other  dead  carcafes  were  caft  out,  to  be  de- 
voured by  wolves  or  dogs.  This  was  executed  in  feveral 
places  with  the  utmoft  barbarity :  And  it  gave  all  people  To 
much  horror,  that,  finding  the  ill  effed;  of  it,  it  was  let  fall. 
This  hurt  none,  but  ftruck  all  that  faw  it,  even  with  more 
horror  than  thofe  fujEFerings  that  were  more  felt.  The  fury 
that  appeared  on  this  occafion  did  fpread  it  felf  with  a  fort 
of  contagion :  For  the  Intendants  and  other  oflScers,  that  had 
been  mild  and  gentle  in  the  former  parts  of  their  life,  feem- 
ed now  to  have  laid  afide  the  compaflion  of  Chriftians,  the 
breeding  of  Gentlemen,  and  the  common  imprcflions  of  hu- 
manity. The  greateft  part  of  the  Clergy,  the  Regulars  efpe- 
cially,  were  fo  tranfported  with  the  zeal  that  their  King 
fhewed  on  this  occafion,  that  their  fermons  were  full  of  the 
mod  inflamed  eloquence  that  they  could  invent,  magnifying 
their  King  in  flirains  too  indecent  and  blafphemous  to  be 
mentioned  by  me. 
J.^ynt'nto  I  ftaid  at  Pm^  till  the  beginning  of  ^/!^^///?.  Barr'dlon  (cut 
^'  to  me  to  look  to  my  felf-  for  the  King  had  let  fome  words  fall 
importing  his  fufpicion  of  me,  as  concerned  in  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth's  bufinefs.  Whether  this  was  done  on  defign,  to  fee 
if  fuch  an  infinuation  could  fright  me  away,  and  fo  bring  me 
under  fome  appearance  of  guilt,  I  cannot  tell:  For  in  that  time 
every  thing  was  deceitfully  managed.  But  I,  who  knew  that  I 
was  not  fo  much  as  guilty  of  concealment,  refolved  not  to  fl:ir 
from  Parts  till  the  rebellion  was  over,  and  that  the  prifoners 
were  examined,  and  tried.  When  that  was  done,  Stoiippe,  a  Bri- 
gadier General,  told  me,  that  Mr.  de  Lonvo'yX^^A  faidto  him  that 
the  King  was  refolved  to  put  an  end  to  the  bufinefs  of  the  /7«- 
guenotsthu  feafon :  And,  fince  he  was  refolved  not  to  change, 
he  advifed  him  to  make  a  Tour  into  Italy ,  that  he  might  not 
feem  to  do  any  thing  that  oppofed  the  King's  fervice.  Stouppe 
told  me  this  in  confiidence.  So  we  refolved  to  make  that 
'  i  journey 


erne. 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  II.  (561 

journey  together.  Some  thought  it  was  too  bold  an  adven-  i^8j 
ture  in  me,  after  what  I  had  written  and  a(5ted  in  the  matters  ^«/"V%-/ 
of  religion,  to  go  to  Rome.  But  others,  who  judged  better, 
thought  I  ran  no  hazard  in  going  thither :  For,  befides  the 
high  civility  with  which  all  ftrangers  are  treated  there,  they 
were  at  that  time  in  fuch  hopes  of  gaining  England ,  that 
it  was  not  reafonable  to  think,  that  they  would  raife  the  ap- 
prehenfions  of  the  Nation,  by  ufing  any  that  belonged  to  it 
ill:  And  the  deftroying  me  would  not  do  them  the  fervice,  that 
could  in  any  fort  balance  the  prejudice  that  might  arife  from 
the  noife  it  would  make.  And  indeed  I  met  with  fo  high  a 
civility  at  Rome,  that  it  fully  juftified  this  opinion. 

Pope  Innocent  the  eleventh,  Odefcalcht,  knew  who  I  was  And  was 
the  day  after  I  came  to  Rome.  And  he  ordered  the  Captain  «[^ at !i?eS^" 
of  the  Sw'tfs  guards  to  td\  Stouppe,  that  he  had  heard  of  me, 
and  would  give  me  a  private  audience  abed,  to  fave  me  from 
the  ceremony  of  the  Pantoufle.  But  I  knew  the  noife  that 
this  would  make:  So  I  refolved  to  avoid  it,  and  excufed  it 
upon  my  fpeaking  Italian  fo  ill  as  I  did.  But  Cardinal  How- 
ard ^n^  the  Cardinal  dEfirees  treated  me  with  great  freedom. 
The  latter  talked  much  with  me  concerning  the  orders  in 
our  Church,  to  know  whether  they  had  been  brought  down 
to  us  by  men  truly  ordained,  or  not:  For,  he  faid,  they  ap- 
prehended things  would  be  much  more  eafily  brought  about, 
if  our  orders  could  be  efteemed  valid,  tho'  given  in  herefy 
arid  fchifm.  I  told  him,  I  was  glad  they  were  pofTefTed  with 
any  opinion  that  made  the  reconciliation  more  difficult;  but, 
as  for  the  matter  of  fad,  nothing  was  more  certain,  than  that 
the  ordinations  in  the  beginning  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign 
were  canonical  and  regular.  He  feemed  to  be  perfuaded  of 
the  truth  of  this,  but  lamented  that  it  was  impofTible  to  bring 
the  Romans  to  think  fo. 

Cardinal  Howard  fhewed  me  all  his  letters  from  England,  Cardinal 
by  which  I   faw,    that  thofe  who  wrote  to   him  reckoned ,  ^eXii' 
that  their   defigns  were  fo  well   laid,    that   they   could   not^''^'"<=- 
mifcarry.     They  thought,  they  fhould  certainly  carry  every 
thing  in  the  next  fellion  of  Parliament.     There  was  a  high 
ftrain  of  infolence  in  their  letters :  And  they  reckoned,  they  were 
fo  fure  of  the  King,    that  they    feemed   to  have   no   doubt 
left  of  their  fuccecding  in  the  redudion  oi England.     The  Ro- 
mans  and    Italians   were    much    troubled    at    all   this:    For 
they  were  under   fuch   apprehenfions   of  the  growth  of  the 
French  power,    and  had   conceived  fuch  hopes  of  the  King 
of  England's  putting   a   ftop  to   it,    that    they    were    forry 

8  F  to 


66i     TheHlSToKYof  the  Reign 

,6%s  to  fee  the  King  engage  himfelf  fo  in  the  def^n  of  chang- 
•^^vv^  inc  the  religion  of  his  fubjeds,  which  they  thought  would 
create  him  k)  much  trouble  at  home,  that  he  would  neither 
•  have  leifure  nor  ftrength  to  look  after  the  common  concerns 
of  Europe.  The  Cardinal  told  me,  that  all  the  advices  writ 
over  from  thence  to  England  were  for  flow,  calm,  and  mo- 
derate courfes.  He  faid,  he  wifhed  he  was  at  liberty  to  fhew 
me  the  copies  of  them:  But  he  faw  violent  courfes  were 
more  acceptable,  and  would  probably  be  followed.  And  he 
added,  that  thefe  were  the  produdion  of  England,  far  di£f&- 
rent  from  the  counfels  of  Rome. 

He  alfo  told  me,  that  they  had  not  inftruments  enough  to 

work  with :    For,    tho'  they  were  fending  over  all  that  were 

capable   of  the   Miffion,    yet  he  expeded  no  great  matters 

from  them.    Few  of  them  fpoke  true  Engltjh.     They   came 

over  young,  and  retained  all  the  Englijh  that  they  brought 

over  with  them,  which  was  only  the  language  of  boys :  But, 

their  education   being   among   ftrangers,    they    had   formed 

themfelves   fo  upon   that  model,    that  really  they  preached 

as  Frenchmen  or  Italians  in  EngUflj  words ;    of  which   he  was 

every  day  warning  them,    for  he  knew  this  could  have  no 

good  effed  in  England.     He  alfo  fpoke   with  great  fenfe  of 

the  proceedings  in  France^  which  he  apprehended  would  have 

very  ill  confequences  in  England.     I  {hall  only  add  one  other 

particular,    which  will  ihew   the  foft  temper  of  that  good 

natured  man. 

He  ufed  me  in  fuch  a  manner,  that  it  was  much  obferved 
by  many  others*  So  two  French  Gentlemen  delired  a  note 
from  me  to  introduce  them  to  him.  Their  defign  was  to 
be  furnilhed  with  Reliqucs  J  for  he  was  then  the  Cardinal  that 
looked  after  that  matter.  One  evening  I  came  in  to  him 
as  he  was  very  bufy  in  giving  them  fome  Reliques.  So  I  was 
called  in  to  fee  them:  And  I  whifpered  to  him  in  F.ngliflo , 
that  it  was  fomewhat  odd,  that  a  Prieft  of  the  Church  of 
England  (hould  be  at  Rome  helping  them  off  with  the  ware 
of  Bab'ylon.  He  was  fo  pleafed  with  this,  that  he  repeated 
it  to  the  others  in  French-,  and  told  the  Frenchmen ,  that 
they  {hould  tell  their  countrymen,  how  bold  the  hereticks, 
and  how  mild  the  Cardinals  were  at  Rome. 

Iftaid  in  Rome,  till  Prince  Bcrghefe  came  tome,  and  told  me 
it  was  time  for  me  to  go.  I  had  got  great  acquaintance 
there.  And,  tho'  I  did  not  provoke  any  to  diicourfe  of 
points  of  controverfy,  yet  I  defended  my  felf  againfl  all  thofe 
who  attacked  me,  with  the  fame  freedom  that  I  had  done  in 

other 


of  King  James  II.    il      ■:663 

other  places.     This  began  to  be  taken   notice   of.    So  upon    i6S^ 
the  firft  intimation  I  came  away ,    and  returried  by  Marfeil-  *«>''VN^ 
les.      And   then   I   went   thro'    thofe    Southern    Provinces   of 
France  J  that  were  at  that  time  a  fcene  of  barbarity  and  cru- 
elty. 

I  intended  to  have  gone  to  Orange:  But  Tefse  with  a  body  Cruelties  in 
of  Dragoons  was  then  quartered  over  that  fmall  Principality,  ^^''*'^'- 
and  was  treating  the  Proteftants  there  in  the  fame  manner 
that  the  French  fubjedts  were  treated  in  other  parts.  So  I 
went  not  in,  but  paft  near  it,  and  had  this  account  of  that  mat- 
ter fromfome  that  were  the  moftconfiderable  men  of  the  Prin- 
cipality. Many  of  the  neighbouring  places  fled  thither  from 
the  perfecution  :  Upon  which  a  letter  was  writ  to  the  govern- 
ment there,  in  the  name  of  the  Yiin^oi  Frame,  requiring 
them  to  put  all  his  fubjedts  out  of  their  territory.  This 
was  hard.  Yet  they  were  too  naked  and  cxpofed  to  difpute  any 
thing  with  thofe  who  could  command  every  thing.  So  they 
ordered  all  the  French  to  withdraw :  Upon  which  Tefse,  who 
commanded  in  thofe  parts,  wrote  to  them,  that  the  King 
would  be  well  fatisfied  with  the  obedience  they  had  given  his 
orders.  They  upon  this  were  quiet,  and  thought  there  was 
no  danger.  But  the  next  morning  Tefse  marched  his  Dra- 
goons into  the  Town,  and  let  them  loofe  upon  them,  as  he 
had  done  upon  the  fubjeds  of  France.  And  they  plied  as 
feebly  as  moft  of  the  French  had  done.  This  was  done  while 
that  Principality  was  in  the  pofTeflion  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  purfuant  to  an  article  of  the  treaty  of  Nimeguen,  of 
which  the  King  of  England  was  the  guarantee.  Whether 
the  French  had  the  King's  confent  to  this,  or  if  they  pre- 
fumed  upon  it,  was  not  known.  It  is  certain,  he  ordered 
two  memorials  to  be  given  in  at  that  Court,  complaining  of 
it  in  very  high  terms.  But  nothing  followed  on  it.  And, 
fome  months  after,  the  King  of  France  did  unite  Orange  to 
the  reft  of  Provence ,  and  fuppreffed  all  the  rights  it  had, 
as  a  diftindt  Principality.  The  King  writ  upon  it  to  the 
Princefs  of  Orange,  that  he  could  do  no  more  in  that  mat- 
ter, unlefs  he  fhould  declare  war  upon  it,-  which  he  could  not 
think  fit  for  a  thing  of  fuch  fmall  importance. 

But  now  the  feflion  of  Parliament  drew  on.  And  there  Another Tefi 
was  a  great  expectation  of  the  ilfue  of  it.  For  fome  weeks  liamcm.  "* 
before  it  met  there  was  fuch  a  number  of  Refugees  coming 
over  every  day ,  ^ho  fet  about  a  moft  difmal  recital  of 
the  perfecution  in  France ,  and  that  in  fo  many  inftances  that 
were  crying  and  odious ,.  that,  tho'  all  endeavours  were  ufcd 
i  to 


C64       TbeHlSTORY  ofthe Reign 

i6i^    to  lefTen  the  clamour  this  had  raifed,  yet  the  King  did  not 
f^^y^"^  ftick  openly  to  condemn  it,  as  both   unchriftian  and  unpo- 
litick.     He  took  pains  to  clear  the  Jefuits  of  it,  and  laid  the 
blame  of  it  chiefly  on  the   King,  on  Madame  de  Mamtemnj 
and  the   Archbifliop   of  Parts.      He  fpoke  often  of  it  with 
fuch  vehemence,  that  there  (eemed  to  be  an  afFe(5tation  in  it.    He 
did  more.     He  was  very  kind  to  the  Refugees.     He  was  li- 
beral to  many  of  them.     He  ordered  a  brief  for  a  charitable 
coUedtion  over  the  Nation   for  them  all :  Upon  which  great 
fums  were  fent  in.     They  were  depofited  in  good  hands,  and 
well  diftributed.     The  King  alfo  ordered  them  to  be  denifed 
without   paying  fees,    and  gave  them  great  immunities.    So 
that  in  all  there  came  over  firft  and  laft   between  forty  and 
jfifty  thoufand  of  that  Nation.     Here  was  fuch  a  real  argu- 
ment of  the  cruel  and  perfecuting  fpirit  of  Popery,  where- 
foever  it  prevailed,  that  few  could  refift  this  conviction.  So 
that  all  men  confelTed,  that  the  French  perfecution  came  very 
feafonably  to  awaken  the  Nation,    and  open  mens  eyes  in 
fo  critical  a  conjuncture :  For  upon  this  feflion  of  Parliament 
all  did  depend. 
Wh'a-'*       When  it  was  opened,  the  King  told  them  how  happy  his 
gainft  the    forccs  had  been  in  reducing  a  dangerous  rebellion,  in  which 
it  had  appeared,  how  weak  and  infignificant  the  Militia  was : 
And  therefore  he  faw  the  neceffity  of  keeping  up   an  Army 
for  all  their  fecurity.     He  had  put  fome  in   coramiffion,  of 
whofe  loyalty  he  was  well  affured :  And  they  had  ferved  him 
io  well ,    that  he   would    not   put   that   affront    on  them  , 
and  on    himfelf,    to  turn    them    out.     He  told  them,    all 
the  world  faw,    and  they  had  felt  the  happinefs  of  a  good 
underftanding  between  him  and  his  Parliament:  So  he  hop- 
ed, nothing  {hould  be  done  on  their   part  to  interrupt  that ; 
as  he,  on  his  own  part,   would  obferve  all  that  he  had  pro- 
mifed. 

Thus  he  fell  upon  the  two  moft  unacceptable  points  that 
he  could  have  found  out^  which  were,  a  (landing  Army, 
and  a  violation  of  the  ACt  of  the  Telt.  There  were  fome 
debates  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords  about  thanking  the  King  for 
his  fpeech.  It  was  preffed  by  the  Courtiers,  as  a  piece  of 
refpedt  that  was  always  paid.  To  this  fome  anfwered,  that 
was  done  when  there  were  gracious  alTurances  given.  Only 
the  Earl  of  Devonjhtre  faid,  he  was  for  giving  thanks,  bc- 
caule  the  King  had  fpoken  out  fo  plainly,  and  warned  them 
of  what  they  might  look  for.  It  was  carried  in  the  Houfe 
to  make  an  addrefs  of  thanks  for   the  fpeech.     The  Lord 

•I-  Guilford^ 


of  Ktng  J AUkS  11     "^       665 

Guilford,  North,  was  now  dead.    He  was  a  crafty  and  defign-    K^g^- 
ing  man.    He  had  no  mind  to  part  with  the  great  Seal:  And  v-OTN^ 
yet  he  faw,  he  could  not  hold  it  without  an  entire  cbniipli- 
ance  with  the   pleafure  of  the  Court.     An  appeal  againft  a 
decree  of  his  had  been  brought  before  the  Lords  in  the  former 
fefTion  :   And  it  was  not  only  reverfed  with  many  fevere  reflec- 
tions on  him  that  made  it,  but  the  Earl  of  Nottingham,  who 
hated  him  becaufe  he   had  endeavoured  to  detract  from  his 
father's  memory,  had  got  together  fo  many  inftances  of  his 
ill   adminiftratibn   of  juftice,     that   he  expofed  him  feverely 
for  it.    And,  it  was  believed,  that  gave  the  crifis  to  the  un- 
eafinefs   and    diftra6tion    of  mind  he  was  labouring  under. 
He    languiftied    for  fome  time,-  and   died  defpifed,    and  ill 
thought  of  by  the  whole  Nation. 

Nothing  but  his  fuccelTor  made  him  be  remembred  with  >#mVx 
regret :    For  Jefferies  had   the  Seals.     He  had   been  made  a  Chancellor. 
Peer  while  he  was  Chief  Juftice,  which  had  not  been  done 
for  fome  ages:    But  he  affeded   to  be  an   original  in  every 
thing.     A  day  or  two  after  the  feffion  was  opened,  the  Lords 
went  upon  the  confideration  of  the  King's  fpeech :  And,  when 
fome  began  to  make  remarks  upon  it,  they  were  told,  that 
by  giving  thanks  for  the  fpeech  they   had  precluded   them- 
felves  from  finding  fault  with  any  part  of  it.     This  was  re- 
jected with   indignation,    and  put  an   end  to  that  comple- 
ment  of  giving  thanks    for   a  fpeech  when   there   was    no 
special    reafon  for   it.       The   Lords    Halifax ,    Nottingham, 
iand  Mordaunt ,    were  the  chief  arguers  among  the  temporal 
Lords.     The  Bifhop  of  London  fpoke  often   likewife:    And 
twice  or  thrice  he  faid,    he  fpoke  not  only  his    own  fenfc, 
but  the  fenfe  of  that  whole   Bench.     They  faid,    the  Teft 
was  now  the  beft  fence  they  had  for  their  religion :  If  they 
gave  up  fo  great   a  point,  all  the  reft  would  foon  follow: 
And  if  the   King   might  by   his   authority  fuperfede  fuch  a 
law,  fortified  with  fo  many  claufes,  and  above  all  with  that 
of  an  incapacity,  it  was  in  vain  to  think  of  law  any  more: 
The  government  would  become  arbitrary  and  abfolute.     Jef- 
feries began  to  argue  in  his  rough  manner :  But  he  was  f bon 
taken  down^    it   appearing,    that   how   furioufly    foever    he 
raved  on  the  Bench,  where  he  played  the  tyrantj  yet  where 
others  might  fpeak  with  him  on  equal  terms,  he  was  a  very 
contemptible  man:  And   he  received  as  great  a  mortificati- 
on, as  fuch  a  brutal  man  as  he  was  capable  of. 

But  as  the  fcene  lay   in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  fo  the 
debates  there  were  more  important,     A   projed:  was   offered 

8  G  for 


0(56        The  Hist  OK  Y  of  the  Reign 

1 68  J    for  making  the  Militia  more  ufeful  in  order  to  the  difband- 
^^^'^^^^^  ing  the  Army.     But,  to  oppofe  that,  the  Court  (hewed,  how 
If'c^m-"'*^  great  a  danger  we  had  lately  efcaped,  and  how  much  of  an 
?*efsMt    ii^  leaven  yet  remained  in  the  Nation,  fo  that  it  was  necef- 
King  for ob-fary  a  force  (hould  be  kept  up.     The   Court   moved   for   a 
law.'"^*  ^  fubfidy,  the  King  having  been  at  much  extraordinary  charge 
in  reducing  the  late  rebellion.    Many,  that  were  refolved  to 
aflert  the  bufinefs  of  the  Teft  with  great  firmnefs,   thought, 
the  voting  of  money  firft  was   the  decenteft  way  of  manag- 
ing the   oppofition  to  the  Court:    Whereas  others  oppofed 
this,  having  often  obferved,  that  the  voting  of  money  was  the 
giving    up    the   whole   feflion   to   the   Court.      The    Court 
wrought  on  many  weak  men  with  this  topick,  that  the  only 
way  to  gain  the  King,  and  to  difpofe  him  to  agree  to  them 
in  the  bufmefs  of  the  Teft,  was  to  begin  with  the  fupply. 
Thi?  had  fo  great  an  effed:,  that  it  was  carried  only  by  one 
vote  to  confider  the  King's  fpeech,  before  they  fhould  pro- 
ceed to  the  fupply.     It  was  underftood,  that  when  they  re-r 
ceived  fatisfadion  in  other  things,  they  were  refolved  to  give 

JOOOOO  /. 

They  went  next  to  confider  the  A<5t  about  the  Teft,  and 
the  violations  of  it,  with  the  King's  fpeech  upon  that  head. 
The  reafoning  was  clear  and  full  on  the  one  hand.  The 
Court  offered  nothing  on  the  other  hand  in  the  way  of  ar- 
gument, but  the  danger  of  offending  the  King,  and  of  raid- 
ing a  mifunderftanding  between  him  and  them.  So  the  whole 
Houfe  went  in  unanimoufly  into  a  vote  for  an  addrefs  to  the 
King,  that  he  would  maintain  the  laws,  in  particular  that 
concerning  the  Teft.  But  with  that  they  offered  to  pafs  a 
bill  for  indemnifying  thofe  who  had  broken  that  lawj  and 
were  ready  to  have  confidered  them  in  the  fupply  that  they 
intended  to  give. 
The  King  The  King  exprefTed  his  refentments  of  this  with  much 
^ffcnS "^  vehemence,  when  the  addrefs  was  brought  to  him.  He  faid, 
with  it.  fome  men  intended  to  difturb  the  good  correfpondence  that 
was  between  him  and  them,  which  would  be  a  great  preju- 
dice to  the  Nation :  He  had  declared  his  mind  fo  pofitive- 
ly  in  that  matter,  that  he  hoped,  they  would  not  have  med- 
led  with  it :  Yet,  he  faid,  he  would  ftill  obferve  all  the  pro- 
mifes  that  he  had  made.  This  made  fome  refled:  on  the  vio- 
lations of  the  edid  of  Nantes  by  many  of  the  late  edids 
that  were  fet  out  in  France  before  the  laft  that  repealed  it, 
in  which  the  King  of  France  had  always  declared,  that 
he  would  maintam  that  edid,  even  when  the  breaches  made 

upon 


of  King  J  AMES  n.  661 

upon  it  were  the  moft  vifible  and  notorious.  The  Houfe,  i6B<j; 
upon  this  rough  anfwer,  was  in  a  high  fermentation.  Yet,  '-^^VN^ 
when  one  Cook  faid,  that  they  were  Engl'tjhmen  ^  and  were  jj^t^T 
not  to  be  threatned,  becaufe  this  feemed  to  be  a  want  of  re- 
fped,  they  fent  him  to  the  Tower  j  and  obliged  him  to  a(k 
pardon  for  thofe  indecent  words.  But  they  refolved  to  in- 
iift  on  their  addrefs,  and  then  to  proceed  upon  the  petiti- 
ons concerning  eiedions.  And  now  thofe,  that  durft  not 
open  their  mouth  before,  fpoke  with  much  force  upon  this 
head.  They  faid,  it  was  a  point  upon  which  the  Nation 
expeded  juftice,  and  they  had  a  right  to  claim  it.  And  it 
was  probable,  they  would  have  condemned  a  great  many 
ele<Stions :  For  an  intimation  was  fet  round,  that  all  thofe 
who  had  ftuck  to  the  intereft  of  the  Nation,  in  the  main 
points  then  before  them,  ihould  be  chofen  over  again,  tho* 
it  {hould  be  found  that  their  election  was  void,  and  that  a 
new  writ  {hould  go  out.  By  this  means  thofe  petitions  were 
now  encouraged,  and  were  like  to  have  a  fair  hearing,  and 
a  juft  decifion :  And  it  was  believed,  that  the  abjcd  Cour- 
tiers would  have  been  voted  out. 

The  King  faw,  that  both  Houfes  were  now  fo  fixed,  that  The  Par ifa- 
he  could  carry  nothing  in  either  of  them,  unlefs  he  would  "woglled. 
depart  from  his  fpeech,  and  let  the  Ad:  of  the  Teft  take 
place.  So  he  prorogued  the  Parliament,  and  kept  it  by  re- 
peated prorogations  ftill  on  foot  for  about  a  year  and  a  half, 
but  without  holding  a  feflion.  All  thofe,  who  had  either 
fpoken  or  voted  for  the  Teft,  were  foon  after  this  difgraced, 
and  turned  out  of  their  places,  tho'  many  of  thefe  had  ferv- 
ed  the  King  hitherto  with  great  obfequioufnefs  and  much 
zeal.  He  called  for  many  of  them,  and  fpoke  to  them  very 
earneftly  upon  that  fubjed  in  his  clofet:  Upon  which  the 
^erm  of  clofeting  was  much  tolTed  about.  Many  of  thefe  gave 
him  very  flat  and  hardy  denials:  Others,  tho'  more  filent, 
yet  were  no  lefs  fteady.  So  that,  when,  after  a  long  prac- 
tice both  of  threatning  and  ill  ufage  on  the  one  hand,  and 
of  promifes  and  corruption  on  the  other,  the  King  faw  he 
could  not  bring  them  into  a  compliance  with  him  ,  he  at 
laft  dilTolved  the  Parliament :  By  which  he  threw  off  a  body 
of  men  that  were  in  all  other  refpeds  fure  to  him,  and  that 
would  have  accepted  a  very  moderate  fatisfadion  from  him 
at  any  time.  And  indeed  in  all  England  it  would  not  have 
been  eafy  to  have  found  five  hundred  men,  fo  weak,  fo  poor,  ^  . 
and  fo  devoted  to  the  Court,  as  thefe  were.    So  happily  was 

2  the 


669        ThelitsTOKY  of  the  Keign 

i68y    the  Nation  taken  out  of  their  hailds,  by  the  precipitated  vio- 
<y^>f^^^  lence  of  a  bigotted  Court. 

The  Lord        SooQ  after   the   prorogation,    the  Lord   c/e  la  Meer  was 
'^''d^T    brought   to  his  trial.      Some    witnelTes  fwore    high   treafon 
tcqultted.    againft  him  only  upon  report,  that  he  had  defigned  to  make 
a  rebellion   in  Chejhtre,  and  to  join  with  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
tnouth.  But,  fince  thofe  fwore  only  upon  hear-fay,  that  was 
no  evidence  in  law.     One  witnefs  fwore  home  againft  him, 
and  againft  two  other  Gentlemen,  who,  as  he  faid,  were  in 
company  with  him;  and  that  trcafonable  meffages  were  then 
given  to  him  by  them  all  to  carry  to  fome^  others.     That 
which  gave  the  greateft  credit  to  the  evidence  was,  that  this 
Lord  had  gone  from  London  fecretly  to  Chejh'ire  at  the  time 
of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth's  landing ,    and  that  after  he  had 
ftaid  a  day  or  two  in  that  Country,  he  had  come  up  as  fe- 
Cretly  to  London.     This  looked  fufpicious,  and  made  it  to  be 
believed,    that  he  went  to  try  what  could  be  done.     The 
credit  of  that   fingle  witnefs  was  overthrown   by  many  un- 
queftionable  proofs,  by  which  it  appeared  that  the  two  Gen- 
tlemen, who  he  faid  met  with  that  Lord  in   Chejh'tre^  were 
all  that  while  ftill  in   London.     The   witnefs,    to   gain  the 
more  credit,  had  brought  others  into  the  plot,  by  the  com- 
mon fate  of  falfe  fwearers,  who  bring  in  fuch  circumftances 
to  fupport  their  evidence,  as  they  think  will  make  it  more 
credible,  but,  being  ill  laid,  give  a  handle  to  thofe  concern- 
ed to  find   out  their  falfhood.      And  that  was   the  cafe  of 
this  witnefs :   For,  tho'  little  doubt  was  made  of  the  truth  of 
that  which  he  fwore  againft  this  Lord,  as  to  the  main  of  his 
evidence,  yet  he  had  added  fuch  a  mixture  of  falfliood  to  it, 
as  being  fully  proved  deftroyed  the  evidence.  As  for  the  fe- 
cret  journey  to  and  again  between  London  and  Chejhtre^  that 
Lord  faid,  he  had  been  long  a  prifoner  in  the  Tower  upon 
bare  fufpicion :     He  had  no  mind  to  be  lodged  again  there : 
So  he  refolved  in   that  time  of  jealoufy  to  go  out  of  the 
way :  And  hearing  that  a  child,  of  which  he  was  very  fond, 
was  fick  in  Chejh'tre,  he  went  thither :  And  hearing  from  his 
Lady    that  his  eldeft  fon  was  very  ill  at  London^   he   made 
hafte  back  again.     This  was  well  proved   by  his  phyficians 
and  domefticks,  tho' it  was  a  thing  of  very  ill  appearance,  that 
he  made  fuch  journies   fo  quick  and   fo   fecretly  at  fuch  a 
time.     The   Solicitor  General,    Finch,    purfuant  to  the  doc- 
trine he  had   maintained  in  former  trials,    and  perhaps   to 
atone   for  the  zeal  he  had   ftiewed  in   the  Houfe   of  Com- 
mons for  maintaining  the  Ad;  of  the  Teft,  made  a  violent 

1  decla- 


^^\'ii?/  King  James  IIj  ^^jpf       ^09 

declamation,  to  prove  that  one  witnefs  with  prefiimptlbn^  \6%j 
was  fufficient  to  convid  one  of  high  treafoo.  The  Peers  *^^'Vn.^ 
did  unanimoufly  acquit  the  Lord.  So  that  trial  ended  to 
the  great  joy  of  the  whole  Town,-  which  was  now  turned 
to  be  as  much  aga'inft  the  Court ,  as  it  had  been  of  late 
years  for  it.  Finch  had  been  continued  in  his,  employment 
only  to  lay  the  load  of  this  judgment  upon  him :  And  he 
aded  his  part  in  it  with  his  ufual  vehemence.  He  was  pre- 
fently  after  turned  out.'  And  Pow'ts  fucceeded  him,  who  was 
a  compliant  young  afpiring  Lawyer,  tho'  in  himfelf  he  was 
no  ill  natured  man.  Now  the  polls  in  the  law  began  to  be 
again  taken  care  of:  For  it  was  refolved  to  a6t  a  piece  of 
pageantry  mfVefim'mfier-Hall,  with  which  the  next  year  began. 


Sir  Edward  Hales y  a.  Gentleman  of  a  noble  family  in  Ke^f,    16Z6 
declared  himfelf  a  Papift,  tho'  he  had  long  difguifed  it;  dnd  VO^*^^ 
had  once  to  my  felf  fo  folemnly  denied  it,  that  I  was  led  from  the  Aa"fo? 
thence    to  fee,    there  was  no    credit    to  be   given   to    that'^^^^**' 
fort  of  men,  where  their  Church  or  religion  was  concerned. 
He  had  an  employment :  And  not  taking  the  Teft  his  coach- 
man  was  fet  up  to  inform  againft  him,    and  to  claim  the 
joo  /.  that  the  law  gave  to  the  informer.     When  this  was  to  Many 
be  brought  to  trial,  the  Judges  were  fecretly  alked  their  opi- gj'jfjj"/""" 
nions :  And  fuch  as  were  not  clear  to  judge  as  the  Court  did 
dired:  were   turned  out:   And  upon  two  or  three  canvaflings 
the  half  of  them  were  difmiffed,   and  others  of  more   plia- 
able  and  obedient  underftandings  were  put   in   their  places. 
Some  of  thefe  were  weak  and   ignorant   to  a   fcandal.    The 
fuit  went  on  in  a  feeble  profecution :  And  in  Trinity  Term 
judgment  was  given. 

There  was  a  new  Chief  Jufticc  found  out,    very  different -Wrr^^r/, 
indeed  from  Jeffer'ies ,    Sir  Edward  Herbert,     He  was  a  well  giJ^f^udg?' 
bred  and  a  vcrtuous  man,  generous,  and  good  natured.    He '"?"'/°f f^e 

'    XD  '  o  King  s  dif- 

was  but  an  indifferent  Lawyer,-  and  had  gone  to  Ireland ^tnim^ 
to  find  practice  and  preferment  there.  He  unhappily  got^'^"'"" 
into  a  fet  of  very  high  notions  with  relation  to  the  King's 
prerogative.  His  gravity  and  vertucs  gave  him  great  advan- 
tages, chiefly  his  fucceeding  fuch  a  monfter  as  had  gone  be- 
fore him.  So  he,  being  found  to  be  a  fit  tool ,  was,  with- 
out any  application  of  his  own,  raifed  up  all  at  once  to  this 
high  pofl:.  After  the  coachman^s  caufe  had  been  argued 
with  a  moil  indecent  coldnefs,  by  thofe  who  were  made  ufe 
of  on  delign  to  expofe  and  betray  it,  it  was  faid,  in  favour 
of  the  prerogative,  that  the  government  of  England  was  en- 

8  H  4  tirely 


670        The  li'iST^O^^  of  the  Reign 

i6%6  tirely  in  the  King  :  That  the  Crown  was  an  Imperial  Crown, 
v^^V>^  the  importance  of  which  was,  that  it  was  abfolute:  All 
penal  laws  were  powers  lodged  in  the  Crown  to  enable  the 
King  to  force  the  execution  of  the  law ,  but  were  not  bars 
to  limit  or  bind  up  the  King's  power:  The  King  could  par- 
don all  offences  againft  the  law,  and  forgive  the  penalties: 
And  why  could  not  he  as  well  difpenfc  with  them?  A6ts  of 
Parliament  had  been  oft  fuperfeded :  The  Judges  had  fome 
times  given  directions  in  their  charges  at  Circuits  to  enquire 
after  fome  A<5ts  of  Parliament  no  more :  Of  which  one  late 
inftance  happen^  during  the  former  reign:  An  A6t  pafled 
concerning  the  fize  of  carts  and  waggons,  with  many  penal- 
ties upon  the  tranfgrelTors :  And  yet,  when  it  appeared  that 
the  model  prefcribed  in  the  Aft  was  not  pradicable ,  the 
Judges  gave  direction  not  to  execute  the  A6fc. 

Thefe  were  the  arguments  brought  to  fupport  the  King's 
difpenfing   power.     In   oppofition  to   this   it  was   faid,  tho* 
not  at  the  bar,  yet  in  the  common  difcourfe  of  the  Town, 
that  if  penalties  did  arife  only  by  vertue  of  the  King's  Pro- 
clamation,  it  was  reafonable  that   the  power  of  difpenfing 
(hould  be  only  in  the  King:  But  fmce  the  prerogative  was 
both   conftituted   and   limited  by    law,    and  fince  penalties 
were  impofed  to   force   the  obfervation   of  laws   that    were 
necelTary  for  the  publick  fafety,  it   was   an  overturning  the 
whole  government,  and  the  changing  it  from  a  legal   into 
a  defpotick  form ,   to  fay  that  laws,  made  and  declared  not 
to  be  capable  of  being  difpenfed  with  ,    where  one  of  the 
penalties  was  an  incapacity,  which  by  a  maxim  of  law  can- 
not be  taken  away  even  by  a  pardon,  fliould  at  the  pleafure 
of  the  Prince  be  difpenfed  with :     A    fine  was  alfo   fet    by 
the  Ad   on  offenders,    but  not  given  to  the   King,   but  to 
the  informer,  which  thereby  became  his.    So  that  the  King 
could  no  more  pardon  that,  than  he  could  difcharge  the  debts 
of  the  fubjeds,    and  take    away  property:     Laws  of  fmall 
confequence,    when  a  vifible  error  not  obferved  in  making 
them  was  afterwards  found  out,  like  that  of  the  fize  of  carts, 
might  well  be  fuperfeded :  For  the  intention  of  the  Legifla- 
ture  being  the  good  of  the  fubjed:,  that  is  always  to  be  pre- 
fumed  for  the  repeal   of  an   impracticable  law.     But  it  was 
not  reafonable   to  infer  from   thence,    that  a  law  made  for 
the  fecurity  of  the  government,  with  the  moll  cfFedual  claufes 
that  could  be  contrived,    on   defign   to   force  the  execution 
of  it,  even  in  bar  to  the   power  of  the   prerogative,  fhould 
be  made  fo  precarious  a  thing,  efpecially  when  it  was  fo  late- 


'"of  King  J  A  ME  S  II.  C7 1 

ly  aflerted  with  fo  much  vigour  by  the  reprefentativcs  of  the  i6%6 
Nation.  It  was  faid,  that,  tho'  this  was  now  only  applied  ^«>^V"'^y 
to  one  ftatute,  yet  the  fame  force  of  reafon  would  hold  to 
annul  all  our  laws:  And  the  penalty  being  that  which  is 
the  life  of  the  law,  the  difpenfing  with  penalties  might  foon 
be  carried  fo  far  as  to  dilTolve  the  whole  government;  And 
the  fecurity  that  the  fubje<5ts  had  were  only  from  the  laws, 
or  rather  from  the  penalties,  fince  laws  without  thefe  were 
feeble  things,  which  tied  men  only  according  to  their  own 
difcretion. 

Thus  was  this  matter  tolTed  about  in  the  arguments,  with 
which  all  peoples  mouths  were  now  filled.  But  Judges,  who 
are  beforehand  determined  how  to  give  their  opinions,  will 
not  be  much  moved  even  by  the  ftrongeft  arguments. 
The  ludicro<us  ones  ufed  on  this  occafion  at  the  bar  were 
rather  a  farce,  fitter  for  a  mock  trial  in  a  play,  than  fuch 
as  became  men  of  learning  in  fo  important  a  matter.  Great 
expectations  were  raifed,  to  hear  with  what  arguments  the 
Judges  would  maintain  the  judgment  th^t  they  fliould  give. 
But  they  made  nothing  of  itj  and  without  any  arguing  gave 
judgment  for  the  defendant,  as  if  it  had  been  in  a  caufe  of 
courfe. 

Now  the  matter  was  as  much  fettled,  as  a  decliion  in  the  Admfrai 
King's  Bench  could  fettle  it.  Yet  fo  little  regard  had  the  firmneft! 
Chief  Juftice's  neareft  friends  to  his  opinion  in  this  particu- 
lar, that  his  brother.  Admiral  Herbert,  being  prcfTed  by  the 
King  to  promife  that  he  would  vote  the  repeal  of  the  Teft, 
anfwered  the  King  very  plainly,  that  he  could  not  do  it 
either  in  honour  nor  confcience.  The  King  faid ,  he 
knew  he  was  a  man  of  honour,  but  the  reft  of  his  life  did 
not  look  like  a  man  that  had  great  regard  to  confcience. 
He  anfwered  boldly,  he  had  his  faults,  but  they  were  fuch, 
that  other  people,  who  talked  more  of  confcience,  were  guil- 
ty of  the  like.  He  was  indeed  a  man  abandoned  to  luxury 
and  vice.  But,  tho*  he  was  poor,  and  had  much  to  lofe, 
having  places  to  the  value  of  4000  /.  a  year,  he  chofe  to 
lofe  them  all  rather  than  comply.  This  made  much  noife : 
For  as  he  had  a  great  reputation  for  his  condud  in  fea  af- 
fairs, fo  he  had  been  moft  paflionately  zealous  in  the  King's 
fervice  from  his  firft  fetting  out  to  that  day.  It  appeared 
by  this,  that  no  paft  fervices  would  be  confidered,  if  men 
were  not  refolved  to  comply  in  every  thing.  The  door  was 
now  opened.  So  all  regard  to  the  Teft  was  laid  afide.  And 
all  men  that  intended  to  recommend  themfelves  took  em- 
ployments. 


(572         The  H^S-IOKY  of  the  Reign 

\6%6  ploy  merits,  and  accepted  of  this  difpenfing  power.  This 
v-<''"vx^  vvas  done  even  by  fome  of  thofe  whp  continued  ftill  Pro- 
teftants,  tho'  the  far  grieater  number  of  them  continued  to 
qualify  themfelves  according  to  law. 
Father p^/^r  Many  of  thc  Papift»,  that  were  men  of  quiet  or  of  fear- 
hiih'^favour.  fj^l  tempers ,  did  not  like  thefe  methods.  They  thought 
the  Priefts  went  too  faft,  and  the  King  was  too  eager  in  pur- 
fuing  every  thing  that  was  fuggefted  by  them.  One  Peter^ 
defcended  from  a  noble  family,  a  man  of  no  learning,  nor 
any  way  famed  for  his  vertue,  but  who  made  all  up  in  bold-> 
neis  and  zeal,  was  the  Jefmt  qf  theni  all  that  feemed  ani- 
mated with  the  moft  coufag^.  He  had,  during  the  Popifb 
plot,  been  introduced  to  the  King,  and  had  fuggefted  things^ 
that  {hewed  him  a  refolute  and  undertaking  man.  Upon  that 
the  King  looked  on  him  as  the  jfitteft  man  to  be  fet  at  the 
l:^ead  of  his  counfels.  So  he  was  now  confidered,  as  the  per- 
fon  \vho  of  ^11  others  had  the  greateft  credit.  He  applied 
himfelf  moft  to  the  Earl  of  Sunderland  ^  and  was  for  fome 
time  chiefly  direded  by  him. 
The  King  The  maxim  that  the  King  fet  up,  and  about  which  he 
8  tofcTatiom  entertained  all  that  were  about  him,  was,  the  great  happinefs 
of  an  univerfal  toleration.  On  this  the  King  ufed  to  enlarge 
in  a  great  variety  of  topicks.  He  faid,  nothing  was  more 
[j  reafonable,  more  chriftian,  and  more  politick :  And  he  re- 
fledted  much  on  thc  Church  of  England  for  the  feverities 
with  which  Diflenters  had  been  treated.  This,  how  true  or 
juft  fbever  it  might  be,  yet  was  ftrange  dodrine  in  the 
mouth  of  a  profefted  Papift,  aad  of  a  Prince  on  whofe  ac- 
count, and  by  whofe  direction,  the  Church  party  had  been, 
indeed  but  too  obfequioufly,  puflied  on  to  that  rigour.  Bur, 
fince  the  Church  party  could  not  be  brought  to  comply 
with  the  defign  of  the  Court,  applications  were  now  made 
to  the  Difenters:  And  all  on  a  fudden  the  Churchmen 
were  difgraced,  and  the  Diffenters  were  in  high  favour. 
Chief  Juftice  Herbert  went  the  Weftern  Circuit  after  Jef- 
feries's  bloody  one.  And  now  all  was  grace  and  favour  to  them. 
Their  former  fufFerings  were  much  refleded  on,  and  pitied. 
Every  thing  was  offered  that  could  alleviate  their  fufferings. 
Their  teachers  were  now  encouraged  to  fet  up  their  Conventicles 
again,  which  had  been  difcontinued,  or  held  very  fecretly, 
for  four  or  five  years.  Intimations  were  every  where  given, 
that  the  King  would  not  have  them,  or  their  meetings,  to 
be  difturbed.  Some  of  them  began  to  grow  infolcnt  upon 
this  fliew  of  favour.    ]^ut  wiJfer  men  among  them  f^w  thro* 

3  all 


of^King  JAMES  11.  675 

ball  this  ,  'and  perceived  the  defign  of  the  Papifls  was  now,  i6S6 
to  fet  on  the  DilTenters  againft  the  Church,  as  much  as  they  ^^'''^^''"^^ 
had  formerly  fet  the  Church  againft  them :  And  therefore, 
-Miho'  they  returned  to  their  Conventicles,  yet  they  had  a  juft 
jealoufy  of  the  ill  defigns  that  lay  hid  under  all  this  fudden 
and  uncxpcfted  fhew  of  grace  and  kindnefs:  And  they  took 
care  not  to  provoke  the  Church  party. 

Many  of  the  Clergy  adted  now   a  part  that  made    good  The  ciergy 
-amends  for  paft  errors.     They   began   to  preach   generally  JiSoV'"' 
-againft    Popery,    which  the  DilTenters  did  not.     They  fet 5°?^ greS^^ 
.themfelves  to  ftudy  the  points   of  controyerfy.    And  upon  "ai and fac- 
Kthat  there  followed  a  great  variety  of  fmall  books,  that  were 
cafily  purchafed  and  foon  read.     They  examined  all  the  points 
•of  Popery  with  a  folidity  of  judgment,  a  clearnefs  of  argu- 
ing, a  depth  df  learning,  and  a  vivacity  of  writing,  far  be- 
yond any  thing  that  had  before  that   time  appeared  in  our 
•  language.     The  truth  is,  they  were  very  unequally  yoked: 
:<For,  if  they  are  juftly  to  be  reckoned  among;  the  beft  writers 
•that  have  yet  appeared  on  the  Proteftant  lide,    thofc  they 
wrote  againft  were  certainly  among  the    weakeft   that    had 
ever  appeared  on  the  Popifh^fide.     Their  books  were  poor- 
ly but  infolently  writ^  and  had  no  other  learning  in  them, 
«but  what  was  taken  out  of  fome  French  writers,     which  they 
put  into  very  bad  Engltjh:  So  that  a  victory  over  them  need 
have  been  but  a  mean  performance. 

This  had  a  mighty  efFe6t  on  the  whole  Nation :  Even 
thofe  who  could  not  fearch  things  to  the  bottom,  yet  were 
amazed  at  the  great  inequality  that  appeared  in  this  engage- 
ment. The  Papifts,  who  knew  what  fervice  the  Biftiop  of 
Meaux\  book  had  done  in  France ,  refolved  to  purfue  the 
fame  method  here  in  feveral  treatifes,  which  they  entitled 
Pap'tfis  reprefented  and  m'tfreprefented-^  to  which  fuch  clear 
anfwers  were  writ,  that  what  effedt  foever  that  artifice  might 
have,  where  it  was  fupported  by  the  authority  of  a  great 
King,  and  the  terror  of  ill  ufage,  and  a  dragoonade  in  con- 
clufion,  yet  it  fucceeded  fo  ill  in  England^  that  it  gave  oc- 
cafion  to  enquire  into  th6  true  opinions  of  that  Church,  not 
as  fome  artful  writers  had  difgmfed  them,  biit  as  they  were 
Jaid  down  in  the  books  that  are  of  authority  among  thenr^ 
fuch  as  the  decifions  of  Councils  received  among  them,  and 
their  cftabliflied  Offices,  and  as  they  are  held  at  Rome,  and 
in  all'  thofe  countries  wherie  Popery  prevails  without 
any  intermixture  with  hereticks,  or  apprehenfion  of  them, 
as  in  Spain  and  Portugal,     This  was  done  in  fo  authentical 

8  1  a  manner. 


0  74        ThelilSTORY  of  the  Reign 

i6%6    a  manner,  that   Popery  it  felf  was  never  Co  well  underftood 
\u^y\j  by  the  Nation,  as  it  came  to  be  upon  this  occafio^. 

The  perfons,  who  both  managed  and  dire(5ted  this  contro- 
whow«rverfial  war,   were  chiefly  Tillotfon^   SuU'mgfleet,   Tenmfon,   and 
t$&^^.Patrkk.     Next  them  were  Sherlock,   Williams,   Claget,  Gee, 
Aldnch,    Aterbury,    Whitby,    Hooper,    and   above  all  thefe 
Wake    who   having  been   long   in  France,  Chaplain  to  the 
Lord  Prejlon,     brought  over  with  him  many   curious  difco- 
veries  that  were  both  ufeful  and  furprifing.     Befides  the  chief 
writers  of  thofe  books  of  controverfy,  there  were  many  fer- 
mons  preached  and   printed  on   thofe  heads,  that  did  very 
i      much  edify  the  whole  Nation.    And  this  matter  was  managed 
with  that  concert,  that  for  the  moft  part  once  a  week  fome 
new  book  or  fermon  came  out,  which  both  inftruded  and  ani- 
'  mated  thofe  who  read  them.     There  were  but  very  few  pro- 
felytes  gained  to  Popery :  And  thefe  were  fo  inconfiderable, 
that  they  were  rather  a  reproach   than  an  honour  to  them. 
Walker,     the  head   of  Univerfity    College,    and  five  or  fix 
more  at  Oxford,  declared  themfelves  to   be  of  that  religion  j 
but  with  this  branch  of  infamy,    that  they  had  continued 
for  feveral  years   complying  with   the  do<5trine  and  worfliip 
of  the  Church  of  England  after  they  were  reconciled  tg  the 
Church  of  Rome.     The  Popifli  Priefts  were  enraged  at  this 
oppofition  made  by  the  Clergy,  when  they  faw  their  religi- 
on  fo    expofed ,    and   themfelves   fo  much   defpifed.     They 
(aid,  it  was  ill  manners  and  want  of  duty  to  treat  the  King's 
religion  with  fo  much  contempt. 

It  was  refolved   to  proceed  feverely   againft   fome  of  the 
troubir^ '"  preachers,  and  to  try  if  by  that  means  they  might  intimi- 
date the  reft.     Dr.  Sharp  was  the  Re<5tor  of  St.  Giles's,    and 
was  both  a  very  pious  man,   and  one  of  the  moft  popular 
preachers  of  the  age,  who  had  a  peculiar  talent  of  reading  his 
fermons  with  much  life  and  zeal.     He  received  one  day,  as  he 
was  coming  out  of  the  pulpit,  a  paper  fent  him,  as  he  believ- 
ed, by  a  Prieft,  containing  a  fort   of  challenge  upon   fome 
points  of   controverfy  touched  by  him  in  fome  of  his  fer- 
mons.    Upon  this,  he,  not  knowing  to  whom  he   ftiould 
fend  an  anfwer,  preached  a  fermon  in  anfwer  to  it:  And,  af- 
ter he  had  confuted  it,    he  concluded    ftiewing   how  unrea- 
fonable  it   was  for  Proteftants    to  change   their    religion  on 
fuch  grounds.     This  was  carried  to  Court,  and  reprelented 
there,  as   a   reftcdion  on  the  King  for   changing  on  thofe 
grounds. 

z  The 


"   of  King  J  A  M  E  S  II.  %i  5 

The  information,  as  to  the  words  pretended  to  be  fpoken     i6%g 
by  Sharps  was  falfe,  as  he  himfelf  aflured  me.     But,  without  en-  ri^^ih^ 
quiring  into  that,  the  Earl  of  Sunderland  hnt  an   order    toot  London 
the  Biihop   of  London^    in  the  King's   name,  requiring  him  fui^indhSm. 
to  fufpend  Sharp  immediately,  and  then  to  examine  the  mat- 
ter.    The  Bifliop   anfwered,  that  he  had  no  power  to  pro- 
ceed in  fuch  a   fummary  way :    But,  if  an  accufation   were 
brought  into  his  Court  in  a  regular  way,  he  would  proceed 
to  fuch  a  cenfurc  as  could  be  warranted  by  the  Ecclefiaftical 
law :  Yet,  he  faid,  he  would  do  that  which  was  in  his  power, 
and  fhould  be  upon  the  matter  a  fufpenfion  ,•  for  he  defired 
Sharp  to   abftain   from  officiating,   till  the  matter   fhould   be 
better  underftood.     But  to  lay   fuch  a  cenfure  on  a   Clergy- 
man^ as  a  fufpenfion,  without  proof,  in  a  judiciary  proceed- 
ing, was  contrary  both  to  law   and   juftice.     Sharp   went  to^^}':^^^ 
Court  to  Ihew  the  notes  ot  his  lermon,  which  he  was  rea-  obey. 
dy  to  fwear  were  thofe  from   which  he   had   read  it,    by, 
which  the  falfliood  of  the  information  would  appear.     But, 
fince  he  was  not  fufpended,  he  was  not  admitted.     Yet  he 
was  let  alone.    And  it  was  refolved  to  proceed   againft  the 
Bifhop  of  London  for  contempt.    „^.^/  ,,,^r- 

Jeffertes  was  much  funk  at  Court,  and  Herbert  was  the  mod  An  Eccief?- 
in  favour.  ^Mtno'V  Jeffertes y   to  recommend  himfelf,    offered  mi'iSon  2^' 
a  bold   and  illegal   advice,    for   fetting   up    an  Ecclefiaftical  "P" 
Commiffion,  without  calling  it  the  High  Commiffion,  pretend- 
ing it  was  only  a  ftanding  Court  of  Delegates.     The  Ad  that 
put  down  the  High  Commiffion  in  the  year  .1640  had  provided 
by  a  claufe,  as  full  as  could  be  conceived,  that  no  Court  fhould 
be  ever  fet  up  for  thofe  matters,  befides  the  ordinary  Ecclefiafti- 
cal Courts.    Yet  in  contempt  of  that  a  Court  was  ereded,  with 
full  power  to  proceed  in  a  fummary  and  arbitrary  way  in  all  Ec- 
clefiaftical matters,  without  limitations  to  any  rule  of  law  in 
their  proceedings.     This  ftretchof  the  fiipremacy,  fo  contrary 
to  law,  was  affumed  by  a  King,  whofe  religion  made  him  con- 
demn all  that  fupremacy  that  the  law  had  vefted  in  the  Crown. 

The  perfons  with  whom  this  power  was  lodged  were  the 
Archbifhop  of  Canterbur'^y  and  the  Bifhops  of  Durefme  and 
Rochejlery  and  the  Lord  Chancellor,  the  Lord  Treafurer, 
and  Lord  Chief  Juftice,  the  Lord  Chancellor  being  made 
Prefident  in  the  Court  y?«^  quonon-y  for  they  would  truft  this 
to  no  other  management.  The  Bifhop  of  London  was  mark- 
ed out  to  be  the  firft  facrifice.  Sancroft  lay  filent  at  Lam- 
beth. He  feemed  zealous  againft  Popery  in  private  difcourfe: 
But  he  was  of  fuch  a  timorous  temper,  and  fo  (lit  on  the  en- 
;  'J  "         riching 


(57.6     B^  H 1 S 1 0  S.  lr  of  the  Reign 

\6'%6    riching  his  nephew,  that  he  (hewed  no  fort  of  courage.     He 
\i/^r*^  would  not  go  to  this  Court,  when  it  was  firft  opened ,  and 
declare  againft  it,    and  give  his  reafons  why  he  could  not 
fit  and  ad  in  it,  judging  it  to  be  againft  law:  But  he  con- 
tented himfelf  with  his   not  going  to  it.     The  other  two  Bi- 
(hops  were  more  compliant.     Durefme  was  lifted  up  with  it, 
"and  faid,  now  his  name  would  be  recorded  in  hiftory:  And, 
when  fome  of  his  friends  reprefented  to  him  the  danger  of 
afting  in  a  Court  fo  illegally  conftituted,  he  faid,  he  could 
not  live  if  he  fhould  lofe  the  King's   gracious  fmiles:    So 
low,  and  fo  fawning  was  he.     Dolben,  Archbiftiop  of  Torky 
died  this  year.     So,  as  Sprat  had  fucceeded  him  in  Rochejler^ 
he  had  fome  hopes  let  fall  of  fucceeding  likewife  in  Tork.     But 
the  Court  had  laid  it  down  for  a  maxim  to  keep  all  the  great 
Sees,  that  fliouldbecome  vacant,  ftill  empty,  till  they  might  fill 
them  to  their  own  inind:  So  he  was  miftaken  in  his  expeda- 
tions,  if  he  ever  had  them. 
TheBiihop      The  Biftiop  of  London  was  the  firft  perfon,  that  was  ium- 
bfo^ghf  be-  moned  to  appear  before  this  new  Court.     He  was  attended 
fore  it.       Qji  by  many  perfons  of  great  Quality,  which  gave  a  new  of- 
fence: And  the  Lord  Cnancellor  treated  him  in  that  brutal 
way,  that  was  now  become  as  it  were  natural  to  him.     The 
Bifhop  faid,    here  was  a  hew  Court  of  which  he  knew  no- 
thing: So  he  defired  a  copy  of  the  commiffion   that   autho- 
rifed  them.     And,  after  he  had  drawn   out  the  matters  by 
delays    fot    fome  time,    hoping  that    the  King  might  ac- 
cept of  fome  general  and   refpe<^ful  fubmiffion,    and  fo  let 
the  matter  fall,  at  laft  he  came  to  make  his  defence,  all  (cr 
fcret  methods  to  divert  the  ftorin  proving  ineffedual.      The 
firft  part  of  it  was  an  exceptioii    to  (he  authority   of    the 
Court,  as  being  not  only  founded  on  no  law,  but  contrary 
to  the  exprefs  words  of  the  Ad  of  Parliament  that  put  down 
the  High  Commiffion.   Yet  this  point  was  rather  infinuated, 
than  urged  with  the  force  that  might  have  been  ufed:  For 
it  was  faid ,  that,   if  the  Bifhop  (hould  infift  too   much  on, 
that,  it  would  draw  a  much  heavier  rneafure  of  indignation 
on  him  ^    therefore  it  was  rather  opened,    and  m,odeftIy  re- 
prefented to  the  Court,  than  ftrongiy  argued.     But  it  fl^iay 
be  eafily  believed,  that  thofe  who  fate  by  virtue  of  this  ille- 
gal Commiffion  would  maintain  their  own   authority.     The 
other  part  of  the  Bifhop  of  London's  plea  was,  th^at  he  hadi 
obeyed  the  King's   orders,  as  far  as   he  legally  could  dp,; 
for  he  had   obliged    Dr.  Sharp  to   ad  as  a  man  that  wa^ 
fufpendedi  but  that  he  could  not  lay  an  Ecclefiaftical  cenfi^re 


on 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  11.  *«*i         (J77> 

on  any  of  his   Clergy  without  a   procefs,  and  articles,  and     ^6?>6 
fome  proof  brought.  This  was  juftified  by  the  conftant  pradice  ^-''VN^ 
of  the  Ecclefiaftical  Courts,  and  by  the  judgment  of  all  law- 
yers.    But  arguments,  how  ftrong  foever,  are  feeble  things, 
when  a  fentence  is  rcfolved   on  before   the  caufe    is    heard. ^ 
So  it  was  propofed,  that  he  (hould  be   fufpended  during  the 
King's  pleafure.     The  Lord   Chancellor   and   the   poor-fpi- 
rited  Bifhop  of  Durefme  were  for  this :  But  the  Earl,  and  Bi- 
fhop   of  Rochefier ,     and    the    Lord    Chief  Juftice  Herbert, 
were  for  acquitting  him.     There  was  not   fo  much   as  a   co- 
lour  of  law  to   lupport  the  fentence  :    So    none   could    be 
given. 

But  the  King  was  refolved  to  carry  this  point,  and  /poke  {^"<^  ^^ 
roundly  about  it  to  the  Earl  of  Rochefier.  He  faw  he  muft  by  it. 
either  concur  in  the  fentence,  or  part  with  the  White  Staff. 
So  he  yielded.  And  the  Bifhop  was  fufpended  ab  officio.  They 
did  not  think  fit  to  meddle  with  his  revenues.  For  the  law- 
yers had  fettled  that  point,  that  benefices  were  of  the  na- 
ture of  freeholds.  So,  if  the  fentence  had  gone  to  the  tem- 
poralties ,  the  Bifhop  would  have  had  the  matter  tried  over 
again  in  the  King's  Bench,  where  he  was  like  to  find  good 
juftice,  //ifr^^r^  not  being  fatisfied  with  the  legality  and  juftice 
of  the  fentence.  While  this  matter  was  in  dependance,  the 
Princefs  of  Orange  thought  it  became  her  to  interpofe  a  lit- 
tle in  the  Bifhop's  favour.  He  had  confirmed,  and  married 
her.  So  fhe  wrote  to  the  King,  earneftly  begging  him  to 
be  gentle  to  ,the  Bifhop,  who  fhe  could  not  think  would 
offend  willingly.  She  alfo  wrote  to  the  Bifhop,  exprcfling 
the  great  fhare  fhe  took  in  the  trouble  he  was  fallen  into. 
The  Prince  wrote  to  him  to  the  fame  purpofe.  The  King 
wrote  an  anfwer  to  the  Princefs,  refledling  feverely  on  the 
Bifhop,  not  without  fome  fharpnefs  on  her  for  meddling  in  fuch 
matters.  Yet  the  Court  feemed  uneafy,  when  they  faw  they 
had  gained  fo  poor  a  vi<5tory :  For  now  the  Bifhop  was  more  ^ 

confidered  than  ever.  His  Clergy,  for  all  the  fufpenfion, 
were  really  more  governed  by  the  fecret  intimations  of  his 
pleafure,  than  they  had  been  by  his  authority  before.  So 
they  refolved  to  come  off  as  well  as  they  could.  Dr.  Sharp 
was  admitted  to  offer  a  general  petition  ,  importing  how 
forry  he  was  to  find  himfelf  under  the  King's  difpleafure: 
Upon  which  he  was  difmiffed  with  a  gentle  reprimand,  and 
fuffered  to  return  to  the  exercife  of  his  function.  Accord- 
ing to  the  form  of  the  Ecclefiaftical  Courts,  a  perfon  under 
fuch  a  fufpenfion  muft  make  a  fubmiffion  within  fix  months; 

8  K  Other- 


678        TheHlsroRY  of  the  Reign 

\6%6    Otherwife  he  may  be  proceeded  againft  as  obftinate.  So,  fix, 
«^^V^  months  after  the  fentence,  the  Bifhop  fent  a  petition  to  the 
King,  defiring  to  be  reftored  to  the  exercife  of  his  Epifco- 
pal   funftion.      But   he  made   no    acknowledgment    of  any 
fault.     So  this  had  no  other  cffed,  but  that  it  ftopt  all  fur- 
ther proceedings:     Only  the  fufpenfion  lay  ftill  on  him.      I 
have  laid  all  this  matter  together,  tho'  the  progrefs  of  it  ran 
into  the  year  eighty  feven. 
Affairs  in         Affairs  in  Scotland  went  on  much   at  the  fame  rate  as  they 
A«//w.      jjj  Ijj  England.     Some  few   profelytes   were  gained.     But  as 
they    were    very   few,     fo   they   could    do    little   fervice   to 
the  fide  to  which  they  joined    thcmfelves.      The  Earl  of 
Perth  prevailed  with  his  Lady,  as  {he  was  dying,  to  change 
her  religion.    And  in  a  very  few  weeks  after  her  death  he 
married   very  indecently    a  fifter  of  the   Duke   of  Gordon's. 
They  were  firft  coufins:  And  yet  without  (laying  for  a  dif- 
penfation  from   Rome   they  ventured   on    a  marriage,    upoa 
the  affurances  that  they  faid  their  ConfefTor  gave  them  that 
it  would  be  eafily  obtained.  But  Pope  Innocent  was  a  ftiff  man, 
and  did   not  grant  thofe  things    eafily  :    So    that  Cardinal 
Howard  could  not  at  firft  obtain  it.     The  Pope  faid,  thefe 
'  were  ftrange  converts,   that   would  venture  on  fuch  a  thing 
without  firft  obtaining   a  difpenfation.     The  Cardinal   pre- 
tended, that  new  converts  did   not  fo    foon  underftand  the 
laws  of  the  Church :  But  he  laid  before  the  Pope  the  ill  con- 
fequences  of  offending   converts  of  fuch  importance.    So  he 
prevailed   at  laft  ,    not  without  great   difficulty.      The  Earl 
of  Perth  fet  up  a  private  Chapel    in   the   Court   for  Mafs, 
which  was  not  kept  fo  private,    but  that  many   frequent- 
ed it. 
A  tumult  at      The  Town  oi  Edenburgh  was  much  alarmed  at  this.    And 
Edenburgh.  jjjg  rabble  broke  in  with  fuch  fury,  that  they   defaced  every- 
thing in  the  Chapel.    And  if  the  Earl  oi Perth  had  not  been 
conveyed   away  in   difguife,    he  had  very  probably  fallen  a 
facrifice  to  popular  rage.     The  guards  upon  the  alarm  came, 
and  difperfed  the  rabble.     Some  were   taken :  And  one  that 
was  a  ringleader  in  the  tumult  was  executed  for  it.     When 
he  was  at  the  place  of  execution,  he  told  one  of  the  Minif- 
ters  of  the  Town,  that  was  with  him  aflifting  him  with   his 
prayers,  that  he  was  offered  his  life,  if  he  would  accufe  the 
Duke  of  ^eensborough ,    as  the  perfon  that  had  fet  on  the 
tumult,  but  he  would  not  fave  his  life  by  lo  falfe  a  calumny. 
Mr.  Macomy  the  Minifter,  was  an  honefl  but  weak  man.  So, 
when  tlic  criminal  charged  him  to  make  this   difcovery,  he 

3  "  did 


of  King  J  AMES  II.  679 

did  not  call  any  of  thofe  who  were  prefent  to   bear   witnefs    i6S6 
of  it:  But  in  the  fimplicity  of  his   heart  he  went  from  the  '^'^"^^^*^ 
execution  to  the  Archbifliop  of  St.  Andrews ,     and  told   him 
what  had  paft.       The  Archbifliop  acquainted    the   Duke  of 
^/eensborough  with  it.     And  he   writ  to  Court ,    and  com- 
plained of  it.     The  King   ordered    the  matter    to   be    ex- 
amined.    So  the  poor  Minifter,   having  no  witnefs  to  atteft 
what  the  criminal  had  faid  to  him,  was  declared  the  forger 
of  that  calumny.    And  upon  that  he  was   turned  out.     But 
how  feverely  foever  thofe  in  authority  may  handle  a   poor 
incautious  man,  yet  the  publick  is  apt  to  judge  true.     And, 
in  this  cafe,  as  the   Minifter's  weaknefs  and  misfortune  was 
pitied,    fo   the  Earl  of  Perth's   malice   and  treachery  was  as 
much  deteftcd. 

In  fummer  this  year,     the  Earl  of  Murray  ^    another  new  a  Pari  fa- 
convert,  was  fent  the  King's  Commiflioner  to  hold  a  Parlia- ihcl"'^^''* 
ment  in  Scotland ^  and  to  try  if  it  would  be  more  compliant 
than    the   Engltjh  Parliament    had    been.       The   King    did 
by  his  letter  recommend  to  them  in  very  earned  words  the 
taking  off  all  penal  laws  and   tefts  relating  to  religion.    And 
all  poflible  methods  were   ufed    to   prevail   on    a  majority. 
But  two   accidents   happen'd    before  the   opening    the   Par- 
liament ,    which   made   great    impreffion   on  the   minds    of 
many. 

Wh'ttfordj  fon  to  one  of  their  Biihops  before  the  wars,  had 
turned  a  Papift.  He  was  the  perfon  that  killed  Darijlam 
in  Holland.  And  ,  that  he  might  get  out  of  Cromwell's 
reach,  he  had  gone  into  the  Duke  of  Savoy's  fervice^  and 
was  there  when  the  laft  maffacre  was  committed  on  the  Fau- 
dois.  He  had  committed  many  barbarous  murders  with  his 
own  hands  ,  and  had  a  fmall  penfion  given  him  after  the 
Reftoration.  He  died  a  few  days  before  the  Parliament  met; 
and  called  for  fome  Minifters,  and  to  them  declared  his 
forfaking  of  Popery,  and  his  abhorrence  of  it  for  its  cru- 
elty. He  faid,  he  had  been  guilty  of  fome  execrable  mur- 
ders in  P'tedmontj  both  of  women  and  children,  which  had 
purfued  him  with  an  intolerable  horror  of  mind  ever  after 
that.  He  had  gone  to  Pricfts  of  all  forts,  the  ftridtefl  as 
well  as  the  eafieft:  And  they  had  juftified  him  in  what  he 
had  done,  and  had  given  him  abfolution.  But  his  confcience 
purfued  him  fo,  that  he  died  as  in  defpair,  crying  outagainft 
that  bloody  religion. 

The  other  was  more  folemn.     Sir  Robert Sibbald^  a  Do6tor  of 
phyfick,  and  the  moft  learned  antiquary  in  Scotland,    who 

had 


(580        TbeHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

16^6  had  lived  in.  a  courfe  of  philofophical  vertue,  but  in  great 
•^-^VN^  doubts  as  to  revealed  religion,  was  prevailed  on  by  the  Earl 
of  Perth  to  turn  Papift,  in  hopes  to  find  that  certainty 
among  them,  which  he  could  not  arrive  at  upon  his  own 
principles.  But  he  had  no  fooner  done  this,  than  he  be- 
gan to  be  afhamed  that  he  had  made  liich  a  ftep  upon  fo 
little  enquiry.  So  he  went  to  Londoriy  and  retired  for  fome 
months  from  all  company,  and  went  into  a  deep  courfe  of 
ftudy,  by  which  he  came  to  fee  into  the  errors  of  Popery, 
with  fo  full  a  convidiion  that  he  came  down  to  Scotland 
I  fome  weeks  before  the  Parliament,  and  could  not  be  at  quiet 

till  he  had  publiftied  his  recantation  openly  in  a  Church. 
The  Bifliop  of  Edenburgh  was  fo  much  a  Courtier,  that,  ap- 
prehending many  might  go  to  hear  it,  and  that  it  might 
give  offence  at  Court,  he  fent  him  to  do  it  in  a  Church. 
in  the  Country.  But  the  recantation  of  fo  learned  a  man, 
upon  fo  much  ftudy,   had  a  great  effed  upon  many. 

Rojfe  and  Paterfon  ,  the  two  governing  Bifhops,  refolved 
to  let   the  King  fee  how  compliant   they  would   be.     And 
they  procured  an   addrefs   to  be  figned  by  feveral   of  their 
Bench,  offering  to  concur  with  the  King  in  all  that  he  de- 
fired  with  relation   to  thofe  of  his   own   religion,    ffor  the 
courtly  ftile  now  was  not  to  name  Popery  any  other  way 
than  by  calling  it  the  King's  religion,)   providing  the  laws 
might  ftill  continue   in  force  and   be   executed   againft   the 
Prefbyterians.    With  this  Paterfon  was  fent  up.     He  commu- 
nicated  the  matter  to   the   Earl  of  Mtddleton ,    who  advifed 
him   never   to   fliew  that  paper:     It  would   be  made  ufe  of 
againft  them,  and  render  them  odious:     And  the  King  and 
all  his  Pricfts  were  fo  fenfible  that  it  was  an  indecent  thing 
for  them   to  pretend  to  any  fpecial  favour,  that  they  were 
refolved    to    move    for  nothing    but    a    general    toleration. 
And  fo   he  perfuaded    him  to   go   back   without  prefenting 
it.     This  was  told  me  by  one  who    had  it  from   the  Earl 
himfelf. 
Which  re-       When  the  feflion  of  Parliament  was  opened,  Duke  Hamtl- 
com^ijil wiih  ^^'^  was  filcut  in  the  debate.   He  promifed,  he  would  not  op- 
iheKing's    pofe  the  motion :    But  he  would   not  be  adive   to  promote 
it.     The  Duke  of  ^^eemborough  was  alfo  filent:  But  the  King 
was  made    believe  that   he    managed    the    oppofition    under 
hand.     Roffe  and  Paterfon   did   fo  entirely    forget  what  be- 
came their  characters,     that  they   ufed   their  utmoft   endea- 
vours to  perfuade  the  Parliament  to  comply  with  the  King's 
defire.     The  Archbifhop  of  Glafgow  oppofcd  it,    but  fear- 
+  fully. 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  II.  <J8 1' 

fully.  The  Bifliop  oi  Dttnkeld^  Bruce^  did  it  openly  and  i6%6 
refolutely:  And  (o  did  the  Bifhop  of  Galloway.  The  reft  ^>^VX^ 
were  filent,  but  were  refolved  to  vote  for  the  continuance  of 
the  laws.  Such  was  the  meannefs  of  moft  of  the  Nobility, 
and  of  the  other  members,  that  few  did  hope  that  a  refif- 
tance  to  the  Court  could  be  maintained.  Yet  the  Parliament 
would  confent  to  nothing,  further  than  to  a  liifpenfion  of 
thofe  laws  during  the  King's  life.  The  King  defpifed  this. 
So  the  feflion  was  put  off,  and  the  Parliament  was  quickly 
diffolved.  And,  foon  after  that,  both  the  Archbifhop  oiGlaf- 
gow  and  the  Bifhop  of  Dunkeld  were  turned  out  by  an 
exprefs  command  from  the  King.  And  Paterfon  was  made 
Archbifhop  of  Glafgow,  And  one  Hamilton^  noted  for  pro- 
fanenefs  and  impiety,  that  fometimes  broke  out  i^to  blaf- 
phemy ,  was  made  Bifhop  of  Dunkeld.  No  reafon  was  af- 
iigned  for  turning  out  thofe  Bifliops,  but  the  King's  plea- 
fure. 

The  Nation,  which  was  become  very   corrupt,  and  both  a  zeal  ap- 
ignorant  and   infenfible  in   the  matters  of  religion,    began ^^[jjj *^^" 
now  to  return  to  its  old   zeal  againft  Popery.     Few   profe- Popery. 
lytes  were  made  after  this.     The  Epifcopal  Clergy  were  in 
many  places  fo  funk  into  (loth   and  ignorance,    that  they 
were  not  capable   of  conducing  this  zeal.     Some  of  them 
about  Edenburghj  and  in  divers  other  places,  began  to  mind 
thofe  matters,  and  recovered  fome  de]grees  of  credit  by  the 
pppoficion  they  made  to  Popery.     But  the  Prelbyterians,  tho* 
they  were  now  freed  from  the  great  feverities  they  had  long 
fmarted  under,    yet  exprefled  on   all  occafions  their  uncon- 
querable averfion   to  Popery.     So   the  Court  was  foon  con- 
vinced, that  they  were  not  to  be  depended  on. 

But,  what  oppofition  foever  the  King  met  with  in  the  Affairs  ia 
ifle  of  Britain^  things  went  on  more  to  his  mind  in  Ire-  ^reUMii. 
land.  The  Earl  of  Clarendon  upon  his  firft  coming  over 
gave  publick  and  pofitive  affurances,  that  the  King  would 
maintain  their  A6t  of  Settlement.  This  he  did  very  often, 
and  very  folemnly^  and  proceeded  accordingly.  In  the 
mean  while  the  Earl  of  Ttrconnel  went  on  more  roundly. 
He  not  only  put  Ir'tfi  Papifts  in  fuch  pofts  in  the  Army 
as  became  void,  but  upon  the  flighteft  pretences  he  broke 
the  Engltjh  Proteftant  officers  to  make  room  for  the  others : 
And  in  conclufion,  without  fo  much  as  pretending  a  colour 
for  it,  he  turned  them  all  out.  And  now  an  Army,  paid 
by  vertue  of  the  A(5t  of  Settlement  to  fecure  it,  was  wreftcd 
out  of  legal  hands,  and  put  in  the  hands  of  thofe  who  were 

8  L  engaged 


CS%        TheHlstOKY  of  the  Reign 

j6%6  engaged  both  in  religion  and  intereft  to  deftroy  the  Settte- 
^/^VX>  ment,  and  thofe  concerned  in  it^  which  was  too  e;rors  a 
violation  of  law  to  be  in  any  fort  palliated.  So  the  En^ijh 
Proteftants  of  Ireland  looked  on  themfelves  as  at  mercy, 
fince  the  Array  was  now  made  up  of  their  enemies.  And  all 
that  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  or  the  Lord  Chancellor,  could  fay 
did  not  quiet  their  fears:  Good  words  could  not  give  fecu- 
rity  againft  fuch  deeds  as  they  faw  every  day.  Upon  this 
the  Earl  of  Clarendon  and  the  Earl  of  Tirconnell  fell  into  per- 
petual jarrings,  and  were  making  fuch  complaints  one  of 
another,  that  the  King  refolved  to  put  an  end  to  thofe  diA 
orders  by  recalling  both  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  and  Porter, 
He  made  the  Earl  of  Tirconnell  Lord  Lieutenant,  and  Fttton 
Lord  Chancellor,  who  were  both  not  only  profelTed  but 
zealous  Papifts.  Fttton  knew  no  other  law  but  the  King's 
pleafure. 

This  ftruck  all  people  there  with  great  terror,  when  $ 
man  of  Ttrconnell's  temper,  fo  entirely  trufted  and  depended 
on  by  the  Irijhy  capable  of  the  boldeft  undertakings,  and  of 
the  crueleft  execution,  had  now  the  government  put  fo  en- 
tirely in  his  hajids.  The  Papifts  of  England  either  diffem- 
bled  very  artificioufly ,  or  they  were  much  troubled  at  this, 
which  gave  fo  great  an  alarm  every  where.  It  was  vifible^ 
that  Father  Peter  and  the  Jefuits  were  refolved  to  engage 
the  King  fo  far,  that  matters  {hould  be  put  paft  all  retreat- 
ing and  compounding;  that  fo  the  King  might  think  no 
more  of  governing  by  Parliament,  but  by  a  military  force ; 
and,  if  that  fhould  not  ftick  firm  to  him,  by  afliftance  from 
Francey  and  by  an  Iri/h  Army. 
The  King  An  accident  happen'd  at  this  time,  that  gave  the  Queen 
mfn^eft'*  8*"^^^  offence,  and  put  the  Priefts  much  out  of  countenance. 
Coumefs  of  The  King  continued  to  go  ftill  to  Mrs.  S'tdley.  And  rtie 
gained  fo  much  on  him,  that  at  laft  fhe  prevailed  to  be 
made  Countefs  of  Dorchefier.  As  foon  as  the  Queen  heard 
of  this,  Ihe  gave  order  to  bring  all  the  Priefts,  that  were  ad- 
mitted  to  a  particular  confidence,  into  her  clofet.  And,  when 
fhe  had  them  about  her,  fhe  fent  to  defire  the  King  to  come 
and  fpeak  to  her.  When  he  came,  he  was  furprifed  to  fee 
fuch  a  company  about  her,  but  much  more  when  they  fell 
all  on  their  knees  before  him.  And  the  Queen  broke  out 
into  a  bitter  mourning,  for  this  new  honour,  which  they 
cxpeded  would  be  followed  with  the  fetting  her  up  openly  as 
miftrefs.  The  Queen  was  then  in  an  ill  habit  of  body,-  and 
had  an  illnefs  that,    as  was  thought,  would  end  in  a  con- 

funiption; 


of  King  ]  AMES  li.      -  (585 

fliriiption.    And  it  w^s  believed  that  her  ficknefs  was  of  fucn    i6S6 
a  nature,    that   it  give  a  very  melancholy   prefage,  that,  if 
fhe  fhbuid  live,    fhe  could  have  no   children.     The   Priefts 
faid  to  the  King,  tliat  a  bleiiiifh  in  his  life  blafted  their  de- 
iigns;  And  the  ihore  it  dp^eared,  and  the  longer  it  was  con- 
tinued, the  moire  iheffeftual  all  their  endeavours  would  prove. 
The  King  Was  mtich  moved  with  this,  and  was  out  of  coun- 
tenance for  whdt  he  had  done.    But,  to  quiet  them  all,   he 
promifed  them,  thit  he  would  fee  the  Lady  no  niorej    and 
pretended,  that  he  gave  her  this  title  in  order  to  the  break- 
ing with  her  the  more  decently.     Arid,  when  the  Queen  did 
not  feem  to  believe   this,    he  promifed  that  he  would  fend 
her  to  Ireland,    which  was  done  accordingly.    But,  after  a 
ftay  there  for  fome  months,  fhe  came  over  again :  And  that 
ill  commerce  was  ftill  continued.     The  Priefts  were  no  doubt 
the  more  apprehenfivd  of  this,    becaufe   Ihe  was   bold  and 
lively,  and  Was  always   treating  them  and  their  proceedings 
with  great  contertipt. 

The  Court  was  now  much  fet  on  making  of  converts; 
which  failed  in  moft  inftances ,  and  produced  repartees, 
that,  whether  true  or  falfe,  were  much  repeated,  and  were 
heard  with  great  fatisfadion. 

The  Earl  of  Mul^ave  was  Lord   Chamberlain.     He  was^"^™?" 
apt  to  comply  in   every  thing  that  he  thought  might  be  ac-  many  to 
teptablej  for  he  went  with  the  King  to  Mafs,  and  kneeled  reiigSi!''"' 
at   it.  And,  being  looked    on  as  indifferent  to  all   religions,^ 
the  Priefts  made  an  attack  oil  him.    He  heard  thom  gravely 
arguing  for   tranfubftantiation.     He  told  them,^  he  was  wil?* 
ling   to   receive  inftrudion :  He  had   taken   much  pains  tp 
bring  himfelf  to  believe  in  God,  who  made  the  world   and 
all    men  in  it:    Biit  it  muft  not   be    an   ordinary  force  of 
argument,  that  could  make  him  believe,  that  man  was  quitis 
with  God,  and  midd  God  again.  ... 

