N THE CUSTODY Or TME
BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY.
SHELF N°
rAUAWS
Digitized by the Internet Archive
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BISHOP B U P. N E T's
I S T O R Y
O F
His own Time.
FROM THE
Restoration of King CHARLES II,
T O T H E
Conclusion of the Treaty of
PEACE at Utrecht, in the Reign of
Queen ANNE.
To which is prefixed,
A Summary Recapitulation of Affairs in
Church and State, from King James I. to the
Restoration in the Year 1660.
Together with
The AUTHOR'S LIFE, by the Editor.
And fome Explanatory Notes. The whole
revifed and corrected by hitn.
VOL, 11.
LONDON:
f tinted for A. Millar, in the Strand.
MDCCLIII.
c/
v'^ADAMSXBa. I
G
%.
T S
OF THE
SECOND VOLUME.
A Qutftion raifed in England about the
■^ legality of a prorogation i
The Lords Uiat moved it fent to the
Towtr 3
Proceedings in Parliament 4
Atfairs in Flanders 5
The French King declined a battel when
offered by the Prince of Orange" 6
Cambray and St. Omer taken 8
The Houfe of Commons prefled the King
to engage in the war ib,
Danby declared againft France 10
The Prince of Orange came into Eng-
land 12
He married the Duke's daughter 14
1678.
Supplies given towards the war 16
The French take Ghent ib.
The a,ffairs of Scotland 17
MitcheH's trial ib.
And condemnation ai
The adminillration there grew very vio-
lent and illegal 24
An army of Higlilanders fent to the Weft
upon free quarter 25
Many of the Nobility came up to com-
plain to the King 27
But the King would not fee them ib,
A Convention of Eftates gives money,
and juftifies the adminiftration 29
Affairs in England ib.
The Houfe of Commons grew jealous of
the Court 30
Affairs ab;oad 31
1"he Popife plot 34
Oates's charavTler ib.
Hiis difcovery 36
Colcmna and his papers feized 37
Colenian's letters con.'irm it 58
Godfrey is murdered 40
fUs body was found 42
Gates made a new difcovery ib.
Bfdiow's evidence ' 45
Other proofs that feamed tc uiaport the
difcovery 4$
Carftairs's prgftices 47
Scaley's trial ib.
The Queen was charged as in the plot
49
A law pafs'd for the tefl tc be taken by
both Houfes ' 5 1
With a provifo for the Dake ib,
Coleman's trial jj
And execution
53
The King's thought* of this whole mat-
ter 54
Danby's letters to Mountagu? are brought
out 57
And he was impeached of high treafon
59
The Patliament was prorogued 60
The trial of F. Ireland and fome others
6z
Dugdale's evidence 63
Prance difcovers Godfrey's murder 64
Some condemned for it, who died denying
it 67
Scroggs was then Lord Chief Juftice 69
Jennifon's evidence ib.
Praftices with the witneffes difcovered
7«
Reflections upon the whole evidence 73
1679.
A new Parliament 75
The Duke fent beyond fea ib.
Danby pardoned by the King, but pro-
fecuted by the Houfe of Commons 77
A new Council 79
Debates concerning the Exclufion 80
Arguments ufed for and againil the Ex-
clufion 83
Danby's profecution 88
A great heat raifed againft the Clergy 89
The occafions that fomented that heat 90
Arguments for and at-ainfi the billiops
voting in the prelinnn-i-i.-s, in trials of
treafon 9 1
Stilljngfieet wrote on tliis point 93
The trial of five Jefuiccs ib.
Langhorn's trial 95
And death 96
Wakeman's trial 57
Ke was acquitted 09
Debates about dilToIving the Parliament
100
A 2 The
CONTENTS OF THE
The iffairt of Scotland lOO
,'j'he Archbilhop of St. Andrews is mur-
V der'd ioz
A rebellion in Scotland 103
Monmouth Tent down to fupprefs it J05
Xhey were foop broken ib.
The King taken ill, and the Duke comes
to Court 107
The many falfe ftories fpread to raife
jealoufy ib.
A pretended plot difcovered, call'd the
Meal-tub plot 109
Great jealoufies of the King 1 10
McnmcMith's difgrace 11 1
Petitions for a Parliament iia
Great difcontents on all Tides 113
Godolphin's charafter ib.
J 680.
An alliance projefied againft France 1 14
The eledion of the SheriffB of London ib.
The bill of Exclufion taken up again 1 16
Pafs'd by the Commons 118
But rejected by the Lords ib.
The Houfe of Commons proceeded againft
fome with feverity 120
An Afibciarion propofed 122
Expedients offered in the Houfe of Lords
17-3
Butchefs of Portfmouth's conduft in this
mat>er little underftood 124
Stafford's trial 125
He ^vas €ondemned 131
He fent fcr me, and employed me to do
him feivice 132
Kis execution ' 134
1681.
Motions ia favour of the Ncnconformifts
ib.
The Parliament was riiflbJved 136
A new exjiedient of a Prince Regent 137
Fitzharris was taken 138
The Parliament of Oxford was foon dif-
folved 139
A great change in affairs 140
The Kind's Declaration 142
Addreffes to the King from all pai t^ of
England ib.
Fitzharris's trial 144
PJunket an Irith Biiliop condemned and
executed -'43
Praftice; on Fitzharris at his deatli 147
A ProteAant plot 148
CoHedge condemned and died upoli it ;^g
Shaftfljury lent to the I ower 1.50
Prailices upon witneffes ib,
I was then offered preftrrment 151
flalifiax carried me to the Kinc; 152
Shaftfbury was acquitted by :he Gr-and
1682.
Turbervill's death 155
The affairs of Scotland 156
A Parliament in Scotland 15S
Several accufations of perjury ftifled by
the Duke 161
A teft enadled in Parliament 163
Objedions made to the teft 166
Many turned out for not taking it 167
Argile's explanation 168
He was committed upon it 169
Argile is tried and condemned 170
He made his efcape 171
The "Duke comes to Court 173
A newTVIiniftry in Scotland ib.
They proceeded with great feverity 174
Affairs in England 17S
All Charters of Towns were furrendred to
the King ib.
The difpute concerning the Sheriffs of
London 179
Carried by the Court 183
Changes in the Miniflry, and quarrels
among them 183
The arguments for and againft the Char-
ter of London 185
Judgment given in the matter 18X
Some other fevere Judgments 189
1683.
All people poffeffed with great fears 190
Monmouth and Ruffel at Shepherd's 19I
Monmouth and fome others meet often
together 192
They treat with fome of the Scotifli
Nation 194
Other confpirators meet at the fame time
on defigns of affaffmating the King 197
A plot is difcoveied 200
A forged ftory laid hy Rumfey and Weft
201
Ruffel and fome others were put in prifon
upon it 204
Monmouth and others efcaped 2"o6
Howard's confedion 200
1 he Earl of Elfex was fcnt to the Tower
2H
The Lord Ruffel's trial aia
He was condemned 216
His preparation for death zi8
The trial and executiun of Wakot and
others 220
RuffeFs execution 221
RuiFci's \?.l\ fpeech 22X
Prince George of Denmark married the
Princefs Anne 225
The liege of Vienna ib.
The Author went to the Court of France
227
Charafter? of fome he knew there ib.
Affairs
■SECOND VOLUME.
Afiairs la England ;'. . ^, • . : , , a 3 »
jteffcries and other Judges" preferred ib.
4^ 1684.
■^Tfte calling a Parliamsnt propoCsd, but
Te]e&eA 232
Sufpjoions of Effex's being mordered 234
Sidney's trial ajS
His execution and Ia{l paper 238
Monnioath came in, and was pardoned
239
Sut foon after difgraced . 24.1
Hambden's trial z^z
Halloway's execution 243
Armftrong's death S44
■Great Severity in Scotland 243
A breach in the Miniftry tliere ^49
The Duke governed all affairs 251
The cruelty of the Duke, and of his
Miniilers, in torfjring aS*
Proceedings againft Baillie 254
And his execution 25^6
Leightoun's death 2 5"^
The promotion of fome Bifliops a6fl'
Danby and the Popifh Lords bail'd 262,
Some removes made at Court 263
The bombarding of Genoa 264
Tangier abandoned ib.
Affairs bayond fea 265
The hardOiips the Author met with 267
Triak for treafon of Rofwell and Haies
270
Strange Praftices, and very unbecoming a
King 273
Papifis employed in Ireland 274
Sufpicions of the King's declaring him-
feif a Papift 276
1 62 5,
A new fcheme of Government 278
The King's ficknefs 280
He receiv'd the Sacraa:iencs from a Popifli
Prieft 281
His death 2S4
His charader i86
BOOK IV.
A Reign happily begun, but ingloriows
*^ ail over ib.
The King's firft education 195
lie learned war under rurenne. 296
He was Admiral of^ England 297
He was proclaimed King ib.
His firfl fpeech ib.
"Weil received ^98
Addreffes made to hi.Ti ib.
The Earl of Rocheiier made Lard Trea-
ft2rer 2.09
ihe Earl of Sunderland in fav«yr ib.
Cuftoms and Excife levied againft Law
The King's coldnefs to thofe who had
been for the Exclufion jei
He feem'd to be on equal terms with the
French King ib.
The King's courfe of life 30*
The Prince of Orange fent away the
Duke of Monmouth 303
Some in England began to move for him
304
Strange praftices in cleaions of Parlia,-
ment men ib.
Evil profpedl from an ill Parliament 306
The Prince of Orange fubmits in every
thing to the King 307
The King wSis crown'd 30X
I went out of England 309
Argils defigned to invade Scotland ib.
The Duke of Monmouth forc'd upon an
ill-timed invafion 310
Thefe deligns were carried with fecrecy
Argile landed in Scotland 315
But vva* defeated, and taken ib,
Argile's execution 51^
Rumboid at his death denied the Kye
Plot 3,5
A Parliament in Scotland 3 17
Granted all that the King defired 31S
Severe laws were palfed 3x5
Gates convifted of perjury 31a
And cruelly whipt ib,
Danger&eld kill'd - ^zs,
A Parliament in England ib.
Grams .th-e revenue for life ib; *
And trufts to the King's promife 32*
The Pariiainent was violent 3^5
The Lords were more cautious 324.
The Duke of Monmouth landed at Lime
ib.
An Ad of attainder pafled againft hira
A lahble came and joined him 326.
Lord Grey's cowardice ib.
The Earl of Fevsrihara commandeiS the
King's array ^■xZ
The Duke of Monmouth defeated 329
And taken ib.
Soun after executed 3 j*
He died with great calmnefs 3 jx
Lord Grey pardoned 33* •
The King was lifted up witfaii* foccclTe*
33$
But it had an ill eCfeft on his affairs ib,
CreAt cruelties comimtt«d by hisfoldiej-s
33*
And m«:h greater by JsSeiiics ib--
Wii^
CONTENTS OF THE
With which the King was Well pleafed
335
The execution of two women ib.
The behaviour of thofe who fufFered 338
The Nation was much changed by this
management 339
Great difputes for and agairifl the Tefts
ib.
Some change ti>eir religion 340
The Duke of Queerfborough difgraced
341
The King declared againrt the Tefts 34a
Proceedings in Ireland 343
The perfecution in France ib.
A fatal year to the Proteflant religion 344
Rouvigny's behaviour 345
He came over to England 347
Dragoons fent to live, on difcretion upon
the Proteftants 348
Many of them yielded thro' fear ib.
Great cruelty every where 349
J went into Italy 351
And was well received at Rome ib.
Cardinal Howard's freedom with me 3 52
Cruelties in Orange 354
ifinother Seffien of Parliament 355
The King's fpeech againft the Teft 356
Jefferies made Lord Chancellor 357
The Houfe of Commons addrefs the King
for obferving the Law 3 . 8
The King was much ofFen 'ed with it 3 59
The Parliament was prorogued 360
The Lord de la Meer tried and acquitted
ib.
16S6.
A trial upon the A6t for the Teft 36a
Many Judges turned out ib.
Herbert, Chief Jul'iice, gives Judgment
for the King's difpenfmg power 363
Admiral Herbert's firmnefs 365
Father Petre, a Jefuite, in high favour
366
The King declared for a toleration ib.
The Clergy managed the points of con-
trovery with great zeal and fuccefs 367
The perfoas who were chiefly engaged in
this 368
Dr. Sharp in trouble 369
The Bifhop of London required to fufpcnd
him 3 70
Which he could not obey ib.
An Ecclefiafiical CommilTion fet up ib.
The Bifhop of London brought before it
371
And was fufpended by it 373
Affairs in Scotland 374
A tumult at Edinburgh ib.
A ;*arUament h?ld there 375
which refufed to comply with the King' ^
defire 377
A zeal appeared there againft Popery 378
Affairs in Ireland ib.
The King made his Miftrefs Cbuntefs of
Dorchefter 379
Attempts made on niatiy, to change their
religion 380
Particularly on the fiarl of Rochefter 381
He was turned out 383
Defigns talked of againft Holland 384
I ftaid fome time at Geneva ib.
The ftate and temper I obferved among
the Reformed 385.
I was invited by the Prince of Orange to
come to the Hague 387
A charader of the Prince and Princefs of
Orange 389
I was much trufted by them 391
The Prince's fenfe of our affairs ib.
The Princefs's refolution with refpedt to
the Prince 395
Pen fent over to treat with the Prince 394
Some Bifhops died in England 396
Cartwright and Parker promoted 398
The King's letter refufed in Cambridge
40©
The Vice Chancellor turn'd out by tha
Ecelefiaftical Commiffioners 401
An attempt to impofe a Popifh Prefident
on Magdalen College 402
They difobey, and are cenfured for it 404
1687.
And were all turned out 405
The DifTenters were much courted by the
King 406
Pebates and refolutions among them 407
The army encamped at Hounflow-Heath
40 S
An EmhafTador fent to Rome 409
He managed every thing unhappily 41Q
Pope Innocent's charadter 412
Difputes about the Franchifes 413
Qu^een Chriftina's character of fome Popes
414
D'Albeville fent Envoy to Holland 415
I was upon the King's prefnng inftances
forbid to fee the Prince and Princefs of
Orange ib.
Dykvelt fent to England 416
The negotiations between the King and
the Prince 417
A letter writ by the Jefuites of Leige,
that difcovers the King's defigns - 4zo
Dykvelt's conduit in England 411
A Proclamation of indulgence fent to
Scotland 42a
Which was much cenfured ib.
A Decli-
SECOND VOLUME.
A Declaration for toleration in England
424
Ad^re/Tes liiadfe vpon it 425
The King's indignation againft the
Church party 426
The parliament was diflbjv.ed 427
The reception of the Pope's Nuntio ib.
The King made a progrefs thro' many-
parts of England 428
A change in the Magiftracy in London,
and Oyer England 429
Queftions put about eleftions of Parlia- ,
ment 431
The King wrote to the Princefs of OrangQ
about religion 433
Which Ihe anfwered 436'
Refle£lions on thefe letters 440
A profecution fet on againft nrie 44^
AfbcT^lk's memorial to the States 443
The '- States's anfwer to what related to
me 446
Other defigns againfl me 447
Penfioner Fagel's letter 448
Father Petre made a Privy Counfellor 451
The confidence of the Jefuits ib.
The Penfioner's letter was printed 452
The Kingaflced the regiments of his fub-
jedis in the States fervice 4'i3
Which was refufed, but the officers had
leave to go 454
A new Declaration for toleration 455
XVhich the Clergy were ordered to vead
456
To which they would not give obedience
458
The Archbifhop and fix Bifliops petition
the King 459
The King ordered the Bifhops to be pro-
fecuted for it 462
They were fent to the Tower ib.
But foon after difcharged 463
They wer« tried 464
And acquitted ,466
To the great joy of the Town and Na-
tion ib.
The Clergy was next defigned againft
■ 467
The efFedl this had every where ib.
KufTel preffed the Prince 469
The Prince's anfwer ib.
The Ele<Sor of Brandenburgh's death 470
The Queen gave out that Ihe was witli
child 4J2
The Queen's reckoning changed 476
The Queen faid to be in labour 477
And delivered of a fon ib.
prf^ £i"Qun4* of jealoufy appeared 478
he child, as was believed, died, and
another was put in his room 479
The Prince and Princefs of Orange fent
to congratulate; 48 Ij-
The Prince defigns an expedition to Eng-
land ib,
Sunderland advifed more moderate pro-
ceedings 482
Apd he turned Papift 483
The Prince of Orange treats with fome
of the Princes of the Empire 484
The affairs of Colen 486
Herbert came over to Holland 491,
The advices from England 4921;
The Lord Mordaunt's charailer ibj^»
The Earl of Shrewlbury's charafter ib,
Ruflel's charafler 493
Sidney's charafter 49^
Many engaged in the defign . . - ib.
Lord Churchill's charafter 495
TheCourt of France gave the alarm 496
Recruits from Ireland refufed ib. .
Offers made by the French 4^9
Not entertain'd at that time 500
The French own an alliance with the
King joi
The ftrange conduft of France 502
A manifefto of war againft the Empire
Refleiflions made upon it 505-
Another againft ihe Pope 506
Cenfures that paft upon it 507
Marflial Schomberg fent to Cleve 508
The Dutch fleet at fea ^10
The Prince of Orange's Declaration ib.
I was defired to go with the Prince 512
Advices from England ib.
'Artifices to cover the defign 514
The Dutch put to fea 517
Some fadious motions at the Hague ib.
The army was fhipped, 5^9
The Princefs's fenfe of things 550
The Prince took leave of the States ib.
We failed out of the Maes 521
But were forced back ib,
Confultations in England 52a
Proofs brought for the birth of the Prince
of Wales 524
We failed out more happily a fecond
time 528
We landed at Torbay ^z^
The King's afmy begaj> to come over to
the t>ripce 532
An AfiR)ciation among thofe wbo came
to the Prince. ^^s
The Heads of Oxford fent to him 536
Great diforders in London 53 ^
A treaty „
C O N T E N T S.
A treaty begun, with the Prince 1137
Tlie King left the Kingdom 539
He is much cenfured 540
But is brought back 541
ThePrin«e isdefired to come and take
the government into his Hands 54.2
Different advice given to the Prince con-
cerning the King's perfon 544
The Prince came to London, »nd the
King went to Rochefter 548
The Prince was welcomed by all forts of
people 549
Confultations about the fettkment of the
Nation 550
The King went over to France 551
The affairs of Scotland 55a
The affairs of Ireland 553
j6S9>
The Prince in treaty with the Earl of
Tyrconnd 556
The cahVehtion met 555
Some are for a Prince Regent jb*
Others are for another King 56*
And againft a Regency 564
Some moved to examine t6e birth of the
Prince of Wales 56^
Biit it was rejected , 570
Some were for making the Prince King
.571
The Prince declared his mind after long
filence 574.
It was refolved to put the Prince and
Princefs both in the Throne 575
They drew an inftrument about it 577
The Oaths were altered 578
The ill Senfc that was put on the new
Oath 580
The Princefs came to England. 581
The Conclufioa fSa
THE
THE
O F
HE Parliament of England had 1^77^
been prorogued for about a year ''-^^/^
and fome months, by two different j^^j^gj 'in
prorogations. One of thefe wasgn^^land
for more than a year. So upon about the
that it was made a queilion, whether ^'^g^'^'^y ^^
by that the Parliament was not dilToived. i he argu- /.j^n^
ment for it was laid thus. By the ancient laws a Par-
liament was to be held " once a year, and oftener
*' if need be :" It was faid, the words, " if need be,'*
in one 3.6t, which were not in another that enacted
an annual Parliament without that addition, did
not belong to the w^hole period, by which a feffionL
was only to be held once a year if it was needful •,
but belonged only to the. word " oftener :" So that
the law was pofitive for a Parliament once a year :
And if fo, then any a6t contrary to that law was
an unlawful ad : By confequence, it could have
no operation : From whence it was inferred, that
the prorogation which did run beyond a year, and
Vol. IL B by
2 The History of the Reign
1677. ^y confequence made that the Parliament couM
'w-'y-x^ not fit that year, was illegal •, and that therefore
the Parliament could not fit by virtue of fuch an
illegal acl. Lord Shaftlbury laid hold on thi's
with great joy, and he thought to work his point
by it. The Duke of Buckingham was for every
thing that v/ould embroil matters. The Earl of
Salifbury was brought into it, who was a high
fpirited man, and had a very ill opinion of the
Court. Lord Wharton went alfo into it. And
Lord Hoi lis writ a book for it : But a fit of the
gout kept him out of the way. All the reft of the
party was againft it. They faid, it was a fubtilty :
And it was very dangerous to hang fo much
weight upon fuch weak grounds. The words, " if
" need be," had been underftood to belong to the
whole a6t : And the long Parliament did not pre-
tend to make annual Parliaments necelTary, but in-
fifted only on a triennial Parliament : If there had
been need of a Parliament during that long pro-
rogation, the King by proclamation might have
dilfolved it, and called a new one. All that knew
the temper of the Houfe of Commons were much
troubled at this difpute, that was like to rife on
fuch a point. It was very certain the majority of
both Houfes, who only could judge it, would be
againft it. And they thought fuch an attempt to
force a dilTolution, would make the Commons do
every thing that the Court defired. Lord Hallifax
fet himfelf much againft this ; and did it not
without expreffing great fharpnefs againft Lord
Shaftft)ury, Vv^ho could not be managed in this
matter. So, upon the firft opening tht feffion,
the debate was brought on : And thefe Lords
ftood againft the whole Houfe. That matter was
foon decided by a queftion.
But then a fecond debate arofe, which held for
two days, whether thefe Lords were not liable to-
cenfure, for offering a debate, that might create,
great diftradions in the fubjects minds, concern-
of King Charles It. "^
ing the legality of Parliament. Lord Hallifax with 167^;
the reft of the party argued againft it ftrongly. <— Y»iittj|
They faid, if an idle motion was made, and
checked at firft, he that made it might be cen^
fured for it, tho' it was feldomj if ever, to be
praftifed in a free Council, where every man was
not bound to be wife, nor to make no impertinent
motion : But when the motion was entertained, and
a debate followed, and a queftion was put upon
it, it was deftrudive to the freedorrl of publick
Councils, to call any one to an account for it t TheLor^s
They might with the fame juftice call them to an thatmov-
account for their debates and votes : So that no 'cJ it fine
man was fafe, unlefs he could know where the !° ^^^
majority would be : Here would be a precedent to °'*'^^^*
tip down fo many Lords at a time, and to garboil
the Houfe, as often as any party lliould have ^
great majority. It was faid on the other hand,
here was a defign to put the Nation into great dif-
order, and to bring the legality of a Parliament
into difpute. So it was carried to oblige them to
afk pardon as delinquents : Otherwife it was re-
folved to fend them to the Tower. They refufed
to afk pardon ; and fo were fent thither. The Jfeari
of Salifbury was the €rft that was called on .* For
the Duke of Buckingham went out of the Houfe*
He defired, he might have his fervants to wai£
on him : And the firft he named was his cook ^
which the King refented highly, as carrying in it
an infmuation of the woril fort. The Earl of
Shaftfbury made the fame demand. But the Lotd
Wharton did not afk for his cook. The Duke of
Buckingham came in next day; and was fent after
tliem to the Tower, And they were ordered to
continue prifoners during the pleafure of the
Houfe, or during the King's pleafure. They were
much vifited. So to check that, tho' no com-
plaint was made of their behaviour, they were
made clofe prifoners, not to be vifited without
leave iTom the King, or the Houfe : And par-
B 2 ticular
4 . The KisTORY of tlie Reign
ify]']- ticular oblervations were made of all thofe that
V^^/Sii/ afl<:ed leave. This was much cried out on: And
the Earl of Danby's longimprifonment afterwards^
was thought a j.uft retaliation for the violence with
which he drove this on. Three of the lords lay-
in the Tower for fome months : But they were itt
at liberty upon their petitioning the King. Lord
Shaftfbury would not petition : But he moved in
the King's Bench that he might be difcharged. The
King's juflice, he faid, was to be difpenfed in that
Court. The Court faid, he was committed by an
order from the Houfe of Lords, which was a
Court fuperior to them : So they could take no
cognizance of the matter. Lord Danby cenfured
this motion highly, as done in contempt of the
Houfe of Lords j and faid, he would make ufe of
it againft him next feffion of Parliament. Yet
he was often forced to make the fame motion at
that bar : And he complained of the injuftice of
the Court for refufing to bail or difcharge him,
tho' in that they followed the precedent which at
this time was direfted by himfelf.
Proceed- The debate about the difiblution of the Parlia-
ings m nient, had the effect in the Houfe of Commons
that was forefeen : For the Commons were much
iriflamed againft Lord Shaftfoury, and his party.
They at iirfi: voted 600,000/. for the building
thirty fliips : For they refolved to begin with a
popular bill. A claufe was put in the bill by the
Country party, that the money fhould be accounted
for to the Commons, in' hope that the Lords would
alter that claufe, and make it accountable to both
Houfes 5 7vhich was done by the Lords, and con-
ferences were held upon it. The Lords thought,
that^ fince they paid their fhare of the tax, it was
not reafonable to exclude them from the accounts.
The Commons adhered to their claufe : And the
bill v/as in great danger of being loft. But the
King prevailed with the Lords to recede. An ad-
ditional excife, that had been formerly given, was
now
Parlia
of King Ch ARLE s II. -s5
-now falling : So they continued that for three 16770
years longer. And they were in all things fo com- "^.^^r^
pHant, that the Court had not for many years had
fo hopeful a feffion as this was. But all was
changed of a fudden.
The King of France was then making one of AfFairs in
his early campaigns in Flanders ^ in which he at i'landeru
iirft took Valenciennes, and then divided his Army
in two. He with one befieged Cambray: And
the other commanded by his brother befieged St.
Omer. But, tho' I intend to fay little of foreign
affairs, yet where I came to the knowledge of par^
ticulars that I have not feen in any printed relations,
I will venture to fet them down. Turenne's death
was a great blow to the King of France ; but not
to his Minillers, whom he defpifed, and who hated
him. But the King had fuch a perfonal regard to
him, that they were afraid of oppoiing him too
much. He was both the moil cautious, and the
moft obliging General that ever commanded an
Army. He had the art of making every man
love him, except thofe that thought they came in
fome competition with him : For he was apt to
treat them with too much contempt. It was an ex-
traordinary thing that a random cannon lliot fhould
have killed him. He fat by the balance of his
body a while on the faddle, but fell down dead in
the place : And a great defign he had, which pro-
bably would have been fatal to the German Army,
died with him. The Prince of Conde v/as fent to
command the Army to his great afflidion : For
this was a declaration, that he was efteemed in-
ferior to Turenne, which he could not v/eli bear,
tho' he was inferior to him in all that related to
the command y unlefs it was in a day of battle,
in which the prefence of mind, and vivacity of
thought, which v/ere wonderful in himi, gave him
fom.e advantage. But he had too much pride, to
be fo obliging as a General ought to be. And he
W4S too much a ilave to pleafure, and gamed toq
8 3 mmhi
6 The History of the Reign
J 6 77. ninch, to have that conftant application to his
^\w?'V*s=' bufinefs that the ether had. He was entirely loft
in the King's good opinion, not only by reafon
of his behaviour during his .minority : But, after
that was forgiven, once when the King was ill,
not without apprehenfions, he fent for him, anci
recommended his fon to his care, in cafe he fliould,
die at that time. But he, inftead of receiving
this, as a great mark of confidence, with due ac-
knowledgements, expoftulated upon the ill ufage
Jie had met with. The King recovered ; but
jiever forgot that treatment, and took all occa-
lions to mortify him •, which the Minifters knew
well, ^nd feconded him in it : So that, bating the
outward refpedt due to his birth, they treated him
very hardly in all his pretenfions.
The The French King came down to Flanders in
French ^5^ and firft took Conde, and then befieged
Vned ^' ^ouchain. The fiege went on in form : And the
battle King lay with an Army covering it, when on a
when of- fudden the Prince of Orange drew his Army to-
fered by ggther^ and went up almoft to the King's camp,
piQ^aTgc ^^^^'^^S him battle. All the MarHials and Ge-
'nerals concluded that battle was to be given, and
that the war would be that day ended. ' The King
heard all this coldly. Schomberg was newly
made a Marihal, and had got great honour the
year before againft the Prince of Orange, in raifing
the ^lege of Maeftrickt. He commanded in a
quarter at fome diftance. The King faid, he would
come to no refolution, till he heard his opinion,
Louvoy fent for him by a confident perfon, whom
he ordered to tell him what had happened y and
that, in any opinion he was to give, he muft con^
fider the Ki-ng's perfon. So, when he came to the
King's tent, a council of war was called : And
Schomberg was ordered to deliver his opinion
iirft. He faid, the King was there on defign to
cover the liege of Bouchain : A young General
was come up on a defperate humour to offer him
battle V
of King Charles II. 7
battle : He did not doubt, but it would be a glo- 1677.
rious decifion of the war : But the King ought to ^^^ry^p^
conlider his own defigns, and not to be led out of
thefe by any bravado, or even by the great hope
of fuceefs : The King ought to remain in his poit,
till the pla^e was taken : Otherwife he fufrered
another man to be the mafter of his counfels and
■&6lions. When the place was taken, then he was
to come to new counfels : But till then he thought
he was to purfue his firft defign. The King faid
Schomberg was in the right : And he was ap-
plauded that day, as a better Courtier than a
General. I had all this from his own mouth.
To this I will add a pleafant palTage, that the
Prince of Conde told young Rouvigny, now Earl
of Galloway. The King ot France has never yet
fought a battle ; and has a mighty notion of that
matter : And, it feems, he apprehends the danger
of it too much. Once he was chiding the Prince
of Conti for his being about to fight a combat
with a Man of quality. The King told him, he
ought to confider the dignity of his blood, and
not put himfelf on the level with other fubjeds ;
and that his uncle had declined fighting on that
very account. The Prince of Conti anfwered, my
uncle might well have done fo, after he had won
two battles ; but I, who. have yet done nothing,
muft pretend to no fuch diftinction. The King
told this anfwer to the Prince of Conde, who faw
he was nettled with it. So he faid to him, that
his nephew had in that fpoke like a young man :
For winning of a battle was no great matter ; fince,
tho' he who commanded had the glory of it, yet
it was the fubalterns that did the bufmefs : In
which he thought he pleafed the King ; and for
which he laughed heartily at him, when he told
the ilory. The late King told me, that in thefe
campaigns the Spaniards were ' both fo ignorant
and fo backward, fo proud and yet fo weak, that
they would never X)wn their feeblenefs, or their
B 4 wants.
8 The History of the Reign
1677. wants, to him. They pretended they had ftores^
S.,^iAf*mJ when they had none •, and thoufands, when they
fcarce had hundreds. He had in their counfels
often defired, that they would give him only a
true ilate of their garrifons and magazines. But
they always gave it falfe. So that for fome cam-
paigns all was loft, merely becaufe they deceived
Jiim in the firength they pretended they had. At
laft he believed nothing they faid, but fent his
own officers to examine every thing. Monterey
was a wife man, and a good Governor, but was
a coward. Villa Hermofa was a brave man, but
ignorant and weak. Thus the Prince had a fad time
of it every campaign. But none was fo unhappy
as this : In which, upon the lofs of Valenciennes,
he looking on St. Omer as more important than
Cambray, went thither, and ventured a battk too
l-ailily. Luxembourgh, with a great boay of
horfe, came into the Duke of Orleans's Army, juft
as they were engaging. Some regiments of ma-
rines, on whom the Prince depended much, did
■ bafely run away. Yet the other bodies fought fo
, ¥/ell, that he loft not much, befides the honour
Cambray" of the day. But upon that St. Omer did im.me-
and^Sr. ^lately capitulate, as Cambray did fome days after.
k©n." -^^ ^^^ thought, that the King was jealous of the
honour his brother had got in that adion ; for he
never had the command of an army after that
time : And, courage being the chief good quality
that he had, it was thought his having no occafion
given him to fhew it flowed from fome particular
reafon.
Tlie Thefe things happening during this Seffion of
Houfe of Parliament, made great impreflion on all peoples
Commons ip^inds. Sir W. Coventry opened the bufinefs in
^^^ u^ ,. the Heufe of Commons-, and fti^ewed the danger
to engage of all thefe Provinces falling under the power of
\i\ the war. France \ which maft end in the ruin of the United
Provinces, if a timely ftop were not put to the
progrefs the French were making. He demon^
ftrate^ij
of King Charles li; 9
flrated, that the interefl of England made it ne- i^^j,
ceflary for the King to withdraw his mediation, v^v"^*-^
and enter into the alUance againfr France : And
the whole Houfe went into this. There were great
complaints made of the regiments that the King
kept in the French army, and of the great fervice
that was done by them. It is true, the King fuf-
fered the Dutch to make levies. But there was
another fort of encouragement given to the levies
for France, particularly in Scotland -, where it
looked liker a prefs than a levy. They had not
only the publick jails given them to keep their
men in : But, when thefe were full, they had the
caftle of Edinburgh affigned them, till Ihips were
ready for their tranfport. Some, that were put
in prifon for Conventicles, were, by order of
Council, delivered to their officers. The Spanifh.
JEmbaffador heard of this, and made great comi-
plamis upon it. So a Proclamation was ordered,
prohibiting any more levies. But Duke Lauder-
dale kept it up fome days, and writ down to haften
the levies away ; for a Proclamation was coming
down againft them. They were all fiiipped off,
but had not failed, when the Proclamation came ■ '
down : Yet it was kept up, till they failed away-
One of the Ihips was driven back by flrefs of
weather : But no care was taken to execute the
Proclamation. So apparently was that Kingdom in
a French management.
The Houfe of Commons preiled the King, by
repeated addreffes, to fall into the intereil of
Europe, as well as his own. The King was un-
eafy at this, and fent them feveral angry melTages.
Peace and war, he faid, were undoubtedly matters
within his prerogative, in which they ought noc
to meddle. And the King in common difcourfe
remembred often the Pariiamient's engaging his
father and grandfather in the affairs of Germany,
and to break the match with Spain, which proved
fatal to them : And he rcfoived not to be ferved in
fuch
10 The History of the Reign
1677. fuch a manner. Upon this occafion, LordDanby
^*0/*'^ faw his error, of negledling the leading men, and
reckoning upon a majority, fuch as could be made :
For thefe leading men did fo entangle the debates,
and over-reached thofe on whom -hehad pradifed,
that they, working on th&averfion that the Englifh
Nation naturally has to a French intereft, fpoile^
the hopefulleft Seffion the Court had had of a great
while, before the Court was well aware of it. The
King, who was yet firmly united with France, dif-
miffed them with a very angry fpeech, checking
them for going fo far in matters that were above
them, and that belonged only to him : Tho' they
brought to him many precedents in the Reigns
. of the higheft fpirited of all our Kings, in which
Parliaments had not only offered general advices,
about the entering into wars, but even fpecial ones,
as to the condu6t that was to be held in them.
The whole Nation thought it a great happinefs, to
fee a Seffion, that Lord Shaftfbury's willfulnefs
had, as it were, driven in to the Court, end with
doing fo little mifchief ; far contrary to all mens
expettations.
Danbyde- When the Seffion was over. Lord Danby faw
dared a- J^jg ^^[^ ^^g inevitable, if he could not bring the
France "^^"S ^^ ^^^^'^'^ ^ French intereft : Upon which he
fet himfelf much to it. And, as he talked with
an extraordinary zeal againfl France on all occa-
fions, fo he preffed the King much to follow the
advices of his Parliament. The King feemed to
infift upon this, that he would once have a peace
made, upon the grounds that he had concerted
with France : And, when that was done, he would
enter next day into the Alliance. But he Hood
much upon this -, that having once engaged with
France in the war, he could not with honour turn
againft France, till it was at an end. This was fuch
a refining in a point of honour, which that King
had not on ail other occafions confidered fo much,
that all men i>elieved there was fomewhat elfe at
the
of King Charles 11. ii
the bottom. The Earl of Danby continued to 1677.
jgive, by Sir WilHam Temple, all poffibie affii- >«><v^
ranees to the Prince of Orange, preffing him like-
wife to make fome compliances on his fide. And
he gave him great hopes of bringing about a mar-
riage with the Duke's Daughter •, v/hich was uni-
verfally defired by all the Proteftant party, both
at home and abroad. Great offers were made to
the Duke to draw him into the Alliance. He was
offered the command of the whole force of the
Allies. And he feemed to be wrought on by the
proiped of fo great an authority. There was a
party that were ilill very jealous of Lord Danby
in all this matter. Some thought, ail this was ar-
tifiqe •, that a war would be offered to the next
SefTion, only to draw money from the Parliament,
and thereby to raife an army ; and that, when the
army was raifed, and much money given to fup-
port it, all would be fold to France for another
great fum ; and that the Parliament would be
brought to give the money to pay an army for
fome years, till the Nation (liould be fubdued to
an entire compliance with the Court. It was given
out, that this mull be the fcheme by which he
maintained himfelf in the King and the Duke's
confidence, even when he declared himfelf an open
enemy to that which they were ftill fupporting.
This he did with fo little decency, that at Sancroft's
confecration dinner, he began a health, to the con-
fufion of all that were not for a war with France.
He got the Prince of Orange to afk the King's
leave to come over at the end of the campaign :
With which the Court of France was not pleafed ;
for they fufpefted a defign for the marriage. But
the King aflfured Barillon, who was lately fent over
Embaffador in Courtin's place, that there w^as noc
a thought of that ; and that the Prince of Orange
had only a mind to talk with him : And he hoped,
he fhould bring him into fuch meafures, as Ihould
produce a fpeedy peace,
Ths
12 The History of the Reign
1677. The campaign cndeA unfuccefsfuUy to the
v-^'V-'w' Prince : For he fat down before Charleroy, but
fne T^^^g forced to raife the fieo;e. When that was
o\n?e over, he came to England, and ftaid fome time
came'iito in it, talking with his two uncles about a peace-.
England. But they could not bring him up to their terms.
After a fruitiefs ftay for fome weeks, he intended
to go back without propofing marriage. He had
no mind to be denied : And he faw no hope of
fucceeding, unlefs he would enter more entirely into
his uncle's meafures. Lord Danby preifed his
Haying a few Days longer, and that the manage-
ment of that matter might be left to him. So next
- Monday morning, after he had taken care, by all
his creatures about the King, to put him in a very
good humour, he came to the King, and told
him, he had received Letters from all the beft
friends his Majefty had in England, and fhewed
a bundle of them ; (which he was pretty fure the
King would not trouble himfelf to read ; probably
they were written as he had direfted.) They ail
agreed, he faid, in the fame advice, that the
King fliould make a marriage between the Prince
of Grange and the Duke's Daughter : For they
all believed he came over on that Account : And,
if he went av/ay without it, no body would doubt,
but that he had propofed it, and had been denied.
Upon which the Parliament would certainly make
addrelTes to the King for it. And if the marriage
was made upon that, the King would lofe the
grace and thanks of it : But if it was ftill denied,
even after the addreffes of both Houfes, it would
raife jealoufies that might have very ill confe-
quences. Whereas, if the King did it of his own
motion, he would have the honour of it : And,
by fo doing, he v/ould bring the Prince into a
greater dependence on him.felf, and beget in the
Nation fuch a good opinion of him, as would lay
a foundation for a mutual confidence. This he
enforced v/ii;h all the topicks he could think
of King Charles II. 1 3
on. The King faid, the Prince had not fo much 1677.
as propofed it : Lord Danby owned he had fpoke -^'Y^^
of it to himfelf j and faid, that his not moving it
to the King was only, becaufe he apprehended he
was not like to fucceed in it. The King faid next,
my brother will never confent to it. Lord Danby
anfwered, perhaps not, unlefs the King took it
upon him to command it : And he thought it was
the Duke's intereft to have it done, even more than
the King's : All People were now poffellcd of his
being a Papifl, and were very apprehenfive of it :
But if they faw his daughter given to one that
was at the head of the Proteftant intereft, it would
very much foften thofe apprehenfions, when it did
appear that his religion was only a perfonal thing,
not to be derived to his children after him. With
all this the King was convinced. So he fent for
the Duke, Lord Danby ftaying ftill with him,
"When the Duke came, the King told him he had
fent for him, to defire he would confent to a thing
that he was fure was as much for his intereft, as
it was for his own quiet and fatisfa6lion. The
Duke, v\fithout afliing what it was, faid, he v/ould
be ready always to comply with the King's pleafdre
in every thing. So the King left it to the Lord
Danby to fay over all he had faid on that head to
himfelf. The Duke feemed m.uch concerned. But
the King faid to him y Brother, I deiire it of you
for my fake, as well as your own : And upon that
the Duke confented to it. So Lord Danby fent
immediately for the Prince, and in the King's
name ordered a Council to be prefently fummoned.
Upon the Prince's coming, the King, in a very
obliging way, faid to him •, Nephew, it is not
good for man to be alone, I will give you a help
meet for you : And fo he told him he would be-
llow his niece on him. And the Duke, with a
feeming heartinefs, gave his confent in very oblig-
ing terms : The King adding, Nephew, remember
that love and war do not agree well together. In
th
e
14 iThe History of the Reign
1.6770 the mean while the news of the intended mafHagg
K^\ >j went over the Court and Town. All, except the
French and the Popifh party, were much pleafed
with it. Barillon was amazed. He went to the
Dutchefs of Portfmouth ; and got her to fend all
her creatures to defire to fpeak to the King : She
He mar- writ him like wife feveral Billets to the fame pur-
ned the pofe. But Lord Danby had ordered the Council
dauehter ^^ ^^ called : And he took care, that neither the
King nor the Duke Ihould be fpoke to, till the
matter was declared in council. And when that
was done, the King prefented the Prince to the
young Lady, as the perfon he defigned fhould be
her hufband. When Barillon faw it was gone fo
far, he fent a courier to the Court of France with
the news : Upon whofe arrival Montague, that
was then our EmbalTador there, was fent for.
When he came to Verfailles, he faw the King the
moft moved, that he had ever obferved him to
be. He alked him, when was the marriage to be
made ? Montague underftood not what he meant.
So he explained all to him. Montague protelled
to him, that he knew nothing of the whole matter.
That King faid, he always believed the journey
would end in this : And he feemed to think that
our Court had now forfaken him. He fpoke of
the King's part in it more decently ; but expollu-
lated feverely on the Duke's part, who had now
given his daughter to the greateft enemy he had in
the world. To all this Montague had no anfwer
to make. But next night he had a courier with
letters, from the King, the Duke, and the Prince,
to the King of France. The Prince had no mind
to this piece of courtfliip : But his uncle obliged
him to it, as a civility due to kindred and blood.
The King aflured the King of France, that he had
made the match on defign to engage the Prince to
be more tradable in the treaty, that was now go-
ing on at Nimeguen. The King of France re- .
ceived thefe letters civilly ; but did not feem much
fatisfied
of King Charles II.
fatisfied with them. Montague was called over
foon after this, to e,et new inftrudions. And Lord
Danby afked him, how the King of France received
the news of the^-marriage. He anfwered, as he would
have done the lofs of an army -, and that he had
fpoke very hardly of the Duke> for confenting to
it, and not at leaft acquainting him with it. Lord
Danby anfwered, he wronged him \ for he did not
know of it an hour before it was publifhed, and
the King himfelf not abo^^e two hours. All this
relation 1 had from Montague himfelf. It was a
mafter-piece indeed, and the chief thing in the
Earl of Danby's minilfry, for which the Duke
never forgave him.
Upon the general fatisfaclion that this marriage iSy^,
gave the whole Nation, a new fefTion of Parlia- w-y'^-/^
ment was called in the beginning of the year y^ :
To which the King declared the fenfe he had of
the dangerous ftate their neighbours were in, and
that it was neceffary he fnould be put in a pofture
to bring things to a balance. So the Houfe was
preiTed to fupply the King in fo plentiful a manner^
as the occafion did require. The Court allied
money, both for an army and a fleet. Sir William
Coventry fhewed the great inconvenience of railing
a land army, the danger that might follow on it,
the little ufe could be made of it, and the great
charge it muft put the Nation to : He was for
hiring bodies from the German Princes, and for
aiTifting the Dutch with money : And he moved
to recai our troops from France, and to em.ploy
them in the Dutch Service: He thought, that
which did more properly belong to England, was
to fet out a great fleet, and to cut off the French
trade every v/here ; for they were then very hi.gh
in their manufa6tures and trade ; tlieir people were
ingenious as well as induftrious j they wrought
hard, and lived low ; fo they fold cheaper than
others could do •, and it wa$ found, that we fent
very near a million of our Money in fpecie every
year
i6 Tlie'Hr STORY of the Reign
1678, year for the balance of our trade with them. But:
v-rv>»/ the King had promifed fo many CommiJfTions to
men of quaUty in both Houfes, that this carried
it for a land army. It was faid, what hazard
could there be from an army commanded by men
of eftates, as this was to be ? A fevere aft pafs'd
prohibiting all importation of the French manu-
ladures or growth for three years, and to the next
feffion of Parliament after that. This was made
as ftri6t as was poffibie : And for a year after
it was well look'd to. But the merchants found
ways to evade it : And the Court was too much
French, not to connive at the breach of it. In
the preamble of this A61 it was fet forth, that
we were in an aflual war v/ith France. This was
excepted to, as not true in fad. But the miniftry
affirmed we were already engaged fo far with the
Allies, that it was really a war, and that our
troops were already called from France. Coventry
in fome heat faid, the King was engaged, and he
would rather be guilty of the murder of forty men,
than to do any thing to retard the progrefs of the
war. The oddnefs of the expreffion made it to be
often objedled afterwards to him. A poll bill was
■; granted, together with the continuance of the ad-
Supplies ditional cuftom.s, that were near falling off. Six
given to- hundred thoufand pound was alfo given for a land
wards the ^^^^y^ and for a fleet. All the Court party mag-
nified the defign of raifing an army. They faid,
the employing hired troops was neither honourable
nor fafe. The Spaniards were willing to put Ofl:end
aiid Newport in our hands : And we could not be
anfwerable for thefe places, if they were not kept
by our own people,
T^he At this time the King of France made a Hep
French that fbruck terror into the Dutch, and enfiamed
take iIjq Engiifli out of mcafure. Louvoy till then
^^^^' was rather his father's affiftant, than a minifter
upon his own foot. He at this time gained the
^ credit with the King, which he maintained fo long
I afterwards.
,of King C H A R L E S II. If
afterwards. He propofed to hirn the taking of i^'/S.
Ghent ; and thought that the King's getting ^-•^/'^^
into fuch a place, fo near the Dutch, would im-
n-jcdiately difpofe them to a peace. But it was
not eafy to bring their army fo foon about it,
without being obferved : So the execution feemed
impoffible. He therefore laid fuch a fcheme of
marches and countermarches, as did amufe all the
Allies. Sometimes the defign feemed to be on the
Rhine : Sometimes on Luxcmburgh. And while
their forces were fent to defend thofe places, where
they -apprehended the defign was laid, and tha£
nose of the French Generals them.felves did
apprehend what the true defign was, all on the
fudden Ghent was invefled : and both town and
citadel were quickly taken. This was Louvoy's
mailer-piece. And it had the intended effeft. It
brought the Dutch to refolve on a peace. The
French King might have taken Bruges, Oftend,
and Newport. But he only took Ypres ; for he
had no mind to provoke the Englilh. He was
fure of his point by the fright this put the Dutch
in. We were much alarmed at it. And the Duke
of Monmouth was immediately fent over with
fome of the Guards.
But the Parliament grew jealous, as they had TheaFairs
great caufe given them, both by what was then °^ ^^^^^
doing in Scotland, and by the management they
obferved at Court. And now I mAill JookNortk-
ward to a very extraordinary fcene that opened
there. Duke Lauderdale and his Duchefs went to
Scotland the former year. Her defign 'was to
marry her Daughters into tv/o of the great tamilies
of- Scotland, Argile and Murray, which fhe did.
But, things being then in great diforder, by reafon j^j^i'^^^- *
ot the numbers and defperate tempers or thofe
who were intcrcommoned, Sharp pretended, he
was in great danger of his life ; and that the
rather, becaufe the perfon that had made the at-
tempt on him was let live ftill. Upon this, I muft
Vol.. IL ,C ' teli
f8 ' The FIiSTOPvY of the Reign
1678. tell what had paft three years before this. Sharp
had obferved a man that icept fhop at his door,
who iook'd very narrowly at him always as he
pafs'd by : And he fancied, he was the man that
Ihot at him fix years before. So he ordered him
to be taken up and examined. It was found, he
had two piftols by him, that were deeply charged,
which increafed the fufpicion. Yet the man de-
nied all. But Sharp got a friend of his to go to
him, and deal with him to miake a full confeffion :
And he made folemn promifes, that he would pro-
cure his pardon. His friend anfwered, he hoped
he did not intend to make ufe of him to trepan a
man to his ruin. Upon that, with lifted up hands.
Sharp promifed by the living God, that no hurt
Ihould come to him, if he made a full difcovery.
The perlon came again to him, and faid, if a
promife was made in the King's nam^e, the
prifoner would tell all. So it was brought before
the Council. Lord Rothes, Halton, and Ppm-
rofe were ordered to examine him. Primrofe
faid it would be a ftrange force of eloquence, to
perfuade a man to contefs, and be hanged. So
Duke Lauderdale, being the King's Commiffioner,
gave them power to promife him his lite. And as
foon as thefe Lords told him this, he immediately
kneeled down, and confelTed the fa6l, and told the
whole manner of it. There was but one perfon
privy to it, who was then dead. Sharp was
troubled to fee fo fmall a difcovery made : Yet
they could not draw more from him. So then it
was confidered, what fhouid be done to him. Some
moved the cutting off his right hand. Others
faid, he might learn to praftife with his left
hand, and to take his revenge j therefore they
thought both hands fliould be cut off. Lord
Rothes, who was a pleafant man, faid, how fhall
he wipe his breech then. This is not very decent
to be mentioned in fuch a work, if it were not
necelfary j for when the truth of the promife now
given
of King C H A R L E s ir.
given was afterwards called in quefcion, this jtft
was called to mind, and made the whole matter
to be remembred. But Primrofe moved, that
lince life was promifed, which the cutting off a
limb might endanger, it was better to kesp him
prifoner during life in a caftie they had in the Bafs,
a rock in the mouth of the Frith : And thither
he was fent. But it was thought necelTary to make
him repeat his confeflion in a Court of Judicature ;
So he was brought into the Jufticiary Court upon
an indictment lor the crime to v/hich it v/as ex-
peded he fhould plead guilty. But the Judge,
who hated Sharp, as he went up to the bench,
paffing by the prifoner faid to him, Confefs no-
' thing, unlefs you are fure of your limbs as well as
of your life. Upon this hint he, apprehending the
danger, refufed to confefs : Which being reported
to the Council, an ad: was paft mentioning the
promife and his confeilion, and adding, that fmce
he had retraced his confeflion, they like wife re-
called the promife of pardon : The meaning of
which was this, that, if any other evidence was
brought againft him, the promife fhould not cover
him : But it ftill was underftood, that this pro-
mife-fecured him from any ill effe6l by his own
confeflion. The thing was almofl: forgot after
four years, the man being in all refpeds very in-
conflderable. But now Sharp would have his life.
So Duke Lauderdale gave way to it : And he was
brought to Edinburgh in order to his trial. NiflDit,
who had been the King's Advocate, and was one
of the worthieft and learnedefl: men of the age,
was turned out. And Mackenzie Vs^as put in his
place, v/ho was a man of much life and wit, but
he was neither equal ncr corred in it : He has
publiiKed many books, feme of law, but all full
of faults ♦, lor he was a flight and fuperficial man.
Lockhart was afllgned counfel for the prifoner.
And now that the matter came again into peoples
memory, all were amazed at the proceeding.
C 2 Primrofe
LO Tke History of tlte Xldgn
6yS< ' Primrofe was turned out of the place of Lord
Regifter, and was made Juilice General, He fan-
cied orders had been given to raze the Ad: that the
Council had made : So he turned the books, and
he found the Ad; ftill on record. He took a copy
of it, and fent it to Mitchell's Counfel : That was
the prifoner's name. And, a day or two before
the trial, he went to Duke Lauderdale, who, to-
gether with Sharp, Lord Rothes, and Lord Haiton,
were fummoned as the prifoner's witnefles. He
told him, many thought there had been a promife
of life given. Duke Lauderdale denied it lliffly.
Primrofe faid, he heard there was an A61 of Coun-
cil made about it, and he wiihcd that might be
looked into. Duke Lauderdale faid, he was fure
it was not pofiible, and he would not give himfeli
the trouble to turn over the books of Council.
Primrofe, who told me this, faid his confcience
led him to give Duke Lauderdale this warning of
the matter, but that he was not forry to fee him
thus rejed; it. The trial was very folemn. The
confeffion was brought againft him, as full evi-
dence : To which Lockhart did plead, to the ad-
miration of all, to ihew that no extrajudicial con-
feffion could be allowed in a Court. The hard-
fhips of a prifon, the hopes of life, with other
pradifesj, might draw confeffions from men, when
they were perhaps drunk, or out of their fenfes.
He brought upon this a meafure of learning, that
amazed the audience, out of the lawyers of all
civilized Nations. And, when it was oppofed to
this, that the Council was a Court of Judicature,
he Oiewed, that it was not the proper -Court for
■crimes of this nature, and that it had not proceed-
ed in this as a Court of Judicature. And he
brought out likewife a great deal of learning upon
■thofe heads. But this was over-ruled by the
■Court, and the confeffion was found to be judicial.
"The next thing pleaded for him was, that it was
drawn from him upon hope and promife of life :
And
^f King C K A R L E S IL £ s
And to this Sharp was examined. The perfon he 167
had fent to Mitchell gave a full evidence of the >-^V
promifes he had made him : But Sharp denied
ihem all- He alfo denied he heard any promife ot
life made him by the Council : So did the Lords ,
L-auderdale, Rothes.^ and HaltoBj to the aftonlfli-
ment of all that were prefent. Lockhart upon
that produced a copy of the Ad: of Councilj that
made exprefs mention of the promife given,, and
of his having confeiTed upon that.. And the pri-
foner prayed that tlie books of Council^ which lay
in a room over that in v^?hich the Court fat, might
be fent for. Lockhart pleaded, that fmce the
Court had judged that the Council was a Judica-
ture, all people had a right to fearcK into their
regiftersj and the prifoner, who was like tofufFer
by a confeffion made there, ought to have the be-
nefit of thofe books. Duke Lauderdale, who was
in the Court only as a witnefs^ and fo ' kad no
right to fpeak, fcood up, and faid, he and thofe
other noble perfons were not brought thither to be
accufed of perjury %, and added, that the books
of Council were the King's fecrets, and that no
Court fhould have the perufmg of tliem. The
Court was terrified witii this, and the Judges were
divided in opinion. Primrole^ and one other^
was for calling for the books. But three were of
opinion, that they v/ere not to furniili the prifoner
with evidence, but to judge of that "which he
brought. And here was only a bare copy, not
attefled upon oath, which ought not to have been
read. So, this defence being rejefted^ he v/as cafb
and condemned.
As foon as the court broke up, the Lords went And con-
up ftairs, and to their fhame found the Ad: re- demnatim
corded, and figned by Lord Rothes, as Prefi-
dent of the CounciL He pretended., he figned
every thing that the clerk of Council put in the
book v/ithout reading it. And it was intended
-"tr*
-to throw it on him. But he, to ckar bimfelf,
C 3 fe arched
24 The History of the Pvelgn
1678. fearched among his papers, and found a draught
K^^ys^ of the Ad; in Niibit's hand. So, he being rich,
and one they had turned out, they refolved to put
it upon him, and to fine him deeply. But he ex-
amined the Sederunt in the book, and fpoke to all
' who were there at the board, of whom nine hap-
pened to be in Town, who were ready to depofe
upon oath, that when the Council had ordered this
Ad to be drawn, the clerk of the Council defired
the help of the King's Advocate in penning it,
which he gave him •, and his draught was approved
by the Council. And now Lord Rothes's jeft was
remembred. Yet Duke liauderdale ftill flood to
it, that the promife could only be for interceeding
with the King for his pardon, fmce the Council
had not the power of pardoning in them. Lord
Kincardin acted in this the part of a Chrifiian to
an enemy. Duke Lauderdale had writ to him, he
being then ferving for him at Court, that he re-
ferred the account of Mitchell's bufmefs to his
brother's letters ; in which the matter was truly
related, that upon promife of life he had confelTed
the fad ; and he concluded, defiring him to afk
the King, that he would be pleafed to make good
the promife. Thefe letters I faw in Lord Kin-
cardin's hand. Before the trial he fent a Bifhop
to Duke Lauderdale, defiring him to confider
better of that matter, before he would upon oath
deny it : For he was fure he had it under his, and
his brother's hand, though he could not yet fall
upon their letters. But Duke Lauderdale defpifed
this. Yet, before the execution he went to his
houfe in the country, and there found the letters,
and brought them in with him, and fhewed them
to that Bifliop. All this made fome impreffion
on Duke Lauderdale : And he was willing to grant
a reprieve, and to refer the matter to the King.
So a petition was offered to the Council : And he
fpoke for it. But Sharp faid, that was upon the
matter the expofing his perfon to any man that
would
of King Charles II.
would attempt to murder him, fince favour was
to be fhev/ed to fuch an aflaiTm. Then faid Duke
Lauderdale, in an impious jeft, Let Mitchell
glorify God in the grafs market, which was the
place where he was to be hanged. 1 his action,
and all concerned in it, v;ere look'd at by all people
with horror. And it was fuch a compHcation of
treachery, perjury, and cruelty, as the like had not
perhaps been known. Yet Duke Lauderdale had
a Chaplain, Hickes, afterwards i3ean of Worceller,
who publifhed a falfe and partial relation of this
matter, in order to the juftifying of it. Prim-
rofe not only gave me an account of this matter,
butfent me an authentick record or the trial, every
page figned by the clerk of the Court ; of which
I have here given an abftraft. This I fet down the
more fully, to let my readers fee to what a height
in wickednefs men may be carried, after they have
once thrown off good principles. What Sharp
did now to preferve himfelf from fuch pradlices
was probably that which, both in the juft judg-
ment of God, and the enflamed fury of wicked
men, brought him two years after to fuch a difmal
end.
This made way to more defperate undertaking?.
Conventicles grew in the Weft to a very imfufier-
able pitch : They had generally with theni a troop
of armed and defperate men, that drew up, and
-fent parties out to fecure them. Duke Lauderdale
upon this threatned he would extirpate them, and
ruin the whole country, if a ftop was not put to
thofe meetings. The chief men of thole parts
upon that went into Edinburgh : They offered to
guard and aflift any that fiiould be fent to execute
the laws againft all offenders ; and offered to leave
fome as Hoftages, who fliould be bound body for
body for their fecurity : They confefled there were
many Conventicles held among them in a moll
fcandalous manner : But, tho' they met in the
fields, and many of them were armed, yet, when
C 4 their
i24 The History of the Reign
1 678. their fermons were done, they difperfed themfelves :
t/'Y^ And there was no violent oppofition made at any
time to the execution of the law : So, they faid,
there v/as no danger of the pubiick peace of the
' country. Thofe conventicling people were be-
come very giddy and furious : And fome hot and
hair-brained young preachers were chiefly-followed
among them, who infufed wild principles into
their hearers, which were difowned by the chief
men of the party. The truth was, the country
was in a gr^at diftraftion : And that was chiefly
occafioned by the fl:range adminifLration they were
The admi- then under. Many grew weary of their country,
niftration q^^-^^ ^y^^ of their lives. If Duke Lauderdale,
there giew^^ any of his party, brought a complaint againft
lent and any of the Other fide, how falfe or frivolous fo-
jIIegaL ever, they were fummoned upon it to appear be-
fore the Council, as fowers of fedition, and as men
that fpread lies of the Government : And upon the
flighteft pretences they were fined and imprifoned.
"When very illegal things were to be done, the
common method was this : A letter was drawn
for it to be figned by the King,''dire6ling it upon
fome colour of law or ancient practice : The King
iigned whatfoever was thus fent to him : And
.Vvdien his letter was read in Council, if any of the
lav/yers or others of the board offered to object
to it, he was brow-beaten, as a man that oppofed
the King's fervice, and refufed to obey his orders.
And by thefe means things were driven to great
extremities.
Upon one of thofe letters, a new motion was
fet on foot, that went beyond all that had been
yet made. All the landlords in the Weftern
Counties were required to enter into bonds for
themfelves, their wives, children, fervants, tenants,
and all that lived upon their eftates, that they
ihould not go to Conventicles, nor harbour any
vagrant teachers, or any Intercommuned perfons ;
iiad that they fhould live in ^all points according
to
of King C H A R L E s II. 25
to law under the penalties of the laws. This was 1678.
generally refufed by them : They faid, the law did •■„^^'-^*>^
not impofe it on them : They could not be an-
fwerable for their fervants, much lefs for their
tenants : This put it in the power of every fervant
or tenant to ruin them. Upon their refufing this,
Duke Lauderdale writ to the King, that the
country was in a ftate of rebellion, and that it was
neceffary to proceed to hoililities for reducing them.
So by a letter, fuch as he lent up, the King left
it to him and the Council to take care of the
publick peace in the beft way they could.
Upon this all the force the King had was fent ^j, army
into the weft country, v/ith fome cannon, as if of High-
it had been for fome dangerous expedition : And '?i"<^ers
letters were writ to the Lords in the Highlands, ;:"^'f, ,
to fend all the ftrength they could to affift the y^on ^^^^
King's army. The Marquifs of Athol, to fhew quarter.
his greatnefs, fent 2400 men. The Earl of Braid-
albin fent 1700. And in all, 8000 men Vv^ere
brought into the country, and let loofe upon free
quarter. A Committee of Council was lent to
give neceffary orders. Here was an Army. But
no enemy appeared. The Plighlanders were very-
unruly, and itole, and robbed every where. The
gentlemen of the country were required to de-
liver up their arms upon oath, and to keep no
horfe above four pound price. The gentlemen
looked on, and would do nothing. This put Duke
Lauderdale in fuch a frenzy, that at Council table
he made bare his arms above his elbow, and fwors
by Jehovah he would make . them enter into thofe
bonds. Duke Hamilton, and others, who were
vexed to fee fuch wafte made on their eftates, in
plowing time efpecially, came to Edinburgh to
try if it was poffible to mollify him. But a Pro-
clamation was iffued out, requiring all the inhabi-
tants of thofe Counties to go to their houfes, to be
affiftant to the King's hoft, and to obey fuch orders
?is fhould be fent them. And by another pro-
clamation
26 The History of the Reign
1678. clamation all men were forbidden to go out of the
I^VN; Kingdom without leave from the Council, on pre-
tence that their ftay was neceffary for the King's
fervice. Thefe things feemed done on defign to
force a rebellion ; which they thought v/ould be
foon qualh'd, and would give a good colour for
keeping up an army. And Duke Lauderdale's
party depended fo much on this, that they began
to divide in their hopes the confifcated eftates
among them : So that on Valentine's day, inilead
of drawing miftreffes, they drew eftates. And
great joy appeared in their looks upon a falfe
alarm that was brought them of an infurredlion :
And they were as m.uch dejedted, when they knew
it was falfe. It was happy for the publick peace,
that the people were univerfally poffeifed with this
opinion : For when they faw a rebellion was de-
fired, they bore the prefent oppreffion more quietly,
than perhaps they would have done, if it had not
been for that. All the chief men of the country
v/ere fummoned before the Committee of Council,
and charged with a great many crimes, of which
they were required to purge themfelves by oath ;
Otherwife they would hold them guilty, and pro-
ceed againft them as fuch. It was in vain to
pretend, that this was againft all law, and was the
pradice only of the Courts of Inquifition. Yet
the gentlemen, being thus forced to it, did purge
themfelves by oath. And, after all the enquiries
that were made, there did not appear one fingle
circumftance to prove that any rebellion was in-
tended. And when all other things failed fo evi-
dently, recourfe was had to a writ, which a man
who fufpeds another of ill defigns towards him
may ferve him v/ith : And it was called Law-Bor-
roughs, as moft ufed in Borroughs. This lay
againft a whole family : The mafter was anfwerable,
if any one of his houlhold broke it. So, by a ■
new praftice, this writ was ferved upon the whole
country at the King's fuit : And, upon ferving
the
of King Charles II.
the writ, fecurity was to be given, much like the
binding men to their good behaviour. Many
were pat in prifon for refufing to give this fe-
curity.
Duke Hamihon had intimation fent him, that Many of
it was defigned to ferve this on him. So he, and ^'^^ ^'^'o-
ten or twelve of the Nobihty, with about fifty '^^
gentlemen or quahty, came up to compJam or t , com-
,all this ; which looked like French, or rather plain to
like Turkifh governm.ent. The Lords of Athol ^^^^ ^'"2-
and Perth, who had been two of the Committee
of Council, and had now fallen off from Duke
Lauderdale, came up with them to give the King
an account of the whole progrefs of this matter.
The clamour this made was fo high, that Duke
Lauderdale law he could not Hand under it. So
the Highlanders were fent home, after they had
wafted the country near two months. And he
magnified this as an ad: of his compaffion, that
they were fo foon difmifb. Indeed all his own
party were againft him in it. Lord Argile fent
none of his men down with the other Highlanders.
And Lord Stairs pretended that by a fall his hand
was out of joint : So he figned none of thefe wild
orders.
When the Scotch Nobility came to London, the But the
King v/ould not fee them, becaufe tTiey were come ^'■■g
out of the Kingdom in contempt of a Proclama- jy^"'^ "°^
tion ; tho' they faid, that Proclamation, being
intended to hinder them from bringing their com-
plaints to the King, was one of their greatefl
grievances. But it was anfwered, they ought to
have aiked leave : And if it had been denied them,
they were next to have afked the King's leave :
And the King infifted frill on this. Only he faw
the Lords of Athol and Perth. The madnefs of
this proceeding made him conclude, that Duke
Lauderdale's head was turned. Yet he would not
difown, much lefs punifh him for what he had
done But he intended to put Scotland in another
management.
28 The History of the Reign
167B. management, and to kt the Duke of Monmouth
vKr*^ 2,t the head of it. So he fuffered him to go to the
Scotch Lords, and be their interceflbr with him.
They were all much charmed with the foftnefs of
his temper and behaviour. But, tho' he affured
them the King would put their affairs in other
hands, they looked on that as one of the King's
artifices to gee rid of them. The matter made
great noife : And it was in the time of the feffion
ot Parliament here. And all people faid, that by
the management in Scotland it appeared what was
the fpirit of the Government , and what v/ould be
done here, as foon as the defigns of the Court were
brought to a greater perfedion. The Earl of
Danby, by fupporting Duke Lauderdale, lieightned
the prejudices that himfelf lay under. The Duke
did alfo juftify his conduft ^ which raifed higher
jealoufies of him, as being pleafed with that method
of government. The chief of the Scotch Nobility
were heard before the Cabinet-Council. And the
Earl of Nottingham held them chiefly to the point
of coming out of the Kingdom in the face of a
Proclamation. They faid, fuch Proclamations
were anciently legal, when we had a King of our
own among ourfelves : But now it was manifeftly
againft kw, lince it barred them from accefs to the
King, which was a right that was never to be de-
nied them. Lord Nottingham objected next to
them a pradlice of making the heads of the families
- or clans in the Highlands to bind for their whole
name ; and why by a parity of reafon might they
not be required to bind for their tenants r It was
anfwered, that anciently eftates were let fo low,
that fervice and the following the landlords was
inftead of a rent ; and then, in the inroads that
were made into England, landlords were required
to bring their tenants along with them : But now
lands were let at rack : And fo an end was put to
that fervice :" In the Highlands the feuds among
the families v^-ere ftiii fo high, that evaynam^
cams
of King C H A R L E s II. 29
came under fuch a dependance on the head or chief 1678.
of it for their own fecurity, that he was really the v-x'Sf'''^
mailer of them all, and fo might be bound for
them : But even this was only to reftrain depre-
dations and murthers : And it was an unheard of
ftretch, to oblige men to be bound for others in
matters of Religion and Confcience, whether real
or pretended.
The whole matter was at that time let fall. And a Con-
Duke Lauderdale took advantage from their ab- ven don of
, fence to defire leave from the King to fummon a ^^'j^^^^^
Convention of Ellates •, from whom he might ^^IT' ™^"
more certainly underlland the fenfe of the whole jaftifies
Kingdom. And, what by corrupting the Nobility, the adiri-
what by carrying eledlions, or at leaft difputes "'^'^^^^^
about them, which would be judged as the ma-
jority fhould happen to be at firil, he hoped to
carry his point. So he iffued out the writs, while
they were at London, knowing nothing of the
defign. And thefe being returnable in three
weeks, he laid the m.atter fo, that before they could
get home, ail the eledions were over :^And he vv'as
mafter of above four parts in five of that Affembly.
So they granted an afieirment for three years, in
order to the maintaining a greater force. And
they wrote a letter to the King, not only juilify-
ing, but highly magnifying Duke Lauderdale's
government. This was fo bafe and fo abjecl a
thing, that it brought the whole Nation under
great contempt.
And thus I leave the affairs of Scotland, which AfFai'rda
had a very ill influence on the minds of the Englifn^'^^S^^'^'^*
chiefly on the Houfe of Commons then fitting,
who upon it made a new addrefs againfl: Duke
Lauderdale. And that was followed by another
of a higher ftrain, reprefenting to the King the
ill eiFetls of his not harkning to their addrefs the
former year with relation to foreign afl^airs -, and
defiring him to change his Minillry, and to dif-
mifs ail thofe that had advifed the prorogation at
that
The HiSTOP.Y of the Reign
that time, and his delaying fo long to alTift the
Allies. This was carried only by a fmall majo-
The rity of two or three. So Lord Danby brought
Hoiife of yp ^1 i^jg creatures, the aged and infirm not ex-
grew iea- c^ptc^i • And then the majority lay the other way :
lousoftheAnd by iGbort adjournments the Parliament was
Court. kept fitting till Midfummer. Once Lord Danby,
thinking he had a clear majority, got the King to
fend ameffage to the Houfe, defiring an additional
Revenue of 300,000 1. during life. This fet the
Houfe all in a flame. It was faid, here was no
demand for a war, but for a revenue, which would
furnifh the Court fo well, that there would be no
more need of Parliaments. The Court party
thought fuch a gift as this would make them ufe-
lefs. So the thing was upon one debate rejedled
without a divifion. Lord Danby was much cen-
fured for his ralh attempt, which difcovered the de-
figns of the Court too barefacedly. At the fame time
he ordered Montague to treat with the Court of
France for a peace, in cafe they would engage to
pay the King 300,000 1. a year for three years. So,
when that came afterwards to be known, it was
then generally believed, that the defign was to keep
up and model the army now raifed, reckoning
there would be money enough to pay them till the
Nation fhould be brought under a military go-
vernment. And the opinion of this prevailed fo,
that Lord Danby became the moft hated Minifter
that had ever been about the King. All people
faid now, they faw the fecret of that high favour
he had been fo long in, and the black defigns that
he was contriving. At this time exprelfes went
very quick between England and France : And
the Itate of foreign affairs varied every poll. So that
it was vifible we were in a fecret negotiation : Of
which Temple has given fo particular an Account,
that I refer my reader wholly to him. But I Ihali
add one particular, that he has not mentioned :
Montague, who was a man of pleafure, was in an
intrigue
of King Charles II.
intrigue with the Duchefs of Cleveland, who was
quite caft off by the King, and was then at Paris.
The King had ordered him to find out an aftro-
log^r, of whom it was no wonder he had a good
opinion -, for he had, long before his Reftoration,
foretold he fhould enter London on the 29th of
May 60. He was yet alive, and Montague found
him ; and faw he was capable of being corrupted.
So he refolved to prompt him, to fend the King
fuch hints as fhould ferve his own ends. And he
was fo bewitched with the Duchefs of Cleveland,
that he trufted her with this fecret. But fhe, grow-
ing jealous of a new amour, took all the ways
fhe could think on to ruin him, referving this of
the aflrologer for her lafl H-iift. And by it fhe
compafTed her ends : For Montague was entirely
lofl upon it with the King, and came over without
being recalled. The Earl of Sunderland was fent
EmbafTador. in his room.
The treaty went on at Nimeguen, where Temple Affairs
and Jenkins wereour Plenipotentiaries. The States a'lroad.
were refolved to havx a peace. The Prince of
Orange did all he could to hinder it. But De
Wit's party began to gather flrength again. And
they infufed a jealoufy in all people, that the
Prince intended to keep up the war for his own
ends. A peace might be now had by refloring all
that belonged to the States, and by a tolerable
barrier in Flanders. It is true, the great difficulty
was concerning their allies, the King of Denmark,
and the Elector of Brandenburgh j who had fallen
on the Swede, upon the King's declaring'for France^
and had beat him out of Germany. No peace
could be had, unlefs the Swede was reflored,
Thofe Princes who had been quite exhaufted by
that war, would not confent to this. So they^
who had adhered fo faithfully to the States in their
extremity, preffed them to flick by them. And
riiis was the Prince of Orange's conftant topick :
How could they expert any of their allies fhould
ftick
^2 The History of the Reign
1678. ilick to them, if they now forfook fiich faithful
V'-Vw friends ? But nothing could prevail. It was given
out in Holland, that they could not depend on
England, that Court being fo entirely in a French
intereft, that they fufpedted they would, as they
had once done, fell them again to the French.
And this was believed to be let. out by the French
ininifters themfelves, who, to come at their ends,
were apt enough to give up even thole who fa-
crificed every thing to them. It was faid, the
Court of France would confider both Denmark
and Brandenburgh, and repay the charge of the
war againft Sweden. This, it was faid, was
to force thofe Princes into a dependence on France,
who would not continue thofe paym.ents fo much
for paft as for future fervices. In the mean while
the French had blocked up Mons. So the Prince
of Orange went to force them from their pofts.
Luxemburgh commanded there, and feemed to be
in full hope of a peace, when the Prince came and
attacked him. And, notwithftanding the advan-
tage of his fituation, it appeared how much the
Dutch army was now fuperior to the French, for they
beat them out of feveral pofts. The Prince had
no order to ftop. He indeed knew that the peace
was upon the matter concluded. But no intimation
was yet made to him. So it was lawful for him
to take all advantages. And he was not appre-
henfive of a new embroilment, but rather wiftied
it. The French treafure was fo exhaufted, and
their King was fo weary of the war, that no notice
was taken of the bufmefs of Mons. The treaty at
Nimeguen was iinifhed, and ratified. Yet new .
difficulties arofe, upon the French King's refufing
to evacuate the places that were to be reftored till
the Swede was reftored to all his dominions. Upon
this the Englifti ftruck in again : And the King
talked fo high, as if he would engage in a new
war. But the French prevented that, and did
evacuate the places. And then they got Denmark
and
of King Charles II.
and Brandenburgh into their dependence, under
the pretence of repaying the charge of the war.
But it was more truly, the engaging them into the
interefts of France by great penfions. So a gene-
ral peace quickly followed. And there was no
more occafion for our troops^ beyond fea. The
French were fo apprehenfive of them, that Rou-
vigny, now Earl of Gallway, was fent over to ne-
gotiate matters. That which France infifted moft
on, was the difbanding the army. And the lorce
of money was fo ftrong, that he had orders to ojflfer
fix millions of their money, in cafe the army Ihould
be difbanded in Auguft. Rouvigny had fuch an
ill opinion ofthedeiigns of our Court, if the army
was kept up, that he infilled on fixing the day for
difbanding it i at which the Duke was v^ery un-
cafy. And matters were fo managed, that the army
was not difbanded by the day prefixed for it. So
the King of France fav'd his money. And for
this piece of good management Rouvigny was
much commended. The tro')ps were brought into
England, and kept up, under the pretence thac
there was not money to pay them off. So all peo-
ple looked on the next felTion as very critical. The
party againft the Court gave all for iofl. They
believed the Lord Danby, who had fo oitea
brought his party to be very near the majority,
would now lay matters fo well as to be fure to
carry the SeiTion. And many did fo defpair of
being able to balance his numbers, that they re-
folved to come up no more, and reckoned that all
oppofition would be fruitlefs, and ferve only to
expofe themfelves to the fury of the Court. But
ot a fudden an unlook'd for accident changed all
their meafures, and put the Kingdom into fo great
a fermentation, that it well deferves to be opened
very particularly. I am fo well inftruded in all
the fteps of it, that I am more capable to give a.
full account of it than any man I know. And I
will do it fo impartially, that no party fnali have
Vol. II- ' D caufe
34
The H I s T o R y of the R(
1678. caufe to cenfure me for conceahng, or altering che
^.-.-v-o truth in any one inftanee. It is- the Hiftory ot that
called the Fopifh Plot.
ThePo- Three days before Michaelmas Dr. Tonge came
piili riot. j-Q me. I had known him at Sir Robert Murray's.
He was a gardiner and a chymift, and was full of
projefts and notions. He had got fome credit in
Cromwell's time : And that kept him poor. He
was a very mean Divine, and feemed credulous and
fmiple. But I had always look'd on him as a fia-
cere man. At this time he told me of ftrangc de- -
figns againft the King's perfon ; and that Coniers,
a Benediclin, had provided himfelf of a poniard,
with which he undertook to kill him. I was
amazed at ail this; and did not know whether
he was crazed, or had come to me on defign to
involve me in a concealing of treafon. So I went
to Dr. Lloyd, and fent him to the Secretary's orhce
with an account of that difcoiirfe of Tonge's, lincc
I would not be guilty of mifprifion of treafon. He
found at the office, that Tonge was making dif-
coveries there -, of which they made no other ac-
count, but that he intended to get himfelf to be
made a Dean. I told this next morning to Little-
ton and Powel. And they looked on it as a defign
of Lord Danby's, to be laid before the next Sef-
iion, thereby to dil]:)ofe them to keep up a greater
force, fince the Papifts were plotting againft the
King's life : This would put an end to all jealou-
fies of the King, now the Papifts were confpiring
againft his life. But Lord PLallifax, when I toid
him of it, had another apprehenfion of it. He
faid, confidering the fufpicions all people had of
the Duke's Religion, he believed every difcovery
of that fort would raife a flame, - which the Court.
would not be able to manage.
O^-^ei's TJ^" d^y ^^"^^^ '^^^^^ Titus Gates was brought bs-
ciiar-.aer.- fore the Council. He was the fon of an Anabap-
tift teacher, who afterwards conformed, and got
into orders, and took a benefices as this his ion
.did.
of King C H A R L £ s II. 2S
did. He was proud and ill-natured, haughty, but 1678.
ignorant. He had been complained of tor fome >-««-v^.«-<
very indecent expreffions concerning the myfteries
of the Chriftian Religion. He was once prefent-
ed for perjury. But he got to be. a Chaplain in
one of the King's fhips, irom which he was dif-
mils'd upon complaint of forne unnatural pradlices,
not to be named. Fie goc a quaUfication fronn
the Duke of Norfolk as one of his Chaplains : And
there he fell into much difcourfe with the Priefts
that were about that family. He feemed inclined
to be inftru6i:ed in the Popifh Religion. One
Hutchinfon, a Jefuit, had that work put on him.
He was a weak and light-headed man, and after-
wards came over to the Church of England.
Hutchinfon was a Curate about the City near a
year, and came oft to me, and preached once
for me. He feemed to be a fincere devout man,
v/ho did not at all love the Order, for' he found
they were a deceitful and meddling fort of people.
They never trufled him with any fecrets, but em-
ployed him wholly in making converts. He went
afterwards back to that Church. So all this was
thought a juggle only to caftan odium upon Oates.
He told me, that Oates and they were always in ill
terms. They did not allow Oates above nine
pence a day, of Vv'hich he complained much. And
Hutchinfon relieved him often. They v/illied they
could be well rid of him -, and fent him beyond
fea, being in very ill terms ¥/ith him. This made
Hutchinfon conclude, that they had not at that
time trufted Oates with their fecrets. Oates was
kept for fome time at St. Om.ers j and from thence
fent thro' France into Spain i, and was now re-
turned into England. He had been long aclquaint^
ed with Tonge ; and made his firft difcovery to
him. And he, by the means of one Kirby, a Chy-
mift, that was fometim^s in the King's labora-
tory, fignified the thing to the King. So Tonge
had an audience j and told the King a long thread
D 2 ©f
3 6 The H I s T © R Y of the Reign
1678. of many paflages, all tending to the taking away
his lite i which the King, as he afterwards told
me, knew not what to make of : Yet. among lb
many particulars, he did not know but there might
be fome truth. So he lent him to Lord Danby,
who intended to make fome ufe of it, but could
not give much credit to it, and handled the mat-
ter too remifsly : For, if at firft the thing had been
traced quick, either the truth or the impofture ot
the whole affair might have been made appear*
The King ordered Lord Danby to fay nothing of
it to the Duke. In the mean while fome letters of
an odd ftrain, relating to plots and difcoveries,
were fent by the poft: to Windfor, diredled to Bed-
dingfield, the Duke's ConfefTor ; who, when he
had read them, carried them to the Duke, and
protelbzd he did not know what they meant, nor
from v.'hom they came. The Duke carried them
to the King. And he fancied they were writ ei-
ther by 1 onge or Oates, and fent on defign to
have them intercep ed, to give the more credit to
the diicovery. The Duke's enemies on the other
hand gave out, that he had got fome hints of the
difcovery, and brought thefe as a blind to impofe
;on the King. The matter lay in a fecret and re-
iniifs management for fix weeks.
'^■'l^^^' . At lail, on Michaehnas Eve, Oates was brought
before r.he Council j and entertained them v/ith a
..loiig relation 01 many difcourfes he had heard
among the J.efuits, ot their defign to kill the King.
:JrJe named perfons, places, and times, almoft with-
; out number. Ke faid, many Jefu.its had dif-
.guifcd thcmfelves, and Vv' ere gone to Scotland, and
-held Field Conventicles, oji defign to diftraCt the
^ioyernir.ent there. He .fliid, he was fent firfl to
^Sz. Oiners, ihence to Paris, and from thence to
Spain, to negotiate this defign •, and that upon his
• return, v/hen he brought many letters and direc-
tions from beyond lea, there was a great meeting
of the Jefuits_ held, in London, in April laft, in
different
s.ove
of Kino; Charles II.
'b
different rooms in a tavern near St. Clements ; and
that he was employed to convey the refoiutions of
thofe in one room to thofe in another, and fo to
hand them round. The ifllie of the confultation
was, that they came to a refolution to kill the King'
by fhooting, ftabbing, or poifoning him -, that fe-'
veral attempts were made, all which failed in the
execution, as fhall be told when the trials are re-
lated. While he was going on, waiting for fome.
certain evidence to accompany his difcovery, he
perceived they were jealous of him : And fo he
durft not truft himfelf among them any more. In
all this there was not a word of Coniers, of whom
Tonge had fpoke to me. So that was dropt.
This was the fubftance of what Gates told the lirft
day. Many Jefuits were upon this feized on that
night, and the next day. And their Papers were
fealed up next day. He accufed Coleman of a
flrift correfpondence with P. de la Chaife ; (whofe
name he had not right, for he called him Father
Le Shee :) And he faid in general, that Coleman
v/as acquainted with all their defigns.
Coleman had a whole day free to make his ef- '^^'^^*™
cape, if he thought he w^as in any danger. And papers*
he had conveyed all his papers out of the way : leized.
Only he forgot a drawer under the table, in which
the papers relating to 74, 75, and a part of 76
were left. And trom thefe I drew the negotia-
tions, that I have formerly mentioned as diredlcd
by him. If he had either left all his papers, or
withdrawn all, it had been happy for his party.
Nothing had appeared, if all his papers had been
put out of the way. But, if all had been left, it
might have been concluded, that the v/hole fecret
lay iii them. But he left enough to give great jea-
loufy. And, no more appearing, all was believed
that the witnefTes had depofed. Coleman went out
of the way for a day, hearing that there was a
warrant out again (l him. But he delivered him-
lelf the next day to the Secretary of State. When
D 3 Oat.s
3^8 The History of the Reign
1578. Gates and he were confronted, Gates did not know
u.^v'w him at firll : But he naraed him, v/hen he heard
him fpeaiv. Yet he only charged him upon hear-
fay. So he v/as put in a meiTenger's hands. Gates
named Wakeman, the Queen's phyfician •, but did
not knov/ him at alL And being afi^ed, if he
knew any thing again ft him, he anfwered he did
not ; adding, God forbid, he fhould fay any thing
more than he knew, he would not do that for all
the world. Nor did he name Lans:horn the fa-
mcus Lawyer that indeed m.anaged all their con-
cerns. The King found him out in one thing.
He faid, when he was in Spain, he was carried to
Don John, who prom i fed great affiflance in the
execution of their defigns. The King, who knew
Don John well, dditd him what fort of a man he
was : He anfvvered, he was a tall lean man : Now
Don John was a little iat man. At firil he feemed
to defjga CO recommend himfelf to the Duke and
the Mmiflers : For he faid, he heard the Jeluits
oft fay, that the Duke was not fure enough to
them- : And they were in doubt, whether he would
approve of their killing the King : But they were
refolved, if they found him fliff in that matter,
to difpatch him likewife. He faid, they had oft
made ufe of his nam.e, and counterfeited his hand
and leal, v*'ithout his knowledge. He faid, the
Jefuits cherifhed the fa6lion in Scbtiand againft
Duke Lauderdale ^ and intended to murder the
Duke of Grmond, as a great enemy to all their
defigns. And he affirmed, he had (ecn many let-
ters in which thefe things were mentioned, and
had heard them oft fpoke of. He - gave a long
account of the burning of London, at which they
intended to have killed the King : But they re-
lented, when they faw him fo aftive in quenching
^ - the fire, which, as he faid, they had kindled,
man's let- ^^^ vv'hole town was all over enflam.ed with
terscon- this difcovery. It confifted of fo many particu-
firm it. lars, that it was thought to be above invention.
But
of King C H A R L E s II. 39
But when Coleman's letters came to be read and 1678.
examined, it got a great confirmation i fince by
thei'e it appeared, that fo many years before they
thought the defip-n for the.convertinp- the Nation,
and rooting out the pgpe'lent herciy that had reigned
fb long in thefe northern Kingdoms, was very near
its being executed : Mention was oft made of the
Duke's great zeal for it : And many indecent re-
flexions were made on the King, for his incon-
ftancy, and his dil^Dgficion to be brought to any
thing for money : They depended on the French
King's affiftance : And theiefore were earneft in
their endeavours to bring about a general peace,
as that which muft finifh their defign.
On the fecond day after this difcovery, the King
went to Newmarket. This was cenfured, as a very
indecent levity in him, to go and fee horfe-races,
v/hen ail people were fo much pofTeffed v/ith this
extraordinary difcovery, to which Coleman's let-
ters had gained an univerfal credit. While the
King was gone, Tonge defired to fpeak with me. .
So I went to him to ¥/hitehali, where both he and
Oates were lodged under a guard. I found him
fo lifted up, that he feemed to have loft the little
fenfe he had. Gates came in •, and made me a
compliment, that I v/as one that was mark'd out
to be kill'd. He had before faid the fame to Stil-
lingfleet of him. But he made that honour which
he did us too cheap, when he faid Tonge was to
be fervcd in the fame manner, becaufe he had
tranllated the Jefuits morals into Eiiglifli. He
broke out into great fury againft the Jefuits*, and
faid, he would have their blood. But I, to divert
him from that ftrain, a&ed him, v/hat Vv^ere the
arguments that prevailed on him to change his
Religion, and to go over to the Church ot Rome.
He upon that flood up, and laid his hands on his
breaft ■, and faid, God and his holy Angels knev/,
that he had never changed, but that he had gone
among them on purpofe to betray them. This
D 4. Rave
js mur
thered.
40 The History of the Reign
1 67 8. gave me fuch a charadler of him, that I could
V— v-<^ have no regard to any thing he either faid or fwore
after that.
Godfrey A f^w days after this, a very extraordinary thing
happened, that contributed more than any other
thing to the eftablilhing the belief of all this evi-
dence. Sir Edmondbury Godfrey was an eminent
Juftice of Peace, that lived near Whitehall. He
had the courage to flay in London, and keep things
in order durmg the plague i which gained him
much reputation, and upon which he was knight-
ed. He was efteemed the bell Juftice of Peace in
England ; and kept the Quarter where he lived
in very good order. He was then entring upon a
great delign of taking up all beggars and putting
them to work. Pie was thought vain, and apt to
take too much upon him. But there are fo few
men of a publick fpirit, that fmall faults, tho' they
leilen them, yet ought to be gently cenfured. I
knew him well, and never had reafon to think
him faulty that way*. He was a zealous Prote-
ifant, and loved the Church of England ; but had
kind thoughts of the Nonconformiils, and was not
torward to execute the laws againft them. And
he, to avoid being put on doing that, was not apt
fo fearch for Prieils or Mafs-houfes. So that few
men of his zeal lived in better terms with the Pa-
pifts than he did. Oates went to him the day be-
fore he appeared at the Council board ; and made
oath of the narrative he intended to make, which
he afterwards publiflied. This feemed to be done
in diftruft of the Privy Council, as if they might
ftifle his evidence ; which to prevent he put it in
fafe hands. Upon that Godfrey was chid for his
prefuming to meddle in fo tender a matter. And
it was generally believed, that Colemafi and he
were Iqng in a private converfation, between the
time of his (Coleman's) being put in the meflen-
ger's hands, and his being made a clufe prifoner 2
f Tiidt is, in [?,king too niucii upon hin^.
■ ■ ■ Whicl^
of King Charles II.
Which was done as foon as report was made to
the Council of the contents of his letters. It is
certain, Godfrey grew apprehenfive and referved :
For meeting me in the ftreet, after fome difcourfe
of the prefent ftate of affairs, he faid, he believed
he himfelf fhould be knocked on the head. Yet
he took no care of himfelf, and went about ac-
cording to his own maxim, fhiil without a fervant :
For he ufed to fay, that the fervants in London
were corrupted by the idlenefs and ill company
they fell into, while they attended on their ma-
ilers. On the day fortnight from that in which
Oates had made his difcovery, being Saturday,
he went abroad in the morning, and was feen about
one o'clock near St. Clement's Church ; but v/as
never feen any more. He was a pundiual man to
good hours : So his fervants were amazed when he
did not come home. Yet, he having an ancient
mother that lived at Hamerfmith, they fancied,
he had heard Ihe was dying, and fo was gone to
fee her. Next morning they lent thither, but
heard no news of him. So his two brothers, who
lived in the City, were fent to. They were not
acquainted with his affairs : So they did not know
whether he might not have ftept afide for debt ;
fmce at that time all people were calling in their
money, which broke a great many. But, no cre-
ditors coming about the houfe, they on Tuefday
publifhed his being thus loft. The Council fate
upon it, and were going to order a fearch of all
the houfes about the town ; but were diverted
from it, by many ftories that were brought them
by the Duke of Norfolk. Sometimes it was faid,
he was indecently married : And the fcene was
often fhifted of the places where it was faid he was.
The Duke of Norfolk's ofEcioufnefs in this matter,
and the laft place he was feen at, being near Arun-
del houfe, brought him under great fufpicion. On
Thurfday one came into a Bookfeller's Ihop after
^ipner^ and faid, he was found th;uft thro' with a
I fword»
The Hi story of the Reign
fword. That was prefently brought as news to
me : But the reporter of it was not known. That
His body j^\p\^^ {^^^ }^J5 body was found in a ditch, about a
found. ^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ town, near St. Pancras Church.
His fword was thruil thro' him. But no blood
was on his clothes, or about him. His ihoes v/ere
clean. His money was in his pocket. But no-
thing was about his neck. And a mark was all
round it, an inch broad, which Ihewed he was
llrangled. His breaft was likewife all over marked
with bruifes : And his neck was broken. All this
I faw I for Dr. Tloyd and I went to view his body.
There were many drops of white wax-lights on his
breeches, which he never ufed himfelf. And fince
only perfons of quality, or Priefts, ufethofc lights,
this made all people conclude in whofe hands he
muft have been. And it was vifibie he was firll
llrangled, and then carried to that place, where
his fword was run thro' his dead body. For a
while it was given out, that he was a hypocondri-
acal man, and had killed himfelf. Of this the
King was poffeOed, till Dr. Lloyd went and told
him what he had feen. The body lay two days ex-
pofed, many going to fee it, who went away much
moved with the fight. And indeed mens fpirits
were fo fharpned upon it, that we all looked on it
as a very great happinefs, that the people did not
Vent their fury upon the Papiils about the town.
Oates 'j'^Q Seffion of Parliam.ent was to be opened
jTewdifcc- "^^thin three days : And it may be eafily imagined
very. in what a temper they met. The Court party were
out of countenance. So the Country party were
.mailers this feffion. All Oates's evidence was now
fo well believed, that it was not fafe for any man
to feem to doubt of any part of it. He thought
-he had the Nation in his hands, and was fwelled
vip to a high pitch of vanity and infolence. And
now he made a new edition of his difcovery at the
bar of the Houfe of Comm.ons, He faid, the Pope
had declared that England was his Kingdom, and
that
of King Charles II. 43
that he had fent over commiffions to feveral per- 1678,
fons : And had by thefe made Lord Arundel of
Wardour Chancellor, Lord Powis Treafurer, Sir
William Godolphin, then in Spain, Privy Seal,
Coleman Secretary of State, Bellafis General,
Petre Lieutenant General, RatclifFe Major Gene-
ral, Stafford Paymafter General, and Langhorn
Advocate General ; befides many other commiiTi-
ons for fubaltern oiiicers. Thefe, he faid, he faw
in Langhorn's chamber ; and that he had delivered
out many of them himfelf, ari^d faw many more
delivered by others. And he now fwore, upon
his own knowledge, that both Coleman and Wake-
man were in the plot ; that Coleman had given,
eighty Guineas to four ruffians, that went to Wind-
for laft fummer, to ftab the King •, that Wakeman
had undertaken to poifon him, for which lOoooL
was offered him, but that he got the price raifed
to 1 5000 1. He excufed his not knowing them,
when confronted with them •, and faid, that he was
then fo fpent by a long examination, and by not
fleeping Igr two nights, that he was not then mat-
ter of himfelf; tho' it feemed very flrange, that
he Ihould then have forgot that which he made
now the main part of his evidence, and fhould
have then objeded to them only reports upoa
hearfay, when he had fuch matter againft them,
as he now faid, upon his own knowledge. And
it feemed not very congruous, that thofe Vv'ho went
to ftab the King had but twenty guineas apiece,
when Wakeman was to have 15000I. for a fafer
way of killing him. Many other things in the
difcovery made it feem ill digefted, and not cre-
dible. Bellafis was almofl: perpetually ill of the
gout. Petre was a weak man, and had never any
military command. Ratcliffe was a man that lived
in great ftate in the North, and had not flirted
trom home ail the laft fummer. Oates alfo fwore,
he delivered a commilTion to be a Colonel, in
May laft, to Howard, the Earl of Carlifle's bro-^
ther.
44 '^^'^^ History of the Reign
1678. ther, that had married the Duchefs of Richmond.
But a friend of mine told me, he was all that
month at Bath, lodged in the fame houfe with
Howard, with whom he was every day engaged
at play. He was then miferably ill of the gout,
of which he died foon after. Oates did alfo charge
General Lambert, as one engaged in the defign,
who was to have a great poft, when fet at liberty.
But he had been kept it) prifon ever fince the Ref-
toration ; and by that time had loft his memory
and fenfe. But it was thought ftrange, that fince
Oates had fo otten faid, what I once heard him
fay, that he had gone in among them on defign to
betray them, that he had not kept any one of all
thefe commiiTions' to be real proot in fupport of his
evidence. He had alfo faid to the King, that
whereas others ventured their lives to ferve him,,
he had ventured his foul to ferve him : And yet
he did fufFer the four ruffians to go to Windfor to
kill him, without giving him any notice of his
danger. Thefe were charadlers ftrong enough to
give fufpicion, if Coleman's letters, and Godfrey's
murder, had not feemed fuch authentick confir-
mations, as left no room to doubt of any thing.
Tiiiotfon indeed told me, that L^anghorn's wife,
who was ftiil as zealous a Proteftant as he was a
Papift, came oft to him, and gave him notice of
every thing fhe could difcover among them ; tho*
fhe continued a faithful and dutiful wife to the laft
minute of her hufband's life. Upon the firft break-
ing out of the plot, before Oates had fpoke a word
of commiffions, or had accufed Langhorn, fhe en-
gaged her fbn into fome difcourfe upon thofe mat-
ters, who was a hot indifcreet Papift. He faid,
their defigns were fo v/ell laid, it was impofiible
they could mifcarry : And that his father would be
one of the greateft men of England , for he had
feen a comrniffion from the Pope, conftituting
him Advocate General, Tiiis he told nie in Stil-
lingfieet's hearing.
The
of King Charles II.
: The Earl of Shaftfbury had got out of the
Tower in the former Seffion, upon his fubmiiTion,
to which it was not eafy to bring him. But when
he faw an army raifed, he had no mind to lie lon-
ger in prifon. The matter bore a long debate,
the motion he had made in the King's bench being
urged much againft him. But a fubmiflion al-
ways takes off a contempt. " So he got out. And
now the Duke of Buckingham and he, with the
Lords Ellex and Hallifax, were the governing
men among the Lords. Many hard things were
faid againft the Duke. Yet when they tried to
carry an Addrefs to be made to the King to fend
him away from Court, the majority was againft
them.
While things were thus in a ferment at London, Bedlow's
Bedlow delivered himfeif to the magiftrates of evidence.
Briftol, pretending he knew the fecret of Godfrey's
murder. So he was fent up to London. The
King told me, that when the Secretary examined
him in his prefence,^ at his firft coming he faid he
knew nothing of the plot-, but that he had heard
that 40000 men were to come over from Spain,
who were to meet as pilgrims at St. Jago's, and
were to be fhip'd for England : But he knew no-
thing of any fleet that was to bring them over. So
this was looked on as very extravagant. But he
faid, he had feen Godfrey's body at Somerfet
houfe i and that he was offered 4000!. by a fer-
vant of the Lord Bellafis, to affift in carrying it
av/ay : But upon that he had gone out of town to
Briftol, where he was fo purfued with horror, that
it forced him to difcover it. Bedlow had led a ve-
ry vicious life. He had gone by many falfe names,
by which he had cheated many perfons. He had
gone over many parts of France and Spain, as a
man of quality. And he had made a fhift to live
; on his wits, or rather by his cheats. So a tender-
nefs of confcience did not feem to be that to which
he v/as much fubjed. But the very next day after
1.1.1 1 -^
The History of the Reign
this, when he was brought to the bar of the Houle
oi Lords, he made a full difcovery of his know-
ledge of the plot, and of the Lords in the tower :
For all thofe againft whom Oates had informed
were now prifoners. The King was upon this
convinced, that fome had been with Bediow after
he had been before him, who iiad inftrudted him
in this narration, of which he had faid the night
before that he knew nothing : And yet he not only
confirmed the mam parts of Oates's difcoveries,
but added a great deal to them. And he now pre-
tended, that his rambling over fo many places of
Europe was all in order to the carrying on this de-
lign ; ■ that he was trufted with the fecret, and had
opened many of the letters, which he was em-
ployed to carry.
Other Here v/ere now two witnefles to prove the plot,
proofs ^g £j^j. 2^5 fwearing could prove it. And among
ed to fup- ^^^ papers of the Jefuits, that were feized on when
port the they were clapt up, two letters were found that
fiiicovery. feemed to confirm ail. One from Rome menti-
oned the fending over the patents •, of which it
vv^as faid in the letter, that they gueffed the con-
tents, tho' their patrons there carried their matters
. fo fecretly, that nothing was known, but as they
thought fit. The Jefuits, vv^hen examined upon
this, faid, thefe were only patents with relation to
the olHces in their order. Another letter v/as writ
to a Jefuit in the country, cicing him to come to
London by the 24th of April ; v/hich was the day
in which Gates fwore they held their confult, and
that fifty of them had figned the refolution of
killing the King, which was to be executed' by
Grove and Pickering. In the end of that letter it
was added, I need not enjoin fecrecy, lor the na-
ture of the thing requires it. When the Jefuit was
examined to this, he faid, it was a fummons for a
meeting according to the rule of their order : And
they being to meet during the fitting of the Parli-
amentj that was the particular reafon for enjoining
4 fecrecy.
of King' Charles IL 4^ ■.
fccfecj^.. Yet, while rpens minds werejlrongly 1678*
poiTefled, thefe anfwers .did noc fatisfy, but were v-^r^
thought only lliifts. .',;':
At this time Carftairs, of whofe behaviour in Carftair's
Scotland mention has been made, not having met praaices,
with thofe rewards that: he expe6ted, came up to
London, to.accufe Dufee Lauderdale, as deligning
to keep up the oppofition that was made to the.
laws in, Scotland, even at the time that he feemed
to proiecute Conventicles with the greatefl fury j
for that he had often drawn the chief of their
teachers into fuch fnares, that upon the advertife-'
mentsthat he gave, .they might have been taken,,
but that Duke Lauderdale had neg-leded it : So he
faws he had a mind that Conventicles Ihould go onj,
at the fame time that he was putting the country irn
fuch a flame to puniili them. This he undertook
to prpve, by thofe witnelTes of whom on other
occaffons he had made ufe. He alfo confelled the
falfeidate of that warrant upon which Baillie had
been cenfured. He put all this in Vy'riting, and
gave it to the Marquis of Athol ; and preiied him
to carry him to Duke Hamilton, and the Earl of
Kincardin, that he might beg their pardon, and
be affured of their favour. I was againft the
making ufe of fo vile a man, and would have no-
thing to do with him. He made application to
Lord Cavendifh,, and to fome of the Houfe of
CoiTinions, to whom I gave fuch a character of
him, that they would fee him no more.
While he was thus looking about where he could Staley'a
find a lucky piece of villany, he happened to go trial.
into an eating houfe in Covent garden, that v/as
over againft the (hop of one Staley, the Popifii
Banker, who had been in great credit, but v/as
-then under fomie difficulties ; ibr all his creditors
catne to call for their money." , Staley happening
to be in the next room to Carftairs, Caiflairs pre-
tended he heard him fay in French, that the King
was a rogue, and perfecuted the people of God ,;
,' and
4^ The H t s T o R y of the Reign
1678. and that he himfelf would flab him, if no body
eife would. The words were writ down, which he
refolved to fwear againll him. So next morning
he and one of his witneiTes went to him, and told
him what they would fwear againft him, and alked
a fum of money of him. He was in much anxiety,
and faw great danger on both hands. Yet he
chofe rather to leave himfelf to their malice, than
be prey'd on by them. So he was feiz'd on : And
they fwore the words againft him : And he was ap-
pointed to be tried within five days. When J heard
who the witneffes were, I thought I was bound to
do what I could to ftop it. So I fent both to the
Lord Chancellor, and to the Attorney General, to
let them know what profligate wretches thefe wit-
neiTes were. Jones, the Attorney General, took
it ill of me, that I ihould difparage the King's
evidence. The thing grew publick, and raifed
great clamour againft me. It was faid, I was
taking this method to get into favour at Court. I
had likewife obferved to feveral perfons of weight,
how many incredible things there were in the evi-
dence that was given : I wiftied they would make
life of the heat the Nation was in to fecure us effec-
tually from Popery : We faw certain evidence to
carry us fo far, as to graft that upon it : But I
wiilied they would not run too haftily to the taking
mens lives away upon fuch teftimonies. Lord
Hollis had more temper, than I expected from a
man of his heat. Lord Hallifax was of the fame
mind. But the Earl of Shaftft)ury could not bear
the difcourfe. He faid, we muft fupport the evi-
dence i and that all thofe who undermined the cre-
dit of the witneiTes v/ere to be look'd on as publick
enemies. And fo inconftant a thing is popularity,
that I was moft bitterly railed at by thofe who feem-
cd formerly to put fome confidence in me. It went
fo far, that I was advifed not to ftir abroad for fear
of publick aiTronts. But thefe things did not
daunt me. .St^ley was brought to his trial, which
did
of King C FI A R L E s II.
did not hold long. The witnelles gave a full evi~
dence agairiil him : And he had nothing to oifer
to take away their credit. He only ihewed how-
improbable it was,- that in a pubhck houle he
Ihould talk fuch -things with fo loud a voice as to
be heard in the next room, in a quarter of the
town v/here almoft every body under ilood French.
He was cafl: : And he prepared himfelf very feri-
oufly for death. Dr. Lloyd went to fee him in
prifon. He was offered his life, if he would dif-
cover their plots. He protefted, he knew of none ;
and that he had not faid the words fworn againfc
him, nor any thing to that purpofe. And he died
the firft of thofe v/ho futfered on the account of the
plot. Duke Lauderdale, having heard how I had
moved in this matter, railed at me with open
mouth. He faid, I had fludied to fave Sta,icy9
for the liking I had to any one that would murder
the King. And he infufed this into the King, fo
that he repeated it in the Houfe of Lords to a com-
pany that were ftanding about him.
Yet fo foon could the King turn to make ufe of a
man whom he had cenfured fo unmercifully, that
two days after this he fent the Earl of Dunbarton,
that was a Papift, and had been bred in France,
and was Duke Hamilton's brother, to me, to de-
fire me to come to him fecretly, for he had a mind
to talk with me. Fie faid, he believed I could do
him fervice, if I had a. mind to it. And the See
of Chichefter being then void, he faid, he would
not difpofe of it, till he faw whether I would de-
ferve it, or n^ot. I aft^ed, if he fancied I would
be a fpy, or betray any body to him. But he un-
dertook to me, that the King fhould afK irre no
queftion, but fnould in all points leave me to my
liberty.
An accident fell in. before I went to him, which The
took off much from Oates's credit. When he was Queen
examined by the Floufe of Lords, and had made ''^^^^ ^^
the fame narrative to them that he had offered to ^s in the
Vol, IL E the plot.
The History of the Reign
the Commons, they afl<;ed him, if he had now
named all the perfons v/hom he knew to be in-
volved in the plot ? He faid, there might be fome
inferior perfons whom he had perhaps forgot, but
he had named all the perfons of note. Yet, it
feems, afterwards he bethought himfeif: And
Mrs. Elliot, wife to Elliot of the bedqhamber,
came to the King, and told him. Gates had fome-
what to fwear againft the Queen, if he would give
way to it. The King was willing to give Gates
line enough, as he expreffed it to me, and feemed
to give way to it. So he came out with a new
fiory, that the Queen had fent for fome Jefuits
to Somerfet houfe j and that he went along with
them, but (laid at the door, when they went in -,
where he heard one, in a woman's voice, expreffing
her refentments of the ufage fhe had met with,
and affuring them fhe would affift them in taking
off the King : Upon that he was brought in, and
prefented to her : And there was then no other
woman in the room but fhe. When he was bid
defcribe the room, it proved to be one of the pub-
lick rooms of that Court, which are fo great, that
the Qiieen, who was a woman of a low voice,
could not be heard over it, unlefs fhe had 'ftrained
for it. Gates, to excufe his faying that he could
not lay any thing to the charge of any befides thofe
he had already nanied, pretended, that he thought
then it was not lawful to accufe the Queen. But
this did not fatisfy people. Bedlow, to fupport
this, fwore, that being once at chapel at Som.erfet
houfe, he faw the Queen, the Duke, and fome
others veryearneft in difcourfe in the clofet above -,
and that one came down with miuch joy, and faid,
the Queen had yielded at lail ; and that one ex-
plained this to him beyond fea, and faid, it was to
kill the King. And, befides Bedlow's oath that
he faw Godfrey's body in Somerfet houfe, it was
remembred, that at that time ■ the Qiieen was for
fome days in fo clofe a retirement, that no perfon
was
of King Charles It.
Was admitted. Prince Rupert came then td wait
on her, but was denied accefs. This raifed a
ilrange fufpicion of her. But the King Vv'ould non
fuffer that matter to go any farther.
While examinations were going on, and prepa- A law
ration Was making; for the trial of the prifoners, a P^^ fc)'
bill was brought into the Houfe of Commons, re- ^ ^,
C3 to DS
quiring all memibers of either Houfe, and all fuch ^s^ken by
as might come into the King's Court, or prefence, both_
to take a teft againft Popery ; in which, not only Routes,
Tranfubftantiation was renounced, but the wor-
Ihip of the Virgin Mary, and the Saints, as it was
pradlifed in the Church of Rome, vv^as declared to
_be idolatrous. This paiTed in the Houfe of Com-
mons without any dilBculty. But In the Houfe of
Lords, Gunnmg, Bifhop of Ely, maintained, that
the Church of Rome was not idolatrous. He was
anfwered by Barlow, Bifhop of Lincoln. The
Lords did not much mind Gunning's arguments,
but palTed- the bill. And tho' Gunning had faid,
that he could not take that teft with a good con-
fcience, yet, as foon as the bill was paft, he took
it in the croud with the -reft. The Duke got a With a
provifo to be put in it for excepting himfelf. Pie F^viio
fpoke upon that occafion with great earneftnefs, qJ^I^
and with tears in his eyes. He faid, he was now
to caft himfelf upon their favour in the greateft
concern he could have in this world. He fpoke
much of his duty to the King, and of his zeal for
the Nation: And folemnly protefted, that, what-
ever his religion might be, it fhould only be a pri-
vate thing betvv'een God and his own foul, and that
no effed: of it fliould ever appear in the govern-
ment. The provifo was carried for him by a feW
voices. And, contrary to all mens expe6itationsj
it paft in the Houfe of Commons. There was alfo
a provifo put in, excepting nine ladies about the
Queen. And fhe faid, fb.e v/ould have all the La-
dies oi that religion cafl: lots, who lliould be com-
prehended. Only llie named the Duchefs of Portf-
E 2, mouthy
The History of the Reign
mouth, as one whom (he would not expofe to the
uncertainty of a lot •, which was not thought very
decent in her, tho' her circumftances at that
time required an extraordinary fubmilTion to the
King in every thing.
Cole- Coleman was brought to his trial. Oates and
man's Bedlowfwore flatly againft him, as was mentioned
trial. before. He denied, that he had ever {t^n either
the one or the other of them in his whole life : And
defended himfelf by Oates's not knowing him,
when they were firft confronted, nor objedting
thofe matters to him for a great v/hile after. He
alfo prefled Oates to name the day in Auguft, in
•■A hich he had fent the fourfcore guineas to the four
ruffians. But Oates would fix on no day, tho' he
was very pundual in matters of lefs moment.
Coleman had been out of town almoft that whole
month. But, no day being named, that ferved
him in no ftead. He urged the improbability of
his talking to two fuch men, whom he had by their
own confeflion never feen before. But they faid,
he was told that they were trufted with the whole
fecret. His letters to P. de la Chaife was the hea-
viefl part of the evidence. He did not deny, that
there were many impertinent things in his letters :
But, he faid, he intended nothing in them, but
the King's fervice and the Duke's : He never in-
tended to bring in the Catholick religion, by re-
bellion, or by blood, but only by a toleration :
And the aid, that was pray'd from France, was
only meant the affillance of money, and the inter-
pofition of that Court. After a long trial, he was
convicted : And fentence pafTed upon him to die as
a traitor. He continued to his laft breath denying
every tittle of that which the witnefTes had fworn
againft him. Many were fent to him from both
Houfes, offering to interpofe for his pardon, if he
would confefs. He ftill protefied his innocence,
and took great care to vindicate the Duke. He
faid, his own heat might make him too forward :
For,
of King C H A R L E s II. 5j
For, being perfuaded of the truth of his religion, 1678.
he could not but wiih, that all others were nbt <«,.-v-»^.?
only almoft, but altogether, fuch as he was, ex-
cept in that chain ; for he was then in irons : He
confeffed, he had mixed too much intereft for
raifing himfelf in all he did ; and that he had re-
ceived 2500 Guineas from the French EmbaiTador,
to gain fome friends to his mafter, but that he
had kept them to himfelf: He had afted by order
in all that he had done : And he believed the King
knew of his employment, particularly that at Bruf-
fels. But, tho' hefeemed willing to be queftioned
concerning the King, the Committee did not think
fit to do it, nor to report what he faid concerning .
it : Only in general they reported, that he fpoke
of another matter, about which they did not think
fit to interrogate him, nor to mention it. Little-
ton was one of the Commattee ; and gave me an
account of all that pafs'd that very night. And I.
found his behaviour made great impreffion on them
all. He fuffered with much compofednefs and de- And exe-
votion •, and died much better than he had lived, cution.
Jt was given out at that time, to make the Duke
more odious, that Coleman was kept up from
making confeffions, by the hopes the Duke fent
him of a pardon at Tyburn. But he could not be
fo ignorant, as not to know that, at that time, it
was not in the King's power to pardon him, v/hile
the tide went fo high.
The Nation was now fo mugh .alarmed, that all
people were furnifhing themfelvcs with arms, v/hich
heightned the jealoufy of the Court. A bill pafs'd
in both Houfes for raifing all the Militia, and for
keeping it together for fix weeks : A third part,
if I remember right, being to ferve a fortnight,
and fo round. I found, fome of them hoped when
that bill paft into a law, they would be more m af-
ters ; and that the Militia would not feparate, till
^W the demands of the two Houfes ihould begrant-
E 3 ed,
The History of the Reign
ed. The King rcjedled the bill, when oiFered to
him for his affent.
^!^^^^, I waited often on him all the month of Decem-
thctfcrhrs ^^■' -^^ czimQ to me to Chiffinch's, a Page of the
of thts back flairs •, and kept the time he affigned me to a
whole minute. He was alone, and talked much, and
snstter. ygj.y freely with me. We agreed in one thing, that
the greateft part of the evidence was a contrivance.
But he fufpeded, fome had fet on Oates, and in-
ilruded him : And he named the Earl of Shafts-
bury. I was of another mind. I thought the ma-
ny grofs things in his narrative fhewed, there was
no abler head than Oates, or Tonge, in the framing
it : And Oates in his firft ftory had covered the
Duke, and the Minifbers lb much, that from thence
It feemed clear that Lord Shaftlbury had no hand
in it, who hated them much more than he did Po-
pery, He fancied, there was a defign of a rebel-
lion on foot. I affured him, I faw no appearances
of it. I told him, there was a report breaking
out, that he intended to legitimate the Duke of
Monmouth. He anfwered quick, that, as well as
he lov'd him, he had rather fee him hanged. Yet
lie apprehended a rebellion fo much, that he feem-
ed not ill pleafed that the party fhould flatter them-
felves with that imagination, hoping that would,
keep them quiet in a dependence upon himfelf :
And he fuffered the Duke of Monmouth to ufe all
rnethods to make himfelf popular, reckoning that
Jie could keep him in his own management. He
was furprifed, when I told him that Coleman had
infmuated that he knew of all their foreign nego-
tiations ; or at leaft he feemed fo to me, I prelled
him much to oblige the Duke to enter into con-
ferences with fome of our Divines, and to be pre-
fent at them himfelf. This would very much clear
him of jealoufy, and might have a good effeft on
his brother : At leafb it would give the world fome
hopes 5 like what Henry IV. of France, his grand-
fath^rj did, which kept a party firm to him for
7 ■ fom^
of King Charles II.
fomc time before he changed. He anfwered, that
his brother had neither Henry IV. 's underflanding,
nor his confcience : For he believed, that King
was always indifferent as to thofe matters. He
would not hearken to this, which made me incline
to believe a report I had heard, that the Duke had
got a folemn promife of the King, that he would
never fpeak to him of religion. The King fpoke
much to me concerning Oates's accufing the Queen,
and acquainted me with the whole progrefs of it.
He faid, fhe was a weak woman, and had fome difa-
greeable humours, but was not capable of a wicked
thing: And, confideringhis faultinefs towards herin
other things, he thought it a horrid thing to abandon
her. He faid, he looked on talfehood and cruelty as
the greateft crimes in the fight of God : He knew, he
had led a bad life ; (of which he fpoke with fome
fenfe :) But he was breaking himfelf of all his faults :
And he would never do a bafe and a wicked thing.
I fpoke on all thefe fubjedts what I thought became
me, which he took well. And I encouraged him
much in his refolution of not expofmg the Queen
to perifli by falfe fwearing. I told him, there wa*
no poffibility of laying the heat that was now
raifed, but by changing his Miniftry. And I told
him how odious the Earl of Danby v/as, and that
there was a defign againft him : But I knew not
the particulars. He faid, he knew that lay at
bottom. The Army was not yet difbanded : And
the King was in great ftraits for money. The
Houfe of Commons gave a money bill for this.
Yet they would not truft the Court with the dif-
banding the Army : But ordered the mon-ey to be
brought into the chamber of London, and named
a Committee for paying off, and breaking the Ar-
my. I perceived the King thought I was refer ved
to him, becaufe I would tell him no particular To-
ries, nor name perfons. Upon which I told him,
fmcehe had that opinion of me, i faw 1 could do
him no fervice, and would trouble him no more *,
E 4 but
56 ' The History of the Reign
1678/ but he fhould certainly hear from me, if I came
to know any thing that might be of any confe-
quence to his Perion or Government.
This favour of mrine lafted all the month of De-
^cember 70. I acquainted him with Carftairs's prac-
tice againft Duke Lauderdale, and all that I knev/
of that matter ; which was the ground on which
1 had gone with relation to Staley. The King
told Duke Lauderdale of it, without naming me^
And he fent for Carftairs, and charged him with it.
Carftairs denied it all ;, but faid, that Duke Hamil-
ton and Lord Kincardin had prefs'd him to do it :
And he went to the King and affirmed it confidently
to him. He did not name Lord Athol, hoping
that he would be gentle to him for that reafon.
The King fpoke of this to Duke Hamilton, who
t:old him the whole ftory, as I had done. Lord
Athol upon that fent for Carftairs, and charged
him with all this foul dealing, and drew him near
a clofet, where he had put two witneffes. Car-
flairs laid, that fomebody had difcovered the mat-
ter to Duke Lauderdale, that he was now upon
jfhe point of making his fortune, and that if Duke
Lauderdale grew to be his enemy, he was undone.
jrle confelTed, he had charged Duke Hamilton
and Lord Kincardin falfely : But he had no other
way to fave himfelf. Alter the Mai quifs of Athol
had thus drawn every thing from him, he went to
the King with his two witneffes, and the paper
that Carftairs had formerly put in his hand. Car-
ftairs was then with the King, and v/as, with many
Imprecations, juftifying his charge againft the two
Lords ■ But he was confounded, vvhen he faw Lord
Athol. And upon that his villany appeared fo
pyldently, that the part 1 had aded in that matter
was now we|l underftoqd, and approved of. Car-
ftah's died^ not long after, under great horror ;
and ordered himfelf tp be pafl' into fome ditch as
a dos: s for he faid he was no better. But I could
^lever hear what he faid of Staley's bufmefs.
of King C H A R L B s II. ' 57
While all matters were in this confufion, a new 1678.
incident happened that embroiled them yet more. »— %--'*w>
The Earl ofDanbyhad broke with Mountague : P'^''^-*''^
But he knew what letters he had writ to him, and. j^^^'^^j^'^
with what fecrets he had trufted him. He appre- cue are
hended Mountague might accuie him : So he re- brought
folved to prevent him. Jenkins, who was then at '^"^- •
Nimeguen, writ over, according to a diredion
fent him, as was believed, that he underftood that
Mountague had been in a fecret correlpondence,
and in dangerous pra6lices with the Pope's Nuntio
at Paris. This was meant of one Con, whom I
knew well, who had been long in Rome : And
moft of the letters between England and Rome
paft thro' his hands : He was a crafty man, and
knew news well, and loved money: So Moun-
tague made ufe of him, and gave him money for
fuch fecrets as he could draw from him. Upon
Jenkins's^letter . the King fent a mefifage to the
Houfe of Commons, letting them know that he
was refolved to bring Mountague to a trial, for
being a confederate with Rome, and in the plot to
bring in Popery : And at the fame time he fent to
fecure his cabinets and papers. This was a device
of Lord Danby's to find his own letters, and de-
ftroy them •, and then to let the profecution fall :
For they knew they had nothing againll Moun-
tague. , But Mountague underftood the arts of a
Court too well to be eafily catched -, and had put
a box, in which thofe letters were, in fure hands
out of the way. A great debate rofe upon this
matter in the Houfe of Commons. It was thought
a high breach of privilege to feize on the papers of
a Member of their Houfe, when there was nothing
of treafon fworn againft him. After fome hours
fpent in the debate, during which Mountague fat
filent very long j at laft, when the box was brought
to him from the perfon to whom he had trufted it,
he opened it, and took out two of Lord Danby's
letters, that contained inftrudions to him to treat
with
"^g The History of the Reign
1678. with the King of France for 300000I. a year for
three years, if a peace fucceeded, fince it would
not be convenient for the King to meet a Parlia-
ment in all that time, and he was charged to men-
tion no part of this to the Secretary of State.
Winnington, who from fmall beginnings, and from
as fmall a proportion of learning in his profefTion,
in which he was rather bold and ready than able,
was now come to be Solicitor General, fellfeverely
upon thofe letters. He faid, here was a Minifter,
who, going out of the affairs of his own province,
was direding the King's Embafladors, and exclud-
ing the Secretary ot State, whofe office it was,
from the knowledge of it : Here was the faith of
England to our Allies, and our intereft likewife,
fet to fale for French money, and that to keep off
a Seffion of Parliament : This was a defign to fell
the Nation, and to fubvert the Government : And
he concluded, that was high trealbn. Upon which
he moved, that Lord Danby fhould be impeached
of high treafon. The Earl of Danby's party was
much confounded. They could neither deny nor
juftify his letters. But they argued, that they
could not be high treafon, fmce no fuch fad was
comprehended in any of the ftatutes of treafon.
The letters feemed to be writ by the King's order,
who certainly might appoint any perfon he pleafed
to fend his orders to his Miniflers abroad : They
refleded on the bufmefs of the Earl of Strafford,
and on conftrudive treafon, which was a device
to condemn a man for a fad againft which no law
did lie. Mainard, an ancient and eminent law-
yer, explained the words of the Statute of 25
Edward III. that the Courts of law could not pro-
ceed but upon one of the crimes there enumera-
ted : But the Parliament had ftill a power, by
the claufe in that ad, to declare what they thought
was treafon : So an ad pafs'd, declaring poifoning
treafon, in King Henry VIII. 's time : And, tho'
by the Statute it was only treafon to confpire
againft
oF King Charles II. 59
againft the Prince of Wales-, yet if one fhould 1678-
confpire againft the whole Royal Family, when '--nr*-',
there was no Prince of Wales, they would without
doubt declare that to be high treafon.
After a long debate it v/as voted by a majority And he
of above feventy voices, that Lord Danby IhouM ^^^ '"^"
be impeached of high treafon. And the impeach- ^p^i^^j^J^
ment was next day carried up to the Lords. The treafon.
Earl of Danby juftified himfelf, that he had ferved
the King faithfully, and according to his own or-
ders. And he produced fome of Mountague's let-
ters, to fhew that at the Court of France he was
looked on as an enemy to their intereft. He faid,
they knew him well that judged fo of him ; for he
was indeed an enemy to it : And, among other
reafons, he gave this for one, that he knew the
French King held both the King's pcrfon and go-
vernment under the laft degree ot contempt. Thefe
v/ords were thought very ftrange with relation to
both Kings. A great debate arofe in the Houfc ,
of Lords concerning the impeachment j whether
it ought to be received as an impeachment of high
treafon, only becaufe the Commons added the
word high treafon in it. It was faid,^the utmoil
that could be made of it, was to fuppcfe it true ;
But even in that cafe they muft needs fay plainly,
that it v/as not within the Stntute. To this it was
anfwered, that the Houfe of Commons, that brought
up the impeachment, were to be heard to two
points : The one was, to the nature of the crime :
The other was, to the trial of it : But the Lords
could not take upon them to judge of either of
thefe, till they heard what the Commons could
offer to fupport the charge : They were bound
therefore to receive the charge, and to proceed ac-
cording to the rules of Parliamient, which was to
commit the perfon fo impeached, and then give a
fliort day for his trial : So it would be foon over,
if the Commons could not prove the matter charged
to be high treafon. The debate went on with
great
The History of the Reipn
o
great heat on both fides : But the majority was
againft the commitment. Upon this, it was vifi-
ble, the Commons would have complained that
The Pa-- ^^^ Lords denied them juftice. So there was no
liament hope of making up the matter. And upon that
was pro- the Parliament was prorogued.
logued. 'pj-^-g ^,^g variouily cenfured. The Court con-
demned Mountague for revealing the King's fe-
crets. Others laid, that, fmce 'Lord Danby had
begun to fall on him, it was reafonable and natu-
ral for him to defend himfelf. The letters did caft
a very great blemilh, not only on Lord Danby,
but on the King ; who, after he had entred into
alliances, and had received great fupplies from his
people to carry on a war, was thus treating with
France for m.oney, which could not be aiked or
obtained from France on any other account, but «
that of making the Confederates accept of lower
terms, than otherwife they would have ftood on -,
which was indeed the felling of the Allies and of
the publick faith. All that the Court faid in ex-
cufe for this v/as, that, fmce the King faw a peace
was refolved on, after he had put himfelf to fo
great a charge to prepare for war, it was reafon-
able for him to be reimburfed as much as he could
from France: This was ordinary in all treaties,
where the Prince that deiired a peace was made to
buy it. This indeed would have juftified the
King, if it had been demanded above board : But
flich underhand dealing was mean and difhonour-
able : And it was faid, that the States went into
the peace with fuch unreafonable earneftnefs upon
the knowledge, or at leaft the fufpicion, that they
had of fuch practices. This gave a new wound
to the King's credit abroad, or rather it opened
the old one : For indeed after our breaking both
the treaty of Breda, and the Tripple Alliance, we
had not much credit to lofe abroad. None gained
fo much by this difcovery, as Secretary Coven-
try i fince iro^w it appeared, that he wa^not trufted
with
(,_^i<«y»i^^
of King Charles IL €i
with thofe ill praftices. He had been feverely 1678,
fallen on for the fam'd faying of the murder of
forty men. Birch aggravated the matter heavily •,
and faid, it feemed he thought the murder of forty
men a very fmall matter, fmce he would rather
be guilty of it, than oppofe an Alliance made upon
fuch treacherous views. Coventry anfwered, that
he always fpoke to them fmcerely, and as he thought;
and that if an Angel from Heaven fhould come
and fay otherwife, (at this they were very atten-
tive to fee how he could clofe a period fo ftrangely
begun,) he was fure, he fhould never get back to
Heaven again, but would be a fallen and a lying
angel. Now the matter was well underftood, and
his credit was fet on a fure foot.
After the prorogation, the Earl of Danby faw
the King's affairs, and the ftate of the Nation re-
quired a fpeedy Seffion. He faw little hope of re-
covering himfeif with that Parliament, in which
fo great a majority were already fo deeply en-
gaged- So he entred into a treaty with fome of
the Country party for a new Parliament. He un-
dertook to get the Duke to be fent out of the way
againft the time of its meeting. Lord Hollis,
Littleton, Bofcawen, and Flambden were fpoke
to. They were all fo apprehenfive of the conti-
nuance of that Parliament, and that another {et of
Minillers v/ouid be able to manage them as the
Court pleafed, that they did undertake to fave
him if he could bring thefe things about. But it
was underftood, that he muft quit his- poft, and
withdraw from affairs. Upon which they pro-
mifed their affiilance to carry off his impeachment
with a mild cenfure. The Duke went into the ad-
vice of a diffolution upon other grounds. He
thought, riie Houfc of Commons had engaged
with fo much heat in the matter of the Plot, that
they could never be brought off, or be made more
gentle in the matter of religion. He thought, a
new Parliament would a^Sl in a milder ftrain, and
not
62 The H I s T o R V of the Reign
1678. not fly fo high ; or that they would give no money,
;_Vrf-V"^*^ and fo the King and they would break : For he
dreaded nothing fo much as the bargains that were
made with the prefent Parliament, in which Po-
pery was always to be the facrihce. Thus both
the Duke and Lord Danby joined in advancing
a diflblution, which was not refolved on till the
January following.
The trial In December, Ireland, Whitebread, and Fen-
of F. Ire- -wick, three Jefaits ; and Grove and Pickering,
fome^''' two of the fervants in the Queen's chapel, were
others, brought to their trial. Oates and Bedlow fwore
home againft Ireland, that in Auguil lail: he had
given particular orders about killing the King.
Oates fwore the fame againft the other two Jefuits.
But Bedlow fv/ore only upon hear-fay againft them.
So, tho' they had pleaded to their inditement, and
the jury was fworn, and the witneites examined 5
yet, v/hen the evidence was not found full, their
trial was put off to another time, and the jury was
not charged with them. This looked as if it was re-
folved that they muft not be acquitted. I com-
plained of this to Jones : But he faid, they had
precedents for it. I always thought, that a pre-
cedent againft reafon fignified no more, but that
the like injuftice had been done before. And the
truth is, the Crown has, or at leaft had, , fuch ad-
vantages in trials of treafon, that it feems ftrange
how any perfon was ever acquitted. Ireland, in his
own defence, proved by manywitneffes, that he went
from London on the fecond of Auguft to Staf-
fordfhire, and did not come back till the twelfth of
September. Yet, in oppofition to that, a woman
fwore that fhe faw him in London about the
middle of Auguft. So, fince he might have come
up poft in one day, and gone down in another,
this did not fatisfy. Oates and Bedlow fwore
againft Grove and Pickering, that they undertook
to Ihoot the King at Windfor ; that Grove was to
have 1 500 1. for it s and that Pickering chofe
thirty
of King Charles II.
thirty thoufand mafifes, which at a fhiliing a mafs,
amounted to the fame fum : They attempted it
three feveral times with a piftol : Once the flint
was loole : At another time there was no powder
in the pan : And the third time the piftol was
charged only with bullets. This was ftrange ftuff.
But all was imputed to a fpecial Providence of
God : And the whole evidence was believed. So
they were convifted, condemned and executed.
But they denied to the laft every particular that
was fworn againft them.
This began to fhake the credit of the evidence, Dugdale's
when a more compofed and credible perfon came ^^'i®^"^^»
in to fupport it. One Dugdale, that had been the
Lord Afton's bailiff, and lived in a fair reputation
in the country, was put in prifon for refufing the
oaths of allegiance and fupremacy. He did then,
with many imprecations on himfelf, deny, that he
knew of any plot. But afterwards he made a great
difcovery of a correfpondence that Evers, the
Lord Afton's Jefuit, held with the Jefuits in Lon-
don ; who had writ to Evers of the defign of
killing the King, and deftred him to find out men
proper for executing it, whether they were gentle-
men or not. This, he fwore, was writ plain in a
letter from Whitebread, the Provincial, directed
to himfelf : But he knew it was meant for Evers.
Evers, and Govan, another Jefuit, preiTed this
Dugdale to undertake it : They promifed he ihould
be canonized for it : And the Lord Stafford offered
him 500 1. if he would fet about it. Fie was a
man of fenfe and temper ; and behaved himfelf
decently -, and had fomewhat in his air and de-
portment that difpofed people to believe him : So
that the King himfelf began to think there was
fomewhat in the Plot, though he had very little
regard either to Oates or Bedlow. Dugdale's
evidence was much confirmed by one circumftance.
He had talked of a Juftice of Peace in Weft-
minft'er that was killed, on the Tuefday after
Godfrey
The History of the Reign
Godfrey was mifs'd : So that the news of this
muft have been writ from London on the Saturday
night's poft. He did not think it was a fecret :
And fo he talked of it as news in an alehoufe.
The two perfons, he faid he fpoke it to, remembred
nothing of it, the one being the minifter of the
parifh : But feveral others fwore they had heard it.
He faw this, as he fwore, in a letter writ by Har-
Gourt the Jefuit to Evers, in which Godfrey was
named. But he added a flrange ftory to this,
which he faid Evers told him afterwards -, that the
Duke had lent to Coleman, when he was in New-
gate, to perfuade him to difcover nothing, and
that he defired to know of him, whether he had
ever difcovered their defigns to any other perfon \
and that Coleman fent back anfwer, that he had
fpoke of them to Godfrey, but to no other man :
Upon which the Duke gave order to kill him.
This was never made publick, till the Lord Staf-
ford's trial. And I was amazed to fee fuch a thing
break out after fo long a filence. It looked like
an addition to Dugdale's firfb evidence ; tho' he
had been noted for having brought out all his
difcoveries at once. The Earl of Effex told me,
he fwore it in his firlt examination : But, fince it
was only upon hear-fay from Evers, and fo was
nothing in law, and yet would heighten the fury
againfl the Duke, the King charged DOgdale to
fay nothing ot it.
Prance At the fame time, a particular difcovery was
difcoyers made of Godfrey's murder. Prance, a goldimith, ,
Godfrey's ^j^^j- wrought for the Queen's chapel, had gone
from his houfe for two or three days, the week
before the murder. And one that lodged in his
houfe, calling that to mind, upon Bedlow's fwear-
ing he faw the body in Somerfet-houfe, fancied
that this was the time in which he was from home,
and that he might be concerned in that matter ;
tho' it appeared afterwards, that his abfence was
the week before. He faid, he went from his own
3 houfe.
of King C H A-R L E s IL 65
home, fearing to be put in pnfon, as many v/ere, 1678.
upon fufpicion, or on the account of his religion. u^'^NJ
Yet upon this information he was feized on, and
carried to Weftminfter. Bedlow accidentally pafs'd .
by, not knowing any thing concerning him : And
at firft fight he charged fomebody to feize on him ;
for he was one of thofe whom he faw about God-
frey's body. Yet he denied every thing ror fome
days. Afterwards he confefied, he v/as concerned
in it : And he gave this account of it: Girald and
Kelly, two prieils, engaged him and three others
into it ; who were Green, that belonged to the
Queen's chapel. Hill that had ferved Godden, the
moil celebrated writer among their., and Berry, .
the porter of Somerfet-houfe. He faid, rhefe all,
except Berry, had feveral meetings, in which the
prieits perfuaded them it was no fin, but a meri-
torious aftion to difpatch Godfrey, who had been
a bufy man in taking depofitions againft them, and
that the taking him off would terrify others.
Prance named an alehoufe, where they ufed to
meet : And the people of that houfe did confirm
this of their mieeting there. After they had refolved
on it, they followed him for feveral days. The
morning before they killed him, Hill went to his
houfe to fee if he was yet gone out, and fpoke to
his maid. And, finding he was yet at home, they
ftaid for his coming out. This was confirmed by
the maids who, upon Hill's being taken, went to
Newgate, and in a croud of prifoners, diftin-
guifhed him, and iliid, he was the perfon that afked
for her mafter the morning before he was loll.
Prance faid, they dogged him into a place near St.
ClemiCnt's Church, where he was kept till night.
Prance was appointed to be at Somerfet-houfe at
night. And, as Godfrey went by the water-gate,
two of them pretended to be hot in a quarrel. And
one run out to call a Juftice of peace, and fo
. prefTed Godfrey to go in and part them. He was
not eafily prevailed on to do it. Yet he did at laft.
YoL. a. F Green
66 The History of the Reign
i6jZ, Green then got behind him, and pulled a cravat
^^-^-'^ about his neck, and drew him down to the ground,
and ftrangied him, Upon that Girald would have
run him through : But the reft diverted him from
that, by reprefcnting the danger of a difcovery by
the blood's being feen there. Upon that they
carried his body up to Godden's room, of which
Hill had the key, Godden being then in France,
Two days after that they removed it to a room
crofs the upper court, which Prance could never
defcribe particularly. And, that not being found
a convenient place, they carried it back to Godden's
lodgings. At laft it was refolved to carry it out
in the night in a fedan to the remote parts of the
town, and from thgnce to caft it into fome ditch.
On Wednefday a fedan was provided. And one
of the centinels fwore he faw a fedan carried in :
But none faw it brought out. l-'rance faid, they
carried him out, and that Green Jiad provided a
horfe, on whofe back he laid him, when they were
got clear of the town : And then he carried him,
as he believed, to the place where his body was.
found. This was a confifting ftory, which was
, fupported in fome circumftances by collateral
proofs. He added another particular, that, fome
da^/s after the fa 61:, thofe who had been concerned
in it, and two others, who were in the fecret, ap-
pointed to meet at Bow, where they talked much
of that matter. This was confirmed by a fervant
of that houfe, who was coming in and oiit to them,
and heard them often mention Godfrey's name.
Upon which he ftood at the door out of curi-
piity to hearken : But one of them came out, and
threatened him for it. The priefts were not found :
But Green, Hill, and Berry, were apprehended
ppon it. Yet fome days after this. Prance defired
to be carried to the King, who would not fee him,
but in Council : And he denied all that he had
formerly fworn, and faid it was all a fiftion. But
as foon as hs w^^ carried b^ck to prifon, he fent
.. ' t-hs
of King Charles II.
the keeper of Newgate to the King to tell him,
that all he had fworn was true, but that the horror
and confufion he was in put him on denying it.
Yet he went off from this again, and denied every
thing. Dr. Lloyd was upon this fent to him ro
talk with him. At firft he denied every thing to
him. But Dr. Lloyd faid to me, that he was al-
moft dead through the diforder of his mind, and
with cold in his body. But after that Dr. Lloyd had
made a fire, and caufed him to be put in a bed,
and began to difcourfe the matter with him, he re-
turned to his confeffion ; which he did in fuch a
manner, that Lloyd faid to mc, it was not poffible
for him to doubt of his fincerity in it.
So, he perfifting in his firft confelllon. Green, Some con-
Hill and Berry were brought to their trial. Bed- ^'^"^"'^'^
low and Prance, with all the circumftances for- j°^j^'jg_ **
merly mentioned, were the evidence againft them.nying ic.
On the other hand they brought witnelfes to prove,,
that they came home in a good hour on the nights,
in which the fad: was faid to be done. Thofe that
lived in Godden's lodgings depofed, that no dead
body could be brought thither, for they were every
day in the room that Prance had named. And the
centinels of that night of the carrying him out faid,
they faw no fedan brought out. They were, upon a
full hearing, convifted and condemned. Green,
and Hill, died, as they had lived, Papifts ; and,
with folemn proteftations, denied the whole thing.
Berry declared himfelf a Proteftant ; and that tho*
he had changed his religion for fear of lofmg his
place, yet he had ftill continued to be one in his
heart. He faid, he looked on what had now be-
tallen him, as a juft judgment of God upon him
for that diffimulation. He denied the whole matter
charged on him. He feemed to prepare himielf
ferioufly for death : And to the lail minute he
affirmed he was altogether innocent. Dr. Lloyd
attended on him, and was much perfuaded of his
fmcerjty. Praric; fwore nothing againft him, but
F 2 that
6$ The History of the Reign
1678. that he aflifted hi the fa6t, and in carrying about
the dead body. So Lloyd reckoned, that thofe
things being done in the night, I^rance might have
miftaken him tor Ibme other perfon, who might
be like him, confidering the confufion that fo much
guilt might have put him in. He therefore be-
lieved, Prance had fworn rafhly with relation to
him, but truly as to the main of the facft. The
Papifts took great advantage from Berry's dying
Proteitant, and yet denying all that was fworn
ggainfc him., tho' he might have had his life if he
would have confefied it. They faid, this lliewed
it was not from the do6lrine of equivocation, or
from the power of abfolution, or any other of
their tenets, that fo many died, denying all that
was fworn againfb them, biit from their own con-
vi6i:ion. And indeed this matter came to be
i:harged on Dr. Lloyd, as if he had been made a
tool for bringing Berry to this feeming converfion,
^nd that all was done on defign to cover the Queen,
But I faw him then every day, and was well af-
fpred that he a6led nothing in it, but what became
his profeffion, with all poffible fincerity. Prance
began, after this, to enlarge his difcoveries. He
(aid, he had often heard them talk of killing the
Kingj and of fetting on a general maffacre, after
they had raifed an Army. Dugdale alfo faid, he
Jiad heard them difcourfe of a mafiacre. The me-
mory of the Irifh maffacre was yet fo frefh, as to
raife a particular horror at the very mention pf
this I tho' where the numbers were fo great as
in Ireland, that might have been executed, yet
there feemed to be no occafion to apprehend
the like, where the numbers were in fo great an
inequahty, as they were here. Prance did alfo
fwear, that a fervant of the Lord Powis had told
|ai|Ti that there was one in their family who had
undertaken to kill the King °, but that fome days
after he told him, they were now gone off from
t|iat 4^fign« It Ipoked very ftrangCj and added
7- nQ
of King Charles It. 6^
'hO credit to his other evidence, that the Papi-fis iCySi
"'•fhould be thus talking of killing the King, as if Ky^V^
it had been a common piece of news. But there
are feafons of believino-^ as well as of difbelievino- »
And believing was then fo much in feafon, that
improbabilities or inconfiftencies were little confi-
dered. Nor was it fafe fo much as to make re-
flections on them. That was called the blading
of the plot, and difparaging the King's evidence i
Tho' indeed Oates and Bedlow did, by their be-
haviour^ detract more from their own credit, than
all their enemies could have done. The former
talked of all perfons with infufferable infolence :
And the other was a fcandaious libertine in his
whole deportment.
The Lord Chief Juilice at that time was Sir -['^Si^ ^
William Scroggs, a man more valued for a good i^^^
teadinefs in fpeaking well, than either for learn- Chief
ing in his profefiion, or for any moral virtue. His Jufticg.
lite had been indecently fcandaious, and his for-
tunes were very low. He was raifed by the Earl of
Danby's favour, firft to be a Judge, and then to
be the Chief Jufcice. And it was a melancholy-
thing to fee fo bad, fo ignorant, and fo poor a
man raifed up to that great poll. Yet he, now
feeing how the ftream run, vv^ent into it with fo
much zeal and heartinefs, that he was become the
favourite of the people. But, when he faw the
King had an ill opinion of it, he grew colder in
,the purfuit of it. He began to neglect and check
the witneiTes : Upon which, they, v/ho behaved
themfslves as if they had been the Tribunes of
the people, began to rail at him. Yet in all thef
niais he fet himfelf, even with indecent earneft-
nefs, to get tlie prifoners to be always call.
Another witnefs came in foon after tliefe things^ Jennlfon's
Jennifonj the younger brother of a Jefuit^ and ^ evidence,
gentleman of a family and eftate. He, obfcrving
that Ireland had defended himfelf againil Oates
chiefly by thisy that he was in Staffordiliire from
F 3 th^
The History of the Reign
the beginning of Auguft till the 12th of Septem-
ber, and that he had died affirming that to be
true, feemed much furprized at it -, and upon that
turned Proteftant. For he faidhe favv him in London
on the 1 9th of Auguft, on which day he fixed upon
this account, that he faw him the day before he
. went down in the ftage coach to York, which was
proved by the books of that office to be the 20th
of Auguft\ He faid, he was come to town from
. Windibr : And hearing that Ireland was in town,
he went to fee him, and found him drawing off
his boots. Ireland ajfked him news, and in par-
■ ticular, how the King was attended at Windfor ?
, And when he anfwered, that he walked about very
carelefly with very few about him, Ireland feemed
to wonder at it, and faid, it would be eafy then
to take him off : To which Jennifon anfwered
quick, God forbid : But Ireland faid, he did not
mean that it could be lawfully done. Jennifon,
in the letter in which he writ this up to a friend in
London, added, that he remembred an inconfi-
dcrable paffage or two more, and that perhaps
Smith (a Prieft that had lived with his Father) ,
could help him to one or two more circumftances
relating to thofe matters : But he protefted, as he
. defired the forgivenefs of his fins, and the falva-
tion of his foul, that he knew no more •, and wiih-
cd he might never fee the face of God, if he knew
any more. This letter was printed. And great
ufe was made of it, to fiiew how little regard was
to be had to thofe denials, with which fo many had
"ended their lives. But this man in the fummer
thereafter publilhed a long narrative of his know-
ledge of the plot. He faid, himfelf had been in-
vited to affift in killing the King. He named the
four ruffians that went to Windfor to do it. And
he thought to have reconciled this to his letter, by
pretending thefe were the circumftances, that he
had not mentioned in it. Smith did alfo change
his religion j and depofed, that, when he was at
Rome,
of King Charles IT., ,71
Rome, he was told in general of the defign of 1678.
killing the King. Ke was afterwards difcovered ^-^/"^
to be a vicious man. Yet he went no farther than
to fwear, that he was acquainted with the defign
in general, but not with the perfons that were em-
ployed in it. By thefe witneifes the credit of the
plot was univerfally eftabiifhed. Yet, no real
proofs appearing, befides Coleman's letters and
Godfrey's murder, the King, by a proclamation,
did offer both a pardon and 200 1. to any one that
would come in, and make further difcoverics.
This was thought too great a hire to purchafe wit-
neffes. IMoney had been offered to thofe who
fhould bring in criminals. But it was faid to be a
new and indecent praftice to offer fo much money
to men, that ihould merit it by fwearing : And it
might be too great an encouragement to perjury.
While the witneffes were weakning their own p.-adfces
credit, Ibme praftices were difcovered, that did with thci
very much fupport it. Reading, a lawyer of fome 'J.'r^H^''
fubtilty, but of no virtue, was employed by the ^^^^^^
Lords in the Tower to folicit their affairs. He in-
finuated himfelf much into Bedlow's confidence,
and was much in his company : And, in the hear-
ing of others, he was always preffing him to tell
all he knew. He lent him money very freely^
which the other v/anted often. And he feemed at
firft to defign only to find out fomev/hat that fnould
deftroy the credit of his teftimony. But he ven-
tured on other pradices ; and offe.'-ed him much
money, if he would turn his evidence againft the
Popiili Lords only into a hear- fay, fo that it
fnould not come home againft them.. Reading
faid, Bedlow began the propofition to him ; and
employed him to fee how much money thefe Lords
couJd give him, if he fhould bring them off": Up-
on which, Readin?^, as he pretended afterwards,
feeing that innocent blood was like to be llied,
.was willing, even by indecent means, to endea-
vour ro prevent it. Yet he treed the Lords in
t' 4 the
72 The History of the Reign
1678. the Tower. He faid, they would not promlfe s-
'^'-^^r'^ farthing : Only the Lord Stafix^rd faid, he would
give Reading two or three hundred pounds, which
he might difpofe of as he pleafed. While Reading
was driving the bargain, Bcdlow was too hard for
him at his own trade of crait : For, as he ac-
quainted both Prince Rupert, and the Earl of
EfTex, with the whole negotiation, from the firft
ftep of it, fo he placed two witneffes fecretly in
his chamber, when Reading was to come to him -,
and drew him into thofe difcourfes, which difco-
vered the whole pradiice of that corruption. Rea-
ding had likewife drawn a paper, by which he
fhewed him with how few and liTiall alterations he
could foften his depofition, fo as not to affed: the
Lords. With thefe witnelTes, and this paper,
Bedlow charged Reading. The whole matter was
proved beyond contradidlion. And, as this raifed
his credit, fo it laid a heavy load on the Popifh
Lords ; tho' the proofs cam.e home only to Rea-
ding, and he was let in the pillory for it. Bedlow
made a very ill ufe of this difcovery, which hap-
pened in March, to cover his having fworn againft
Whitebread and Fenwick only upon hear-fay in
December : For, being refoived to fwear plain
matter upon his own knowledge againft them,
when they fhould be brought again on their trial,
he faid, Reading had prevailed on him to be eafy
to them, as he called it ; and that he had faid to
him that the Lords would take the faving of thefe
Jefuits, as an earneft of what he would do for
themfelves ; tho' it was not very probable, that
thefe Lords would have abandoned Ireland, when
they took fuch care of the other Jefuits. The
truth was, he ought to have been itt afide from
being a witnefs any more, lince now by his own
confefTion he had fworn falfly in that trial : He
had firft fworn, he knew nothing of his own
knowledge againft the two Jefuits, and afterv/-ards
he fwore copioufly againft them, and upon his
own knowledge. Wyld, a worthy and ancient
Judge,
of King Charles II.
Judge, faid upon that to him, that he was a per-
jured man, and ought to come no more into
Courts, but to go home, and repent. Yet all
this was paft over, as if it had been of no weight :
And the Judge was turned out for his plain free-
dom. There was foon after this another praftice
difcovered concerning Gates. Some that belong-
ed to the Earl of Danby converfed much with
Oates's fervants. They told them many odious
things that he was daily fpeaking of the King,
which looked liker one that intended to ruin than
to fave him. One of thefe did alfo affirm, that
' Gates had made an abominable attempt upon him
not fit to be named. Gates fmelled this out, and
got his fervants to deny all that they had faid, and
to fallen it upon thofe who had been with them,
as a pradtice of theirs : And they were upon that
likewife fet on the pillory. And, to put things
of a fort together, tho' they happen'd not all at
once : One Tafborough, that belonged to the
Duke's court, entred into fome correfpondence
with Dugdale, who was courting a kinfwoman of
his. It was propofed, that Dugdale fiiould fign
a paper, retracting all that he had formerly fworn,
and Ihould upon that go beyond lea, for which
he v/as promifed, in the Duke's name, a confi-
derable reward. He had written the paper, as was
defired : But he was too cunning for Tafborough,
and he proved his praftices upon him. He pretend-
ed he drew the paper only to draw the other fur-
ther on, that he might be able to penetrate the
deeper into their defigns. Tafborough was fined,
and fet in the pillory for tampering thus with the
King's e idence.
This was the true flate of the plot, and of the Refleai-
witneffes that proved it •, which I have open'd as ons upon
fully as v/as polTible for me : And I had particu- ^^e whole
lar occafions to be well inftrucled in it. Here v/as
matter enough to work on the fears and apprehcn-
fions of the Nation : So it vv^as not to be wonder-
ed at, it Parliaments wxre hot, and Junes were
eafy
Tnc History of the Reign,
eafy in this profecution. The vifible evidences
that appeared, made all people conclude there was
great plotting among them. And it was generally
believed, that the bulk of what was fworn by the
witneffes was true, tho' they had by all appear-,
ance drefled it up with incredible circumftances.
What the men of learning knew concerning their
principles, both of depofing of Kings, and of the
lawfulnels of murdering them when fo depofed,
made them eafily conclude, that fince they faw the
Duke was fo entirely theirs, and that the King was
. fo little to be depended on, they might think the
prefent conjuncture was not to be loll. And fmce
the Duke's eldeft daughter was already out of
their hands, they might make the more hafte to
fet the Duke on the throne. The tempers, as
. well as the morals, of the Jefuits, made it rea-
fonable to believe, that they were not apt to neg-
le6l fuch advantages, nor to flick at any fort of
..falffiood in order to their own defence. The doc-
trine of probability, befides many other maxims
that are current among them, made many give
little credit to their witneffes, or to their moft fo-
lemn denials, even at their execution. Many things
were brought to fhew, that by the cafuiftical di-
vinity taught among them, andpublifhed by them
to the world, there v/as no pra6lice fo bad, but
that the dodlrines of probability, and of ordering
the intention, might juftify it. Yet many thought,
that, what do6lrines foever men might by a fub-
tilty of fpeculation be carried into, the approaches
of death, with the ferioufnefs that appeared in
their deportment, mufl needs work fo much on
the probity and candor which feemed rooted in
human nature, that even immoral opinions, main-
tained in the way of argument, could not then re-
fill it. Several of our Divines went far in this
charge, againll all regard to their dying fpeeches ;
of which Tome of our own Church complained,
as inhuman and indecent.
3 ^
of King Charles IL' 75
In January a new Parliament was fummoned, 167^.
The eleftions were carried with great heat, and ^y\r'-'^
went almoft every where againft the Court. Lord p^"^*^
Danby refolved to leave the Treafury at Lady-day. njenr!"
And in that time he made great advantage by fe-
veral payments which he got the King to order,
that were due upon fuch flight pretences, that it
was believed he had a large Ihare of them to him-
felf : So that he left the Treafury quite empty.
He perfuaded the King to fend the Duke beyond
fea, that fo there might be no colour for fufpeft-
ing that the counfels were influenced by him. He
endeavoured to perfuade the Duke, that it was fit |
for him to go out of the way. If the King and
the Parliament came to an agreement, he might
depend on the promife that the King would make
him, of recalling him immediately : And if they
did not agree, no part of the blame could be cafl:
on him ; which mufl: happen otherwifc, if he fliaid
ftili at Court, Yet no rhetorick would have pre-
vailed on him to go, if the King had not told iiim
pofltively, it was for both their fervice, and fo it
mufl: be done.
Before he went av/ay, the King gave him all T\\e
poflible fatisfadion with relation to the Duke of ^"^e Tent
Monmouth, who was become very popular, and ^y^^'"^-
nis creatures v/ere givmg it out, that he was the
King's lawful fon. So the King made a folemn
declaration in Council, and both figned it and
took his oath on it, that he was never married,
nor contradled to that Duke's mother ; nor to any
other woman, except to his prefent Queen. The
Duke was fent away upon very fliort warning, not
without many tears Died by him at parting, tho*
the King flied none. He went firfl: to Holland,
and then to Brufiels, where he was but coldly
received.
At the opening the Parliament in March, the
parting with an only brother, to remove all jea^
loufy, was magnified y/ith ail the pomp of the
Earl
\^
76 The H I s T 0 R Y of the Reign
i6'j(^. Earl of Nottingham's eloquence. Lord Danby's
" friends were in fome hopes, that the great fervices
which he had done would make matters brought
againft him to be handled gently. But in the
management he committed fome errors, that proved
very unhappy to him.
Seimour and he had fallen into fome quarrel-
lings, both being very proud and violent in their
" tempers. Seimour had in the laft feffion ilruck in
with the heat againft Popery, that he was become
popular upon it. So he managed the matter in
this new Parliamentj that tho' the Court nained
Meres yet he was chofen Speaker. The nomina-^
tion of the Speaker was underftood to come from
the Kingi tho' he was not named as recommend-
ing the perfon. Yet a Privy Counfellor named
one : And it was underftood to be done by order.
And the perfon thus named was put in the chair^
and was next day prefented to the King, who ap-
proved the choice. When Seimour was next day
prefented as the Speaker, the King refufed to con-
firm the eleftion. He faid, he had other occafions
for him, which could not be difpenfed with. Up-
on this, great heats arofe, with a long and violent
debate. It was faid, the Houfe had the choice of
their Speaker in them, and that their prefenting.
the Speaker was only a folem.n fhev/ing him to the
King, fuch as was the prefenting the Lord Mayor
and Sheriffs of London in the Exchequer ; but
that the King was bound to confirm their choice.
This debate held a week, and created much
anger.
A temper was found at laft. Seimour's eleftion
was let fall : But the point was fettled, that the
right of electing was in the Houfe^ and that the
confirmation v^ras a thing of courfe. So another
was chofen Speaker. And the Houfe immediately
fell on Lord Danby. Thofe who intended to
ferve him faid, the heat this difpute had raifed,
which, was imputed wholly to him, had put it
OUE
'0
of Kinof Charles II.
't>
dut of their power to do it. But he committed
ottier errors. He took out a pardon under the
Great Seal, The Earl of Nottingham durfb not
venture to pafs it. So the King ordered the Seal
to be put to the pardon in his own prefence. And
thus, according to Lord Nottingham's figure,
when he was afterwards queftioned about it, it did
not pafs thro' the ordinary methods of production,
but was an immediate effed of his Majefty's
power of creating. He alfo took out a warrant
to be Marquifs of Caermarthen. And the King,
in a fpeech to the Parliament, faid, he had done
nothing but by his order ; and therefore he had
pardoned him ; and, if there was any defeat in
his pardon, he would pafs it over and over again,
till it Hiould be quite legal.
Upon this a great debate was raifed. Some Danby
queftioned whether the King's pardon, efpecialiy P""^'^"'^
when pafTed in bar to an impeachment, was good ^^^ , ^^ .
in law I This would encourage ill Minifters, who proilcu-
would be always furc of a pardon, and fo would ced by the
aft more boldly, if they fav/ fo eafy a way to be ^°^^^ °^
fecured againft the danger of impeachments : The J^^^,'^
King's pardon did indeed fecure one againft all
profecution at his fuit : But, as in the cafe of mur-
der an appeal lay, from v/liich the King's pardon
did not cover the perfon, fmce the King could no
more pardon the injuries done his people, than
he could forgive the debts that were owing to
them ; fo from a parity of reafon it was inferred,
that fmce the offences of Minifters of State were
injuries done the publick, the King's Pardon could
not hinder a profecution in Parliament, vv^hicli
feemed to be one of the chief fecurities, and moft
elTential parts of our conftitution. Yet on the \
other hand it was faid, that the power of pardon-
ing was a main article of the King's Prerogative :
None had ever yet been annulled : The law had
made this one of the trufts of the Government,
T^ithout any limitation upon it ; All arguments
againft
yS The History of the Reign
i6'^g. sgainfl it might be good rcafons for the limiting
\,tfY->^ it for the future : But what was already paft was
good in law, and could not be broke thro'. The
temper propofed was, that, upon Lord Danby's
going out of the way, an A(5l ot banifhnient (hould
pafs againft him, like that which had paffed againfb
the Earl of Clarendon. Upon that, when the
Lords voted that he fhould be committed, he
withdrew. So a bill of banifliment paffed in the
Houfe of Lords, and vvas fent down to the Com-
mons. Winnington fell on it there in a moft fu-
rious manner. He faid, it was an A6t to let all
Minifters fee what was the worfl thing that could
happen to them, after they had been engaged in
the blacked: defigns, and had got great rewards of
wealth and honour : All they could fuffer was, to
be obliged to live beyond fea. This enflamed the
Houfe fo, that thofe, who intended to have mo-
derated that heat, found they could not Hop it.
Littleton fent for me that night, to try if it was
pofilble to mollify V/innington. We laid before
iiim, that the King feemed brought near a difpo-
fition to grant every thing that could be defired of
hint : And why muft an attainder be brought on,
which would create a breach that could not be
Iiealed ? The Earl of Danby was refolved to bear
a banifliment ; but would come in, rather than
be attainted, and plead his pardon : And then the
King was upon the matter made the party in the
profecution, which m.ight ruin all : We knew how
bad a Minifter he had been, and had felt the ill
effedls of his power : But the publick was to be
preferred to all other confiderations. But Win-
nington was then fo entirely in Mountague's ma-
nagement, and was fo blown up with popularity^
and fo much provoked by being turned out of the
place of Solicitor General, that he could not be
prevailed on. It was offered afterwards from the.
Court, as Littleton told me, both that Lord Dan-
by fhould by Ad of ParHament be degraded from-
" ' bis
of King C H A R L E S 11. J()
his Peerage, as well as banifhed, and that an Ad 1679.
Jhould pafs declaring, for the future no pardon v^v^<^
fhould be pleaded in bar to an impeachment. But
the fury of the time was fuch, that all offers were
reje6led. And fo a very probable appearance of
fettling the Nation was loft : For the bill for ba-
nifhing Lord Danby was thrown out by the Com-
mons. And inftead of it a bill of attainder was
brought in. The Treafury was put in commif-
fion. The Earl of Eflex was put at the head of
it. And Hide and Godolphin were two of the
commilTion. The Earl of Sunderland was brought
over from France, and made Secretary of State.
And Lord EiTex and Lord Sunderland joined with
the Duke of Monmouth, to prefs the King to
change his counfels, and to turn to another me-
thod of government, and to take the men of the
greateft credit into his confidence. Lord Eflex
was much blamed for going in fo early into the
Court, before the reft v^ere brought in. He faid
to me, he did it in the profped of Working the
chansre that was afterwards effefted. Lord Sun-
derland alfo told me, that the King was eafy in the
bringing in Lord Shaftfbury ; for he thought he
was only angry in revenue, becaufe he was not
employed \ but that he had fo ill an opinion of
Lord Hall i fax, that it was not eafy to get over
that. The Duke of Monmouth told me, that he
had as great difficulty in overcoming that, as ever
in any thing that he lludied to bring the King to.
At lafl the King was prevailed on to difmifs the A nev^
whole Council, which was all made up of Lord Council
Danby's creatures. And the chief men of both
Houfes were brought into it. This was carrieci
with fo muph fecrecy, that it was not fo much as
fufpected, till the day before it was done. The
King was weary of the vexation he hafl been long
in, and defired to be fet at eafe. And at that
time he would have done any thing to get an end
put to the Plot, and to the fermeniation that was
pow
The History of the Reign
now over the whole Nation : So that, if the Iloufe
of Commons would have let the matter of Lord
Danby's pardon fall, and have accepted of limi-
tations on his brother, inftead of excluding him,
he' was willing to have yielded in every thing elfe.
He put likewiie the Admiralty and Ordnance into
commiffions : Out of all which the Duke's crea-
tures were fo exchided, that they gave both him
and themfelves for iofb. But the hatred that
Mountague bore Lord Danby, and Lord Shafti-
bury's hatred to the Duke, fpoiled all this. There
were alfo many in the Houfe of Commons, v/ho
finding themfelves forgot, while others were pre-
ferred to them, refolved to make themjfelves con-
fiderable. And they infufed into a great many a
miftruft of all that was doing. It was faid, the
King was ftill what he was before. No change
appeared in him. '^ And all this was only an arti-
fice to lay the heat that was in the Nation, to gain
fo many over to him, and fo to draw money from
the Commons. So they refolved to give no mo-
ney, till all other things Ihould be firft fettled.
No part of the change that was then made was
more acceptable than that of the Judges : For
Lord Danby had brought in fome fad creatures
to thofe important polls. And Jones had the
new modelling Of the Bench. And he put in
very worthy men, in the room of thofe ignorant
Judges that were now difmifs'd.
Debates The main point in debate was, what fecurity
concern- ^^^ King fliould offcr to quiet the fears of the Na-^
iifcLLn ^^^" upon the account of the Duke's fuccefiion.
The Earl of Shaftfbury propofed the excluding
him fimply, and making the fucceffion to go on,
^s if he was dead, as the only mean that was
e'afy and fafe both for the Crown and the people :
This was nothing but the dilinheriting the next
heir, which certainly the King and Parliament
might do, as well as any private man might
difmherit his next heir, if he had a mind to it.
The
of King Charles II.
.The King would not confent to this. He had
faithfully promifcd the Duke, that he mever
would. And he thought, if Afts of Exclufion
were once begun, it would not be eafy to flop
them ;, but that upon any difcontent at the nexc
heir, they would be fet on : Religion was now the
pretence : But other pretences would be found out,
when there was need of them : This infenfibly
would change the nature of the Englifh Monar-
chy : So that from being hereditary it vvould be-
come eledive. The Lords of Efiex and Hallifax
upon this propofed fuch limitations of the Duke's
authority, when the Crown lliould devolve on
him, as would difable him from doing any liarm,.
either in Churcli or State : Such as the taking out
of his hand all power in Ecclefiafbical matters, the
difpofal of the pubiick money, v/ith the power of
peace and war, and the lodging thefe in both
iloufes of Parliament ; and that whatever Parlia-
ment was in being, or the iall that had been in
being at the King's death, fhould meet, without a
new fummons, upon it, and afRime the admini-
flration of affairs. Lord Shaftfbury argued againft
this, as much more prejudicial to the Crown than
the exclufion of one heir : For this changed the
whole Governm.ent, and fet up a Democracy in-
ftead of a Monarchy. Lord Hallifax's arguing
now fo much againft the dano;er of turnino- the
Monarchy to be eleilive, was tne m.ore extraordi-
nary in him, becaule he had made an hereditary
Monarchy the fubjeil of his m.irth ; and had often
faid, who takes a coachman to drive him, becaufe
his father was a good coachman ? Yet he Vv^as now
jealous of a fiiiall flip in the fuccelTion. But at
the fame time he ftudied to infufeinto fome a zeal
for a Commonwealth. And to thefe he pretended,
that he preferred limitations to an exclufion : Be-
caufe the one kept- up the Monarchy ftill, only
paifing over one perfon ; whereas the other brought
lis really into a Commonv/ealth, as foon as we
Vol. II. G had
The HisTO RY of the Reign
had a Popifh King over us. And it was faid by
feme of his friends, that the limitations propofed
were fo advantageous to publick liberty, that a
man might be tempted to wifh for a Popilh Kiog,
to come at them.
Upon this great difference of opinion, a faction
was quickly formed in the new Council. The
Lords Eflfex, Sunderland and Hallifax declaring
for limitations, and againft the Exclufion ; while
Lord Shaftfbury, now made prefident of the Coun-
cil, declared highly for it. They took much pains
on him to moderate his heat : But he was become fo
intolerably vain, that he would not mix with them,
unlefs he might govern. So they broke with him :
And the other three were called the Triumvirate.
Lord Effex applied himfelf to the bufmefs of the
Treafary, to the regulating the King's expence,
and the improvement of the Revenue. His clear,
tho' flow, fenfe made him very acceptable to the
King. Lord Hallifax ftudied to manage the King's
fpirit, and to gain" an afcendant there by a lively
and libertine converfation. Lord Sunderland ma-
naged foreign affairs, and had the greateft credit
with the Dutchefs of Portfmouth. After it was
agreed on to offer the limitations, the Lord Chan-
cellor by order from the King made the propofition
to both Houfes. The Duke was ftruck with the
news of this, when it came to him to Bruffels.
I faw a letter writ by his Dutchefs the next poft :
In which fhe wrote, that as for all the high things
that were faid by their enemies they looked for
them, but that fpeech of the Lord Chancellor's
was a furprize, and a great mortification to them.
Their apprehenfions of that did not hang long
upon them. The Exclufion was become the po-
pular expedient. So after much debating, a bill
was ordered for excluding the Duke of York. I
will give you here a fhort abftraft of all that was
faid, both within and without dqors, for and againft
the Exclufion.
Thofe
df King C H A R L E s II. 83
Thofe who argued for it laid it down for a foun- 1679.
dation, that every perfon, who had the whole right ■-'•-v^
of any thing in him, had likewife the power of _?^-- ,
transferring it to whom he pleafed. So the King V^i.',!^;^^^ *"
and Parliament, being entirely pofTefled of the againft
whole authority of the Nation, had a po^ver to t^e Ex>
limit the fucceflion, and every thing elfe relating ^^"^'°"'
to the Nation, as they pkafed. And by confe-
quence there was no fuch thing as a fundamental
law, by which the power of Parliament was bound
up : For no King and Parliam.ent in any former
age had a power over the prefent King and Par-
liament ; otherwife the Government was not en-
tire, nor abfolute= A father, how much foever
determined by nature to provide for his children,
yet had certainly a power of difmheriting them,
without which, in fome cafes, the refpe<Sl due to
him could not be preferved. The life of the King
on the throne was not fecure, unlefs this was ac-
knowledged. For if the next heir was a traitor,
and could not be feized on, the King would be ill
ferved in oppofition to him, if he could not bar
his fucceflion by an exclufion. Government was
appointed for thofe that were to be governed, and
not for the fake of Governors themfelves : There-
fore all things relating to it were to be meafured
by the publick intereft, and the fafety of the peo-
ple. In none of God's appointments in the Old
Teftament regard v/as had to the eldeft. Ifaac,
Jacob, Judah, Ephraim, and more particularly
Solomon, were preferred v/ithout any regard to the
next in line. In the feveral Kingdoms of Europe
the fuccelTion went according to particular laws,
and not by any general law. In England, Spain
and Sweden, the heir general did fucceed : Where-
as it was only the heir male in France and Ger-
many. And whereas the oath of allegiance tied
us to the King and his heirs, the word heir was a
term that imported that perfon who by law ought
to fucceed : And fo it f^U by law to any perfon
G 2 who
84 -The FI I s T 0 p. Y of the R.e'!gn
1679. who was declared next in the fucceiTion. In Eng-
land the heir of the King that reigned had been
fometimes fet afide, and the ri2;ht of fuccefiion
transferred to another perfon. Henry VII. fet up
his title on his poffeffing the Crown. Henry VIII.
got his two daughters, while they were by a6ls of
Parliament illegitimated, put in the fucceffion :
And he had a power given him to devife it after
them, and their iffue, at his pleafure. Queen
Elizabeth, when llie was in danger from the prac-
tices of the Queen of Scots, got an A6t: to pafs
aiTerting the power of the Parliament to limit the
fuccefiion of the Crowai. It v/as high treafon to
deny this during her lite, and was ftill highly penal
to this day. All this was laid down in general,
to affert a pov/er in the Parliament to exclude the
next heir, if there was a juft caufe for it. Now,
as to the prefent cafe, the Popifh religion was fo
contrary to che whole frame and confhitution of
our Government, as well as to that dignity inhe-
rent in the Crown, of being the head of the Church,
that a Papift feemed to be brought under a difa-
bility to hold the Crown. A great part of the
property of the Nation, the Abbey lands, was
fliaken by the profpedt of fuch a fucceffion. The
perlidy and the cruelty of that religion made the
danger more fenfible. Fires, and Courts of In-
quifition, were that which all muft reckon for,
who would not redeem themfelves by an early and
zealous converfion. The Duke's own temper was
much inlifled on. It appeared by all their letters,
how much the Papifts depended on him : And his
own deportmiCnt fliewed, there was good reafon
for it. He would break thro' all limitations, and
call in a foreign power, rather than fubmit to them.
' Some mercenary lawyers would give it for law,
that the prerogative could not be hmited, and that
. a law limitino- it was void of itfelf. Revenges tor
pafl iniuries, v/hen join'd to a bigotry in religion,
■would be probably very violent.
2 On
of King C H A R L E s II. 85
On the other hand, fome argued againft the 1679.^
Exclufion : That it was unlawlul in jtfeif, and "w-v^o
againft the unalterable la\v of fucceffion ; (which
came to be the common phrafe.) Monarchy was
laid to be by divine right : So the law could not
alter what God had fettled. Yet ftw went at firft
fo high. Much weight was laid on the oath of
allegiance, that tied us to the King's heirs : And
whofo was the heir when any man took that oath,
was flill the heir to him. All lawyers had great
regard to fundamental laws. And it was a maxim
among our lawyers, that even an A61 of Parlia-
ment asainft Mao;na Charta was null of itfelf.
There was no arguing from the changes in the courfe
of the Succeffion. Thefe had been the effefts of
profperous rebellions. Nor from Henry VII. 's
reigning in the right of his Queen, and yet not
owning it to be fo. Nor was it ftrange, ii-" in ih
violent a reign as Henry VIII. 's afts were made in
prejudice of the right of blood. But tho' his
daughters were made baftards by two feveral acts,
yet it was notorious they vv^ere both born in a ftate
of marriage. And when unlawful marriages were
annulled, yet fuch iffue as defcended from them
bona fide ufed not to be illegitimated. But tho',
that King made a will purfuant to an aft of Par-
liament, excluding the Scotifn line, yet fuch re-
gard the Nation had to the next in blood, that,
without examining the wiil, the Scotifh line was
received. It is true. Queen Elizabeth, out of her
hatred to the Queen of Scots, got the famed ad:
to pafs, that declares the Parliament's power of
limiting the fuccefiion. But fmce that whole mat-
ter ended fo fatally, and was the great blemilh of
her reign, it was not reafonable to build much on
it. Thefe were the arguments of thofe, who
thought the Parliament had not the power to enadt
an exclufion of the next heir : Of v/hich opinion
the Earl of EfTex was at this t'me. Others did
not go on thefe grounds : But they faid, that tho'
G Q _ a father
8 $ The History of the Reign '
1679, a father has indeed apower of difinheriting his fan,
yet he ought never to exert it but upon a juft and
neceffary occafion. It was not yet legally certain,
that the Duke was a Papill. This was a condemn-
ing him unheard. A man's confcience was not
even in his own power. It feemed therefore to be
an unjuflifiable feverity, to cut off fo great a right
only for a point of opinion. It is true, it might
be realonable to fecure the Nation from the ill
effe6ts that opinion might have upon them, which
was fully done by the limitations. But it was un-
juft to carry it further. The Proteftants had charg-
ed the Church of Rome heavily for the League of
France, in order to the excluding the Houfe of
Bourbon from the fucceffion to the Crown of France,
becaufe of herefy : And this would make the charge
return back upon us, to our fhame. In the cafe
of infancy, or lunacy, guardians were affigned :
But the right was ftill in the true heir. A Popifli
Prince was confidered as in that ilate : And thefe
limitations were like the affigning him guardians.
The Crown had been for feveral ages limited in
the power of raifing money -, to which it may be
fuppofed a high fpirited King did not eafiiy fub-
mit, and yet we had long maintained this : And
might it not be hoped, the limitations propofed
might be maintained in one reign •, chiefly con-
fidering the zeal and the number of thofe who
were concerned to flipport them ? Other Princes
might think themfelves obliged in honour and re-
ligion to aOlfl: him, if he was quite excluded : And
it might be the occafion of a new Popifh League,,
that mij^ht be fatal to the whole Proteftant intereil.
"Whereas, if the limiitations pal]:, other Princes
would not fo probably enter into the laws and efta-
blifhment fettled among us. It was faid, many
in the Nation thotight the Exclulion unlawful :
But all would jointly concur in the limitations :
So this was the fecureft way, that comprehended
the greateft part of the Nation : And probably
5 Scotland
€>f King Charles II.
Scotland would not go into the Exclufion, but
merit at the Duke's hands by afierting his title -
So here was a foundation of war round about us,
as well as of great diftraiflions among ourfelves :
Some regard was to be had to the King's honour,
who had fo often declared, he would not confent
to an Exclufion ; but would to any limitations,
how hard foeVer.
Thefe were the chief arguments upon which this
debate was managed. For my own part, I did
always look on it as a wild and extravagant con-
ceit, to deny the lawfulnefs of an Exclufion in any
cafe whatfoever. But for a great while I thought
the accepting the limitations was the wifeil and
beft method. I faw the driving on the Exclufion
would probably throw us into great confufions.
And therefore I made ufe of all the credit 1 had
with many in both Houfes, to divert them from
purfuing it, as they did, with fuch eagernefs, that
they would hearken to nothing elfe. Yet, when I
faw the party fo deeply engaged, and fo violently
fet upon it, both Tillotfon and I, who thought
We had fome intereft in Lord Hallifax, took great
pains on him, to divert him from oppofing it fo
furioufly as he did : For he became as it were the
champion againft the Exclufion. I forefaw a great
breach was like to follow. And that was plainly
the game of Popery, to keep us in fuch an un-
fettled ftate. This was like either to end in a re-
bellion, - or in an abjeft fubmiffion of the Nation
to the humours of the Court. I confefs, that
which I apprehended moft w^as rebellion, tho' it
turned afterwards quite the other away. But men
of more experience, who had better advantages to
make a true judgment of the temper of the Na-
tion, were miftaken as well as myfelf. All the
progrefs that was made in this matter in the pre-
lent Parliament was, that the bill of Exclufion was
read twice in the Houfe of Commons. But the
G 4 Par*
The History of the Reign
Parliament was dilTolved before it came to a third
tion.
reading.
The Earl of Danby's profecution was the point
on which the Parliament v/as broken. The bill
of attainder for his wilful abfence was pafs'd by
the Commons, and fent up to the Lords. But,
when it was brought to the third reading, he de-
livered himfelf; and was upon that fent to the
Tower : Upon which he moved for his trial. The
man of the law he depended moil upon was Pol-
lexfen, an honeil, and learned, but perplexed law-
yer. He advifed him pofitively to ftand upon his
pardon. It was a point of prerogative never yet
judged againfl: the Crown : So he might in that
cafe depend upon theTIoufe of Lords, and on the
King's inte reft there. It might perhaps produce
fom-e Act againfc all pardons for the future. But
he thought he was fecure in his pardon. It was
both wifer, and more honourable, for the King,
as well as for himfelf, to ftand on this, than to
enter into the m.atter of the letters, which vv'ould
occafion many indecent reflections on both. So
he fettled on this, and pleaded his pardon at the
Lord's bar : To which the Commons put in a re-
ply, queftioning the validity of the pardon, on the
grounds form.eriy mentioned. And they demand-
ed a trial and judgment.
Upon this a famous debate arofe, concerning
the Bifnops right of voting in any part of a trial
for treaf:)n. it v/as faid, that, tho' the BiHiops
did not vote in the final judgment, yet they had
a right to vote in ail preliminaries. Now the al-
lowing, or not alioving the pardon to be good,
-was but a pKelirainary : And yet the whole m.atter
was conrk.ded by it. Tlie Lords Nottingham and
Roberts argued for the Bifiiops voting. But the
Lords Elk^x, Shaftfbury, and HoUis, were againft
it. Man-,' bocks v.'ere writ on both fides, of which
an account fhali be given afterwards. But upon
this debate it was carried by the majority, that the
Bifhops
of King Charles II.
Billiops had a right to vote. Upon which the
Commons faid, they would not proceed, unlefs
the Bifhops were obliged to withdraw during the
whole trial. And upon that breach between the
two Houfes the Parliament was prorogued : And
foon after it was diffolved. And the blame of this
was call chieflv on the Bifhops. The truth v/as,
they defired to have vvithdrav/n, but the King
would not fuffer it. He v/as fo let on maintain-
ing the pardon, that he would not venture fuch a
point on the votes of the temporal Lords. And
he told the Biihops, they muft ftick to him, and
to his prerogative, as they would exps6t that he
fhouid ftick to them, if they came to be pufh'd
at. By this means they were expofed to the po-
pular jury.
Hot people began every where to cenfure them, A great
-as a fet of men that for their own ends, and for ^°^^ ^^if-
every punftiiio that they pretended to, would ex-^^^|^?"^
pofe the Nation and the Proteilant Religion to „y^
ruin. And in revenge for this many began to ""
declare openly in favour of the Non conformifts :
And upon this the Non-conformifcs behaved them-
selves very indecently. For, tho' many of the
more moderate of the Clergy were trying if an
advantage might be taken from the ill Hate
we were in to heal thofe breaches that were
among us, they on their part fell very feverely
upon the body of the Clergy. The a6t that re-
ftrained the prefs was to kit only to the end of the
firft felTion of the next Parliament that fhouid meet
after that was diffolved. So now, upon the end
of the feffion, the adl not being revived, the prefs
was open : And it became very licentious, both
againil the Court and the Clergy, And in this
, the Non- conformifts had fo great a hand, that
the Bifhops and Clergy, apprehending that a re-
bellion, and with it the pulling the Church to
pieces, was defigned, kz themfelves on the other^
hand to write againit the late times, and to draw
a
pa-
^o The History ©f the Reign
1679. a parallel between the prefent times and them r
%— V— ' V/hich was not decently enough managed by thofe
who undertook the argument, and who were be-
lieved to be fet on, and paid by the Court for it.
Theocca-The chief manager of all thofe angry writings
fions that was One Sir Roger L'Eflrange, a man who had
fomented ijyed in all the late times, and was furniihed with
many paffagcs, and an unexhaufted copioufnefs in
writing : So that for four years he publifhed three
or four Iheets a v/eek under the title of the Ob-
fervator, all tending to defame the contrary party,
and to make the Clergy apprehend that their ruin
was defigned. This had all the fuccefs he could
have wifhed, as it drew confiderable fums that
were raifed to acknowledge the fcrvice he did.
Upon this the gi'eater part of the Clergy, who
were already much prejudiced againft that party,
being now both Iharpned and furniihed by thefe
papers, delivered themfelves up to much heat and
indifcretion, which was vented both in their pul-
pits and common converfation, and mofb particu-
larly, at the eledlions of parliament men : And
this drew much hatred and cenfure upon them^.
They feemed now to lay down all fears and ap-
prehenfions of Popery : And nothing was fo com-
mon in their mouths as the year forty one, in which
the late wars begun, and which feemed now to be
near the being a6led over again. Both City and
Country were full of many indecencies that broke
out on this occafion. But, as there were too many
of the Clergy v/hom the heat of their tempers, and
the hope of preferment drove to fuch extravagan-
cies, fo there were ftill many worthy and eminent
men among them, whofe lives and labours did in
a great meafure refcue the Church from thofe re-
proaches that the follies of others drew upon it.
Such were, befides thofe whom I have often nam-
ed, Tennifon, Sharp, Patrick, Sherlock, Fowler,
Scot, Calamy, Claget, Cudworth, two Mores,
Williams, and many others, whom tho' I knew
not
of King Charles II. ^i
not fp particularly as to give all their Chara6l:ers, 1679.
yet they delerved a high one ; and were indeed an v— vr-i^
honour, both to the Church, and to the age in
which they lived,
I return from this digrelTion to give an account Argu-
of the arguments by which that debate concern- mencs for
ing the Bi {'hops voting in preliminaries was main- ^^^.
tained. It was faid, the Bifhops were one of Three gf^'" g
Eftate? of which the Parliament was compofed, voting in
and that therefore they ought to have a fhare in 'he preli-
ail parliamentary matters : That as the temporal !"'"^"f5
^ • in tri3.1s
Lords tranfmitted their honours and fees to their of treafon.
heirs, fo the Bifhops did tranfmit theirs to their
fucceffors : And they fat in Parliament, both as
they were the Prelates of the Church and Barons
of the Realm : But in the time of Popery, when
they had a mind to withdraw themfelves wholly
'from the King's Courts, and refolved to form
themfelves into a ftate apart, upon this attempt
of theirs, our Kings would not difpenfe with their
attendance : And then feveral regulations were
made, chiefly the famed ones at Clarendon ; not
fo much intended as reftraints on them in the ufc
of their rights as they were Barons, as obligations
on them to perform all, but thofe that in compli-
ance with their deflres were then excepted : The
Clergy, who had a mind to be excufed from all
parliamentary attendance, obtained leave to with-
draw in judgments of life and death, as unbecom-
ing their profeflion and contrary to their Canons.
Princes were the more inclinable to this, becaufe
Bifhops might be more apt to lean to the merciful
fide : And the judgments of Parliament in that time
were commonly in favour of the Crown againft
the Barons : So the Bifhops had leave given them
to withdraw from thefe : But they had a right to
name a proxy for the Clergy, or to proteft for
faving their rights in all other points as Peers : So
that this was rather a concefTion in their favour
than a reftraint impofed on them : And they did
IK
The H I s T o R y'oF the Reign
it on defign to get out of thefe Courts as much as
they could : At the Reformation all fuch pradtices
as v/ere contrary to the King's prerogative were
condemned : So it was faid, that the King having
a right by his prerogative to demand juftice in
PariiamiCnt againil fuch as he fnould accufe there,
none of the Peers could be excufed from that by
any of the conllitutions m.ade in the time of Po-
pery, which were all condemned at the Reforma-
tion : The proteftation they made in their afking
leave to withdraw ihevv^ed it was a voluntary aft
of theirs, ^nd not impofed on them by the law of
Parliament : The words of the article of Claren-
don feemed to import, that they might fit during
the trial, till it came to the final judgment and
fentence of life or limb ; and by confequence that
they might vote in the prelimiinaries.
On the other hand it was argued, that Bifhops
could not judge the temporal Lords as their Peers :
For if they were to be tried for high treafon, they
were to be judged only by a jury of CommOners :
And fince their honour was not hereditary, they
could not be the Peers of thofe whofe blood was
dignified : And therefore, tho' they were a part
of that Houfe with relation to the legiflature and
judicature, yet the difference between a perfonal
and hereditary Peerage made that they could not
be the judges of the temporal Lords, as not being
to be tried by them : The cuftom of Parliamenc
was the law of Parliament : And fince they had
never judged in thefe cafes, they could not pre-
tend to it : Their proteftation was only in barr to
the Lords doing any thing befides the trial dur-
ing the time that they were withdrav/n : The
words of the article of Clarendon muft relate to
the whole trial as one complicated thing, tho' it
might run out into many branches : And fince
• the final fentence did often turn upon the prelimi-
naries, the voting in. thefe was vipon the matter
the voting in the final fentence : Whatever might
be
of King Charles II.
be the fiiil inducements to frame thofe articles of
the Clergy? v/hich at this diftance muil be dark
and uncertain, yet the laws and pradice purfuant
to them were ftill in force : By the ad of Henry
the eighth it was provided, that, till a new body of
canon law iliould be formed, that which was then
received fhould be ftill in force, unlefs it was con-
trary to the King's prerogative or the law of the
land : And it was a remote and forced inference
to pretend that the prerogative was concerned in
this matter.
Thus the point was argued on both fides. Dr. Stilling-
Stillingfleet g<ave upon this occafion a great proof ^*^'"f°'®
of his being able to make himfelf the mafter of point'^
any argument v/hich he undertook : For after the
lawyers, and others converfant in Parliament re-
cords, in particular the Lord Hollis, who under-
took the argument with great vehemence, had writ -
many books about it, he publifhed a treatife that
difcovered more fkill and exadnefs in judging
thofe matters than all that had gone before him.
And indeed he put an end to the controverfy in
the opinion of all impartial men. He proved the
right that the Bifhops had to vote in thofe preli-
minaries, beyond contradidion in my opinion, both
from our records, and from our conftitution. But
now in the interval of Parliament other matters
come to be related.
The King upon the prorogation of the Parlia- The trial
ment became fallen and tihoughtful : He faw, ht^^^f^
had to do with a ftrange fort of people, that could J^'*^"*-
neither be managed nor frightned : And from that
time his temper was obferved to change very vifi-
bly. He faw the neceffity of calling another Par-
liament, and of preparing matters in order to it :
Therefore the profecution of the plot was ftill car-
ried on. So five of the Jefuits that had been ac-
cufed of it were brought to their trial : They
were Whitebread their Provincial, Fenwick, Har-
courtj Go van, arid Turner, , Gates repeated againft
them
The History of the Reign
them his former evidence : And they prepared a
great defence againft it : For fixteen perfons came
over from their Houfe at St. Omers, who teftified
that Oates had ftaid among them all the while from
December feventy feven, till June feventy eight ;
fo that he could not poflibly be at London in the
April between at thofe confultations, as he had
fworn. They remembred this the more particu-
larly, becaufe he fat at the table by himfelf in the
refedory, which made his being there to be the
more obferved ; for as he was not mixed with the
fcholars, fo neither was he admitted to the Jefuits
table. They faid, he was among them every day,
except one or two in which he was in the infirmary :
They alfo teftified, that fome of thofe who he
fwore came over with him into England in April,
had ftaid all that fummer in Flanders. In oppo-
fition to this, Oates had found out feven or eight
perfons who depofed that they faw him in England
about the beginning of May ; and that he being
known formerly to them in a Clergyman's habit,
they had obferved him fo much the more by rea-
fon of that change of habit. With one of thefe
he dined ; and he had much difcourfe with him
about his travels. An old Dominican Frier, who
was ftill of that Church and Order, fwore alfo
that he faw him, and fpoke frequently with him
at that time : By this the credit of the St. Qmers
fcholars was quite blafted. There was no reafon
to miftruft thofe who had no intereft in the matter,
and fwore that they faw Oates about that time -,
whereas the evidence given by fcholars bred in the
Jefuits college, when it was to fave fome of their
Order, was liable to a very juft fufpicion. Bed-
low now fwore againft them all, not upon hearfay
as before, but on his own knowledge •, and no
regard was had to his former Oath mentioned in
Ireland's trial. Dugdale did likewife fwear againft
fome of them : One part of his evidence feemed
fcarce credible. He fwore, that Whitebread did
in
of King Charles II.
ift a letter that was direded to himfelf, tho' intend-
ed for F. Evers, and that came to him by the com-
mon poll, and was figned by Whitebread, defire
him to find out men proper to be made ufe of in
killing the King, of what quality foever they might
be. This did not look like the cunning of Jefuits
in an age, in which all people made ufe either of
cyphers, or of fome difguifed cant. But the over-
throwing the St. Omers evidence was now fuch an
additional load on the Jefuits, that the jury came
quickly to a verdid •, and they were condemned.
At their execution they did with the greateft fo-
lemnity, and the deepefb imprecations poiTible, de-
ny the whole evidence upon which they were con-
demned : And protefted, that they held no opini-
ons either of the lawfulnefs of affaffinating Princes,
or of the Pope's power of depofing them, and that
they counted all equivocation odious and finfuL
All their fpeeches were very full of thefe heads.
Govan's was much laboured, and too rheroricaL
A very zealous Proteftant, that went oft to fee
them in prifon, told me, that they behaved them-
felves with great decency, and with ail the ap-
pearances both of innocence and devotion.
Langhorn, the lav/yer, was tried next : He Lancv^
made ufe of the St. Omers fcholars : But their horn's
evidence feemed to be fo baffled, that it ferved him ^P^^^
in no Head. He infilled next on fome contradidi-
ons in the feveral depofitions that Oates had given
at feveral trials : But he had no other evidence of
that befides the printed trials, which v/as no proof
in law. The Judges faid upon this, (that which
is perhaps good in law, but yet does not fatlsfy a '
man's mind,) that great difference was to be made
between a narrative upon oath, and an evidence
given in Court. If a man was faife in any one oath,
there feemed to be juft reafon to [tt him afide, as
no good witncfs, Langhorn likewife urged this,
that it was fix weeks after Oates's iirft difcovery
before he named him: Whereas, if the commiffi-
uns
9^ The History of the Reign
1679. ons had been lodged with him, he ought to have
yv*^ been feized on and fearched firft of all. Bedlow
fwore, he faw him enter fome of Coleman's trea-
fonable letters in a regiiler, in which exprefs men-
tion was made of killing the King. He fhewed
the improbability of this, that a man of his bnfi-
nefs could be fet to regifter letters. Yet all was of
no ufe to him ; for he was caft. Great pains was
taken to perfuade him to difcover ail he knew ;
and his execution was delayed for fome weeks, in
hopes that fomewhat might be drawn from him.
He offered a difcovery of the euates and ftock that
the Jefuits had in England, the fecret of which
was lodged with him : But he protefted, that he
could make no other difcovery ^ and perfifted in
this to his death. He fpent the time, in which
And his execution was refpited, in writing fome very
death. devout and well compofed meditations. He was
in all refpedls a very extraordinary man : He was
learned, and honeft in his Profeffion ; but was out
of meafure bigotted in his religion. He died with
great conftancy.
Thefe executions, with the denials of all that
fuffered, made great imprefllons on many. Seve-
ral books were writ, to Ihew that lying for a good
end v;as not only thought lawful among them, but
had been often praftifed, particularly by fome of
thofe who died for the gunpowder treafon, denying
thofe very things which were afterwards not only
fully proved, but confeffed by the perfons con-
cerned in them : Yet the behaviour, and lad words,
of thofe v/ho fuffered made imprelTions which no
books could carry off.
Some months after this one Serjeant, a fecular
Prieit, who had been always in ill, terms with the
Jefuits, and was a zealous Fapifc in his own way,
appeared before the Council upon feciirity given
him ; and he averred, that Govan, :!ie Jefuit,
who died protefiiing he had never thoygut it law-
ful to murder Kings, but had always dctefled it,
had
of Kina; C n ar li s II.