The  Earl  of  Middleton  had  married  into  a  Popifh  ilmfiyj' 
and  was  a  man  of  great  parts  and  a  generous  temper,  biit, 
of  loofe  principles  i A  religion.  So  a  Prieft  was  fent  to  inftrud:, 
him.  He  began  With  tranfubftantiation,  ol^  which  he  faidhd 
would  convince  him  immediately :  And  began  thus.  You  be-*, 
lieve  the  Trinity.  Mlddletoh  ftopt  him ,  and  faid,  Who' 
told  you  fo?  At  which  he  feemed  arti'a^ed.  So  the  Earl  faid^^ 
h'e  cxpedted  he  fhWd  conii^ince  him  of  his  belief,  biit  not, 
queftion  him  of  his  owi^.  With'  thTs  the  Prieft  was  fo  dif^' 
ordered,  that  he  could  proceed  no  further.  One  day  th'c^ 
King  gave  the  Diike  of  Norfolk  th.t  fwoird  of  State  to  carry' 
X  before 


684         7ib^  H  I  S  T  O  R  Y  (?/  the  Reign 

i6%6    before  him  to  the  Chapel:  And  he  ftood  at  the  door.    Up- 
^yy^^  on  which  the  King  faid  to  him,  My  Lord,  your  father  would 
have  gone  further :  To  which  the  Duke  anfwered,  Your  Ma- 
jcfty's  father   was  the  better  man,    and  he  would  not  have 
gone  fo  far.     Kirk  was  alfo  fpoken  to,    to  change  his  religi- 
on ;  and  replied  brifkly,    that  he  was  already   pre-engiged , 
for  he  had  promifed  the  King  of  Morocco,    that,  if  ever  he 
changed  his  religion,  he  would  turn  Mahometan. 
Particularly      But  the  petfon  that  was  the  moft  confidered,  was  the  Earl 
on  the  Earl  ^f  Rochejler.     He  told  me,  that  upon  the  Duke  o^  Monmouth's 
°^^''*'^"'*  defeat  the  King  did   fo  immediately  turn  to  other  meafures, 
that,  tho'  before  that  the  King  talked  to  him  of  all  his  af- 
fairs with  great  freedom,    and  commonly  every  morning  of 
the  bufinefs  that  was  to  be  done  that  day,  yet  the  very  day 
after  his  execution  the  King  changed  his  method,  and  never 
talked  more  to  him  of  any  bufmefs,  but  what  concerned  the 
Treafury:    So  that,    he  faw,  he  had  now  no  more  the  root 
he  formerly  had.     He  was  looked  on,  as  fo  much  united  tp 
the  Clergy,  that  the  Papifts  were  all  fet   againft   him.     He 
had,    in    a   want  of  money,    procured  a  confiderable  loan, 
by  which  he  was  kept  in  his  poll  longer  than  was  intend- 
ed.    At  laft  ,    as  he  related  the   matter   to  me  ,    the   King 
fpoke  to  him,  and  defired  he  would  fuffer  himfelf  to  be  in- 
ftruded  in  religion.     He  anfwered,  he  was  fully  fatisfied  about 
his  religion.    But  upon  the  King's  prefTmg  it,  that  he  would 
hear  his  Priefts,    he  faid,  he  defired  then  to  have  fome  of 
the  Englijh  Clergy   prefent,    to  which  the  King  confented: 
Only  he  excepted  to  T'tllotfon,  and  Sull'mgfleet.     Lord  Rochejler 
faid,  he  would  take  thofe  who  fhould  happen  to  be  in  waiting; 
for  the  forms  of  the  Chapel  were  ftill  kept  up.    And  Dodor 
Patrick  and  Jane  were  the  men.    Upon  this  a  day  was  fet  for 
the  conference. 

But  his  enemies  had  another  ftory.  He  had  notice  given 
him,  that  he  would  {hortly  lofe  the  White  Staff:  Upon  which 
his  Lady,  who  was  then  (ick,  wrote  to  the  Queen,  and 
begged  fhe  would  honour  her  fo  far  as  to  come,  and  let  her 
have  fome  difcourfe  with  her.  The  Queen  came,  and  ftaid 
above  two  hours  with  her.  She  complained  of  the  ill  of- 
fices that  were  done  them.  The  Queen  faid,  all  the  Pro- 
tcftants  were  now  turning  againft  them,  fo  that  they  knew 
not  how  they  could  truft  any  of  them.  Upon  (vhich  that 
Lady  faid,  her  Lord  was  not  fo  wedded  to  any  opinion,  as 
not  to  be  ready  to  be  better  inftruded.  And  it  was  faid,  that 
this  gave  the  rife  to  the  King's  propofing  a  conference:  For 
X  it 


of  King  J  AMES  IL  685 

it  has  been  obferved  to  be  a  common  method  of  making  pro-  i6S6 
felytes  with  the  more  pomp,  to  propofe  a  conferc'nce:  But  ^■^^'VXJ 
this  was  generally  done,  after  they  were  well  aflfured,  that, 
let  the  conference  go  which  way  it  might,  the  perfon's  de- 
cifion  for  whom  it  was  appointed  fhould  be  on  their  fide. 
The  Earl  denied,  he  knew  any  thing  of  all  this  to  me:  And 
his  Lady  died  not  long  after.  It  was  further  faid  by  his  ene- 
mies, that  the  day  before  tlie  conference  he  had  an  adver- 
tifement  from  a  fure  hand,  that  nothing  he  could  do  would 
maintain  him  in  his  poft,  and  that  the  King  had  engaged 
himfelf  to  put  the  Treafury  in  commiffion,  and  to  bring  fome 
of  the  Popifh  Lords  into  it.  Patrick  told  me,  that  at  the 
conference  there  was  no  occafion  for  them  to  fay  much. 

The  Priefts  began  the  attack.  And,  when  they  had  done, 
the  Earl  faid,  if  they  had  nothing  ftronger  to  urge,  he  would 
not  trouble  thofe  learned  Gentlemen  to  fay  any  thing :  For 
he  was  fure  he  could  anfwer  all  that  he  had  heard.  And  (b 
anfwered  it  all  with  much  heat  and  fpirit,  not  without  fome 
fcorn,  faying,  were  thefe  grounds  to  perfiiade  men  to  change 
their  religion  ?  This  he  urged  over  and  over  again  with  great 
vehemence.  The  King  ,  feeing  in  what  temper  he  was , 
broke  off  the  conference,  charging  all  that  were  prefent  to 
fay  nothing  of  it.  > 

Soon  after  that  he  loft  his  "White  Staff,-   but  had  a  penfion  He  was 
of  4000  /.  a  year  for  his  own  life  and  his  fon's,  befides  his'"*^"^^""'' 
grant  upon  the  Lord  Grey^  and  another  valued   at   20000  /. 
So  here  were  great  regards  had   to  him:    No  place  having, 
ever  been  fold,  even  by  a  perfon  in  favour,  to  (uch    advan- 
tage.    The  liim  that  he  had  procured  to  be  lent  the   King 
being  400000  /,  and  it  being  all  ordered  to  go  towards  the 
repair  of  the  Fleet,  this  began  to  be  much  talked  of.     The 
ftores  were  very  ill  furnillied  :  And  the  velTels  themfelves  were 
in  decay.     But  now  orders  were  given,  with  great  difpatch  to 
put  the  whole  Fleet  in  condition  to  go  to  fea,  tho'  the  King 
was  then  in  full  peace  with  all  his  neighbours.     Such  prepa- 
rations fcemed  to  be  madie  npon  fome  great  defigri. 

The  Priefts  faid  every  where,    but  chiefly  at  Rome j    thatDefigns 
the  defign  was  iigainft  the  States;  and  that  both  France  and ggainft Jfo/- 
Englmjd  \fo\AdL  make  war  on  them  all  of  the  fudden^  for  it'""^- 
was  generally  known   that  the  Dutch  fleet  wks  in   no  good 
condition.     The  interefts  of  France  and  ojf  the  Priefts  made 
this  to  be  the   more   cafily   believed.     The   embroiling  the 
King  with  the  Prince  oi  Orange  was  that  which  the  French 
dcfired  above  all  other  things,  hoping  that  fuch  a  war,  being 

8  M  fiicceis- 


68(5        TheHiSTOKY  of  the  'Reign 

^i686  fucccfsful,  might  put  the  King  on  excluding  the  Prince  ffotn 
<y"y^^  the  luccciTion  to  the  Crown  in  the  right  of  his  wife,  which 
was  the  thing  that  both  the  French  and  the  Priefts  defired 
iiioft:  For  they  faw  that,  unlefsthe  Queen  had  a  Ton,  all  their 
defigns  muft  ftand  ftill  at  prefent,  and  turn  abortive  in  con- 
clufion  ,    as  long   as  the   Nation    had   fuch    a    fucceflbr  in 

view. 

This  carries  me  now  to  open  the  ftate  of  affairs  in  Hol- 
land^ and  at  the  Prince  of  Orange's  Court.     I  muft  firft  fay  fome- 
what  of  my  felf:  For  this  fummer,  after  I  had  rambled  above 
a  year,  I  came  into  Holland.     I  ftaid  three   or  four  months 
inaidfomejt^  Qeneva  and  Switzerland ^  after  I  came  out  oi  Italy.    I  ftaid 
^Ctncm.      alfo  fome  time  among  the  Lutherans  at  Strasbourg  and  Franc- 
fort,  and  among  the  Calv'mifis  at  Heidleberg,  befides  the  fur- 
ther opportunities  I  had   to    know  their   way  in  Holland.     I 
made  it  my  bufinefs  to  obferve   all   their  methods ,    and  to 
know  all  the  eminent  men  among  them.   I  faw  the  Churches 
of  France  in  their  beft  ftate,  while  they  were  every  day  look- 
ing when  this  dreadful  ftorm  ftiould  break  out,    which   has 
fcattered  them  up  and  down  the  world.     I  was  all  the  win- 
ter at  Geneva  J  where  we  had  conftantly  frefh  ftories  brought 
us  of  the  miferies  of  thofe  who  were  fuffering  in  France.    Re- 
fugees were  coming  over  every  day   poor,  and  naked,    and 
half  ftarved  before  they  got  thither.     And  that  fmall  State 
was  under  great  apprehenfions  of  being  fwallowed  up,  hav- 
ing no  ftrength  of  their   own,    and  being  juftly  afraid  that 
thofe  at  Bern  would  grow  weary  of  defending  them,  if  they 
fhould  be  vigoroufly  attacked.     The  reft   of  Switzerland  was 
not  in  fuch  imminent  danger.  But,  as  they  were  full  of  Refu- 
gees,   and   all  fermons  and  difcourfcs   were  much   upon  the 
perfecution  in  France,  fo  Bafde  was  expofed  in  fuch  manner, 
that  the  French  could  pofTefs  themfelves  of  it  when  they  pleaf^ 
ed,  without  the  leaft  refiftance.     Thofe  o£ Strasbofdrg,  as  they 
have  already  loft  their  liberty,  fo  they  were  every  day  look- 
ing for  fome  fatal  edid,  like  that  which  the  French  had  fal- 
len under.     The   Churches   of  the   Palatinate ,    as  they  are 
now  the  frontier  of  the  Empire,  expofed  to  be  deftroyed  by 
every  new  war,  fo  they  are  fallen  into  the  hands   of  a  bi- 
gotted  family.     All  the  other  Churches  on  the  Rhine  fee  how 
near  they  are  to  ruine.     And  as  the  United  Provinces  were  a 
few  years  before  this  very  near  being  fwallowed  up,  fo  they 
were  now  well  alTured  that  two  great  Kings  defigned  to  ruin 
them. 

Under 


o/l^//^^  JAMESII.H^''         687 

Under  Co  cloudy  a  profpedl  it  Hiould  be  expedled,  that  i    j6^6 
fpirit  of  true  devotion  and  of  a  real  reformation  fliould  ap-  -VJ^PC^ 
pear  more,    both   among  the  Clergy  and  Laity  ^    that  they  and  temper  I 
fliould  all  apprehend  that  God  was  highly  offended  with  rhem^  monSe*' 
and  was  therefore  punifhing  fome,  and  threatning  others,  in  R^fofncd. 
a  mod  unufual  manner.     It  might  have  been  expe<5t:ed,   that 
thofe  unhappy  contefts  between  Lutherans  and  Cahmifisy  Ar- 
mmiam  and  Antt-ArmimanSj  with  fome  minuter  difputes  that 
have  enflamed  Geneva  and  Switzerland^  fhould  have  been  at 
leaft  fufpended  while  they  had  a  common  enemy  to  deal  with, 
againft   whom  their  whole  force   united  was   fcarce  able  to 
ftand.    But  thefe  things   were   carried   on   rather   with   more 
eagernefs  and  fharpnefs  than  ever.     It  is  true,  there  has  ap- 
peared much   of  a  primitive  charity  towards  the  French  Re-^ 
fugees:  They  have   been  in  all  places  well  received^    kindly 
treated,  and  bountifully  fupplied.  Yet  even  among  them  there 
did  not  appear  a  fpirit  of  piety  and  devotion  fuitable  to  their 
condition:    Tho'perfonswho  have  willingly fufFered  thelofsof 
all  things,  and  have  forfaken  their  country,  their  houfes,  eftates, 
and  their  friends,  and  fome  of  them  their  neareft:  relations, 
rather  than  fin  againft  their  confciences,  muft  be  believed  to 
have  a  deeper  principle  in  them,  than  can  well  be  obferved  by 
others. 

I  was  indeed  amazed  at  the  labours  and  learning  of  the 
Minifters  among  the  Reformed.  They  underftood  the  Scrip- 
tures well  in  the  original  tongues :  They  had  all  the  points 
of  controverfy  very  ready,  and  did  thoroughly  underftand  the 
whole  body  of  divinity.  In  many  places  they  preached  every 
day,  and  were  almoft  conftantly  employed  in  vifiting  their 
flock.  But  they  performed  their  devotions  but  flightly,  and 
read  their  prayers,  which  were  too  long,  with  great  preci- 
pitation and  little  zeal.  Their  fermons  were  too  long  and 
too  dry.  And  they  were  fo  ftrid,  even  to  jealoufy,  in  the 
fmalleft  points  in  which  they  put  orthodoxy,  that  one  who 
could  not  go  into  all  their  notions,  but  was  refolved  not  to  quar- 
rel with  them,  could  not  converfe  much  with  them  with  any 
freedom.  I  have,  upon  all  the  obfervation  that  I  have  made, 
often  confidered  the  inward  ftate  of  the  Reformation,  and 
the  decay  of  the  vitals  of  Chriftianity  in  it,  as  that  which  gives 
more  melancholy  impreffions,  than  all  the  outward  dangers  that 
furround  it. 

In  England  things  were  much  changed,  with  relation  to 
the  Court,  in  the  compafs  of  a  year.  The  terror  all  peo- 
ple were  under  from   an    ill   chofen  and  an   ill  conftituted 

3  -.  Parliament, 


688     TheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

j6%6    Parliament  was  now  almoft  over:  And  the  Clergy  were  come 
^yy^^  to  their  wits,    and  were  beginning  to  recover  their   reputa- 
tion.    The  Nation  was  like  to  prove  much  firmer  than  could 
have  been  expected,  efpecially  in  fo  ihort  a  time.     Yet  after 
all,  tho'  many  were  like  to  prove  themfelves   better  Protef- 
tants  than  was  looked  for,  they  were  not  become  much  bet- 
ter Chriftians:  And  few  were  turning  to  a  ftricSter  courfe  of 
life:  Nor  were  the  Clergy  more  diligent  in  their  labours  among 
their  people,  in  which  refped:  it  muft  be  confeflfed  that  the 
En^tjh  Clergy  are  the  moft  remifs  of  any.     The  Curates  in 
Popery,  befides  their  faying  Mafs  every  day,  their  exad:nefs  to 
their  breviary,  their  attending  on  confelTions  and  the  multi- 
plicity of  offices  to  which  they  are  obliged,  do  fo  labour  in 
inftruding   the  youth  and  vifiting  the  fick,  that,  in  all  the 
places  in  which  I  could  obferve  them,    it  feemed  to  be  the 
conftant  employment    of  their  lives :    And  in   the   foreign 
Churches,  tho'  the  labours  of  the  Minifters  may  feem  mean, 
yet  they  are  perpetually  in  them.     All  thefe  things  lay  fomuch 
on  my  thoughts,  that  I  was  -refolved  to  retire  into  fome  pri- 
vate place,  and  to  fpend  the  reft  of  my  life  in  a  courfe  of 
ftrider  piety  and  devotion,  and  in  writing  fuch  books,    as 
the  ftate  of  matters  with  relation  to  religion  fliould  call  for^ 
whether  in  points  of  fpeculation  or  practice.     All  my  friends 
advifed  my  coming  near  England^  that  I  might  be  eafier  fent 
to,    and  informed  of  all  our  affairs,     and  might  accordingly 
employ  my  thoughts  and  time.     So  I  came  down  the  Rhine 
this  fummer.j    and  was  refolved  to  have  fettled  mGron'mgQt 
Frtzeland.         . 
iwas  invi-       When  I  came  to  Utrecht^  I  found  letters  writ  to  me  by  fome 
Pr1,!?e  of    o^  the  Prince  of  Orange'^  Court,  defiring  me  to  come  firft  to 
?omTto°he'^^  //^^«^,    and  wait  on  the  Prince  and  Princefs,    before  I 
Hagut.       ftiould  fettle  any  where.     Upon  my  coming  to  the  Hague  ^ 
r  was  admitted  to  wait  on  them.     I  found  they  had  received 
fueh  characters  of  me  from  England^  that  they  refolved  to  treat 
me  with  great  confidence:    For,  at  my  firft  being  with  them, 
they  entred  into  much  free  difcourfe  with  me  concerning  the 
affairs  oi England,     The  Prince,  tho'  naturally  cold   and  re- 
ferved,  yet  laid  afide  a  great  deal  of  that  with  me.    He  feem- 
ed highly  diifatisfied   with  the   King's   condud.     He  appre- 
hended that  he  would,  give  fuch  jealoufies   of  himfelf,  and 
come  under  fuch  jealoufies  from  his  people,  that  thefe  would 
throw  him  into  a  French  management,  and  engage  him  into 
luch  defperate  defigns  as  would  force  violent  remedies.      There 
was  a  gravity  in  his  whole  deportment  that  ftruck  me.     He 

}•.  .  feemed 


r  T1 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  11.  (589 

fecmed  very  regardlefs  of  himfelf,  and  not  apt  to  fufped  defigns  16^6 
upon  his  perfon.  But  I  had  learned  fomewhat  of  the  defign  of  **>^W/ 
a  brutal  Savoyardy  who  was  capable  of  the  blackeft  things,  and 
who  for  a  foul  murder  had  fled  into  the  territory  of  Geneva^ 
where  he  Jay  hid  in  a  very  worthy  family,  to  whom  he  had 
done  fome  fervices  before.  He  had  formed  a  fcheme  of  feiz- 
ing  on  the  Prince,  who  ufed  to  go  in  his  chariot  often  on 
the  fands  near  Schevl'mg  with  but  one  perfon  with  him,  and  a 
page  or  two  on  the  chariot.  So  he  offered  to  go  in  a  fmall  vef- 
fel  of  twenty  guns,  that  (hould  lie  at  fome  diftancc  at  fea,  and 
to  land  in  a  boat  with  feven  perfons  befides  himfelf,  and  to 
feize  on  the  Prince,  and  bring  him  aboard,  and  fo  to  France. 
This  he  wrote  to  Mr.  de  Louvoy,  who  upon  that  wrote  to  him 
to  come  to  Pans,  and  ordered  money  for  his  journey.  He,  be- 
ing a  talking  man,  fpoke  of  this,  and  (hewed  Mr,  de  Lo/woy's  let- 
ter, and  the  copy  of  his  own:  And  he  went  prefently  to  Paris. 
This  was  brought  me  by  Mr.  Fafio  j  the  celebrated  mathemati- 
cian, in  whofe  father's  houfe  that  perfon  had  lodged.  When  I 
told  the  Prince  this,  and  had  Mr.  Fatio  at  the  Hague  to  atteft  it, 
he  was  not  much  moved  at  it.  The  Princefs  was  more  appre- 
henfive.  And  by  her  diredion  I  acquainted  Mr.  Fagell,  and  fome 
others  of  the  States,  with  it,  who  were  convinced  that  the  thing 
was  practicable.  And  fo  the  States  defired  the  Prince  to  fuffer 
himfelf  to  be  conftantly  attended  on  by  a  guard  when  he  went 
abroad,  with  which  he  was  not  without  fome  difficulty  brought 
to  comply.  I  fancied  his  belief  of  predeftination  made  him  more 
adventurous  than  was  necelTary.  But  he  faid  as  to  that,  he  jfirm- 
]y  believed  a  providence:  For  if  he  fhould  let  that  go,  all  his 
religion  would  be  much  fhaken :  And  he  did  not  fee,  how  pro- 
vidence could  be  certain,  if  all  things  did  not  arife  out  of  the 
abfolute  will  of  God.  I  found  thofe  who  had  the  charge  of 
his  education  had  taken  more  care  to  polTefs  him  with  the  Cal- 
viniftical  notions  of  abfolute  decrees  ,  than  to  guard  him 
againft  the  ill  effects  of  thofe  opinions  in  practice:  For  in 
Holland  the  main  thing  the  Minifters  infufe  into  their  people  is 
an  abhorrence  of  the  Arminian  doctrine,  which  fpreads  fo  much 
there,  that  their  jealoufics  of  it  make  them  look  after  that,  more 
than  after  the  moft  important  matters. 

The  Prince  had  been  much  negleded  in  his  education:    ForAcharaaer 
all  his  life  long  he  hated  conftraint.    He  fpoke  little.     He  put  on °„^J^p[j|,^j;? 
fome  appearance  of  application  :    But  he   hated  bufinefs  of  all  of '^'^"".S''- 
forts.     Yet  he  hated  talking,  and  all  houfe  games,  more.     This 
put  him  on  a  perpetual  courfe  of  hunting,  to   which  he  feemed 
to  give  himfelf  up,  beyond  any  man  I  ever  knew:  But  I  looked 
on  that  always,  as  a  flying  from  company  and  bufinefs.     The 

8  N  depreflion 


690         77?^  H  I  s  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

i6?i6  deprefTion  of  France  ^sls  the  governing  paflion  of  his  whole  life. 
«^^vxj  He  had  no  vice,  but  of  one  fort,  in  which  he  was  very  cautious 
and  fecret.  He  had  a  way  that  was  affable  and  obliging  to  the 
DuUh.  But  he  could  not  bring  himfelf  to  comply  enough  with 
the  temper  of  the  Englijljy  his  coldnefs  and  flownefs  being  very 
contrary  to  the  genius  of  the  Nation. 

The  Princefs  polfeffed  all  that  converfed  with  her  with  admi- 
ration.    Her  perfon  was  majeftick  and  created  refped.    She  had 
great  knowledge,  with  a  true  underftanding,    and  a  noble  ex- 
prelTion.     There  was  a  fweetnefs  in  her  deportment  that  charm- 
ed, and  an  exadnefs  in  piety  and  of  vertue  that  made  her  a  pat- 
tern to  all  that  faw  her.     The  King  gave  her  no  appointments 
to  fupport  the  dignity  of  a  King's  daughter.     Nor  did  he  fend 
her  any  prefents  or  jewels,  which  was  thought  a  very  indecent, 
and  certainly  was  a  very  ill  advifed  thing.     For  the  fettling  an 
allowance  for  her  and  the  Prince,  would  have  given  fuch  a  jea- 
loufy  of  them,  that  the  Englijh  would  have  apprehended  a  fecret 
correfppndence  and  confidence  between  them  :  And  the  not  doing  it 
{hewed  the  contrary  very  evidently.     But,  tho'  the  Prince  did  not 
increafe  her  Court  and  State  upon  this  additional  dignity,   {he 
managed  her  Privy  Purfe  fo  well,  that  Ihe  became  eminent  ia 
her  charities :    And  the  good  grace  with  which  ihe  beftowed  fa- 
vours did  always  encreafe  their  value.     She  had  read  much,  both 
in  hiftory  and  divinity.    And  when  a  courfe  of  humours  in  her 
eyes  forced  her  from  that,    ihe  fet  her  felf  to  work  with  fuch 
a  conftant  diligence,  that  {he  made  the  Ladies  about  her  a{ham- 
ed  to  be  idle.     She  knew  little  of  our  affairs,  till  I  was  admitted 
to  wait  on  her.    And  I  began  to  lay  before  her  the  ftate  of  our 
Court,  and.thc  intrigues  in  it,  ever  fince  the  Reftoration  ^  which 
{he  received  with  great  fatisfadion,    and  {hewed  true  judgment, 
and  a  good  mind,  in  all  the  refledions  that  {he  made.     I  will  on- 
ly mention  one  in  this  place:  She  alked  me,  what  had  fharpned 
the  King  fo  much  againft  Mr.  JuneUy    the  copioufeft  and  the 
molt  zealous  writer  of  the  age,  who  wrote  with  great  vivacity 
as  well  as  learning.     I  told  her,  he  mixed  all  his  books  with  a 
raoft  virulent  acrimony  of  flile,  and  among  other  things  he  had 
writ  with  great  indecency  of  Mary  Queen  of  dcots^  which  caft 
refledions  on  them  that  were  defcended  from  her  ^  and  was  not 
very  decent  in  one  that  defired  to  be  confidered  as  zealous  for 
the  Prince  and  herfelf.     She  faid,  Jur'ieu  was  to  fupport  the  caufe 
that  he  defended,  and  to  expofe  thofe  that  perfecuted  it,  in  the 
beft  way  he  could.    And,  if  what  he  faid  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots 
was  true,  he  was  not  to  be  blamed,  who  made  that  ufe  of  it: 
And,  fhe  added,  that  if  Princes  would  do  ill  things,  they  muft  ex- 
ped  that  the  world  will  take  revenges  on  their  memory,  fince 

2  they 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  II.       r  09t 

they  cannot  reach  their  perfons:  That  was  but  a  fmall  fuffering,    i6%6 
far  fhort  of  what  others  fuffcred  at  their  hands.     So  far  I  have  ^^''VN^ 
given  the  character  of  thofe  perfons,    as  it  appeared  to  me  up- 
on my  firft  admittance  to  them.     I  fhall   have  occafion  to  fay 
much  more  of  them  in  the  f»quel  of  this  work. 

I  found  the  Prince  was  refolved  to  make  ufe  of  me.  He  toId^^^^*""ch 
me,  it  would  not  be  convenient  for  me  to  live  any  where  butthem. 
at  the  Hague:  For  none  of  the  outlawed  perfons  came  thither. 
So  I  would  keep  my  felf  by  flaying  there  out  of  the  danger  that  I 
might  legally  incur  by  converfing  with  them,  which  would  be 
unavoidable  if  I  lived  any  where  elfe.  He  alfo  recommended 
me  both  to  PageUp  Dykvelt y  and  Halewyrfs  confidence,  with 
whom  he  chiefly  confulted.  I  had  a  mind  to  fee  a  little  into  the 
Prince's  notions,  before  I  fliould  engage  my  felf  deeper  into  his 
fervice.  I  was  afraid  left  his  ftruggle  with  the  Louvejie'm  party, 
as  they  were  called,  might  have  given  him  a  jealoufy  of  liberty 
and  of  a  free  government.  He  auured  me,  it  was  quite  the  con- 
trary :  Nothing  but  fuch  a  conftitution  could  refift  a  powerful 
aggrtffor  long,  or  have  the  credit  that  was  neceffary  to  raife 
fuch  fums,  as  a  great  war  might  require.  He  condemned  all 
the  late  proceedings  \n  England  \fhh.  relation  to  the  Charters,  and 
expreffed  his  fenfe  of  a  legal  and  limited  authority  very  fully.  "^I 
told  him,  I  was  fuch  a  friend  to  liberty,  that  I  could  not  be  fa- The  Prince's 
tisfied  with  the  point  of  religion  alone,  unlefs  it  was  accompa-^^*5°f  o^f 
nied  with  the  fecurities  of  law.  I  afked  his  fenfe  of  the  Church 
oi England.  Hefaid,  he  liked  our  worfhip  well,  and  our  govern- 
ment in  the  Church,  as  much  better  than  parity:  But  he  blamed 
our  condemning  the  foreign  Churches,  as  he  had  obfervcd  fome 
of  our  Divines  did.  I  told  him,  whatever  fome  hotter  men  might 
fay,  all  were  not  of  that  mind.  When  he  found  I  was  in  my 
opinion  for  toleration,  he  faid,  that  was  all  he  would  ever  de- 
fire  to  bring  us  to,  for  quieting  our  contentions  at  home.  He 
alfo  promifed  to  me,  that  he  fhould  never  be  prevailed  with  to 
{zt  up  thifc  Calviniftical  notions  of  the  decrees  of  God,  to  which 
I  did  imagine  fome  might  drive  him.  He  wifhed,  fome  of  our 
ceremonies,  fuch  as  the  Surplice,  and  the  Crofs  inBaptifm,  with 
our  bowing  to  the  Altar,  might  be  laid  afide.  I  thought  it  ne- 
ceffary to  enter  with  him  into  all  thefe  particulars,  that  fo  I 
might  be  furnifhed  from  his  own  mouth  to  give  a  full  account 
of  his  fenfe  to  fome  in  England,  who  would  expert  it  of  me,  and 
were  difpofed  to  believe  what  I  fhould  affure  them  of.  This  dif- 
courfewasof  fome  hours  continuance:  And  it  paft  in  thePrincefs's 
prefence.  Great  notice  came  to  be  taken  of  the  free  accefs  and 
long  conferences  I  had  with  them  both.  I  told  him,  it  was  ne- 
ceffary for  his  fervice  to  put  the  flett  oi Holland  iaa  good  condition. 

And 


(592         UeHlsroKY  of  the  Reign 

i6%6   And  this  he  propofed  foon  after  to  the  States,  who  gave  the  hun- 

^>-^y^^  dredth  penny  for  a  fund  to  perfed:  that.  I  moved  to  them  both,  the 

writing   to  the  Biihop  of  London^  and  to  the  King  concerning 

him.    And    tho*  the  Princefs  feared  it  might  irritate  the  King 

too  much,  in  conclufion  I  perfuaded  them  to  it. 

The  King,  hearing  of  thi$  admifTion  I  had,  began  in  two  or 
three  letters  to  reflect  on  me,  as  a  dangerous  man ,  whom  they 
ought  to  avoid  and  beware  of.  To  this  no  anfwer  was  made. 
Upon  the  fetting  up  the  Ecclefiaftical  Commiflion,  fome  from 
England  prelTed  them  to  write  over  againft  it,  and  to  begin  a 
breach  upon  that.  I  told  them,  I  thought  that  was  no  way  ad- 
vifable:  They  could  not  be  fuppofed  to  underftand  our  laws 
fo  well,  as  to  oppofe  thofe  things  on  their  own  knowledge: 
So  that,  I  thought,  this  could  not  be  expeded  by  them,  till  Tome 
refolute  perfon  would  difpute  the  authority  of  the  Court,  and 
bring  it  to  an  argument,  and  fo  to  a  folemn  decifion.  I  like- 
wife  faid,  that  I  did  not  think  every  error  in  government  would 
warrant  a  breach  :  If  the  foundations  were  ftruck  at,  that  would 
vary  the  cafe :  But  illegal  ads  in  particular  inftanccs  could  not 
juftify  fuch  a  conclufion.  The  Prince  feemed  furprized  at  this: 
For  the  King  made  me  pafs  for  a  rebel  in  my  heart.  And  he  now 
faw,  how  far  I  was  from  it.  I  continued  on  this  ground  to  the 
laft. 
The  That  which  fixed  me  in  their  confidence  was,    the  liberty  I 

Princefs's    [Qok,  in  a  private  converfation  with  the  Princefs,  toafk  her,  what 

lefolution  '  111  .  /111I  -r/i 

with  refpea (he  intended  the  Prmcc  Ihould  be,  it  Ihe  came  to   the  Crown. 
Prince.      She,  who  was  new  to  all  matters  of  that  kind,    did  not  under- 
ftand my  meaning,  but  fancied  that  whatever  accrewed  to  her 
would  likewife  accrue   to  him  in  the  right  of  marriage.     I  told 
her,  it  was  not  fo :  And  I  explained  King  Hemy  the  feventh's  title 
to  her,  and  what  had  paft  when  Queen  Mary  married  Philip  of 
Spain.  1  told  her,  a  titular  Kingfliip  was  no  acceptable  thing  to 
a  man,  efpecially  if  it  was  to  depend  on  another's  life:  And  fuch 
a  nominal  dignity  might  endanger  the  real  one  that  thePrince 
had  in  Holland.     She  defired  me  to  propofe  a  remedy.     I  told 
her,  the  remedy,  if  fhe  could  bring  her  mind  to  it,  was  to  be 
contented  to  be  his  wife,  and  to  engage  herfelf  to  him,  that  fhe 
would  give  him  the  real  authority  as  foon  as  it  came  into  her 
hands,  and  endeavour  effedually  to  get  it  to  be  legally  vefted  in 
him  during  life :  This  would  lay  the  greateft  obligation  on  him 
polTible,  and  lay  the  foundation  of  a  perfect  union  betwen  them, 
which  had  been  of  late  a  little  embroiled  :  This  would  alfo  give  him 
another  fenfe  of  all  our  affairs :  I  afked  pardon  for  the  prefump- 
tion  of  moving  her  in  fuch  a  tender  point:  But  I  folemnly  pro- 
tefted,  that  no  perfon  living  had  moved  me  in  it,  or  fo  much 

•!•  as 


of  King  j  A  M  E  S  II.      L  ©95 

is  knew  of  it,  or  fhould  ever  know  of  it,  but  as  Hie  fhould  or-  16^6 
der  it.  I  hoped,  {he  would  confider  well  of  it:  For,  if  fhe  once  '^-orv 
declared  her  mind,  I  hoped  flie  would  never  go  back  or  retra<5t 
it.  I  defired  her  therefore  to  take  time  to  think  of  it.  She 
prefently  anfwered  me,  me  would  take  no  time  to  confider  of 
any  thing  by  which  fhe  could  exprefs  her  regard  and  affedtioa 
to  the  Prince;  and  ordered  me  to  give  him  an  account  of  all 
that  I  had  laid  before  her^  and  to  bring  him  to  her,  and  I  fliould 
hear  what  fhe  would  fay  upon  it.  He  was  that  day  a  hunting : 
And  next  day  I  acquainted  him  with  all  that  had  pafl,  and  car- 
ried him  to  her ;  where  fhe  in  a  very  frank  manner  told  him, 
that  fhe  did  not  know  that  the  laws  o(  England  were  fo  contra- 
ry to  the  laws  of  God,  as  I  had  informed  her:  She  did  not 
think  that  the  hufband  was  ever  to  be  obedient  to  the  wife:  She 
promifed  him,  he  fhould  always  bear  rule :  And  fhe  afked  only, 
that  he  would  obey  the  command  of  husbands  love  your  wives, 
as  fhe  fhould  do  that,  wives  be  obedient  to  your  husbands  in  all 
things.  From  this  lively  introduction  we  engaged  into  a  long  dif^ 
courfe  of  the  affairs  of  England.  Both  feemed  well  pleafed  with 
me,  and  with  all  that  I  had  iuggefled.  But  fuch  was  the  Prince's 
cold  way,  that  he  faid  not  one  word  to  me  upon  it,  that  look- 
ed like  acknowledgment.  Yet  he  fpoke  of  it  to  fome  about 
him  in  another  flrain.  He  faid,  he  had  been  nine  years  mar- 
ried, and  had  never  the  confidence  to  prefs  this  matter  on  the 
Queen,  which  I  had  now  brought  about  eafily  in  a  day.  Ever 
after  that  he  feemed  to  truft  me  entirely.  i^- 

Complaints  came  daily  over  from  England  Cif  all  the  highp^«fento- 
things  that  the  Priefls  were  every  where  throwing  out.  Pen  theJJijj[°Jg^" 
Quaker  came  over  to  Holland.  He  was  a  talking  vain  man,  who  Prince, 
had  been  long  in  the  King's  favour,  he  being  the  Vice-Admi- 
ral's fon.  He  had  fuch  an  opinion  of  his  own  faculty  of  pet- 
fuading,  that  he  thought  none  could  ftand  before  it:  Tho'  he  was 
fingular  in  that  opinion :  For  he  had  a  tedious  lufcious  way,  that 
was  not  apt  to  overcome  a  man's  reafon,  tho'  it  might  tire  his 
patience.  He  undertook  to  perfuade  the  Prjnce  to  come  into  the 
King's  meafures,  and  had  two  or  three  long  audiences  of  him 
upon  the  fubje(ft:  And  he  and  I  fpent  fome  hours  together  oa 
it.  The  Prince  readily  confented  to  a  toleration  of  Popery,  as 
well  as  of  the  DilTenters,  provided  it  were  propofed  and  paffed 
in  Parliament:  And  he  promifed  his  afliftance,  if  there  was  need 
of  it,  to  get  it  to  pafs.  But  for  the  Tefts  he  would  enter  into 
no  treaty  about  them.  He  faid,  it  was  a  plain  betraying  the  fe- 
curity  of  theProteftant  Religion,  to  give  them  up.  Nothing  was 
left  unfaid,  that  might  move  him  to  agree  to  this  in  the  way  of 
intereft:     The  King  would  enter  into  an  entire  confidence  with 

%  O  him. 


-6d4  TheHlSTORYofthe  Reign 

x6^6    him,  and  would  put  his  beft  friends  in  the  chief  trufts.     Pen  un- 
^^y^  dertook  for  this  fo  pofitively,  that  he  feemed  to  beheve  it  him- 
fclf    or  he  was  a  great  proficient  in   the   art  of  diflimulation. 
Many  fufpeded  that  he  was  a  concealed  Papift.     It  is  certain,  he 
was  much  with  Father  Peter,  and  was  particularly  trufted  by  the 
Earl  o^  Stifiderland.     So,  tho'  he  did  not  pretend  any  commiflion 
for  what  he  promifed,  yet  we  looked  on  him  as  a  man  employe 
ed.     To  all  this  the  Prince  anfwered,  that  no  man   was  more 
for  toleration  in  principle,  than  he  was :  He  thought  the  con* 
fcience  was  only  fubjed  to  God :  And  as  far  as  a  general  tolera- 
tion, even  of  Papifts,  would  content  the  King,  he  would  concur 
in  it  heartily :     But  he  looked  on  the  Tefts  as  fuch  a  real  fecu- 
rity,  and  indeed  the  only  one,  when  the  King  was  of  another 
Religion,  that  he  would  join  in  no  counfels  with  thofe  that  in- 
fended  to  repeal  thofe  laws  that  enaded  them.     Pen  faid,  the 
King  would  have  all  or  nothing;  But  that,  if  this  was  once  done, 
the  King  would  fecure  the  toleration  by  a  folemn  and  unaltera- 
ble law.     To  this  the  late   repeal  of  the  edid:  of  Names,  that 
was  declared  perpetual  and  irrevocable,  furniflied  an  anfwer  that 
admitted  of  no  reply.     So  Peri's  negotiation  with  the  Prince  had 
no  effeA. 

He  prefled  me  to  go  over  to  England,  fince  I  was  in  principle 
for  toleration  :  And  he  alTured  me  the  King  would  prefer  me  high- 
ly.    I  told  him,    fince  the  Tefts  muft  go  with  this  toleration, 
I  could  never  be  for  it.     Among  other   difcourfes  he  told  me 
one  thing,  that  was  not  accomplifhed  in  the  way  in  which  he 
had  a  mind  I  fhould  believe  it  would  be,  but  had  a  more  fur- 
prifing  accomplifliment.     He  told  me  a  long  feries  of  predic- 
tions, which,  as  he  faid,  he  had  from  a  man  that  pretended  a 
commerce  with  Angels,    who  had  foretold   many  things   that 
were  paft  very  pund:ually.     But  he  added,  that  in  the  year  1688 
there  would  fuch  a  change  happen  in  the  face  of  affairs  as  would 
amaze  all  the  world.     And  after  the  Revolution,    which  hap- 
pen'd  that  year,  I  afked  him  before  much  company,  if  that  was 
the  event  that  was  predided.     He  was  uneafy  at  the  queftion ; 
but  did  not  deny  what  he  had  told  me,  which,  he  faid,  he  ua- 
derftood  of  the  full  fettlement  of  the  Nation  upon  a  toleration, 
by  which  he  believed  all  men's  minds  would  be  perfectly  quieted 
and  united. 
Some  Bi-        Now  I  go  from  this  to  profecute  the  recital  oi  EngUfJo  affairs. 
J^'P*^^5^**'°Two  eminent  Bifhops  died  this  year,  Pearfon  Bifhop  of  Chefler, 
and  Fell  Bifhop  of  Oxford.     The  firft  of  thefe  was  in  all  refpe<as 
the  greateft  Divine  of  the  age:   A  man  of  great  learning,  ftrong 
reafon,    and  of  a  clear  judgment.      He  was  a  judicious  and  grave 
preacher,  more  inftru<^ive  than  affediive,-  and  a  man  of  3  fpot- 
3  lefs 


'  of  King  James  Ifr^  '^^       69  s 

lefs  life,  and  of  an  excellent  temper.     His  book  on  the  Ci^eed    t6^6 
is  among  the  befl:  that  our  Church  has  produced.     He  was  not  ^"■'^'^^^^^ 
active  in  his  Diocefe,  but  too  rcmifs  and  eafy  in  his  Epifcopal 
funcftion;    and  was  a  much  better  Divine   than  a  Bifhop.      He- 
was  a  fpeaking  inftance  of  what  a  great  riian  could  fall  to:  For 
his  memory  went  from  him  fb  Entirely,  that  he  became  a  child 
fome  years  before  he  died. 

Felly  Bifhop  of  Oxford,  was  a  man  of  great  ftridnefs  in  the 
courfeofhis  life,  and  of  much  devotion.  His  learning  appears 
in  that  noble  edition  of  St.  Cypr'tan  that  he  publiflied.  He  had- 
made  great  beginnings  in  learning  before  the  Reftoration :  But 
his  continued  application  to  his  employments  after  that  ftopt 
the  progrefs  that  otherwife  he  might  have  made.  He  was  made 
foon  after  Dean  of  Chr'tjls-Church,  and  afterwards  Bifliop  of  Oat-' 
ford.  He  fet  himfelf  to  promote  learning  in  the  Univerfity,  but 
moft  particularly  in  his  own  College,  which  he  governed  with' 
great  care:  And  was  indeed  in  all  refpe<5ts  a  moft  exemplary; 
man,  a  little  too  much  heated  in  the  matter  of  our  difputes 
with  the  DilTenters.  But,  as  he  was  among  the  firft  of  our  Cler- 
gy that  apprehended  the  defign  of  bringing  in  Popery,  fo  he 
was  one  of  the  moft  zealous  againft  it.  He  had  much  zeal 
for  reforming  abufes  j  and  managed  it  perhaps  with  too  much' 
heat,  and  in  too  peremptory  a  way.  But  we  have  fo  little  of 
that  among  us,  that  no  wonder  if  fuch  men  arecenfured  by  thofe 
who  love  not  fuch  patterns,  nor  fuch  fevere  talk-mafters. 

Ward  of  Saltsbury  fell  alfo  under  a  lofs  of  memory  and  un- 
derftanding:  So,  that  he,  who  was  both  in  Mathematicks  and 
Philofophy,  and  in  the  ftrength  of  judgment  and  underftand- 
ing,  one  of  the  firft  men  of  his  time,  tho'  he  came  too  late 
into  our  profeflfiion  to  become  very  eminent  in  it,  was  now  a 
great  inftance  of  the  defpicable  weaknefs  to  which  man  can 
fall.  The  Court  intended  once  to  have  named  a  Coadjutor  for 
him.  But,  there  being  no  precedent  for  that  fince  the  Refor- 
mation, they  refolved  to  ftay  till  he  fhould  die. 

The  other  two  Biftiopricks  were  lefs   confiderable:    So  th.t^ Canvfrizyt 
refolved  to  fill  them  with  the  two  worft  men  that  could  be  found ''"'^^'I'^^f'' 

•    7  17/7  promotea. 

out.  Cartwrtght  was  promoted  to  Chejler.  He  was  a  man  of 
good  capacity,  and  had  made  fome  progrefs  in  learning.  He 
was  ambitious  and  fervile,  cruel  and  boifterous :  And,  by  the  great 
liberties  he  allowed  himlelf,  he  fell  under  much  fcandal  of  the 
worft  fort.  He  had  fet  himfelf  long  to  raife  the  King's  au- 
thority above  law,-  which,  he  faid,  was  only  a  method  of  go- 
vernment to  which  Kings  might  fubmit  as  they  pleafed  ^  but 
their  authority  was  from  God,  abfolute  and  fupcrior  to  law, 
which  they  might  exert,  as  oft  as  they  found  it  neceftary  for  the 

ends 


69(5        TheHlsroKYoftheReJgn 

i6%6  ends  of  government.     So  he  was  looked  on  as  a  man  that  would 
v>^V>^more  efFedually  advance  the  defign  of  Popery,  than  if  he  (hould 
turn  over  to  it.  And  indeed,    bad  as  he  was,    he  never  made 
titat  Hep,  even  in  the  moft  defperate  ftate  of  his  affairs. 
"The  See  of  Oxford  was  given  to  Dr.  Parker,  who  was  a  vio- 
lent Independent  at  the  time  of  the  Reftoration,  with  a  high 
profeflion  of  piety  in  their  way.     But  he  foon  changed,  and 
ftruck  into  the  higheft  form  of  the  Church   of  En^and-,  and 
wrote  many  books  with  a  ftrain  of  contempt  and  fury  againft 
all  theDiflenters,  that  provoked  them  out  of  meafure ;  of  which 
an  account  was  given  in  the  hiftory  of  the  former  reign.     He 
had  exalted   the    King's    authority  in  matters  of  religion  in 
fo  indecent  a  manner,    that  he  condemned  the  ordinary  forni 
of  faying  the  King  was  under  God  and  Chrift,  as  a  crude  and 
profane  expreffion  ,•  faying,  that  tho'  the  King  was  indeed  un- 
der God,  yet  he  was  not  under  Chrift,    but  above  him.     Yet, 
not  being  preferred  as  he  expeded,    he  writ  after  that  many 
books  on  defign  to  raife  the  authority  of  the  Church  to  an  in- 
dependance  on  the  Civil  power.     There  was  an  entertaining  live- 
linefs  in  all  his  books:  But  it  was  neither  grave  nor  corre<5t. 
He  was  a  covetous  and  ambitious  manj   and  feemed  to  have 
no  other  fenfe  of  religion  but  as  a  political  intereft,  and  a  fub- 
jed  of  party  and  fadion.    He  feldom  came  to  prayers,    or  to 
any  exercifes  of  devotion  j  and  was  fo  lifted  up  with  pride,  that 
he  was  become  infufferable  to  all  that  came  near  him.     Thefc 
two  men  were  pitched  on,  as  the  fitteft  inftruments  that  could 
be  found  among  all  the  Clergy,  to  betray  and  ruin  the  Church. 
Some  of  the  Bifhops  brought   to  Archbifliop  Sancroft  articles 
againft  them,  which  they  defired  he  would  oflfer  to   the  King 
in  Council,  and  pray  that  the  Mandate  for  confecrating  them 
might  be  delayed,  till  time  were  given  to  examine  particulars. 
And  Bifhop  Llo'^d  told  me,  that  Sancroft  promifed  to  him  not 
to  confecrate  them,  till  he  had  examined  the  truth  of  the  ar- 
ticles,- of  which  fome  were  too  fcandalous  to  be  repeated.    Yet, 
■.„,..,.   when  Sancroft  faw  what  danger  he  might  incur,    if  he  were 
fued  in  a  Premumre,  he  confented  to  confecrate  them. 

The  Deanry  of  Chr'ifis-Church^  the  moft  important  poft  in  the 
Univerfity,  was  given  to  Majfey,  one  of  the  new  converts,  tho* 
he  had  neither  the  gravity,  the  learning,  nor  the  age  that  was 
iuitable  to  fuch  a  dignity.  But  all  was  fupplied  by  his  early 
converfion :  And  it  was  fet  up  for  a  maxim,  to  encourage  all 
converts.  He  at  firft  went  to  prayers  in  the  Chapel.  But  foon 
after  he  declared  himfclf  more  openly.  Not  long  after  this 
the  Prefident  of  Magdalen  College  died.  That  is  efteemed  the 
j:icheft  foundation  in /!/«'^/^^;^,  perhaps  in  £//;'^/?6'.-  For,  tho' their 
?  1  certaio 


of  King]  AMES  U.  <J97 

certain  rents  are  but  about  4  or  jooo  /.  yet  it  is  thought  that     16^6 
the  improved  value  of  the  eftate  belonging  to  it  is  about  40000  /.  ^»>^VV/ 
So  it  was   no   wonder    that  the  Priefts  ftudied  to  gej:  this  en- 
dowment into  their  hands. 

They  had  endeavoured  to  break  in  upon  the  Univerfity  of 
Cambr'tdge  in  a  matter  of  lefs  importance,  but  without  fuccefs: 
And  now  they  refolved  to  attack  Oxford,  by  a  ftrange  fatality 
in  their  counfels.  In  all  nations  the  privileges  of  Colleges  and 
Univerficies  are  efteemed  fuch  facred  things,  that  few  will  ven- 
ture to  difpute  thefe,  much  lefs  to  difturb  them,  when  their 
title  is  good,  and  their  polTeflion  is  of  a  long  continuance:  For 
in  thefe,  not  only  the  prefent  body  efpoufes  the  matter  j  but 
all  who  have  been  of  it,  even  thofe  that  have  only  followed 
their  ftudy  in  it,  think  themfelves  bound  in  honour  and  grati- 
tude to  allift  and  fupport  them.  The  Priefts  began  where  they 
ought  to  have  ended,  when  all  other  things  were  brought  about 
to  their  mind.  The  Jefuits  fancied,  that,  if  they  could  get  foot- 
ing in  the  Univerfity,  they  would  gain  fuch  a  reputation  by 
their  methods  of  teaching  youth,  that  they  would  carry  them 
away  from  the  Univerfity  tutors  ,  who  were  certainly  too  re- 
mifs.  Some  of  the  more  moderate  among  them  propofed,  that 
the  King  (hould  endow  a  new  College  in  both  Univerfities, 
which  needed  not  have  coft  above  two  thoufand  pound  a  year, 
and  in  thefe  fet  his  Priefts  to  work.  But  either  the  King  ftuck 
at  the  charge  which  this  would  put  him  to,  or  his  Priefts  thought 
it  too  mean  and  below  his  dignity  not  to  lay  his  hand  upon 
thofe  great  bodies :  So  rougher  methods  were  refolved  on.  It 
was  reckoned,  that  by  frightning  them  they  might  be  driven 
to  compound  the  matter,  and  deliver  up  one  or  two  Colleges  to 
them:  And  then,  as  the  King  faid  fometimes  in  the  circle,  they 
who  taught  beft  would  be  moft  followed. 

They  began  with  Cambridge  upon  a  fofter  point,  which  yet  The  King's 
would  have  made  way  for  all  the  reft.     The  King  fent  his  let- {-"4"  [J" 
ter,  or  Mandamus,  to  order  F.  Francis,  an  ignorant  Benedi6tine^'"»*'''<'^'- 
Monk,  to  be  received  a  Maftcr  of  Arts  j  once  to  open  the  way 
for  letting  them  into  the  degrees  of  the  Univerfity.     The  truth 
is,  the  King's  letters  were  fcarce  ever  refufed   in  conferring  de- 
grees: And  when  Embaffadors  or  foreign  Princes  came  to  thofe 
places,  they  ufually  gave  fuch  degrees  to  thofe  who  belonged 
to  them  as  were  defired.     The  Morocco  Embaftador's  Secretary, 
that  was  a  Mahometan,  had  that  degree  given  him,    but  a  great 
diftinftion  was  made  between  honorary  degrees  given  to  ftrangers, 
who  intended  not  to  live  among  them,  and  thofe  given  to  fuch 
as  intended  to  fettle  among  them:    For  every  Mafter   of  Arts 
having  a  vote  in  the  Convocation,  they  reckoned,  that,  if  they 

8  P  gave 


098        The  History  of  the  Reign 

J  6^6  gave  this  degree,  they  muft  give  all  that  fliouM  be  pretended 
^^^y^^^  to  on  the  like  authority :  And  they  knew,  all  the  King's  Priefts 
would  be  let  in  upon  them,  which  might  occafion  in  prefenc 
great  diftradion  and  contentions  among  them^  and  in  time  they 
might  grow  to  be  a  majority  in  the  Convocation  ,  which  is 
their  Parliament.  They  refufed  the  Mandamus  with  great  una- 
nimity, and  with  a  firmnefs  that  the  Court  had  not  expedted 
from  them.  New  and  repeated  orders,  full  of  fevere  threat- 
nings  in  cafe  of  difobcdience,  were  fent  to  them  :  And  this  piece 
ot  raillery  was  every  where  fet  up,  that  a  Papift  was  reckoned 
worfc  than  a  Mahometan,  and  that  the  King's  letters  were  lefs 
confidered  than  the  EmbafTador  from  Morocco  had  been.  Some 
feeble  or  falfe  men  of  the  Univerfity  tried  to  compound  the 
matter,  by  granting  this  degree  to  F.  Francis^  but  enacting  at 
the  fame  time,  that  it  fhould  not  be  a  precedent  for  the  future 
for  any  other  of  the  like  nature.  This  was  not  given  way  to: 
For  it  was  faid ,  that  in  all  fuch  cafes  the  obedience  that  was 
once  paid  would  be  a  much  ftronger  argument  for  continu- 
ing to  do  it,  as  oft  as  it  fhould  be  defired,  than  any  fuch  pro- 
vifo  could  be  againft  it. 
The  Vice-  Upon  this  the  Vice-Chancellor  was  fummoned  before  the 
Sme?ou7  Ecclefiaftical  Commiffion  to  anfwer  this  contempt.  He  was  a 
^1  'he  Ec-  very  honeft,  but  a  very  weak  man.  He  made  a  poor  defence. 
Commiffi-  And  it  was  no  fmall  refled:ion  on  that  great  body,  that  their 
chief  Magiftrate  was  fo  little  able  to  allcrt  their  privileges,  or 
to  juftify  their  proceedings.  He  was  treated  with  great  con- 
tempt by  Jeffenes.  But  he  having  aded  only  as  the  chief  perfon  of 
that  body,  all  that  was  thought  fit  to  be  done  againft  ^him  was, 
to  turn  him  out  of  his  office.  That  was  but  an  annual  office, 
and  of  no  profit :  So  this  was  a  flight  cenfure,  chiefly  when  it 
was  all  that  followed  on  fuch  heavy  threatnings.  The 
Univerfity  chofe  another  Vice-Chancellor ,  who  was  a  man 
of  much  fpirit :  And  in  his  fpeech ,  which  in  courfe  he  made 
upon  his  being  chofen ,  he  promifed,  that,  during  his  ma- 
giftracy,  neither  religion,  nor  the  rights  of  the  body,  fliould  fuf- 
fer  by  his  means.  The  Court  did  not  think  fit  to  infift  more 
upon  this  matter;  which  was  too  plain  a  confeflion,  either  of 
their  weaknefs  in  beginning  fuch  an  ill  grounded  attempt,  or 
of  their  feeblenefs  in  letting  it  fall ,  doing  fo  little ,  after  they 
had  talked  fo  much  about  it.  And  now  all  people  began  to 
fee,  that  they  had  taken  wrong  meafures  of  the  King,  when 
they  thought  that  it  would  be  eafy  to  engage  him  into  bold 
things,  before  he  could  fee  into  the  ill  conl^quences  that  might 
attend  them,  but  that  being  once  engaged  he  would  refoive  to 
go  throuLijh  with  them  at  all  adventures.     When  I  knew  him, 

^  he 


oners. 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  II.  <599 

Ke  feemec!  to  have  fet  up  that  for  a  maxim j  that  a  King  when    j6%6 
he  made  a  ftep  was  never  to  go  back,  nor  to  encourage  fadi-  ^^-^'y^*^ 
on  and  difobedience  by  yielding  to  it. 

After  this  unfucccfsful  attempt  upon  Cambridge  y  another  was  An  attempt 
made  upon  Oxford,  that  lafted  longer  and  had  greater  efFec3:s  j  Pop'Jh Preg- 
which  I  ftiall  fet  all  down  together,  tho'  the  conclufion  of  thisJ^^^'j^J^ 
affair  ran  far  into  the  year  after  this  that  I  now  write  of.  TheCoiiegc. 
Prefidentfhip  of  Magdalen's  was  given  by  the  eledion  of  the 
Fellows.  So  t\iQ.K.\ng(tnt  2.  Mandamus,  requiring  them  to  choofc 
one  Farmer,  an  ignorant  and  vitious  perfon,  who  had  not  one 
qualification  that  could  recommend  him  to  fo  high  a  poft,  be- 
lides  that  of  changing  his  religion.  Mandamus  letters  had  no 
legal  authority  in  them :  But  all  the  great  preferments  of  the 
Church  being  in  the  King's  difpofal,  thofe  who  did  pretend  to 
favour,  were  not  apt  to  refufe  his  recommendation,  left  that 
fliould  be  afterwards  remembred  to  their  prejudice.  But  now, 
fince  it  was  vifible  in  what  channel  favour  was  like  to  run  , 
lefs  regard  was  had  to  fuch  a  letter.  The  Fellows  of  that  houfe 
did  upon  this  choofe  Dr.  Houghy  one  of  their  body,  who  as  he 
was  in  all  refpeds  a  ftatutable  man,  fo  he  was  a  worthy  and  a 
firm  man,  not  apt  to  be  threatned  out  of  his  right.  They 
carried  their  eledion  according  to  their  ftatutes  to  the  Bifliop  of 
Winchefter,  their  Vifitor:  And  he  confirmed  it.  So  that  matter  was 
legally  fettled.  This  was  highly  refented  at  Court.  It  was 
fald,  that,  in  cafe  of  a  Mandamus  for  an  undeferving  man,  they 
ought  to  have  reprefented  the  matter  to  the  King,  and  ftaid 
till  they  had  his  pleafure :  It  was  one  of  the  chief  fervices  that 
the  Univerfities  expeded  from  their  Chancellors,  which  made 
them  always  choofe  men  of  great  credit  at  Court,  that  by  their 
intereft  fuch  letters  might  be  either  prevented  or  recalled.  The 
Duke  of  Ormond  was  now  their  Chancellor :  But  he  had  little 
credit  in  the  Court  5  and  was  declining  in  his  age,  which  made  him 
retire  into  the  country.  It  was  much  obferved,  that  this  Uni- 
verfity,  that  had  alTerted  the  King's  prerogative  in  the  higheft 
ftrains  of  the  moft  abjed  flattery  poflible,  both  in  their  addreftes, 
and  in  a  wild  decree  they  had  made  but  three  years  before  this, 
in  which  they  had  laid  together  a  let  of  fuch  high  flown  max- 
ims as  muft  eftablilh  an  uncontrolable  tyranny,  Ihould  be  the 
firft  body  of  the  Nation  that  Ihould  feel  the  effeds  of  it  moft 
fenfibly.  The  caufe  was  brought  before  the  Ecclefiaftical  Com- 
miflion.  The  Fellows  were  firft  aflced,  why  they  had  not  chofen 
Farmer  in  obedience  to  the  King's  letter.^  And  to  that  they  an- 
fwered,  by  offering  a  lift  of  many  juft  exceptions  againft  him* 
The  fubjed  was  fruitful,  and  the  fcandals  he  had  given  were 
very  publick,     The  Court  was  alhamed  of  him,  and  infifted  no 

more 


700         TheHlsr  OR  Y  of  the  Reign 

J  6^6   more  on  him;  But  they  faid,  that  the  Houfe  ought  to  have  fhew- 
'^^^^^^^  ed  more  refped  to  the  King's  letter,  than  to  have  proceeded 

to  an  eledion  in  contempt  of  it. 
They  difo-      The  Ecclefiaftical  Commiffion  took  upon   them  to   declare 
«ufu"rcdfo5^<?«c?^-''s  eleftion  null,    and  to  put  the  Houfe  under  fufpenfion. 
"•  And,  that  the  defign  of  the  Court  in  this  matter  might  be  car- 

ried on  without  the  load  of  recommending  a  Papift,  Parker, 
Bifhop  of  Oxford,  was  now  recommended  :  And  the  Fellows  were 
commanded  to  proceed  to  a  new  election  in  his  favour.  They 
cxcufed  themfelves,  fince  they  were  bound  by  their  oaths  to 
maintain  their  ftatutes:  And  by  thefe,  an  eledion  being  once 
made  and  confirmed,  they  could  not  proceed  to  a  new  choice, 
till  the  former  was  annulled  in  fome  Court  of  law :  Church 
benefices  and  College  preferments  were  freeholds,  and  could  on- 
ly be  judged  in  a  Court  of  Record:  And,  fince  the  King  was 
now  talking  fo  much  of  liberty  of  confcience,  it  was  faid,  that 
the  forcing  men  to  a(5t  againft  their  oaths,  feemed  not  to  agree 
with  thofe  profeffions.  In  oppofition  to  this  it  was  faid,  that 
the  ftatutes  of  Colleges  had  been  always  confidered,  as  things 
that  depended  entirely  on  the  King's  good  pleafure^  fo  that  no 
oaths  to  obferve  them  could  bind  them,  when  it  was  in  oppofi- 
tion to  the  King's  command. 

i<^87  This  did  not  fatisfy  the  Fellows:  And,  tho'  the  King,  as  he 
oOTN^^went  thro'  Oxford  in  his  progrefs  in  the  year  k^S/,  fent  for 
them,  and  ordered  them  to  go  prefently  and  choofe  Parker  for 
their  Prefident,  in  a  ftrain  of  language  ill  fuited  to  the  Ma- 
jefty  of  a  crowned  head,  (for  he  treated  them  with  foul  lan- 
guage pronounced  in  a  very  angry  tone-)  yet  it  had  no  effedt 
on  them.  They  infifted  ftill  on  their  oaths,  tho'  with  a  humili- 
ty and  fubmiflion,  that  they  hoped  would  have  mollified  him.  They 
continued  thus  firm.  A  fubaltern  Commiffion  was  fent  from 
the  Ecclefiaftical  Commiffion  to  finifli  the  matter.  Bifhop  Cart- 
wr'tght  was  the  head  of  this  Commiffion ,  as  Sir  Charles  Hedges 
was  the  King's  Advocate  to  manage  the  matter.  Cartwr'tght  ad:- 
ed  in  fo  rough  a  manner,  that  it  (hewed,  he  was  refolved  to 
facrifice  all  things  to  the  King's  pleafure.  It  was  an  afflicting 
thing,  which  feemed  to  have  a  peculiar  charader  of  indigni- 
ty in  it,  that  this  firft  a6t  of  violence  committed  againft  the 
legal  pofteffions  of  the  Church,  was  executed  by  one  Biftiop, 
and  done  in  favour  of  another. 
And  were  The  new  Prefident  was  turned  out.  And,  becaufe  he  would 
Jut!""^  not  deliver  the  keys  of  his  Houfe,  the  doors  were  broken  open: 
And  Parker  was  put  in  polfeffion.  The  Fellows  were  required 
to  make  their  fubmiffion,  to  afk  pardon  for  what  was  paft,  and 

i  to 


C 


of  King  James  II.  •  -'T         70 1 

to  accept  of  the  Bidiop  for  their  Prefident.  They  ftill  pleaded  16^7 
their  oath  :  And  were  all  turned  out,  except  two  that  fubmit-  ^-^^VN-/ 
ted.  So  that  it  was  expeded,  to  fee  that  Houfe  foon  ftockt 
with  Papills.  The  Nation,  as  well  as  the  Univerfity,  looked 
en  all  this  proceeding  with  a  juft  indignation.  It  was  thought 
an  open  piece  of  robbery  and  burglary,  when  men,  authorized 
by  no  legal  commiflion,  came  and  forcibly  turned  men  out  of 
their  polTeffion  and  freehold.  This  agreed  ill  with  the  profeffi- 
ons  that  the  King  was  ftill  making,  that  he  would  maintain  the 
Church  of  England  as  by  law  eftablifhed  :  For  this  ftruck 
at  the  whole  eftate,  and  all  the  temporalties  of  the  Church.  It 
did  fo  inflame  the  Church  party  and  the  Clergy,  that  they  fent 
over  very  preffmg  mefTages  upon  it  to  the  Prince  oWrange^  de- 
firing  that  he  would  interpofe,  and  efpoufe  the  concerns  of  the 
Church  ,•  and  that  he  would  break  upon  it,  if  the  King  would 
not  redrefs  it.  This  I  did  not  fee  in  their  letters.  Thofe  were 
of  fuch  importance,  fince  the  writing  them  might  have  been 
carried  to  high  treafon,  that  the  Prince  did  not  think  fit  to 
(hew  them.  But  he  often  faid,  he  was  prelTed  by  many  of  thofe, 
who  were  afterwards  his  bittereft  enemies ,  to  engage  in  their 
quarrel.  When  that  was  communicated  to  me,  I  was  ftill  of 
opinion,  that,  tho'  this  was  indeed  an  ad  of  defpotical  and  arbitra- 
ry power,  yet  I  did  not  think  it  ftruck  at  the  whole:  So  that 
it  was  not  in  my  opinion  a  lawful  cafe  of  refiftance:  And  I  could 
not  concur  in  a  quarrel  occafioned  by  fuch  a  fingle  ad,  tho' 
the  precedent  (tt  by  it  might  go  to  every  thing. 

Now  the  King  broke  with  the  Church  of  England.  And,  a« 
he  was  apt  to  go  warmly  upon  every  provocation,  he  gave  him- 
felf  fuch  liberties  in  difcourfe  upon  that  fubjed,  that  it  was  plaitr, 
all  the  fervices  they  had  done  him,  both  in  oppofing  the  Ex- 
clufion,  and  upon  his  firft  acceffion  to  the  Crown,  were  for- 
got. Agents  were  now  found  out,  to  go  among  the  DifTen- 
ters,  to  perfuade  them  to  accept  of  the  favour  the  King  intend- 
ed them,  and  to  concur  with  him  in  his  defigns. 

TheDilTenters  were  divided  into  four  main  bodies.     ThePref-TheDifTen- 
byterians,  the  Independents,  the  Anabaptifts,  and  the  Quakers. m^ch^coun- 
The  two  former  had  not  the  vifible  diftindion  of  different  rites  :^^.  ^y  ^^^ 
And  their  deprefTed  condition  made,  that  the  difpute  about  the 
conftitution  and  fubordination  of  Churches,  which  had  broken 
them  when  power  was  in  their  hands,  was  now  out   of  doors : 
And  they  were  looked  on  as  one  body,  and  were  above  three 
parts  in  four  of  all  the  DifTenters.     The  main  difference  between 
thefe  was,  that  the  Prefby  terians  feemed  reconcilable  to  the  Church  j 
for  they  loved  Epifcopal  Ordination  and  a  Liturgy,  and  upon 
feme  amendments  feemed  difpofed  to  come  into  the  Church; 

2  d  and 


702        The  History  of  the  Reign 

.1687   add  they  liked  the  civil  government,    and  limited  Monarchy. 
^^y^^f^^^  But  as  the  Independents  were  for  a  Commonwealth  in  the  State, 
fo  they  put  all  the  power  of  the  Church  in  the  people,    and 
thought  that  their  choice  was  an  ordination:  Nor  did  they  ap- 
prove of  fet  forms  of  worfhip.    Both  were  enemies  to  this  high 
prerogative,  that  the  King  was  alTuming,  and  were  very  averfe 
to  Popery.     They  generally  were  of  a  mind,  as  to  the  accept- 
ing the  King's  favour;    but  were  not  inclined  to  take  in   the 
Papifts  into  a  full  toleration  j  much  lefs  could  they  be  prevail- 
ed on  to  concur  in  taking  off  the  Tefts.     The  Anabaptifts  were 
generally  men  of  vertue,  and  of  anuniverfal  charity :  And  as  they 
were  far  from  being  in  any  treating  terms  with  the  Church  of 
England,    fo  nothing  but    an  univerfal  toleration  could  make 
them  capable  of  favour  or   employments.      The  Quakers  had 
{et  up  fuch  a  vifible  diftindion  in  the  matter  of  the  Hat,  and 
faying  Thou  and  Thee,  that  they  had  all  as  it  were  a  badge  fix- 
ed on  them :    So  they  were  eafily  known.    Among   thefe  Pen 
had  the  greateft  credit,  as  he  had  a  free  accefs  at  Court.     To 
'       all  thefe  it  was  propofed,  that  the   King  defigned  the  fettling 
the  minds  of  the  diflferent  parties  in  the  Nation,    and  the  en- 
riching it  by  enading  a  perpetual  law,  that  fliould  be  paiTed 
with  fuch  folemnities  as  had  accompanied  the  Magna  Charta; 
fo  that  not  only  penal  laws  fhould  be  for  ever  repealed,  but  that 
publick  employments  fhould  be  opened  to  men  of  all  perfuafi- 
ons,   without  any  tefts  or  oaths  limiting  them  to  one  fort  or 
party  of  men.     There  were  many  meetings  among  the  leading 
men  of  the  feveral  fedts. 
Debates  and     It  was  vifiblc  to  all  men,  that  the  courting  them  at  this  time 
among""*  ^^^  "o^  ^^^^  ^"Y  kindncfs  or  good  opinion  that  the  King  had 
them.        of  them.    They  had  left  the  Church  oi  England,  becaufe  of  fome 
forms  in  it,  that  they  thought  looked  too  like  the  Church  of 
Rome.     They  needed  not  to  be  told,    that  all  the  favour  ex- 
peded  from  Popery  was  once  to  bring  it  in,  under  the  colour 
of  a  general  toleration,  till  it  fliould  be  ftrong  enough  to  fet 
on  a  general  perfecution:  And  therefore,  as  they  could  not  engage 
themfelves  to  fupport  fuch  an  arbitrary  prerogative  as  was  now 
made  ufe  of,  fo  neither  fliould  they  go  into  any  engagements 
for  Popery.    Yet  they  refolved  to  let  the  points  of  controvert 
fy  alone,  and  leave  thofe  to  the  management  of  the  Clergy,  who 
had  a  legal  bottom  to  fupport  them.     They  did  believe,  that 
this  indignation  againft  the  Church   party,  and  this   kindnefs 
to  them  were  things  too  unnatural  to  laft  long.    So  the  more 
confiderable  among  them  refolved  not  to  ftand  at  too   great  a 
diftance  from  the  Court,  nor  to  provoke  the  King  fo  far,  as  to 
give  him  caufe  to  think   they  were  ixreconcilable  to  him,  left 

^     v^-j-  they 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  II.  705 

they  (houM  provoke  him  to  make  up  matters  on  any  terms  with    1687 
the  Church  party.     On   the  other  hand,  they  refolved  not  to  *-^VV-/ 
provoke  the  Church  party,    or  by  any   ill  behaviour  of  theirs 
drive  them  into   a  reconciliation  with  the  Court.       It  is  true. 
Pen  fliewed  both  a  fcorn  of  the  Clergy,  and  virulent  fpite  againft 
them,  in  which  he  had  not  many  followers. 

The  King  was  fo  fond  of  his  Army,  that  he  ordered  them  The  Army 
to  encamp  on  Hotmflow-Heath y  and  to  be  exercifcd  all  the  fum-^J/J^T*^*' 
mer  long.     This  was  done  with   great  magnificence,  and  at  a^^r^- 
vaft  expence,    but  that  which  abated  the  King's  joy  in  feeing 
fo  brave  an  Army  about  him  was,  that  it  appeared  vifibly,  and 
on  many  occaiions,  that  his  foldiers  had  as  great  an  averfion  to 
his  religion,  as  his  other  fubje<5ts  had  exprefTed.     The  King  had 
a  Chapel  in  his  camp,  where  Mafs  was  faid:    But  fo  few  went 
to  it,  and  thofe  few  were  treated  by  the  reft  with  fo  much  fcorn, 
that  it  was  not  eafy  to  bear  it.     It  was  very  plain,  that  fuch  an 
Army  was  not  to  be  trufted  in  any   quarrel  in  which  religion 
was  concerned. 

The  few  Papifts  that  were  in  the  Army  were  an  unequal  match 
to  the  reft.  The  heats  about  religion  were  like  to  breed  quar- 
rels: And  it  was  once  very  near  a  mutiny.  It  was  thought,  that 
thefe  encampments  had  a  good  effe(5t  on  the  Army.  They  en- 
couraged one  another,  and  vowed  they  would  ftick  together, 
and  never  forfake  their  religion.  It  was  no  fmall  comifort  to 
them,  to  fee  they  had  fo  few  Papifts  among  them,-  which  might 
have  been  better  difguifed  at  a  diftance,  than  when  they  were 
all  in  view.  A  refolution  was  formed  upon  this  at  Court  to 
make  recruits  in  Ireland,  and  to  fill  them  up  with  Iri/h  Papifts ; 
which  fucceeded  as  ill  as  all  their  other  defigns  did,  as  ftiall  be 
told  in  its  proper  place. 

The  King  had  for  above  a  year  managed  his  correfpondenccAnEmbaf- 
with  Rome  fecretly.  But  now  the  Priefts  refolved  to  drive  thejj^°^^'»'''' 
matter  paft  reconciling.  The  correfpondence  with  that  Court, 
while  there  was  none  at  Rome  with  a  publick  charafter,  could  not  be 
decently  managed,  but  by  Cardinal  Howard's  means.  He  was 
no  friend  to  the  Jefuits;  nor  did  he  like  their  over  driving 
matters.  So  they  moved  to  the  King  to  fend  an  Embaftador 
to  Rome,  This  was  high  treafon  by  law.  Jeffertes  was  very  un- 
cafy  in  it.  But  the  King's  power  of  pardoning  had  been  much 
argued  in  the  Earl  of  Danby's  cafe ,  and  was  believed  to  be  one 
of  the  unqueftionable  rights  of  the  Crown.  So  he  knew  a  fafe 
way  in  committing  crimes  j  which  was,  to  take  out  pardons  as 
foon  as  he  had  done  illegal  things. 

The  King's  choice  of  Palmer,  Earl  of  Cajllema'm,  was  liable 
to  great  exception.     For,  as  he  was  believed  to  be  a  Jefuit,  fo 

u  he 


704       TheHlSTOKYofthe  Reign 

16^7    he  was  certainly  as  hot  and  eager  in  all  high  notions,  as  any 
«^>^V>^  of  them  could  be.     The  Romans  were  amazed,  when  they  heard 
that  he  was  to  be  the  perfon.     His  misfortunes  were    fo  emi- 
nent and  publick,  that  they,  who  take  their  mcafures  much  from 
aftrology,  and  from  the  characters  they  think  are  fixed  on  men, 
thought  it  ftrange  to  fee  fuch  a  negotiation  put  in  the  hands  of 
fo  unlucky  a  man.     It  was  managed  with  great  fplendor,  and  at 
a  vaft  charge. 
He  managed     He  was  unhappy  in  every  ftep  of  it.     He  difputed  with  a  nice 
every  thing  r  ^  of  affcdation  everv  pundiiio  of  the  ceremonial.    And,  when 

unhappily.    ■»»^*''  "*  **"        „       ,  * ,F  1  1  ,  i  1       /-     « 

the  day  fet  for  his  audience  came,    there  happen'd  to  be  fuch 
an  extraordinary  thunder,  and  fuch  deluges  of  rain,  as  difgraced 
the  fhew,  and  heightned  the  opinion  of  the  ominoufnefs  of  this 
EmbafTy.    After  this  was  over,  he  had  yet  many  difputes  with 
relation    to   the  ceremony   of  vifits.     The  points    he  prelTed 
were,  firft  the  making  P.  Renald'i  of  Efle,  the  Queen's  uncle, 
a  Cardinal i  in  which  he  prevailed:  And  it  was  the  only  point 
in  which  he  fucceeded.     He  tried,  if  it  waspofTible,  to  get  Father 
^etre  to  be  made  a  Cardinal.    But  the  Pope  was  known  to  be 
incra<5table  in  that  point,  having  fixed  it  as  a  maxim  not  to  raife 
any  of  that  Order  to  the  Purple.     Count  Mansfield  told  me,  as 
he  came  from  Spam,  that  our  Court  had  preflfed  the  Court  of 
Spain  to  join  their  intereft  with  ours  at  Rome  for  his   promo- 
tion.    They  gave  it  out,  that  he  was  a  German  by  birth,  and 
undertook  that  he  fliould  ferve  the  Auflr'tan  intereft.    They  alfo 
promifed  the  Court  of  Madrid  great  afliftance  in  other  matters 
of  the  laft  importance,  if  they  would  procure  this:    Adding, 
that  this  would  prove  the  moft  effedual  means  for  the  conver- 
fion  of  England.     Upon  which  the  Count  told  me,  he  was  afk- 
ed  concerning  Father  Petre.  He,  who  had  gone  often  to  Spain 
thvo' England  J  happen'd  to  know  that  Jefuit;  and  told  them,  he 
was  no  German,  but  an  Englijhman.     They  tried  their  ftrength 
at  Rome  for  his  promotion,  but  with  no  fuccefs. 

The  Embaflador  at  Rome  prelTed  Cardinal  Cibo  much  to  put  an 
end  to  the  differences  between  the  Pope  and  the  King  of  France, 
in  the  matter  of  the  franchifes,  that  it  might  appear  that  the 
Pope  had  a  due  regard  to  a  King  that  had  extirpated  herefy, 
and  to  another  King  who  was  endeavouring  to  bring  other 
Kingdoms  into  the  meepfold.  What  muft  the  world  fay,  if 
two  fuch  Kings,  like  whom  no  ages  had  produced  any,  fhould 
be  negleded  and  ill  ufed  at  Rome  for  fome  pundilios  ?  He  ad- 
ded, that,  if  thefe  matters  were  fettled,  and  if  the  Pope  would 
enter  into  concert  with  them,  they  would  kt  about  the  de- 
ftroying  herefy  every  where,  and  would  begin  with  the  Dutch; 
upon  whom,  he  faid,  they  would  fall  without  any  declaration 

i  of 


of  King  James  II.  705 

6f  war,  treating  them  as  a  company  of  rebels  and  pirates,  who  i6%7 
had  not  a  right,  as  free  States  and  Princes  have,  toaformal  denunci-^-''''^^'''^^ 
ation  of  war.  Ciboy  who  was  then  Cardinal  Patron,  was  amaz- 
ed at  this,  and  gave  notice  of  it  to  the  Imperial  Cardinals. 
They  fent  it  to  the  Emperor,  and  he  fignified  it  to  the  Prince 
of  Orange.  It  is  certain,  that  one  Prince's  treating  with  ano- 
ther to  invade  a  third  gives  a  right  to  that  third  Prince  to  defend 
hirafelf,  and  to  prevent  thofe  defigns.  And,  fince  what  an  Em- 
baflador  fays  is  underftood  as  faid  by  the  Prince  whofe  charac- 
ter he  bears,  this  gave  the  States  a  right  to  make  ufe  of  all  ad- 
vantages that  might  offer  themfelves.  But  they  had  yet  better 
grounds  to  juftify  their  proceedings,  as  will  appear  in  the  fe- 
quel. 

When  the  EmbalTador  faw  that  his  remonftrances  to  the  Car- 
dinal Patron  were  ineffectual,  he  demanded  an  audience  of  the 
Pope.  And  there  he  lamented,  that  fo  little  regard  was  had  to 
two  luch  great  Kings.  He  refleded  on  the  Pope,  as  fhewing  ^ 
more  zeal  about  temporal  concerns  than  the  fpiritualj  which, 
he  faid,  gave  fcandal  to  all  Chriftendom.  He  concluded,  that, 
jRnce  he  faw  interceflions  made  in  his  mailer's  name  were  fo  little 
confidered,  he  would  make  hafte  home:  To  which  the  Pope 
made  no  other  anfwer,>but,  let  e padrone y  he  might  do  as  he 
pleafed.  But  he  fent  one  after  the  Embaflador,  as  he  withdrew 
from  the  audience,  to  let  him  know,  how  much  he  was  offend- 
ed with  his  difcourfes,  that  he  received  no  fiich  treatment 
from  any  perfon,  and  that  the  EmbalTador  was  to  expe(5t  no 
other  private  audience.  Cardinal  Howard  did  what  he  could 
to  foften  matters.  But  the  EmbalTador  was  fo  entirely  in  the 
hands  of  the  Jefuits,  that  he  had  little  regard  to  any  thing  that 
the  Cardinal  fuggefted.  And  fo  he  left  Rome  after  a  very  ex- 
penfeful,  but  infignificant  EmbafTy. 

The  Pope  fent  in  return  a  Nuntio,  Dada,  now  a  Cardinal.  Pope /»«<,. 
He  was  highly  civil  in  all  his  deportment.  But  it  did  not  ap-JaS/N*'*" 
pear  that  he  was  a  man  of  great  depth,  nor  had  he  power  to 
do  much.  The  Pope  was  a  jealous  and  fearful  man,  who  had 
no  knowledge  of  any  fort,  but  in  the  matters  of  the  revenue, 
and  of  money :  For  he  was  defcended  from  a  family,  that  was 
become  rich  by  dealing  in  banks.  And,  in  that  refped;,  it  was  a 
happinels  to  the  Papacy  that  he  was  advanced:  For  it  was  fo 
involved  in  vaft  debts  by  a  fucceffion  of  many  waftful  Pontifi- 
cates, that  his  frugal  management  came  in  good  time  to  fet 
thofe  matters  in  better  order.  It  was  known,  that  he  did 
not  fo  much  as  underftand  Latin.  I  was  told  at  Kome^  that 
when  he  was  made  Cardinal,  he  had  a  mafter  to  teach  him  to 
pronounce  that  little  Laim  that  he  bad   occafion  for  at   high 

8  R  Mafl'es. 


70(J        UeHlsr  OKY  of  the  Reign 

1687   MafTes.     He   underftood   nothing   of  Divinity.      I    remembred 
^'^'^'V^v/what  a  Jefuit  at  F^enice  had  faid  to  me,  whom  I  met  fometimes 
at  the  French  EmbalTadors  there,  when  we  were  talking  of  the 
Pope's  infallibility :  He  faid,  that  being  in  Rome  during  Ah'teri's 
■   Pontificate,  who  lived  fome  years  in  a  perfect  dotage,  he  con- 
feffed  it  required  a  very  ftrong  faith  to  believe  him  infallible :  But  he 
added  pleafantly,    the  harder  it  was  to  believe  it,     the  a(5t  of 
faith  was  the  more  meritorious.     The  fubmitting  to  Pope  In- 
fiocenfs  infalibillity  was  a  very  implicit  a6t  of  faith,  when  all 
appearances  were  (o  ftrongly  againft  it.     The  Pope  hated  the 
Jefuits,  and  exprelTed  a  great  efteem  for  the  Janfemfls-^  not  that 
he  underftood  the  ground  of  the  difference,    but  becaufe  they 
were  enemies  to  the  Jefiiits,  and  were  ill  looked  on  by  the  Court 
of  France,     He  underftood  the  bufinefs   of  the  Regale  a  little 
better,  it  relating  to  the  temporaries  of  the  Church.    And  there- 
fore he  took  all  thofe  under  his  proted:ion,  who  refufed  to  fub- 
mit  to  it.     Things  feemed  to  go  far  towards  a  breach  between 
the  two  Courts:  Efpecially  after  the  articles,  which  were  fet  out 
by  the  AlTembly  of  the  Clergy  oi  France  in  the  year  idSi,  in 
favour  of  the  Councils  of  Confiance  and  Bafile,  in  oppofition  to 
the  Papal  pretenfions.     The  King  of  France,  who  was  not  ac- 
cuftomed  to  be  treated  in  fiich  a  mannil:,  fent  many  threatning 
meffages  to  Rome,  which  alarmed  the  Cardinals  fo  much,  that 
they  tried  to  mollify  the  Pope.     But  it  was  reported  at  Rome, 
that  he  made  a  noble  anfwer  to  them,   when  they  afked  him, 
what  he  could  do,  if  fo  great  a  King  lliould  fend  an  Army  to 
fall  upon  him?  He  faid,  he  could  fuffer  Martyrdom. 
Difputes  a-      He  was  fo  little  terrified  with  all  thofe  threatnings,  that  he 
franchifes.  '^^^  ^^^  °"  ^^^^  ^  difpute  about  the  franchifes.     In  Rome  all 
thofe  of  a  Nation  put  themfelves  under  the  protediion  of  their 
EmbaiTador,  and  are  upon  occafions  of  ceremony  his  Cortege. 
Thefe  wereufually  lodged  in  his  neighbourhood,  pretending  that 
they  belonged  to  him.    So  that  they  exempted  themfelves  from 
the  orders  and  juftice  oi  Rome ,    as  a  part  of  the  Embaffador's 
family.    And  that  extent  of  houfes  or  ftreets  in  which  they  lodg- 
ed was  called  the  franchifes  j  for  in  it  they  pretended  they  were 
not  fubjedt  to  the  government  oi  Rome.     This  had  made  thefe 
houfes  to  be  well  filled,    not  only  with  thofe  of  that  Nation, 
but  with  fuch  Romans  as  defired  to  be  covered  with  that  pro- 
tedion.     Rome  was  now  much  funk  from  what  it  had  been:  So 
that  thefe  franchifes  were  become  fo  great  a  part  of  the  City, 
that    the  privileges   of  thofe  that  lived   in   them   were  giving 
every  day  new  difturbances  to  the  courfe   of  juftice,  and  were 
the  common  fanduaries  of  criminals.     So  the  Pope  refolved  to 
reduce    the  privileges  of  Embalfadors   to   their  own  families , 

I  within 


(f  King  J  AMES  II.  707 

within  their  own  palaces.  He  firfl:  dealt  with  the  Emperor's,  1687 
and  the  King  of  Spain's  EmbafTadors :  And  brought  them  to '^'''^^^'^^^ 
c|uit  their  pretenfions  to  the  franchifes,  but  with  this  provifion,  that, 
if  the  French  did  not  the  fame,  they  would  return  to  them.  So  now  the 
Pope  was  upon  forcing  xht  French  to  fubmit  to  the  fame  methods. 
The  Pope  faid,  his  Nuntio  or  Legate  at  Paris  had  no  privi- 
lege but  for  his  family,  and  for  thofe  that  lived  in  his  palace. 
The  French  rejected  this  with  great  fcorn.  They  faid,  the  Pope 
was  not  to  pretend  to  an  equality  with  fo  great  a  King.  He 
was  the  common  Father  of  Chriftendom  :  So  thofe  who 
came  thither,  as  to  the  center  of  unity,  were  not  to  be  put  on 
the  level  with  the  EmbafTadors  that  palTed  between  Sovereign 
Princes.  Upon  this  the  King  of /r^s'^c^  pretended,  that  he  would 
maintain  all  the  privileges  and  franchifes  that  his  EmbafTadors 
were  pofTefTed  of.  This  was  now  growing  up  to  be  the  mat- 
ter of  a  new  quarrel,  and  of  frefh  difputes,  between  thofeCourts. 

The  Englijffj  EmbafTador  being  fo  entirely  in  the  French  in- 
terefts,  and  in  the  confidence  of  the  Jefuits,  he  was  much  lefs 
confidered  at  Rome  y  than  he  thought  he  ought  to  have  been. 
The  truth  is,  the  Romans,  as  they  have  very  little  fenfe  of  re- 
ligion, fo  they  confidered  the  reduction  of  England  as  a  thing 
impradicable.  They  faw  no  profped  of  any  profits  like  to 
arife  in  any  of  their  offices  by  bulls  or  compofitions :  And  this 
was  the  notion  that  they  had  of  the  converfion  of  Nations, 
chiefly  as  it  brought  wealth  and  advantages  to  them. 

I  will  conclude  all  that  I  fhall  fay  in  this  place  of  the  affairs 
of  Rome  with    a  lively  faying   of  Queen  Chrijiina  to  my  ^elfOj^.^n  , 
at  Rome.     She  faid,  it  was  certain  that  the  Church  was  govern- charader  of 
ed  by  the  immediate  care  and   providence  of  God:     For  none^°™^^°^"' 
of  the  four  Popes  that  fhe  had  known  fince  fhe  came  to  Rome 
had   common  lenfe.     She  added,    they  were  the  firfl  and  the 
lafl  of  men.  She  had  given  her  felf  entirely  for  fome  years  to 
the  ftudy  of  Aflrology :  And  upon  that  fhe  told  me,   the  King 
would  live  yet  many   years,    but  added  that  he  would  have  no 
Ton. 

I  come,  from  the  relation  of  this  EmbafTade  to  Rome ^  to 
give  an  account  of  other  negotiations.  The  King  found,  Skelton 
managed  his  affairs  in  Holland  with  fo  little  fenfe,  and  gave 
fuch  an  univerfal  diftafle,  that  he  refolved  to  change  him.  But 
he  had  been  fo  fervilely  addicted  to  all  his  interefts,  that  he 
would  not  difcourage  him.  And,  becaufe  all  his  concerns  with 
the  Court  of  France  were  managed  with  Bardlon  the  French  Em- 
bafTador at  Londony  he  was  fent  to  Paris. 

The  King  found  out  one  White,  an  IriJJjman,  who  had  heeaD'MevUU 
long  a  fpy  of  the  Spaniards,     And  when  they  did  not  pay  his  lTnfnL7. 

appointments 


708  The  History  of  the  Reign 

j6%7   appointments  well,  he  accepted  of  thetitle  of  M2iT(\m^ d' Aloevilk 

^y^y^^  from  them  in  part  of  payment.    And  then   he  turned  to  the 

French      who  paid   their  tools  more  pundiually.     But,  tho'  he 

had  learned  the  little  arts  of  corrupting  Under-Secretaries,  and 

had  found  out  fome  fecrets  by  that  way,  which  made  him  pafs 

for  a  good  fpyj    yet,  when  he  came  to  negotiate  matters  in  a 

higher  form,    he  proved  a  moft  contemptible  and  ridiculous 

man,  who  had  not  the  common  appearances  either  of  decency 

or  of  truth. 

iwasnpon      He  had  orders,  before  he  entred  upon  bufinefs  with  the  Prince 

the  King's  Q^  Princefs,  to  afk  of  them,  not  only  to  forbid  me  the  Court, 

func«  for-  but  to  promifc  to  fee  me  no  more.     The  King  had  writ  two 

PrlJ?/"nd*' violent  letters  againft  me  to  the  Princefs.    She  trufted  me  fo 

Princefs  of  £2r ,    that  fhe  fhewed  them  to  me;    and  was  pleafed  to  anfwer 

'^'"'^'      them  according  to  the  hints  that  I  fuggefted.     But  now  it  was 

put  fo  home,  that  this  was  to  be  complied  with,  or  a  breach  was 

immediately  to  follow  upon  it.   So  this  was  done.  And  they  were 

both  fo  true  to  their  promife,    that  I  faw  neither  the  one  nor 

the  other  till  a  few  days  before  the  Prince  fet  fail  for  England. 

The  Prince  fent  Dykveh  and  Halewyn  conftantly  to  me,  with  all 

the  advertifements  that  came  from  England,     So  I  had  the  whole 

fecret  of  Engl'tjh  affairs  ftill  brought  me. 

Dykveh  icnt     That  which  was  firft   refolved  on  was  ,    to  fend  Dykveh  to 

^°^"&''""^-  England  mth.  directions  how  to  talk  with  all  forts   of  people: 

To  the  King,  to  thofe  of  the  Church,  and  to  the  DiiTenters. 

I  was  ordered  to  draw  his  inftrudions,  which  he  followed  very 

clofely.     He  was  ordered  to  expoftulate  decently,  but  firmly, 

with  the   King  upon  the  methods  he  was  purfuing ,    both  at 

home  and  abroad  ;  and  to  fee,  if  it  was  poflible  to  bring  him  to 

a  better  underftanding  with  the  Prince.     He  was  alfo  to  alfure 

all  the  Church  party,  that  the  Prince  would  ever  be  firm  to 

the  Church  of  England^  and  to  all  our  national  interefts.     The 

Clergy,     by    the   methods  in  which   they   correfponded  with 

him ,    which  I  fuppofe  was   chiefly  by   the  Bifhop  of  London's 

means,  had  defired  him  to  ufe  all  his  credit  with  the  DilTenters, 

to  keep  them  from  going  into  the  meafures  of  the  Court  j  and 

fent  over  very  pofitive  aflurances,  that,  in  cafe  they  flood  firm 

now  to  the  common  intereft,  they  would  in  a  better  time  come 

into  a,  comprehenfion  of  fuch  as  could  be  brought  into  a  con- 

jundion  with  the  Church,  and  to  a  toleration  of  the  reft.     They 

had  alfo  defired  him  to  fend  over  fome  of  the  preachers,  whom 

the  violence  of  the  former  years  had  driven  to  Holland ^  and  to 

prevail  effcdlually  with  them  to  oppofe  any  falfe  brethren,  whom 

the  Court  might  gain  to  deceive  the  reft:     Which  the  Prince 

had  done.  And  to  many  of  them  he  gave  fuch  prefents,  as  ena- 

I  bled 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  II.  709 

bled  them  to  pay  their  debts,  and  to  undertake  the  journey*  i6%7 
D'ykveh  had  orders  to  prefs  them  all  to  ftand  off;  and  not  to '^'''''^''^^ 
be  drawn  in  by  any  promifes  the  Court  might  make  them,  to 
aflifl:  them  in  the  eledions  of  Parliament.  He  was  alfo  inftrudt- 
ed  to  afTure  them  of  a  full  toleration  j  and  likewife  of  a  compre- 
hcnfion,  if  poflible,  whenfoever  the  Crown  fhould  devolve  on 
the  Princefs.  He  was  to  try  all  forts  of  people,  and  to  remove 
the  ill  characters  that  had  been  given  them  of  the  Prince:  For 
the  Church  party  was  made  believe,  he  was  a  Prelbyterian,  and 
the  DifTenters  were  polTefled  with  a  conceit  of  his  being  arbi- 
trary, and  imperious.  Some  had  even  the  impudence  to  give 
out,  that  he  was  a  Papift.  But  the  ill  terms  in  which  the  King 
and  he  lived  put  an  end  to  thofe  reports  at  that  time.  Yet 
they  were  afterwards  taken  up,  and  managed  with  much  malice 
to  create  a  jealoufy  of  him.  Dykvelt  was  not  gone  off,  when 
D'Albevdle  came  to  the  Hague.  He  did  all  he  could  to  divert 
the  journey ;  For  he  knew  well  Dykvelfs  way  of  penetrating 
into  fecrets,  he  himfelf  having  been  often  employed  by  him, 
and  well  paid  for  feveral  difcoveries  made  by  his  means. 

D'AlbeviUe  alTured  the  Prince  and  the  States,  that  the  King  The  negoti^ 
was  firmly  refolved  to  maintain  his  alliance  with  them;  Thattwcen  the 
his  naval  preparations  were  only  to  enable  him  to  preferve  the^'"|,?"<* 
peace  of  Europe:  For  he  feemed  much  concerned  to  find,  that 
the  States  had  fuch  apprehenfions  of  thefe,  that  they  were  put- 
ting themfelves  in  a  condition  not  to  be  furprized  by  them. 
In  his  fecret  negotiations  with  the  Prince  and  Princefs,  he  be- 
gan with  very  pofitive  affurances,  that  the  King  intended  never 
to  wrong  them  in  their  right  of  fucceflion :  That  all  that  the 
King  was  now  engaged  in  was  only,  to  affert  the  rights  of  the 
Crown,  of  which  they  would  reap  the  advantage  in  their  turn  : 
The  Teft  was  a  reftraint  on  the  King's  liberty,  and  therefore 
he  was  refolved  to  have  it  repealed:  And  he  was  alfo  refolved 
to  lay  afide  all  penal  laws  in  matters  of  religion :  They  faw 
too  well  the  advantages  that  Holland  had  by  the  liberty  of 
confcience  that  was  fettled  among  them,  to  oppofe  him  in  this 
particular :  The  King  could  not  abandon  men,  becaufe  they 
were  of  his  own  religion,  who  had  ferved  him  well,  and  had 
fuffered  only  on  his  account,  and  on  the  account  of  their  confcience. 
He  told  them,  how  much  the  King  condemned  the  proceedings  in 
France  ^  and  that  he  fpoke  of  that  King  as  a  poor  bigot,  who 
was  governed  by  the  Archbifliop  of  Parts  and  Madame  de  Main- 
tenonj  whereas  he  knew  Pere  de  la  Cha'ife  had  oppofed  the  per- 
fecution  as  long  as  he  could.  But  the  King  hated  thofe  max- 
ims :  And  therefore  he  received  the  Refugees  very  kindly,  and 

8  S  had 


710         TbeHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

i6%7   had  given  orders  for  a  colledion  of  charity  over  the  kingdom 

<y^y\J  for  their  relief. 

This  was  the  fubftance ,  both  of  what  D'Albevilk  faid  to  the 
Prince   and    Princefs,    and  of  what  the  King  himfelf   faid  to 
D^kvelt  upon  thofe  fubjeds.     At  that  time  the  King  thought, 
he  had  made  a  majority  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons  fure:  And 
fo  he  feemed  refolved  to  have  a  feffion  of  Parliament  in  April, 
And  of  this  Z)'^/(^fT^///^  gave  the  Prince  pofitive  alTurances.     But 
the  King  had  reckoned  wrong:    For  many  of  tliofe,  who  had 
been  with  him  in  his  clofet,  were  either  filent,  or  had  anfwer- 
ed  him  in  fuch  refpedful   words,    that  he  took  thefe  for  pro- 
mifes.    But,  when  they  were  more  ftridly  examined,  the  King 
faw  his  error :  And  fo  the  fitting  of  the  Parliament  was  put  off. 
To  all  thefe  propofitions  the  Prince  and  the  Princefs,  andZ))'^- 
velt  in   their   name,  anfwered,  that  they  were  fixed  in  a  prin- 
ciple  atrainfl:  perfecution  in  matters  of  confcience :     But  they 
could  n'ot  think  it  reafonable  to  let  Papifts  in  to  fit  in  Parlia- 
ment, or  to  ferve  in  publick  trufts:     The  reftlefs  fpirit  of  fome 
of  that  religion,  and  of  their  Clergy  in  particular,  fliewed  they 
could  not  be  at  quiet  till  they  were  matters  :    And  the  power 
they  had  over  the  King's  fpirit,    in  making  him  forget  what 
,  he  had  promifed  upon  his  coming  to  the  Crown,   gave  but  too 
juft  a  ground  of  jealoufy :  It  appeared,  that  they  could  not  bear 
any  reftraints,    nor   remember  paft   fervices  longer  than  thofe 
who  did  them   could  comply  in  every  thing  with  that  which 
was  defired  of  them :     They  thought,  the  prerogative  as  limit- 
ed by  law  was  great  enough  :  And  they  defired  no  fuch  exorbi- 
tant power  as  ftiould  break  thro'   all  laws:    They  feared,  that 
fuch   an   attack  upon   the   conftitution   might  rather  drive  the 
Nation  into  a  Commonwealth:    They  thought  the  fureft ,    as 
well  as  the  bed,  way  was,  to  govern  according  to  law :     The 
Church  of  England  had  given  the  King  fignal  proofs  of  their 
affection   and  fidelity  j     and  had   complied  with  him  in  every 
thing,  till  he  came  to  touch  them  in  fo  tender  a  point,  as  the 
legal  fecurity   they  had   for  their  religion :     Their   (licking  to 
that  was  very  natural:  And  the  King's  taking  that  ill  from  them 
was  liable  to  great  cenfure :     The   King,  if  he  pleafed  to  im- 
prove the  advantages  he  had  in  his  hand,  might  be  both  eafy 
and  great  at  home,    and  the  arbiter  of  all   affairs  abroad:    But 
he  was  prevailed  on  by  the  importunities  of  fome  reftlefs  Priefts, 
to  embroil  all  his  affairs  to  ferve  their  ends :     They  could  never 
confent  to  abolifii  thofe  laws,    which  were  the  bcft,    and  now 
the  only  fence  of  that  religion,  which  they  themfeives  believ- 
ed true.     This  was  the  fubftance  of  their  anfwers  to  all  the  pref- 
fi'ng  mcffages  that  were  often  repeated  by  D'Albevtlk,     And  upon 

3  this 


of  King]  AMES  It.  7u 

this  dccafiorl  the  Princefs  /poke  fo  often  and   with  fuch  firm-    i6^7 
nefs  to  him,    that  he  faid,    fhe  was  more  intra«f^able  on  thofe '^-^'^^''"''^ 
matters  than  the  Prince  himfelf.     Dykvelt  told  me,    he  argued 
often  with   the  King  on  all  thefe  topicks :    But  he  found  him 
obftinately  fixed  in  his  refolution.     He  faid,    he  was  the  head 
of  the  family,  and  the  Prince  ought  to  comply  with  him  ,•    but 
that  he  had  always  fet  himfelf  againft  him.     Dykvelt  anfwered, 
that  the  Prince  could  not  carry  his  compliance  fo  far,    as   to 
give  up  his  religion  to  his  pleafure  ^  but  that  in  all  other  things 
he  had  fhewed  a  very  ready  fiibmiffion  to  his  will:     The  peace 
of  Nimeguen ,    of  which    the  King  was  guarantee,    was  openly 
violated  in  the  article  relating   to    the  principality   of  Orange: 
Yet,  fince  the  King  did  not  think  fit  to  efpoufe  his  interefts  in 
that  matter,  he  had  been  filent,  and  had   made  no  proteftati- 
ons  upon  it:     So  the  King  faw,  that  he  was, ready  to  be  filent 
under  fo  great  an  injury,    and  to  facrifice  his  own   concerns, 
rather  than  difturb  the  King's  affairs.     To  this  the  Kmg  made 
no  anfwer.     The  Earl  of  Sunderland ,    and  the  reft  of  the  Mi- 
niftry,  preffed  Dykvelt  mightily,  to  endeavour  to  bring  the  Prince 
to  concur  with  the  King.     And  they  engaged  to  him,  that,  if 
that  were  once  fettled,   the  King  would  go  into  clofe  meafures 
with  him  againft  France.     But  he  put  an  end  to  all  thofe  pro-   ^ 
pofitions.    He  faid,  the  Prince  could  never  be  brought  to  hearken 
to  them. 

At  this  time  a  great  difcovery  was  made  of  the  intentions  ofAietterwrit 
the  Court  by  the  Jefuits  oi  Liege ,    who  in  a  letter,  that  they  of  Lv^^S 
wrote  to  their  brethren  in  Frihurg  in  Switzerland ^    gave  themj*(jg*^5cTn" 
a  long  account   of  the   affairs   oi  England.     They   told  themj'ie/igns. 
that  the  King  was  received  into  a  communication  of  the  merits 
of  their  Order:  That  he  expreffed  great  joy  at  his  becoming  a 
fon  of  the  fociety^    and  profefTed,  he  was  as  much  concerned 
in  all   their  interefts,  as  in  his  own:     He  wifhed,   they  could 
furnifh  him  with  many  Priefts  to  affift  him  in  the  converfion 
of  the  Nation,  which  he  was  refolved  to  bring  about,  or  to  die  a 
Martyr  in  endeavouring  itj    and  that  he  would   rather   fuffer 
death  for   carrying  on  that,  than  live  ever  fo  long  and  happy 
without  attempting  it.     He  faid,  he   muft  make  hafte  in  this 
work :  Otherwife,  if  he  fhould  die  before  he  had  compalTed  it, 
he  would  leave  them  worfe  than  he  found  them.     They  added, 
among  many  particulars,  that,  when  one  of  them  kneeled  down 
to  kifs  his   hand,    he  took  him  up,    and  faid,  fince  he  was  a 
Prieft,  he  ought  rather  to  kneel  to  him,  and  to  kifs  his  hand. 
And,  when  one  of  them  was  lamenting  that  his  next  heir  was 
an  heretick,  he  faid,  God  would  provide  an  heir, 

The 


712  TheHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

1687        The  Jefuits  at  Fr'tburg  fliewed   this  about.     And  one   of  the 
o^V>^  Minifteis,  on  whom  they  were  taking  fome  pains,  and  of  whom 
they  had  fome  hopes,  had  got    a  fight  of  it.    And  he  obtained 
leave  to  take  a  copy  of  it,  pretending  that  he  would  make  good 
ufe  of  it.    He  fent  a  copy  of  it  to  Heidegger ^    the  famous  Pro- 
felTor  of  Divinity   at  Zurich:  And  from  him  I  had  it.     Other 
copies  of  it  were  likewife  fent,  both  from  Geneva  and  Switzer- 
land.    One  of  thofe  was  fent  to  Dykvelt  j  who  upon  that  told 
the  King,  that  his  Priefts  had  other  defigns,  and  were  full  of 
thofe  hopes,  that  gave  jealoufies  which  could  not  be  eafily  re- 
moved: And  he  named  the  Leige  letter,  and  gave  the  King  a 
copy  of  it.     He  promifed  to  him,    he  would  read  it  j    and  he 
would  foon  fee,  whether  it  was  an  impofture  made  to  make  them 
more  odious,  or  not.     But  he  never  fpoke  of  it  to  him  after- 
wards.    This  Dykvelt  thought,  was  a  confefling  that  the  letter 
was  no  forgery.     Thus  Dykvelfs  negotiation,  at  London  ^    and 
D'Albevilk''%  at  the  Hagi^e,  ended  without  any  effect  on  either 
fide.  ^ 

D\kvehh        But ,  if  his  treating  with  the  King  was  without  luccefs,  his 
f'iw'"  nianagement  of  his  inftruftions  was  more  profperous.     He  de- 
fired,  that  thofe  who  wifhed  well  to  their  religion  and  their  country 
would  meet  together,    and  concert  fuch  advices  and  advertife- 
ments,  as  might  be  fit  for  the  Prince  to  know,  that  he  might 
govern  himfelfhy  them.     The  Marquis  oi  Halifax ,    and  the 
Earls  of  Shrewsbury ^   Devon/hire,   Danby^   and  Nottingham,   the 
Lords  Mor daunt  y   and  Lumley  y    Herbert  and  Rujfel  among  the 
Admirals,  and  the  Bifhop  of  London,   were  the  perfons  chiefly 
trufted.     And  upon  the  advices  that  were  fent  over  by  them 
the  Prince  governed  all   his  motions.     They  met  often  at  the 
Earl  of  Shrewsbury's.    And  there  they  concerted  inatters,  and 
drew  the  declaration  on  which  they  advifed  the  Prince  to  en- 
gage. 
AProcia-       Iq  this  flate  things  lay  for  fome  months.     But  the  King  re- 
IHduren/e  ^^^^^d  to  go  on  in  his  defign  of  breaking  thro'  the  laws.     He 
fent  to  ^f or- fent  a  Proclamation  of  indulgence  to  Scotland  in  February.     It 
fct  forth  in  the  preamble,  that  the  King  had  an  abfolute  power 
vefted  in  him,  10  that  all  his  fubjed:s  were  bound  to  obey  him 
without  referve :     By  vertue  of  this  power ,  the  King  repealed 
all  the  fevere  laws  that  were  paft  in  his  Grandfather's  name 
during  his  infancy:     He  with  that  took  off  all  difabilities  that 
were  by   any  law  laid  on  his  Roman  Catholick  fubjed:s,    and 
made  them  capable  of  all  employments  and  benefices:     Healfo 
flackned  all  the  laws  made  againft  the  moderate  Prefbyterians : 
And  promifed  he  would  never  force  his  fubjedis  by   any  invin- 
cible neceflity  to  change  their  religion;    And  he   repealed  all 

i  laws 


of  King]  AMES  II.  713 

Jaws  impofing  tefts  on  thofe  who  held  any  employments:  In-    1687 
ftead  of  which  he  fet  up  a  new  one,  by  which  they  fhould  renounce '^^''""^''^^^ 
the  principles  of  rebellion,  and  (hould  oblige  themfelves  to  main- 
tain the  King  in  this  his  abfolute  power  againft  all  mortals. 

This  was  publifhed  in  Scotland,  to  make  way  for  that  which  ^'^'5''^^ 

/•  i  r  \  c         •        r>      1       t  n  much  cen- 

foUowed  it  fome  months  after  m  tLngland.  It  was  ftran gel y  fared, 
drawn  ,  and  liable  to  much  juft  cenfure.  The  King  by  this 
raifed  his  power  to  a  pitch,  not  only  of  fufpcnding,  but  of  re- 
pealing laws,  and  of  enacting  new  ones  by  his  own  authority. 
His  claiming  an  abfolute  power,  to  which  all  men  were  bound 
to  obey  without  referve,  was  an  invafion  of  all  that  was  either  legal 
or  facred.  The  only  precedent  that  could  be  found  for  fuch 
an  extraordinary  pretenfion,  was  in  the  declaration  that  Philip 
the  fecond  of  Spam  fent  by  the  Duke  of  Alva  into  the  Nether- 
lands, in  which  he  founded  all  the  authority  that  he  commit- 
ted to  that  bloody  man  on  the  abfolute  power  that  refted  in 
him.  Yet  in  this  the  King  went  further  than  Philips  who  did 
not  pretend  that  the  fubjecSts  were  bound  to  obey  without  re- 
ferve. Every  Prince  that  believes  the  truth  of  religion  muft  con- 
fefs,  that  there  are  referves  in  the  obedience  of  their  fubjed:s, 
in  cafe  their  commands  fhould  be  contrary  to  the  laws  of  God. 
The  requiring  all  perfons  that  fhould  be  capable  of  employ- 
ments to  fwear  to  maintain  this,  was  to  make  them  feel  their 
flavery  too  fenfibly.  The  King's  promifing  to  ufe  no  invinc'ihle 
fiecej/ity  to  force  his  fubjeds  to  change  their  religion,  fhewed 
that  he  allowed  himfelf  a  very  large  referve  in  this  grace  that 
he  promifed  his  fubjedsj  tho'  he  allowed  them  none  in  their 
obedience.  The  laws  that  had  pafTed  during  King  James's  mi- 
nority had  been  often  ratified  by  himfelf  after  he  was  of  age. 
And  they  had  received  many  fubfequent  confirmations  in  the 
fucceeding  reigns ;  and  one  in  the  King's  own  reign.  And  the 
tefl  that  was  now  taken  away  was  pafl  by  the  prefent  King, 
when  he  reprefented  his  brother.  Some  took  alfo  notice  of  the 
word  moderate  Presb<yterianSj  as  very  ambiguous. 

The  Court  finding  that  fo  many  objedtions  lay  againfl  this 
Proclamation,  (  as  indeed  it  feemed  penned  on  purpofe  to  raife  new 
jealoufies,)  let  it  fall;  and  fent  down  another  fome  months  af- 
ter that  more  cautioufly  worded ;  only  abfolute  power  was  fo 
dear  to  them,  that  it  was  flill  aflferted  in  the  new  one.  By  it, 
full  liberty  was  granted  to  all  Prefbyterians  to  fet  up  Conven- 
ticles in  their  own  way.  They  did  all  accept  of  it  without 
pretending  any  fcruples.  And  they  magnified  this,  as  an  extra- 
ordinary flroke  of  Providence,  that  a  Prince,  from  whom  they 
expcded  an  encreafe  of  the  fevcrities  under  which  the  laws  had 
brought  them,  fhould  thus  of  a  fudden  allow  them  fuch  an  un- 

ST  .  confined 


714        The  History  of  the  Reign 


1687 


A  dcclarati 
on  for  tole 
ration  in 
England. 


Addrcfles 
made  upon 
it. 


confined  liberty.  But  they  were  not  fo  blind,  as  not  to  fee  what 
was  aimed  at  by  it.  They  made  addreflfes  upon  it  full  of  ac- 
knowledgments, and  of  proteftations  of  loyalty.  Yet,  when  fome 
were  fent  among  them,  prefling  them  to  difpofe  all  their  party 
to  concur  with  the  King  in  taking  away  the  tefts  and  penal 
laws,  they  anfwered  them  only  in  cold  and  general  words. 

In  ^prtl  the  King  fet  out  a  declaration  of  toleration  and  li- 
berty of  confcience  for  England.  But  it  was  drawn  up  in  much 
more  modeft  terms,  than  the  Scotujh  Proclamation  had  been. 
In  the  preamble,  the  King  exprefled  his  averfion  to  perfecution  on 
the  account  of  religion,  and  the  neceflity  that  he  found  of  allow- 
ing his  fubjedts  liberty  of  confcience,  in  which  he  did  not 
doubt  of  the  concurrence  of  his  Parliament :  He  renewed  his 
promife  of  maintaining  the  Church  of  England y  as  it  was  by 
law  eftablilhed:  But  with  this  he  fufpended  all  penal  and  fan- 
guinary  laws  in  matters  of  religion :  And,  fmce  the  fervice  of 
all  hisfubjeds  was  due  to  him  by  the  laws  of  nature,  he  declared 
them  all  equally  capable  of  employments,  and  fupprefTed  all 
oaths  or  tefts  that  limited  this:  In  conclufion,  he  promifed 
he  would  maintain  all  his  fubjeds  in  all  their  properties,  and 
particularly  in  the  pofleflion  of  the  Abbey  lands. 

This  gave  great  offence  to  all  true  patriots,  as  well  as  to  the 
whole  Church  party.  The  King  did  now  alTume  a  power  of 
repealing  laws  by  his  own  authority:  For  tho*  he  pretended  on- 
ly to  fufpend  them,  yet  no  limitation  was  fet  to  this  fufpenfi- 
on  :  So  it  amounted  to  a  repeal,  the  laws  being  fufpended  for  all 
time  to  come.  The  preamble,  that  pretended  fomuch  love  and 
charity,  and  that  condemned  perfecution,  founded  ftirangely  in 
the  mouth  of  a  PopiQi  Prince.  The  King's  faying  that  he  did 
not  doubt  of  the  Parliament's  concurring  with  him  in  this  mat- 
ter feemed  ridiculous :  For  it  was  vifible  by  all  the  prorogations, 
that  the  King  was  but  too  well  alTured,  that  the  Parliament  would 
not  concur  with  him  in  it.  And  the  promife  to  maintain  the 
fubjedts  in  their  poiTeffions  of  the  Abbey  lands,  looked  as  if  the 
defign  of  fetting  up  Popery  was  thought  very  near  being  effed:- 
ed,  fince  otherwife  there  was  no  need  of  mentioning  any  fuch 
thing. 

Upon  this  a  new  fet  of  addreffes  went  round  the  DifTenters. 
And  they,  who  had  fo  long  reproached  the  Church  of  England, 
as  too  courtly  in  their  fubmiflions  and  flatteries,  feemed  now 
to  vie  with  them  in  thofe  abjed  ftrains.  Some  of  them,  being 
penned  by  perfons  whom  the  Court  had  gained,  contained  fe- 
vere  reflcdions  on  the  Clergy,  and  on  their  proceedings.  They 
magnified  the  King's  mercy  and  favour,  and  made  great  pro- 
teftations of  fidelity  and  gratitude.     Many  promifed  to  endea- 


vour. 


of  King  ]  AMESlI.  715 

vour,  that  fuch  perfons  fliould  be  chofcn  to  ferve  in  Parlia-  16^7 
ment,  as  ihould  concur  with  the  King  in  the  enacting  what  he '^-'^^^''"'^'^ 
now  granted  fo  gracioufly.  Few  concurred  in  thofe  addreffes: 
And  the  perfons  that  brought  them  up  were  mean  and  incoa- 
fiderable.  Yet  the  Court  was  lifted  up  with  this.  The  King 
and  his  Priefts  were  delighted  with  thefe  addreffes  out  of  mea- 
fure:  And  they  feemed  to  think  that  they  had  gained  the  Na- 
tion, and  had  now  conquered  thofe  who  were  hitherto  their  moft 
irreconcilable  enemies.  The  King  made  the  cruelty  of  the  Church 
of  En^and  the  common  fubjedt  of  difcourfe.  He  reproached 
them  for  fetting  on  fo  often  a  violent  perfecution  of  the  Dif- 
fenters.  He  faid,  he  had  intended  to  have  fet  on  this  tolerati- 
on fooner^  but  that  he  was  reftrained  by  fome  of  them,  who 
had  treated  with  him,  and  had  undertaken  to  fhew  favour  to 
thofe  of  his  religion,  provided  they  might  be  ftill  fufFered  to 
vex  the  DilTenters.  He  named  the  perfons  that  had  made  thofe 
propofitions  to  him.  In  which  he  fufFered  much  in  his  honour: 
For  as  the  perfons  denied  the  whole  thing,  fo  the  freedom  of 
difcourfe  in  any  fuch  treaty  ought  not  to  have  been  made  ufe 
of  to  defame  them. 

But,  to  carry  this  further,  and  to  give  a  publick  and  an  odious  The  King's 
proof  of  the  rigour  of  the  Ecclefiaftical  Courts,  the  King  or^glSuhT 
dered  an  enquiry  to  be  made  into  all  the  vexatious  fuits  into^'^"^'^'^  P"" 
which  DifTenters  had  been  brought  in  thefe  Courts,  and  into 
all  the  compofitions  that  they  had  been  forced  to  make  to  re- 
deem themfelves  from  further  trouble;  which,  as  was  faid,  would 
have  brought  a  fcandalous  difcovery  of  all  the  ill  prac- 
tices of  thofe  Courts.  For  the  ufe  that  many  that  belonged  to 
them  had  made  of  the  laws  with  relation  to  the  DifTenters,  was, 
to  draw  prefents  from  fuch  of  them  as  could  make  them^  threat- 
ning  them  with  a  procefs  in  cafe  they  failed  to  do  that,  and 
upon  their  doing  it  leaving  them  at  full  liberty  to  neglect  the 
laws  as  much  as  they  pleafed.  It  was  hoped  at  Court,  that 
this  fury  againft  the  Church  would  have  animated  the  DifTen- 
ters to  turn  upon  the  Clergy  with  fome  of  that  fiercenefs,  with 
which  they  themfGlves  had  been  lately  treated.  Some  few  of 
the  hotter  of  the  DifTenters  anfwered  their  expedations.  Angry 
Speeches  and  virulent  books  were  publifhed.  Yet  thefe  were  dif- 
owned  by  the  wifermen  among  them  :  And  the  Clergy,  by  a  ge- 
neral agreement,  made  no  anfwer  to  them.  So  that  the  matter 
was  let  fall,  to  the  great  grief  of  the  Popifh  party.  Some  of 
the  Bifhops,  that  were  gained  by  the  Court,  carried  their  com- 
pliance to  a  fhameful  pitch:  For  they  fet  on  addrefTes  of  thanks 
to  the  King  for  the  promife  he  had  made  in  the  late  declara- 
tion of  maintaining  the  Church  of  £;ir^/<3^Wj  tho' it  was  vifiHe 

that 


7 1(5      B^  H I  s  T  o  R  Y  <?/^k  Reign 

i6%7  that  the  intent  of  it  was  to  deftroy  the  Church.     Some  few  were 
<yy^^  drawn  into  this.     But  the  Bifhop  of  Oxford  had  fo  ill  fuccefs 
in  his  Diocefe,  that  he  got  but  one  fingle  Clergyman  to  con- 
cur with  him  in  it.     Some  foolifh  men   retained  ftill  their  old 
peevifhnefs.     But  the  far  greater  part  of  the  Clergy  began  to 
open  their  eyes,    and  fee  how  they  had  been   engaged  by  ill 
meaning  men,  who  were  now  laying  off  the  mafic,  into  all  the 
fury  that  had  been  driven  on  for  many  years  by  a  Popilh  par- 
ty.    And  it  was  often  faid ,    that,    if  ever  God  fhould  deliver 
them  out  of  the  prefent  diftrefs,  they  would  keep  up  their  do- 
mcftick  quarrels  no   more,    which  were  fo  vifibly  and  fo  art- 
fully manacled  by  our  enemies  to  make  us  devour  one  another, 
and  fo  in  the  end  to  be  confumed  one  of  another.    And  when 
fome  of  thofe  who  had  been  always  moderate  told  thefe,  who 
were  putting  on  another  temper,  that  they  would  perhaps  for- 
get this  as   foon   as  the  danger  was  over,    they  promifed  the 
contrary  very  folemnly.     It  (hall  be  told  afterwards,  how  well 
they  remembred  this.     Now  the  Bed-chamber  and  Drawing-room 
were  as  full  of  (lories  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Clergy,    as  they 
were  formerly  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Dilfenters.     It  was  faid, 
they  had  been  loyal  as  long  as  the  Court  was  in  their  interefts, 
and  was  venturing  all  on  their  account,-  but  as  foon  as  this  chang- 
ed, they  changed  likewife. 
ThcPariia-      The  King,  feeing  no  hope  of  prevailing  on  his  Parliament, 
dSived.^    diflolved  it-    but  gave  it  out,     that  he  would  have  a  new  one 
before  winter.     And,  the  Queen  being  advifed  to  go  to  the  Bath 
for  her  health,  the  King  refolved  on  a  great  progrefs  thro'  fomc 
of  the  Weftern  Counties. 
Therecep-       Before  he  fet  out,  he  refojved  to  give  the  Pope's  Nuntio   a 
Popg?/  ^^^  folemn  reception  at  W'tndfor.    He  apprehended  fome  diforder  might 
Nuiuio.      jj^ye  happen'd,  if  it  had  been  done  at  London.     He  thought  it 
below  both  his  own  dignity  and  the  Pope's,  not  to  give  the  Nuntio 
a  publick  audience.     This  was  a  hard  point  for  thofe  who  were  to 
ad:  a  part  in  this  ceremony,-  for,  all  commerce  with  the  See  of 
Rome  being  declared  high  treafon  by  law,  this  was  believed  to 
fall  within  the  ftatute.     It  was  fo  apprehended  by  Queen  Mary. 
Cardinal   Pool  was  obliged  to    ftay    in   Flanders    till   all   thofe 
laws  were   repealed.     But  the  King   would    not  ftay  for  that. 
The  Duke  oi  Somerfet^  being  the  Lord  of  the  Bed-chamber  then 
in  waiting,    had  advifed  with  his  lawyers :  And  they  told  him, 
he   could   not   fafely  do  the  part  that   was  expected  of  him  ia 
the  audience.     So  he  told  the   King,     that  he  could  not  fervc 
him  upon  that  occafion  j  for  he  was  affured  it  was  againft  the 
law.     The  King  aflced   him,    if  he   did  not  know  that  he  was 
above  the  law.     The  other  anfwered,  that,   whatever  the  King 

1  might 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  II.  717 

might  be,  he  himrelf  was  not  above  the  Jaw.     The  Kin:;  ex*    i6%7 
prefTed  a  high  difpleafure,  and  turned  him  out  of  all  employ- '^-'"^''^^ 
ments.     The  ceremony  paft  very  heavily  :  And  the  compliment 
was  pronounced  with  fo  low  a  voice,  that  no  perfon  could  hear 
it  j  which  was  believed  done  by  concert. 

When  this  was  over,  the  King  fet  out  for  his  progrefs,  and  Ti,e  Kfn^ 
went  from  Saltsbtiry  all  round  as  far  as  to  Chefter.     In  the  places^^ei^Jhr/' 
thro'  which   the  King  paft,    he  faw  a  vifible  coldnefs  both  in"J:"'j:  p"^" 
the  Nobility  and  Gentry,  which  was  not  eafily  born  by  a  man"     "^-"^  ' 
of  his  temper.     In  many  places  they  pretended  occafions  to  go 
out  of  their   countries.      Some  ftaid  at  home.     And  thofc  who 
waited  on  the  King  feemed  to  do  it  rather  out  of  duty  and  re- 
fped:,  than  with  any  cordial  affedion.     The  King  on  his  part 
was  very  obliging  to  all  that  came  near  him,  and  moft  parti- 
cularly to  the  DilTenters,  and  to  thofe  who  had  pafled  long  un- 
der the  notion  of  Commonwealth's  men.     He  looked  very  gra- 
cioufly  on  all  that  had  been  of  the  Duke  oi  Monmouth's  party. 
He  addrelTed  his  difcourfe  generally  to  all  forts  of  people.     He 
ran  out  on  the  point  of  liberty  of  confcience:  He  faid,  this  was 
the  true  fecret  of  the  greatnefs  and  wealth  o^  Holland.     He  was 
well  pleafed  to  hear  all  the  ill  natured  ftories  that  were  brought 
him  of  the  violences  committed  of  late,  either  by  the  Juftices 
of  Peace,    or   by   the  Clergy.     He  every   where  recommend- 
ed to  them  the  choofing  fuch  Parliament  men,  as  would  con- 
cur with  him  in  fettling   this  liberty  as   firmly   as   the  Magna 
Charta  had  been :  And  to  this  he  never  forgot  to  add  the  taking 
away   the  Tefts.      But    he    received    fuch    cold    and    general 
anfwers  ,    that  he  faw  ,    he  could  not  depend  on  them.      The 
King   had  defigned   to  go  thro'  many  more   places :     But  the 
fmall  fuccefs  he  had  in  thofe  which  he  vifited  made  him  (horten 
his  progrefs.     He  went  and  vifited  the  Queen  at  the  Bath,  where 
he  ftaid  only  a  few  days,  two  or  three  at  moft :  And  flie  con- 
tinued on  in  her   courfe  of  bathing.     Many  books  were  now 
writ  for  liberty  of  confcience  :  And,  fince  all  people  faw  what  fe- 
curity  the  Tefts  gave,  thefe  fpoke  of  an  equivalent  to  be  offer- 
ed, that  fhould  give  a  further  fecurity,  beyond  what  could  be 
pretended   from   the  Tefts.     It  was   never  explained  what  was 
meant  by  this:    So  it  was  thought  an  artificial  method  to  lay 
men  afleep  with  a  high  founding  word.     Some  talked  of  new  laws 
to  fecure  civil  liberty,  which  had  been  To  much  fliaken  by  the 
practices  of  thefe  laft  years,  ever  fince  the  Oxford  Parliament. 
Upon  this  a  very   extravagant  thing  was  given   out,  that  the 
King  was  refoived  to  fet  up  a  fort  of  a  Commonwealth :  And 
the  Papifts  began  to  talk  every  where  very  high  for  publick  li- 
berty, trying  by  that  to  recommend  themfelves  to  the  Nation. 

8  U  When 


A 
the 


718         TheHlS-VORYofthe  Reign 

1687  When  the  King  came  back  from  his  progrefs,  he  refolved 
^^y^^f^^<^  to  chan^'e  the  Magiftracy  in  moft  of  the  Cities  of  En^and.  He 
Viiiagffa'^began  with  London.  He  not  only  changed  the  Court  ofAlder- 
cy  in  Wan,  jj^^^  ^  but  the  government  of  many  of  the  companies  of  the 
EngUni.  City :  For  great  powers  had  been  referved  in  the  new  Charters 
that  had  been  given ,  for  the  King  to  put  in  and  to  put  out 
at  pleafure  :  But  it  was  faid  at  the  granting  them ,  that 
thefe  claufes  were  put  in  only  to  keep  them  in  a  due  depen- 
dance  on  the  Court,  but  that  they  fhould  not  be  made  ufe  of, 
unlefs  great  provocation  was  given.  Now  all  this  was  executed  with 
great  fevcrity  and  contempt.  Thofe,  who  had  flood  up  for  the 
King  during  the  debates  about  the  Exclufion,  were  now  turned 
out  with  di%race:  And  thofe  who  had  appeared  moft  violently 
againft  him  were  put  in  the  Magiftracy,  who  took  liberties  now 
in  their  turn  to  infult  their  neighbours.  AH  this  turned  upon 
the  King ,  who  was  fo  given  up  to  the  humours  of  his  Priefts , 
that  he  facrificed  both  his  honour  and  gratitude  as  they  dic- 
tated. The  new  men,  who  were  brought  in,  faw  this  too  vifi- 
bly  to  be  much  wrought  on  by  it. 

The  King  threw  off  his  old  party  in  too  outrageous  a  man- 
ner ever  to  return  to  them  again.     But  he  was  much  furprifed 
to  find  that  the  new  Mayor  and  Aldermen  took  theTeft,  and  or- 
dered the  obfervation   of  Gunpowder-treafon  day  to  be  conti- 
nued.    When  the  Sheriffs  came  according  to  cuftom  to  invite 
the  King  to  the  Lord  Mayor's  feaft,  he  commanded  them  to 
go  and  invite  the  Nuntio  j  which  they  did.  And  he  went  upon 
the  invitation,  to  the  furprize  of  all  who  faw  it.     But  the  Mayor 
and  Aldermen  difowned  the  invitation  ,•  and  made  an  entry  of 
it  in  their  books,    that  the  Nuntio  came  without  their  know- 
ledge.    This  the  King  took  very  ill.    And  upon  it  he  faid,  he 
faw  the  Diffenters  were  an  ill  natured  fort  of  people,  that  could 
not  be  gained.     The  King  fignified  to  the  Lord  Mayor,  that 
he  might  ufe  what  form  of  worftiip  he  liked  beft  in  Guildhall 
Chapel.     The  defign  in  this  was  to  engage  the  Diffenters  to 
make  the  firft  change  from  the  eftabliftied  worfhip:  And,   if  a 
Prelbyterian  Mayor  ftiould  do  this  in  one  year,  a  Popifti  Mayor 
might  do  it  in  another.     But   the  Mayor  put  the   decifion  of 
this  upon  perfons  againft  whom  the  Court  could  have  no  ex- 
ception.   He  fent  to  thofe,  to  whom  the  governing  of  the  Dio- 
cefe  of  London  was  committed  during  the  fufpenfion,  and  aflced 
their  opinion  in  it;  which  they  could   not   but  give  in  behalf 
of  the  eftabliftied  worfliip :    And  they  added,    that  the  chang- 
ing it  was  againft  law.    So  this  proje<5t  mifcarried:  And  the  Mayor, 
tho'  he  went  fometimes  to  the  meetings  of  the  Diffenters,  yet 

he 


of  King  James  II.  7 1  g 

he  came  often  to  Chnrch,  and  -behaved  himfelf  more    decently    16^7 
than  was  expecSted  of  him.  unrs-/ 

This  change  in  the  City  not  fucceeding  as  the  Court  had 
expected,  did  not  difcourage  them  from  appointing  a  Committed 
to  examine  the  Magiftracy  in  the  other  Cities,  and  to  put  in  or 
out  as  they  faw  caufe  for  it.  Some  were  putting  the  Nation 
in  hope,  that  the  old  Charters  were  to  be  ref^ored.  But  the 
King  was  fo  far  from  that,  that  he  was  making  every  day  a 
very  arbitrary  ufe  of  the  power  of  changing  the  Magiftracy, 
that  was  referved  in  the  new  Charters.  Thefe  Regulators,  who 
were  for  moft  part  DilTenters  gained  by  the  Court,  went  on  very 
boldly  i  and  turned  men  out  upon  every  ftory  that  was  made 
of  them ,  and  put  fuch  men  in  their  room  as  they  confided  in. 
And  in  thefe  they  took  their  meafures  often  fo  haftily,  that  men 
were  put  in  in  one  week,  and  turned  out  in  another. 

After  this  the  King  fent  orders  to  the  Lords  Lieutenants  ofQue/iions 
the  Counties,  to  examine  the  Gentlemen  and  Freeholders  uponfedbnTof^' 
three  queftions.  The  firft  was,  whether,  in  cafe  they  {hould  be  ^''''"'"^'""• 
chofen  to  ferve  in  Parliament,  they  would  confent  to  repeal  the  pe- 
nal laws,  andthofe  fortheTefts.  The  fecond  was,  whether  they 
would  give  their  vote  for  choofing  fuch  men  as  would  engage  to 
do  that.  And  the  third  was,  whether  they  would  maintain  the  King's 
declaration.  In  moft  of  the  Counties  the  Lords  Lieutenants  put 
thofe  queftions  in  fo  carelefs  a  manner,  that  it  was  plain  they  did 
not  deiire  they  fliould  be  anfwered  in  the  affirmative.  Some  went 
further,  and  declared  themfelves  againft  them.  And  a  few  of  the 
more  refolute  refufed  to  put  them.  Theyfaid,  this  was  thepreli- 
miting,  and  the  packing  of  a  Parliament,  which  in  its  nature  was 
to  be  free,  and  under  no  previous  engagement.  Many  Counties 
anfwered  very  boldly  in  the  negative :  And  others  refufed  to  give 
any  anfwer,  which  was  underftood  to  be  equivalent  to  a  negative. 
The  Mayor  and  moft  of  the  new  Aldermen  of  London  refufed 
to  anfwer.  Upon  this  many  were  turned  out  of  all  Commif- 
fions. 

This,  as  all  the  othei  artifices  of  the  Priefts,  had  an  effed 
quite  contrary  to  what  they  promifed  themfelves  from  it:  For 
thofe  who  had  refolved  to  oppofe  the  Court  were  more  en- 
couraged than  ever,  by  the  difcovery  now  made  of  the  fenfe  of 
the  whole  Nation  in  thofe  matters.  Yet  fuch  care  was  taken 
in  naming  the  Sheriffs  and  Mayors  that  were  appointed  for  the 
next  year,  that  it  was  believed  that  the  King  was  refolved  to 
hold  a  Parliament  within  that  time,  and  to  have  fuch  a  Houfe 
of  Commons  returned ,  whether  regularly  chofen,  or  not,  as 
(hould  ferve  his  ends. 

It 


720        TleHlSTOKY  of  the  Reign 

1687  It  was  concluded,  that  the  King  would  make  ufe  both  of  his 
y-yy^^'  power  and  of  his  troops ,  cither  to  force  eledions ,  or  to  put 
the  Parliament  under  a  force  when  it  fhould  meet:  For  it  was 
fo  pofitively  faid,  that  the  King  would  carry  his  point,  and 
there  was  fo  little  appearance  of  his  being  able  to  do  it  in  a 
fair  and  regular  way,  that  it  was  generally  believed,  fome  very 
defperate  refolution  was  now  taken  up.  His  Minifters  were  now 
fo  deeply  engaged  in  illegal  things,  that  they  were  very  uneafy, 
and  were  endeavouring  either  to  carry  on  his  defigns  with  fuc- 
cefs,  fo  as  to  get  all  fettled  in  a  body  that  fhould  carry  the 
face  and  appearance  of  a  Parliament,  or  at  leaft  to  bring  him 
to  let  all  fall,  and  to  come  into  terms  of  agreement  with  his 
people  J  in  which  cafe,  they  reckoned,  one  article  would  be  an 
indemnity  for  all  that  had  been  done. 

The  King  was  every  day  faying,  that  he  was  King,  and  he 
would  be  obeyed,  and  would  make  thofe  who  oppofed  him  feel 
that  he  was  their  King :  And  he  had  both  Priefts  and  flatterers 
about  him,  that  were  ftill  pufhing  him  forward.     All  men  grew 
melancholly  with  this  fad  profped.     The  hope  of  the  true  Protef- 
tants  was  in  the  King's  two  daughters  j  chiefly  on  the  eldefl:,  who 
was  out  of  his  reach,  and  was  known  to  be  well  infl:ru6ted,  and 
very  zealous  in  matters   of  religion.     The  Princefs   j^mw  was 
ftill  very  ftedfafl:  and  regular  in  her  devotions,    and  was  very 
exemplary  in  the  courfe  of  her  life.     But,  as  care  had  been  taken 
to  put  very  ordinary  Divines  about  her  for  her  Chaplains,  fo 
fhe  had  never  purfued  any  ftudy  in  thofe  points  with  much  ap- 
plication. And,  all  her  Court  being  put  about  her  by  the  King 
and  Queen,    fhe  was  befet  with  fpies.     It  was  therefore  much 
apprehended,    that  flie  would  be  ttrongly  afTaulted,   when  all 
other  defigns  fhould  fo  far  fucceed  as  to  make  that  feafonable. 
In  the  mean  while  fhe  was  let  alone  by  the  King,  who  was  in- 
deed a  very  kind  and  indulgent  Father  to  her.     Now  he  re- 
TTieKuig    folved  to  make  his  firft  attack  on  the  Princefs  oi Orange.     D'AU 
¥t\ncdS  or  Seville  went  over  to  England  in  the  fummer,  and  did  not  come 
bou^reiM-  ^^^^  before  the  twenty  fourth  of  December,  Chrifimas  Eve.   And 
«"'.  then  he  gave  the  Princefs  a  letter  from  the  King,    bearing  date 

the  fourth  of  November.  He  was  to  carry  this  letter :  And  his 
difpatches  being  put  off  longer  than  was  intended,  that  made 
this  letter  came  fo  late  to  her. 

The  King  took  the  rife  of  his  letter  from  a  queftion  fhe  had 
put  to D' Alb ev'tlley  defiring  to  know  what  were  the  grounds  upon 
which  the  King  himfelf  had  changed  his  religion.  The  King  told 
her,  he  was  bred  up  in  the  dodrine  of  the  Church  of  England 
by  Dr.  Stewart^  whom  the  King  his  father  had  put  about  him ; 
in  which  he  was  fo  zealous,  that  when  he  perceived  the  Queen 
I  his 


of  Ki/ig  J  AMESlI.  721 

his  Mother  had  a  defign  upon  the  Duke  of  Glocejler,  tho'  he  1687 
preferved  ftill  the  lefped:  that  he  owed  her,  yet  he  took  care  '^^^VN-/ 
to  prevent  it.  All  the  while  that  he  was  beyond  Tea,  no  Ca- 
tholick,  but  one  Nun,  had  ever  fpoken  one  word  to  perfuade 
him  to  change  his  religion  :  And  he  continued  for  the  mofi: 
part  of  that  time  firm  to  the  dod:rine  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land. He  did  not  then  mind  thofe  matters  much:  And,  as  all 
young  people  are  apt  to  do,  he  thought  it  a  point  of  honour 
not  to  change  his  religion.  The  firfl:  thing  that  raifed  Tem- 
ples in  him  was,  the  great  devotion  that  he  had  obferved  among 
Catholicks:  He  faw  they  had  great  helps  for  it:  They  had 
their  Churches  better  adorned,  and  did  greater  ads  of  charity, 
than  he  had  ever  feea  among  Proteftants.  He  alfo  obferved, 
that  many  of  them  changed  their  courfe  of  life,  and  became 
good  Chriftians,  even  tho'  they  continued  to  live  flill  in  the 
world.  This  made  him  firft  begin  to  examine  both  religions. 
He  could  fee  nothing  in  the  three  reigns  in  which  relii:,ion  was 
changed  in  England,  to  incUne  him  to  believe  that  they  who 
did  it  were  fent  of  God.  He  read  the  hiitory  of  that  time,  as 
it  was  writ  in  the  Chronicle.  He  read  both  Dr.  Heyl'in,  and 
Hooker's  preface  to  his  Ecclcfiaftical  Policy,  which  confirmed 
him  in  the  fame  opinion.  He  faw  clearly,  that  Chrift  had  left 
an  infallibility  in  his  Church,  againft  which  the  gates  of  Hell 
cannot  prevail:  And  it  appeared  that  this  was  lodged  with  St. 
Peter  from  our  Saviour's  words  to  him,  St.  Mat.  xvi.  ver.  18. 
Upon  this  the  certainty  of  the  Scriptures,  and  even  of  Chrifti- 
anity  it  felf,  was  founded.  The  Apoftles  acknowledged  this  to 
be  in  St.  Peter,  ABs  xv.  when  they  faid,  //  feemed  good  to  the 
Holy  Ghofi  and  to  us.  It  was  the  authority  of  the  Church  that 
declared  the  Scriptures  to  be  Canonical :  And  certainly  they  who 
declared  them  could  only  interpret  them:  And  where-ever  this 
infallibility  was,  there  muft  be  a  clear  fuccefiion.  The  point  of 
the  infallibility  being  once  fettled,  all  other  controverhes  mufl: 
needs  fall.  Now  the  Roman  Church  was  the  only  Church  that 
either  has  infallibility,  or  that  pretended  to  it.  And  they  who 
threw  off  this  authority  did  open  a  door  to  Atheifm  and  Infi- 
delity, and  took  people  off  from  true  devotion,  and  fet  even 
Chriftianity  it  felf  loofe  to  all  that  would  queftion  it,  and  to 
Socinians  and  Latitudinarians  who  doubted  of  every  thing.  He 
had  difcourfed  of  thefe  things  with  fome  Divines  of- the  Church 
of  England-j  but  had  received  no  fatij>fadion  from  them.  The 
Chriftian  Religion  gained  its  credit  by  the  miracles  which  the 
Apoftles  wrought,  and  by  the  holy  lives  and  (ufft-rings  of  the 
Martyrs,  whofe  blood  was  the  feed  of  the  Church.  Whereas 
Luther  and  Calvin  ^    and   thole  who  had  fet  up  the  Church  of 

8  X        •  England, 


7221  31;^  H  I  S  T  O  R  Y  ^/  the  Reign 

1(587  England,  had  their  heads  fuller  of  temporal  matters  than  of  fpi- 
*^^VN^  ritual,  and  had  let  the  world  loofe  to  gteat  difordcrs.  Submif- 
fion  was  necelTary  to  the  peace  of  the  Church :  And  when  every 
man  will  expound  the  Scriptures,  this  makes  way  to  all  feds, 
who  pretend  to  build  upon  it.  It  was  alfo  plain,  that  the  Church 
of  England  did  not  pretend  to  infallibility :  Yet  fhe  aded  as  if 
fhe  did  :  For  ever  fince  the  Reformation  fhe  had  perfecut- 
ed  thofe  who  differed  from  her ,  DifTenters  as  well  as  Papifts, 
more  than  was  generally  known.  And  he  could  not  fee  why 
DifTenters  might  not  feparate  from  the  Church  of  England,  as 
well  as  fhe  had  done  from  the  Church  of  Rome.  Nor  could 
the  Church  of  England  feparate  her  felf  from  the  Catholick 
Church ,  any  more  than  a  County  of  England  could  feparate 
it  felf  from  the  refl  of  the  Kingdom.  This,  he  faid,  was  all 
that  his  leifure  allowed  him  to  write.  But  he  thought  that  thefe 
things,  together  with  the  King  his  brother's  papers,  and  the 
Duchefs's  papers ,  might  ferve,  if  not  to  juftify  the  Catholick 
Religion  to  an  unbiafTed  judgment,  yet  at  leaft  to  create  a  fa- 
vourable opinion  of  it. 

I  read  this  letter  in  the  original :  For  the  Prince  fent  it  to 
me  together  with  the  Princefs's  anfwer,  but  with  a  charge  not 
to  take  a  copy  of  either,  but  to  read  them  over  as  often  as  I 
pleafed  j  which  I  did  till  I  had  fixed  both  pretty  well  in  my  me- 
mory. And,  as  foon  as  I  had  fent  them  back,  I  fat  down  im- 
mediately to  write  out  all  that  I  remembred,  which  the  Princefs 
owned  to  me  afterwards  ,  when  fhe  read  the  abflrads  I 
made,  were  pundual  almoft  to  a  tittle.  It  was  eafy  for  me 
to  believe  that  this  letter  was  all  the  King's  enditing  j  for 
I  had  heard  it  almofl  in  the  very  fame  words  from  his  own 
mouth.  The  letter  was  writ  very  decently,  and  concluded  very 
modeftly.  The  Princefs  received  this  letter,  as  was  told  me, 
on  the  twenty  fourth  of  December  at  night.  Next  day  being 
Chrijlmas  day,  fhe  received  the  Sacrament,  and  was  during  the 
greateft  part  of  the  day  in  publick  devotions :  Yet  fhe  found 
time  to  draw  firft  an  anfwer,  and  then  to  write  it  out  fair:  And 
{he  fent  it  by  the  poft  on  the  twenty  fixth  of  December.  Her 
draught,  which  the  Prince  fent  me,  was  very  little  blotted  or 
altered.  It  was  long,  about  two  fheets  of  paper:  For  as  an  an- 
fwer runs  generally  out  into  more  length  than  the  paper  that  is  to 
be  anfwered,  fo  the  flrains  of  refpedt,  with  which  her  letter  was 
full,  drew  it  out  to  a  greater  length. 
Which  (he  She  began  with  anfwering  another  letter  that  flie  had  received 
anfwered  j^y  jj^g  ^o^ ;  in  which  the  King  had  made  an  excufe  for  fail- 
ing to  write  the  former  pofl  day.  She  was  very  fenfible  of  the 
happinefs  of  hearing  fo  conftantly  from  him :  For  no  difference 

3  in 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  II  723 

in  religion  could  hinder  her  from  defiring  both  his  blefling  and    i6%7 
his  prayers ,    tho'  fhe  was  ever   fo  far  from   him.     As  for  the  ^>>nr\y 
paper  that  M.  Albev'ille  delivered  her,  he  told  her ,    that  his  Ma- 
jefty  would  not  be  offended,  if  ftie  wrote  her  thoughts  freely  to 
him  upon  it. 

She  hoped,  he  would  not  look  on  that  as  want  of  refped  in 
her.  She  was  far  from  flicking  to  the  religion  in  which  fhe 
was  bred  out  of  a  point  of  honour;  for  fhe  had  taken  much 
pains  to  be  fettled  in  it  upon  better  grounds.  Thofe  of  the 
Church  of  England  who  had  inflru6ted  her,  had  freely  laid  be- 
fore her  that  which  was  good  in  the  Romifh  Religion,  that  fo, 
feeing  the  good  and  the  bad  of  both,  fhe  might  judge  impar- 
tially j  according  to  theApoftle's  rule  of  proving  all  things  j  and 
holding  fafi  that  which  was  good.  Tho'  fhe  had  come  young 
out  of  England,  yet  fhe  had  not  left  behind  her  either  the  de- 
fire  of  being  well  informed,  or  the  means  for  it.  She  had  fur- 
nifhed  her  felf  with  books,  and  had  thofe  about  her  who  might 
clear  any  doubts  to  her.  She  faw  clearly  in  the  Scriptures, 
that  fhe  muft  work  her  own  falvatioti  with  fear  and  trembling, 
and  that  fhe  muft  not  believe  by  the  faith  of  another,  but  ac- 
cording as  things  appeared  to  her  felf.  It  ought  to  be  no  pre- 
judice againft  the  Reformation,  if  many  of  thofe  who  profeffed 
it  led  ill  lives.  If  any  of  them  lived  ill ,  none  of  the  princi- 
ples of  their  religion  allowed  them  in  it.  Many  of  them  led 
good  lives,  and  more  might  do  it  by  the  grace  of  God.  But 
there  were  many  devotions  in  the  Church  of  Rome^  on  which 
the  Reformed  could  fet  no  value. 

She  acknowledged,  that,  if  there  was  an  infallibility  in  the 
Church,  all  other  controverfiea  muft  fall  to  the  ground.  But 
fhe  could  never  yet  be  informed  where  that  infallibility  was 
lodged :  Whether  in  the  Pope  alone,  or  in  a  General  Council, 
or  in  both.  And  fhe  defired  to  know  in  whom  the  infallibility 
refted,  when  there  were  two  or  three  Popes  at  a  time,  ading 
one  againft  another,  with  the  afliftance  of  Councils,  which  they 
called  General :  And  at  leaft  the  fucceffion  was  then  much  dif- 
ordered.  As  for  the  authority  that  is  pretended  to  have  been 
given  to  St.  Pe-iff  rover  the  reft,  that  place  which  was  chiefly  alledg- 
cd  for  it  was  otherwife  interpreted  by  thofe  of  the  Church  of 
England,  as  importing  only  the  confirmation  of  him  in  the  of- 
fice of  an  Apoftle,  when  in  anfwer  to  that  queftion,  Simon,  fon 
of  Jonas,  lovefi  thou  me,  he  had  by  a  triple  confellion  waflied  off 
his  triple  denial.  The  words  that  the  King  had  cited  were 
fpoken  to  the  other  Apoftles,  as  well  as  to  him.  It  was  agreed 
by  all,  that  the  Apoftles  were  infallible,  who  were  guided  by 
God's  holy  Spirit.     But  that  gift,  as  well  as  many  others,  had 

ceafed 


724  The  Hi  sr  OK  Y  of  the  Reig/i 

1^87  ceafed  long  ago.  Yet  in  that  St.  Peter  had  no  authority  over 
v>V"^  the  other  Apoftles:  Otherwife  St.  Paul  underftood  our  Saviour's 
words  ill ,  who  ivithfiood  htm  to  hh  face ,  hecaufe  he  was  to  be 
blamed.  And  if  St.  Peter  himfelf  could  not  maintain  that  autho- 
rity,  ihe  could  not  fee  how  it  could  be  given  to  his  fucceifors, 
whofe  bad  lives  agreed  ill  with  his  dodrine. 

Nor  did  ihe  fee,  why  the  ill  ufe  that  fome  made  of  the  Scrip- 
tures ought  to  deprive  others  of  them.     It  is  true,  all  feds  made 
ufe  of  them,  and  find  fomewhat  in  them  that  they  draw  in  to 
fupport  their  opinions :    Yet  for  all  this  our  Saviour  faid  to  the 
lews,  fearch  the  Scriptures  ^  and  St.  Paul  ordered  his  epiftles  to 
be  read  to  all  the  Saints  in  the  Churches  ^    and  he  fays  in  one 
place,    I  write  as  to  wifemen,   judge  zvhat  I  fay.     And  if  they 
might  judge  an  Apoftle,  much  more  any  other  teacher.     Un- 
der the  law  of  Mofes,    the  Old  Teftament  was  to  be  read,  not 
only  in  the  hearing  of  the  Scribes  and  the  Dodorsof  the  law, 
but  likewife  in  the  hearing  of  the  women  and  children.     And 
fince  God  had  made  us  reafonable  creatures,  it  feemed  necelfary 
to  employ  our  reafons  chiefly  in  the  matters  of  the  greateft  con- 
cern.    Tho' faith  was  above  our  rcafon,  yet  it  propofed  nothing  to 
us  that  was  contradidory   to  it.     Every  one    ought  to  fatisfy 
himfelf  in  thefe  things:  As  our  Saviour  convinced  Thomas,  by 
making  him  to  thruft  his  own  hand  into  the  print  of  the  nails, 
not  leaving  him  to  the  teftiraony  of  the  other  Apoflles,    who 
were  already  convinced.     She  was  confident,  that,  if  the  King 
would  hear  many  of  his  own  fubjeds,    they  would  fully  fatisfy 
him  as  to  all  thofe  prejudices,  that  he  had  at  the  Reformation ; 
in  which  nothing  was  a6ted  tumultuoufly,  but  all  was  done  ac- 
cording to  law.     The  defign  of  it  was  only,  to  feparate  from 
the  Roman  Church,  in  fo  far  as  it  had  feparated  from  the  pri- 
mitive Church :  In  which  they  had  brought  things  to  as  great 
a  degree  of  perfection,  as  thofe  corrupt  ages  were   capable  of. 
She  did  not  lee,  how   the  Church  of  England  could  be   blamed 
for  the  perfecution  of  the  DilTenters:  For  the  laws  made  againft 
them  were  made  by  the  State,  and  not  by  the  Church  :  And  they 
were  made  for  crimes  againfl:  the  State.     Their  enemies   had 
taken  great  care  to  foment  the  divifion,  in  which  they  had  been 
but  too  fuccefsful.     But,  if  he  would  rcfled  on  the  grounds  up- 
on which  the  Church  oi England  hzd  feparated  from  the  Church 
of  Rome,  he  would  find  them  to   be  of  a  very  different  nature 
from  thofe  for  which  the  DilTenters  had  left  it. 

Thus ,  Ihe  concluded ,  Ihe  gave  him  the  trouble  of  a  long 
account  of  the  grounds  upon  which  Ihe  was  pcrfuaded  of  the 
truth  of  her  religion:  In  which  Ihe  was  fo  fully  fatisfied,  that 
Ihe  trufted  by  the  grace  of  God  that  llie  Ihould  fpend  the  reft 

[  of 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  11.    ^^  725 

of  her  days  in  it:  And  fhe  was  fo  well  afTured  of  the  truth  of   16Z7 
our  Saviour's  words,  that  (he  was  confident  the  gates  of  hellfhould  ^>nr>w> 
not  prevail  againft  it,  but  that  he  would  be  with  it  to  the  end  of 
the  world.     All  ended  thus,  that  the  religion  which  fhe  pro- 
felTed  taught  her  her  duty  to  him ,    fo  th'at  ihe  fhould  ever  be 
his  moft  obedient  daughter  arid  fervant. 

To  this  the  next  return  of  the  poft  brought  an  anfwer  from  the 
King,  which  I  faw  not.  But  the  account  that  was  fent  me  of 
it  was :  The  King  took  notice  of  the  great  progrefs  he  faw  the 
Princefs  had  made  in  her  enquiries  after  thofe  matters:  The 
King's  bufinefs  did  not  allow  him  the  time  that  was  neceffary 
to  enter  into  the  detail  of  her  letter:  He  defired,  fhe  would 
read  thofe  books  that  he  had  mentioned  to  her  in  his  former 
letters,  and  fome  others  that  he  intended  to  fend  her:  And, 
if  {he  defired  to  be  more  fully  fatisfied,  he  propofed  to  her  to 
difcourfe  about  them  with  F.  MorgaUy  an  Englijh  Jefuit  then  at 
the  Hague. 

I  have  fct  down  very  minutely  every  particular  that  was  in  Reflexions 
thofe  letters,    and  very  near   in  the    fame    words.      It   rnufl: °" '''^^^ '"* 
be  confeffed,    that  perfons   of  this  Quality  feldom  enter  into 
fiich  a  difcuflion.     The  King's  letter  contained  a  fludied  account 
of  the  change  of  his  religion ,    which  he  had  repeated   often : 
And  it  was  perhaps  prepared  for  him  by  fome  others.      There 
were  fome  things  in  it,  which,  if  he  had  made  a  little  more  re- 
flexion  on    them,    it  may  be  fuppofed  he  would  not   have 
mentioned.     The  courfe  of  his  own  life  was  not   fo  flrid:,    as 
to  make  it  likely  that  the  good  lives  of  fome  Papifts  had  made 
fuch  impreflions  upon  him.     The  eafy  abfolutions  that  are  grant- 
ed in  that  Church  are  a  much  jufter  prejudice  in  this  refpe(5t 
againfl  it,  than  the  good  lives  of  a  few  can  be  fuppofed  to  be 
an  argument  for  it.      The  adorning  their  Churches,  was  a  re- 
fledtion  that  did    no  great  honour  to  him  that  made  it.     The 
feverities  ufed  by  the  Church  of  England  againfl  the  DilTenters 
were  urged  with  a  very  ill  grace  by  one  of  the  Church  oi  Rome^ 
that  has  delighted  her  felf  fo  often  by  being,   as  it  weie,   bathed 
with  the  blood  of  thofe  they  call  hereticks;   And,   if  it  had  not 
been  for  the  refped  that  a  daughter  paid  her  father,  here  greater 
advantages  might  have  been  taken.     I  had  a  high   opinion  of 
the  Princefs's   good   underflanding,    and    of  her  knowledge  in 
thofe  matters,    before!  I  faw  this  letter:   But  this  furprized  me. 
It  gave  me  an  aftonifhing  joy,  to  fee  fo  young  a  perfon  all  of 
the  fudden,  without  conlulting  any  one  perfon ,    to  be  able  to 
write  fo  folid  and  learned  a  letter,  ift  which  flie  mixed  with  the 
refped:  that  fhe  paid  a  father  fo  great  a  firmnefs,   that  by  it  fhe 
cut  off  all  further  treaty.  And  her  repulfing  the  attack,  that  the 

8  Y  King 


72(5  TheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

1^X7    King  made  upon  her,  with  Co  much  refolution  and  force,  did  let 
\^y^r>u  the  Popidi  party  fee,  that  fhe  underftood  her  religion  as  well  as 

(he  loved  it. 
Aprofecmi-      B^t  HOW  I  muft  fay  fomewhat  of  my  felf:    After  I  had  ftaid 
onfctona-j^  year  in  Holland^    I  heard   from  many  hands,   that  the  King 
gain  me.    ^^^^^j  ^^  forget  his  owQ  greatnefs  when  he  fpoke  of  me,  which 
he  took  occafion  to  do  very  often.     I  had  publifhed  fome  ac- 
count of  the  fhort  Tour  I  had  made  in  feveral  letters;  in  which 
my  chief  defign  was  to  expofe  both  Popery  and  Tyranny.     The 
book  was  well  received,  and  was  much  read :  And  it  raifed  the 
King's  difpleafure  very  high. 

My  continuing  at  the  Hague  made  him  conclude,  that  I  was 
managing  defigns  againft  him.  And  fome  papers  in  fingle  flieets 
came  out,  refleding  on  the  proceedings  oC England j  which  feem- 
ed  to  have  a  confiderable  eifed  on  thofe  who  read  them.  Thefe 
were  printed  in  Holland:  And  many  copies  of  them  were  fenc 
into  all  the  parts  of  England.  All  which  inflamed  the  King  the 
more  againft  me  i  for  he  believed  they  were  writ  by  me,  as  indeed 
moft  of  them  were.  But  that  which  gave  the  crifis  to  the  King's 
anger  was,  that  he  heard  I  was  to  be  married  to  a  confidera- 
ble fortune  at  the  Hague.  So  a  projed  was  formed  to  break 
this,  by  charging  me  with  high  treafon  for  correfponding  with 
Lord  Argtle^  and  for  converfing  with  fome  that  were  outlawed 
for  high  treafon. 

The  King  ordered  a  letter  to  be  writ  in  his  name  to  his  Ad- 
vocate in  Scotland  to  profecute  me  for  fome  probable  thing  or 
other,-  which  was  intended  only  to  make  a  noife,    not  doubt- 
ing but  this  would  break  the  intended  marriage.     A  fliip  com- 
ing from  Scotland  the  day  in  which   this  profecution   was  or- 
dered, that  had  a  quick  palTage,  brought  me  the  firft  news  of 
it,  long  before  it  was  fent  to  D'Alhev'ille.     So  I  petitioned  the 
States,  who  were  then  fitting,  to  be  naturalized  in  order  to  my 
intended  marriage.     And  this  paft  in  courfe,    without  the  leaft 
difficulty  i  which  perhaps  might  have   been  made,    if  tiiis  pro- 
fecution,  now  begun  in  Scotland ,  had  been  known.     Now  1  was 
legally  under  the   protection   of  the  States  of  Holland.     Yet  I 
writ  a  full  juftification  of  my  felf,    as  to  all  particulars  laid  to 
my  charge,  in  fome  letters  that  I  fent  to  the  Earl  of  Middleton. 
But  in  one  of  thefe  I  faid,   that,  being  now  naturalized  m  Holland, 
my  allegiance  was,  during  my  ftay  in  thefe  parts,    transferred 
from  his  Majefty  to  the  States.     I   alfo  faid  in   another  letter, 
that,  if  upon  my  non-appearance  a  fentence  fhould  pafs  againft 
me,  I  might  be  perhaps  forced  to  juftify  my  felf,  and  to  give 
an  account  of  the  fliare  that  I  had  in  affairs  thefe  twenty  years 
paft :   In  which  I  might  be  led  to  mention  feme  things,   that  I 

1  was 


, ,  of  King  J  A  M  E  S  11^  ^tVT  727 

was  afraid  would  difpleafe  the  King:  And  therefore  I  (liould  be    i69>7 
forry,  if  I  were  driven  to  it.  ^-OT*^ 

Now  the  Court  thou^^ht  they  had  fomewhat  againft  me;  For 
they  knew  they  had   nothing  before.     So  the  firft  citation  was 
let  fall,   and  a  new  one  was  ordered  on  thefe  two  accounts.     I 
was  pretended  to  be  high   treafon ,    to  fay  my  allegiance  was 
now  transferred :  And  it  was  fet  forth ,  as  a  high  indignity  to 
the  King,  to  threaten  him  with  writing  a  hiftory  of  the  trans-; 
adtions  paft  thefe  lafl:  twenty  years.     The  firft  of  thefe  ftruck" 
at  a  great  point,  which  was  apart  of  the  law  of  Nations.     Every    ' 
man  that  was  naturalized   took  an   oath   of  allegiance   to   the 
Prince  or  State  that  naturalized  him.     And,    fince  no  man  can 
ferve  two  mafters,  or  be  under  a  double  allegiance,  it  is  certain, 
that  there  muft  be  a  transfer  of  allegiance,  at  leaft  during  the 
flay  in  the  country  where  one  is  fo  naturalized. 

This  matter  was  kept  up  againft  me  for  fome  time,  the  Court 
delaying  proceeding  to  any  fentence  for  feveral  months.  At 
laft  a  fentence  of  outlawry  was  given;  And  upon  that  Albe- 
yilie  faid,  that,  if  the  States  would  not  deliver  me  up,  he  would 
find  fnch  inftruments  as  fhould  feize  on  me,  and  carry  me  away 
forcibly.  The  methods  he  named  of  doing  this  were  very  ri-; 
diculous.  And  he  fpoke  of  it  to  fo  many  perfons,  that  I  be- 
lieve his  defign  was  rather  to  frighten  me,  than  that  he  could 
think  to  efFed:  them.  ,  Many  overtures  were  made  to  fome  of 
my  friends  in  London,  not  only  to  let  this  profecution  fall,  but 
to  promote  me,  if  I  would  make  my  felf  capable  of  it.  I  en- 
tertained none  of  thefe.  I  had  many  ftories  brought  me  of  the 
difcourfes  among  fome  of  the  brutal  Irijh ,  then  in  the  Dutch 
fervice.  But,  I  thank  God,  I  was  not  moved  with  them.  I  re- 
folved  to  go  on,  and  to  do  my  duty,  and  to  do  what  fervice 
I  could  to  the  publick,  and  to  my  Country:  And  refigned  my 
felf  up  entirely  to  that  Providence,  that  had  watched  over  me 
to  that  time  with  an  indulgent  care,  and  had  made  all  the  de- 
figns  of  my  enemies   againft  me  turn  to  my  great  advantage. 

I  come  now  to  the  year  1688,  which  proved  memorable,  and  i<^88 
produced  anextraordinary  and  unheard-of  Revolution.  The  year  ^-'^^'^^^ 
in  this  Century  made  all  people  refle(5t  on  the  fame  year  in  the 
former  Century,  in  which  the  power  oi  Spain  received  fo  great 
a  check,  that  the  decline  of  that  Monarchy  began  then^  and 
England  was  faved  from  an  invafion,  that,  if  it  had  fucceeded 
as  happily  as  it  was  well  laid,  muft  have  ended  in  the  abfolutecon- 
queft  and  utter  ruin  of  the  Nation.  Our  books  are  fo  full  of 
all  that  related  to  that  Armada,  boafted  to  be  invincible,  that  I 
need  add  no  more  of  fo  known  and    fo  remarkable  a  piece  ok 

our 


7i^  The  HISTORY  oftheReign 

i6%  8  our  hiftory.  A  new  eighty  eight  raifed  new  expedations,  in  which  the 
y^'^f^^  furprifing  events  did  far  exceed  all  that  could  have  been  looked  for. 
Aibevii-  I  beffih  the  year  with   Albev'tlk't  negotiation  after  his  com- 

Sio'thc'  ihg  to  the  Hague.     He  had  before  his  going  over  given   in  a 
Stales.        threatnirtg  memorial  upon  the  bufinefs  of  Bantam,    that  look- 
ed like  a  prelude  of  a   declaration  of  war;     ibt  he  demanded 
d  prefent  anfwer,  fince  the  King  could  no  longer  bear  the  in- 
jiiftice  done  him  in  that  matter,    which  was  fet  fotth  in  very 
hic^h  words.     He  fent  this  memorial  to  be  printed  at  Amjier- 
dam      before  he   had  communicated   it   to  the  States.      The 
chief  efFed  that  this  had  was ,  that  the  Adions  of  the  Com- 
pany did  fink  for  fome  days.  But  they  rofe  foon  again:  And  by 
thi«  it  was  faid,  that  Albewlk  himfelf  made  the  greateft  gain. 
The  Eafl-lnd'ia  fleet  was   then  expefted  home  every  day.     So 
the  Merchants,  who  remembred  well  the  bufinefs  of  the  Sm'irna 
fleet  ih   the  year  feventy   two,    did  apprehend   that  the  King 
had  fent  a  fleet  to  intercept  them,  and  that  this  memorial  was 
intended  only  to  prepare  an  apology  for  that  breach,  when  it 
fViould  happen :  But  nothing  of  that  fort  followed  upon  it.     The 
S'tJltes  did  anfwer  this  mertiorial  with  another,    that  was  firm, 
but  more  decently  exprelfed:  By  their  lafl:  treaty  with  England 
it  was  provided,  that,  in  cafe  any  difputes  (houid  arife  between 
the  Merchants  of  either  fide,    CommifiTioners  fhould  be  named 
of  both  fides  to  hear  and  judge  the  matter:  The  King  had  not 
yet  named  any  of  his  fide :    So  that  the  delay  lay  at  his  door : 
They  were  therefore  amazed  to  receive  a  memorial  in  fo  high 
a  ftrain,  fince  they  had  done  all  that  by  the  treaty  was  incum- 
bent on   them.     Albevtlk  after  this  gave  in  another  memori- 
al, in  which  he  defired  them  to  fend  over  Commiflioners  for  end- 
ing that  difpute.   But,  tho'  this  was  a  great  fall  from  the  height 
in  which  the  former  memorial  was  conceived,    yet  in  this  the 
thing  was  fo  ill  apprehended,  that  the  Dutch  had  reafon  to  be- 
lieve that  the  King's  Minifl:ers  did  not  know  the  treaty,  or  were 
not  at  leifure  to  read  it:  JFor,  according  to  the  treaty,  and  the 
prefent  pofture  of  that  bufinefs,  the  King  was  obliged  to  fend 
over  Commidioners  to  the  Hague  to  judge  of  that  affair.    When 
this  memorial  \vas  anfwered,  and  the  treaty  was  examined,  the 
matter  was  let  fall. 