97
had at his lafl being in:Flanders fa,id to q, very de- i6yg.
vout,p£Uon., fcoiji whom Serjeant had' it, that he A-^r..*^
thp.yght the Qi^e.en might lav/fully tal<.e ' away the
King's iii"e for the bjuri.ts he had done her, but
muGh.more becaufe. he was a iicretick. Upon that
S.erjjeant, run cut into many p.artiGuiars, to fxiew
how,;iict],e credit was due to the proteilations made
by Jefiiits. even . at , their death. •. This gave fome
credit to the tendered j^^rt of Oatesfs evidence v/ith
relation to the Qu'ieen. . jt fhewed, tliat the trying
to do itby iier means had been thought of by them.
AIJ this was only evidence from.fecond hand : Sb
it fignified little. ,, Serjeant was much blamed for
it by ail his own fide. He had the reputation
of a fmcere and good, but of an indifcreet, man*
The executions v/ere generally imputed to Lord
Shaftfbury, who drove them on in hopes that fome
one or other to have favecl himfelf would have ac-
cufed the Duke. But by thefe the credit of the
v/itnelTps, and of the whole plot, was finking apace.
The -building fo much, and (bedding fo much
blood, : upon the weakeil part of it, which was the
credit, of the v/itnelles, raifed a general prejudice
againft it all; and ' took away the force of that, \ -.
which was certainly true, that the whole party had
been contriving, a change of religion by a foreign
affiftance, fo that, it made not impreffion enough,
bvit went off too fafl:. It. was like the lettmg blood,
(as one obferved) which abates a fever. Every
execution, like a new bleeding, abated the heat
that the Nation was in ; and threw us into a cold
deadnefs, which was like to prove fatal to us.
. V/akenian's trial came on next. Gates fwore, lyy.^jje-.
he faw him write a bili to Ailiby the Jefuit, by man's
which he knew his hand : And he fav/ another let- 1"^^'
ter of his writ in the fame hand, in which he di-
recled Afliby, who was then going to the Bath, to
life a milk diet, and to be pump'd at the Bath -,
and that in that letter he mentioned his zeal in the
defign of killing the King. He next repeated ail
Vol. II. H the
The History of the Reign
the ftory he had fworn againft the Queen : Which
he brought only to make it probable that Wake-
man, who was her phyfician, was in it. To all
this Wakeman objefted, that at firft Oates accufed
him only upon hearfay : And did folemnly proteft
he knew nothing againft him : Which was fully
made out. So he faid, all that Oates now fwore
againft him muft be a forgery not thought of at
that time. He alfo proved by his own fervant,
and by the apothecary at the Bath, that Aftiby's
paper was not writ, but only dictated by him : For
he happened to be very weary when he came for it,
and his man v/rote it out : And that of the milk
diet was a plain indication of an ill laid forgery,
fince it was known that nothing was held more in-
confiftent with the Bath vv'ater than milk. Bed-
low fwore againft him, that he faw him receive a
bill of 2000I. from Harcourt in part of a greater
fum ; and that Wakeman told hi-m afterwards that
he had received the money ; and that Harcourt
told him for what end it was given, for they in-
tended the King fliould be killed, either by thofe
they fent to Windfor, or by Wakeman's means :
And, if all other ways failed, they would take hirn.
off at Newmarket. Bedlow in the iirft giving his
evidence depofed, that this was faid by Harcourt
when Wakeman was gone out of the room. Bur
obferving, by the queftions that were put him,
that this would not affed; Wakeman, he fwore af-
terwards, that he faid it likewife in his hearing.
Wakeman had nothing to fet againft all this, but
that it feemed impoflible that hecouki truft himfelf
in fuch matters to fuch a perfon : And if Oates
was fet afide, he was but one witnefs. Three other
Benedidin Priefts were tried with Wakeman.
Oates fwore, that they were in the plot of kilhng
the King ; that one of them, being their Superior,
had engaged to give 6000 1. towards the carrying
it on. Bedlow fwore fomewhat circumftantial to
the fame purpofe asainft two of them : But that
4 , did
of King C H A R L E s II. 99
did not rife up to be treafon : And he had nothing 1679.
to chijrge the third with. They proved, that ano- w-v^*/.
ther perlbn had been their Superior for feyeral
years ; and that Oates was never once fuffered to
come within their houfe, which all their fervants
depofed. And they alfo proved, that when Oates
came into their houfe the night after he made his
difcovery, and took Pickering out ot his bed, and
faw them, he faid, he had nothing to lay to their
charge. They urged many other things to deftroy
the credit of the witneffes : And one of them made
a long declamation, in a high bombafb drain, to
fhew what credit was due to the fpeeches of dying
men^ The eloquence was fo forced and childiih,
that this did them more huxt than good. Scroggs
furnmed up the evidence very favourably for the
prifoners, far contrary to his former pra6tice. The
truth is, that this was looked on, as the Queen's
trial, as well as Wakeman's. The prifoners w^ere He was
acquitted: And now the witneiTes faw they were ^^^^'"^°'
blafted. And they v/ere enraged upon it ; which
they vented with much fpite upon Scroggs. And
there was in him matter enough to work orj for
fuch foul mouthed people as they were. The
Queen got a man of great Quality to be fent over
Ambaffador from Portugal, not knowing how
much Ihe might ftand in need of fuch a prote6lion.
He went next day with great ftatc to thank Scroggs
for his behaviour in this trial. If he meant well
in this complenient,, it was very unadvifedly done :
For the Chief Juftice was expoled to much cen-
fure by it. And therefore fome thought it was a
Ihew of civility done on defign to ruin him. Forj,
how well pleafed foever the Papifts were with the
luccefs of this trial, and with Scro^gs's manage-
ment, yet they could not be fuppofed tO be fo fa-
tisfied with him, as to forgive his behaviour in the
former trials, which had been very indecently par-
tial and violent.
H 2 Is
The History of the Reign
.. It was now debated in Council whether the Par-
liament, now prorogued, fhould be diffolved, or
Deba-.es ^ not. The King prevailed on the Lords of EfTex
about on- ^^ Haliifax to be tor a diiTolution, promifino- to
the Par- ^^^^- another Parliament next winter. Almoft all
liameut. |:he new Counfellors were againft the dinolution.
They faid, the Crown had never gained any thing
by diffolving a Parliament in anger : The fame
men would probably be chofen again, v/hile all that
were thought favourable to the Court would be
blailed, and for the moft part fet ailde. The new
men thus chofen, being fretted by a diiTolution, and
put to the charge and trouble of a new eledion,
they thought the next Parliament v\^ould be more
eneafy to the King than this if continued. Lord
Effex and Haliifax on the other hand argued, that
ii nee the King was fixed in his refolutions, both
v/ith relation to the Exclufion and to die Lord Dan-
by's pardon, his Parliament had engaged fo far in
both thefe, that they could not think that thefe
v/ould be let fall : Whereas a new Parliament,, tho'
compofed of the fame members, not being yet en-
gaged, might be perfuaded to take other m.ethods.
The King iollowed this advice, which he had di-
•re^ied himieif: I'vvo or three days after. Lord
Haliifax was made an Earl, which was called the
reward of his good counfel. And now the hatred
between the Earl of Shaftfbury and him broke out
into many violent and indecent in{l,ances. On
Lord Shaftibury's fide more anger appeared, and
more contempt on Lord Hallifax's. Lord Effex
was a fofcer man, and bore the cenfure of the party
more mildly : He law hov/ he v/as cried out on tor
his laft advice : But as he v/as not apt to be much
heated, lb all he faid to me upon it was, that he
knew he was on a good bottom, and that good in-
tentions would difcover themfeivcs, and be jufti-
iied by all in conclufion.
The rif- T riow^ put a ftop in the further relation of affairs
hv- .,f .in England, to give an account of what paft in
Scoilaad. 2 Scotland.
of King Charles II. loi
Scotland. The party againft Duke Lauderdale 1679.
had loft all hopes, feeing how affairs were carried *— -v— ■
in the laft convention of Eftates : But they began
to take heart upon this great turn ia England'.
The Duke was fent away, and the Lord Dariby
was in the Tower, who were that Duke's chief
fupports : And when the new council was fettled,
■Duke Hamilton and many others were encouraged
to come up and accufe him. The truth was,' the
King found his memory vms failing him ; and fb
he refolved to let him fall gently, and bring all
Scotch affairs into the Duke of Monmouth's
hands. The Scotch Lords were defired, not only
by the King, but by the new Minillers, to put the
heads of their charge againft Duke Lauderdale in
writing; and the King promifed to hear lav/yers
on both fides, and that the Earls of Effex and
Hallifax fhould be prefent at the hearing. Mac-
kenzie was fent for, being the King's advocate,
to defend the adminiftration ; and Lockhart and
Cunningham were to argue againft it. The laft
of thefe had not indeed Lockhart's quicknefs, nor
his talent in fpeaking •, but he was a learned ana
judicious man, and had the moft univerfal, and
indeed the moft deferved reputation for integrity
and virtue of any man, not only of his own pro-
fefTion, but of the whole Nation. The hearing
came on as was promiied -, and it v/as made out
beyond the pofTibility of an anfwer, that the giving
commilTions to an Army to live on free Quarters in
a quiet time was againil the Vv^iole confcitution, as
well as the exprefs laws of that Kingdom ; and that
it was never done but in an enemy's country, or to
fupprefs a rebellion : They flievv'ed likewife, how
unjuft and illegal all the other parts of his admi-
niftration vv^ere. The Earls of EiTex and Hallifax ,
told me every thing was made out fully •, Macken-
zie having nothing to flielter hlmfelf in, but that
flouriili in the acl againft field Conventicles, in
which they v/ere called the rendezvous of rebellion •,
H 3 from
I02 The H I s T o n Y of the Reign
1679. from which he inferred, that the country where
*--v**j thefe had been frequent was in a ftate of rebelhon.
Kings naturally love to hear prerogative magnifi'-
ed : Yet on this occafion the King had nothing to
fay in defence of the adminiftracion. But when
May, the mafter of the privy purfe, afked him in
his famihar way what he thought now of his Lau-
derdale, he anfwered, as May himfelf told me,
that they had objected many damned things that
he had done againft them, but there was nothing
objected that was againft his fervice. Such are the
notions that many Kings drink in, by which they
fet up an intereft for themfelves in oppofition to
the intereft of the people ; And as loon as the
people obferve that, which they will do fooner or
later, then they will naturally mind their own in-
tereft, and let it up as much in oppofition to the
Prince : And in this conteft the people will grow
always too hard for the Prince, unlefs he is able to
fubdue and govern them by an army. The Duke
of Monmouth was beginning to form a fcheme of a
miniftry : But now the government in Scotland
was fo remifs, that the people apprehended they
inight run into all fort of conlulion. They heard,
that England was in fuch diilrailions that they
needed fear no torce from thence, Duke Lauder-
dale's party was lofing heart, and were fearing fuch
a new model there as was fet up here in Englaild.
All this fet thofe mad people that had run about
with the field Conventicles into a frenzy : They
drew together in great bodies : Some parties of the
troops came to difperfe them, but found them
both fo refchite and fo Ifrong, that they did not
think fit to engage them : Sometimes they fired op,
Qne another, and fome v/ere killed of both fides.
The ^ When a party of furious men were riding thrp*
Archbi- ^ moor near St. Andrews, they faw the Archbi-
Andrews ' ^'^P'^ cpach appear : He was coming from acoun-
is mur- C^i ^ay, and was driving home : He had lent fome
der?d. pf his fei-vants home before him, to let them know
he
of King C xq A R L E s II.
he was coming, and others he had fent ofF on com-
plements J fo that there was no horfemen about the
coach. They" feeing this conckided, according to
their frantick enthufiaftick notions, that God had
now dehvered up their greatefl enemy into their
hands : Seven of them made up to the coach,
while the reft were as fcouts riding all about the
moor. One of them fired a piftol at him, which
burnt his coat and gown, but did not go into his
body : Upon this they fancied he had a magical fe-
rret to fecure him againft a lliot -, and they dre^w
him out of his coach, and murdered him barba-'
roufly, repeating their ftrokes till they were fure be
was quite dead : And fo they got clear off, no bo-
dy happening to go crofs the moor all the while.
This was the difmal end of that unhappy man : It
ftruck all people with horror, and foftned his ene-
mies into fome tendernefs : So that his jiiemory '
was treated with decency by thofe who had very
little refpe6l for him during his life.
A week after that, there was a great field Con-: A rehel,
venticle held within ten miles of Glafgow : A body
of the guards engaged with them, and they made
fuch vigorous refiftance, that the guards buying
loft thirty of their number were forced to run for
it : So the Conventicle formed itfeif into a body
and marched to Glafgow ; The perfon that led them
had been bred by me, while I lived at Glafgow,
being the younger fon of Sir Tho. Hamilton that
had married my fifter, but by a former wife : He
was then a lively hopeful young man : But getting
into that company, and into their notions, he be-
came a crack-brained enthufiaft. Duke Lauder-
dale and his party pablifhed every where that this
rebellion was headed by a nephew of mine, whom
I had prepared for fuch a work while he was in my
hands : Their numbers were fo magnified, that a
company or two which lay at Glafgow retired i^i fill
hafte, and left the tqwn to them, tho' they were
thcA not above four or five hundred j and thefe
H 4 were
hon in
Scoiland.
104 The History of the Reign
1679. were fo ili armed, and i'o ill commanded, that a
wv«^ troop of horfe could have eafrly difper fed them.
The Council at Edinburgh fentr' die Earl of Lin-
lithgow againft them with' a ;thourand foot,, two
hundred horfe, and tv/o hundred dragoons r"A
force much greater than was neceiTary for making
head againft fucli a rabble. He marched till he
came within ten miles of them'; and then he pre-
tended he had intelligence that they were above
eight thoufand ftrong •, fo he rnarched back ^ for
he faid, it was the venturing the'- whole force the
King had upon too great an inequality : He could
never prove that he had any fuch intelligence:
Some imputed this to his fear : Others thought,
that being much engaged v/ith Duke Lauderdale,
he did this on purpofe to give them time to en-
creafe their numbers : And thought their miadnefs
would be the befi juftiPiCation of all the violences
that had been conimitted in Duke Lauderdale's
adminidracion. Thus the country was left in their
hands : And if there had been any defigns or pre-
parations made formerly for a rebellion, now they
had time enough to run together and to form them-
felves : But it appeared that there had been no fuch
defigns, -by this, that none came into it buf thofe
deiperate intercommoned men, who were as it
were hunted from their houfes into all thole extra-
vagances that men may fall in, who v/ander about
inflaming one another, and are heated in it with
• falfe notions of Religion. The rebels having the
countrv left to their difcretion fancied that their
numbt?'s would quickly encreafe : A^ndthey fetout
a lort of manifefto, complaining of the oppreffions
they lay under, aflerting the obligation of the co-
venant : And they concluded it with the demand
Oi a tr:?G Parliament. '^ When the news of this came
^ to Court, Duke. Lauderdale faid, it was the effeCl
of the encouragcm6nt that they had from the King's
torkning to their complaints : Whereas ail indif-
ferent
- <5f King C H A R L E s II. to^
f^f6i1t itt'dn bought it was rather to be imputed to 1679.
}iis''in?o"lence''and tyranny. ^-»-»
'''TJie King r'efoived to lofe no lime : So he fcTlt^'''^"'
tlie Duke of Monmouth dov/n pofl:,, with full' pow- f^n^ ^tj^wn
ir'i 'tb' comniand in chief : And dlredions were feiit to fup-
to forne troots .that lay in the north of Engknd topr^^s j^-
be ready to "march upon his orders. Duke Lau-
derdale apprehended that thole in arms would pre-
fentlyfubmittfo the Duke of Monmouth, if there
was "but 4im'e '.given tb'r' proper in-llrumenrs to go
arAbiig them, and that 'then they would pretend .
they had been forced" into that rifing by the vio-
lence ',df the government : .So kei^Ot the Kino- ro'
fend' pofitive orders after him, that he fliouid not
treat with them, bat tall On tlieni /immediately ,i
Yet'he marched fo ilowly that they had time enbtrgH "
given them to difpofe them to afubmifllon. They*
fixed at Hamilton, near wlii'ch there is a bridge
on Glide, which it Was berieved they intended to
defend J but they took no care of it. They fent
fome to treat with the Duke of Ivlojimouth r He
anfwered, that if they would fubm'it to the King's
mercy, ~ arid lay down their arrhs, he would ' inter-
pofe for their pardon, but that he would not treat
with them as long as they were in arms : llnd
feme were beginning to prefs their rendring them-
felves at difcretion : They had neither the gracd
to fubmit, nor the fenfe to march away, nor the
Coura2;e to fight it out : But fufrered the Duke of
Monmouth to make himfelf mafter of the bridge-
They were then four thoufand men : But few 'of
theni were vyell armed : If the^y had charged thofe T^'hey
that came firii over the bridge, they mio;ht have T^? ^^"^^
jiad forrie advantage : But they looked on like men ' *
that had loft both fenfe and courage: And upon
the firft charge they threw down their arms and
ran awajr : There were between two or three hun-
dred killed, and tv/elve hundred taken prifoners ;
The Duke- of MonmOuth fcopt the execution that
lijs men were making as foon as he could, and
faved
xo6 The History of the Reign
iG'ji^. favcd the prifoners ; for fome moved, that they
v..-vo^ fhould be all killed upon the fpot. Yet this was
afterwards objeded to him as a negledl of the
King's feryice, and as a courting the people : The
Duke of York talked of it in that ftrain : And the
King himfelf faid to him, that if he had been there,
they fliould not have had the trouble of prifoners :
He anfwered, he could not kill men in cold blood ;
that was work only for butchers. Duke Lauder-
dalefs creatures prelTed the keeping the army fome
time in that Country, on defign to have cat it up : •
But the Duke of Monmouth fent home the Militia,
and put the troops under difcipline : So that aU
that Country was fenfiblc, that he had preferved
them from ruin : The very fanatical party confefled
that he treated them as gently as poflible, conli-
dering their madnefs : He came back to Court
as foon as he had fettled matters, and moved
the King to grant an indemnity for what was
paft, and a liberty to hold meetings under the
King's licenfe or connivance : He ihewed the
King that all this madnefs of field Conventicles
flowed only from the feverity againft thole that
were held within doors. Duke Lauderdale drew
the indemnity in fuch a manner that it carried in
fome claufes of it a full pardon to himfelf and all
his party j but he clogged it much with relation to
thofe for whom it was granted. All Gentlemen,
Preachers and Officers were excepted out of it -, {q
that the favour of it was much limited. Two of their
Preachers were hanged, but the other prifoners
were let go upon their figning a bond for keeping
the peace : Two hundred of them were fent to Vir-
ginia, but they were all caft away at fea. Thus
ended this tumultuary rebellion, which went by
the name of Bothwell-Bridge, where the action
was. The King foon after fent down orders fof
allowing meeting houfes : But the Duk.e of Mon~
"mouth*s intereft funk fo foon after this, that thefe
wet€
of King Charles II. iity
were fcarce opened when they were fhut up again : 1679.
Their enemies laid, this looked like a rewarding ^— -v^ — '
them for their rebellion.
An accident happened foon after this that put The King
the whole Nation in a fright, and produced very ^^'^^" '^'»
great effeds : The King was taken ill at Windfor j^^^^^^
of an intermitting fever : The fits were fo long come? to
and fo fevere, that the phyficians apprehended he C^^^ir,
was in danger : Upon which he ordered the Duke
to be fent for, but very fecretly ; for it v/as com-
municated tonone but to the Earls of Sunderland,
Eilex and Hallifax. The Duke made all pofrible
hafte, and came in difguife thro' Calais, as the
quicker pafTage : But the danger was over before
he came : The fits did not return after the King
took Quinquina, called in England the Jefuits
powder : As he recovered it was moved, that the
Duke Ihould be again fent beyond fea : He had
no mind to it : But when the King was pofitive in
it, he m.oved that the Duke of Monmouth Hiould
be put out of all command, and likewife fent be-
- yond fea. The Duke of Monmouth's friends ad-
vifed him to agree to this j for he might depend
on it, that as foon as the Parliament met an ad-
drefs would be made to the King for bringing him
back, /ince his being thus divefted of his commif-
fions, and fent away at the Duke's defire, would
raife his intereft in the Nation.
At this time the party that began to be made The many
for the Duke of York were endeavouring to blow V^°'j
matters up into a flame every where : Of which ^^ raife ^
the Earl of EfTex gave me the following inftance, jealouf/.
by which it was eafy to judge what fort of intelli-
- gence they were apt to give, and how they were
pofTefring the King and his minifters with ill
. grounded fears : He came once to London on
.Tome treafury bufinefs the day before the common
, _,HalI was to meet in the City : So the fpies that
■fwere employed to bring news from all corners
-f^ame to him^ and alTured him that it was refolved
n^xt '
iBS The History of the Reign
iS'iq^ next day t6"triake life of thenoife of that meet-
ing, and to feize on the Tower, and do all {i\t\i
things as could be managed by a popular fury.
The advertifements came to him from fo many
hands, that he was inclined to believe there was
fomewhat in it : . Some prefTed him to fend foldiers
into the Tower and to the other parts of the City.
He w^ould not take the alarm fo hot, but he fent
to the Lieutenant of the Tower to be on his guard :
And he ordered fome companies to be drawn up
in Covent-Gafden and in Lincolns-Inn-Fields :
And he had two hundred men ready, and barges
prepared to carry them to the Tower, if there
fhould have been the lead fliadow of tumult : But
he would not feem to fear a dilbrdcr too much, left
perhaps that might have produced one : Yet after
all the affrightning ftories that had been brought
him, the next day paft over very calmly, it not
appearing by the leaft circumilance that any thing
was defigned, befides the bufinefs for which the
common Hall Was fummoned. He often refledl-
ed on this matter : Thofe mercenary Ipies are very
officious, that they may deferve their pay •, and
they fhape their ftory to the tempers of thofe
whom they ferve : And to fuch creatures, and to
their falfe intelligence, I imputed a great deal of
the jealoufy that I found the King pofTefTed with.
Both the Dukes went now beyond fea : And that
enmity which was more fecret before, and was
covered with a Court civility, did now break out
open and barefaced. But it feemcd that the Duke of
York had prevailed with the King not to call the
Parliament that winter, in hope that the heat the
Nation was in would with the help of fome time
grow cooler, and that the party that began now
to declare more openly for the right of fuccef-
fion would gain ground. There was alfo a pre-
tended difcovery now ready to break out, which
the Duke might be made believe would carry off
tjic
of King Charles IL ,j ^
the plot from the Papiils, and call it on the con-
trary party. ,
DangerHeld, a fubtil and dexterous man, who A pre-
had gone thro' all the fliapes and pracTtices of fo- '^"'^^'^^
guery, and in particular was. a falfe coiner, under- covered'
took now to coin a plot for the ends of the Papifts. called the
He was in jaylfor debt, and was . iji an. ill intrigue Meal-tub
with one Cellier a Popifh midwife, who had a P^°^"
great fhare of wit, and was abandoned to lewd-
nefs. SJie got him to be brought oift of prifon,
and carried him to the Countefs of Powis, a zea-
lous managing Papift. He, after he had laid
matters with her, as will afterwards appear, got
into all companies, and mixed with the hotteft
men of the Town, and ftudied to engage others
with himfelf to fwear, that they had been invited
to accept of commiffions, and that a new form of
government was to be fet up, and that the King
and the Royal Family were to be fent away. He
was carried v/ith this flory firft to the Duke, and
then to the King, and had a weekly allovv'ance of
money, and was very kindly ufed by many of that
fide J fo that a whifper run about Tov/n, that
fome extraordinary thing would quickly break out :
And he .having fome correipondence with one
Colonel Manfel, he made. up a bundle of feditious
but ill contrived letters, and laid them in a dark
corner of his room : And then fome fearchers were
fent from the Cuftom-Houfe to look for fome for-
bidden goods, Vv'hich they heard were in Manfel's
chamber. There v/ere. no goods found : But as
it was laid they found that bundle of letters : And
upon that a great noife was made of a difcovery :
But upon enquiry it appeared the letters was coun-
terfeited, and the forger of them was fufpefted ;
fo they fearched into all Dangerlield's haunts, and
in one of them they found a paper that contained
the fcheme of this whole fidion, which becaufe ie
v/as found in a Meal-tub, came to be called the
Meal-tub plot, Dangerfield was upon that clapt
up.
tto The Hi ST 041 V of the Reign
1679. up, and he foon after confefled how the whole
«--v^^ matter was laid and managed : In which it is very
probable he mixed much of his own inventioa
with truth, for he was a profligate liar. This
was a great difgrace to the Popifh party, and
the King fuffered much by the countenance he had
given him : The Earls of ElTex and Hallifax were
fet down in the fcheme to be fworn againft with
the reft.
Greatjea- Upon this they prefTed the King vehemently to
the^jSiT^ caii a Parhament immediately. But the King
' thought that if a Parliament fhould meet while
all mens fpirits were fharpned by this new difco-
very, he would find them in worfe temper than
ever : When the King could not be prevailed on
to do that. Lord Eflex left the treafury. The
King was very uneafy at this. But Lord EfTex
was firm in his refolution not to meddle in that
poft more, fince a parliament was not called : Yet,
at the King's earneft defire, he continued for fome
time to go to Council. Lord HalUfax fell ill,
much from a vexation of mnnd : His fpirits were
oppreflfed, a deep melancholy feizing him : For a
fortnight together I was once a day with him, and
found then that he had deep impreffions of Reli-
gion on him : Some foolilh people gave it out that
he was mad : But I never knew him fp near a
ftate of true wifdom as he was at that time. He
was much troubled at the King's forgetting his
promife to hold a parliament that winter •, and ex-
poftulared feverely upon it with fome that were
lent to him from the King : He was ofi^ered to be
made Secretary of State, but he refufed it. Some
gave it out that he pretended to be Lord Lieute-
nant of Ireland, and was uneafy when that was de-
nied him : But he faid to me that it was offered
to him, and he had refufed it. He did not love, he
faid, a nev/ fcene, nor to dine with found of trumpet
and thirty fix diihes of meat on his table. He
Hkewife faw that Lord Eflex had a mind to be
again
of King C H A R L E S II. Ill
again there ; and he was confident he was better 1^79.
fitted for it than he himfelf was. My being much w«»-v-«^
with him at that time was refledted on : It was
faid, I had heightned his difafFedion to the Court.
I was with him only as a divine.
The Court went on in their own pace : Lord
Twedale being then at London moved the Earl of
Peterborough, that it would be more honourable,
and more for the Duke's intereft, initead of living
beyond fea, to go and live in Scotland. Lord Pe-
terborough went immediately with it to the King,
who approved of it. So notice was given the
Duke : And he was appointed to meet the King at
Newmarket in Odlober. Lord Twedale faw, that
fmce the Duke of Monmouth had loft his credit
with the King, Duke Lauderdale would again be
continued in his pofts ; and that he would a6l over
his former extravagances : Whereas he reckoned
that this would be checked by the Duke's going
to Scotland ; and that he would ftudy to make
himfelf acceptable to that Nation, and bring things
among them into order and temper. The Duke
met the King at Newmarket as it was ordered :
But upon that the Earl of Shaftibury, who was
yet Prefident of the Council, tho' he had quite loft
ail his intereft in the King, called a Council at
"Whitehall, and reprefcnted to them the danger the
King was in by the Duke's being fo near him ;
and prelTed the Council to reprefent this to the
King. But they did not agree to it : And upon
the King's coming to London he was turned out,
and Lord Roberts, made then Earl of Radnor,
was made Lord Prefident.
The Duke went to Scotland foon after : And Mon-
upon that the Duke of Monmouth grew impatient, niouth's.
when he found he was ftill to be kept beyond, fea. ' S""""^^-
He begged the King's leave to return : But when
he faw no hope of obtaining it, he came over
without leave. The King upon that would not
fee him, and required him to go back; on which
his
12 2 ^he : H^.i STORY of ths Rj?ign
167"^. his fr re MS A^ere divided. Some , adyifed liitp. to
i.^P»^ Gom-ply with the King's pleafure :::fiut he ga,vp^
t^Wi^i?. fatally up to the Lord ShafLroury's '^gtir-
du&p'jyvhQ piit him on all the methoCis imaginable
to make himfeif popular. He werit; round many
pa^rts of England, pretending It. .was- for hunting
apd horfe matches •, many thoufands coming rq-
_gether in moft places to fee -him : ,So that this
looked like the maileringup theTorGe-of the party-:
But it really vveakned it : Many grew jealous -of
t4ie deiign, and; fancied here -was -a, new civil. , war
to b^ raifed. . Upon 'this they joined in with .the
Petitions JDuke's party. , Lord Shaftfbury fet. alio on foot
\i^ ^p petitions for a Parliam.ent, in order to the lecur-
ing the King's perfon, and the Prpteftant Religion,
Thefe were carried^. about and; ,. iigi^ted, in , m^iny
places, notwithitapding the King fet p/tit a procla-
mation againll them. : Upon that -a -fet ■ of counter
petitions was promoted by the -Coi:i;rtj • expreffing
an abhorrence of all feditious pradtices, and refer-
ring the time of calling a Farliiament wholly to
.^tjlie King. There were not . fuph n.umber,s that
joined in the petitions for the Parliament, _as_ had
been- expected : .So this fhewed .t^tkei: the we^knefs
than the ftrength of the party,: And many well
meaning men began to diflike^fjiofepradlices, and
to apprehend that a change ; of , government was
- deligned. ', . ,
Some made a ,refie<51;ion on ihat jwhole method
of proceeding, .- which may ' deierv.d~ well to. be re-
membred : In the intervals of Parliament, men
that complain of the governmejit by keeping them-
felves in a fullen and quiet fbate, :and 'avoiding ca-
bals and publick alTemblies, grow ' thereby the
■ fiirGnger and more capable to m,ake.,a; fLind. when
a. Parliament comes ; Whereas by tliieir- forming of
^parties out of Parliament, unlefs ,jn order to the
managing of eleclions, they do both expofe them-
feives to much danger, and bring. an, ill character
on their defigns over the Nation, j which, naturally
. loves
of King C tt A R L E S IL
loves parliamentary cures, but is jealous of all other
methods.
The King was now wholly in the Duke's in- Great dif-
tereft, and refoived to pafs that winter without a contecit
Parliament. Upon which the Lords Ruflel an4 °J^
Cavendiflij Sir Henry Capel, and Mr. Powel, four
of the new Counfeilors, defired to be excufed from
their attendance in Council. Several of thofe who
were put in the Admiralty and in other commif-
fions drefired likewife to be difmifled : With this the
King was fo highly offended, that he became more
fulien and intractable than he had ever been before.
The men that governed now were the Earl of Godol*
Sunderland, Lord Hide, and Godolphin : The iaft p'^-in's
of thefe was a younger brother of an ancient Fa- ^^^^^'^'■^^'
mily in Cornwall, that had been bred about the
King from a page, and was now confidered as one
of the ableft men that belonged to the Court :
He was the filenteft and modeileft man that was
perhaps ever bred in a Court. He had a clear
apprehenfion, and difpatched bufmefs with great
inechod, and with fo much temper that he had no
': perfonai enemies : But his filence begot a jealoufy,
which has hung long; uoon him. His notions were
for the Court : But his incorrupt and fmcere way
of managing the concerns of the treafury, created
in all people a very high efteem for him. He
loved gaming the moft of any man ot bufinefs I
ever knew ; and gave one reafon for it, becaufeiC-
delivered him from the obligation to talk much :
He had true principles of religion and virtue, and
was free from all vanity, and never heaped up
wealth : So that ail thin*gs being laid together, he
was one of the worthieft and wifeft men that has
been employed in our time : And he has had
much of the confidence of four of our fucceedipg
Princes.
In the fpring of the year eighty the Duke had 1680.
leave to come to England -, and continued about
Vol. IL^ I the
An alli-
ance pro-
againft
Fiance.
The History of the Reign
the King till the next winter, that the Parliament
was to lit. Foreign affairs feemed to be forgot
by our Court. The Prince of Orange had pro-
je6led an alliance againft France : And moft of
the German Princes were much difpofed to come
into ic : For the French had fetup anew Court at
Metz, in which many Princes were, under the pre-
tence of dependencies and fome old forgot or forged
titles, judged to belong to the new French con-
quefts. This was a mean as well as a perfidious
praftice, in which the Court of France raifed much
more jealoufy and hatred againft themfelves than
could ever be balanced by luch fmall acceiTions as
were adjudged by that mock Court. The Earl of
Sunderland entred into a particular confidence with
the Prince of Orange, which he managed by his
Uncle Mr. Sidney, who was fent Envoy to Hol-
land : The Prince feemed confident, that if Eng-
land would come heartily into it, a ftrong confede-
racy might then have been formed againft France.
Van Beuning was then in England : And he wrote
to the townof Amfterdam, that they could not de-
pend on the taith or afnftance of England. He
afliired tliem the Court was ftill in the French in-
tereft : He alfo looked on the jealoufy between the
Court and the Country party as then fo high, that
he did not believe it poffible to heal matters fo as
to encourage the King to enter into any alliance
that might draw on a war : For the King feemed
to fet that up for a maxim, that his going into a
,war was the putting himfelf into the hands of his
Parliament ; and was firmly refolved againft it.
Yet the project of a league was /ormed : And the
King feemed inclined to go into it, as foon as mat-
ters could be well adjufted at home.
There was this year at midfummer a nev/ prac-
tionofthe tice begun in the city of London, that produced
sheriff- of very ill confequences. The city of London has
by Charter the fhrivalry of Middlefex, as well as
of the city : And the two Sheriffs were to be chofen
on
Theekc-
London.
of King C H A R L E s II. 115
on midfummer day. But the common method 1680.
had been for the Lord Mayor to name one of the <-..-y-«*^.
Sheriffs by drinking to him on a publick occafion :
And that nomination was commonly confirmed
by the Common Hall : And then they named the
pther Sheriff. The truth was, the way in which
the Sheriffs lived made it a charge of about 5000 1.
a year : So they took little care about it, but only
to find men that would bear the charge ; which
recommended them to be chofen Aldermen upon
the next vacancy, and to rife up according to their
{landing to the Mayoralty, which generally went
in courfe to the fenior Alderman. When a per-
fon was fet up to be Sheriff that would not lerve,
he compounded the matter for 400I. fine. All
juries were returned by the Sheriffs : But they
commonly left that wholly in the hands of their
Under-Sheriffs : So it was now pretended that it
was neceffary to look a little more carefully after
this matter. The Under-Sheriffs were generally ,
Attorneys, and might be eafily brought under the
management of the Court : So it was propofed,
that the Sheriffs fhould be chofen with more care,
not fo much that they might keep good tables, as
that they fhould return good juries : The perfon
to whom the prefent Mayor had drunk was fet
afide : And Bethel and Cornifli were chofen She-
riffs for the enfuing year. Bethel was a man of
knov/ledge, and had writ a very judicious book of
the interefts of Princes : But as he was a known
republican in principle, fo he was a fullen and wil-
tui man ; and turned from the ordinary way of a '
Sheriff's living into the extream of fordidnefs,
which was very unacceptable to the body of the
citizens, and proved a great prejudice to the party.
Cornifh, the other Sheriff, was a plain, warm,
honeft man ; and lived very nobly all his year :
The Court was very jealous of this, and under-
ilood it to be done on defign to pack juries: So
that the party Ihouid be always fafe^ whatever
I 2 they
J i£ The History of the Re'ign
lOoo. they might engage in. It was faid, that the King
v..»-v-N-» would not have common juftice done him hereat-
ter againil any of them, how guilty foever. The
fetting up Bethel gave a great colour to this jea-
loufy ; for it was laid, he had exprelTed his ap-
proving the late King's death in very indecent
terms. Thefe two perfons had never before re-
ceived the Sacrament in the Church, being Inde-
pendents : But they did it now to qualify them-
felves for this office, which gave great advantages
againft the whole party : It was laid, that the ferv-
ing an end was a good relblver of all cafes of con-
science, and purged all fcruples.
Thus matters went on till the winter eighty, iri
v/hich the King refoived to hold a feffion of Par-
liament : He fent the Duke to Scotland a few days
before their meeting : And upon that the Dutchefs
of Portfmouth declared openly for the Exclufion 5
and fo did Lord Sunderland and Godolphin. Lord
Sunderland afTured all people, that the King was
refoived to fettle matters with his Parliament on
any terms, fince the interefl: of England and the
affairs of Europe made a league againft France in-
difpenfably neceffary at that time ; which could
not be done without a good underftanding at home.
Lord Sunderland fent Lord Arran for me : I de-
clined this new acquaintance as much as I coiild :
But it could not be avoided : He feemed then very
zealous for a happy fettlement : And this I owe
him in juftice, that tho* he went off from the mca~
fures he was in at that time, yet he Hill continued
perfonally kind to myfelf : Now the great point was ^
whether the limitations fliould be accepted, and
'The bill treated about, or the Exclufion be purfued. Lord
©f txclu- . Halifax affured me, that any limitations whatfo-
uken^u''^ ever that fhould leave the title of King to the
. Duke, tho' it Ihould be little more than a meer
title, might be obtained of the King : But that
he was pofitive and fixed againft the Exclufion,
It is true, this was in ^ great mcafure imputed to
of King C H A R L E s II. I ! 7.
Ills management, and that he had wrought the i6oo»
King up to it. " v.«*=v-w
The moft ipecious handle for recommending the
limitations was this : The Duke declared openly
againft them : So if the King Ihiould have agreed
to them, it muft: have occafioned a breach between
him and the Duke : And it feemed to be very de-
Tirable to have them once fall out ; fmce, as fooii
as that was brought about, the King of his own
accord and for his own fecurity might be moved
to promote the Exclufion. The truth is. Lord
Halifax's hatred of the Earl of Shattfbury, and
his vanity in deliring to have his own notion pre-
ferred, fharpned him at that time to much inde-
cency in his whole deportment : But the party de-
pended on the hopes that Lady PortfiTiouth and
Lord Sunderland gave them : Many meetings were
appointed betvyeen Lord Halifax and Xome lead-
ing men •, in which as he tried to divert them from
the Exclufion, fo they ftudied to perfuade him to
it, both without effecl. The majority had engaged
themfelves to promote the Exclufion, Lord Ruifel
moved it firft in the Houfe of Commons, and was
feconded'by Capel, Mountague, and Winningron :
Jones came into the Houfe a few days after this^
and went with great zeal into it : Jenkins, now
made Secretary of State in Coventry's place, was
the chief manager for the Court. He was a maa
ot an exemplary life, and confiderably learned :
But he was dull and flow : He was fufpeded of
leaning to Popery, tho' very unjuftly : But he wn^
fet on every pundilio of the Church of England
to fuperftition, and was a great alfertor of the di-
vine right of monarchy, and v^^as for carrying the
prerogative high : He neither fpoke nor writ well .5
"But being fo eminent for the moft courtly quali-*
fications, other matters were the more eafily dif:'
penfed with. All his* fpeeches and arguments
againft the Exclufion were heard with indigna-
tion : So the bill was brought into, the^ Houfe. It
I Si was
the com-
mons
The History of the ReIo;n
o. was moved by thofe who oppofed it, that the
-«*^ Duke's daughters might be named in it, as the
Fall by next in the fuccefiion : But it was faid, , that was
not necelTary •, for fmce the Duke was only per-
fonaliy difabled, as if he had been aftually dead,
that carried the fucceffion over to his daughters :
Yet this gave a jealoufy, as if it was intended to
keep that matter ftill undetermined ; and that up-
on another occafion it might be pretended, that
the difablina; the Duke to fucceed did likewife dif-
able him to derive that right to others, which was
thus cut off in himfelf. But tho' they would not
name the Duke's daughters, yet they lent fuch af-
furances to the Pnnce of Orange, that nothing
thus propofed c©uld be to his prejudice, that he
believed thei^, and declared his defire, that the
King would fully .fatisiy his ParHament : The
States fent over memorials to the King, preffing
him to conient to the Exclufion. The Prince did
not openly appear in this : But it being managed
by Fagel, it v/as underftood that he approved of
it : And this created a hatred in the Duke to him,
which was never to be removed. Lord Sunder-
land and Sidney's mieans engaged the States into
it : And he fancied it might have fome effe6l.
The bill of Exclufion was quickly brought up
to the Lords. The Earls of EiTex and Shaitfbury
argued moft for it : And the Earl of Halifax was
the champion on the other fide : He gained great
honour in. the debate ; and had a vifible fuperiority
Butrfjea to Lord Shaftfbury in the opinion of the whole
edby.che f-|oufe : And that was to him triumph enough.
In conclufion, the bill was thrown out upon the
firft reading : The country party brought it near-
er an equalityj than was imagined they could do,
confidering the King's earneftnefs in it, and that
the whole bench of the Bi(hops was againft it. The
Commons were inflamed when they law the fate of
•their bill : They voted an addrefs to the King to
vemove Lord Halifax from his counfels and pre-
fence
of Kii>g Charles II. 119
fence for ever: Which was an unparliamentary 1680.
thing, (ince it was vifible that it was for his argu- ^"y"'^
ing as he did in the Houfe of Lords, the' they
pretended it was for his ad'j^ifing the diiTokitioh of
the laft Parliament : But that was a thin difguife
of th»ir anger : Yet without deftroying the free-
dom of debate, they could not found their ad-
drefs on that which was the true caule of it, Ruf-
fel and Jones, tho' formerly Lord Halifax's friends,
thought it was enough not to fpeak againfi: him in
the Houfe of Commons : But they fat filent. Some
called him aPapift : Others faid he was an Atheift.
Chichely, that had married his mother, moved,
that I might be fent for to fatisfy the Floufe as to
the truth of his Religion.- I wi(h, I could have
faid as much to have perfuaded them that he v/as
a good Chriilian, as that he was no Papift : I was
at that time in a very good charadier in that Houfe:
The firft volume of the Hiftory of the Reforma-
tion was then out ; and was fo well received, that
I had the thanks of both Houfes for it, and was
defired by both to profecute that work. The Par-
liament had made an addrefs to the King for a fait
day. Dr. Sprat and I were ordered to preach be-
fore the Houfe of Commons : My turn was in the
morning : I mentioned nothing relating to the
plot, but what appeared in Coleman's letters : Yet
I laid open the cruelties of the Church of Rome
in many infbances that hapned in Queen Mary's
Reign, which were not then known : And I ag-
gravated, tho' very truly, the danger of falling
under the power of that Religion. I prefled alfo
a mutual forbearance among ourfelves in leffer
matters : But I infilled moil on the impiety and
vices that had worn out all fenfe of Religion, and
all regard to it among us. Sprat in the afternoon
went further into the belief of the plot than I had
done : But he infinuated his fears of their undu-
tifulnefs to the King in fuch a manner, that they
were highly offended at him : So the Commons
I 4 di«i
120 The History of ^e Reign
1680. did not fend him thanks, as they did to mej
t«-*-v^»«» which raifed his merit at Coi4ft, as icincreafed the
difpleafure againil me. Sprat had ftudied a por
lite ftile much : But there was httle ftrength in it :
He had the beginnings of learning laid well in
him : But he has allowed hinifelf in a courfe of
fome years in much floth and too many liberties.
The King fent many rpeffages to the Houfe of
Commons, preffing for a llipply, firft for preferving
Tangier, he being then in a war with the King of
Fez, which by reafon of the diftance put him to
much charge ; but chiefly, for eriabling him to go
into alliances necefTary for the common preferr
vation.
THe The Houfe upon that made a long reprefentatir
Houfe of on to the King of the dangers that both he and
^°"Sded ^^^y ^^^^ ^" ' ^"'^ affured him, they would do
againft evcT thing that he could espe£t of them, as foon
feme with as they were well fecured t By which they meant^
fsventj. 2.S foon as the Exclufion fiiould pafs, and that bad
^ Miniilers, and ill Judges fhouid be removed.
They renewed their addrefs againft Lord Halifax -^
and made addrefles both againft the Marquis of
Worcefter, foon after made Duke of Beaufort, and
againft Lord Ciarendori and Hide, as men inclined
to Popery. Hide fpoke fo vehemently to vindi-
cate himfelf from the fufpicions of Popery, that he
cried in his fpeech ; And Jones uppn the fcore of
old friendlhip got the words relating to Popery to
be ftruck out of the addrefs againft him. The
Commons alio impeached feveral of the Judges,
and Mr. Seymour : The Judges were accufed for
fomc illegal charges and judgments ;, and Seymour,
for corruption and male-adminiftration in the oft
lice of treafurer of the Navy. They impeached
Scroggs for high treafon : But it was vifible that
the matters objeded to him were pnly mifdemea-
pors I So the Lords rejected the impeachment j
which was carried chiefly by the Earl of Danby's
party.^ and in favour to him^ The Com.mons di4
'"''■"- " ^ ' '^ ' '^ ■ '^ alio
of King Charles II, i.ti:
aifo aflert the right of the people to petition for a i68o»
Parhament : And becaufe fome in their counter- *— — \r««^
petitions had expreffed their abhorrence of this
pradice, they voted thefe abhorrers to be betrayers
of the liberties of the Nation. They expelled one
Withins out of their Houfe for figning one of thefes,
tho' he with great humility confeffed his fault,
^nd begged pardon for it. The merit of this
raifed him foon to be a Judge ; for indeed he had
no other merit : They fell alfo on Sir George
Jefferies, a furious declaimer at the bar: But he
was raifed by that, as well as by this profecution.
The Houfe did likewife fend their Serjeant to ma-s ,
ny parts of England to bring up abhorrers as de-
linquents : Upon which the right that they had to
imprifon any befides their own members came to
be much queftioned, fmce they could not receive
an information upon oath, nor proceed againft
fuch as refuled to appear before them. In many
places thofe for whom they fent their Serjeant re-
fufed to come up. It was found, that fuch prac-
tices were grounded on no law, and were no elder
than Queen Elizabeth's time : While the Houfe
pf Commons ufed that power gently, it v/as fub-
mitted to in refpeft to it : But now it grew to be
fo much extended, that many refolved not to fub-
jnit to it. The former Parliament had paft a very
jiriit aft for the due execution of the Habeas Cor-
pus -, which was indeed all they did : It was ear-
ned by an odd artifice in the Houfe of Lords.
Lord Grey and Lord Norris were named to be the
tellers : Lord Norris, being a man fubjeft to va-
pours, was not at all times attentive to what he
was doing : So a very fat Lord coming in. Lord
Grey counted him for ten, as a jeft at firft : But
feeing Lord Norris had not obferved it, he went
on with this mifreckoning of ten : So it was re-
po ted to the Houfe, and declared that they who
W-re for the bill were the Majority, tho' it ir^deed
went on the other fide : And by this means the bill
paft.
The History of the Rejgn
paft. There was a bold forward man, Sheridan^
a native of Ireland, whom the Commons com-
mitted : And he moved for his Habeas Corpus ;
Some of the Judges were afraid of the Houfe, and
kept out of the way : But Baron Wcfton had the
courage to grant it. The feffion went yet into a
higher ftrain -, for they voted, that all aif!icipati-
ons on any branches of the Revenue were againit
law, and that whofoever lent any money upon thp
cfedit of thofe anticipations were publick enemies
to the Kingdom. Upon this it was faid, that the
Parliament would neither fupply the King them-
felves, nor fuffer him to make ufe of his credit,
which every private man might do. They_?.faid on
the other hand, that they looked on the revenue as
a publick treafure, that was to be kept clear of all
anticipations, and not as a private eftate that might
be mortgaged : And they thought, when all other
means of fupply except by Parliament were flopped,
that muft certainly bring the King to their terms.
Yet the clamour raifed on this, as if they had in-
tended to ftarve the King, and blaft his credit,
was a great load on them : And their vote had no
effeft, for the King continued to have the fame
■ credit that he had before. Another vote went
An afloci- much higher : It was for an affociation, copied
J^J°J^P''°'from that in Queen Elizabeth's time, for the re-
venging the King's death upon all Papifts, if he
fhould happen to be killed. The precedent of that
. time was a fpecious colour : But this difference
was affigned between the tv/o cafes : Queen Eli-
zabeth was in no danger but from Papifls : So that
affociation ftruck a terror into that whole party,
which did prove a real fecurity to her ; and there-
fore her Minifters fet it on. But now, it was faid,
there were many Repubhcans flill in the Nation,
and many of Cromwell's officers were yet alive,
who feemed not to repent of what they had done :
So fome of thefe might by this means be encou-
raged to attempt on the King's life, prefuming
that
of King Charles II.
that both the fufpicions and revenges of it would
be caft upon the Duke and the Papifts. Great ufe
was made of this to poiTefs all people, that this
affociation was intended to deftroy the King, in-
ftead of preferving him.
Thersvwas not much done in the Houfe of Lords Expedi-
* after they threw out the bill of Exclufion. Lord en ts offer-
Halifax indeed preiTed them to ero on to limitati- \j "^^^ %
■ \ 1 1 1 . t ) I T^ 5 Houfe of
ohs : And he began with one, that the Duke Lords.
fhould be obliged to live five hundred miles out of
England during the King's life. But the Houfe
was cold, and backward in all that matter. Thofe
that were really the Duke's friends abhorred ail
thofe motions : And Lord Shaftfbury and his party
laughed at them : They were refolved to let all lie
in confufion, rather than hearken to any thing be-
fides the Exclufion. The Houfe of Commons
feemed alfo to be fo fet againfl that proje61:, that
very little progrefs was made in it. Lord Eilex
made a motion, which was agreed to in a thin
Houfe : But it put an end to all difcourfes of that
nature : He moved, that an affociation fhould be
entred into to maintain thofe expedients, and that
fome cautionary Towns fliould be put into the
hands of the ailbciators during the King's life to
make them good after his death. The King look-
ed on this as a depofing of himfelf. He had read
more in Davila than in any other book of hiftory :
And he had a clear view into the confequences of
fuch things, and looked on this as worfe than the
Exclufion. So that, as Lord Halifax often ob-
ferved to me, this whole management looked like
a defign to unite the King more entirely to the
Duke, inilead of feparating him from him : The
King came to think that he himfelf was levelled at
chiefly, tho' for decency's fake his brother was only
named. The truth was, the leading men thought
they were fure of the Nation, and of all future
^ledtions, as long as Popery was in view. They
fancied the King muft have aParhament, and mo-
ney
%24- The History of the Reign
s68o. ney from it very foon, and that in conchifion he'
'u-'v**^ would come in to them. He was much befet by
all the hungry courtiers, who longed for a bill of
money: They ftudied to perfuade him, from his
Father's misfortunes, that the longer he was in
yielding, the teums would grow the higher.
DiKhd^ They relied much on the Lady Portfmouth's in-
cfPoid- tereft, who did openly declare her felf for the
Smduft in Houfe of Commons : And they were fo careful of
this mat- her, that when one moved that an addrefs fhould
ter little be made to the King for fending her away, he
under- could not be heard, tho* at another time fuch a
' motion would have been better entertained. Her
behaviour in this matter was unaccountable : And
the Duke's behaviour to her afterwards looked liker
an acknowledgment than a refentment. Many re-
fined upon it, and thought fhe was fet on as a de-
coy to keep the party up to the Exclufion, that
they might not hearken to the limitations. The
Duke was affured, that the King would not grant
tht one : And fo fhe was artificially managed to
keep them from the other, to which the King would
have confented, and of which the Duke was moll
.afraid. But this was too fine : She was hearty for
the Exclufion : Of which I had this particular ac-
' count from Mountague, who I believe might be
• , the perfon that laid the bait before her. It was
propofed to her, that if flie could bring the King
■ \ ' to the Exclufion, and to fome other popular
things, the Parliament would go next to prepare
a bill for fecuring the King's perfon ; in which a
claufe might be carried, that the King might de-
clare the Succefifcr to the Crown, as had been done
in Henry the eighth's time. This would very
much raife the King's authority, and would be no
breach with the Prince of Orange, but would ra-
ther oblige him to a greater dependance on the
King. The Duke of Monmouth and his party
would certainly be for this claufe, fince he could
ha\'t no profped any other way j and he woidd
. pkafe
of King C H AR L E S II. I2jS,
pleafe himfelf with the hopes of being preferred by 1680.
the King to any other perfon. But fincc the Lady v-nr>.^
Portfrnoiith found Ihe was fo abfolutely the miftrefs
of the King's fpirit, Die might reckon, that if fuch
an adt could be carried the King would be pre-
vailed on to declare her fon his fucceflbr : And it
was fuggefted to her, that in order to the ftrength-
cning her Son's intereft fhe ought to treat for a
match with the King of France's natural Daughter,
now the Duchefs of Bourbon. And thus the Duke
of Monmouth and Ihe were brought to an agree-
ment to carry on the Exclufion, and that other a(5t
purfuant to it : And they thought they were mak-
ing tools of one another to carry on their ov/n ends^
The Nation was poffeiTed with fuch a diilruft of
the King, that there was no reafon to think they
could ever be brought to fo entire a confidence in
him, as to deliver up themfelves and their pofl:ej;ity
fo blindfold into his hands. Mountague alTured
me, that Ihe not only aded heartily in this matter,
but fhe once drew the King to confent to it, if flic
might have had 800000 1. for it : And that was af-
terwards brought down to 600000 1. But the jea-
•iovilies upon the King himfelf were fuch, that the
managers in the Houfe of Commons- durft not
move fox giving money till the bill of Exclufion
Ihould psfs, left they fhould have loft their credit
by fuch a motion : And the King would not truft *■
them. So near was this point brought to an agree- - -. -
ment, if Mountague told me true.
That which reconciled the Duke tathe Duchqis
of Portfmouth was, that the King aiTured him, fhe
did all by his order, that fo fhe might have credit
with the party, and fee into their defigns : Upon
which the Duke faw it was nscelTary co believe
this, .or at leaft to feem to believe it.
The other great bufinefs of this Parliamenjt was StafFord'a
the trial of the Vifcount of Stafford, who was the triai.
younger fon of the old Earl of Arundell, and fo
was uncle to the Duke of Norfolk. He was a
weak,
4
The History of the Reign
weak, but a fair conditioned man : He was In ill
terms v/ith his nephew's family : And had been
guilty of great vices in his youth, which had ai-
moft proved fatal to him : He married the heirefs
of the great Family of the StafFords. Fie thought
the King had not rewarded him for his former fer-
vices as he had deferved : So he often voted againft
the Court, and made great applications always to
the Earl of Shaftfbury. Fie was in no good terms
with the Duke •, ior the great confideration the
Court had of his nephew's tamily made him to be
the moft neglefted: When Gates depofed firil
againft him, he hapned to be out of the way : And
he kept out a day longer. But the day after he
came in, and delivered himfelf : Which, coniider-
ing the feeblenefs of his temper, and the heat of
that time, was thought a fign of innocence. Gates
and Bedlow fwore, he had a patent to be pay-
mafter general to the army. Dugdale fwore, that
he offered him 50©!. to kill the King. Bedlow
had died the fummer before at Briftol. It was in
the time of the affizes : North, Lord Chief Juftice
of the Common Pleas, being there, he fent for
^ him, and by oath confirmed all that he had fworn
formerly, except that which related to the Queen,
and to the Duke. FJe alfo denied upon oath, that
any perfon had ever pra6lifed upon liim, or cor-
rupted him : His difowning fome of the particu-
lars which he had fworn had an appearance of fm-
cerity, and gave much credit to his former depo-
■ fitions. I could never hear what fenfe he expreffed
of the other ill parts of his life, for he vanifhed
foon out of all men's thoughts.
Another v/itnefs appeared againft Lord Stafford,
one Turbervill ; who fwore, that in the year fe-
venty five the Lord Stafford had taken much pains
to perfuade him to kill the King : He began the
propofition to him at Paris •, and fent him by the
way of Diep over to England, telling him that he
g intended
of King Charles 11. 127
intended to follow by the fame road : But he wrote 1680.
afterwards to him that- he was to go by Calais.
But he faid he never went to fee him upon his
coming to England. Turbervill fwore the year
wrong at firft : But upon recolleftion he went
and corrected that error. This at fuch a diftance
of time feemed to be no great matter: It feem-
ed much ftranger, that after fuch difcourfes
once begun he fhould never go near the Lord
Stafford i and that Lord Stafford Ihould never
enquire after him. But there was a much more
material objection to him. Turbervill, upon
difcourfe with fome in St. Martin's parilli, feem-
ed inclined to change his Religion : They brought
him to Dr. Lloyd, then their minifter : And he
convinced him fo fully that he changed upon it :
And after that he came often, to him, and was
chiefly fupported by him : For fome months he
was conftantly at his table. Lloyd had preffed
him to recolleft all that he had heard among
the Papifts relating to plots and defigns againlt
the King or the Nation. He faid that which
all the converts at that time faid often, that
they had it among them that-, within a very
little while their Religion would be fet up in
England; and that fome of them faid, a great
deal of blood would be fhed before it could be
brought about : But he protefted that he knew
no particulars. After fome months dependance
on Lloyd he withdrew entirely from him ; and
he faw him no more till he appeared now an
evidence againfh Lord Stafford : Lloyd was in
great difficulties upon that occafion. It had been
often declared, that the mofb folemn denials of
witneffes before they make difcoveries did not at
all invalidate their evidence ; and that it im-
ported no more, but that they had been fo long
firm to their promife of revealing nothing: So
that this negative evidence againft Turbervill
could
il§ The History of the Reigii''
1680. could have done Lord Stafford no fervice^
*.^v-s^ On the other hand, confidering the load that
already lay on Lloyd on the account of Ber-
ry's bufinefs^ and that his being a little be-
fore this time promoted to be Bifhop of St/
Afaph was imputed to that, it was vifible thae
his difcovering this againft Turbervill would
have aggravated thofe cenfures, and very much
blafted him. In oppofition to all this here was
a juftice to be done, and a fervice to truths
towards the faving a man's life : And the
queftion was very hard to be determined. He
advifed with all his friends, and with my felf
in particular. The much greater number v/ere
of opinion that he ought to be filent. I faid,
i4iy own behaviour in Staley's affair fhewed
what I would do if I was in that cafe : But
his circumllances were very different : So I con-
curred with the reft as to him. He had ano-
ther load on him : He had writ a book with
very fmcere intentions, but upon a very tender*
point : He propofed, that a difcrimination
Ihould be made between the regular Priefts
that were in a dependance and under direfti-
ons from Rome, and the fecular Priefts that
would renounce the Pope's depofing power and
his infallibility : He thought this would raife
heats among themfelves, and draw cenfures
frorn Rome on the feculars, which in conclu-
fion might have very good effects. This was very
plaufibly writ, and defigned with great fmce-
rity : But angry men faid, all this was intended
only to take off fo much from the apprehenfi-
ons that the Nation had of Popery, and to give
a milder idea of a great body among them : And as
icon as it had that effed:, it wa^ probable that all
the miflionaries v/ould have leave given them to
put on that difguife, and to take thofc difcrimi-
nating tefts till they had once prevailed • And then
they
of King C H A R L E s II. 129
they" would throw them off. Thus the moft 1680.
zealous man againft Popery that I ever yet knew, ^-<v>^
and the man of the moft entire fincerity, was fo
h-eaviJy cenfured at this time, that it was not thought
fit, nor indeed fafe, for him to declare what he
knew concerning Turberviil.
The trial was very auguft : The Earl of Not-
tingham was the Lord High Steward : It continued
five days. On the firft day the Commons brought
only general evidence to prove the plot : Smilh
fwore fome things that had been faid to him at
Rome of killing the King : An Irifh Prieft that
had been long in Spain confirmed many particulars
in Oates's narrative : Then the witneiTes depofed
all that related to the plot in general. To ail this
Lord Stafford faid little, as not being much con-
cerned in it : Only he declared, that he was al-
ways againft the Pope*s power of depofing Princes.
Pie alfo obfervcd a great difl:erence between the
gun-powder plot and that v^hich was now on foot:
That in the former all the chief confpirators died
confeifing the fa£l •, but that now all died with the
folemneft proteftations of their innocence. On.
the fecond day the evidence againft himfelf was "
brought : He urged againft Oates that he fwore
he had gone in among them on defign to betray
them : So that he had been for fome years taking
oaths and receiving facraments in fo treacherous a
nianncr, that no credit could be given to a man
that was fo black by his own confeifion. On the
third day he brought his evidence to difcredit
the witnefies : His fervant fwore, that while he was
at the Lord Afton's, Dugdale never was in his
chamber but once j and that was on the account
of a foot race. Some depofed againft Dugdale's
reputation : and one faid, that he had been prac-
tifmg on himfelf to fwear as he fhould direc?t him.
The minifter of the parifh and another gentleman
depofed, that they heard nothing from Dugdale
Vol. II. K ecn-
130 The History of the Reign
1680. concerning the killing a Juftice of Peace in Weft-
'^>'V^^ minfber, which, as he had fworn, he had faid to
them. As to Turbervill, who had faid that the
Lord Stafford was at that time in a fit of the gout,
his fervants faid they never knew him in a fit of
the gout : And he himfelf affirmed, he never had
one in his whole life. Fie alfo proved that he
did not intend to come to England by Diep ; for
he had writ for a Yacht which met him at Calais.
He alfo proved by feveral witnelles, that both
Dugdale and Turbervill had often faid that they
' knew nothing of any plot •, and that Turbervill
had lately faid, he would fet up for a witnefs,
for none lived fo well as witneffes did : He infifted
likewife on the miftake of the year, and on Tur-
bervilTs never coming near him alter he Ccimt over
to England. The ftrongeft part of his defence
was, that he made it out unanfwerably, that he
was not at the Lord A^fton's on one of the times
that Dugdale had fixed on ; for at that time he
v/as either at Bath or at Badminton. For Dug-
dale had once fixed on a day y tho' afterwards he
faid it was about that time : Now that day hap-
pened to be the Marquis of Worcefter's wedding
day : And on that day it was fully proved that
he v.'as at Badminton, that Lord's houfe, not far
from the Bath. On the fourth day proofs were
brought to fupport the credit of the witnefles : It
was made out. that Dugdale had ferved the Lord
Afton long and with great reputation. It was now
two full years fince he began to make difcoveries ■:
And in all that time they had not found any one
particular to blemiili him with; tho* no doubt
they had taken pains to examine into his life. His
pubhfhing the news of Godfrey's death was well
made out, tho' two perfons in the company had
not minded it : Many proofs were brought that
he was often in Lord Stafford's comipany, of which
fuaiiy more affidavits were made after that Lord's
. death.
of ICing C 14 A R L E s 11. ' 131
(leath.. Two women that were ftiil Papifts fwore, 16S0.
that upon the breaking out of the plot he fearch- v.^'^v'^^
ed into many papers, and burnt them : He gave
many of thefe to one of the women to fling in the
fire ; but finding a book of accounts he laid that
afide, faying, there is no treafon here, which im-
ported that he thought the others were treafonable.
He proved that one of the witneiTes brought againft
him was fo infamous in all refpedls, that Lord
Stafford himfelf was convinced of it. He faid,
he had only preffed a man, who now appeared
againft him, to difcover all he knew : He faid,
at fuch a diftance of time he might miftake as to
time or a day ; but could not be miftaken as to
the thing-s themfelves. Turbervill defcribed both
the ftreet and the room in Paris in which he fav/
Lord Stafford. He found a witnefs that faw him
at Diep, to whom he complained, that a Lord for
whom he looked had failed him : And upon that
he faid he was no good ftaff to lean on -, by v/hich,
tho' he did not name the Lord, he believed he
meant Lord Stafford. Dugdale and he both con-
fefled they had denied long that they knew any
thing of the plot, which was the effed: of the re-
folution they had taken, to which they adhered
long, of difcovering nothing : It was alfo prov-
ed that Lord Stafford was otten lame, which Tur-
bervill took for the gout. On the fifth day Lord
Stafford refumed all his evidence, and urged every
particular very flrongly. Jones in the name of
the Comm.ons did on the other hand refume the
evidence againft him with great force : He faid
indeed nothing for fupporting Oates ; for the ob-
jedion againft him was not to be anfv/ered. He
made it very clear that Dugdale and Turbervill
were two good witneffes, and Vv'ere not at all dif-
credited by any thing that was brought againft
them. When it came to the giving of judgment, ^^ ,'^^^^
above fifty of the Peers gave it againft Lord aed?*"^*
K 2 Sufford,
s-32 The History of the Reign
1680. Stafford, and above thirty acquitted him : Four
^«OP^ of the Howards, his kinfmen, condemned him :
Lord Arundell, afterwards Duke of Norfolk, tho*
in enmity with him, did acquit him. Duke Lau-
derdale condemned him : And fo did both the
Earls of Nottingham and Anglefey. Lord Hali-
fax acquitted him. Lord Nottingham when he
gave judgment delivered it with one of the beft
Ipeeches he had ever made. But he committed
one great indecency in it : For he faid, who can
doubt any longer that London was burnt by Pa-
pifts, tho' there was not one word in the whole
trial relating to that matter. Lord Stafford be-
haved himfelf during the whole time, and at the
receiving his fentence, with much more conftancy
than was expeftcd from him.
He fent Within two days after he fent a meffage to the
for me, Lords, dcfiring that the Biffiop of London and I
and em- niight be appointed to come to him. We waited
to°do hkn ^" ^^^' ^^^ defign feemed to be only to poffefs
fervice. US with an opinion of his innocence, of which he
made very folemn proteftations. He heard us
fpeak of the points in difference between us and
the Church of Rome with great temper and atten-
tion. At parting he defired me tp come back to
him next day, for he had a mind- to be more par-
ticular with me. When I came to him, he repeat-
ed the proteftations of his innocence; and faid,
he was confident the villany of the witneffes would
foon appear : He did not doubt I fhould fee it in
lefs than a year. I preffed him in feveral points
of Religion ; and urged feveral things, which he
faid he had never heard before. He faid, thefe
things on another occafion would have made fomc
impreflion upon him -, but he had now little time,
therefore he would lofe none in controverfy : So
I, let that difcourfe fall. I talked to him of thofe
preparations for death ir^ which all Chriftians agree:
He entertained thefe very ferioufly. He had a
mind
of King C R A p. Lss IL 135
mind to live, if it was pofTible : He faid, he could 1680.
difco\^eF nothing with relation to the King*s life, ^•'VXf
protefting that there was not fo much as an inti-
mation about it that had ever paft among them.
But he added, that he could difcover many other
things, that were more material than any thing
that was yet known, and for which the Duke would
never forgive him : And of thefe, if that might
fave his life, he would make a full difcovery. I
ftopt him when he was going on to particulars j for
I would not be a confident in any thing in which
the pubiick fafety was concerned. He knew befl:
the importance of thofe fecrets -, and lb he could
only judge, whether it would be of that value as
to prevail with the two Houfes to interpofe with
the King for his pardon. He feemed to think it
would be of great ufe, chiefly to fupport what
they were then driving on with relation to the
Duke : He defired me to fpeak to Lord ElTex,
Lord RulTel, and Sir William Jones. I brought
him their anfwer the next day ; which was, that if
he did difcover all he knew concerning the Papiil^s
defigns, and more particularly concerning the
Duke, they would endeavour that it Ihould not
be infilled on, that he muft confefs thofe particu-
lars for which he was judged. He aflced me, what
if he Ihould name fome who had now great credit,
but had once engaged to ferve their defigns : I faid,
nothing could be more acceptable than the difco-
vering fuch difguifed Papifts, or falfe Proteftants :
Yet upon this I charged him folemnly not to think
of redeeming his own life by accufmg any other
falfly, but to tell the truth, and all the truth, as
far as the common fafety was concerned in it. As
we were difcourfmg of thcfe matters, the Earl of
Carlile came in : Iri his hearing, by Lord Stafford's
leave, I went over all that had palTed between us,
and did again folemnly adjure him to fay nothing
but the truth. Upon this he defired the Earl of
Carlile to carry a meflage from him to the Houfe
K 3 Qf
134 The History of the Reign
1680 of Lords, that whenfoever they would fend for
^-^iTV him he would difcover all that he knew : ' Upon
that he was immediately fent for. And he begari
with a long relation of their lirft confultations af-
ter the Refboration about the methods of bringing
in their Religion, which they all agreed could only
be brought about by a toleration. He told theni
or the Earl of Briftol's project -, and went on tq
tell who had undertaken to procure the toleration
for them : And then he named the Earl of Shafts-
bury. When he named him he was ordered to with-
draw : And the Lords would hear no more from
him. It was alfo given out, that in this I was a
Tool of Lord Halifax's to bring him thither to
blaft Lord Shaftfbury. He was lent back to the
Tower: And then he compofed himfelf in the
befl way he could to fuffer, which he did with a
His exe- conftant and undiflurbed mind : He fupped and
cutlon". flept well the night before his execution, and died
without any Hiew of fear or diforder. He deni-
ed all that the witneffes had fworn againft him.
And this was the end of the plot. I was very un-
juftly cenfured on both hands. The Earl of Shafts-
bury railed fo at me that I went no more near him.
And the^Duke was made believe, that I had per-
fuaded Lord Stafford to charge him, and to dif-
cover all he knew againft him : Which was the
beginning of the implacable hatred he fliewed on
many occaiions againft me. Thus the innocenteft
and beft meant parts of a man's life may be mif-
underftood, and highly cenfured.
1 681= The Houfe of Commons had another bufmefs
^t*^''""^ befgre them in this feffion : There was a fevere ad
in the fa- p^^ '^^ the end of Q^ieen Elizabeth's reign, when
vour of fhe was highly provoked with the feditious beha-
the Non- y^Q^j. ^f the 'Puritans, by which thofe who did
h^s^' J^iOt' conform to the Church were required to ab-
^" ■ ° jure the Kingdom, under the pain of death: And
for' fome degrees of Non-conformity they were
of King C H A R L E s II. 135
adjudged to die, without the favour of ban ifhment. 168 1.
Both Houfes pall a bill for repealing this aft : It U^/NJ
went indeed heavily in the Houfe ot Lords •, for
many of the Biihops, tho' they were not for put-
ting that law in execution, which had never been
done but in one fingle inftance, yet they thought
the terror of it v/as of fome life, and that the
repealing it might make the party more infolent.
On the day of the prorogation the bill ought to
have been offered to the King, but the Clerk -Ot
the Crown, by the King's particular order, with-
drew the bill. The King had no mind openly to
deny it : But he had lefs mind to pafs it. So this
indifcreet method was taken, which was a hi;di
offence in the Clerk of the Crown. There was a
bill of comprehenfion offered by the epifcopal par-
ty in the Houfe of Commons, by which the Pref-
byterians would have been taken into the Church.
But to the amazement of all people, their party
in the Houfe did not feem concerned to promote
it : On the contrary they neglecled it. This m-
creafed the jealoufy, as if they had hoped they
were fo near the carrying all before them, that
they defpifed a comprehenfion: There was no
great progrefs made in this bill. But in the morn-
ing before they were prorogued two votes were
carried in the Houfe, of a very extraordinary na^
ture : The one was, that the laws made againft
recufants ought not to be executed againft any but
thofe of the Church of Rome. That was indeed
the primary intention of the law : Yet all perfons
who came not to Church, and did not receive the
facrament once a year, were within the letter of
tKe law. The other vote was, that it was the
opinion of that Houfe, that the laws againft
Diffenters ought not to be executed. This was
thought a great invafion of the Legiflature, when
one Houfe pretended to fufpend the execution of
laws : Which was to a6l like diftators in the
State 3 for they meant that Courts and Juries
Ji 4 fnoyld
The History of the Reign
fhould govern themfelvcs. by the opinion that
they now gave : Whieh, inftead of being a kind-
nefs to the Non-conformifls, raifcd a new ftorm
againft them over all the Nation. When the King
faw no hope of prevailing with the Commons on
any other terms, but his grantmg the Excluiion,
he refoived to prorogue the Parliam.ent. And it
"was diffolved in a tew days after, in January eighty .
one.
The King refoived to try a Parliament once
more : But apprehending that they were encou-
raged, if not inflamed by the city of London, he
fummoned the next Parliament to meet at Oxford.
It was faid, men were now very bold about
London, by their confidence in the Juries, that
the Sheriffs took care to return. Several printers
were indifted for fcandalous libels that they had
printed : But the Grand Juries returned an Igno-
ramus upon the bills againft them, on this pre-
tence, that the law only condemned the printing
fuch libels malicioufly and feditioufly, and that it
did not appear that the Printers had any ill inten-
tions in what they did -, whereas, if it was found
that they printed fuch libels, the conftruGlion of
law made that to be malicious and feditious. The
elections over England 'for the new Parliament
v/ent generally for the fameperfons that had ferved
in the former Parliament : And in many places it
was given as an inftrudion to the members to ftick
to the bill of Exclufion.
The King was now very uneafy : He faw he
was defpifed all Europe over, as a Prince that had
neither treafure nor power : So one attempt more
was to be made, which was to be managed chiefly
by Littleton, who was now brought into the com-
miflion of the Admiralty. I had once in a long
difcourfe with him argued againft the expedients,
becaufe they did really reduce us to the ftate of a
Commonwealth. I thought a muck better way
WftSj
of King Charles II. 137
was, that there fhould be a Protector declared, 168 1.
with whom the regal power fhould be lodged i and v-^'^-v^
that the Prince of Orange fhould be the perfon. ^ "^^
He approved the notion : But thought that the ti- ^^P'^^^^^^
tie Protedor was odious, fince Cromwell had af- prince
fumed it, and that therefore Regent would be Regent,
better : We drefled up a fcheme of this for near
two hours : And I dreamt no more of it. But
fome days after he told me the notion took with
fome, and that both Lord Hallifax and Seymour
liked it. But he wondered to find Lord Sunder-
land did not go into it. He told me after the
Parliament was diflblved, but in great fecrecy, that
the King himfelf liked it. Lord Nottingham talked
in a general and odd (train about it. He gave it
out, that the King was refolved to offer one expe-
dient, which was beyond any thing that the Par-
liament could have the confidence to afk. Little-
ton preffed me to do what I could to promote it ^
and faid, that as I was the firft that had fuggefted
it, fo I fhould have the honour of it, if it proved
fo fuccefsful as to procure the quieting of the Na-
tion. I argued upon it with Jones : But I found
they had laid it down for a maxim, to hearken to
nothing but the Exclufion. All the Duke of Mon-
mouth's party looked on this as that which mufl
put an end to all his hopes. Others thought, in
point of honour they mufl: go on as they had done
hitherto : Jones Itood upon a point of law, of the
iflfeparablenefs of the prerogative from the perfon
©f the King. He faid, an infant or a lunatick
was in a real incapacity of flruggling with his
guardians •, but that if it was not fo, the law that
conftituted their guardians would be of no force.
He faid, if the Duke came to be King, the pre-
rogative would by that vefl: in him -, and the
Prince Regent and he mufl: either fl:rike up a bar-
gain, or it mufl: end in a civil war, in which he
believed the force of law would give the King the
better
6
I^S The History of the Reign
1 68 1, better of it. It was not to be denied but that
«— -V-— ' there was fome danger in this : But in the ill cir-
cumflances in which we were, no remedies could
be propofed that were without great inconvenien-
ces, and that were not liable to much danger. In
' ~ the mean while both fides were taking all the pains
they could to fortify their party : And it was very
vifible, that the fide which was for the Exclufion
was like to be the ftrongeft.
Fitzharris A fevi/ days before the King went to Oxford,
wastaken. Fitzharris, an Irifh Papift, " was taken up for
framing a malicious and treafonable libel againft
the King and his whole Family. He had met
with one Everard, who pretended to make difco-
veries, and as was thought had mixed a great deal
of falfhood with fome truth : But he held himfelf
in general terms, and did not defcend to fo
many particulars as the witneffes had done. Fitz-
harris and he had been acquainted in France : So
on that confidence he fhewed him his libel : And
he made an appointment to come to Everard's
chamber, who thought he intended to trepan him,
and fo had placed witneffes to overhear all that
paft. Fitzharris left the libel with him, all writ
in his own hand : Everard went with the paper
and with his witneffes and informed againfb Fitz-
harris, who upon that was committed. But fee-
ing the proof againft him was like to be full, h?
faid, the libel was drawn by Everard, and only
copied by himfelf: But he had no fort of proof
to fupport this* Cornifii the Sheriff going to fee
him, he defired he would bring him a Juftice of
Peace ; for he could make a great difcovery ol the
plot, far beyond all that Vv^as yet known. Cornifh
in the fim-plicity of his heart went and acquainted
the King with this : For which he was much
blamed ; for it was faid, by this means that difco-
very might have been ftopt : But his going firft
with it "to the Court proved afterwards a great
happinefs
of King Charles II. / i^o
happlnefs both to hlmfelf and to many others- i68i
The Secretaries and fome privy Counfellors were s^^-y-O
upon that fent to examine Fitzharris ; to whom
he gave a long relation of a pradice to kill the
King, in which the Duke was concerned, with
many other particulars which need not be men-
tioned ; for it was all a fidtion. The Secretaries
came to him a fecond time to examine him far-
ther t He boldly ftood to all he had faid : And he
defired that fome Juftices of the City might be
brought to him. So Clayton and Treby v/ent to
him : And he m.ade the fame pretended difcovery
to them over again ; and infmuated, that he was
glad it was now in fafe hands that would not ftifle
it. The King was highly offended with this, fince
it plainly fhewed a diftruft of his minifters : And
fo Fitzharris was removed to the Tower ; which
the Court refolved to make the prifon for all of-
fenders, till there fhould be Sheriffs chofen more
at the King's devotion. Yet the depofition made
to Clayton and Treby was in all points the fame
that he had made to the Secretaries : So that there
was no colour for the pretence afterward put on
this, as if they had praftifed on him.
The Parliament met at Oxford in March : The The Par-
King opened it with Severe reflexions on the pro- IJamenc of
ceedings of the former Parliament. He faid, he .-"^
was refolved to maintain the fuccefTion of the diffolved.
Crown in the right line : But for quieting his
peoples fears he was willing to put the adminiftra-
tion of the government into Proteilant's hands.
This was explained by Ernley and Littleton to be
meant of a Prince Regent, with whom the regal
prerogative fhould be lodged during the Duke's
life. Jones and Littleton managed the debate on
the grounds formerly mentioned : But in the end
the proportion was rejefted ; and they refolved
to go again to the bill of Exclufion, to the great
Joy of the Duke*s party, who declared themfelves
more
J40 The Hi£TOHy of the Reign
3681. more againft this than againfl the Exclufion it^l«f".
L/VNJ The Commons refolved iikewife to take the ma-
nagement of Fitzharris's affair out of the hands
of the Court : So they carried to the Lords bar
an impeachment againft him, which was rejetted
by the Lords upon a pretence v;ith which Lord
Nottingham furniihed them. It was this : Ed-
ward the third had got fome Commoners to be
condemned by the Lords •, of which when the.
Houfe of Commons complained, an order was
made, thac no fuch thing fnould be done ior the
future. Now that related only to proceedings at
the King's fuit : But it could not be meant, that
an impeachment from the Commons did not lie
againft a Commoner. Judges, Secretaries of
State, and the Lord Keeper were often Common-
ers : So if this was good law, here was a certain
method offered to the Court, to be troubled no
more with impeachments, by employing only
Commoners. In fhort, the Peers faw the defign
of this impeachmiCntj and were refolved not to
receive ic : And fo made ufe of this colour to
rejedl it. Upon that the Commons paft a vote,
that juftice was denied themi by the Lords : And
-they alfo voted, that all thofe who concurred in
any fort in trying Fitzharris in any other Court
were betrayers of the liberties or their Country.
By thefe fteps which they had already made the
King faw what might be expected from them :
So very fuddeniy, and not very decently, he came
to the Houfe of Lords, the Crown being carried
between his feet in a fedan : And he put on his
robes in hafte, without any previous notice, and
called up the Commons, and driTolved the Parlia-
ment ; and went with fuch hafte to Windibr, that
it looked as if he was afraid of the crouds that
this meeting had brought to Oxford.
Immediately upon this the Court took a new
ply ; and things went in another channe] : Of
which I go next to give as impartial an account,
as
of King Charles II.
as i have . hitherto given of the plot, and of all
that related to it. At this time the diftinguilh-
ing names of Whig and Tory came to be the de-
nominations of the parties. I have given a full
account of all errors during this time with the
more exadtnels, to warn pofterity from falling in-
to the like exceffes, and to make it appear how
mad and fetal a thing it is to run violently into a
torrent, and in a heat to do thofe things which
may give a general difguft, and to fet precedents
to others, when times turn, to juftify their ex-
ceffes, by faying they do only follow the fteps of
thofe who went before them. The fhedding fo
much blood upon fuch doubtful evidence was like
to have proved fatal to him who drove all thefe
things on with the greatcft fury : I mean the Eari
of ShaftflDury himfelf. And the ftrange change
that appeared over the Nation with relation
to the Duke, from fuch an eager profecution
of the Exciufion, to an indecent courting and
magnifying him, not without a vifible coldnefs
towards the King in comparifon of him, fhewed
how little men could build on popular heats, which
have their ebbings and fiowings, and their hot:
and cold fits, almoft as certainly as Teas or fe-
vers have. When fuch changes happen, thofe
who have been as to the main with the fide that
is run down, will be charged with all the errors
of their fide, how much foever they may have
oppofed them. I who had been always in diftruft
ol the witnelTes, and diffatisfied with the whole
method of proceedings, yet came to be fallen on
not only in pamphlets and poems, but even in
fermons, as if I had been an incendiary, and a
main ftickler againft the Court, and in particular
againft the Duke. So upon this I went into a-
clofer retirement : And to keep my mind from
running after news and affairs, I fet rayfelf to the
ftudy of Philofophy and Algebra. I diverted my-
- ' felf
142 The History of "the Reign
1 68 1, felf with many procefTes in Chymiftry : And I
v^V'^^ hope ] went into the beft exercifes, from which I
had been much diverted by the buftling of a great
town in fo hot a time. I had been much trufted
by both fides : And that is a very dangerous flate ;
for a man may come upon that to be hated and
fufpefted by both. I withdpew much from all con-
verfation : Only I lived ftill in a particular confi-
dence with the Lords Eflex and RulTel.
The The King fet out a declaration for fatisfying his
King's de- people. He reckoned up in it all the hard things
claration. ^|^^j. ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^.^ ^^ ^^^ ^-^^^^ l^^ Parliaments ;
and fet out their undutiful behaviour to himfelf in
, many inftances : Yet in conclufion he affured his
good fubjects, that nothing fhould ever alter his
affeflion to the Proteftant Religion as eilablifhed
by law, nor his love to Parhaments : For he would
have flill frequent Parliaments. When this pafl
in Council, the Archbifliop of Canterbury moved,
that an order fliould be added to it, requiring the
Clergy to publifli it in all the Churches of Eng-
land : This was looked on as a moft pernicious
precedent, by which the Clergy were made the
heralds to publifli the King's declarations, which
in fonie inftances might come to be not only inde-
cent'but mifchievous. An anfwer was writ to the
King's declaration with great fpirit and true judg-
ment. It was at firft penned by Sidney : But a
new draught was made by Somers, and corre6ted
by Jones. The fpirit of that fide was now fpent :
So that this, tho' the beft writ paper in all that
time, yet had no great effeft. The declaration
Addreffes raifed over England a humour of making addreffes
tq,the t-Q tiie King, as it were in anfwer to it. The
^j"°[[°^^ Grand Juries and the bench of Juftices in the
Encriand. counties, the cities and boroughs, the franchifes
and corporations, many manors, the companies in
towns, and at laft the very apprentices fent up
addreffes. Of thefe fome were more modeftly
penned,
of King C H A R L E S II. Ijj;2
penned,' and only exprelled their joy at the aim- iCSi.
fances they fa w in the King's declaration; and ^^^/-s^/
concluded, that they upon that dedicated their
lives and fortunes to his fervice. But the greater"
number, and the moft acceptable, were thole who.
declared they would adhere to the unalterable fuc-
ceffion of the Crown in the lineal and legal de-
fcent, and condemned the bill of Exclufion.
Others went higher, and arraigned the late Par-
liaments as guilty of fedition and treafon. Some
refiefted feverely on the Non-conformifts -, and
thanked the King for his not repealing that a6l
of the thirty fifth of Queen Elizabsih, which
they prayed might be put in execution. Some of
the addrelTes were very high panegyricks, in which
the King's perfon and government were much mag-
nified. Many of thofe who brought thefe up
were knighted upon it : And all were well treat-
ed at Court. Many zealous healths were drunk
among them : And in their cups the old valour
and the fwaggerings of the Cavaliers feemed.
to be revived. The Minifters faw thro' this, and
that it was an empty noife, and a falfe ihew.
But it was thought neceffary then to encourage it.
Tho' Lord Halifax could not reftrain himfelf
from fhewing his contempt of it, in a faying that
>vas much repeated : He faid, the petitioners for
a Parliament fpit in the King's face, but the ad-
dreffers fpit in his mouth. As the country fent
up addreiles, fo the town fent down pamphlets of
all forts, to poffefs the Nation much againfl the
late Parliament : And the Clergy flruck up to a
higher note, with fuch zeal for the Duke's fuccef-
fion, as if a Popilh King had been a fpecial blef-
fmg from heaven, to be much longed for by a
Proteftant Church. They likewife gave themfelves
fuch a loofe againft Non-conformifts, as if nothing
was fo formidable as that party : So that in all
their fermons Popery was quite fprgot, and the
force
144 Tlie History oF the Reign
1 58 1 . force of their zeal was turned almoft wholly againfl
(/«-y%; the Diffenters •, who were now by order from the
Court to be proceeded againfl: according to law.
There was alfo a great change made in the com-
miflions all England over : None were left either
on the Bench, or in the Militia, that did not with
zeal go into the humour of the Court. And fuch
of the Clergy as would not engage in that fury,
were cried out upon as the betrayers of the Church,
and as fecret favourers of the Diffenters. The
truth is, the numbers of thefe were not great :
One obferved right, that, according to the
proverb in the Gofpel, " where the carcafe is,
" the Eagles will be gathered together :" The
fcent of preferment will draw afpiring men af-
ter it.
Fjtz- Fitzharris's trial came on in Eafl:er Term :
^""^ ^ Scroggs was turned out, and Pemberton was made
Chief Jufliice. His rife was fo particular, that
it is worth the being remembred : In his youth-
he mixed with fuch lewd company, that he quickly
fpent all he had ; and ran fo deep in debt that he
was caft into a jayl, where he lay many years :
But he followed his fliudies fo clofe in the jail, that
he became one of the ablefl: men of his profeffion.
He was not wholly for the Court : He had been
a Judge before, and w^as turned out by Scroggs's
means : And now he was raifed again, and was
afterwards made Chief Juftice of the other Bench :
But not being compliant enough, he was turned
out a fecond time, when the Court would be ferved
by none but by men of a thorough -paced obfe-
quioufnefs. Fitzharris pleaded the impeachment
in Parliament : But fmce the Lords had thrown
that out it was over- ruled. He pretended he
could difcover the fecret of Godfrey's murder :
He faid, he heard the Earl of Danby fay at Wind-
for, that it mufl: be done : Burt when the Judge
told the Grand Jury, that w^hat v/as faid at Windfor
did
oF king C H A R L E s II. 145'
did not lie before them, Fitzharris immecliately i68r.
faid, he had heard him fay the fame thing at White- v.-nr*..^.
halL This was very grofs : Yet upon fo flight an
evidence they found the bill againft the Lord
Danby. And when they were reproached with it,
they faid a dubious evidence was a fuiBcient ground
for a Grand Jury : Yet another dodrine was fet
up by the fame fort of men within a few months.
Plunket, the Popifii Primate of Armagh, Was PJunket
at this time brought to his trial. Some lewd Irifh p"i"'^^
Priefts, and others of that Nation, hearing that condemn-
England was at that time difpofed to hearken to ed and
good Avearers, thought themfelves well qualified execuced.
for the employment : So they came over to fwear,
that there was a great plot in Ireland, to bring
over a French army, and to maflacre all the Eng-
lifh. The witnefles were brutal and profligate
men : Yet the Earl of Shaftibury cheriflisd them
much : They were examined by the Parliament at
Weftminfler : And what they faid was believed.
Upon that encouragement it was reckoned that we
Ihould have witneffes come over in whole com-
panies. Lord Eilex told me, that this Plunkec
was a wife and fober man, v/ho was always in a
different intereft from the two Talbots ; the one of
thefe being the titular Archbifhop of Dublin, and
the other raifed afterwards to be Duke of Tircon-
nell. Thefe were medling and fadious men ;
whereas Plunket was for their living quietly, and
in due fiibmiffion to the government^ Without en-
gaging into intrigues of State. Some of thefe
Priefts had been cenfured by him for their lewd-
nefs : And they drew others to fwear as they di-
rected them. They had appeared the winter be-
fore upon a bill offered to the Grand Jury : But
as the foreman of the jury, vvho was a zealous
Proteftant, told me, they contradi6led one ano-
ther (o evidently, that they would not find the
bill. But now they laid their ftpry better toge-
ther ; and fwore againft Plunket, .that he had goc
Vol. n. X- a great
tj^6 The History of the Reign
1 68 1, a great bank of money to be prepared, and that
Cr''Y"%^ he had an army Hfted, and was in a correfpon-
dence with France to bring over a fleet from thence.
He had nothing to fay in his own defence, but to
deny ail : So he was condemned ; and fuffered very
' decently, expreffing himfelf in many particulars as
became a Billiop. He died denying every thing
that had been fv^'orn againll him.
Fitzharris was tried next : And the proof was
fo full that he was call. He moved in Court
that I might be ordered to come to him, upon
what reafon I could never imagine : A rule was
made that I might fpeak to him in the prefence
of the Lieutenant of the Tower. I went to him,
and preffed him vehemendy to tell the truth, and
not to deceive him felt with falfe hopes. I charg-
ed him with the improbabilities of his difcovery ;
and laid home to him the fm of perjury, chiefly in
matters of blood, fo tuUy, that the Lieutenant of
tlie Tower made a very jufl: report of it to the
King, as the King himfelf told me afterwards.
When he faw there was no hope, he laid the Lord
Howard was the author of the libel. Howard
was fo ill thought of, that, it being known that
there was a familiarity between Fitzharris and him,
it was apprehended from the beginning that he
was concerned in it. 1 had {etn him in Lord
Howard's company, and had told him how inde-
cent it was to have fuch a man about him : He
laid he was in v»-ant, and was as honeft as his Re-
ligion would fuffer him to be. I found out af-
terwards, that he was a fpy of the Lady Portf-
mouth's : And that he had carried Lord Howard
to her : And, as Lord Howard himfelf told me, fhe
brought th e Kiag to talk with him twice or thrice.
- The King' as he faid, entered into a particular
fcheme with him of the new frame of his Mini-
Hry in cafe of an agreement, which feemed to him
to be very rear . As foon as I faw the libel, I was
fatisfled that Lord Howard was not concerned in
it:
of King Charles II.
it : It was fo ill drawn, and fo little difguifed in
the treafonable part, that none but a man of the
loweft form could be capable of making it. The
report of Lord Howard's being charged with this
was over the whole Town a day before any warrant
was fent out againfi" him ; which made it appear,
that the Court had a mind to give him time to
go out of the way. He came to me, and folemnly
vowed he was not at ail concerned in that matter :
So I advifed him not to ftir from home. He was
committed that night : I had no liking to the
man's temper : Yet he infmuated himfelf fo into
me, that without being rude to him it was not pof-
fible to avoid him. He was a man of a pleafant
converfation ; But he railed fo indecently both at
the King and the Clergy, that I was very uneafy
in his company : Yet now, during his imprifon-
ment, I did him all the fervice I could. But Al-
gernoon Sidney took his concerns and his family
fo to heart, and managed every thing relating to
him with that zeal, and that care, that none but a
monfter of ingratitude could have made him the
return that he did afterwards. When the bill
againft Lord Howard was brought to the Grand
Jury, Fitzharris's v/ife and maid v/ere the tv/o
witneffes againft him : But they did fo evidently
forfwear themfelves, that the Attorney General
withdrew it. Lord Howard lay in the Tower till
the Michaelmas term •, and came out by the Habeas
Corpus. I went no more to Fitzharris : But Haw- Prafti'ces
kins the Minifter of the Tower took him into his "po"F>cz-
management •, and prevailed with him not only to ^^^ death,
deny all his former difcovery, but to lay it on
Clayton, Treby, and the Sheriffs, as a fuborna-
tion of theirs, tho' it was evident that was impoffi-
ble to be true. Yet at the fame time he writ let-
ters to his wife, who was not then admitted to
him, which I faw and read, in which he told her,
how he v/as pradifed upon with the hopes of life.
He charged her to fwear fallly againft none : One
L 2 of
l4^ ' The History of the Reign
1681. of thefe was writ that very morning in which he
(-or*-' fuffered : And yet before he was led out he figned
a new paper containing the former charge of fub-
ornation, and put it in Hawkins's hands. And
at Tyburn he referred all he had to fay to that
paper, which was immediately pubhflied : But the
faldiood of it was fo very notorious, that it fnewed
what a fort of a man Hawkins was : Yet he was
foon after rewarded for this with the Deanry of
Chichefcer. But when the Court heard what let-
ters Fitzharris had writ to his wife they were con-
founded : And all further difcourfe about him was
ftifled. But the Court pradifed on her by the
promife of a penfion fo far, that Hie delivered up
her hufband's letters to them. But fo many had
feen them before that, that this bafe pradlice turn-
ed much to the reproach of all their proceedings.
A Prote- Soon alter this Dugdale, Turbervill, Sm.ith, and
flantplot. the Irifh witnefles came under another manage-
ment ; and they difcovered a plot laid againft the
King to be executed at Oxford. The King was to
be killed, and the government was to be changed.
One Colledge, a Joyner by trade, was an aftive
and hot man, and came to be known by the name
of the Proteftant Joyner. He was firft feized on :
And the witnefTes fwore many treafonable fpeeches
againft him : He was believed to have fpoken oft
with great indecency of the King, and with a fort
of threatning, that they would make him pafs the
bill of Exclufion. But a defign to feize on the
King was fo notorious a falfhood, that notwith-
ftanding all that the witneffes l\vore the Grand
Jury returned Ignoramus upon the bill. Upon
this the Court cried out againlt the Juries now re-
turned, that they would not do the King juftice,
tho* the matter of the bill was fworn by witnefles
whofe teftimony was well believed a few months
before: It was commonly faid, thefe Juries would
believe every thing one way, and nothing the
©ther. If they had found the bill, fo that Colledge
7 had
of King Charles II.
had been tried upon it, he would have been cer-
tainly faved ; But fince the witnefTes fwore that he
went to Oxford on that defign, he Avas triable
there. North went to Oxford, Colledge being colledge
carried thither : And he tried him there. North's condeam-
behaviour in that whole matter was fuch, that pro- ^'^' ^"*^
bably, if he had lived to fee an impeaching Par- '^^"P°"
liament, he might have felt the ill effedls of it.
The witneffes fwore feveral treafonable words '
againft Colledge, and that his coming to Oxford
was in order to the executing thefe : So here v/as
an over-a6t. Colledge was upon a negative : So
he had nothing to fay for himfelf, but to fhewhow
little credit was due to the witneffes. He was con-
demned, and fuffered with great conftancy, and
with appearances of devotion. He denied all the
treafonable matter that had been fworn againft
him, or that he knew of any plot againft the King.