Albev'ille's  next  negotiation  related  to  my  felf.  I  had  print- 
ed a  paper  in  juftification  of  my  felf,  together  with  my  letters 
to  the  Earl  of  M'tddkton.  And  he  in  a  memorial  complained 
of  two  paflages  in  that  paper.  One  was,  that  I  faid  it  was  yet 
too  early  to  perfecure  men  for  religion,  and  therefore  crimes 
againft  the  State  were  pretended  by  my  enemies :  This,  he  faid, 
did  infinuate,  that  the  King  did  in  time  intiend  to  perfecute 
I  for 


of  King]  AMES  II.  729 

for  religion.  The  other  was,  that  I  had  put  in  it  an  intima-  i6SS 
tion,  that  I  was  in  danger  by  fome  of  the  /r{/2?  Papifts.  This, '^■''^"^''^^^ 
he  faid,  was  a  refledion  on  the  King,  who  hated  all  fuch  prac- 
tices. And  to  this  he  added,  that  by  the  laws  of  England  all 
the  King's  fubjedts  were  bound  to  feize  on  any  perfon  that  was 
condemned  in  his  Courts,  in  what  manner  foever  they  could: 
And  therefore  he  defired,  that  both  I  and  the  printer  of  that 
paper  might  be  punifhed.  But  now  upon  his  return  to  the  Hague, 
I  being  outlawed  by  that  time,  he  demanded,  that,  in  purfu- 
ance  of  an  article  of  the  treaty  that  related  to  rebels  or  fugi- 
tives, I  might  be  banifhed  the  Provinces.  And  to  this  he  craved 
once  and  again  a  fpeedy  anfwer. 

I  was  called  before  the  Deputies  of  the  States  of  Holland ,  that 
t  might  anfwer  the  two  memorials  that  lay  before  them  relat- 
ing to  my  felf.  I  obferved  the  difference  between  them.  The  one 
defired,  that  the  States  would  punilh  me,  which  did  acknow- 
ledge me  to  be  their  fubjed:.  The  other,  in  contradidion  to 
that,  laid  claim  to  me  as  the  King's  rebel.  As  to  the  parti- 
culars complained  of,  I  had  made  no  refledtion  on  the  Kingj 
but  to  the  contrary.  I  faid,  my  enemies  found  it  \^'as  not  yet 
time  to  perfecute  for  religion.  This  infinuated,  that  the  King 
could  not  be  brought  to  it.  And  no  perfon  could  be  offended 
with  this,  but  he  who  thought  it  was  now  not  too  early  to  per- 
fecute. As  to  that  of  the  danger  in  which  I  apprehended  my 
(t\i  to  be  in,  I  had  now  more  reafon  than  before  to  complain, 
of  it,  fince  the  Envoy  had  fo  publickly  affirmed,  that  every  one 
of  the  King's  fubjeds  might  feize  on  any  one  that  was  con- 
demned, in  what  manner  foever  they  could,  which  was  either 
dead  or  alive.  I  was  how  the  fubjed  of  the  States  of  Holland^ 
naturalized  in  order  to  a  marriage  among  them  ,  as  they  all 
knew:  And  therefore  I  claimed  their  protection.  So,  if  I  was 
charged  with  any  thing  that  was  not  according  to  law,  1  fub- 
mitted  my  felf  to  their  juflice.  I  fhould  decline  no  trial,  nor 
the  utmoft  feverity,  if  I  had  offended  in  any  thing.  As  for  the 
two  memorials  that  claimed  me  as  a  fugitive  and  a  rebel,  I  could 
not  be  looked  on  as  a  fugitive  from  Scotland.  It  was  now  four- 
teen years  fince  I  had  left  that  Kingdom,  and  three  fince  I 
came  out  of  England  with  the  King's  leave.  I  had  lived  a  year 
in  the  Hagjie  openly  ,•  and  nothing  was  laid  to  my  charge. 
As  for  the  fentence  that  was  pretended  to  be  paft  upon  me,  I 
could  fay  nothing  to  it,  till  I  faw  a  copy  of  it. 

The  States  were  fully  fatisfied  with  my  anfwers^  and  ordered  The  States 
a  memorial  to  be  drawn   according  to   them.     They   alfo  or-J",!^^^"^^ 
dered  their  Embaffador  to  reprefent  to  the  King,   that  he  him-tomc. 
felf  knew  how  facred  a  thing  naturalization  was.     The  faith  and 


8  Z  hon 


our 


73o       TheHlST  ORY  of  the  Reign 

1688    honour  of  every  State  was  concerned  in  it.     I  had  been  natu-» 
*-^V^  ralized  upon  marrying  one   of  their  fubjeds,    which  was  the 
jufteft  of  all  reafons.     If  the  King  had  any  thing  to  lay  to  my 
charge,  juftice  (hould  be  done  in  their  Courts.     The  King  took 
the  matter  very  ill ;    and  faid,  it  was  an  affront  to  him,  and  a 
juft  caufeofwar.    Yet,  after  much  paffion,  he  faid,   he  did  not 
intend  to  make  war  upon  it,-    for  he  was  not  then  in  conditi- 
on to  do  it.     But  he  knew  there  were  defigns  againft  him,  to 
make  war  on  him,  agaitift  which  he  fhonld  take  care  to  fecure 
himfelf:    And   he  fhould  be  on   his  guard.       The  EmbafTador 
alked  him,    of  whom  he  meant   that.     But  he  did  not   think 
fit  to  explain  himfelf  further.     He  ordered  a  third  memorial   to 
be  put  in  againft  me,    in  which  the  article   of  the  treaty  was 
fet  forth  :    But  no  notice    was  taken   of  the  anfwers  made  to 
that  by  the  States  :    But  it  was  infifted   on,    that,    fince  the 
States  were  bound  not  to  give  fanduary  to  fugitives  and  rebels, 
they  ought  not  to  examine  the  grounds  on  which  fuch  judg- 
ments were  given,  but  were  bound  to  execute  the  treaty.     Up- 
on this  it  was  obferved,  that  the  words  in  treaties  ought  to  be 
explained  according  to  their  common  acceptation,  or  the  fenfe 
given  them  in  the  civil  law,  and  not  according  to  any  parti- 
cular forms   of  Courts,    where   for  non-appearance   a  writ  of 
outlawry  or  rebellion  might  lie :  The  fenfe  of  the  word  Rebel  in 
common  ufe  was,  a  man  that  had  born  arms,    or  had  plotted 
againft  his  Prince :  A  nd  a  fugitive  was  a  man  that  fled  from  juftice. 
The  heat  with  which  the  King  fcemed  inflamed  againft  me,  car- 
ried him  to  fay  and  do  many  things  that  were  very  little  to  his 
honour. 
Other  de-        ^  ^^^  advertifemcnts  fent  me  of  a  further  progrefs  in  his  de- 
figns  againft  fig  ns  againft  me.     He   had  it  fuggefted  to  him,    that,  fince  a 
fentence  was  paft  againft  me  for  non-appearance,  and  the  States 
refufed   to  deliver   me   up,    he  might    order   private    perfons 
to  execute  the  fentence    as  they  could:    And  it  was  writ  over 
very  pofitively,    that  jooo  /.  would  be  given  to  any  one  that 
ihould  murder  me.     A  Gentleman  of  an  unblemifhed  reputati- 
on writ  me  word,    that  he  himfelf  by  accident  faw  an  order 
drawn  in  the  Secretaries  Office,  but  not  yet  figned,  for  3000/. 
to  a  blank  perfon  that  was  to  feize  or  deftroy  me.    And  he  al- 
fo  affirmed,    that  Prince  George  had  heard  of  the  fame  thing, 
and  had  defired  the  perfon  to  whom   he  trufted  it  to  convoy 
the  notice  of  it  to  me:   And  my  author  was  employed  by  that 
perfon   to  fend  the  notice  to  me.       The  King   afked  Jejfenes, 
what  he  might  do  againft  me  in  a  private  way,    now  that  he 
could  not  get  me  into  his  hands.     Jefferies  anfwered ,    he  did 
not  fee  how  the  King  could  do   any  more  than  he  had  done. 

3  He 


x- 


753 
of  King  J  AMES  II  (88 

He  told  this  to  Mr.  Kirk  to  fend  it  to  me:  For  he  concluded,    i(^88 
the  King  wa^  refolved  to  proceed  to  extremities,  and  only  want-  '-'''VX-.' 
ed  the  opinion  of  a  man  of  the  law   to  juftify  a  more  violent 
method.     I  had   fo  many  different  advertifements  fent  me   of 
this,  that  I  concluded  a  whifper  of  fuch   a  defign   might  have 
been  fet  about,  on  defign  to  frighten  me  into  fome  mean  fub- 
miffion,  or  into  filence  at  leaft.     But  it  had  no  other  effeft  on 
me,  but  that  I  thought  it  fit  to  ftay  more  within  doors,  and  to 
ufe  a  little  more  than  ordinary  caution.     I  thank  God ,    I  was 
very  little   concerned  at  it.     I   refigned  up  my  life  very  freely 
to  God.     I  knew  my  own  innocence,    and  the  root  of  all  the 
malice  that  was  againft  me.    And  I  never  pofleffed  my  own  foul 
in  a  more  perfed:  calm,  and  in  a  clearer  cheerfulnefs  of  fpirit, 
than  I  did  during  all  thofe  threatnings,  and  the  apprehenfions 
that  others  were  in  concerning  me. 

Soon  after  this  a  letter  writ  by  Fagel  the  Penfioner  of  Hoi- PcnRonet 
land  was  printed:  Which  leads  me  to  look  back  a  little  into^''-?'^'*'^'- 
a  tranfadion  that  palTed  the  former  year.  There  was  one  Stew- 
ard, a  lawyer  of  Scotland,  a  man  of  great  parts,  and  of  as  great 
ambition.  He  had  given  over  the  pradice  of  the  law,  becaufe 
all  that  were  admitted  to  the  bar  in  Scotland  were  required  to 
renounce  the  Covenant,  which  he  would  not  do.  This  recom- 
mended him  to  the  confidence  of  that  whole  party.  They  had 
made  great  ufe  of  him,  and  trufted  him  entirely.  Pen  had  en- 
gaged him,  who  had  been  long  confidered  by  the  King  as  the 
chief  manager  of  all  the  rebellions  and  plots  that  had  been  on 
foot  thefe  twenty  years  paft,  more  particularly  oi  Argde's,  to 
come  over:  And  he  undertook,  that  he  fhould  not  only  be  re- 
ceived into  favour,  but  into  confidence.  He  came,  before  he 
crofled  the  Seas,  to  the  Prince,  and  promiJfed  an  inviolable  fide- 
lity to  him,  and  to  the  common  interefts  of  religion  and  liber- 
ty. He  had  been  oft  with  the  Penfioner,  and  had  a  great  mea- 
fiire  of  his  confidence.  Upon  his  coming  to  Court,  he  was  ca- 
relTed  to  a  degree  that  amazed  all  who  knew  hira.  He  either 
believed,  that  the  King  was  fincere  in  the  profeflions  he  made, 
and  that  his  defigns  went  no  further  than  to  fettle  a  full  liber- 
ty of  confcience :  Or  he  thought,  that  it  became  a  man  who 
had  been  fo  long  in  difgrace,  not  to  fhew  any  jealoufies  at  firft, 
when  the  King  was  fo  gracious  to  him.  He  undertook  to  do 
all  that  lay  in  his  power  to  advance  his  defigns  in  Scotland,  and 
to  reprefent  his  intentions  fo  at  the  Hague,  as  might  incline  the 
Prince  to  a  better  opinion  of  them. 

He  opened  all  this  in  feveral  letters  to  the  Penfioner,  And 
in  thefe  he  preffed  him  vehemently,  in  the  King's  name,  and 
by  his  direction,  to  perfuade  the  Prince  to  concur  with  the  King 

in 


^3ra  i^HlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

W  la  the  laws  to  be  repealed.     He  laid  before  him  the 

(ble  number  of  the  Papifts:  So  that  there  was  no  rea- 
)rehcnd  much  from  them.     He  alfo  enlarged  on  the 
lat   the   penal  laws  had  brought  on  the   DifTenters. 
ig  was  refolved  not  to  confent  to  the  repealing  them, 
unlefs  tie  Tefts  were  taken  away  with  them  :     So  that  the  re- 
fufmg  to  confent  to  this  might  at  another  time  bring  them  un- 
der  another  fevere  profecution.     Steward^    after  he   had   writ 
many  letters  to  this  purpofe  without  receiving  any  anfwers,  tried 
if  he  could  ferve  the  King  in  Scotland  with  more  fuccefs,   than 
it  fecmed  he  was  like  to  have  at  the  Hague.    But  he  found  there, 
that  his  old  friends  were  now  much  alienated  from  him,  look- 
ing on  him  as  a  pcrfon  entirely  gained  by  the  Court. 

The  Penfioner  laid  all  his  letters  before  the  Prince.  They 
were  alfo  brought  to  me.  The  Prince  upon  this  thought,  that 
a  full  anfwer  made  by  Fagell,  in  fuch  a  manner  as  that  it  might 
be  publiftied  as  a  declaration  of  his  intentions,  might  be  offer- 
vice  to  him  in  many  refpeds;  chiefly  in  Popifh  Courts,  that 
were  on  civil  accounts  inclined  to  an  alliance  againft  France^  but 
were  now  polTefTed  with  an  opinion  of  the  Prince,  and  of  his 
party  in  England ,  as  designing  nothing  but  the  ruin  and  extir- 
pation of  all  the  Papifts  in  thofe  Kingdoms.  So  the  Pen- 
fioner wrote  a  long  anfwer  to  Steward^  which  was  put  in  Englijh 
by  me. 

He  began  it  with  great  affurances  of  the  Prince  and  Princefs's 
duty  to  the  King.     They  were  both  of  them  much  againft  all 
periecution  on  the  account  of  religion.     They  freely  confented 
to  the  covering  Papifts  from  the  feverities  of  the  laws  made  againft 
them  on  the  account  of  their  religion,  and  alfo  that  they  might 
have  the  free   exercife   of  it  in  private.     They  alfo  confenred 
to  grant  a  full  liberty  to  DifTenters.     But  they  could  not  con- 
fent to  the  repeal  of  thofe  laws  that  tended  only  to  the  fecur- 
ing  the  Proteftant  religion  j  fuch  as  thofe  concerning  the  Tefts, 
which  imported  no  puhifliraent,  but  only  an  incapacity  of  be- 
ing in  publick  employments,    which  could  not  be  complain- 
ed of  as  great  feverities.      This   was  a  caution  obferved  in  all 
Nations,    and  was  now  neceftary,    both  for  fecuring  the  pub- 
lick  peace  and  the  eftablifticd  religion.     If  the  numbers  of  the 
Papifts  were  fo  fmall   as  to  make  them  inconfiderable,    then 
it  was  not  reafonable  to  make  fuch   a  change  for  the  fake  of  a 
few.     And  if  thofe  few,  that  pretended  to  publick  employments, 
would  do  all  their  own  party  fo  great  a  prejudice,   as  not  to  fuf- 
fer  the  King  to  be  content  with  the  repeal  of  the  penal  laws, 
unlefs  they  could  get  into  the  offices  of  truft,  then  their  am- 
bition  was  oiily  to  be  blamed ,    if  tlie  offers  now  made  were 

i  not 


of  King  J  AMES  II.  755 

not  accepted.     The  master  was  very  ftrongly  argued  thro'  the    i<588 
whole  letter:  And  the  Prince  and  Princefs's  zeal  for  the  Pro  - '^-^^^^'''^^ 
teftant  Religion  was  fet  out  in    terms,  that    could  not  be  very 
acceptable  to  the  King.     The  letter  was  carried  by  Steward  to 
the  King,  and  was  brought  by  him  into   the  Cabinet  Council. 
But  nothing  followed  then  upon  it.     The  King  ordered  Steward 
to  write  back,  that  he  would  cither  have  all  or  nothing.     All 
the  Lay-Papifts  of  England^  who  were  not  engaged  in  the  in- 
trigues of  the  Priefts,  prelTed  earneftly  that  the  King  would  ac- 
cept of  the  repeal   of  the  penal  lawsj  which  was  offered,  and 
would  have  made  them  both  eafy  and  fafe  for  the  future.     The 
Emperor  was  fully  fatisfied  with  what  was  offered  j  and  promif- 
ed  to  ufe  his  intereft  at   Rome ,    to   get  the  Pope  to   write   to 
the  King  to  accept  of  this,  as  a  ftep  to  the  other :  But  I  could 
not  learn  whether  he  did  it,  or  not.     If  he  did,  it  had  no  ef- 
fedt.    The  King  was  in    all  points  governed    by   the  Jefuits, 
and  the  French  EmbafTador. 

Father  Petre  ^  as  he  had  been  long  in  the  confidence,  was  father  p*/r<f 
now  brought  to  the  Council  board,  and  made  a  Privy  Coun-Couafdior.^ 
fellor:  And  it  was  given  out,  that  the  King  was  refolved  to  get 
a  Cardinal's  Cap  for  him,  and  to  make  him  Archbifhop  oiTorh 
The  Pope  was  ftill  firm  to  his  refolution  againft  it.  But  it  wa« 
hoped,  that  the  King  would  conquer  it,  if  not  in  the  prefent, 
yet  at  furtheft  in  the  next  Pontificate.  The  King  refolved  at 
the  fame  time  not  to  difguft  the  Secular  Priefts :  So  Bifhop  Le^~ 
hurn^  whom  Cardinal  Howard  had  fent  over  with  the  Epifco- 
pat  charafter,  was  made  much  ufe  of  in  appearance,  tho'  he 
had  no  great  fhare  in  the  counfels.  There  was  a  fadion  form- 
ed between  the  Seculars  and  the  Jefuits,  which  was  fomctimes 
near  breaking  out  into  an  open  rupture.  But  the  King  was  fo 
partial  to  the  Jefuits,  that  the  others  found  they  were  not  on  equal 
terms  with  them.  There  were  three  other  Bifhops  confecrated 
for  England.  And  thefe  four  were  ordered  to  make  a  progrefs 
and  circuit  over  England,  confirming,  and  doing  other  Epif- 
ctfpal  offices,  in  all  the  parts  of  England.  Great  numbers  ga- 
thered about  them,  wherefoever  they  went. 

The  Jefuits  thought  all  was  fure,  and  that  their  fcheme  wasTheconfi- 
fo  well  laid  that  it  could  not  mifcarry.  And  they  had  fo  pof-j^f^itj"^^*^'* 
felTed  that  contemptible  tool  of  theirs,  Albevdle,  with  this,  that 
he  feemed  upon  his  return  to  the  Hague  to  be  fo  fanguine,  that 
he  did  not  ftick  to  fpeak  out,  what  a  wifer  man  would  have  fup- 
preffed  tho'  he  had  believed  it.  One  day ,  when  the  Prince 
was  fpeaking  of  the  promifes  the  King  had  made,  and  the  oath 
that  he  had  fworn  to  maintain  the  laws  and  the  eftablilhed  Church, 
he,    inftcad  of  pretending  that  the  King  ftill  kept   his  word, 

5>  A  faid. 


734         TheHlST  OKY  of  the  Reign 

1688  faid,  upon  fome  occafions  Princes  mufl:  forget  their  promifes. 
^/V^^  And,  when  the  Prince  faid,  that  the  King  ought  to  have  more 
regard  to  the  Church  of  En^and^  which  was  the  main  body  of 
the  Nation,  Albev'ille  anfwered,  that  the  body  which  he  called 
the  Church  of  England  would  not  have  a  being  two  years  to  an 
end.  Thus  he  fpoke  out  the  defigns  of  the  Court,  both  too 
early  and  too  openly.  But  at  the  fame  time  he  behaved  him- 
JTelf  in  all  other  refpe<5ts  fo  poorly,  that  he  became  the  jeft  of 
the  Hague.  The  foreign  Minifters,  Mr.  D'Avaitx  A\tFrench'^\x\- 
balTador  not  excepted  ,  did  not  know  how  to  excufe  or  bear 
with  his  weaknefs,  which  appeared  on  all  occafions  and  in  all 
companies. 
The  Pen-  What  he  wrote  to  England  xx'pon  his  firft  audiences  was  not 
tcJ"wlV"  I^nown.  But  it  was  foon  after  fpread  up  and  down  the  King- 
primed,  dom,  very  artificially  and  with  much  induftry,  that  the  Prince 
andPrincefs  had  nowconfented  to  the  repeal  of  the  Tefts,  as  well 
as  of  the  penal  laws.  This  was  writ  over  by  many  hands  to  the 
Hague.  The  Prince,  to  prevent  the  ill  effeds  that  might  fol- 
low on  fuch  reports,  gave  orders  to  print  the  Penfioner's  letter 
to  Steward 'y  which  was  fent  to  all  the  parts  of  England^  and  was 
received  with  an  univerfal  joy.  The  DifTenters  faw  themfelves 
now  fafe  in  his  intentions  towards  them.  The  Church  party- 
was  confirmed  in  their  zeal  for  maintaining  the  Tefts.  And  the 
Lay-Papifts  feemed  likewife  to  be  fo  well  pleafed  with  it,  that 
they  complained  of  thofe  ambitious  Priefts,  and  hungry  Cour- 
tiers, who  were  refolved,  rather  than  lay  down  their  afpirings 
and  other  projeds,  to  leave  them  ftill  expoied  to  the  feve- 
rities  of  the  laws,  tho'  a  freedom  from  thefe  was  now  offered 
to  them.  But  it  was  not  eafy  to  judge,  whether  this  was  fin- 
cerely  meant  by  them,  or  if  it  was  only  a  popular  art,  to  re- 
commend themfelves  under  fuch  a  moderate  appearance.  The 
Court  faw  the  hurt  that  this  letter  did  them.  At  firft  they 
hoped  to  have  ftifled  it  by  calling  it  an  impofture.  But  whea 
they  were  driven  from  that,  the  King  began  to  fpeak  feverely 
and  indecently  of  the  Prince,  not  only  to  all  about  him,  but 
even  to  foreign  Minifters:  And  refolved  to  put  fuch  marks  of 
his  indignation  upon  him,  as  fliould  let  all  the  world  fee  how 
deep  it  was. 
The  King  There  were  fix  Regiments  of  the  King's  fubjeds,  three  Eng- 
RegfmcuK  ^^^  ^"'^  ^^''*^^  Scoujh,  in  thefcrvice  of  the  States.  Some  of  them 
othisfub-   were  old  Regiments,  that  had  continued  in   their  fervice  dur- 

lecis  in  the  •  1  •         1        1  -rr  •        ■,  >^   1  ^    - 

States  itr-  mg  the  two  wars  m  the  late  King  s  reign.  Others  were  raifed 
fince  the  peace  in  feventy  three.  But  thefe  came  not  into  their 
fervice  under  any  capitulation,  that  had  referved  an  authority 
to  the  King  to  call  for  them  at  his  pleafure.     When  JrgHe  and 

I  Monmouth 


vice 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  11.  755 

Monmouth  made  their  invafion,  the  King  defired  that  the  States    i6%% 
would  I'end  them  to  him.      Some  of  the  towns   of  Holland  were^-^''*''^'^ 
fo  jealous  of  the  King,  and  wifhed  Monmoutlf?,  fuccefs  fo  much, 
that  the  Prince  found  fome  difficulty  in  obtaining   the  confent 
of  the  States   to   fend   them   over.     There   was   no  diftindion 
made  among  them  between  Papifts   and  Proteftants,  according 
to  a  maxim  of  the  States    with    relation   to  their    armies  :    So 
there  were  feveral  Papifts  in  thofc  Regiments.     And  the  King 
had  {hewed  fuch  particular  kindnefs   to  thefe,  while  they  were 
in  England  J    that  at  their  return  they   formed  a  faction  which 
was  breeding  great  diftra^tions   among  them.     This  was  very 
uneafy  to  the  Prince,  who  began  to  fee  that  he  might  have  oc- 
cafion  to  make  ufe  of  thofe  bodies,  if  things  {hould  be  carried 
to  a  rupture  between  the  King  and  him;    And  yet  he  did  not 
know  how  he  could  truft  them  ,    while  fuch  Officers  were  ia 
command.     He   did  not  fee  neither  >    how  he  could  get  rid  of 
them  well.     But  the  King  helped  him  out  of  that   difficulty: 
He  wrote  to  the  States,  that  he  had  occafion  for  the  fix  Regi- 
ments of  his  fubjeds  that  were  in  their  fervice,  and  defired  that 
they  (hould  be  fent  over  to   him. 

This  demand  was  made  all  of  the  Hidden,  without  any  pre^  which  wa» 
vious  application  to  any  of  the  States,  to  dilpofe  them  to  grant [Je" Officer 
it,    or  to  many   of  the  Officers  to  perfuade  them  to  afk  their ^^^ ^^**^  "* 
Conge  to  go  over.     The  States   pretended  the  Regiments  were 
theirs :  They  had  paid  levy  money  for  them,  and  had  them  un- 
der no   capitulation :     So  they  excufed  themfelves ,     that  they 
could  not  part  with  them.     But  they  gave  orders,  that  all  the 
Officers  that  fhould  alk  their  Conge,  fhould  have  it.    Thirty  or 
forty  came  and  alkcd,  and  had  their  Conge.     So  now  the  Prmce 
was  delivered  from  fome  troublefome  men  by  this  management 
of  the  King's.    Upon  that,  thefe  bodies  were  fo  modeled,  that 
the  Prince  knew,  that  he  might  depend  entirely  on  them:  And 
he  was  no  more  difturbed  by  thofe  infolent  Officers,  who  had 
for  fome  years  behaved  themfelves  rather  as  enemies,    than  as 
perfons  in  the  States  pay. 

The  difcourfe  of  a  Parliament  was  often  taken  up,  and  as  of- 
ten let  fall:  And  it  was  not  eafy  to  judge  in  what  fuch  flndu- 
aring  counfels  would  end.  Father  Petre  had  ;^ained  fuch  an 
afcendant,  that  he  was  confidered  as  the  firft  Minifter  of  State. 
The  Nuncio  had  moved  the  King  to  interpofe,  and  mediate  a 
reconciliation  between  the  Court  of  Rome  and  France.  But  he 
anfwered,  that  fince  the  Pope  would  not  [gratify  him  in  the 
promotion  of  Father  Petre,  he  would  leave  him  to  free  himfelf 
of  the  trouble  into  which  he  had  involved  himfelf  the  heft  way 
he  could.   And  our  Court  reckoned,   that  as  foon  as  the  Pope 

felt 


73^  TheHlSTORYofthe  Reign 

i688   felt  himfeir  prelTed,    he  would  fly  to  the  King  for  proteftion, 
y^y^y^^  and  ^rant  him   every  thing  that  he  alked  of  hint   in  order  to 
obtain  it.     That  Jefuit  gave  daily  new  proofs  of  a  weak  and  ill 
governed  paffion ,     and  difcovered  all  the  ill  qualities  of  one, 
that  feemed  raifed  up  to  be  the  common  incendiary,  and  to  drive 
the  King  and  his  party  to  the  precipice. 
Ancwdc-       Towards  the  end  of  j^pril  the  King  thought  fit  to  renew  the 
cimnonforjgj.j^j.2jJQjj^  jj^^t:  he  had  fet  out  the  former  year  for  liberty  of 
confciencej    with  an  addition,    declaring  that  he  would  adhere 
firmly  to  it,  and  that  he  would  put   none  in  any  publick  em- 
ployments, but  fuch  as  would  concur  with  him  in  maintaining 
it.     He  alfo  promifed,  that  he  would  hold  a  Parliament  in  the 
N(n)smher  following.     This  promife  of  a   Parliament   fo   long 
beforehand  was  fomewhat  extraordinary.    Both  Father  Petre  and 
Pen  engaged  the  King  to  it,  but  with  a  different  profped.     Periy 
and  all  the  tools  who  were  employed  by  him ,     had   ftill  fome 
hopes  of  carrying  a  Parliament  to  agree  with  the  King,  if  too 
much  time  was  not  loft;     Whereas  the  delaying  a   Parliament 
raifed  jealoufies,    as  if  none  were   intended,    but  that  it  was 
only  talked  of   to  amufe   the  Nation    till  other   defigns  were 
ripe. 

On  the  other  hand,  Father  Petre  and  his  cabal  faw  that  the 
King  was  kept  off  from  many  things  that  they  propofed,  with 
the  expedation  of  the  concurrence  of  a   Parliament:    And  the 
fear  of  giving  new  difgufts,  which  might  obftru(5t  that,  had  be- 
got a  caution  that  was  very  uneafy   to   them.     They  thought 
that  much   time  was  already  loft,    and  that  they  made  but   a 
fmall  progrefs.     They   began  to  apprehend,  that  the  Regula- 
tors, who  were  ftill  feeding  them  with  hopes ,    and  were  afking 
more  time  and  more   money,   did  intend  only  to  amufe  them, 
and  to  wear  out  the  bufincfs  into  more  length  ,     and  to  keep 
themfelves  the  longer  in  credit  and  in  pay^    but  that  they  did 
not  in  their  hearts  wifti  well  to  the  main  defign,  and  therefore 
afted  but  an  infincere  part  with  the  King.     Therefore  they  re- 
folved  to  put  that  matter  to   the  laft  trial ,     reckoning  that,  if 
the  King  faw   it  was  in  vain  to  hope  for  any  thing  in  a  Parlia- 
mentary way,  he  might  be  more  eafily  carried  to  extream  and 
violent  methods. 
Which  the       The  King  was  not  fatisfied  with  the  publifhing  his  declara- 
oScVl!?''^°°  :  But  he  refolved  to  oblige  the  Clergy  to  read  it  in  all  their 
read.         Churches  in  the  time  of  divine  fervice.     And  now  it  appeared, 
what  bad  effedls  were  like  to  follow  on  that  officious  motion  that 
Sancroft  had  made ,  for  obliging  the  Clergy  to  read  the  declara- 
tion that  King  Charles  fet  out  in  the  year   i<58i,  after  the  dif- 
folucion  of  the  Oxford  Parliament.     An  order  paft  in  Council, 

4-  requiring 


of  King  ]  A  MRS  11.  737 

requiring  the  Bifliops  to  fend  copies   of  the  declaration  to  all    1688 
their  Clergy,  and  to  order  them  to  read  it  on  two  fcveral  Stm-  *»>Or>^ 
^ays  in  time  of  divine  fervice. 

This  put  the  Clergy  under  great  difficulties.    And  they  were 
at  firft  much  divided  about  it.     Even  many  of  the  beft  and  wor- 
thieft  of  them  were  under  fome  diftradion  of  thought.     They 
had  many  meetings,  and  argued  the  point  long  among  them- 
felves,  in  and  about  London.     On  the  one   hand   it    was    faid, 
that  if  they  refufed  to  read  it,  the  King  would  proceed  againft 
them  for  difobedience.     It  did   not  feem   reafonable  to  run   fo 
great  a  hazard  upon  fuch  a  point,  that  was  not  ftrong  enough 
to  bear  the  confequences  that  might  follow  on  a  breach.     Their 
reading   it   did  not   import  their  approving  it.     But  was   only 
a  publication  of  an   ad:  of  their   King's.     So  it  was   propofed, 
to  favc  the  whole  by  making  fome  declaration,   that  their  read- 
ing it  was  a  meer  a6t  of  obedience,  and   did  not   import  any 
affent  and  approbation  of  theirs.     Others  thought,  that  the  pub- 
Jifhing  this  in  fuch  manner  was  only  impofed  on  them  to  make 
them  odious  and  contemptible  to  the  whole  Nation,  for  read- 
ing that  which  was  intended  for  their  ruin.     If  they  carried  their 
compliance  fo  far,  that  might  provoke  the  Nobility  and  Gen- 
try to   carry  theirs   much   further.     If  they  once   yielded   the 
point,  that  they  were  bound  to   read  every  declaration,    with 
this  falvo  that  itdid  not  import  their  approving  it,     they  would 
be  then  bound  to  read  every  thing  that  fhould  be  fent  to  them  : 
The  King  might  make  declarations  in  favour  of  all  the  points 
of  Popery,    and  require  them  to  read  them:     And  they  could 
not  fee  where  they  muft  make  their  flops,    if  they  did  it  not 
now.     So  it  feemed  neceffary  to  fix  on  this,  as  a  rule,  that  they 
ought  to  publifli   nothing  in   time  of  divine  fervice,    but  that 
which  they  approved  of.     The  point  at  prefent  was  not,  whe- 
ther a  toleration  was  a  lawful  or  an  expedient  thing.     The  de- 
claration  was   founded  on   the   claim   of  a   difpenfing    power  , 
which  the  King  did  now  affume,  that  tended  to  the  total  fub- 
verfion  of  the  government,  and  the  making  it  arbitrary,-    where- 
as by  the  conftitution  it  was  a  legal  adminiftration.     It  alfo  al- 
lowed fuch  an  infinite  liberty,  with  the  fiifpenfion  of  all  penal 
laws,  and  that  without  any   limitation ,    that  Paganifm  it  felf 
might  be  now  publickly  profefTed.     It  was  vifible,  that  the  de- 
fign   in  impofing  the  reading  of  it  on  them,  was  only  to  make 
them  ridiculous,    and  to  make  them   contribute  to  their  own 
ruin.     As  for  the  danger  that  they  might  incur,  they  faw  their 
ruin  was  refolved  on :  And  nothing  they  could  do  was  like  to 
prevent  it,  unlefs   they  would  bafely  facrifice   their  religion  to 
their  worldly  interefts.     It  would  be  perhaps  a  year  fooner  or 

^  B  later 


738  The  Hi  ST  OKY  of  the  Reign 

1688    later  by  any  other  management:  It  was  therefore  fit,  that  they 
o-^V^^  fhould  prepare  themfelves  for  fufferingj    and  not  endeavour  to 
prevent  it  by  doing  that,  which  would  draw  on  them  the  hatred 
of  their  friends,  and  the  fcorn  of  their  enemies. 
To  whicii        Thefe  reafons  prevailed :  And  they  refolved  not  to  read  the 
they  would  ^JecUration.     They  faw  of  what  importance  it  was,    that  they 
bJdicncc."'  fhould  be  unanimous  in  this.    Nothing  could  be  of  more  fatal 
confequence  than  their  being  divided  in  their  pradice.      For,  if 
any  confiderable  body   of  the  Clergy ,  fuch  as  could  carry  the 
name  of  the  Church  o^  England ^  could  have  been  prevailed  on 
to  give  obedience,  and  only  fome  number,  how  valuable  foever 
the  men  might  be,  fliould  refufe  to  obey  ^  then  the  Court  might 
ftill  pretend,  that  they  would  maintain  the  Church  of  £;^^/c7W, 
and  fingle  out  all  thofe  who  had  not  given  obedience,  and  fall 
on  them,  and  fo  break  the  Church  within  itfelf  upon  this  point, 
and  then  deftroy  the  one  half  by  the  means  of  the  reft.     The 
moft  eminent  refolved  not  to  obey:   And  thofe  who  might  be 
prevailed  on  to   comply  would   by  that  means  fall  under  fuch 
contempt,  that  they  could  not  have  the  credit  or  ftrength  to 
fupport  the  eftabliihed  religion.     The  Court  depended  upon  this, 
that  the  greater  part  would  obey :    And  fo  they  would  be  fur- 
nifhed  with  a  point  of  State,    to  give  a  colour  for  turning  out 
the  difobedient,  who  were  like  to  be  the  men  that  flood  moft 
in  their  way,    and  crolTed  their  defigns  moft,  both  with  their 
learning  and  credit. 

Thofe  few  Bifliops  that  were  engaged  in  the  defign  of  be- 
traying the  Church,  were  perfuaded  that  this  would  be  the  event 
of  the  matter:  And  they  poiTefTed  the  King  with  the  hope  of 
it  fo  pofitively,  that  he  feemed  to  depend  upon  it.     The  cor- 
refpondence  over  England  was  managed  with  that  fecrecy,  that 
thefe  refolutions  were  fo  communicated  to  the   Clergy   in   the 
Country,  that  they  were  generally  engaged  to  agree  in  their  con- 
du^,  before  the  Court  came  to  apprehend  that  they  would  be 
fo  unanimous,  as  it  proved  in  conclufion  that  they  were. 
The  Arch-       The  Archbiftiop  oi  Canterbury ,  Sancroft^  refolved  upon  this 
fix'Sinioi   oc^^a^^o"  fo  ^^  fuitably  to   his  poft  and  character.     He  wrote 
petition  the  round  his  Province,  and  defired  that  fuch  of  the  Bifhops  as  were 
'"^'        able  would  come  up,    and  confult  together  in  a  matter  of  this 
great  concern:  And  he  alked  the  opinion  of  thofe,   whom  their 
age  and  infirmities  difabled  from  taking  the  journey.     He  found, 
that  eighteen  of  the  Bifhops,  and  the  main  body  of  the  Clergy,  con- 
curred in  the  refolution  againft  reading  the  declaration.  So  he,  with 
fix  of  the  Bifliops  that  came  up  to  London^  refolved  in  a  peti- 
tion to  the  King  ,     to  lay  before  him  the  reafons   that  deter- 
mined them  not  to  obey   the  order  of  Council  that   had  been 
>  3  .  ^ent 


of  King  ]  AMES  II.  759 

fent  them:  This  flowed  from  no  want  of  refped  to  his  Ma-  i<588 
jefty's  authority,  nor  from  any  unwilHngnefs  to  let  favour  be ^-'''^^''^^ 
Ihewed  to  DifTenters;  in  relation  to  whom  they  were  willine;  to 
come  to  fuch  a  temper,  as  fhould  be  thought  fit,  when  that 
matter  {hould  be  confidered  and  fettled  in  Parliament  and  Con- 
vocation :  But,  this  declaration  being  founded  on  fuch  a  difpen- 
fing  power,  as  had  been  often  declared  illegal  in  Parliament, 
both  in  the  year  i66i  and  in  the  year  167 1^  and  in  the  be- 
ginning of  his  own  reign,  and  was  a  matter  of  fo  great  con- 
fequence  to  the  whole  Nation,  both  in  Church  and  State;  they 
could  not  in  prudence,  honour,  and  confcience,  make  them- 
felves  fo  far  parties  to  it,  as  the  publication  of  it  once  and 
again  in  God's  houfe,  and  in  the  time  of  divine  fervice,  muft 
amount  to. 

The  Archbifliop  was  then   in  an  ill  State  of  health.     So  he 
fent  over  the  fix  Bifhops  with  the  petition  to  the  King,  fign- 
cd  by  himfelf  and  the  reft.     The  King  was  much  furprifed  with 
this,  being  flattered  and  deceived  by  his  fpies.     Cartwr't^t^  Bi- 
fhop  oi  Chefier  y   was  poffefTed  with   a  ftory  that  was  too  eafily 
believed  by  him,  and  was  by  him  carried  to   the  King,    who 
was  very  apt   to  believe  every  thing   that  fuited   with  his  own 
defigns.     The  ftory  was,  that  the  Biftiops  intended  by  a  peti- 
tion to  the  King  to  let  him  underftand  that  orders  of  this  kind 
ufed  to  be  addrclted  to  their  Chancellors,  but  not  to  themfelves; 
and  to  pray  him    to  continue  that  method:    And  that  by  this 
means  they  hoped  to  get  out  of  this  difficulty.     This  was  very 
acceptable  to  the  Court,  and  procured  the  Biftiops  a  quick  ad- 
mittance.    And  they  had  proceeded  fo  carefully   that  nothing 
concerted  among  them  had  broken  out;  for  they  had  been  very 
fecret  and  cautious.     The  King,  when  he  heard  their  petition, 
and  faw  his  miftake,    fpoke  roughly   to  them.     He  faid,    he 
was  their  King,  and  he  would  be  obeyed :  And  they  fliould  be 
made  to  feel  what  it  was  to  difobey   him.      The   fix   Bifhops 
were  St.   Afaph ^  El<y ,  Bath  and  IVells ,  Peterhorough,  Ch'tchejier^ 
an<l  Brijlol.     Theanfwer  they  made  the  King  was  in  thefe  words : 
The  will  of  God  be  done.     And   they  came  from  the  Court  in 
a  fort  of  triumph.     Now  matters  were  brought  to  a  crifis.     The 
King  was  engaged  on  his  part,  as  the  Bifliops  were  on  theirs. 
So  all  people  looked  on  with  great  expe<i;tations,  reckoning  that 
upon  the  iltue  of  this  bufinefs  a  great  decifion  would  be  made, 
both  of  the  defigns  of  the  Court,  and  of  the  temper  of  the  Na- 
tion. 

The  King  confulted  for  fome  days  with  all  that  were  now 
employed  by  him,  what  he  Ihould  do  upon  this  emergent,-  and 
talked  with  people  of  all  periuafions,     Lob^    an  eminent  man 

among 


740  Hb^  H  I  S  T  O  R  Y  ofti:)e  Reign 

1688  among  the  DifTenters,  who  was  entirely  gained  to  the  Court, 
^^y^y^^  advifed  the  King  to  fend  the  Bidiops  to  the  Tower.  Father 
Petre  feemed  now  as  one  tranfported  with  joy:  For  he  thought 
the  King  was  engaged  to  break  with  the  Church  of  En^and. 
And  it  was  reported,  that  he  broke  out  into  that  indecent  ex- 
predion  upon  it,  that  they  fhould  be  made  to  eat  their  own 
dung.  The  King  was  long  in  doubt.  Some  of  the  Popifh 
NobiHty  prelTed  him  earneftly  to  let  the  matter  fall:  For  now 
it  appeared,  that  the  body  of  the  Clergy  were  refolved  not  to 
read  the  declaration.  Thofe  who  did  obey,  were  {t^  and  in- 
confiderable.  Only  feven  obeyed  in  the  City  of  London^  and  not 
above  two  hundred  all  England  over:  And  of  thefe  fbme  read 
it  the  firft  Sunday ^  but  changed  their  minds  before  the  fecond : 
Others  declared  in  their  fermons,  that  tho'  they  obeyed  the  or- 
der, they  did  not  approve  of  the  declaration:  And  one,  more 
pleafantly  than  gravely,  told  his  people,  that,  tho'  he  was  oblig- 
ed to  read  it,  they  were  not  obliged  to  hear  it;  and  he  ftopn 
till  they  all  went  out,  and  then  he  read  it  to  the  walls  :  In  many 
places,  as  foon  as  the  Minifter  began  to  read  it,  all  the  people 
rofe,  and  went  ouc. 

The  King  did  what  he  could  to  encourage  thofe  that  did  obey 
his  order.  Parker ,  Bilhop  oi  Oxford ^  died  about  this  time.  He 
wrote  a  book  againft  the  Teds  full  of  petulant  fcurrility,  of 
which  I  ihall  only  give  one  inftance.  He  had  refle<5ted  much 
on  the  whole  Popifh  Plot,  and  on  Gates's  evidence :  And  upon 
that  he  called  the  Teft,  the  Sacrament  of  the  Oateftan  villainy. 
He  treated  the  Parliament  that  cnaded  the  Tefts  with  a  fcorn 
that  no  Popifh  writer  had  yet  ventured  on :  And  he  faid  much 
to  excufe  tranfubftantiation ,  and  to  free  the  Church  ai  Rome 
from  the  charge  of  idolatry.  This  raifed  fuch  a  difguft  of  him, 
even  in  thofe  that  had  been  formerly  but  too  much  influenced 
by  him,  that,  when  he  could  not  help  feeing  that,  he  funk  up- 
on it.  I  was  defired  to  anfwer  his  book  with  the  feverity  that 
he  deferved :  And  I  did  it  with  an  acrimony  of  ftile,  that  no- 
thing but  fuch  a  time,  and  fuch  a  man,  could  in  any  fort  excufe. 
It  was  faid,  the  King  fent  him  my  papers,  hearing  that  no  body 
clfe  durft  put  them  in  his  hands,  hoping  that  it  would  raife  his 
indignation,  and  engage  him  to  anfwer  them.  And  one  Hall^ 
a  Conformift  in  London^  who  was  looked  on  as  half  a  Prefby- 
terian,  yet,  becaufe  he  read  the  declaration,  was  made  Bifhop 
Qi  Oxford,  One  of  thePopifli  Bifhops  was  upon  the  King's  A/««- 
damm  chofen  by  the  illegal  Fellows  oi  Magdalen's  College  their 
Prefident.  The  fenfe  of  the  Nation,  as  well  as  of  the  Clergy, 
had  appeared  fo  fignally  on  this  occafion ,  that  it  was  vifible, 
that  the  King  had  not  only  the  feven  petitioning  Bilhops  to 

i  deal 


') 


of  King  James  II.  741 

deal  with,  but  the  body  of  the  whole  Nation,  both  Clergy  and    i<J88 
Laity.  o^V^ 

The  violent  advices  of  Father  Petre  y  and  the  Jefuite  party,TheKing 
were  To  fatally  fuited  to  the  King's  own  temper  and  paflion,B£pjtoJ^ 
that  they  prevailed  over  the  wifer  counfels  of  almoft  all  thatP''o'5'=>»ted 
were  advifed  with.  But  the  King,  before  he  would  bring  the 
matter  to  the  Council,  fecretly  engaged  all  the  Privy  Counsellors 
to  concur  with  him:  And,  after  a  fortnight's  confiiltation,  the 
Bifliops  were  cited  to  appear  before  the  Council.  The  petition 
was  offered  to  them  j  and  they  were  afked,  if  they  owned  it  to  be  their 
petition.  They  anfwered,  it  feemed  they  were  to  be  proceed- 
ed againft  upon  that  account ;  fo  they  hoped  the  King  would 
not  prefs  them  to  a  confeflion,  and  then  make  ufe  of  it  againft 
them:  After  they  had  offered  this,  they  owned  the  petition.  They 
were  next  charged  with  the  publication  of  it  ,•  for  it  was  then 
printed.  But  they  abfolutely  denied  that  was  done  by  their 
means.  The  Archbifhop  had  written  the  petition  all  in  his 
own  hand,  without  employing  any  perfon  to  copy  it  out:  And 
tho'  there  was  one  draught  written  of  the  petition,  as  it  was 
agreed  on,  from  which  he  had  written  out  the  original  which 
they  had  all  figned,  yet  he  had  kept  that  ftill  in  his  own  pof- 
feflion,  and  had  never  fhewn  it  to  any  perfon:  So  it  was  not 
publifhed  by  them :  That  muft  have  been  done  by  fome  of 
thofe  to  whom  the  King  had  (hewed  it. 

They  were  in  the  next  place  required  to  enter  into  bonds  toThey  wer<j 
appear  in  the  Court  of  the  King's  bench,  and  anfwer  to  an  in-^o^'"!*"^ 
formation  of  mifdemeanor.  They  excepted  to  this  ,•  and  faid, 
that  by  their  Peerage  they  were  not  bound  to  do  it.  Upon 
their  infifting  on  this,  they  were  fent  to  the  Tower,  by  a  war- 
rant figned  by  the  whole  board,  except  Father  Petre,  who  was 
paft  over  by  the  King's  order.  This  fet  all  the  whole  City 
into  the  higheft  fermentation  that  was  ever  known  in  memory 
of  man.  The  Biftiops  were  fent  by  water  to  the  Tower :  And 
all  along  as  they  paft  the  banks  of  the  river  were  full  of  peo- 
ple, who  kneeled  down  and  alked  their  blefling,  and  with  loud 
fhouts  expreffed  their  good  wifties  for  them,  and  their  concern 
in  their  prefervation.  The  foldiers,  and  other  officers  in  the 
Tower,  did  the  fame.  An  univerfal  confternation  appeared  in 
all  peoples  looks.  But  the  King  was  not  moved  with  all  this. 
And,  tho'  two  days  after,  upon  the  Queen's  pretended  delivery, 
the  King  had  a  fair  occafion  to  have  granted  a  general  pardon 
to  celebrate  the  joy  of  that  birth,  (and  it  was  given  out  by  thofe 
Papifts  that  had  always  affeded  to  pafs  for  moderate  men,  that 
they  had  all  preffed  this  vehemently, )  the  King  was  inflexible; 

5>  C  He 


74'£,     TheHiSTORY  of  the  Reign 

i6%%   He  faid,  his  authority  would  become  contemptible,  if  he  fuffer- 
yy^y^^  cd  fuch  an  affront  to  pafs  unpunifhed. 

A  week  after  their  commitment,  they  were  brought  upon  a 
Habeas  Corpus  to  the  King's  bench  bar,    where  th^ir  Counfcl 
offered  to  make  it  appear  to  be  an  illegal  commitment :  But  the 
Court  allowed  it  good  in  law.     They  were  required  to  enter  in- 
to bonds  for  fmall  iums,  to  anfwer  to  the  information  that  day 
fortnight. 
Batfoonaf-     The  Bifhops  were  difcharged  of  their  imprifonment  :    And 
Krdiicharg-         jg  of  all  forts  ran  to  vifit  them  as  ConfefTors,    one  com- 
pany going  in  as  another  went  out.     The  appearance  in  fVeft- 
minfter-Hall  \{2iS  very  folemn:  About  thirty  of  the  Nobility  ac- 
companying them.     All  the  ftreets  were  full  of  fhoutings  the 
reft  of  the  day,  and  with  bonefires  at  night. 
They  were       When  the  day  fixed  for  their  trial  came,  there  was  a  vaft  cori- 
*"'*='^-         courfe.     WeJim'mfier-HaUj  and  all  the  places  about,    were  full 
of  people,  who  were  ftrangely  affeded  with  the  matter.     Evea 
the  Army,     thit    xi'as    then    encamped    on  Hounjlow- Heathy 
iiiewed  fuch  t  difpolition  tti   mutiny,    that  it  gave  the  King 
no   fmall  unfeafinefs.     The  trial   came  on,    which  was  chiefly- 
managed  agdinft  the  Bifho|)s    by    Sir    WtWtam   W'tll'tams.      He 
had  been  Speaker  in  two  fucceffive    l^arliaments ,    and   was   a 
zealous  promoter  of  the  Exclufiotl:  And  he  had  continued  many 
years  a  bold  pleader  in  all  catifes  dgainft  the  Court :  But  he  was 
a  corrupt  and  vicious  man,  Who  had  no  principles,  but  follow- 
ed his  o>!vn  interefts.     Sawyer  the  Attorney  General,  who  had 
for  many  years  ferved  the  ends  of  the  Court  in  a  mofl  abjed: 
and  obfequious  manner,  Vould  not  fupport  the  difpenfing  power: 
So  he  was  turned   out,    Powis  being  advanced  to  be  Attorney 
General :   And  IVtlliams  was  made  Solicitor  General.    Pow'is  aded 
his  part  in  this  trial  as  fairly  as  his  poll  could  admit  of.    But 
IVtlliams  took  very  indecent  liberties.     And"^jae  had  great  ad- 
vantages over  Sawyer  and  Finch^  who  were  among   the  Bifhops 
"Counfel,  by  refleding  on  the  precedents  and  proceedings  dur- 
ing their  being  the  King's  Counfel.     The  King's  Counfel  could 
not  have  full  proof,  that  the  Bifhops  hands  were  truly  theirs,  and 
\vere  forced  to  have  recourfe  to  the  confeffion  they   had  made 
at  the  Council  board,-    which  was  thought  very  difhotiourable, 
fmcc  they  had  made  that  confeflion  in  confidence,  trufling  to 
the  King's  honour,    tho'  it  did  not  appear  that  any  promife 
was  made,  that  no  advantage  fhould  be  taken   of  that  confef^ 
fion.     No  proof  was  brought  of  their  publifhing  it,  which  was 
the  main  point.    The  prefenting  it  to  the  King,  and  afterwards 
'their  owning  it  to  be  their  petition,  when  it  was  put  to  them 
at  the  Council   board,    was  all  that  the  King's  Counfel  could 

offer 


1 


of  King  J  AMES  11.  745 

offer  for  proof  of  thisj  which  was  an  apparent  ftrain,  in  which    i<j88 
even  thofe  Judges,  that  were  the  fureft  to  the  Court,    did  not^-*"^^''"^*-^ 
feem  to  be  fatisfied.     It  was  much  urged  againft  them,  that  this 
petition  was  a  libel,  tending  to  tbe  defaming  the  King's  govern- 
ment. 

But  to  this  it  was  anfwered,  that  they  having  received  an  or- 
der, to  which  they  found  they  could  not  give  obedience,  thought 
it  was  incumbent  on  them,  as  BiHiops,  and  as  fubjeds,  to  lay 
before  the  King  their  reafons  for  it:  All  fubjeds  had  a  right 
to  petition  the  King:  They  as  Peers  were  of  his  great  Coun- 
cil, andfo  had  yet  a  better  claim  to  that;  And  that  more  par- 
ticularly in  matters  of  religion,-  for  the  a6t  of  uniformity  in 
Queen  Elizabeth's  time  had  required  them  under  a  curfe  to  look 
carefully  after  thofe  matters :  The  difpenfing  power  had  been 
often  brought  into  debate  in  Parliament,  and  was  always  voted 
to  be  againft  law:  And  the  late  King  had  yielded  the  point 
by  recalling  his  declaration :  So  they  thought,  they  had  a  right 
to  reprefent  thefe  things  to  the  King.  And  occafion  was  of- 
ten taken  to  refle<5t  on  the  difpenfing  power.  To  this  the  King's 
Counfel  replied,  that  the  votes  of  one  orbothHoufes  were  not  laws, 
till  they  were  enaded  by  King  and  Parliament:  And  the  late 
King's  pafling  once  from  a  point  of  his  prerogative  did  not 
give  it  up,  but  only  waved  it  for  that  time :  They  urged  much 
the  facrednefs  of  the  King's  authority  j  that  a  paper  might  be 
true  in  fad:,  and  yet  be  a  libel,-  that  in  Parliament  the  two 
Houfes  had  a  right  to  petition,  but  it  was  fedition  to  do  it  in 
a  point  of  government  out  of  Parliament. 

The  trial  did  laft  long,  above  ten  hours.  The  crouds  con- 
tinued in  expeftation  all  the  while,  and  expreffed  fo  great  a  con- 
cern for  the  Bifhops,  that  the  witnelTes  who  were  brought  againft 
them  were  not  only  treated  with  much  fcorn,  and  loud  laugh- 
ter upon  every  occafion,  but  feemed  to  be  in  fiich  danger,  that 
they  efcaped  narrowly,  going  away  by  a  back  paflfage.  Two 
of  the  Judges,  Powel  2inA  Hallow a'y,  delivered  their  opinion,  that 
there  was  no  feditious  matter  in  the  petition,  and  that  it  was 
no  libel.  Upright  was  now  brought  into  this  Court  and  made 
Chief  Jufticej  and  Herbert  was  made  Chief  Juftice  of  the  Com- 
mon Pleas :  Herbert  was  with  the  Court  in  the  main  of  the  King's 
difpenfing  power,  but  was  againft  them  in  moft  particulars :  So 
he  could  not  ferve  their  ends  in  this  Court.  Wright  was  the 
properer  tool.  He  in  his  charge  called  the  petition  a  libel : 
But  he  did  not  think  the  publication  was  proved. 

The  Jury  was  fairly  returned.     When  they  were  ftiut  up,  they  And  acquits 
were  foon  agreed  upon  their  verdid; ,    to  acquit  the   Bifhops.'"^ 
But  it  was  thought  to  be  both  the  more  folemn,  and  the  fafer 
I  way, 


744         TheHlST  OR  Y  of  the  Reign 

i^Qg    way       to  continue  (hut  up  till   the  morning.     The  King   ftill 
\,yy>^  flattered  himfelf  with  the  hope  that  the  BiHiops  would  be  brought 
in  cuilty.     He   went   that  morning  to   the  camp :     For  the  ill 
humour  the  Army  was  in  the  day  before,    made  him  think  ic 
necelTary  to  go  and  keep  them  in  awe  and  order   by  his  owa 
prefence. 
Tothcgreat     The  Court  fat  again  next  day.    And  then  the  Jury  came  in 
joy  of  the    ^itjj  i\^^\j^  vcrdid.     Upon  which  there  were  fuch  fhoutings,  fo 
Natkni.      long  continued,  and  as  it  were  echoed  into  the  City,    that  all 
people  were  ftruck  with  it.     Every  man  feemed  tranfported  with 
joy.    Bonefires  were  made  all  about  the   ftreets.    And  the   news 
going  over  the  Nation,  produced  the  like  rejoycings  and  bone- 
fires  all  England  over.     The  King's  prefence  kept  the  Army 
in  fome  order.     But  he  was  no  fooner  gone  out  of  the  camp, 
than  he  was  followed  with  an  univerfal   {homing,    as  if  it  had 
been  a  vidory  obtained.      And  fo  fatally  was  the  King  puflied 
on  to  his  ruin,    that  he  feemed  not  to  be  by  all  this  enough 
convinced  of  the  folly  of  thofe  violent  counfels.     He  intended 
ftill  to  purfue  them.     It  was  therefore  refolved  on,    to  bring 
this  matter  of  the  contempt  of  the  order  of  Council  in  not  read- 
ing the  declaration  before  theEcclefiafticalCommiffioners.  They 
did  not   think  fit   to  cite  the  Archbilhop  and  Biihops   before 
them:  For  they  did  not  doubt  they  would  plead  to  their  jurif- 
didion,  and  refufe  to  acknowledge  their  authority  ,•  which  they 
hoped  their  Chancellors,   and  the  inferior  Clergy,  would  not 
venture  on. 
The  Clergy     Citations  were  fent  out  requiring  the  Chancellors,  and  Arch- 
^n^"-*^'' 'beacons  to  fend  in  the  lifts  of  all  the  Clergy,  both  of  fuch  as 
gainft.       had  obeyed ,    and   of  thofe  who  had  not  obeyed   the  order  of 
Council.     Some  of  thefe  were  now  fo  much  animated  with  the 
fenfe  that  the   Nation  had  expreflcd  of  the  Biftiop's  imprifon- 
mcnt  and  trial,    that  they  declared  they  would  not  obey  this 
order:    And  others  excufed  themfclves  in  foftcr  terms.     When 
the  day  came  to  which   they  were  cited,    the  Biftiop  of  Ro- 
chejievy  tho'  he  himfelf  had  obeyed  the  order,  and  had  hitherto 
gone  along,  fitting  with  the  other  Commiftioners,  but  had  al- 
ways voted  on  the  milder  fide,  yet  now,  when  he  faw  matters 
were  running  fo  faft  to  the  ruin  of  the  Church,    he   not  only 
would  fit  no  longer  with  them,  but  wrote  a  letter  to  them;  in 
which  he  faid,  it  was  impoftible  for  him  to  go  on  with  them 
any  longer,  for  tho' he  himfelf  had  obeyed  the  order  of  Council, 
which  he  protefted  he  did   becaufe  he  thought  he  was   bound 
in  confcience  to  do  it,    yet  he   did   not  doubt  but  that  thofe 
who  had  not  obeyed  it  had  gone  upon   the   fame  principle  of 
following  their  confcience,    and  he  would  much  rather  choofe 

3  to 


of  King  James  II.      "*■        745 

to  fuffer  with  them  than  to  concur  in  making  them  fuffcr.     This    id88 
Hopped  proceedings  for  that  day,  and  put  the  Court  to  a  (land.  '^'^VVj 
So  they  adjourned  themfelves  till  December:  And  they  never  fat 
any  more. 

This  was  the  progrefs  of  that  tranfa<5bion,  which  was  con fi- The  Effea 

very  where. 


dcred   all  Europe  over   as    the  trial   whether  the   King    or  thej'^'^  ^^'^  '' 


Church  were  like  to  prevail.     The  decifion  was  as  favourable  as 
was  podible.     The  King  did  affume  to  himfelf  a  power  to  make 
Jaws  void,  and  to  qualify  men  for  employments,  whom  the  law 
had  put  under  fuch  incapacities  that  all  they  did  was  null  and 
void.     The  Sheriffs  and  Mayors  of  towns  were  no  legal  Officers: 
judges,  (one  of  them  being  a  profelTed  Papift,  Altbon,)  who  took 
not  the  Teft,  were  no  Judges:   So  that  the  government,   and  the 
legal  adminiftration  of  it,  was  broken.     A  Parliament  returned 
by  fuch  men  was  no  legal  Parliament.     All   this   was  done  by 
vcrtue  of  the  difpenfing  power,  which  changed  the  whole  frame 
of  our  government,  and  fubjedted   all  the   laws   to   the  King's 
pleafure:   For,  upon  the  fame  pretence  of  that  power,   other  de- 
clarations might  have  come  out  voiding  any  other  laws  that  the 
Court  found  Hood  in  their  way,-    fmce  we  had  fcarce  any  law 
that  was  fortified   with  fuch   claufes  to  force  the  execution  of 
it,  as  thofe  that  were   laid  afide  had  in  them.     And  when  the 
King  pretended,  that  this  was  fuch  a  facred   point  of  govern- 
ment, that  a  petition,  offered  in  the  modeftefl  terms,    and  in 
the  humbleft  manner  poffible,    calling  it  in  queftion,  was  made 
fo  great  a  crime,  and  carried  fo  far  againft  men  of  fuch  emi- 
nence 5  thislconfefs  fatisfied  me,  that  here  was  atotaldeftrudion  of 
our  conftitution,  avowedly  began,  and  violently  prolecuted.  Here 
was  not  jealoufies  nor  fears:  The  thing  was  open  and  avowed. 
This  was  not  a  fingle  ad:  of  illegal  violence,  but  a  declared  de- 
fign  againfl  the  whole  of  our  conftitution.     It  was  not  only  the 
judgment  of  a  Court  of  law :     The  King  had  now  by  two  pub- 
lick  a6ts  of  ftate,  renewed  in  two  fucceflive  years,  openly  pub- 
lifhed  his  defign.     This  appeared  fuch  a  total  fubverfion,  that, 
according  to  the  principles  that  fome  of  the  higheft  alTcrtors  of 
fubmiffion  and  obedience,  Barklay  and  Grot'ms ^  had  laid  down, 
it  was  now  lawful  for  the  Nation  to  look  to  itfelf,  and  fee  to 
its  own  prefervation.     And,  as  loon  as  any  man  was  convinced 
that  this  was  lawful,  there  remained  nothing  but  to  look  to  the 
Prince  of  Orange,    who  was  the  only  perfon  that  either  could 
fave  them,  or  had  a  right  to  it:  Since  by  all  the  laws  in  the 
world,  even  private  as  well  as  publick,  he  that  has  in  him  the 
reverfion  of  any  eftatc  has  a  right   to  hinder  the  poffefTor,  \( 
he  goes  about  to  deftroy  that  which  is  to  come  to  him  after  the 
polleffor's  death. 

^  D  Upon 


TfjeHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

Upon  all  this  diforder  that  Rn^and  was  falling  into,  Admi- 
ral Rujfcl  came  to  the   Hague.     He   had  a  good    pretence  for 
^fr/jrcf-  ^jjj^JQg  over  to  Hollandy  for  he  had  a  fifter   then  living  in  it. 
Prince.       j^g  ^^s  defifcd  by  many  of  great  power  and  intereft  in  Etigland 
to  fpeak  very  freely  to  the  Prince,     and  to  know  pofitively  of 
him  what  might  be  expeded  from  him.     All  people  were  now 
in  a  gaze:  Thofe  who  had  little  or   no  religion  had  no  mind 
to  turn  Papifts,  if  they  could  fee  any  probable  way  of  refifting 
the   fury  with  which  the  Court  was  now  driving:   But  men  of 
fortune,   if  they  faw  no  vifible  profped:,  would  be  governed  by 
their  prefent  intereft:  They  were  at  prefent  united:    But,  if  a 
breaking  fhould  once  happen ,    and  fome  men  of  figure  (hould 
be  prevailed  on  to  change,  that  might  go  far  j  cfpecially  in  a 
corrupt  and  diffolute  Army,  that  was  as  it  were  let  loofe  to  com- 
mit crimes  and  violences  every  where,    in  which  they  were  ra- 
ther encouraged  than  puniftied,-    for  it  feemed   to  be  fet  up  as 
a  maxim,  that  the  Army  by  rendring  it  felf  odious  to  the  Na- 
tion would  become  thereby  entirely  devoted  to  the  Court :   But 
after  all,  tho'  foldiers  were  bad  Englt/hmen  and  worfe  Chriftians, 
yet  the  Court  found  them  too  good  Protcftants  to  truft  much  to 
them.     So  /^f^/ put  the  Prince  to  explain  himfeifwhat  he  in- 
tended to  do. 
ThePrina's      The  Princc  anfwered,  that,  if  he  was  invited  by  fome  men 
anfvver.      ^^  ^^^  ]^^^  intereft,  and  the  moft  valued   in  the  Nation ,  who 
fliould  both  in  their  own  name,  and  in  the  name  of  others  who 
trufted  them,  invite  him  to  come  and  refcue  the  Nation  and  the 
Religion,  he  believed  he  could  be  ready  by  the  end  of  Septem- 
ber to  come  over.     The  main  confidence   we  had  was   in  the 
EleAoral  Prince  of  Brandenburg-^    for  the  old  Elector  was  then 
dying.    And  I  told  Rujfel  at  parting,   that,  unlefs  he  died,   there 
would  be  great  difficulties,  not  eafily  mattered,  in  the  defign  of 
the  Prince's  expedition  to  England. 
TheEicaor     He  was  then  ill  of  a  dropfy,  which,  coming  afer  a  gout  of 
w/'r^*^"^  long  continuance,     feemed  to  threaten  a   fpeedy   end   of  his 
death.        jifc.     I  had  the  honour  to  fee  him  at  Cleve;  and  was  admitted 
to  two  long  audiences,  in  which  he  was  pleafed  to  fpeak  to  mc 
with  great  freedom.     He  was  a  Prince  of  great  courage.     He 
both  underftood  military  matters  well,  and  loved  them   much. 
He  had  a  very  perfect  view  of  the  ftatc  Europe  had  been  in  for 
fifty  years,  in  which  he  had  born  a  great  (hare   in  all  affairs, 
having  directed   his  own  counfels  himfelf.     He  had  a  wonder- 
ful memory,  even  in  the  fmalleft  matters  j  for  every  thing  paft 
under  his  eye.     He  had  a  quick  apprehenfion,  and  a  cholerick 
temper.     The  heat  of  his  Ipirits  was  apt  to  kindle  too  quick, 
till  his  intereft  cooled  him:  And  that  fetched  him  back,  which 

I  brought 


of  King  James  II.  747 

brought  him  under  the  cenfure  of  changing  fides  too  foon  and    i<588 
too  often.     He  was  a  very  zealous  man  in  all  the  concerns  of  ^^'"^'^''^ 
religion.     His  own    life  was  regular  and  free  of  all  blemifhes. 
He  tried  all  that  was  poflible  to  bring   the  Lutherans  and  Cal- 
vmifis  to  fome  terms  of  reconciliation.     He   complained  much. 
of  the  rigidity  of  the  Lutherans^  more  particularly  of  thofe  in. 
Pmjfia:    Nor  was  he  well  pleafcd  with  the  ftiffnefs  of  the  Cal- 
v'lmfts:  And  he  inveighed  againft  the  Synod  oi  Don ^    as  that 
which  had  fct  all  on  fire,  and  made  matters  almoft  pad  recon- 
ciling.    He  thought,  all  pofitivedecifions  in  thofe  matters  ought 
to  be  laid  afide  by  both  parties,  without  which  nothing  could 
bring  them  to  a  better  temper. 

He  had  a  very  fplendid  Court:  And  to  maintain  that,  and 
his  great  armies,  his  fubjedts  were  preiTed  hard  by  many  uneafy 
taxes.  He  feemed  not  to  have  a  juft  fenfe  of  the  mifcrics  of 
his  people.  His  Minifters  had  great  power  over  him  in  all  lelTcr 
matters,  while  he  diredted  the  greater:  And  he  fuffered  them  to 
enrich  themfelvcs  exceflively. 

In  the  end  of  his  life  the  Eled:orefs  had  gained  great  credit, 
and  governed  his  counfels  too  much.  He  had  fet  it  up  for  a 
maxim,  that  the  Electoral  families  in  German'^  had  wcakned 
themfelves  fo  much,  that  they  would  not  be  able  to  maintain  the  li- 
berty of  the  Empire  againft  the  Auflr'ian  Family,  which  was  now 
rifing  by  their  victories  in  Hungary:  The  Houfes  of  Saxe^  and 
the  Palatine^  and  o(  Brun/wkky  zndHeffey  had  done  this  fo  much, 
by  the  difmembring  fome  of  their  dominions  to  their  younger 
1  children,  that  they  were  mouldring  to  nothing :  He  therefore 
refolvcd  to  keep  all  his  dominions  entire  in  one  hand:  This 
would  make  his  Family  the  balance  to  the  Houfe  of  Aujirta  ^ 
on  whom  the  reft  of  the  Empire  muft  depend :  And  he  fuffer- 
ed hisEledtorefsto  provide  for  her  children,  and  to  enrich  herfelf 
by  all  the  ways  (he  could  think  on,  fince  he  would  not  give 
them  any  fhare  of  his  dominions.  This  (he  did  not  fail  to  do. 
And  the  Eledor,  having  juft  caufe  of  complaint  for  being  aban- 
doned by  the  Allies  in  the  peace  of  N'lmeguen,  and  fo  forced  to 
reftore  what  he  had  got  from  the  Swedes^  the  French  upon  that 
gave  him  a  great  penfion,  and  made  the  Eledrorefs  fuch  pre- 
fents,  that  he  was  prevailed  on  to  enter  into  their  interefts : 
And  in  this  he  made  fome  ill  fteps  in  the  decline  of  his  life. 
But  nothing  could  foften  him  with  relation  to  that  Court,  after 
they  broke  the.  cdid:  oi  Nantes^  and  began  the  perfecution  of 
the  Proteftants.  He  took  great  care  of  all  the  Refugees.  He 
fet  men  on  the  frontier  of  France  to  receive  and  defray  them ; 
and  gave  them  all  the  marks  of  Chriftian  compaflion,  and  of  a 
bounty  becoming  fo  great  a  Prince.  But  his  age  and  infirmi- 
ties. 


748  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

1688    tics    he  being  crippled  with  the  gout,  and  the  ill  underftanding 
v^'V*^  that  was  between  the  Prince  the  Eledoral  and  Eleaorefs,  had  To 
disjointed  his  Court,  that  Httle  was  to  be  expeded   from  him. 
Death  came  upon  him  quicker  than  was  looked  for.     He  re- 
ceived the  intimations  of  it  with  the  firmnefs  that  became  both 
a  Chriftian  and  a  Hero.     He  gave  his  laft  advices  to  his   fon, 
and  to  his  Minifters,    with  a  greatnefs  and  a   tendernefs   that 
both  furprifed  and  melted  them  all :  And  above  ail  other  things 
he  recommended  to  them  the  concerns  of  the  Proteftant  Reli- 
gion, then  in  fuch  an  univerfal  danger.     His  fon  had   not  his 
genius.    He  had  not  a  ftrength  of  body  nor  a  force  of  mind  ca- 
pable of  great  matters.     But  he  was  filled  with  zeal  for  the  Re- 
formed Religion:  And  he  was  at  that  time  fo  entirely  polfeffed 
with  a  confidence  in  the  Prince  of  Orange ,    and  with  a  high 
efteem  of  him,    as  he  was  his  coufin   german,  that  we  had  a 
much  better  profpe<5t  of  all  our  affairs  by   his   fucceeding   his 
father.     Arid  this   was  encreafed  by  the  great  credit  that  Da^~ 
kelman,  who  had  been  his  Governor,    continued  to  have  with 
him :  For  he  had  true  notions  of  the  affairs  of  Europe,  and  was 
a  zealous  Proteftant,    and  was  like  to  prove  a  very  good  Mi- 
nifter,    tho'  he  was  too  abfolute  in  his  favour,     and  was  too 
much  fet  on  raifing   his  own  family.     All  at  the  Hague  were 
looking  with  great  concern  on  the  affairs  of  i^V^ri?^^  ,•  thefe  be- 
ing, in  many  refpeds,  and  in  many  difoent  places,  brought  to 
a  very  critical  ftate. 
The  Queen      I  muft  now  look  back  to  England,    where  the  Queen's  deli- 
fh«(hTwasvery  was  the  fubjed  of  all  men's  difcourfe.     And  fince  To  much 
with  child..  ^Jepends  on  this,  I  will  give  as  full  and  as  diftind  an  account 
of  all    that    related   to    that   matter,     as  I  could    gather    up 
cither  at  that  time  or  afterwards.     The  Queen  had  been  for  fix 
or  feven  years  in  fuch  an  ill  ftate  of  health,  that  every  winter 
brought  her  very  near  death.     Thofe  about   her  feemed  well 
afTured  that  fhe,  who  had  buried  all  her  children  foon  after  they 
were  born,  and  had  now  for  feveral  years  ceafed  bearing,    would 
have  no  more  children.     Her  own  Priefts  apprehended  it,  and 
feemed  to  wifti  for  her  death.     She  had  great  and  frequent  dif- 
tempers,  that  returned  often,  which  put  all  people  out  of  their 
hopes  or  fears  of  her  having  any   children.     Her  Ipirits  were 
now  much  on  the  fret.     She  was  eager  in  the  profccution  of  all 
the  King's  defigns.     It  was  believed,  that  fhe  had  a  main  hand 
in  driving  him  to  them  all.    And  he,  perhaps  to  make  her  gent- 
ler to  him  in  his  vagrant  amours,  was  more  eafy  to  her  in  every 
thing  elfe.     The  Lady  Dorchefler  was  come  back  from  Ireland: 
And    the  King  went  oft  to  her.     But  it  was  vifible,    fhe   was 

X  not 


of  King  James  II.    sn-       749 

not  like  to  gain  that  credit  in  affairs,  to  which  fhe  had  afpircd:    i<^88 
And  therefore  this  was  lefs  confidered.  onrv/ 

She  had  another  mortification,  \f\itnFitZ' James  the  King's  Ton 
was  made  Duke  of  Berwick.  He  was  a  foft  and  harmlefs  young 
man,  and  was  much  beloved  by  the  King:  But  the  Queen's  dii- 
hke  kept  him  from  making  any  great  figure.  He  made  two 
campaigns  in  Hungary ^  that  were  little  to  his  honour :  For,  as 
his  Governor  diverted  the  allowance  that  was  given  for  keep- 
ing a  table,  and  fent  him  always  to  eat  at  other  tables,  fb,  tho* 
an  the  fiege  of  Buda  there  were  many  occafions  given  him  to 
have  diftinguifhed  himfelf,  yet  he  had  appeared  in  none  of  them. 
There  was  more  care  taken  of  his  perfon,  than  became  his  age 
and  condition.  Yet  his  Governor's  brother  was  a  Jefuit,  and 
in  the  fecrct :  So  every  thing  was  ventured  on  by  him,  and  all 
was  forgiven  him. 

In  September  J  the  former  year,  the  Queen  went  to  the  Bath, 
where,  as  was  already  told,  the  King  came  and  faw  her,  and 
ftaid  a  few  days  with  her.  She  after  that  purfued  a  full  courfe 
of  bathing:  And,  having  refolved  to  return  in  the  end  of  y.?^- 
temherj  an  accident  took  her  to  which  the  fex  is  fubjed:  And 
that  made  her  ftay  there  a  week  longer.  She  came  to  Wmdfor 
on  the  fixth  oiOBober.  Itwasfaid,  that,  at  the  very  time  of  her 
coming  to  the  King,  her  mother,  theDuchefs  oi  Modena^  made 
a  vow  to  the  Lady  Z.or^//(?,  that  her  daughter  might  by  her  means 
have  a  fon.  And  it  went  current,  that  the  Queen  believed  her- 
felfto  be  with  child  in  that  very  inftant,  in  which  her  mother  made 
her  vow :  Of  which^  fome  travellers  have  afTured  me,  there  was  a 
fblemn  record  made  at  Loretto.  A  conception  faid  to  be  thus  begun 
looked  fufpicious.  It  was  now  fixed  to  the  fixth  of  05iober:  So 
the  nine  months  were  to  run  to  the  fixth  of  July.  She  was  in 
the  progrefs  of  her  big  belly  let  blood  feveral  times :  And  the 
moft  aftringent  things  that  could   be  propofed  were  ufed. 

It  was  foon  obferved,  that  all  things  about  her  perfon  were 
managed  with  a  myflerious  fecrecy,  into  which  none  were  admit- 
ted but  a  fewPapifts.  She  was  not  drelTed  nor  undrefTed  with  the 
ufual  ceremony.  Prince  George  told  me,  that  the  Princefs  went 
as  far  in  defiring  to  be  fatisfied  by  feeling  the  motion,  after  (he 
faid  fhe  was  quick,  as  fhe  could  go  without  breaking  with  her : 
And  fhe  had  fometimes  flaid  by  her  even  indecently  long  in 
mornings,  to  fee  her  rife,  and  to  give  her  her  fhift;  But  fhe 
never  did  either.  She  never  offered  any  fatisfadion  in  that  mat- 
ter by  letter  to  the  Princefs  of  Orange,  nor  to  any  of  the  Ladies 
of  quality,  in  whofe  word  the  world  would  have  acquiefced.  The 
thing  upon  this  began  to  be  fufpefted :  And  fome  libels  were 
writ,  treating  the  whole  as  an  impofture.     The  ufe  the  Qiicen 

^  E  made 


750  TheH  I  STORY  of  the  Reign 

1688  made  of  this  was,  to  fay,  that  fmce  fhe  faw  fomc  were  fufpca- 
^^^VVing  her  as  capable  of  fo  black  a  contrivance,  llie  Icorncd  to  fatif- 
fy  thofe  who  could  entertain  fuch  thoughts  of  her.  How  juft 
foever  this  might  be  with  relation  to  the  libellers,  yet  certain-"' 
ly,  if  ftie  was  truly  with  child ,  fhe  owed  it  to  the  King  and 
hcrfelf,  to  the  King's  daughters,  but  mod  of  all  to  the  infant  fhe 
carriedin  her  belly,  to  give  fuch  reafonable  fatisfadion,  as  might 
put  an  end  to  jealoufy.  This  was  in  her  power  to  do  every  day  : 
And  her  not  doing  it  gave  juft  grounds  of  fufpicion. 

Things  went  thus  on  till  MW«);  in  £^/6?r  week.  On  that  day  the 
King  went  to  Rochefler,  to  fee  fome  of  the  naval  preparations ; 
but  was  fooa  feat  for  by  the  Queen,  who  apprehended  fhe  was 
in  danger  of  mifcarrying.  Dr.  Scarborough  was  come  to  Kntghts- 
bridge  to  fee  Bifhop  Ward,  my  predecerfor,  who  had  been  his 
antient  friend,  and  was  then  his  patient :  But  the  Queen's  coach 
was  fent  to  call  him  in  all  hafle,  fince  fhe  was  near  mifcarrying. 
Dr.  Wwdebanky  who  knew  nothing  of  this  matter,  flaid  long 
that  morning  upon  an  appointment  for  Dr.  Wallgrave,  another 
of  the  Queen's  phyficians,  who  the  next  time  he  faw  him  cx- 
cufed  himfelf,  for  the  Queen,  hefaid,  was  then  under  the  mofl  ap- 
parent figns  of  mifcarrying.  Of  this  the  Dodor  made  oath;  And  it 
is  yet  extant. 

On  the  fame  day  the  Countefs  of  Clarendotty  being  to  go  out 
of  town  for  a  few  days,  came  to  fee  the  Queen  before  fhe  went, 
knowing  nothing  of  what  had  happen'd  to  her.  And  fhe,  be* 
ing  a  Lady  of  the  Bed-chamber  to  Queen  Dowager ^  did,  accord- 
ing to  the  rule  of  the  Court,  go  into  the  Queen's  Bed-cham- 
ber without  alking  admittance.  She  faw  the  Queen  a  bed,  be- 
moaning herfelf  ina  moft  doleful  manner,  faying  often,  Undoney 
Undone:  And  one  that  belonged  to  her  carried  fomewhat  out  of 
the  bed,  which  fhe  believed  was  linen  taken  from  the  Queen. 
She  was  upon  this  in  fome  confufion :  And  the  Countefs  of  PoTvh 
coming  in,  went  to  her,  and  faid  with  fome  fharpnefs,  what  do  you 
here?  And  carried  her  to  the  door.  Before  fhe  had  got  out  of 
the  Court,  one  of  the  Bed-chamber  women  followed  her,  and 
charged  her  not  to  fpeak  of  any  thing  fhe  had  feen  that  day.  This 
matter,  whatever  was  in  it,  was  hufhed  up  :  And  the  Queen  held 
on  her  courfe. 

The  Princcfs  had  mifcarried  in  the  fpring.  So,  as  foon  as  fhe 
had  recovered  her  flrength,  the  King  preffed  her  to  go  to  thtBath, 
fmce  that  had  fo  good  an  effed  on  the  Queen.  Some  of  her  phy- 
ficians, and  all  her  other  friends,  were  againft  her  going.  Lower, 
one  of  her  phyficians  told  me,  he  was  againft:  it:  He  thought, 
fhe  was  not  flrong  enough  for  the  Bath  y  tho'  the  King  preffed 
it  with  an  uaufual  vehemence.     Millmgton^  another  phyfician,  told 

3  the 


of  King]  AMES  II.  751 

the  Earl  of  Sh'ewsk^rjj  from  whom  I  had  it,  that  he  was  prefTed  i($88 
to  go  to  thePrincefs,  and  advife  her  to  go  to  the  Bath.  The  per-/-^^^^^ 
Ton  that  fpoke  to  him  told  him,  the  King  was  much  fet  on  it, 
and  that  he  expeded  it  of  him,  that  he  would  perfuade  her 
to  it.  Millington  anfwcred,  he  would  not  advife  a  patient  ac- 
cording to  diredion,  but  according  to  his  own  reafon :  So  he 
would  not  go.  Scarborough  and  IVttherly  took  it  upon  them  to 
advife  it :  So  {he  went  thither  in  the  end  of  May. 

As  foon  as  fhe  was  gone,  thofe  about  the  Queen  did  all  ofThcQucen's 
thefudden  change  her  reckoning,  and  began  it  from  the  King's£,gci'^ 
being  with  her  at  Bath.  This  came  on  fo  quick,  that,  tho' 
the  Queen  had  fet  the  fourteenth  of  Jme  for  her  going  to 
Windfor,  where  (he  intended  to  lie  in,  and  all  the  preparations 
for  the  birth  and  for  the  child  were  ordered  to  be  made  ready- 
by  the  end  oi  June  ^  yet  now  a  refolution  was  taken  for  the 
Queen's  lying  in  at  St.  James's -,  and  directions  were  given  to 
have  all  things  quickly  ready.  The  Bath  water  either  did  not 
agree  with  the  Princefs :  Or  the  advices  of  her  friends  were  fo 
prefling,  who  thought  her  abfence  from  the  Court  at  that  time 
of  fuch  confequence,  that  in  compliance  with  them  (he  gave  it 
but  it  did  not,  and  that  therefore  fhe  would  return  in  a  few 
days. 

The  day  after  the  Court  had  this  notice,  the  Queen  faid, 
fhe  would  go  to  St.  James's  y  and  look  for  the  good  hour. 
She  was  often  told,  that  it  was  impoffible  upon  fo  fhort  a  warn- 
ing to  have  things  ready.  But  fhe  was  fo  pofitive,  that  (he  faid, 
{he  would  lie  there  that  night,  tho'  fhe  fhould  lie  upon  the 
boards.  And  at  night,  tho'  the  (horter  and  quicker  way  was  to 
go  from  Wttehall  to  St.  Jameses  thro'  the  Park,  and  (he  always 
went  that  way,  yet  now,  by  a  fort  of  affedation,  fhe  would  be 
carried  thither  by  Charmg-Crofs  thro'  the  Pall- Mall.  And  it 
was  given  out  by  all  her  train,  that  fhe  was  going  to  be  deli- 
vered. Some  faid,  it  would  be  next  morning :  And  the  Priefls 
faid  very  confidently,  that  it  would  be  a  boy. 

The  next  morning,  about  nine  a  clock,  fhe  fent  word  to  the  The  Qneca 
King,  that  flie  was  in  labour.  The  Queen  Dowager  was  nextjjjjj^'j'"^ '" 
fent  to.  But  no  Ladies  were  fent  for:  So  that  no  women  were 
in  the  room,  but  twodreffers  and  one  under  dreifer,  and  the  mid- 
wife. The  Earl  of  Arran  fent  notice  to  the  Countefs  of  Sun- 
derland: So  llie  came.  The  Lady  Bellafts  came  alfo  in  time. 
The  Proteftant  Ladies  that  belonged  to  the  Court  were  all  gone 
to  Church  before  the  news  was  let  go  abroad:  For  it  happen'd  on 
Tr'm'tty  Sunday^  it  being  that  year  on  the  tenth  of  Jtme.  The 
King  brought  over  with  him  from  Whitehall  a  great  many  Peers 
and  Privy  Counfellors.    And  of  thcfe  eighteen  were  let  into  the 

Bed-chamber 


752  TheHiSTOK^  of  the  Reign 

1688    Bed-chamber:  But  they  ftood  at  the  furtheft  end  of  the  roorn,^ 
^/^^^^The  Ladies  ftood  within  the  alcove.     The  curtains  of  the  bed 
were  drawn  clofe,  and  none  came  within  them,    but  the  mid- 
wife, and  an  under  drefTer.    The  Queen  lay  all  the  while  a  bed : 
And,  in  order  to  the  warming  one  fide  of  it,  a  warming  pan  was 
brought.    But  it  was  not  opened,    that  it  might   be  feen  that 
there  was  fire  and  nothing  elfe  in  it:    So  here  was  matter  for 
fufpicion,  with  which  all  people  were  filled. 
Anddeiivcr-     A  little  before  ten,  the  Queen  cried  out  as  in  a  ftrong  pain, 
cdofafoii.  ^^j  immediately  after  the  midwife  faid  aloud,  fhe  was  happily 
brought  to  bed.     When  the  Lords  all  cried   out  of  what,  the 
midwife  anfwered,  the  Queen  muft  not  be  fiirprifed :  Only  (he 
gave  a  fign  to  the  Countefs  oi Sunderland y  who  upon  that  touch- 
ed her  forehead,  by  which,  it  being  the  fign  before  agreed  on, 
the  King  faid  he  knew  it  was  a  boy.     No  cries  were  heard  front 
the  child:    Nor  was  it  (hewed  to  thofe  in  the  room.     It  was 
pretended,  more  air  was  necelTary.     The  under  dreffer  went  out 
with  the  child,  or  fomewhat  elfe,  in  her  arms  to  a  dreffing  room, 
to  which  there  was  a  door  near  the  Queen's  bed :  But  there  was 
another  entry  to  it  from  other  apartments. 
Grent  The  King  continued  with  the  Lords  in  the  Bed-chamber  for 

grounds  of  (qt^-^q  minutcs,  which  was  either  a  fign  of  much  phlegm  upon 
pcared.  fuch  an  occafiou  ,•  for  it  was  not  known  whether  the  child  was 
alive  or  dead :  Or  it  looked  like  the  giving  time  for  fome  ma- 
nagement. After  a  little  while  they  went  all  into  the  drefling 
room :  And  then  the  news  was  publifhed.  In  the  mean  while, 
no  body  was  called  to  lay  their  hands  on  the  Queen's  belly, 
in  order  to  a  full  fatisfa6tion.  When  the  Princefs  came  to  town 
three  days  after,  (he  had  as  little  fatisfadion  given  her.  Cham' 
berla'in,  the  man  midwife,  who  was  always  ordered  to  attend 
her  labour  before,  and  who  brought  the  plaifters  for  putting 
back  the  milk,  wondered  that  he  had  not  been  fent  to.  He 
went  according  to  cuftom  with  the  plaifters:  But  he  was  told 
they  had  no  occafion  for  him.  He  fancied,  that  fome  other 
perfon  was  put  in  his  place:  But  he  could  not  find  that  any  had  it. 
All  that  concerned  the  milk,  or  the  Queen's  purgations,  was 
managed  ftill  in  the  dark.  This  made  all  people  inclined  more 
and  more  to  believe,  there  was  a  bafe  impofture  now  put  on  the 
Nation.  That  ftill  increafed.  That  night  one  Hsm'mgSj  a  very 
worthy  man,  an  Apothecary  by  his  trade,  who  lived  in  St.  Mar^ 
tin's  Lane,  the  very  next  door  to  a  family  of  an  eminent  Pa- 
pift:  [Brown y  brother  to  the  Vifcount  A/<?«/^£y//^,  lived  there:) 
The  wall  between  his  parlour  and  theirs  being  fo  thin,  that  he 
could  eafily  hear  any  thing  that  was  faid  with  a  louder  voice, 
he  [Hem'tngs)  was  reading  in  his  parlour  late  at  night,  when  he 

I  heard 


of  King  James  II. 


755 

heard  one  coming  into  the  neighbouring  parlour,  and  fay  with    1688 
a  doleful  voice,    the  Prince  oi  H'^ales  is   dead:   Upon  which  a *'-'''''^^''**^ 
great  many  that  lived  in  the  houfe  came  down  ftairs  very  quick : 
Upon  this  confufion  he  could  not  hear  any  thing  more;  but  it 
was  plain,  they  were  in  a  great  confternation.     He  went  with 
the  news  next  morning  totheBifliops  in  the  Tower.     TheCoun- 
tefs  oi  Clarendon  came  thither  foon  after,    and  told  them,  rtie 
had  been   at  the  young  Prince's  door,    but  was  denied  accefs: 
She  was  amazed  at  it;    and  aiked,    if  they  knew  her:     They    - 
faid,  they  did;  but  that  the  Queen  had  ordered,  that  no  per- 
fon  whatfoever  fhould  be  fuffered  to  come  in  to  him.     This  gave 
credit  to  Hemin^s  ftory,   and  looked  as  if  all  was  ordered  to  be 
keptfhutupclofe,  till  another  child  was  found.     One,  that  faw  the 
child  two  days  after,  faid  to  me,  that  he  looked  ftrong,  and  not 
like  a  child  fo  newly  born.     Wmdebank  met  Walgrave  the  day 
after  this  birth,  and  remembred  him  of  what  he  had  told  him 
eight  weeks  before.     He  acknowledged  what  he  had  faid,  but 
added,  that  God  wrought  miracles :  To  which   no  reply  could, 
or  durft  be  made  by  the  other:    It  needed   none.     So  healthy 
a  child  being  fo  little  like  any  of  thofe  the  Queen   had  born , 
it  was  given  out,  that  he  had  fits,  and  could  not  live.    But  thofe 
who  faw  him  every  day  obferved  no  fuch  thing.    On  the  con- 
trary the  child  was  in  a  very  profperous  ftate.     None  of  thofe 
fits  ever  happen'd,  when  the  Princefs  was  at  Court;  for  fhe  could 
not  be  denied   admittance,    tho*  all  others  were.     So  this  was 
believed  to  be  given  out  to  make  the  matter  more  credible.  It 
is  true,  fome  weeks  after  that,  the  Court  being  gone  to  IVmd- 
fory  and  the  child  fent  to  Richmond^  he  fell  into  fuch  fits,  that 
four  phyficians  were  fent  for.     They  all  looked   on  him  as  a 
dying  child.     The  King  and  Queen  were  fent  for.     The  phy-'^'iechiid.as 
iicians  went  to  a  dmner  prepared  tor  them;  and  were  often  won-cd, died,and 
dring  that  they  were  not  called  for.     They  took  it  for  grant- put 'j'|"hu" 
cd,  that  the  child  was  dead.    But,  when  they  went  in  after  din-^^^""- 
ner  to  look  on  him,  they  faw  a  found  healthy  child,  that  feem- 
cd  to  have  had  no  fort  of  illnefs  on  him.     It  was  faid,  that  the 
child  was  ftrangely  revived  of  a  fudden.     Some  of  the  phyfici- 
ans told  Llo'ydy  Bifhop  of  St.  j^faphy  that  it  was  not  poflible  for 
them  to  think  it  was  the  fame  child.     They  looked  on  one  ano- 
ther, but  durft  not  fpeak  what  they  thought. 

Thus  I  have  related  fuch  particulars  as  I  could  gather  of  this 
birth ;  To  which  fome  more  fhall  be  added,  when  I  give  an 
account  of  the  proof  that  the  King  brought  afterwards  to  put 
this  matter  out  of  doubt ;  but  by  which  it  became  indeed  more 
doubtful  than  ever.  I  took  molt  of  thefc  from  the  informati- 
ons that  were  fent  over  to  the  Prince   and  Princefs  of  Orangey 

p  F  as 


7  54         The  History  of  the  Reign 

1^88    as  I  had  many  from  the  vouchers  themfclves      I   do  not  mix 
<y^y^^  with  thcfe   the  various  reports   that  were,     both  then   and  af- 
terwards, fpread  of  this  matter,  of  which   Bifhop  Lloyd  has  a 
great  colleftion ,    moft  of  them  well  attefted.     What  truth  fo- 
tvcr  may  be  in  thefe,  this  is  certain,  that  the  method  in  which 
this  matter  was  conduced  from  firft  to  laft  was  very  unaccounta- 
ble.    If  an   impofture  had  been  intended ,    it  could   not   have 
been  otherwife  managed.     The  pretended  excufe  that  the  Q.ueen 
made,  that  Ihe  owed  no  fatisfadion  to  thofe  who  could  fufpeft 
her  capable  of  fuch  bafe  forgery,  was  the  only  excufe  that  (he 
could  have  made,  if  it  had  been  really  what  it  was  commonly 
faid  to  be.     She  feemed  to  be  foon  recovered,  and  was  fo  little 
altered  by  her  labour,  either  in  her  looks   or  voice,  that  this 
helped  not  a  little  to  encrcafe  jealoufies.     The  rejoycings  over 
England  upon  this  birth  were  very  cold  and  forced.     Bonefires 
were  made  in  fome  places,  and  a  fet  of  congratulatory  addrelTcs 
went  round  the  Nation.     None  durft  oppofe  them.     But  all  was 
formal ,  and   only  to  make  a  (hew. 
The  Prince      The  Prince  and  Princefs  of  Orange  received  the  news  of  this  birth 
and  Frincefs  very  deccntly.     The  firft  letters  gave  not  thofe  grounds  of  fufpicion 
£u[rfon-  that  were  fent  to  them  afterwards.     So  they  fent  over  Ztiylejlem  to 
gratuiate.     congratulate:  And  the  Princefs  ordered  the  Prince  oi  Wales  to  be 
prayed  for  in  her  Chapel.     Upon  this  occafion,  it  may  not  be  im- 
proper to  fet  down  what  the  Princefs  faid  to  my  felf  on  this 
fubjed  two  years  before.     I  had  alked  her,  in  the  freedom  of 
much  difcourfe,  if  fhe  knew  the  temper  of  her  own  mind,  and 
how  (he  could  bear  the  Queen's  having  a  fon.     She  faid,  flic 
was  fure  it  would  give  her  no  concern  at  all  on  her  own   ac- 
count:    God  knew  heft  what  was  fit  for  her:    And,    if  it  was 
not  to  ferve  the  great  ends  of  providence,  flie  was  fure  that,  as 
to  her  felf,    ftie  would  rather  wifli  to  live  and   die  in  the  con- 
dition flie  was  then  in.     The  advertifements  formerly  mention- 
ed came  over  from  fo  many  hands,  that  it  was  impoflible  not 
to  be  fliaken  by  them.     It  was  alfo  taken  ill   in  England^  that 
the  Princefs  fliould  have  begun  fo  early  to  pray  for  the  pretend- 
'  ed  Prince:  Upon  which  the  naming  him  difcontinued.    But  this 

was  fo  highly  refented  by  the  Court  oi  England,  that  the  Prince, 
fearing  it  might  precipitate  a  rupture,  ordered  him  to  be  again 
named  in  the  prayers. 
The  Prince      The  Prince  fet  himfelf  with  great  application  to  prepare  for 
eipSition    tl^e  intended  expedition :  For  Zwylefle'm  brought  him  fuch  po- 
10  En^Lad.  fitive  advices,  and  fuch  an  affurance  of  the  invitation  he  had  de- 
fired,    that  he  was  fully  fixed  in  his  purpofe.     It  was   advifed 
from  England,  that  the  Prince  could  never  hope  for  a  more  fa- 
vourable conjund:ure,  nor  for  better  grounds  to  break  on,  than 

he 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  11.  755 

Be  had  at  that  time.     The  whole  Natioa  was  in   a  high   fcr-    i62>% 
mentation.     The   proceedings  againft   the  Bifhops,    and  thofe*"-^''^^"'^ 
that   were    ftill    kept    on    foot  againft    the  Clergy,    made  all 
people  think  the  ruin  of  the  Church  was  refolved  on,  and  that 
on  the  firft  occafion  it  would  be  executed,  and  that  the  Religi- 
on  would  be  altered.     The  pretended  birth  made  them  reckon 
that  Popery  and  Slavery  would  be  entailed  on  the  Nation.  And, 
if  this  heat  went  off,  people  would  lofe   heart.     It  was  alfo  vi- 
fible,  that  the  Army  continued  well  afFeded.     They  fpokeopen-    . 
ly  againft  Popery;    They  drank  the  moft  reproachful  healths 
againft    them  that   could    be   invented  ,    and    treated   the  few 
Papifts  that  were  among  them  with  fcorn  and  averfion.     The 
King  faw  this  fo  vifibly,  that  he  broke  up  the  camp,  and  fcnt 
them  to  their  quarters  :  And  it  was  believed,  that  he  would  bring 
them  no  more  together,    till  they  were  modelled  more  to  his 
mind.     The  feamen  fliewcd  the  fame  inclinations.     The  Dutch 
had  fet  out  a  fleet  of  twenty  four  men  of  war,  on  pretence  to 
fecure  their  trade :  So  the  King  refolved  to  fet  out  as  ftrong  a 
fleet.     Strkklandy    who  was  a  Papift,    had  the  command.     He 
brought  fome  Priefts  aboard  with  him,    who  faid  Mafs,  or  at 
leaft  performed  fuch  offices  of  their  Religion  as  are  allowed  on 
fhips  of  war:  And  the  Chaplain,  that  was  to  ferve  the  Protef- 
tants  in  Strickland's  {hip,  was  fent  away  upon  a  flight  pretence. 
This  put  the  whole  Fleet  into  fuch  a  diforder,  that  it  was  like 
to  end  in  a  mutiny.     Strickland ^\im{)^cd  fome  for  this:  And  the 
King  came  down  to  accommodate  the  matter.     He  fpoke  very 
foftly  to  the  feamen :  Yet  this  made  no  great  impreflion :    For 
they  hated  Popery  in  general,  and  Strickland  in  particular.      When 
fome   gained  perfons  among  the  feamen   tried  their   affediions 
to  the  Dutchy  it  appeared  they  had  no  inclinations  to  make  war 
on  them.     They  faid  aloud,  they  were   their  friends  and  their 
brethren  ,•   but  they  would  very  willingly  go  againft  the  French. 
The  King  faw  all  this,    and  was  refolved  to  take  other  more 
moderate  meafures. 

Thefe  advices  were  fuggefted  by  the  Earl  o^  Sunderland^  vfho SundcrU^d 
faw  the  King  was  running  violently   to  his  own  ruin.     So,  asfn,^re^node. 
fbon  as  the  Queen  admitted  men  to  audiences,    he  had   fome^.^'^^^.P'^"" 
very  long  ones  of  her.     He  reprefented  to  her  ,    that  the  ftate 
of  her  affairs  was  quite  changed  by  her  having  a  fon.     There 
was  no  need  of  driving  things  faft,  now  they  had  a  fucceffion 
fure:     Time  would  bring  all   about,    if  matters   were  but  loftly 
managed.     He  told  her,  it  would  become  her  to  (^t  up  for  the 
author  of  gentle  counfels ,     that  ihe  might  by  another  admi- 
niftration  lay  the  flame  that  was  now  kindled.     By  this  flie  would 
gain  the  hearts  of  the  Nation,  both  to  her  felf  and  to  her  fon  : 
i  She 

\ 


75(5         JheHlST  OR  Y  of  the  Reign 

1688  She  might  be  declared  Regent,  in  cafe  the  King  fhould  die  be- 
\.y^>r\J  fore  her  Ton  came  to  be  of  age.  He  found  thefe  advices  be- 
gan to  be  hearkned  to.  But,  that  he  might  have  the  more  cre- 
dit in  preffing  them,  he,  who  had  but  too  flight  notions  of  re- 
ligion, refolved  to  declare  himfelf  a  Papift.  And  then,  he  be- 
ing in  the  fame  intereft  with  her,  and  mofl:  violently  hated  for 
this  ill  ftep  he  had  made,  he  gained  fuch  an  afcendant  over 
her  fpirit,  that  things  were  like  to  be  put  in  another  manage- 
ment. 
And  he  He  made  the  ftep  to  Popery  all  of  the  fudden,  without  any 

turned  Pa-  prgvious  inftrudiiou  or  conference:  So  that  the  change  he  made 
looked  too  like  a  man  who,  having  no  religion,  took  up  one, 
rather  for  to  ferve  a  turn ,    than  that  he  was  truly  changed  from 
one  religion  to  another.     He  has  been  fince  accufed,  as  if  he 
had  done  all  this  to  gain  the  more  credit,  that  fo  he  might  the 
more  effedually  ruin  the  King.     There  was  a  fufpicion  of  ano- 
ther nature,    that  ftuck  with  fome  in  En^and^    who  thought 
that  Mr.  Sidney^  who  had  the  fecret  of  all  the  correfpondence 
that  was  between  the  Prince  and  his  party  in  England^  being  in 
particular    friendfhip    with    the  Earl   of  Sunderland ^    the  Earl 
had  got  into  that  fecret:   And  they  fancied   he  would  get  into 
the  Prince's  confidence  by  S'tdnefs  means.     So  I  was  writ  to, 
and  defired  to  put ^ it  home  to  the  Prince,    whether  he  was  in 
any  confidence  or  correfpondence  with  the  Earl  of  Sunderland , 
or  not?  For,  till  they  were  fatisfied  in  that  matter,  they  would 
not  go  on  J  fince  they  believed  he  would  betray  all,  when  things 
were  ripe  for  it,    and  that  many  were  engaged  in  the  defign. 
The  Prince  upon  that  did  fay  very  pofitively,  that  he  was  ia 
no  fort  of  correfpondence  with    him.     His  counfels  lay  then 
another  way.    And,  if  time  had  been  given  him   to  follow  the 
fcheme  then  laid  down  by   him,    things  might  have  turned  fa- 
tally: And  the  Nation  might  have  been  fo  laid  afleep  with  new 
promifes,  and  a  different  conduct,  that  in  a  flow  method  they 
might  have  gained  that,    which  they   were  fo   near  lofing  by 
the  violent  proceedings  in  which  they  had  gone  fo  far.     The  Judges 
had  orders  in  their  circuits  to  proceed  very  gently,  and  to  give 
new  promifes  in  the  King's  name.     But  they  were  treated  every 
where  with  fuch  contempt,  that  the  common  decencies  were  fcarce 
paid  them,  when  they  were  on  the  bench.     And  they  now  faw 
that  the  prefentments  of  Grand  Juries,  and  the  verdi(5ts  of  other 
Juries,    were  no  more  under  their  direction.     Things  flept  in 
England^  as  is  ufual,  during  the  long  vacation.     But  the  Courc 
had  little  quiet,  having  every  day   frefh    alarms  from  abroad, 
as  well  as  great  mortifications  at  home. 

1  I  muft 


of  Ki/ig]  AMES  II  TBI 

I  muft  now  change  the  fccne,    and  give  a  large  account  of   id88 
the  affairs  abroad,  they  having  fuch  a  connection  with  all  th.:it):^f^y^ 
followed  in  England.     Upon  the  Eled:or  of  Brandenbitrglfs  death,  of  Ora^^e 
the  Prince  fent  Mr.   Bentink  with   the  compliment  to  the  newI[,"5J,"  ^"'' 
Eledior:  And  he  was  ordered  to  lay  before  him  the  ftate  of  af- Jj""'""*  ^^ 
fairs,  and  to   communicate   the  Prince's   defign    to   him,    and 
to    alk  him,    how   much  he  might  depend  upon  him   for  his 
affiftance.     The  anfwer  was  full  and  frank.     He  offered  all  that     . 
was  alkcd ,    and  more.     The  Prince  refolved  to   carry  over  to 
England  zn  Army  of  nine  thoufand  foot,  and  four  thoufand  horfe 
and  dragoons.      He  intended   to  choofc  thefe  out  of  the  whole 
Dutch  Army.     But  for  the  fecurity  of  the  States,  under  fuch  a 
diminution  of  their  force,  it  was  necelfary   to   have  a  ftrength 
from   fome  other  Princes.     This   was  foon   concerted   between 
the  Prince  and  the  new  Eleftor,  with  the  Landgrave  of  Hejpfy 
and  the  Duke  of  Lunenburg  and  Zell^  who  had  a  particular  af- 
fedion  to  the  Prince,  and  was  a  cordial  friend  to  him  on  all 
occafions. 

His  brother,  the  Duke  of  Hannover^  was  at  that  time  in  fome 
engagements  with  the  Court  of  France.  But,  fince  he  had  mar- 
ried the  Princefs  Sophia  of  the  Palatine  Houfe,  I  ventured  to  fend 
a  melTage  to  her  by  one  of  their  Court,  who  was  then  at  the 
Hague.  He  was  a  French  Refugee,  named  Mr.  Boucour.  It  was 
to  acquaint  her  with  our  defign  with  relation  to  E'ngland^  and 
to  let  her  know,  that,  if  we  fucceeded,  certainly  a  perpetual 
exclufion  of  all  Papifts  from  the  fucceflion  to  the  Crown  would 
be  cnadied:  And,  fince  fhe  was  the  next  Proteftant  heir  after 
the  two  Princeflfes,  and  the  Prince  of  Orange^  of  whom  at  that 
time  there  was  no  ilTue  alive,  I  was  very  confident,  that,  if  the 
Duke  oi  Hannover  zo\A^^:^Q  difengaged  from  the  interefts  of  France, 
fo  that  he  came  into  our  interefts,  the  fucceflTion  to  the  Crown 
would  be  lodged  in  her  perfon,  and  in  her  pofterityj  tho'  on 
the  other  hand,  if  he  continued,  as  he  ftood  then,  engaged  with 
France^  I  could  not  anfwer  for  this.  The  Gentleman  carried 
the  melTage,  and  delivered  it.  The  Duchefs  entertained  it  with 
much  warmth:  And  brought  him  to  the  Duke  to  repeat  it  to 
him.  But  at  that  time  this  made  no  great  impreflion  on  him. 
He  looked  on  it  as  a  remote  and  a  doubtful  project.  Yet  when 
he  faw  our  fiiccefs  in  England,  he  had  other  thoughts  of  it. 
Some  days  after  this  Frenchman  was  gone,  I  told  the  Prince 
what  1  had  done.  He  approved  of  it  heartily :  But  was  parti- 
cularly glad,  that  I  had  done  it,  as  of  my  felf,  without  com- 
municating it  to  him,  or  any  way  engaging  him  in  it:  For  he 
faid,  if  it  (liould  happen  to  be  known  that  the  propofition  was 
made  by  him,  it  might  do  us  hurt  in  England,  as  if  he  had  al- 

p  G  ready 


758  TheHlsroRY  of  the  Reign 

1688   ready  reckoned  himfelf  fo  far  mafter,    as  to  be  forming  pro- 
v/v>o  jcfts  concerning  the  fucceflion  to  the  Crown. 
The  affairs      But  while  this  was  in  a  fecret  management,    the  Eledor  of 
ofCo/em.     (j^ig.^f^  death  came  in  very  luckily  to  give  a  good  colour  to  in- 
trigues  and  preparations.     The  old  Eledtor  was  brother  to  Max}- 
m'tltan,  Duke  of  Bavaria.     He  had  been  long  Bifhop,  both  of 
Colen  and  L'tege:    He  was  alfo  eleded  Bifliop  of  Mimfler:    But 
the  Pope  would  never  grant  his  Bulls  for  that  See:  But  he  had 
the  temporalties,  and  that  was  all  he  thought  on.     He  had  thus 
a  revenue  of  near  four  millions  of  Guilders,  and  four  great  Bi- 
fhopricksj  for  he  was  likewife  ^'\G[io^  oi H'lldefhe'im.     He  could 
arm  and  pay  twenty  thoufand  men,  befides  that  his  dominions 
lay  quite  round  the  Netherlands.      Munfter   lay   between    them 
and  the  Northern  parts  oi German'^;  and  from  thence  their  beft 
recruits  came.     Colen  commanded  twenty  leagues  of  the  Rhine  ^ 
by  which,  as  an  entrance  was  opened  into  Holland,  which  they 
had  felt  fevcrely  in  the  year    167  ij  fo  the  Spanijh  Netherlands. 
were  entirely  cut  off  from  all  afliftance  that  might  be  fent  them 
out  of  German'^:  And  Ltege  was  a  country  full  both  of  people 
and  wealth,  by  which  an  entrance  is  open  into  Brabant:    And 
if  Mafireicht  was  taken ,  the  Maefe  was  open  down  to  Hollands 
So  it  was  of  great  importance  to  the  States  to  take  care  who 
fhould  fucceed  him.     The  old  man  was  a  weak  Prince,  much 
fet  on  chymical  procelTes,  in  hopes  of  the  Philofopher's  ftone. 
He  had  taken  one  of  the  Princes  of  Furftenberg  into  his  parti- 
cular confidence,  and  was  entirely  governed  by  him.     He  made 
him  one  of  the  Canons  of  Colen:  And  he  came  to  be  Deao  at 
laft.     He  made  him  not  only  his  chief  Minifter,    but  left  the 
nomination  of  the  Canons  that  were  preferred  by  him  wholly 
to  his  choice.     The  Bifhop,  and  the  Dean  and  Chapter,  name 
thofe  by   turns.    So,  what  by  thofe  the  Eledor  named  on  his 
motion,  what  by  thofe  he  got  to  be  chofen,  he  reckoned  he 
was  fure  of  fucceeding  the  Eledor:    And  nothing  but  ill  ma- 
nagement could  have  prevented  it.     He  had  no  hopes  of  fuc- 
ceeding at  Munfier.     But  he  had  taken  much  pains  to  fecure 
Liege. 

1  need  not  enlarge  further  on  this  flory,  than  to  remem- 
ber that  he  got  the  Eledior  to  deliver  his  Country  up  to  the 
French,  xn  the  year  1672,  and  that  the  treaty  opened  at  Colen 
was  broken  up  on  his  being  feized  by  the  Emperor's  order.  Af- 
ter he  was  fet  at  liberty,  he  was,  upon  the  recommendation  of 
the  Court  of  France^  made  a  Cardinal,  tho'  with  much  difficul- 
ty. In  the  former  winter,  the  Emperor  had  been  prevailed  on 
by  the  Palatine  Family  to  confent  to  the  clcdion  of  a  Coadju- 
tor in  Colen,     But  this  was  an  artifice  of  the  Cardinal's,   who 

deceived 


of  King  JAMES  II.  759 

deceived  that  family  into  the  hopes  of  carrying  the  eledion    i(J88 
for  one  of  their  branches.     And   they  obtained  the  Emperor's '*''^"^''^*^ 
confent  to  it,  without  which  it  could  not  be  done.    But  fo  ill 
grounded  were  the  Palatine's  hopes,    that  of  twenty  five  voices 
the  Cardinal  had  nineteeen,  and  they  had  only  fix  voices. 

The  conteft  at  Rome  aboun  the  Franchifes  had  now  occafi- 
oned  fuch  a  rupture  there,  that  Frame  and  Rome  feemed  to  be 
in  a  Rate  of  war.  The  Count  Lavardin  was  fent  EmbafTador 
to  Rome.  But  the  Pope  refufed  to  receive  him,  unlefs  he  would 
renounce  the  pretenfion  to  the  Franchifes.  So  he  cnterd Rome 
in  a  hoftile  manner,  with  fome  troops  of  horfe,  tho'  not  in 
form  of  troops :  But  the  force  was  too  great  for  the  Pope.  He 
kept  guards  about  his  houfe,  and  in  the  Franchifes,  and  affront- 
ed the  Pope's  authority  on  all  occafions.  The  Pope  bore  all 
filently,-  but  would  never  admit  him  to  an  audience,  nor  re- 
ceive any  meflfage  nor  interceffion  from  the  Court  of  France; 
and  kept  off  every  thing,,  in  which  they  concerned  themfelves: 
And  therefore  he  would  not  confirm  the  eledion  of  a  Coadjutor 
to  Coleti.  So,  that  not  being  done  when  the  Eled:or  died ,  the 
Canons  were  to  proceed  to  a  new  eledion,  the  former  being 
void,  becaufe  not  confirmed :  For  if  it  had  been  confirmed,  there 
would  have  been  no  vacancy. 

The  cabal  againft  the  Cardinal  grew  fo  ftrong,  that  he  be- 
gan to  apprehend  he  might  lofe  it,  if  he  had  not  leave  from 
the  Pope  to  refign  the  Bilhoprick  of  Strashurg^  which  the  French 
had  forced  him  to  accept,  only  to  leflcn  the  penfion  that  they 
paid  him  by  giving  him  that  Bifhoprick.  By  the  rules  of  the 
Empire,  a  man  that  is  already  a  Bifhop,  cannot  be  chofen  to 
another  See,  but  by  a  poftulation:  And  to  that  it  is  neceffary 
to  have  a  concurrence  of  two  thirds  of  the  Chapter.  But  ic 
was  at  the  Pope's  choice,  whether  he  would  accept  of  the  re- 
fignation  oi  Strasbmgj  or  not:  And  therefore  he  refufed  it.  The 
King  of  France  fent  a  Gentleman  to  the  Pope  with  a  letter  writ 
in  his  own  hand,  defiring  him  to  accept  of  that  refignation, 
and  promifing  him  upon  it  all  reafonable  fatisfadion :  But  the 
Pope  would  not  admit  the  bearer,  nor  receive  the  letter.  He 
faid,  while  the  French  Embaffador  lived  at  Rome  like  an  ene- 
my, that  had  invaded  it,  he  would  receive  nothing  from  than 
Court.  > 

In  the  BiHiopricks  oi Munjier  and  Hildejlmm^  the  Deans  were 
promoted,  of  whom  both  the  States  and  the  Princes  of  the  Em- 
pire were  well  affured.  But  a  new  management  was  fet  up  at 
Colen,  The  Eltttor  of  Bavaria  had  been  difgufted  at  lome 
things  in  theEmperor's Court.  Hecomplained,  that  the  honour 
of  the  fuccels   m  Hungary  was  given  io  entirely   to   the  Duke 

I  of 


7<5o        The  History  of  the  Reign 

1^88  of  Lorra'nt,  that  he  had  not  the  fliare  which  belonged  to  him. 
'^/V>w>'The  French  inftruments  that  were  then  about  him  took  occafi- 
on  to  alienate  him  more  from  the  Emperor,  by  reprefenting 
to  him,  that,  in  the  management  now  at  Colen^  the  Emperor 
(hewed  more  regard  to  the  Palatine  Family  than  to  himfelf, 
after  all  the  fervice  he  had  done  him.  The  Emperor,  appre- 
hending the  ill  confequences  of  a  breach  with  him,  fent  and 
offered  him  the  fupream  command  of  his  Armies  in  Hungary 
for  that  year,  the  Duke  of  Lorra'm  being  taken  ill  of  a  fever, 
juft  as  they  were  upon  opening  the  Campaign.  He  likewife 
offered  him  all  the  voices  that  the  Palatine  had  made  at  Colen^ 
in  favour  of  his  brother  Prince  Clement.  Upon  this  they  were 
aiiain  reconciled  :  And  the  Elector  of  Bavaria  commanded  the 
Emperor's  Army  in  Hungar'y  fo  fuccefsfully,  that  he  took  Bel- 
grade by  ftorm  after  a  fhort  (lege.  Prince  Clement  was  then  but 
feventeen,  and  was  not  of  the  Chapter  oiColen.  So  he  was  not 
eligible  according  to  their  rules,  till  he  obtained  a  Bull  from  the 
Pope  difpenfing  with  thefe  things.  That  was  eafily  got.  With 
it  the  Emperor  fent  one  to  manage  the  election  in  his  name, 
with  exprefs  inftrudions  to  offer  the  Chapter  the  whole  reve- 
nue and  government  of  the  temporalties  for  five  years,  in  cale 
they  would  choofe  Prince  Clement ^  who  wanted  all  that  time 
to  be  of  age.  If  he  could  make  nine  voices  fure  for  him,  he 
was  to  ftick  firm  to  his  intereft.  But,  if  he  could  not  gain  io 
many,  he  was  to  confent  to  any  perfon  that  fhould  be  itt  up 
in  oppofition  to  the  Cardinal.  He  was  ordered  to  charge  him 
fevercly  before  the  Chapter,  as  one  that  had  been  for  many- 
years  an  enemy  and  traitor  to  the  Empire.  This  was  done  with 
all  pollible  aggravations,  and  in  very  injurious  words. 

The  Chapter  faw,  that  this  eledtion  was  like  to  be  attended 
with  a  war  in  their  Country,  and  other  difmal  confequences: 
For  the  Cardinal  was  chofen  by  the  Chapter  Vicar,  or  Guardian 
of  the  temporalties :  And  he  had  put  garrifons  in  all  their  for- 
tified places,  that  were  paid  with  French  money:  And  they 
knew,  he  would  put  them  all  in  the  King  of  France'^  hands, 
if  he  was  not  ele<^ed.  They  had  promifed  not  to  vote  in  fa- 
vour of  the  Bavarian  Prince.  So  they  offered  to  the  Emperor's 
agent  to  confent  to  any  third  perfon.  But  ten  voices  were 
made  fure  to  Prince  Clement:  So  he  was  fixed  to  his  interefts. 
At  the  eledion,  the  Cardinal  had  fourteen  voices,  and  Prince 
Clement  had  ten.  By  this  means  the  Cardinal's  poftulation  was 
defedive,  fince  he  had  not  two  thirds.  And  upon  that  Prince 
Clement^  eledion  was  fir  ft  judged  good  by  the  Emperor  as  to 
the  temporalties,-  but  was  tranfmitted  by  him  to  Rome^  where 
a  congregation  of  Cardinals  examined  it:  And  it  was  judged  in 
I  *  favour 


v^oryj 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  II.      *  761 

favour  of  Prince  Clement.  The  Cardinal  fucceeded  worfe  at  16%% 
Liege ,  where  the  Dean  was  without  any  difficulty  chofen  BiQiop; 
And  nothing  but  the  Cardinal's  purple  faved  him  from  the  vio- 
lences of  the  people  of  Liege.  He  met  with  all  forts  of  inju- 
rious ufage,  being  hated  there,  both  on  the  account  of  his  de- 
pending fo  much  on  the  protection  oi  France  y  and  for  the  ef- 
fc<5ts  they  had  felt  of  his  violent  and  cruel  Miniftry  under  the 
old  Elector.  I  will  add  one  circumftance  in  honour  of  fome  of 
the  Canons  of  Liege.  They  not  only  would  accept  of  no  pre- 
fents  from  thofe  whom  the  States  appointed  to  aflift  in  manage- 
ing  that  ele<5tion,  before  it  was  made  j  but  they  refufed  them  af- 
ter the  clc6tion  was  over.  This  I  faw  in  the  letter  that  the 
States  Deputy  wrote  to  the  Hague. 

I  have  given  a  more  particular  account  of  this  matter;  be- 
caufe  I  was  acquainted  with  all  the  fteps  that  were  made  in  it. 
And  it  had  fuch  an  immediate  relation  to  the  peace  and  fafety 
oi  Holland y  that,  if  they  had  mifcarried  in  it,  the  expedition 
defigned  for  England  would  not  have  been  fo  fafe,  nor  could 
it  have  been  propofed  eafily  in  the  States.  By  this  it  appeared, 
what  an  influence  the  Papacy,  low  as  it  is,  may  ftill  have  in 
the  matters  of  the  greateft  confequence.  The  foolifh  pride  of 
the  French  Court,  which  had  aflFronted  the  Pope,  in  a  point  in 
which,  fi nee  they  allowed  him  to  be  the  Prince  oi  Rome  ^  he 
certainly  could  lay  down  fuch  rules  as  he  thought  fit,  did  now 
defeat  a  defiga  that  they  had  been  long  driving  at,  and  which 
could  not  have  mifcarried  by  any  other  means,  than  thofe  that 
they  bad  found  out.  Such  great  events  may  and  do  often  rife 
from  inconfiderable  beginnings.  Thefe  things  furniflied  the 
Prince  with  a  good  blind  for  covering  all  his  preparations ;  fincc 
here  a  war  in  their  neighbourhood  was  unavoidable,  and  it  was 
neceffary  to  ftrengthen  both  their  alliances  and  their  troops. 
For  it  was  vifible  to  all  the  world,  that,  if  the  French  could 
have  fixed  themfelvcs  in  the  territory  of  Colen^  the  way  was 
opened  to  enter  Holland ^  or  to  feize  on  Flanders  y  when  the 
King  pleafed  ,•  and  he  would  have  the  four  Electors  on  the  Rhine 
at  mercy.  It  was  neceffary  to  diflodge  them,  and  this  could  not 
be  done  without  a  war  with  France.  The  Prince  got  the  States 
to  fettle  a  fund  for  nine  thoufand  feamen  to  be  conftantly  in 
their  fervice.  And  orders  were  given  to  put  the  naval  prepara- 
tions in  fuch  a  cafe,  that  they  might  be  ready  to  put  to  fea 
upon  orders.  Thus  things  went  on  in  July  and  Augufl  y  with 
fo  much  fecrecy  and  fo  little  fufpicion,  that  neither  the  Court 
of  England  nor  the  Court  of  France  feemed  to  be  alarmed  at 
them. 

^  H  In 


The  Hist  OKY  of  the  Reign 

In  7///7,  Admiral  Herbert  came  over  to  Holland,  and  was  re- 
ceived with  a  particular  regard  to  his  pride  and  ill  humour :  For 
omtover  he  was  upon  every  occafion  fo  fullen  and  peevifh ,    that  it  was 
to  HiiiMd.  plain  he  fet  a  high  value  on  himfelf,  and  expeded  the  fame  of 
all  others.     He  had  got  his  accounts  paft,    in  which  he  com- 
plained, that   the  King  had  ufed  him  not  only  hardly  but  un- 
jaftly.     He  was  a  man  delivered  up  to  pride  and  luxury.    Yet 
he  had  a  good  underftanding:  And  he  had  gained  fo  great  a 
reputation  byhisfteady  behaviour  in  £«g/^W,  that  the  Prince  un- 
derftood  that  it  was  expe<5ted  he  ftiould  ufe  him  as  he  himfelf  {hould 
defire^  in  which  it  was  not  very  eafy  to  him  to  conftrain  him- 
felf fo  far  as  that  required.     The  managing  him  was  in  a  great 
raeafure   put  on  me:  And  it  was  no  eafy  thing.     It  made  me 
often  refled  on  the  providence  of  God ,  that  makes  fome  men 
inftruments  in  great  things,  to  which  they  themfelves  have  no 
fort  of  affection  or  difpofition :     For  his  private  quarrel   with 
the  Lord  Dartmouthy  who  he  thought  had  more  of  the  King's 
confidence  than  he  himfelf  had,  was  believed  the  root  of  all  the 
fullennefs  he  fell  under  towards  the  King,  and  of  all  the  firm- 
nefs  that  grew  out  of  that. 
The  advices     I  uow  return  to  England,  to  give  an  account  of  a  fecret  ma- 
w  ^"^'  °agement  there.     The  Lord  Mordaunt  was  the  firft  of  all  the 
The  Lord  Engl'tjh  NobiHty  that  came  over  openly  to  fee  the   Prince  of 
SaSrf*  Orange.     He  alked  the  King's  leave  to  do  it.     He  was  a  maa 
of  much  heat,  many  notions,  and  full  of  difcourfe :  He  was  brave 
and  generous :     But  had  not  true  judgment :  His  thoughts  were 
crude  and  indigefted:  And  his  fecrets  were  foon  known.     He 
was  with  the  Prince  in  the  year  i6%6:  And  then  he  prelTcd  him 
to  undertake  the  bufinefs  of  England:    And  he  reprefented  the 
matter  as  fo  eafy  ,    that  this  appeared   too   romantical  to  the 
Prince  to  build  upon  it.     He  only  promifed  in  general,  that  he 
fhould  have  an  eye  on  the  afiFairs  of  England -y    and  fhould  en- 
deavour to  put  the  affairs  of  Holland  in  fo  good  a  pofture ,    as 
to  be  ready  to  ad:  when  it  fhould  be  necelfary  :  And  he  afTur- 
ed  him,  that,  if  the  King  fhould  go  about  either  to  change  the 
cftablifhed  religion,  or  to  wrong  the  Princefs  in  her  right,  or 
to  raife  forged  plots  to  deftroy  his  friends,  that  he   would  try 
what  he  could  poffibly  do.    Next  year  a  man  of  a  far  different 
temper  came  over  to  him : 
The  Earl  of     The  Earl  of  Shrewsbury.     He  had  been  bred  a  Papift,   but 
chaJStr.'^^^^^  forfaken  that  religion  upon  a  very  critical  and  anxious  en- 
quiry into  matters   of  controverfy.     Some  thought,  that,  tho' 
he  had  forfaken  Popery ,    he  was  two  fceptical,  and  too  little 
fixed  in  the  points   of  religion.      He   feemed   to   be  a  man  of 
great  probity ,   and  to  have  a  high  fenfe  of  honour.     He  had 

no 


of  King  James  II.  7(55 

no  ordinary  meafure  of  learning,    a  corred:  judgment,  with  a    i<588 
fweetncfs  of  temper  that  charmed  all  who  knew  him.     He  had^^'^'^^ 
at  that  time  juft  notions  of  government ,-  and  fo  great  a  com- 
mand of  himfelf,  that,    during  all  the  time  that  he  cootinued 
in  the  Miniftry,  I  never  heard  any  one  complaint  of  Kim,  but 
for  his  filent  and  referved  anfwers,  with  which  his  friends  were 
not  always  well  pleafed.     His  modeft  deportment  gave  him  fuch 
an  intereft  in  the  Prince,  that  he  never  feemed  fo  fond  of  any 
of  his  Minifters,  as  he  was  of  him.     He  had  only  in  general      - 
laid  the  ftate  of  affairs  before  the  Prince,  without  prefling  him 
too  much. 

But  Rujfel  coming  over  in  Ma'^  brought  the  matter  nearer  ^Rufci\ 
point.    He  was  a  coufm  german   to  the  Lord  Ruffd.     He  had*^'^"^''"^'^''- 
been  bred  at  fea,  and  was  Bed-chamber-man  to  the  King,  when 
he  was  Duke  of  Tork:     But,  upon  the  Lord  Rtijfeh  death,    he 
retired  from  the  Court.     He  was  a  man  of  much  honour,  and 
great  courage.     He  had  good  principles,  and  was  firm  to  them. 
The  Prince  fpoke  more  pofitively  to   him,    than   he  had  ever 
done  before.     He  faid,    he  muft  fatisfy  both  his   honour  and 
confcience,  before  he  could  enter  upon  fo  great  a  defign,  which, 
if  it  mifcarried,  muft  bring  ruin  both  on  England  and  Holland: 
He  protefted,    that  no  private  ambition  nor  refentment  of  his 
own  could  ever  prevail  fo  far  with  him,  as  to  make  him  break 
with  fo  near  a  relation,  or  engage  in  a  war,  of  which  the  con- 
fequences  muft  be  of  the  laft  importance  both  to  the  interefts 
of  Europe  and  of  the  Proteftant  Religion  :     Therefore  he  exped- 
ed  formal  and  dired:  invitations,    /^f^/ laid  before  him  the  dan- 
ger of  trufting  fuch   a  fecret  to   great    numbers.     The  Prince 
faid,  if  a  confiderable  number  of  men,  that  might  be  fi>ppofed 
to  underftand  the  fenfe  of  the  Nation  beft,  ftiould  doit,  he  would 
acquiefce  in  it. 

RuJJel  told  me,  that,  upon  his  return  to  Englaudy  he  com- 
municated the  matter,  firft  to  the  Earl  oi  Shrewsbwy^  and  then 
to  th^  Lord  Lumly^  who  was  a  late  convert  from  Popery,  and 
had  ftood  out  very  firmly  all  this  reign.  He  was  a  man,  who 
laid  his  intereft  much  to  heart :  And  he  refolved  to  embark  deep 
in  this  defign. 

But  the  man  in  whofe  hands  the  condud  of  the  whole  ^t~su„e/s 
fign  was  chiefly  depofited,  by  the  Prince's  own  order,  was  Mr.*^*'"^'^"- 
Sidney y  brother  to  the  Earl  of  Leicejler  and  to  Algernoon  Sidney. 
He  was  a  graceful  man,  and  had  lived  long  in  the  Court,  where 
he  had  fome  adventures  that  became  very  publick.  He  was  a 
man  of  a  fweet  and  carrefling  temper,  had  no  malice  in  his 
heart,  but  too  great  a  love  of  pleafure.  He  had  been  fent  En- 
voy to  Holland  m  the  year  1^7^,  where  he  entred  into  fuch  par- 
I  V  ticular 


764       B^  H I S  T  O  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1688    ticular  confidences  with  the  Prince,    that  he  had  the  higheft 
<y^y^^  meafure  of  his  truft  and  favour  that  any  En^'tfhman  ever  had. 
This  was  well  known  over  England:  So  that  all  who  defired  to 
recommend  themfclves  to  the  Prince  did  it  thro'  his  hands.  He 
was  fo  apprehenfive  of  the  dangers  this  might  caft  him  in,  that 
he  travelled  almoft  a  year  round  Italy.     But  now  matters  ripen- 
ed fafter:    So  all  centered  in  him.    But,  becaufe  he  was  lazy, 
and  the  bufinefs  required  an  adtivc  man ,    who  could  both  run 
about,  and  write  over  long  and  full  accounts  of  all  matters,  I 
recommended  a  kinfman  of  my  own,  Johnfioune  ^    whom  I  had 
formed,    and  knew  to  be  both  faithful  and  diligent,  and  very 
fit  for  the  employment  he  was  now  trufted  with. 
Many  en-       Sidney  tried  the  Marquis  of  Hallifax  y  if  he  would  advife  the 
Stign.'"'"'^ Prince's  coming  over.     But,  as  this  matter  was  opened  to  him 
at  a  great  diftance,    he  did  not  encourage   a  further  freedom. 
He  looked  on  the  thing  as  impradicable.:"  It  depended  on  fomany 
accidents,  that  he  thought  it  was  a  rafli  and  defperate  proje(5t, 
that  ventured   all   upon  fuch  a  dangerous  liTue,  as  might  turn 
on  feas  and  winds.     It  was  next  opened  to  the  Earl  oi  Danby: 
And  he  not  only  went  in  heartily  to  it  himfelf,  but  drew  in  the 
Bifhop  o{  London  10  ]o\ti  in  it.     By  their  advice  it  was  propofed 
to  the  Earl  of  Nottingham^  who  had  great  credit  with  the  whole 
Church  party:  For  he  was  a  man  polTelTed  with  their  notions, 
and  was  grave  and  vertuous  in  the  courfe  of  his  life.     He  had 
fome  knowledge  of  the  law,  and  of  the  records  of  Parliament,  and 
was  a  copious  Speaker,  but  too  florid  and  tedious.    He  Wis  much 
admired  by  many.     He  had   flood  at  a  great  diftance  from  the 
Court  all  this  reign :    For,    tho  his  name  was  ftill  among  the 
Privy  Counfellors,  yet  he  never  went  to  the  board.     He  upon 
the  firft  propofition   entertained  it,    and  agreed  to  it.     But  at 
their  next  meeting  he  faid ,    he  had  confidered  better  of  that 
matter;  His  conlcience  was  fo  reftrained  in  thofc  points,    that 
he  could  not  go  further  with  them  in  it:    He  faid,  he  had  talk- 
ed with  fome  Divines,  and  named  Tdlotfon  and  Sttll'tngfleet^  in 
general  of  the  things  and  they  were  not  fatisficd  with  it:  (Tho* 
they    protefted    to    me  afterwards,     that   they  remembred  no 
fuch  thing:)  He  confefTed,    he  fhould  not  have  fuffered  them 
to  go  fo  far  with  him  in  fuch  a  fecret,    till  he  had  examined 
it  better :  They  had  now,  according  to  Italian  notions,  a  right 
to  murder  him :  But,  tho'  his  principles  reftrained  him,  fo  that 
he  could  not  go  on  with  them,  his  affections  would  make  him 
to  wifh  well  to  them,  and  be  fo  far  a  criminal  as  concealment 
could  make  him  one.     The  Earl  of  Devon/hire  was  fpoke  to : 
And  he  went  into  it  with  great  rcfolution.      It  was  next  pro- 
pofed to  three  of  the  chief  Officers   of  the  Army,  Trelawny ^ 

3  Kirkj 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  ll.  7(55 

Khk^  and  the  Lord   Churchill.     Thefe  went  all  into  if.     And    1688 
Trelawyiy  engaged  his   brother,  the  Bifhop  of  Brijiol,  into  it.     v>nrv/ 

Bur,  having  now  named  the  Lord  Churchilly  who  is  like  to  be  Lord 
mentioned  ofc  by  me  in  the  fcquel  of  this  work,  I  will  fay  afhlraacn' 
little  more  of  him.  He  was  a  man  of  a  noble  and  graceful  ap- 
pearance, bred  up  in  the  Court  with  no  literature:  But  he  had 
a  folid  and  clear  underftanding,  with  a  conftantprefence  of  mind. 
He  knew  the  arts  of  living  in  a  Court  beyond  any  man  in  it. 
He  carelTed  all  people  with  a  foft  and  obliging  deportment^ 
and  was  always  ready  to  do  good  offices.  He  had  no  fortune 
to  fet  up  on  :  This:  put  him  on  all  the  methods  of  acquiring 
one.  And  that  went  fo  far  into  him,  that  he  did  not  fhake  it 
off,  when  he  was  in  a  much  higher  elevation:  Nor  was  his  ex^ 
pence  fuited  enough  to  his  polls.  But,  when  allowances  are  made 
for  that,  it  muft  be  acknowledged,  that  he  is  one  of  the  great- 
eft  men  the  age  has  produced.  He  was  in  high  favour  with 
the  King.  But  his  Lady  was  much  more  in  Princefs  Anne'^ 
favour.  She  had  an  afcendant  over  her  in  every  thing.  She 
was  a  woman  of  little  knowledge,  but  of  a  clear  apprehenfion, 
and  a  true  judgment,  a  warm  and  hearty  friend,  violent  and 
fudden  in  her  rcfolutions,  and  impetuous  in  her  way  offpeak- 
ing.  She  was  thought  proud  and  infolent  on  her  favour,  tho' 
fhe  ufed  none  of  the  common  arts  of  a  Court  to  maintain  it: 
For  {he  did  not  befet  the  Princefs,  nor  flatter  her.  She  ftaid 
much  at  home,  and  looked  very  carefully  after  the  educatioa 
of  her  children.  Having  thus  opened  both  their  characters, 
I  will  now  give  an  account  of  this  Lord's  engagements  in 
this  matter  j  for  which  he  has  been  fo  feverely  cenfured,  as  guil- 
ty both  of  ingratitude  and  treachery  to  a  very  kind  and  liberal 
raafter.  He  never  difcovered  any  of  the  King's  fecretsj  nor  did  he 
ever  pufti  him  on  to  any  violent  proceedings.  So  that  he  was  in 
no  contrivance  to  ruin  or  betray  him.  On  the  contrary,  when- 
foever  he  fpoke  to  the  King  of  his  affairs,  which  he  did  but 
feldom,  becaufe  he  could  not  fall  in  with  the  King's  notions, 
he  always  fuggefted  moderate  counfels.  The  Earl  of  Gallway 
told  me,  that  when  he  came  over  with  the  firft  compliment 
upon  the  King's  coming  to  the  Crown,  he  faid  then  to  him, 
that,  if  the  King  was  ever  prevailed  on  to  alter  our  religion, 
he  would  ferve  him  no  longer,  but  withdraw  from  him.  So 
early  was  this  refolution  fixed  in  hira.  When  he  faw  how  the 
King  was  kt^  he  could  not  be  contented  to  fee  all  ruined  by 
him.  He  was  alfo  very  doubtful  as  to  the  pretended  birth.  So 
he  refolvcd,  when  the  Prince  (hould  come  over,  to  go  in  to 
him  J  but  to  betray  no  poft,  nor  do  any  thing  more  than  the  with- 
drawing himfelf,  with  fuch  Officers  as  he  could  truft  with  fuch 

^  I  a  fecret. 


7(5(5         TheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

i688    a  Tccret.     He  alfo  undertook,  that  Prince  George  and  the  Piin- 
v/W^  ctUAyme  would  leave  the  Court,  and  come  to  the  Prince,  as  foon 
as  was  poflible. 

With  thcfe  invitations  and  letters  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  and 
Ruffel  came  over  in  September:  And  foon  after  thena  came  Sidney 
with  Johnftoune.     And  they  brought  over  a  full  fcheme  of  ad- 
vices, together  with  the  heads  of  a  declaration,  all  which  were 
chiefly  penned  by  Lord  Danby,      He   and  the  Earl   of  Devon- 
JhirCy  and  the  Lord /./W}' undertook  for  the  North  :  And  they 
all  difperfed  themfelves  into  their  feveral  countries,  and  among 
their  friends.     The  thing  was  in  the  hands  of  many  thoufands, 
who  yet  were  fo  true  to  one  another,  that  none  of  them  made 
any  difcovery,    no  not  by  their  raihnefs:    Tho'  they  were  fo 
confident,    that  they  did  not  ufe  fo  difcreet  a  condud  as  was 
necefTary.     Matters  went  on  in  Holland  with   greac  fecrecy  till 
September.     Then  in  was  known,  that  many  arms  were  befpoke. 
And,  tho'  thofe  were  bargained  for  in  the  name  of  the  Kiag 
oi  Sweden  J  and  of  fome  of  the  Princes  i>i  Germany ,  yet  there  was 
ground  enough  for  fufpicion.     All  thofe  that  were  trufted  prov- 
ed both  faithful  and  discreet.     And  here  an  eminent  difference 
appeared  between  the  hearty  concurrence  of  thofe  who  went  in- 
to a  defiga  upon  principles  of  religion  and  honour,    and  the 
forced  compliance  of  mercenary  Soldiers,  or  corrupt  Miaifters, 
which  is  neither  cordial  nor  fecret.     France  took  the  alarm  lirft, 
and  gave  it  to  the  Court  of  England. 
The  Court      D'Avaux,  the  French  Embaflador,  could  no  more  give  the 
gave'^X'    Court  of  France  thofe  advertifements  that  he  was  wont  to  fend 
alarm.        ^f  ^H  that  paft  in  Holland.     He  had  great  allowances  for  en- 
tertaining agents  and  fpies  every  where.    But  Louvoyy  who  hated 
him,  fuggefted  that  there  was  no  more  need  of  thefe ;  So  they 
were  flopped:  And  theEmbalfador  was  not  forry,  that  the  Court 
felt  their  error  fo  fenfibly.     The  King   publifhed   the  adver- 
tifements he  had  from  France  a  little  too  raflaly :  For  all  peo- 
ple were  much  animated,  when  they  heard  it  from  fuch  a  hand. 
The  King  foon  faw  his  error:    And,  to  correal  it,    he  faid  on 
many  occafions,  that  whatever  the  defigns  of  the  Dutch  might 
be,  he  was  fure  they  were  not  againft  him.     It  was  given  out 
fometimes,  that  they  were  againft  France,    and  then  that  they 
were  againft  Denmmk.     Yet  the  King  fliewed  he  was  not  with- 
out his  fears:  For  he  ordered  fourteen  more  {hips  to  be  put  to 
fca  with  many  fireftiips.     He  recalled  Strickland,  and  gave  the 
command  to  the  Lord  Dartmouth-,  who  was  indeed  one  of  the 
worthieft  men  of  his  Court:  He  loved  him,  and  had  been  long 
in  his  fervice,  and  in  his  confidence :  But  he  was  much  againft 
all  the  coQdu(5t  of  his  affairs :  Yet  he  refolvcd  to  ftick  to  him 
2  at 


"  -v.-^^!?/  King  J  A  M  E  S  IL        ^  767 

at  all  hazards.     The  Teamen  came  in  flowly :   And  a  heavy  back-    i6SS 
wardnefs  appeared  in  every  thing.  oorv.^ 

A  new  and  unlocked  for  accident  gave  the  King  a  very  fen- R''""'" 
fible  trotible.     It  was  refolvcd,  as  was  told  before,  to  model  therS//"''' 
Array,   and  to  begin  with  recruits  from   Irelajid.     Upon  which 
the  Englijh  Army  would   have  become  infenfibly  an  Irijh  one. 
The  King  made  the  firft  trial  on  the  Duke  of  Berwick's  Regi- 
ment, which  being  already  under  an  illegal  Colonel,  it  might 
be  fuppofed   they   were  ready   to  fiibmit  to  every  thing.      Five 
Irijhmen  were   ordered  to   be  put  into   every  company   of  that 
Regiment,    which  then  lay   at  Port/mouth.     But  Beaumont ^  the 
Lieutenant  Colonel,  and  five  of  the  Captains  refufed  to  receive 
them.     They  faid,  they   had  raifed  their  men  upon  the  Duke 
of  Monmouth's  invafion,  by  which  their  zeal  for  the  King's  fer- 
vice  did  evidently  appear.     If  the  King  would   order   any    re- 
cruits, they  doubted  not,  but  that  they  fhould  be  able  to  make 
them.     But  they  found,  it  would  give  fuch  an  univerfal  difcon- 
rent,  if  they  (liould  receive  the  /r//2?  among  them,  that  it  would 
put  them  out  of  a  capacity  of  ferving  the  King  any  more.  But 
as  the  order  was  pofitive,  fo  the  Duke  oi  Berwick,  was  fent  down 
to  fee  it  obeyed.    Upon  which  they  deiired  leave   to  lay  down 
their  commiflions.     The  King  was  provoked  by  this  to  fuch  a 
degree  that  he  could  not  govern  his  pafifion.     The  Officers  were 
putinarreft,  and  brought  before  a  Council  of  war,  where  they  were 
broken  with  reproach,  and  declared  incapable  to  (erve  the  King 
any  more.     But  upon   this  occafion  the  whole  Officers  of  the 
Army  declared  fo  great  an  unwillingnefs  to  mix  with  thofe  of 
another  Nation  and  Religion,  that,  as  no  more  attempts  were 
made  of  this  kind,  fo  it  was  believed  that  this  fixed  the  King 
in  a  point  that  was  then  under  debate. 

The  King  of  France^  when  he  gave  the  King  the  advertife-Offerj 
raents  of  the  preparations  in  Holland^  offered  him  fuch  a  forceSLJ/J^  ** 
as  he  fhould  call  for.  Twelve  or  fifteen  thoufand  were  named, 
or  as  many  more  as  he  fhould  defire.  It  was  propofed,  that 
they  fhould  land  at  Port/mouth,  and  that  they  fjiould  have  that 
place  to  keep  the  communication  with  France  open,  and  in  their 
hands.  All  the  Priefts  were  for  this :  So  were  moft  of  the  Po- 
pifh  Lords.  The  Earl  of  Sunderland  was  the  only  man  in  cre- 
dit that  oppofed  it.  He  faid ,  the  offer  of  an  Army  of  forty 
thoufand  men  might  be  a  real  ftrength:  But  then  it  would  de- 
pend on  the  orders  that  came  from  France:  They  might  per- 
haps mafter  England:  But  they  would  became  the  King's  maf- 
ters  at  the  fame  time :  So  that  he  muft  govern  under  liich  or- 
ders as  they  fhould  give:  And  thus  he  would  quickly  become 
only  a  Viceroy  to  the  King  of  France:    Any  Army  lefs  than 

that 


768  77;^  H I  S  T  O  R  Y  ^/  the  Reign 

t688    that  would  lofe  the  King  the  aflFeftions  of  his  people,  and  drive 
uo^^o*  his  own  Army  to  dcfertion,  if  not  to  mutiny. 
Not  enter-       The  King  did  not   think  matters   were  yet  fo  near  a  crifis: 
taincd  at     ^^  |^g  ^jjj  neither  entertain  the  propofition,  nor  let  itifall  quite 
to  the  ground.     There  was  a  treaty  fet  on  foot,  and  the  King 
was  to  have  an  hundred  merchant  fhips  ready  for  the  tranfpor- 
tation  of  fuch  forces  as  he  fhould  defire ,    which  it  was   pro- 
mifed  fhould  be  ready  when  called  for.     It  is  certain,  that  the 
French  Embaflador  then  at  London^  who  knew  the  Court  better 
than  he  did  the  Nation,  did  believe,  that  the  King  would  have 
been  able  to  have  made  a  greater  divifion  of  the  Nation,  than 
it  proved  afterwards  he  was  able  to  do.     He  believed,  it  would 
have  gone  to  a  civil  warj    and  that  then  the  King  would  have 
been  forced  to  have  taken  aflfiftance  from  France  on  any  terms ; 
And  fo  he  encouraged  the  King  of  France  to  go  on   with  his 
defigns  that  winter,    and  he  believed  he  might  come  in   good 
time  next  year  to  the  King's  afliftance.     Thcfe  advices  proved 
fatal  to  the  King,   and  to  Barillon  himklf:    For,  when  he  was 
lent  over  to  France,  he  was  fo  ill  looked  on,  that  it  was  believ- 
ed it  had  an  ill  efFe<5t  on  his  health  ^  for  he  died  foon  after. 
^   Albev'dle  came  over  fully  perfuaded  that  the  Dutch  defigned 
the  expedition  againft  England,  but  plaid  the  Minifter  fo,  that 
he  took  pains  to  infufe  into  all  people  that  they   defigned  no 
fuch  thing  -,  which  made  him  to  be  generally  laughed  at.     He 
was  foon  fent  back:  And,  in  a  memorial  he  gave  into  the  States, 
he  afked,  what  was  thedefign  ofthofe  great  and  furprifing  pre- 
parations at  fuch  a  feafon.     The  States,  according  to  their  flow 
forms  let  this  lie  long  before  them,    without  giving  it  an  an- 
fwer. 
Tht  Fremh      But  the  Court  oi  France  made  a  greater  ftep.     The  French 
aill:ewiih '  Ei^baffador  in  a  memorial  told  the  States,  that  his  maftcr  un- 
thcKing.    cJerftood  their  defign  was  againft  England^  and  in  that  cafe  he 
fignified  to  them,  that  there  was  fuch  a  ftrait  alliance  between 
him  and  the  King  oi  England,    that  he  would  look  on  every 
thing  done  againft  England,  as  an  invafion  of  his  own  Crown. 
This  put  the  King  and  his  Minifters  much  out  of  countenance: 
For,  uponfome  furmifes  of  an  alliance  with /r^;/c6',  they  had  very 
pofitively  denied  there  was  any  fuch  thing.     Albev'tlle  did  con^ 
tinue  to  deny  it  at  the  Hague,  even  after  the  memorial  was  put 
in.     The  King  did  likewile  deny  it  to  the  Dutch  EmbalTador 
at  London.    And  the  blame  of  the  putting  it  into  the  memori- 
al was  caft  on  Shelton  the  King's    Envoy  at  Pans,    who  was 
difowned  in  it,  and  upon  his  coming  over  was  put  in  the  Tbwer 
for  it.     This  was  a  fhort  difgraccj  for  he  was  foon  after  made 
Lieutenant  of  the  Tower.     His  raih  folly  might  have  procur- 

3  ed 


4^   of  King  James  IL  ycg 

ed  the  order  from  the  Court  of  France ^    to  own  this  alliance:    i<S88 
He   thought  it  would  terrify  the  States :   And  fo  he  preffed  this  '^^V''^ 
oiEcioufly,  which  they  eafily  granted.     That  related  only  to  the 
owning  it  in  fo  publick  a  manner.     But  this  did  clearly  prove, 
that  fuch  an  alliance  was  made:    Otherwife  no  inftances,  how 
prefiing  foevcr,  would  have  prevailed  with  the  Court  q{  France. 
to  have  owned  it  in  fo  folcmn   a  manner:  For  what  EmbalTa- 
dors  fay  in  their  mafler's  name,  when  they  are  not  immediate-    " 
ly  difowned,  paffes  for  authentick.     So  that  it  was  a  vain  cavil 
that  fome  made  afterwards,  when  they  afked,  how  was  this  al- 
liance proved?    The  memorial  was   a  full   proof  of  it:    And 
the  fhew  of  a  difgrace  on  Shelton  did  not  ac  all  weaken   that 
proof.  • 

But  I  was  more  confirmed  of  this  matter  by  what  Sir  William 
Trumbally  then  the  Engl'tjh  EmbafTador  at  Conflantinople ^  told  me 
at  his  return  to  England.     He  was  the  eminentefl  of  all  our  Ci- 
vilians, and  was  by  much  th^  befl  pleader  in  thofe  Courts,  and 
was  a  learned,   a  diligent,  and  a  vertuous  man.     He  was  fent 
Envoy  to  Parts  upon  the  Lord  Prefton's  being  recalled.    He  was 
there,  when  the  edidt  that  repealed  the  edi(5t  of  Nantes  was  paft, 
and  faw  the  violence  of  the  perfecution,  and  a<5ted  a  great  and 
worthy  part  in  harbouring  many,  in  covering  their  efFed:s,  and 
in  conveying  over  their  jewels   and  plate   to  England ^    which 
difgufted  the  Court  of  France  ^    and  was  not  very  acceptable  to 
the  Court  of  England^  tho'  it  was  not  then  thought  fit  to  dif- 
cwn  or  recall  him  for  it.     He  had  orders  to  put  in  memorials, 
complaining  of  theinvafionof  the  Principality  oi Orange  -^  which 
he  did  in  fo  high  a  flrain,  that  the  laft  of  them  was  like  a  de- 
nunciation of  war*     From  thence  he  was  fent  to  Turkey.    And, 
about  this  time,  he  was  furprized  one  morning  by  a  vifit  that 
the  French  EmbafTador  made  him,'  without  tbofe  ceremonies  that 
pafs  between  EmbafTadors.     He  told   him,    there  was  no  cere- 
mony to  be  between  them  any  more,-    for  their  maflers   were 
now  one.    And  he  fliewed  him  Monfieur  de  Crotffy's  letter,  which 
was  written  in  cypher.    The  decyphering  he  read  to  him,  im- 
porting that  now  an  alliance  was  concluded  between   the  two 
Kings.     So,    this  matter   was  as  evidently  proved,    as  a  thing 
of  fuch  a  nature  could  pollibly  be. 

The  conduct  of/r^;7C^  at  that  time  with  relation  to  the  States  was  The  flrange 
very  unaccountable  j  and  proved  as  favourable  to  the  Prince  of^""^^"*^"^ 
Grangers  defigns,  as  if  he  had  directed  it.  All  the  manufacture 
of  Holland  both  linen  and  woolen  was  prohibited  in  France. 
The  importation  of  herrings  was  alfo  prohibited ,  except  they 
were  cured  with  French  fait.  This  was  contrary  to  the  treaty 
of  commerce.     The  manufadure  began  to  fiiffer  much.     And 

j>  K  ;i  this 


770         JheHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

($88   this  was  fcnfible  to  thofe  who  were  concerned  in    the  herring 
<y'y^^  trade.     So  the  States  prohibited  the  importing  of  fre-^ch  wine 
or  brandy,  till  the  trade  fhould  be  fet  free  again  of  both  fides. 
There  was  nothing  that  the  Prince  had  more  reafon  to  appre- 
hend   than  that  the  French  fhould  have  given  the  States  fome 
latisfadion  in  the  point  of  trade ,    and  offered  fome  afTurances 
with  relation  to  the  territory  of  Colen.     Many  of  the  towns  of 
Holland  might  have  been  wrought  on  by  fome  temper  in  thefe 
things  J  great  bodies  being  eafily  deceived,  and  not  eafily  drawn 
into  wars      which  interrupt  that  trade  which  they  fubfift  by. 
But  the  height  the  Court  of  France  was  then  in,  made  them  de- 
fpife  all  the  world.     They  feemed  rather  to  wiih  for  a  war,  than 
to  fear  it.     This  difpofed  the  States  to   an  unanimous  concur- 
rence in  the  great  refolutions  that  were  now  agreed  on,  of  rai- 
fing  ten   thoufand  men  more,  and  of  accepting  thirteen  thou- 
fand  Germans^  for  whom  the  Prince  had,  as  was  formerly  men- 
tioned   agreed  with  fome  of  the  Princes  of  the  Empire.     Am^ 
fterdam  was  at  firft  cold  in  the  matter :  But  they  confented  with, 
the  reft.     Reports  were  given  out,  that  the  French  would  fettle 
a  regulation  of  commerce,    and  that  they  would  abandon  the 
Cardinal      and  leave  the  affairs  of  Colen   to  be   fettled  by  the 
laws  of  the  Empire.     Expedients  were  alfo  fpoke  of  for  accom- 
modating the  matter,  by  Prince  Clemenfs  being  admitted  Co- 
adjutor, and  by  his  having  fome  of  the  ftrong  places  put  in 
his  hands.     This  was  only  given  out  to  amufe. 
AManifeno     But  whilc  thefe  things  were  difcourfed  of  at  the  Hague  ^  the 
°^*a"u"   world  was  furprifed  with  a  Manifefto  fet  out,    in  the  King  of 
:mpire.      France'^  name,  agamit  the  Emperor.     In  it,    the  Emperor's  ill 
defigns  againft  France  were  fet  forth.     It  alfo  complained  of  the 
Elector  Palatine's  injuftice  to  the  Duchefs  of  Orleans^  in  not  giv- 
ing her  the  fucceflion  that  fell  to  her  by  her  brother's  death, 
which  confifted  in  fome  lands,  cannon,  furniture,  and  other  move- 
able goods.     It  alfo  charged  him  with  the  difturbances  in  Colen^ 
he  having  intended  firft  to  gain  that  to  one  of  his  own  fons, 
and  then  engaging  the  Bavarian  Prince  into  itj    whofe  elder 
brother  having  no  children,  he  hoped,  by   bringing  him  into, 
an  Ecclcfiaftical  State,    to  make  the  fucccflfion  of  Bavaria  fall 
into  his  own  family.     It  charged  the  Emperor  likewife  with  a 
defign  to  force  the  Ele<5tors  to  choofe  his  fon  King  of  the /Jo- 
mans-,    and  that  the  Elcdor  Palatine  was  prcfling   him  to  make 
peace  with  the  Turks^  in  order  to  the  turning  his   arms  againft 
France.     By  their  means  a  great  alliance  was  projedted  among 
many  Prottftant  Princes  to  difturb  Cardinal  Furflemberg  in  the 
poiftlTion  of  Colen^  to  which  he  was  poftulated  by  the  majority 
of  the  Chapter.     And  this  might  turn  to  the  prejudice  of  the 

3  Catholick 


r 


of  King]  AMES  IL  771 

CathoHck  Religion  in  that  territory.     Upon  all  thefc  confidera-    i<^88 
tions,  the  King  of  France ,  feeing  th^t  his   enemies   could  not  ''•''"VN^ 
enter  into  France  by  any  other  way  but  by  that  o{ Ph'tUpsbuni^^ 
refolved  to  poiTefs  himfelf  of  it,  and  then  to  demolifh   it.     He 
refolved  alfo  to  take  Ka'tfarflauter  from  the  Palatine ^  and  to  keep 
it,  till  the  Duchefs  of  Orleans  had  juftice  done  her  in  her  pre^ 
tenfions.    And  he  alfo  refolved  to  fupport  the  Cardinal   in   his 
pofTefTion  oiColen.     But,  to  balance  this,  he  offered  totheHoufe 
of  Bavaria )     that  Prince  Clement  fhould   be  chofen  Coadjutor*,-' 
He  offered  alfo  to  rafe  Frihourg,  and  to  xt^oxc  Ka'tfarflauter ,  asr 
foon  as  the  Elector  Palatine  fhould  pay  the  Duchefs  of  Orleans 
the  juft  value  of  her  pretenfions.    He  demanded,  that  the  truce 
between  him  and  the  Empire  fhould  be  turned  into  a  peace.     He 
propofed,  that  the  King  oi  England  znd  the  Republick  of  Venice 
fhould  be  the  mediators  of  this  peace.     And  he   concluded  all, 
declaring  that  he  would  not  bind  himfelf  to  fland  to  the  con- 
ditions now  offered  by  him,  unlefs  they  were  accepted  of  before 
'January. 

I  have  given  a  full  abflrad  of  this  Manifcflo:  For  upon  it  did^'^^^^'^'" 
the  great  war  begin,  which  lafted  till  the  peace  of  Ryswick,\t.  ^"^°*' 
And,  upon  the  grounds  laid  down  in  this  Manifeflo,  it  will  evi- 
dently appear,  whether  the  war  was  ajufl  one,  or  not.  This 
declaration  was  much  cenfured,  both  for  the  matter  and  for  the 
ftile.  It  had  not  the  air  of  greatnefs,  which  became  crowned 
heads.  The  Duchefs  of  Orleans's  pretenfions  to  old  furniture,  was 
a  flrange  rife  to  a  war  j  efpecially  when  it  was  not  alledged,  that 
thefe  had  been  demanded  in  the  forms  of  law,  and  that  juftice 
had  been  denied,  which  was  a  courfe  neceftarily  to  be  obferved 
in  things  of  that  nature.  The  judging  of  the  fecret  intenti- 
ons of  the  Eledor  Palatine  with  relation  to  the  Houfe  of  Bava- 
ria was  abfurd.  And  the  complaints  of  defigns  to  bring  the 
Emperor  to  a  peace  with  the  T^rl^,  thatfo  he  might  make  war  on 
France  y  and  of  the  Emperor's  defign  to  force  an  eleftion  of  a 
King  of  the  Romans,  was  the  entring  into  the  fecrets  of  thofe 
thoughts,  which  were  only  known  to  God.  Such  conje<5tures, 
fo  remote  and  uncertain,  and  that  could  not  be  proved,  were 
a  ftrange  ground  of  war.  If  this  was  once  admitted,  all  trea- 
ties of  peace  were  vain  things,  and  were  no  more  to  be  reckon- 
ed or  relied  on.  The  reafon  given  of  the  intention  to  take 
Philipsbourg,  becaufe  it  was  the  propereft  place  by  which  France 
could  be  invaded ,  was  a  throwing  off  all  regards  to  the 
common  decencies  obferved  by  Princes.  All  fortified  places  on 
frontiers  are  intended  both  for  refiftance  and  for  magazines  j  and 
are  of  both  fides  conveniencies  for  entring  into  the  neighbour- 
ing territory,  as  there  is  occafion  for  it.  So  here  was  a  pre- 
tence 


7 72"         The  H'i  S  T  or  Y  of  the  Reign 

1688    tence  fct  up,  of  beginning  a  war,    that  puts  an  end  to  all  the 

oor^^  fecurities  of  peace.  ,      ,  ,       ,     „  ,. 

The  bufmefs  of  Cokn  was  judged  by  the  Pope,  according  to 
the  laws  of  the  Empire:   And  his  fentence  was  final:   Nor  could 


was  ridiculous  to  all,    who  knew  that  he  had  been  for  many 
vears  the  great  incendiary,  who  had  betrayed  the  Empire,  chief- 
ly in  the  year  1671.     The  charge  that  the  Emperor's  agent  had 
laid  on  him  before  the  Chapter  was  alfo  complained  of,  as  an 
infraaion  of  the  Amnefty  ftipulated  by  the  peace  of  Nimeguen, 
He  was   not  indeed    to  be    called   to  an  account,  in  order   to 
be  punifhed  for  any  thing  done   before  that  peace.     But  that 
did  not  bind  up  the  Emperor  from  endeavouring  to  exclude  him 
from  fo   great   a   dignity,    which  was   like  to    prove  fatal  to 
the  Empire.     Thefe  were  fome  of  the  cenfures  that  paft  on  this 
Manifeftoj  which  was  indeed  looked  on,  by  all  who  had  con- 
fidered  the  rights  of  peace  and  the  laws  of  war,  as  one  of  the 
moft  avowed  and  folemn  declarations,  that  ever  was  made,  of 
the  perfidioufnefs  of  that  Court.     And  it  was  thought  to  be  fome 
degrees  beyond  that  in  the  year  k^zz,  in  which  that  King's 
glory  was  pretended  as  the  chief  motive  of  that  war.  For,  in  that, 
particulars  were  nor  reckoned  up :  So  it  might  be  fuppofed,  he 
had  met  with  affronts,  which  he  did  not  think  confiftent  with, 
his  greatnefs  to  be  mentioned.    But  here  alt  that  could  be  thought 
on,  even  the  hangings  oi  Heidelberg^    were   enumerated:   And 
all  together  amounted  to  this,  that  the  King  of  France  thought 
himfelftied  by  no  peace  j  but  that,  when  he  iufpeded  his  neigh- 
bours were  intending  to  make  war  upon  him,  he  might  upoa 
fuch  a  fufpicion  begin  a  war  on  his  part. 
Another  a-       This  Manifefto  againft  the  Emperor  was  followed  by  another 
g«in(i  the    againft  the  Pope,  writ  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to  Cardinal  D'hfirees^ 
to  be  given  by  him  to  the  Pope.     In  it,  he  reckoned  all  the  par- 
tiality that  the  Pope  had  fhewed  during  his  whole  Pontificate, 
both  againft  France  and  in  favour  of  the  Houfe  o{  Auflr'ta.    He 
mentioned  the  bufinefs  of  the  Regale,-  his  refufing  the  Bulls  to 
the  Bifhops  nominated  by  him;     the  difpute  about  the   fran- 
chifes, ,  of  which  his  EmbalTadors  had  been  long  in  polTefTion ; 
the  denying   audience,  not  only  to  his  Emballador,    but  to  a 
Gentleman  whom  he  had  fent  to  Rome  without  a  character,  and 
with  a  letter  writ  in  his   own  hand :     In  conclufion,  he  com- 
plained of  the  Pope's  breaking  the  Canons  of  the  Church,  in 
granting  Bulls  in  favour  of  Prince  Clement ^  and  in  denying  juftice 
to  Cardinal  Furftemberg:  For  all  thefe  reafons  the  King  was  re- 

I  folved 


of  King]  AMES  tl.  773 

folved  to  feparate  the  charader  of  the  Moft  Holy  Father  from'  i<J88 
that  of  a  temporal  Prince:  And  therefore  he  intended  to  feize^*^'^^^'^'^ 
on  Avignon^  as  likewife  on  C<jz/?r<7,  untill  the  Pope  fliould  Htisfy 
the  pretenfions  of  the  Duke  of  Parma.  He  complained  of  the 
Pope's  not  concurring  with  him  in  the  concerns  of  the  Church, 
for  the  extirpation  of  herefy  :  In  which  the  Pope's  behaviour  gave 
great  fcandal  both  to  the  old  Catholicks,  and  to  the  new  con-* 
verts.  It  alfo  gave  the  Prince»pf  Orange  the  boldnefs  to  go  and 
invade  the  King  of  England ^  under  the  pretence  offupporting 
the  Proteftant  religion,  but  indeed  to  dcftroy  the  Catholick 
religion,  and  to  overturn  the  Government:  Upon  which  his  emil^ 
faries  and  the  writers  in  Holland  gave  out,  that  the  birth  of  the 
Prince  oi  Wales  was  an  impofture. 