He confeffed, that a great heat of temper had car-
ried him to many undutiful exprefiions of the
King : But he protefted he was in no defign againft
him. And now the Court intended to fet the wit-
neffes to fwear againft all the hot party ; which
was plainly murder in them, who believed them
falfe witneffes, and yet made ufe of them to de-
ftroy others. One paffage happened at Colledge's
trial, which quite funk Dugdale's credit : It was
objeded to him by Colledge, to take away his
credit, that, when by his lewdnefs he had got the
French Pox, he to cover that gave it out that he
was poifoned by Papifts : Upon which he, being
then in Court, protefted folemnly that he never
had that difeafe ; and faid, that if it could be prov-
ed by any phyfician that he ever had it, he was
content that all the evidence he had ever given
fhould be difcredited for ever. And he was taken
at his word : For Lower, who was then the moft
celebrated phyfician in London, proved at the
Council-board that he had been under cure in his
hands for that difeafe j which was made out both
I- 3 by
I go The" History of the Reign
1 68 1, by his bills, and by the Apothecary that fcTVed'
*i^— "v— -^ them. So he was never more heard of.
Shatrfoury Thc Earl of Shaftfbury was committed next,
sent to the g^j-j^ ^^^^^ j.^ ^^iq Tower upon the evidence of the
Irilh witnefles. His papers were at the fame time
feized on and fearched : Nothing material was
found among them, but a draught of an affocia-
tion, by which the King, if it had taken place,
would have reigned only at the difcretion of the
parry. This was neither writ, nor marked in any
place with his hand : But, when there was a talk of
an aiTociation, fome had formed this paper, and
brought it to him •, of which he always profefTed,
after the matter was over, that he remembred no-
thing at all. So it is probable, that, as is ordi-
nary when any great bufinefs is before the Parlia-
ment that zealous men are at the doors with their
feveral draughts, this was one of thefe call care-
lefsly by, and not thought on by him when he
had fent his more valuable papers out of the way.
There vv2.s iikevv'ife but one witnefs that could
fwear to its being found there : And that was the
Clerk of the Council, who had perufed thofe pa-
pers without marking them in the prefence of
any witnefs, as taken among Lord Shaftibury's
papers.
Praaices There was all this fummiCr ftrange pracTtifing
upon wit-" with witnefles to find more matter againft him:
neflL's. Vv ilkinfon, a prifoner for debt that had been oftea
with him, was dealt vv^ith to accufe him. The
Court had found out two folicitors to manage fuch
inatters. Burton and Graham, who were indeed
fitter m.en to have ferved in a court of inquifition
than in a legal government. It was known, that
Lord Shaftfbury was apt to talk very freely, and
without difcretion : So the two folicitors fought
out all that had frequented his company ; and tried
v/hat tliey could draw from them, not by a bare-
faced fubornation, but by telling them, they knew
well that Lord Shaftfbury had talked fuch and
fuch
of King Charles II,
fuch things, which they named, that were plainly
treafonable ; and they required them to atteft it^
if they did ever liear fuch things from him : And
they made them great promifes upon their telhng
the truth. So that they gave hints and made
promifes to fuch as by fwearing boldly would clcr
ferve them, and yet kept themfelves out of danr
ger of fubornation, having witnefles in fome cor-
ner of their chambers that over-heard all their dif-
courfe. This was their common practice, of which
I had a particular account from fome whom they
examined with relation to myfcif. In all this foul
dealing the King himfelf was believed to be the
chief direftor : And Lord Halifax was thought
deep in it, tho' he always expreffcd an abhorrence
of fuch practices to mc.
His refentm.ents wrouo;ht fo violently on him, I was the
that he feemed to be gone off from all his former oiFered
notions. He preffed me vehemently to accept of ^"^^ '!'"*
preferment at Court ; and faid, if I would give
him leave to make promifes in my name, he could
obtain for me any preferment I pleafed. But 1
would enter into no engagements. I was con-
tented with the condition I was in, which was
above neceffity, tho' below envy : The maflerfhip
of the Temple was like to fall, and I liked that
better than any thing elfe. So both Lord Hali-
fax and Lord Clarendon moved the King in it.
He promifed I fhould have it. Upon which Lord
Halifax carried me to the Kino;. I had reafon to
believe, that he was highly difpleafed with me for
what 1 had done a year before. Mrs. Roberts,
whom he had kept for fome time, fent for me
when fhe was a dying : I law her otten for fome
weeks, and among other things I defired her to
write a letter to the King, expreffing the fenfe fhe
had of her paft life : And at her defu'e. I drew
fuch a letter, as might be fit for her to write : But
fhe never had ftrength enough to v/rite it : So
upon that I refolved to write a very plain letter
L 4 to .
15^ The History of the Reign
1 68 1, to the King: I fet before him his pall Hfe, and
Wv^ the effeas it had on the Nation, with the judg-
ments of God that lay on him, which was but a
fmall part of the punifhment that he might look
for : I preffed him upon that earneftly to change
the whole courfe of his life : I carried this letter
to ChifHnch's on the twenty ninth of January ;
and told the King in the letter, that I hoped the
refle(5lions on what had befallen his Father on the
thirtieth of January, might move him to confi-
der thefe things more carefully. Lord Arran hap-
pened to be then in waiting : And he cam.e to m.c
next day, and told me, he was fure the King had
a long letter from me ; for he held the candle to
him while he read it : He knew at all that dif-
tance that it was my hand : The King read it
twice over, and then threw it into the fire : And
not long after Lord Arran took occafion to name
me : And the King fpoke of me with great fharp-
nefs : So he perceived that he was not pleafed with
my letter. Nor was the King pleafed with my be-
ing fent for by Wilmot Earl of Rochefter, when
he died : He fancied, that he had told me many
things, of which I might make an ill ufe : Yet
he had read the book that I writ concerning him,
meZ the ^^-i"g's thoughts, when Lord Halifax carried me
King. to him, and introduced me with a very extraor-
dinary complement, that he did not bring me to
the King to put me in his good opinion, fo much
as to put the King in my good opinion : And
added, he hoped that the King would not only
tike me into his favour, but into his heart. The
King had a peculiar faculty of faying oblio-incr
things with a very good grace : Among other
things he laid, he knew that, if I pleafed, i could
ferve him very confiderably ; and that he defired
no fervicc from me longer than he continued true
to the Church and to the Law. Lord Halifax
Upon that added, that the King knew he ferved
him
of King Char L t s II. 153
him on the fame terms, and was to make his flops. j68i.
The King and he fell into fome difcourfe about Re- v-'-v-**!.
ligion. Lord Halifax faid to the King, that he
was the head of the Church : To which the King
anfwered, that he did not defire to be the head of
nothing -, for indeed he w^as of no Church. Fronn
that the King run out into mi]ch difcourfe about
Lord Shaftfbury, who was Ihortly to be tried ; He
complained with great fcorn of the imputation of
fubornation that was call on himfelf. He faid, he
did not wonder that the Earl of Shaftfbury, who
was lb guilty of thofe pra£tices, fhould fallen them
on others. The difcourfe lafted half an hour very
hearty and free : So I was in favour again. But
I could not hold it, I was told I kept ill com-
pany : The perfons Lord Halifax named to me
were the Earl of EiTex, Lord Rufiel, and Jones.
But I faid, I would upon no confideration give
over converfing with my friends : So I was where
I was before.
A bill of indictment was prefented to the Grand Shaftlbury
Jury againfl Lord Shaftfbury. The Jury was ^^? ^^'
compofed of many of the chief citizens of Lon- ^^^ Grand
don. The witnefles were examined in open Court, Jury,
contrary to the ufual cullom : The witnefTes fwore
many incredible things againft him, mixed with
other things that looked very like his extravagant
way of talking. The draught of the affociatioii
was alfo bro^>ght as a proof of his treafon, tho'
it was not laid in the indidment, and was proved
only by one witnefs. The Jury returned Igno-
ramus upon the bill. Upon this the Court did
declaim with open mouth againfl thcfe Juries j in
which they faid the fpirit of the party did appear,
lince men even upon oath fliewed they were rc-
folved to find bills true or Ignoramus, as they
pleafed, without regarding the evidence. And
upon this a new fet of addrefTes went round the
Kingdom, in which they expreffed their abhor-
rence of that affociation found in Lord Shaftf-
bury's
The History of the Reign
biiry's cabinet ; and complained, that Juflice wai
denied the King ; which were fet off with all the
fulfom rhetorick that the penners could varnilh
them with._ It was upon this occafion faid, that
the Grand J ary ought to find bills even upon du-
bious evidence, much more when plain treafon
v/as iV/orn ; fmce all they did in finding a bill was
only to bring the pcrlbn to his trial, and then the
falfhood of the witneffes was to be deteded. But
in defence of thefe Ignoramus Juries it was faid,
that by the exprefs words of their oath they were
bound to make true prefentments of what fhould
appear true to them : And therefore, if they did
not believe the evidence, they could not find a
bill, tho' fworn to. A book was writ to fupport
that, in which both law and reafon were brought
to confirm it : It pail as writ by Lord ElTex, tho'
I underftood afterwards it was writ by Sommers,
who was much efteemed and often vifited by Lord
EiTex, and who trufted himfelf to him, and writ
the bell papers that came out in that time. It
is true, by the praftice that had generally prevail-
ed. Grand Juries were eafy in finding bills upon
a flight and probable evidence. But it was made
out, that the words of their oath, and the reafon
of the law feem.ed to oblige them to make no
prefentments but fuch as they believed to be true.
On the other hand a private ill opinion of a wit-
nefs, or the looking on a matte? as incredible,
did not feem to warrant the return of an IgQO-
ramus : That feemed to belong to the Jury on
life and death. The chief complaint that was
made in the addrelTes was grounded on their not
finding the bill on the account of the draught of
the alTociation : And this was in many refpefts
very unreafonable. For as that was not laid in
the bill, fo there was but one witnefs to prove it ;
nor did the matter of the pap^r rife up to the
charge of high treafon. And now Dugdale and
Turbervill, who had bser. the witneffes upon whofe
evidence
of King Charles II. "155
evidence Lord Stafford was condemned, being ,1681.
v/ithin a year detcded, or at leaft fufpected of this
villany, I could not but reflecl; on what he faid to
me^ that he was confident I Ihould fee within a
year that the witneffes would be found to be
As to Turbervill, what happened foon after this 16S2.
will perhaps mitigate the cenfure : He was taken s>->^--,^— ».
with the fmall-pox in a few days after Lord Tjrber-
Shaftfbury's trial. The fymptoms were fo bad, ^ ;'-
that the phyfician told him he had no hope of his ^
recovery : Upon v/hich he compofed himfelf to
die as became a Chriftian, and fent for Mr. Hewes
the Curate of St. Martin's, who was a very wor-
thy man, and from whom I had this account
of him. Turbervill looked on himfelf as a dead
man at the firfl time he came to him: But his
difeafe did no way affed: his underltading or his
memory. He feemedto have a real fenfe of ano-
ther flate, and of the account that he was to give to
God for his pait life. Hewes charged him to exa-
mine himfelf ; and if he had fworn falily againlt
any man, to confefs his fin and glorify God, tho'
to his own fhame. Turbervill, both in difcourfe
and when he received the facrament,. protefled
that he had fworn nothing but the truth, in what
he depofed both againit Lord Stafford and the
Earl of Shaftfbury ; and renounced the mercies
of , God, and the benefit of the death of Chrift,
if he did not fpeak the plain and naked truth
without any refervation : And he continued in
the fame mind to his death. So here were the
lafi: words of dying men, againfl the laft words
of thofe that fuffered. To this may well be add-
ed, that one who died of ficknefs, and under a
great deprefTion in his fpirits, was lefs able to
ftifle his confcience, and refifl the imprelTions that
it might then make on him, than a man who fuf-
fers
;S5^ The History of the Reign ^
16S2. fers on a fcaffold, where the ftrength of the natu*
l'^'^v^ ral fpirits is entire, or rather exalted by the fenfe
of the caufe he fuffers for. And we know that
confeffion and abfokition in the Church of Rome
give a quiet, to which we do not pretend, where
thefe things are faid to be only minifterial, and not
authoritative. About a year before this Tonge had
died, who firft brought out Gates. They'quar-
relled afterwards : And Tonge came to have a
very bad opinion of Gates, upon what reafon I
know not. He died with exprelTions of a very
high devotion : And he protefted to all who came
to fee him, that he knew of no fubornation in all
that matter, and that he was guilty of none him-
felf. Thefe things put a man quite in the dark :
And in this mift matters muft be left, till the
great revelation of all fecrcts. And there I leave
it : And from the affairs of England turn to give
an account of what paft in Scotland during this
diforder among us here.
Theaf. The Duke behaved himfelf upon his firft going
Scotland ^^ Scotland in fo obliging a manner, that the No^
• bility and Gentry, who had been fo long trodden
on by Duke Lauderdale and his party, found a
very fenfibic change : So that he gained much on
them all. He continued ftill to fupport that
fide : Yet things were fo gently carried, that there
was no caufe of complaint. It was vifibly his in-
terell to make that Nation fure to him, and to
give them fuch an effay of his government, as
iTiight dilTipate all the hard thoughts of him, with
-which the world was poffeffed : And he purfued
this for fome time with great temper and as great
fuccefs. He advifed the Bifhops to proceed mo-
derately, and to take no notice of Conventicles in
houfes ; and that would put an end to thofe in
the fields. In matters of juftice he fhewed an im-
partial temper, and encouraged all propofitions
relating to trade ; And fo, confidering how much
that
of King Charles IL
tliat Nation was fet againfl his Religion, he made
a greater progrefs in gaining upon them than was
expeded. He was advifed. to hold a Parliament
there in the fummer eighty' one, and to take the
charafter of the King's Commiffioner upon him-
felf.
A ftrange fpirit of fury had broke loofe on fome
of the Prefbyterians, called CargilHtes from one
Cargill that had been one of the Minifters of
Glafgow in the former times, and was then very
little confidered, but now was much followed, to
the great reproach of the Nation. Thefe held
that the King had loft the right of the Crown by
his breaking the Covenant, which he had fwora
at his Coronation : So they faid, he was' their
King no more : And by a formal declaration they
renounced all allegiance to him, which a party of
them affixed to the crofs of Dumfreis, a Town
near the weft border. The guards fell upon a
party of them, whom they found in arms, where
Cameron one of their furious teachers (from whom
they, were alfo called Cameronians) was killed :
But Hackfton, that was one of the Archbifhop's
murderers, and Cargill were taken. Hackfton,
when brought before the Council, would not own
their authority, nor make any anfwer to their
queftions. He was fo low by reafon of his wounds,
that it was thought he would die in the queftion
if tortured : So he was in a very fummary way
condemned to have both his hands cut off, and
then to be hanged. All this he fuffered with a
conftancy that amazed ail people : He feemed to
be all the while as in an enthufiaftical rapture, and
infenfible of what was done to him. When his
hands were cut off, he aiked, like one unconcern-
ed, if his feet muft be cut off likewife : And he
had fo ftrong a heart, that notwithftanding all the
iofs of blood by his wounds, and the cutting off
his hands, yet when he was hanged up, and his
heart
i^S I'he 1:1 1 s"T o R Y or the Reign
1682. heart cut out, it continued to palpitate fome time
- 'w.'-v-x*-! after it was on the Hangman's knife, as fome
Eye-witnelTes affured me. Cargil], and many-
others of that mad fed:, both men and women,
fuffered with an obftinacy that was fo particular,
that tho' the Duke fent the offer of pardon to
them on the Scaffold, if they would only fay God
blefs the King, it was refufed with great neglecft :
One of them, a woman, faid very calmly, fhe was
lure God would not blefs him, and that therefore
'fhe would not take God's name in vain : Another
jaid more fuUenly, that fhe would not worfhip
that idol, nor acknowledge any other King but
Chrifl : And fo both were hanged. About fifteen
or fixteen died under this delufion, which feemed
to be a fort of madnefs : For they never attempt-
ed any thing againft any perfon : Only they feem-
ed glad to fuffer for their opinions. The Duke
it opt that profecution, and appointed them to be
put in a houfe of correftion, and to be kept at
hard labour. Great ufe was made of this by pro-
phane people to difparage the fuffering ot the
Martyrs for the Chriftian Faith, from the unfliaken
conftancy which thefe frantick people expreffed.
But this is undeniable, that men who die main-
taining any opinion, fhew that they are firmly per-
fuaded of it : So from this the Martyrs of the
firff age, who died for afferting a matter of fad:,
fuch as the refurredion of Chrift, or the miracles
that they had feen, fhewed that they were well
perfuaded of the truth of thofe fads. And that is
all the ufe that is to be made of this argument.
A Parlui- ^^o^^ the time of the fitting of the Parliament
Scotland, drew on. The Duke feeing how great a man the
Earl of Argyle was in Scotland, concluded it was
necefTary for him either to gain him or to ruin
him. Lord Argyle gave him all pofTible alTuran-
ces that he would adhere to his interefl: in every
thing, except in the matters of Religion : But
added.
of King Charles II.
added, that if he went to meddle with thefe, he
owned to him freely that he would oppofe him all
he could. This was well enough taken in fhew :
But Lord Argyle faid, he obferved ever after that
fuch a vifible coldnefs and diftrull, that he faw what
he might exped from him. Some moved the ex-
cepting againft the Duke's Commiffion to repre-
fent the King in Parliament, fmce by law no man
could execute any office without taking the oaths :
And above forty members of Parliament promifed
to ftick to Duke Hamilton if he would infift on
that. But Lockhart and Cunningham, the two
lawyers on whofe opinion they depended chiefly,
faid, tliat a commiffion to reprefent the King's
perfon fell not under the notion of an office : And
lince it was not exprefly named in the a6ls of Par-
liament, they thought it did not fall within the
general words of " all places and offices of truft.'*
So this was laid afide : And many who were of-
fended at it complained of Duke Hamilton's cow-
ardice. He faid for himfelf, he had been in a
llorm for feven years continuance by his oppoling
Duke Lauderdale, and that he would not engage
in a new one with a ftronger party, unlefs he was
fure of the majority : And they were far from pre-
tending to be able to bring matters to near an
equality. The firft ad: that pall was one of three
lines, confirming all the laws formerly made
againft Popery : The Duke thought it would give
a good grace to all that Ihould be done afterwards,
to begin with fuch a general and cold confirma-
tion of all former laws. Some moved, that a Com-
mittee might be appointed to examine all the for-
mer laws, (fince fome of them feemed unreafon-
ably fevere, as paft in the firil heat of the Refor-
mation,) that fo they might draw out of them all
flich as might be fit not only to be confirmed,
but to be executed by better and properer me--
thods than thofe prefcribed in the former itatutes,
2 which
i^o The History of the R^ign
16S2. which has been all eluded. But it was not intend-
y^nr^ ed that this new confirmation fhould have any
efFed : And therefore this motion was not heark-
ned to. But the ad was hurried on, and paft.
The next ad was for the unalterablenefs of the
fucceffion of the Crown. It was declared high
treafon ever to move for any alterations in it. Lord
Argyle ran into this with zeal : So did Duke Ha-
milton : And all others that intended to merit by
it made harangues about it. Lord Tweedale wds
the only man that ventured to move, that the ad
might be made as ftrid as was poflible with rela-
tion to the Duke : But he thought it not necelTary
to carry it further ; fince the Queen of Spain flood
fo near the fucceffion, and it was no amiable thing
** to be a Province to Spain. Many were fo igno-
rant as not to underfland the relation of the Queen
of Spain to the King, tho* fhe was his niece, and
thought it an extravagant motion. He was not
feconded : And the ad paft without one contra-
didory vote. There was an additional revenue
given for fome years for keeping up more troops.
Some complaints were alfo made of the Lords of
regalities, who have all the forfeitures and the
power of life and death within their regalities. It
was upon that promifed, that there fhould be a re-
gulation of thefe Courts, as there was indeed great
caufe for it, thefe Lords being fo many tyrants
up and down the country : So it was intended
to fubjed thefe jurifdidions to the fupream Ju-
dicatories. But the ad was penned in fuch
words, as imported that the whole courfe of
juflice all over the Kingdom was made fub-
jed to the King's will and pleafure : So that in-
flead of appeals to the fupream Courts, all was made
to end in a perfonal appeal to the King : And by
this means he was made mailer of the whole
juflice and property of the Kingdom. There was
no(t much time given to confider things : For the
Duke,
of King Charles II.
l!)Like, finding that lie was mailer of a clear rilajo-
rity, drove on every thing faft, and put bills on
a very fhort debate to the vote, which went al-
ways as he had a mind to have it» An accident
hapned, that begot in many a particular zeal to
merit at his hands : Lord Rothes,' who had much
of his confidence, and was chiefly trufted by him^
and was made a Duke by his means^ died the day
before the opening of the Parliament : So upon
the hopes of fucceeding him, as there were many
pretenders, they tried who could deferve it befl by
the moil compliant fubmiffion and the mofl a6tive
zeal.
As they were going on In pubiick bufmefs, one Several
flood up in Parliament and accufed Lord Halton, accufati-
Duke Lauderdale's brother, of perjury, on the ?"^^^^.P5^
account of Mitchell's bufmefs : He had in his Jj^J^^^j^q
hands the two letters that Lord Halton had writ Duke,
to the Earl of Kincardin, mentioning the promife
of life that was made him : And, as was told for-
merly, Lord Halton fwore at his trial that no pro-
mife was made. The Lord Kincardin was dead a
year before this : But his Lady had delivered thofe
letters to be made ufe of againfl Lord Halton.
Upon reading them the matter appeared plain.
The Duke was not ill pleafed to have both Duke
Lauderdale and him thus at mercy : Yet he would
not fuffer the matter to be determined in a parlia-
mentary way : So he moved, that the whole thing
might be referred to the King -, which was imme-
diately agreed to. So that infamous bufmefs was
made pubiick, and yet ftifled at the fame time :
And no cenfure was ever put on that bafe aftion.
Another difcovery was made of as wicked a con-
fpiracy, tho' it had not fuch bad efFedls, becaufe
the tools employed in it could not be wrought up
to fuch a determined pitch of wickednefs. Th«;
Lord Bargeny, who was nephew to Duke Hamil-
ton, had been clapt up in prifon, as concerned in
Vol. II. M the
1-62 l"he H I s T o R y of the ReiKfi
1682. the rebeiUon of Bothwell-Bridge. Several days
— V— ' were fixed on for his trial : But it was always put
off. And at iaft he was let out without having
anyone thing ever objefted to him. When he was
ac^iiberty he ufed all poflible endeavours to find
out on what grounds he had been committed. At
Iaft he difcovered a confpiracy, in which Ilalton
and fome others of that party v/ere concerned:
They had practifed on fome, who had been in that
rebellion, to fwear that he and feveral others were
engaged in it, and that they had lent them out to
join in it. They promifed thefe witnefies a large
iliare of the confifcated eftates, if they went thro'
in the bufineis. Depofitions were prepared for
them ; And they promifed to fwear them : Upon
which a day was fixed for their trial. But the
hearts of thofe witneffes failed them, or their con-
fciences rofe upon them : So that when the day
came on, they could not bring themfelves to fwear
againft an innocent man; and plainly refufed 10
do it ; Yet, upon nev/ praftices and new hopes,
they again refolved to fwear boldly : Upon which
new days had been let twice or thrice. And, tlieir
hearts turning againlt it, they were ftill put off.
Lord Bargeny had full proofs of all this ready to
be offered : But the Duke prevailed to have this
likewife referred to the King : And it was never
more heard of. This Ihewed what Duke Lauder-
dale's party were capable of. It likewife gave
an ill charader of tlie Duke's zeal for juilice,
and againft falfe fwearing -, tho* that had been
the chief topick of difcourfe with him, for
above three years. He was angry at a fuppofed
pradice with witnefies, when it fell upon his own
party : But now that there were evident proofs of
perjury and fubornation, he ftOpt proceedings un-
der pretence of referring it to the King; who was
never made acquainted with it, or at leaft never
enquired after ,the proof of thefe allegations, nor
ordered any proceedings upon them.
The
of King C H A R L E s IL 163
The main bufinefs of this Parliament was the 1682.
a6t concerning the new teft that was propofed. It ^-*-v-iO
had been promifed in the beginning of the feffion, '\'^^^.^"'
that as Toon as an a6t for maintaining the fucceffi- p'^^Ha-"
on fhould pafs, they fliould have all the fecurity ^ent.
that they could defire for the Proteftant Religion.
So, many zealous men began to call for Ibme more
efFcdtuail fecurity for their Religion : Upon which
a teft was propofed, for all that fhould be capable
of any office in Church or State, or of elcding or
being eledted members of Parliament, that they
Ihould adhere firmly to the Proteftant Religion;
to which the Court party added, the condemning
of all refiftance in any fort, or under any pretence,
the renouncing the Covenant, and an obligation
to defend all the King's rights and prerogatives,
and that they Ihould never meet to treat of any
matter civil or ecclefiaftical, but by the King's per-
mifllon, and never endeavour any alteration in the
government in Church or State : And they were to
fwear all this according to the literal fenfe of the
words. The teft was thus loaded at hrfc to make
the other lide grov/ weary of the miOtion and let ic
fall, which they would willingly have done. But
the Duke v/as made to apprehend, that he would
find fuch a teft as this prove much for his fervice :
So it feems, that article of the Proteftant Religion
was forgiven, for the fervice that was expefted
from the other parts of the teft. ' There was, a hot
debate upon the impofing it on all that might e^edl
or be elefted m.embers of Parliament : It was faid,
that was the moft effential of ail the privileges of the
fubjefts, therefore they ought not to be limited in
it. The Bifhops were earneft for this, which they
thought would fecure them for ever fit)m a Prefby-
terian Parliament. It was carried in the vote :
And that made many of the Court more zealous
than ever for carrying thro* the a6t. Some pro-
pofed that there fhould be two tefts : One for Pa^
M 2 pifts
The History of the Reign
pifts with higher incapacities : And another for
Frefbyterians with milder cenfures. But that was
rjeje6ted with much fcorn, fome making tlieir Court
by faying, they were more in danger from the
Frefbyterians than from the Papifts : And it was
reported that Faterfon, then Bifhop of Edinburgh,
faid to the Duke, that he thought the two Rehgi-
ons, Popifh and Froteilant, were fo equally ftated
in his mind, that a few grains of loyalty, in which
the Proteftants had the better of the Papifts, turn-
ed the balance with him. Another claufe in the
bill was liable to great objedions : All the Royal
Family were excepted out of it. Lord Argyle
fpoke zealoufly againfb this : He faid, the only
danger we could apprehend as to Popery was, if
any of the Royal Family fhould happen to be per-
verted : Therefore he thought it was better to have
no aft at all than fuch a claufe in it. Some few
feconded him : But it was carried v/ithout any con-
fiderable oppofition. The niceil point of all was,
what definition or ftandard fhould be made for
fixing the fenfe of fo general a term, as the Pro-.
teftant Religion. Dalrymple propofed the con-
feffion ot faith agreed on in the year one thoufand
five hundred fifty nine, and enadied in Parliament
in one thoufand five hundred fixty feven, which
was the only confelTion of faith that had then the
fandlion of a law. That was a book fa worn out
ot ufe, that fcarce any one in the whole Parliament
had ever read it : None of the Bifhops had, as ap-
peared afterwards. Forthefe laft thirty years, the
only confefTion of^ faith that was read in Scotland,
was that which the affembly of divines at Weft-
minfter Anno 1 648 had fet out, which the Scotch
Kirk had fet up inftead of the old one : And the
Bifhops had left it in poffefTion, tho' the authority
that ena6led it was annulled. So here a book was
made tlie matter of an oath, Cfor they were to
/wear that they would adhere to the Froteilant Re-
ligion,
2
of King Charles II.
ligion, as it was declared in the confefTion of faith
•cnaded in the year 1567, that contained, a large
fyftem of Religions t^hat was not fo much as
known to thofe who enaded it:) -Yet the Bifhops
went all into it. Dairymplc, who had read it,
thought there were proportions in it, which being
better confidered, would make the teil be let fall :
For in it the repreffing of tyranny is reckoned a
duty incumbent on good fubjeds. And the con-
feffion being made after the .>cots had depofed the
Queen Regent, and it being ratified in Pariiam.ent
after they had forced their Queen Mary to refign,
it was very plain what they, who made and enacted
this confeffion, meant by the reprefTiRg of tyranny.
But tiie Duke and his party let it on ib earneftly,
that upon one day's debate the adl paft, tho' only
by a majority of feven voices. There was fome
appearance of fecurity to the Proteftant Religion
by this teft : But the prerogative of the Crown in
eccleliaftical matters had been raifed fo high by
Duke Lauderdale's aft, that the obliging all people
to maintain that with the reft of the prerogative,
, might have made way for every thing. All eccle-
fiafticai Courts fubfifted now by this teft, only up-
on the King's permifiion, and at his difcretion.
The Parliament of Scotland was diffolved foon
after this ad paft .: And Hyde was fent down from
the King to the Duke immediately upon it. It
was given out, that he was fent by the King to
prefs the Duke upon this victory to fti-ew, that
what ill ufa2;e could not extort from him he would
now do of his own accord, and return to the
Church of England. I was affured, that Tord
Halifax had prevailed with the King to write to
him to that purpofe : The letter vv^as writ, but
was not fent : But Lord Hyde had it in charge to
manage it as a mefTage. How much of this is
true I cannot tell : One thing is certain, that if it
was true, it had no eftecl.
M 3 As
i66 The History of the Reign
1682. As foon as the teft with the confeiTion of faith-
•^^^-^rw was printed, there was a univerfai murmuring
among the beft of the Clergy. Many v/ere againft
the fwearing to a fyfbem made up of fo many pro-
.pofitions, of which fo me. were at leafi. doubtful j
tho' it was found to be much more moderate in
many points, than could have been well expefted
confidering the heat of that time. There was a li-
mitation put on the duty of fubjefLS in the article,
by which they were required not to refift any whom
God had placed - in authority in thefe v/ords,
*' While they pafs not the bounds of their office :'*
And in anothfer they condemned thofe who refift
the fupream power " Doing that thing v;hich ap-
Otjeai- *' pertaineth to his charge." Thefe were propo-
ons made fitions now of a very ill found : They were alfo
10 the celt. j^jg|^jy offended at the great extent of the preroga-
tive in the point of fupremacy, by which the King
turned Bifhops out at pleafure by a letter. It was
hard enough to bear this : But it feemed intole-
rable to oblige men by oath to maintain it. The
King might by a Proclamation put down even
Epifcopacy it felf, as the law then Itood : And by
this oath they would be bound to maintain that.
All meeting in Synods, or for Ordinations, were
hereafter to be held only by permilfion : So that all
the vifibie ways of preferving Religion depended
jiow wholly on the King's good pleafure : And
they favv that this would be a very feeble tenure un-
der a Popiih King. The being tied to all this by
path feemed very hard. , And when a Church was
yet in fo imperfedl a ftatc, without liturgy or difci-
pline, it was a flrange impofition to make people
fwear never to endeavour any alteration either in
Church or State. Some or all of thefe exceptions
did run fo generally thro' the whole body of the
Clergy, that they were all fbaking in their refolu-
tions. To prevent this, an explanation was drawn
by Bifnop Paterfos, and paft in Council. It was
|>y it declared, that it was not meant that thofe
who
of King C H A R L E s II. 167
who took the teft- Ihould be bound to every article 1682.
in the confeffion of faith, but only in fo far as it '^a^-y^
contained the doiltrine upon which the Protefiiant
Churcii^s had fettled the reformation : And that
the tell did not cut off thofe Hghts, which were
acls.nowiedged to have been in the primitive
Church for the firft three hundred years after
Chrift : And an affurance was given, that the King
intended never to change the government of the
Ghurch. By this it was pretended that the greateft
difficulties were now removed. But to this it was
anfwered, that they were to fwear they took the
oath in the literal fenfe of the v/ords. So that, if
this explanation was not conform to the literal
fenfe, they would be perjured who took it upon
this -explanation. The impofers of an oath could
only declare the fenfe of it : But that could not
be done by any other, much lefs by a lower au-
thority, fuch as the privy Councils was con-
feffed to be. Yet when men are to be undone if
they do not fubmit to a hard law, they willingly
catch at any thing that feems to refolve their
doubts.
About eighty of the moft learned and pious of Many.
their Clergy left all rather than comply with the turned
terms of this law : And thefe were noted to be the ^^.^ ^'',^
beft preachers, and the moll zealous enemies to ^^
Popery, that belonged to that Church. The Bi-
shops, who thought their refufing the teft was a
reproach to thofe who took it, treated them v^^ith
much contempt, and put them to many hardfliips.
About twenty of them cam.e up to England : I
found them men of excellent tempers, pious and
learned, and I efteemed it no fmall happinefs that
I had then fo much credit by the ill opinion they
had of nie at Court, that by this m.eans I got moll
of them to be v/ell fettled in England ; where they
have behaved themfelves fo worchily, that I have
great reafon to rejoice in being made an inftrument -
M 4 to
not takmj
i6S The History of the Reign
1682. to get fo many good men, who fufFered for their
v*-v^*«» confciences, to be again well employed, and well
provided for. Moil of them were formed by
Charteris, who had been always a great enemy tp
the impofing of books and fyftems, as tefts that
mufb be figned and fworn, by fuch as are admitted
to ferve in the Church. He had been for fome
years Divinity ProfeiTor at Edinburgh, where he
had formed the minds of many of t'he young Cler-
gy both to an excellent temper and to a fet of very
good principles. He upon this retired, and lived
private for fome years : He writ to rne, and gave
me an account of this breach, that was like to be
in the Church •, and defired, that I would try by
jail the methods I could think of to ftop the pro-
ceedings upon the tell. But the King had put the
affairs of Scotland fo entirely in the Duke's hands,
and the BilTiops here were fo pleafed with thofe
claufes in the teft, that renounced the covenant
and all endeavours for any alteration in Church
and State, that I faw it was in vain to make any
attempt at Court.
ArgHe's Upon this matter an incident of great importanpe
explana- |^apned : The Earl of Argile was a privy Coun-
^^"° feilor, and one of the CommifTioners of the Trea-
fury : So when the time limited was near lapfing
he was forced to declare himfelf. He had once re-
folved to retire from all employments, but his en-
gagements with Duke Lauderdale's party, and the
entanglements of his pwn affairs overcame that.
His main objeftion lay to that part which obliged
them to ^endeavour no alteration in the Govern-
ment in Church or State, which he thought was a
limitation of the Legiflature. He defired leave to
explain himfelf in that poipt : And he continued
glways to affirm, that the Duke was fatisfied with
that which he proppfed : So being called on the
next day at the Council table to take the teft, he
jfaid, he did not think that the Parliament did in-
|:end an oath thai; ihould have any contradidtions iri
"" ' ' ' " 9m
of King C H A R L E s II. 169
^ne part of it to another-, therefore he took the 1682.
teft, as it was confiftent v/ith it felf j (This related »-*<-v"hj
to the abfolute loyalty in the teft, and ti^e limita-
tions that were on it in the confelTion :) And he
added, that he did not intend to bind himfelf up
by it from doing any thing in his ftation for the
amending of any thing in Church or State, fo far .
as was confiftent with the Proteftant Religion and
.the duty of a good fubjeft : And he took that as a
part of his oath. The thing paft, and he fat that
day in Council j and V'/ent next diiy to the Trea-
fury chamber, v/here he repeated the fame words.
Some officious people upon this came, and fuggeft-
.cd to the Duke, that great advantage might be
taken againft him from thefe v/ords. So at the
Treafury chamber he was defired to write them
down, and give them to the Clerk, which he did,
and was immediately made a prifoner in the Caftle
of Edinburgh upon it. It was faid, this was high He was
treafoos and the affumins^ to himfelf the les-iflative ^'^^' ,
power, in his giving a fenfe of an a6l of Parlia- ^JpQ^ i^^
ment, and making that a part pf his oath. It was
alfo faid, that his faying that he did not think the
Parliament intended an oath that did contradidl it
felf, was a tacit way of faying that he did think it,
and was a defaming and a fpreading lies of the
proceedings of Parliament, which was capital.
The liberty that he referved to himfelf was like-
wife called treafonable, in aftliming a power toadl
againft law : Thefe were fuch apparent ftretches^
that for fome days it was believed all this was done
only to affright him to a more abfolute fubmiffion,
and to furrender up fome of thofe great jurifdi(5ti-
ons over the Highlands that were in his family.
He defired he might be admitted to fpeak with the
Duke in private i But that was refufed. He had
let his old correfpondence with me fall for fome
years : But I thought it became me in this extre-
fnity to ferve him all I could. And I prevailed
ff\th Lord HalifaJC to fpeak fo oft to the King
The History of the Reign
about it, that it came to be known : And Lord
Argile writ me fome letters of thanks upon it.
Duke Lauderdale was fliil in a firm fricndfhip with
him; and tried his whole firength with the King to
preferve him : But he was finking both in body
and mind, and was like to be call off in his old
age. Upon which I alfo prevailed with Lord Ha*
litax to offer him his fcrvice, for which Duke Lau-
derdale fent me very kind meffagcs. I thought
thefe were the only returns that I ought to make
him for all the injuries he had done me, thus to
ferve him and his friends in diftrcfs. But the Duke
of York took this, as he did every thing from me,
by the word handle poffible. He faid, I would
reconcile my felf to the grcateft enemies 1 had in
oppofition to him. Upon this it v^^as not thought
fit upon many accounts; that I Hiould go and fee
Duke Lauderdale, which I had intended to do.
It was well known I had done him afts of friend-
fhip : So the fcandal of being in enmity v/ith him
was over : For a Chriftian is no man's enemy :
And he will always ftudy to overcome evil with
good.
Argile is Lord Argile was brought to a trial for the words
•ricd and he had fpoke. The Fa6t was certain : So the de-
condemn j^^j.^ i^y jj^ ^ point of law, what guilt could be
made out of his words. Lockhart pleaded three
hours for him, and fhewed fo manifeflly that his
words had nothing criminal, much lefs of trcafon
in them, that, if his caufe had not been determined
before his trial, no harm could have come to him.
The Court that was to judge the point of law (or
the reltrvancy of the libel as it's called in Scotland)
confided of a Juftice General, the Juftice Clerk,
and of five Judges. The Juftice General does not
vote, unlefs the Court is equally divided. One of
the Judges was deaf, and fo old that he could not
fit all the vv^hile the trial laded, but went home
and to bed. The other four were equally divided :
So the old Judge was fent for : And he turned it
agaiaft
of Icing C II AR L E f. .11. 171
agaijift Lord Argile. The Jury v/as only to find 1602.
the fad proved : But yet they were olHcious, and <, v-w
found it treafon : And, to make a fliew of impar-
tjahty, wliereas in the libel he was charged with
perjury for taking the oath falfly, they acquitted
him of the j^erjury. No fentence in our age was
more univerfally cried out on than this. All peo-
ple fpokc of it, and of the' Duke who drove it on,
with horror: All that was laid to leflen that way,
that Duke Lauderdale had reilored the family with
fuch an extended jurifdidion, that he was really
the mailer of all the Highlands : So that it was
fit to attaint him, that by a new reftoring him thefc
grants might be better limited. I'his, as the
puke wrote to the King, was all he intended by
it, as Lord Halifax affured me. But Lord Argile
was made believe, that the Duke intended to
proceed to execution. Some more of the guards
were ordered to come to Edinburgh. Rooms were
alfo fitted for him in the common jayl, to which
P.eers ufe to be removed a few duys before their
execution. And a perfon of Quality, whom Lord
Argile never named, aflirmed to him on his honour,
I that he heard one, who was in great favour, fay to
the Duke, The thing mud be done, and that it
would be eafier to fatisly the King about it after
it was done, tlian to obtain his leave lor doing it.
It is certain, many of the Scotch Nobility did bc-
Jieve that it was intended he fliould die.
Upon thefe rcafons Lord Argile made his efcape fje ninde
out of the Caftle in a difguife. Others fufpedled his dcuix.
thofc ftories were fent to him on jiurpofc to frightin
him CO make his efcape j as that which would
juftify further feverities againll him. He came
to London, and lurked for fome months there.
It was thought I was in his iixrct. But tho' I
knew one that knew it, antl law many papers that
he then writ, giving an ;ACCoi!Ht oi all that mat-
ter, yet I abhorred lying : And it was not t:\iy to_
jiave kept out of the danger of ihur, if 1 had feen
him,
172 The History of the Reign
3682. him, or known where he was : So I avoided it by
not feeing him. One that faw him knew him, and
went and told the King of it : But he would have
no fearch made for him, and retained ftill very-
good thoughts of him. In one of Lord Argile's
papers he writ, that, if ever he was admitted to
fpeak with the King, he could convince him how
much he merited at his hands, by that which had
drawn the Duke's indignation on him. He that
fhewed me this explained it, that at the Duke's
firfb being in Scotland, when he apprehended that
the King might have confented to the Exclufion,
he tried to engage Lord Argile to ftick to him in
that cafe •, who told him, he would always be true
to the King, and likewife to him when it fhould
come to his turn to be King, but that he would go
no farther, nor engage himfelf, in cafe the King and
he fhould quarrel.
I had lived many years in great friendlhip with
the Earl of Perth : I lived with him as a father
with a fon for above twelve years : And he had
really the fubmiffions of a child to me. So, he
having been on Lord Argile's Jury, I writ him a
letter about it, with the freedom that I thought be^
Game me : He, to merit at the Duke's hands, fhew-
ed it to him, as he himfelf confefled to me. I
' could very eafily forgive him, but could notefteem
him much after fo unworthy an aftion. He was
then afpiring to great preferm.ent, and fo facrificed
me to obtain favour : But he made greater facri-
fices afterwards. The Duke now feemed to tri^-
umph in Scotland. All ftooped to him. The
Prefbyterian party was much deprefled. The befl
of the Clergy were turned out. Yet, with all this,
he was now more hated there than ever. Lord
Argile's bufinefs made him be looked on as one
that would prove a terrible mafter when all fhould
come into his hands. He had promifed to redrefs
all the merchants grievances with relation to trades
that fo he might gain their concurrence in Parlia^
men; ;
of King C H A R L E s II. 1 73
merit : Bur, as foon as that was over, ail his pro- i682i,
mifes were forgotten. The accufations of perjury C/'VNI
were llifled by him. And all the complaints of
the great abufe. Lord Halton was guilty of in the
matter of the coin, ended in turning him out of all
his employments, and obliging him to compound
for his pardon by paying 20000 1. to two of the
Duke's creatures : So that all the reparation the
Kingdom had for the oppreffion of fo many years,
and fo many adts of injuftice, was, that two new
opprefibrs had a Ihare of the fpoils, who went into
the fame tra6t, or rather invented new methods of
oppreffion. All thefe things, together with a load
of age and of a vaft bulk, funk Duke Lauderdale
fo that he died that fummer. His heart feemed
quite fpent : There was not Idt above the bignefs
of a walnut of firm fubftance : The reft was fpun-
gy, liker the lungs than the heart.
TheDukehadleavegivenhim tocometo theKing The Duke
at Newmarket : And there he prevailed for leave <:om-s ro
to come up, and live again at Court. As he was ^^^^^'
going back to bring the Dutchefs, the Glocefter
frigate that carried him ftruck on a bank of fand. '
The Duke got into a boat : And took care of his
dogs, and fome unknown perfons, who were taken
from that earneft care of his to be his Priefts : The
long-boat went off with^ very few in her, tho* fhe
might have carried off above eighty more than fhe
did. One hundred and fifty perfons perifhed :
Some of them men of great Quality. But the
Duke took no notice of this cruel negled, which
was laid chiefly to Leg's charge.
In Scotland the Duke declared the new mini- A new
fters : Gordon, now Earl of Aberdeen, was made "^'-^^^^O'j^
Chancellor : And Queenibury was made Treafur- ^^^^^^""^^
er : And the care of all affairs v/as committed to
them. The Duke at parting recommended to the
Council to preferve the publick peace, to fupport
the Church, and to oblige all men to live regu-
larly in obedience tci the laws. The Bifhop3 made
their
The H ! s T o R Y of the Reigfi
their court to him v/ith fo much zeal, that" the/
wrote a letter to the Archbilliop of Canterbury, to be
communicated to the reft of the Englifh Bifhops,
fetting forth in a very high (brain his affedion to
the Church, and his care of it : And, left this
piece of merit fhould have been ftifled by San-
croft, they fent a copy of it to the prefs ; which
was a greater reproach to them tlj^n a fervice to
the Duke, who could not but defpife fuch abjed
and indecent flattery. The proceedings againft Con-
venticles were now like to be fcverer than ever :
Ail the fines, that were fet fo high by law, that
they were never before levied, but on fome' par-
ticular inftances, were now ordered to be levied
without exception. All people upon that faw,
they muft either conform or be quite undone. The'
Chancellor laid down a method for proceeding
againft all offenders punctually : And the Trear-:
• ' ' furer was as rigorous in ordering all the fines to be •
levied.
They pro- When the people faw this, they came all to
ceeded Church again : And that in fom.e places where all
with great fermons li5.d been difcontinued for many years.
eventy. g^^ ^^^^ came in fo aukward a manner, that it
v/as vifible they did not mean to worfliip God, buc
only to ftay fome time within the Church wallsJ
And they were either talking or deeping all the
while. Yet moft of the Clergy feemed to betran-*
fported with this change of their condition, and
fent up many panegyricks of the glorious fervices
that the Duke had done their Church. The ene-
mies of Religion obferved the ill nature of the one
fide, and the cowardlinefs of the other, and pleafed
themfelves in cenfuring them both. And by this
means an impious and atheiftical leaven began to
corrupt moft of the younger fort. This has fince
that time made a great progrefs in that Kingdom,
which was before the freeft from it of any Nation..
in Chriftendom. The beginnings of it were reck-
oned from the Duke's ftay among them, and from
his
of King Charles IL i,"]^
his Court, which have been cultivated fince with 1682,
much care and but too much luccefs.
About the end of the year, two trials gave all
people fad apprehenfions of what they were to look
for. One Home was charged by a kinfman of his
own, for having been at Bochv/ell Bridge.. All
Gentlemen of efcates were excepted out of the in-
demnity : So he, having an eftate, could have no
benefit by that. One fwore, he faw him go into
a village, and feize on fome arms : Another fwore,
he faw him ride towards the body of the rebels -: ■
But none did fwear that they faw him there. He
was indeed among them : But there was no proof
of it. And he proved, that he vvas not in the com-
pany, where the lingle witnefs fwore he faw him
feize on arms, and did evidently difcredit hi mi :
Yet he was convifted and condemned on that lin-
gle evidence, that was fo manifefhly proved to be
infamous. Many were fenfible of the mifchiev-
oufnefs of fuch a precedent : And great applica-
tions were made to the Duke for favins his life :
But he was not born under a pardoning planet.
Lord Aberdeen, the Chancellor, profecuted Home
with the more rigour, becaufe his own grandfa-
ther had fuffered in the late times for bearing arms
on the King's fide, and Home's father was one of
the Jury that call him. . The day of his execution
was fet to be on the fame day of the year on v/hich
Lord Stafford had fuffered •, which was thou2;ht
done in complement to the Duke, as a retaliatioa
for his blood. Yet Home's infamous kinfman,
-who had fo bafely fv/orn again ft him, lived^not to
fee his execution ; for he died before it full of hor-
ror for what he had done. Another trial went
much deeper ; and the confequences of it ftruck a
terror into the whole country.
One Weir of Blakewood, that managed the
Marquis of Douglafs's concerns, was accufed of
treafon for having kept company with one that
had been in the bufinefs of Eotlw/eli -Bridge
B
4 wocd
lyS The History of the Reign
1682. wood pleaded for himfelf, that the perfon, on whof^
*-.-ir>-» account he was now profecuted as an abettor of
traitors, had never been marked out by the go-
vernment by procefs or proclamation. It did not
fo much as appear that he had ever fufpefted him
upon that account. He had lived in his own
houfe quietly for fome years after- that rebellion,
before he employed him : And if the government-
feemed to forget his crime, it was no wonder if
others entered into common dealings v/ith him.
' All the lawyers were of opinion, that nothing could
be made ot this profecution : So that Blakewood
made ufe of no fecret application, thinking he was
in no danger. But the Court came to a ftrange
fentence in this matter, by thefe fteps : Theyjudg-
ed, that all men who fufpeded any to have been in
the rebellion, were bound to difcover fuch their
fufpicion, and to give no harbour to fuch perfons :
That the bare fufpicion made it trsafon to harbour
the perfon fufpected, vv^hether he was guilty or not :
That if any perfon was under fuch a fufpicion, it
was to be prefumed that all the neighbourhood
knew it : So that there was no need of proving
that againft any particular perfon, fince the pre-
fumption of lav/ did prove it : And it being
proved that the perfon with whom Blakewood had
converfed lay under that fufpicion, Blakewood was
upon that condemned as guilty ot high treafon.
This was fuch a conftruftive treafon, that went
upon fo many unreafonable fuppoiitions, that it
fhcwed the IhameleiTnefs of a fort of men, who
had been for forty years declaiming againft a
parliamentary attainder, for a conftruftive treafon
in the cafe of the Earl of Stafford, and did now in
a common Court of Juftice condemn a man upon
a train of fo many inferences, that it was not pof-
fible to m^ake it look even like a conftru6tive trea-
fon. The day of his execution was fet : And tho'
the Marquis of Douglas writ earneflly to the Duke
for his pardon, that was denied. He only ob-
tained
of King C H A R L E s n. s 77
tained two months reprieve for making up his ac- 16S2.
counts. The reprieve was renewed once or twice : w-y-***
So Blakewood was not executed. This put all the
Gentry in a great fright : Many knew they were
as obnoxious as Blakewood was : And none could
have the comfort to know that he was fafe. This
revived among them a defign, that Lockhart had
fet on foot ten years before, of carrying over a
Plantation to Carolina. All the Prefby terian party
faw they were now difinherited of a main part of
their birth-right, of choofing their reprefentatives
in Parliament : And upon that they faid, they
would now feek a country where they might live
iindifturbed, as freemen, and as Chriftians. The
Duke encouraged the motion : He was glad to
have many untoward people fent far away, who he
reckoned would be ready upon the iirft favourable
conjundure, to break out into a new rebellion.
Some Gentlemen were fent up to treat with the
Patentees of Carolina : They did not like the go-
vernment of thofe Palatinates, as they v^ere called :
Yet the profpecl of fo great a Colony obtained to
them all the conditions they propofed. I was
made acquainted with all the fteps they made ;
for thofe who Were fent up were particularly re-
commended to me. In the negotiation this year
there was no mixing with the male-contents in
England : Only they who were fent up went among
them, and informed them of the oppreffions they
lay under ; in particular of the terror with which
this fentence againft Blakewood had ilruck them
all. The Court refolved to profecut;e that farther :
For a Proclamation was ifflied out in the begi^-
iiing of tlie year eighty three, by which the King
ordered circuit Courts to be lent round the We-
ftera and Southern Counties, to enquire after all
who had been guilty of harbouring or converfing
with thofe who had been in rebellion, even tho'
there had been neither procefs nor proclamacion
ilTued out againft tkerti. He alfo ordered, that
Vol. 11^ K .all
The History of the Reign
all who were found guilty of fuch converfe with .
them fhould be profecuted as traitors. This in-
quifition was to laft three years : And at the end
of that time ail was to conclude in a full indem-
nity to fuch as fhould not be then under profecu-
tion. But the indemnity was to take place imme-
diately to all fuch as fhould take the Teft. This
was perhaps fuch a Proclamation as the world had
not feenfince the days of the Duke of Alva. Upon
it great numbers run in to take the Teft, declar-
ing at the fame time that they took it againft their
confciences : But they w^ould do any thing to be
fafe. Such as refolved not to take it were trying
how to fettle or fell their eftates -, and refolved to
leave the country, which was now in a very op-
preffed and defperate ftate.
/.Fairs in But I muft next turn again to the affairs of Eng-
England. ]and. The Court was every where triumphant. The
Duke was highly complimented by all, and feem-
ed to have overcome all difficulties. The Court,
not content with all their viftories, refolved to free
themfelves from the fears of troublefome Parlia-
ments for the future. The Cities and Boroughs
of England were invited, and prevailed on, to de-
AilCnar- monftrate their loyalty, by furrendring up their
uers of Charters, and taking new ones modelled as the
'Towns Court ^thought fit. It was much queftioned, whe-
r47red to ^^^^^ thofe furrenders were good in law or not : It -
!he iiing. was faid, that thofe who were in the government
in Corporations, and had their Charters and Seals
trufted to their keeping, were not the proprietors
nor mafters of thofe nght.s : They could not ex-
tinguifh thofe Corporations, n6r part with any of
their privileges. Others faid, that whatever might
be objefted to the reafon and equity of th^thingy
yet, when the Seal of a Corporation was put to
any deed, fuch a deed was good in law. The
■ . matter goes beyond my fkill in law to determine'
-. it :■ This^as certain', that whatfoever may be faid
. In law, .there is no fort of theft or perfidy more
■ . . criminal
of King C H A R L E s lio 179
criminal than for a body of men, whom their 1682.
neighbours have trufted with their concerns, to fteai ^^-''V*^
, away their Charters, and affix their Seals to fuch
" a deed, betraying in that their truffc and their
oaths. In former ages Corporations were jealous
,, of their privileges and cuftoms to excefs and fu-
,'Vperflition : So that it looked like a flrange dege-
' ''neracy, when all thefe were now delivered up ; and
l,,this on defign to pack a Parliament, that might
' .'make way for a Popilh King. So that, infiiead of
"fecuring us from Popery under fuch a Prince^ thefe
"perfons were now contriving ways to make all eafy
to him. Popery at all times has looked odious
and cruel : Yet what the Emperor had lately done
" in Plungary, and what the King of France was
.,; then doing againft Proteflants in that Kingdom,
^^jfhewed that their Religion was as perfidious and
. ' cruel in this age, as it had been in the laft : And by
"„, the Duke*s government of Scotland, all men did
' fee what was to be expefted from him. All this
laid together, the whole looked like an extrava-
^ gant fit of madnefs : Yet no part of it was fo un-
'accountable, as the high ftrains to which the Uni-
', yerfities and mod of the Clergy were carried. The
',' Non-conformifts were now prcfecuted with much
.^'eagernefs. This was vifibly fet on by the Papifts :
And it was wifely done of them ^ for they knew
how much the Non-conformifts were fet againft
, them •, and therefore they made ufe of the indif-
, erect heat of fome angry Clergymen to ruin them :
This they knev/ would render the Clergy odious,
and give the Paplils great advantages againft them,
,'^ if ever they fiiould run into an oppoficion to their
'j defign s.
; At Midfummer a new conteil difcovered, how Thedif-
^ little the Court refolved to regard either juftice P"^«.<^<3"-
.^ or decency. The Court had carried the cledion ^JJ^^^'J^g
of Sir John Moor to be Mayor of tl ,. City of riff, of
London at Michaelmas eighty one. Pie was the London, ■
Alderman on whom the election fell in courfe. Yet
N 2 fome
The History of the "RcIgn
feme who knew him well were for letting him afide,
as one whom the Court would eafily manage. He
had been a Non contormift himfelf, till he grew
fo rich, that he had a mind to go thro' the dig-
nities of the City : But tho' he conformed to the
Church, yet he was ftill looked on, as one that in
his heart favoured the Sectaries : And upon this
occafion he perfuaded fome of their preachers, to
go among their congregations to get votes for him.
Others, who knew him to be a flexible and faint-
hearted man, oppofed his eledion : Yet it was
carried for him. The oppofition that was made
to his election had fharpned him fo much, that he
became in all things compliant to the Court, in
particular to Secretary Jenkins, who took him in-
to his own management. When the day came, in
which the Mayor ufed to drink to one, and to
mark him out for Sheriff, he drank to North, a
merchant that was brother to the Chief Juftice.
Upon that it was pretended, that this ceremony
was not a bare nomination, which the commop.
Hall might receive or rehife, as they had a mind
to it •, but that this made the Sheriff, and that the
common Hall was bound to receive and confirm
him in courle, as the King did the Mayor. On
th« other hand it was faid, that the right was to
be determined by the Charter, which granted the
ciediion of the Sheriffs to the citizens of London ;
and that, whatever cuftoms had crept in among
them, the right ftili lay where the Charter had
lodged it among the citizens. But the Court was
refolved to carry this point : And they found or-
ders that had been made in the City concerning
this particular, which gave fome colour to this pre-
tenfion of the Mayor's. So he claimed it on Mid-
fummer day ; and faid, the common Hall were to4
go and eledt one Sheriff, and to confirm the other f
that had been declared by him. The Hall on the •
other hand faid, that the right of choofing both
was in them. The old Sheriffs put it according
to
of King Charles II. iSi
to cuflom to a poll : And it was vifible, the much 1682.
greater number was againft the Lord Mayor. The ''-^''■^
Sheriffs were always underilood to be the officers
of that Court : So the adjourning it belonged to
them : Yet the Mayor adjourned the Court •, which
■ they faid he had no power to do, and fo went on
with the poll. There was no diforder in the whole
progrefs of the matcer, if that was not to be called
one, that they proceeded after the Mayor had ad-
journed the poll. But tho' the Mayor's party car-
ried themfelves with great infolence, towards the
other party, yet they Ihewed on this occafion more
temper than could have been expected from fo
great a body, who thought their rights were now
invaded. The Mayor upon this refolved to take
another poll, to which none fhould be admitted,
but thole who were contented to vote only for
one, and to approve his nomination for the other.
And it was refolved, that his poll fhould be that,
by which the bufmefs fhould be fettled : And tho*
the jSherifFs poll exceeded his by many hundreds,
yet order was given to return thofe on the Mayor's
poll, and that they fhould be fworn -, and fo thofe
of the Sheriffs poll Ihould be left to feek their
remedy by law, where they could find it. Box,
who was chofen by the Mayor's party and joined
to North, had no mind to ferve upon fo doubtful
an election, where fo many adlions would lie, if it
was judged againft them at law : And he could
not be perfuaded to hold it. So it was neceffary
to call a new common Hall, and to proceed to a
new election : And then, without any Proclama-
tion matie as was ufual, one in a cornel* near the
Mayor named Rich, and about thirty more ap-
plauded it, the refl of thofe in the Hall, that was
full of people and of noife, hearing nothing of it.
Upon this it was faid, that Rich was chofen with-
out any contradidtion ; And fo North and Rich
were returned, and fworn Sheriffs for the enfuing
year. The violence and the injuflice with which
N 3 this
1 8 2 The History of the Reign
16S2. matter was managed, Ihev/ed, that the Court was
relblved to carry that point at any rate : And this
gave great occalions of jealoufy, that fome wicked
ciefign was on foot, for which it was neceffary, in the
liril place to be fure of favourable Juries.
Lord Shaftfbury upon this, knowing how ob-
noxious he was, went out of England. His voyage
was fatal to him : He juft got to Aftiflerdam to
die in it. Of the laft parts of his life I fhall have
fome occafion to make mention aiterv/ards. When
Michaelmas day came, thofe who found how much
they had been deceived in Moor, refolved to choofe
a Mayor that might be depended on. The poll
was clofed when the Court thought they had the
majority : But upon calling it up it appeared they
had loil it : So they fell to canvafs it : And they
made fuch exceptions to thofe of the other fide,
that they difcounted as many voices as gave them
the majority. This was alfo managed in fo.grofs
a manner, that it was vifible the Court was re-
lblved by fair or foul means to have the govern ^
ment of the City in their own hands." But be-
caufe they would not be at this trouble, nor run
this hazard every year, it was refolved that the
Charter of the City mufl either be given up, or
be adjudged to the King, The form.er was much
the eafier vvay : So great pains was taken to ma-
nage the next eleftion of the common Council,
fo as that they m.ight be tractable in this point.
There was much injuftice complained of, in m.any
of the wards of the City, both in the poll, and in
the returss that were made. In order to the dif-
abling all the DiiTenters from having a vote in
that eieftion, the Bifhop and Clergy of London
were prelTed by the Court to profecute them in the
Church Courts, that fo they might excommuni-
cate them ; which fome lawyers thought v/ould
render them incapable to vote, tho* oth r lawyers
were very po.Otcively of another' opinion, It is cer-
tain it gave at leiifl a colour to (^cny their votes.
^ ■ ' '^ ^ ' ■■ ' "■ ; Th?
of King C H A R L E s II. 183
The Biiliop of liOndon began to apprehend, that 1682.
things were running too fall, and was backward *— -v'—*^
in the matter. The Clergy of the City re fu fed to
make prefentments : The law laid that, on the
Churchwardens : And fo they would not meddle
officioufly. The King was difpleafed with them
for their remiffnefs : But after ail the praftices of
the Court, in the returns of the common Council
of the City, they could not bring it near an equa-
lity for delivering up their Charter. Jenkins ma-
naged the whole bufmefs of the City with fo many
indire6t practices, that the reputation he had for
probity was much blemiilied by it : He feemed to
think it was necelTary to bring the City to a de •
pendence on the Court in the faireft methods he
■could fall on ; and, if thefe did not fucceed, that
then he was to take the moft effeftual ones, hop-
ing that a good intention would excufe bad prac-
tices.
The Earl of Sunderland had been difgraced af- Changes
ter the Exclufion Parliaments, as they were now '".^!^f
called, were diflblved : But the King had fo en- ^^0^3^-
tire a confidence in him, and Lady Portfmouth rels among
was lb much in his interefls, that upon great fub- them.
mifTions made to the Duke, he was again reftored
to be Secretary this winter. Lord Hyde was the
perfon that difpofed the Duke to it : Upon that
Lord Halifax and he fell to be in ill terms ; for
he hated Lord Sunderland beyond exprefTion, tho'
he had married his filler. From Lord Sunder-
land's returning to his poft, all men conclud-
ed, that his declaring as he did for the Exclu"
lion, was certainly done by di region from the King,
who naturally loved craft and a double game, that
fo he might have proper inftruments to work by.
Which way foever he had turned himfelf in that
affair. The King was the more defirous to have
Lord Sunderland again near him, that he might
have fome body about him, who underilood fo-
reign affairs. Jenkins underftood nothing •. But
N 4 he
The History of the Reign
he had fo much credkwkh the high Church party,
that he was of great ufe to the Court. Lord Con-
way was brought in to be the other Secretary, who
was fo very ignorant of foreign affairs, that his
province being the North, when one of the foreign
minifters talked to him of the Circles of Germany,
it amazed him : He could not imagine what Cir-
cles had to do with affairs of ftate. He was now
difmiffed. Lord Halifax and Lord Hyde fell to be
in an open war, and were both much hated. Lord
Halifax charged Hyde, who was at this time made
Earl of Rocheiter, with bribery, for having farm-
ed a branch of the revenue much lower than had
been proffered for it. Lord Halifax acquainted
the King firft with it : And, as he told me, he
delired Lord Rochefter himfelf to examine into it,
he being inclined to think it was rather an abufe
put on him, than corruption in himfelf But he
law Lord Rochefter was cold in the matter, and
inftead of profecucing any for it, protefted all
concerned in it. He laid the complaint before the
King and Council : And to convince the King
how ill a bargain he had made, the complainers
offered, if he would break the bargain, to give him
40000 1. more than he was to have from the far-
mers. He looked alio into the other branches of
the revenue, and tound caufe to fufpeft much cor-
ruption in every one of them : And he got under-
takers to offer at a farm of the whole revenue.
In this he had all the Court on his fide : For the
King being now relolved to live on his revenue,
without putting himfelf on a Parliament, he was
forced on a great redudlion of expence : So that
many payments run in arrear : And the whole
Court was fo ill paid, that the offering any thing
that would raife the revenue, and blemifh the ma-
nagement of the treafury, was very acceptable to
all -in it. Lord Rochefter was alfo much hated :
But the Duke and the Lady Portfmouth both pro-
tedled the Earl of Rochefter fo powerfully, that
even
of King Ghar-lus IL 1^5
even propofitions to the King's advantage^- which 1682..
blemifhed him, were not hearkned to. This 0''^V~^
touched in too tender a place to admit of a recon-
cihation : The Duke forgot all Lord Halifax's
fervice in the point of the Exclufion : And the
dearnefs that was between them, was now turned
upon this to a coldnefs, and afterwards to a mod
violent enmity. Upon this occafion Lord Halifax
fent for me, (for I went no more near any that be-
longed to the Court,) and he told me the whole
matter. I afked him how he flood with the King :
He anfwered, that neither he nor I had the mak-
ing of the King : God had made him of a parti-
cular compofition. He faid, he knew what the
King faid to himfelf : I afked him, if he knew like-
wife what he faid to others ; for he was apt to fay
to his feveral Minifters, whatfoever he thought
would pleafe them, as long as he intended to make
ufe of them. By the death of the Earl of Not-
tingham the Seals were given to North, who was
made Lord Guilford. He had not the virtues of
his predecelTor : But he had parts far beyond him :
They were turned to craft : So that whereas the
former feemed to mean well even when he did ill,
this man was believed to mean ill even when he
did well. The Court finding that the City of Lon-
don could not be wrought on to furrender their
Charter, refolved to haveit condemned by a judg-
ment in the King's bench. Jones had died in May :
So now Pollexphen and Treby were chiefly relied
on by the City in this matter. Sawyer was the
Attorney General, a dull hot man, and forward
to ferfe all the defigns of the Court. He under-
took by the advice of Saunders, a learned but a
very immoral man, to overthrow the Charter.
The two points upon which they relied the "^^e argu-
caufe were, that the Common Council had petiti- '"^"^^ ^°^
oned the King, upon a prorogation of Parliament, oainft the
that it might meet on the day to which it was pro- Charter
TOgued, and had taxed th,e prorogation as that of"Loa-
which^°""
1 86 The History of the Reign
1682. which occafioned a delay of juftice : This was con-
V^^'N-? ftrued to be the raifmg fedition, and the polTeffing
the people v/ith an ill opinion of the King and his
government. The other point was, that the City
had impofed new taxes on their v/harfs and mar-
kets, which was an invafion of the Hberty of the
fubjed, and contrary to law. It was faid, that all
that the Crown gave was forfeitable back to the
Crown again, upon a male-verfation of the body ;
and that as the Common Council was the body of
the City, chofen by all the citizens, fo they were
all involved, in what the Common Council did :
And they inferred, that fince they had both fcan-.
dalized the King's government, and opprefTed their
fellow fubje6ts, they had thereupon forfeited their
liberties : Many precedents were brought of the
feizing on the liberties of Towns and other Cor-
porations, and of extinguifhing them.
The arguments againft this were made by Tre-
by, then the Recorder of London, and Pollex-
phen, who argued about three hours apiece. They
laid it down for a foundation, that trading Corpo-
rations were immortal bodies, for the breeding a
fuccefTion of trading men, and for perpetuating a
fund of publick chambers, for the eftates of or-
phans and trufts and for all pious endowments :
That crimes committed, by perfons entrufted in
the government of them, were perfonal things,
which vv^ere only chargeable on thofe who com-
mitted them, but could not affeft the v/hole body :
The treafon of a Bifliop, or a Clerk, only forfeited
his title, but did not dilTolve the Bilhoprick, or
Benefice : So the magillrates only v/ere to be pu-
nched for their owrj crimes : An entailed eftate,
vvhen a tenant for life wsls attainted, was not for-
feited to the King, but went to the next in remain-
der upon his death. The government of a city,
which v/as a temporary adminiilration, veiled nq
property in the magiftrates : And therefore they.
had ngthing to forfeit, but what belonged to them-
(elves 5
of King Charles II.
felves : There were alfo exprels a6ls of Parliament
made in favour of the City, that it fhould not be
punifhed, for the mifdemeanors ot thofe who bore
office in it : They anfwered the great objedion,
that was brought from the forfeitures of fomc Ab-
beys, on the attainder of their Abbots in King
Henry the eighth's time, that there were peculiar
laws made at that time, upon which thofe for-
feitures were grounded, which had been repealed
iince that time : All thofe forfeitures were con-
firmed in Parliament : And that purged all defeds :
The Common Council was a feleded body, chofen
for particular ends : And if they went beyond
thefe, they were liable to be punifhed for it : If
the petition they offered the King was feditious,
the King might proceed againft every man
that was concerned in it : And thofe upon
whom thofe taxes had been levied, might bring
their aftions againft thofe who had levied them :
But it feemed very ftrange, that when none of
the petitioners were proceeded againft for any-
thing contained in that petition, and when no ani-
ons were brought on the account of thofe taxes,
that the whole body fhould fuffer in common for
that, which none of thofe, who were immediately'
concerned in it, had been fo much as brought in
queftion for, in any Court of law : If the Common
Council petitioned more earneftiy than was ficting
for the litting of the Parliament, that ought to be
afcribed to their zeal for the King's fafety, and for
the eftablifhed Religion : And it ought not to be
ftrained to any odier fenfe, than to that which they
profefs, in the body of their petition, much lefs
^o be carried fo far as to diiTolve the whole body on
that account : And as for the tolls and taxes, thefe
were things pratflifed in all the Corporations of
England, and feemed to be exaftly according to
law : The City fmce the fire had, at a vaft charge,
inade their wharfs and markets much more noble
Ifid convenient, than they were before : And there-
The History of the Reign
fore they might well deny the benefit of them to-
thofe^ who would not pay a new rate, that they
fet on them for the payment of the debt contracted
in building them : This was not the impofing a
tax, but the raifmg a rent out of a piece of ground,
which the City might as well do, as a man who
rebuilds his houie may raife the rent of it : All the
precedents that were brought were examined and
anfvvered : Some Corporations were deferted, and
fo upon the matter diUblved themfelves : Judg-
ments in llich cafes did not tally with this in hand :
The i'eizing on the liberties of a Corporation did
not diffolve the body; for when a Bifhop dies the
King feizes the temporalties ; but the Corporation
ilill lubfilts i and they are reftored to the next in-
cumbent: There were indeed fome very ftrange
precedents made in Richard the fecond's time :
But they, were followed by as ftrange a reverfe :
The Judges we're hanged for the judgments they
gave : They alfo infifted on the efl'eds that would
follow on the forfeiting the Charter : The cuftom
of London was thereby broken : All the publick
endowments, and charities lodged with the City
muft revert to the heirs of the donors. This is the
fubftance of the argument, as I had it from Pol-
lexphen. As tor the more intricate points of law,
1 meddle not with them, but lea^e them to the
learned men ol that profefilon. When the matter
was brought near judgment, Saunders, who had
planned the whole thing, was made Chief Juftice.
Pemberton, who was not fatisfied in the point, be-
ing removed to the Common Pleas, upon North*s
advancement. Dolben, a Judge of the King's
bench, was found not to be clear : So he was turn-
Jcd^ment ed out, and Withins came in his room. When
given in fentence was to be given, Saunders was ftruck with
an apoplexy : So he could not come into Court :
But he fent his judgment in writing, and died a
few days after. The fentence was given without
the folemnity that was ufual upon great occafions :
The
the mat
of King C H A R L E s II,
The Judges were wont formerly in delivering their
opinions to make long arguments, in which they
fee forth the grounds of law on which they went,
which were great inftruftions to the fludents and
barrifters : But that had been laifd afide ever lince
Hale's time.
The judgment now given was, that a city might
forfeit its Charter •, that the male-verfations of the
Common Council were the a6ls of the whole City,
and that the two points fet forth in the pleadings
were juft grounds for the forfeiting of a Charter,
Upon which premiffes the proper conclufion leerri-
ed to be, that therefore the City of London had
forfeited their Charter : But the conffequences of
that were fo much apprehended, that they did not
think fit to venture on it : S6 they judged, that
the King might feize the liberties of the City. The
Attorney General moved, contrary to what is ufual
in-fuch cafes, that the judgment might not be re-
corded. And upon that, new endeavours were
wfed to bring the Common Council to deliver up
their Charter : Yet that could not be compafled,
tho* it was brought much nearer in the numbers of
the voices, than was imagined could ever be done. *
There were other very fevere proceedings at this Some
time with relation to particular perfons. Piikinton "^^*^. j'
was Sheriff of London the former year y an honefl meni- ^'
but an indifcreet man, that gave himfelf great li-
berties in difcourfe. He being defired to go along
with the Mayor and Aldermen, to complement
the Duke upon his return from Scotland^ declined
going, and refledted on him as one concerned m
the burning of the City. Two Aldermen faid they
heard that, and fwore it againil him. Sir Pati-
ence Ward, the Mayor of the former year, feeing
him go in to that difcourfe had diverted him from
it, but heard not the words which the others iworc
to : And he depofed, that to the beft of his remem-
brance he faid not thofe words, Piikinton was cafl
in an io©ooo h damages, the moll excefSve that
had
190 The History of the Reign
1682. had ever been given. But the matter did not flop
V^V"^ta/ there : Ward was indi6ted of perjury, it being
faid, that fince he fwore that the words were not
fpoken, and that the Jury had given a verdidt up-
on the evidence that they were fpoken, by conjfe-
quence he was guilty of perjury. It was faid on
the other fide, that when two fwear one way, and
a third fwears another way, a Jury may beheve the
two better than the one : But it is not certain from
thence that he is perjured : If that were law, no
man would be a witnefs ; if, becaufe they of thei
other fide were believed, he fhoiild be therefore
convifted of perjury. A man's fwearing to a ne-
gative, that fuch words were not fpoken, did only
amount to this, that he did not hear them : And
it would be hard to prove, that he who fwore fo,
had heard them. But Ward proved, by him that
took the trial in fiiort hand, as he had done fome
others with great approbation, that he had faid,
*' To the bell of his remembrance thefe words were
" not fpoken by Pilkinton :" Upon which JefFe-
ries had then faid, that his invention was better
than his memory : And the Attorney General in
fumming up the evidence to the Jury had faid,
they ought to have nQ regard to Ward's evidence,
fince he had only depofed upon his memory. Yet
that Jury returned Ward guilty of perjury : And
. it was intended, if he had not gone out of the way,
to have fet him in the pillory. The truth is. Ju-
ries became at that time the fliame of the nation,
as well as a reproach to religion : For they were
packt, and prepared to bring in verdifts as they
-V^'ere directed, and not as matters appeared on the
evidence.
1683, Thus affairs were going on, all the year eighty
«— -V— -^ two, and to the beginning of eighty three. The
Ali people £^j.| of Shaftlburv had been for makin^ ufe of the
P'> ." ' ,. heat the City was in, during the ccntcit about the
fears. Sheriffs j and thought they might have created a
great
of King Charles IL
great dillurbance, and made themfelves maflers of
the Tower: And he believed, the firft appearance
of the leaft diforder would have prevailed on the
King to yield every thing. The Duke of Mon-
mouth, who underftood what a rabble was and
what troops were, looked on this as a mad ex-
pofmg of themfelves and of their friends. The
Lords E0ex and Ruffel were of the fame mind.
So Lord Shaftfbury, feeing they could not be en-
gaged into aftion, flew out againft them. He
faid, the Duke of Monmouth was fent into the
party by the King for this end, to keep all things
quiet till the Court had gained its point : He faid.
Lord ElTex had alfo made his bargain, and was to
go to Ireland j and that among them Lord Ruflei
was deceived. With this he endeavoured to blall
them in the City : They ftudied to prevent the ill
effeds, that thofe- jealoufies which he was infuling
into the citizens, might have, among them. So
the Duke of Monmouth gave an appointment to
Lord Shaftfbury or fome of his friends to meet him,
and fome others that he Ihould bring along with him,
at Shepherd's, a wine merchant in whom they had Mon-
an entire confidence. The night before this ap- ^outh
pointment Lord Ruffel came to town, on the ac- ^"cug "
count of his uncle's iilnefs. The Duke of Mon- herd's,
mouth went to him, and told him of the appoint-
ment, and defired he would go thither with him :
He confented, the rather becaufe he intended to
tafle fome of that merchant's wine. At night they
went with Lord Grey and Sir Thomas Armilrong,
When they came, they found none there but Rum-
fey and Fergufon, two of Lord Shaftfbury 's tools
that he employed : Upon v/hich, they feeing no
' better company refolved immediately to go back.
But Lord Ruffel called for a tafte of the wines :
And while they were bringing it up, Rumfey and
^ Armftrong fell into a difcourfe of furprlzing the
. guards. Rumfey fancied it might have been
eafily done : Armfl'rong, chat had commanded
them, fhewed him his miilakes. This was no
con-
ig2 The History of the Reign
1683. confultation about what was to be done, but onfy
v-^V^ about what might have been done. Lord Ruffel
fpoke nothing upon the fubjedl : But as foon as
he had tafted his wines they went away. It may
feem, that this is too Hght a paffage to be told lb
copioufly : But much depends on it. Lord Shafts-
bury had one meeting with the Earls of EiTex and
Saliibury before he went out of England. Fear, an-
ger, and difappointment, had wrought fo much
on him, that Lord EfTex told me he was much
broken in his thoughts : His notions were wild
and impradlicable : And he was glad that he was
gone out of England : But faid, that he had done
them already a great deal of mifchief, and would
have done more if he had flayed. As foon as he
was gone, the Lords and all the chief men of the
party faw th^tir danger from forward Sheriffs,
willing Juries, mercenary Judges, and bold wit-
nefles. So they refolved to go home, and be
filent, to fpeak and to meddle as little as might
be in publick bufmefs, and to let the prefent ill
temper, the Nation was fallen into wear out : For
they did not doubt but the Court, elpecially as it
was now managed by the Duke, would foon bring
the Nation again into its wits, by their ill condu6t
and proceedings. All that was to be done was,
to keep up as much as they could a good fpirit
with relation to eledions of Parliament, if one
ihould be called.
Moo- The Duke of Monmouth refolved to be advifed
mouth chiefly by Lord EfTex. He would not be alone in
and fome ^j,^^^ ^^^^ named Lord Ruffel, againfl whom 5^0
meet objedion could lie : And next to him he named
often to- Algernoon Sidney, brother to the Earl of Leicefter,
gether. ^ j^an of mofl extraordinary courage, a Heady
man, even to obftinacy, fincere, but of a rough
and boiflerous temper that could not bear contra-
didion. He feemed to be a Chriftian, but in a
particular form of his own : He thought, it was to
be like a Divine Philofophy in the mind : But he
was
^93
of King Charles IL
was againft all publick worlhip, and every 1683.
thing that looked like a Church. He was flifr to
all republican principles ; and fuch an enemy to
every thing that looked like monarchy, that he fet
himfelf in a high oppofition againft Cromwell
when he was made Protedor. He had ftudied the
hiftory of government in all its branches beyond
any man I ever knew. He was AmbalTador in
Denmark at the time of the Reftoration, but did
not come back till the year feventy eight, when
the Parliament was preffing the King into a war.
The Court of France obtained leave tor him to re-
turn. He did all he could to divert people from
that war : So that fome took him for a penfioner
of France : But to thofe to v/hom he durft fpeak
freely, he faid, he knew it was all a juggle ; that
our Court was in an entire confidence with France^
.and had no other defign in this lliew of a war buc
to raife an army, and keep it beyond fea till it was
trained and modelled. Sidney had a particular
way of infmuating himfelf into people that would
hearken to his notions, and not contradid him.
He tried me : But I was not fo fubmiffive a hearer :
So we lived afterwards at a great diftance. He
wrought himfelf into Lord Eflex's confidence to
fuch a degree, that he became the mafter of his
fpirit. He had a great kindnefs for Lord Howard,
as was formerly told : For that Lord hated both
the King and monarchy as much as he himfelf did.
He prevailed on Lord ElTex to take Lord Howard
into their fecrets, tho' Lord EiTex had expreffed
fuch an ill opinion of him a little before to me, as
to fay he wondred how any man would truft him-
felf alone with him. Lord Ruffel, tho* his coufm
german, had the fame ill opinion of him. Yet
Sidney overcame both their averfions. Lord
Howard had made the Duke of Monmouth enter
into confidence with Sidney, who ufed to fpeak
very flightly of him, and to fay, it was ail one to
■ him whether James Duke of York of JaxesDiike
Vol., IL O of
The HiSTo RY of the Reign
of Monmouth was to fucceed. Yet Lord Howard
-'perhaps put a notion into him, which he ofi^erec^
often to rne, that'ia Prince who knew there was a
Eaw in his title would always govern well, and
confider himfelf as at the mercy of the right heir,
if h6' was 'not in all things in the interefts and
heafts of his' people, which was often neglefted by
Princes, that . relied on an undoubted title. Lord
Howard, by'^a trick put both on the Duke of
Monmouth and Sidney, brought them to be ac-
quainted. He told Sidney that the Duke of Mon-
mouth was refolved to come fome day alone and
dine with him : And he made the Duke of Mon-
mouth believe that Sidney defired this, that fo he
might not feem to come and court the Duke of
Monmouth : And faid that fome regard was to be
had to his temper and age. Hamiden was alfo
taken into their fecret : He was the grandfon of
him that had pleaded the caufe of England, in
the point of the fhip money, with King . Charles
the firft. His father was a. very eminent man,
and had been zealous in the Exclufion :. He was
a young man of great parts -, one of the learnedeft
Gentlemen I have ever known •, for he was a cri-
tick both in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew : He was
' a" man of great heat and vivacity, but top unequal
in his temper : He had once great principles of
■Religion: Put he was much corrupted by P. Si-
mon's converfation at Paris. ■
They ^'- Withthefe men the Duke of Monmouth met
treat vyjtV'often.' His intereft in Scotland, both by the de-
th'^Scot-' P'^J^ciance that his wife's great eftate brought him,
tjihNa- pu^ chiefly by the knowledge he had of their affairs
Ifon. while he was among them, and by the confidence
* he knew they had all in ■ him, made him turn his|
"thoughts much towards that Kingdom, as thepro-
perefi: fcehe of adlion. He had met often with
■ tprd Argilid \yhile he was in 'London, and had
many conferences with him of the ftate of. that
Kingdorrt, and- of what might he done there:
of King C H A R L E s II. 195
And he thought the bufinefs of CaroHna was a ve- 1683.
ry proper bUnd to bring up fome of the Scotch v«.*v^-"
Gentlemen, under the appearance of treating about
that. They upon this agreed to fend one Aaron
Smith to Scotland, to defire that fome men of ab-
folute confidence might be lent up for that end-
So when the Proclamation, that was iorrnerly
mentioned, was publiflied, it fpread fuch an uni-
verfal apprehenfion thro' all the fufpe6led counties,
that they looked on themfelves as marked out to
deftrucftion : And it is very natural for people un-
cier fuch impreffions, to fet themfelves to look out
for remedies as loon as they can.
In the beginning of April fome of them came up.
The perfon that was moil entirely trufted, and to
whom the journey proved fatal, was Bailiie, of
whofe unjull treatment upon Carftairs's informa-
tion an account was formerly given. He was my
coufm german : So I knew him well. He was in
the prelbyterian principles, but was a man of great
piety and virtue, learned in the law, in mathcma-
ticks, and in languages : I went to him, as foon
as I heard he was come, in great fimplicity of
heart, thinking of nQd:iing but of Carolina. I
was only atraid they might go too much into the
company of the Englifh, and give true reprefcn-
tations of the ftate of affairs in Scotland : This
might be reported about by men that would name
them : And that might bring them into trouble.
But a few weeks after I found they came not to
me as they were wont to do : And I heard they were
often with Lord RufTei. I was apprehenfive of
this: And Lord Effex being in the country, I
went to him, to warn him of the danger, I feared
Lord Ruffel might be brought into, by this con-
verfation with my countrymen. He diverted me
from all my apprehenfions •, and told me, 1 might
depend on it. Lord Ruffel would be in nothing
without acquainting him : And he feemied to agree
entirely with me, that a rifmg, in the ftate in
Q 2 which
The History of the Reign
which things were then, would be fatal. I always
faid, that when the root of the conftitution was
llruck at to be overturned, then I thought fubjefts
might defend themfelves : But I thought jealoufies
and fears, and particular acls of injuftice, could '
not v/arrant this. He did agree with me in this :
He thought, the obligation between Prince and
fubjeft was fo equally mutual, that upon a breach
on the one fide the other was free : But tho' he
thought the late injuftice in London, and the end
that was driven at by it, did fet them at liberty to
look to them-felves, yet he confeffed things were
not ripe enough yet, and that an ill laid and an ill
managed rifing would be our ruin. I was then
nev^ly come from writing my hiftory of the Refor-
mation ; and did fo evidently fee, that the ftruggle
for lady Jean Grey, and V/yat's rifmg, was that
which threw the nation fo quickly into Pope^
ry after King Edward's days, (for fuch as had
rendrcd themfelves obnoxious in thofe matters faw
no other way to fecure themfelves, and found their
turning was a fure one,) that I was now very ap-
prehenfive of this ; befides that I thought it was •
yet unlawful. What p aft betv/een the Scots and
the EngliOi Lords I know not •, only that Lord
Argile, who was then in lioliand, afl^ed at firft
20O00 1, for buying a ftock of arms and amm.uni-
tion, which h§ afterwards brought down to 8000I,
and a thoufand horfe to be fent into Scotland:
Upon which he undertook the conduct of that
matter. I know no further than general hints of
their matters : For tho' Kamden offered frequently
to give me a particular account of it all* knowing,
that I was Vvriting the hiftory of that time, yet I
told him, that till by an indemnity that whole mat-
ter was buped, I would know none of thpfe fe-
rrets, which I might be obliged to revea], or to
lie and deny my knowledge of them i So to avoid
that I put ito|lat that time, And when J retyrned
iO England ac the Revolution^ w^ appointeci often
of King Char l e s IL
to meet, in order to a full relation of it all. But
by feveral accidents it went off, as a thing is apt to
do which one can recover at any time. And fo
his unhappy end came on before 1 had it from
him. I know this, that no money was raifed.
But the thing had got fome vent ; for my own
brother, a zealous Frefbyterian, who was come
from Scotland, it not beins; fafe for him to live
any longer in that Kingdom, knowing that he had
converfed with many that had been in the rebelli-
on, told me, there was certainly fomewhat in agi-
tation among them, about which fome of their
teachers had let out fomewhat YtiL'j freely to him-
felf: How far that matter went, and how the
fcheme was laid, I cannot tell -, and fo mud leave
it in the dark. Their contrail for the projefl of
Carolina feemed to go on apace : They had fent
fome thither the former year, who were now come
back, and brought them a particular account of
every thing : They iikewife, to cover their nego-
tiations v/ith Lord Argile, fent fome over to him ;
but with the blind of inflrudions for buying fhips
in Holland, and other things neceffary for their
tranlportation.
While this matter was thus in a clofe manage- Other
ment amiong them., there was another company ofConfpira-
Lord Shaftfbury's creatures, that met in the ^^'^'^^ "'^^'^
Temple in the chambers of one V/ell, a witty (-ju^g ^,^^^
and aftive man, full of talk, and believed to be a on defigns
determined Atheift. Rumfey and Fergufon came '^^ alTiffi-
conftantly thither. The former of thefe was an ?i'.''"2 '^®
officer in CromAveU's arrnVj who went into Por-
tugal with the forces that ferved there under
Schomberg, Fie did a brave adlion in that fer-
vicc : And Schcmbers;- writ a particular letter to
the King fetting it out : Upon which he got a place :
And he had applied him.felf to Lord Shaftlbury as
his patron. He was much trufied by him, and
fent often about on meiTages. Once or twice ,he
came to Lord Rufiel, but it was upon indifferent
O 3 things.
The FI I s T o R Y of the' Reign
things. Lord Ruffel faid to me, that at that very
time he felt fuch a fecret averfion to him, that he
was in no danger of trufting him much. He was
one of the bold talkers, and kept chiefly among
Lord Shaltfbury's creatures. He was in all the
fecret of his going beyond fea \ which feemed to
Ihew, that he was not then a fpy of the Court's,
which fome fufpeded he was all along. Fergufon
was a hot and a bold man, whole fpirit was natu-
rally turned to plotting : He v»as always unquiet,
and fetting people on to fome mifchief : I knew a
private thing of him, by which it appeared he was
a profligate knave, and could cheat thofe that
trufted him entirely : So tho' he, being a Scotch
m-an, took all the ways he could to be admitted
into fome acquaintance with me, I would never
fee him, or fpeak with him : And I did not know
his face till the Revolution : He was caft out by
the Prefbyterians ; and then went among the Inde-
pendents, where his boldnefs raifed him to fome
figure, tho' he was at bottom a very empty man :
He had the management of a fecret prefs, and of
a purfe that maintained it : And he gave about
moft of the pamphlets writ of that fide : And with
fonne he paft for the author of them : And fuch
was his vanity, becaufe this made him more conii-
derable, that he was not ill pleafed to have that be-
lieved i tho' it only expofed him fo much the
mort. With thefe Goodenough, who had been
Under-Sheriflf of London in Bethel's year, and
one Halloway of Briftol met often, and had a great
deal of rambling difcourfe, to fhew how eafy a
thing it was on the fudden to raife tour thoufand
men in the City. Goodenough by reafon of his
ofHce knev/ the City well, and pretended he knew
many men ot fo much credit in every corner of it,
and on whom they might depend, as could raife
that number, which he reckoned would quickly
grow much ftronger : And it is probable, this
was the icheme with which Lord Siiaftfoury was
fo
of King Charles II.
fo poffelTed, that he thought it might be depend-
ed on. They had many difcourfes of the heads of'
a declaration proper for fuch a rifmg, and difputed
ofthde with much fubtihy as they thought : And
they intended to fend Flalloway to Briftol, to try
what could be done there at the fame time. But
all this was only talk, and went no further than
to a few of their own confidents. Rumfey, Fer-
gufon, and Weft were often talking of the danger
of executing this, and that the Ihorter and furer
way was to kill the two brothers. One Rumbold, •
who had ferved in Cromwell's army, came twice
among them •, and while they were in that wicked
difcourfe, which they exprelTed by the term lop-
ping. He upon that told them, he had a farm
near Hodfden in the way to New-Market : And
there v/as a moat caft round his houfe, thro' which
the King fometimes paft in his way thither. He
faid, once the coach went thro' quite alone, with-
out any of the guards about it ; and that, if he
had laid any thing crofs the way to have ftopt the
coach but a minute, he could have fhot them
both, and have rode away thro' grounds, that he
knew fo well, that it would not have been poffible
to have followed him. Upon which they ran into
much wicked talk about the way of executing that.
But nothing was ever fixed on : All was but talk.
At one time Lord Howard was among them :
And they talked over their feveral fchemes of lop-
ping. One of them was to be executed in the Play
Hotife. Lord Howard faid, he liked that beft,
for then they would die in their calling. This
was fo like his way of talk, that it was eafily be-
lieved, tho' he always denied it. Walcot, an Iriili
Gentleman that had' been of Crom.well's army, was
now in London, and got into that company : And
he was made believe, that the thing was fo well
laid, that many both in City and Country were en-
gaged in it. He liked the proied; of a rifing, but
declared he would not meddle in their lopping.
O 4- S®
' 200^ " The History of the Reign
1683. So this wicked knot of men continued their ca-
j*nr«w/ ballings, from the tinne that the Earl of Shafcfbury
went away : And thefe were the fubjeds of their
difcourfes. The King went conftantly to New-
market for about a Month both in April andOdto-
ber. In April while he was there the fire broke
out, and burnt part of the town : Upon which
the King came back a week fooner than he in-
tended.
A plot is "While all thefe things were thus going on, there
difcover- v/as one Keeling, an Anabaptift in London, who
was finking in his bufmefs, and began to think
that of a witnefs would be the better trade. Good-
enough had employed him often to try their llrength
in the City, and to count on whom they could de-
pend for a fudden rifmg : He alfo talked to him
of the defign of killing the two brothers : So he
went and difcovered all he could to Leg, at that
time made Lord Dartmouth. Leg made no great
account of it, but fent him to Jenkins. Jenkins
took his depofitions, but told him he could not
proceed in it without more witnefTes : So he went
to his brother, who was a m.an of heat in his way,
but of probity, who did not incline to ill defigns,
and leis to difcover them. Keeling carried his
brother to Goodenough, and aflured him he might
be depended on. So Goodenough run out into a
rambling difcourfe of what they both could and
woul«d do : And^he alfo fpoke of killing the King
and the Duke, which would make their workeafy.
"When they left him, the difcoverer preffed his
brother to go along with him to Weftminfter,
where he pretended bufmefs, but ftopt at White-
hall.^ The other was uneafy, longing to get out
of his company, to go to feme friends for advice
upon what had hapned. But he drew him on :
And at laft,. he not knowing whether he was going*
he drew liim into Jenkins's office ; and there told
the Secretary he had brought another witnefs, who
had hearxi the fubllance of the plot from Good-
enousih's
of King C H A R L E S II. ^ 201
enough's own mouth juft then. His brother was 1683.
deeply ftruck with this cheat and furprize, but v.**-v-"»«;
could not avoid the making oath to Jenkins of all
he had heard. The Secretary, whofe phlegmatick
head was not turned for flich a work, let them both
go, and fent out no warrants, till he had commu-
nicated the matter to the reft of the Miniftry, the
King being then at Windfor. So Keeling, who
had been thus drawn into the fnare by his brother,
fent advertifements to Goodenough, and all the
other perfons whom he named, to go out of the
way.
Rumley and Weft were at this time perpetually
together : And apprehending that they had trufted
themfelves to too many perfons^ who might dif-
cover them, they laid a ftory, in which they re-
folved to agree fo well together, that they ftiould
not contradid: one another. They framed their A forged
ftory thus : That they had laid the defign of their ^o'^y laid
rifmg to be executed on the feventcenth of Novem- ^/^^""i"
ber, the day of Queen Elizabeth's coming to the vi/-e{i!
Crown, on which the citizens ufed to run toge-
ther, and carry about Popes in proceffion, and
burn them : So that day feemed proper to cover
their running together, till they met in a body.
Others, they faid, thought it beft to do nothing
on that day, the rout being ufually at night, but
to lay their rifmg for the next Sunday at the hou.r
of people's being at Church. This was laid to
Ihew how near the matter was to the being execut-
ed. But the part of their ftory that was the beft
laid, (for this looked ridiculous, ftnce they could
not name any one perfon of ziij condition that
"was to head this rifing,) was, that they pretended
that Rumbold had offered them his houfe in ther
Heath for executing the defign. It v/as called
Rye : And from thence it was called the Rye Plot.
He allied forty men, well armed and mounted,
whom Rumfey and Walcot were to command m
two parties : The one was to engage the guards, if
they
The History of the Reign
they fhould be near the coach : And the other was
to ilop the coach, and to murder the King and
the Duke. Rumfey took the ^^icked part on him-
felt, iaying, that Walcot had made a fcruple of
kiihng the King, but none of engaging the guards :
So Rumfey was to do the execution. And they'
faid, they were divided in their minds what to do
next : Some were for defending the moat till night,
and then to have gone off : Others were for riding
thro' grounds in a lliorter way towards the Thames.
Of thefe forty they could name but eight. But it
was pretended that Walcot, Goodenough, and.
Rumbold had undertaken to find both the reft of
the men and the horfes : For, tho' upon fuch an oc-
cafion men would have taken care to have had
fure and well tried horfes, this alfo was faid to be
trufted to others. As for arms, Weft had bought
fome, as on a commifTion for a plantation : And
thefe v/ere faid to be fome of the arms with which
they were to be furniftied •, tho' when they were
feen they feerned very improper for fuch a fervice.
I faw all Weft's iiarrative, which was put in Lord
Rochefter's hands : And a friend of mine borrowed
it of him, and lent it me. They were fo wife at
Court that they would not fuffer it to be printed ;
for then it would have appeared too grofs to be
believed.
But the part of it all that feemed the moft amaz-
ing was, that it was to have been executed on the
day in which the King had intended to return from
New-Market : But the happy fire that fent him
away a week fooner had quite defeated the whole
plot, while it was within a week of its execution,
and neither horfes, men, nor arms yet provided.