This  was  the  firft  publick  mention  that  was  made  of  the  im-Cenfures 
pofture  of  that  birth:  For  the  author  of  a  book  writ  to  that onV'^ "''' 
purpofe  was  puni(hed  for  it  in  Holland.  It  was  ftrange  to  fee 
the  di/putes  about  the  Franchifes  made  a  pretence  for  a  war: 
For  certainly  all  fovereign  Princes  can  make  fuch  regulations 
as  they  think  fit  in  thofe  matters.  If  they  cut  EmbafTadors  fhort 
in  any  privilege,  their  EmbafTadors  are  to  expert  the  fame  treat- 
ment from  other  Princes:  And  as  long  as  the  facrednefs  of 
an  EmbafTador's  perfon,  and  of  his  family,  was  ftill  preferved, 
which  was  all  that  was  a  part  of  the  law  of  Nations,  Princes 
may  certainly  limit  the  extent  of  their  other  privileges,  and  may 
refufe  any  EmbafTadors,  who  will  not  fubmit  to  their  regulati- 
on. The  number  of  an  EmbafTador's  retinue  is  not  a  thing  that 
can  be  well  defined:  But  if  an  EmbafTador  comes  with  an  army 
about  him,  inftead  of  a  retinue,  he  may  be  denied  admittance. 
And  if  he  forces  it,  as  Lavard'm  had  done,  it  was  certainly  an 
aft  of  hoftility :  And,  inftead  of  having  a  right  to  the  chamber 
of  an  EmbafTador,  he  might  well  be  confidered  and  treated  as 
an  enemy. 

The  Pope  had  obferved  the  Canons  in  rejeding  Cardinal 
Furjlembur^s  defective  poftulation.  And ,  whatever  might  be 
brought  from  ancient  Canons,  the  pradice  of  that  Church  foe 
many  ages  allowed  of  the  difpenfations  that  the  Pope  granted 
to  Prince  Clement.  It  was  looked  on  by  all  people,  as  a  ftrange 
reverfe  of  things,  to  fee  the  King  of  France^  after  all  his  cru- 
elty to  the  Protcftants,  now  go  to  make  war  on  the  Pope^  and 
on  the  other  hand  to  fee  the  whole  Proteftant  body  concurring 
to  fupport  the  authority  of  the  Pope's  Bulls  in  the  bufinefs  of 
Colen -^  and  to  defend  the  two  Houfes  oi  Auflrta  and  Bavaria, 
by  whom  they  were  laid  fo  low  but  threekorc  years  before  this. 
The  French^  by  the  war  that  they  had  now  begun,  had  fent 
their  troops  towards  Germany  and  the  upper  Rhine  ^  and  io  had 

^  L  ^  rendred 


774      TleHlSTOKY  of  the  Reigri 

1688   rendred  their  fending  an  Army  over  to  iSwgAzW  impradicable : 
^^'VN^  Nor  could  they  fend  fuch  a  force  into  the  Bifhoprick  oiColen^ 
as  could  any  ways  alarm  the  States.     So  that  the  invafion  ofGer- 
marry  made  the  defigns  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  engaged 
in  both  practicable  and  fafe. 
Marfhai  Marftial  Schomberg  came   at  this  time  into    the  country    of 

Schomberg    Qcvc.     Hc  was  2l  German  by  birth:    So  when  the  perfecution 
citve.        was   begun    in    France  ,    he   defined  leave    to   return    into  his 
own  Country.     That  was  denied  him.    All  the  favour  he  could 
obtain,    was  leave  to  go   to   Portugal.      And  fo  cruel    is   the 
fpirit  of  Popery ,  that,  though  he  had  preferved  that  Kingdom 
from  falling  under  the  yoke  of  Cafl'tlle ,  yet  now  that  he  came 
thither  for   refuge  ,    the  Inquifition  rcprefented   that  matter  of 
giving  harbour  to  a  heretick  fo  odioufly  to  the  King,    that  he 
was  forced  to  fend  him  away.     He  came  from  thence,  firft  to 
England:    And  then  he  palTed  thro'  Holland^    where  he  cntred 
into   a  particular  confidence  with  the   Prince  of  Orange.     And 
being  invited  by  the  old  Elector  oi  Brandenhurgh  ^    he  went  to 
Berlin:  Where  he  was  made  Governor  oiPruJfia^  and  fet  at  the 
head  of  all  the  Elector's  armies.     The  fon  treated  him  now  with 
the  fame  regard  that  the  father  had  for  him :  And  fent  him  to 
Cleve^  to  command  the  troops  that  were  fent  from  the  Empire 
to  the  defence  of  Colen.     The  Cardinal  offered   a  neutrality  to 
the  Town  of  Colen.     But  they  choofe  rather  to  accept  a  garri- 
fon  that  Schomberg  fent  them:  By  which  not  only  that  Towa 
was  fecured,  but  a  ftop  was  put  to  any  progrefs  the  French  could 
make,    till  they  could  get  that  great  Town  into  their  hands. 
By  thefe  means  the  States  were  fafe  on  all  hands  for  this  winter: 
And  this  gave  the  Prince  of  Orange  great  quiet  in  profecuting 
his  defigns  upon  England.     He  had  often  faid,    that  he  would 
never  give  occafion  to  any  of  his  enemies  to  fay,  that  he  had 
carried  away  the  beft  force  of  the  States ,    and  had  left  them 
expofed  to  any  impreflions  that  might  be  made  on  them  in  his 
abfence.     He  had  now  reafon  to  conclude,  that  he  had  no  other 
rifle  to  run  in  his  intended  expedition,  but  that  of  the  feas  and 
the  weather.     The  feas  were  then  very  boifterous :  And  the  fea- 
fon  of  the  year  was  fo  far  fpent ,  that  he  faw  he  was  to  have  a 
campaign  in  winter.     But  all  other  things  were  now  well  fecured 
by  this  uncxpeded  condud:  of  the  French. 
The  Dutch      There  was  a  fleet  now  fet  to  fea  of  about  fifty  fail.     Moft  of 
fleet  at  fea.  (hem  Were  third  or  fourth  rates,    commanded   by  Dutch  O^- 
cers:     But  Herbert^  as  reprefenting  the  Prince's  perfon,  was  to 
command  in  chief,  as  Lieutenant  General  Admiral.     This  was  not 
very  eafy  to  the  States,  nor  indeed  to  the  Prince  himfelf  ,•  who 
thought  it  an  abfurd  thing  to  fet  a  ftranger  at  the  head  of  their 

1  fleet. 


of  King  J  AMES  11.  775 

fleet.  Nothing  lefs  would  content  Herbert.  And  it  was  faid,  i(J88 
that  nothing  would  probably  make  the  Englifh  fleet  come  over,  "^-Orvj 
and  join  with  the  Prince,  fo  much  as  the  feeing  one  that  had 
larely  commanded  them  at  the  head  of  the  Dutch  fleet.  There 
was  a  tranfport  fleet  hired  for  carrying  over  the  Army.  And 
this  grew  to  be  about  five  hundred  veflels:  For,  tho' the  horfe 
and  dragoons  in  pay  were  not  four  thoufand,  yet  the  horfes 
for  officers  and  volunticrs ,  and  for  artillery  and  baggage, 
were  above  feven  thoufand.  There  were  arms  provided  for 
twenty  thoufand  more.     And,  as  things  were  thus  made  ready. 

The  declaration  that  the  Prince  was  to  publifli  came  to  be  The  Prince 
confidered.  A  great  many  draughts  were  fcnt  from  England^^^^''''"^''^ 
by  different  hands.  All  thefe  were  put  in  the  Penfioner  Fagel's 
hands,  who  upon  that  made  a  long  and  heavy  draught,  found- 
ed on  the  grounds  of  the  civil  law,  and  of  the  law  of  Nati- 
ons. That  was  brought  to  me  to  be  put  in  Engl'tjh.  I  faw  he 
was  fond  of  his  own  draught:  And  the  Prince  left  that  matter 
wholly  to  him:  Yet  I  got  it  to  be  much  fhortned,  tho'  it  was 
ftill  too  long.  It  fet  forth  at  firfl:  a  long  recital  of  all  the  vio- 
lations of  the  laws  of  England ^  both  with  relation  to  religion, 
to  the  civil  government,  and  to  the  adminifl:ration  of  jufl:ice, 
which  have  been  all  opened  in  the  feries  of  the  hifl:ory .  It  fet  forth 
next  all  remedies  that  had  been  tried  ill  a  gentler  way  j  all  which  had 
been  ineffedual.  Petitioning  by  the  greatefl:  perfons,  and  in 
the  privatefl:  manner,  was  made  a  crime.  Endeavours  were  ufed 
to  pack  a  Parliament,  and  to  pre-ingage  both  the  votes  of  the 
eledors ,  and  the  votes  of  fuch  as  upon  the  eledtion  fliould  be 
returned  to  fit  in  Parliament.  The  writs  were  to  be  addrefled 
to  unlawful  officers ,  who  were  difabled  by  law  to  execute  them : 
So  that  no  legal  Parliament  could  now  be  brought  together. 
In  conclufion ,  the  reafons  of  fufpeding  the  Queen's  pretend- 
ed delivery  were  fet  forth  in  general  terms.  Upon  thefe  grounds 
the  Prince,  feeing  how  little  hope  was  left  of  fucceeding  in 
any  other  method,  and  being  fenfible  of  the  ruin  both  of  the 
Proteftant  religion ,  and  of  the  conftitution  of  England  and  Ire- 
landy  that  was  imminent,  and  being  earnefl:ly  invited  by  men 
of  all  ranks,  and  in  particular  by  many  of  the  Peers,  both  Spi- 
ritual and  Temporal,  he  refolved,  according  to  the  obligation 
he  lay  under,  both  on  the  Princefs's  account,  and  on  his  own, 
to  go  over  into  England ^  and  to  fee  for  proper  and  effedual 
remedies  for  redrefling  fuch  growing  evils  in  a  Parliament  that 
{hould  be  lawfully  chofen ,  and  (hould  fit  in  full  freedom,  ac- 
cording to  the  ancient  cuftom  and  conftitution  oi  England y  with 
which  he  would  concur  in  all  things  that  might  tend  to  the 
peace  and  happinefs  of  the  Nation.  And  he  promifed  in  par- 
ticular. 


77(J         Vje  Hist  OR  Y  of  the  Reign 

688   ticular    that  he  would  prefervc  the  Church  and  the  eftabliflied 
v>^vx.y  religion,  and  that  he  would  endeavour  to  unite  all  fuch  as  di- 
vided from  the  Church  to  it  by  the  beft  means  that  could  be 
thought  on,  and  that  he  would  fufFer  fuch  as  would  live  peace- 
ably to  enjoy  all  due  freedom  in  their  confciences,  and  that  he 
would  refer  the  enquiry  into  the  Queen's  delivery  to  a  Parlia- 
ment, and  acquicfce  in  its  decifion.    This  the  Prince  figned  and 
fealed  on  the  tenth  of  OBober,     With  this  the  Prince  ordered 
letters  to  be  writ  in  his  name,  inviting  both  the  foldiers,  fea- 
men,  and  others  to  come  and  join  with  him,    in  order  to  the 
fecuring  their  religion,  laws,  and  liberties.    Another  fhort  paper 
was  drawn  by  me  concerning  the  meafures  of  obedience,  jufti- 
fying  the  dcfign,  and  anfwering  the  objedions  that  might  be 
made  to  it.     Of  all  thefe  many  thoufand  copies  were  printed,  to 
be  difperfed  at  our  landing. 
I  was  defir-     The  Priuce  defired  me  to  go  along  with  him  as  his  Ch ap- 
ed to  go  with  |^jjj^    jQ  which  I  very  readily  agreed :  For,  being  fully  fatisficd 
in  my  confcience  that  the  undertaking  was  lawful  and  juft,  and 
having  had  a  confiderable  hand  in  advifing  the  whole  progrc/s 
of  it,  I  thought  it  would  have  been  an  unbecoming  fear  in  m'C 
to  have  taken  care  of  my  own  perfon ,    when   the  Prince  was 
venturing  his,  and  the  whole  was  now  to  be  put  to  hazard.     It 
is  true,  I  being  a  Scottjh  man  by  birth,  had  reafon  to  expetSt, 
that,  if  I  had  fallen  into  the  enemies  hands,  Ifhouldhavebeenfcnc 
to  Scotland^  and  put  to  the  torture  there.     And,  having  this  in 
profped,  I  took  care  to  know  no  particulars  of  any  one  of  thofe 
who  correfponded  with  the  Prince.     So  that  knowing  nothing 
againft  any,  even  torture  it  felf  could  not  have  drawn  from  me 
that  by  which  any  perfon  could  be  hurt.     There  was  another 
declaration  prepared  for  Scotland,    But  I  had  no  other  fhare  in 
that,   but  that  I  corrcded  it  in  feveral  places,    chiefly  in  that 
which  related  to  the  Church  :  For  the  Scots  at  the  Hague ^  who 
were  all  Prefbyterians,  had  drawn  it  fo,  that,  by  many  paflfages 
in  it,  the  Prince  by  an  implication  declared  in  favour  ofPreP- 
bytcry.     He  did  not  fee  what  the  confequcnces  of  thofe  were, 
till  I  explained  them.    So  he  ordered  them  to  be  altered.    And 
by  the  declaration  that  matter  was  ftill  entire. 
Advices  As   S'tdne'^  brought  over   letters   from   the   perfons   formerly 

SS?^"'^  mentioned,  both  inviting  the  Prince  to  come  over  to  fave  and 
refcuc  the  Nation  from  ruin,  and  affuring  him  that  they  wrote 
that  which  was  the  univerlal  fenfe  of  all  the  wife  and  good  men 
in  the  Nation  :  So  they  alfo  fent  over  with  him  a  fcheme  of  ad- 
vices. They  advifed  his  having  a  great  Fleet,  but  a  fraall  Army: 
They  thought,  it  fhould  not  exceed  fix  or  feven  thoufand  men. 
They  apprehended,  that  an  ill  ufe  might  be  made  of  it,    if  he 

brought 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  11.  777 

brought  over  too  great  an  Army  of  foreigners,  to  infufe  in  1688 
people  a  jealoufy  that  he  defigned  a  conqueft:  They  advifed  ^^-'''^^^''^^ 
his  landing  in  the  North,  either  in  Burlington  bay,  or  a  little 
below  Hull :  Torkjh'ire  abounded  in  horfe;  And  the  Gentry  were 
generally  well  affected,  even  to  zeal,  for  the  defign  :  The  coun- 
try was  plentiful,  and  the  roads  were  good  till  within  fifty  miles 
of  London.  The  Earl  of  Danby  was  earned  for  this,  hoping  to 
have  had  a  (liare  in  the  whole  management  by  the  intcreft  , 
he  believed  he  had  in  that  country.  It  was  confefTed,  that  the 
weftern  counties  were  well  afFe(Sted :  But  it  was  faid,  that  the 
mifcarriage  oi  Monmouth's  invafion,  and  the  executions  which 
followed  ic,  had  fo  difpirited  them,  that  it  could  not  be  cx- 
pedted  they  would  be  forward  to  join  the  Prince:  Above  all 
things  they  prelTed  difpatch,  and  all  poflible  hade:  The  King 
had  then  but  eighteen  {hips  riding  in  the  Downs:  But  a  much 
greater  Fleet  was  almofl:  ready  to  come  out:  They  only  wanted 
leamen,  who  came  in  very  flowly. 

When  thefe  things  were  laid  before  the  Prince,  he  faid,  he 
could  by  no  means  refolve  to  come  over  with  fo  fmall  a  force: 
He  could  not  believe  what  they  fuggcfted  ,  concerning  the 
King's  Army's  being  difpofed  to  come  over  to  him:  Nor  did 
he  reckon,  fo  much  as  they  did,  on  the  people  of  the  coun- 
try's coming  in  to  him  :  He  faid,  he  could  truft  to  neither  of 
thefe:  He  could  not  undertake  fo  great  a  defign,  the  mifcar- 
riage of  which  would  be  the  ruin  both  of  Englmul  and  Holland^ 
without  fuch  a  force,  as  he  had  reafon  to  believe  would  be  fu- 
perior  to  the  King's  own,  tho'  his  whole  Army  fiiould  ftick  to 
him.  Some  propofed,  that  the  Prince  would  divide  his  force, 
and  land  himfelfwith  the  greatefl  part  in  the  North,  and  fend 
a  detachment  to  the  Weft  under  Marfhal  Schomberg.  They 
preffed  the  Prince  very  earneftly  to  bring  him  over  with  him, 
both  becaufe  of  the  great  reputation  he  was  in,  and  becaufe 
they  thought  it  was  a  fecurity  to  the  Prince's  perfon,  and  to 
the  whole  defign,  to  have  another  General  with  him,  to  whom 
all  would  fubmit  in  cafe  of  any  difmal  accident:  For  it  feemed 
too  much  to  have  all  depend  on  a  fingle  life:  And  they  thought 
that  would  be  the  fafer,  if  their  enemies  faw  another  perfon 
capable  of  the  command,  in  cafe  they  fhould  have  a  defign  up- 
on the  Prince's  perfon.  With  this  the  Prince  complied  eafily, 
and  obtained  the  Ele<itor's  confent  to  carry  him  over  with  him. 
But  he  rejeded  the  motion  of  dividing  his  Fleet  and  Army. 
He  faid,  luch  a  divided  force  might  be  fatal :  For  ,if  the  King 
fhould  fend  his  chief  ftrength  againft  the  detachment,  and  have 
the  advantage,  it  might  lofe  the  whole  bufinefs;  fince  a  mif- 
fortune  in  any  one  part  might  be  the  ruin   of  the  whob. 

cf  M  When 


778  The  HISTORY  of  the  Reign 

($88  When  thefe  adviccrwere  propofed  to  Herbert ^  and  the  other 
«-/W^fcamen  they  oppofed  the  landing  in  the  North  vehementlyi 
They  faid,  no  feamen  had  been  confulted  in  that:  The  North 
coaft  was  not  fit  for  a  Fleet  to  ride  in  in  an  Eaft  wind,  which  it 
was  to  be  expeded  in  winter  might  blow  fo  frefh  that  it  would 
not  be  pofliblc  to  preferve  the  Fleet :  And  if  the  Fleet  was  lefc 
there  the  Channel  was  open  for  fuch  forces  as  might  be  fent 
from  France:  The  Channel  was  the  fafer  fea  for  tht  Fleet  to 
ride  in  as  well  as  to  cut  off  the  affiftance  from  France.  Yet 
the  advices  for  this  were  fo  pofitive,  and  fo  often  repeated  from 
Endand,  that  the  Prince  was  refolved  to  have  fplit  the  matter j 
and  to  have  landed  in  the  North,  and  then  to  have  fent  the 
Fleet  to  lie  in  the  Channel. 
A  fi  e  The  Prince  continued  ftill  to  cover  his  defign,  and  to  look 

comthcde- towards  Colen.  He  ordered  a  review  of  his  Army,  and  an  en- 
^'^°'  campment  for  two  months  at  N'tmeguen.  A  train  of  artillery 
was  alfo  ordered.  By  thefe  orders  the  Officers  faw  a  neceffity 
of  furnilhing  themfelves  for  fo  long  a  time.  The  main  point 
remained,  how  money  fhould  be  found  for  fo  chargeable  an  ex- 
pedition. The  French  EmbafTador  had  his  eye  upon  this  j  and 
reckoned  that,  whenfoever  any  thing  relating  to  it  ftiould  be 
moved,  it  would  be  then  eafy  to  raife  an  oppofition,  or  at 
leaft  to  create  a  delay.  But  Fagel's  great  forefight  did  prevent 
this.  In  the  July  before,  it  was  reprefented  to  the  States,  that  now 
by  reafon  of  the  neighbourhood  of  Colen,  and  the  war  that  was 
like  to  rife  there,  it  was  necelTary  to  repair  their  places,  both 
on  the  Rhine  and  the  IJfel,  which  were  in  a  very  bad  conditi- 
on. This  was  agreed  to :  And  the  charge  was  eftimated  at  four 
millions  of  Guilders.  So  the  States  created  a  fund  for  the  ia- 
tereft  of  that  money,  and  ordered  it  to  be  taken  up  by  a  loan. 
It  was  all  brought  in  in  four  days.  About  the  end  of  Septem- 
ber a  meflage  was  delivered  to  the  States  from  the  Eled:or  of 
Brandenburgh,  by  which  he  undertook  to  fend  an  Army  into  his 
country  of  Cleve ,  and  to  fecure  the  States  from  all  danger  on 
that  fide  for  this  winter. 

Upon  this,  it  was  propofed,  to  lend  the  Prince  the  four 
millions.  And  this  pafled  eafily  in  the  States,  without  any  oppo- 
fition,  to  the  amazement  of  all  that  faw  it:  For  it  had  never 
been  known ,  that  fo  great  and  fo  dangerous  an  expedition  in 
fuch  a  feafon  had  been  fo  eafily  agreed  to,  without  fo  much  as 
one  difagreeing  vote,  either  at  the  Hague,  or  in  any  of  the 
Towns  of  Holland.  All  people  went  fo  cordially  into  it,  that 
it  was  not  necelTary  to  employ  much  time  in  fatisfying  them, 
both  of  the  lawfulnefs  and  of  the  neceffity  of  the  undertaking. 
Fagelhzd  fent  for  all  the  eminent  Minifters  of  the  chief  Towns  of 

X  Holland: 


of  King  J  AMES  II.  179 

Holland:  And,  as  he  had  a  vehemence  as  well  as  a  tendernefs  in    i<588 
fpeaking,   he  convinced  them  evidently,  that  both  their  religi-  ^-^'^^"^ 
on  and  their  country  were  in  fuch  imminent  danger,  that  no- 
thing but  this  expedition  could  fave  them:  They  faw  the  per- 
fecution  in  France:  And  in  that  they  might  fee  what  was  to  be 
expeded  from  that  religion :  They  faw  the  violence  with  which 
the  King  of  £;2g/^;7<^  was  driving  matters  in  his  country,  which 
if  not   flopped  would  foon  prevail.     He  fent  them    thus   full   - 
of  zeal,  to  difpofe  the  people  to  a  hearty  approbation  and  con- 
currence in  this  defign.     The  Minifters  in  Holland ^re.  fo  watch- 
ed over  by  the  States,  that  they  have  no  more  authority  when 
they  meet  in  a  body,    in  a  Synod  or  in   a  Claflis ,    than  the 
States  think  fit  to  allow  them.     But  I  was  never  in  any  placej 
where  I  thought  the  Clergy  had  generally  fo  much  credit  with 
the  people,  as  they  have  there :  And  they  employed  it  all  up- 
on this  occafion  very  diligently,  and  to  good  purpofe.     Thofe 
who  had   no  regard  to  religion ,    yet  faw  a  war  began  in  the 
Empire  by  the  French.    And  the  publication  of  the  alliance  be- 
tween France  and  England  by  the  French  Embaffador,  made  them 
conclude  that  England  would  join  with  France.     They  reckon- 
ed, they  could  not  ftand  before  fuch  an  united  force,  and  thac 
therefore  it  was  neceffary  to  take  England  out  of  the  hands  of 
a  Prince,  who  was  fuch  a  firm  ally  to  France.     All  the  Englifh 
that  lived  in  Holland y  efpecially  the  merchants  that  were  fet- 
tled in  Amjierdam,  where  the  oppofition  was  like  to  be  ftrong- 
cft>  had  fiich  pofitive  advices  of  the  difpofition  that  the  Nation^ 
and  even  the  Army  were  in  j  that,  as  this  undertaking  was  con- 
fidered  as  the  only  probable  means  of  their  prefervation,  it  feem- 
cd  fo  well  concerted,  that  little  doubt  was  made  of  fuccefs,  ex- 
cept what  arofe  from  the  fcafon  j  which  was  not  only  far  fpent, 
but  the  winds  were  both  fo  contrary  and  fo  ftormy  for  many 
weeks ,    that  a  forcible  flop  feemed  put  to  it  by  the   hand  of 
heaven. 

Herbert  went  to  fea  with  the  Dutch  Fleet:  And  was  ordered^''' ^*''* 
to  ftand  over  to  the  Downs,  and  to  look  on  the  £;z^///^  Fleet^ 
to  try  if  any  would  come  over,  of  which  fome  hopes  were 
given  J  or  to  engage  them,  while  they  were  then  not  above  eigh- 
teen or  twenty  (hips  ftrong.  But  the  contrary  winds  made 
this  not  only  impracticable  ,  but  gave  great  reafon  to  fear 
that  a  great  part  of  the  Fleet  would  be  either  loft  or  difabled, 
Thefe  continued  for  above  a  fortnight,  and  gave  us  at  the 
Hague  a  melancholy  profped:.  Herbert  alfo  found  j  that  the 
Fleet  was  neither  fo  ftrong,  nor  fo  well  manned,  as  he  had  ex- 
pected. 

All 


780         The  History  of  the  Reign 

i68S        All  the  Engltjhy   that  were  fcattered  about  the  Provinces,  or 
<y^>nu  in  Germatry,  came  to  the  Hague.     Among  thefe  there  was   one 
frJ^n^lVtldman,  who,  from  being  an  agitator  in  Cromwell's  Army,  had 
niYic HagMc.^^^^  jj  conftant  meddler  on   all  occafions  in  every  thing  that 
looked  like  fedition,  and  feemed  inclined  to  oppofe  every  thing 
that  was  uppermoft.     He  brought   his  ufual  ill   humour  along 
with  him,    having  a  peculiar  talent  in   pofTefTmg  others  by  a 
fort  of  contagion  with  jealoufy  and  difcontent.     To  thefe  the 
Prince  ordered  his  declaration  to  be  {hewed.       Wtldman  took 
great  exceptions  to  it,  with  which  he  pofTefTed  many  to  fuch  a 
degree,    that  they  began  to  fay,  they  would  not  engage  upoa 
thofe   grounds.     Wtldman  had  drawn  one,    in  which   he  had 
laid  down  a  fcheme  of  the  government  of  England^    and  then 
had  kt  forth  many  particulars  in  which  it  had  been  violated, 
carrying  thefe  a  great  way  into  King  Charles's  reign;  all  which 
he  fupported  by  many  authorities  from  law  books.     He  objed- 
ed  to  the  Prince's  infifting  fo  much  on   the  Difpenfing  Power, 
and  on  what  had  been  done  to  the  Biihops.     He  faid,    there 
was  certainly  a  Difpenfing  Power  in  the  Crown ,    pradifed  for 
fome  ages:  Very  few  Patents  paffed  in  which  there  was  not  a 
non  objlante  to  one   or   more   ads  of  Parliament :   This   power 
had  been  too  far  ftretched  of  late:  But  the  ftretching  of  a  power 
that  was  in  the  Crown,  could  not  be  a  juft  ground  of  war:  The 
King  had  a  right  to  bring  any  man  to  a  trial :  The  Bifhops  had 
a  fair  trial,  and  were  acquitted,  and  difcharged  upon  it:  In  all 
which  there  was  nothing  done  contrary  to  law.     All  this  feem- 
ed myfterious,  when  a  known  Republican   was  become    an  ad- 
vocate for  Prerogative.    His  defign  in  this  was  deep  and  fpiteful. 
He  faw  that,  as  the  declaration  was  drawn,  the  Church  party 
would  come  in,    and  be  well  received  by   the  Prince:     So  he, 
who  defigned  to   feparate  the  Prince  and  them   at  the  greateft 
diftance  from  one  another,  ftudied  to  make  the  Prince  declare 
againft  thofe  grievances,    in  which  many  of  them   were  con- 
cerned,   and  which  fome  among   them  had   promoted.     The 
Earl  of  Macclesfield^  with  the  Lord  Mordaunty  and  many  others, 
joined  with  him  in  this.     But  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury ^    toge- 
ther with  Sidney^  Rujfelj  and  fome  others,  were  as  pofitive  ia 
their  opinion,    that  the  Prince  ought  not  to  look  fo  far  back 
as  into  King  Charles's   reign :  This  would  difguft  many  of  the 
Nobility  and  Gentry,  and  almoft  all  the  Clergy  :  So  they  thought 
the  declaration  was  to  be  fo  conceived,  as  to  draw  in  the  body 
of  the  whole  Nation:  They  were  all  alarmed  with  the  Difpen- 
fing Power :    And  it  would  feem  very  ftrange  to  fee  an  invafi- 
on,    in  which  this  was  not  fet  out  as  the   main   ground  of  it: 
Every  man  could  diftinguifh  between  the  difpenfing  with  a  fpe- 

4  cial 


'-     of  King  J  AMES  II.       ■  781 

ctal  a6t  in  a  particular  cafe,  and  a  total  difpenfing  with  laws  to    i6$H 
fecure  the  Nation  and  the  Religion  :  The  ill  defigns  of  the  Court,  '-'''"V>w' 
as  well  as  the  affedtions  of  the  Nation,  had  appeared  Co  evident^,, 
ly  in  the  Bi(hops  trial,  that  if  no  notice  was  taken  of  it,  it  would 
be  made  ufe  of  to  poffefs  all  people   with   an  opinion    of  the. 
Prince's  ill  will  to  them.     Rujfel  faid,  that  any  refledions  made 
on  King  Charles's  reign  would  not  only  carry  over  all  the  high. 
Church  party,  but  all  the  Army,  entirely  to  the  King.     IVtld-^ 
man's  declaration  was  much  obje(5ted  to.     The  Prince  could  not  , 

enter  into  a  difcullion  of  the  law  and  government  of  England:  •' 

That  was  to  be  left  to  the  Parliament:  The  Prince  could, 
only  fet  forth  the  prefent  and  publick  grievances,  as  they  wercj 
tranfmitted  to  him  by  thofe  upon  whofe  invitation  he  was  go-j 
ing  over.  This  was  not  without  fome  difficulty  overcome,  by 
altering  fome  few  expreflions  in  the  firft  draught,  and  leaving 
out  fome  circumftances.  So  the  declaration  was  printed  over  again, 
with  fome  amendments. 

In  the  beginning  of  OBoher  the  troops  marched  from  N'lme-'^^^  Army 
^en  were  put  on  board  in  the  Zuyder  fea,  where  they  lay  above^''^  '^''^^^  ' 
ten  days  before  they  could  get  out  of  the  TexeL  Never  was 
fo  great  a  defign  executed  in  fo  ihort  a  time.  A  tranfport  fleet  of 
five  hundred  velTels  was  hired  in  three  days  time.  All  things, 
as  foon  as  they  were  ordered,  were  got  to  be  fo  quickly  ready, 
that  we  were  amazed  at  the  difpatch.  It  is  true,  fome  things 
were  wanting,  and  fome  things  had  been  forgot.  But  when  the 
greatnels  of  the  equipage  was  confidered,  together  with  the  fe- 
crecy  with  which  it  was  to  be  conduded  till  the  whole  defign 
was  to  be  avowed,  it  feemed  much  more  flrange  tlut  fo  little 
was  wanting,  or  that  fo  few  things  had  been  forgot.  Benth'mk^ 
Dykvelt^  Herbert,  and  l^an  Hulfi ,  were  for  two  months  con- 
ftantly  at  the  Hague,  giving  all  neceffary  orders,  with  fo  little 
noife  that  nothing  broke  out  all  that  while.  Even  in  lelTer  mat- 
ters favourable  circumftances  concurred  to  cover  the  defign. 
Bentbmk  ufed  to  be  conftantly  with  the  Prince,  being  the  per- 
fon  that  was  moft  entirely  trufted  and  conftantly  employed  by 
him:  So  that  his  abfence  from  him,  being  fo  extraordinary  a 
thing,  might  have  given  fome  umbrage.  But  all  the  fummer 
his  Lady  was  fo  very  ill,  that  fhe  was  looked  on  every  day  as 
one  that  could  not  live  three  days  to  an  end:  So  tha^*"'  "'^  ^as 
a  very  juft  excufe  for  his  attendance  at  the  Hagti 

I  waited  on  the  Princefs  a  {e'f/  days  before  we  l'»'' 
She  feemed  to  have  a  great  load  on  her  fp'my 
no  fcruple  as  to  the  lawfulnels  of  the  defign.     / 
difcourfe,  I  faid,   that  if  we  got  fafe  to  England 
doubt  of  our  fuccefs   in  all   other  things. 

9  N 


o  tua^ 


782  The  H  i^  TD  R  x'ofiW^eign 

,<^88  pardon  to  tell  her,  that  if  there  {hould  happen  to  be  at  an v 
o^VNJ  time  any  disjointing  between  the  PrinCe  and  her,  that  wouldl 
ruin  all.  She  anfwered  me,  that  I  needed  Fear  no  fuch  thing ts 
If  any  perfon  Ihould  attempt  that,  (he  would  treat  them  fo,  asri 
to  dilcoufage  all  others  from  venturing' 00'  it  for  the  future.d 
She  was"  very  foleran  and  ferious,  and  prayed  God  earneftly  tdi 
blefs  and  direct  us.  > 

The  Prince      On  the  fixteenth  of  O&ober  0.  S.  the  wind  that  had  ftood> 

took  leave  (q  long'  in  the  Weft,  came  into  the  Eaft.  So  orders  were  fenc 
"'"'to  all  to  hafte  to  Helvoet-Slwys.  That  morning  the  Prince  wenD 
into  the  aflfembly  of  the  States  General,  to  take  leave  of  them;" 
He  faid  to  them,  he  was  extream  fehfible  of  the  kindnefs  they 
bad  all  (hewed  him  upon  many  occafions :  He  took  God  to  wit- 
nefs,  he  had  ferved  them  faithfully,  ever  fince  they  had  trufted^ 
him  with  the  government,  and  that  he  had  never  any  end  before 
his  eyes  but  the  good  of  the  country:  He  had  purfued  it  al- 
ways: And  if  at  any  time  he  erred  in  his  judgment,  yet  his 
heart  was  ever  fet  on  procuring  their  fafety  and  profperity. 
He  took  God  to  witnefs,  he  went  to  En^and  with  no  other  in-* 
tentions,  but  thofe  he  had  fet  out  in  his  declaration :  He  did 
not  know  how  God  might  difpofe  of  him :  To  his  providence 
he  committed  himfclf :  Whatfoever  might  become  of  him,  he 
committed  to  them  the  care  of  their  country,  and  recommend- 
ed the  Princefs  to  them  in  a  moft  particular  manner :  He  af- 
fured  them,  (he  loved  their  country  perfed:ly,  and  equally  with 
her  own :  He  hoped,  that  whatever  might  happen  to  him, 
they  would  ftill  protect  her,  and  ufe  her  as  fhe  well  deferved : 
And  fo  he  took  leave.  It  was  a  fad,  but  a  kind  parting.  Some 
of  every  Province  offered  at  an  anfwer  to  what  the  Prince  had 
faid :  But  they  all  melted  into  tears  and  paffion  :  So  that  their 
fpeeches  were  much  broken,  very  fliort,  and  extream  tender. 
Only  the  Prince  himfelf  continued  firm  in  his  ufual  gravity  and 
phlegm.  When  he  came  to  Hehoet-Slwys ,  the  tranfport  fleet 
had  confumed  fo  much  of  their  provifions,  that  three  days  of 
the  good  wind   were  loft,  before  all  were  fupplied  anew. 

We  failed       At  laft,  on  the  nineteenth  of  OBober^  the  Prince  went  aboard, 

ilLl'^''"'  ^"^  f^^  whole  Fleet  failed  out  that  night.  But  the  next  day  the 
wind  turned  into  the  North,  and  fettled  in  the  North- Weft. 
At  night  a  great  ftorm  rofe.  We  wrought  againft  it  all  that 
night,  and  the  next  day.  But  it  was  in  vain  to  ftruggle  any- 
longer.  And  fo  vaft  a  Fleet  run  no  fmall  hazard,  being  obliged 
to  Keep  together,  and  yet  not  to  come  too  near  one  another. 
On  the  twenty  firft  in  the  afternoon  the  fignal  was  given  to  go 
in  again :  And  on  the  twenty  fecond  the  far  greater  part  got  fafe 
into  port.  Many  ftiips  were  at  firft  wanting,  and  were  believ- 
"  I  ed 


i^ 


0f  King  J.AMES  11^^^        7.a^ 

eel  to  be  loft.      But  after   a  few  days  all  came   in.     TJierc.was    i<J8^ 
not  one  fhip  loft  j  nor  fo  much,  as  any  one  mapj  except  one  that^^^^*^^ 
was  blown  from  the  ftirouds  into  the  fea.^     Spme  fliijps  were  forwiced  back. 
{l\attcred,  that  as  foon  as  they  came  in,  and  iafl  was  taKeh  out' 
of  them,  they  immediately  funk  down.    Only  five  hundred  horfcs 
died  for  want  of  air.     Men  arc  upon  fu^cli  occafions  apt  to  flat- 
ter themfelves  upon  the  points   of  providence,     In  France  and 
Englandy  as  it  was  believed  that  our  lofs  was  much  greater  than 
it  proved  to  be,  fo  they  triumphed  not  a  littje,  as  if  (jod  had 
fought  againft  us,  and  defeated  the  whole  defign.   ■  We  on  our 
part,  who  found  our  felves  delivered  out  of  fo  great  a  ftorm.  and, 
fo  vaft  a  danger,  looked  on  it  as  a  mark  of  God's  great  care  * 
of  us,  who,  tho'  he  had  not  changed  the  courfe  of  the  winds 
and  feas  in  our  favour,  yet  had  preferved   us  while  w:e  were  in' 
fucli  apparent  danger,  beyond  what  could  have  been  imagined. 
The  States  were  not  at  all  difcouri^ged  with  this  hard  beginning, 
but  gave  the  necelfary  orders  for  fupplying  us  with  every  thing 
that  we  needed.     The  Princefs  behaved  herfelf  at  the  Hague  fuit- 
ably  to  what  was  expe<5ted  from  her.     She  ordered  prayers  four 
times  a  day,  and  afljfted  at  ttcm  with  great  devotion.     She  fpoke 
to  no  body  of  affairs,  but  was  calm  and  filcnt.     The  States  or- 
dered fome  of  their  body  to  give   her   an  account  of  all  their 
proceedings.     She  indeed  anfwered  little:  But  in  that  little  fhe 
gave  them  caufe  often  to  admire  her  judgment. 

In  England  the  Court  faw  now,    that   it  was  in  vain  to  dif-Confaimi- 
femble  ordifguife  their  fears  any  more.     Great confultations  were/<»»^. 
held  there.     The  Earl  oi  Melfortj  and  all  the  Papifts,  propof- 
cd  the  feizing  on  all  fufpe^ted  perfons,    and  the  fending  theni 
to  Port/mouth.     The  Earl  oi  Sunderland  o^^o^^td  this  vehement- 
ly.    He  faid,  it  would  not  be  poffibie  to  ieize  on  many  at  the 
fame  time:  And  the  feizing  on  a  few  would  alarm  ajl  the  reft: 
It  would  drive  them  in  to  the  Prince,  and  furnifti  them  with  a 
pretence  for  it:  He  propofed  rather,  that  the  King   would  do 
iiich  popular  things,  as  might  give  fome  content,  and  lay  that 
fermentation  with  which  the  Nation  was  then,    as  it  were,   di- 
ftraded.     This   was  at  that  time   complied  with :    But  all  the 
Popifh  party  continued  upon    this  to   charge  Lord  Sunderland, 
as  one  that  was  in  the  King's  counleis  only  to  betray  them;  that 
had  before  diverted  the  offer  of  affiftance  from  France^  and  now 
the  fecuring  thofe  who  were  the  moft  likely  to  join  and  aflift  the 
Prince.     By  their  importunities  the  King  was  at  laft  fo  prevail- 
ed on,     that  he  turned  him  out  of  all  his  places:     And  Lord 
Prejion  was  made  Secretary  of  State.     The  Fleet  was  now  put  out, 
and  was  fo  ftrong,  that,  if  they  had  met  the  Dutch  Fleet,  pro- 
bably they  would  have  been  too  hard  for  them,  efpecially  con- 

fiderinff 


'7'84         UeHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

1688  fidcring  the  great  tranfport  fleet  that  they  were  to  cover.  AH 
*»>^'VX^the  forces  that  were  in  Scotland  were  ordered  mto  England:  And 
that  Kingdom  was  left  in  the  hands  of  their  Militia.  Several 
Regiments  came  likewife  from  Ireland.  So  that  the  King's  Ar- 
,  my  was  then  about  thirty  thoufandftrong.  But,  in  order  to  Jay  the 
heat  that  was  raifed  in  the  Nation,  the  King  fent  for  the  Bi- 
fhopsi  and  fet  out  the  injuftice  of  this  unnatural  invafion  that 
the  Prince  was  defigning:  He  alTured  them  of  his  affedions  to 
the  Church  of  England ^  and  protefted,  he  had  never  intended 
to  carry  things  further  than  to  an  equal  liberty  of  confcience : 
He  defired,  they  would  declare  their  abhorrence  of  this  invafi- 
on, and  that  they  would  offer  him  their  advice,  what  was  fit 
for  him  to  do.  They  declined  the  point  of  abhorrence,  andad- 
vifed  the  prefent  fummoning  a  Parliament  ,•  and  that  in  the 
mean  while  the  Ecclefiaflical  Commiflion  might  be  broken,  the  pro- 
ceedings againft  the  Bifhop  of  London  and  Magdalen  College 
might  be  reverfed,  and  that  the  law  might  be  again  put  in 
its  channel.  This  they  delivered  with  great  gravity,  and  with 
a  courage  that  recommended  them  to  the  whole  Nation.  There 
was  an  order  fent  them  from  the  King  afterwards ,  requirino- 
them  to  compofe  an  office  for  the  prefent  occafion.  The  prayers 
were  fo  well  drawn,  that  even  thofe  who  wifhed  for  the  Princemight 
have  joined  in  them.  The  Church  party  did  now  fhew  their 
approbation  of  the  Prince's  expedition  in  fuch  terms,  that  ma- 
ny were  furprized  at  it,  both  then,  and  fince  that  time.  They 
fpoke  openly  in  favour  of  it.  They  exprelTed  their  grief  to  fee 
the  wind  fo  crofs.  They  wifhed  for  an  Eaft  wind,  which  on 
that  occafion  was  called  the  Proteftant  wind.  They  fpoke  with 
great  fcorn  of  all  that  the  Court  was  then  doing  to  regain  the 
hearts  of  the  Nation.  And  indeed  the  proceedings  of  the  Court 
that  way  were  fo  cold,  and  fo  forced,  that  few  were  like  to  be 
deceived  by  them,  but  thofe  who  had  a  mind  to  be  deceived. 
The  writs  for  a  Parliament  were  often  ordered  to  be  made  rea- 
dy for  the  Seal,  and  were  as  often  flopt.  Some  were  fealed,  and 
given  out:  But  they  were  quickly  called  in  again.  The  old 
Charters  were  ordered  to  be  rcftored  again.  Jefferies  himfelf 
carried  back  the  Charter  of  the  City  oi  London^  and  put  on 
the  appearances  of  joy  and  heartinefs  when  he  gave  it  to  them. 
All  men  faw  thro'  that  affedation:  For  he  had  raifed  himfelf 
chiefly  upon  the  advifing,  or  promoting,  that  matter  of  the  fur- 
render,  and  the  forfeiture  of  the  Charters.  An  order  was  alfo 
fent  to  the  Bilhop  of  Wmchefter^  to  put  the  Prefident  of  Mag- 
dalen College  again  in  poiTelfion.  Yet,  that  order  not  being 
executed  when  the  news  was  brought  that  the  Prince  and  his 
Fleet  were  blown  back,  it  was  countermanded;    which  plainly 

i  fhewed 


of  Kmg  J  AMES  II.  785 

fhewed  what  it  was  that  drove  the  Court  into  fo  much  compli-    i6SS 
ance,  and  how  long  it  was  like  to  laft.  »-OrN^ 

The  matter  of  the  greateft  concern,  and  that  could  not  beProofs 
dropr,  but  was  to  be  fupported,  was  the  birth  of  the  Prince  ofSSSh  of 
Wales.  And  therefore  the  Court  thought  it  necelTary,  now  in^^"""<'^ 
an  after  game,  to  offer  fome  fatisfa<!iion  in  that  point.  So  a 
great  meeting  was  called ,  not  only  of  all  the  Privy  Counfel- 
Jors  and  Judges,  but  of  all  the  Nobility  then  ifl  Town.  To 
thefe  the  King  complained  of  the  great  injury  that  was  done 
both  him  and  the  Queen  by  the  Prince  oi  Orange  ^  who  ac- 
cufed  them  of  fo  black  an  impofture:  He  faid,  he  believed  there 
were  few  Princes  then  alive,  who  had  been  born  in  the  pre- 
fence  of  more  witnelTes  than  were  at  his  fon's  birth:  He  had 
therefore  called  them  together,  that  they  might  hear  the  proof 
of  that  matter.  It  was  firft  proved,  that  the  Queen  was  deli- 
vered abed,  while  many  were  in  the  room^  and  that  they  faw 
the  child  foon  after  he  was  taken  from  the  Queen  by  the  mid- 
wife. But  in  this  the  midwife  was  the  fingle  witnefs ;  for  none 
of  the  Ladies  had  felt  the  child  in  the  Queen's  belly.  The 
Countefs  of  Sunderland  did  indeed  depofe,  that  the  Queen  cal- 
led to  her  to  give  her  her  hand,  that  fhe  might  feel  how  the 
child  lay  ,  to  which  fhe  added,  which  I  did,  but  did  not  fay, 
whether  fhe  felt  the  child,  or  not :  And  fhe  told  the  Duchefs  of 
Hamilton,  from  whom  I  had  it,  that  when  fhe  put  her  hand 
into  the  bed,  the  Queen  held  it,  and  let  it  go  no  lower  than 
her  breafls.  So  that  really  fhe  felt  nothing.  And  this  depo- 
fition,  brought  to  make  a  fhew,  was  an  evidence  againfl:  the 
matter,  rather  than  for  it,-  and  was  a  violent  prefumption  of 
an  impofture,  and  of  an  artifice  to  cover  it.  Many  Ladies  de- 
pofed,  that  they  had  often  feen  the  marks  of  milk  on  the  Queen's 
linen,  near  her  breafts.  Two  or  three  depofed,  that  they  faw 
it  running  out  at  the  nipple.  All  thefe  depofed,  that  they  faw 
milk  before  the  pretended  delivery.  But  none  of  them  depofed 
concerning  milk  after  the  delivery,  tho'  nature  fends  it  then  in 
greater  abundance :  And  the  Queen  had  it  always  in  fuch  a  plen- 
ty, that  fome  weeks  pafTed  after  her  delivery,  before  fhe  was 
quite  freed  from  it.  The  Ladies  did  not  name  the  time  in  which 
they  faw  the  milk,  except  one,  who  named  the  month  of  May, 
But,  if  the  particulars  mentioned  before,  that  happen'd  on  Eafier 
Monday,  are  refliedted  on ,  and  if  it  appears  probable  by  thefe 
that  the  Queen  mifcarried  at  that  time;  then  all  that  the  Ladies 
mentioned  of  milk  in  her  breafts,  particularly  fhe  that  fixed  it 
to  the  month  of  May,  might  have  followed  upon  that  mifcar- 
riage,  and  be  no  proof  concerning  the  late  birth.  Mrs.  Pierce, 
the  landrefs,  depoied  that  fhe  took  linen  from  the  Queen's  body 

p  O  once. 


780         TheHlsroRY  of  the  Reign 

1(^88  once,  which  carried  the  marks  of  a  delivery.  But  fhe  fpokc 
y^f^y^^^  only  to  one  time.  That  was  a  main  circumftance.  And,  if  it 
had  been  true,  it  muft  have  been  often  done,  and  was  capa- 
ble of  a  more  copious  proof,  fince  there  is  occafion  for  fuch 
thinf^s  to  be  often  looked  on,  and  well  confidered.  The  Lady 
IVemworth  was  the  fingle  witnefs  that  depofed,  that  fhe  had  felt 
the  child  move  in  the  Queen's  belly.  She  was  a  Bed-chamber 
woman,  as  well  as  a  fingle  witnefs:  And  fhe  fixed  it  on  no  time. 
If  it  was  very  early,  fhe  might  have  been  miflaken :  Or  if  it  was 
before  Rafter  Monday,  it  might  be  true,  and  yet  have  no  rela- 
tion to  this  birth.  This  was  the  fubflance  of  this  evidence, 
which  was  ordered  to  be  enrolled  and  printed.  But,  when  it 
was  publifhed,  it  had  a  quite  contrary  effed:  to  what  the  Court 
expected  from  it.  The  prefumption  of  law  before  this  was  all 
in  favour  of  the  birth,  fince  the  parents  owned  the  child :  So 
that  the  proof  lay  on  the  other  fide,  and  ought  to  be  offered 
by  thofe  who  called  it  in  queflion.  But,  now  that  this  proof 
was  brought,  which  was  fo  apparently  defedive,  it  did  not  lef- 
fen  but  increafe  the  jealoufy  with  which  the  Nation  was  poA. 
fefled :  For  all  people  concluded,  that,  if  the  thing  had  been 
true,  it  mufl  have  been  eafy  to  have  brought  a  much  more  co- 
pious proof  than  was  now  publifhed  to  the  world.  It  was  much 
obferved,  that  Princefs  Anne  was  not  prefent.  She  indeed  ex- 
cufed  herfelf.  She  thought  fhe  was  breeding:  And  all  motion 
was  forbidden  her.  None  believed  that  to  be  the  true  reafon  • 
for  it  was  thought,  that  the  going  from  one  apartment  of  the 
Court  to  another  could  not  hurt  her.  So  it  was  looked  on  as 
a  colour  that  fhewed  fhe  did  not  believe  the  thing  ,  and  that 
therefore  fhe  would  not  by  her  being  prefent  feem  to  give  any 
credit  to  it. 

This  was  the  flate  of  aflPairs  in  England ,  while  we  lay  at 
Helvoet-Sluys ,  where  we  continued  till  the  firft  oi  November. 
-Here  Wtldman  created  a  new  difturbance.  He  plainly  had  a 
fhew  of  courage,  but  was,  at  leaft  then,  a  coward.  He  pofTeiTed 
fome  of  the  Engltjh  with  an  opinion,  that  the  defign  was  now 
irrecoverably  loft.  This  was  entertained  by  many,  who  were 
willing  to  hearken  to  any  propofition  that  fet  danger  at  a  dif- 
tance  from  themfelves.  They  were  ftill  magnifying  the  Engltjh 
Fleet,  and  undervaluing  the  Dutch.  They  went  fo  far  in  this 
that  they  propofed  to  the  Prince,  that  Herbert  fhould  be  order- 
ed to  go  over  to  the  coaft  of  England,  and  either  fight  the 
EngliJJj  Fleet,  or  force  them  in :  And  in  that  cafe  the  Tran- 
fport  Fleet  might  venture  over,-  which  otherwife  they  thoucrhc 
could  not  be  fafely  done.  This  fome  urged  with  fuch  earneft- 
nefs ,    that  nothing  but  the  Prince's  authority,   and  Schomber^s 

credit. 


of  Ki/ig  J  AMES  ll.r      -  787 

credit,  could  have  withftood  it.     The  Prince  told  them,   the  Tea-    i<^88 
fon  was  now  fofarfpent,  thatthelofingof  more  time  was  the  lofinc'^'^^^^'^^ 
the  whole  defign :  Fleets  might  lie  long  in  view  of  one  another 
before  it  could  be  poffible  for  them  to  come  to  an  engagement 
tho'  both  fides  equally  defired  it;  but  much  longer,  if  any  one 
of  them  avoided  it;    It  was  not  poffible  to  keep  the  Army,  efpe- 
cially  the  horfe,  long  at  fea:  And  it  was  no  eafy  matter  to  take 
them  all  out,  and  to  fhip  them  again:  After  the  wind  had  ftood 
fo  long  in  the  Weft,  there  was  reafon  to  hope  it  would  turn  to 
the  Eaft:  And  when   that  ftiould  come,    no  time  was  to  be  loft: 
For   it  would  fometimes  blow  fo  frefli  in  a  few  days  as  to  freeze 
up  the  river  ,•  fo  that  it  would  not  be  poffible  to  get  out  all  the 
winter  long.     With  thefe  things  he  rather  iilenced  than  quiet- 
ed  them.     All  this  while  the  men  of  war  were  ftill    riding  at 
fea,  it  being  a  continued  ftorm  for  fome   weeks.     The  Prince 
fent  out  feveral  advice  boats  with  orders  to   them  to  come  in. 
But  they  could  not  come  up  to  them.     On  the  twenty  feventh 
oiOBober  there  was  for  fix  hours  together  a  moft  dreadful  ftorm: 
So  that  there  were  few  among  us,  that  did  not  conclude,  that 
the  beft  part  of  the  Fleet,  and  by  confequence  that  the  whole 
defign,  was  loft.     Many,  that  have  paft  for  Heroes,  yet  fhew- 
cd  then  the  agonies  of  fear  in  their  looks ,  and  whole  deport- 
ment.    The  Prince  ftill  retained  his  ufual  calmnefs ,    and  the 
fame  tranquillity  of  fpirit,  thatlhadobfervedinhiminhishappieft 
days.  On  the  twenty  eighth  it  calmed  a  little,  and  our  Fleet  came  all 
in,  to  our  great  joy.  The  rudder  of  one  third  rate  was  broken:  And 
that  was  all  the  hurt  that  the  ftorm  had  done.  At  laft  the  much  long- 
ed for  Eaft  wind  came.    And  fo  hard  a  thing  it  was  to  fet  fo  vaft  a  body 
in  motion,  that  two  days  of  this  wind  were  loft  before  all  could  be 
quite  ready. 

On  the  firft  of  November  0.  S.  we  failed  out  with  the  even- v/e  failed 
ing  tide  ;  but  made  little  way  that  night,  that  fo  our  Fleet  mieht?"'  ^°^^ 

V  J  -J  -IT7  -J  J  Ml         °       happily  a  fe- 

corae  out,  and  move  m  order.  We  tried  next  day  till  noon,  coud  time. 
if  it  was  poffible  to  fail  Northward:  But  the  wind  was  fo  ftrong, 
and  full  in  the  Eaft,  that  we  could  not  move  that  way.  About 
noon  the  fignal  was  given  to  fteer  Weftward.  This  wind  not 
only  diverted  us  from  that  unhappy  courfe  ,  but  it  kept  the 
Engl'tjh  Fleet  in  the  river:  So  that  it  was  not  poffible  for  them 
to  come  out,  tho'  they  were  come  down  as  far  as  to  the  Gun- 
fleet.  By  this  means  we  had  the  fea  open  to  us,  with  a  fair 
wind ,  and  a  fafe  navigation.  On  the  third  we  paft  between 
Dover  and  Calais,  and  before  night  came  in  fight  of  the  ifle  of 
of  IVight.  The  next  day  being  the  day  in  which  the  Prince 
was  both  born  and  married,  he  fancied,  if  he  could  land  that 
day,    it  would  look  aufpicious  to  the  Army,    and  animate  the 

3  foldicra. 


788        B^  H I S  T  o  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1688  foldiers.  But  wc  all,  who  confidered,  that  the  day  following, 
<y^y*^  being  Gunpowder  Treafon  day  ,  our  landing  that  day  might 
have  a  good  effed  on  the  minds  of  the  Englifjh  Nation,  were 
better  pleafed  to  fee  that  we  could  land  no  fooner.  Torbay  was 
thought  the  beft  place  for  our  great  Fleet  to  lie  in :  And  it 
was  refolved  to  land  the  Army,  'where  it  could  be  beft  done 
near  it,-  reckoning,  that  being  at  fuch  a  diftance  from  London, 
we  could  provide  our  felves  with  horfes ,  and  put  every  thing 
in  order  before  the  King  could  march  his  Army  towards  us, 
and  that  we  (hould  lie  fome  time  at  Exeter  for  the  refrcihing 
our  men.  I  was  in  the  fhip,  with  the  Prince's  other  domefticks, 
that  went  in  the  van  of  the  whole  Fleet.  At  noon  on  the  fourth 
Ruffel  came  on  board  us  with  the  beft  of  all  the  Englifh  pilots 
that  they  had  brought  over.  He  gave  him  the  fteering  of  the 
Ihipi  and  ordered  him  to  be  fure  to  fail  fo,  that  next  morning 
we  fliould  be  ihort  of  Dartmouth :  For  it  was  intended  that  fome 
'of  the  fhips  fhould  land  there,  and  that  the  reft  (hould  fail  in- 
to Torbay.  The  pilot  thought,  he  could  not  be  miftaken  in 
meafuring  our  courfe^  and  believed  that  he  certainly  kept  with- 
in orders,  till  the  morning  fliewed  us  we  were  paft  Torbay  and 
Dartmouth.  The  wind,  tho'  it  had  abated  much  of  its  firft  vio- 
lence, yet  was  ftill  full  in  the  Eaft:  So  now  it  feemed  necef- 
fary  for  us  to  fail  on  to  Plymouth  ^  which  muft  have  engag- 
ed us  in  a  long  and  tedious  campaign  in  winter ,  thro'  a 
very  ill  Country.  Nor  were  we  fure  to  be  received  at  Plymouth, 
The  Earl  of  Bath^  whq  was  Governor,  had  fent  by  Rujfel  a  pro- 
mife  to  the  Prince  to  come  and  join  him:  Yet  it  was  not  like- 
ly, that  he  would  be  fo  forward  as  to  receive  us  at  our  firft 
coming.  The  delays  he  made  afterwards,  pretending  that  he 
was  managing  the  garrifon ,  whereas  he  was  indeed  ftaying  till 
he  faw  how  the  matter  was  like  to  be  decided,  ftiewed  us  how 
fatal  it  had  proved,  if  we  had  been  forced  to  fail  on  to  Plymouth, 
But  while  Rujfel  was  in  no  fmall  diforder,  after  he  faw  the  pi- 
lot's error,  (upon  which  he  bid  me  go  to  my  prayers,  for  all 
was  loft, )  and  as  he  was  ordering  the  boat  to  be  cleared  to  go 
aboard  the  Prince,  on  a  fudden  to  all  our  wonder  it  calmed  a 
little.  And  then  the  wind  turned  into  the  South :  And  a  foft  and 
happy  gale  of  wind  carried  in  the  whole  Fleet  in  four  hours  time 

Wc  landed  \nioTorbay.     Immediately  as  many  landed  as  conveniently  could. 

at  <"'  "y-  ^j  ^QQjj  25  j.jjg  PriQce  and  Marftial  Schomberg  got  to  fhore,  they 
were  furniflied  with  fuch  horfes  as  the  village  o{ Broxholme  could 
afford  i  and  rode  up  to  view  the  grounds  which  they  found  as 
convenient  as  could  be  imagined  for  the  foot  in  that  feafon. 
It  was  not  a  cold  night:  Otherwife  the  foldiers,  who  had  been 
kept  warm  aboard,  might  have  fuffered  much  by  it.     As  foon 

i  as 


^^*^^..  of  King  James  II.  789 

fts  I  landed,  Imade  what  hade  I  could  to  the  place  where  the    i<^88 
Prince  was;  who  took  me  heartily  by  the  hand,  and  aflcedme,  if^>^'>r>o 
I  would  not  now  believe  predeftination.    I  told  him,   I  would  ne- 
ver forget  that  providence  of  God,  which  had  appeared  To  fig- 
nally  on  this  occafion.     He  was  cheerfuUer  than  ordinary.    Yet 
he  returned  foon  to  his  ufual  gravity.     The  Prince  Tent  for  all 
the  fifhermen  of  the  place  j  and  alked  them,  which  was  the  pro- 
pereft  place  for  landing  his  horfe,   which  all  apprehended  would 
be  a   tedious  bufinefs,     and   might  hold  fome  days.     But  next 
morning  he  was  fhewed  a  place,  a  quarter  of  a  mile  below  the 
village,  where  the  {hips  could  be  brought  very   near  the  landy 
againft  a  good  iliore,   and  the  horfes  would  not  be  put  to  fwim 
above  twenty  yards.     This  proved  to  be  fo  happy  for  our  land- 
ing, tho'  we  came  to  it  by  meer  accident,  that,  if  we  had  or- 
dered the  whole  Ifland  round  to  be  founded,  we  could  not  have 
found  a  properer  place  for  it.     There  was  a  dead  calm  all  that 
morning:  And  in  three  hour's  time  all  our  horfe  were  landed,  with 
as  much  baggage  as  was  neceffary  till  we  got  to  Exeter.    The 
artillery  and  heavy  baggage  were  left  aboard,    and  ordered   to 
Topjham  the  fea-port  to  Exeter.     All  that  belonged   to  us   was 
fo  foon  and  fo  happily  landed,  that  by  the  next  day  at  nooii 
we  were   in  full  march,    and    marched   four  miles  that  night. 
We  had  from  thence  twenty  miles  to  Exeter:  Apd  we  refolved 
to  make  hafte  thither.     But,    as  we  were  now  happily  landed, 
and  marching ,    we  faw  new  and  unthought  of  charaders  of  a 
favourable  providence  of  God  watching  over  us.     We  bad  no 
fboner  got  thus  difengaged  from  our  Fleet ,    than   a  new  and 
great  ftorm  blew  from  the  Weftj  from  which  our  Fleer,  being 
covered  by  the  land,  could  receive  no  prejudice :  But  the  King's 
Fleet  had  got  out  as  the  wind  calmed,     and  in   purfuit  of  us 
was  come  as  far  as  the  ifle  of  Wtght^  when  this  contrary  wind 
turned  upon  them.     They  tried  what  they  could  to  purfue  us : 
But  they  were  fo  fhattered  by  fome  days  of  this  ftorm,  that  they 
were  forced  to  go  into  Port/mouth y    and  weie  no  more   fit  for 
fervice  that  year.     This  was  a  greater  happinefs  than  we  were 
then  aware  of:    For  the  Lord  Dartmouth  alTured  me  fome  time 
after,  that,  whatever  ftories  we  had  heard  and   believed,  either 
of  Officers  or  feamen,    he   was  confident  they  would  all  have 
fought  very  heartily.     But  now,  by  the  immediate  hand  of  hea- 
yen,  we  were  rnafters  of  the  fea  without  a  blow.     I  never  found 
a  difpofition  to  fuperftition  in  my  temper:  I  was  rather  inclined 
to  be  philofophical  upon  all  occafions.    Yet  I  muft  confefs,  that 
this  ftrange  ordering  of  the  winds  and  feafons,  juft  to  change 
as  our  affairs  required  it,   could  not  but  make  deep  imprellions 
on  me,  as  well  as  on  all  that  obferved  it.     Thofe  famous  verfes 

Q  P  of 


790         The  History  of  the  Reign 

i6n   o( Chud'tan  feemed  to  be  more  applicable  to  the  Prince,  thari  to 
y^y^^"^  him  they  ^ere  made  on : 

0  ntmmm  dtleBe  DeOj  cut  mtlttat  <ether, 

Et  conjurati  ven'tunt  ad clajjica  ventt ! 

Heaven's  favourite,  for  whom  the  fkies  do  fight,        1 

And  all  the  winds  confpirc  to  guide  thee  right! 

The  Prince  made  hafte  to  Exeter ,  where  he  ftaid  ten  days, 
both  for  refreftiing  his  troops,  and  for  giving  the  Countxy  time 
to  fhcw  their  affedions.  Both  the  Clergy  and  Magiftrates  of  Exeter 
were  very  fearful,  and  very  backward.  The  Bifhop  and  the 
Dean  ran  away.  And  the  Clergy  ftood  off,  tho'  they  were  fent 
for,  and  very  gently  fpoke  to  by  the  Prince.  The  truth  was, 
the  dodrines  of  Paffive  Obedience  and  Non-refiftance  had  beea 
carried  fo  far,  and  preached  fo  much ,  that  Clergymen  eithec 
could  not  all  on  the  fudden  get  out  of  that  entanglement,  into 
which  they  had  by  long  thinking  and  fpeaking  all  one  way  in- 
volved themfclves,  or  they  were  a{hamed  to  make  fo  quick  a 
turn.  Yet  care  was  taken  to  proted  them  and  their  houfes 
every  where :  So  that  no  fort  of  violence  nor  rudenefs  was  of- 
fered to  any  of  them.  The  Prince  gave  me  full  authority  to 
do  this:  And  I  took  fo  particular  a  care  of  it,  that  we  heard 
of  no  complaints.  The  Army  was  kept  under  fuch  an  exad: 
difcipline,  that  every  thing  was  paid  for  where  it  was  demand- 
ed ;  tho'  the  foldiers  were  contented  with  fuch  moderate  enter- 
tainment, that  the  people  generally  alked  but  little  for  what 
they  did  eat.  We  ftaid  a  week  at  Exeter ^  before  any  of  the  Gen- 
tlemen of  the  country  about  came  in  to  the  Prince.  Every  day 
fome  pcrfons  of  condition  came  from  other  parts.  The  firft  were 
the  Lord  Colchefier  the  cldeft  fon  of  the  Earl  of  Rivers ,  and 
the  Lord  Wharton ,  Mr.  Rujfel  the  Lord  Rujfets  brother,  and  the 
Earl  of  Ahimnon. 
The  King's  The  King  came  down  to  Salisbury ^  and  fcnt  his  troops  twen- 
toTJm?^"ty  miles  further.  Of  thefe,  three  Regiments  of  horfe  and  dra- 
plSce.'*''^  goons  were  drawn  on  by  their  Officers,  the  Lord  Cornbury  and 
Coll.  Langjion,  on  defign  to  come  over  to  the  Prince.  Advice 
was  fent  to  the  Prince  of  this.  But  becaufe  thefe  Officers  were 
not  fure  of  their  fubalterns,  the  Prince  ordered  a  body  of  his 
men  to  advance,  and  aflift  them  in  cafe  any  refiftance  was  made. 
They  were  within  twenty  miles  of  Exeter y  and  within  two  miles 
of  the  body  that  the  Prince  had  fent  to  join  them,  when  a 
whifper  ran  about  among  them  that  they  were  betrayed.  Lord 
Cornbury  had  not  the  prefence  of  mind  that  fo  critical  a  thing 
required.    So  they  fell  in  confufion,  and  many  rode  back.    Yet 

I  one 


I 


of  King  James  II.     t        7  9 1 

<ine  Regiment  came  over  in   a  body,    and  with  them  about  a    1^88 
hundred  oF  the  other  two.     This  gave  us  gieat  couragej    and'-''"'^''"*"^ 
fhewed  us,  that  we  had  not  been  deceived  in  what  was  told  us 
of  the  incHnations  of  the  King's  Army.     Yet,  on  the  other  hand, 
ihofc  who  ftudied  to  fupport  the  King's  fpirit  by  flatteries  told 
fcim,  that  in  this  he  faw  that  he  might   truft:  his  Army,  fince 
fhefe  who  intended  to  carry  over  thofe  Regiments,  were  forced 
to  manage  it  with  fo  much  artifice,  and  durft  not  difcover  their 
dcfign  either  to  Officers  or  foldiers^  and  that,  as  foon  as  they 
perceived  it,  the  greater  part  of  them  had  turned  back.     The 
King  wanted  fupport:   For  his  fpirits  funkextrcamly.     His  blood 
was  in  fuch  fermentation ,    that  he  was  bleeding  much  at  the 
nofe,  which  returned  oft  upon  him  every  day.     He  fent  many 
fpies  over  to  us.    They  all  took  his  money,  and  came  and  join- 
ed thcmfelves  to  the  Prince,    none  of  them  returning  to  him. 
So  that  he  had  no  intelligence  brought  him  of  what  the  Prince 
was  doing,  but  what  common  reports  brought  him,  which  mag- 
nified our  numbers,  and  made  him  think  we  were  coming  near 
him,  while  we  were  ftill  at  Exeter.     He  heard  that  the  City  of 
London  was  very  unquiet.     News  wert  brought  him,    that  the 
Earls  oi Devonjhire  andDani^jj  and  the  hor d  Lumley^  were  draw- 
ing great  bodies  together,  and  that  hothTork  and  Newcajlle  hzd 
declared  for  the  Prince.     The  Lord  Delamere  had  raifed  a  Re- 
giment in  Chejhhe.     And  the  body   of  the  Nation   did   every 
where  difcover  their  inclinations  for  the   Prince  fo  evidently^ 
that  the  King  faw  he  had  nothing  to  truft  to,  but   his  Army. 
And  the  ill  difpofition  among   them  was  fo   apparent,  that  he 
reckoned  he  could  not  depend  on  them.     So  that  he  loft  both 
heart  and  head  at  once.     But  that  which  gave  him  the  laft  and 
moft  confcundmg  ftroke  was,  that  the  Lord  Churchill  and  the 
Duke  oi  Grafton  left  him,  and  came  and  joined  the  Prince  at 
Axm'mfler^  twenty  miles  on  that  fide  of  Exeter,     After  this  he 
could  not  know  on   whom   he    could   depend.     The  Duke   of 
Grafton  was  one  of  King  Charles^  fons  by  the  Duchefs  oi  Cleve- 
land.    He  had  been  fometime  at  fea,  and  was  a  gallant  but  rough 
man.    He  had  more  fpirit  than  any  one  of  the  King's  fons.     He 
made  an  anfwer  to  the  King  about  this  time,  that  was  much  talked 
of.     The  King  took  notice  of  fomewhat  in  his  behaviour  that 
looked  factious:  And  he  faid,  he  was  fure  he  could  not  pretend 
to  ad  upon   principles  of  confciencej    for   he  had   been   fo  ill 
bred,  that  as  he  knew  little  of  religion    fo  he  regarded  it  lefs. 
But  he  anfwered  the  King,  that,  tho'  he  had  little  confcience, 
yet  he  was  of  a  party   that  had   confcience.      Soon    after  that. 
Prince  George^  the  Duke  oi  Ormondy  and  the  Lord  Drumiane' 
rick  the  Duke  oi ^ieembtir'f^  eldeft  fon,  left  him,  and  came  over 

to 


792         TJje  Hist  OK  Y  of  the  Reign 

1(588  to  the  Prince,  and  joined  him,  when  he  was  come  as  far  as  the  Earfr 
<./WJ  of  BnfioN  houfe  at  Sherhurn.  When  the  news  came  to  Lon- 
don the  Princefs  was  fo  ftruck  with  the  apprehenfions  of  the 
King's  difpleafure,  and  of  the  ill  efFcds  that  it  might  have,  that 
fhe  faid  to  the  Lady  Churchill^  that  {he  could  not  bear  the  thoughts 
of  it,  and  would  leap  out  at  window  rather  than  venture  on 
\i.  The  Biihop  of  London  was  then  lodged  very  fecretly  in 
Suffolk  ftreet.  So  the  Lady  Churchill,  who  knew  where  he  was, 
went  to  him,  and  concerted  with  him  the  method  of  the  Prin- 
cefs's  withdrawing  from  the  Court.  The  Princefs  went  fooner 
to  bed  than  ordinary.  And  about  midnight  fhe  went  down  a 
backftairs  from  her  clofet,  attended  only  by  the  Lady  Churchill^ 
in  fuch  hade  that  they  carried  nothing  with  them.  They  were 
Waited  for  by  the  Biihop  oi  London ,  who  carried  them  to  the 
Earl  of  jDiJ^y^'^'s ,  whofe  Lady  furnilhed  them  with  every  thing. 
And  fo  they  went  Northward,  as  far  as  Northampton-,  where 
that  Earl  attended  on  them  with  all  refpeil,  and  quickly  brought 
a  body  ofhorfe  to  ferve  for  a  guard  to  the  Princefs.  And  in 
a  little  while  a  fmall  Army  was  formed  about  her,  who  chofe 
to  be  commanded  by  the  Bifhop  of  London;  of  which  he  too 
eafily  accepted. 

Thefe  things  put  the  King  in  an  unexpreflible  confufion.  He 
favv  himfelf  now  forfaken ,  not  only  by  thofe  whom  he  had 
trufted  and  favoured  moft,  but  even  by  his  own  children.  And 
the  Army  was  in  fuch  diftracStion,  that  there  was  not  any  one 
body  that  feemed  entirely  united  and  firm  to  him.  A 
fooliHi  ballad  was  made  at  that  time,  treating  the  Papifts,  and 
chiefly  the  /r//?J,  in  a  very  ridiculous  manner,  which  had  a  bur- 
den, faid  to  be /riy^  words,  lero  lero  Idtbulero,  that  made  an  im- 
prefTion  on  the  Army,  that  cannot  be  well  imagined  by  thofe 
who  faw  it  not.  The  whole  Army,  and  at  lafl:  all  people  both 
in  city  and  country,  were  finging  it  perpetually.  And  perhaps 
never  had  fo  (light  a  thing  fo  great  an  effecSt. 
An  Aflbcia-  While  the  Prince  ftaid  at  Exeter,  the  rabble  of  the  people 
thoVwho^  came  in  to  him  in  great  numbers.  So  that  he  could  have  raifed 
Prince°''^^  many  Regiments  of  foot,  if  there  had  been  any  occafion  for 
them.  But  what  he  underftood  of  the  temper  the  King's  Army 
Avas  in ,  made  him  judge  it  was  not  necclfary  to  arm  greater 
numbers.  After  he  had  ftaid  eight  days  at  Exeter,  Setrnotir  came 
in  with  feveral  other  Gentlemen  of  quality  and  eftate.  As  fooa 
'2s  he  had  been  with  the  Prince,  he  fent  to  feek  for  me.  When 
I  came  to  him,  he  afked  me,  why  we  had  not  an  AfTociation 
figned  by  all  that  came  to  us,  fince,  till  we  had  that  done,  we 
were  as  a  rope  of  fand :  Men  might  leave  us  when  they  pleafed, 
and  we  had  them  under  no  tie:  Whereas,  if  they  iigned  an  Afifo- 

4  ciation. 


'•-  of  King  J  A  M  E  S  II.  I  "i^Jil         795 

ciation,  they  would  reckon  themfelves  bound  to  ftick  to  u!?.     I     1^88 
anfwered,  it  was  becaufe  we  had  not  a  man  of  his  authority  and  ^-^VX^ 
credit  to  offer  and  fupport  fuch  an  advice.     I  went  from  him 
to  the  Prince,    who  approved  of  the  motion,-    as  did  alfo  th& 
Earl  of  Shrewsbury y  and  all  that  were  with  us.     So  I  was  order- 
ed to  draw  it.     It  was,  in  few  words,  an  engagement  to  ftick 
together  in  purfuing  the  ends  of  the   Prince's  declaration  ^  and 
that,  if  any  attempt  fhould  be  made  on  his  peirfon ,    it  {hould 
be  revenged  on  all  by  whom  or  from  whom  any  fuch  attempt  ftiould 
be  made.     This  was  agreed  to  by  all  about  the  Prince.     So  it 
was  engrolTed  in  parchment,  and  figned  by  all  thofe  that  came 
in  to  him.     The  Prince  put  Devonjh'tre  and  Exeter  under  Set- 
mourns  government,  who  was  Recorder  o^  Exeter,     And  he  ad-^ 
vanced  with  his  Army,  leaving  a  fmall  garrifon  there  with  his 
heavy  artillery  under  Coll.  G'tbfon^  whom  he  made  Deputy  Go- 
vernor as  to  the  military  part. 

AtCrookhorrty  Dr.  Fmch^  fonto  the  'EzAoUVinchelfeay  then  made J^e Heads 
Warden  of  All-Souls  College  in  Oxford ^  was  fent  to  the  Princefenttohioj. 
from  fome  of  the  Heads  of  Colleges  j  affuring  him ,  that  they 
would  declare  for  him,  and  inviting  him  to  come  thither,  tell- 
ing him,  that  their  plate  fhould  be  at  his  fervice,  if  he  need- 
ed it.  This  was  a  fudden  turn  from  thofe  principles  that  they 
had  carried  fo  high  a  few  years  before.  The  Prince  had  de-' 
figned  to  have  fecured  Briftol  and  Glocejier,  and  fo  to  have  gone 
to  Oxford,  the  whole  Weft  being  then  in  his  hands,  if  there  had 
been  any  appearance  of  a  ftand  to  be  made  againft  him  by  the 
King  and  his  Armyj  for,  the  King  being  fo  much  fuperibr  to' 
to  him  in  horfe,  it  was  not  advifable  to  march  thro-  the  great 
plains  oi Dorfetfh'ire  ^nd  fViltJbire.  But  the  King's  precipitated 
return  to  London  put  an  end  to  this  precaution.  The  Earl-  of 
Bath  had  prevailed  with  the  garrifon  of  Plymouth:  And  they 
declared  for  the  Prince.  So  now  all  behind  him  was^  lafe.' 
When  he  came  to  Sherhurn^  all  Dot fetJJftre  czmt  in  a  body,  irfrf 
join-ed  him.  He  refolved  to  make  all  the  hafte  he  could  t6-jLc;/?. 
^i?«,  where  things  were  in  a  high  fermentation.  '         ^ 

A  bold  man  ventured  to  draw  and   publifh  atiothei'c^clfira- Great  difor- 
tion  in   the  Prince's    name.     It  was   penned  with  great  fp'irit :  J" '"  ^*'** 
And  it  had  as   great  an  effed.     It  fet  fortb  the  defperate  de- 
figns  of  the  Papifts,    and  the  extream  danger  the  Nation  was 
in  by  their  means,  and  required  all  perfons  iminediately  to  fall' 
onfuchPapifts  as  were  in  any  employments,  and  to  turn  them  out, 
and  to  fecure  all  ftrong  places,  and  to  do  every  thing  elfe  that  was 
in  their  power  to  execute  the  laws,  and  to  bring  all  things  again 
ihto'  their' proper  channels.     This  (tt  all  men  at  work:    For 
IK>  doubt  Ivas  made,  that  it  was  truly  the  Prince's  declaration, 
.t.jf/i-i:.  p   Q^  i.  But 


794         Tib^  H  I  S  T  O  R  Y  ^//k  Reign 

1688    But  he  knew  nothing  of  it.     And  it  was  never  known,    who 
v/vx./  was  the  author  of  fo  bold  a  thing.     No   perfon   ever   claimed 
themeritofit:  For,  tho' it  had  an  amazing  eflFed,  yet,  it  feems,  he, 
that  contrived  it  apprehended,  that  the  Prince  would  not  be  welli' 
pleafed  with  the  author   of  fuch  an  impofture  in  his  Name. 
The  King  was  under  fuch  a  confternation ,    that  he  neither 
knew  what  to  refolve  on,  nor  whom  to  truft.     This  pretend- 
ed declaration  put  the  City  in  fuch  a  flame,    that  it  was  car- 
ried to  the  Lord  Mayor  ,    and  he   was  required  to  execute  it. 
The  prentices  got  together,    and   were  falling  upon  all  Mafs 
houfes,  and  committing  many  irregular  things.     Yet  their  fury 
was  fo  well  governed,  and  fo  little  refilled  that  no  other  mif- 
chief  was  done :  No  blood  was  fhed. 
A  treaty  be-     The  King  nowfeutfor  all  the  Lords  in  Town,  that  were  known 
^un  with  the  ^^  ^^  ^^^^  Proteftants.  And,  upon  fpeaking  to  fome  of  them  in  pri- 
vate, they  advifed  him  to  call  a  general  meeting  of  all  the  Pri- 
vy Counfellors,  and  Peers,  to  afk  their  advice,  what  was  fit  to 
be  done.     All  agreed  in  one  opinion,  that  it  was  fit  to  fendCom- 
miffioners  to  the  Prince  to  treat  with  him.     This   went  much 
againft  the  King's  own  inclinations:  Yet  the  dejedion  he  was 
in,  and  the  defperateftate  of  his  affairs,  forcedhimtoconfentto  it. 
So  the  Marquis  of //«////<?,ar,  th.t'E2^t\  oi  Nottingham  j  and  the  Lord 
Godolphiriy  were  ordered  to  go  to  the  Prince,  andtoalkhim,  what  it 
was  that  he  demanded.     The  Earl  ofC/a^r^Wo;^  reflected  the  moftoa 
the  King's  former  condu6t  of  any  in  that  alTembly,  not  without 
fome  indecent  and  infolent  words,    which  were  generally  con- 
demned.    He  expected,    as  was  faid,    to  be  one  of  the  Com- 
miflioners:  And,  upon  his  not  being  named,  he  came  and  met 
the  Prince  near  Salisbury.    Yet  he  fuggefted  fo  many  peevifii  and 
peculiar  things,    when  he  came,    that  fome  fufpeded,    all  this 
was  but  coUufion,  and  that  he  was  fent  to  raife  a  fadion  among 
thofe  that  were  about  the  Prince.     The  Lords  fent  to  the  Prince 
to  know  where  they  fhould  wait  on  him:   And  he  named  Hun- 
gerford.     When  they  came  thither,  and  had  delivered  their  mef- 
fagc,  the  Prince  called  all  the  Peers  and  others  of  chief  note 
about  him,    and  advifed  with  them    what    anfwer   fhould  be 
made.     A  day  was  taken  to  confider  of  an  anfwer.     The  Mar- 
quis of  Hallifax  fent  for  me.    But  the  Prince  faid,  tho'  he  would 
lufpeft  nothing  from  our  meeting,  others  might.     So  I  did  not 
fpeak  with  him  in  private,  but  in  the  hearing  of  others.     Yet 
he  took  occafion  to  afk  me,  fo  as  no  body  obferved  it,  if  we 
had  a  mind  to  have  the  King  in  our  hands.     I  faid,    by  no 
means,-  for  we  would  not  hurt  his  perfon.     He  alked  next,  what 
if  he  had  a  mind  to  go  away.    I  faid,  nothing  was  fo  much  to 
be  wifhcd  for.  This  I  told  the  Prince.  And  he  approved  of  both  my 

1  anfwcrs. 


of  King  J  AMES  lU^i  795 

anfwers.     The  Prince  ordered  the  Earls  o(  Oxford,  Shrewsbury,    i(J88 
and  Clarendon  to  treat  with  the  Lords  the  King  had  fent.     And  ^^^V"^ 
they  delivered  the  Prince's  anfwer  to  them  on  Sunday  the  eighth, 
of  December. 

He  defircd  aParliament  might  be  prefently  called,  that  no  men 
{hould  continue  in  any  employment,  who  were  not  qualified  by  law, 
and  had  not  taken  the  Tefts,  that  the  Tower  oi  London  might 
be  put  in  the  keeping  of  the  Cityj  that  the  Fleet,  and  aH  the 
ftrong  places  of  the  Kingdom,  might  be  put  in  the  hands  of 
ProteftantSi  that  a  proportion  of  the  revenue  might  be  fet  off 
for  the  pay  of  the  Prince's  Army;  and  that  during  the  fitting 
of  the  Parliament,  the  Armies  of  both  fides  might  not  come 
within  twenty  miles  o{ London-,  but,  that  the  Prince  might  come 
on  to  London,  and  have  the  fame  number  of  his  guards  about 
him,  that  the  King  kept  about  his  perfon.  The  Lords  Teem- 
ed to  be  very  well  fatisfied  with  this  anfwer.  They  fent  it  up 
by  an  exprefs,  and  went  back  next  day  to  London. 

But  now  ftrange  counfels  were  fuggefted  to  the  King  and  The  King 
Queen.  The  Pricfts,  and  all  the  violent  Papifts,  faw  a  treaty  Kingdwu. 
was  now  opened.  They  knew,  that  they  muft  be  the  facrifice. 
The  whole  defign  of  Popery  muft  be  given  up,  without  any 
hope  of  being  able  in  an  age  to  think  of  bringing  it  on  again. 
Severe  laws  would  be  made  againft  them.  And  all  thofe  who 
intended  to  ftick  to  the  King,  and  to  preferve  him,  would  go  in- 
to thofe  laws  with  a  particular  zeal :  So  that  they ,  and  their 
hopes,  muft  be  now  given  up,  and  facrificed  for  ever.  They 
infufed  all  this  into  the  Queen.  They  faid,  fhe  would  certain- 
ly be  impeached:  And  witnelTes  would  be  fet  up  againft  her^ 
and  her  fon :  The  King's  Mother  had  been  impeached  in  the 
long  Parliament:  And  fhe  was  to  look  for  nothing  but  violence. 
So  the  Queen  took  up  a  fiidden  refolution  of  going  to  France 
with  the  child.  The  midwife,  together  with  all  who  were  af-* 
lifting  at  the  birth,  were  alfo  carried  over,  or  fo  difpofed  of, 
that  it  could  never  be  learned  what  became  of  them  after- 
wards. The  Queen  prevailed  with  the  King,  not  only  to  coa- 
fent  to  this,  but  to  promife  to  go  quickly  after  her.  He  was 
only  to  ftay  a  day  or  two  after  her,  in  hope  that  the  Ihadow 
of  authority  that  was  ftill  left  in  him  might  keep  things  fo 
quiet,  that  (he  might  have  an  undifturbed  palfage.  So  (he  went 
to  Portfmouth.  And  from  thence,  in  a  man  of  war,  fhe  went 
over  to  France  y  the  King  refolving  to  follow  her  in  difguife. 
Care  was  alfo  taken  to  fend  all  the  Priefts  away.  The  King  ftaid 
long  enough  to  get  the  Prince's  anfwer.  And  when  he  had 
read  it,  he  faid,  he  did  not  expe(5t  fo  good  terms.  He  order- 
ed the  Lord  Chancellor  to  come  to  him  next  morning.     But 

he 


rg6  TI;eHlSTOKY  of  the  ^eign 

1688   he  had  clHed  fccrctly  for  the  Great  Seal.    And  the  next  morn- 
vy^VV-  ing,  bdng  the  tenth  of  Decemhery  about  three  in  the  morning 
he  went  away  in  difguife  with  Sir  Edward  Hales y  whofe  fervant 
he  feemed  to  be.     They  pad  the  river,  and  flung  the  Great  Seal 
into  it;    which  was  fome  months  after  found  by  a   fiiherman 
DCti  Fox-Hall.     The  King  went   down  to   a  miferable    fifher 
boat  ,    that   Hales   had   provided   for  carrying  them   over   to 
France. 
Heismuch      Thus  a  great  King,    who  had    a  good  Army  and  a  ftrong 
ccnfurcd.    jjggf^  ^jjj  choofe  rather  to  abandon  all,  than  either  to  expofe 
himfelf  to  any  danger  with  that   part  of  the  Army  that  was 
ftill  firm  to  him,  or  to  ftay  and  fee  the  iflue  of  a  Parliament. 
Some  put  this  mean  and  unaccountable  refolution  on  a  want  of 
courage.    Others  thought  it  was  the  effed  of  an  ill  confciencc, 
and  of  fome  black  thing  under  which   he  could  not  now  fup- 
port  himfelf.     And  they  who  cenfurcd  it  the  moft  moderately, 
faid,  that  it  fhewed,  that  his  Priefts  had  more  regard  to  them- 
felves  than   to  him^  and  that  he  confidered  their  interefl:  more 
than  his  own ;  and  that  he  chofe  rather  to  wander  abroad  with 
them,  and  to  try  what  he  could  do  by  a  French  force  to  fub- 
due  his  people,    than  to  ftay  at  home,  and  be  fhut  up  within 
the  bounds  of  law,  and  be  brought  under  an  incapacity  of  do- 
ing more  mifchicf  j  w^hich  they  faw  was  neceffary  to  quiet^thoie 
fears  and  jcaloufies,  for  which  his  bad  government  had  given 
fo  much  occafion.     It  feemed  very  unaccountable,  fince  he  was 
refolved  to  go,    that  he  did  not  choofe  rather  to  go  in  one  of 
his  Yatchs  or  Fregats ,  than  to  expofe  himfelf  in  fo  dangerous 
and  ignominious  a  manner.     It  was  not  poflTible  to  put  a  good 
conftrudion  on  any  part  of  the  diftionourable  fcene  which  he 
then  aded. 

With  this  his  reign  ended :  For  this  was  a  plain  deferting  his 
people,  and  the  cxpofing  the  Nation  to  the  pillage  of  an  Army, 
which  he  had  ordered  the  Earl  oiFeverJham  to  dilband.  And  the 
doing  this  without  paying  them,  was  the  letting  fo  many  arm- 
ed men  loofc  upon  the  Nation,-  who  might  have  done  much 
mifchief,  if  the  execution  of  thofe  orders  that  he  left  behind 
him  had  not  been  ftopped,  \  ihall  continue  the  recital  of  all 
that  paft  in  this  Interregnum ,  till  the  Throne,  which  he  now 
left  empty,  was  filled. 
Brou'ht  He  was  not  got  far,  ^htn  (omt  ^{[\crmtn  oi  Fever/ham,  who 

back.  were  watching  for  fuch  Priefts,  and  other  delinquents,  as  they 
fancied  were  making  their  efcape,  came  up  to  him.  And  they, 
knowing  Sir  Edward  Halesy  took  both  the  King  and  him,  and 
brought  them  to  Fever/ham.  The  King  told  them  who  he 
was.  And  that  flying  about  brought  a  vaft  croud  together,  to 
-'-  3  look 


of  King  J  AM  E  S  II.i  ".cJI  797 

look  on  that  aftonidiing  inftance  of  the  uncertainty  of  all  world-    1688 
ly  greatnefsj    when  he  who  had   ruled   three  Kingdoms,    and  ^-'^VX-' 
might  have  been  the  arbiter  of  all  Europe  ,    was  now  in  inch 
mean  hands,   and  fo  low  an  equipage.     The  people  of  the  town 
were  extremely  difordered  with  this  unlooked  for  accident:  And 
tho'  for  a  while  they  kept  him  as  a  prifoner,   yet  they  quick-=» 
ly  changed   that  into  as  much  refpec^   as   they   could   poflibly 
pay  him.     Here  was  an  accident  that  Teemed  of  no  great- con-» 
fequence.   Yet  all  the  ftrugglings  which  that  party   have  made 
ever  fince   that  time  to  this  day,    which  from  him  were  called 
afterwards   the  Jacobites,  did  rife  out  of  this:    For,  if  he  had 
got  clear  away,  by  all  that  could  be  judged,  he  would  not  have 
had  a  party  left:    All  would  have  agreed,  that  here  was  a  de- 
fertion,  and  that  therefore  the  Nation  was  free,  and  at  liberty 
to  fccure  it  felf    But  what  followed  upon  this  gave  them  a  co- 
lour to  fay,     that  he  was  forced  away,    and  driven  out.     Till 
now,  he  fcarce  had  a  party,  but  among  the  Papifts.    But  from 
this   incident  a  party  grew  up,  that  has  been  long  very  active 
for  his  interefts.     As  foon  as  it  was  known   at  London  that  the 
King  was  gone,  the  prentices  and  the  rabble,  who  had  been   a 
little  quieted  when  they  faw  a  treaty  on  foot  between  the  King 
and  the  Prince,  now  broke  out  again  upon  all  fufpedted  houfes, 
where  they  believed  there  was  either  Priefls  or  Papifts.     They 
made  great  havock  of  many  places,  not  fparing  the  houfes  of 
Embafladors.    But  none  were  killed,   no  houfes  burnt,  nor  were 
any  robberies  committed.     Never  was  fo  much  fury  feen  under 
fo  much  management.     Jefferies,    finding  the  King  was  gone, 
faw  what  reafon  he  had  to  look  to  himfelf :  And,  apprehending 
that  he  was  now  expofed  to  the  rage  of  the  people,  whom  he  had 
provoked  with  fo  particular  a  brutality ,    he  had  difguifed  him- 
felf to  make  his  efcape.     But  he  fell   into  the  hands   of  fome 
who  knew  him.     He  was  infulted  by  them  with  as  much  fcorn 
and  rudenefs  as  they  could  invent.    And,  after  many  hours  tof- 
fing  him  about,  he  was  carried  to  the  Lord  Mayor;  whom  they 
charged  to  commit  him  to  the  Tower,  which  the  Lord  Lucas 
had  then  feized ,    and  in  it  had  declared  for  the  Prince,      The 
Lord  Mayor  was  fo  ftruck  with  the  terror  of  this  rude  popu- 
lace, and  with  the  difgrace  of  a  man   who  had  made   all  peo- 
ple tremble  before  him,  that  he  fell  into  fits  upon  it,  of  which 
he  died  foon  after. 

To  prevent  the  further   growth  of  fuch  diforders,  he  called  The  Prince 
a  meeting    of  the   Privy  Counfellors   and   Peers,     who  met  atcome7nd° 
Guild-Hall     The  Archbifhop   of  C^»/^r^»r7  was  there.     Thev"''^'''^  so- 
gave  a  Itridt  charge  for  keeping  the  peace:   and  agreed  to  lend'n'o  his 

••■  ir>-  A    r    ■  \.-      \  J         I      hands. 

an  mvitation  to  the  Prince,     dehring  him   to   come    and   take 

p  R  the 


798  TZ?^  H  I  S  T  O  R  Y  ^/  the  Reign 

1(588   the  government  of  the  Nation  into  his  hands,  till  a  Parliament 
*^^V>^  fhould  meet  to  bring  all  matters  to  a  juft  and 'ful|  iettJement. 
V  This  they  all  figned  j  and  fent   it  to  the  Prince  fcy  the  Earl  of 

Pembroke,  the  Vifcount  oiif'^eymoutb ,  the  Bifhop  of  Ely ,  and 
the  Lord  Culpepper.  The  Prince  went  on  from  Htingerfoyd  to 
Newbury,- mn A  from  thence  to  Abr/igton,  refolving  to  have  gone 
to  Oxford  to  receive  the  compliments  of  the  Univerfity,  and  to 
meet  the  Princefs  yf;^;/^  who  was  coming  thither.  At  Ah'ington 
he  was  furprized  with  the  news  of  the  ftrange  cataftrophe  of 
affairs  now  at  LondcUy  the  King's  defertion,  and  the  diforders 
which  the  City  and  neighbourhood  of  London  were  falling  in- 
to. One  came  from  XoW(j;/,  and  brought  him  the  news,  which 
he  knew  not  well  how  to  believe,  till  he  had  an  cxprefs  fent 
him  from  the  Lords,  who  had  been  with  him  from  the  King. 
Upon  this  the  Prince  faw,  how  necelTary  it  was  to  make  all 
poflible  hafte  to  London.  So  he  fent  to  Oxford,  to  excufe  his 
not  coming  thither,  and  to  offer  the  Alfociation  to  them,  which 
was  figned  by  almoft  all  the  Heads,  and  the  chief  men  of  the 
Univerfity  ,•  even  by  thofe,  who,  being  difappointcd  in  the  pre- 
ferments they  afpired  to,  became  afterwards  his  moft  implacable 
enemies. 

Hitherto  the  expedition  had  been  profperous,  beyond  all  that 
could  have  been  expected.  There  had  been  but  two  fmall  en- 
gagements, during  this  unfeafonable  campaign.  One  was  at 
Winkington  mDorfetJhne,  where  an  advanced  party  of  the  Prince's 
met  one  of  the  King's  that  was  thrice  their  number :  Yet  they 
drove  them  before  them  into  a  much  greater  body,  where  they 
were  overpowered  with  numbers.  Some  were  killed  of  both 
{\dt^.  But  there  were  more  prifoners  taken  of  the  Prince's  men. 
Yet,  tho'  the  lofs  was  of  his  fide,  the  courage  that  his  men  (hew- 
ed in  fo  a  great  an  inequality  as  to  number,  made  us  reckon 
that  we  gained  more  than  we  loft  on  that  occafion.  Another 
adion  happen'd  at  Reading,  where  the  King  had  a  confidera- 
ble  body,  who,  as  fomc  of  the  Prince's  men  advanced,  fell  in- 
to a  great  diforder,  and  ran  away.  One  of  the  Prince's  Of- 
ficers was  {hot.  He  was  a  Papift:  And  the  Prince  in  confidera- 
ration  of  his  religion  was  willing  to  leave  him  behind  him  in 
Holland:  But  he  very  earneftly  begged  he  might  come  over  with 
his  company :  And  he  was  the  only  Officer  that  was  killed  ia 
the  whole  expedition. 
Diftc^entad-  Upon  the  news  of  the  King's  defertion,  it  was  propofed  that 
IileWincT^the  Prince  fliould  go  on  with  all  poflible  hafte  to  London.  But 
S'Sr's^  that  was  not  advifable.  For  the  King's  Army  lay  fo  fcattered 
pcrfyii.  thro'  the  road  all  the  way  to  London,  that  it  was  not  fit  for 
him  to  advance  fafter,  than  as  his  troops  marched  before  him : 

Otherwife, 


■  of  King  J  A; M  E  S  II.        X  (799 

Otherwife,  any  refolute  Officer  might  have  feized  or  killed  him.  1688 
Tho',  if  It  had  not  been  for  that  danger,  a  great  deal  of  mif- '^-'^V^ 
chief,  that  followed,  would  have  been  prevented  by  his  Tpeedy 
advance:  For  now  began  that  turn,  to  which  all  the  difficul- 
ties, that  did  afterwards  diforder  our  affairs,  may  be  juftly  im- 
puted. Two  Gentlemen  of  Kent  came  to  Windfor  the  morning 
after  the  Prince  came  thither.  They  were  addrefTed  to  me. 
And  they  told  me  of  the  accident  at  Feverjham,  and  defired  to 
know  the  Prince's  pleafure  upon  it.  I  was  afieded  with  this 
difmal  reverfe  of  the  fortune  of  a  great  Prince,  more  than  I 
think  fit  to  exprefs.  I  went  immediately  to  Benth'mk^  and  wak- 
ned  him,  and  got  him  to  go  in  to  the  Prince,  and  let  him  know 
what  had  happen'd,  that  fome  order  might  be  prefently  given 
for  the  fecurity  of  the  King's  perfon,  and  for  taking  him  out 
of  the  hands  of  a  rude  multitude,  who  faid,  they  would  obey 
no  orders  but  fuch  as  came  from  the  Prince.  The  Prince  or- 
dered Zwykjlein  to  go  immediately  to  Fever/ham,  and  to  fee  the 
King  fafe,  and  at  full  liberty  to  go  whitherfoever  he  pleafed. 
But,  as  foon  as  the  news  of  the  King's  being  zi  Fever/ham  came 
to  LondoUy  all  the  indignation  that  people  had  formerly  con- 
ceived  againft  him  was  turned  to  pity  and  compaffioxi.  The 
Privy  Council  met  upon  it.  Some  moved,  that  he  ihould  be 
fent  for.  Others  faid,  he  was  King,  and  might  fend  for  his 
guards  and  coaches,  as  he  pleafed:  But  it  became  not  them  to 
fend  for  him.  It  was  left  to  his  General,  the  Earl  of  Fever- 
Jham,  to  do  what  he  thought  beft.  So  he  went  for  him  with 
his  coaches  and  guards.  And,  as  he  came  back  thro'  the  City, 
he  was  welcomed  with  expreflions  of  joy  by  great  numbers : 
So  flight  and  unflable  a  thing  is  a  multitude,  and  fo  foon  al- 
tered. At  his  coming  to  Whttehally  he  had  a  great  Court  about 
him.  Even  the  Papifts  crept  out  of  their  lurking  holes,  and  ap- 
peared at  Court  with  much  alfurance.  The  King  himfelf  began  to 
take  heart.  And  both  at  Fever/ham^  and  now  at  fVhkehall,  he 
talked  in  his  ordinary  high  flrain,  juftifying  all  he  had  done: 
Only  he  fpoke  a  little  doubtfully  of  the  bufinefs  of  Magdalen 
College.  But  when  he  came  to  reflect  on  the  flate  of  his  af- 
fairs, he  faw  it  was  fo  broken,  that  nothing  was  now  left  to 
deliberate  upon.  So  he  fent  the  Earl  of  Fever/ham  to  Windfor^ 
without  demanding  any  palfport:  And  ordered  him  to  defire  the 
Prince  to  come  to  St.  James'Sy  to  confult  with  him  of  the  b^ 
way  for  fettling  the  Nation. 

When  the  news  of  what  had  pafl  at  London  came  to  fVtnd- 
for y  the  Prince  thought  the  Privy  Council  had  not  uled  him 
well,  who,  after  they  had  fent  to  him  to  take  the  government 
upon  him ,  had  made  this  flep  without  conluUing  him.     Now 

I  the 


800         TbeHlSTORY  of  the  Reign 

i($88  the  fccne  was  altered,  and  new  counfels  wereio  be  taken/'  The 
*^y^y>^  Prince  heard  the  opinions,  not  only  of  thofe  who  had  come 
along  with  him,  but  of  fuch  of  the  Nobility  as  were  now  come 
to  him,  among  whom  the  Marquis  of  HaUifax  was  one.  All 
agreed,  that  it  was  not  convenient  that  the  King  rtiould  ftay 
at  Wh'ttehall.  Neither  the  King,  nor  the  Prince,  nor  the  City, 
could  have  been  fafe,  if  they  had  been  both  near  one  another. 
Tumults  would  probably  have  arifen  out  of  it.  The  guards, 
and  the  officious  flatterers,  of  the  two  Courts,  would  have  been 
unquiet  neighbours.  It  was  thought  necelTary  to  ftick  to  the 
point  of  the  King's  deferting  his  people,  and  not  to  give  up 
that,  by  entring  upon  any  treaty  with  him.  And  fince  the 
Earl  of  Feverjham,  who  had  commanded  the  Army  againft  the 
Prince,  was  come  without  a  paiTport,  he  was  for  fome  days  put 
in  arreft. 

It  was  a  tender  point  how  to  difpofe  of  the  King's  perfon. 
Some  propofed  rougher  methods:  The  keeping  him  a  pri- 
foner,  at  leaft  till  the  Nation  was  fettled,  and  till  /rf/^^Wwas 
fecured.  It  was  thought,  his  being  kept  in  cuftody,  would  be 
fuch  a  tie  on  all  his  party,  as  would  oblige  them  to  fubmit 
and  be  quiet.  Ireland  was  in  great  danger.  And  his  reftraint 
might  oblige  the  Earl  of  T'trconnell  to  deliver  up  the  govern- 
ment ,  and  to  difarm  the  Papifts ,  which  would  preferve  that 
Kingdom,  and  the  Proteftants  in  it.  But,  becaufeit  might  raife 
too  much  compaflion,  and  perhaps  fome  diforder,  if  the  King 
fhould  be  kept  in  reftraint  within  the  Kingdom,  therefore  the 
fending  him  to  Breda  was  propofed.  The  Earl  oi Clarendon  pref- 
fed  this  vehemently ,  on  the  account  of  the  Irtjh  Proteftants, 
as  the  King  himfelf  told  me:  For  thofe  that  gave  their  opini- 
ons in  this  matter  did  it  fecretly,  and  in  confidence  to  the 
Prince,  The  Prince  faid,  he  could  not  deny,  but  that  this 
might  be  good  and  wife  advice :  But  it  was  that  to  which  he 
could  not  hearken :  He  was  fo  far  fatisfied  with  the  grounds  of 
this  expedition ,  that  he  could  ad  againft  the  King  in  a  fair 
and  open  war:  But  for  his  perfon,  now  that  he  had  him  in 
his  power,  he  could  not  put  fuch  a  hardfhip  on  him,  as  to 
make  him  a  prifoner:  And  heknew  thePrincels's  temper  fo  well, 
that  he  was  fure  fhe  would  never  bear  it :  Nor  did  he  know 
what  difputes  it  might  raife,  or  what  efFe6t  it  might  have  upon 
the  Parliament  that  was  to  be  called:  He  was  firmly  refolved 
never  to  fuffer  any  thing  to  be  done  againft  his  perfon:  He 
faw  it  was  necelTary  to  fend  him  out  oi London:  And  he  would 
order  a  guard  to  attend  upon  him,  who  Ihould  only  defend  and 
proted  his  perfon,  but  not  reftrain  him  in  any  fort. 

I  A 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  11.     ^\  801 

A  refolution  was  taken  offending  the  Lords  Hall'tfax,  Shreifi-'  \6%% 
huryy  and  Delamere,  to  London^  who  were  fitft  to  order  the  £«^-^-^VX-/ 
I'tflj  guards  that  were  about  the  Court  to  be  drawn  off,  and  fent 
to  cjuarters  out  of  town:  And,  when  that  was  done,  the  Count 
of  Solmi  with  the  Dutch  guards  was  to  come  and  take  all  the 
pofts  about  the  Court.  This  was  obeyed  without  any  refiftance 
or  diforder,  but  not  without  much  murmuring.  It  was  mid- 
night before  all  was  fettled.  And  then  thefe  Lords  fent  to  the 
Earl  o{  Middkton^  to  defire  him  to  let  the  King  know,  that 
they  had  a  melTage  to  deliver  to  him  from  the  Prince.  He 
went  in  to  the  King;  and  fent  them  word  from  him,  that  they 
might  come  with  it  immediately.  They  came,  and  found  him 
abed.  They  told  him,  the  neceflity  of  affairs  required,  that  the 
Prince  fhould  come  prefently  to  London:  And  he  thought,  it 
would  conduce  to  the  fafety  of  the  King's  perfon,  and  the  quiet 
of  the  town,  that  he  fhould  retire  to  fome  houfe  out  of  town : 
And  they  propofed  Ham.  The  King  feemed  much  dejed:ed; 
and  afked,  if  it  muft  be  done  immediately.  They  told  him, 
he  might  take  his  reft  firft:  And  they  added,  that  he  fhould 
be  attended  by  a  guard,  who  fhould  only  guard  his  perfon,  but 
fhould  give  him  no  fort  of  difturbance.  Having  faid  this  they 
withdrew.  The  Earl  of  Mtddleton  came  quickly  after  them, 
and  afked  them,  if  it  would  not  do  as  well,  if  the  King  fhould 
go  to  Rochejier  i  for  fince  the  Prince  was  not  pleafed  with  his 
coming  up  from  Kentj  it  might  be  perhaps  acceptable  to  him^ 
if  he  fhould  go  thither  again.  It  was  very  vifible,  that  this 
was  propofed  in  order  to  a  fecond  efcape. 

They  promifcd  to  fend  word  immediately  to   the  Prince  ofxhe  Prince 
Orange,  who  lay  that  night  at  Sion,  within  eight  miles  oi  Lon-f^^l°^[^l 
don.     He  very  readily  confented  to  it.    And  the  King  went  nextKin^  went 
day  to   Rochefter  ,    having   ordered  all    that    which    is   called '° 
the  moving  Wardrobe  to  be  fent  before  him,  the  Count  of  Solms 
ordering  every  thing  to  be  done,  as  the  King  defired.     A  guard 
went  with  him  that  left  him  at  full  liberty,  and  paid  him  rather 
more  refped:  than  his  own  guards  had  done  of  late.     Moft  of 
that  body,   as  it  happen'd,  were  Papifts.     So  when  he  went  to 
Mafs,  they  went  in,  and  allifted  very   reverently.     And,  when 
they  were  afked,    how  they  could  ferve  in  an  expedition  that 
was  intended  to  deftroy  their   own  religion,    one  of  them  an- 
fwered,  his  foul  was  God's,    but  his   fword  was   the  Prince  of 
Orange's.     The  King  was  fo  much  delighted  with  this  anfwer, 
that  he  repeated  it  to  all  that  came  about  him.     On  the  fame 
day  the  Prince  came  to  St.  James's.     It  happen'd  to  be  a  very 
rainy  day.    And  yet  great  numbers  came   to  fee   him.    But,  af- 
ter they  had  ftood  long    in  the  wet,    he  difappointed  them: 

9  S  For^ 


802  The  Hi  ST  OK'^  of  the  Reign 

1^88    For  he    who  neither  loved  (hews  nor  flioutings,  went  thro' the 
C^^VX^park.     And  even  this  trifle  helped  to  fet  peoples  fpirits  on  edge. 
The  Revolution  was  thus  brought  about ,    with  the  univcrfal 
applaufe  of  the  whole  Nation :    Only  thefe  laft  fteps  began  td 
raife  a  fermentation.     It  was  faid,  here  was  an  unnatural  thingj 
to  waken  the  King  out  of  his  fleep,  in  his  own  Palace,  and  to 
order  him  to  go  out  of  it ,    when   he  was   ready   to  fubmit  to 
every  thing.     Some  faid,  he  was  now  a  prifoner,  and  remem- 
bred  the  faying  of  King  Charles  th?  firft,^hat  the  prifons   and 
the  graves  of  Princes  lay  not  far   diftant  from   one  another: 
The  perfon  of  the  King  was  now  flruck  at,  as  well  as  his  go- 
vernment: And  this  fpecious  undertaking  would  now  appear  to 
be  only  a  difguifed  and  defigned  ufurpation.     Thefe  things  be- 
gan to  work  on  great  numbers.     And  the   porting   the  Dutch 
guards,  where  the  Engl'tjh  guards  had  been,  gave  a  general  dif- 
guft  to  the  whole  Engltjh  Army.     They  indeed  hated  the  Dutch 
befides,  on  the  account  of  the  good  order  and  ftridl  difcipline 
they  were  kept  under  j  which   made  them  to  be  as  much  belov- 
td  by  the  Nation,    as  they  were  hated  by  the  foldiery.     The 
Nation  had  never  known  fuch  an  inoffenfive  march  of  an  Ar- 
my.    And  the  peace  and  order  of  the  fuburbs,    and  the  free- 
dom of  markets  in  and  about  London^   was  fo  carefully  main- 
tained,   that  in  no  time  fewer  diforders  had  been   committed, 
than  were  heard  of  this  winter. 

None  of  the  Papifts  or  Jacobites  were  infulted  in  any  fort. 
The  Prince  had  ordered  me,  as  we  came  along,  to  take  care  of 
the  Papifts,  and  to  fecure  them  from  all  violence.  When  he 
came  to  London^  he  renewed  thefe  orders,  which  I  executed  with.^ 
fo  much  zeal  and  care,  that  I  faw  all  the  complaints  that  were 
brought  me  fully  redrelTed.  When  we  came  to  London  I  pro- 
cured pafTports  for  all  that  defired  to  go  beyond  fea.  Two  of  the 
PopifhBifhops  were  put  in  Newgate.  I  went  thither  in  the  Prince's 
name.  I  told  them,  the  Prince  would  not  take  upon  him  yet 
to  give  orders  about  prifoners:  As  foon  as  he  did  that,  they 
fliould  feel  the  effe<5i:s  of  it.  But  in  the  mean  while  I  ordered 
them  to  be  well  ufed,  and  to  be  taken  care  of,  and  that  their 
friends  might  be  admitted  to  come  to  them.  So  truly  did  I 
purfue  the  principle  of  moderation  ,  even  towards  thofe  from 
whom  nothing  of  that  fort  was  to  be  expeded. 
The  Prince  Now  that  the  Prince  was  come,  all  the  bodies  about  the 
romc7b}aii^°^'"  ^^^^  ^°  welcome  him.  The  Biihops  came  the  next  day. 
forts  of  peo- Only  the  Archbilhop  oi  Canterbury ^  tho'  he  had  once  agreed  to 
it,  yet  would  not  come.  The  Clergy  of  London  came  next. 
The  City,  and  a  great  many  other  bodies,  came  likewife,  and 
exprelTed  a  great  deal  of  joy  for  the  deliverance  wrought  for 

f  them 


If  King  James  II.  805 

them  by  the  Prince's  means.  Old  Serjeant  Af^}'w^r^ came  with  i6%% 
the  men  of  the  law.  He  was  then  near  ninety,  and  yet  he  faid  ^-'^VN-/ 
the  livelieft  thing  that  was  heard  of  on  that  occafion.  The 
Prince  took  notice  of  his  great  age,  and  faid,  that  he  had  out- 
lived all  the  men  of  the  law  of  his  time:  He  anfwered,  he  had 
like  to  have  out-lived  the  law  it  felf,  if  his  Highncfs  had  not 
come  over. 

The  firil  thing  to  be  done  after  the  compliments  were  over,  Confuitatf- 
was  to  confider  how  the  Nation  was  to  be  fettled.     The  law-lh"efett°e- 
yers  were  generally  of  opinion,    that  the  Prince  ought  to  de-Jj^"'^^^""* 
clare  himfelf  King,    as  Henry   the  feventh   had   done.     This, 
they  faid,  would  put  an  end  to  all  difputes,  which  might  other- 
wife  grow  very  perplexing  and  tedious :  And,  they  faid,  he  might 
call  a  Parliament  which  would  be  a  legal  aflembly,  if  fummon- 
cd  by  the  King  in  fad:,  tho'  his  title  was  not  yet  recognized. 
This  was  plainly  contrary  to  his  declaration,  by  which  the  fet- 
tlement  of  the  Nation  was  referred  to    a  Parliament :    Such  a 
ftep  would  make  all  that  the  Prince  had  hitherto  done  pafs  for 
an  afpiring  ambition,  only  to  raife  himfelf:  And  it  would  dif- 
guft  thofe  who  had  been  hitherto  the  beft  aflFedted  to  his   de- 
ligns  'y  and  make  them  lefs  concerned  in  the  quarrel,  if^  inftead 
of  ftaying  till  the  Nation  fhould  offer  him  the  Crown,  he  would 
affume  it  as  a  conqueft.     Thefe  reafons  determined  the  Prince 
againftthatpropofition.     He  called  all  the  Peers,  and  the  members 
of  the  three  laft  Parliaments,  that  were  in  town,  together  with 
fome  of  the  Citizens  of  London,     When  thefe  met,  it  was  told 
them,  that,  in  the  prefent  diftradion,  the  Prince  defired  their 
advice  about  the  beft  methods  of  fettling  the  Nation.     It  was  agreed 
in  both  thefe  Houfes,  fiich  as  they  were,  to  make  an  addrefs  to 
the  Prince,  defiring  hira  to  take  the  adminiftration  of  the  go- 
vernment  into  his  hands  in  the  interim.     The  next  propofi- 
tion  paft  not  fo  unanimoufly:    For,    it  being  moved  that  the 
Prince  (hould  be  likewife  defired  to  write  miflive  letters  to  the 
fame  efFed:,  and  for  the  fame  perfons  to  whom  writs  were  iffu- 
cd  out  for  calling  a  Parliament,  that  fo  there  might  be  an  af- 
fembly  ofmen  in  the  form  of  a  Parliament,  tho' without  writs  under 
the  Great  Seal,    fuch  as  that  was  that  had  called  home  King 
Charles  the  fecond.     To  this  the  Earl  of  Nottingham  objed:ed, 
that  fuch  a  Convention  of  the  States  could  be  no  legal  afTcm- 
bly,  unlefs  fummoned  by  the  King's  writ.     Therefore  he  moved, 
that  an  addrefs  might  be  made  to  the  King,  to  order  the  writs 
to  be  ifTued  out.     Few  were  of  his  mind.     The  matter  was  car- 
ried the  other  way :  And  orders  were  given  for  thofe  letters  to 
be  fent  round  the  Nation. 

The 


8o4         7ib^  H  I  S  T  O  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1688        The  King  continued  a  week  at  Rochefier.    And  both  he  him- 
^y^r^  felf    and  every  body  elfe,  faw  that  he  was  at  full  liberty,  and 
l5nS   that  the  guard  about  him   put  him  under  no  fort  of  reftraint. 
mto/>*«rff.  jy^^^y  t^hat  were  zealous   for   his   interefts  went  to   him,    and 
prefled  him  to  ftay,    and  to  fee  the  ilTue  of  things:     A  party 
would  appear  for  him:  Good  terms  would  be  got  for  him:  And 
things  would  be  brought  to  a  reafonable  agreement.     He   was 
much  diftraded  between  his  own  inclinations,  and  the  impor- 
tunities of  his  friends.     The  Queen ,    hearing  what  had  hap- 
pen'd,  writ  a  moft  vehement  letter  to  him,  prcffing  his  coming 
over    remembring  him  of  his  promife,    which  (he  charged  oa 
him  in  a  very  earneft,  if  not  in  an  imperious  ftrain.     This  let- 
ter was   intercepted.     I  had   an  account   of  it  from   one  that 
read  it.     The  Prince  ordered  it  to  be  conveyed  to  the  King: 
And  that  determined  him.     So  he  gave  fecret  orders  to  pre- 
pare a  reffel  for  him  j  and  drew  a  paper,  which  he  left  on  his 
table,  reproaching  the  Nation  for  their  forfaking  him.    He  de- 
clared ,    that  tho'  he  was  going  to  feek  for  foreign  aid    to  re- 
ftore  him  to  his  Throne,  yet  he  would  not  make  ufe  of  it  to 
overthrow  cither  the  religion  eftablifhed,     or  the  laws  of  the 
land.   And  fo  he  left  Rochefier  very  fecretly,  on  the  laft  day  of 
this  memorable  year^  and  got  fafe  over  to  France. 
The  affairs      But,  before  I  enter  into  the  next  year,  I  will  give  fome  ac- 
oiscotu„d.  f^Q^^^  of  tjig  affairs  of  Scotland.     There  was  no  force  left  there, 
but  a  very  fmall  one,  fcarce  able  to  defend  the  Caftle  of  Eden- 
hurgh^  of  which  the  Duke  of  Gordon  was  Governor.     He  was  a 
Papift^  but  had  neither  the  fpirit,  nor  the  courage,  which  fuch. 
a  poft  required  at  that  time.     As  foon  as  the  news  came  to  Scot' 
land  of  the  King's  defertion,  the  rabble  got  together  there,  as 
they  had  done  in  London.     They  broke  into  all  Popifh  Chapels, 
and   into  the  Church  of  Holy  Rood  Houfe,    which  had  been 
adorned  at  a  great  charge  to  be  a  Royal  Chapel,    particularly 
for  the  order  of  St.  Andrew  and  the  Thifile ,    which  the  King 
had  refolved  to  (tt  up   in  Scotland  in   imitation   of  the   order 
of  the  Garter  in  England.     They  defaced  it  quite,    and  feiz^d 
on  fome  that  were  thought  great  delinquents,  in  particular  on 
the  Earl  of  Perth,  who   had   difguifed   himfelf,    and  had  got 
aboard  a  fmall  velTel :    But  he  was  feized  on ,    and  put  in  pri- 
fon.     The  whole  Kingdom,  except  only  the  Caftle  oi  Edenburghy 
declared  for  the  Prince,    and  received  his  declaration  for  that 
Kingdom  with  great  joy.     This  was  done  in   the  North  very 
unanimoufly,  by  the  Epifcopal,  as  well  as   by  the  Prefbyteriati 
party.     But  in   the  Weftern  Counties,    the  Prefbyterians,  who 
had  luffL-red  much  in  a  courfe  of  many  years ,     thought  that 
the  time  was  now  come,   not  only  to  procure  themfelves  eafe 

X  and 


XVi'ff  King  )  A  MRS  11   -^  805 

and  liberty,  but  to  revenge  themfelves  upon  others.     They  ge~    1688 
nerally  broke  in   upon    the  Episcopal   Clergy   with  great  info-^-'''^^'''^^ 
lence  and  much  cruelty.     They  carried  them  about  the  pariflies 
in  a  mock  proceffion :   They  tore  their  gowns ,  and  drove  them 
from  their  Churches  and  houfes.     Nor  did  they  treat  thofe  of 
them,   who  had  appeared  very  zealoufly  againft  Popery,  with  any 
diftind:ion.     The  Bifhops  of  that  Kingdom  had  writ  a  very  in- 
decent letter  to  the  King,  upon  the  news  of  the  Prince's  being 
^  blown  back  by  the  ftorm,  full  of  injurious  expreflions  towards  the 
Prince,   expreffing  their  abhorrence  of  his  defign:  And,  in  con- 
clufion,     they  wifhcd  that  the  King  might  have  the  necks  of 
his  enemies.     This  was  fent  up  as  a  pattern  to  the  Rn^tjh  Bi- 
fhops,  and  was  printed  in  the  Gazette.    But  they  did  not  think 
fit  to  copy  after  it  in  England.     The  Epifcopal  party  in  Scot- 
land faw  themfelves   under  a  great  cloud :    So  they   rcfolved  all 
to  adhere  to  the  Earl   of  Dundee,    who  had  fcrved  fome  years 
in  Holland,  and  was  both  an  able  Officer,  and  a  man  of  good 
parts,  and  of  fome  very  valuable  vertues :   But,  as  he  was  proud 
and  ambitious,   fo  he  had  taken  up  a  mod  violent  hatred  of  the 
whole  Prefbyterian  party,   and  had  executed  all  the  fcvereft  orders 
againft  them   with  great  rigour ;    even   to  the  fhooting  many 
on  the  highway,  that  refufed  the  oath  required  of  them.     The 
Prefbytcrians  looked  on  him,  as  their  moft  implacable  enemy : 
And  the  Epifcopal  party  trufted  moft  entirely   to  him.     Upon 
the  Prince's  comitig  to  London,  the  Duke  ot  Hamilton  called  a  yi»^i 
meeting  of  all   the  men  of  Quality  of  the  Scott'ifh  Nation  then^-^^^^^^^ 
in  town :   And  thefe  made  an  addrefs   to  the  Prince  with  rela- 
tion to  Scotland,  almoft  in  the  fame  terms  in  which  the  Englijh 
addrefs  was  conceived.     And  now  the  adminiftration  of  the  go- 
vernment of  the .  whole  ifle  of  Britain  was  put  in  the  Prince's 
hands.  3cdi  73;  , 

The  profpe(9:  from  Ireland  was  more  dreadful.  Tyrconnell e^2L\tT\\t  affairs 
out  new  commillions  for  levying  thirty  thoufand  men.  And  re-°  '^^'^  ' 
ports  were  fpread  about  thatlfland,  that  a  general  malTacre  of  the 
Proteftants  was  fixed  to  be  in  November.  Upon  which  the  Pro- 
teftants  began  to  run  together  for  their  common  defence,  both 
in  Munjler  and  in  Uljler.  They  had  no  great  ftrength  xnMunjier. 
They  had  been  difarmcd ,  and  had  no  ftore  of  ammunition  for 
the  few  arms  that  were  left  them.  So  they  defpaired  of  being 
able  to  defend  themfelves,  and  came  over  to  England  in  great 
numbers,  and  full  of  difmal  apprehenfions  for  ihofe  they  had 
left  behind  them.  They  moved  earneftly,  that  a  fpeedy  aflil- 
tance  might  be  fent  to  them.  In  Ulfter  the  Proteftants  had 
more  ftrength:  But  they  wanted  a  head.  The  Lords  of  Gre- 
nard  and  Mountjoy,  who  were  the   chief  military  men   among 

^  T  a  them. 


806  7^^  H I S  T  O  R  Y  <>/  the  Reign 

^88    thtm    in  whom  they  confided  moft,  kept  ftill  fuch  raeafures  with 
^y^^n^JTycmnell ,    that   they  would   not   take    the  conduft  of  them. 
Two  towns,  that  had  both  very  little  defence  about  them,  and 
a  very  fmal'l  ftore  of  provifions  within  them,  were  by  the  rafh- 
nefs  or  boldnefs  of  fome  brave  young  men  fecured :  So  that  they 
refufed  to  receive  a  Popiih  garrifon,    or  to  fubmit  to  Tycon- 
fiell's  orders.     TheCc  were  London- Derry^  ^ndlm/killi^g.     Both  of 
them  were  advantageoufly  fituated.     Tyrconnell  fent  troops  into  the 
North  to  reduce  the  country.   Upon  which  great  numbers  fled 
into  thofe  places,  and  brought  in  provifions  to  them.    And  fo 
they  refolved  to  defend  themfelves,  with  a  firmnefs  of  courage 
that  cannot  be  enough  admired:    For  when  they  were  aban- 
doned,  both   by  the  Gentry  and  the  military  men,  thofe  two 
fmall  unfurniihed  and  unfortified   places,    refolved  to   ftand  to 
their  own  defence,  and  at  all  perils  to  ftay  till  fupplies  fliould 
come  to  them  from  England.     I   will  not  enlarge  more  upon 
the  affairs  of  that  Kingdom}    both  becaufe  I  had  no  occafioa 
to  be  well  informed  about  them ,    and  becaufe  Dr.  K'mg^    now 
Archbifhop  of  Dubl'm,  wrote  a  copious  hiftory  of  the  govern- 
ment oUreland  during  this  reign ,  which  is  fo  well  received,  and 
fo  univerfally  acknowledged  to  be  as  truly  as  it  is  finely  written, 
that  I  refer  my  reader  to  the  account  of  thofe  matters,  which 
is  fully  and  faithfully  given  by  that  learned  and  zealous  Prelate, 

1(^9  And  now  I  enter  upon  the  year  K^Sp.  In  which  the  two 
^>^V>o  firft  things  to  be  confidered ,  before  the  Convention  could  be 
brought  together,  were,  the  fettling  th^EngliJh  Army,  and 
the  affairs  o(  Ireland.  As  for  the  Army,  fome  of  the  bodies, 
thofe  chiefly  that  were  full  of  Papifts,  and  of  men  ill  affeded, 
were  to  be  broken.  And,  in  order  to  that,  a  loan  was  fet  on 
foot  in  the  City,  for  raihng  the  money  that  was  to  pay  their 
arrears  at  their  difbanding,  and  for  carrying  on  the  pay  of  the 
Engl'tjh  and  Dutch  Armies  till  the  Convention  fhould  meet,  and 
fettle  the  Nation.  This  was  the  great  diftindion  of  thofe  who 
were  well  affedted  to  the  Prince:  For,  whereas  thofe  who  were 
ill  affected  to  him  refufed  to  join  in  the  loan,  pretending  there 
was  no  certainty  of  their  being  repayed,-  the  others  did  not 
doubt  but  the  Convention  would  pay  all  that  was  advanced  in 
fo  great  an  exigence,  and  fo  they  fubfcribed  liberally,  as  the 
occafion  required. 

As  for  the  affairs  of  Ireland^  there  was  a  great  variety  of  opi- 
nions among  them.  Some  thought,  that  Ireland  would  certain- 
ly follow  the  fate  of  England.  This  was  managed  by  an  arti- 
fice of  Tyrconnell'Sy  who,  what  by  deceiving,  what  by  threat- 
ning  the  eminenteft  Proteftants  in  Dublm ^  got  them  to  write 
3  -       -    ,  over 


^i\^of  King  J  A  M  E  S  lU  i^T  807; 

over  to  London^    and  give  alTurances  that  he  would  deliver  up    1689 
Ireland^  if  he  might  have  good  terms  for  himfelf,  and  for  the'^^'VX^ 
Ir'tjh.     The  Earl  of  Clarendon  was   much  depended  on    by  the 
Proteftants  of  Ireland^  who  made  all  their   applications  to  the 
Prince  by  him.     Thofe,    who  were  employed  by  Tyrconnell  to 
deceive  the  Prince,  made  their  applications  by  Sir  William  Tern- 
pie,    who  had   a  long   and   well   eftablifhed   credit  with   him. 
They  faid,    Tycomiell  would  never  lay   down   the  governmenc 
oi  Ireland,    unlefs  he  was  fure  that   the  Earl  of  Clarendon  was 
not  to  fucceed:  He  knew  his  peevifhnefs  and  Tpite,    and  that 
he  would  take  fevere  revenges  for  what  he   thought  had  beea 
done  to  himfelf,    if  he  had   them  in  his  power ;     And  there- 
fore he  would  not  treat,  till  he  was  affured  of  that.     Upon  this 
the   Prince  did  avoid  the  fpcaking  to  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  of 
thofe  matters.     And  then  he,  who  had  poffeiTed  himfelf  in  his 
expedtation  of  that  poft,    feeing. the  Prince  thus  fhut  him  out 
of  the  hopes  of  it,  became  a  moft  violent  oppofer  of  the  new 
fettlement.     He  reconciled  himfelf  to  King  James:    And  has 
been  ever  fince  one  of  the  hotteft  promoters  of  his  intereft  of 
any  in  the   Nation.     Temple  entrcd  into   a  management  with 
Tyrconnell's  agents,  who,  it  is  very  probable,  if  things  had  not 
taken  a  great  turn  in  England,  would  have  come  to  a  qompo- 
fition.     Others  thought,  that  the  leaving  Ireland  in  that  dan- 
gerous ftate,    might  be  a  mean  to  bring  the  Convention  to  a 
more  fpeedy  fettlement  oi England ^  and  that  therefore  the  Prince 
ought  not  to  make  too  much  hafte  to  relieve  Ireland.     This 
advice  was  generally  believed  to  be  given   by  the   Marquis  of 
Haliifax:  And  it  was  like  him.     The  Prince  did   not  Teem   to 
apprehend  enough  the  confequences  of  the  revolt   of  Ireland; 
and  was  much  blamed  for  his  flownefs  in  not  preventing  it  in 
time. 

The  truth  was,  he  did  not  know  whom  to  truft.  .nAuigene'- The  Prince 
ral  difcomient ,     next  to  mutiny,  :  began  to  fpread  it  fe'lf  thro'!^j,'f[JJ^y£^^j 
the  whdle  Engltjh  AxniY-     The  turn,  that  they  were  now  mak*of^'^"«' 
ing  from  him  ,     was  almoft.  as  quick  as  that  which  they  had  ^"^  ' 
made  to  him.     He  could  not  trufV  them.     Probably,  if  he  had 
fent  any  of  them  over,    they  would   have  joined  ^\t\i  Tyrcon- 
nell.    Nor  could  he   well  fend   over  any  of  his  Dutch   troops. 
It  was  to  them  that  he  chiefly  trufted,  for  maintaining  the  quiet 
of  England.     Probably  the  EngliJIo  Army   would   have  become- 
more  infolent,  if  the  Dutch  force  had  been  confiderably  dimi- 
nifhed.     And  the  King's  magazins  were  fo  exhaufted,  that  till 
new  ftores  were   provided,  there  was  very  little  ammunition  to 
fpare.     The  railing   new  troops  was  a  work   oi  timcrrufThere 
was  no  fhip  of  war  in  thofe  feas,    to  fecure  the  cranfport.     And. 
\^  j       '  to 


808         71b^  H I S  T  o  R  Y  tf/  the  Reign 


k/vvy 


1680    tofcndafmallcompanyofOfficers  with  fome  ammunition,  which 
was  all  that  could  be  done  on  the  fudden,  feemed  to  be  an  cx- 
pofing  them  to  the  enemy.     Thcfe  confiderations  made   him 
more  cafy  to  entertain  a  propofition  that  was  made  to  him,  as 
was  believed,  by  the  Temples -^  (for  Sir  lVdltam\izdhol\i  a  brother 
and  a  fon  that  made   then  a  confiderable  figure;)  which  was, 
to  fend  over  Lieutenant  General  Hamilton,  one  of  the  Oificers 
that  belonged  to  Ireland.     He  was  a  Papift,    but  was  believed 
to  be  a  man  of  honour:  And  he  had  certainly  great  credit  with 
the  Earl  of  Tyrconnell.     He  had  ferved  in  France  with  great  re- 
putation, and  had  a  great  intereft  in  all  the  Ir'ijhy  and  was  now 
in  the  Prince's  hands  j  and  had  been  together  with   a  body  of 
Irifh  foldiers,  whom  the  Prince  kept  for  fome  time  as  prifoners 
in  the   ifle  o{  M^tght ;    whom  he  gave  afterwards  to  the   Em- 
peror, tho',  as  they  palTed  thro'  Germany,  they  deferted  ingr^at 
numbers,  and  got  into  France.     Hamilton  was  a  fort  of  prifoner 
of  war.     So  he  undertook  to  go  over  to  Ireland,  and  to  pre- 
vail with  the  Earl  of  Tyrconnell  to  deliver  up  the  government  ,•  * 
and  promifed,  that  he  would  either   bring  him  to  it,    or  that 
he  would  come  back,  and  give  an  account  of  his.  negotiation. 
This  ftep  had  a  very  ill  effed:    For  before  Hamilton  came  to 
Dublin,  the  Earl  oi  Tyrconnell  was  in  fuch  defpajr,  looking  on 
all  as  loft,  that  he  feemed  to  be  very  near  a  full  refolution  of 
entring  on  a  treaty,  to  get  the  beft  terms  that  he  could.     But 
Hamilton's  coming  changed  him  quite.     He  reprefented  to  him, 
that  things  were  turning  faft  in  England  in  favour  of  the  King: 
So  that,  if  he  ftood  firm,  all  would  come  round  again.     He  faw, 
that  he  muft  ftudy  to  manage  this  fo  dextroufly,  as  to  gain  as 
much  time  as  he  could,  that  fo  the  Prince  might  not  make  too 
much  hafte,  before  a  Fleet  and  fupplies  might  come  from  France » 
So  feveral  letters  were  writ  over  by  the  fame  management,  giv- 
ing affurances  that  the  Earl  of  Tyrconnell  was  fully  refolved  to 
treat  and  fubmit.    And,  to  carry  this  further,  two  Commiflioners 
were   fent  from  the  Council-board  to   France.   'The  one  was  a 
zealous  Proteftant,  the  other  was  a  Papift.    Their  inftru6tions 
were,  to  reprefcnt  to  the  King  the  neceflity  oi  Ireland's  fubmit- 
ting  to  England.     The  Earl  of  Tyrconnell  pretend^ed  ,    that   in 
honour  he  could  do  no  lefs  than  difengage  himfeif  to  his  maf- 
ter,  before  he  laid  down  the  government.     Yet  he  feemed  re- 
folved not  to  ftay  for  an  anfwer,  or  a  con  fent,-    but,  that,   as 
loon  as  this  meflage  was  delivered,  he  would  fubmit  upon  good 
conditions:  And  for  thefe,  he  knew,  he  would  have  all  that  he 
aflced.     With  this  management  he  gained  his  point,  which  was 
much  time.    And  he  now  fancied,  that  the  honour  of  reftoring 
the  King  would   belong  chiefly   to  hiritfelf     Thus  Hamilton ^ 
+  by 


of  King  J  AMES  11.  809 

hy  breaking  his  own  faith,    fecurcd  the  Earl    of  Tyconnell  to    \6%i) 
the  King:  And  this  gave  the  beginning  to  the  war  oi  Ir  eland. ^'•^'^^^^^ 
Momitjoyj    the  Proteftant  Lord  that  was  fent  to  France,  inftead 
of  being   heard   to   deliver  his  mefTage,    was   clapt  up   in  thc^ 
Bajiille ;  which,  fince  he  was  fent  in  the  name  of  a  Kingdom, 
was  thought  a  very   diihonourable  thing,    and  contrary  to  the 
law  of  Nations.     Thofe  who  had  advifed  the  fending  over  Ha- 
milton were  now  much  out   of  countenance:     And  the  Earl  of 
Clarendon  was    a  loud    declaimer   againft  it.     It   was   believed^ 
that  it  had  a  terrible  efFed:  on   Sir  Wtlltam  Temple's   fon,   who 
had  raifed  in  the  Prince  a  high  opinion  of  Hamilton's   honour. 
Soon  after  that,  he,   who  had  no  other  vifible  caufe  of  melan-t 
choly,  befides  this,    went  in   a  boat  on  the  Thames,    near  the 
Bridge,  where  the  river  runs  moft  impetuoufly,  and  leaped  in-, 
to  the  river,  and  was  drowned. 

The  fitting  of  the  Convention  was  now  very  near.  And  all T'^'^.^°"" 
men  were  forming  their  fchemcs,  and  fortifying  their  party  all 
they  could.  The  ele(5tions  were  managed  fairly  all  England oxtv. 
The  Prince  did  in  no  fort  interpofe  in  any  recommendation, 
diredly  or  indirectly.  Three  parties  were  formed  about  the 
town.  The  one  was  for  calling  back  the  King,  and  treating 
with  him  for  fuch  fccurities  to  religion  and  the  laws,  as  might 
put  them  out  of  the  danger  for  the  future  of  a  Difpenfing  or  Ar- 
bitrary Power.  Thefe  were  all  of  the  high  Church  party,  who 
had  carried  the  point  of  Submiflion  and  Non-refiftance  fo  far, 
that  they  thought  nothing  Icfs  than  this  could  confift  with  their 
duty  and  their  oaths.  When  it  was  objeded  to  them,  that, 
according  to  thofe  notions  that  they  had  been  polfefTed 
with,  they  ought  to  be  for  calling  the  King  back  without  con- 
ditions: When  he  came,  they  might  indeed  offer  him  their  pe- 
titions, which  he  might  grant  or  reject  as  he  pleafed :  But  that 
the  offering  him  conditions,  before  he  was  recalledj  was  con- 
trary to  their  former  doctrine  of  unconditioned  allegiance. 
They  were  at  fuch  a  fland  upon  this  objedion,  that  it  was  plain, 
they  fpoke  of  conditions,  either  in  compliance  with  the  fau- 
iriQur  of  the  Nation ;  or  that,  with  relation  to  their  particular 
intereft,  nature  was  fo  ftrong  in  them,  that  it  was  too  hard  for 
their  dodrine. 

When  this  notion  was  toffed  and  talked  of  about  the  town.  Some  arc  for 
fo  few  went  into  it,  that  the  party  which  fupported  it  went^^*^""^^^^" 
over  to  the  fcheme  of  a  fecond  party;  which  was,  that  King 
James  had  by  his  ill  adminiftration  of  the  government  brought 
himTelf  intoan  incapacity  of  holding  theexercife  of  thefovereign 
authority  any  more  in  his  own  hand:  But,  as  in  the  cafe  of 
lunaticks,  the  right  flill  remained  in  him:  Only  the  guardian- 

p  U  fliip, 


810        TheHlST  OKY  of  the  Reign 

i6%o  fliip,  or  the  exercifc,  of  it  was  to  be  lodged  with  a  Prince  Re- 
y^yy^^  pent:  So  that  the  right  of  fovereignty  fhould  be  owned  to  re- 
main ftill  io  the  King,  and  that  the  excrcife  of  it  fhould  be 
vcfted  in  the  Prince  of  Orange  as  Prince  Regent.  A  third  par- 
ty was  for  fetting  King  Jamei  quite  afide,  and  for  fetting  the 
Prince  on  the  Throne. 

When  the  Convention  was  opened  on  the  twenty  fourth  of 
January,  the  Archbifliop  came  not  to  take  his  place  among 
them.  He  refolved  neither  to  ad  for  nor  againft  the  King's  intercftj 
which,  confidering  his  high  poft,  was  thought  very  unbecom- 
ing. For  if  he  thought,  as  by  his  behaviour  afterwards  it  fc-ems 
he  did,  that  the  Nation  was  running  into  treafon,  rebellion, 
and  perjury,  it  was  a  ftrange  thing  to  fee  one,  who  was  at 
the  head  of  the  Church,  fit  filent  all  the  while  that  this  was  in  de- 
bate,- and  not  once  fo  much  as  declare  his  opinion  by  fpeak- 
ing,  voting,  or  protefting,  not  to  mention  the  other  Ecclefi- 
aftical  methods  that  certainly  became  his  character.  But  he 
was  a  poor  fpirited,  and  fearful  man;  and  a<5ted  a  very  mean 
part  in  all  this  great  tranfad:ion.  The  Bifliop's  Bench  was  very 
fiiU,  as  were  alfo  the  Benches  of  the  Temporal  Lords.  The 
Earls  of  Nottingham ^  Clarendon,  and  Rochefler ,  were  the  men 
that  managed  the  debates  in  favour  of  a  Regent,  in  oppoliti- 
on  to  thofe  who  were  for  fetting  up  another  King. 

They  thought,  this  would  fave  the  Nation,  and  y-t  fecure 
the  honour  of  the  Church  oi  England,  and  the  facrcdncfs  of  the 
Crown.  It  was  urged,  that  if,  upon  any  pretence  whatfo  ver, 
the  Nation  might  throw  off  their  King,  then  the  Crown  muft 
become  precarious,  and  the  power  of  judging  the  King  muft 
be  in  the  people.  This  muft  end  in  a  Commonwealth.  A  great 
deal  was  brought  from  both  the  laws  and  hiftory  of  England^ 
to  prove,  that  not  only  the  perfon ,  but  the  authority  of  the 
King  was  facred.  The  law  had  indeed  provided  a  remedy  of 
a  Regency  for  the  infancy  of  our  Kings.  So,  if  a  King  fliould 
fall  into  fuch  errors  in  his  conduct,  as  {hewed  that  he  was  as 
little  capable  of  holding  the  government  as  an  infant  was,  then 
the  Eftates  of  the  Kingdom  might,  upon  this  parity  of  the  cafe, 
feek  to  the  remedy  provided  for  an  infant,  and  lodge  the  power 
with  a  Regent.  But  the  right  was  to  remain,  and  to  go  on  ia 
a  lineal  fuccellion :  For,  if  that  was  once  put  ever  fo  little  out 
of  its  order,  the  Crown  would  in  a  little  time  become  eledivc; 
which  might  rend  the  Nation  in  pieces  by  a  diverfity  of  electi- 
ons, and  by  the  different  fadions  that  would  adhere  to  the  per- 
fon whom  they  had  eleded.  They  did  not  deny,  but  that 
great  objcdions  lay  againft  the  methods  that  they  propofed. 
But  affairs  were  brought  into  fo  defperate  a  ftate  by  King  James's 

conduct. 


of  King]  AMES  II.  811 

cohduft,    that  it  was  not   poflibic  to  propofe  a  remedy,  that    i6S^ 
might  not  be  juftly  excepted  to.     But  they  thought,  their  ex-  ^-OHs-' 
pedient  would  take  in  the  greateft,  as  well  as  the  beft,  part  of 
the  Nation  :  Whereas  all  other  expedients  gratified  a  Republican 
party,  compofed  of  the  DifTenterS;,  and  of  men  of  no  religion, 
who  hoped  now   to  fee  the   Church  ruined,     and   the  govern- 
ment fet  upon   fuch  a  bottom,    as  that  we  rtiould  have  only  a 
titular  King;    who,    as  he  had  his  power  from  the  people^  To 
fhould  be   accountable   to    them  for   the   exercife  ,  of  it ,     and 
fhould  forfeit  it  at    their  pleafure.     The  much  greater  part  of 
the  Houfe  of  Lords  was  for  this,  and  ftuck  long  to  it:  And  fo 
was  about  a  third  part  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons.     The  great- 
eft  part  of  the  Clergy  declared  themfelves  for  it. 

But  of  thofe  who  agreed  in  this  expedient ,  it  was  vifible 
there  were  two  different  parties.  Some  intended  to  bring  King 
James  back  j  and  went  into  this,  as  the  moft  probable  way  for 
laying  the  Nation  afleep  ,  and  for  overcoming  the  prcfent  aver- 
iion  that  all  people  had  to  him.  That  being  once  done,  they 
reckoned  it  would  be  no  hard  thing,  with  the  help  of  feme 
time,  to  compafs  the  other.  Others  feemed  to  me  sn  more  fin- 
cerely.  They  faid,  they  could  not  vote  or  argue  but  accord- 
ing to  their  own  principles,  as  long  as  the  matter  was  yet  en- 
tire: But  they  owned  that  they  had  taken  up  another  princi- 
ple, both  from  the  law  and  from  the  hiftory  of  Rn^and-^  which, 
was,  that  they  would  obey  and  pay  allegiance  to  the  King  for 
the  time  being :  They  thought  a  King,  thus  de  faBo  had  a 
right  to  their  obedience,  and  that  they  were  bound  to  adhere 
to  him ,  and  to  defend  him,  even  in  oppofition  to  him  with 
whom  they  thought  the  right  did  ftill  remain.  The  Earl  of 
Nottingham  was  the  perfon  that  owned  this  dodrinethe  moft  dur- 
ing thefe  debates.  He  faid  to  my  felf,  that  tho'  he  could  not 
argue  nor  vote,  but  according  to  the  fcheme  and  principles  he 
had,  concerning  our  laws  and  conftitution,  yet  he  fliould  not 
be  forry  to  fee  his  fide  out  voted ;  and  that,  tho'  he  could  not 
agree  to  the  making  a  King  as  things  ftood ,  yet  if  he  found 
one  made,  he  would  be  more  faithful  to  him,  than  tbofe  that 
made  him  could  be  according  to  their  own  principles. 

The  third  party  was  made  up  of  thofe,  who  thought  that  there  P^i^^s are 
was  an  original  contrad:  between  the  Kings  and  the  people  ofitog. 
England-y  by  which  the  Kings  were  bound  to  defend  their  peo- 
ple, and  to  govern  them  according  to  law,  in  lieu  of  which 
the  people  were  bound  to  obey  and  ferve  the  King*  The  proof 
of  this  appeared  in  the  ancient  forms  of  Coronations  ftiil  ob- 
ferved:  By  which  the  people  were  aflced,  if  they  would  have 
that  perfon  before  them  to  be  their  King;  And,  upon  their  iliouts 

of 


8 12        Vje  History  of  the  Reign 

j^8q  of  confenr,  the  Coronation  was  gone  about.  But,  before  the 
v>^v>v^  King  was  crowned,  he  was  afked,  if  he  would  not  defend  and 
protcdl  his  people,  and  govern  them  according  to  law:  And, 
upon  his  promifing  and  fwearing  this,  he  was  crowned:  And 
then  homage  was  done  him.  And ,  tho'  of  late  the  Corona- 
tion has  been  confidered  rather  as  a  folemn  inftalment,  than 
that  which  gave  the  King  his  authority,  fo  that  it  was  become 
a  maxim  in  law  that  the  King  never  died,  and  that  the  new 
King  was  crowned  in  the  right  of  his  fucceflion,  yet  thefe 
forms,  that  were  ftill  continued,  {hewed  what  the  government 
was  originally.  Many  things  were  brought  to  fupport  this  from 
the  Brtt'ijh  and  Saxon  times.  It  was  urged ,  that  Wtll'iam  the 
Conqueror  was  received  upon  his  promifing  to  keep  the  laws 
of  Edward  the  ConfefTor,  which  was  plainly  the  original  con- 
trad:  between  him  and  the  Nation.  This  was  often  renewed 
by  his  fuccefTors.  Edward  the  fecond,  and  Richard  the  fecond, 
were  depofed  for  breaking  thefe  laws:  And  thefe  depofitions 
were  ftill  good  in  law,  fmce  they  were  not  reverfed,  nor  was 
the  right  of  depofing  them  ever  renounced  or  difowned.  Ma- 
ny things  were  alledged,  from  what  had  paft  during  the  Barons 
wars,  for  confirming  all  this.  Upon  which  I  will  add  one  par- 
ticular circumftance,  that  the  original  of  King  John's  Magna 
Charta^  with  his  Great  Seal  to  it,  was  then  given  to  me  by  a 
Gentleman  that  found  it  among  his  Father's  papers,  but  did 
not  know  how  he  came  by  it:  And  it  is  ftill  in  my  hands: 
It  was  faid  in  this  argument ,  what  did  all  the  limitations  of 
the  Regal  Power  fignify,  if  upon  a  King's  breaking  thro'  them 
all,  the  people  had  not  a  right  to  maintain  their  laws,  and  to 
preferve  their  conftitution?  It  was  indeed  confefted,  that  this 
might  have  ill  confequences,  and  might  be  carried  too  far.  But 
the  denying  this  right  in  any  cafe  whatfoever,  did  plainly  de- 
r  ftroy  all  liberty,  and  eftablifh  tyranny.  The  prefent  alteration 
propofed  would  be  no  precedent,  but  to  the  like  cafe.  And  it 
was  fit  that  a  precedent  fliould  be  made  for  fuch  occafions,-  if 
thofe  of  Edward  the  fecond,  and  Richard  the  fecond,  were  not 
acknowledged  to  be  good  ones.  It  was  faid,  that,  if  King 
James  had  only  broken  fome  laws,  and  done  fome  illegal  ad:s,  it 
might  be  juftly  urged  ,  that  it  was  not  reafonable  on  account  of 
thefe  to  carry  feverities  too  far.  But  he  had  broken  thro'  the  laws 
in  many  publick  and  avowed  inftances:  He  had  fet  up  an  open 
treaty  with  Rome:  He  had  fhaken  the  whole  fettlement  of /rc- 
land-y  and  had  put  that  Ifland,  and  the  Englifh  and  Proteftants 
that  were  there,  in  the  power  of  the  Irijh:  The  Difpenfing 
Power  took  away  not  only  thofe  laws  to  which  it  was  applied, 
but  all  other  laws  whatfoever  by  the  precedent  it  had  fet,  and 

3  by 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  II.  8i3 

by  the  con fequenccs  that  followed  upon  it:  By  the  Ecclefiafli-  i6?,cf 
cal  CGmmiflion  he  had  invaded  the  liberty  of  the  Church,  and^^*^"^^"^*^ 
fubjedred  the  Clergy  to  meer  will  and  pleafure :  And  all  was 
concluded  by  his  deferting  his  people,  and  flying  to  a  foreign 
power,  rather  than  ftay  and  fubmit  to  the  determinations  of  a 
free  Parliament.  Upon  all  which  it  was  inferred,  that  he  had 
abdicated  the  government,  and  had  \th  the  Throne  vacant: 
"Which  therefore  ought  now  to  be  filled ,  that  fo  the  Nation 
might  be  prefcrved ,  and  the  Regal  government  contfnued 
ia  it. 

As  to  the  propofition  for  a  Prince  Regent,  it  was  argued, And sgainft 
tha-t  this  was  as  much  againft  Monarchy,  or  rather  more,^  egency. 
than  what  they  moved  for.  If  a  King's  ill  government  did 
give  the  people  a  right  in  any  cafe  to  take  his  power  from 
him,  and  to  lodge  it  with  another,  owning  that  the  right  to 
it  remained  ftill  with  him  ,  this  might  have  every  whit  as  bad 
confequences,  as  the  other  feemed  to  have:  For  recourfe  might 
be  had  to  this  violent  remedy  too  often,  and  too  rafhly.  By 
this  propofition  of  a  Regent,  here  were  to  be  upon  the  matter 
two  Kings  at  the  fame  time:  One  with  the  title,  and  another 
with  the  power  of  a  King.  This  was  both  more  illegal,  and 
more  uniafe,  than  the  method  they  propofed.  The  law  of 
Efigland  had  fettled  the  point  of  the  fubjedts  fecurity  in  obey- 
ing the  King  in  pofTefTion,  in  the  ftatute  made  by  Henry  the 
feventh.  So  every  man  knew  he  was  fafe  under  a  King,  and 
fo  would  ad:  with  zeal  and  courage.  But  all  fuch  as  fhould  a<5t 
under  a  Prince  Regent,  created  by  this  Convention,  were  upon 
a  bottom  that  had  not  the  necefTary  forms  of  law  for  it.  All 
that  was  done  by  them  would  be  thought  null  and  void  in  law: 
So  that  no  man  could  be  fafe  that  a<5ted  under  it.  If  the  oaths 
to  King  James  were  thought  to  be  ftill  binding,  thefubjedts  were 
by  thefe  not  only  bound  to  maintain  his  title  to  the  Crown, 
but  all  his  prerogatives  and  powers.  And  therefore  it  feemed 
abfurd  to  continue  a  government  in  his  name  ,  and  to  take 
oaths  ftill  to  him,  when  yet  all  the  power  was  taken  out  of 
his  hands.  This  would  be  an  odious  thing,  both  before  God 
and  the  whole  world,  and  would  caft  a  reproach  on  us  at  prc- 
fent,  and  bring  certain  ruin  for  the  future  on  any  fuch  mixed 
and  unnatural  fort  of  government.  Therefore ,  \i  the  oaths 
were  ftill  binding,  the  Nation  was  ftill  bound  by  them,  not  by 
halves,  but  in  their  whole  extent.  It  was  faid,  that,  if  the 
government  ftiould  be  carried  on  in  King  James's  name,  but 
in  other  hands,  the  body  of  the  Nation  would  confider  him 
as-  the  pcrfon  that  was  truly  their  King.    And  if  any  ftiould  plot 

9  X  or 


8 14        TheHlsr  OR  Y  of  the  Reign 

1689  or  ad  for  him,  they  could  not  be  proceeded  againft  for  high 
^>^V>J  treafon ,  as  confpiring  againft  the  King's  perfon  or  govern- 
ment; when  it  would  be  vifible,  that  they  were  only  defign- 
jng  to  preferve  his  perfon,  and  to  reftore  him  to  his  govern- 
ment. To  proceed  againft  any,  or  to  take  their  lives  for  fuch 
pradices ,  would  be  to  add  murder  to  perjury.  And  it  was  not 
to  be  fuppofed,  that  Juries  would  find  fuch  men  guilty  of  trea- 
fon.  In  the  weaknefs  of  infancy ,  a  Prince  Regent  was  in  law 
the  fame  perfon  with  the  King,  who  had  not  yet  a  will: 
And  it  was  to  be  prefumed,  the  Prince  Regent's  will  was  the 
King's  will.  But  that  could  not  be  applied  to  the  prefent  cafe,- 
where  the  King  and  the  Regent  muft  be  prefumed  to  be  in  a 
perpetual  ftruggle,  the  one  to  recover  his  power,  the  other  to 
preferve  his  authority.  Thefe  things  feemed  to  be  fo  plainly 
made  out  in  the  debate,  that  it  was  generally  thought  that  no 
man  could  refift  fuch  force  of  argument,  but  thofe  who  intend- 
ed to  bring  back  King  James.  And  it  was  believed,  that  thofe 
of  his  party,  who  were  looked  on  as  men  of  confcience,  had 
fecrct  orders  from  him  to  ad:  upon  this  pretence,-  fince  other- 
wife  they  offered  to  ad  clearly  in  contradidion  to  their  own 
oaths  and  principles. 

But  thofe  who  were  for  continuing  the  government,  and  on- 
ly for  changing  the  perfons,  were  not  at  all  of  a  mind.     Some 
among  them  had  very  different  views  and  ends  from  the  reft. 
Thefe  intended  to  take  advantage  from  the  prefent  conjundure 
to  deprefs   the  Crown  ,    to  render  it  as  much  precarious   and 
clcdive  as  they  could,    and  to  raife   the  power  of  the  people 
upon  the  mine  of  Monarchy.      Among  thofe  fome  went  fo  far 
as  to  fay,  that  the  whole  government  was  dilTolved.     But  this 
appeared  a  bold  and  dangerous  affertion :  For  that  might  have 
been  carried  fo  far,  as  to  infer  from  it,  that  all  men's  proper- 
ties, honours,  rights,    and  franchifes,    were  diffolved.     There- 
fore it  was   thought  fafer  to  fay,    that  King  James  had  dif^ 
folved  the  tie  that  was  between  him  and  the  Nation.     Others 
avoided   going  into  new  fpeculations ,    or   fchemes   of  govern- 
ment.    They  thought  it  was  enough  to  fay,    that  in  extream 
cafes  all  obligations  did  ceafe  ^  and  that  in  our  prefent  circum- 
ftances  the  extremity  of  affairs,  by  reafon  of  the  late  ill  govern- 
ment, and  by  King  James\   flying  over  to   the  enemy  of  the 
Nation,  rather  than  lubmit  to  reafonable  terms,    had  put  the 
people  of  England  on  the  neceflity  of  fecuring  themlelves  upon 
a  legal  bottom.     It  was   faid ,    that  tho'   the  vow  of  marriage 
was  made  for  term  of  life,  and  without  conditions   expreffed, 
yet  a  breach  in  the  tie  it  fclf  fets  the  innocent  party  at  liber- 

z  ty 


of  King  James  II.   ^t        g  1 5 

ty.  So  a  King,  who  had  his  power  both  given  him  aud  de-  i<^8p 
fined  by  the  law,  and  was  bound  to  govern  by  law,  when  he '^''"^^''*^ 
fet  himfelf  to  break  all  laws,  and  in  conclufion  deferted  his  peo- 
ple, did,  by  fo  doing,  fet  them  at  liberty  to  put  themfelves  in 
a  legal  and  fafe  ftate.  There  was  no  need  of  fearing  ill  con- 
fequences  from  this.  Houfes  were  pulled  down  or  blown  up 
in  a  fire  :  And  yet  men  found  themfelves  fafe  in  their  houfes. 
In  extream  dangers  the  common  fenfe  of  mankind  would  jufti- 
fy  extream  remedies;  tho'  there  was  no  fpecial  pxovifion  that 
dire<5ted  to  them,  or  allowed  of  them.  Therefore,  they  faid, 
a  Nation's  fecuring  it  felf  againft  a  King,  who  was  fubverting 
the  government,  did  not  expofe  Monarchy  ,  nor  raife  a 
popular  authority,  as  fome  did  tragically  reprefent  the  matter. 

There  were  alfo  great  difputes  about  the  original  contracSt: 
Some  denying  there  was  any  fuch  thing,  and  alking  where  it 
was  kept,  and  how  it  could  be  come  at.  To  this  others  an- 
fwered,  that  it  was  implied  in  a  legal  government;  Tho' in  a 
long  trad:  of  time,  and  in  dark  ages,  there  was  not  fuch  an 
explicit  proof  of  it  to  be  found.  Yet  many  hints  from  law- 
books and  hiftories  were  brought  to  fliew,  that  the  Nation  had 
always  fubmitted,  and  obeyed  in  confideration  of  their  laws, 
which  were  ftill  ftipulated  to  them. 

There  were  alfo  many  debates  on  the  word  abdicate:  For 
the  Commons  came  foon  to  a  refolution,  that  King  James  ^ 
by  breaking  the  original  contrad:,  and  by  withdrawing  himfelf, 
had  abdicated  the  government;  and  that  the  Throne  was  thereby 
become  vacant.  They  fent  this  vote  to  the  Lords,  and  pray- 
ed their  concurrence.  Upon  which  many  debates  and  confer- 
ences arofe.  At  laft  it  came  to  a  free  conference,  in  which, 
according  to  the  fenfe  of  the  whole  Nation,  the  Commons 
had  clearly  the  advantage  on  their  fide.  The  Lords  had  fome 
more  colour  for  oppofing  the  word  abdicate y  fince  that  was  of- 
ten taken  in  a  fenfe  that  imported  the  full  purpofe  and  con- 
fent  of  him  that  abdicated ;  which  could  not  be  pretended  in 
this  cafe.  But  there  were  good  authorities  brought,  by  which 
it  appeared,  that  when  a  pcrfon  did  a  thing  upon  which  his 
leaving  any  office  ought  to  follow,  he  was  faid  to  abdicate. 
But  this  was  a  critical  difpute :  And  it  fcarce  became  the  great- 
nefs  of  that  alTembly,  or  the  importance  of  the  matter. 

It  was  a  more  important  debate,  whether,  fuppofing  King 
James  had  abdicated,  the  Throne  could  be  declared  vacant. 
It  was  urged,  that,  by  the  law,  the  King  did  never  die;  but  that 
with  the  laft  breath  of  the  dying  King  the  Regal  authority  went 
to  the  next  heir.    So  it  was  faid,  that,  fuppofipg  King  James 

had 


8 16  The  History  of  the  Reign 

i<$gQ    had  abdicated,  the  Throne  was  [tpfo  fach)  filled  in  that  inftant 
J'V^  by  the  next  heir.     This  feemed  to   be  proved  by  the  heirs  of 
the  King  being  fworn  to  in  the  oath  of  allegiance  j  which  oath 
was  not  only  made  perfonally  to  the  King,  but  likewife  to  his 
heirs  and  fuccelTors.     Thofe  who  infilled  on  the  Abdication  faid, 
that    if  the  King  dilTolved  the  tie  between  him  and  his  fubjcdts 
to  himfeif,  he  dilTolved  their  tie  likewife  to  his  pofterity.      An 
heir  was  one  that  came  in  the  room  of  a  perfon  that  was  dead; 
it  being  a  maxim  that  no  man  can  be  the  heir  of  a  living  man. 
If  therefore  the  King  had  fallen  from   his   own   right ,    as  no 
heir  of  his  could  pretend  to  any  inheritance  from  him,  as  long 
as  he  was  alive,  fo  they  could  fucceed  to  nothing,  but  to  that 
which  was  vefted   in  him  at  the  time   of  his  death.     And,  as 
in  the  cafe  of  attainder  every  right  that  a  mm  was  divefted  of 
before  his  death  was,  as  it  were,  annihilated  in  him^  and   by 
confequence  could  not  pafs  to  his  heirs  by  his  death,  not  being 
then  in  himfeif:  So,  if  a  King  did  fet  his  people  free  from  any 
tie  to  himfeif,  they  mud  be   fuppofed  to   be  put  in  a  ftate,  in 
which  they  might  fecure  themfelveSi     and   therefore  could  not 
be  bound  to  receive  one,  who  they  had  reafon  to  believe  would 
fludy  to  diflolve  and  revenge  all  they  had  done.     If  the  prin- 
ciple of  felf  prefervation    did  juftify   a  Nation    in   fecuring  it 
feif  from  a  violent  invafion,  and  a  total  fubverfion,  then  it  muft 
have  its  full   fcope  ,    to    give   a   real,  and  not  a  feeming  and 
fraudulent,  fecurity.     They  did  acknowledge,    that  upon   the 
grounds  of  natural  equity,  and  for  fecuring  the  Nation  in  after 
times ,    it  was  fit  to  go  as  near  the  lineal   fucceflion  as  might 
be :  Yet  they  could  not  yield  that  point,  that  they  were  ftri(5t- 
ly  bound  to  it. 
Somemov'd     It  was  propofed,  that  the  birth  of  the  pretended  Prince  might 
toexamuic^  j^^  examined  into.     Some   prefTed  this,    not  fo  much  from   an 


the  birth 


thePriiiceofopinion  that  they  were  bound  to  affert  his  right,  if  it  (hould 
appear  that  he  was  born  of  the  Queen,  as  becaufe  they  thought 
it  would  juftify  the  Nation,  and  more  particularly  the  Prince 
and  the  two  PrincelTes,  if  an  impofture  in  that  matter  could  have 
been  proved.  And  it  would  have  gone  far  to  fatisfy  ma- 
ny of  the  weaker  fort,  as  to  all  the  proceeding  againft  King 
James.  Upon  which  I  was  ordered  to  gather  together  all  the 
prefumptive  proofs  that  were  formerly  mentioned,  which  were 
all  ready  to  have  been  made  out.  It  is  true,  thefe  did  not 
amount  to  a  full  and  legal  proof:  Yet  they  feemed  to  be  fuch 
violent  prefumptions,  that,  when  they  were  all  laid  together, 
they  were  more  convincing  than  plain  and  downright  evi- 
dence:   For  that  was   liable  to  the  fufpicion  oi  fubornation: 

I  Whereas 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  11  817 

Whereas  the  other  feemed  to  carry  on  them  very  convincing  \6%f) 
charaders  of  truth  and  certainty.  But,  when  this  matter  was  '^/V>^ 
in  private  debated ,  fome  obferved,  that,  as  King  James  by  go- 
ing about  to  prove  the  truth  of  the  birth,  and  yet  doing  it  fo  de- 
fed;ively,  had  really  made  it  more  fufpicious  than  it  was  before ,- 
fo ,  if  there  was  no  clear  and  pofitive  proof  made  of  an  im- 
pofture,  the  pretending  to  examine  into  it,  and  then  the  not 
being  able  to  make  it  out  beyond  the  poflibility  of  c6ntra-j 
di(5tion,  would  really  give  more  credit  to  the  thing,  than  it 
then  had,  and,  inftead  of  weakning  it,  would  ftrengthen  the 
pretenfion  of  his  birth. 