This feemed to be fo eminent a Providence, that
the whole nation was ftruck with it : And both
preachers and poets had a noble fubje6t to enlarge
on, and to fliew how much the King and the Duke
were under the watchful care of providence.
Within
»«.*'"V-<»J
of King C H A R L E s IL 203
Within three days after Keeling's difcovery the i6S^.
plot broke out, and became the whole difcourfe
of the TowQ. Many examinations were taken^
and feveral perfons v/ere clapt up upon it. Among
thefe Wildman was one, who had been an agitator
in Cromwell's armyj and had oppofed his Protec-
torfhip. After the Reiloration he being looked
on as a high republican was kept long in prifon 1
where he had ftudied law and.phyfick fo muchj
that he paft as a man very knowing in thofe mat-
ters. He had away of creating in others a great
opinion of his fagacity, and had great credit with
the Duke of Buckingham, and was now very aftive
under Sidney's conduft. He was feized onj and
his houfe was fearched : In his cellars there hap-
ned to be two fmall field-pieces that belonged to the
Duke of Buckingham, and that lay in York-Houfe
when that was fold, and was to be pulled down :
Wildman carried thofe two pieces, which were fine-
ly wrought, but of little ufe, into his cellars,
where they were laid on ordinary wooden carriages,
and no v/ay fitted for any fervice : Yet thefe were
carried to Whitehall, and expofed to view, as aa
undeniable proof of a rebellion defigned, fince here
was their cannon.
Several perfons came to me from Court, aflliring
me that there was full proof made of a plot. Lord
, Howard coming foon after them to fee me, talked
, : of the whole matter in his fpitefui way with fo
,,.much fcorn, that I really thought he knew of
nothing, and by confequence I believed there was
. no truth in all thefe difcoveries. He faid, the
1^ Court knew they were fure of Juries, and they
^.would furnifh themfelves quickly with witnelTes :
And he fpoke of the Duke as of one that would
.. be worfe, not only than Qiieen Mary, but than
Nero : And with eyes and hands lifted to heaven
t he vowed to me, that he knew of no plot, and
that he believed nothing of it.
3 Two
204 The HisTORYof the Reign
1683. Two days after, a Proclamation came out for
v-«-v"w feizing on fome who could not be found : And
among thefe Rumfey and Weft were named. The
next day Weft delivered himfelf : And Rumfey
came in a day after him. Thefe two brought out
their ftory, which, how incredible foever it was,
paft fo for certain, that any man that feemed to
doubt it was concluded to be in it. That of de-
fending themfeives within mud walls and a moat,
looked like the invention of a lawyer, who could
not lay a military contrivance with any fort of pro-
bability. Nor did it appear where the forty horfe
were to be lodged, and how th^y were to be brought
together. All thefe were thought obje6lions that
could be made by none but thofe who either were
of it, or wiftied vv^ell to it. Thefe new witnefies
had alfo heard of the conferences that the Duke of
Monmouth and the other Lords had with thofe
who Were come from Scotland, but knew nothing
of it themfelves. Rumfey did likewife remember
the difcourfe at Shepherd's.
Ruffel and When the Council found the Duke of Mon-
fome mouth and Lord RufTel were named, they writ to
S^Vre^pat ^^^ ^i^g ^0 come to London : They would not
in prifon venture to go further without his prefence and
.^»pon it, leave. A meflenger of the Council was fent the
morning before the King came, to wait at Lord
Ruilei's gate, to have ftopt him if he had offered
to go out. This was obTerved-, for he walked
many hours there : And it was looked on as done
on purpofe to frighten him away j for his back
gate was not v/atched : So for feveral hours he
might have gone away it he had intended it. He
heard that Rumfey had named him : But he knew
he had not trufted him, and he never refjedlcd on
the difcourfe at Shepherd's. He fent his wife
among his friends for advice. They vvere of dif-
ferent minds : But fince he faid he apprehended
nothing, from any thing he had faid to Rumfey,
they- thought his going out of the way would give
I the
of King Charles II. 205
the Court too great an advantage, and would Ipok i6S^.
like a confefiang of guilt. So this agreeing with v.
his own mind, he flayed at home till the King
was come : And then a meffenger was fent to car-
ry him before the Council. He received it very
compofedly, and went thither. Rumfey had alfo
faid, that at Shepherd's there was fome dif-
coyrfe of Tren chard's undertaking to raife a body
out of Taunton, and of his failing in it : So Lord
RufTel was examined upon that, the King telling
him, that no body fufpeded him of any defiga
againft his perfon, but that he had good evidence
of his being in defigns againft his government.
Lord Ruffe! protefted, he had heard nothing re-
lating to Trenchard : And faid to the laft, that ei-
ther it was a lidion of Rumfey's, or it had palt
between him and Armftrong, while he was walk-
ing about the room, or tafting the wines at Shep-
herd's ; for he had not heard a word of it. Upon
all this he was fent a clofe prifoner to the Tower.
Sidney was brought next before the Council.
But his examination lafted not long. He faid, he
jnuft make the beft defence he could, if they had
any proof againft him : But he would not fortify
their evidence by any thing he fhould fay. And
indeed that was the wifeft courfe ; for the anfwer-
ing queftions upon fuch examinations is a very
dangerous thing : Every word that is faid is laid
hold on, that can be turned againft a man's felf or
his friends, and no regard is had to what he rnight
fay in favour of them : And it had been happy
for the reft, efpecially for Baillie, if they had all
held to this maxim. There was at that time np
fort of evidence againft Sidney, fo that his com-
I rnitment was againft law. Trenchard was alfo ex-
I amined : He denied every thing. But one point
of his guilt v/as well known : He was the firft' man
I that had moved the Exclufion in the Houfe of
' CgiDniQus 1 Sq he was reckoned a loft man.
P^illie
2o6 The History of the Reign
1683. Baillie and two other Gentlemen of Scotland,
c„«,^-%j both Campbells, had changed their lodgings while
the Town was in this fermentation : And upon
that they were feized on as fufpeded perfons, and
brought before the King. He himfelf examined
them, and firft queltioned them about the defign
againil his perfon, which they very frankly anfwered,
and denied they knew any thing about it. Then
he a&ed them, if they had been, in any confulta-
tions \^ith Lords or others in England, in order to
an infurreftion in Scotland. Baillie faultred at
this : For his confcience reftrained him from lying.
He faid, he did not know the importance of thofe
queftions, nor what ufe might be made of his an-
fwers : He delired to fee them in writing, and then
he would confider how to anfwer them. Both the
King and the Duke threatned him upon this : And
he leemed to negleft that with fo much of the air
of a Philofopher, that it provoked them out of
meafure againft him. The other two were fo lately
come from Scotland, that they had feen no body,
and knew nothing. Baillie was loaded by a fpe-
cial diredlion with very heavy irons : So that for
fome weeks his life was a burden to him. Coch-
ran, another of thofe who had been concern'd in
this Treaty, was complained of, as having talked
very freely of the Duke's government of Scotland.
Upon which the Scotch Secretary fent a note to
him deliring him to come to him ; for it was in-
tended only to have given him a reprimand, and
to have ordered him to go to Scotland. But he
knew his own fecret : So he left his lodgings, and
got beyojid fea. This fhewed the Court had not
yet got full evidence : Otherwife he would have
been taken up, as well as the others v/ere.
-, As foon as the Council rofe, the King went to
njf,„th the Duchefs of Monmouth's, and feemed fo much
and others concerned for the Duke of Monmouth, that he
efcaped. -^^--ept as he fpoke to her. That Duke told a ftrange
paffage relating to that vifitj to the Lord Cutts,
froin
©f King Charles II. 207
fj*om whom I had it. The King told his Lady, 16S3,
that fome were to come and fearch her lodgings : L/'VNJ
But he had given order that no fearch fhould be
rnade in her apartments : So fhe might conceal him
fafely in them. But the Duke of Monmouth add-
ed, that he knew him too well to truft him : So
he went out of his lodgings. And it feems he
judged right : For the place, that was firft fearched
for him, was her rooms : But he was gone. And
he gave that for the reafon why he couhd never
trull the King aft e"r that. It is not likely the King
meant to proceed to extremities with him, but that
he intended to have him in his own hands, and iij
his power.
An order was fent to bring up the Lord Grey,
which met him coming up. He was brought be-
fore the Council, where he behaved himfelf with
great prefence of rnind. He was fent to the Tower.
But the gates were fhut : So he flaid in the mef-
fenger's hands all night, whom he furniihed fo li-
berally with wine, that he was dead drunk. . Next
morning he went with him to the Tower gate,
the meffenger being again fall afleep. He himfelf
called at the Tower gate, to bring the Lieutenant
"bf the Tower to receive a prifoner. But he began
to think he might be in danger : He found Rum-
■fey was one, witnefs : And if another fhould come
in he was gone : So ■ he called for a pair of oars,
^nd went away, leaving the drunken meifenger
*fail afleep. Warrants were fent for feveral other
■perfons : Some went out of the way, and others
,. %ere difm.iiTed after fome months imprifonment.
'The King fhewed fome appearance of fincerity in
examining the witneffes : He told them, he would
not have a growing evidence : And fo he charged
them to tell out at once all that they knew : He led
l-'thernmto no accufations by afking them any quef-
tions : He only af!<ed themj if Oates was in their
fecret ? They anfwered, that they all looked on
hin; as fi^ich a rogue, that they would not trufl
him.
The History of the Reign
him. The King alfo faid, he found Lord Howard
was not among them, and he believed that was
upon the fame account. There were many more
perfons named, and more particulars fet down in
Weft's narrative, than the Court thought fit to
make ufe of : For they had no appearance of truth
in them.
Lord RuiTel, from the time of his imprifon-
ment, lopked upon himfelf as a dead man, and
turned his thoughts wholly to another world. He.
read miich in the Scriptures, particularly in the
Pfalms, and read Baxter's dying thoughts. He
was as ferene and calm as if he had been in no
danger at all. A Committee of Council came to
examine him upon the defign of feizing on the
guards, and about his treating v/ith the Scots. He
anfwered them civilly •, and faid, that he was now
preparing for his trial, where he did not doubt
but he fhould anfwer every thing that could be
obje£led to him. From him. they went to Sidney,
who treated them more roughly : He faid, it feem-
ed they wanted evidence, and therefore they were
come to draw it from his own mouth; but they
ihouid have nothing from him. Upon this exa-
mination of lord Ruffel, in which his treating
with the Scots, was fo pofitively charged on him,
as a thing of which they were well alTured, his
Lady defire/d me to fee v/ho this could be, that had
fo charged him : But this appeared to be only an
artifice, to draw a confeffion from him. Cochran
was gone : And Bailiie was a clofe prifoner, and
was very ill ufed : None were admitted to him. I
fent to the keeper of the prifon to let him want
for nothing, and that I fhould fee him paid. I
alfo at his defire fent him books for his entertain-
ment, for which I was threatned with a prifon. I
.faid, I was his neareft kinfman in the place, and
this was only to do as I would be done by. From
v.'hat I found among the Scots, I (quieted the fears
of Lord KulTei's friends,
Lord
of King Charles IL
Lord Howard was ft ill going about, and pro-
tefting to every perlon he law that there was no
plot, and that he knew of none : Yet he feemed
to be under a confternation all the while. Lord
RuxTel told me, he was with him vv^hen the news
was brought that Weft had delivered himfelf, up-
on which he faw him change colour : And he afk-
ed him, if he apprehended any thing from him ?
He confelTed, he had been as free with him as
with any man. Hamden faw him afterwards un-
der great fears : And upon that he wiftied him to
go out of the way, if he thought there was mat-
ter againft him, and if he had not a fcrength of
mind to fiiffer. any thing that might happen to
him. The King fpoke of him with fuch con-
tempt, that it was not probable that he was all
this while in correfpondence v/ith the Court.
At laft, four days before Lord Ruffel's trial, he Howard's
was taken in his own houfe after a long fearch ; <^Jnfei?ion«
and v/as found ftanding up v/ithin a chimney. As
foon as he was taken he fell a crying : And at his
lirft examination he told, as he faid, all that he
knew. Weft and Rumfey had refolved only to
charge fome of the lower fort y but had net laid
every thing fo well together, but that they were
found contradifting one another. So Rumfey
charged Weft for concealing fome things : Upon
which he w^as laid in irons, and was threatned with
being hanged : For three days he would eat no-
thing, and Teemed refolved to ftarve himfelf: But
nature overcame his refolutions : And then he told '
all he knew, and perhaps msre than he knew j
for I believe it was at this time that he wrote his
narrative. And in that he told a new ftory of
Lord Howard, v/liich was not very credible, that
he thought the beft way of killing the King and
the Duke, was for the Duke of Monmouth to fall
into Newmarket with a body of three or four
hundred horfe when they were all afteep, and fo
to take them all : As if it had been an eafy matter
Vol. II. P to
210 The History of the Reign
1683. to get fuch a body together, and to carry them
v-'-'V"^ thither invifibly upon fo defperate a fervice. Upon
Lord Howard's examination, he told a long ftory
of Lord Shaftlbury's defign of raifing the City :
He affirmed, that the Duke of Monmouth had
told him, how Trenchard had undertaken to bring
a body of men from Taunton, but had failed in it :
He confirmed that of a rifing intended in the City
on the feventeenth or the nineteenth of November
laft : But he knew of no body that was to be at
the head of it. So this was looked on as only
talk. But that which came more home was, that
he owned there was a Council of fix fettled, of
which he himfelf was one •, and that they had had
feveral debates among them concerning an infur-
reftion, and where it fhould begin, whether in the
City or in the Country •, but that they refolved
to be firft well informed concerning the ftate Scot-
land was in -, and that Sidney had fent Aaron
Smith to Scotland, to bring him a fure informa-
tion from thence, and that he gave him fixty
guineas for his journey: More ot that matter he
did not know ; for he had gone out of Town to the
Bath, and to his ellate in the Country. During
his ablence the Lords began to apprehend their er-
ror in trufting him : And upon it Lord Effex faid
TO Lord Rullel, as the laft told me in prifon, that
the putting them.felves in the power of fuch a man
would be their reproach, as well as their ruin, for
trufting a man of fq ill a charafler : So they re-
folved to talk no more to him : But at his next
coming to Town they told him, tliey faw it was
..neceffary at prefent to give over all confultations,
atid to be quiet : And after that they faw him very
little. Hamden was upon Lord Howard's difco-
very feized on : He, when examined, defired not
to be prefied v;ith queftions : So he was fent to the
Tower.
A party of horfe was fent to bring up Lord
Eifex, who had ftaid allthis v/hile at :his'houfe in
. -*- - the
of King C H A R L E s ll. 2 i I
the Country ; and leemed fo little apprehensive of i68 j.
danger, that his own Lady did not imagine he ^-^^--O
had any concern on his mind. He was offered to ^'p' J'^'^^
be conveyed away very fafely : But he would not ^^j'fg^j.
ftir. His tendernefs for Lord RuiTel was the caufe to the
of this : For he thought, his going out of the Tower,
way, might incline the Jury to believe the evi-
dence the more, for his abfconding. He feemed
refolvedj'as foon as he faw hov/ that went, to take
care ofikimfelf. When the party came to bring
him up, he was at firft in fome diforder, yet he
recovered himfelf. But when he came before the
Council, he was in much confufion. He was f&nt
to the Tower : And there he fell under a o-reat de-
preffion of fpirit : He could not fleep at all. He
had fallen before that twice under great fits of the
fpleen, which returned now upon him v/ith more
violence. He fent by a fervant, whom he had
long trufted, and who was fuffered to come to
him, a very melancholy meifage to his wife ; That
what he was charged with was true : He was forry
he had ruined her and her children : But he had
fent for the Earl of Clarendon, to talk freely to
him, who had married his filter. She immedi-
ately fent back the fervant, to beg of hirn that
he w^ould not think of her or her children, but
only ftudy to fuppori: his ov/n fpirits ; and defired
him to fay nothing to Lord Clarendon, nor to any
body elfe, till fhe fliould come to him, which fhe
was in hope to obtain leave to do in a day or two.
Lord Clarendon came to him upon his meifage :
But he turned the matter fo well to him, as if he
had been only to explain fomewhat, that he had
miilaken himfelt in, when he was before the
Council: But as to that for which he was clapt
up, he faid there was nothing in it, and it would
appear how innocent he was. So Lord Clarendon
went away in a great meafure fatisfied, as he him-
felf told m.e. His Lady had another mellage from
him, that he was much calmer: efpecialiy when
P 2 hs
212 The History of the Reign
1683. he found how Ihe took his condition to heart, with-
i-*--/-*^ out feeming concerned for her own (hare in it.
He ordered many things to be fent to him.: ,Anji
; among other things he called at feveral times for' a
- penknife, with which he ufed to pare his nails very
nicely : So this was thought intended for an amufe-
ment. But it was not brought from his houfe in
the Country, tho' fent for. And when it did
not come, he called for a razor, andfj^y* that
would dq: as well. The King and the Dykfecame
to the Tower that morning, as was given out, to
fee fom^e invention about the ordinance. As they
were going into their barge, the cry came after
them of what had hapned to Lord Effex : For
his man, thinking he ftaid longer than ordinary in
his clofet, faid, he looked thro' the key-hole, and
there faw him lying dead : Upon which the door
being broke open, he was found dead ; his throat
cut, fo that both the jugulars and the gullet were
cut, a little above the Afpera Arteria. I fhall af-
terwards give an account of the. further enquiry
into this matter, which paft then univerfally as
done by himfelf. The Coroners Juiy found it
feif-murder.^ And when his body was brought
home to his owrjlioufe, and the wound was exa-
mined by his 0wn Surgeon, he faid to me, it was
impofTible the wound could be as it was, if given
by any hand but his own : For except he had call
his head back, and ftretched up his neck all he
could, the Afpera Arteria muft have been cut.
But to go on with this tragical day, in which I loll
the two beft friends I had in the world :
The Lord The Lord Rufiel's trial was fixed for that day,
Rufiel's _^ Jury was returned that confiiled of citizens of
^ ' London who were not freeholders. So the firft
poi.it argued in law was, whether this could be a
legal Jury. The flatute was exprefs : And the
reafon was, that none but men of certain eilates
might try a man upon his life. It was arifwered,
that the pradice of the City was to the contrary,
upon
of King Charles II.
upon the very reafoii of the law : For the richefl
men oF the City were often no freeholders, but
merchants whofe wealth lay in their trade and
ftock. So this was over-ruled, and the Jury was
fworn. They were pickt out with great care, be-
ifig men of fair reputation in other refpe6ls, but
fo engaged in the party for the Court, that they
were eafy to believe any thing on that fide. Rum*'
fey. Shepherd, and Lord Howard were the wit-
nelfes, who depofed according to what was for-
merly related. Shepherd fwore. Lord Ruifel was
twice at his houfc, tho' he was never there but
once. And when Lord Ruflel lent him word after
his fentence, that he forgave him all he had fworn
againft him, but that he muft remember that he
was never within his doors but one fingle time :
To which all the anfwer Shepherd made was, that
all the while he was in Court during the trial, he
was under fuch a confufion, that he fcarce knew
wha:t he faid. Both Rumfey and he fwore, that
Lord Ruifel had exprefled his confent to the feiz-
jng on the guards, tho' they did not fv/ear any one
word that he fpoke which imported it : So that
here a man was convi6ted of treafon, for being pre-
fent by accident, or for fome innocent purpofe,
where treafonable matter was difcourfed, without
bearing a part in that difcourfe, or giving any af-
fent by words or otherwife to what was fo dif-
courfed ; which at the moft amounts to mifprifion,
or concealment of treafon only. As Lord How-
ard began " his evidence, the news of the Earl of
Effex's death came to the Court. Upon which
Lord Howard flopped, and faid, he could not go
on till he gave vent to his g'^ief in fome tears. He
foon recovered himfelf, and told all his ftory.
Lord Ruffel defended himfelf by many compur-
gators, who fpoke very fully of his great worth,
and that it was not likely he would engage in ill
defigns. Some others befides myfelf teftified, how
folemnly Lord Howard had denied his knowledge
P 3 , of
214 The History of the Reign
1683. of any plot, upon its firft breaking out. Finch,
v-^V*^ the Solicitor General, faid, no regard was to be
had to that, for all witnelTes denied at firfb. It
was anfwered, if thefe denials had been only to a
magiftrate, or at an examination, it might be
thought of lefs moment : But fuch foiemn deni-
o
als, with affeverations, to friends, and officioufly
offered, ihewed that fuch a witnefs was fo bad a
man, that no credit was due to his tefbimony. It
was alfo'.urged that it was not fworn by any of the
witnefles, that Lord Ruffel had fpoken any fuch
words, or words to that effefl : And without fome
fuch indication, it could not be known that he
hearkned to the difcourfe, or confented to it. Lord
Ruffel alfo afeed, upon what ftatute he was tried :
if upon the old ftatutc of the twenty fifth of Ed-
ward the third, or if upon the ftatute m.ade declar-
ing what fliali be held trealbn during the King's
reign ? They could not rely on the laft, becaufe of
the limitation of time in it : Six months, and fome-
thing more, were paffed fince the time of thefe dif-
courfes : So they relied on the old ftatute. Upon
which he afked, where was the overt-a6l ? For
none appeared. It was alfo faid, that by that fta-
tute the very imagining the King's death, when
proved by an overt-adl, was treafon : But it was
only the levying war, and not the imagining to
levy war againft the King, that was treafon by that
ftatute. Cook and Hale were of this opinion, and
gave their reafons for it. And it feemed, that the
Parliament that pail the aft of treafon during the
prefent Reign Vv-ere of that mind •- for they enume-r
rated confultations to raife v/ar among tliofe things
which were declared to be treafon during that Reign :
This fhewed, that they did not look on them as
comprehended within the old ftatute. The King's
Couhfel pretended, that confultations to feize on
the guards were an overt- ad: of a defign againfl
the King's perfon. But thofe forces, that have
got thie defignation of guards appropriated to them.
, of King C H A R L E s II. 2 15
are not the King's guards in law: They are not 1683. t
lb much as allowed of by law : For even the lately *^/"Vn^.
difTolved long Parliament, that was fo careful of
the King, and fo kind to him, would never take
notice of the Ring's forces, much lefs call them
his guards* The guards were only a company of
men in the King's pay : So that a defign to feize
on them amounted to no more, than to a defign to
feize on a part of the King's army. But the word
guards, founded fo like a fecurity to the King's per-
fon, that the defign againft them was conllTuded
a defign againft his life : And yet none of the wit^n
nefles fpoke of any defign againft the King's per-
fon. Lord Howard fwore pofitively, that they,
had no fuch defign. Yet the one was conftruded
to be the natural confequence of the other. So
that after all the declaming againft a conftruftive
treafon in the cafe of Lord Strafford, the Court was
always running into it, when they had a mind tQ.;
deftroy any that ftood in their v^ay. Lord Rufteli
defired, that his Counfel might be heard to this"
point of feizing the guards : But that was denied^
unlefs he would confefs the fad : And he would
not do that, becaufe, as the witneffes had fworn it,^
it was falfe. Hi once intended to have related the'
whole faft, j.uft as it was : But his Counfel advifed
him againft it. Some of his friends were for -it,
who thought that it could amount to no more than
a concealment and mifprifion of treafon. Yet the
Counfel diftinguifhed between a bare knowledge,^.
and a concealing that, and a joining defignedly irr;
council with men that did defign treafon : For m
that cafe, tho' a man fhould diifer in opinion from
a treafonable propofition, yet his mixing in coun-
cil with fuch men will in law make him a traitor.
Lord Ruffel fpoke but little : Yet in few words he
touched on all the material points of law thathad
been fuggefted to him. Finch fummed up the evi-
dence againft him : But in that, and in feveral
pther trials afterwards, he fliewed more of a vici-
P 4 om
2 3 6 The History of the Reiga
1683. ous eloquence, in turning matters with fome fub-
iJ•''"^0-' tletyagainit the priibrxers, than of folid or Uncerc
reafoning. Jefferies would fhew his zeal, and fpeak
after hirn :; But it was only an infolent declama-
tion, fuch as all his v/ere, full of fury and indecent
invedives. Pemberton was the head of the Court^
the other Bench not being yet filled, lie fum-
med.'vup the evidence at firll very tairly : But in
cbnciufion he told the Jury, that. a. defign to feize
the guards was furely a defign againft the King's
life. But tho'.he.ifruGk upon this, which was the
main point, yetit was thought tliathis ftating the
whole matter with: fo' little eagernefs againft Lord
Ruffe], was that which loft him his place : For he
was turned out fbon after. Lord RuiTel's beha-
viour during the tria] was decent and compofed :
So that he feemed very little concerned in the iffue
of the matter. He was a man of fo much candour,
that he fpoke little as to the fa6l : For fince he was
advifed not to tell the v/hoie truth, he could not
fpeak againft that which he knew to be true, tho'
in fome particulars it had been carried beyond the
'tKith. But he was not aliov/ed to make the dif-
ference : So he Itk that wholly to the Jury, who
He was brought in their verdid: againft him, upon which
condemn- ^g received fentence.
He then compofed himfelf to die with great fe-
- ■ rioufnefs. He faid, he was fure the day of his
trial was more uneafy to him, than that of his ex-
ecution would be. All poffible methods were ufed to
have faved his life : B/Ioney was offered to the Lady
Fortfmouth, and to all that had credit, and that
without meafure. He was preffed to fend petiti-
ons and fubmlffions to the King, -and to the Duke :
But he \d't it to his friends to confider how far
thefe might go, and how they v/ere to be v/orded.
All he was brought to was, to offer to live beyond
fea in any place that the King fliOuld name, and
never to meddle any more in Englif^ affairs. But
ail was in vain : Both King and Duke were fixed
in
of King Charles II. 217
in theii- refoiutions j but with this difference, as 1683.
Lord Rochefter afterwards told me, that the Duke
fufFered fome, among wliom he was one, to argue
the point with him, but the King could not bear
the difcourfe. Some have faid, that the Duke
moved that he might be executed in Southamp-
ton fquare, before his own houfe, but that the King
rejedled that as indecent. So Lincolns-Inn-Fields
was the place appointed for his execution. The
laft week of his Hfe he was fhut up all the morn-
ings, as he himfelf defired. And about noon I
came to him, and ftaid with him till night. All
the while he expreffed a very Chriftian temper,
without Iharpnefs or refentment, vanity or affecta-
tion. His whole behaviour looked like a triumph
over death. Upon fome occafions, as at table, or
when his friends came to fee him, he was decently
chearful. I was by him when the Sheriffs came
to fhew him the warrant for his execution. He
read it vv'ith indifference : And when they were
gone he told me, it was not decent to be merry
with fuch a matter, otherwife he was near telling
Rich, (who tho' he was now of the other fide,
yet had been a member of the Houfe of Com-
mons, and had voted for the excluiion,) that they
fhoLild never fit together in that Houfe any more
to vote for the bill of Exclufion. The day before
his death he fell a bleeding at the nofe : Upon that,
he faid to me pleafantly, I ffiall not now let blood
to divert this ; That v/ill be done to-morrow. At
night it rained hard : And he faid, fuch a rain
to-morrow will fpoil a great fhew, which was a dull
thing in a rainy day. He faid, the fins of his
youth lay heavy upon his mind ; But he hoped
3od had forgiven them, for he was fure he had
^orfaken them, and for many years he had walk-
ed before God with a fincere heart : If in his pub-
ick aftings he had committed errors, they were
jniy the errors of his underftanding ; for he had
^0 prirate ends, nor ill defigns of his own in
2 ' them J
for death.
The History of the Reign
them : He was ftill of opinion that the King was
limited by law, and that when he broke thro*
thofe limits his fubjeds might defend themfelves^
and reftrain him : He thought a violent death was
a verv defirable way of ending one's life : It was
only the being expofed to be a little gazed at, and
to fuffer the pain of one minute, which^ he was-
confident, was not equal to the pain of drawing a
tooth. He laid, he felt none of thofe tranfports
that fome good people felt ; but he had a full calm
in his mind, no palpitation at heart, nor trembling
at the thoughts of death. He was much conceftt^-'
ed at the cloud that feemed to be now over his
Country : But he hoped his death fhould do more
fervice, than his life could have done.
Kh pre- xhis was the fubftance of the difcourfe between
^^l^^'f.'!^. him and me. Tillotfon was oft with him that laft
week. We thought the party had gone too quick,
in their confultations, and too far -, and that re-
fiftance in the condition we were then in was not
lawful. He faid, he had not leifure to enter into^
difcourfes of politicks-, but he thought a govern-
ment limited by law was only a name, if the fub-
jeds might not maintain thofe limitations by force:;;
Otherwife all was at the difcretion of the Prince :
That was confary to all the notions he had lived
in of our government. But he faid, there waS
nothing among them but the embrio's of things,
that were never like to have, any effed, and that
were now quite diffolved. Hs thought, it was
neccffary for him to leave a paper behind him at
his death : And becaufe he had not been accuftom-
ed to draw fuch papers, he defired me to give him
a fcheme of the heads fit to be fpoken to, and of
the order in which they fhould be laid : Which I
did. And he was three days employed for fome
time in the morning to write out his fpeech. He
ordered four copies to be made of it, all whicl^
he figned -, and gave the original, with three of thf
copies to his Lady, and kept the other to give t(
I
of King Charles II.
the Sheriffs on tke Scaffold. He writ it with oreat
care : And the paffages that were tender he writ in
papers apart, and fbewed them to his Lady, and
to myfelt,, before he writ them out fair. He was
very eafy when this was ended. He alfo writ a
letter to the King, in which he allied pardon for
every thing he had faid or done contrary to his
duty, protefting he was innocent as to all defigns
againft his perfon or government, and that his heart
was ever devoted to that, which he thought was
his true intereft. He added, that tho' he thought
he had met with hard meafure, yet he forgave all
concerned in it from the highefl to the loweft ;
and ended, hoping that his Majefty's difpleafure
at him would ceafe with his own lite, and that no
part of it fhould fall on his wife and children. The
day before his death he received the Sacrament
from Tillotfon with much devotion. And I preach-
ed two fliort fermons to him, which^he heard with
great atfeclion. And we were fhut up till towards
the evening. Then he fuffered his children that
were very young, and feme few of his friends to
take leave of him ; in which he maintained his
conftancy of temper, tho' he was a very fond fa-
ther. He alfo parted with his Lady with a com-
pofed filence : And, as foon as fhe was gone, he
faid to me. The bitternefs of death is pall : For
he loved and efteemed her beyond exprefTion, as
fhe well deferved it in all refpefts. She had the
command of herfelf fo much, that at parting fhe
gave him no difturbance. He went into his cham-
ber about midnight : And I ftaid all night in the
outward room. He went not to bed till about two
in the morning : And was faft afleep till four, when
according to his order we called him. He was
quickly dreffed, but would lofe no time infliaving^
For he faid, he was not concerned in his good looks
that day.
He was not ill pleafed with the account he heard
that morning of the manner of Wakot's death,
who
The History of the Reign
who together with one Hone and Rowfe had fuf-
_ . , fered the day before. Thefe were condemned
The trial ^pon the evidence of the witneffes. Rumfey and
cltimof ^^^ ^^^^^ ^"^^y againft Walcot : He had alfo
Wakot^ writ a letter to the Secretary offering to make dif-
ard coveries, in which he faid the plot was laid deep
ethers. ^^^ ^[^q^ Walcot denied at his death the whole
bufmefs of the Rye-Plot, ajid of his undertaking
to fight the guards while others Ihould kill the
King. He faid. Weft had often fpoken of it to
him in the phrafe of lopping; and that he always
raid he would not meddle in it, and that he looked
on it as an infamous thing, and as that which the
Duke of Monmouth would certainly revenge, tho'
Weft alTured him that Duke had engaged un-
der his hand to confent to it. This confeffion of
Wajcot's, as it Ihewed himfelf very guilty, fo it
m^de Weft appear fo black, that the Court made
no more ufe of him. Hone, a poor tradefman ir^
London, who it feems had fome heat but fcarce
any fenfe in him, was drawn in by Keeling, and
Lee, another witnefs, who was alfo brought in by
Keeling to a very vs^ild thing, of killing the King
but fparing the Duke, upon this conceit, that wc
would be in lefs danger in being under a profefTed
Fapift than under the King. Hone had promifed
to ferve in the execution of it, but neither knew
when, where, nor hov/ it was to be done : So, tho*
he feemed fitter for a Bedlam than a trial, yet h^
was tried the day before the Lord Ruflel, and fuf-
fered with the others the day before him. He con-
feffed his own guilt -, but faid, thefe who witnefled
againft him had engaged him in that defign, for
which they now charged him : But he knew no-
thing of any other perfons, befides himfelf and the
two witneffes. The third was one Rowfe, who hat!
belonged to Player the Chamberlain of London j
againftwhom Lee and Keeling fwore the fame
things. He was more affefted with a fenfe of the
heat and fury with which he had been aded, than
th^
of King C H A K. L E S II. 221
the Others were : But he denied, that he was ever i68^.
in any defign againft the King's life. He faid, the v— y— i
witneffes had let fall many wicked things of that
matter in difcourfe with him : So that he was re-
folved to difcover them, and was only waiting till
he could find out the bottom of their defigns :
But that now they had prevented him. He vin-
dicated all his acquaintance from being any way
concerned in the matter, or from approving fuch
defigns. Thefe men dying as they did, was fuch
^ difgrace to the v/itneffes, that the Court faw it
was not fit to make any further ufe of them. Great
ufe was made of the conjunftion of thefe two plots,
one for a rifing, and another for an aiTaffination.
It was faid, that the one was that, which gave the
heart and hope to the other black confpiracy : By
which they were over all England blended toge-
ther as a plot within a plot, which caft a great load
f)n the whole party.
Lord RuiTel feemed to have fome fatisfadion to buffers
find, that there was no truth in the whole contri- ^^^^^^^°^'
vance of the Rye-Plot : So that he hoped, that in-
famy, which now blafted their party, would foon
go off. He went into his chamber fix or fevcn
times in the morning, and prayed by himfclf, and
then came out to Tillotfon and me : He drunk a
little tea and fome fherry. He wound up his
watch i and faid, now he had done with time, and
was going to eternity. H^e afked what he fhould
give the executioner : I told him ten guineas : He
faid, with a fmile, it v/as a pretty thing to give a
fee to have his head cut off. Vv'hen the Sheriffs
called him about ten a clock. Lord Cavendifh was
Waiting below to take leave of him. They em-
: braced very tenderly. Lord RufTel, after he had
sleft him, upon a fudden thought came back to
I him, and prefled him earneftly to apply himlelf
jmore to religion •, and told him what great com-
fort and fupport he felt from it now in his extre-
mity. Lord Cavendifh had very generoufly offer-
ed
222 The History of the Reign
1683. ed to manage his efcape, and to ftay in prifon for
v-nc'.ta/ him while he fhould go away in his cloaths : But
he would not hearken to the motion. The Duke
of Monmouth had alfo lent me word, to let him
know, that, if he thought it could do him any fer-
vice, he would come in, and run fortunes with
him. He anfwered, it would be of no advantage
to him to have his rriends die with him. Tillot-
fbn and I went in the coach with him to the place
of execution. Some of the croud that filled the
ftreets wept, while others infulted : He was touch-
ed with a tendernefs that the one gave him, but
did not feem at all provoked by the other. He
was finging Pfalms a great part of the way ; and
faid, he hoped to fmg better very foon. As he
obferved the great crouds of people all the way,
he faid to us, I hope i Ihall quickly fee a much
better affembly. When he came to the Scaffold,
he walked about it four or five times. Then he
turned to the Sheriffs, and delivered his paper.
He protefted, he had always been far from any de-
ligns againfl the King's lite or government : He
prayed God would prefer ve both, and the Prote-
if ant Religion. He wiHied all Froteftants might
love o«K another, and not make way for Popery
by their animohties.
Ruffers xhe fubftance of the paper he gave them was,
f'eech ^^^^ ^ profeffion of his Religion, and of his fince-
rity in it : That he was of the Church of England :
But wifhed all v/ould unite together againft the
common enemy : That Churchmen would be lefs
fevere, and Diilenters lefs fcrupulous. He owned,
he had a great zeal againft Popery, which he look-
ed on as an idolati"ous and bloody Religion : But
that, tho*- he was at all times ready to venturaj
his life for his Religion or his Country, yet thati
Avouid never have carried him to a black or wicked'
delign. No man- ever had the impudence to move
to him any thing with relation to the King's life
He prayed heartily for him, that in his perfoa
and
of King Charles II.
and government he might be happy, both in this
world and in the next. He protelled, that in the
profecution of the Popifh plot he had gone on in
the finccrity of his heart ; and that he never knew
of any practice with the witnefTes. He owned,
he had been earneft in the matter of the Ex-
cluHon, as the beft v/ay in his opinion to fecure
both the King's life and the Proteftant religion :
And to that he imputed his prefent fufFerings :
But he forgave all concerned in them ; and charged
his friends to think of no revenges. He thought
his fentence was hard : Upon which he gave an
account of all that had paft at Shepherd's. From
the heats that appeared in choofing the Sheriffs he
concluded, that this matter would end as it now
did : And he was not much lurprized to find it
fall upon himfelf : He wifhed it might end in him :
Killing by forms or law was theworil fort .of mur-
der. He concluded with ibm.c very devout Eja-
culations. After he had delivered this paper he
prayed by himfelf: Then Tillotfon prayed with
him. After that he prayed again by himfelf: And
then und relied himfelf, and laid his head on the
block, without the leafb change of countenance :
And it was cut off at two ftrokes. ^
This was the end of that great and good m^an :
On which I have perhaps enlarged too copiouily :
But the great efteem I had for him, and the fhare
I had in this matter, will I hope excufe it. His
fpeech was fo foon printed, that it was felling about
the ftreets an hour after his death : Upon which
the Court was highly enflamed. So Tillotfon and
I were appointed to appear before the Cabinet
Council. Tillotfon had little to fay, but only that
. Lord Ruffel had Ihewed him his fpeech the day
before he fuffered ; and that he fpoke to him, what
he thought was incumbent on him, upon fome
parts of it, but he was not difpofed to alter it. I
Was longer before them. I faw they apprehended
I had penned the fpeech. I told the King, that at
his
224 The History of the Reign
3683. his Lady's defire I writ down a very particular
^.^-vw journal of every paffage, great and fmall, that had
hapned during my attendai^ce on him : 1 had jufl
ended it, as. I received my -fummons to attend his
Majefty : So, if he commatided me, I would read
it to him : Which upon his command I did. I
faw they were all aftonifhed at . the many extraor-
dinary things in it : The mod important of them
are fet down in the former relation. The Lord
' Keeper afked me, if I intended to print that. I
faid, it was only intended for his Lady's private
ufe. The Lord Keeper, feeing the King filent,
added. You are not to think the King is pieafed
with this, becaufe he fays nothing. This was very
mean. He then afked me, if I had not ftudied to
diflfuade the Lord Ruffel from putting many things
in his fpeech. I faid, I had difcharged my con-
fcience to him very freely in every particular : But
he was now gone : So it was impoffible to know,
if I fhould tell any thing of what had pad betv/een
us, whether it was true or falfe : I defired therefore
to be excufed. The Duke afked me, if he had
faid any thing to me in confefTion. I anfwered,
that if he had faid any thing to me in confidence,
that was enough to reftrain me from fpeaking ot it.
Qnly I offered to take my oath, thar the fpeech
■was penned by himfelf, and not by me. The
Duke, upon all that paft in this examination, ex-
prefled himfelf fo highly offended at me, that it
was concluded I v/ouid be ruined. Lord Halifax
fent me word, that the Duke looked on m-y read-
ing the journal as a fludied thing, to make a pa-
negyrick on Lord Ruffel's memory. Many parrph-
iets were writ on that occafion : And I was heavily
charged in them all, as the advifer, if not tiie au-
thor, of the fpeech. But I was advifed by nil my
• friends to write no anfwer, but to bear the malice
that was vented upon me with fiience -, which I re-
folved to do.
At
of King Charles II, 225
At this time Prince George of Denmark came 1683.
into England to marry the Duke's fecond daughter. '- — /— — '
The Prince of Hanov^j: had come over two years ^^"^-^^ ^
before to make addreifes to her : ■ But he was fcarce Denmark
got hither, when he received orders trom his fa- married
ther not to proceed in that defi'gn •, Jor he had the
agreed a match for-hini with his brotiier the Duke P""'^^^^
'of ZcU for his daughter, which did at that time
more accommodate the family. The marriage
that v/as now made with the brother of Denmaric
did not at all pleafe the nation : For v/e iaiew that
. the propofition came from France. So it was ap-
prehended, that both Courts reckoned they were
ilire that he would change his Religion : In which
we have feen/fince that time, that our fears were
ill grounded. He has- lived in all refpe6ls the
lia,ppieft with his Princefs that was poiTible, except
in one particular : For tho' there was a child born
■every year for many years, yet they have all died :
So that the fruitfuUefl marriage that has been
known in our age, has been fatally blaiied as to
•the efFed of it.
The affairs abroad were now every where in a The fiege
-great fermentation. The Emperor had governed of Viea-
Hungary fo ftrangeiy, as at once to perfecute the
Proteilants and to opprefs the Papiils in their libe;r-
ties, which difpofed both to rebel : Upon which
(the male-contents were now in arms, and had pof-
feffed themfelves of feverai places in the upper
Hungary; which being near Poland, they v/e re
managed and affifted by the French Minifters in
that Kingdom ; in which the Cardinal of Fourbin
was the chief infbrument. But they not being able
to maintain themfelves againft the Em^peror's
whole force, Tekeli, v/ho was fet at their head,
bfFered all fubmiffions to th-Q Turk, and bcg;cred
•iiis prote&ion. Upon this that great war broke
■oin:, all fet on by the practices of the Kins; of
France J who, while he was perfecuting the Pro-
iteftants in his own Kissidom, was at the fame time
¥-.0L. IL - Q cncou-
22$ The History of the Reign
1683. encouraging the rebelHon of Hungary, and draw-
U/'V"^ ing the Turk into Chriftendom. i need not en-
large further on a matter fo well known as the
fiege of Vienna : Which, if it had been as well
profecuted as it "was firft undertaken, the Tov/n
would have been certainly taken, and v/ith that
the Emperor and his family ruined. The King of
France drew a great army together near the rron-
tier of Germany, and feemed to depend upon it
that the Town would be taken ; and that he would
be called in by the Princes of Germany to proteft
them, and upon that have been chofen Emperor.
He at the fame time fent Humieres with an army
into Flanders, upon a pretenfion to Aloft, that
would have feemed very itrangein any other Court.
but that. He had once poffeffed himfelf, during the
'• war, of Aloft: But afterwards he d rev/ his troops
out of itc So it not being in his hands when the.
peace of Nimeguen was made, no mention was
made of reftoring it. But now it was faid, that,
it being once in the King's hands by the right of
his arms, it was ftill his, fince he had not exprefsly
renounced it : Therefore he now demanded it, or
to have Luxembourg given him as an equivalent
for it. Flumieres finding no refiftance in the Spa-
niili Netherlands, deftrcyed and ruined the coun-
try, beyond any thing it had felt during the whole
war. This was the ftate of affairs abroad at the
time of thefe trials.
All people thought we fhould fee a Parliament
prefently called, from v/hich both the King and
the Duke might have expefted every thing, that
they could defire : For the body of the nation was
yet fo polfefied with the belief of the plot, that
probably all ele61:ions would have gone as the Court
direfted, and fcarce any of the other party would
have had the courage, to have ftood for an eledi-
on any where. But the King of France began to
apprehend, that the King might grow fo much the
mafler at home, that he would be no longer in
theii
bf King C M A R L E s li. 47-7
their management: And they forefaw that; what i6S^.
fLiccefs foever the King might have in a Parliament <^^'V>J
with relation to his own affairs, it was not to be
imagined but that a Houfe of Commons, at the
fame time that they fhewcd their fubmilTion to the
King, would both enablis him to refift the progrefs
of the French arms, and addrefs to hirn to enter
into alliances with the Spaniards and the States=
So the French made ufe ot all their inftruments to
divert our Court from calling a Parliament : A.nd
they got the King to confent to their poiTelTmg
themielves of Luxembourg : For which, I was
told, they gave him 300000). But I have no cer-
tainty of that. Lord Mountague told me of it,
and feemed to believe it ; And Lady Porrfmouth
valued her fdf on this of Luxembourg as gained
by her -, and called it the laft fervice ihe did the
Court of France.
At this time I went over into France, chiefly to The m*
be out of the v/ay, when I was fallen on almoit in ^Ji^rwenc
every libel : For new fets of addreffes "^vere no\T ^^^^^.^ ^j-
running about the nation^ with more heat and France*
fwelled eloquence in them than the former oneSo
In all which the providential fire of Nevv^- Market
was fet off with great pomp : And in many of
them there were hard things faid of Lord Ruffei
and his fpeech, with infinuations that looked to-
wards me^
In France Rouvigny; who was the Lady RiifTers CHafac?-
lincle, iludied to get me to be much vifited and ^^'"■^ "'
known. There my acquaintance with Marflial j.^^"^^^
Schomberg began : And by him I v/as acquainted £,iex?.
with Marlhal Bellefonds, who was a devout man^
but very weak. He read the Scriptures much^
and feenled to praflife the virtues of the defart in
the midil of that Court. I kndw the ArchbiOiop
of Rheims, who was a rough boifterous man : H®
feemed to have good notions of the epifcopal duty,,
in all things except that of the fetting a good ex~
•^ kmple to his Clergy: For he allowed him fel fin,
Q^ 2 UbertiteQ
The History of the Reign
liberties of all kinds. The Duke of Montaufier
was a pattern of virtue and fincerity, if not too
cynical in it. He was fo far from flattering the
King, as all the reft did moft abjeftly, that he.
could not hold from contradiiling him, as often
as there was occafion for it. And for that reafon
chiefly the King made him the Dauphin's gover-
nor : To which, he told me, he had applied him-
felf v/ich great care, tho', he very frankly added,
without fuccefs. The exterior of the King was
very folemn : The firft time I hapned to fee him
was, when the news came of the raifmg the fiege
of Vienna ; with which, Schomberg told me, he
was much ftruck, for he did not look for it. While
1 was at Court, which was only for four or five
days, one of the King's coaches was fent to wait
on me, and the King ordered me to be well treat-
ed by all about him, which upon that was done,
with a great profulion of extraordinary refpefts :
At which all people ftood amazed. Some thought,
it was to encourage the fide againft the Court, hj
this treatment of one then in difgrace. Others
more probably thought, that the King, hearing I
was a writer of hiftory, had a mind to, engage me
to write on his fide. I was told a penfion would
be offered me. But I made no fl:eps towards it :
For tho' I was offered an audience of the King, I
excufed it, fince I could not have the honour to
be prefented to that King, by the Minifter of Eng-
land. I faw the Prince of Conde but once, tho*
he intended to fee me oftner. He- had a great
quicknefs of apprehenfion, and v/as thought the
beft judge in France both of wit and learning.
He had read my hiftory of the Reformation, that
was then tranflated into French, and feemed
pieafed with it. So were many of the great law-
yers ; in particular Harlay, then Attorney Gene-
ral, and now firft Prefident of the Court of Parli-
ament of Paris. The contefts with Rome were
then vsry high i for the Affembly of the Clergy
had
of King C H A R L E s II, 229
had paft fome articles, very derogatory to the Pa- 1683;
pal authority: So many fancied, that matter might i^y^
go to a rupture : And Harlay faid v.ery publickly,
that, if that jfhould happen, I had laid before them
a good plan to copy from.
Bellefofids had fo good an opinion of me, that
he thought inftances of devotion might have fome
efFedl on me : So he made the Duchefs La Valiere
think, that ihe might be an inftrument in con-
verting me : And he brought a melTage from her,
defiring me to come to the grate to her. I was
twice there : And fhe told me the fteps of her con-
verfion, and of her coming into that ftrid: order
of the Carmelites, with great humility and much
devotion. Treville, one of the Duchefs of Or-
leans's admirers, Vv^as fo ftruck with her death,
that he had lived in retreat from that time, and
was but newly come to appear again : He had
great knowledge, with a true fenfe of Religion :
He feemed to groan under many of the corrupti-
ons of their Church. He and fom.e others whom
I knew of the Sorbon, chiefly Faur, Pique, and
Brayer, feemed to think that almoft every thing
among them was out of order ; and wilhed for a
regular Reformation : But their notion, of the uni-^
ty of the Church, kept them flill in a communion
that they feemed uneafy in : And they faid very
freely, they wondered how any one, that was once
out of their communion, fhouid defire to come
back into it. They were generally learned only in
one point : Faur was the befb read in ecclefiafbicai
hiftory of any man I fav/ among them : And I ne-
ver knew any of that Church that underftood the
Scriptures fo well as Pique did. They declared
themfelves for abolifning the Papal authority, and
for reducing the Pope to the old Primacy again.
They fpoke to m^e of the Bifhops of France, as
men that were both vitious and ignorant : They
feemed now to be againil the Pope : But it was
only becaufe he was in the interells of the tioufe
0.3 <^
230 The History of the Reign
1^83. of Auftria : For they would declare him infallible,
V^-V the next day after he fhould turn to the intereil of
France: So they expedted no good, neither from
the Court nor from the Clergy. I faw St. Amour,
the author of the journal of what paft at Rome,
in the condemnation of the five propofitions of
Janfenius. He feemed to be a fincere and v/orthy
man, Vv'ho had more judgment than either quick-
nefs or learning, tie told me, his whole life had
been one campaign againft the Jefuits •, and fppke
of them as the great plague qf the Church. He
lamented alfo that iliarpnefs of ftile, with which
his friend Arnauld treated the Proteftants ; for
which, he faid, both he and all his friends blamed
him. I was carried by a Bifhop to the Jefuits at
St. Anthoine's. There I faw P. Bourdalou, ef-
teemed one of the greateft preachers of the age, .
and one of the honours of his order. He was a
man of a fweet temper, not at all violent againft
Proteftants : On the contrary, he believed good
men among them might be laved, which was ^
pitch of charity that I had never obferved, iq any
of the learned of that Communion. I v/as alfo
once with P. de Ja Chaife, the King's Cpnfeffor,
who v/as a dry man. He told me, how great a
man they v/ouid make me, if I would come over
to themi.
This was my acquaintance on the Popifli fide,
I f^y little of the Proteftants. They came all to
me : So I was well known among them. The
method that carried over the- men of the finell
parts among them to Popery was this : They
brought themselves to doubt of the whole Chriifian
Religion : V/hen that was once done, it feemed a
mjore indiiTerent thing of what fide or form they
continued to be outwardly. The bale pracSiices of
buying many over with penfions, and of driving
others over with perpetual ill ufage ^nd the acfs of
the higheftinjuilice and violence, andthe vile artifi-
i;e§ u} bringing on and carrying fo many proceiies
of King Charles II.
againll moft of their Churches, as not compre-
hended within the edid of Nantes, were a reproach
both to the greatnefs of their King and to the
juftice of their Courts. Many nev/ edifts were
coming out every day againil them, which con-
tradided the edift of Nantes in the moif exprefs
words poffible : And yet to ail thefe a llrange
claufe was added. That the King did not intend
by them to recal, nor to go againft any article of
tiie edid of Nantes, v/hich he would maintain in-
violable. I knew Spanheim particularly, who was
Envoy from the Elec1:or of Erandenbourg, who is
the greateil critick of the age in all ancient learn-
ing, and is with that a very able man in all aitairs,
and a frank cheerful man : Qualities that do not
always meet in very learned men. Atcer a rev/
months ftay I returned, and found both the King
and Duke were highly offended, at the reception
I had met with in France, They did not know
what to make of it^ and fancied there was fome-
thing hid under it.
The addreffes had now gone round England. Amdrs in
Tlie Grand Juries made after that high prefent- England,
ments, againft all that were efteemed Whigs and
Non- conformifts. Great pains were taken to find
out more v/itneffes. Pardons and rewards were
offered very freely. But none came in : Which
made it evident, that nothing was fo well laid, or
brought fo near execution, as the witneffes had de-
pofed : Otherwiie people would have been croud-
ing in for pardons. All people were apprehenfive
of very black deiigns, when they law Jefferies jf|^J|JJ[^'^
made Lord Chief Judice, who was fcandalouily ^"^,^^3''-*
vitious, and was drunk every day ^ befides aprefeiTM
drunkennefs of fury in his temper, that looked like
Enthufiafm. He did not conlider the decencies of
his poll : Nor did he fo much as affed to feeni
impartial, as became a Judge ; but run out upon
all occafions into declamations, that Hid ^^^ be-
come the Bar, much leis the Bench. He was not
O 4 learned
232 The History of the Reign
i65g,. learned in his profeiTion : And his eloquence, tho'r
u«-v-»a^ vitiouily copious, yet was neither correct nor agree-
able. Pemberton was' turned out of the Common
Pleas, and Jones was put in his place : And JefFe-
ries had three Judges joined with him in the King's
Bench, fit to lit by him.
The King fent a new mefiage to the City of
London, requiring the Common Council, to deli-
ver up their Charter, threatning them, that other-
wife he would order the judgment to be entred.
Upon this a great debate arofe among them. Some
were for their compliance, that they mjight prevent
the prejudice that would otherwife arife. On the
other hand it was faid, that ail freemen took an
oath to maintain the rights of their Corporation :
So that It was perjury in them to betray thefe.
They faid, it was better to .leave the matter to the
King, than by any aft of their ovv^n to deliver all
up. So it Yv'as carried not to do it by a few voices.
Upon tjiat the judgment was entred : And the
King feizcd on their liberties. Many-of the Al-
dermen and other officers w^ere turned out : And
others were put in their places. So they continued
for fom.e time a City v/ithout a Charter, or a Com-
mon Council : And the King namied the magif-
trates. New Charters were fent to moft of the
Corporations, in v/hich the King referved a power
to himfelf, to turn out magiftrates at his pleafure.
This was done to make ail fure for a new eledion
oi- Parliament, which came now under conlider-
ationV
1634. There v/as a claufe in the a6r, that repealed the
^'s-^'-y-O triennial bill, vv'hich had pail in the beginning of
-^f" the troubles, whereby it was enafted that a Parlia-
,p.jj.|i j_ nient inouid meet every third year : But it had
inent f-o- none or thofe enforcing claufes, in cafe it did not
pofed, but meet, that were in tne other ad: And the third
Kjcueu. year from ir.t Parliament of Oxford was nov/ near
g,n endj So, iince the King had declared he would
" ■ ' ^ . . - - govgrn
of King C H A R 1 E s IL 235
govern according to law, and in particular that 1684.
he would have frequent Parliaments, for which he
had fpecial thanks given him in many of the ad-
drelfes, it was propofed that a Parliament Ihouid
be called. A war feemed like to break out in
Flanders ; where the Spaniards, how ill foever they
were prepared for it, had declared war, upon the
French troops poffeffing themfelves of Dixmuyd
and Courtray. The Prince of Orange was preffing
the States to go into a new war, rather than iec
Luxembourg be taken. But this was much op-
pofed by the Town of Amfterdam. The calling
a new Parliament here, and England's engaging,
as all believed they might do, would be an effedual
reftraint on the French. But the King had con-
fented to let Luxembourg fall into their hands :
So.it was apprehended that the Parliament might
fall upon that, which was the only point that could
occafion any difference between the King and them.
It was alfo laid, that it was fit all the Charters
fhould be firft brought in, and all the Corporati-
ons new modelled, before the Parliament fnould
be called. The prerogative lawyers pretended,
that the prerogative was indeed limited by nega-
tive and prohibiting words, but not by affirmative
words. Lord Halifax told me, he preffed this all
he could ; but there was a French intereft work-
ing ftrongly againft it : So the thoughts of a Par^
iiament at that time were laid afide. The Scotch
prifoners vv^ere ordered to be fent down to be
tried in Scotland. This was fad nevv's to them :
For the boots there are a fevere torture. Baillie
had reafon to expedl the worft ufage : He was
carried to Newgate in the morning that Lord
Ruffel was tried, to fee if he could be per-
fuaded to be a witnefs againft him. Every thing
that could work on him was made ufe of, but
all in vain : So they were refolved to ufe him fe-
yerely«
I palTed
The History of the Reign
I pafled {lightly over the fufpicions that were
raifed upon Lord EfTex's death, when I mention-r
Suspicions gfj that matter. This winter the bufinefs was
belt) ^ ^^^^o^^^ ^o ^ ^^'^^^ '■ ^ ^oy ^^^ ^ g^^^ ^^^ report,
inuidered. that they heard great crying in his lodgings, and
that they faw a bloody razor flung out at window,
which was taken up by a wornan, th^t came out
of the Houfe where he was lodged. Thefe chil-
dren reported this confidently that very day, when
they went to their feveral homes : They were both
about ten or twelve years old. The boy went
backward and forward in his ftory, fometimes af-
firming it, and at other times denying it : But his
father had an ofEce in the Cuftom Houfe : So it
was thought, he prevailed with him to deny it in
open Court. But the girl ftood firmly to her fto-
ry. The fimplicity of the children, together with
the ill opinion that was generally had ot the Court,
inclined many to believe this. As foon as bis La-
dy heard of it, fhe ordered a ftricl enquiry to be
made about it ; and fent what fhe found to me, to
whom fhe had trufted all the meffages, that had
paft between her Lord and her, while he was in
the Tower. When I perufed all, I thought there
was not a colour to found any, profecution on j
which iht would have done with all pofTible zeal,
if fhe had found any appearances of truth in the
matter. Lord EfTex had got into an odd fet of ex-
traordinary principles : And in particular he
thought, a man was the mafter of his own life ;
and feemed to approv^e of what his wife's great
grandfather, the Earl of Northumberland, did,
who fliot himfelf in the Tower after he was ar-
raigned. He had alfo very black fits of the fpleen.
But at that time one Braddon, whom I had known
for fome years, for an honeft but enthufiaftical
man, hearing of thefe ftories, refolved to carry the
matter as far as it wquld go : And he had pickt up
a great variety of little circumftances, all which
laid together feemed to him lb convincing, that
he
of King Charles II. 235
he thoughc he was bound to profecute the matter, 1684.
I defired him to come no more near me, fince he v.--v-%-!
was fo pofitive. He talked of the matter fo pub-
lickly, that he was taken up for fpreading falfe
news, to ahenate people's hearts from the King.
He was tried upon it. Both the children owned,
that they had reported the matter as he had talked
it ; the boy faying then, that it was a lie. Brad-
don had defired the boy to fet it all under his hand,
tho' with that he charged him to v/rite nothing but
the truth. This v/as called a fuborning : And he
was fined for it in 2000 i. But I go next to a trial
of more importance.
Howard v/as the only evidence againft the pri- Sidney's
foners of better rank •, for they had no communi- '"^'^
cation with the other witneffes. So other things
were to be found out as fupplements to fupport it.
Sidney was next brought to his trial. A Jury was
returned, confifting for moft part of very mean
perfons. Men's pulfes were tried beforehand, to
fee how tradable they would be. One Parry, a
violent man, guilty of feveral murders, was not
only pardoned, but was now made a Juftice of
Peace, for his officious meddling and violence.
He told one of the Duke's fervants, thinking that
fuch a one v\/"as certainly of their party, that he
had fent in a great many names of jurors, who
were fure men : That perfon told me this himfelf,
Sidney excepted to their not being freeholders. But
Jefferies faid, that had been over-ruled in Lord
Ruffei's cafe : And therefore he over-ruled it ; and
would not fo much as fuffer Sidney to read the
llatute. This was one of his bold ftrains. Lord
RufTel was tried at the Old-Baily, where the Jury
ponfifted of Londoners : And there indeed the
contrary praftice had prevailed, upon the reafon
before mentioned ; for the merchants are fuppofed
to be rich : But this trial was in Middlefex, where
the contrary pra£lice had not prevailed ; for in a
county a man v/ho is no freeholder is fuppofed to
23^ The History of the Reign
1684, be poor. But Jefferies faid on another occafion,
why might not they make precedents to the fuc-
c'eeding times, as well as thofe who had gone be-'
fore them had made precedents for them ? The-
witneffes of the other parts of the plot were now
brought out again to make a fhew ; for they knew'
nothing of Sidney. Only they faid, that they had-
heard of a Council of fix, and that he was one of
them. Yet even in that they contradifted one
another j Rumfey fwearing that he had it from
'\¥e{l, and Weil fwearing that he had it from'
him I, which was not obierved till the trial came
out. If it had been obferved fooner, perhaps Jef-
feries would have ordered it to be ftruck out , as
he did all that Sidney had objefted upon the point
of the Jury, becaufe they were not freeholders.
Howard gave his evidence, with a preface that
had become a pleader better than a witnefs. He
obferved the uniformity of truth,- and that all the
parts of his evidence and theirs met together as t\\»o
tallies. After this a book was produced, which
Sidney had been writing, and which was found in
his clofet, in anfwer to Filmer's book entitled Pa-
triarcha : , by which Filmer afierted the divine right
of monarchy, upon the eldell fon's fucceedingto
the authority of the father. It was a book of fOme
name, but fo poorly writ, that it was fom.ewhat
ftrange that Sidney beftowed fo much pains in an-
fwerins; it. In this anfwer he had afierted, that
Princes had their power from the people with re-
flri6lions and limitations ; and that they were lia-,
ble to the Jufcice of the people, if they abufed-
their power to the prejudice of the fubjefts, and.
againif eftabliflied lav/s. This by an Innuendo
was faid to be an evidence to prove, that he was^
in a plot againft the King's life. And it was in-
filled on, that this ought to Hand as a fecond wit-
nefs. The Earls of Clare, Anglefey, and fome,
others with myfelf, depofed what Lord Howard
liad faid, denying there was any plot. Blake, A-
■-- - draper,^
of King Charles II, i^y
draper, depofed, that having aiked him when he 1684.
was to have his pardon, he anfwered, not till the
drudgery of fwearing was over. Howard had alfo
gone to Sidney's houfe, and had affured his fer-
Yants that there was nothing againft him, and had
I deiired them to bring his goods to his own houfe.
' Sidney, fhewed, how improbable it was that Hov/-
ard, who could not raife five men, and had not
five fhiliings to pay them, fhould be taken into
fuch confuitations. As for the book, it was not
proved to be writ by him •, for it was an adjudged
cafe in capital matters, that a fimilitude of hands
was not a legal proof, tlio' it was. in civil matters :
That whatever was in thofe papers, they were his
own private thoughts, and fpeculations of govern-
ment, never communicated to any : It was alfo
evident, that the book had been writ fome years
ago : So that could not be pretended to be a proof
of a late plot : The book was not finilhed : So it
could not be known how it would end : A man
v/riting againft Atheifm, who fets out the fbrength
of it, if he does not finilh his anfwer, could not
be concluded an Atheifb, becaufe there was fuch a
Chapter in his book. JefFeries interrupted him
often very rudely, probably to put him in a palTion,
to which he vc^as fubjed: : But he maintained his
temper to admiration.. Finch aggravated the mat-
ter of. the book, as a proof of his intentions, pre-
tending it v/as an overt -a6t j for he faid, " fcribere
eft agere." JefFeries delivered it as lavv^, and faid,
that all the Judges were of the fame mind, That
if there were two witneffes, the one to the treafon,
the other only to a circumftance, fuch as the buy-
ing a knife, thefe made the two v/itnefles, which
the ftatu'te required in cafes of treafon. In con-
clufion, Sidney was cafl. _ And fome days after he
was brought to Court to receive fentence. He then
went over his objections to the evidence againft
■him, in which Judge Withins interrupted him, a,nd
.by a ftrange indecency gaye him the .lie in open
Court.
'63§ 'I'he History of the Reign
1684. Court. But he bore it patiently. He fent to Lord
N.rf^/-v/ Halifax, who was his nephew by marriage, a paper
to be laid before the King, containing the main
points of his defence : Upon v/hich he appealed to
the King^ and defired he would review the whole
matter. Jefferies upon that in his furious way
faid, either Sidney muft die, or lie muft die. His
execution was refpited for three weeks, the trial
being univerfally cried out on, as a piece of moil
enormous injuftice. When he faw the warrant of'
his execution, he expreffed no concern at it. And
the change that was now in his temper, amazed all
that went to him. He told the Sheriffs that brought
it, he would not expoftulate upon any thing on his
own account ; (for the world was now nothing to
him }) but he defired, they would confider how
guilty they were of his blood, who had not return-
ed a fair Jury, but one packt, and as they were
direfted by the King's Solicitor : He fpoke this .
to them, not for his own fake, but for their fake.
One of the Sheriffs was ftruck with this, and wept. ■
He told it to a perfon, from whom Tillotfon had
it, who told it me. Sidney wrote a long vindica-
tion of himfelf, (which I read,) and fummed up
the fubftance of it in a paper that he gave the She-
His exe- j-jffs . g^^^ fufpeftins they might fupprefs it^ he
cuiionand r -.. ^ r • ' j 1^ ■ 1 c .. • i ..
M paper g^^^ ^ copy ot It to a rriend. It was a rortnight
before it was printed, tho' we had all the fpeeches
of thofe who died for the Popilh plot printed the
very next day. But, when it was underflood that
written copies of Sidney's fpeech were going about,
it was alfo printed^: In it he fhewed his innocerlce ;
that Lord Howard was an infamous perfon, and
that no credit was due to him : Yet he did not de-
ny the matter he fwore againft him. As for his
book, he fhewed what reafon all Princes had to
abhor Filmer's maxims : For if primogeniture from 1
Noah was the ground fettled by God for monar-
chy, then all the Princes now in the world wer6'
Ufurpers : None claiming by that pedigree^ and
this
of King Charles II.
this primogeniture being only in one perfon. He
faid, fince God did not now by any declaration of
his v/ill, as of old by Prophets, mark out fuch or
fuch perfons for Princes, they could have no title,
but what was founded on law and compadt : And
this was that in which the difference lay between
lawful Princes and Ufurpers : If pofieffion was a
donation from God, (which Filmer had fubftituted
to the conceit of primogeniture,) then every prof-
perous Ufurper had a good right. He concluded
with a prayer, that the nation might be preferved
from idolatry and tyranny. And he faid, he re-
joyced that he fuffered for the old caufe, in which
I he was fo early engaged. Thefe lail words fur-
niihed much matter to the fcriblers of that time.
In his imprifonment he fent for fome Independent
preachers, and expreffed to them a deep remorfe
for his paft fins, and great confidence in the mer-
cies of God. And indeed he met death with an
unConcernednefs, that became one who had fet up
Marcus Brutus for his pattern. He was but a very
few minutes on the Scaffold at Tower Hill : He
fpoke little, and prayed very fhort : And his head
was cut off at one blow.
At this time an accident hippened, that furprifed Mon-
both the Court and City •, and which, if well ma-/"°'^^^
naged, might probably have produced great ef- and was*
fefts. The Duke of Monmouth had lurked in pardoned.
England all this fumrner, and was then defigning
to go beyond fea, and to engage in the Spanifh
fervice. The King Hill loved him paffionately.
Lord Halifax, feeing matters run fo much further
than he apprehended, thought that nothing could
flop that fo effedually, as the bringing the Duke
of Monmouth again into favour. That Duke
writ to the King feveral letters, penned with an
extraordinary force. Lord Halifax drew them all,
as he himfelf told me, and lliewed me his own
draughts of them. By thefe the King was molli-
fiedj and refolved to reftore him again to his fa-
vour.
24-0 The History of the Reign
1684. vour. It ftuck much at the confeffion that he was
to make. The King promifed, that no ufe Ihould
be made of it : But he ftood on it, that he muft
tell him the whole tiaith of the matter. Upon
which he confented to fatisfy the King. But he
would fay nothing to the Dukej more than to aik
his pardon in a general complement. Lord Hali-
fax had preiled him earnellly upon his firft appear-
ance to be lilent, and for a while to bear the cen-
fures of the/town. The laft day of the term was
very near, in which all the prifoners were to be
difcharged according to the Habeas Corpus a6t.
That would fhew he had difcovered nothing to
their prejudice. So that all difcourfes concerning.
bis confeffion and difcoveries would vaniih in a few
days. And if he had followed this, probably- it
would have given a great turn to affairs. The
King fpoke nothing of the reconciliation to the
Duke of York, till the day before it was to be
done. He was much ftruck with it : But the King
was pofitive. Yet the Duke's creatures in the Ca-
binet Council moved, that for form's fake he fhould
be for fome days put in the Tower. ' The King
cut that off by faying, he had promifed to pardon
him. The Duke of Monmouth, as was agreed,
made an humble confeffion of his offences in ge-
neral words to the King ; and made a complement
to the Duke, and begg'd that he would intercede
with the King to pardon him. The King received
him v/itha fondnefs that confounded all the Duke's
party : He ufed him more tenderly than he had
done formerly. The Duke put on an outward ap-
pearance of being very well pleafed v/ith it. The
King faid next day, that James (for fo he called
him) had conErmed all that Howard had fworm
This was carried to the Duke of Monmouth, who
denied he had ever faid any fuch thing -, adding,
that Lord Howard was a liar and a rogue : And
this was fet round the Town by his creatures, who
run with it from Coffee- Houfe to Coffee-Houfe.
The
of King Charles II. ^24.1
The next Gazette mentioned, that the King had
pardoned him upon his confcffing the late plot.
Lord Halifax preffed the Duke of Monmouth to
pafs that over, and to impute it to the importu-
nity of his enemies, and to the King's ealinefs :
But he could not prevail. Yet he faid little till
his pardon was pall. But then he openly denied, ■
that he had confelTed the plot. By that he engag-
ed himfelf in a plain contradiction to what the
King had faid. Some were brought by the Duke to
the King, who confirmed, they had heard the Duke
of Monmouth fay, that he had not confefied the
plot : Upon which the King ordered him to give
a confelTion of it under his hand. Lord Halifax
prelTed him to write a letter to the King, acknow-
ledging he had confelTed the plot. Plot was a ge-
I neral word, that might fignify as much or little as
I a man pleafed : They had certainly dangerous con-
I fiiltations among them, which might be well called
! plots. He faid, the fervice he might do his friends
by fuch a general letter, and by his gaining the
I King's heart upon it, would quickly balance the
■ feeming prejudice that fuch a general acknowledg-
ment would bring them under, which could do
them no hurt. Upon that he got him to write a
letter to that purpofe which he carried to the
5 King. And the King was fatisfied. ■ But the Duke •
of Monmouth, whether of himfelf, or upon the
' fuggeftion of others, reflected on what he had done,
ti and thought it a bafe thing. Tho' this was no
I evidence, yet he thought it might have an infiu-
' ence on Juries, to make them believe every. ching
, that might be iworn by other witnefles, Vv' hen from
i| his confeffion they were poffeired with a general
'' belief of the plot. So he went full of uneafmefs
j to the King, and defired he might have his letter
ji again, in the terms of an agony like defpair. The
I King gave it back, but prelTed him vehemently to
3 comply v;ith his deiire : And among other things Butfoon
i tke Duke of Monmouth faid, that the King;, ufad:^^'^' ^'^''
' Vol. XL . R ^ this S^''^^'^'
242 The History of the Reign
1684. this expT'eilion, If you do not yield in this you will
t-^-v-w ruin me. Yet he was firm. So the King forbid
him the Court, and fpoke of him more feverely
than he had ever done formerly. He was upon
this more valued, and trufted by his own party than
ever. After fome days he went beyond fea : And
after a Ihort concealment he appeared publickly in
Holland, and was treated by the Prince of Orange
with a very particular refpeft.
The Prince had come for a few days to England
after the Oxford Parliament, and had much pri-
vate difcourfe with the* King at Windfor. The
King afllired him, that he would keep things quiet,
and not give way to the Duke's eagernefs, as long
as he lived : And added, he was confident, when-
ever the Duke fliould come to reign, he would be fo
reftlefs and violent, that he could not hold it four
years to an end. This I had from the Prince's
own mouth. Another paffage was told me by the
Earl of Portland. The King fhewed the Prince
one of his feals ; and told him, that whatever he
might write to him, if the letter was not fealed
with that feal, he was to look on it as only drawn
from him by importunity. The reafon for which
I mention that in this place is, becaufe, tho' the
King wrote fome terrible letters to the Prince
againft the countenance he gave to the Duke of
Monmouth, yet they were not fealed with that
feal ; from which the Prince inferred, that the
King had a mind that he fhould keep him about
him, and ufe him well. And the King gave or-
ders, that in all the entries that were made in the
Council books of this whole bufinefs, nothing
fhould be left on record that could blemifh him.
Himden's Hamden was now the only man of the fix that
UiA. was left. Yet there was nothing but Howard's
evidence againfb him, without fo much as any cir-
cumftance to fupport it. So fince tv,'0 witneffes
v/ere neceffary to treafon, (whereas one was enough
for a mifde meaner,) he was indided of a milde*
meanor,
of King Charles IL I4V
'fticanor, tho' the crime was either treafon or ho- 1684,
thing. JefFeries, upon Howard's evidence, charg- v-on^,
ed the Jury to bring him in guilty : Otherwife, he
told them, they would difcredit all that had been
done before. So they brought him in guilty. And
the Court fet 40000 1. fine on him, the moft ex-
travagant fine that had ever been fet for a mifde-
meanor in that Court. It amounted indeed to an
imprifonment for life.
Some tirtie in the fpring eighty four, Halloway Hallo-
was taken in the Weft-Indies, and fent over. He ^^^i^ ^^^^
Was under an outlawry for treafon. TheAttor-^"^ *'
ney General offered him a trial, if he delired it*
But he was prevailed on, by the hope of a pardon,
to fubmit and confefs all he knew. ' He faid, he
was drawn into fome meetings, in which they con-
fulted how to raife an infurrecliOn, and that he
and two more had undertaken to manage a de-
fign for feizing on Briftol, with the help of fome ^
that were to come to them from Taunton : But
he added, that they had never made any progrefs
in it. He faid, at their meetings at London, Rum-
ley and Weil: were often talking of lopping the
King and the Duke : But that he had never en-
tred into any difcourfe with them upon that fub-
jeil : And he did not believe, there were above
]five perfons that approved of it. Thefe were Weft,
Rumfey, Rumbold, and his brother : The fifth
perfon is not named in the printed relation. Some
faid, it was Fergufon : Others faid, it was Good-
enough. Halloway was thought by the Court not
to be fincere in his confeffjon. And fo, fmce what
he had acknowledged made himfeif very guilty, he
was executed, and died with a firm conftancy. He
fhewed great prefence of mind. He obferved the
partiality that was evident in managing this plot,
diiferent from what had appeared in managing the
Popiili plot. The fame men who were called
rogues, when they fwore againft Papifts, were look-
(?d on as honeft men, %vhen they turned their evi-
R 2 dence
'244 The.H i s t o r y of the Reign
i6?4. dence againft' Proteftants. In all his anfwers to
c'v^ the Sheriffs, who at the place of execution troubled
him v/ith many impertinent queftions, he anfwered
them with fo much life, and yet with fo much
temper, that it appeared he was no ordinary man.
His fpeech was fuppreifed for Ibme days : But it
broke out at laft. In it he expreffed a deep fenfe
of Religion : His prayer was an excellent compo-
fure. The credit of the Rye-Plot received a great
blow by his confeffion. All that difcourfe about
an infurreftion, in which the day was faid to be
fet, appeared now to be a fiction ; fince Briltol had
been fo little taken care of, that 'three perfons had
only undertaken to difpofe people to that defign,
but had not yet let it out to any ot them. So that it
was plain, that after all the ftory they had made of
the plot, it had gone no further, than that a com-
pany of feditious and inconfiderable perfons, were
framingamongthemfelvesfometreafonablefchemes,
that were never likely to come to any thing ; and.
that Rurnfey and V/eft had puflied on the execra-
ble defign of the afiaffination, in which, tho' there
\yere few that agreed to it, yet too many had
heard it from them, who were both fo foolifh, and
fo wicked, as not to difcover them.
But if the Court loft much by the death of
Halloway, whom .they had brought from the Weft-
Indies, they loft much more by their proceedings
againft Sir Thomas Armftrong, who was furprifed
at Leyden, by virtue of a warrant, that Chudleigh
the King's Envoy had obtained from the States,
for feizing on fuch as Ihould fly out of England on
the account of the plot. So the Scout at Leyden,
lor 5000 gilders, I'eized on him •, and delivered.
Blm to Chudleigh, who fent him over in great
hafte. Armftrong in that confufion forgot to claim
that he was a native of the States : For he was-
Horn at Nimeguen : And that Vv^ould have obliged
the Dutch to have protefted him, as one of their
natural born fubjeds; He was' trufted in every _
^ ■ • thing'
of King Charles II. 245
thing by the Duke of Monmouth : And he having 1684-.
Jed a very vitious life, the Court hoped that he, <— -v-.o»;
not being able to bear the thoughts of dying,
would dilcover every thing. He ihewed fuch a
deje61;ion of mind, while he was concealing him-
felf before he efcaped out of England, that Ham'-
den, who faw him at that time, told me, he believ-
ed he would certainly do any thing that would fave
his life. Yet ail were difappointed in him : For
when he was examined before the Council, he faid,
he knew of no plot but the Popiili plot : He de -
fired, he might have a fair trial for his life : That
was all he afked. He was loaded with irons j tho'
that was not ordinary for a man who had ferved in
fuch pofts, as to be Lieutenant of the' firft troop of
guards, and Gentleman of the horfe to the King,
There was nothing againft him, but what Rumfey
and Shepherd had fworn of the difcourfes at Shep-
herd's, for which Lord Ruflel had fuffered. But
by this time the credit of the witnefTes was fo blaft-
ed, that it feems the Court was afraid that Juries
would not now be fo eafy as they had been. The
thing that Rumfey had fworn againft him feemed
not very credible : For he fwore that at the firfl:
meeting, Armftrong undertook to go and view the'
guards in order to the feizingthem -, and that upon
a view he faid at a fecond meeting, that the thing
was very feafible. But Armftrong, who had com.-
manded the guards fo long, knew every- thing that
related to them fo well, that without fuch a tran-
iient view, he could of the fudden have anfwered
every thing relating to them. The Court had a
mind to proceed in a fummary way v/ith him, that
he fhould by the hurry ot it be deprived of faying
any thing that could fave him. He was now in
an outlawry : But tho' the ftatute was exprefs, that
if an outlawed perfon came in at any time within
the year, he was to have a trial notwithftanding
his outlawry •, it was pretended in anfwer to this,
that be not coming in, but being taken, had not a
R 3 righc
^4^ The HiSTOE-Y of the Reisft
1684. right to the benefit of the ftatute. But there were
" feveral months of the year yet to run. And fince a
trial was a demand founded on natural juftice, he
infilled on it. And when he was brought to the
King's bench bar, and aflced what he had to fay why
fentence fhould not be executed, he claimed the
benefit of the ftatute. He laid, he had yet, when
he was taken, feveral months to deliberate upon
his coiriing in : And the feizing on him before his
time was out, ought not to bar him a right that the
Jaw gave him. He alfo mentioned Halloway, to
whom a trial was offered the former term. And,
fince it was a poin: of law, he defired Council tnight
be heard to argue it. Jefferies rejeded all this :
He faid, the King might either offer a trial or not,
as he faw caufe : And he refufed to hear Council :
Which being demanded upon a point of law, the
denying it was thought a very impudent piece of
injuftice. And when Armflrong inlifted, that he
alked nothing but the law, JefFeries in his brutal
way faid, he fliould have it to the fqll ; and fo or-^
dered his execution within fix days. And the law
was executed on him with the utmofl rigor : For
he was carried to Tyburn on a fledge, and was
quartered, and his quarters were fet up. Hiis car-
riage, during his imprifonment and at his death,
was far beyond what could have been imagined.
He turned himfelf wholly to the thoughts ot God,
and of^ another fbate ; and was praying continually.
He rejoiced, that he was brought to die in fuch a
manner, He laid, it was fcarce poflible for him to
have been awaken'd into a due fenfe of his fms by
any other method. His pride and his refentments
were then fo entirely conquered, that one who faw
him faid to me, that it was not eafy to think it was
the fame perfon whom he had known formerly.
He received the Sacrament -, and died in fo good
a temper, and with fp much quiet in hjs mind,
gnd fo ferene a deportment, that we have fcarce
known in our time a rnore eminent inftance of the
grace
of King Charles II.
grace and mercy of God. Armftrong in his lafl paper
denied, that he ever knew of any defign againft
the King's, or the Duke's Hfe, or was in any plot
againft the government. There were no remarks
pubUfhed on his fpeech, which it was believed the
Court ordered : For they faw how much ground
they had loft by this ftretch of law, and how little
they had gained by his death. One pafTage in it,
was the occafion of their ordering no fuch reflec-
tions to be made on it, as had been made on the
other fpeeches. The King had publiilied a ftcry
all about the Court, and had told it to the foreign
Minifters, as the reafon of this extream feverity
againft Armftrong : He faid, that he was fent over
by Cromwell to murder him beyond fea, and that
he was warned of it, and challenged him on it ;
and that upon his confexTing it, he had promifed
him never to fpeak of it any more, as long as he
lived. So the King, counting him now dead in
law, thought he was free from that promife. Arm-
ftrong took this heavily : And in one paper which
I faw, writ in his own hand, the refentments upon
it were ftiarper than I thought became a dying pe-
nitent. So, when that was reprefented to him, he
changed it : And in the paper he gave the Sheriffs, -^
he had fofcned it much. But yet he fliewed the
falftiood of that report : For he never v/ent beyond
fea but once, fent by the Earl of Oxford, and fome
other Cavaliers, with a confiderable prefent to the
King in money, which he delivered ; and brought
back letters of thanks from the King to thofe who
made the prefent. But Cromwell having a hint of
this clapt him up in prifon, where he was kept al-
moft a year. And upon the merit of that fervice,
he was made a Captain of horfe foon after the Re-
ftoration. When Jefferies came to the- King at
Windfor foon after this trial, the King took a ring
ol good value from his finger, and gave it him for
thefe fervices : The ring upon that v/as called his
blood -ftone. The- King gave him one advice,
R 4 which
248 The History of the Reign
1684. which was fomevvhat extraordinary from a King to
.v**^y«*-' a Judge 5 but it was not the lefs neceflary to him .:
The King laid, it was a hot fummer, and he wds
going the. circuit, he theretore defiredhe would not
drink too much. With this I leave the affairs of
England to look tov/ards Scotland.
jreat fe- Great pains were taken there ^to make a further
,'ericy in difcovery of the negotiation, between the Englifh
icouaad. ^j^^ ^1^^^ Scots. A Gentleman, who had been at
Bothwell-Bridge, was fent over by the Cargillites to.
fome of their friends in Holland : And he carried
with him fome letters writ in an odd cant. He
was feized at Newcaille together with his letters ;
and Vv^as fo frighted, that he was eafily managed to
pretend to difcover any thing, that was fuggelled
to him. But he had never been at London : So he
could fpeak of that negotiation but upon hearfay.
His fiory was fo ill laid together, that the Court
was aihamed to make any ufe of it : But it turned
heavily on himfelf, for he went m.ad upon it. Two
others came in, and charged Sir Hugh Campbell
of Cefnock, an antient Gentleman of a good efbate,
that he had (et on the rebellion of Bothwell-Bridge,
and had chid them for deferting it. Upon this he
was brought to a trial. In Scotland the law allows
of an exculpation, by which the prifoner is fufter-
ed, before his trial, to prove the thing to be impof-
' - fible. This was prayed by that Gentleman, who
had full proofs of his being elfewhere, and at
a great difrance from the place, at that time. But .
that is a favour which the Court may grant, or
not : So that v/as denied him. The firft witnefs
that v/as examined at his trial began with a general
fcor'y : And when he cam.e to that, in which the
prifoner was concerned, Campbell charged him to
look him full in the face, and to confider v^'ell what
he was to fay of him ; for he took God to witnefs ^
he never faw his face before, as far, as he cotild re-
member. Upon that the witnefs was ftruck. an4
ifopt j and fiid, he vpuld fay nothing of hiip, Thq^
Jiari
of King Charles II. -^49
Earl of Perth was then Juftice General, and offered ,1684.
to lead him into his llory. But the Jury ftopt »^--v^
that ; and faid, that he upon his oath had declared
he knew nothing of the prifoner, and that after
that they could have no regard to any thing that
he might fay. Upon which fome fharp words
pafied between Lord Perth and them, in which
he Ihewed how ready he was to facrifice juftice and
innocent blood to his ambition. And that was yet
groffer in this cafe ; becaufe his brother was pro-
mifed that Gentleman's eftate, when it fhould be
confifcated. The fecond witnefs faid nothing, but
fee m^ed confounded : So Cam.pbell was acquitted
by the Jury, but was ftill kept in prifon. Thefe
T. itneHes were again examined before the Council :
And they adhered to their firft depofition againfl
the prifoner. The law in Scotland is very fevere
againlt faife witnelTes, and treats them as felons.
But the government there ^ouid not difcourage
fuch practices ; of which, when they fhould be
more lucky, they intended to make good ufe. The
Circuits went round the Country, as was direfted
by the Proclamation of the former year. Thofe
who were moft guilty compounded the matter, and
paid liberally to a creature of the Lord Chancel-
lor's, that their names might be left cut of the
citations. Others took the tell : And that freed
them from all further trouble. They faid openly,
that it was againfh their confcience j but they faw
they could not live in Scotland unlefs they took
it. Others obferved, that the feverity which the
Prefbyterians formerly had ufed, forcing all peo-
ple to take their covenant, was now returned back
on them in this teft, that they were thus forced to
take.
In the mican while a great breach was formed, j^ breach
and appeared on all occafions, between the Earls in the
of Aberdeen and Queenfbury. The latter was very Min'rtry
exaft in his payments, both of the foldiers and of ^^"®°
the penfions : So his party became the ftrongeft.
l.Qr4 Aberdeen's piethod was this ; He writ up.
5 letters
250 The History of the Reign
1684. letters to the Duke of all affairs, and offered expe-
.W-V^w dients, which he pretended were concerted at Edin-
burgh ; and fent with them the draughts of fuch
letters, as he defired fhould be fent down from the.
King. But thefe expedients were not concerted, as
he faid : They were only his own conceits. Lord
Queenfbury, offended with this, let the Duke un-
derftand how he had been deceived. So an order
was fent down, that all expedients Ihould be con-
certed by a Junto, confifting of Lord Queenfbury*s
creatures. Lord Aberdeen faw that by this he
came to fignify little : And feeing he was lofing
ground at Court, he intended to recover himfelfa,
little with the people. So he refolved for the fu-
ture to keep to the law, and not to go beyond it.
And fuch was the fury of that time, that this was
called moderation and popularity. The Churches
were now all well kept by the men : But their
wives not being named in the a6l of Parliament,
none of them went to Church. The matter Was
laid before the Council : And a debate arofe upon
it; whether, man and wife making one perfon in
law, hufoands fhould not be fined for their wife's
offence, as vv'ell as for their own. Lord Aberdeen
ftood upon this, that the a6l did not mention the
wives : It did indeed make the hufoands liable to
a fine, if their wives went to Cenventicles ; for
they had it in their power to reflrain them : And
fince the law provided in the one cafe, that the
hufband fhould fuffer for his wife's fault, but had
made no provifion in the other cafe, as to their
going to Church, he thought the fining them on
that account could not be legally done. Lord
Queenfbury was for every thing that would bring
money into the treafury : So, fmce in thofe parts,
the Ladies had for many years withdrawn wholly
from the Churches, he reckoned the letting fines
on their hufbands to the rigour, would make all
the eflates of the Country be at mercy ; for the
felling them outright would not have anfwered
this demand, for the offences of fo many years.
The
I of King C H A R L E s II.
The Earl of Perth ftruck in with this, and feemed
to fet it up for a maxim, that the Prelbyterians
could not be governed, but with the extremity of
rigour •, and that they were irreconcileahle enemies
to the King and the Duke, and that therefore they
ought to be extirpated. The Miniftry in Scotland
being thus divided, they referred the decifion of
the point to the King : And Lord Perth came up
to have his refolution upon it. The King deter-
mined againft the Ladies : Which was thought
very indecent ; for in dubious cafes the noblenefs
; of a Prince's temper iliould always turn him to the
['merciful fide. This was the lefs expeded from
the King, who had all his life time exprelTed as
great a neglect of women's confciences, as regard
for their perfons.
But to do him right, he was determined to it by The Duke
the Duke •, who fmce the breaking out of the plot governed
. had got the whole management of affairs, Englifli ^^"'
■ ss well as Scotch, into his hands. Scotland was fo
: entirely in his dependance, that the King would
ieldom alk what the papers imported, which the
Duke brought to be figned by him. In England,
the application and dependance was vifibly on the
Duke. The King had fcarce company about him
to entertain him, when the Duke's levees and cou-
i chees were fo crouded, that the antichambers were
full. The King walked about with a fmall train
I of the neceifary attendants, when the Duke had a
vaft following : Which drew a lively refleftion from
Waller the celebrated wit. He faid, the Houfe of
Commons had refolved that the Duke fhould not
reign after the King's death : But the King in op-
pofition to them was refolved he fhould reign even
during his life. The breach grew fo that heighth
between Lord^ Aberdeen and Lord Queenfbury,
that both were called up to give an account of it.
; It ended in difmiffing Lord Aberdeen, and making
Lord Perth Chancellor, to which he had been long
afpiring in a moll indecent manner. He faw into
the Duke's temper, that his fpirit was turned to
an
The History of the Reign
an unrelenting feverity : For this had appeared ve-
ry indecently in Scotland.
The ci u- When any are to be ftruck in the boots, it ij
e ry o t le ^^^^^ j^^ j-j^g prefence of the Council : And upoi
Duke, r ^ rL u rr 4-.t '
and of hir- that occaiion aimolt all oti"er to run away, rhf
Minifters, fight is fo dreadful, that without an order reftrain?
jn tor- jj-)g f^j;}^ ^ number to ftay, the board would be for^
"""g> faken. But the Duke, while he had been in Scot;
land, was lb far from withdrawing, that he looke^
on all the while with an unmoved indifference, and
'with an attention, as if he had been to look or
fome curious experiment. This gave a terribly
idea of him to all that obferved it, as of a man
that had no bowels nor humanity in him. Lord
Perth, obferving this, refolved to let him fee how
well qualified he was to be an Inquifitor General^
The rule about the boots in Scotland was, that
upon one witnefs and prefumptions both together^
the queftion might be given : But it was never
known to be twice given ; or that any other fpecies
of torture, befides the boots, might be ufed at
pleafure. In the Court of Inquifition they do up'^
on fufpicion, or if a man refufes to anfwer upon
oath as he is required, give him the torture -, and
repeat it, or vary it, as often as they think fit j
and do not give over, till they have got out of
their mangled prifoners, all that they have a mind
to know irom them. i;
This Lord Perth refolved to make his pati
tern : And was a little too early in letting the world .
lee, what a government we were to exped, under
the influence of a Prince of that Religion. So,
upon his going to Scotland one Spence, who was
a fervant of Lord Argile's, and was taken up at
London, only upon fufpicion, and fent down to
Scotland, was required to take an oath, to anfwer
all the quefiions that fhould be put to him. This
was done in a ciire£l contradiftion to an exprefs
law, againft obliging men to fwTar, that they wilt
tinfwer fuper inquirendis, Spence likewife faid,
that he himfeif might be concerned in what he;
iiiighe
I
of King C H A R L E s II.
might know : And it was againft a very univerfal
law, that excuied all men from fwearing againft
jthemfelves, to force him to take fuch an oath. So
he was ftruck in the boots, and continued firm ia
his refufal. Then a new fpecies of torture wasin^
yented : He was kept from fleep eight or nine
bights. They grev/ weary of managing this. So
1 third fpecies was invented : Little fcrews of fteel
'fferc made ufe of, that fcrewed the thumbs with fo
'fexquifite a torment, that he funk under this •, for
Lord Perth told him, they would fcrew every joint.
i^f -his whole body, one after another, till he took
the oath. Yet fuch was the firmnefs and fidelity
of this poor man, that even in that extremity he
papitulated, that no.new queilions ihould be put
fco him, but thoie already agreed on ; and that he
i[houId not be obliged to be a witnefs againft
|any perfon, and that he himfelf Ihould be par-
doned : So all he could tell them was, who
were Lord Argile's correfpondents. The chief of
;:hem was Holmes at London, to whom Lord Ar-*
gile writ in a cypher, that had a peculiar curiofity:
n it : A double key was neceflary : The one was,
:o fhew the way of placing the words or cypher,
,n an order very different from, that in which they
iay in the paper : The other was, the key of the
cyphers themlelyes, which was found among
'tlolmes's papers, when he abfconded. Spence
knew only the firil of thefe : But he putting all in
its true order, then by the other key they were de-^
cyphered. In thefe it appeared, what Argile had
demanded, and what he undertook to do upon the;
granting his demands : But none of his iettersi
;'^oke any thing of any agreement then made.
When the torture had this effefton Spence, they"
pftered the fame oath to Carilairs. And, upon his'
refufing to take it, they put his thumbs in the-
Icrews i' and drew them fo hard, that as they put^
him to extream torture, fo they could not unlc-reW^
them, till the fmith.that made them was brought
with his tools to take. them olT.,. So he-confeiied^
all
Th6 History of the Rdgrt
all he knew, which amounted to little more tliari
feme difcourfes of taking off the Duke j to which
he faid that he anfwered, his principles could not
come up to that : Yet in this he, who was a preach-
er among them^ was highly to blame, for nOt te*
vealing fuch black propofitions ; tho* it cannot be
denied, but that it is a hard thing to difcover any
thing that is faid in confidence : And therefore I
faved my felf out of thofe difficulties, by faying to
all my friends, that I would not be involved in
any fuch confidence ; for as long as I thought our
circumftances were fuch, that refiftance was not
lawful, I thought the concealing any defign in or-
der to it, was likewife unlawful : And by this
means I had preferved my felf But Carftairs had
at this time fome fecrets of great confequenee frorn
Holland, trufted to him by Fagel, of which they
had no fufpicion : And fo they alked him no quef-
tions about them. Yet Fagel faw by that, as he
Jiimfelf told me, how faithml Carftairs was, fined
Jhe could have faved himfelf from torture, and me-
rited highly, if he had difcovered them. And this"
was the foundation of his favour with the Prince of)
Orange j and of the great confidence he put in hiiti"
to his death.
Proceed- Upon what was thus fcrewed out of thefe twd
'"S^. „ perfons, the Earl of Tarras, who had married the <
fiaillie. Duchefs of Monmouth's elder filler, and fix or fe-
ven Gentlemen of Quality, were clapt up. Thei
Minifters of State were ftill moll earneflly fet on'
Baillie's deflrudlion ; tho' he was now in fo lan-
guifhing a flate, occafioned chiefly by the bad ufage
Itie met with in prifon, that if his death would have-
/atisfied the malice of the Court, that feemed to be
very near. But they knew how acceptable a lacrir
fice his dying in a more violent way would prove.
So they continued even in that extremity to ufe hint
barbaroufly. They were alfo trying what could be
drawn from thofe Gentlemen againflhim. Tarras
had married his niece, who was his fccond wifci
So they concluded that their confidence was entire.
Baillie's
of King C H A R L E s n.
BallUe's illnefs increafed daily : And his wife prayed
for leave to attend on him : And, if they feared an
efcape, fhe was willing to be put in irons : But that
was denied. Nor would they fuffer his daughter,
a child of twelve years old, to attend him, even
when he was fo low, that it was not probable he
could live many weeks, his legs being much
fwelled. But upon thefe examinations a nev/ me-
thod of proceeding againft him was taken. An
accufation was fent him, not in the form of an in-
I didlment, nor grounded on any law, but on a let-
iter of the King's, in which he charged him noton-
^ly for a confpiracy to raife rebellion, but for being
engaged in the Rye-piot ; of all which he was now
required to purge himfelf by oath, otherwife the
Council would hold him guilty of it, and pro-
ceed accordingly. He was not, as they faid, now
in a criminal Court upon his life, but before the
Council, who did only fine and imprifon. It was
to no purpofe for him to fay, that by no law, un-
lefs it was in a Court of Inquifition, a man could
be required to fwear againft himfelf, the tempta-
tion to perjury being fo ftrong, when felf-prefer-
vation was in the cafe, that it feemed againft all
law and religion to lay fuch a fnare in a man's way.
But to anfwer all this, it was pretended he was
not now on his life, and that v/hatfoevep he con-
fefied was not to be made ufe of againft his life ;
as if the ruin of his family, which confifted of nine
children, and perpetual imprifonment, were not
more terrible, efpecially to one ib near his end as
he was, than death it Mf. But he had to do with
inexorable men : So he was required to take this
oath within two days, A«d by that time, he not
being able to appear before the Council, a. Com-
mittee of Council was fent to tender him the oath,
and to take his examination. He told them, he
was not able to fpeak by reafon of the low ftate of
his health, which appeared very evidently to them :
For he had almoft died while they were with him.
He in general protefted his innocence, and his ab-
horrence
2^6 The History of the Reign
16&4. horrence'of ail defigns againft the King, or the"
v-^z-^w Duke's lire : For the other interrogatories, he de-
fired they might be left witli him, and he »vould
coniider them. They periiiled to require him to
take his oath : But he as firmly refuted it. .So,
upon their report, the Council conitrued this re-
fafai to be a confefllon : And fined him 6000 1..
and ordered him to lie ftili in prifon till it;
was paid. -Alter this it was thought that this'
matter was at. an end, and that this was a. final
fentence : But he was ftill kept fhut up, and denied
ail attendance or affiilance. He teemed all the*
while lb compoled, and even to cheerful, that his
behaviour looked like the reviving of the ipirit of
the nobleft ot the old Greeks or Romans, or ra-
ther of the primitive Chrilfians, and firil Martyrs
in thofe beil days of the Church. But the Duke
was not faiiisned with all this. So the Minifiry
applied their arts to Tarras, and the other pri-
foners, threatning them with all the extremities of
mifery, if they would not witnels treaibnable mat-
ter againfb Baillie. They.alfo practiied on their
wives, and trightning them (tt them on their huf-
bands. In conclufion, they gained what had been
fo much laboured : Tarras, and one Murray of
Phitiplhaugh, did depofe ibm.e difcourles, that
Baillie had with them before he v,ent up to Lon-
don, difpofing them to a rebellion. In thefe they
fweiled up the matter beyond the truth. Yet all
did not amount to a full proof. So the Minifters,
being afraid that a Jury m.ight not be fo eaiy as
they expected, ordered Carftairs's confeffion to be
read in Court, not as an evidence, (for that had
been promifed him Ihould not be done,) but as
that vv^hich would fully fatisfy the Jury, and dif-
Ar^ his pofe them to believe the witneiles. So Baillie was
e.-ecucicr. hvirried on to a trial. And upon the evidence he
was 'found gaiity, and condemined to be executed
that fame day : So afraid they vvere lell death
fhould be too quick for them. He was very little
dr^urbed-at alUhis : His laogoiihing in fo fblitary >
. a man-
of King G H A R L E s II. 257
a manner made death a very acceptable deliverance 1684..
to him. He in his iaft fpeech Ihewed, that in fe- "i-^v-^^
veral particulars the witneffes hajd wronged him. :
He fliij denied all knowledge of any defign againft
the King's life^ or the Duke's ; and denied any plot
a^ainfb the 2:overnm_ent : He thought it was lawful
for fubjects, being under fuch preiTures, to try how
they might be relieved from them : And their defiga
never went further : But he would enter into no par-
ticulars. Thus a learned and a worthy Gentleman^
after twenty mionths hard ufage, was brought to
fuch a death, in a way fo full in all the iteps of it of
the fpirit and practice of the Gourts of Inquiiition,
that one is tempted to think, that the methods taken
in it, were fuggefted by one well iludied, if not
praclifed in themj. The only excufe that was ever
pretended for this infamous profecution was, that
they were fure he was guilty ; and that the whole iz~
cret of the negotiation between the two Kingdom. s
was trufted to him ; and that, fmce he would not
difcover it, all methods might be taken to deflroy
him : Not confidering what a precedent they mads
on this occafion, by which, if men were once pof-
feffed of an ill opinion of a man, they were to fpars
neither artifice nor violence, but to hunt him down
by any means. I have been perhaps too long in this
particular, but the cafe was fo lingular, and my re-
lation to the perfon was fo near, and my value for
him was fo great, that I hope I need make no apo-
logy for it.
In this I faw how ambition could corrupt ore of
the beft tempered men that I had ever kn0\^n : I
m.ean Lord Perth, who for above ten years togetLer
feemjcd to me incapable of an im.moral or cruel
action, and yet was now deeply engaged in the toul-
eft and blackeil of crimes. I had not now feen him
for two years. But I hoped, that ftill fome good
rim.preffions had been left in him : And now, when
he cam.e to London to be made Lord GhanCellor, I
had a very earneft m.effage from himi defiring by
my means to fee Leightoun. I thought, that anse-
VoL. II. S lical
toun s
death
S5S The History of the Reign
1684.. lical man might have awaken'd m him feme of thofe
good principies, which he feemed once to have had,
and M^'hich were now totally extinguiflied in him. I
writ fo earneftly to Leightoun, that he came to Lon-
don. Upon his coming to me, I was amazed to
fee him at above feventy look fo frefli and well, that
age feemed as it v\'erc to ftand ftill with him : His
hair was ftill black, and all his motions were lively :
He had the fame quicknefs of thought, and flrength
of memory, hut above all the fame heat and lite of
devotion, that I had ever feen in him. When I took
notice to him, upon my firft feeing him, how well
he looked, he told me, he vv^as very near his end for
all that j and his work and journey both were now
almoft done. This at that time made no great im-
preffion on me. He was the next day taken with an
oppreffion, and as it feemed with a cold and v/ith
flitches, which was indeed a pleurify.
Leigh- The next day Leightoun funk fo, that both fpeech
and fenfe went away of a fudden : And he continued
panting about twelve hours •, and then died without
pangs or convulfions. I v/as by him all the while.
Thus I loft him, who had been for fo many years the
chief guide of my whole life. He had lived ten
years in SuiTex, in great privacy, dividing his time
■wholly betv^een ftudy and retirement, and the do-
ing of good : For in the parifh where he lived, and
in the parifhes round about, he was always employed
in preaching, and in reading prayers. He diltri-
buted all he had in charities, choofing rather to have
it go thro' other people's hands than his ovv'n : For I
was his almoner in London. He had gathered a
well chofen library of curious, as well as ufeful
books ; which he left to the Diocefs of Dunblane,
for the ufe of the Clergy there, that Country being
ill provided with books. Lie lamented oft to me
theftupidity, that he obferved among the Com.mons
of England, who feemed to be much more infenlible
in the matters of Religion, than the Commons of
Scotland were. He retained ftill a peculiar inclina-
tion to Scotland : And if he had feen any profpeA
of
of King C H A R L E s II. 259
of doing good there, he would have gone and Jived 16S4.
and died amonsi; them. In the Ihort time that the ^v^'VN-^
affairs of Scotland were in the Duke of Monmouth's
hands, that Duke had been pofTeffed with fuch an
opinion of him, that he moved the King to write to
him, to go, and at lead live in Scotland, if he
would not engage in a Bifhoprick there. But that
fell with that Duke's credit. He was in his lail
years turned to a greater feverity againft Popery than
I had imagined a man of his temper, and of his
largenefs in point of opinion, was capable of. He
fpoke of the corruptions, of the fecular fpirit, and
of the cruelty that appeared in that Church, v/ith
an extraordinary concern •, and lamented the fhame-
ful advances that v/e feemed to be making towards
Popery. He did this with a tendernefs, and an
edge, that I did not expe6l from fo reciufe and mor-
tified a man. He looked on the State the Church
of England was in, with very melancholy reflections,
and was very uneafy at an expreffion then much
ufed, that it was the beil conftituted Church in the
world. He thought it was truly fo, with relation to
the do(5lrine, the worfhip, and the main part of our
government. But as to the adminiilration, both
with relation to the Ecclefiaftical Courts, and the
pailorai care, he looked on it as one of the mofl cor-
rupt he had ever feen. He thought, v/e looked
like a fair carcafe of a body without a fpirit ; with-
out that zeal, that ftridnefs of life, and that labori-
oufnefs in the Clergy, that became us.
There were tvs^o remarkable circumllances in his
death. He ufed often to fay, that if he were to
choofe a place to die in, it fiiould be an inn ; it look-
ing like a Pilgrim's going home, to whom this
world was all as an inn, and who was weary of the
noife and confufion in it. He added, that the ofH-
cious tendernefs and care of friends was an entangle-
ment to a dying man ; and that the unconcerned
attendance of thofe that could be procured in fuch a
place, v/ould give lefs difturbance. And he ob-
tained what he defired ; for he died at the Bell inn
S 2 in
i6o The History of the Reign
1684. in Warwick-Lane. Another circumfbance was, that
V-OT^ while he was Billiop in Scotland, he took what his
tenants were pleafed to pay him : So that there was
a great arrear due, which was raifed (lowly by one
whom he left in truft with his affairs there : And
the laft payment that he could expeft from thence
was returned up to him about fix weeks before his
death : So that his provifion and journey failed both
at once. And thus in the feveral parts of this hif-
tory, I have given a very particular account of eve-
ry thing relatmg to this apoftolical man •, whofelite
I would have writ, if I had not found proper places
to bring the moil material parts of it v/ithin this
work. I reckon, that I owed this to that perfedt
friendfhip and fatherly care, with which he had al-
ways treated me.
The mentioning his death leads me to name fome
other Clergymen of note, that died in this and in
the former year. Burnet died in Scotland. And
Rofs, a poor, ignorant, worthlefs man, but in whom
obedience and fury were fo eminent, that thefe fup-
plied all other defe6ts, was raifed to be the Primate
of that Church : Which was indeed a iad omen, as
well as a ftep to its fall and ruin. Stearn, Archbi-
fhop of York, died in the eighty fixth year of his
age : He was a four ill tempered man, and minded
chiefly the enriching his family. He was fufpefted
of Popery, becaufe he was more than ordinarily
compliant in ail things to the Court, and was very
zealous for the Duke. Dolben, Bifhop of Rochef-
ter, fucceeded him, a man of more Ipirit than dif-
cretion, and an excellent preacher, but oi a free
converfation, which laid him open to much cenfure
in a vitious Court. And indeed he proved a much
better Archbifhop than he had been a Bifhop. Gun-
ning of Ely died this fummer, a man of great read-
ing : He had in him all the fubtilty, and the dif-
puting humour of a fchoolman : And he fludied to
infufe that into all thofe who were formed by him.
He was {lri<5t in the whole courfe of his life : But
was a dry man, and much inclined to fuperftition.
He
of King C H A R L E S II. 201
He had a great confufion of things in his head, and 1684.
could bring nothing into method : So that he was u»-\r-J
a dark and perplexed preacher. His fermons were
full of Greek and Hebrew, and of the opinions of
the Fathers. Yet many of the Ladies of a high
form loved to hear him preach : Which the King
ufed to fay, was becaufe they did not underiland
him. Turner fucceeded him. He had been long
in the Duke's family, and was in high favour with
him. He was a fmcere and good natured man, of
too quick an imagination, and too defe6live a judg-
ment. He was but moderately learned, having
converfed more with men than with books : And fo
he was not able to do the Duke great fervice. But
he was fo zealous for his fucceffion, that this raifed
him high upon no great ftock of fufficiency. Old
Morley, Bifhop of Wincheiler, died this winter, in
the eighty feventh year oi his age. He was in many
refpefts a very eminent man, zealous againft Popery,
and yet a great enemy to the Diffenters : He was
confiderabiy learned, and had a great vivacity of
thought : But he was too foon provoked, and too
little mailer of himfelf upon thofe occafions. Mew,
Bifhop of Bath and Wells, fucceeded him : He had
been a Captain during the wars, and had been Mid-
dletoun's Secretary, when he was lent to command
the infurreclion, that the Highlanders of Scotland
made for the King in fifty three. After that he came
into Orders : And, tho' he knew very little of Di-
vinity, or of any other learning, and was weak to a
childifh degree, yet obfequiouinefs and zeal raifed
him thro'' feveral fleps to this great See. Ken fuc-
ceeded him in Bath and Wells , a man of an afce-
tick courfe of life, and yet of a very lively temper,
but too hot and fudden. He had a very edifying
way of preaching : But it was more apt to move the
paffions, than to inftruft. So that his fermons v/ere
rather beautiful than folid : Yet his way in them was
very taking. The King feemed fond of him. And
by him and Turner the Papifts hoped, that great
progrefs might be made in , gaining, or at leaft de-
S 3 iudio^
g^2 The History of the Reign
1684. ludmg the Clergy. It was obferved, that all the
men in favour among the Clergy were unmarried •,
from whom, they hoped, they might more proba-
bly promife them.felves a difpofition to come over to
them.
ThcprofecutionoftheDiffenters was carried very
high all this year : They were not only proceeded
againil for going to Conventicles, but for not going
to Church, and for not receiving the Sacrament ^ the
laws made againft Papifts with relation to thofe par-
ticulars being now applied to them. Many were
excommunicated, and ruined by the profecutions.
The Earl of Danby, for all his feverity againft Lord
Shaftfbury, for moving in the King's bench to be
bailed, tho' committed by the Lords only for a con-
tempt, yet had been forced to move often for his be-
ing let out upon bail. It was certainly a very great
hardfhip that he lay under : For he had been now
five years in the Tower. And three Parliaments
had fat. The two iaft had not mentioned him. And
now a Parliament feemed out of fight. Yet, tho*
he offered a very long and learned argument for their
bailing him, the Judges of the King's bench, even
Saunders himfelf, were afraid to meddle in it. But
JefFeries was bolder. So he bailed him. And upon
the fame grounds all the PopiHi Lords were alfo
bailed. Gates \y2ls profecuted at the Duke's fuit for
fcandalous words : Rogue and traitor were very
freely bellowed on the Duke by him : So an 1 00000 1.
was given, which fhut him up in a perpetual impri-
fonment, till they faw a fit opportunity to carry
matters further ao;ainft him. The Duke of Beau-
fort. Lord Peterborough, and fome others, brought
a6tions of Scandalum Magnatum againft thofe, who
in the time of our great heat had fpoke foul things
of them : And great damages were given by obfe-
quious and zealous Juries. An information of a
higher nature was brought againft Williams, v/ho,
tho' he was a v/orthlefs man, yet was for his zeal
chofen Speaker of the Houfe of Commons in the
two iaft Parliaments. He had licenfed the printing
the
of King Charles II. 26;^
the Votes, which had in them matters of fcandal re- 1684.
iating to fome Lords. ' So an information was '-»—v'**«if
brought againfl him : And he upon it demurred to
the jurifdidion of the Court. This was driv^en on
purpofe by the Duke's party, to cut off the thoughts
of another Parliament ; fince it was not to be fup-
pofed, that any Houfe of Commons could bear the
puniihing the Speaker for obeying their orders.
Jenkins had now done all the drudgery that the Somera-
Court had occafion for from him : And being capa- JJJ°J^^
ble to ferve them in nothing elfe, he was difmift Courc.
from being Secretary of State : And Godolphin, one
of the Commiilioners of the Trealury, fucceeded him.
Another Commiffioner of the Treafury, Deering,
dying at the fame time, the Earl of Rocheiler hoped
to have been made Lord Treafurer. He had loft
much ground v/ith the King. And the whole Court
hated him, by reafon of the ftop of all paymentSj
which was chiefly imputed to him. Lord Halifax
and Lord North joined their intereft to bring in two
other Commiffioners upon him, without fo much as
letting him know of it, till it was refolved on. Thefe
were Thynd and North. This laft was to be reward-
ed for his fervice during his Shrievalry in London,
Lord Rochefter engaged both the Duke and the
Lady Portfmouth to divert this, if it was poffible.
But the King was not to be fhaken. So he refolved
to quit the Treafury. The Earl of Radnor was dif^
charged from being Lord Prefident of the Council,
where he had for fome years aded a very mean part,
in which he had loft the charafter of a fteady cyni-
cal Englifhman, which he had maintained in the
former courfe of his life. And Lord Rochefter was
made Lord Prefident : Which being a poft fuperior
in rank, but much inferior both in advantage and
credit to that he held formerly, drew a jeft from Lord
Halifax that may be worth remembring : He faida
he had heard of many kicked down ftairs, but never
of any that was kickt up ftairs before. Godolphin
v/as weary of the drudgery that lay on a Secretary of
State. He cliofe rather to be the firft Commiffioner
S /L of
264 The History of the Reign
1684, of the Treafury. And he was made a Baron. The
V— ?v?— -- Earl of Middletoyn, fon to him that had governed
Scotland, was made Secretary of State, a man of a,
generous temper, withoiit much religion, well learn-
ed, of a good judgment, and a lively apprehenfion.
The bom- If foreign aifairs could have awaken'd the King,
barding of tj-^e French did enough this fummer in order to
Genoa. jj._ Befides their poileffing themfeives of Luxem-
bourgh, they fent a fleet againft Genoa upon no fort
of provocation, but becauie Genoa would not com-
ply with Ibme demands, that were both unjuft and
unreafonable : The King of France ordered it to be
bombarded, hoping that in that confufion he, might
by landing a few nien have made himfelf eaiily ma-
fter of that State. This would very probably have
fucceeded, ir the attempt had been made upon the
iirfb confternacion they were in, v/hen the bomabard-
ment began. But the thing was delayed a day or
two. And by that tiqie the Genoefe not only reco-
vered themfeives out of their firft fright ; but put-
pcig themfeives in order, they were animated with
that indignation and tury, that they beat off the
< French, with a courage that was not expedled from
them. Siich an aiTault, that looked liker the vio-
lence of a robber, than the attack of one that would
pbferye forms in his conquefts, ought to have pro-
voked all Princes, efpecially fuch as were powerful
at fea, to have joined againft a Prince, who by thefe
practices was become the common enemy of man-
kind. Bnt we were now purfuing other defigns,
from which it was refoived that nothing from beyond
fea fhould divert us.
Tangier After the King had kept Tangier about twenty
"ebandpn- years, and had been at a vafc charge in making ^
^ * mole before it, in v/hich feveral fets of undertakers
had failed, indeed in the main defigns, but had fuc-
ceeded well in the enriching of themfeives, and the
work was now brought; ne^r perfection, v/hich feern-
ed to give us the key of the jVIediterranean ; He,
to deliver himfelf from that charge, fent Lord Dart-
inpufcl| with a iieet to deftroy all the \yorks, and to
' " " ' ' ' bring.
of King Charles II.
I bring home all our men. The King, when he com-
• municated this to the Cabinet Council, charged them
;to be kcret. But it was believed, that he himfeif
i fpoke of it to the Lord Arlington, and that Lord
I Arlington told it to the Portugal Ambaffador : For
the Ambaffador took lire upon it, and defired, that,
: if the King was weary of keeping it, he would re-
I ftore it to his Mailer : And he undertook to pay a"
; great fum for the charge the King had been at, all
jthefe years that he had it. But the King believed,
j that as the money would never be paid,- fo the King
; of Portugal would not be able to maintain that place
azainft the Moors : So that it would fall in their
hands, and by that means prove too important to
: command the Straits. The thing was boldly denied
by the Minifters, when prefTed by the Ambaffador
upon that fubjeft. Lord Dartmouth executed the
defign as he was ordered. So an end was put to
our pofTefrmg that place. This was done only to
fave charge, that the Court might hold out the
longer without a Parliament. So the Republic of
Genoa, feeing that we would not, and that without
us the Dutch could not undertake their protedion,
were forced to make a very abjed compliment to the
King of France ; if any thing could be abjed, that
was neceiTary to fave their Country. The Doge and
fome of the Senators were fent to Verfailles to afl-c
the King pardon, tho' it was not eafy to tell for
what -, unlefs it was, becaufe they prefumacd to refifl:
his invafion. I hapned to be at Paris when the Doge
was there. One faying of his v/as much repeated :
When all the glory of v erfailles was fet open to him,
and the flatterers of the Court were admiring every
thing, he feemed to look at them with the coldnefsi
that became a perfon, who was at the head of a free
Commonwealth : And when he was afl<ced, if the
things he faw were not very extraordinary, he faid^
the moft extraordinary thing that lie faw there was
himfeif.
The affairs of Holland were much broken : The Affairs b«f-
Prince of Orange and the Townqf Amfterdam were youd ka.
^66 The History of the Reign
1684. in very ill terms by the French managementj to
v.«»-v-*>.j which Chudleigh the Enghfh Envoy joined his.
ilrength, to fuch a degree of infolence, that he of-
fered perfonal affronts to the Prince ; who upon,
that would fee him no more : Yet the Prince was
not confidered enough at our Court to get Chud-
leigh to be recalled upon it. The Town of Amfter-
dam went fo far, that a motion was made of fetting.
up the Prince of Friezeland as their Stadtholder :
And he was invited to come to their Town in order
to it. But the Prince of Orange prevented this by
coming to a full agreement with that Town. So
he and his Princefs were invited thither : And that
mifuaderfcanding was removed, or at leaft laid afleep
for that time. The v/ar of Hungary went on with
flow fuccefs on the Emperor's fide : He was poor,
and his revenue was exhaufted, fo that he could not
prefs fo hard upon the Turks, as he might have done.
J with advantage j for they were in great confufion.^
The King of Poland had married a French wife :
And flie had a great afcendant over him : And not
being able to get her family raifed in France, Ihe
had turned that King to the Emperor's interefts. So
, that he had the glory of raifing the fiege of Vienna.
The French faw their error ; and v/ere nov/ ready to
purchafe her at any rate : So that all the reil of that
poor King's inglorious life, after that great adiion
at Vienna, was a perpetual going backwards and
forwards between the interefts of France and Vi-
enna ; which depended entirely upon the fecret ne-
gotiations of the Court of France with his Queen,
as they came to her terms, or as they did not quite
comply with them.
The mifunderftanding between the Court of Rome
and France went on ftilL The Pope declared open-
ly for the Floufe of Auftria againft the Turk -, and
jnade great returns of money into Germany. He
engaged the Venetians- into the alliance. He found
alfo fault with many of the proceedings in France,
witli relation to the Regale. And now the tables
were turned : The Jefuits, who were wont to value
themfeives
of King C H AR L E s II. 267
ihemfelves on their dependance on the Court of 1684.
|lome, were now wholly in the intereft of France -, v-«»v»«««^
or they refolved to be on the ftronger fide : And
he Janfenifts, whom Rome had treated very ill,
find who were looked on as the moil zealous affer- ■
ors of the liberties of the Galilean Church, were now
:;he men that admired the Pope, and declared for
;iim. The perfecution of the Froteftants went on
iiill in France : And no other ^are was had or them
iiere, but that we Hieitred them, and fo had great
lumbers of them coming oyer to us. A quarrel
was depending betv/een the F-.nglilh and the Dutch
Eail-India com.pany. The Dutch had a mind to
idrive us out of Bantam ; for they did not love to
fee the Englifh fettle fo near Batavia. So they en-
gaged the old King of Bantam into a war with his
fon, who was in poffelTion of Bantam : And the fon
was fupported by the Englilli. But the old King
drove out his fon by the help that the Dutch gave
him : And he drove out the Englifh likewife, as
having efpoufed his fon's rebellion againll him ; tho'
we underilood that he had refigned the Kingdom to
his fon, but that by the inftigation of the Dutch he
had nov/ invaded him. It is certain, our Court laid
up this in their heart, as that upon which they would
lay the foundation of a new war with the States, as
foon as we Ihould be in a condition to undertake
it. The Eaft- India company fav/ this, and that the
Court prelTed them to make publick remonftrances
upon it, which gave a jealoufy of an ill defign un-
der it : So they refolved to proceed rather in a very
flow negotiation, than in any thing that might give
a handle to a rupture.
I muft now mix in fomewhat with relation to my- The hard-
felf, tho' it may feem too inconfiderable to be put ^^'ps that
into a feries of matters of fuch importance. But it jjgj^^jj^'^
is neceifary to give fome account of that, which itt
me at liberty to go round fome parts of Europe, and
to ftay fome years out of England. I preached a
ledure at St. Clements on the f hurfdays : But after
the Lord Ruffel's death the King fent an order to
Dr,
Tne History of the Reign
Dr. Hafcard, then Redor of the parifh, to difcharge
me from it. I continued at the Rolls, avoiding very
cautioufly every thing that related to the publick :
For I abhorred the making the pulpit a ftage for
venting of paffion, or for the ferving of intereili.
There was a parilh in London vacant, where the
eledion lay in the inhabitants : And it was proba-
ble it would have rallen on me ; tho' London was
in fo divided a ftate, that every thing was managed
by the ftrength of parties. Yet the King, appre-
hending the choice might have fallen on me, lent a
melTage to them, to kt them know, he would take
it amifs if they chofe me. Old Sir Harbotle Grim-
ftone lived ftill to the great indignation of the Court :
When the fifth of November, being gunpowder
treafon day, came, in which v/e had alv/ays fermons
at the Chapel of the Rolls, I beg'd the Matter of the
Rolls to excufe me then from preaching ; for that
day led one to preach againil Popery, and it was in-
decent not to do it. He faid, he would end his life
as he had led it all along, in an open deteftation of
Fopery. So, fmce I faw this could not be avoided,
tho' I had not meddled with any point of Popery
, for above a year together, I refolved, fince I did it
fo feldom, to do it to purpofe. 1 chofe for my text
thefe words : '* Save me from the lion's mouth, thou
*' haft heard me from the horns of the unicorns."
I made no refledion in my thoughts on the lion and
unicorn, as being the two fupporters of the King's
fcutcheon : (For Lhad ever hated all points of that
fort, as a profanation of Scriptures :) But I ihewed
how well Popery might be compared to the lion's
mouth, then open to devour us : And I compared
our former deliverance from the extremities of dan-
ger to the being on the horn of a rhinoceros. And
this leading me to the fubjed: of the day, I men-
tioned that wifh of King James the firft againfi any
of his pofterity, that fhould endeavour to bring that
religion in among us. This was immediately car-
ried to the Court. But it only raifed more anger
againil me i for i^othing could be made of it. They
talked
of King Charles II. 2^^
talked mofl: of the choice of the text, as levelled 1684,
againft the King's coat of arms. That had never s.^-\.^^*-«'
been once in my thoughts. Lord Keeper North di-
verted the King from doing any thing on the ac-
icount of my fermon. And fo the matter flept till
the end of the term. And then North writ to the
Mafter of the Rolls, that the King confidered the
Chapel of the Rolls as one of his own Chapeis :
And, fmce he looked on me as a perfon difafieded
to his government, and had for that reafon difmilTed
me from his own fervice, he therefore required him
not to fufFer me to ferve any longer in that ChapeL
And thus all my fervice in the Church was now ftopt.
;For upon fuch a publick declaration made againil
me, it was not fi^ for any Clergyman to make ufe
of my affiiiance any more. And by thefe means I
iwas fet at liberty by the procurement of my ene-
mies. So that I did not abandon my poll, either
out of fear, or out of any giddinefs to ramble about
Europe. But, being now under fuch publick marks
of jealoufy, and put out of a capacity of ferving God
and the Church in the way of my function, it feem-
ed a prudent and a decent thing for me to withdrav/
myfelf from that fury, which 1 faw was working fo
ftrongly, and in fo many repeated inftances, againil
me.
i , Thefe difgraces from the Court were the occafion
''of my going out of England ; which both preferv-
ed me from v/hat 1 had reafon to apprehend, when
the Duke, by the change that hapiied foon after.,
might have had it in his power to make me feel all
that difpleafure, which had been growing upon him
in a courfe of fo many years againit me ; and it alfo
put me in a way to do the greatefc fervices I was ca-
pable of, both to the intereft of religion, and of thefe
Nations. So that what was intended as a mifchief
, to me proved my prefervation. My employment
I at the Rolls would have fallen in courfe within a
month, if the Court had delayed the putting me
from it in fuch an open manner ; for that worthy
man. Sir Harbotie Grimilonej died about Chriftmas,
Nature
270 The History of the Reign
1684. Nature funk all at once, he being then eighty two:
V^V''^ He died, as he had lived, with great piety and re-
fignation to the will of God.
Trials for There were two famous trials in Michaelmas term
treafon of 'pj^j-ge women came and depofed agamil Rof\velI, _2
andHaies. l"*refbyterian preacher, treafonabie words that he had
delivered at a Conventicle. They fwore to two 01
three periods, in which they agreed fo exa6lly toge-
ther, that there was not the fmallell variation in theii
depofitions. Rofwell on the other hand made a
ftrong defence : He proved, that the witneffes were
leud and infamous perfons. He proved, that he
had abvvays been a loyal man, even in Cromvv'eH's
days ; that he prayed confiantly for the King in his
family, and that in his fermons he often infilled or
the obligations to loyalty. And as for that fermon.
in which the witneffes Iwore he delivered thofe words,
he Ihewed what his text was, which the witneffe<
could not remember, as they remembred nothing
elfe in his fermon, befides the words they had depof
" ed. That text, and his fermon upon it, had no re-
lation to any fuch matter. Several witneffes whc
heard the fermon, and fome who writ it in fhort-Iiand,
declared, he faid no fuch words, nor any thing to
that purpofe. He offered his own notes to prove
this further : But no regard was had to them. The
women could not prove by any circumftance, thai
they were at his meeting ; or that any perfon fav,
them there on that day. The words they fv/ore
againft him v/ere fo grofs, that it was not to be ima-
gined, any man in his wits could exprefs him-
felf fo, were he ever fo wickedly fet, beiore a mix-
ed affembly. It was alfo urged, that it was highl}
improbable, that three women could remember fc
long a period upon one fingle hearing ; and thai
they fhould all remember it fo exactly, ,as to agref
in the fame depofition. He offered to put the wholt
upon this iffue : He would pronounce a period, a
long as that which they had fworn, with his ufua
tone of voice with v hich he preached, and then leavt
it to them to repeat it, if they could. I fet dowr
of King Charles IL
all this defence more particularly, that it may ap-
pear what a fpirit was in that time, when a verdid:
could be brought in upon fuch an evidence, and
againft fuch a defence. JefFeries urged the matter
with his ordinary vehemence : He laid it for a foun-
dation, that all^ preaching at Conventicles was trea-
j fonable, and t^at this ought to difpofe the Jury to
I believe any evidence whatibever upon that head, and
1 that here were three pofitive concurring witneffes :
i So the Jury brought him in guilty. And there was
' a fhameful rejoicing upon this. It was thought,
now Conventicles would be all fupprefied by it ;
fince any perfon that would witnefs that treafonable
words were delivered at them would be believed,
how improbable foever it might be. But when the
importance of the words came to be examined, by
men learned in the law, they were found not to be
treafon by any ftatute. So Rofwell moved in arreft
of judgment, till Counfel fhould be heard to that
point, whether the words were treafon or not. In
Sidney's cafe they refufed to grant that, unlefs he
would firft confefs the fad. And, tho' that was much
cenfured, yet it was more doubtful, whether Coun-
cil ought to be heard after the Jury had brought in
the verdi6t. But the King was fo put out of coun-
tenance, with the many ftories that were brought
him of his witneffes, that the Attorney General had
orders to yield to the arreft of judgment ; tho' it
had been more to the King's honour to have put an
end to the bufmefs by a pardon. It was thought a
good point gained, which might turn to the advan-
tage of the fubjed, to allow that a point of law might
be argued after convidion. The impudence of this
verdid was the more fhameful, fince, tho* we had a
Popifh fucceffor in view, here was a precedent mad%
by which pofitive witneffes, fwearing to any thing
as faid in a fermon, were to be believed againft fo
many probabilities, and fo much proof to the con-
trary ; which might have bee.n at another time very
fatal to the Clergy,
The
27^ - The History of the Reign
1684: The other trial was of more importance to thd
I^VNJ Court. In Armflrong's pocket, when he was taken,
a letter was found writ by Haies, a Banquier in
London, direfted to another name, which was be-
lieved a feigned one : In it credit was given hi^-j
upon Haies's correfpondent in Holland for money :
He v/as defired not to be too lavifh : And he was
promifed, that he fhould be fupplied as he needed it;
Here v/as an abetting of a man outlawed for treafon.
Much pains was taken on Haies, both by perfuafion
and threatning, to induce him to difcover that whole
cabal of mien, that, it feemed, joined in a common
purfe to fupply thofe, who had fled beyond lea on
the account of the plot. And they hoped to know
all Monmouth's friends ; and either to have attaint-
ed them, or at leaft to have fined them feverely for
it. But Haies fliewed a fidelity and courage, far
beyond what could have been expefted from fuch a
man : So he was brought to a trial. He made a
ftrong defence. The letter was not exactly like his
hand. It was not addrefled to Armtlrong, but to
another perfon, from whom he perhaps had it. No
entry was made of it in his books, nor of any fum
paid in upon it. But his main defence was, that a
Banquier examined into no perfon's concerns ; and
therefore, when money or good feeurity was brought
him, he gave bills of exchange, or letters of credit^
as they were deiired. JefFeries preiled the Jury, in
his impetuous way, to find Haies guilty of high
treafon ; becaufe, tho' there was not a witnefs againft
Haies, but only prefumptions appeared upon the
proof, yet, JefFeries faid, it v/as proved by two wit-
nefTes that the letter was found in Armflrong's
pocket •, and that was fufficient, the reft appearing
^y circumftances. The little difference between the
writing in the letter and his ordinary hand, was faid
to be ohly a feint to hide it, which made him thef
more guilty. He required the Jury to bring hirrt
in guilty. And faid, that the King's life and fafety
depended upon this trial : So that if they did it not*
they expofed the King to a new Rye-Plot; with
©£her
of King C H A R L E s II.
.other extravagancies, with which his fury prompted
him. But a Jury of merchants could not be wrought
up to this pitch. So he was acquitted, which m^or-
tified the Court a httle : For they had reckoned,
that now Juries were to be only a point of form in
a trial, and that they were always to find bills as
they were direfled.
A trial in a matter of blood came on after this. Strange
A gentleman of a noble family being at a publick, ^^^ ^g^*
fupper with much company, fome hot words paft unbscom-
between him and another Gentleman, which raifed '"g a
a fudden quarrel, none but three perfons being en- -^'"2'
gaged in it. Swords were drawn, and one was
killed out-right : But it was not certain by whbfe
hand he was killed : So the other two were both in-
dicted upon it. The proof did not carry it beyond
manflaughter, po marks of any precedent malice
appearing. Yet the young Gentleman was pre-
vailed on to confefs the indiftment, and to let ihn-
tence pais on him for murder ; a pardon being pro -
mifed him if he fliould do fo, and he being threatned
with the utmoft rigour of the law, if he flood upon
his defence. After the fentence had paft, it appear-
ed on what defign he had been pradiifed on. It was
a rich family,- and not well affe6ted to the Court :
. So he was told that he muft pay well for his pardon :
And it coft him i6oool-, of which the King had
the one half, the other half being divided between
two Ladies that were in great favour. It is a very
ill thing, for Princes to fuffer themfelves to be pre-
vailed on by importunities to pardon blood, which
cries for vengeance. Yet an eafinefs to fuch impor-
tunity is afeeblenefs of good nature, and fo is in it
felf lefs criminal. But it is a monftrous perverting
of juftice, and a deflroying the chief end of go-
vernment, which is the preiervation of the people,
when their blood is fet to fale •, and that not as a
compenfation to the family of the perfon murdered,
but to the Prince himfelf, and to fome who are in
favour with him upon unworthy accounts : And it
was robbery if the Gentleman was innocent.
Vol. II. T Another
274 The History of the Reign
1684. Another thing of a ftrange nature hapned about
y^''\'~S^ this time. The Earl of Clancarty in Ireland, when
he died, had left his Lady the guardian of his chil-
dren. It was one of the nobleft and richeft families
of the Irifh Nation, wliich had always been Papifts."
But the Lady was a Proteftant. And Ihe, being
afraid to truii the education of her fon in Ireland,
tho' in Proteflant hands, confidering the danger he
might be in from his kmdred of that rehgion,
brought him over to Oxford, and put him into Fell's
hands, who was both Bifiiop of Oxford and Dean
of Chrift Church : where fiie reckoned he would be
lafe. Lord Clancarty had an uncle. Coll. Maccar-
ty, who was in moft things, where his religion was
not concerned, a man of honour. So he, both to
pervert his nephew, and to make his own court, got
the King to write to the Bifhop of Oxtbrd to let the
3?^oung Lord come up, and fee the diverfions of the
Town in the Chriftmas time ; to which the Bifhop
did too eafily confent, V/hen he came to Town,
he, being then at the age of confent, was married to
one of the Lord Sunderland's daughters. And lb he
broke thro' all his education, and foon after turned
Papift. Thus the Kiiig fuffered himfelf to be made
an inftrurnent in one of the greateft of crimes, the
taking an infant out of the hand of a guardian, and
marrying him lecretly ; againft which the laws of ail
nations have taken care to provide very eii'eclually.
But this leads me into a further view of the defigns
at Court.
Pa| Its Xhe Earl of Rochefter grew weary of the infigni-
empio\c f^cant place of Prefident, v/hich procured him nei-
111 Ireland. ^ n t i 1 *« i r-
ther coiindence nor dependance. And, inice tne go-
vernment of Ireland v/as the greateft pofl: next to the
Treafury, he obtained by the Duke's favour to be
named Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. The King
feemed to be fo uneafy with him, that he was glad
to fend him away from the Court. And the King
intended to begin in his perfon a new method in the
government of Ireland. Form.erly the Lords Lieu-
tenants were Generals of the army, as well as the
Governors
of King C K A R L E s IL 275
Governors of the Kingdom, Their intereft in re- 1684. ]
commending to polls in the army, and the giving s^^^^r^*/
the commiffions for them, brought the army into
their dependence, and encreafed the profits of their
Secretaries. It was now fuggefted by Lord Sunder-
iand, that this was too much in one perfon : And
therefore he propofed, that there ihouid be a Gene-
ral of the army, independent on the Lord Lieute-
nant, and who lliould be a check upon him : When
there were but a few troops kept up there, it might
be more reafonable to leave them in the Lord Lieu-
tenant's hand's : But now that an army was kept, it
feemed too m.uch to put that,, as well as the civil
adminifbration of the Kingdom, into the power of
one man. In this the Earl ot Sunderland's defign
was, to keep that Kingdom in a dependance upon
himfelf. And he told the King, that if he thought
that was a good maxim for the government of Ire-
land, he ought to begin it when a creature of his
own was fent thither, who had not fuch a right to
difpute points of that kind with him, as ancient no-
blemen might pretend to. Lord Rochefter was
much mortified with this. He faid, the chief Go-
vernor of Ireland could not be aniwerable for the
peace of that Kingdom, if the army was not in a de-
pendance on him. Yet little regard was had to all
that he could obje6t to this new method ; for the
King feem^ed to be the more pleafed with it, becaufe
it affhciied him fo m,uch. The firft inftanxe, in
which the King intended to begin the immediate de-
pendance of the Iri fn army on himfelf, was not fo
well chofen, as to make it generally acceptable :
For it was, that ColL Maccarty was to have a re-
giment there. Lie had a regiment in the French
fervice for feveral years, and was called home upon
that appearance that v/e had put on of engagino-
with the allies in a war with France in tiie year 1 67 H.
The Popifli plot had kept the King from employing
him for fome years, in which the Court was in fome
management with the Nation. But now that being
at an end, the King intended to. employ him,,, uppn
T 2 this
•276 The History of the Reign
1684. this acceptable fervice he had done with relation to
l/'V^ his nephew. The King fpoke of it to Lord Hali-
fax : And he, as he told me, aflced the King, if he
thought that was to govern according to law. The
King anfwered, he \¥as not tied up by the laws of
Ireland, as he was by the laws of England. Lord
Halifax offered to argue that point with any perfon
thatafferted it before him : He faid, that army was
raifed by a Proteftant Parliament, 'to fecure the Pro-
teflant intereft : And would the King give occaiion
■ to any to fay, that where his hands were not bound
lip, he would fliew all the favour he could to the
Papifts ? The King anfwered, he did not trouble
himfelf with what people faid, or would fay. Lojd
Halifax replied to this, that it was a juil piece of
greatnefs in the King not to mind what his enemies
faid ; but he hoped he would never defpife what his
■ friends faid, efpecially when they feem.ed to have
reafon on their fide : And he wiflied the King would
choofe rather to make up Maccarty's loiles for his
fervice in penfions, and other favours, than in a
way that would raife fo much clamour and jealoufy.
In all this Lord Plalifax only offered his advice to
the King, upon the King's beginning the difcourfe
with him. Yet the King told it all to Maccarty ;
who came and expoflulated the matter with that
Lord. So he faw by that how little fafe a man was,
, who fpoke freely to the King, when he croffed the
King's own inclinations.
Sufplcions There was a great expedation in the Court of
of the jTj-ance, that at this time the King would declare
cla"fnc ^' himfelf a Papift. They did not keep the fecret very
himfelf a Carefully there : For the Archbifliop of Rheims hiui
Papiit. faid to my felf, that the King was as much tiieirs as
his brother was, only he had not fo much confcience.
This I reported to Lord Llalifax to tell the King.
Whether he did it, or not, 1 know not. But it was
written over at this time from Paris, that the King
of France had faid at his levee, or at table, that a
great thing would quickly break out in England
with relatign to reiiglonc The occafionof that was;
afterwards;
of King Charles II. '277
afterwards better knov/n. One of our Earc-India 1684.
fhips h^d brought over one of the MiiTionaries of v-^-v-^^t
Siam, who was a man of a warm, imagination, and
who; talkedr of his having converted and baptized
many thoufands in that Kingdom. He was well re-
ceived at Court : And the King diverted himfelf
with hearing him relate the adventures, and other
paffages of his travels. Upon this encouragement '
he delired a priv^ite audience-, in w^hich in a very in-
flamed fpeech, and with great vehemence, he preiTed
the King to return into the bofom of the Church.
The King entertained this civilly, and gave him
thofe anfwers, that he, not knowing the King's way,
took them for fuch fteps and indications, as made
him conclude the thing was very near done : And
upon that he writ to P. de la Chaife, that they w^ouid
hear the news of the King's converfion very quickly.
The Confeffor carried the news to the King ; who,
not doubting it, gave the general hint of that great
turn, of which he was then full of hopes.
That Prieft was directed by Tome to apply him-
felf to Lord Halifax, to try if he could convert him.
Lord Halifax told me, he was fo vain and fo weak
a man, that none could be converted by him, but
fuch as were weary of their religion, and wanted on-
ly a pretence to throw it off. Lord Halifax put ma-
ny queftions to him, to which he made fuch fimple
anfwers, as furnifhed that Lord with many very
lively fallies upon the converfions fo much boaded
of, when made by fuch men. Lord Halifax aflied
him, how it came that, fince the King of Siam \va3
fo favourable to their religion, they had not con-
verted him ^ The MiOionary upon that told him,
that the King had faid, he would not examine Into
the truth of all that they had told him concerning
Jefus Chrift : He thought it was not reafonable to
torfake the religion of his fathers, unlefs he faw good
grounds to juftify the chaiige : And, fince they pre-
tended that the author of their religion had left a
power ot working miracles with his followers, he de-
fired they would apply that to himfelf: He had a
T 3 pal fey
The History of the Reign
palfey both in his arm, and in his leg: And if they
could deliver him from that, he promifed to them
he would change immediately. Upon which the
MilTionary faid, that the Bifhop, who was the head
.of that miflion, was bold enough (affez hardi, were
the Prieft's own words) to undertake it. A day was
fet for it. And the Bifhop, with his Prieft and
•fome others, came to the King. And after fomc
prayers, the King told them, he felt fome heat and
motion in his arm ; but the palfey was more rooted
in his thigh : So he defired the Bifhop would go on,
and finifb that which was fo happily begun. The
•Bilhop thought he had ventured enough, and v/ould
iengage no further ; but told the King, that fince
their God had made one flep towards him, he mufb
make the next to God, and at leaft meet him half
way. But the King was obilinate, and would have
the miracle finifhed before he v/ould change. On
the other hand the Bifhop ftood his ground. And
ib tlie matter went no farther. Upon which h,ofd
"Halifax faid, fince the King was fuch an infidel,
they ought to have prayed the palfey into his arm
again, as well as they prayed it out : Otherwife,
here was a miracle lofl on an obftinate infidel : And,
if the palfey had immediately returned into his arm,
that would perhaps have given him a full conviction-.
This put the Miffionary into fome confufion. And
Lord Halifax repeated it both to the King and to
the Duke, with that sir of contempt, that the Duke
was highly provoked by it : And the Prieft appear-
ed at Court no' more,
loSi^. • There wasat this time a new fcheme formed, that
t/~v \^^\''ery probably would have for ever broken the King
r i"*"^'^ r"and the Duke. But how it was laid was fo great a
govern- fecret, that I -could never penetrate into it. It was
^ienf. laid- at Lady Portfmouth's. Barillon and Lord Sun-
derland were the chief rnanagers of it. Lord Go-
dolphin was -alfo in it. The Duke of Monmouth
pame over fecre^ly. And tho' he did not fee the King,
■ye; he v/entback very well pleafed with his journey,
'"'"' ' ' But
of Kins: Charles II.
'to
275
But he never told his reafon to any that I know of. 1685.
Mr. May of the privy piirfe told me, that he was told v.*»v'«.»*»
there was a defign to break out, with which he himfelf
would be well pieafed : And when it was ripe, he was
to be called on to come and manage the King's tem-
per, which, no man underftood better than he did ;
for he had been bred about the King ever fince he
was a child : And by his poil he was in the fecret of
all his amours ; but was contrary to his notions in
every thing elfe, both with relation to Popery, to
France, and to arbitrary government. Yet he was fo
true to the King, in that leud confidence in which he
employed him, that the King had charged him never
to prefs him in any thing, lb as to provoke him. By
this means he kept all this v/hile much atadiftances
for he would not enter into any difcourfe with the
King on matters of ftate, till the King began with
him. And he told me, he knew by the King's way
things were not yet quite ripe, nor he thoroughly fixed
on the defign. That with which they were to begia
was, the fending the Duke to Scotland. And it was
generally believed, that if the two brothers fhould be
once parted, they would never meet again. The King
fpoke to the Duke concerning his going to Scotland:
And he anfwered, that there Vv^as no occafion for it :
Upon which the King replied, that either the Duke
muft go, or that he himfelf would go thither.
The King was obferved to be more than ordi^
narily penfive. And his fondncfs to Lady Portf-
mouth increafed, and broke out in very indecent in-
itances. The Grand Prior of France, the Duke of
Vendome's brother, had made fome applications to
that Lady, with which the King v/as higjily offend-
ed. It was faid, the King came in on a fudden, and
faw that which provolced him : So he commanded
him immediately to go out of England. Yet after
that the King careiied her in the view of all peo-,
pie, which he had never done «n any occafion or to
any perfon formerly. The King was obferved to be
colder and more refer ved to the Duke than ordinary.
But what was under all this v/as ftill a deep fecret.
r'* ^ , T 4 |,or4
28o The History of the Reign
1685. Lord Halifax was let into no part of it. He flill
^^^^-^.r*^ went on agaiaft Lord Rochefter. He complained
in council, that there were many razures in the
books of the T.rea(i.iry5 and that feveral leaves were
cut out of thofe books : And he moved the King to
go to the Treafury chamber, that the books might be
laid before him, and that he might judge of the mat-
ter upon fight. So the King named the next Mon-
day. And it ^vas then expe6ted, that the Earl of
Rochefter would have been turned out of all, if not
ftn': to the Tower. And a meiTage was fent to Mr.
May, then atWindfor, to defire him to come to
Court that day, which it was expecEled would prove
a critical day. And it proved to be fo indeed, tho*
in a different vvay.
All ,this winter the King looked better than he
had done for many years. He had a humour in his
leg, which looked like the beginning of the gout :
So that for fome weeks he could not walk, as he
ufed to do generally- three or four hours a day in the
Park 5 which he did commonly fo'faft, that as it was
really an exercife to himfelf, fo it was a trouble to
all about him to hold up with him. In the ftate the
King was in, he not being able to walk, fpent much
of his time in his laboratory, and was running a
procefs for the fixing of Mercury. On the firft of
February, being a Sunday, he eat little all day, and
came to Lady Portfmouth at ilight, and called for a
porringer of fpoon meat. It was made too ftrong
for his fiiomach. So he eat little of it : And he had
an unquiet night. In the morning one Dr. King, a
Fhyfician, and a Chymiil, came, as he had been or-
dered, to v/ait on him. All the King's difcourfe to
hjm was fo broken, that he could not underftand
what he meant. And the Doctor concluded, he wa^
under fome great diforder, either in his mind, or in
Jiis body. The Doclor amazed at this, went out,
and meeting with the Lord Peterborough, he faid,
ihe King was in a ftrange hiimour, for he did not
Ipeak one word of fenfe. Lord Peterborough de-
fired he would go in again to the bedchamber, which
4. he
of King C H A R L E S II. , 2^1
Ite did. And he was fcarce come in, when the 16S5.
King, v/ho feemed all the while to be in great con- w-«v~^
fuiion, fell down all of a fiidden in a fit like an apo-
plexy : He looked black, and his eyes turned in his
head. The phyfician, v/ho had been formerly an
eminent Surgeon, faid, it was impoffible to fave the
King's life, if one minute was loft : He would ra-
ther venture, on the rigour of the law, than leave
the King to perifh. And fo he let him blood. The
King come out of that fit : And the phyficians ap-
proved what Dr. King had done : Upon which the
Privy Council ordered him a tlioufand pound, which
yet was never paid him. Thd' the King came out
of that fit, yet the efi'eds of it hung ftili upon him,
fo that he was much oppreflTed. And the phyfici^
ans did very much apprehend the return of another
fit, and that it would carry him off : So they look-
ed on him as a dead man. The Bifhop of London
fpoke a little to him, to dilpofe him to prepare for
whatever might be before him, to which the King
anfwered not a word. But that was imputed partly
to the Bifhop's cold way of fpeaking, and partly to
the. ill opinion they had of him at Court, as too
bufy in oppofition to Popery. Sancroft made a
very weighty exhortation to him ; in which he ufed
a good degree of freedom, which he faid was necef-
fary, fince he was going to be judged by one who
was no refpeder of perfons. To him the King made
no anfwer neither -, nor yet to Ken, tho' the moil in
favour with him of all the Bifhops. Some imputed
this to an infenfibiiity ; of which too vifible an in-
ftance appeared, fince Lady Portfmouth fat in the
bed taking care of him as a wife of a hufoando
Others guefled truer, that it would appear |ie was
of another religion. On Thurfday a fecond fit re-
turned. And then the phyficians told the Duke,
that the King was not like to live a day to an end.
The Duke immediately ordered Hudlefton, thei-iereceiV-
Priefi; that had a great hand in favin^?; the King ated theSa-
Worcefter fight, (for which he was excepted oiit of^'''^'"'-'"^^
^i fevere afts that were niade againft Friefts,) to be -^ifh^pJ^.J"
brought
iS2 The History oF the Reign
1685. brought to the lodgings under the bed-chambel»i'
w-v-w And when he was told what was to be done, he Was
in great confufion, for he had no hoflie about him.
But he went to another Prieft, that Hved in the Court,
who gave him the pix with an hoftie in it. But that
poor ^rieft was fo frighted, that he run out of White-
hall in fuch hafte that he llruck againft a poll, and
feemed to be in a fit of madnefs with fear. As foon
as Hudlefton had prepared every thing that was ne-
ceffary, the Duke whifpered the King in the ear.
Upon that the King ordered that all who were in the
bed-chamber fhould withdrav/, except the Earls of
Bath, and Feverfham : And the door w^as double
locked. The company was kept out half an hour :
Only Lord Feverfham opened the door once, and
"called for a glafs of water. Cardinal Howard told
me at Rome, that Hudlefton, according to the rela-
tion that he fent thither, made the King go thro*
fome acls of contrition, and, after fuch a confeffion
as he could then make, he gave him abfolution and
the other Sacraments. The hoftie ftuck in his
throat : And that v/as the occafion of calling for a
glafs of water. He alfo gave him extream Undion.
All muft have been performed very fuperficially,
•fmce it was fo foon ended. But the King feemed to
be at great eafe upon it. It was given out, that the
'King faid to Hudlefton, that he had faved him twice,
nrft his body, and now his foul •, and that he afl<:ed
-him, if he v/ould have him declare himfelf to be of
their Church. But it feems he was prepared for this,
and fo diverted the King from it ; and faid, he took
\ it upon him to fatisfy the v/orld in that particular.
But tho' by the principles of all religions whatfoever
he ought to have obliged him to make open pro-
ieffion ol his religion, yet, it feems, the confequences
of that were apprehended ^ for without doubt that
poor Prieft afted by the dire6tions that were given
him. The company was fuffered to come in. And
the King went thro' the agonies of death with a
calm and a conftancy, that amazed all who were
about him, and knew how he had lived. This made
foms
of King Charles II.
fome conclude, that he had made a will, and that his
quiet was the efFe6t of that. Ken applied him-
felf much to the awaking the King's confcience.
He Ipoke with a great elevation, both of thought
and expreffion, like a man infpired, as thofe who
were prefent told me. He refumed the matter
often, and pronounced many ihort ejaculations and
prayers, which affefted all that were prefent, ex-
cept him that was the moft concerned, who feem-
ed to take no notice of him, and made no an-
fwers to him. He pKefied the King fix or ihvea
times to receive the Sacrament. But the King al-
ways declined it, faying, he was very Vv^eak, A table
with the elements upon it ready to be confecrated
was brought into the room ; which occafioned a re-
port to be then fpread about, that he had received it.
Ken prelTed him to declare that he defired it, and
that he died in the Comniunion of the Church of
England. To that he anfwered nothing. Ken aflc-
ed him, if he defired abfolution of his fins. It feems
the King, if he then thought any thing at all. thought
that would do him no hurt. So Ken pronounced it
over him : For which he was blamed, fmce the King
expreflbd no fenfe of forrow for his pail life, nor any
purpofe of amendment. It was thought to be apro-
ilitution ot the peace of the Church, to give it to
one, who, after a life led as the King's had been,
feemed to harden himfelf againft every thing that
could be faid to him.' Ken was alfo cenfured for
another piece of indecency : He prefented the Duke
of Richmond, Lady Portfmouth's fon, to be bleffed
by the King. Upon this Ibme that v/ere in the room
cried out, the King was their common father. And
UDon that all kneeled down for his bleffino- which
he gave them. The King fuffered much inwardly,
and faid, he was burnt up within -, of which he com-
plained often, but with great decency. He faid
once, he hoped he ihould climb up to heaven's gates,
^^vhich was the Only word favouring pf religion that
he was heard to fpeak.
0^4 ^^^^ History of the Reign
1685. He gathered all his ftrength to fpeak his laft words
to the Duke, to which every onehearkned with great
attention. He expreited his . kindnefs to hirn, and
that he now deUvered all overto hin;i v/ith great joy*
He recommended Lady Portfmouth oyer and bvs:}
again to him. Fie faid, he had always ~loved heri
and he loved her now to the laft : and befought the
Duke, in as melting words as he could fetch out, to
be very kind to her and to her fon. He recom-
mended his other children to him : And conculded,
let not poor Nelly (tar ve ; that was Mrs. Guynl 0).it:
he faid nothing of the Qiieen, nor any one word or
his people, or of his fervants,: Nor did he fpeak onp
word of religion, or concealing thepayment of lii?
debts, tho' he left behind him about 90000 guineas,
which he had gathered, either out of the privy purfe, or
out of the money which was fenthim from France, or
by other methodsj and which he had kept fo fecretly
that no perfon whatfoever knew any thing of it.
1 death. He continued in the agony till Friday at eleven
a clock, being the fixth of February 1 68-^ ; and then
died in the fifty fourth year of his age, after he ha^
reigned, if we reckon from his father's death, thirty
fix years, and eight days -, or, if we reckon from his
Reftoration, twenty four years, eight months, and nine
days. There were many very apparent fufpicions of
his being poifoned : For tho' the firft accefs looked
like an apoplexy, yet it was plain in the progrefs of
it that it was no apoplexy. When his body was
opened, the phyficians who viewed it were, as it were
led, by thofe who might fufpeft the truth, to look
upon the parts that were certainly found. But both
Lower and Needham, two famous phyficians, told
me, they plainly difcerned two or three blew fpots on
the outfide of the flomach. Needham called twice
to have it opened : But the furgeons feemed not to
hear him. And when he moved it the fecond time,
he, as he told me, heard Lower fay to one that li:ood
next him, Needham will undo us, calling thus to
have the flomach opened, for he may fee they will
not do it. They were diverted to look to fomewhat
clfe:
' of King Charles IL
ffeife : And when" they returned to look upon the fto-
mach, it v/as carried away : So that it was never
viewed. Le Fevre, a French phyfician, told me, he
faw a blackncfs in the flioulder : Upon which he
: made an incifion, and faw it was all mortified. Short,
: another phyfician, who was a Papift, but after a form
«^of his own, did very much fufpe6t foul dealing : And
he had talked more freely of it, than any of the Fro-
teftants durft do at that time. But he was not long
after taken fuddenly ill, upon a large draught of
wormwood wine, which he had drunk in the houfe
of a Popifli patient, that lived near the Tower, who
had lent for him, of which he died. And, as he faid
to Lower, Millingcon, and fome^other phyficians, he
• believed that he himfelf was poifoned, for his having
. fpoken fo freely of the King's death. The King's
body was indecently neglefted. Some parts of his in-
wards, and fome pieces of the fat, were left in the
water in v/hich they were waihed : AH which were fo
carelefsly looked after, that the water being poured
1 out at a fcullery hole that went to a drain, in the
, mouth of which a grate lay, thefe were feen lying on
- the grate many days after, tlis funeral was very
mean. He did not lie in ftate : No mournings were
■ given : And the expence of it was not equal to what
i an ordinary Nobleman's funeral will rife to. Many
' upon this laid, that he deferved better from his bro-
: ther, than to be thus ungratefully treated in ceremo-
: nies that are publick, and that make an imprelTioii
on thofe who fee them, and who will make fevere ob-
fervations and inferences upon fuch omiffions. Biic
fi nee I have mentioned the fufpicions of poifon, as the
caufe of his death, I mull add, that I never heard any
lay thofe fufpicions on his brother. But his dying lo
critically, as it were in the minute in which he feem-
ed to begin a turn of affairs, made it be generally the
more believed, and that the Papifts had done it, ci-
ther by the means of fome of Lady Portfmouth's fer^
vants, or, as fome fancied, by poifoned fnufF ; for
fo many of the fmall veins of the brain were buril,
that the brain was in great diforder, and no judg-
ment
2 86 The History of the Reign
T1684. ment could be made concerning it^ To this I fhsU
' u*^nw» add a very furprifing ftory*, that I had in Novem-
ber 1 709 from Mr. Henly of Hampfhire. He told
me, that, when the Du chefs of Portfmonth came
over to England in the year 1699, he heard, that
fhe had talked as if King Charles had been poifoned •,
which he defiring to have from her own mouth, fhe
gave him this account of it. She was always preffing
the King to make both himfelf and his people eafy,
and to come to a full agieement with his Parliament:
And he was come to a final refolution offending away
his brother, and of calling a Parliament ; which was
to be executed tf|e next day after he fell into that fit
ot which he died. She was put upon the fecret, and
fpoke of it to no perfon alive, but to her ConfeiTor :
But the Confeffor, Ihe believed, told it to fome, who,
feeing what was to follow, took that wicked courfe
to prevent it. Having this from fo worthy a perfon,
as I have fet it down without adding the leaft circum-
flance to it, I thought it too important not to be men-
tion in this hiftory. It difcovers both the knavery of
Confeffors, and the praftices of Papifts, fo evidently,
that there is no need of making any further reflec-
tions on it.
His cha^ Thus lived and died King Charles the fecond. He
rafter. was the greateft inftance in hiftory of the various re-
volutions of which any one man feemed capable. He
was bred up, the firft twelve years of his life, with
the fplendor that became the heir of fo great a
Crown. After that he paft thro' eighteen years in
great inequalities, unhappy in the war, in the lofs of
his father, and of the Crown of England. Scotland
did not only receive him, tho' upon terms hard of di-
geftion, but made an attempt upon England for him,
tho* a feeble one. He loft the battle of Worcefter
with too much indifference : And then he fhewed
more care of his perfon, than became one who had
fo much at ftake. He wandered about England for
ten weeks after that, hiding from place to place. But,
under all the apprehenfions he had then upon him, he
* N. B. This is added to the original in a loofe fheet.
ij ihewed
of King Charles IL 2^7
fliewed a temper fo carelefs, and fo much turned to 1685.
levity, that he was then diverting himfelf with little WV^
houfhold fports, in as URConcerned a manner, as if
he had made no lofs, and had been m no danger
at all. He got at lail out of England. But he had
been obliged to fo many, who had been faithful to
him, and careful of him, that he feemed afterwards
to refolve to make an equal return to them all :
And finding it not eafy to reward them all as they
deferved, he forgot them all alike. Moft Princes
feem to have this pretty deep in them ; and to think
that they ought never to remember paft fervices,
but that their acceptance of them is a full reward.
He, of all in our age, exerted this piece of prero-
gative in the ampleft manner : For he never feemed
to charge his memory, or to trouble his thoughts,
with the fenfe of any of the fervices that had been
done him. While he was abroad at Paris, Colen,
or Bruffels, he never feemed to lay any thing to
heart. He purfued all his diverfions, and irregular
pleafures, in a free carrier -, and feemed to be as fe-
rene under the lofs of a crown, as the greateft Fhi-
lofopher could have been. Nor did he willingly
hearken to any of thofe projefts, with which he often
complained that his Chancellor perfecuted him.
That in which he feemed moft concerned was,*'* to
find money for fupporting his expence. And it was
j often faid, that, if Cromvveli v/ould have compound-
j ed the matter, and have given him a good round ;
j penfion, that he might have been induced to refign
I his title to him. During his exile he delivered him-
I felf fo entirely to his pleafures, that he became in-
; capable of application. He fpent little of his time
ij in reading or lludy, and yet lefs in thinking. And,
i in the ftate his affairs were then in, he accuftomed
1! himfelf to fay to every perfon, and upon all occa-
1 fions, that which he thought would pleafe moft :
I So that words or promifes went very eafily from
him. And he had fo ill an opinion of mankind,
that he thought the great art of living and govern-
ing was J to manage ail things and all perfons with
h^-y:r.. a depth
^SS The History of the Reign
1685. a depth of craft and diffimLilation. And in that
-V-rv"**-^ few men in the world could put on the appearance
of fincerity better than he could : Under which fo
much artifice was ufually hid, that in conclufion he
could deceive none, for all were become miilruftful
of him. He had great vices, but fcarce any virtiies
to correct them : He had in him fome vices that
were lefs hurtful, which corre6led his more hurtful
ones. He was, during the active part of life given
up to iloth and lewdnefs to fuch a degree, that he
hated bufmefs, and could not bear the engaging in
any thing that gave him much trouble, or put him
under any conftraint. And tho' he defired to be-
come abfolute, and to overturn both our religion
and our laws, yet he would neither run the rifque,
nor give himfelf the trouble, which fo great a defign
required. He had an appearance of gentlenefs in his
outward deportment : But^e feemed to have no
bowels nor tendernefs in his nature : and in the end
of his life he became cruel. He was apt to forgive
all crimes, even blood it feif: Yet he never forgave
any thing that was done againft himfelf, after his
firft and general a6t of indemnity, which was to be-
reckoned as done rather upon maxims of ftate than
inclinations of mercy. He delivered him.felf up to a
moft enormous courfe ofvice, without any fort of re-
llraint, even from the confideration of the neareft re-
lations : The moft ftudied extravagancies that way
feemed, to the very laft, to be much delighted in, and
purfued by him. He had the art of making all people
grow fond of him at firft, by a foftnefs in his whole
way gf converfation, as he was certainly the beft bred
man of the age. But when it appcar'd how little could
be built on his promife, they were cured of the fond-
nefs that he was apt to raife in them. When he faw
young men of quality, who had fomething more
than ordinary in them, he drew them about him,
and fet himfelf to corrupt them both in religion and ,
morality ; in which he proved fo unhappily fuccefs- ;
ful, that he left England much changed at his death
from what he had found it at his Reftoration, He
loved
of King Charles IL 289
loved to talk over dl the ftories of his life to every 1685.
new man that came about him. His ftay in Scot-
land, and the ihare he had in the war of Paris, in
carrying melTages frorh the one fide to the other,
were his common topicks. He went over thefe in
a very graceful manner ; but fo often, and fo co-
pioufly, that all thofe who had been long accuftom-
ed to them grew weary of them \ And when he
entered on thofe ftories they ufually withdrew : So
that he often began them in a full audience, and
before he had done there were not above four or
five left about him : Which drew a fevere jeft
from Wiimot, Earl of Rochefteri He faid, he
wondred to fee a man have fo good a memory as
to repeat the fame ftory without lofmg the leaft
tircumftance^ and yet not remember that he had
told it to the fame perfons the very day before.
This made him fond of ftrangers % for they heark-
ned to all his often repeated ftories, and went
away as in a rapture at fuch an uncommon con-
defcenfion in a King.
His perfon and temperi his vices as well as his
fortunes, referable the character that we have given
us of Tiberius fo much, that it v/ere eafy to draw
the parallel between them. Tiberius's baniihment,
and his coming afterwards to reign, makes the
comparifon in that refpeft come pretty near. His
hating of bufinefs, and his love of pleafures ; his
raifing of favourites, and trufting them entirely \
and his pulling them down, and hating them ex-
ceffively ; his art of covering deep defigns, par-
ticularly of revenge, with an appearance of . foft-
nefs, brings them fo near a likenefs, that I did not
wonder much to obferve the refemblance of their
face and perfon. At Rome I faw one of the laft
ftatues made for Tiberius, after he had loft his
teeth. But, bating the alteration which that made,
it was fo like King Charles, that Prince Borghefe,
and Signior Dominico to whom it belonged, did
Vol, II. U asree
%'go The History of the Reiga
168^. agree wit'-h me in thinking that it looked like a
■-*0'>J ftatue made for him.
Few things e\*er went near his heart. The Duke
of Glocefter's death fcemed to touch him much.
But thofe who knew him beft thought it was, be-
caufe he had lofb him by whom only he could have
balanced the furviving brother, whom he hated,'
and yet embroiled all his affairs to preferve the
fucceffion to him.
His ill conduct in the firft Dutch war, and thofe
terrible calamities of the plague, and fire of Lon-
don, with that lofs and reproach which he fuffered
by the infult at Chatham, macie all people con-
clude there was a curie upon his government. His
throv/ing the publick hatred at that time upon
Lord Clarendon was both unjufl: and ungrateful.
And when his people had brought him out of all
his difficulties upon his entring into the triple al-
liance, his felling that to France, and his entring
on the fecond Dutch war with as little colour as
he had for the firfl •, his beginning it with the at-
tempt on the Dutch Smirna fleet ; the fhutting up
the Exchequer^ and his declaration for toleration,
which was a ftep for the introduftion of Popery ;
make fuch a chain of black aftions, flowing from
blacker defigns, that it amazed thofe who had
known all this to fee, with what impudent flrains
of flattery, addrefTes were penned during his life,
and yet more grofsly after his death. His con-
tributing fo much to the raiflng the greatnefs of
France, chiefly at fea, was fuch an error, that it
could not flow from want of thought, or of true
{tn{&. Rouvigne told me, he defired that all the
methods the French took in the increafe and con-
, du6l of their naval force might be fent him: And,
he faid, he feemed to fbudy them with concern
and zeal. He Ihev/ed what errors they committed,
and how they ought to be corre6ted, as if he had
been a Viceroy to France, ratjier than a King that
ought
of King C H A R L E s II.
ought to have watched over and prevented the
progrefs they made, as the greateft of all the mif-
chiefs that could happen to him or to his people.
They that judged the mofl; favourably of this,
thought it was done out of revenge to the Dutch,
that, with the affiltance of fo great a fleet as France
could join to his own, he might be able to deftroy
them. But others put a worfe conftruclion on it ;
and thought, that feeing he could not quite mafter
or deceive his fubjeds by his own Itrength and
management, he was willing to help forward the
greatnefs of the French at lea, that by their affif-
tance he might more certainly fubdue his ov/n
people •, according to v/hat was generally believed
to have fallen irom Lord Clifford, that, if the
King mufh be in a dependance, it was better to pay
It to a great and generous King, than to five
hundred of his own infolent fubjedts.
No part of his charafter looked wickeder, as
well as meaner, than that he, all the while that
he v/as profeffing to be of the Church of England,
exprelTing both zeal and afifeftion to it, was yet
fecretly reconciled to the Church of Rome : Thus,
mocking God, and deceiving the world wdth fo
grofs a prevarication. And his not having the
honefty or courage to own it at the lad : His not
Ihevv'ing any fign ot the leaft reraorfe for his ill led
life, or any tendernefs either for his fubje6ls in
general, or tor the Queen and his fervants : And
his recoinmending only his miftreiTes and their
children to his brother's care, would have been
a ftrange conclufion to any other's life, but was
well enough fuited to all the other parts of his.
The two papers found in his ftrong box con-
cerning religion, and afterwards publiihed by his
brother, looked like ftudy and reafoning. Tenni-
fon told me, he faw the original in Pepys's hand,
to whom King James trufted them for fome time.
They were interlined in leveral places. And the
U 2 inter-
2^2 The History of the Reign
1685. interlinings feemed to be writ in a hand different
.^'Sf*-^ hand from that in which the papers were writ.
But he was not fo well acquainted v/ith the King's
hand, as to make any judgment in the matter,
whether they were writ by him or not. All that
knew him, when they read them., did without any
fort of doubting conclude, that he never com-
pofed them : For he never read the Scriptures, nor
laid things together, further than to turn them to
a jeft, or for fome lively expreffion. Thefe papers
v/ere probably writ either by Lord Briftol, or by
Lord Aubigny, who knew the fecret of his re-
ligion, and gave him thole papers, as abftrafts of
fome difcourfes they had with him on thofe heads,
to keep him fixed to them. And it is very pro-
bable that they, apprehending their danger if any
fuch papers had been found about him writ in their
hand might prevail with him to copy them out
himfelf, tho' his lazinefs that way made it cer-
tainly no eafy thing to bring him, to give himfelf
fo much trouble. He had talked over a great
part of them to myfelf : So that, as foon as I faw
them, I remembred his expreffions, and perceived
that he had made himfelf mafter of the argument,
as far as thofe papers could carry him. But the
publilhing them Ihewed a want of judgment, or of
regard to his memory, in thofe who did it : For
the o;reateft kindnefs that could be fhewn to his
memory, would have been, to let both his papers
and himfelf be forgotten.
V/hich I fhould certainly have done, if I had
not thought that the laying open of what I knew
concerning him and his affairs might be of fome
life to polterity. And therefore, how ungrateful
foever this labour has proved to myfelf, and how un-
acceptable foever it may be to fome, who are either
obliged to remember him gratefully, or by the en-
gagement of parties and incerefts are under other
biaffes, yet I have gone thro' all that I knew re-
lating
of King Charles II. 293
lating to his life and reign with that regard to 16850
truth, and what I think may be inftrudlive to 'v^'>J
mankind, which became an impartial writer of
hillory, and one v/ho believes, that he muft give
an account to God of what he writes, as well as
of what he fays and does.
The E]S"D of King CHARLES the fecond'$
Reign,
Us THE
THE
O F
«»'CJo
4?4f4""^4''444''4"*4'1''t4''^*1^'<*'5^'>^i'''^i'4^'^4f'"^i'''^^^
1685
A reign
happily
begun,
bat in-
iill over.
BOOK .iV.
Of the reign of King James If.
f^^^^^^, A M now to profecLite this work, and
r/rSv*] Ic®! to give the relation or an inglorious
wW^ ^"^^ unprofperous reign, that was be-
jC^ gun with great advantages : But thele
i^ii^f^ were fo poorly managed, and fo ill
improved, that bad defigns were ill laid, and worfe
Conduded -, and all came in conclufion to one of
the ftrangeft cataftrophes that is in any hiftory.
A o-reat King with ftrong armies, and mighty
fleets, a vaft treafure, and powerful allies, fell alt
at once : And his whole ftrength, like a fpider's
web, was fo irrecoverably broken with a touch,
that he was never able to retrieve, what for want
both of judgment and heart he threw up in a day.
Such an unexpected revolution deferves to be well
opened : I will do it as fully as I can. But, having
been beyond fea almoft all this reign, many fmall
particulars, that may well deferve to be remembredj
aiay have elcaped me r Yet as I had good oppor-
tunities
of King James II. * 295
f unities to be well informed, I will pafs over no- 1685.
^hing that feems of any importance to the opening s-^v**^
luch great and iinufual tranfadlions. I will en-
deavour to watch over my pen with more than
ordinary caution, that I may let no fharpnefs, trom
any ill ufage I my felf met v/ith, any way poffefs
m.y thoughts, or biafs my mind : On the contrary,
tile fad fate of this unfortunate Prince will make
me the more tender in not aggravating the errors
ot his reign. As to my own particular, I will re-
member hov/ miUch I was once in his favour, and
■ .V hi ;.hly I was obliged to him. And as I mull let
rui defigns and mJfcarriages be feen, fo I v/ill open
things as fully as I can, that it may appear on
0:.;:' we ought to lay the chief load of them :
vv ri;;ch indeed ought to be chiefly charged on his
religion, and on thofe who had the managem.ent of
confcience, his Priefls, and his Italian Queen ;
' :iich lafc had hitherto adied a popular part with
great artifice and fkill, but came now to take off
ine mafk, and to difcover herfelf.
This Prince was much neglefted in his child- ^, ^
hood, during the time he was under his Father's i^Jng's
care. The Parliament, getting him into their firft ediv
hands, put him under the Earl of Northumber- c:uion.
land's government, who, as the Duke himfelr told
me, treated him with great refpe6t, arid a very
tender regard. When he efcaped out of their
hands, by the means of Colonel Bamfield, his
Father writ to him a letter in cypher, concluding
in thefe plain words, " Do this as you expeft the
" bleffing of your loving Father." This was fenc
to William Duke of Hamulton, but came after he
had made his efcape : And fo 1 found it among his
papers : And I gave it to the Duke of York in the
year 1674. He faid to me, he believed he had
his Father's cypher among his papers, and that he
would try to decypher the letter : But I believe he
never did it. I told him I was confident, that as
U 4 the
2 9^ The History of the Reign
1678. the letter was writ when his efcape was under con-
^^y^""^^ fideraticn, fo it containecV an order to go to the
Queen, and to be obedient to her m all things,
except in matters of reHgion. The King ap-
pointed Sir John Berkeley, afterv/ards Lord
Berkeley, to be his governor. It was a flrange
choice, if it was nor, becaufe in fuch a want of
men who ftuck t^hen to the King, there were few
capable in any fort of fuch a truft. Berkeley was
bold and infolent, and feemed to lean to popery :
He was certainly very arbitrary, both in his temper
and notions. The Queen took fuch a particular
care of this Prince, that he was foon obferved to
have more of her favour than either of his two
brothers : And ihe was fo fet on making profe-
lytes, hoping that ^' to fave a foul would cover a
" multitude of fins," that it is not to be doubted
but flie ufed more than ordinary arts to draw him
over to her religion. Yet, as he himJelf told me,
he ftood out againil her pradices.
He learrS During his ilay in France he made fome earn-
ed war paigns under Mr. de Turennc, who took him fo
T^Jcnne' P^^i^icularly under his care, that he intruded him
in ail that he undertook, and fliewed him the
reafons oi every thing he did fo minutely, that he
had great advantages by being formed under the
greateft General ot the age. Turenne was fo mucl^
taken with his application, and the heat that he
lliewed, that he recommended him out of meafure.
He faid often of him : There was the greateft
Prince, and like to be the belt General of his
time. This raifed his charader fo much, that the
King was not a little eclipfed by him. Yet he
quickly ran into amours and vice. And that by
degrees wore out any courage that had appeared
in his youth. And in the end of his life he came
to lofe the reputation of a brave man and a good
Captain fo entire!^, that either he v/as never that
which flatterers gave out concerning him, or his
•■ ' ' ase
of Iving James II. 297
age and affairs wrought a very iinufual change on i68a%
j^im. ' — .-Cj
He Teemed to follow his mother's maxims all
the while he was beyond fea. He was the head
of a party that was formed in the King's fmall
Court againft Lord Clarendon. And it was be-
lieved that his applications to Lord Clarendon's
daughter were made at firft, on delign to difho-
noiir his family, tho' Hie had the addrefs to turn
it another way.
After his brother's Reftoration he applied himfelf ^ewas
much to the Marine, in which he arrived at great Admiral
I fkill, and brought the fleet fo entirely into his de- ^'^ ^^S-
j pendence, that even after he laid down the com- '
' mand, he was {till the mafter of our whole fea
force. He had now for thefe laft three years di-
rected all our counfels, with fo abfolute an autho-
rity, that the King feemed to have left the govern-
' ment wholly in his hands : Only the iinlooked for
j bringing in the Duke of Monmouth put him un'.
der no fmall apprehenfions, that at fome time or
other the King might flip out of his hands : Now
that fear was over.
The King was dead : And fo all the Court went He was
I immediately and paid their duty to him. Orders proclaim-
;Were prefently given for proclaiming him King, ^'"S*
It was a heavy folemnity : Few tears were flied for
the former, nor were there any fhouts of joy for
the prefent King. A dead filence, but without
any diforder or tumult, followed it thro' the
iflreets. When the Privy Counfellors came back
jrom the proclamation, and waited on the new
;King, he made a fnort fpeech to them i Vs^hich it
• ifeems was well confidered, and much liked by
him, for he repeated it to his Parliament, and up-
on feveral other occaficns.
He began with an expoilulation for the ill cha- His firft
^racter that had been entertained of him. He told Speech.
Ihem, in very poiitive words, that he would ne-
'/er depart from any branch of his prerogative :
But
1685.
Well re-
ceived.
Addrefles
made to
him.
The History of the Reign
But with that he promifed, that he would main-
tain the liberty and property of the fubjeft. He
exprefled his good opinion of the Church of Eng-
land, as a friend to monarchy. Therefore, he
faid, he would defend and maintain the Church,
and would preferve the government in Church and
State, as it was eftabUfhed by law.
This fpeech was foon printed, and gave great
content to thofe, w^ho believed that he would ilick
to the promifes made in it. And thofe few, who
did not believe it, yet duril not feem to doubt ci
it. The pulpits of England were full of it, and
of thankfgivings tor it. It 'was m.agnified as a fe-
curity far greater than any that laws could give.
The common phrafe was, We have now the " word
of a King, and a word never yet broken."
Upon this a new fet of addreifes went round
England, in which the higheft commendations,
that flattery could invent, were given to the late
and affurances of loyalty and fidelity were
in terms that fhewed there
were no jealoufies nor fears left. The Univerfity
of Oxford in their addrefs promifed to obey the
King " without limitations or reftnftions." The
King's promife paft for a thing fo facred, that
they were looked on as ill bred, that put in their^
addrefs, " our Religion eftabliflied by law j" which
looked like a tie on the King to maintain it :
Whereas the ftile of the more courtly was, to put
all our fecurity upon the King's promife. The
Clergy of London added a word to this in their
addrefs, " our Religion eftabliflied by law, dearer
" to us than our lives." This had fjchan infinuation ,
in it, as made it very unacceptable. Some followed ■
their pattern. But this was marked to be remem-
bered againft thofe that ufed fo menacing a form.
All employments were ended of courfe with the
life of the former King. But the King continued
all in their places : Only the pofts in the Houf-
hold were ^iven to thofe who had ierved the King,
y while
King
renewed to the King,
of King James II. 290
while he was Duke of York. The Marquifs 1685,
of HaHfax had reafon to lock on himfelf as in ill ^v-^-^.^
terms with the King : So in a private audience he
made the beft excules he could for his condud: of
late. Tne King diverted the difcourfe ; and faid,
he would forget every thing that was pad, except
his behaviour in the bulinefs of the Exclufion.
The King aUb added, that he would exped: no
other fervice of him than what v/as confifte-nt v/ith
law. He prepared him for the exaltation of the The Earl
Earl of Rochefter. He faid, he had ferved him of Ho-
well, ana had fuifered on his account, and there- '^^^^^^^
fore he would now fhew favour to him : And theLQ^d
next day he declared him Lord Treafurer. His Trea-
brother the Earl of Clarendon was made Lord^"''^''.
Privy Seal : And the Marquifs of Halifax was
made Lord Prefident of the Council. The Earl
9f Sunderland was looked on as a man loft at
Court : And fo was Lord Godolphin. But the
former of thefe infinuated himfelf fo into the
Qiieen"*s confidence, that he was, beyond all peo-
ple's expeftation, not only maintained in his pofts,
but grew into great degrees of favour.
The Queen was made to confider the Earl of The Earl
Rochefter, as a perfon that would be in the inte- °^ ^""'
reft of the King's daughters, and united to the ^^ favour.
"Church party. So ftie faw it was neceffary to have
one in a high poft, who ftiould depend wholly on
her, and be entirely hers. And the Earl of Sun-
derland was the qnly perfon capable of that. The
Earl of Rochefter did upon his advancement be-
come fo violent and boifterous, that the whole
Court joined to fupport the Earl of Sunderland,
as the proper balance to the other. Lord Godol-
phin was put in a great poft in the Queen's Houf-
hold.
But before the Earl of Rochefter had the White Cuftoms
Staff", the Court engaged the Lord Godolphin, ^"'^Excife
and the other Lords of the Treafury, to fend or- J' ,,
ders to the Commiffioners of the Cuftoms, to con- \°^^^
tinuc
The History of the Reign
tinue to levy the Ciifloms, tho' the act that grant-
ed them to the late King was only for his life,
and fo was now determined with it. It is known,
how much this matter was contefted, in King
Charles the firil's time, and what had paft upon
it. The legal method was to have made entries,
and to have taken bonds for thofe duties, to be
paid when the Parliament fhould meet, and renew
the grant. Yet the King declared, that he would
levy the Cuftoms, and not ftay for the new grant.
But, tho* this did not agree well with the King's pro-
mife of maintaining liberty and property, yet it was
faid in excufe for it, that, if the Cuftoms fhould
not be levied in this interval, great importations,
would be made, and the markets would be fo
Hocked, that this would very much fpoil the King's.
Cuftoms. But in anfwer to this it was faid again,
entries were to be made, and bonds taken, to be
fued, when the ad: granting them fhould pafs. En-
deavours were ufed with fome of the merchants
to refufe to pay thofe duties, and to difpute the
matter in Weftminfter-Hall : But none would ven-
ture on fo bold a thing. He who fhould begin any
fuch oppofition would probably be ruined by it :
So none would run that hazard. The Earl of
Rochefter got this to be done before he came into
the Treafury : So he pretended, that he only held
on in the courfe that wak begun by others.
The additional Excife had been given to the
late King only for life. But there was a claufe in
the ad:, that empowered the Treafury to make a
farm of it for three years, without adding a li-
miting claufe, in cafe it fhould be fo long due.
And it was thought a great ftretch of the claufe,
to make, a fraudulent farm, by which it fhould
continue to be levied three years after it was de-
termined, according to the letter and intendment
of the ad:. A farm was now brought out, as
made during the King's life, tho' it was well
known that no fuch farm had been made; for it wa^
made
of King Jame s II. 50T
made after his death, but a falfe date was put to 1685.
it. This matter feemed doubtful. It was laid w^v""^
before the Judges. And they all, except two,
were of opinion that it was good in law. So two
.i^roclamations were ordered, the one for levying
the Cuftoms, and the other for the Excife.
Thefe came out in the firft week of the reign,
and gave a melancholy profpeft. Such. beginnings
I did not promife well, and raifed juft fears in the
] minds ot thofe, Vv'ho confidered the confequences
j of fuch proceedings. They faw, that by violence
I and fraud duties were now to be levied without
I law. But all people were under the power of fear
jor flattery to fuch a degree, that none durll com-.
! plain, and few would venture to talk of thofe
: matters.
Perfons of all ranks went, in fuch crouds, to The
pay their duty to the King, that it was not eafy ^^J"g'9
I to admit them all. Moft of the Whigs that were "^^[j^
admitted were received coldly at beft. Some were who had
fharply reproached for their paft behaviour. Others beea for
were denied accefs. The King began likcwife to ^^^ Ex-
fay, that he would not be ferved as his brother had ^^"^'°""
been: He would have all about him fervehim with-
out referve, and go thorough in his bufmeis. Many
were amazed to fee fuch ileps made at firft. The
fecond Sunday after he came to the Throne, he,
to the furprize of the whole Court, went openly
to Mafs, and fent Caryl to Rome with letters to
the Pope, but without a character.
In one thing only the King feemed to comply He feem-
, with the genius of the Nation, tho' it proved in ed m be
the end to be only a fhew. He feemed refolved °" ^^"'^
lot to be governed by French counfels, but to ad vvi>h%ie
in an equality with that haughty Monarch in all French
,:hings. And, as he entertained all the other foreign ^^i^S-
:jVIinifters,with alTurances that he would maintain the
balance of Europe, with a more fteady hand than
had been done formerly •, fo when he fent over the
Lord Churchil, to the Court of Erance, with the
notice
302 Tlie History of the Reign
1685. notice of his brother's death, he ordered him to
^^"V"^ obferve exadly the ceremony and ftate with which
he was received, that he might treat him, who
fliould be fent over with the comphment in return
to that, in the fame manner. And this he ob-,
ferved very piindually, when the Marfhal de Lorge
came over. This was fet about by the Courtiers,
as a fign of another fpirit, that might be looked
for in a reign fo begun. ' And this made fome im ■
preffion on the Court of France, and put them to
a fland. But, not long after this, the French
King laid to the Duke of Villcroy, (who told it
to young Rouvigny, now Earl of Galloway, from
1^ whoni I had It,) that the King of England, after
V all the high things given out in his name, was
willing to take his money, as well as his brother
. had done.
The King did alfo give out, that he would live
in a particular confidence with the Prince of
Orange, and the States of Holland. And, be-
caufe Chudleigh the Envoy there had openly bro-
ken with the Prince, (for he not only waited no
more on him, but a6ted openly againfc him ; and
once in theVorhaut had affronted him, while he was
driving the Princefs upon the fnow in aTrainau, ac-
cording to the German manner, and pretending they
were mafked, and that he did not know them, had
ordered his coachman to keep his way, as they were
coming towards the place where he drove ;) the
King recalled him, and fent Shelton in his room,
who was the haughtieft, but withal the weakell
. man, that he could have found out. He talked
out all fecrets, and m.ade himfelf the fcorn of all
Holland. The Courtiers now faid every where,
that we had a martial Prince who loved glory,
who would bring France into as humble a de- |
pendence on us, as we had been formerly on that j
Court. f
'^""^ , The King did, fome days after his coming to ,
course'' of ^'^^ Crown, promife the Queen and his Priefts, ■
■;i, "" ' that
of King James II. 3d^
that he would fee Mrs. Sidley no more, by whom 1685.
he had fome children. And he fpoke openly againft w-y*^
lewdnefs, and expreffed a deteilation of drunken-
nefs. He fate many hours a day about buhnefs
with the Council, the Treafury, and the Admi-
ralty. It was upon this faid, that now we fhould
have a reign of aftion and bufincfs, and not of
floth and luxury, as the laft was. Mrs. Sidley
had lodgings in Whitehall : Orders were fent to
her to leave them. This was done to momfy
her ', for fhe pretended that fhe fhould now govern
as abfolutely as the Dutchefs of Portfmouth had
done : Yet the King ftill continued a fecret com-
merce with her. And thus he began his reign I
with fome fair appearances. A long and great
froft had fo Ihut up the Dutch ports, that for
fome weeks they had no letters from England :
At laft the news of the King's ficknefs and death,
and of the beginnings of the new reign, came to
them all at once.
The tirft difficulty the Prince of Orange was The
in, was with relation to the Duke of Monmouth. P""'"*^^ ^^
C y r^ DO'S
He knew the King would immediately, after the f^^.^^ ^^ay
firfi: compliments were over, afk him to difmifs the Duke
him, if not to deliver him up. And as it was no of Mon-
way decent for him, to break with the King upon ^°^^'^'
fuch a point, fo he knew the States would never
bear it. He thought it better to difmifs him im-
mediately, as of himfelf. The Duke of Mon-
mouth feemed furprifed at this. Yet at parting
he made great proteftations both to the Prince and
Princefs of an inviolable fidelity to their interefts.
So he retired to Bruffels, where he knew he could
be fufFered to ftay no longer than till a return
fhould come from Spain, upon the notice of King
'Charles's death, and the declarations that the
King was making of maintaining the balance of
Europe. The Duke was upon that thinking to
50 to Vienna, or to fome Court in Germany. But
:hofe about him ftudied to inflame him both againft
the
304
1685-
Some in
England
began to
move for
him.
Strange
praftices
in elefti-
ons of
Parlia-
ment
men.
The History of the Reigti
the King and the Prince of Orange. They told
him, the Prince by calling him off had cancelled all
former obligations, and fet him free from them i
He was now to look to himfelf: And inftead of
wandring about as a vagabond, he was to fet him-
felf to deliver his country, and to raife his party
and his friends, who v/ere now like to be ufed very
ill, for their ad-hering to him and to his intereft.
They fent one over to England to try mens
pulfesa and to fee if it was yet a proper time to
make an attempt. Wildman, Charlton, and fomd
others went about trying, if men were in a difpo-
iidon to encourage an invafion. They talked of
this in fo remote a way of fpeculation, that tho'
one could not but fee what lay at bottom, yet they
did not run into treafonable difcourfe. I was in
general founded by them : Yet nothing was pro-
pofed that ran me into any danger from con-
cealing it. I did not think fears and dangers^
nor fome illegal a6ls in the adminiftration, could
juftify an infurredion, as lav/ful in itfelf : And I
was confident an infurre6lion undertaken on fuch
grounds would be fo ill feconded^ and fo weakly
fapported, that it would not only come to no-
thing, but it would precipitate our ruin. Therc:
fore I did all I could to divert all perfons with
whom I had any credit from engaging in fuch
defigns. Thefe were for fome time carried on in
the dark. The King, after he had put his aftairS
in a method, refolved to haften his Coronation^
and to have it performed with great magnificence :
And for fome weeks he was fo entirely pofieifed
with the preparations for that folemnity, that all
bufinefs was laid afide, and nothing but cere-
mony was thought on.
At the fame time a Parliament was fummo'ned :
And all arts were ufed to manage eleftions fo, that
the King fhould have a Parliament to his mind-
Complaints came up from all the parts of Eng-
land, of the injuftice and violence ufed iri eledi*
4 . ons,
of King James IL ^05
ons, beyond what had ever been pradlifed in former i6S^.
times. And this was fo univerfal over the vv^hole ^-— v— -
Nation, that no corner of it v/as neglected. In
the new Charters that had been granted, the elec-
tion of the members was taken out of the hands
of the inhabitants, and refl rained to the Corpora-
tion-men, all thofe being left out who were not
acceptable at Court, fn fome Boroughs they could
not find a number of men to be depended on : So '
the neighbouring Gentlemen were made the Cor-
poration-men : And, in fome of thefe, perfons of
other Counties, not fo much as known in the Bo-
rough, were named. This was praftifed in the
'moft avowed manner in Cornwall by the Earl of
Bath -, who to fecurc himfelf the Groom of the
Stole's place, which he held all King Charles's
time, put the officers of the guards names in al-
"ftioft all the Charters of that County -, which fend-
'ing up forty four members, they were for moft
part fo chofen, that the King was fure of their
'votes on all occafions.
Thefe methods were fo fuccefsful over England,
that when the eledlions were all returned, the King
I faid, there v/ere not above forty mernbers, but
fach as he himfelf wiilied for. They were neither
' men of parts nor eftates : So there was no hope
j left, either of working on their underilandings,
i or of making them fee their intereft, in not giving
I the King all at once. Moft of them v/ere furious
i and violent, and feemed refoived to recommend
themfelves to the King, by putting every thing
in his povv^er, and by ruining all thofe who had
been for the Kxclufion. Some iew had defigned
to give the King the revenue only from three years
to three years. The Earl of Rochefer told me,
that was w4iat he looked for, tho' the pofl: he was
in made it not fo proper tor him to move in it=
But there was no profped: of any ftrength in op-
pofmg any thing, that the King fiiould aflc of
them.
Vol, II. ' X ^his
The History of the Reign
This gave all thinking men a melancholy pro-
fped. England now iecmed loft, unlefs fome
happy accident fhould fave it. All people faw the
a^bio'^'" way for packing a Parliament now laid open. A
Parlia- Hcw let of Charters and Corporation- men, if thofe
menr. now named fhould not continue to be ftiil as com-
pliant, as they were at prefent, was a certain re-
medy, to which rccourfe might be eafily had.
The Boroughs of England faw their privileges
now wrefted out of their hands, and that their
eleftions, which had made them fo confiderable
before, were hereafter to be made as the Court
fhould dire6l : So that from henceforth little re-
gard would be had to them ; and the ufual pra6li-
ces in courting, or rather in corrupting them,
would be no longer purfued. Thus all people
were alarmed : But few durft fpeak out, or com-
plain openly. Only the Duke of Monmouth's
agents made great ufe of this to inflame their
party. It was faid, here was a Parliament to
meet, that was not the choice and reprefentative
of the Nation, and therefore was no Parliament.
So they upon this polTeffed all people with dread-
ful apprehenfions, that a blow was now given to
the conftitution, which could not be remedied,
but by an infurredion. It was refolved to bring
up petitions againft fomiC ele6lions, that were fo
indecently managed, that it feemed fcarce poiTible
to excufe them : But thefe v/ere to be judged by
a majority of men, v/ho knew their own eledtions
to be fo faulty, that to fecure themfelves they
' would juftify the reft : And fair dealing was not
to be expefled from thofe, who were fo deeply
engaged in the like injuftice.
All that was offered on the other hand to lay
thofe fears, which fo ill an appearance did raife,
was, that it was probable the King would go into
meafures againft France. All the offers of fub-
miffion poffible were made him by Spain, the Em-
pire, and the States*
The
oF King James 11.
The King had begun with the Prince of Orange
upon a hard point. He was not latisfied with his
difmiffing the Duke of Monmouth, but wrote to J^^
him to break ail thofe officers who had waited on o^ran^e
him while he was in Flolland. In this they had fabmus ia
only followed the Prince's example : So it was hard ^^very
to punifh them for that, which he himfelf had en- \^'"|.^°
couraged. They had indeed fhewed their affed:i- " ^ '*'
ons to him fo evidently, that the King wrote to
the Prince, that he could not truft to him, nor
depend on his friendfhip, as long as fuch men
ferved under him. This was of a hard digeftion.