When  this  debate  was  propofed  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords ,  itBut  ft  was 
was  rejedted  with  indignation.  He  was  now  fent  out  of  Eng-"^'^  ^'^' 
land  to  be  bred  up  in  France  ^  an  enemy  both  to  the  Nation, 
and  to  the  eftablifhed  religion :  It  was  impoflible  for  the  peo- 
ple of  England  to  know,  whether  he  was  the  fame  perfon  that 
had  been  carried  over,  or  not:  If  he  (hould  die,  another 
might  be  put  in  his  room,  in  fuch  a  manner  that  the  Nation 
could  not  beafTured  concerning  him:  The  Engl'tjh  Nation  ought 
not  to  fend  into  another  country  for  witnefles  to  prove  that 
he  was  their  Prince,-  much  lefs  receive  one  upon  the  teftimony 
of  fiich,  as  were  not  only  aliens,  but  ought  to  be  prefumed  ene- 
mies :  It  was  alfo  known ,  that  all  the  perfons,  who  had  been 
the  confidents  in  that  matter,  were  conveyed  away:  So  it  was 
impoflible  to  come  at  them,  by  whofe  means  only  the  truth 
of  that  birth  could  be  found  out.  But  while  thefe  things  were 
fairly  debated  by  fome,  there  were  others  who  had  deeper  and 
darker  defigns  in  this  matter. 

They  thought,  it  would  be  a  good  fecurity  for  the  Nation, 
to  have  a  dormant  title  to  the  Crown  lie  as  it  were  negledied , 
to  oblige  our  Princes  to  govern  well,  while  they  would  appre- 
hend the  danger  of  a  revolt  to  a  pretender  flill  in  their  eye. 
W'tldman  thought,  it  was  a  deep  piece  of  policy  to  let  this  lie 
in  the  dark,  and  undecided.  Nor  did  they  think  it  an  ill  pre- 
cedent ,  that  they  {hould  fo  negled  the  right  of  fiicceflion , 
as  not  fo  much  as  to  enquire  into  this  matter.  Upon  all  thefe 
confiderations  no  further  enquiry  was  made  into  it.  It  is  true, 
this  put  a  plaufible  objeftion  in  the  mouth  of  all  King  James's 
party:  Here,  they  faid,  an  infant  was  condemned,  and  denied 
his  right,  without  either  proof  or  enquiry.  This  ftill  takes 
with  many  in  the  prefent  age.  And,  that  it  may  not  take  more 
in  the  next,  I  have  ufed  more  than  ordinary  care  to  gather 
together  all  the  particulars  that  were  then  laid  before  me  as  to 
that  matter. 

5>  Y  The 


Kitig 


818        B^  History  of  the  Reign 

1/^89       The  next  thing  in  debate  was,  who  ftiould  fill    the  Throce. 
o^V>0  The  Marquis  of  Hall'tfax  intended,  by  his  zeal  for  the    Prince's 
?or"m£g  intereft,  to  atone  for  his  backwardnefs  in  not  con:iing  early  in- 
thc Prince  ^^  -J.  y^jjj^  ti^at  he  might  get  before  Lord  Dcmb'y^  who  was  in 
great  credit  with  the  Prince,  he  moved,  that  the  Crown  fhould 
be  given  to  the  Prince,  and  to  the  twoPrincefTes  after  him.     Ma- 
ny of  the  Republican   party  approved  of  this :    For  by  it  they 
gained  another   point:    The  people  in  this   cafe  would  plainly 
cle6t  a  King,  without  any  critical  regard  to  the  order  of  fuc- 
ceflion.     How  far  the  Prince  himfclf  entertained  this,  I  cannot 
tell.     But  I   faw  it  made  a  great  impreflion   on  Benth'mk.     He 
fpoke  of  it  to  me,  as  alking  my  opinion  about  it,  but  fo,  that 
I  plainly  faw  what  was  his  own :    For  he  gave  me  all  the  ar- 
guments that  were  offered  for  it^    as  that  it  was  moft  natural 
that  the  fovereign  power   (hould  be  only  in  one  perfon,-    that 
a  man's  wife  ought  only  to  be  his  wife,-    that  it  was  a  fuitable 
return  to   the  Prince   for  what  he  had  done  for  the  Nation  ,- 
that  a  divided  fovereignty  was  liable  to  great  inconveniencies  ; 
and,    tho'  there  was  lefs  to  be  apprehended   from  the  Princefs 
of  any   thing  of  that  kind  than  from  any  woman  alive,    yet 
all  mortals  were  frail,  and  might  at  fome  time  or  other  of  their 
lives  be  wrought  on. 

To  all  this  I  anfwered,  with  fome  vehemence,  that  this  was 
a  very  ill  return  for  the  fteps  the  Princefs  had  made  to  the  Prince 
three  years  ago :  It  would  be  thought  both  unjuft  and  ungrateful : 
It  would  meet  with  great  oppofition,  and  give  a  general  ill  im- 
preflion of  the  Prince,  as  infatiable  and  jealous  in  his  ambition  : 
There  was  an  ill   humour   already  fpreading  it   felf  thro'  the 
Nation,  and  thro'  the  Clergy :  It  was  not  neceflary  ro  encreafe 
this  J  which  fuch  a  ftep,    as  was  now  propofed,  would  do  out 
of  meafure :    It  would  engage  the  one  fex  generally  againft  the 
Prince:    And  in  time  they  might  feel  the  effedts  of  that  very 
fenfibly :  And,  for  my  own  part,  I  fhould  think  my  felf  bound 
to  oppofe  it  all  I  could,    confidering  what  had  pafTed  in  Hol- 
land on  that  head.    We  talked  over  the  whole  thing  for  many 
hours,  till  it  was  pretty  far  in  the  morning.     I  faw  he  was  well 
inftru(5t:ed  in  the  argument:  And  he  himfelf  was  poflelTed  with 
it.     So  next  morning  I  came  to  him,  and  defired  my  Conge.     I 
would  oppofe  nothing  in  which  the  Prince  feemed  to  be  con- 
cerned, as  long  as  I  was  his  fervant.    And  therefore  I  defired 
to  be   difengaged  ,    that  I  might  be  free  to  oppofe  this   pro- 
pofition  with  all  the  ftrength   and  credit  I  had.     He  anfwered 
me  ,    that   I   might    defire    that   when   I    faw    a    ftep    made: 
But  till  then  he  wifhed  me  to  ftay  where  I  was.     I   heard  no 

3  more 


of  King]  AMES  IL  819 

more  of  this;  in  which  the  Marquis  of  Hall'tfax  was  fingle  KJ89 
among  the  Peers:  For  I  did  not  find  there  was  any  one  of  them *^'^^"^^ 
of  his  mind  ^  ualefs  it  was  the  Lord  Culpepper ^  who  was  a  vici- 
ous and  corrupt  man,  but  made  a  figure  in  the  debates  that 
were  now  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  and  died  about  the  end 
of  them.  Some  moved,  that  the  Princefs  of  Orange  might  be 
put  in  the  Throne;  and  that  it  might  be  left  to  her,  to  give 
the  Prince  fuch  a  fharc  either  of  dignity  or  power  as  fhe  ihould 
propofe,  when  fhe  was  declared  Queen.  The  agents  of  Prin- 
cefs Anne  began  to  go  about,  and  to  oppofe  any  propofition 
for  the  Prince  to  her  prejudice.  But  fhe  thought  fit  to  difown 
them.  Dr.  Doughty^  one  of  her  Chaplains,  fpoke  to  me  in  her 
room  on  the  fubje<^.  But  fhe  faid  to  my  feif,  that  fhe  knew 
nothing  of  it. 

The  propofition,  in  which  all  that  were  for  the  filling  the 
Throne  agreed  at  lafl,  was,  that  both  the  Prince  and  Princefs 
fhould  be  made  conjunct  Sovereigns.  But,  for  the  preventing 
of  any  diflradions,  that  the  adminiflration  fhould  be  fingly  in 
the  Prince.  The  Princefs  continued  all  the  while  in  Holland, 
being  fhut  in  there,  during  the  Eafl  winds,  by  the  freezing  of 
the  rivers,  and  by  contrary  winds  after  the  thaw  came.  So  that 
fhe  came  not  to  England  till  all  the  debates  were  over.  The 
Prince's  enemies  gave  it  out ,  that  fhe  was  kept  there  by 
order  ,  on  defign  that  fhe  might  not  come  over  to  England 
to  claim  her  right.  So  parties  began  to  be  formed  ,  fomc 
for  the  Prince,  and  others  for  the  Princefs.  Upon  this 
the  Earl  of  Danby  fent  one  over  to  the  Princefs,  and  gave  her 
an  account  of  the  prefent  flate  of  that  debate :  And  defired  to 
know  her  own  fenfe  of  the  matter;  for,  if  fhe  defired  it,  he 
did  not  doubt  but  he  fhould  be  able  to  carry  it  for  fetting  her 
alone  on  the  Throne.  She  made  him  a  very  fharp  anfwer:  She 
faid,  fhe  was  the  Prince's  wife,  and  would  never  be  other,  than 
what  file  fhould  be  in  conjunction  with  him,  and  under  him,- 
and  that  fhe  would  take  it  extream  unkindly,  if  any,  under  a 
pretence  of  their  care  of  her,  would  fet  up  a  divided  interefl 
between  her  and  the  Prince.  And,  not  content  with  this,  fhe 
fent  both  Lord  Danby\  letter,  and  her  anfwer,  to  the  Prince.  Her 
fending  it  thus  to  him  was  the  mofl  effectual  difcouragement 
poffible  to  any  attempt  for  the  future  to  create  a  mif- 
underAanding  or  jealoufy  between  them.  The  Prince  bore 
this  with  his  ufual  phlegm :  For  he  did  not  expoftulate  with 
the  Earl  oi  Danby  upon  it,  but  continued  ftill  to  employ  and 
to  truft  him.  And  afterwards  he  advanced  him,  firfl  to  be  a 
Marquis,  and  then  to  be  a  Duke. 

During 


820  The  Hl^'^OKY  of  the  Reign 

1689       During  all  thefe  debates,   and  the  great  heat  with  which  they 

'-^'^''^^were  managed,  the  Prince's  own  behaviour  was  very  myfterious. 

IccfaS'cd"h"  He   ftaid    at  St.  James's:    He   went    little   abroad:    Accefs    to 

mind  after  jj-^  ^^^  ^^^  ^g^y  g^fy,     Hc  heard  all   that  was  faid  to  him  : 

°"^  '^  But  feldom  made  any  anfwers.  He  did  not  afiFeft  to  be  affable, 
or  popular :  Nor  would  he  take  any  pains  to  gain  any  one  per- 
fon  over  to  his  party.  He  faid,  he  came  over,  being  invited, 
to  fave  the  Nation :  He  had  now  brought  together  a  free  and 
true  rcprefentative  of  the  Kingdom:  He  left  it  therefore  to  them 
to  do  what  they  thought  beft  for  the  good  of  the  Kingdom : 
And,  when  things  were  once  fettled,  he  fhould  be  well  fatisfi- 
ed  to  go  back  to  Holland  again.  Thofe  who  did  not  know 
him  well,  and  who  imagined  that  a  Crown  had  charms  which 
human  nature  was  not  ftrong  enough  to  refill,  looked  on  all 
this  as  an  affcdation,  and  as  a  difguifed  threatning,  which  im- 
ported, that  he  would  leave  the  Nation  to  perifh,  unlefs  his 
method  of  fettling  it  was  followed.  After  a  refervcdnefs,  that 
had  continued  fo  clofe  for  feveral  weeks,  that  no  body  could 
certainly  tell  what  he  defired,  he  called  for  the  Marquis  oi  Hal- 
I'tfax,  and  the  Earls  of  Shrewsbury  and  Danbyj  and  fome  others, 
10  explain  himfelf  more  diftindly  to  them. 

He  told  them,  he  had  been  till  then  filent,  becaufe  he  would 
not  fay  or  do  any  thing  that  might  feem  in  any  fort  to  take 
from  any  perfon    the  full  freedom  of    deliberating  and  voting 
in  matters   of  fuch  importance:    He  was  refolved    neither   to 
court  nor  threaten  any  one:  And  therefore  he  had  declined  to  give 
out  his  own  thoughts:  Some  were  for  putting  the  government 
in  the  hands  of  a  Regent:    He  would  fay  nothing  againfl  it, 
if  it  was  thought  the  befl  mean  for  fettling  their  affairs :  Only 
he  thought  it  neceffary  to  tell  them,  that  he  would  not  be  the 
Regent:  So,  if  they  continued  in  that  defign,    they  muit  look 
out  for  fome  other  perfon  to  be  put  in  that  poft:    He  himfelf 
faw  what  the  confequences  of  it  were  like  to  prove:  So  he  would 
not   accept  of  it:  Others  were  for  putting  the  Princefs  fingly 
on  the  Throne,  and  that  he  fhould  reign  by  her  courtefy :  He 
faid,  no  man  could  efleem  a  woman  more  than  he  did  the  Prin- 
cefs: But  he  was  fo  made,  that  he  could  not  think  of  holding 
any  thing  by  apron-ftrings :  Nor  could  he  think    it  reafonable 
to  have  any  fhare  in  the  government,  unlefs  it  was  put  in  his 
perfon,    and  that  for  term  of  life:  If  they   did  think  it  fit  to 
fettle  it  otherwife ,    he  would  not  oppofe  them  in  it:    But  he 
would  go  back  to  Holland^  and  meddle  no  more  in  their  affairs : 
He  allured  them,  that  whatfoever  others  might  think  of  a  Crown, 
it  was  no  fuch  thing  in  his  eyes,  but  that  he  could  live  very 

4-  well 


of  Ki/ig  J  AMES  IL       i  -821 

well,  and  be  well  pleafed  without  it.     In  the  end  he  faid,  that    1*589 
he  could  not   refolve  to  accept  of  a  dignity,  fo   as  to  hold  it*^-^VV^ 
only  the    life  of  another:    Yet  he  thought,    that  the  iffue  of 
Princefs  y^^^e  fliould  be  preferred,  in  the  fucceflion,  to  any  ifTuc 
that  he  might  have  by  any  other   wife  than  the  Princefs.     All 
this  he  delivered  to  them  in  focold  and  unconcerned  a  manner, 
that  thofe,  who  judged  of  others  by  the  difpofitions  that  they 
felt  in  themfelves,  looked  on  it  all  as  artifice  and  contrivance. 

This  was  prefcntly  told  about,    as  it  was  not  intended  to  be  it  was  re- 
kept  fecret.    And  it  helped  not  a  little  to  bring  the   debates  atpu^^^jjj'' 
H'^ejlm'mfier  to  a  fpeedy  determination.     Some  were  ftill  in  doubt P"."ce  and 
with  relation  to  the  Princefs.     In  fome  it  was  confcience:  For  botriVthe 
they  thought  the  equitable  right  was  in  her.     Others  might  be^'"°"^' 
moved  by  intereft,  fince,  if  (he  fhould  think  herfelf  wronged, 
and  ill  ufed   in  this  matter,  fhe,    who  was  like  to  outlive  the 
Prince,    being  fo  much  younger   and  healthier   than  he  was, 
might  have  it  in  her  power  to  take   her  revenges  on  all   that 
fliould  concur  in  fuch  a  defign.     Upon  this,  I,  who  knew  her 
fenfe  of  the  matter  very  perfe<5tly  by  what  had   pafTed  in  Hoi- 
land,    as  was  formerly  told,     was  in  a  great  difficulty.     I  had 
promifed  her  never  to  fpeak  of  that  matter^  but  by  her  order. 
But  I  prefumed,    in  fuch  a  cafe  I  was  to  take  orders  from  the 
Prince.     So   I  afked  him,  what  he  would  order  me  to  do.     He 
faid,  he  would  give  me  no  orders  in  that  matter,    but   left  me 
to  do  as  I  pleafed.     I  looked  on  this,     as  the  allowing  me  to 
let  the  Princcfs's  rcfolution  in  that  be  known ;  by  which  many, 
who  flood  formerly  in  fufpence,  were  fully  fatisfied.     Thofe  to 
whom  I  gave  the  account  of  that  matter  were  indeed  amazed  at  it; 
and  concluded,  that  the  Princefs  was  cither  a  very  good,    or  a 
very  weak  woman.     An  indifferency  for  power  and  rule  feemed 
fb  extraordinary  a  thing,    that  it  was  thought  a  certain   cha- 
radler  of  an  excefs  of  goodnefs  or  fimplicity.     At  her  coming 
to  England,  fhe  not  only  juftified  me,  but  approved  of  my  pub- 
lifhing  that  matter;    and  fpbke  particularly  of  it  to   her  filler 
Prijicefs  Anne.     There  were   other   differences  in  the  form  of 
the  fettlement.     The  Republican  party  were  at  firfl  for  depof^ 
ing  King  James  by  a  formal  fentence,  and  for  giving  the  Crown 
to  the  Prince  and  Princefs  by  as  formal  an  election.     But  that 
was  over->ruled  in  the  beginning.      I  have  not  purfued  the  rela- 
tion of  the  debates  according  to  the  order  in  which  they  pafTed, 
which  will  be  found  in  the  journal  of  both  Houfes  during  the 
Convention.     But,  having  had  a  great  fhare  my  fclf  in  the  pri- 
vate managing  of  thofe  debates,  particularly  with  many  of  the 
Clergy ,    and  with  the  men  of  the  moil  fcrupulous  and  tender 

^  Z  confciences. 


822         TTb^r  H  I S  T  o  R  Y^/  the  Reign 

,689   confciences,  I  have"  given  a  very  full  account  of  all  the  reafon- 
v>o~ings  on  both  fides,  as  that  by  which  the  reader  may  form  and 
Buide  his  own  judgment  of  the  whole  affair.     Many  protefta- 
tions  pad  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords ,    in  the  progrefs  of  the  de- 
bate.    The   party    for   a  Regency  was    for    fome  time    moft 
prevailing :  And  then  the  proteftations  were  made  by  the  Lords 
that  were  for  the  new   fettlement.     The  Houfe   was  very  full : 
About   a  hundred  and  twenty  were  prefent.     And  things  were 
fo  near  an  equality,  that  it  was  at  laft  carried  by  a  very  fmall 
majority,  of  two  or  three,  to  agree  with  the  Commons  in  vot- 
ing the  Abdication,  and  the  Vacancy  of  the  Throne:  Againft 
which  a  great  proteftation  was  made,-   as  alfo  againft  the  final 
vote,  by  which  the  Prince  and  Princefs  of  Orange  were  defired 
to  accept  of  the  Crown,  and  declared  to  be  King  and  Queen; 
which  went  very  hardly.     The  poor  Bifliop  of  Durham^   who 
had  abfconded  for  fome  time,  and  was  waiting  for  a  fhip  to  get 
beyond  fea,  fearing   publick  affronts,  and  had  offered  to  com- 
pound by  refigning  his  Biflioprick,    was  now  prevailed  on  to 
come,  and  by  voting  the  new  fettlement  to  merit  at  leaft  a  par- 
don for  all  that  he  had  done:  Which,  all  things  confidered,  was 
thought  very  indecent  in  him,  yet  not  unbecoming  the  reft  of 
his  life  and  character. 
They  drew      But,  before  matters  were  brought  to  a  full  conclufion,  an  enu- 
ab"o"ut  meration  was  made  of  the  chief  heads  of  King  James's  ill  go- 
vernment.    And  in  oppofition  to  thefe,  the  rights  and  liberties 
of  the  people  of  En^and  were  ftated.     Some   officious  people 
ftudied  to  hinder  this  at  that  time.    They  thought  they  had  al- 
ready loft  three  weeks  in  their  debates:    And  the  doing  this, 
with  the  exadnefs  that  was  neceffary,  would  take  up  more  time : 
Or  it  would  be  done  too  much  in  a  hurry,  for  matters  of  fo 
nice  a  nature.   And  therefore  it  was  moved,  that  this  fhould  be 
done  more  at   leifure   after   the  fettlement.     But  that  was  not 
hearkned  to.     It  was  therefore  thought  necelTary  to  frame  this 
Inftrument  fo,  that  it  Ihould  be  like  a  new  Magna  Charta,     In 
the  ftating  thefe  grievances  and  rights,    the  Difpenfing  Power 
came  to  be  difculTed.     And  then  the  power  of  the  Crown  to 
grant    a  Non-objiante  to    fome  ftatutes   was    objed:ed.      Upon 
opening  this,  the  debate  was  found  to  be  fo  intricate,  that  it 
was  let  fall  at  that  time  only  for  difpatch.     But  afterwards  an  a6t 
paft  condemning  it  fingly.     And  the  power  of  granting  a  Non~ 
ohjlante  was  for  the  future  taken  away.     Yet  King  James's  party 
took  great  advantage  from  this^  and  faid,  that,  tho*  the  main 
clamour  of  the  Nation  was  againft  the  Difpenfing  Power,    yen 
when  the  Convention  brought  things  to  a  fettlement,  that  did 


an  liiftru 

meat 

it. 


not 


of  King  J  A  M  E  S  II.  B25 

not  appear  to  be  fo  clear  a  point  as  had  been  pretended:  And  it  1(^89 
was  not  fomuch  as  mentioned  in  this  Inftrument  of  government:  ^-^OTV^ 
So  that,  by  the  confeflion  of  his  enemies,  it  appeared  to  be  no  un- 
lawful power:  Nor  was  it  declared  contrary  to  the  liberties  of  the 
people  oi  England.  Whereas,  its  not  being  mentioned  then  was 
only  upon  the  oppofition  that  was  made,  that  fo  more  time  might 
not  be  loft,  nor  thislnftrument  be  clogged  with  difputable points. 

The  laft  debate  was,  concerning  the  oaths  that  fhould  beTheOaths 
taken  to  the  King  and  Qtaeen.  Many  arguments  were  t-aken^^^^''"* 
during  the  debate  from  the  oaths  in  the  form  in  which  the  al- 
legiance was  fworn  to  the  Crown,  to  fhew  that  in  a  new  fet- 
tlement  thefe  could  not  be  taken .  And  to  this  it  was  always 
anfwered,  that  care  (hould  be  taken,  when  other  things  were 
fettled,  to  adjuft  thefe  oaths,  fo  that  they  fliould  agree  to  the 
new  fettlement.  In  the  oaths,  as  they  were  formerly  conceiv- 
ed, a  previous  title  feemed  to  be  afferted,  when  the  King  was 
fworn  to,  as  rightful  and  lawful  King,  It  was  therefore  faid, 
that  thefe  words  could  not  be  faid  of  a  King  who  had  not  a 
precedent  right,  but  was  fet  up  by  the  Nation.  So  it  was  mov- 
ed, that  the  oaths  (hould  be  reduced  to  the  ancient  fimplicity, 
of  fwearing  to  bear  faith  and  true  allegiance  to  the  King  and 
Queen.  This  was  agreed  to.  And  upon  this  began  the  noti- 
on of  a  King  de  faBo  ^  but  viot  de  jure.  It  was  faid,  that  ac- 
cording to  the  common  law,  as  well  as  the  ftatute  in  King 
Henry  the  feventh's  reign,  the  fubje<5ts  might  fccurely  obey  any 
King  that  was  in  polTcflion,  whether  his  title  was  good,  or  not. 
This  feemed  to  be  a  dodtrinc  neceffary  for  the  peace  and  quiet 
of  mankind ,  that  fo  the  fubje<5ts  may  be  lafe  in  every  Govern- 
ment, that  bringeth  them  under  a  fuperior  force,  and  that  will 
crufti  them ,  if  they  do  not  give  a  fecurity  for  theprotedion  that 
they  enjoy  under  it.  The  Lawyers  had  been  always  of  that 
opinion,  that  the  people  were  not  bound  to  examine  the  titles  of 
their  Princes,  but  were  to  fubmit  to  him  that  was  in  poffeflion. 
It  was  therefore  judged  juft  and  reafonable,  in  the  beginning 
of  a  new  government,  to  make  the  oaths  as  general  and  com- 
prehenfive  as  might  be :  For  it  was  thought ,  that  thofe  who 
once  took  the  oaths  to  the  government,  would  be  after  that 
faithful  and  true  to  it.  This  tendernefs,  which  was  fhewed  at 
this  time  to  a  fort  of  people  that  had  fhewed  very  little  ten- 
dernefs to  men  of  weak  or  ill  informed  confciences,  was  after- 
wards much  abufed  by  a  new  explanation,  or  rather  a  grofs  equi- 
vocation, as  to  the  fignification  of  the  words  in  which  the  oath  was 
conceived.  The  true  meaning  of  the  words,  and  the  exprefs 
fenfe  of  the  impofers  was,  thar,  whether  men  were  fatisfied  or 
i  not 


824         B^  H  I S  T  O  R  Y  of  the  Reign 

1689  not  with  the  putting  the  King  and  Queen  on  the  Throne, 
v/^^N^yct  now  they  were  on  it,  they  would  be  true  to  them,  and 
Sw«putdefcnd  them.  But  the  fenfe  that  many  put  on  tkeni  was,  that 
on  the  ncwjjjgy  vfcxt  Only  to  obcy  them  as  uiurpers,  during  their  ufurpati- 
on,  and  that  therefore,  as  long  as  they  continued  in  quiet  pof- 
fcflion,  they  were  bound  to  bear  them,  and  to  fubmit  to  them: 
But  that  it  was  ftill  lawful  for  them  to  afTift  King  JameSy  if  he 
{hould  come  to  recover  his  Crown  ,  and  that  they  might  aft 
and  talk  all  they  could,  or  durft,  in  his  favour,  as  being  ftill 
their  King  de  jure.  This  was  contrary  to  the  plain  meaning  of 
the  words  j  faith,  and  true  allegiance-,  and  was  contrary  to  the  ex- 
prefs  declaration  in  the  ad  that  enjoined  them.  Yet  it  became 
too  vifible,  that  many  in  the  Nation,  and  particularly  among 
the  Clergy,  took  the  oath  in  this  fenfe,  to  the  great  reproach 
of  their  profeflion.  The  prevarication  of  too  many  in  fo  fa- 
cred  a  matter  contributed  not  a  little  to  fortify  the  growing 
Atheifm  of  the  prefent  age.  The  truth  was,  the  greateft  part 
of  the  Clergy  had  entangled  themfelves  fo  far  with  thofe  ftrange 
conceits  of  the  divine  right  of  Monarchy,  and  the  unlawfulnefs  of 
refiftancein  anycafe:  And  they  had  fo  engaged  themfelves,  byaf- 
ferting  thcfe  things  fo  often  and  fo  publickly,  that  they  did  not 
know  how  to  difengage  theinfelves  in  honour  or  confcience. 

A  notion  was  ftarted,  which  by  its  agreement  with  their  ether 
principles  had  a  great  efFc<5t  among  them,  and  brought  off  the 
greateft  number  of  th©fe  who  came  in  honeftly  to  the  new  go- 
vernment. This  was  chiefly  managed  by  Dr.  Llo'yd,  Bifliop  of 
St.  Afaph,  now  tranflated  to  fVorcefter.  It  was  laid  thus :  The 
Prince  had  a  juft  caufe  of  making  war  on  the  King.  In  that 
moft  of  them  agreed.  In  a  juft  war,  in  which  an  appeal  is  made 
to  God,  fuccefs  is  confidered  as  the  decifion  of  heaven.  So  the 
Prince's  fuccefs  againft  King  James  gave  him  the  right  of  con- 
queft  over  him.  And  by  it  all  his  rights  were  transferred  to  the 
Prince.  His  fuccefs  was  indeed  no  conqueft  of  the  Nation; 
which  had  neither  wronged  him,  nor  relifted  him.  So  that, 
with  relation  to  the  people  of  England,  the  Prince  was  no  con- 
queror, but  a  preferver,  and  a  deliverer,  well  received,  and 
gratefully  acknowledged.  Yet  with  relation  to  King  James , 
and  all  the  right  that  was  before  vefted  in  him,  he  was,  as  they 
thought,  a  conqueror.  By  this  notion  they  explained  thofe 
palTages  of  Scripture  that  fpeak  of  God's  difpofing  of  Kingdoms, 
and  of  pulling  down  one  and  fetting  up  another  j  and  alfo  our 
Saviour's  arguing  from  the  infcription  on  the  coin ,  that  they 
ought  to  render  to  Cafar  the  things  that  were  Cafar^S;  and  St. 
Pauls  charging  the  Romans  to  obey  the  powers  that  then  were, 

I  who 


of  King  James  II.  825 

who  were  the  Emperors  that  were  originally  the  invaders  of  pab-  i<5go 
lick  liberty  which  theyhadfubdued,  and  had  forced  the  people  and  ^-^''VNj, 
Senate  of /^owe  byfubfequent  acSts  to  confirm  an  authority  that  was 
fo  ill  begun.  This  might  have  been  made  ufe  of  morejuftly,  if  the 
Prince  had  alTumed  the  Kingfhip  to  himfelf,  upon  King  James's 
withdrawing  j  but  did  not  feem  to  belong  to  the  prefcnt  cafe. 
Yet  this  had  the  moft  univerfal  effect  on  the  far  greater  part  of 
the  Clergy. 

And  now  I  have  dated  all  the  moft  material  parts  of  thefe  debates, 
with  thefulnefs  that  I  thought  became  one  of  the  moft  important 
tranfadions  that  is  in  our  whole  Hiftory,  and  by  much  the  moft 
important  of  our  time. 

All  things  were  now  made  ready  for  filling  the  Throne.  AndThePrin- 
the  very  night  before  it  was  to  be  done  the  Princefs  arriv'd  fafely.^E^Jw. 
It  had  been  given  out,  that  fhe  was  not  well  pleafed  with  the  late 
tranfadion,  both  with  relation  to  her  father  and  to  the  prefent  let- 
tlement.  Upon  which  the  Prince  wrote  to  her,  that  it  was  ne- 
ceiTary  {he  ftiould  appear  at  firft  fo  chearful,  that  no  body  might 
be  difcouraged  by  her  looks,  or  be  led  to  apprehend  that  (he  was 
uneafy  by  reafon  of  what  had  been  done.  This  made  her  put 
on  a  great  air  of  gaiety  when  fhe  came  to  Whitehall^  and,  as  may 
be  imagined,  had  great  crouds  of  all  forts  coming  to  wait  on  her. 
I  confefs,  I  was  one  of  thofe  that  cenfured  this  in  my  thoughts. 
I  thought  a  little  more  ferioufnefs  had  done  as  well,  when  ihe 
came  into  her  father's  Palace,  and  was  to  be  fet  on  his  Throne 
next  day.  I  had  never  feen  the  leaft  indecency  in  any  part  of  her 
deportment  before :  Which  made  this  appear  to  me  fo  extraordi- 
nary, that  fome  days  after  I  took  the  liberty  to  afk  her,  how  it 
came  that  what  ftic  faw  in  fo  fad  a  revolution,  as  to  her  father's 
perfon,  made  not  a  greater  impreflion  on  her.  She  took  this 
freedom  with  her  ufual  goodnefs.  And  ftie  aftured  me,  {he  felt 
the  fenfe  of  it  very  lively  upon  her  thoughts.  But  {he  told  me, 
that  the  letters  which  had  been  writ  to  her  had  obliged  her  to  put 
on  a  chearfulnefs,  in  which  {he  might  perhaps  go  too  far,  be- 
caufe  {he  was  obeying  dire(5tions,  and  ad:ing  a  part  which  was 
not  very  natural  to  her.  This  was  on  the  ii'^^oi February,  being 
Shrove  -Tuefday.  The  thirteenth  was  the  day  fet  for  the  two 
Houfes  to  come  with  the  offer  of  the  Crown.  So  here  ends  the 
Interregnum. 

And  thus  I  have  given  the  fuUeft  and  moft  particular  account 
that  I  could  gather  of  all  that  pafs'd  during  this  weak,  unaftive, 
violent,  and  fuperftitious  reign  j  in  which  all  regard  to  the  aflfairs 
of  Europe  [iecm'd  to  be  laid  aiide,  and  nothing  was  thought  on  but 
thefpitefull  humours  of  a  revengeful //«//««  Lady,  and  the  ill  laid, 

10  A  and 


82(5  7:^^  H  I  S  T  O  R  Y,     &C. 

j6ip  and  worfe  managed,  projedsof  fome  hot  meddling Priefts,  whofe 
^>nrv/ learning  and  politicks  were  of  a  piece,  the  one  cxpofing  them 
to  contempt,  and  the  other  to  ruin  ,•  involving  in  it  a  Prince,  who, 
if  it  had  not  been  for  his  being  delivered  up  to  fuch  counrds, 
might  have  made  a  better  figure  in  hiftory.  But  they  managed 
both  themfelves  and  himfo  ill,  that  a  reign,  whofe  rife  was  bright 
and  profperous,  was  foon  fet  in  darknefs  and  difgrace.  But  I 
break  off  here,  left  I  fhould  feem  to  aggravate  misfortunes,  and 
load  the  unfortunate  too  much. 


FINIS. 


r 
L 


8'27] 


TABLE   of  the  CONTENTS 


Of  the  foregoing 


H  I  S  T  O  R  Y 


'^i^^i^i^ 


BOOK    I. 


A  fummary  Recapitulation  of  the  ftate  of  affairs  in  Scotland, 
both  in  Church  and  State,  from  the  beginning  of  the  Troubles 
to  the  Reftoration  of  King  Charles  II.  1660. 


HE  diftraBions  during  King 
JamesV  minority      PJge  <S 
'The  praSices  of  tie  Houfe  of 
Guife  ibid. 

King  James  in  the  intereft  of 
England  7 

jj  cenfure  of  SpotfwoodV  hijlory  8 

King  Jmrncsjludies  to  gain  tbePapifls       ibid. 
uind  to  fecure  the  fuccejfion  to  the  Crown  of 

England 
That  King's  errors  in  Government 
He  fet  up  Epifcopacy  in  Scotland 
JVith  a  defign  to  carry  matters  further 
Errors  of  the  Bifiops 


ibid. 

9 

ibid. 

10 

ibid. 


Prince  Henry  was  believed  to  be  poyfoned 

Page  lo 
The  Gunpowder  plot  1 1 

King  James  was  afraid  of  the  Jefuites    ibid. 
The  EleElor  PalatineV  marriage  i  z. 

The  affairs  of  Bohemia  i  J 

The  diforders  in  Holland  ibid. 

Some  pajj'ages  of  the  religion  of  fome  Princes 

King  James  parted  with  the  cautionary  towns 

If 

King  James  broke  the  greatnefs  of  the  Crown 

ibid. 
Other  errors  in  his  Reign  i5 

His 


828 


A   TABLE    of  the   Contents 


m  death  '  Page  17 

ne  Puritans  gaitCd  ground  ibid. 

Govfry' s  con/piracy  ,    „     . 

Km  Charles  atjirjl  a  friend  to  the  Puritans 

19 
He  defigned  to  recover  the  Tythes  and  Church 

lands  in  Scot\And  to  the  Crowa  20 

He  was  crowned  in  Scotland  2.1 

Balmcrinoch'j  trial  i^ 

He  -was  condemned  }f 

But  pardoned  >Did. 

J  Liturgy  prepared  fo 

The  feeblenefs  of  the  Government  ibid. 

SavilleV/orgfry  prevailed  en  the  Scots       27 
The  charaSiers  of  the  chief  of  the  Covenanters 

28 
The  Scots  came  into  England  ibid. 

Great  difcontents  in  England  29 

The  ill  jiate  of  the  King's  affairs  }o 

jftt  account  of  the  Earl  of  Strafford  s  being 

given  up  by  the  King  3  ^ 

The  new  model  of  the  Prefbytery  in  Scotland  3  } 
The  chief  Minifters  of  the  Party  34 

Their  ftudies  and  other  methods  ibid. 

TTjeir  great  feverity  3  f 

Conditions  offered  to  the  Scots  _  3<^ 

Montrofe's  undertakings  ibid. 

Good  advices  given  to  the  King  3° 

But  not  followed  ^        3^ 

Antrim'^  correfpondence  with  the  King  and 

^een  4° 

The  original  of  the  Irifh  maffacre  41 

Cromwell  argues  with  the  Scots  concerning 

the  King's  death  42 

TTie  oppofition  of  the  general  Ajjembly  to  the 

Parliament  ibid. 

T!he  Miniflers  made  an  infurre^ion  43 

The  treaty  in  the  ^Jle  of  Wight  44 

CromwellV  diffimulation  4f 

T'he  men  chiefly  engaged  in  the  takingthe  King's 

life  4<5 

The  King's  behaviour  47 

Tie  affair  of  Rochelle  48 

yi  defign  of  making  the  Spanifh  Netherlands 

a  Commonwealth  ibid. 

T'he  ill  effeSls  of  violent  Counfels  49 

T'he  account  of  Ehttiv  Eao-jXixn'  fo 

T'he  Scots  treat  with  King  Charles  II.      fi 
MontrofcV  offers  fz 

jind  death  ibid. 

T'he  defeat  at  Dunbar  f  4 

Difputes  about  the  admitting  all  perfons  to 

ferve  their  country  ff 

Great  hardflnps  put  on  the  King  f5 

Scotland  was  fubdued  by  Monk  f  8 

A  body  flood, out  in  the  Highlands  ibid. 

Sir  Robert  Murray  V  character  fp 

Afcfl'agcsfcnt  to  the  King  60 

Theflate  of  Scotland  during  the  Ufarpation 

6\ 
Difputes  among  the  Covenanters  ibid 

Methods  taken  on  both  fides  62. 

Some  of  CromwellV  maxims  6f 

His  dcflgn  for  the  Kingfhip  6j 

CromwcUV  enmzement  w'  '  ~ 


amwcUV  engagement  with  France 
I 


71 


The  King  turn'd  Papifl  75 
CromwellV  defign  on  the  Weft  Indies  74 
///;  2.eal  for  the  Proteflant  religion  76 
jl  great  defign  for  the  interefl  of  the  Prote- 
flant religion  yy 
Some  pajjages  in  CromwellV  life  ibid. 
His  moderation  in  Government  79 
His  publick  fpirit  80 
ylll  the  world  was  afraid  of  him  8 1 
T'he  ruin  of  his  family  8i 
Great  diforders  followed  8  } 
j^ll  turn  to  the  Kin^s  fide  8  f 
Care  taken  to  manage  the  army  85 
A  new  Parliament  88 
T'hey  call  home  the  King  without  a  treaty   89 


^^'^%%%^'m^'^'^>^'^%^^'^%^' 


BOOK    11. 

of  the  firft  twelve  years  of  the 
Reign  of  King  Charles  II. 
from  the  year  \66o»  to  the 
year  1(^73.  91 


1660. 

MA  NT  went  over  to  the  Hague  p2 
T'he  Nation  was  overrun  with  vice 

and  drunkennefs  ibid. 

The  King's  charaSler  95 

Clarendon'^  character  94 

Ormond'j  charaSler  pf 

SouthamptonV  chara&er  ibid. 

Shaftfbury'.f  charatler  ^6 

AnglefeyV  charaSler  97 

HoUis'i  chara£ler  ibid. 

ManchefterV  charadler  98 

Roberts'5  character  ibid. 

Clarges'i  charaBer  ibid- 

MorriceV  character  ^9 

NicolasV  charailer  ibid. 

Arlington';  charafler  ibidl 

Buckingham^  character  100 

BriftolV  character  ibid. 

LauderdaleV  charaHer  loi 

Crawford';  charailer  lor 

Rothes';  charaSler  ibid. 

Tweedale';  chara^er  ibid. 

Duke  Hamilton';  charaSler  105 

Kincairdin';  charaSler  ibid. 
The  general  charailer  of  the  old  cavaliers  104 

Primerofe';  character  ibid. 

Fletcher';  charaSler  ibid. 

Advices  offer' d  in  Scottifh  affairs  loj- 

For  a  general  indemnity  ibid. 

Argileye»/  to  the  Tower  lo6 

The  Citadels  of  Scotland  demoliflied  107 

Difputes  concerning  Epifcopacy  ibid. 

A  Mintflry  fettled  in  Scotland  1 1  o 

A  Council  propofed  to  fit  at  Court  for  Scot- 

trfh  affairs.  ibid. 

The 


A   TABLE    of  the   Contents 


yje  Committee  of  Eftates  meet  in  Scotland 

Page  1 1  z 
A  Parliament  in  Scotland  1 1  j 

1661 
72>e  Lords  of  the  Jr tides  1 14 

^he  J£ls  paft  in  this  Sejfion  1 16 

jln  Ail  refcincling  all  Parliaments  held  fince 
the  year  1633  117 

//  luas  not  liked  by  the  King  i  ip 

The  Prefhyterians  in  great  diforder  ibid. 

Argile" s  attainder  lit 

And  execution  i  zf 

The  execution  of  Guthry  a  Minifter         1 16 
Some  others  were  proceeded  againft  1 27 

Middleton  gave  an  account  of  all  that  had 
pafs^d  in  Parliament  to  the  King  i  z8 

//  was  refolv'd  to  fet  up  Epifcopacy  in  Scot- 
land 1 30 
Men  fought  to  be  Bifhops  1 3Z 
Bifhop  LeightounV  charaBer  1 34 
The  Scotifh  Bifhops  confecvated                139 

i66z. 
Itbe  meetings  of  the  Presbyteries  forbidden  141 
The  new  Bifhops  came  down  to  Scotland  14Z 
They  were  brought  into  Parliament  143 

Scruples  about  the  Oath  of  Supremacy       144 
Debates  about  an  a£i  of  indemnity  146 

Jt  was  defired  that  fome  might  be  incapacitated 

147 

Lorn  condemned  14P 

Some  incapacitated  by  ballot  i  f  o 

The  King  was  difpleafed  with  this  if  r 
Great  Pains  taken  to  excufe  Middleton    if  z 

The  Prefbyterian  Minijlers  ftknced  ibid. 

A  general  character  of  them  i  f6 

Prejudices  infused  againft  Epifcopacy  i  f  8 

1660. 

The  affairs  of  England  i  ^9 

ClarendonV  juft  and  moderate  notions  ibid. 

Venner'5/«ry  i<Jo 

The  trial  and  execution  of  the  Regicides  162. 

1661. 

Vine's  charailer  163 

And  execution  1 64 
The  King  gave  himfelf  up  to  his  pleafures  ibid. 

The  atl  of  indemnity  maintained  16 f 

i66z. 

The  Kin£s  marriage  166 

An  alliance  propofed  from  France  167 

the  Duke  of  YorkV  marriage  i<S8 

The  Duke's  charaSler  ibid. 

Tloe  Ducbefs's  character  170 

The  Duke  of  Glocefter'x  character  ibid. 
TlieprofpeB  of  the  Royal  Family  much  changed 

Schomberg  went  thro'  England  to  Portugal 

171 
Dunkirk yo/<^  to  the  French  ibid. 

Tangier  a  part  of  the  ^een's  portion        175 
The  manner  of  the  King' s  marriage  174 

The  King  lived  in  an  avow'd  courfe  of  leud- 
tiefs  ibid. 

1660. 
The  Settlement  of  Ireland  I7f 


The  Bifhops  who  had  then  the  greatefl  credi^ 

176 
Debates  concerning  the  uniting  with  the  Pref- 
hyterians 178 
A  treaty  in  the  Savoy                             179 

1661. 
The  terms  of  conformity  made  harder        i8z 
the  A£i  of  Uniformity  185 

The  great  fines  then  raifed  on  the  Church 
eftates  ill  applied  1 86 

Divines  caWd  Latitudinarians  ibid 

Hobbs'j  Leviathan  "      187 

A  character  of  fome  Divines  1 8p 

The  way  of  preaching  which  then  prevailed 

191 

i66z. 

The  A£l  of  Uniformity  executed  with  rigor  iWd. 
The  Royal  Society  192, 

Confultations  among  the  Papifts  195 

A  Declaration  for  toleration  194 

Deftgnedfor  the  Papifts  ibid. 

1663. 
Briftol'j  defigns  196 

He  accufed  Clarendon  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords 

ibid. 
A  plot  difcovered  ip8 

The  defign  of  a  war  with  the  States         ibid. 
The  affairs  of  Scotland  zoo 

Middleton  was  accufed  by  Lauderdale     ibid. 
And  turned  out  of  all  20  z 

Warrifton'j-  execution  205 

An  a£l  againft  Conventicles  Z04 

The  conftitution  of  a  national  Synod         ibid. 
An  a£l  offering  an  army  to  the  King         zof 

1664. 
Sharp  drove  very  violently  jo6 

Lauderdale  gave  way  to  it  ibid. 

^nrnct  Arch b if} op  of  Gh^coyfr  ibid. 

A  view  of  the  ft  ate  of  affairs  in  Holland  and 
France  207 

Sharp  afpired  to  be  Chancellor  of  Scotland 

208 

Rothes  had  the  whole  power  of  Scotland  put 

in  his  hands  zap 

i65f. 

Illegal  and  fevere  proceedings  in  Scotland  zio 

Turner  executed  the  Laws  in  a  military  way 

211 

Sh&rp  ftudies  to  bring  Middleton  into  bufimfs 

again  2 1 3 

More  forces  raifed  in  Scotland  2 1 4 

\666. 
Some  eminent  Clergymen    offended   at  thefe 
proceedings  2  if 

Some  of  the  grievances  of  the  Clergy  laid  be- 
fore the  Bifhops  Z17 
i<J(J4. 
Affairs  in  England                                 2 1  8 
The  Dutch  war                                     ibij. 

i5<Jf. 
The  Plague  broke  out  at  the  fame  time     ibid. 
The  victory  at  fea  not  followed  ibid. 

An  account  of  the  affairs  in  Holland         zzo 
tht  Parliament  at  Oxford  224 

10  B  tbt 


829 


830 


A    TABLE  of  the  Content 


9. 


The  deftgns  of  the  Commonwealth  party  zi6 
The  Duke  of  York's  jeaioufy  2,27 

nts  amours  »D»d. 

1 665. 
y2»<r  Fleet  almoji  quite  lojl^  and  happily  faved 
by  Prince  Rupert  ifP 

n}efire  of  London  ibid. 

It  was  charged  on  the  Papifls  x\o 

Aftrong  prcfumption  of  it  131 

Diforders  in  Scotland  2}  J 

J  rebellion  in  the  Weft  z?4 

the  defeat  given  the  rebels  at  Pentland-^/V/ 

Severe  proceedings  againfi  the  prifoners     z  j5 

1667. 
7lje  King  is  more  gentle  than  the  Bifhops   f^j 
A  change  of  counfel^  and  more  moderation  in 
the  Government  2}p 

7he  Dutch  fleet  came  into  the  Frith  241 
And  -went  to  Chatham,  and  burnt  our  fleet 

242 
A  great  change  in  LauderdaleV  temper  244 
Scotland  was  very  well  governed  246 

Great  complaints  made  of  the  Clergy  247 
Affairs  in  England  248 

Clarendon'^  difgrace  ibid. 

Southampton'5  death  14.9 

the  hi{h  fought  the  proteSiion  of  France  2fo 
The  Duke  of  Richmond^  marriage  2f  i 
Bridgman  made  Lord  Keeper  2f  3 

the  French  Kin^s  pretenfions   to  Flanders 

ibid. 
Clarendon';  integrity  2f4 

He  was  impeached  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons 

ibid. 
the  King  de fired  he  would  go  beyond  fea  2f  6 
He  was  banifhed  by  a£i  of  Parliament  ibid. 
the  char  alter  of  his  two  fons  Zfj 

the  King  was  much  offended  with  the  Bifhops 

2f8 

1 668. 
A  treaty  for  a  comprehenfion  of  the  Prefby- 

terians  2fp 

the  City  of  London  rebuilt  260 

Deftgns  for  putting  away  the  ^een  ibid. 
A  divorce  enaStedfor  adultery  262 

A  great  dijfolution  of  morals  in  Court  ibid. 
Many  libels  writ  by  the  befts  wits  of  that  time 

264 
Sir  William  Coventry';  character  i6f 

the  Government  of  Ireland  changed  166 
the  Committee  of  Brook-houfe  267 

Halifax';  character  ibid. 

i66p. 
Many  Parliament  men  gained  by  the  Court  268 
Coventry';  nofe  was  cut  270 

A  new  pro  fie  ut  ion  of  Conventicles  ibid. 

the  King  went  commonly  to  the  Houfe  of 

Lords  271 

the  Prince  of  Orange  came  to  the  King  273 
the  affairs  of  Scotland  ibid. 

A  treaty  for  an  accommodation  with  the  Pref- 

byterians  in  Scotland  ibid. 

An  indulgence  propofed  zj6 

.An  attempt  to  murder  Sharp  277 


Sharp  propofed  the  indulging  fame  minifiers  that 
did  not  conform  2,-78 

Propofitions  for  the  Union  of  the  two  King- 
doms zyg 
the  King  gave  orders  for  the  indulgence  281 
this  complained  of  as  againfi  law  285 
A  Parliament  in  Scotland  284 
the  Supremacy  carried  very  high  ibid. 
An  atlfor  the  County-militia  zgy 
Burnet  turned  outy  aWLcightoun  made  Arch- 
bifhop  of  Glafcow  2.86 
the  State  I  found  things  in  at  Glafcow  287 
A  Committee  of  Council  fent  round  the  Wcfi 

288 

1670. 

InfiruBions  for  an  accommodation  289 

Leighton';  advice  to  his  Clergy  ibid. 

A  conference  between  Leightoun    and  fame 

Prejbyterians  2po 

New  fever  it  ies  againfi  Conventicles  292 

Ihe  Prefbyterians  refolved  to  rejedl  the  offers 

made  them  2.0? 

Some  conferences  upon  that  SubjeEl  z^f 

At  lafi  they  refufed  to  accept  of  the  conceffions 

2J)6 

Cenfures  pafi  upon  this  whole  matter        297 

1 671. 
the  memoirs  of  the  Dukes  of  Hamilton  was 
writ  by  me  at  that  time  298 

A  further  indulgence  propofed  299 

Foreign  affairs  300 

An  alliance  with  France  fet  on  foot  ibid. 
^e  Duchefs  of  Orleans  came  to  Dover  301 
Soon  after  was  poyfoned  ibid. 

Some  of  her  intrigues  ibid. 

the  treaty  with  France  negotiated  305 

Lockharty^w/  to  France  304 

Pretended  reafons  for  the  Dutch  war       305* 

1672. 
the  fijutting  up  of  the  Exchequer  306 

the  attempt  on  the  Dutch  Smyrna  fleet  307 
A  Declaration  for  toleration  ibid. 

the  Prefbyterians  gave  the  King  thanks  for 
the  toleration  jo8 

'the  Duchefs  of  York  died  309 

the  fir fi  Crifts  of  the  Protefiant  Religion  310 
the  fecond  Crifis  in 

the  third  Crifis  ibid. 

the  Spanifh  fleet  came  not,  as  at  firfi  in- 
tended 2 1  2 
the  fourth  Crifis  314 
Differences  between  Maurice,  Prince  of 
Orange,  and  Barneveld  3 1  j- 
Prince  Henry  Frederick';  wife  government 

317 
Hisfon's  heat  ibid. 

the  errors  of  De  Wit';  government  319 
the  Prince  of  Orange  made  General  320 
the  fifth  Crifis  321 

the  French  fuccefs  ibid. 

But  followed  by  an  ill  management  322 

the  Dutch  in  great  extremities  323 

Embafiadors  fent  to  England  3  24 

the  tragical  end  of  De  Wit  32f 

the  Prtnce  0/ Orange  made  Stadtholdcr  326 

tte 


A    T  A  B  L  E    of  the  Contents 


83t 


The  Englifli  Embajffadors  "were  wholly  in  the 
inter ejl  o/" France  Xtj 

Tlje  charaiier  of  Fagel  ibid. 

Prir.ce  Waldeck  ?i8 

Dyckvelc  ibid. 

jind  Halevvyn  ibid. 

The  Prince  Jludied  to  correal  the  errors  he  fell 
into  at  firfi  Page  Jip 

Van  Bcuning'i  f^^raff^r  330 

Errors  committed  by  the  town  of  Amfterdam 

ibid. 
The  Prince  animates  the  States  to  continue  the 
war  }  5 1 

The  French  King  goes  back  to  Paris  332 

The  T>ntch  faved  by  fome  extraordinary  pro- 
vidence 335 
OfTory  intended  to  furprife  Helvoetfluys  334 
yin  army  from  Utrecht  came  on  the  ice  to 
Holland                                              ?jf 
Dr-vetn  back  by  a  fudden  thaw                ibid. 
Painevine'j  fentence                                  3  ^6 
A  French  miflrefs  made  Duchefs  of  Portf^ 
mouth                                                 337 
The  affairs  of  Scotland                           738 
LauderdaleV  great  infolence                     ibid. 
He  expeSled  addrejfes  for  a  Toleration      339 
Dejigns  from  Holland  to  raife  a  rebellion  in 
Scotland                                              340 
A  further  indulgence                                 341 
Leigh  toun  refolved  to  retire,  and  to  leave  his 
See                                                  ibid. 


BOOK    III. 

Of  the  reft  of  King  Charles 
II.'s  Reign,  from  the  year 
1(^73  to  the  year  i68j,  in 
which  he  died. 


1 573. 

GReat  jealouftes  of  the  King  344 

Schomberg  brought  to  command  the 
army  345* 

The  Court  was  much  divided  346 

Afeffion  of  Parliament  ibid. 

The  Declaration  was  voted  illegal  ibid. 

A  bill  for  a  new  tefl  347 

The  prudence  of  the  Dijfenters  ibid. 

Debates  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords  348 

The  variety  of  opinions  in  the  Kin£s  Council 

34P 
The  French  advife  the  King  to  yield  to  the 

Parliament  ibid. 

The  King  went  into  that  fuddenly  ibid. 

CiifFord  difgraced  3^0 

Ofborn  made  Lord  Treafurer  ibid. 

A  great  fupply  was  given  3  f  i 

The  Duke  laid  down  all  bis  commijjtons  3  f  z 


5 


The  Duke  treats  for  afecond  marriage      ibid. 
A  treaty  opened  at  Cologn  35*3 

Lord  Sunderland'j  character  3^4 

The  treaty  broke  off  ibid. 

The  affairs  of  Scotland  ibid. 

Lauderdalc'j  dejign  ^ff 

The  King  liked  my  memoirs  i  f  <S 

And  fhewed  me  great  favour  ibid. 

My  converfation  with  the  Duke  3  f  7 

I  carried  Dr.  Stillingflcct  to  him  3f8 

The  Duke's  marriage  oppofed  by  the  Cotnmons 

3<So 
A  Parliament  in  Scotland  "      361 

A  party  formed  againfl  Lauderdale  365 

He  offers  to  redrefs  grievances  in  Council   164. 
1674.  , 

A  difpute  raifed  about  the  Lords  of  the  Ar» 
ticks  ibid. 

The  proceedings  in  the  Parliament  of  England 

ibid. 
FinchV  charaSer  36^ 

A  peace  concluded  with  the  States  ^66 

The  King  became  the  mediator  of  the  peace 

The  Duchefs' s  charaSler  368 

Coleman'j  charaSler  ibid. 

The  affairs  of  Scotland  2<Jp 

The  Parliament  was  prorogued  ibid. 

DalrimpleV  charaHer  ibid. 

The  Clergy  was  much  provoked  ibid. 

A  great  diflra6iion  in  Scotland  3^6 

Lauderdale's  proceedings  there  zji 

I  was  difgraced  ioid. 

The  Miniflers  turn  to  the  Church  party  37^ 

Correfpondence  with  Holland  difcovered  374 

Jealouftes  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  37^' 


37<5 

V77 
ibid. 


brummond  was  ordered  to  prifon 
The  battel  of  SenefF 
Arlington  went  to  Holland 
Temple  y^»?  Embaffador  to  Holland 

i67f. 
Affairs  in  England  378 

/  was  examined  by  the  Houfe  of  Commons  379 
Sir  Harbottle  Grimftone'j  charaSler  380 
Danby  attacked,  but  in  vain  382 

Seimour'i  charaSler  ibid. 

Debates  concerning  a  tefi  385 

A  difpute  about  appeals  and  privileges  jSf 
The  Seffion  broke  upon  it  ibid. 

A  Seffion  of  Parliament  38(5 

The  cbaraSlers  of  fome  Parliament  men     387 

\6j6. 
A  long  interval  between  the  SeJJionsof  Parlia- 
ment 389 
An  account  of  fome  paffages  of  LockhartV 
courage  in  France  390 
Management  in  France                             391 
The  charaSler  of  fome  Bijhops                  392 
The  projeSls  of  the  Papifis                        35*3 
ColemanV  intrigues                                  3P4 
A  conference  between  Coleman  and  fome  Di- 
vines 19  f 
I  undertook  to  write  the  hijlory  of  our  Refor- 
mation ^96 
The  Earl  of  EflexV  charaSler                ibid. 

m 


832 


A   TABLE    of  the  Content 


s. 


?97 
ibid. 

3Pi> 


His  employment  in  Denmark 
jlnd  bis  government  of  Ireland 
^e  affairs  of  Scotland. 

itf77.- 
J  queftion  raifed  in  England  about  the  lega- 
lity of  a  Prorogation  401 
7be  Lords  that  moz'ed  it  fent  to  the  Tower 

40  £ 
Proceedings  in  Parliament  40? 

jfffairs  in  Flanders  ibid- 

The  French  King  declined  a  battel  when  of- 
fered by  the  Prince  of  Orange  404 
Cambray  and  St.  Omer  taken  406 
The  Houfe  of  Commons  prejfed  the  King  to  en- 
gage in  the  war  ibid. 
Danby  declared  againft  France  407 
^e  Prince  of  Orange  came  into  England 

408 
He  married  the  Duke's  daughter  410 

1678. 
Supplies  given  towards  the  war  41 2 

The  French  take  Ghent  ibid. 

The  affairs  of  Scotland  ibid. 

Mitchell';  trial  415 

jlnd  condemnation  41  f 

The  yidminijlration  there  grew  "very  violent 
and  illegal  417 

jln  army  of  Highlanders  fent  to  the  Wefi  up- 
on  free  quarter  418 

Many  of  the  Nobility  came  up  to  complain  to 
the  King  41  p 

But  the  King  would  not  fee  them  ibid. 

J  Convention  of  EJlates  gives  money,  and 
juftifies  the  adminifiration  421 

Affairs  in  England  ibid. 

The  Houfe  of  Commons  grew  jealous  of  the 
Court  ibid. 

Affairs  abroad  422 

The  Popifi  plot  424 

OatesV  cbaraSler  ibid. 

His  difcovery  426 

Coleman  and  his  papers  feized  ibid. 

Coleman';  letters  confirm  it  427 

Godfrey  is  murdered  428 

His  body  was  found  429 

Oates  made  a  new  difcovery  450 

Bedlow';  mc/fwff  451 

Other  proofs  that  feemed  to  fupport  the  dif- 
covery 451 
Carftairs';  pra£l:ces  4  j  j 
Staley';  trial  ibid. 
The  ^een  was  charged  as  in  the  plot  45^ 
A  law  pafs'd  for  the  teft  to  be  taken  hy  both 
Houfe  s  ibid. 
With  a  provifo  for  the  Duke  ^26 
Coleman';  trial  ibid. 
And  execution  4^7 
The  King's  thoughts  of  this  whole  matter  ibid. 
Danby';  letters  to  Mountague  are  brought 
out  45P 
And  he  was  impeached  of  high  treafon  441 
The  Parliament  was  prorogued  44Z, 
The  trial  of  F.  Ireland  and  fome  others    445 


Dugdale';  evidence  444 

Prance  difcovers  Godfrey';  murder  445- 

Some  condemned  for  it^who  died  denying  it  ^6 
Scroggs  was  then  Lord  Chief  Jujlice  448 
Jcnnifon';  evidence  ibid. 

Pra£lices  with  the  witneffes  difcovered  449 
Reflexions  upon  the  whole  evidence  4f  r 

167P. 
A  new  Parliament  ibid. 

The  Duke  fent  beyond  fea  4fz. 

Danby  pardoned  by  the  King,  but  profecuted 
by  the  Houfe  of  Commons  45' 5 

A  new  Council  4^-4 

Debates  concerning  the  Exclufion  ^ff 

Arguments  ufed  for  and  againfl  the  Exclufion 

,4f7 
Danby';  profecution  4^0 

A  great  heat  raifed  againfl  the  Clergy  4<Ji 
The  occafions  that  fomented  that  heat  ibid. 
Arguments  for  and  againft  the  Bifhops  voting 
in  the  preliminaries,  in  trials  of  treafon  ^6z, 
Stillingfleet  wrote  on  this  point  465 

The  trial  of  five  Jefuitcs  464 

Langhorn';  trial  ^6f 

And  death  ^6S 

Wakeman';  trial  467 

He  was  acquitted  458 

Debates  about  diffolving  the  Parliament  ibid. 
The  affairs  of  Scotland  469 

The  Archbifhop  of  St.  Andrews  /;  murder'' d  470 
A  rebellion  in  Scotland  471 

Monmouth  fent  down  to  fupprcfs  it  472 

They  were  foon  broken  475 

The  King  taken  ill,  and  the  Duke  comes  to 
Court  474 

The  many  falfe  ftories  fpread  to  raife  jealoufy 

ibid. 
A  pretended  plot  difcovered,  caWd  the  Meal- 
tub  plot  47  J- 
Great  Jealouftes  of  the  King  475 
Monmouth';  difgrace  ^jy 
Petitions  for  a  Parliament  ibid. 
Great  difcontents  on  all  fides  478 
Godolphin';  character                            ibid. 

1680. 
An  alliance  projected  againft  France         479 
The  eleSlion  of  the  Sheriffs  of  London    ibid. 
The  bill  of  Exclufion  taken  up  again  48 1 

Pafs'd  by  the  Commons  482 

But  rejeHed  by  the  Lords  ibid. 

The  Houfe  of  Commons  proceeded  againft  fome 
withfeverity  484 

An  affociation  propofed  485- 

Expedicnts  offered  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords  486 
Duchefs  of  Portfmouth';  conduct  in  this  mat- 
ter little  underftood  ibid. 
Stafford';  trial  488 
He  was  condemned  491 
He  fent  for  me,  and  employed  me  to  do  him 
fervice  ibid. 
///;  execution  494 

i68r. 
Motions  in  favour  of  the  Nonconformifts  ibid. 

Tl:t 


A    TABLE    of  the  Con  tent  si 


The  Parliament  zvas  diff'olved  495" 

yi  tieiv  expedient  of  a  Prince  Regent       496 
Fitzharris  was  taken  497 

Tile  Parliament  of  Oxford  -wai  foon  diffolved 

yl  great  change  in  affairs  499 

The  King's  Declaration  f  00 

Jddreffes  to  the  King  from,  all  parts  0/ Eng- 
land ibid. 
FitzhanisV  trial  foi 
Plunket  an  Irifh  Bifiop  condemned  and  exe- 
cuted foi 
Pra6lices  on  Ficzhanis  at  his  death  f 04 
j1  Protejlant  plot  ibid. 
Colledge  condemned  and  died  upon  it  fof 
Shaftsbury /^«r  to  the  Tower  fo6 
Pra£Iices  upon  witnejfes  ibid. 
/  was  then  offered  preferment  5*07 
Halifax  carried  me  to  the  King  fo8 
Shaftfbury  was  acquitted  by  the  Grand  Jury 

ibid. 
1682. 
Turbervill'i  death  fop 

The  affairs  of  Scotland  f  10 

^  Parliament  in  Scotland  f  1 2 

Several  accufations  of  perjury  Jiifled  by  the 
Duke  fi4 

jl  tefl  enabled  in  Parliament  f  i  f 

ObjeSlions  made  to  the  tefl  f  1 8 

Many  turned  out  for  not  taking  it  f  ip 

ArgileV  explanation  ibid. 

He  was  committed  upon  it  J"20 

Argile  is  tried  and  condemned  fii 

He  made  his  efcape  fzz 

The  Duke  comes  to  Court  f  2? 

j1  new  Minijlry  in  Scotland  ibio. 

They  proceeded  with  great  feverity  f24 

jiffairs  in  England.  f  27 

Ml  Charters  of  Towns  were  furrendred  to  the 
King  ibid. 

The  dtfpute  concerning  the  Sheriffs  of  London 

Carried  by  the  Court  f  30 

Changes  in  the  Minijlry,  and  qnarrels  among 
them  ^31 

The  arguments  for  and  againfi  the  Charter  of 
London  f35 

Judgment  given  in  the  matter  f  3f 

Some  other  fever e  Judgments  ibid. 

1683. 
yf //  people  poffeffed  with  great  fears  f  3  6 

Monmouth  and  Ruflel  at  Shepherds     f  37 
Monmouth  and  fome  others  meet  often  toge- 
ther f  5^ 
Tloey  treat  with  fome  of  the  Scotifli  Nation 

Other  confpiralors  meet  at  the  fame  time  on 
deftgns  of  affafftnating  the  King  f42 

A  plot  is  difcovered  f44 

A  forged  flory  laid  by  Rumfey  and  Weft  ibid. 
RulTcl  and  fome  others  were  put  in^rifon  upon 
it  r47 

Monmouth  and  others  efcaped  5*49 

Howards  confeffion  f fi 

The  Earl  of  EOex  was  fcnt  to  the  Tower  f  f2 


833 


The  Lord  RuflelV  tria,l  ff  J 

He  was  condemned  ff6 

His  preparation  for  death  y^j 

The  trial  and  execution  of  Walcot  and  others  f^^ 
RuflelV  execution  f6o 

RuffelV  laftfpeech  f6i 

Prince   George  of  Denmark    married  the 

Prince fs  Anne  f62. 

Tie  jiege  of  Vienna.  fdj 

The  Author  went  to  the  Court  of  Fiance  f  64 
CharaHers  of  fome  he  knew  there  ibid. 

Affairs  in  England  ,  '5*67 

Jcfferies  and  other  Judges  preferred         ibid. 

1684. 
The  calling  a  Parliament  propofed,  but  re- 
jected f<S8 
Sufpicions  of  EflexV  being  murdered  fdp 
Sidney V /nW  5-70, 
His  execution  and  laji  paper  f  7  5 
Monmouth  came  in.,  and  was  pardoned  ibid. 
But  foon  after  difgraced  f  7f 
Hambden'y  trial  fj6 
Hallo way'i  execution  ibid. 
ArmftrongV  death  j-jy 
Great  Severity  in  Scotland .  f  80 
A  breach  in  the  Minijlry  there  f  81 
The  Duke  governed  all  affairs  f  82 
TJje  cruelty  of  the  Duke,  and  of  his  Minijiers, 

in  torturing  ySj 

Proceedings  againfi  Baillie  f  8f 

And  his  execution  f8j 

lieightoun'j  death  f  88 

The  promotion  of  fome  BijJiops  j'8p 

Danby  and  the  Popijh  Lords  baiPd  fpi 

Some  removes  made  at  Couut  ^92 

The  bombarding  of  Genoa  ibid 

Tangier  abandoned  ^-95 

Affairs  beyond  fea  fp4 

The  hardfhips  the  Author  met  with  fpf 

Trials  for  treafon  of  RofwcU  and  Hales  f  97 
Strange  Practices,  and  very  unbecoming  a  King 

600 
Papifls  employed  in  Irehnd  60 1 

Sufpicions  of  the  Ktn^s  declaring  bimfelf  a 

Papijl  605 

i68f. 

A  new  fcheme  of  Government  <Jo4 

The  Kin^s  ficknefs  6o5 

He  received  the  Sacraments  from  a  Popifh 

Priefl  607 

His  death  609 

His  character  6 1 1 

BOOK    IV. 

Of  the  Reign  of  King  James 
the  Second  di/ 

A    Reign  happily  begun,  but  inglorious  all 
over  ibid. 

The  King's  firjl  education  <Ji8 

He  learned  war  under  Turennc  tfip 

.    10  C  He 


8343 


A   TABLE    of  the   Contents 


6lp 

6 10 
ibid, 
ibid, 
ibid. 


He  'Was  admiral  of  England 

He  "xas  proclaimed  King 

mfirjifpeecb 

IVtil  recei'jed 

AddreJJh  made  to  him 

The  Earl  of  Rochcllcr  made  Lord  Treafurer 

62.1 

the  Earl  of  Sunderland  »»  favour  ibid . 

Cuftems  and  Excife  levied  againft  Law    ibid. 

I'he  King's  coldnejs  to  thofe  luho  had  been  for 
tbeExduJion  <5ii 

He  feem'd  to  be  on  equalierm's-witb  /^f  French 
King  6i? 

The  King's  courfe  of  life  ^H 

The  Prince  of  Or&ngcfent  away  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth  'bid. 

Some  in  England  began  to  move  for  him   6t^ 

Strange  fiailices  in  eleSlions  of  Parliament 
men  ibid. 

Evil  profpecl  from  an  ill  Parliament         6i6 

The  Prince  of  Orange  fubmits  in  every  thing 
to  the  King  62.7 

The  King  was  crown' d  *  62.8 

J  went  out  of  England  ibid. 

Argile  deftgned  to  invade  Scotland  619 

The  Duke  of  Monmouth  forc'd  upon  an  ill- 
timed  invafion  650 

Tbefe  dejigns  were  carried  with  fecrecy      631 

Argile  landed  in  Scotland  ibid. 

But  was  defeated^  and  taken  6^2. 

Argile'i  execution  ibid. 

Rumbold  at  his  death  denied  the  Rye  Plot 

635 

jl  Parliament  //»  Scotland  634 
Granted  all  that  the  King  de fired  6^6 
Oates  conviHed  of  perjury  6\j 
And  cruelly  whipt  ibid. 
Dangerfield  kilFd  ibid. 
A  Parliament  in  England  638 
Grants  the  revenue  for  life  ibid. 
And  trujis  to  the  King's  promt fe  ibid. 
The  Parliament  was  violent  639 
The  Lords  were  more  cautious  640 
The  Duke  of  Monmouth  landed  at  Lime  ibid. 
An  AEl  of  attainder  pajfied  againft  him  641 
A  rabble  came  and  joined  him  ibid. 
Lord  GreyV  cowardice  6^2. 
The  Earl  of  Feverfham  commanded  the  King's 
army  643 
The  Duke  of  Monmouth  defeated  644 
And  taken  ibid. 
Soon  after  executed  64^ 
He  died  with  great  calmnefs  646 
Lord  Grey  pardoned  ibid. 
The  King  was  lifted  up  with  his  fuccejfes  64J 
But  it  had  an  ill  effe£l  on  his  affairs  ibid. 
Great  cruelties  committed  by  his  foldiers  ibid. 
And  much  greater  by  JefFcries  648 
TVith  which  the  King  was  wellpleafed  ibid. 
The  execution  of  two  women  ibid. 
The  behaviour  of  thofe  who  fuffered  6fO 
The  Nation  was  much  changed  by  this  manage- 
ment (5  J- 1 
Great  difputes  for  and  againft  the  Tefls  6f  2 
Somt  change  their  religion  ibid. 


The  Duke  of  Queenfborough  difgraced  <Jf  J 
The  King  declared  againft  the  1'efts  6^4 

Proceedings  in  Ireland  ibid. 

The  perfecution  in  France  6f  f 

A  fatal  year  to  the  Proteftant  religion     ibid. 
Rouvigny'i  behaviour  6f6 

He  came  over  to  England  6^J 

Dragoons  fent  to  live  on  difcretion  upon  the 
Proteftants  6f  8 

Many  of  them  yielded  thro' fear  6fP 

Great  cruelty  every  where  ibid, 

/  went  into  Italy  660 

And  was  well  received  at  Rome  66  r 

Cardinal  Howard';  freedom  with  me       ibid. 
Cruelties  in  Orange  665 

Another  Sejfion  of  Parliament  ibid. 

The  King's  fpeech  againft  the  Teft  664 

JefFcries  made  Lord  Chancellor  66  f 

The  Houfe  of  Commons  addrefs  the  King  for 
obferving  the  Law  666 

The  King  was  much  offended  with  it        ibid. 
The  Parliament  was  prorogued  66j 

The  Lord  de  la  Meer  tried  and  acquitted'66S 

1686. 
A  trial  upon  the  Ait  for  the  Teft  669 

Many  Judges  turned  out  ibid. 

Herbert,    Chief  Juftice,  gives  judgment  for 
the  Kings  difpenfing power  ibid. 

Admiral  Herbert's  firmnefs  ibid. 

Father  Peire,  a  Jefuite,  in  high  favour   672. 
The  King  declared  for  a  toleration  ibid. 

The  Clergy  managed  the  points  of  controverfy 
with  great  zeal  and  fuccefs  675 

The  pcrfons  who  were  chiefly  engaged  in  this 

674 
Dr.  Sharp  in  trouble  ibid. 

TheBiJhop  0/ London  required  to  fufpend  him 

67f 
JVhich  he  could  not  obey  ibid* 

An  Ecclefiaftical  Commijfton  fet  up  ibid. 

The  Biftjop  of  London  brought  before  it   6j6 
And  was  fufpended  by  it  677 

Affairs  in  Scotland  678 

A  tumult  at  Edenburgh  ibid. 

A  Parliament  held  there  6js> 

JVhich  re f lifted  to  comply  with  the  Kin£s  defire 

680 
A  zeal  appeared  there  againft  Popery  681 
Affairs  in  Ireland  ibid. 

The  King  made  his  Miftrefs  Ccuntefs  of  Dor- 
chefter  68i 

Attempts  made  on  many  to  change  their  reli- 
gion 685 
Particularly  on  the  Earl  of  Rochefter    684 
He  was  turned  out  68  f 
Deftgns  talked  of  againft  Holland            ibid. 
I ftaid  fome  time  at  Geneva                      <586 
The  ft  ate  and  temper  lobferved  among  the  Re- 
formed 687 
/  was  invited  by  the  Prince   of  Ora|||e  to 
come  to  the  Hague  688 
A  charaSler  of  the  Prince   and  Princefs  of 
Orange                                                 68p 
I  was  much  trufted  by  thtm  6pr 
The  Prince's  fenfe  of  our  affairs                ibid. 

The 


A    TABLE   of  the  C  o  N  T  E  N  T  s^ 


Tlie  Princcfs's  refvlution  'with  refpe£l  to  the 

Prince  6pi 

Ven/ent  over  to  treat  ivith  the  Prince      fipj 

Some  Bipops  died  in  England  694 

Cartwright  and  ParkcY  promoted  <Spj" 

The  King's  letter  refufcd  in  Cambridge      6p7 

The  Vice  Chancellor  turned  out  by  the  Eccleft- 

ajlical  CommiJJionen  6p8 

jin  attempt  to  impofe  a   Popifi  Prejident  on 

Magdalen  College  <5pp 

They  difobey^  and  are  cenfured  for  it         700 

1687. 
jlnd  nvere  all  turned  out  ibid. 

The  Dijffenters  -were  much  courted  by  the  King 

701 
Debates  and  refolutions  among  them  701 

The  army  encamped  at  Hounflow-Heath  70} 
yln  EmbaJJador  fent  to  Rome  ibid. 

He  managed  every  thing  unhappily  704 

Pope  InnocentV  character  70 f 

Difputes  about  the  Franchifes  yoiS 

^een  ChiilHnaV  character   of  fame  Popes 

707 
D'  Albcville  fent  Envoy  to  Holland        ibid. 

/  was  upon  the  King's  preffmg  inflances  forbid 

to  fee  the  Prince  and  Princefs  of  Orange 

708 
Dykvekyc^/  to  England  ibid. 

The  negotiations  betiueen  the  King  and  the 

Prince  7op 

A  letter  "writ  by  the  Jefuites  of  Liege,  that 

difc overs  the  King's  deftgns  71 1 

Dykvek'i  conduit  in  England  71 1 

A  Proclamation  of  indulgence  fent  to  Scotland 

ibid. 
Which  was  much  cenfured  71 3 

A  Declaration  for  toleration  in  England     7 1 4 
Addreffes  made  upon  it  ibid. 

The  Kin£s   indignation  againft  the   Church 

party  71  f 

The  Parliament  was  diffolved  -j\6 

The  reception  of  the  Pope's  Nuntio         ibid. 
The  King  made  a  progrefs  thro"  many  parts  of 

England  717 

A  change  in  the  Magifracy  in  London,  and 

over  England  718 

^efliomput  about  eleSiions  of  Parliament  jip 
The  King  wrote  to  the  Princefs  of  Orange 

about  religion  720 

Which  fJje  anfwered  712. 

Reflexions  on  thefe  letters  -ji^ 

A  profccution  fet  on  againfl  me  ji(5 

Albevillc'i  meynorial  to  the  States  718 

The  States' s  anfwer  to  what  related  to  me  72P 
Other  deftgns  againft  me  730 

PenJionerFigcVs  letter  731 

Father  Pctre  made  a  Privy  Counfellor      73  3 
The  confidence  of  the  Jefuites  ibid. 

The  Penft oner's  letter  was  printed  734 

The^ing  afkcd  the  regiments  of  his  fubjeSls 

i^he  States  fervice  ibid. 

Which  was  refufcd,  but  the  officers  had  leave 

to  go  '  73r 

A  new  Declaration  for  toleration  ■j]6 

Which  the  Clergy  were  ordered  to  read     ibid. 


835 


To  which  they  would  not  give  obedience    738 
The  Archbifliop  and  fix  Bifijops  petition  the 
King  ibid. 

The  King  ordered  the  Bifiiops  to  be  profecutcd 
for  tt  741 

They  were  fent  to  the  Tower  ibid. 

But  foon  ajter  difcharged  741 

They  were  tried  ibid. 

And  acquitted  745 

To  the  great  joy  of  the  Town  and  Nation  744 
The  Clergy  was  next  defigned  againft  ibid. 
The  effeil  this  had  every  where  __     74J" 

Ruflcl  preffed  the  Prince  .  746 

The  Prince' s  anfwer  ibid. 

The  EleElor  of  BrandcnburghV  death  ibid. 
The  ^een  gave  out  that  fhe  was  with  child 

748 
The  ^een' s  reckoning  changed  yfi 

The  ^eenfaid  to  be  in  labour  ibid. 

And  delivered  of  a  fon  jft 

Great  grounds  of  jealoufy  appeared       •   ibid. 

The  child,  as  was  believed,  died,  and  another 

was  put  in  his  room  7^5 

The  Prince  and  Princefs  of  Orange  fettt  to 

congratulate  jf^ 

The  Prince  defigns  an  expedition  to  England. 

ibid. 
Sunderland  tdvifed  more  moderate  proceedings 

And  he  turned  Papift  jf6 
The  Prince  of  Orange  treats  with  fome  of  the 

Princes  of  the  Empire  j^j 

The  affairs  of  Colen  7^8 

Herbert  came  over  to  Holland  762 

The  advices  from  England  ibid. 

The  Lord  Mordaunt'i  character  ibid. 

The  Earl  of  Shrewfbury'j  charaEler  ibid. 

RuflelV  char  alter  j6i 

Sidney';  characler  ibid. 

Many  engaged  in  the  defign  y6^ 

Lord  Churchill'i  charaSler  y6f 

The  Court  of  France  gave  the  alarm  y66 

Recruits  from  Ireland  refufed  j6j 

Offers  made  by  the  French  ibid. 

Not  entertain' d  at  that  time  j68 
The  French  own  an  alliance  with  the  King  ibid. 

The  ftrange  conduEl  of  France  ^69 

A  manifefto  of  war  againft  the  Empire  770 

Reflexions  made  upon  it  771 

Another  againft  the  Pope  772 

Cenfures  that  paft  upon  it  773 

Marflml  Schombcxg  fent  /o  Clcvc  774 

The  Dutch  fleet  at  fea  ibid. 

The  Prince  of  OrangeV  Declaration  jjf 

I  was  de fired  to  go  with  the  Prince  j-jC 

Advices  from  England  ibid. 

Artifices  to  cover  the  defign  778 

The  Dutch  put  to  fea  77P 

Some  faXious  motions  at  the  Hague  780 

Tl}e  army  was  pipped  78 1 

The  Princefs' s  fenfe  of  things  ibid. 

The  Prince  took  leave  of  the  States  782 

We  failed  out  of  the  Maes  ibid. 

But  were  forced  back  783 

Confultations  in  England  ibid. 

Proofs 


3^6' 


A    TABLE   of  the  Content 


s. 


Proofs  brought  fur  the  birth  of  the  Prince  of 
Wales  78  f 

jVe  failed  out  more  happily  afecordtime   787 
life  landed  at  I'orbay  788 

T^f  Kin^s  army  began  to  come  over  to  the 
Prince  79° 

An  Affociation  among  thofe  laho  came  to  the 


7Pi 

7P? 
ibid. 

7P4 

7Pr 
7P5 

ibid. 


Prince 

<fhe  Heads  in  Oxford  y^»^  to  him 

Great  diforders  in  London 

A  treaty  begun  "with  the  Prince 

jT}e  King  left  the  Kingdom 

Ht  is  much  cenfured 

But  is  brought  back 

•jhe  Prince  is  defired  to  come  and  take  the  go- 
vernment into  his  Hands  797 

Different  advice  given  to  the  Prince  concerning 
the  King's  perfon  790 

the  Prince  came  to  London,  and  the  King 
•went  to  Rochefter  801 

3^f  Prince  ivas  welcomed  by  all  forts  of  people 

802 

Confultations  about  the  fettlement  of  the  Na- 
tion 803 


'The  King  went  over  to  France  804 

The  affairs  of  Scotland  ibid. 

The  affairs  of  \xc\ind  80  r 

i68p. 
The  Prince  in  treaty  with  the  Earl  of  Tyr- 
connel  '    807 

The  Convention  met  8op 

Some  are  for  a  Prince  Regent  ibid. 

Others  are  for  another  King  8 1  r 

And  againfi  a  Regency  815 

Some  moved  to  examine  the  birth  of  the 
Prince  of  "W^ts  816 

But  it  was  rejeEled  8 1  j 

Some  were  for  making  the  Prince  King      818 
The  Prince  declared  his  mind  after  long  filence 

820 
It  was  refolved  to  put  the  Prince  and  Prin- 
ce fs  both  in  the  Throne  Sir 
They  drew  an  inflrument  about  it  822 
The  Oaths  were  altered  822 
The  ill  Senfe  that  was  put  on  the  new  Oath 

824 
The  Princefs  came  to  England  82f 

The  Conclufion  825 


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