Yet, fince the breaking them could be eafily
made up by employing them afterwards, and by
continuing their appointments to them, the Prince
complied in this likewife.. And the King was fo
well pleafed with it, that when Bifhop Turner
complained of fom.e things relating to the Prince
and Princefs, and propoied rougher methods, the
King told him, it was abfolutely neceffary that the
Prince and he ihould continue in good correfpon-
dence. Of this Turner gave an account to the
other Bifhops, and told tliem very folemnly, that
the Church would be in no hazard during the pre-
fent reign ; but that they muft take care to fecure
themfelves againft the Prince of Orange, other-
wife they would be in great danger.
The fubmiffion of the Prince and the States to
the King made fome fancy, that this would over-
come him. All people concluded, that it would
foon appear whether bigotry, or a defire of glory
was the prevailing paffion •, fince if he did not
ftrike in with an alliance, that was then projefted
againft France, it might be concluded that he was
refolved to deliver himfelf up to his Priefts, and
to facrifice all to their ends. The feafon ot the
year made it to be hoped, that the firft feffion of
Parliament would be fo fhort, that much could
not be done in it, but that when the revenue fhould
be granted, other matters might be put off to a
X 2 winter
30 8 The H i-s t o r y of the Reign
1 68 c. winter feiTion. So that, if the Parliament Ihould
{yy\^ not deliver up the Nation in a heat all at once,
but Ihould leave half their work to another feffion,
they might come under fome management, and
either fee the intereft of the Nation in general, or
their own in particular ; and manage their favours
to the Court in fuch a manner as to make them-
felves necelTary, and not to give away too much
at once, but be fparing in their bounty ; which
they had learned io well in King Charles's time,
that it was to be hoped they would foon fall into
it, if they made not too much hafte at their firfr
fetting out. So it was refolved not to force them
on too haftily in their firii feffion, to judge of any
eledion, but to keep that matter entire for fomc
time, till they fhould break into parties.
The King The Coronation was fet for St. George's day.
was Turner was ordered to preach the fermon : And
•K)wned. ]jQ^\-^ King and Queen refolved to have all done in
the Proteftant form, and to affift in all the prayers :
Only the King would not receive the Sacrament,
which is always a part of the ceremony. In this
certainly his Priefts difpenfed with him, and he
had fuch fenfes given him of the oath, that he ei-
ther took it as unlawful with a refolution not to keep
it, or he had a referved meaning in his own mind.
The Crown was not well fitted for the King's head :
It came down too far, and covered the upper part
of his face. The canopy carried over him did al-
fo break. Some other fmaller things happen'd
that were looked on as ill omens : And his fon
by Mrs. Sidley died that day. The Queen with
the Peereffes made a more graceful figure. The
beft thing in Turner's fermon was, that he fet
forth that part of Conflantius Chlorus's hiftory^
very handfomely, in which he tried who would be
true to their religion, and reckoned that thofe
would be faithfulieft to himfelf who were trueft to
their God.
I mull
of King James II.
I muft now fay fomewhat concerning my felf.
At this timG I went out of England. Upon King
Charles's death, I had defired leave, to come and
pay my duty to the King, by the Marquis of Ha-
lifax. The King would not fee me. So, fince I
was at that time in no fort of employment, not
fo much as allowed to preach any where, I refolv-
•ed to go abroad. I faw we were like to fall in-
to great confufion -, and were either to be refciied,
in a way that I could not approve of, by the Duke
of Monmouth's means, or to be delivered up, by
a meeting that had the face and name of a Parlia-
ment. I thought the bed thing for me was to
go out of the way. The King approved of this,
and confented to my going : But ilill refufed to
fee me. So I was to go beyond fea, as to a volun-
tary Exile. This gave me great credit with all the
male contents : And I made the bell ufe of it I
could. I fpoke very earneftly to the Lord Dela-
mer, to Mrs. Harnbden, and fuch others as I
could meet with, who I feared might be drav/n in
by the agents of the Duke of Monmouth. The
King had not yet done that which would jufhify
extreme counfels ; a raw rebellion would be foon
crufhed, and give a colour for keeping up a ftand-
ing army, or for bringing over a force from
France. I perceived, many thought tlie confti-
tution was fo broken into, by the ele6lions of the
Houfe of Commons, that they were dilpofed to
put all to hazard. Yet moft people thought the
crilis was not fo near, as it proved to be.
The deliberations in Holland, among the Eng- Argilede-
lilh and Scotch that fled thither, came to ripen faf- figned to
ter than was expeded. Lord Argile had been ■""^•^
quiet ever fmce the difappointment in the year ""^°"^'^'^°
eighty three. He had lived for moft part in Frize-
land, but came oft to Amfterd'am, and met with
the reft of his countrymen that lay concealed there :
The chief of whom were the Lord Melvill, Sir
Patrick Hume, and Sir John Cochran. Vvitfi
X 3 thefe
The History of the Reigti
thefe Lord Argile communicated all the advice§
that were fent him. He went on ftill with his firft
projeft. He faid, he v/anted only a fum of mo-
ney to buy arms, and reckoned, that as foon as
he was furnifhed with thefe, he might venture on
Scotland. He refolved to go to his own country,
where he hoped he could bring five thoufand men
together. And he reckoned that the Weftern and
Southern Counties were under fuch apprehenfions,
that without laying of matters, or having corref-
pondence among them, they would all at once come
about him, when he had gathered a good force
together in his own country. There was a rich
widow in Amflerdam, who was full of zeal : So
fhe, hearing at what his defigns ftuck, fent to him,
nnd furniihed him with ten thoufand pounds.
"With this money he bought a ftock of arms and
ammunition, which was very dextroufly managed
by one that traded to Venice, as intended for the
fervice of that Republick. All was performed
with great fecrecy, and put on board. They had
Iharp debates among them about the courfe they
were to hold. He was for failing round ScQtland
to his own country. Hume was for the fhor-
ter paflage : 1 he other Vv'as a long navigatiouj
and fubjeft to great accidents. Argile faid, the
faftneffes of his own country made that to be the fafer
place to gather men together. He prefumed fo
far on his own power, and on his management
hitherto, that he took much upon him : So that
the reil: were often on the point of breaking with
him,
TheDuke ' The Duke of Monmouth cam.e fecretly to them,
of Mon- and made up all their quarrels. He would will-
mouth ino-lv have gone with them him.feif : But Arsile
jorcea on ^-^ ^^^j. ^^^^ j^-^^ ^-^^^ Command : On the con-
ed mvafi- trary he preffed him to make an impreffion on
m. England at the fame time. This was not pof-
iible : For the Duke of Monm.outh had yet rriade
fio preparations. So he was hurried into a fatal
"'■ ■'"' ' ' " ' ~ undei"'
of King James II. 311
undertaking, before things were in any fort ready 1685.
for it. He had been indeed much preffed to the
fame thing by VVade, Fergufon, and fome others
about him, but chiefly by the Lord Grey, and
the Lady Wentworth, who followed him to Bruf-
fels defperately in love vmh. him. And both he
and fhe came to fancy, that he being married to his
Dutchefs, while he was indeed of the age of confent,
but not capable of a free one, the marriage was
null : So they lived together : And fhe had heat-
ed both herfelf and him with fuch enthufiaflical
conceits, that they fancied what they did v/as ap-
proved of God. With this fmall council he took
his meafures. Fletcher, a Scotch Gentleman of
great parts, and many virtues, but a mod violent
republican, and extravagantly paffionate, did not
like Argile's fcheme : So he refolved to run for-
tunes with the Duke of Monmouth. He told
me, that all the Engiifh among them were ilili
preffing the Duke of Monmouth to venture.
They faid, all the Weft of England would come
about him, as foon as he appeared, as they had
done five or fix years ago. They reckoned there
would be no fighting, but that the guards, and
others who adhered to the Kins;, would melt to
nothing before him. They fancied, the City of
London would be in fuch a difpofition to revolt,
that if he fhould land in the Weft the King would
be in great perplexity. He could not have two
armies : And his fear of tumults near his perfon
would oblige him to keep fuch a force about him,
that he would not be able to fend any againft
him. So they reckoned he v/ould have time to form
an army, and in a little while be in a condition
to feek out the King, and fight him on equal
terms.
This appeared a mad and dcfperate undertak-
ing to the Duke of Monmouth himfelf. He
knew what a weak body a rabble was, and How
Pliable to deal with troops lon^ trained. He had
X 4 neither
gti TKc History of the Reign
1685. neither money nor officers, and no encouragement
V'''^'^ from the men of eftates and interell in the coun-
try. It feemed too early yet to venture. It was
the throv>fing away all his hopes in one day.
Fletcher, how vehemently foever he was fet oii
the defign in general, yet faw nothing in this
fcheme that gave a^y hopes : So he argued much
againft it. And he faid to me, that the Duke of
Monmouth Vvas puflied on to it againft his own
fenH: . ..' leafon : But he could not relufe to ha-
zard his perfon, v/hen others were fo forward.
Lord Grey faid, that Henry .the feventh landed
wich a fmaller number, and fucceeded. Fletcher
anftvered, he v/as fure of feveral of the Nobility,
who were little Princes in thofe days. Fergufon
in his enthufiaftical way faid, it was a good caufe,
and that God would not leave them unlefs they
left him. And tho' the Duke of Monm.outh*s
courfe of life gave him no great reafon to-hope
that God would appear fignally for him, yet even
he came to talk enthufiaftically on the fubject.
But Argile's going, and the promife he had made
of coming to England with all pofTible hafte, had
fo fixed him, that, all further deliberations being
laid afide, he pawned a parcel of jewels, and
bought up arms ; and they were put aboard a fhip
freighted for Spain.
Thf fe de- King J ames was fo intent upon the pomp of his
fign- we-e Coronation, that for fome weeks miOre important
carried on niatters v/ere not thought on. Both Argile and
7eulcy^^^ Monmouth's people were fo true to them, that
nothing was difcovered by any of them. Yet
fome days after Argile had failed, the King knew
of it : For the night before I left London, the
Ea'i of Aran can.c to me, and told me, the
Ji.u'iy b-:o an ad'■''^Li^eIrlent of it that very day.
1 faw, it vras fit for me to make hafte: Other-
vrSc I rnignt have be^^n (cized on, if it had been
only to put t':r, affrcnt on me, Oi being fufpeded
of holdiiig corref^ondeace with traitors.
Algile
of King James II. 313
Argile had a very profperous voyage. He fent 1685.
out a boat at Orkney to get intelligence, and to <— — y-i^
take prifoners. This had no other effect, but that '^'"g^'^
it gave intelligence where he was : And the wind '^^"'^p '"
chopping, he was obliged to fail away, and leave ""
his men to mercy. The winds were very favour-
able, and turned as his occalions required: So
that in a very few days he arrived in Argilefhire.
The mifunderftandings between him and Hume
grew very high ^ for he carried all things with an
air of authority, that was not eafy to thofe who
were fetting up for liberty. At his landing he
found, that the early notice the Council had of
his defigns had fpoiled his whole fcheme; for
they had brought in all the Gentlemen of his coun-
try to Edinburgh, which faved th^em, tho' it help-
ed on his ruin. Yet he got above five and twen^
ty hundred men to come to him. If with thefe
he had immediately gone over to the Weflern
counties of Air and Renfrew, he might have gi-
ven the government much trouble. But he lin-
gred too long, hoping ftill to have brought more of
his Highlanders together. He reckoned thefe
were fure to him, and would obey hhn blindfold:
V/hereas, if he had gone out of his own country
with a fmall force, thofe who might have come
in to his afTiftance might alfo have difputed his
authority : And he could not bear contradiftion.
Much time was by this means loll : And all the
country was fummoned to come out againft him.
At laft he crolTed an arm of the fea, and landed in
the ifle of Bute j where he fpent twelve days more,
till he had eat up that Ifland, pretending flili,
that he hoped to be joined by more of his High-
landers. '
He had left his arms in a cadle, v/ith fuch a Bat was
guard as he could fpare : But they w^ere routed defeated
by a party of the King's forces. And with this ^"^
he loft both heart and hope. And then, appre- '^^^°°
heading that all was gonCj he put himfelf in a
z dif"
3i4 The History of the Reign
1685. difguifc, and had ahTioft efcaped: But he was
s^f-y^ taken. A body of Gentlemen that had follow-
ed him Hood better to it, and forced their way
thro' : So that the greater part of them efcaped.
Some of thefe w^ere taken : The chief of them
were Sir John Cochran, Ailoffe, and Rumbold.
Thefe two laft were Englifhmen : But I knew not
upon what motive it was, that they chofe rather to
run fortunes v/ith Argile, than with the Duke of
Monmouth. Thus was this rebellion brought to
a fpeedy end, with the effufion of very little blood.
Nor was there much fhed in the way of juftice ;
for it was confidered, that the Highlanders were
under fuch ties by their tenures, that it was fome-
"what excufable in them to follow their Lord.
Mofi: of the Gentlemen were brought in by or-
der of Council to Edinburgh, which preferved
them. One of thofe that were with Argile, by a
great prcfence of mind, got to Carlile, where he
called for poft horfes ; and faid, he was fent by
the General to carry the good news by word of
mouth to the King. And fo he got to London :
And there he found a way to get beyond fea.
Argile's Argile was brought in to Edinburgh. He ex-
cxecotion. prefTed even a cheerful calm under all his mis-
fortunes. He juilified all he had done : For, he
faid, he was unjuftly attainted : That had diffolv-
ed his allegiance : So it was juftice to himfelf
and his family, to endeavour to recover what was
fo wrongfully taken from him. He alfo thought,
that no allegiance was due to the King, till he had
taken the oath which the law prefcribed to be
taken by our Kings at their Coronation, or the
receipt of their princely dignity. He defired that
Mr. Chatteris might be ordered to attend upon
him ; which was granted. When he came to him,
he told him he VN^as fatisfied in confcience with the
lawfulnefs of what he had done, and therefore de-
fired he would not difturb him with any difcourfe
pn that fubject. The otherj after he had told
him
of King James II.
him his fenfe of the matter, complied eafily with
this. So all that remained was to prepare him
to die, in which he expreJTed an unfhaken firmnefs.
The Duke of Queenfbury examined him in pri-
vate. He faid, he had not laid his bufmefs with
any in Scotland. He had only found credit with
a perfon that lent him money ; upon which he had
trufted, perhaps too much, to the difpofitions of
the people, Iharpned by their adminiltration. When
the day of his execution came, Mr. Ciiarteris hap-
pen'd to come to him as he was ending dinner ^
He faid to him pleafantly, " fero venientibus offa."
He prayed often with him, and by himfelf, and
Vfent to the fcaffold with great ferenity. He had
complained of the Duke of Monmouth much,
for delaying his coming fo long after him, and
for affuming the name of King ; both which, he
faid, were contrary to their agreement at parting.
Thus he died, pitied by ail. His death, being
purfuant to the fentence paft three years before,
of which mention was made, was looked on as
no better than murder. But his conduct in this
matter was made up of fo many errors, that it
appeared he was not made for defigns of this
kind.
AilofFe had a mind to prevent the courfe of
jufliice, and having got a penknife into his hands
gave himfslf feverai ftabbs. And thinking he
v/as certainly a dead man, he cried out, and faid,
now he defied his enemies. Yet he had not pier-
ced his guts: So his wounds were not mortal.
And, it being believed that he could make great
difcoveries, he was brought up to London.
Rumbold was he that dwelt in Rye-Houfe, Rumbold
where it was pretended the plot was laid for ^g^^jj^ ^ _
murdering the late and the prefent King. He nied the
denied the truth of that confpiracy. He owned, Rye PIoe.
he thought the Prince w^as as much tied to the
people, as the people v/ere to the Prince ; and
thatj when a King dep3,rted from the legal mea-
'' ' fures
'^i6 The History of the Reign
1,685. fures of government, the people had a right to
ailert their Hberties, and to reilrain him. He
did not deny, but that he had heard many pro-
pofitions at Weft's chambers about kilhng the
two brothers ; and upon that he had faid, it
could have been eahly executed near his houfej
upon which feme difcourfe had followed, how
it might have been managed. But, he faid, it
was only talk, and that nothing was either laid,
or fo much as refolved on. He faid, he was
not for a Commonwealth, but for Kingly go-
vernment according to the Laws of England:
But he did not think that the King had his au-
thority by any divine right, which he expreffed
in rough, but fignificant words. He faid, he
did not believe that God had made the greater
part of mankind with faddles on their backs,
and bridles in their mouths, and fome few boot*
ed and fpurred to ride the reft. '
Cochran had a rich father, the Earl bf Dundo^^-
nald: And he offered the Priefts 5000 1. to fave
his fon. They wanted a ftock of money for ma-
naging their defigns : So they interpofed fo effec-
tually, that the bargain was made. But, to cover
Tt^ Cochran petitioned the Council that he might
be fent to the King ; for he had fome fecrets of
great importance, which were not fit to be com-
municated to any but to the King himfelf. He was
upon that brought up to London : And, after he
had been for fome time in private with the King,
the matters he had difcovered were faid to be of
fuch importance, that in confideration of that the
King pardoned him. It was faid, he had difcover-
ed all their negotiations with the Eledor of Bran-
denburg, and the Prince of Orange. But this was
a pretence only given out to conceal the bargain ;
for the Prince told me, he had never once feen him.
The fecret of this came to be known foon after.
When Ailofre was brought up to London, the
King examined him, but could draw nothing from
him,
i
of King J A M E s 11. • 317
him, but one fevere repartee. He being fullen, 1685.
and refufing to difcover anything, the King faidW'V^^
to him; Mr. Ailoffe, you know it is in my power
!to pardon you, therefore fay that which may deferve
t. It was faid that he anfwered, that tho' if was
n his power, yet it was not in his nature to pardon.
Be was nephew to the old Earl of Clarendon by
narriage •, for Aiioffe's aunt was his fijrfl: wife, but
(he had no children. It was thought, that the near-
aefs of his relation to the King's children might
lave moved him to pardon him, which would have
Deen the moft effectual confutation of his bold re-
partee: But he fuifered with the reft.
Immediately after Argile's execution, a Parlia- A Parlia-
nent was held in Scotland. Upon King Charles's ment in
death, the Marquis of Quecnfbury, foon after made Scotland,
;i Duke, and the Earl of Perth, came to Court.
The Duke of Queenfbury told the King, that if he
liad thoughts of changing the eftabhfhed religion,
■le could not make any one ftep with him in that
.matter. The King feemed to receive this very
'dndly from him ; and affured him, he had no fuch.
'ntention, but that he would have a Parliament cal-
led, to which he fhould go his CommmiffioneTj^
md give all poffible affurances in the matter of re-
ligion, and get the revenue to be fettled, and fuch
other laws to be paft as might be necejGTary for the
Icommon fafety. The Duke of Queenfbury prefTed
the Earl of Perth to fpeak in the fame ftrain to the
King. But, tho' he pretended to be ftill a Prote-
ftant, yet he could not prevail on him to fpeak in
fo pofitive a ftile. I had not then left London :
So the Duke fent me word of this, and feemed fo
fully fatisiied with it, that he thought all would
be fafe. So he prepared inftrudlions by which both
ithe revenue and the King's authority were to be
icarried very high. He has often fince that time
told me, that the King made thofe promifes to him
in fo frank and hearty a manner, that he concluded
it was impolTible for him to be-adling a part. Thert-
fore
3t8 The History of the Reign
1685. fore he always believed, that the Priefts gave him
«^-v — ' leave to promife every thing, and that he did it ve-
ry fincerely; but that afterwards they pretended,
they had a power to difiblve the obligation of all
oaths and promifes ; fince nothing could be more
open and free than his way of expreffing himfclf
was, tho' afterwards he had no fort of regard to
any of the promifes he then made. The Tell had
been the King's own a6t while he was in Scotland.
So he thought, the putting that on all perfons would
be the moil acceptable method, as well as the moft
efFe6lual, for fecuring the Prottftant Religion. There-
fore he propofed an inftruftion obliging all people
to take the Teft, not only to qualify them for pu-
blick employments, but that all thofe to whom
the Council fhould tender it fhould be bound to
take it under the pain of treafon: And this was
granted. He alfo projed:ed many other fevere laws,
that left an arbitrary power in the Privy Council.
And, as he was naturally violent and imperious in
his own temper, fo he faw the King's inclinations
to thofe methods, and hoped to have recommend-
ed himfelf effedlually, by being inftrumental in fet-
ting up an abfolute and defpotick form of govern-
ment. But he found afterwards how he had de-
ceived himfelf, in thinking that any thing, but the
delivering up his religion, could be acceptable long,
And he faw, after he had prepared a cruel fcheme
of government, other men were entrufted with th«
management of it : And it had almoft proved fa-
tal to himfelf.
„ J The Parliament of Scotland fat not lono;. Nc
all that oppofition was made. The Duke of Queenfburj
the King gave Very full affurances in the point of religion,
defued. t;hat the King would never alter it, but would main-
tain it, as it was eftablifhed by law. And in con-
firmation of them he propofed that a6b enjoining
the Teft, which was paft, and was looked on as :
full fecurity ; tho' it was very probable, that all th<
ufe that the Council would make of this difcretion
of King J A M E s II. 319
al power lodged with them, would be only to ten- 1685.
der the Tell to thofe that might fcruple it on other «-*-v>-*
accounts, but that it would be offered to none of
the Church of Rome. In return for this the Par-
liament gave the King for life, all the revenue that
had been given to his brother : And with that fome
additional taxes were 8;iven.
Other fevere laws were alfo paft. By one of Severe
thefe an Inquifition was upon the matter fet up. JJ^^^
All perfons were required, under the pain of treafon,
to anfwer to all fuch queftions as Ihould be put to
them by the Privy Council. This put all men un-
der great apprehenfions, fmce upon this adl: an In-
quifition might have been grafted, as foon as the
King pleafed. Another ad: was only in one parti-
cular cafe : But it was a crying one, and fo delerves
to be remembred.
When Carftairs was put to the torture, and came
to capitulate in order to the making a difcovery, he
got a promife from the Council, that no ufe fhould
be made of his depofition againft any perfon what-
foever. He in his depofition faid fomewhat that
brought Sir Hugh Campbell and his fon under the
guilt of treafon, who had been taken up in Lon-
don two years before, and were kept in prifon all
this whilce The Earl of Melfort got the promife
of his eftate, which was about 1000 1. a year, as
foon as he lliould be convided of high treafon. So
an ad was brought in, which was to laft only fix
weeks; and enaded, that if within that time any
of the Privy Council would depofe that any man
was proved to be guilty of high treafon, he fhould
upon fuch a proof be attainted. Upon which, as
foon as the ad was paft, four of the Privy Coun-
cil ftood up, and affirmed that the Campbells were
proved by Carftairs's depofition to be guilty. Upon
this both father and fon were brought to the bar, to
fee what they had to fay, why the fentence fhould
not be executed. The old Gentleman, then near
eighty, feeing the ruin of his family was dctermin-
3 . cd,
The History of the Reign
ed, and that he was condemned in fo unufual a
manner, took courage, and faid, the oppreffion '
they had been under had driven them to delpairj
and made them think how they might fecure their
lives and fortunes : Upon this lie went to London,
and had fome mxetings v^-ith Baillie, and others:
That one was fent to Scotland to hinder ail rifings:-
That an oath of fecrecy was indeed offered, but
was never taken upon all this. So it was pretend-
ed, he had confeffed the crime, and by a fliev/ of
mercy they were pardoned: But the Earl of Mel-
fort poffelTed, himfelf of their eflate. The old
Gentlenian died foon after. And very probably
his death was haflned by his long and rigorous im-
prifonment, and this unexampled conclufion of it;
which was fo univerfally condemned, that when the
news of it was writ to foreign parts, it was not ea-
jy to make people believe it poffible.
^ ^ _ But now the fitting; of the Parliament of Ens;-
vifted of l2.na came on. And, as a preparation to it, Oates
psrjury^ was convicted of perjury, upon the evidence of
the wdtnefTes from St. Omar's, who had been brought
over before to difcredic his teilimony. Now Juries
were fo prepared, as to believe ir.ore eafily than for-
merly. So he v/as condemned to have his Prieftly
habit taken from him; to be a prifoner for life, to
be fet on the pillory i;-j all the publick places of the
City, and ever after that to be (ct on the pillcjry
four times a year, and to be whipt by the common ■
snd cruel- ^^"S"^^^ ^^'^"^ Aldgate to Newgate one day, and
]y whipt. the next from Newgate to Tyburn ; which was exe-
cuted with fo much rigour, that his back feemcd <
to be all over fiead. This was thought too little
if he was guilty, and too much if innocent, and
was illegal in all the parts of it : For as the feculai"
Court could not order the Eccleiiaftical habit to"bc
taken' from hima, fo to condemn a man to a per-
petual imprifonment was not in the power of the
Court : And the extreme rigour of fuch whipping
v/as without a precedent. Yet he, who was an ori-
ginal
I
of King J A u E s II. 321
ginal in all things, bore this with a conilancy that 1685.,
amazed ail thofe who faw it. So that this treat- C/VSj
ment did rather raife his reputation, than link it. Pf^'Sf''"
And, that I may join things of the fame fort^j^
together, tho' they were tranfaded at fome diftance
of time, Dangerfield, another of the witneiTes
in the Popifh plot, was alfo found guiky of
perjury, and had the fame puniiliment. But it
had a more terrible conclufion ; for a brutal iludent
of the law, who had no private quarrel with him,
but was only tranfported with the heat of that time^
ftruck him over the head with his cane, as he got
his laft lalh. This hit him fo fatally, that he died
of it immediately. The perfon was apprehended^
And the King left him to the law. And, tho'
great interceffion was made for him, the King would
not interpofe. So he was hanged for it.
At laft the Parliament met. The King in his A Parlia-
fpeech repeated that, which he had laid to the f^^"^ '^^
Council upon his firft acceffion to the Throne. He ""^
told them, fome might think, the keeping him low
would be the furefl way to have frequent Parlia-
ments : But they fhould find the contrary, that the
ufing him well would be the beft argument to per-
fuade him to meet, them often. This was put in
to prevent a motion, which was a little talked of
abroad, but none would venture on it within doors,
that it was fafeft to grant the revenue only for a
term of years.
The revenue v/as granted for life, and every Grants
thing elfe that was aiked, with fuch a profufion, '^r^" '•^''^'
that the Houfe was more forward to give, than"^^-^ ^'^
the Ring v/as to afic : To which the King thought
fit to put a ftop by a meffage, intimating that he
defired no more money that feffion. And yet this
forwardnefs to give in fuch a reign, was fet on
by Mufgrave and others, who pretended after-
wards, when money was a&ed for juft and ne- -
Vol, IL Y ' eeflur/
3-22 The History of the Reign
168-^. cefTary ends, to be frugal patriots, and to be
Vw-^/^ careful managers of the publick treafure.
And trulb ^5^3 fQ^- religion, fome began to propofe a new
King's ^^^ firmer lecurity to it. But all the Courtiers
pioniiie- runout into eloquent harangues on that fubjed::
And prefTed a vote, that they took the King's
word in that matter, and would truft to it ; and
that this fliould be fio-nified in an addrefs to him.
This would bind the King in point of honour,
and gain his heart fo entirely, that it would be a
tie above all lav/s wljatfpever. And the tide run
fo ftrono; that way, that the Houfe went into it
without oppofition.
The Lord Preilon, who had been for fome
years Envoy in France, v/as brought over, and fet
up to be a manager in the Houfe of Commons.
He told them, the reputation of the Nation was
beginning to rife very high all Europe over, un-
der a Prince vv^hofe name fpread terror every
where : And if this was confirmed by the entire
confidence of his Parliament, even in the tender-
efc matters, it would give fuch a turn to the af-
fairs or Europe, that England would again hold
the balance, and their King would be the arbiter
of Europe. This v/as feconded by all the Court
flatterers. So in their addrefs to the King, thank-
ing him for his fpeech, they told him, they truft-
ed to him fo entirely, that they relied on his word,
and thought themfelves and their religion fafe,
fince he had promifed it to them.
When this was fettled, the petitions concern-
ing the elc&ions were prefented. Upon thofe
Seimour fpoke very higli, and with much weight.
He faid, the complaints of the irregularities in
eleclions were fo great, that m.any doubted whe-
ther this v/ar> a true reprefcntative of the Nation,
or not. He faid, little equity was expe6led upon
petitions, v/here fo many were too guilty to judge
juitly and impartially. He faid, it concerned them
to
I
of King J AM Es II.
to l<Dok to thefc : For if the Nation faw no juf-
tice v/as to be expefted from them, other methods
would be found, in which they might come to
fufrer that juftice which they would not do. He
was a'haughty man, and woLdd not communicate
his d'efign in making this motion to any: So all
were furpriftd vvith it, but none feconded it. This
had no effed;, not fo much as to draw on a debate.
The Courtiers were projefting many laws to y|,^ p
ruin all who oppofed their defigns. The mofi: im- liament
portant of thefe was an aft declaring treafons dur~ was vio-
ing that reign, by which words were to be made'^'^-"
treafon. And the claufe was fo drawn, that any
filing laid to difparage the King's perfon or go-
vernment was made treafon ; v/ithin which every
'thing faid to the difhonour of the King's religion
would have been comprehended, as Judges and
; Juries were then modelled. This was chiefly op-
^pofcd by Serjeant Maynard, who in a very grave
Jpeech laid open the inconvenience of making
words treafon : They were often ill heard and ill
underftood, and were apt to be mifiTcited by a
very fmall variation : Men in paiTion or in drink
might fay things they never intended : Therefore
he hoped they would keep to the law of the tv/en-
ty fifth of Edward the third, by which an overt-
:ad: was made the neceffary proof of ill intentions.
lAnd when others infifted, that " out of the abun-
dance of the heart the mouth fpake," he brought
the inftance of our Saviour's words, " Deftroy this
iTemple •" and fhev/ed how near " the Temple" was
ito *' this Temple," pronouncing it in Syraick, lb
jthat the difierence was almoft imperceptible. There
jWas nothing more innocent than thefe words, as
Qur Saviour meant, and fpoke them : But nothing
Was more criminal than the fetting on a multitude
to deftroy the Temple. This made fome impref-
fion at that time. But if the Duke of Mon-
'mouth's landing had not brought the ieffion to an
y 2 early
324- The History of the Reign
1685. early conckifion, that, and every thing elfe which
i-OTN"^ the ofhcious Courtiers were projefting, would have
certainly pail.
The moil important bufinefs" that was before
Lor^ds ^^^^^ Koufe of Lords Vv^as the reverfing the attain-
were more der of the Lord Stafford. It was faid for it, that
cautious, the witneffes were now convi6led of perjury, and
therefore the reftoring the blood that was
tainted by their evidence was a juft reparation.
The proceedings in the matter of the Popifh plot
were chiefly founded on Oates's difcovery, which
was now judged to be a thread of perjury.
This fllick with the Lords, and would not go
down. Yet they did juftice both to the Popilh. ■
Lords then in the Tower, and to the Earl of
Danby, who moved the Houfe of Lords, that
they might either be brought to their trial, or be
fet at liberty. This v/as fent by the Lords to the
Houfe of Commons, who returned anfwer, that
they did not think fit to infill on the impeach-
ments. So upon that they were difchkrged of
them, and ftt at liberty. Yet, tho' both Houfes
agreed in this of profecuting the Popifh plot no
further, the Lords had no mind to reverfe and
condemn pail proceedings.
The But while all thefe things were in agitation,
Buke of the Duke of Monmouth's landing brought the lef-
'^•'"-'"; fion to a conclufion. As foon as Lord Argile.
landed at f^il^cl for Scotland, he iet about his defign with
L:!v»e.. as much haiie as was pofTible. Arms were
bought, and a fhip was freighted for Bilbao in
Spain. The Duke of Monmouth pawned all his
ievv'els : But thele could not raife much : And no
money v.^as fent hi si out of E'ngland. So he was
hurried into an ill defigned invafion. The whole'
company confiiled but of eighty two perfons.
'Hiey were all faithful to one another. But fome
fpies, whom Shelton tlie new Envoy fet on work,
fent him the notice of a fufpefted fhip failing out
of Amllerdam with armiS. Shelton neither ,un-
derflood -
of King Jaj^es II. 325
dcrftood the laws of Holland, nor advifed with 1685.
thofe who did : Otherwile he would have carried '^'^"V^
with him an order from the Admiralty of Holland,
that fat at the Hague, to be made uie of as the
occalion fhould require. When he came to Am-
fterdam, and applied himfclf to the Magiftrates
there, defiring them to flop and fearch the fhip that
he named, they found the fhip was already failed
out of their port, and their jurifdiflion v/ent no
further. So he was forced to fend to the Admi-
ralty at the Hague. But thofe on board, hearing
what he was come for, made all poffible hafte.
And the wind favouring them,- they got out of the
Texel, before the order defired could be brought
from the Hague.
After a profperous courfe, the Duke landed at
Lime in Dorfetfhire : And he with his fmall com-
pany came afhore with fome order, but with too
much day light, which difcovered how few they
were.
The alarm was brought hot to London : "Where, An Aa of
upon the general report and belief of the thing an a6t Attainder
of Attainder paft both Houfes in one day ; fome V^^'^^ ^-
fmall oppofition being made by the Earl of Angle- |^^^
fey, becaufe the evidence did not feem clear enough
for fo fevere a fentence, which was grounded on the
notoriety of the thing. The fum of 5000 I. was
fet on his head. And with that the fefiion of Par-
liament ended •, which was no fmall happinefs to
the Nation, fuch a body of men being difmiifed
\ with doing fo little hurt. The Duke of Men-
i mouth's Manifefto was long, and ill penned: Full
of much black and dull malice. It was plainly ,
: Fergufon's ftile, which was both tedious and ful-
i fome. It charged the King with the burning of
London, the Popifh plot, Godfrey's murder, and
I the Earl of EiTex's death : And to crown all, it
was pretended, that the late King was poifoned by
I his orders : It was fet forth, that the King's religi-
•on made him incapable of the Crown -, that three
3^^ The History of the Reign
1685. ^ubfeqiient Houfes of Commons had voted his Ex-
^^-Y^ cJuP.on: The taking away the old Charters, and all
the hard things done in the laft reign, were laid to
his charge: The eledions of the prelcnt Parlia-
ment were alfo fet forth very odioufly, with great in-
decency of ftile : The Nation was alfp appealed to,
when met in a free Parliam.ent, to judge of the
Duke's own pretenfions : And all fort of liberty^,
both in temporals and fpirituals, Vv^as promifed to,
perlbns of all perfuafions.
A rabble Upon the Duke of Monmouth's landing, many
c:ime and of the countty people carne in to join him, but ve-
t!im^ ry few of the Gentry. He had quickly men enough
about him to ufe all his arms. The Duke of Al-
bem.arle, as Lord Lieutenant of Devonfhire, was
fen t down to raife the Militia, and with them to
make head againft him. But their ill affection ap-
peared very evidently : Many deferted, and all
were cold in the fervice. The Duke of Monmouth
had the whole country open to him for almoft a
fortnight, during which time he was very diligent
in training and animating his men. Flis own be-
haviour was fo gentle and obliging, that he was
mafter of all their hearts, as much as was pofiible.
But he quickly found, what it was to be at the
head of undifciplined men, that knew nothing of
war, and that were not to be ufed with rigour.
Soon after their landing, Lord Grey was fent out
Lord "^^^^^ ^ fn\2i\\ party. He faw a few of the Militia,
Grey's and he ran for it : But his miCn ftocd, and the Mi-
eowar^ iitia ran from them. Lord Grey brought a falfe
■J ^' alarm, that v/as foon found to be fo : For the men
whom their leader had abandoned came back in
good order. The Duke of Monmouth was ftruck
with this, when he found that the perfon op whom
he depended rnoft, and for whom he defigned the
- c;ommand pf the horfe, had already miade himfelf
intamous by his cowardife. He intended to joh^
Fletcher with him in that command. But an un-
liappy accident made it not convenient to keep him,
lonp,er
of King James II. 327
longer about him. He fent him out on another 1685.
party : And he, not being yet furniflied with a i— v-v^
horle, took the horfe ot one who had brought in
a great body of men from Taunton. He was not
in the Vv'ay : So Fletcher, not feeing him to afk
his leave, thought that all things were to be in
common among them, that could advance the
fervicc. After Fletcher had rid about, as he was
ordered, as he returned, the owner of tlie horfe he
rode on, who was a rough and ill-bred man, re-
proached him in very injurious terms, for takijig
out his horfe without his leave. Fletcher bore this
longer than could have been expected from one of
his impetuous temper. But the other perfifced in
giving him foul language, and offered a fv/itch or
a, cane : Upon which he difcharged his pifloi at
him, and fatally lliot him dead. He went and
gave the Duke of Monmouth an account of this,
who faw it was impoxTibic 10 keep him longer about
him, without difgufting and iofmg the country
people, who were coming in a body to demand
jufhice. So he advifed him to go aboard the (hip,
and to fail on to Spain, whither ihe was bound.
By this means he was preferved for that time.
Fergufon ran among the people with all the fury
of an enraged man, that affected to pafs for .. aq
enthufiaft, tho' all his performances that way were
forced and dry. The Duke of Monmouth '3 great
error was, that he did not m the firftheat venture
on fome hardy action, and then march either to
Exeter or Briliol ; v/here, as he would have found
much wealth, fo he would have gained fome repu?
tation by it. But he lingred in exercihng his men,
and {laid too long in the neighbourhood of Lime.
By this means the King ha^ time both to bring
troops out of Scotland, after Argile was taken,
and to fend to Holland for the Englifli and Scotch
Regiments that were in the fervice of the States ',
which th" Prince fent over very readily, and offered
|iis own perfon, and a greater force, if it was ne-
' y 4 ceilary,
The History of the Reign
cefTary. The King received this with great ex-
preffions of acknowledgment and kindnefs. It was
very vifibie, that he was much diftrafted in his
thoughts, and that what appearance of courage
foever he might put on, he was inwardly full of
apprehenfions and fears. He durfl not accept of
the offer of afTiftance, that the French made him :
For by that he would have loft the hearts of the
Engliiii Nation. And he had no mind to be much
obliged to the Prince of Orange, or to let him into
his counfels or affairs. Prince George committed
a great error in not afl^ing the command of the
Army : For the command, how much foever he
might have been bound to the counfels of others,
wouid have given him fome luftre; whereas his
Haying at- home in fuch time of danger brought
him under much negleft.
The E:irl The King could not choofe worfe than he did,
of P ever- when he gave the command to the Earl of Fever-
mSded""' ^^^^' ^^'^^^ ^^s a Frenchman by birth, and nephew
thelvng'j^o '^'^^- cie Tarenne. Both his brothers changing
anny. religion, tho' he continued flill a Proteftant, made
that his religion was not much trufted to. He was
an honefr, brave, and good natured man, but
weak to a degree not eafy to be conceived. And
he conduced matters io ill, that every ftep he made
was like to prove fatal to the King's fervice. ■ He
had no parties abroad. Fie got no intelligence :
And was aimofl furprifed, and like to be defeated,
v^htn he feemed to be under no apprehenfion, but
was abed without any care or order. So that, if
the Di:ke of Monmouth had got but a very fmaU
number of Soldiers about him, the King's affairs
Vv'ould have fallen into great diforder.
Th^ Duke of Monmouth had almpfl furprifed
Lord Feveriham, and all about him, while they
were abed. Ke got in betv/een two bodies, into
which the Army lay divided. He now faw his
error in lingering fo long. Fie began to want
bread, and to be fo ftraitned^ that there v/as a ne-
of King James IT.
celTity of pufiiing for a fpeedy decifion. He was
fo milled in his march, that he loft an hour's, time :
And when he came near the Army, there was an
inconfiderable ditch, in the paffing which he loft
fo much more time, that the officers had leifure to
rife and be drelfed, now they had the alarm. And
they put themfelves in order. Yet the Duke of
Monmouth's foot ftood longer, and fought better
than could have been expefted ; efpecially, when
the fmall body of horfe they had, ran upon the
firft charge, the blame of which was caft on Lord
Grey. The foot being thus forfaken, and galled
by the cannon, did run at laft. About a thou-
fand of them were killed on the fpot : And fifteen
hundred were taken prifoners. Their numbers
when fuUeft were between five and fix thoufand.
The Duke of Monmouth left the field too foon for The Duke
a man of courage, who had fuch high pretenfions : "^ ^°"-
For a few days before he had fuffered himfelf to be ^^^"^" ,
called King, which did him no fervice, even among
thofe that followed him. He rode towards Dor-
fetfhire : And when his horfe could carry him no
further, he changed clothes with a fhepherd, and
went as far as his legs could carry him, being ac-
cornpanied only with a German, whom he had
brought over with him. At laft when he could
go no further, he lay down in a field where tliere
was hay and ftraw, with which they covered them-
felves, fo that they hoped to lie there unfeen till
night. Parties went out on ail hands to take pri-
foners. The ftiepherd was found by the Lord
Lumley in the Duke of Monmouth's clothes. So
this put them on his track, and having fom.e dogs
with them they followed the fcent, and came to
the place where the German was firft difcovered.
And he immediately pointed t:o the place w^here
the Duke of Monmouth lay. So he was taken in .^^^j ^^^
^ very indecent drefs and pofture. ken.
His body was quite funk with fatigue : And
Jiis miqcl was now fq low, that he begged his life
I in
The History of the Reign
in a manner that agreed ill with the courage of the
former parts of it. He called for pen, ink, and
paper •, and wrote to the Earl of Feverfnam, and
both to the Qiieen, and the Queen Dowager, to
intercede with the King for his life. The Kino-'s
temper, as well as his interefb, made it fo impoffible
to hope for that, that it fhewed a great meannefs
in him to afl-i it, infuch terms as he ufed in his
letters. He was carried up to Whitehall ; where
the King examined him in perfon, which was
thought very indecent, fmce he was refolved not
to pardon him. He made new and unbecoming
fubmifiions, and infmuated a readinefs to change
his religion : For he faid, the King knew what
his firll education was in religion. There were
no difcoveries to be got from him ^ for the attempt
was too rafh to be well concerted, or to be fo deep
laid that many were involved in the guilt of it.
He was examined on Monday, and orders were
given for his execution on Wednefday.
Sr^uter Turner and Ken, the Billiops of Ely and of
Bath and Wells, were ordered to wait on him.
But he called for Dr. Tennifon. The Biihops
fcudied to convince him of the fin of rebellion.
He anfwered, he was forry for the blood that was
fhed in it : But he did not feem to repent of the
defign. Yet he confeffed that his Father had
often told him, that there was no truth in the re-
ports of his having married his Mother. This he
fet under his hand, probably for his childrens fake,
w4io were then prifoners in the Tower, that fo
they might not be ill ufed on his account. He
ihewed a great negled of his Duchefs. And
her refcntments for his courfe of life with the
Lady Wentworth wrought fo much on her, that,
tho' he defired to fpeak privately with her, fhe
would have witneffes to hear all that paft, to
juftify her felf, and to preferve her family. They
parted very coldly. He only recommended to her
the breeding their children in the Proteflant Re-
of King J A M E ? II. 331
llgion. The Bi (hops continued ftill to prefs on 1685.
him a deep fenfe ot the fin of rebellion ; at v/hich 'v/W*
he grew lb uneafy, t;hat he defired them to fpeak
tq him of other matters. They next charged him
with the fin of living with the Lady Went worth
as he had done. In that he juftified himfelf : He
had married his Duchefs too young to give a true
confent : He faid, that Lady was a pious worthy
woman, and that he had never lived fo well in all
refpefts, as fince his engagements with her. All
the pains they took to convince him of the unlaw-
ful nefs of that courfe of life had no etfed. They
did certainly very well in difcharging their con-
fciences, and fpeak'ing fo plainly to him. But
they did very ill to talk fo much of this matter,
and to make it fo publick as they did ; for divines
ought not to repeat what they fay to dying peni-
tents, no more than what the penitents fay to
them.. By this means the Duke of Monmouth had
little f^tisfadion in them, and they had as little in
him.
He was much better pleafed with Dr. Tennifon,
who did very plainly fpeak to him, with relation
to. .his publick adlings, and to his courfe of life:
But he did it in a fofter and lefs peremptory man-
ner. And having faid all that he thought proper,
he left thofe points, in which he faw he could not
convince him, to his own confcience, and turned
to other things fit to be laid before a dying man.
The Duke begged one day more of life with fuch
repeated earneftnefs, that as tlie King vs^as much
blamed for denying fo fmall a favour, fo it gave
occafion to others to believe, that he had fome
lT,ope from aftrologers, that, if he out-lived that
day, he might have a better fate. As long as he.'
fancied there was any hope, he was too much un-
fettled in his mind to be capable of any thing.
But when he faw all v;as to no purpofe, and thacHe died
he muft die, he complained a little that his death '' 'J*^ g''^*
vps hurried on fo fail. But all on the fudden he
caiiiC
The History of the Reign
came into a compofure of mind, that furprized
thofe that faw it. There was no affectation in it.
His whole behaviour was eafy and calm, not with-
out a decent cheerfulnefs. He prayed God to
forgive all his fins, unknown as well as known.
He feemed confident of the mercies of God, and
that he was going to be happy with him. And he
went to the place of execution on Tower-hill with
an air of undifturbed courage, that was grave and
compofed. He faid little there ; only that he was
forry for the blood that was fhed : But he had ever
meant well to the Nation. When he faw the axe,
he touched it, and faid, it was not Iharp enough.
He gave the Hangman but half the reward he in-
tended ; and faid, if he cut off his head cleverly,
and not fo butcherly as he did the Lord Ruffel's, his
man would give him the reft. The executioner was
in great diforder, trembling all over : So he gave
him two or three ftrokes without being able to finifli
the matter, and then flung the axe out of his
hand. But the Sheriff" forced him to take it up : ^
And at three or four more ftrokes he fevered his
head from his body : And both were prefently bu- ,
ried in the Chapel of the Tower. Thus lived and
died this unfortunate young man. He had feveral
good quaHties in him, and fome that were as bad.
iHe was ibft and gentle even to excefs,^and too
eafy to thofe who had credit with him. He was
both fincere and good-natured, and underftood
war vv^ell. But he was too much given to pleafure
and to favourites.
Lord The Lord Grey it was thought would go next.
Grey par- But he had a great eftate that by his death was to
doaed, g^^ ^^^^j. j.q ]^jg brother. So the Court refolved to
preferve him, till he fliould be brought to com-
pound for his life. The Earl of Rochefter had
160C0I. of him. Others had fmaller ftiares. He
was likewife obliged to tell all he knew, and to be
a Vvfitnefs in order to the conviction of others, but
with this affurance, that no body flioyld die upon
of King James II.
his evidence. So the Lord Brandon, fon to the
Earl of Macclesfield, was convidted by his and
fome other evidence. Mr. Hambden was alfo
brought on his trial. And he was told, that he
muft expedt no favour unlefs he would plead
guilty. And he, knowing that legal evidence
would be brought againft him, fubmitted to this ;
and begged his life with a meannefs, of which he
himfelf was fo alhamed afterwards, that it gave
his fpirits a depreffion and diforder that he could
never quite mailer. And that had a terrible con-
clufion ; for about ten years after he cut his own
throat.
The King was now as fuccefsful as his own heart The King
could wifh. He had held a feffion of Parliament in was lifted
both Kingdoms, that had fettled his revenue : And J"T ^^'''^
now too ill prepar'd and ill managed rebellions had cgfjvg^'
fo broken all the party that was againft him, that
he feemed fecure in his Throne, and above the
power of all his enemies. And certainly a reign
,that was now fo beyond expedlation fuccefsful in
its firft fix months feemed fo well fettled, that no
ordinary mifmanagem.ent could have fpoiied fuch
beginnings. If the King had ordered a fpeedy
execution of fuch perfons, as were fit--tO'he made
publick examples, and had upon that granted a
general indem.nity, and if he had but covered his
intentions till he had got thro' another feffion of
Parliament, it is not eafy to imagine, with what
advantage, he might then have opened and pur-
fued his defigns.
But his ov/n temper, and the fury of fome of But it had
his Minifters, and the maxims of his Priefts, whoanUeffea
were become enthufiaftical upon this liiccefs, a^d^'"/^'^
fancied that nothing could nov/ ftand before him : "
All thefe concurred to make him lofe advantages,
that were never to be recovered : For the Hiews of
mercy, that were afterv/ards put on, were looked
on as an after-game, to retrieve that which was now
ioi!:. The Army, was kept for fome. time in the
Weilern
3^4 The History of the Reign
1685. Weftern Counties, where both officers and foldierS
<i— -v*^ lived as in an enemy's country, and treated all,
that were believed to be ill affefled to the King,
with great rudenefs and violence.
Great Kirk, who had commanded long in Tangier,
crueitus ^„^g become fo favao;e by the neis;hbourhood of
commit- ^^ ^ ^-
ted by his ^^^ Moors there, that fome days after the battle
foldiers. he ordered feveral of the prifoners to be hanged
up at Taunton, without fo much as the form of.
law, he and his company looking on from an en-
tertainment they werje at. At every new health
another prifoner was hanged up. And they were
fo brutal, that obferving the fhaking of the legs
of thofe whom they hanged, it was faid among
them, they were dancing •, and upon that mufick
was called for. This was both fo illegal, and fo,
inhuman, that it maight have been expeded that
fome notice would have been taken of it. But
Kirk was only chid for it. And it was faid, that
he had a particular order for fome military execu-
tions : So that he could only be chid for the man-
ner of it.
And But, as if this had been nothing, Jefferies ^ was
"""^^ fent the Weftern Circuit to try the prifoners. His
f!a^ ^' ^y behaviour was beyond any thing that was ever
heard ot m a civilized Nation. He was perpetu-
ally either drunk, or in a rage, liker a fury than
the zeal of a Judge. He required the prifoners
to plead guilty. And in that cafe he gave them
fome hope of favour, if they gave him no trou-
ble : Otherv/ife he told them he would execute the
letter of the law upon them in its utmoft fe verity.
This made many plead guiky, who had a great
defence in law. But he fliewed no mercy. He
ordered a great many to be hanged up immediately,
without allowing them a minute's time to fay their
prayers. He hanged, in feveral places, about fix
hundred perfons. The greatefc part of thefe were
of the meaneft fort, and of no diftincliion. The
impieties with which he treated them, and his be-
haviour
of King Jame s 11. 3^5
liavioLir towards fome of the Nobility and Gentry, 16S5,
that were well affe6t:ed, but came and pleaded in w.-^v"'-^
favour of fome prifoners, would have amazed one,
if done by a Bafhaw in Turkey. England had
Tiever known any thing hke it. The inftances are
too many to be reckoned up.
But that which brought all his excefles to be V/ith '
imputed to the King himfelf, and to the orders ^'^^^^^ t^c
given by him, was, that the King had a particu- ,ve"fp)e^l
lar account of all his proceedings writ to him every fed.
day. And he took pleafure to relate them in the
drawing room to foreign Minifters, and at his
table, calling it Jefferies's campaign : Speaking of
all he had done in a ftile, that neither became the
Majeftys nor the mercifulnefs, of a great Prince.
Dykfield was at that time in England, one of the
Embaffadors whom the States had fent over to
congratulate the King's coming to the Crown. He
told me, that the King talked fo often of thefe
things in his hearing, that he wondered to fee him
break out in thefe indecencies. And upon Jefferies's
coming back, he was created a Baron, and Peer of
England r A dignity which, t*ho' anciently fome
Judges were raifed to it, yet in thefe latter ages, as
there was no example of it, fo it was thought in-
confiftent with the chara6ler of a Judge.
Two executions were of fuch an extraordinary r^, ^^_
nature, that they deferve a more particular recital, cations of
The King apprehended that many of the prifon^rs 'wo wo-
had got into London, and v/ere concealed there. "^^"•
So he faid, thofe who concealed thern were the
worft fort of traitors, v/ho endeavouired to preferve
fuch perfons to a better time. He had likewife a
great mind to find outany among the rich merchants,
who might afford great compolicions to fave their
lives : For tho' there was much blood fiied, thefe
was little booty got to reward thofe who had ferved.
Upon this the King declared, Jie would foonei
pardon the rebels.^ than thofe who harboured them'.
There was in London one Gaunt, a v/oman tlrat
was an Anabaptift^ v/ho fpe.it a gicktc part of her
3 iif-^
33^ The History of the Refgn
168 ''. ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ °^ charity, vifithig the jayles, and look-
ing after the poor of what perfuafion foever they
were. One of the rebels found her out, and Ihe
harboured him in her houfe j and was looking for
an occafion of fending him out of the Kingdom.
He went about in the night, and came to hear
what the King had faid. So he, by an unheard of
bafenefs, went and delivered himfelf, and accufed
her that harboured him. She was feized on, and
tried. There was no witnefs to prove that fhe
knew that the perfon flie harboured was a rebel,
but he himfelf : Her maid v/itneffed only, that
he was entertained at her houfe. But tho' the
crime was her harbouring a traitor, and was proved
only by this ' infamous witnefs, yet the Judge
charged the jury to bring her in guilty, pretend-
ing that the maid was a fecond witnefs, tho' fhe
knew nothing of that which was the criminal part.
She was condemned, and burnt, as the law directs
in the cafe of women convift of treafon. She died
with a conilancy, even to acheerfulnefs, that ftruck
all that faw it. She faid, charity was a part of her
religion, as well as faith : This at worft was the
feeding an enemy : So (he. hoped, fhe had her re-
ward with him, for whofe fake fhe did this fervice,
how unworthy foever the perfon was, that made
fo ill a return for it : She rejoyced, that God had
honoured her to be the hrfl; that fufFered by fire in
this rcigR i and that her fuffering was a martyrdom
for tha^ religion which was all love. Pen the
Quaker told me, he faw her die. She laid the
ilraw about her for burning her fpeedily j and be-
haved herfelf in fuch a manner, that all the fpec-
tatcrs melted in tears.
The other execution was of a woman of greater
quality : The Lady Liile. Her hufband had been
a Regicide, and was one of Cromwell's Lords,
and was called the Lord Liile. ,He went at the
time of the Reftoration beyond fea, and lived at
Lauianne. But three defperate Irifhmen, hoping
by
of King James IL ^37
by fuch a fervice to make their fortunes, went 16S5.
thither, and killed him as he was going to Church -, -^"V nj
and being well mounted, and ill purrued, got into
France. His Lady was known to be much afievSed
with the King's death, and not eafily reconciled to
her hufband for the fhare he had in it. She was
a woman of great piety and charity. The night -
after the aftion, Hicks, a violent preacher among
the Diflenters, and Nelthorp, came to her Houfe.
vShe knew Hicks, and treated him civilly, not afk-
ing from whence they came. But Hicks told what
brought them thither : for they had been with the
Duke of Monmouth. Upon which fne went out
of the room immediately, and ordered her chief
fervant to fend an information concerning them to
the next Juftice of Peace, and in the mean wliile
to fuffer them to make their efcape. But, before
this could be done, a party came about the houfe,
and took both them, and her for harbouring them,
Jefferies refolved to make a facrilice of her •, and
obtained of the King a promife that he would not h
pardon her. Which the King owned to the Earl '
of Fevcrfham, when he, upon the offer of a loool.
if he could obtain her pardon, went and begged it.
So fhe was brought to her trial. No legal proof
was brought, that fhe knew that they v/ere rebels :
The names of the perfons found in her houfe were
in no Proclamation : So there was no notice given
to beware of them. Jefferies affirmed to the Jury
upon his honour, that the perfons had contefied
that they had been with the Duke of Monmouth.
This was the turning a witnefs againR" her, after
which he ought not to have judged in tlie matter.
And, tho' it was infilled on, as a point of law,
that till the perfons found in her houfe were con-
vifted, Ihe could not be found guilty, yet Jefferies
charged the Jury in a mofc violent manner to bring
her in guilty. Ail the audience was ftrangely
affected with fo unufual- a behaviour in a Judge.
Only the perfon mgll concerned, the L-ady hcrfelf.
Vol. 11. Z ' - who
The History of the Reign
who was then paft feventy, was fo httle moved
at it, that flic fell afleep. The Jury brought her
in not guilty. But the Judge in great fury fent
them out again. Yet they brought her in a fecond
time not guilty. Then he feemed as in a tranfport
of rage. He upon that threatned them with an
attaint of Jury. And they, overcome with fear,
brought her in the third time guilty. The King
would Ihew no other favour, but that he changed
the fentence from burning to beheading. She died
with great conftancy of mind ; and exprelTed a joy,
that flie thus fuffered for an ad of charity and
piety.
The be- Moft of thofe that had fuffered expreffed at
haviour ofj-jjgjj. death fuch a calm firmnefs, and fuch a
f!fflred^'°'^^^^ for their religion, which they believed was
then in danger, that it made great impreffions
on the fpeftators. Some bafe men among them
tried to fa vethemfelves by accufing others. Good-
enough, who had been Under-Sheriff of London,
when Cornifh was Sheriff, offered to fwear againft
' Cornifli-, and alfo faid, that Rumfey had not dif-
covered all he knew. So Rumfey to fave himfeif
joined with Goodenough, to fwear Cornifli guilty
of that for which the Lord Ruffel had fuffered.
And this was driven on fo faff, that Cornifli was
feized on, tried and executed within the week.
If he had got a little time, the falfliood of the evi-
dence would have been proved from Rumfey's
former depofition, which appeared fo clearly loon
after his death, that his eftate was reftored to his
family, and the witneffes were lodged in remote
prifons for their lives. Cornifli at his death afferted
his innocence with great vehemence ; and with
fome acrimon/ complained of the methods taken
to deftroy him. And fo they gave it out, that he
died in a fit of fury. But Pen, who faw the exe-
cution, faid to me, there appeared nothing but a;
• jufl: indignation that innocence might very natu-
rally give. Pen^might be well relied on in fuch'
matters,
of King J A M E s II. 339
i|iatters, he being fo entirely in the King's interefts, 1685.
He faid to me, the King was much to be pitied, «-«-v-*<»^
who was hurried into all this efFufion of blood by
JeJfFeries's impetuous and cruel temper. But, if
his own inclinations had not been biailed that way,
and if his Priefts had not thought it the intereft
of their party to let that butcher loofe, by which
fo many men that were like to oppofe them were
put out of the way, it is not to be imagined, that
there would have been fuch a run of barbarous
cruelty, and that in fo many inftances.
It gave a general horror to the body of the Na~ The Na-
tion : And it let all people fee, what m.ight be ex- tion was
peded from a reign that feemed to delight in "["^^
blood. Even fome of the faireft of Tories began ^y^t^g
to relent a little, and to think they had trufted too manage-
much, and gone too far. The King had raifed ment.
new regiments, and had given commifiions to Pa-
pills. This was over-looked during the time of
danger, in which all mens fervice was to be made
ufe of : And by law they might ferve three months.
But now, as that time was near lapfmg, the King
began to fay, the laws for the two Teds were
made on defign againit himfelf : The firft was
made to turn him out of the Admiralty, and the
fecond to make w'ay for the Exclufion : Andj he
added, that it was an affront to him to infifb on
the obfervance of thole laws. So thefe perfons
notwithftanding that a6l were continued in com-
;miflion : And the King declared openly, that he
mufl look on all thofe, who would not confent to
the repeal of thofe laws, in the next feffion of Par-
liament, as his enemies.
!' The Courtiers began every where to declaim Great dif-
?againft them. It was faid to be againfl: the rights p^tes for
tof the Crown to deny the Kins; the fervice of all '^^^. „ ,
his lubjects, to be contrary to tne dignity of x^^s^
Peerage to fubje6t Peers to any other Tefts than
their allegrance, and that it was an infufferable
ji affront done the King, to 9blig€ all thole, whom
■ Z 2 ■ -te
^40 The History of the Reign
1685. he lliould employ, to fwear that his religion was
u»-y-*»^ idolatrous. On the other hand all the people faw,
that, if thofe afts were not maintained, no employ-
ment would be given to any but Papifts, or to
thofe who gave hopes that they would change :
And, if the Parliament Tefi; v/as taken off, then
the way was opened to draw over fo many members
of both Houfes, as would be in time a majority,
to bring on an entire change of the laws with re-
lation to religion. As long as the nation reckon-
ed their Kings were true and fare to their religion,
there was no fuch need of thofe Tefts, while the
giving employments was left free, and our Princes
were like to give them only to thofe of their own
religion. But, fmce we had a Prince profeffing
another religion, it fcemed the only fecurity that
was left to the Nation, and that the Tefts ftood
as a barrier to defend us from Popery. It was
' alfo faid, that thofe Tefts had really quieted 'the
minds of the greater part of the Nation, and had
united them againft the Exclufion j fince they
reckoned their religion was fafe by reafon of them.
The military men went in zealouily into thofe no-
tions j for they law, that, as foon as the King
.ihouid get rid of the Tefts, they muft either change
their religion, or iofe their employments. The
Clergy, who for moft part had hitherto 'run in
with fury to all the King's interefts, began now
to open their eyes. Thus all on a fudden the tem-
per of the nation was much altered. The Marquis
of Halifax did move in Council, that an order
iliould be eiven to exarmine, v/hether all the officers
in commiffion had taken the Teft, or not. But
none feconded him : So the motion fell. And
now all endeavours were ufed, to fix the repeal of
the Tells in the fefTiou that was coming on.
"Some Some lew converts were made at this time. The
chnr.ge chief of thefe were the Earl of Perth, and his
tjeir re- brother the, Earl of Mclfort. Some differences fell
*■' '^ '* in between the Duke cf QuGcniborough and the
Earl
of King James II. . 341
Earl of Perth. The latter thought the former was 1685.
haughty and violent, and that he ufed him in too 'v^'*>J
imperious a manner. So they broke. At that '
time the King publifhed the two papers found in
his brother's ftrons; box. So the Earl of Perth
was either overcome with the reafons in them, or
he thouglit it would look vv^ell at Court, if he put
his converlion upon thefe. He came up to com-
plain of the Duke of Queenfborough. And his
brother going to meet him at Ware, he difcovered
his defigns to him, who , Teemed at firft much
troubled at it : But he plied him fo, that he pre-
vailed on him to join with him in his pretended
converlion, which he did with great £hev/s of de -
vofcon and zeal. But when his obje6tions to the
Duke of Queenfborough's adminiftration were
heard, they were fo flight, that the King was
afliamed of them ; and all the Court juftified the
Duke of Queenfborough. A repartee of the Mar-
quis of HaUfax was much talked of on this oc-
cafion. The Earl of Perth was taking pains to
convince him, that he had juft grounds of com-
plaint, and feemed little concerned in the ill effed:
this might have on himfelf. The Marquis anfwered
him, he needed fear nothing, " His faith would
*' make him whole :" And it proved fo.
Before he declared his change, the King feemed The Dake
fo well fatisfied with the Duke of Queenfborough, ofQueeni"-
that he was refolved to brins; the Earl of Perth to a j?r*^"-''\
fubmifTion, otherwife to difmifs him. But fuch con-
verts were to be encouraged. So the King, having
declared himfelf too openly to recal that fo foon,
'ordered them both to go back to Scotland % and
• faid, he would fignify his pleafure to them when,
they fhould be there. It followed them down very
quickly. The Duke of Queenfborough was turn-
ed out of the Treafury, and it v/as put in Com^
milTion ; iVnd he, not to be too much irritated at
once, was put firil in the Commiffion. And now
it became foon very vifibic, that he had the fecret
Z 3 no^
The History of the Reign
no more j but that it was lodged between the two
brothers, the Earls of Perth, and Melfort. Soon
after that the Duke of Qiieenfoorough was not only
turned out of all his employments, but a delign was
laid to ruin him. All perPjns were encouraged
to bring accufations againft him, either with rela-
tion to the adminiftration of the government, or
of the Treafury. And, it any colourable mattei*
could have been found agdjnfl: him, it was refolved
to have made him a facrifice. This fudden hatred,
after fo entire a confidence, w^s imputed to the
fuggeftions the Earl of Perth had made of his zeal
againfc Popery, and of his having engaged all his
friends to ftick firm in oppofition to it. It was
faid, there was no need of making fuch promifes,
as he had engaged the King to make to the Par-
liament of Scotland. No body defired or expeft-
I ed them : He only drove that matter on his own
account : So it was fit to let all about the King fee,
what was to be looked for, if they preffed any
thing too feverely with relation to religion.
The King But to leave Scotland, and return to England :
declared The King, after he had declared that he would be
^h^ T ft f^^^''d by none but thofe who would vote for the
' repeal of the Tefts, called for the Marquis of
Halifax, and afked him, how he would vote in that
matter. He very frankly anfwered, he would
never confent to it : He thought, the keeping up
thofe laws was neceflary, even for the King's fer-
vice, fmce the Nation trufted fo much to them»
that the publick quiet was chiefly preferved by
that means. Upon this the King told him, that
tho' he would never forget paft fervices, yet fmce ,
he could not be prevailed on in that particular, he
was refolved to have all of a piece. So he was
turned out. And the Earl of Sunderland w^s'
made Lord Prefident, and continued ftill Secretary
pf State. More were not queftioned at that time,
nor turned out : For it was hoped, that, fince all
rnen faw whiit was to ^e expeftedj if they fhould
' not
of King James II. ^43
not comply with the King's intentions, this would 1685,
have its full effe6t upon thofe, who had no mind u— y— — <
to part with their places.
The King refolved alfo to model Ireland, fo as Proceed-
to make that Kingdom a nurfery for his army in '"g^ j"
England, and to be fure at leaft of an army tliere, ^'^'^'^""•
while his defigns were to go on more llowly in
the Ifle of Britain. The Irifli bore an inveterate
hatred to the Duke of Ormond : So he was re-
called. But, to difmifs him with fome Ihew of re-
fped:, he was ftill continued Lord Steward of the
houftiold. The Earl of Clarendon was declared
Lord Lieutenant. But the Army was put under
the command ol" Talbot, who was made Earl of ,.
Tirconnell. And he began very foon to model it
anew. The Archbifhop of Armagh had continued
Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and was in all points
fb compliant to the Court, that even his religion
came to be fufpefted on that account. Yet, it
feemed, he was not thought thorough paced. So
Sir Charles Porter, who was a zealous promoter of
everything that the King propofed, and was a
man of ready wit, and being poor was thought a
perfon fit to be made a Tool of, was declared Lord
Chaincellor of Ireland. To thefe the King faid, he
was refolved to maintain the fettlement of Ireland.
They had authority to promife this, and to a(5t
purfuant to it. But, as both the Earl of Claren-
don and Porter were poor, it was hoped, that they
would underftand the King's intentions, and fee
thro* thofe promifes, that were made only to lay
men alleep -, and that therefore they would not in^
fift too much on them, nor purfue them too far.
But now, before I come to relate the fhort feiTion The perr
of Parliament that was abruptly broken off, I muil f-cation
mention one great tranfadion that went be- ^'* ■" ^'^"'•^'
fore it, and had no fmall influence on all men's
minds. And fince I faw that difmal tragedy,
which was at this time afted in France, I muft now
change the fcene, and give fome account of myieii'.
Z 4 Whep
3 ^4 '^^^ History of the Reign
1685. When I refolved to go 'beyond fea, there was no
v^->no choice to be made. So many exiles and outlawed
perlbns were fcattered np and down the Towns of
Holland, and other Provinces, that I faw the
danger of going, where 1 was fure many of them
would come about me, and try to have involved
me in guik by coming into my company, that fo-
they might engage m.e into their defigns. So I re-
folved to go to France : And, if I found it not
convenient to ftay there, I intended to go on to
Geneva or Switzerland. I afl^ed the French Em-
balfador, if I might be fafe there. He after fome
days, I fuppofe after he had writ to the'Court upon
it, afiiired me, I Ihould be fafe there ; and that, if
the King fhould afk after me, timely notice fhould
be given me, that I might go out of the way.
So I went to .Paris. And there being many there
whom I had reafon to look on as fpies, I took a
little houfe, and lived by myfelf as privately as I
could. I continued there till the beginning of
Auguli, that I went to Italy. I found the Earl of
Montague at Paris, with whom I converfed much,
and got from him moil of the fecrets of the Court,
and of the negotiations he was engaged in. The
King of France had been for many years weaken-
ing the whole Protefbant intereft there, and was
then upon the lafl refokition of recalling the Edi6t
of Nantes. And, as far as I could judge, the
affairs of England gave the lall ftroke to that
matter.
A fual lliis year, of which I am now writing, muft
}ear to ^y^^ j^g remembred, as the moil: fatal to the Pro-
tie ro- ^-gfj-^p^^ Religion. In February, a King of England
Rcli'ion. declared himfelf a Papift. In June, Charles the
£leclor Palatine dying v/ithout iffue, the Elecloral
dignity went to the Houfe of Newburgh, a moft:
bigotted Popifh fam.ily. In Oftober, the King of
F'rance recalled and vacated the Edi6t of Nantes.
And in December, the Duke of Savoy being
brought to it, not only by the perfuafions, but
' ' ■ " ieven
of King J A M E s II.
even by the threatnings of the Court of France,
recalled the Edid: that his father had granted to the
Vaudois. So it muft be confelTed, that this was a
very critical year. And I have ever reckoned
this the fifth great crifis of the Proteftant Religion.
For fome years the Priefts were every where
making converfions in France. The hopes of
penfions and preferments wrought on many. The
plaufible colours, that the BiOiop of Meaux, then
Bifhop of Condom, put on all the errors of the
Church of Rome, furnifhed others with excufes
for changing. Many thought, they mull change
at laft, or be quite undone : For the King feemed
to be engaged to go thro' with the matter, both
in compliance v;ith the fhadow of confcience that
he feemed co have, which was to follow implicitly
the conduul of his Confeffor, and of the Archbifhop
of Paris, hehimlelf beino; ig-norant in thofe matters
beyond what can be well imagined ; and becaufe
his glory feemed alfo concerned to go thro' with
every thing that he had once begun.
Old Rouvigny, v/ho was the Deputy General of Rouvig-
the Churches, told me, that he was long deceived in "v'^^ '^^'^^^
his opinion of the King. He knew he was not ^'°^'^*
naturally bloody. He faw his grofs ignorance in
thofe matters. His bigotry could not rife from
any inv/ard principle. So for many years he flat-
tered himfelf with the hopes, that the defign would
go on fo flowly, that fome unlocked for accident
might defeat it. But after the peace of Nimeguen,
he faw fuch fbeps miade, withfo much precipitation,
that he told the King he muft beg a full audience
of him upon that fubjcft. He gave him one that
lafced fome hours. Fie came well prepared. He
told him, what the State of France was, during
the wars in his Father's reign ; how happy France
had been now for fifty years, occafioned chiefly by
the quiet it was in with relation to thofe matters.
He gave him an account of their numbers, their
pduflry and vvealth, their conftant readinefs to
advance
The History of the Rei2:n
advance the revenue, and that all the quiet he had
with the Court of Rome was chiefly owing to them :
If they were rooted out, the Court of Rome would
govern as abfolutely in France, as it did in Spain.
He defircd leave to undeceive him, if he was
made believe they would all change, as foon as he
engaged his authority in the matter: Many would
go out of the Kingdom, and carry their wealth
and induftry into other countries. And by a fcheme
of particulars he reckoned how far that would go.
In fine, he faid, it would come to [the fhedding
of much blood : Many would fufFer, and others
would be precipitated into defperate courfes. So
that the moft glorious of all reigns would be in
conclulion disfigured and defaced, and become a
fcene of blood and horror. He told me, as he
went thro' thefe maters, the King feemed to heark-
en to him very attentively. But he perceived they
made no impreffion : For the King never alked any
particulars,* or any explanation, but let him go on.
And, when he had ended, the King faid, he took
his freedom well, fince it flowed from his zeal to
his fervice. He believed all that he had told Him,
of the prejudice it might do him in his aff'airs ;
Only he thought, it would not go to the Ihedding
of blood. But he faid, he confidered himfelf as
fo indifpenfibly bound to endeavour the converfion
of all his fubjefls, and the extirpation of herefy,
that if the doing it fliould require, that with one
hand he fliould cut off the other, he would fubmit
to that. After this Rouvigny gave all his friends
hints of what they were to look for. Some were
for flying out into a new civil war. But, their
chief confidence being in the afllfl:ance they ex-
pected from England, he, who knew what our
Princes were, and had reafon to believe that King
Charles was at leafl: a cold Protefl:ant, if not a
fecret Papift, and knew that the States would not
embroil their affairs in aflilf ing them, their oaaxims
rather leading them to connive at any thing, that
would
of King James II. 547
•would bring great numbers and much wealth into 1685.
their Country than to oppofe it, was againft all L/'VNJ
motions of that kind. He reckoned, thofe rifings
would be foon cruflit, and fo would precipitate
their ruin with fome colour of juftice. He was
much cenfured for this by fome hot men among
them, as having betrayed them to the Court.
But he was very unjuftly blamed, as appeared both
by his own conduct, and by his fon's ; who was re-
ceived at firft into the furvivance of being Deputy
General for the Churches, aad afterwards, at his
Father's delire, had that melancholy poll given
him, in which he daily faw new injuftices done,
and was only fuffered, tor form's fake, to inform
againft them, but with no hope of fuccefs.
The Father did, upon King Charles's death, He came
write a letter of congratulation to the King, who p^!!j *°,
wrote him fuch an obliging anfwer, that upon it ^^'
he wrote to his niece the Lady Ruflel, that, hav-
ing fuch aflurances given him by th^ King of a
high fenfe of his former fervices, he refolved to
come over, and beg the reftoring her fon's honour.
The Marquis of Halifax did prefently apprehend,
that this was a blind, and that the King of France
was fending him over to penetrate into the King's
defigns ', fmce from all hands intimations were
brought of the promifes, that he made to the Mi-
niflers of the other Princes of Europe. So I was
ordered to ufe all endeavours to divert him from
coming over : His niece had indeed begged that
journey of him, when fhe hoped it might have
faved her hufband's life, but fhe would not ven-
ture to defire the journey on any other confidera-
tion, confidering his great age, and that her fon
was then but five years old. I prefTed this fo much
on him, that, finding him fixed in his refolution,
I could not hinder myfelf from fufpefting, that
fuch a high a6t of friendihip, in a man fome years
paft fourfcore, had fomewhat under it : And it
was faidj that, when he took leave of the King of
France,
§4^ The History oF the Reign
1685. France, he had an audience of two hours of him,
^^-v'O But this was a falfe fuggefbion : And I was af-
fured afterwards that he came over only in friend-
fhip to his niece, and that he had no diredions
nor meffages from the Court of France.
He came over, and had feveral audiences of the
King, who ufed him with great kindnefs, but did
not grant him that which he faid he came for :
Only he gave him a general promife of doing it
in a proper time.
But whether the Court of France was fatisfied,
by the converfation that Rouvigny had with the
King, that they needed apprehend nothing from
England ; or whether the King's being now (o
fettled on the Thrpne made them conclude, that
the time was come of repealing the edidts, is not
certain : Mr. de Louvoy, feeing the King fo kt
on the matter, propofed to him a method, which
he believed would ihorten the work, and do it ef-
fectually : Which was, to let loofe fome bodies of
i>ragoors Dragoons to live upon the Proteftants on difcre-
ifveon ^^^"' They were put under no rellraint, but only
tiifcretion to avoid rapes, and the killing them. This was
upon the begun in Beam. And the people were fo ftruck
Protef- ^ji-}-^ jj.^ ^i^^^^ feeing they were to be eat up firll,
and, if that prevailed not, to be caft in prifon,
when all was taken from them, till they fl-iould
change, and being required only to promife to re-
unite themfelves to the Church, they, overcome
with fear, and having no time for confulting to-
gether, did univerfally comply. This did fo ani-
mate the Court, that, upon it the fame methods
were taken in moft places of Guienne, Langue-
Many of doc, and Dauphine, where the greateft numbers
^^eSed °^ ^^^ Proteftants were. A difmal confternation
thro' ferr.^^^ feeblenefs ran thro' moft of them, fo that
great num.bers yielded. Upon which the King,
now refolved to go thro' with what had been long
projefted, publifhed the edi61: repealing the edidt
of Nantes, in which (tho' that edid was declared
to
of King James II. 349
to be a perpetual and irrevocable law) he fet 1685.
forth, that it was only intended to quiet matters *-.nr««^,
by it, till more efFeftual ways fhould be taken
for the converfion of Hereticks. He alfo pro-
mifed in it, that, tho* all the publick exercifes of
that religion were now fupprefled, yet thofe of
that perfuafion who lived quietly fhould not be
difturbed on that account, while at the fame time
not only the Dragoons, but all the Clergy, and
the bigots of France, broke out into all the in-
ftances of rage and fury, againft fuch as did not
change, upon their being required in the King's
name to be of his religion i for that was the ilile
every where.
Men and women of all ages, who would not Great
yield, were not only ftript of all they had, but cruelty
kept long from Ileep, driven about from place to ^^\^I^q^.
place, and hunted out of their retirements. The
women were carried into Nunneries, in many of
which they were aimoft ilarved, whipt, and
barbaroufly treated. Some few of the Bilhops,
and of the fecular Clergy, to make the matter
eafier, drew formularies, importing that they were
refolved to reunite themfelves to the Cathoiick
Church, and that they renounced the errors of
Luther and Calvin. People in fuch extremities
are eafy to put a ftretched fenfe on any words, that
may give them prefent relief. So it was faid, what
harm was it to promife to be united to the Catho-
iick Church : And the renouncing thofe men's er-
rors did not renounce their good and found doc-
t^rine. But it was very vifible, v/ith what intent
thofe fubfcriptions ox promifes were aflved of them ;
So their compliance in that matter was a plain
equivocation. But, how weak and fauky foever
they might be in this, it muft be acknowledged,
here was one of the moft violent perfecutions that
is to be found in hiftory. In many refpe6ls it ex-
ceeded them all, both in the feveral inventions of
cruelty, and in its long continuance. I v.ent over
the
350 The History of the Reign
1685. the greateft part of France while it was in its hot-
^.•V"w tell rage, from Marfeilles to Montpelier, and
from thence to Lions, and fo to Geneva. I faw
and knew fo many inftances of their injuftice and
violence, that it exceeded even what could have
been well imagined j for all men fet their thoughts
at work, to invent new methods of cruelty. In
all the Towns thro* which I paft, I heard the moft
difmal accounts of thofe tjiings poffible ; but chief-
ly at Valence, where one Derapine feemed to ex-
ceed even the furies of Inquifitors. One in the
ftreets could have known the new converts, as
ihey were paffing by them, by a cloudy dejedion
that appeared in their looks and deportment. Such
as endeavoured to make their efcape, and were
feized, (for guards and fecret agents were fpread
along the whole roads and frontier of France,)
were, if men, condemned to the gallies, and, if
women, to monafteries. To compleat this cru-
elty, orders were given that fuch of the new con-
verts, as did not at their death receive the Sacra-
ment, fhould be denied burial, and that their bo-
dies fhould be left where other dead carcafes were
call out, to be devoured by wolves or dogs. This
was executed in feveral places wit.h the utmoll bar-
barity : And it gave all people fo much horror,
that, finding the ill effed of it, it was let fall.
This hurt none, but ftruck all that faw it, even
with more horror than thofe fufferings that were
more felt. The fury that appeared on this occa-
fion did fpread itfelf with a fort of contagion :
For the Intendants and other officers, that had
been mild and gentle in the former parts of their
life, feemed now to have laid afide the compafTion
of Chriitians, the breeding of Gentlemen, and
the common impreffions of humanity. The great-
eft part of the Clergy, the Regulars efpecially,
were fg tranfported with the zeal that their King
fhewed on this oecafion, that their fermona were
fyll of the moil inflamed eloquence that they could
invent,
4
of King James II. 351
invent, magnifying their King in ftrains too inde- 1685.
cent and blafphemous, to be mentioned by me. v^v"^^
I {laid at Paris till the beginning of Augufb. I went in-
Barrillon fent to me to look to myfelf-, for the ^° ^'^'^•
King had let fome words fail importing his lufpi-
cion of me, as concerned in the Duke of Mon-
moudi's bufmefs. Whether this was done on de-
fign, to fee if fuch an infmuation could fright me
away, and fo bring me under fome appearance of
guilt, I cannot tell : For in that time every thing
was deceitfully managed. But I, who knew that
I was not fo much as guilty of concealment, re-
folved not to ftir from Paris till the rebellion v/as
over, and that the prifoners were examined, and
tried. When that was done, Scouppe, a Briga-
dier General, told me, that Mr. de Louvoy had
faid to him, that the King was refolved to put an
end to the bufmefs of the Huguenots that feafon :
And, fmce he was refolved not to change, he ad-
vifed him to make a Tour into Italy, that he
might not feem to do any thing that oppofed the
. King's fervice. Stouppe told me this in con£-
dcnce. So we refolved to make that journey toge-
ther. Some thought it was too bold an adventure
in me, after what I had written and afted in the
matters of religion, to go to Rome. But others,
who judged better, thought I ran no hazard in
going thither : For, befides the high civility,
with which all ftrangers are treated there, they
were at that time in fjch hopes cf gaining Eng-
land, that it was not reafonable to think, that they
would raife the apprehenfions of the Nation, by
ufmg any that belonged to it ill : And the de-
ftroying me would not do them the fervice^ that
could in any fort balance the prejudice, that m.ight
arife from the noife it would make. And indeed
I met with fo high a civility at Rome, that it fuliy
juftified this opinion.
Pope Innocent the eleventh, Odefcalchi, knew ^^f ^^^
who I was the day afcef I came to Rome, And Te^ved^'a;
he Rome.
O'
352 The History of the Reign
He ordered the Captain of the Swifs guards to
tell Stouppe, that he had heard of me, and would
give me a private audience abed, to fave me frorn
the ceremony of the Pantoufle. But I knew the
noife that this v/ould make : So I refolved to avoid
it, and excufed it upon my fpeaking Italian fo ill
as I did. But Cardinal Howard and the Cardinal
d'Eftrees treated me with great freedom. The
latter talked much with me concerning the orders
in our Church, to know whether they had been
brought down to us by men truly ordained, or
not : For, he faid, they apprehended things would
be much more ealily brought about, if our orders
could be efteemed valid, tho' given in herefy and
fchifm. 1 told him, I was glad they were pof-
lefled with any opinion that made the reconci-
liation more difficult ; but, as for the matter of
fad, nothing was more certain, than that the
ordinations in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's
reign were canonical and regular. He feemed to
be perfuaded of the truth of this, but lamented
that it was impofllbie to bring the Romans to
think fo.
Cardinal Cardinal Howard fliewed me all his letters from
Howard's England, by which I faw, that thofe who wrote
freedom j-q j^jj-j^ reckoned, that their defigns were fo well
laid, that they could not mifcarry. They thought,
they Ihould certainly carry every thing in the next
fefilon of Parliament. There was a high ftrain of
infolence in their letters : And they reckoned, they
were fo fure of the King, that they feemed to
have no doubt left of their fucceeding in the re-
duction of England. The Romans and Italians
were much troubled at all this : For they were
under fuch apprehenfions of the growth of the
French power, and had conceived fuch hopes of
the King of England's putting a flop to it, that
they were forry to fee the King engage himfelf
fo,.in the defign of changing the religion of his
fubjecls, which they thought would create him fo
I much
with me.
of King James it. 353
hiuch trouble at home, that he woul.cl neither 1685.
have leidire nor llrength, to look after the com- v-^'V^-'
mon concerns of Europe. The Cardinal' told
me, that all the advices writ over from thence
to England v/ere for flow, calm and moderate
courfes. He faid, he wifhed he was at liberty
to file w. me the copies of them : But he faw vio-
lent courfes were more acceptable, and would
probably be followed*- And he added, that thefe
were the produftion of England, far difFerenc
from the counfels of Rome.
He alfo told me, that they had not inflruments
enough to work with : For, tho' they were fend-
ing over all that were capable of the Miflion,
yet he expeded no great matters from them.
Few of them fpoke true EngHfh. They came
over young, and retained all the Englifli th^t
they brought over with them, which v/as only
the language of boys : But, their education be-
ing among ftrangers, they had formed themfelves
fo upon that model, that really they preached as
Frenchmen or Italians in Englifh words ; of
which he was every day warning them, for he
knew this could have no good efFed; in Eng-
land. He alfo fpoke with great fenfe of the pro^ "
ceedings in France, which he apprehended would
have very ill confequences in England. I fhali
only add one other particular, which will fhevv
the foft temper of that good natured man.
He ufed me in fuch a manner, that it was much
. obferved by many others. So two French Gen-
tlemen dehred a note from me to introduce them
to him. Their deiign was to be furniilied with
Reliques ; for he was then the Cardinal that look-
ed after that matter. One evenina; I came in to
him as he was very bufy in giving them fome Re-
liques. So 'I Y'/d.s called in to fee them : And I
whifpered to him in Englifh, that it v/as fome-
what odd, that a Priefl of the Church of Eng-
'Iftnd fhould be at Rome, helping them oiF with
Vol. llo A a the
354 Th^ History of the Reign
1685. the ware of Babylon. He was fo pleafed with
i/^'^'^ this, that he repeated it to the others in French ;
and told the Frenchmen, that they lliould tell their
countrymen, hov/ bold the hereticks, and how
miJd the Cardinals were, at Rome.
I flaid in Rome, till Prince Borghefe came to
me, and told me it was time for me to go. ] had
got great acquaintance there. And, tho* 1 did
not provoke any to difcourfe of points of contro-
verly, yet I defended myfelf againft all thofe who
attacked me, with the fame treedom that I had
done in. other places. This began to be taken no-
tice of. So upon the firfb intimation 1 came av/ay,
and returned by Marfsilies. And then I went
thro' thofe Southern Provinces of France, that
were at that time a fcene of barbarity and cru-
elty.
Cruelnes j[ intended to have gone to Orange ; But Telle
icOrangc. ^^;j.j^ a body of Dragoons was then quartered over
that fmall Principality, and was treating the Pro-
teflants there, in the fame manner that the French
fubjedls were treated in other parts. So I went
not in, but pafk near it, and had this account of
that matter, from fome that were the raoft: conii*
derable men of the Principality. Many of the
neighbouring places fled thither from the perfecu-
tion : Upon which alerter was writ to the govern-
ment there, in the name of the King of France,
requiring them to put all his fubjecls out of their
territory. This was hard. Yet they were too
^ naked and expofed to difpute any thing, w^ith thofe
who could command every thing. So they or-
dered all the French to withdraw : Upon which
Tefle, who commanded in thofe parts, wrote to
them, that the King would be well fatisfied with
the obedience they had given his orders. They
upon this were quiet, and thought there was no
danger. But the next morning Teffe marched
his Dragoons into the Town, and let them loofe
upon them, as he had done upon the fubjeds of
France.
of King James II.
France. And they plied as feebly as moft of the
French had done. This was done while that Prin-
cipality was in the polTeffion of the Prince of
Orange, purfuant to an article of the treaty of
Nimeguen, of which the King of England was
the guarantee. Whether the French had the King's
confent to this, or if they prefumed upon it, was
not known. It is certain, he ordered two memo-
rials to be given in at that Court, complaining
of it in very high terms. But nothing followed
on it. And, fome months after, the King of
France did unite Orange to the reft of Provence,
and fuppreffed all the rights it had, as a diftindt
Principality. The King writ upon it to the
Princeis of Orange, that he could do no more ia
that matter, unldjfs he iliould declare war upon it ;
which he could nipt think fit for a thing of fuch
fmall importance.
But now the fellion of Parliament drew on. Another
And there was a ^reat expeftation of the ijGTue of ^^'°" ^^
it. For fome v/eeks before it met, there was fuch ^Jj^j *
a number of Refugees coming over every day,
who fet about a moft difmal recital of the perfecu-
tion in France, and that in fo many inftances that
were crying and odious, that, tho' all endeavours
were ufed to ieflen the clamour this had raifed,
yet the King did not ftick openly to condemn it,
as both unchriftian and unpolicick. Fie took pains
to clear the Jefuits of it, and laid the blame of it
chiefly on the King, on Madafne de Maintenon,
and the Archbifhop of Paris. He fpoke often of
it with fuch vehemence, that there feemed to be
an affectation in it. He did more. He was very
kind to the Refugees. He was liberal to many
of them. He ordered a brief for a charitable
colledion over the Nation for them all : Upon
which great fums were fent in. They wer^ depo-
fi ted in good hands, and well diftributed. The
King alio ordered them to be denifen'd without
paymg the fees, and gave'^them great immunities.
A a 2 So
256- The History of the Reign
168 p:,.- So that in all there came over firft and laft, be-
v.^V^'^ tween forty and fifty thoufand of that Nation.
Here was fuch a real inftance of the cruel and per-
fecuting fpirit of Popery, wherefoever it prevailed,
that fev/ could refill this conviftion. So that all
men confeiied, that the French perfecution came
very feafonably to awaken the Nation, and open
mens eyes in fo critical a conjundure : For upon
this feffion of Parliament all did depend.
The When it was opened, the King told them how
King's happy his forces had been in reducing a dangerous
fpeech rebellion, in which it had appeared, how weak
the Tefl. ^"'^ infignificant the Militia was : And therefore
he faw the neceffity of keeping up an Army for
all their fecurity. He ha^ put fome in commif-
fion, of whofe loyalty he was v/ell aiTured : And
they had ferved him io well, that he would not
put that affront on them and on himfelf, to turn
• ' them out. He told them, all the v/orld faw, and
they had felt the happinefs of a good underftand-
ing betv/een him and his Parliament : So he
hoped, nothing fliould be done on their part to
interrupt it , as he, on his own part, would ob-
ferve all that he had promifed.
. Thus he fell upon the two moft unacceptable
points that he could have found out ; which v/ere,
a flianding Army, and a violation of the Aft of
the Teft. There were fome debates in the Houfe
of Lords about thanking the King for his fpeech.
It was preffed by the Courtiers, as a piece of re-
fpeft that v/as always paid. To this fome an-
fwered, that was done when there were gracious
allurances given. Only the Earl of Devonfhire
faid, he was for giving thanks, becaufe the King
had fpoken out fo plainly, and warned them of
what they might look for. It was carried in the
Houfe to make an addrefs of thanks for the fpeech.
* The Lord Guilford, North, was nov/ dead. He
Y/as a crafty and defigning man. He had no mind
.t^part with the great Seal ; And yet he fav/, he
could
of King James II. 357
could not hold it without an entire compH- i6Sr.
ance with the pleafure of the Court. An appeal u-y*^
againft a decree of his had been brought before
the Lords in the former felTion : And it was not
only reverfed with many fevere refledlions on him
that made it, but the Earl of Nottingham, who
hated him becaufe he had endeavoured to detraft
from his father's memory, had got together fo
many inftances of his ill adminiftration of juftice,
that he expofed him feverely for it. And, it was
believed, that gave the crifis to the uneafmefs and
diftraftion of mind he was labouring under. He
languifhed for fome time ; and died defpifed, and
ill thought of by the whole Nation.
Nothing but his fucceffor made him be remem- Jefferies
bered with regret : For Jeiieries had the Seals, "^^^^
He had been made a Peer vv^hile he was Chief q^^^^^^^^j^
Juftice, v/hich had not been done for fome ages : lor.
But he affefted to be an original in every thing.
A day or two after the feffion was opened, the
Lords went upon the confideration of the King's
fpeech : And, when fome began to make remarks
upon it, they were told, that by giving thanks
for the fpeech, they had precluded themfelves from
finding fault with any part of it. This was re-
je6led with indignation, and put an end to that
compliment of giving thanks lor a fpeech, vvlien
there was no fpecial reafon for it. The Lords
Halifax, Nottingham, and Mordaunt, were the
chief arguers among the temporal Lords. The
Bifhop of London fpoke often likewife : And twice
or thrice he faid, he fpoke not only his own fenfe,
but the fenfe of that whole Bench. They faid,
the Teft was now the bed fence they had for their
religion : If they gave up fo great a point, all
the reft would foon follow : And if the Kinar
might by his authority fuperfede flich a law, for-
tified with fo many claufes, and above all vmh
that of an incapacity, it was in vain to think of
• Jaw any more : The government would become
55^ ' The History of the Reign
1685. arbitrary and abfokite. Jeffi^ries began to argue
O^*"^^' fn -his rough manner : But he was foon taken
down ; it appearing, that how furicufly foever he
raved on the Bench, where he played the tyrant,
yet where others might fpeak with him on equal
terms, he was a very contem.ptible man : And he
received as great a mortification, as fuch a brutal
man was capable of.
But as the fcene lay in the Houfe of Commons,
fo the debates there were more important. A pro-
ject was offered for making the Militia more
The ufeful in order to the difbandin.^ the Army. But,
jiouie or J.Q QppQfg j-|-jat, the Court Ihewed, how great a
addrefs danger we had lately efcaped, and how much of
the King an ill leaven yet remained in the Nation, fo that
for ob- it was neceiiary a force fliould be kept up. The
tvf^T^ Court moved for a fubfidy, the King having been
at much extraordinary charge in reducing the late
rebellion. Many, that were refolved to affert the
bufmefs of the Teft with great firmnefs, thought,
the voting of money firft was the decentefl: way of
managing the oppofition to the Court : Whereas
others oppofed this, having often obferved, that
the voting of money was the giving up the whole
fefiion to the Court. The Court wrought on many
' weak m.en with this topick, that the .only way to
gain the King, and to dilpofe him to agree to them
in the bufmefs of the Teft, was to begin with the
fupply. This had fo great an effed, that it was
carried only by one vote to confider the King's
fpeech, before they fhould proceed to the fupply.
It was underilood, that when they received fatis-
faftipn in other things, they were refolved to give
50G000 1.
They went next to confider the Aft about the
Tef!:^ and the violations of it, with the King's
fpeech upon that head. Th6 reafoning was clear
and full on the one hand. The Court offered no-
thing on the other hand in the way of argument,
but the danger of olfending the King, and of
■ ' raifip-cr
-VUii u.
of King James IL 359
Mifing a mifunderltanding between him and them. 1685.
So the whole Koule went in unanimoufly into a wvn..'
vote for an addrefs to the King, that he would
maintain the lav/s, in particular that concerning
the Teft. But with that they offered to pafs a
bill, for indemnifying thofe who had broken that
law ; and were ready to have confidered them in
the fuppiy that they intended to give.
The King expreffed his refentments of this with Th? King
much vehemence, when the addrefs was brought; ^^^^ "^^'^^
to him. He laid, feme men intended to diHurb
the good correfpondence that was between him
and them, which would be a great prejudice to
the Nation : He had declared his mind.fo poU-
tively in that matter, that he hoped, they would
not have meddled with it : Yet, he faid, he would
ftill obferve all the promifes that he had made.
This made fome refled: on the violations of the
edift of Nantes, by many of the late edicts that
were kt out in France, before die laft that repeal-
ed it, in which the King of France had always
declared, that he would maintain that edid:, even
when the breaches made upon it were the moil vi-
fible and notorious. The Houfe, upon this rough
anfwer, was in a high fermentation. Yet, when
one Cook faid, that they were Englifhmen, and
were not to be threatned, becaufe this feemed to
be a want of refped, they fent him to the Tower ;
and obliged him to afl^: pardon tor thofe indecent
words. But they refolved to infill on their ad-
drefs, and then to proceed upon the petitions con-
cerning elections. And now thofe, that durfl noc
open their mouth before, fpoke with much force
upon this head. They faid, it was a point upon
which the Natipn expe6led juftice, and they had a
right to claim it. And it was probable, they
would have condemned a great many eledlions :
For an intimation was fet round, that all thofe
who had lluck to the intereil of the Nation, iq
the main points then before them, ihould be cho-
A a 4 f^ri
3^0 The History of the Reign
1685. fen over again, tho' it fliould be found that their ,
>V^/-%i^ ele6tion was void, and that a new writ fhould go
out. By this means thofe petitions were now en-,
couraged, and were like to have a fair hearing,
and a juft decifion : And it was beheved, that the
abjed: Courtiers would have been voted out.
The Par- The King fav/, that both Houfes were now fo
hanienc {^xcd, that he could carry nothing in either of
7opn^T' ^^^^•> ^-inlefs he would depart from his fpeech^
' ? ' and let the Aft of the Teft take place. So he
prorogued the Parliament, and kept it by repeat- -
ed prorogations ftill on foot for about a year and
a half, but without holding a feffion. Ail thofe,
who had either fpoken or voted for the Teft, were
foon after this difgraced, and turned out of their
places, tho' many of thefe had ferved the King
hitherto with great obfequioufnefs and much zeal.
He called for many of them, and fpoke to them
very earneftly upon that fubjed; in his clofet : Up-
on which the term of clofeting was much tolled
about. Many of thefe gave him very fiat and
hardy denials : Others, tho' more filent, yet were
no lefs fteady. So that, when, after a long prac-
tice both of threatning and ill ufage on the one
hand, and of promifes and corruption on' the
other, the Kina: faw he could not brins them into
a compliance with him, he at laft diffolved the
Parliament : By which he threw off a body of
men, that were in all other refpecls fure to him,
and that would have accepted a very moderate fa- ^
tisfa6lion from him at any time. And indeed in
all England it would not have been eafy to have
found five hundred men, fo weak, fo poor, and
fo devoted to the Court, as thefe were. So hap-
pily was the T^^tion taken out of their hands, by
the precipitated violence of a bigotted Court.
The Lord Sopn after the prorogation, tlie Lord Delamer
Delamer ^^g brought |o his trial. Some witneiTes fwore
a'-qui'tted. !^^S^ treafon againft him only upon report, that
"^? he^ had defigneci to make a rebellion in Chefliire,
'" "' '" '" ' ' and
of King James II.
and to join with the Duke of Monmouth. But,
fince thofe fwore only upon hear-fay, that was no
evidence in, law. One witnefs fwore home againft
him, and againft: tv/o other Gentlemen, who, as
he faid, were in' company with him ; and that
treafonable meffages were then given to him by
them all to carry to fome others. That vv^hich
gave the greateft: credit to the evidence was, that
this Lord had gone from London fecretly to
Ghefhire, at the time of the Duke of Mon-
mouth's landing, and that after he had ftaid a
day or two in that Country, he had come up as
fecretly to London. This looked fufpicious, and
made it to be believed, that he went to try what
could be done. The credit of that fingle witnefs
was overthrown by many unqueftionable proofs,
by which it appeared that the two Gentlemen,,
who he faid met with that Lord in Chefhire, were
all that Vi'hile ftill in London. The witnefs, to
gain the more credit, had brought others into the
plot, by the common fate of faife fwearers, who
bring in fuch circumftances to fupport their evi-
dence, as they think will make it more credible,
but, being ill laid, give a handle to thofe con-
cerned to find out their falfhood. And that was
the cafe of this witnefs : For, tho' little doubt
was made of the truth of that which he fwore
againft this Lord, as to the main of his evidence,
yet he had added fuch a mixture of falfliood to
it, as, being fully proved deftroyed the evidence.
As for the feeret journey to and again between
London and Chefhire, that Lord faid, he had
been Ions a prifoner in'the Tower upon bare fulpi-
cion : He had no mind to be lodged again there :
So he refolved in that time of jealoufy to go out
of the vv^ay : And hearing that a child,, of which
he was very fond, was fick'in Chefiiire, he went
thither : And hearing from his Lady that his
eldeft fon was very ill at London, he made hafte
back again. This v/as well proved by his phyfi-
cians
362 ' The History Sf the Relgti
1,685. cians and domefticks, tho* it was a thing of very
{^y^ ill appearance, that he made fuch journies fo quick
and fo fecretiy at ilich a time. The Solicitor Ge-
neral, Finch, purfuant to the do6lrine he had main-
tained in former trials, and perhaps to atone for the
zeal he had Ihewed in the Houfe of Commons,
for maintaining the Act df the Teft, made a vio-
lent declamation, to prove that one witnefs with
prefumptions was fufficient to convi6t one of high
treaibn. The Peers did unanimoufly acquit the
Lord. So that trial ended to the great joy of th^
whole Town; which was now turned to be as much
againft the Court, as it had been of late years for
it. Finch had.^been continued in his employment
only to lay the load of this judgment upon him :
And he afted his part in it with his ufual vehemence.
He was prefently after turned out. And Powis
fucceeded him, who was a compliant young afpir-
ing Lawyer, tho' in himfelf he was no ill natured
man. Now the pofts in the law began to be again
taken care of: For it was refolved to a6t a piece of
pageantry in Wellminiler-Hall, with which the next
year began.
1686. Sir Edward Hales, a Gentleman of a noble fa-
^-^V""^ mily in Kent, declared himfelf a Papift, tho' he
^"^he ^^^ ^^^"'S difguifed it -, and had once to my felf fo
Aft for folemnly denied it, that I was led from thence to
t;he Teft. fee, there was no credit to be given to that fort of
men, where their Cliurch or religion was concern-
ed. He had an employment: And not taking the
Teft, his coachman was ftt up to inform againft
him, and to claim the 500 1. that the law gave to
Many the informer. When this was to be brought to trial.
Judges i]jQ Judo;es were fecretlv aftied their opinions : And
luch as were not clear, to judge as the Court djd
diredt, were turned out : And upon two or three
canvalfings the half of l;hem were difmiffed, and
others of more pliable and obedient underftandings
were put in their places. Some of thefe were weak.
and
turned
our.
of King J A M E s 11. 3^3
and ignorant to a fcandal. The fuit went on in a i685.
feeble profecution : And in Trinity Term judg- <^-\^*^
mentwas given. _ ^ jferberr.
There was a new Chief Juftice found out, very Chief Juf-
different indeed from Jefferies, Sir Edward Her- "e^. g'ves
bert. He was a well bred and a virtuous man, fc'^^jJ^J"'
generous, and good natured. He was but an in- King's
different Lawyer -, and had gone to Ireland to find difpenfmg
pradice and preferment there. He unhappily got power,
into a fet of very high notions with relation to the
King's^ prerogative. His gravity and virtues gave
him great advantages, chiefly his fucceeding fuch a
monfter as had gone before him. So he, being
found to be a fit tool, was, without any applica-
tion of his own, raifed up all at once to this high
pofl. After the coachman's caufe had been argued
with a moft indecent coldnefs, by thofe who were
made ufe of on defign to expofe and betray it, it
was faid, in favour of the prerogative, that the
government of England was entirely in the King:
That the Crown was an Imperial Crown, the im-
portance of which was, that it was abfolute : All
penal laws were powers lodged in the Crown, to
enable the King to force the execution of the law,
but were not bars to hmit or bind up the King's
power : The King could pardon all offences againfl
the law, and forgive the penalties : And why could
not he as well difpenfe with them ? A61:s of Par-
liament had been oft fuperfeded : The Judges had
fome times given directions in their charges at Cir-
cuits, to enquire after fome A6ls of Parliament no
more : Of which one late inftance happen'd during
the former reign : An Aft palTed concerning the
lize of carts and waggons, with many penalties
upon the tranfgrefTors : And yet, when it appear-
ed that the model prefcribed in the Aft was not
prafticable, the Judges gave direftion not to exe-
cute the Aft,
Thefc
^64 The History of the Reign
1686. Thefe were the arguments brought to fupport the
King's difpenfing power. In oppofition to this it
was faid, tho' not at the" bar, yet in the common
difcourfe of the Town, that if penalties did arif®
only by virtue of the King's Proclamation, it was
reafonable that the power of difpenfmg fhould be
only in the King : But fmce the prerogative was
both conftituted and limited by law, and fmce pe-r
nalties were impofed to force the obfervation of laws,
that were neceiTary for the publick fafety, it was an
overturning the whole government, and the chang-
ing it from a legal into a defpotick form, to fay
that laws, made and declared not to be capable of
being difpenfed with, where one of the penalties
was an incapacity, which by a maxim of law can-
not be taken away, even by a pardon, fhould at
the pleafure of the Prince be difpenfed with : A
fine was alfo fet by the Aft on offenders, but not
given to the King, but to the informer which tiiere-
by became his. So that the King could no more
pardon that, than he could difcharge the debts of
the fubjefts, and take away property: Lav/s of
fmall confequence, when a vifible error not obferv*
ed in making them was afterv/ards found out,, like
that of the fize of carts, might well be fuperfcded :
For the intention of the Legiflature being the good
of the fubjeft, that is alv/ays to be prefumed -for
the repeal of an imprailicable law. But it was not
reafonable to infer from thence, that a law made
for the fecurity of the government, with the moft
efFeftual claufes that could be contrived, on deiign
to force the execution of it, even in bar to the
power of the prerogative, fhould be made fo pre-
carious a thing, efpecially when it was fo lately
airerte4 with fo much vigour by the reprefentatives
of the 'Nation. It was faid, that, tho' this was
now only applied to one flatute, yet the fame force
of reafon would hold to annul all our laws : And the
penalty being that which is the life of the law, the
difpeftfing wTth penalties might foon be carried fo
of King J A M E s II. s6^
far, as to diffolve the whole govemm.ent : And the 1686.
fecurity that the fubjeds had were' only from the v-^-v-*-*
laws, or rather from the penalties, fince laws with-
out thefe were feeble things, which tied men only
accordirfg to their own difcretion.
Thus was this matter toffed about in the argu-
ments, with which all peoples mouths were now fill-
ed. But Judges, who are beforehand determined how
to give their opinions, will not be much moved
even by the ftrongeft arguments. The ludicrous
ones ufed on this occafion at the bar were rather a
farce, fitter for a mock trial in a play, than fucli
as becarne men of learning in fo important a mat-
ter. Great expectations were raifed, to hear with
what arguments the Judges would maintain the
judgment that they fhould give. But they made
nothing of it; and without any arguing gave
judgment for the defendant, as if it had been ia a
caufe of courfe.
Now the matter was as much fettled, as a deci- ^'^'^''^l
fion in the King's Bench could fettle it. Yet fo ^^J^nefs.
little regard had the Chief Juftice's neareft friends
to his opinion in this particular, that his brother.
Admiral Herbert, being preiTed by the King to pro-
mife that he would vote the repeal of the Tefl, an-
fwered the King very plainly, that he could not do
it either in honour nor confcience. The King faid,
he knew he was a man of honour, but the reft of
his life did not look like a man that had great re-
gard to confcience. He anfwered boldly, he had
his faults, but they were fuch, that other people,
who talked more of confcience, were guilty of the
like. He was indeed a man abandoned to luxury
and vice. But, tho' he was poor, and had much
to lofe, having places to the value of 4000 1. a
year, he chofe to lofe them all rather than comply.
This made much noife : For as he had a great re-
' putation for his condu6t in lea affairs, fo he had
been moit pafiionately zealous in the King's fervice,
from his firlt fetting out to that day. It appeared
by
^66 The History of the Reign
1686. by this, that no paft fervices would be coniidercd,
(b/'VX^ if nien were not relblved to comply in every thing.
The door was now opened. So all regard to the
Teil: was laid afide. And all men that intended to
recommend themfelves took employments^ and ac-
cepted of this difpenfing power. This w;as done
even by fome of thofe who continued ftill Prote-
flantSy tho' the far greater number of them conti-
nued to qualify themfelves according to law.
Father Many of the Papifts, that were men of quiet or
Peter a of fearful tempers, did not like thefe methods...
hfhf- ^'^^^y '^hought'the Priefts went too fa^l, and the '
your." King was too eager in purfuing everything that-
was fuggefted by them. One Peter, defcended
from a noble family, a man of no learning, nor
any way tamed for his virtue, but who made all up
in boldnefs and zeal, was the Jefuit of them all
that feemed animated with the moft courage. He
had, during the Popifh plot, been introduced to the
King, and had fuggefted things, that fhewed him
a refolute and undertaking man. Upon that the
King looked on him as the fitteft man to be fet at
the head of his counfels. So he was now confider-
ed, as the perfon who of all others had the greateft
credit. He applied himielf mofb to the Earl of
Sunderland, and was for fometime chiefly direded
by him.
The Kino The maxim that the King fet up, and about
decLnred which he entertained all that were about him, was,
for a To- j.]^g great happinefs of an univcrfal toleration. On
this the King ufed to enlarge in a great variety or
topicks. He faid nothing was more reafonable,
more chriftian, and more politick: And he refie6t-
ed much on the Church of England, for the feve-
rities with which Diflenters had been treated. This,
how true or jufl: foever it might be, yet was ftrange
dodtrine in the mouth of a profeffed Papift, and of
a Prince on whole account, and by whofe diredion,
the Church party had been, indeed but too obfe-'
quioufly, puflied on to that rigour. But, lince the
Church
of King Jame s IL " 367
Church party could not be broijght to CQmply 1686.
with the defign of the Courts appUcations were wor*.^
now made to the Diflenters : And all on a fudden
the Churchmen were diigraced, and the Diflenters
Avere in high favour. Chief Juftice Herbert went
the Wc{]:ern, Circuit aiter JefFeries's bloody one.
And now all was grace and favour to them. Their
former fufferings were much refledled on, and pi-
tied. Every thing was offered that could alleviate
their fufferings. Their teachers were nqw encou-
raged to fet up their Conventicles again, which
had been difcontinued, or held very fecretly, for
four or five years. Intimations were every where
given, that the King would not have them, or their
meetings, to be difliurbed. Some of them began
to grow infolent upon this fhew ot favour. But
wifer men among them faw thro' all this, and per-
ceived the defign of the Papifis v/as now, to fet on
the Diflenters againft the Church, as much as they
had formerly fet the Church againft thei|i: And
therefore, tho' they returned to their Conventicles,
yet they had a juft jealoufy of the ill defigns, that
lay hid under all this fudden and unexpecSted iliew
of grace and kindnefs : And they took care not to
provoke the Church party.
Many of the Clergy afted now a part that made T^'^e Cler-
good amends for paft errors. They began to preach ^-^j"!^"^'
generally againft Popery, which the Diflenters did points of
not. They fet themfelves to ftudy the points of contro-
controverfy. And upon that there followed a great verfy with
variety of fmall books, that were eafily purchafed f^^[\^'^',^
and foon read. They examined all the points of cefs.
Popery with a folidity of jtidgment, a clearnefs of
arguing, a depth of learning, and a' vivacity of
vvriting, far beyond any thing that had before that
time appeared in our language. The truth is,
they were very unequally yoked : For, if they are ^ -
juftly to be reckoned among the beft writers that
have yet appeared on the Proteftant fide, thofe they
•wrote againft were certainly among the weakeft that
^4 jKld-
3^8 The History of the Reign
1686. had ever appeared on the Popifh fide. Their books
*i— v*-J, were poorly but infolentiy writ j and had no other
learning in them, but what was taken out of fome
French writers, which they put into very bad
Enghfh : So that a vidory over them need have
been but by a mean performance.
This had a mighty effeft on the whole Nation :
Even thofe who could not fearch things to the bot-
tom, yet were amazed at the great inequality that
appeared in this engagem.ent. The Papifts, who
knew what fervice the Bifhop of Meaux's book-
had done in France, refolved to purfue the fame
method here in feveral treatifes, w4iich they entitled '
" Papifts reprefented and mifreprefented;" to which
ilich clear anfwers were writ, that what effect foever
that artifice might have, where it was fupported by
the authority of a great King, and the terror of ill
ufage, and a dragoonade in conclulion, yet it fuc-
ceeded lb ill in England, that it gave occafion to
enquire into the true opinions of that Church, not
as fome artful writers had difguifed them, but as
they were laid down in the books that are of autho-
rity among them, fuch as the decifions of Councils
received among them, and their eftablifhed OiEces,
and as they are held at Rome, and in all thofe coun-
tries v/here Popery prevails without any intermix-
ture with hereticks, or apprehenfion of them, as in
Spain and Portugal. . This was done in fo authen-
tical a manner, that Popery it felf was never fo
well underftood by the Nation, as it came to be
The per- upon this occafion.
fons who 'pj^g perfons, who both managed and diredled
chiefly this controverfial war, wfere chiefly Tillotfon, Stil-
eng^ged lingfleet, Tennifon, and Patrick. Next them were
in this. Sherlock, Williams, Claget, Gee, Aldrlch, Atter-
bury, Whitby, Hooper, and above all thefe. Wake,
who having been long in France, Chaplain to the
Lord Prefton, brought over with him many curious
difcoveries, that were both ufeful and furprifing.
Befides the chief writers of thofe books of contro-
$ verfy,
of King James II. ^69
verfy, there were many fermons preached and print- 16S6,
ed on thole heads, that did very much edify the VVN*
whole Nation. And this matter was managed with
that concert, that for the moll part once a week
fome new book or fermon came out, which both in-
ftruded and animated thofe who read them. There
were but very few profelytes gained to Popery :
And thefe were fo inconfiderable, that they were
rather a reproach than an honour to diem. Wal-
ker, the head of Univerfity College, and five or fix
more at Oxford, declared themfelves to be of that
religion ; but with this branch of infamy, that they
had continued for feveral years complying with the
dodrine and worihip of the Church of England
after they were reconciled to the Church of Rome.
The Popifh Priefts v/ere enraged at this oppo-
fition made by the Clergy, when they faw their re-
ligion fo expofed, and themfelves fo m.uch de-
fpifed. They faid, it was ill manners and want
of duty, to treat the King's religion with fo much
contempt.
It was refolved to proceed feverely agalnfl fome Dr. Sh^rp
of the preachers, and to try if by that means they ^" ^^o"*
might intimidate the reft. Dr. Sharp was the Rec- ^°
tor of St. Giles's, and was both a very pious man,
and one of the moft popular preachers of the age,
who had a peculiar talent of reading his fermons
with much life and zeal He received one day, as
he was coming out of the pulpit, a paper fent him,
as he believed, by a Prieft, containing a fort of
challenge upon fome points of controverfy, touch-
ed by him in fome of his fermons. Upon this, he,
not knov/ing to whom he Ihould lend an anfwer,
preached a fermon in anfwer to it : And, after he
had confuted it, he concluded fhewing hov/ un-
reafonable it was for Proteftants, to change their
religion on fuch grounds. This was carried to
Court, and reprefented there, as a refie6lion on the
King for changing on thole grounds.
Vol. IL B b The
3 ']0 The History of the Reign
1686. The information, as to the words pretended to
*-— V-— 'be fpoken by Sharp, was falfe, as he himfelf aiTur-
The El- g^ j-^-jg^ Y>\.\t.^ without enquiring into that, the
London ^-^'^ °^ Sunderland fent an order to the Bilhop of
reouired London, in the King's name, requiring him to
to iuipend fufpend Sharp immediately, and then to examine
™° the matter. The Biihop anfwered, that he had no
power to proceed in fuch a fummary way : But, if
an accufation were brought into his Court in a re-
gular way, he would proceed to fuch a cenfure, as
could be warranted by the Ecclcliafticai law : Yet,
he faid, he would do that which was in his pov/er,
and Ihould be upon the m^atter a fufpenfion ; for he
defired Sharp to abflain from offiiciating, till the mat-
ter fhould be better underftood. But to lay fuch a
cenfure on a Clergyman, as a fufpenfion, without
proof, in a judiciary proceeding, was contrary both
Which he to law and juiliice. Sharp v/ent to Court to fhevv^
could r.oi j-1-,^ notes of his fermon, which he was ready to
^^^^' iwear were thofe^ from which he had read it,
by which the falHiood of the intormation v/ould
appear. But, fince he was not fufpcnded, he was
not admitted. Yet he was let alone. And it was
relblved to proceed againfi the Bifhop of London
ior contempt.
An Ectle- Jeffcries was much funk at Court, and Herbert
ilaibc.-i T^^as the moft in favour. But now Jefferies, to re-
CGmimf- commend himfelf, offered a bold and illegal advice,
yp_ ^ for fecting up an Ecclefiaftical CommifTion, with-
out calling it the High Commiffion, pretending it
was only a (landing Court of Delegates. The Kdi
that put down the High Commiffion in the year
1640 had provided by a claufe, as full as could be
conceived, that no Court fhiould be ever fet up for
thofe matters, befides the ordinary Ecclefiaftical
Courts. Yet in contempt of that a Court was
erected, with full power to proceed in a fummary
and arbitrary way in all Ecclefiaftical matters, with-
out limitations to any rule of law in their proceed-
ings. This ftfetch of the fupremacy, fo contrary
tQ
of King J A M E s II. 9 ^ t
to law, was aflumed by a King, wliofe religion 1686.
made him condemn all that lupremacy, that the »-*-y->«/
law had veiled in the Crov/n.
The peiTons, with whom this power was lodged,
were the Archbifhop of Canterbury, and the Bi-
fliops of Durefme and Rochefter, and the Lord
Chancellor, the Lord Treafurer, and Lord Chief
Juftice, the Lord Chancellor being made Prefident
in the Court " fine quo non-," for they would trufl:
this to no other management. The Bifliop of Lon-
don was marked out to be the firft facrifice. Saii-
croft lay filent at Lambeth. Fie feemed zealous
againft Popery in private difcourfe: But he was of
fuch a timorous temper, and fo let on the enrich-
ing his nephew, that he fhewed no fort of courage.
He would not go to this Court, when it was nrfc
opened, and declare againft it, and give his reafons
why he could not fit and aft in it, judging it to be
againft law : But he contented himfclf with his not
going to it. The other tvvo Biflrops were more
compliant. Durefme was lifted up with it, and
'faid, now his name would be recorded in hiftory :
And, when fome of his friends reurefented to him
the danger of afting in a Court fo illegally confti-
tuted, he faid, he could not live if he fliould lofe
the King's gracious fmiles : So low, and fo fawning
was he. Dolben, Archbifliop of York, died this
year. So, as Sprat had fucceeded him in Rochcfter,
he had fome hopes let fall of fucceeding likewife in
York. But the Court had la'.d it down for a max-
im, to keep all the great Sees, that ftiould become
vacant, ftill empty, till they might fill them to
their own mind: So he was miitaken. in his ex-
pectations, if he ever had them.
The Bifhop of London was the firft perfon,The B'-
,1 that was funirnoned to appear before this new Court. ;'^*^'P ^^
ji He was attended by many perfons of great Qiiality, b"-^,^,^"
I which gave a new offence : And the Lord Chan- before it:
s cellor treated him in that brutal way, that was nov/
I become as it were natqral to him. The Bilhop faid,
'■ B b 2 here
372 ' The History of the Reign
1686. here was anew Court of which he knew nothing :
V-v^w So he defired a copy of the commiffion that au-
thorifed them. And after he had drawn out the
matters by delays for fome time, hoping that the
King might accept of fome general and refpeftful
- fubmiffion, and lb let the matter fall, at lad he
came to make his defence, all fecret methods to
divert the ftorm proving ineffeftual. The firft
-part of it, v/as an exception to the authority of the
Court, as being not only founded on no law, but
contrary to the exprefs words of the A(5l j^of Par-
liament, that put down the High Commiffion.
Yet this point was, rather infmuated, than urged
with the force that might have been ufed : For it
was faid, that, if the Bifliop fhould infill too much
on that, it would draw a much heavier meafure
of indignation on him ; therefore it was rather
opened, and m.odeilly reprefented to the Court,
than ftrongly argued. But it may be eafily believed,
that thofe who fate by virtue of this illegal Com-
miffion would m.aintain their own authority. The
other part of the Bilhop of London's plea was,
that he had obeyed the King's orders, as far as he
legally could ; for he had obliged Dr. Sharp to ad
as a man that was fufpended ; but that he could
. not lay an Ecclefiailical cenfure on any of his
Clergy without a procefs, and articles, and fome
proot brought. This was juftified by the conftant
practice of the Ecclefiaftical Courts, and by. the
judgment of all lawyers. But arguments, how
llrong foever, are feeble things, when a fentence
is refolved on before the caufe is heard. So it
was propofed, that he fhould be fufpended during
the King's Pleafure. The Lord Chancellor, and
the poor-fpirited Bifhop of Durdme v/ere for
this : But tlie Earl and Bifhop of Rochefter, an(^ ,
the Lord Chief Juftice Herbert, were for acquit-
ting him. There was not fo much as a colour of
law to fupport the fentence : So none could be
given.
But
of King James IL 373
But the King was refolved to carry this point, 1686.
and fpoke roundly about it to the Earl of Rochefter. \-— v-*»-^
He law he muft; either concur in the fentence, or ^^^ ^^^^
part with the White Staff. So he yielded. And the bt^i^"
Bifliop was fufpended ab officio. They did not
think fit to meddle with his revenues. For the
lawyers had fettled that point, that benefices were
of the nature of freeholds. So, if the fentence
. had gone to the temporalties, the Bifliop would
have had the matter tried over again in the
King's-Bench, where he was like to find good
juftice, Herbert not being fatisfied with the legality
and juftice of the fentence. While this matter
was in dependence, the Princefs of Orange thought
it became her, to interpofe a little in the Bifhop's
favour. He had confirmed, and married her. So
flie wrote to the King, earneftly begging him to be
gentle to the Bilhop, who fhe could not think
would offend willingly. She alfo wrote to the
Bifhop, expreffing the great fhare fhe took in the
trouble he was fallen into. The Prince wrote to
him to the fame Purpofe. The King wrote an
anfwer to the Princefs, reflefling feverely on the
Bifhop, not v/ithout fome fliarpnefs on her for
meddling in fuch matters. Yet the Court feemed
uneafy, when they faw they had gained fo poor a '
vi6tory : For now the Bifhop was more confidered
than ever. His Clergy, for all the fufpenfion,
were really more governed by the fecret intima-
tions of his pleafure, than they had been by his
authority before. So they refolved to come off as
well as they could. Dr. Sharp was admitted to
offer a general petition, importing hOw forry he
was, to find himfelf under the King's difpleafure :
• Upon which he was difmiffed with a gentle repri-
; mand, and fuffered to return to the exercife of
;' his function. According to the form of the Ec-
: clefiaftical Courts, a perfon under fuch a fufpen-
fion muft make a fubmiffion within fix months :
j ^'- Ocherwife he may be proceeded againft as obftinate.
B b 3 So,
2^4 '^^'^ History of the Reign
1686. So, fix months after the fentence, the Bifhop fent a
s^,,-,^*^ petition to the King, defiring to be reftor'd to the
exercife of his Epifcopal function. But he made
no acknowledgment of any fault. So this had
no other eifeft, but that it ftopt all further pro-
ceedings : Only the fufpenlion lay ftill on him. I
have laid all this matter together, tho' the pro-
grefs of it ran into the year eighty-feven.
y^ffairs in Affairs in Scotland went on much at the fame
Scodand. ^^^^ ^g ^^^y (-i[^| j^^ England. Some few profelytes
were gained. But as they Vv^ere very ftw^ fo they
could do little fervice to the fide to which they
joined themfelves. The Earl of Perth prevailed
v/ith his Lady, as fne was dying, to change her
religion. And in a very few weeks after her death
he married very indecently a fifter of the Duke of
Gordon's. They were firft coufins : And yet,
without flaying tor a difpenfation from Rome,
they ventured on a m.arriage, upon the affurances
, that they faid their Confeffor gave them, that it
would be eafily obtained. But Pope Innocent was
a fliff man, and did not grant thole things eafily :
So that Cardinal Ploward could not at firft obtain
it. The Pope faid, thefe were ftrange converts,
that v/ouid venture on fuch a thing without firfb
obtaining a difpenfation. The Cardinal pretended,
that nev/ converts did not fo foon underftand the
lavys of the Church : But he laid before the Pope
the ill confequences of offendino; converts of fuch
importance. So he prevailed at laft, not without
great difficulty. The Earl of Perth fet up a pri-
vate Chapel in the Court for Mais, which was not
kept fo private, but that many frequented it.
A tumuli; The Town of Edinburgh was much alarmed at
^^^^'"' this. And the rabble broke in with fuch fury, that ;
''^'" they defaced every thing in the Chapel. And if
the Earl or Perth had not been conveyed away in
difguife, he had very probably fallen a facrifice to
popular rage. The guards upon the alarm came,
■anddifperfed the rabble. Some were taken : And
one
of King J A M E s II. S75
one that was a ringleader in the tumult was exe- i6S6,
CLited for it. When he was at the place of exe- -v-^-v-wi
cution, he told one of the Minifters of the fown,
that was with him affifting him vi^ith his prayers,
that he was offered his life, if he would accufe the
Duke of Qiieenlhorough, as the perfon that had
fet on the tumult, but he would not fave his lite by
fo falfe a calumny. Mr. Macom, the Minifter,
was an honeft but weak man. So, when the cri-
minal charged him to make this difcovery, he did
not call any of thofe who were prefent to bear
witnefs of it : But in the fimplicity of his heart he
went from the execution to the Archbifhop of St.
Andrews, and told him what had pail. The
Archbifhop acquainted theDuke of Qiieenfborough '
with it. And he writ to Court, and complained of
it. The King ordered the matter to be examined.
So the poor Minifter, having no witnefs to arteft
what the criminal had faid to him, was declared
the forger of that calumny. And upon that he
was turned out. But how feverely foever thofe in
authority may handle a poor incautious man, yet
the publick is apt to judge true. And, in this
cafe, as the Minifter's weaknefs and misfortune was
pitied, fo the Earl of Perth's malice and treachery
was as much detefled.
In fummer this year, the Earl of Murray, a Parlia-
another new convert, was fent the King's Com- ment held
miffioner to hold a Parliament in Scotland, and ^^^'^^'
to try if it would be more compliant than the
Englifh Parliament had been. The King did by
his letter recommend to them, in very earnefi;
words, the taking off all penal laws and tefts re-
lating to religion. And all polTible methods were
ufed to prevail on a majority. But tv/o accidents"
happened before the opening the Parliament, which
made great impreffion on the minds of many.
Whitford, fon to one of their Biihops before
the wars, had turned Papift. Ke was the perfon
that killed Dariflaus in Holland. And, that he
]3 b 4 migh^
The History of the Reign
might get out of Cromwell's reach, he had gone
into the Duke of Savoy's fervice : and was there,
when the laft maffacre was committed on the Van -
dois. He had committed many barbarous murders
with his own hands, and had a fmaU penfion given
him after the Reftoration. He died a few days be-
fore the Parhament met ; and called for feme Mi-
nifters, and to them declared his forfaking of Po-
pery, and his abhorrence of it for its cruelty. He
faid, he had been guilty of fome execrable mur-
ders in Piedmont, both of women and children,
which had purfued him with an intolerable horror
of mind ever after. He had gone to Priefts of all
forts, the ftricleft as well as the eafieft : And they
had juflified him in what he had done, and had
given him abfolution. But his confcience purfued
him fo, that he died as in defpair, crying out
againft that bloody religion. o
The other was more folemn. Sir Robert Sibbald,
a Do(flor of phyfick, and the moft learned anti-
quary in Scotland, who had lived in a courfe of
philofophical virtue, but in great doubts as to re-
vealed religion, was prevailed on by the Earl of
Perth to turn Papift, in hopes to find that certainty
among them, which he could not arrive at upon
his own principles. But he had no fooner done this,
than he began to be afhamed, that he had made
fuch a Hep upon fo little enquiry. So he went to
London, and retired for fome months from all
company, and went into a deep courfe of ftudy, by
which he came to fee into the errors of Popery, with
fo full a conviftion, that he came down to Scot-
land fome weeks before the Parliament, and could
not be at quiet till he had publilhed his recanta-
tion openly in a Church. The Bifhop of Edinburgh
was fo much a Courtier, that, apprehending many
might go to hear it, and that it might give offence
at Court, he fent him to do it in a Church iri the
Country. But the recantation of fo learned a man,
upon fo much ftudy, had a great effeft upon many.
Rolfe
of King J A M E s 11.
RofTe and Pat^rfon, the two governing Bifhops,
refolved to let the King fee how compliant they
would be. And they procured an addrefs to be
figned, by feveral of their Bench, offering to con-
cur with the King in all that he defired, with re-
lation to thofe of his own religion, (for the courtly
ftile now was not to name Popery any other way
than by calling it the King's religion) provided
the laws might flill continue in force and be exe-
cuted againit the Prefbyterians. With this Pater-
fon was fent up. He communicated the matter to
the Earl of Middleton, who advifed him never to
fliew that paper : It would be made ufe of againft
them, and render them odious : And the King and
all his Priefls were fo fenfible, that it was an in-
decent thing for them, to pretend to any fpecial
favour, that they were refolved to move for nothing
""but a general toleration. And fo he perfuaded him
to go back without prcfenting it. This was told
me by one who had it from the Earl himfelf.
When the fefijon of Parliament was opened. Which
Duke Hamilton was filent in the debate. Fie pro- ^^^"^^^ to
mifed he would not oppofe the motion : But he with the
would not be adive to promote it. The Duke of King's
Queenfoorough was alfo filent : But the King was deiires.
made believe, that he managed the oppofition
upider hand. RoiTe and Paterfon did fo entirely
forget what became their charafters, that they ufed
their utmofl; endeavours, to perfuade the Parlia-
ment to comply with the King's defire. The
Archbifhop of Glafgow oppofed it, but fearfully.
The Billiop of Dunkeld, Bruce, did it openly and
refolutely : And fo did the Bifhop of Galloway.
The reft were filent, but were refolved to vote for
' the continuance of the laws. Such was the mean-
nefs of moft of the Nobility, and of the other
members, that few did hope that a refiftance to
the Court could be maintained. Yet the Parlia-
ment would confent to nothing, further than to a
fufpenfion of thofe laws during the King's life.
The King defpifed this. So the Seffion was put off,
and
37^ ^^^ History of the Reign
1686. and the Parliament v/as quickly diflblved. And,
^— V-— ' foon after that, both the Archbifhop of Glafgow
and the Bifhop of Dunkeld were turned out, by
an exprefs command from the King. And Pater-
fon was made Archbiihop of Glafgow.- And one
Hamilton, noted for profanenefs and impiety, that
fometmies broke out into blafphemy, was made
Bifhop of Dunkeld. No reafon was affigned for
turning out thofeBi^ops, but the King's pleafure.
A 7.enl ' The Nation, which was become very corrupt,
a: > = ired ^^^^1 ^qj;}^ igjiorant and infenfible in the matters of
^^"■;^^ religion, began nov/ to return to its old zeal againft
Poppry Popery. Few profelytes were made after this.
The Epifcopal Clergy were in many places fo funk
into fioth and ignorance, that they were not ca-
pable of conducting this, zeal. Some of them about
Edinburgh, and m divers other places, began to
mind thofe matters, and recovered fome degrees of
credit by the oppofition they made to Popery. But;
the Prefbyterians, tho' they were now freed from
the great feverities they had long fmarted under,
yet expreffed on ail occafions their unconquerable
averfion to Popery. So the Court was foon con-
vinced, that they were not to be depended on.
Affairs in But, what oppofition foever the King met with
li-eland. in the ifle of 'Britain, things went on more to his
mind in Ireland. The Earl of Clarendon, upon
his firfl: coming over gave publick and pofitiv^
afilirances, that the King would maintain their
A& of Settlement. This he did very often, and
very folemniy *, and proceeded accordingly, in the
mean while the Earl of Tjrconnel went on more
roundly. He not only put Irifh Papiits into fuch
, polls in the Army as became void, but upon the
fiighteft pretences he broke the Englifli Proteftant
officers, to make room for the others : And in con-
clufion, without fo much as pretending a colour
for it, he turned them all out. And now an
Army, paid by virtue of the Att of Settlement to
fecure it, v/as wrefted out of legal hands, and'put
in the hands of ^hofe whq were engaged, both in
reIi2:ioa
of King James II. - o-g
religion and interefl, to deftroy the Settlement, and 1686.
thole concerned in it ; which was too grofs a vio- w'^-*^-'
lation of law to be in any fort palliated. So the
Englifh Proteftants of Ireland looked on themfelves
as at mercy, fince the Army was nov/ made up of
their enemies. And all that the Lord Lieutenant,
or the Lord Chancellor could fay, did not quiet
then- fears : Good words could not give fecurity
agcj-iuit fuch deeds as they faw every day. Upon
th.s the Earl of Clarendon *and the Earl of Tir-
connell fell into perpetual jarrings, and were ma-
king fuch complaints one of another, that the
King refolved to put an end to thole diforders by
recalling both the Earl of Clarendon and Porter.
He made the Earl of Tirconnell Lord Lieutenant,
and Fitton Lord Chancellor, who were both not
only profeffed but zealous Papifts. Fitton knew
no other law but the King's pleafure.
This ftruck all people there with great terror,
when a man of Tirconneli's temper, lb entirely
trufted and depended on by the Iriilij capable of
the boldeft undertakings, and of the crueleft exe-
cution, had now the government put fo entirely
in his hands. The Fapilis of England either dif-
fembled very artificially, or they were much
troubled at this, which gave fo great an alarm
every where. It was viiible, that Father Peter
and the Jefuits v/ere refolved to engage the King
fo far, that matters fhould be put pail all retreating
. and compounding ; that fo the King might think
no more of governing by Parhament, but by a
military force ; and, if that fhould not flick firm
to him, by affiftance from France, and by an Iriih
Army.
An accident happened at this time, that gave The King
the Qiieen great olfence, and put the Priefts much 'i^'?'^" ^^^
out ot countenance. The Kins; continued to o-o ™''^'"^^'
icill to Mrs. Sidley. And flie gained fo much onof Dor-
him, that at laft fne prevailed to be m.ade Courvtefs cheiter.
of Dorchefler. As foon as the Queen heard of
this, fhe gave order to bring all the Priefts, that
were
3S0 The History of the Reign
1686. were admitted to a particular confidence, into her
onr^ clofet. And, when fhe had them about her, ihe
fent to defire the King to come and fpeak to her.
When he came, he was lurprifed to fee fuch a
company about her, but much more when they
fell all on their knees before him. And the Queen
broke out into a bitter mourning for this new ho-
nour, which they expefted would be followed with
the fetting her up openly as miflrefs. The Queen
was then in an ill habit of body ; and had an ill-
nefs that, as was thought, would end in a con-
fumption. And it was believed that her ficknefs
was of fuch a^nature, that it gave a very melan-
choly prefage, that, if fhe fhould live, fhe could
have no children. The Prieils faid to the King,
that a blcmilh in his life blafted their defigns :
And the more it appeared, and the longer it was
continued, the more ineffectual all their endea-
vours would prove. The King was much moved
with this, and was out of countenance for what he
had done. But to quiet them all, he promifed
them, that he would fee the Lady no more •, and
pretended, that he gave her this title in order to
the breaking with her the more decently. And,
when the Queen did not feem to believe this, he
promifed that he would fend her to Ireland, which
was done accordingly. But after a ftay there for
fome months, fhe came over again : And that ill
commerce was ftill continued. The Priefts were
no doubt the more apprehenfive of this, becaufe
fhe was bold and lively, and was always treating
them and their proceedings with great contempt.
The Court was now much fet on making of
converts, which failed in moft inftances, and pro-
duced repartees, that whether true or falfe, were
much repeated, and were heard with great fatif-
Attempts faftion.
made on The Earl of Mulgrave was Lord Chamberlain,
niapy to fj[g ^^g ^pj. ^.^ comply in every thing that he
thek^re- thought might bc acceptable ; for he went with
jigion. the
of King J A M E s II. " 381
the King to Mafs, and kneeled at it. And, being 168 5.
looked on as indifferent to all religions, the Priefts i— v— .
made an attark on him. He heard them gravely-
arguing for tranfubilantiation. He told them, he
was willing to receive inftrudion : He had taken
much pains to bring himfelf to believe in God,
who had made the world and all men in it : But it
muft not be an ordinary force of argument, that
could make him believe, that man was quits with
God, and made God again.
The Earl of Middleton had married into a Po-
pilh family, and was a man of great parts and a
generous temper, but of loofe principles in re-
ligion. So a Prieft was fent to inftrucl: him. He
began with Tranfubilantiation, of which he faid
he would convince him imm&diately : And began
thus. You believe the Trinity. Middleton flopt
him, and faid. Who told you fo ? At which he
leemed amazed. So the Earl faid, he expefted he
fhould convince him of his belief, but not queftion
him of his own. With this the Prieft was fo dif-
ordered, that he could proceed no further. One
day the King gave the Duke of Norfolk the fword
of State to carry before him to the Chapel : And
he ftood at the door. Upon which the King faid
to him. My Lord, your father would have gone
further : To which the Duke anfwered, Your Ma-
jefty's father was the better ma.n, and he would
not have gone fo far. Kirk was alfo fpoken to, to
change his religion ; and replied brificly, that he
was already pre-engaged, for he had promifed the
King of Morocco, that if ever he changed his re-
ligion, he would turn Mahometan.
But the perfon that was the moft confidered, was Partica-
the Earl of Rochefter. He told me, that upon lar]y on
the Duke of Monmouth's defeat the King did fo ^^^ Earl
immediately turn to other meaftires, that, tho' chell°r
before that the King talked to him of all his affairs
with great freedom, and commonly every morn-
ing of the bufmefs that was to be done that day ;
6 yet
382 The History of the Reign
1686. yet the very day after his execution the King
*-*~v«*»; changed his method, and never talked more to him
of any bufmefs, but what concerned the Treafury :
So that, he faw, he had now no more the root he
formerly had. He was looked on, as fo much
united to the Clergy, that the Papifls were all fet
againft him. He had, in a want of money, pro-
cured a confiderable loan, by which he was kept in
his poft longer than was intended. At laft, as he
related the matter to me, the King fpoke to him,
and defired he would fuiter himfelf to be inftrufted
in religion. He anfwered, he was fully fatisfied
about his religion. But upon the King's prefTing
it, that he would hear his Priefls, he faid, he de-
fired then to have fome of the Englifli Clergy
prefent, to which tHe King confented : Only he
excepted to Tillotfon, and Stillingfleet. Lord
Rochefter faidj he would take thofe who fhould
happen to be in waiting ; for the forms of the
Chapel were ftill kept up. And Do6lor Patrick
and Jane were the men. Upon this a day was fet
for the conference.
But his enemies had another firory. He had
notice given him, that he would fliortly lofe the
White Staff : Upon which his Lady, who was
then fick, wrote to the Queen, and begged fhe
v;ould honour her fo far as to come, and let her
have fome difcourfe with her. The Queen came,
and (laid above two hours with her. She com-
plained of the ill offices that were done them. The
Qiieen faid, ail the Proteftants were now turning
againft them, fo that they knew not how they could
truft any of them. Upon which that Lady faid,
her Lord was not fo wedded to any opinion, as
not to be ready to be better inftrufled. And it
was faid, that this gave the rife to the King's pro-
pofing a conference : For it has been oblerved to
be a common micthod of making profelytes with
the more pomp, to propofe a conference : But this
was generally done^ after they were well afllired,
that.
of King James II. 383
that, let the conference go which way it might, 1686.
: the perfon's decifion for whom it was appointed w»''Y">w
lliould be on their fide. The Earl denied, he
; knew any thing of all this to me : And his Lady
'■ died not long after. It was further faid by his
enemies, thiat the day before the conference he
had an advertifement from a fure hand, that no-
', thing he could do would maintain him in his poll,
and that the King had engaged himfelf to put the
; Treafury in commiffion, and to bring fome of the
1 Popifh Lords into it. Patrick told me, that at the
' conference there was no occafion for them to fay
much.
The Priefls began the attack. And, when they
I had done, the Earl faid, if they had nothing
I ftronger to urge, he would not trouble thofe learn-
\ ed Gentlemen to fay any thing : For he was fure
I he could anfwer all that he had heard. And fo ♦
I anfwered it all with much heat and fpirit, not with-
out fome fcorn, faying, were thefe grounds to per-
I fuade men to change their religion .^ This he urged
f over and over again with great vehemence. The
I -King, feeing in what temper he was, broke off the
conference, charging all that were prefent to fay
.4i6thing of it.
Soon after that he lofl his White Staff; but had He was
a penfion of 4000 1. a year for his own life and ^"'"'^^^
his fen's, befides his grant upon the Lord Grey,
and another valued at 20000I. So here were great
r-egards had to him : No place having ever been
fold, even by a pcrfcn in favour, to fuch advan-
tage. The fum that he had procured to be lent
the King being 400000 1. and it being all ordered
to go towards 'the repair of the Fleet,- this began
to be much talked of. The ftores were very ill
furniihed : And the vellels themfelves vv^ere in de-
cay. But now orders were given, with great dif-
patch to put the v/hole Fleet in condition to go to
fea, tho' the Kins was then in full peace v/ith all
I his
234; The History of the Reign
i68^. his . neighbours. Such preparations feemed to be
K^/^-^r^ made upon fome great defign.
Defi<jns The Priefts faid every where, but chiefly at
talked of Rome, that the defign was againft the States •, and ,
|S^i"^ , that both France and England would make war on'
them all of thefudden : for it was generally known,
that the Dutch fleet was in no good condition. •:
The interefts of France and of the Priefts made
this to be the more eafily believed. The embroil- i
ing the King with the Prince of Orange was that, .
which the French defired above all other things, ,
hoping that fuch a war, being fuccefsful, might,
put the King on excluding the Prince from the fuc- ';
ceffion to the Crown in the right of his wiie, which.,
was the thing that both the French and Priefts •
delired moft : For they faw that, unlefs the Queen :
had a Ton, all their defigns muft ftand ftill at pre-,
fent, and turn abortive in conclufion, as long as'
the Nation had fuch a fucceffor in view.
This carries me now to open the ftate of affairs ;
in Holland, and at the Prince of Orange's Court,
I muft firftfay fomewhat of myfelf : For this fum-
mer, after I had rambled above a year, I camic into .
Iftaid_ Holland, pftaid three or four months in Geneva/
fome time ^^^ Switzerland, after I cam.e out of Italy. I
neva. " ^^^^ ^^^^ fome time among the Lutherans at Straf-
bourg and Franckfort, and among the Calvinifts
at Heidleberg, befides the further opportunities I
had to know, their way in Holland. 1 made it my bu-
fmefs to obferve all their methods', and to know all
the eminent men among them. I faw the Churches
of France in their beft ftate, while they were every
day looking when this dreadful ftorm Ihould break
out, which has fcattered them up and down the
world. I was all the winter at Geneva, where we
had conftantly freili ftories brought us of the
miferies of thofe who were fuffering in France.
Refugees were coming over every day, poor and
naked, and half ftarved before they got thither.
And
of King James IL ^ 3S.5
And that fmall State was under great apprehenfi- 1686.
ons of being fwallowed up^ having no ftrength of v.-'-v-*-*
their own, and being juftly afraid that thofe at
Bern would grow wearv of defending them, if
they fhould be vigoroully attacked. The reft of
Switzerland was not in fuch imminent danger. But>
is they were full of Refugees, and all fermons ancj,
difcourfes were much upon the perfecution in.
France, fo Bafile was expofcd in fuch manner, thail
the French could pofTefs themfeives of it when the|^
pleafed, without the leaft refillance, Thofe gf
Stralbourg, as they have already loft their liberty,
■ fo they were every day looking for fome fatal edidt,
like that which the. French had fallen under. The
Churches of the Palatinate, as they are now the
frontier of the Empire, expofed to be deftroyed
, by every new war, fo they are fallen into the hands
j of a bigotted family. All the other Churches on
' the Rhine fee how near they are to ruin. And-
as the United Provinces were a few years before
: ^his very near being fwallowed up, fo they were
now well affured, that two great Kings defigned to'
ruin them.
Under fo cloudy a profped it fhould be expeded, The ilate
that a fpirit of true devotion and of a real refor- and tem-
mation fhould appear more, both among the Clergy P^""/,"^"
i and, Laity •, that they Ihould all apprehend that among
' God was highly offended with them, and was the Re-
therefore punilhing fome, and threatening others, formed,
in a moft unufual manner. It might have been
expeded, that thofe unhappy contefts between
Lutherans and Calvinifts, Arminians and Anti*
Arminians, with fome minuter difputes that have
enflamed Geneva and Switzerland, Ihould have
hetn at leaft fiifpended, while they had a com-
1 mori enemy to deal with, againft whom their
ji whole force united was fcarce able to ftand. But
I thefe things were carried on rather with more
eagernefs and ftiarpnefs than ever. It is true,
there has appeared riiuch of a primitive charity to-
,. Vol. II. Cc wards
^S"^ , . The H I s T o RY of the Reign
1686. Watds the French Refugees: They have 'been in
C^*^' air places well received, kindly treated, andbo'uri^
tifully fupplied. Yet even among them there did
^not appear a fpirit of piety and devotion faitabl^
to their condition : Tho' perfons who have vv'iiling-
ly' fuffered the lofs of all things, and have forfakeh
their country, their houfes, eflates, and their
"friends, and fome of them their neareft relatioriSj
rather than fin "againft their confciences, muft be
believed to" have a deeper principle in them, than
Ca,n well be obferved by others. ' ' '.
' ■ I was indeed amazed at'the labours and learning
bf the Miniflers among the Reformed. They uh-
derftood the Scriptures well in the original tongues;
"They had all the points of controverfy very ready,
and did thoroughly underftand the whole body of
divinity. In many places they preached every day,'
and were almoft conftantly employed in vifiting
their flock. But they performed their devotions
but {lightly, and read their prayers, which" wer^
.too long, with great precipitation and little zeaL;
Their fermons were too long and too dry. And
they were fo ftriil, even to jealoufy, in the fmalieft
Ipoints in v/hich they put orthodoxy, that one whpj
could not go into all their notions, but was re-i
folved not to quarrel with them, could not con-
verfe much v/ith them with any freedom. I have,
upon all the obfervation that I have made, often
confidered the inward ftate of the Reformation,
and the decay of the vitals of Chriflianity in it,
as that which gives more melancholy imprelTions,
than all the outward dangers that furround it.
In England things were much changed, with re-
lation to the Court, in the compafs of a year. Ths
terror all people were under from an ill chofen and
an ill conftituted Parliament, was now almoft over:
^And the Clergy were come to their wits, and were
^ beginning to recover their reputation. The Nation
' ;was like to prove much firmer than could have been
^-ciXpedted, efpecially in fo fhort a time. Yet after
all,
of King James IL 3§7
all, tho* many were like to prove themfelv^s better 168 5;
Protcftants than was looked for, they were not Wi^-*-^,
become much better Ghriftians: And few werd
turning to a ftrider courfe of life : Nor were the
Clergy more diligent in their labours among their
people, in which refped it muft be confelTed that
the Engliili Clergy are the moll remifs of any.
The Curates in Popery^ befides their faying Mafs
every day, their exaftnefs to their breviary, their
attending on confefTions and the 'multiplicity of
offices to which they are obliged, do fo labour in
inftrufting the youth and vifiting the fick, that^
in all the places in which I could obferve them, it
feemed to be the conftant , employment of their
lives : And in the foreign Churches^ tho' the • la-
bours of the Minifters may feem mean, yet they
are perpetually in them. All thefe things lay fd
much on my thoughts, that I was refclved to re-
tire into fome private place, and to fpend the reft
,of my life in a eourfe of ftrifter piety and de-
vption^ and in writing fuch books, as the ft ate of
matters with relation to religion fhould call for^
whether in points of fpeculatioH or praftice^ All
my friends advifed my coming near England^ that
I niight be eafier fent tOj and informed of all our
, -affairsi ^nd might accordingly employ my thoughts
!;and,tim€.. So I cam£ dov/n the Rhine this fummer ^
' and was refolved to have fettled in Groning or
Frizeland.
When 1 came- to Utrecht, I found letters writ to i was 'm-
me by fome of the Prince of Orange's Court, de- vited by
firing me to come firft to the Hague^ and wait on ^'j.^J^'*'"'^^
g;;the Prince and Princefs, before I fhould fettle any ^^ come^^
'.■Where. Upon my coming to the Hague^ I, was £0 the
?. admitted to wait on them. I found they had re- Hague,
i| ceived ftich charafters of me from England^ thiii
J they refolved to treat me with great confidence :
j. For, at my firft . being with them, they entered
s into much free difcourfe with me concerning thq
'-^airs of England. The Prince, tho' naturally
€ c 2 eoid
^8S The History of the Reign
1686. cold and referved, yet laid afide a great deal of that
t/VX) with me. He feemed highly diflatisfied with the
King's condud:. He apprehended that he would
give fnch jealoufies of himfelf, and come und^
luch jealoufies from his people, that thefe would
throw him into a French management, and engage
■him into fuch defperate defigns as would forefe
violent remedies. There was a gravity in his
whole deportment that ftruck me. He feemed. very
regardlefs of himfelf, and not apt to fufpe{5t de*
ligns upon his perfon. But I had learned fome-
what of the defign of a brutal Savoyard, who was
capable of the blackell things, and who for a foul
-murder had fled into the territory of Geneva,
where he lay hid in a very worthy family, to Whom
he had done fome fervices before. He had formed
a fcheme of feizing on the Prince, who ufed to g6
In his chariot often on the fands near Scheveling,
with but one perfon with him, and a page or two
on the chariot. So he offered to go in a fmall
velTel of twenty guns, that fhould lie at fome
diftance at fea, and to land in a boat with feveh
/perfons befides himfelf, and to feize on the Prince, ,
and bring him aboard, and fo to France. This he I
wrote to Mr. de Louvoy, who upon that wrote I
to him to come to Paris, and ordered money for 1
his journey. He, being a talking man, fpoke of i
this, and (hewed Mr. de Louvoy's letter, and the |
copy of his own : And he went prefently to Paris. 1
This was brought me by Mr. Fatio, the celebrated
mathematician, in whofe father's houfe that perfon
had lodged. When I told the Prince this, and had
Mr. Fatio at the Hague to atteft it, he was not
much moved at it. The Princefs was more ap-
prchenfive. And by her direftion I acquainted:
Mr. Fagel, and fome others of the States, with it,
who were convinced that the Thing was pradticable.
And fo the States defired the Prince to fuffer him-
felf to be conftantly attended on by a guard when
he went abroad, with which he was not without
fome
J
of King James IL
^mt difHculty brought to comply. F fancied his
beUef of predeftination made him more adventu-
rous than was necelTary. But he faid as to that,
he firmly believed a providence : For if he fhould
let that go, all his religion would be much fhaken ;
And he did not fee, how providence could be cer-
tain, if all things did not arife out of the abfo-
lute will of God. I found thofe, who had the
charge of his education, had taken more care to
poflefs him with the Calviniilical notions of abfo-
lute decrees, than to guard him againft the ill ef-
feds of thofe opinions in pradice ; For in Hoj-
-land the main thing the Miniilers infufe into their
people, is an abhorrence of the Arminian doc-
■•trine, which fpreads fo much there, that their jea-
loufies of it make them look after that, more than
after the moft important matters.
The Prince had been much negleded in his edu-- A charao»
cation : For all his life long he hated conftraijit. ff! °^ ^^®
He fpoke little. Fie put on fome appearance of Princeaof
application : But he hated bufinefs of all forts. Orange,
Yet he hated talking, and all houfe games, more.
This put him on a perpetual courfe of hunting,
to which he feemed to give himfelf up, beyond
any man I ever knew : But I looked on that al-
ways, as a flying from company and bufinefs.
The depreffion of France was the governing paf-
fion of his whole life. He had no vice, but of
one fort, in which he was very cautious and fecret.
He had a way that was affable and obliging to the
Dutch. But he could not bring himfelf to corn-
ply enough with the temper of the Englilh, his
coldnefs and fiownefs being very contrary to th«
genius of the Nation.
The Princefs poffefied all that converfed with
her with admiration. Her perfon was majeflick
and created refped. She had great knowledge,
with a true underilanding, and a noble exprefiion.
There was a fweetnefs in her deportment that
charnied, and an exadlnefs in piety and virtue that
C c 3 mads
3^0 The History of the Reign
16860'^ niade her a pattern to all that faw her. The King
i«--y-»». gave her no appointments to fupport the dignity
of a King's daughter. , Npr did he fend her any
prefents or jewels, which was thought a very inde-
pent, and certainly was a very ill advifed thing.
For the fettling e,n allowance for her and the
Prince, would have given fuch ajealoufy of them,
that the Englifh would have apprehended a fecret
torrefpondence and confidence between them :
And the npt doing it fliewed the contrary very
evidently.. But, tho' the Prince did not increafe
her Court and State upon this additional dignity,
fhe managed her Privy Purfe fo well, that fhe be-
came eminent in her charities : And the good
grace with which fhe bellowed favours did always
increafe their value. She had read much, both in
hiftory and divinity. And when a courfe of hu-
mours in her eyes forced her from that, flie fet
iierfelf to work with fuch a conflant diligence,
that fhe made the Ladies about her afhamed to be
idle. She knew little of our affairs, till I was
admitted to wait on her. And I began to lay be-
fore her the ftate of our Court, and the intrio;ues
in it, ever fince the Reftoration ; which fhe re-
ceived with great fatisfadlipn, and fhewed tri^e
■judgment, and a good mind, in all the refleftion^
that fhe made. 1 will only mention one in this
place : She aflced me, what had fharpned the King
fo much againft Mr. Jurieu, the copioufefl and the 1
moil zealous v/riter of the age, who wrote ' with
great vivacity as well as learnhig. I told her, he
mixed all his books with a moft virulent acrimony
pf flile-, and among other things he had writ with
great indecency of Mary Queen of Scots, which
cafi refiecftions on them that were defcended from
her ^' arid was not very decent in one, that defir'ed
to be confidered as zealous for the Prince and her-
i'elf'. She faid, Jurieu was t© fupport the caufe
that he defended, and to expofe thdfe that perfe-
cuted itj in the beft way he could,, And, if wha^
■"'"■■'"' " ' " ■'■' ""^^ - ■>-'•"■■■■■ ■ ■ ■ he
of King James.IL 391
he faid of' Mary Queen of Scots Was true, he was 1686.
ftot to'be blanied, who made that ufe of it : And, v>srO
jfhe added, that if Princes would do ill things, ■ -'
they mud expeft that the world will take revenges
on their memory, fmee they cannot reach their
perfons : That' Was but a fmall fuffering, far fhort
of what others -fuffered at their hands. So far I
have given the ' charader of thofe perfons, as it
appeared to me upon my fird: admittance to them.'
I ihall have occafion to fay much mo"fe of them
in the fequef of this work.
I found the' Printe was refolved to make ufe of Iivrs
me. He told me, it would not be convenient for much
me to live any Where but at the Hague : For none ^J^*^^ ^
of the outlawed perfons came thither. So I would
keep myfelf, by ftaying there, out of the danger
that I might legally incur by converfing with them,
^hich would be unavoidable if I lived any where
dfe.' He alfo recommended me- both to Fagei,
Dykvelt, and Halewyn's .confM|!nfc'e, with v/hom
'he chiefly corifulted. Ihad a i^tPfd to fee a little
into the Prince's notions, betore I iliould engage
myfelf deeper into his fervice. I was atraid left
his ftruggle with the Louveftein party, as they
were called, might have given him ajealoufyof
liberty and of a free government. He aifured me,
it was quite the contrary: Nothing but fuch ia
conftitution could refift a pov,'erFul aggreffor long,
or have the credit that was necelTary to raife fuch
fums, as a great war might require. . He con-
demned all the late proceedings in England, with
relation to the Charters, and exprelTed his fenfe of
a legal and lim.ited authority very fully. I tqM
him, I was fuch a friend to liberty, that I could ^^^ ^nn.
not be fatisfied with the point of religion alone, ^^^ ^^^"'^
unlefs' it was accompanied with the fecurities ofjj^j^j^
law. I afked his fenfe of the Church of England.
He faid, he liked our worlhip well, and our go-
vernment in the Church, as much better than pa-
rity : But he blamed our condemning^ the foreign
' C G 4 Churches,
592 The History'W the Reign
,i686» Churches, as he had obfervcd fome of our Divines
U*^"^' did. I told him, whatever fome hotter men might
fay, all were not of that mind. When he found
I was in my opinion for toleration, he faid, that
was ail he would ever defire to bring us to, for
quieting our contentions at home. He alfo proT
jtiifed to me, that he fhould never be prevailed with
to fet up the Calviniftical notions of the decrees of
God, to which, I did imagine fome might drive
him. He wifhed, fome of our ceremonies, fuch
as the Surplice and the Crofs in Baptifm, with our
bowing to the Altar, might be laid afide. I thought
it neceiTary to enter with him into all thefe parti-
culars, that fo I might be furnilhed from his own
mouth, to give a full account of his fenfe to fome
'm England, who would expect it of me, and
were difpofed to believe what I fhould afTure them
of, This difcourfe was of fome hours continu-
ance : And it ^aft in the Princefs*s prefence.
Great notice came to be taken of the free accefs
and long conferences I had wirh them both. I
told him, it was neceiTary for his fervice, tO put
the jfiect of Holland in a good condition. And
this he propofed foon after to the States, who
, gave the hundredth penny for a fund to perfe6t
that. I moved to them both, the writing to the
Biftiop of London, and to the King concerning
;him. And, tho' the Princefs feared it might ir-
ritate the King too much, in conclufion I perfuad-
. ed them to it.
The Kingj hearing of thjs admlffion I had, be-
gan in two or three letters to refled: on me, as a
dangerous man, whom they ought to avoid and
Ijeware of. To this no anfwer was made. Upon
the fetting up the Ecclgfiaftical Commiffion, fome
from England prefied phem to write over againft
-it, and to begin a breach upon that. I told them,
I thought that was no way advifable : They could
pot be fuppofed to underftand our laws fo well,
gs tp oppofe thofc things ,on their own knowr
ledge ;
oF King* J A M E S II. ^pj
ledge : So that I thought, this could not be ex- 1686.
pedted by them, till fome refolute perfon would v-nr*«r
difpute the authority of the Court, and bring it
to an argument, and fo to a folemn decilion. I
likewife faid, that I did not think every error in
government would warrant a breach : If the foun-
dations were ftruck at, that would vary the cafe :
But illegal a6ts in particular inftances could not
juftify fuch a conclufion. The Prince feemed fur-
prized at this : For the King made me pafs for
a rebel in my heart. And he now faw, how far I
was from it. I continued on this ground to the
laft.
That which fixed me in their confidence was. The PrJo.
the liberty I took, in a private eonverfation with^.'^V^'
the Princefs, to afk her, what ftie intended the ^°i"}J'°",
Prince fiiould be, if Ihe came to the Crown. She, fpe<fi to
who was new to all matters of that kind, did npt^lie
underfland my meaning, but fancied that what- '^'■'"<=^'
ever accrued to her would likewife accrue to him
in the right of marriage. I told her, it was not
fo : And I explained King Henry the feventh's
• title to her, and what had pafl when Queen Mary
-married Philip King of Spain. I told her, a ti-
tular Kinglliip was no acceptable thing to a man,
efpecially if it was to depend on another's life :
And fuch a nominal dignity might endanger the
real one that the Prince had in Holland. She dc-
.. fired me to propofe a remedy. I told her, the
. remedy, if Ihe could bring her mind to it, was to
be contented to be his wife, and to engage her-
felf to him, that fhe would give him the real au-
thority as foon as it came into her hands, and en-
deavour effedtually to get it to be legally veiled
in him during life : This would lay the greatell
obligation on him poflible, and lay the founda-
tion of a perfed union between them, which had
been of late a little embroiled : This would alfo
give him another fenfe of all our affairs : I afked
|)^rdpn for the prefumption of moving her in fuch
a tender
'394 '^^^ H.IS TORY .of.. the. Reign
1686. a tender point : But I folennnly protefted^ that no
^V^ perfon living ha& moved the irt it, or fo much ^%
knew of it, or fhould ever know of it, but as iht
iliould order it. I hoped, Ihe would confider well
bf it: Fbi^, "if fhe ohce declared her mind, 1
'hoped flie would never go back or retra6l it. '1
'defired her therefore to take time to think of 16.
She prefently anfwered me, ihe would take no
time to confider of any thing, by which ihe could
"cxprefs her regard and affedion to the Prince'';
;and ordered me to give him an account of all thaJt
"i had laid before her, and to bring him to her, and
I Ihould hear what 'fhe would fay upon it» He
was that day a hunting :. And. next day. I acquaint-
ed him with all tliat had paflr, and carried him to
heri where fhe in a' very franl^ manner told him,
that Ihe did' nOt know tfiat.the lav/s of England
were fo' contrary to the laws of God, as I had in-
'formed her : .She did not think that the hufband
was ever to 'be obedient tbthe wife : Sht promifed
'him, he fhould always bear rule: And fhe afked
only, that he would obey the command of " huf-
bands love your wives,'*- as • fhe. fhould do tha^,
" wives be obedient to your hufbands in all things.^*
'From this lively introduftion we engaged into 'a
'long' difcourfe of the affairs of England. Both
feemed well pleafed with me, and with all that I
had fuggefled. But fuch was the Prince's cold
way, that he faid not one word to me upon it,
that looked like acknowledgment. Yet he fpoke
of it to fome about him in another flrain. He
■ faid, he had been nine years married, and had ne-
ver the confidence to prefs this matter on the
"Queen, which I had now brought about eafily in
a day. Ever after that he feemed to truft me
entirely.
Pen fent / Complaints came daily over from England 6f
over to all the high things that the Priefls were eveiy
tre^at with ^j^^j.^ throwing out. Pen the Quaker came over
?rince ^0 Holland. He was a talking vain man, wko
■ h?ii
r:':..'t)f KIrrg Ja-mesII. 395
had been long in the King's favour, he being the i68^«
Vice- Admiral's fon. He had fuch an opinion of '^-OT^
his own faculty of perfuading, that he thought:
none. could Hand before it : Tho' he was fingular
in that opinion : For he had a tedious lufcious
way, that was not apt to overcome a man's reafon,
tho' it might tire his patience. He undertook to
perfuade the Prince to come into the King's mea-
fures, and had two or three long audiences of him
upon the fubjedt : And he and I fpent: fome hours
together on it. The Prince readily confented to
a toleration of Popery, as. well as of the Diffent-
£rs, provided it were propofed and pafTed in Par-
liament : And he promifed his affiftance, if there
was need of it, to get it to pafs. But for the
Tells he would enter into no treaty about them.
He faid, it was a plain betraying the fecurity of
the Proteftant Religion, to. give them up. No-
thing was left unfaid, that might move him to
agree to this in the way gf intereft : The K^ing
would enter into an entire confidence with him,
and would put his bed friends in the chief trufts.
Pen undertook for this fo politively, that he feeni-
cd to believe it himfelf, or he was a great profici-
ent in the art of dilTimulation. Many fufpedted
.that he was a concealed Papift. )t is certain, he was
much with Father Peter, and was particularly trufted
by the Earl of Sunderland. So, tho' he did not
pretend any commiffion for what he promifed, yet
we looked on him as a man employed. To all
this the Prince anfwered, .that no man was more
for toleration in principle, than he was : He
thought the confcience was only fubje6t to God :
And as far as a general toleration, even of Papiils,
would content the King, he would concur in it
heartily : But he looked on the Tells as fuch a
real fecurity, and indeed the only one, when the
King was of another Religion, that he would
join in no counfels with thofe that intended to
repeal thofe laws that enaded theni. Pen faid,
7 ^he
39^ The History of the Reign
1686. the King would have all or nothing : But that,
w-v-^ if this was once done, the King would fecure the
toleration by a folemn and unalterable law. To
this the late repeal of the cdid of Nantes, that
was declared perpetual and irrevocable, furnifhed
an anfw;er that admitted of no reply. So Pen's
negotiation with the Prince had no efFe6l.
He preffed me to go over to England, fince I
was in principle for toleration : And he aflTured
me the King would prefer me highly. I told
him, fince the Tefts muft go with this toleration,
1 could never be for it. Among other difcourfes
he told me one thing, that was not accomplilhcd
in the way in which he had a mind I ihouid be-
lieve it would be, but had a more furprifmg ac-
complifhment. He told me a long feries of pre-
didtions, which, as he faid, he had from a man
that pretended a commerce with Angels, who
had foretold many things that were pall very punc-
tually. But he added, that in the year 1688 there
would fuch a change happen in the face of affairs
as would amaze all the world. And after the
"Revolution, which happen'd that year, I alked
him before much company, if that was the event
that was predifted. He was uneafy at the quef-
tion ; but did not deny what he, had told me,
which, he faid, he underftood of the full fettle-
ment of the Nation upon a toleration, by which
he believed all men's minds would be perfeftly
quieted and united.
Some Bi- Now I go from this to profecute the recital of
Ihops died' £nglilh affairs. Two eminent Bifhops died this
lau?^' year, Pearfon Bilhbp of Chefter, and Fell Bilhop
of Oxford. The firft of thefe was in all refpeds
the greateft Divine of the age : A man of great
learning, ftrong reafon, and of a dear judgment.
He was a judicious and grave preacher, more in-
ftrudive than affedive -, and a man of a fpotlefs
pfe, and of an excellent temper. His book on
"the Creed is among the beft that our Church ha?
produced^
of King J A M E 5 IL 297
produced. He was not a<5live in his Diocefe, but i6B6,
too remifs and' eafy in his Epifcopal fundtion ; s-^-V"*^
and was a much better Divine than a Bilhop. He
was a fpeaking inftance of what a great man could
fall to : For his memory went from him fo en-
tirely, that he became a child fome years before
he died.
Fell, Bilhop of Oxford, was a man of great
ftridtnefs in the courie of his life, and of much
devotion. His learning appears in that noble edi-
tion of St. Cyprian that he publiUhed. He had
made great beginnings in learning before the Re-
ftoration : But his continued application to his
employments after that, ftopt the progrefs that
otherwife he might have made. He was made
foon after Dean of Chrift-Church, and afterwards
Bilhop of Oxford. He fet himfelf to promote
learning in the Univerfity, but mofl particularly
in his own College, which he governed with great
care : And was indeed in all refpefts a moft ex-
emplary man, a little too much heated in the mat-
p%tr of our difputes with the Diflenters. But, as
he was among the firft of our Clergy that appre-
hended the defign of bringing in Popery, lb he
was one of the moft zealous againft it. He had
much zeal for reforming abufes -, and managed it
perhaps with too much heat, and in too peremp-
tory a way. But we have fo little of that among
us, that no wonder if fuch men are cenfured by
thofe, who love not fuch patterns, nor fuch fevere
talk- mailers.
Ward of Salifbury fell alfo under a lofs of me-,
mory and underftanding : So, that he, who was
both in Mathematicks and Philofophy, and in the
ftrength of judgment and underftanding, one of
the firft men of his time, tho* he came too late
i^to our profefTion to become very eminent in it,
was now a great inftance of the defpicable weak-
nefs to which man can fall. The Court intended"-
9|iCe to have named a Coadjutor for him. But,
3 . there
398 The History of the Reigri
1686. there being no precedent for that fince the Refof*
v-*^*''"'^ mation, they refolved to Hay till he fhouid die.
Cart- The other two Bilhopricks were lefs confidera-
wright ble : So tliey refolved to fill them "wijih, the two
and Par- worft men that could be found out. Cartwright
P.°' -was promoted to Cheller* He was a man of good
capacity, and had made fome progrefs in learnings
He was ambitious and fervile, cruel and boiilerous i
And, by the great liberties he allowed himfelf, he
fell under much fcandal of the worft fort. He
had fet himfelf long to raife the King's authority
above law •, which, he faid, was only a method of
government to which Kings might fubmit as they
pleafed ; but their authority was from God, abfo-
lute and fuperior to law^ which they might exert,
as oft as they found it neceffary for the ends of go-
vernment. So he was looked on as a man that
would more effectually advance the defign of Po-
pery, than if he Iliould turn over to it. And. in-
deed, bad as he was, he never made that flep,
even in the moil defperate ftate of his affairs.
The See of Oxford was given to Dr. Parker,
who was a violent Independent at the time of the
Reftoration, with a high profefTion of piety in
their way. But he foon changed, and flruck into
the higheil form of the Church of England ; and
wrote many books with a ftrain of contempt and
fury againll all the DilTentersj that provoked them
out of meafure •, of which an account was given
in the hiflory of the former reign. He had ex-
alted the King's authority in matters of religion
in fo indecent a manner, that he condernned the
ordinary form of faying the King was under God
and Chrift, as a crude and profane exprefTion 5
faying, that tho' the King was indeed under God,
yet he was not under Chrifl, but above him. Yet,
, riot being preferred as he expefted, he v/rit after
that many books., on defign to raife the authority
,' of the Church to an independence on the Civjl
power, There:was.an.Qntertaininglivelinefs injjl
hia
of King Jam E s II. ;^^^
his books : But it was neither grave nor correct. 1686.
He was a covetous and ambitious man j and feem- v^v^
ed to have no other fenfe of religion but as a poli-
tical interefb, and a fubjedt of party. and faftion.
He feldom came to prayers, or to any exercifes of
devotion •, and was fo lifted up with pride, that
he was become infufferable to all that came near
him. Thefe two men were pitched on, as the fit-
tell inflruments that could be found among all the
"Clergy, to betray and ruin the Church. Some of
the Biihops brought to Archbifhop Sancroft arti-
cles againft them, which they dehred he would
offer to the King in Council, and pray that the
Mandate for confecrating them might be delayed,
till time were given to examine particulars. And
Bifhop Lloyd told me, ' that Sancroft promifed
to him not to confecrate them, till he had exa-
mined the truth of the articles, of v/hich fome
were too fcandalous to be repeated. Yet, when
Sancroft fa w what danger he might incur, if he
were fued in a Premunire, he confented to confe-
crate them.
''-[ The Deanry of Chrifl-Church, the moft im-
•portanrpoft in the Univerfity, was given to Maf-
ley, one of the new converts, tho' he had neither
the gravity, the learning, nor the age that was
fuitable to fuch a dignity. But all v/as fupplied
by his early .converfion : , And it v;as fet up for a
maxim, to encourage all converts. 'He at firft
went to prayers in the Chapel. But foon after. he
declared himfeif rriore openly. Not long after
this the Prefidenf of Magdalen College died.
That is efteemed the richefl foundadon in Eng-
land, perhaps in Europe : For, tho' their cer-
tain rents are but about 4 or 5000 1. yet it is
thought that the improved Value of the eftate
belonging to it is about 40000 1. So, it was
no wonder that the Priefts ftudied to get this en-
■ iowment into their hands. ' ^
They
4.00 The History o£ the Reign
168^. They had endeavoured to break in upon the Uni-»
«.*^v-^ verlity of Cambridge, in a matter of lefs importance,
but without fuccefs : And now they refolved to at*
tack Oxford, by a ilrange fatality in their counfels,
Iri all nations the privileges of Colleges and Uni-
verfities are efteemed fuch facred things, that few
will venture to difpute thefe, much lefs to difturb
them, when their title 15 good, and their pofTeflion
is of a long continuance ; For in thefe, not only
the prefent body efpoufes the matter; but all who
have been of it, even thofe that have only follow-
ed their fludies in it, think themfelves bound in ho-
nour and gratitude to affift and fupport them. The
Priefts began where they ought to have ended, wheii
all other things were brought about to their mind.
The Jefuits fancied, that, if they could get footing
in the Univerfity, they would gain fuch a reputa^
tion by their methods of teaching youth, that they
would carry them away from the Univerfity tutors,
who were certainly too remifs. Some of the more
moderate among them propofed, that the King
Ihould endow a new College in both Uniyerfities,
which needed not have coft above two thoufand
pound a year, and in thefe fet his Priefts to work,
But either the King ftuck at the charge which this
would put him to, or his Priefts thought it too
mean and below his dignity not to lay his hand
upon thofe great bodies : So rougher methods were
■refolved on. It was reckoned, that by frightning
them they might be driven to compound the mat-
ter, and deliver up one or two Colleges to them :
And then, as the King faid fometimes in the circle,
they who taught beft would be moft followed.
'Pl^g,.. They began with Cambridge upon a fofter point,
King's which yet would have made way for all the reft,
letter re- The King fent his letter, or Mandamus, to order
Med in p^ Francis, an ignorant Benedidine Monk, to be
bridge, received a Mafter of Arts ; once to open the way
for letting them into the degrees of the Univerfity.
The
of King J A M E s II. 461
The truth is, the King's letters were Icarce ever re- r686.
tuled in conferring degrees : And when Embafla- U'^'VXJ
dors or foreign Princes came to thofe places, they
ufually gave fuch degrees to thofe who belonged
to them as were defired. The Morocco Embaffa-
dor's Secretary, that was a Mahometan, had that
degree given him, but a great diftindion was made
between honorary degrees given to ftrangers, who
intended not to live among them, and thofe given
to fuch as intended to fettle among them : For every
Mafter of Arts having a vote in the Convocation,
they reckoned, that, if they gave this degree, they
mufl give all that fhould be pretended to on the
like authority : And they knew, all the King's
Priefts would be let in upon them, which might oc-
cafion in prefent great diftradion and contentions
among them -, and in time they might grow to be a
majority in the Convocation, which is their ParHa-
ment. They refufed the Mandamus with great una-
nimity, and with a firmnefs that the Court had not
expefted from them. New -and repeated orders,
full of fevere threatnings in cafe of difobedience,
were lent to them : And this piece of raillery was
every where let up, that a Papift was reckoned
worfe than a Mahometan, and that the King's let-
ters were lefs confidered than the EmbafTador from
Morocco had been. Some feeble or falle men of
the Univerlity tried to compound the matter, by
granting this degree to F. Francis, but enabling at
the fame time, that it fhould not be a precedent for
the future for any other of the like nature. This
,was not given way to : For it was faid, that in all
fuch cafes the obedience that was once paid, would
be a much llronger argument for continuing to do
it, as oft as it fliould be defired, than any fuch
provifo could be againft it. TheVxc-
Upon this the Vice-Chancellor was fummoned Chancel
before the Ecclefiaftical Commiffion to anfwer this lor turned
contempt. He was a very honell, but a very weak J"^ ^^ ^!?^
mm. He made a poor deferice. Ajid it was no ^,^,^1 ^^^^j^^
,, Vol, IL D d imaliiniffioners.
The History of the Reign
fmall refledion on that great body, that their chief
Magiftrate was fo httle able to alTert their privileges,
or to juftify their proceedings. He was treated
with great contempt by Jefferies. But he having
adled only as the chief perfon of that body, all that
was thought fit to be done againtl him was, to turn
him out of his office. That was but an annual of-
fice, and of no profit : S^ this was a flight cen-
fure, chiefly when it was all that followed on fuch
heavy threatnings. The Univerfity chofe another
Vice-Chancellor, who was a man of much fpirit :
And in his fpeech, which in courfe he made upon
his being cholen, he promifed, that, during his ma-
giftracy, neither religion, nor the rights of the body,
fhould fuffer by his means. 1 he Court did not
think fit to infift more upon this matter ; which
was too plain a confefllon, either of their weaknefs
in beginning fuch an ill grounded attempt, or of
their feeblenefs in letting it fall, doing fo little, af-
ter they had talked fo much about it. And now
all people began to fee, that they had taken wrong
notions of the King, when they thought that it
would be eafy to engage him into bold things, be-
fore he could fee into the ill confequences that
might attend them, but that being once engaged he
would refolve to go through with them at all ad-
ventures. When I knew him, he feemed to have
fet up that for a maxim, that a King when he made
a ffep was never to go back, nor to encourage tac-
tion and difobedience by yielding to it.
An at- After this unfuccefsful attempt upon Cambridge,
tempt to another was made upon Oxford, that lafled longer
PopUh and had greater efYeds ; which I Ihall fet all down
Prefident together, tho' the conclufion of this affair ran far
on Mag- into the year after this that I now write of. The
J^'*:" Prefidentfhip of Magdalen's was given by the elec-
^ ^^ ' tion of the Fellows. So the King lent a Manda-
mus, requiring them to choofe one Farmer, an ig-
norant and vitious perfon, who had not one quali-
fication that could recommend him to io high a
poft,
of King James IL 403
poll, befides that of changing his reHgion* Man- 168 5.
damus letters had no legal authority in them : But O^^NJ
all the great preternients of the Church being in the
King's difpofal, thofe who did pretend to favour,
were not apt to refufe his recommendation, left that
Ihould be afterwards remembred to their prejudice.
But now, fince it was vifible in what channel fa-
vour was like to run. lefs regard was had to fuch a
letter. The Fellowl''of that houfe did upon this
choofe Dr. Hough, one of their body, who as he
was in all refpeils a ftatutable man, fo he was a
worthy and a firm man, not apt to be threatened
out of his right. They carried their eledion ac-
cording to their ftatutes to the Bilhop of Winchef-
ter, their Vifitor : And he confirmed it. So that
matter was legally fettled. This was highly refent-
ed at Court. It was faid, that, in cafe of a Man-
damus for an unde'erving man, they ought to have
reprefented the matter to the King, and ftaid till
they had his pleafure : It was one of the chief fer-
vices that the Univerfities expefted from their Chan-
cellors, which made them always choofe men of
great credit at Court •, that by their intereft fOch
letters might be either prevented or recalled. The
Duke of Ormond was now their Chancellor : But
he had little credit in the Court, and was declin-
ing in his age, which made him retire into the
country. It was much obferved, that this Univer-
fity, that had afTerted the King's prerogative in
the higheft ftrains of the moft abjed flattery pof-
fible, both in their addrefies, and in a wild decree
they had made but three years before this, in
which they had laid together a fet of fuch high
^flown maxims as muft eftabliOi an uncontrolable
tyranny, fhould be the firft body of the Nation
that Ihould feel the effeds of it moft fenfibly.
The caufe was brought before the Ecclefiafticai
Commiflion. The Fellows were firft afl^ed, why
they had not chofen Farmer in obedience to the
King's letter? And to that tbey anfwered, by of-
D d 2 fering
404'' The History oi the Reign
1686. fering a lift of many juft exceptions againft him.
O-'-VS; The lubject was fruitful, and the fcandals he had
given were very publick. The Court was afhamed
of him, and infifted no more on him : But they
faid, that the Houfe ought to have fhcwed more
refpec!^ to the King's letter, than to have proceed-
ed to an eled:ion in contempt ot it.
They dif- The Ecclefiaftical Commiffion took upon them
obey, and to declare Hough's election null, and to put the
are cen- Houfe Under fufpenfion. And^ that the defign of
]'^' the Court in this matter might be carried on, with-
out the load of recommending a Papift, Parker,
Bifhop of Oxford, was now recommended : And
the Fellows were commanded to proceed to a new
cleftion in his favour. They excufed themfelves,
fmce they were bound by their oaths to maintain
their ftatutes: And by thefe, an eledion being
once made and confirmed, they could not proceed
to a new choice, till the former was annulled in
fome Court of law : Church benefices and Col-
lege preferments were freeholds,' and could only
be judged in a Court of Record : And, fmce the
King was now talking fo much of liberty of con-
fcience, it was laid, that the forcing men to ad:
againft their oaths, feemed not to agree with thofe
profeffions. In oppofition to this it Vv'as faid, that
the ftatutes of Colleges had been always confider-
ed, as things that depended entirely on the King's
good pleafure; fo that no oaths to obferve them
could bind them, when it was in oppofition to
the King's command.
,-p This did not fatisfy the Fellows: And, tho*
'^' the King, as he went thro' Oxford in his progrefs
^""^^^^^ in the year 1687, fent for them, and ordered them
to go prefently and choofe Parker for their Prefi-
dent, in a ftrain of language ill fuited to the Ma-
jefty of a crowned head, (for he treated them with
foul language pronounced in a very angry tone j)
yet it had no eff^(5t: on them. They yififted ftill on
their
of King James IL • 405
their oaths, tho* with a humility and fubmillion, 168*7.
that they hoped would have mollified him. They wv^*--'
continued thus firm. A fubaltern CommilTion
was fent from the Ecclefiaftical Commiffion to finifn
the matter. Biihop Cartwright was the head
of this CommifTion, as Sir Charles Hedges was
the King's Advocate to manage the matter. Cart-
wright afted in fo rough a manner, that it fhewcd,
he was refolved to lacrifice all things to the King's
pleafure. It was an afBidling thing, which feemed
to have a peculiar chara6ler of indignity in it, that
this firft a6l of violence committed againft the le-
gal poffeffions of the Church, was executed by
one Bifliop, and done in favour ot another.
The new Prefident was turned out. And, be- And were
caufe he could not deliver the keys of his Houfe, ^'^ turned
the doors were broken open: And Parker was""*^;
put in pofleflion. The Fellows were required to
mal^ie their fubmillion, to a.{k pardon for what
was paft, and to accept of the Bijfhop for their
Prefident. They Hill pleaded their oath: And
were turned out, except two that fubmitted. So
that it was expelled, to fee that Houfe foon ftockt
with Papifts. The Nation, as well as the Univer-
fity, looked on all this proceeding with a juft in-
dignation. It was thought an open piece of rob-
bery and burglary, when men, authorized by no le-
gal commillion, came and forcibly turned men out
ot their pofleflion and freehoki. This agreed ill
with the profeflions that the King was flill making,
than he would maintain the Church of England as
by law eftabliflied : For this flir^ck at the whole
dlate, and all the temporalities of the Church. It
did fo inflame the Church party and the Clergy,
that they fent over very preifing meflfages upon it
to the Prince of Orange, defiring that he would in-
terpofe, and efpoufe the concerns of the Church •,
and that he would break upon it, if the King v/ould
not redrefs it. This I did not fee in their letters.
Thofe were of fuch importance, fince the writing
D d 3 them
40^ The History of the Keign
1687. them might have been carried to high treafon, that
K./'-y^^ the Prince did not think frt to Ihew them. But he
often faid, he was prefled by many of thofe, who
were afterwards liis bittereft enemies, to engage in ■
their quarreh When that was communicated to
me, I was ftill of opinion, that, tho' this was indeed
an a6l of defpotical and arbitrary power, yet I did
not think it ftruck at the whole : So that it was not
in my opinion a lawful cafe of refiflance: And I
could not concur in a quarrel occafioned by flich a
fmgle adl, tho' the precedent fet by it might go to
every thing.
Now the King broke with the Church of Eng-
land. And, as he was apt to go warmly upon
every provocation, he gave himfelf fuch liberties in
difcourie upon that fubjeft, that it was plain, all
the fervices they had done him, both in oppofing
the Exclufion, and upon his firft acceffion to the
Crown, . vv'ere forgot. Agents were now found out,
to go among the Diffenters, to perfuade them to ac-
cept of the favour the King intended them, and to
concur with him in his defigns.
The Dlf- The Diffenters were divided into four main bodies,
fenters The Prefoyterians, the Independents, the Anabap-
were tifts, and the Quakers. The two former had not
courted ^^e vifible diftinftion of different rites: And their
by the depreffed condition made, that the difpute about
K-ing. the conltitution and fubordination of Churches,
which had broken them when power was in their
hands, was now cut of doors : And they were
looked on as one body, and were above three parts
in four of all the Diffenters. The m,ain difference
between thefe was, that the Prefbyterians feemed
reconcilable to the Church J for they loved Epifco-
pal Ordination and a Liturgy, and upon fome amend-
ments feemed difpofed to come into the Church;
and they liked the civil government, and limited
- ;■ Monarchy. But as the Independents were for a
/"Commonwealth in the State, fo they put all the
; '- power of the Church in the people, and thought
that
of King J A M E s II. 407
that their choice was an ordination ; Nor diJ they 1687.
approve of fet forms of worfhip. Both were enemies v--v"s«*
to this high prerogative, that the King was aflfum-
ing, and were very averte to Popery. They- gene-
rally were of a mind, as to the accepting the King's
favour ; but were not incHned to take in the Papifls
into a full toleration i much.lefs could they be pre-
vailed on to concur in taking off the Tells. The
Anabaptiils were generally men of virtue, and of
an univerfal charity : And as they were far from
being in any treating terms with the Church of
England, fo nothing but an univerfal toleration
could make them capable of favour or employ-
ments. The Quakers had fet up fuch a vifible
diftinftion in the matter ot the Hat, and faying
Thou and Thee, that they had all as it were a
badge fixed on them : So they were eafily known.
Among thefe Pen had the greateft credit, as he had
a tree accefs at Court. To all thefe it was propof-
ed, that the King defigned the fettling the minds of
the different parties in the Nation, and the enrich-
ing it by enacting a perpetual law, that fhould be
palled with fuch folemnities as had accompanied the
Magna Charta ; fo that not only penal laws Ihould
be tor ever repealed, but that pubHck employments
Ihould be opened to men of all perfuafions, with-
out any tells or oaths limiting them to one fort or
party of men. There were many meetings among
the leading men of the feveral fedts.
It was vifible to all men, that the courting them Debates
at this time was not from any kindnefs or good opi- and refo-
nion that the King had of them. They had left^""°"*
the Church of England, becauie of fome forms in them,
it, that they thought looked too like the Church
of Rome. They needed not to be told, that all
the favour expefted from Popery was once to bring
it in, under the colour of a general toleration, till
it ihould be llrong enough to fet on a general perfe-
cution: And therefore, as they could not engage
themfelves to fupport fuch an arbitrary pierogativej
D d. 4 u
The History of the Reign
as \*7as now made ufe of, fo neither Ihould they go
into any engagements for Popery. Yet they re-
folved to let tlie points of controverfy alone, and
leave thofe to the management of the Clergy, who
had a legal bottom to fupport them. They did
believe, that this indignation againft the Church
party, and this kindnefs to them were things too
unnatural to laft long. So the more confiderable
among them refolved, not to ftand at too great a
diftance from the Court, nor to provbke the King
fo far, as to give him caufe to think they were irre-
concilable to him, left they ihould provoke hirn
to make up matters on any terms with the Church
party. On the other hand, they refolved not to
provoke the Church party, or by any ill behavi-
our of theirs drive them into a reconciliation with
the Court. It is true, Pen fhewed both a fcorn
of the Clergy, and virulent fpite againft them,
in which he had not many followers.
The Ar- The King was fo fond of his Army, that he
my en- ordered them to encamp on Hounflow- Heath,
camped at ^^^ ^q ^g exercifed all the fummer long. This
low- " was done with great magnificence, and at a vaft
Heath, expence ; but that which abated the King's joy in
feeing fo brave an Army about him was, that it
appeared vihbly, and on many occafions, that his
Ibldiers had as great an averfion to his religion, as
his other fubjefts had' expreffed. The King had a
Chapel in his camp, where Mafs was faid : But fo
few went to it, and thofe few were treated by the
reft wath fo much fcorn, that it was not eafy to
bear it. It was very plain, that fuch an Army was
not to be trufted in any quarrel, in which religion
was concerned.
The few Papifts that were in the Army were an
unequal match for the reft. The heats about re-
ligion were like to breed quarrels : And it was
tince very near a mutiny, h was thought, that
thefe encampments had a good effe6l on the Army.
They encouraged one another, an^ vowed they
woulfl
of King James II.
would ftick together, and never forfake their re-
ligion. It was no fmall comfort to them, to fee
they had fo few Papifts among them ; which
might have been better difguifed at a diftance,
than when they were all in view. A refolution
was formed upon this at Court, to make recruits
in Ireland, and to fill them up with Irifli Papifts ;
which fucceeded as ill as all their other defigns
did, as Ihall be told in its proper place. ,
The King had for above a year managed his An Em-
correfpondence with Rome fecretly. But now the ^^"^'^o'"
Priefts refolved to drive the matter paft reconcil- Rome,
ing. The correfpondence with that Court, while
there was none at Rome with a publick charadter,
could not be decently managed, but by Cardinal
Howard's means. He was no friend to the Je-
fuits ; nor did he like their over driving matters.
So they moved the King to fend an Embaflador
to Rome. This was high treafon by law, JefFe-
ries was very uneafy at it. But the King's power
of pardoning had been much argued in the Earl
of Danby's cafe, and was believed to be one of
the unqueftionable rights of the Crown. So he
knew a fafe way in committing crimes ; which
was, to take out pardons as foon as he had done
illegal things.
The King's^ choice of Palmer, Earl of Caftle-
main, was liable to great exceptioa. For, as he
was believed to be a Jefuit, fo he was certainly
as hot and eager in all high notions, as any of
them could be. The Romans were amazed, when
they heard that he was to be the perfon. His
misfortunes were fo eminent and publick, that
they, who take their meafures much from aftro-
logy, and from the charafters they think are fixed
on men, thought it ftrange to fee fuch a negotia^
tion put in the hands of fo unlucky a man. It
was managed with great fplendor, and ax a vaft
charge,
He
41 o The History of the Reign
1687. He was unhappy in every ftep of it. He di^
^'^^s'f^-j fputed with a nice fort of affedation every pundi-
gedTvl%^^^ of the ceremonial. And, when the day fet
thing un- ^^^ ^is audience came, there happen'd to be fuch
happily, an extraordinary thunder, and fuch deluges of
rain, as difgraced the fhew, and heightned the
opinion of the ominoui^efs of this Embafly. Af-
ter this was over, he had yet many difputes with
relation to the ceremony of vifits. The points
he preiTed were^ firft the making P. Renaldi of
Efle, the Queen's uncle, a Cardinal ; in which he
prevailed : And it was the onJy point in which
he fucceeded. He tried, if it was poffible, to
get Father Petre to be made a Cardinal. But the
Pope was known to be intraftable in that point,
having fixed it as a maxim not to raife any of that
Order to the Purple. Count Mansfield told me,
as he came from Spain, that our Court had prefTed
the Court of Spain to join their interell with ours -
at Rome for his promotion. They gave it out,
that he was a German by birth, and undertook
that he fhould ferve the Auftrian intereft. They
alfo promifed the Court of Madrid great alTiftance
in other matters of the laft importance, if they
would procure this : , Adding, that this would
prove the mofl effedual means for the converfion
of England. Upon which the Count told me, he
was afked concerning Father Petre. He, who had
gone often to Spain thro' England, happen'd to
know that Jefuit -, jand told them, he was no Ger-
man, but an Englilhman. They tried their flrength
at Rome for his promotion, but with no fuccefs.
The Embaffador at Rome prefTed Cardinal Cibo
much, to put an end to the differences between
the Pope and the King of France, in the matter
of the franchifes, that it might appear that thQ
Pope had a due regard to a King that had extir-
pated herefy, and to another King who was en-
deavouring to bring other Kingdoms into the
fheepfold*
of King J A M E s II. 411. ^
iheepfold. What "muft the world fay, if two 1687.
fuch kings, like whom no ages had produced any, »i-»^/->«/
ftiGuJd be negledted and ill ufed at Rome for Tome
pundilios ? He added, that, if thefe matters were
fettled, and if the Pope would enter into concert
with them, they would fet about the deftroying
herefy every where, and*would begin with the
Dutch J upon whom, he faid, they would fall
without any declaration of war, treating them as
a company of rebels and pirates, who had not a
right, as free States and Princes have, to a for-
mal denunciation of war. Cibo, who was then
Cardinal Patron, was amazed at this, and gave
notice of it to the Imperial Cardinals'. They fent
it to the Emperor, and he fignified it to the
Prince of Orange. It is certain, that one Prince's
treating with another, to invade a third, gives a
right to that third Prince to defend himfelf, and
to prevent thofe defigns. And, fince what an
Embaffador fays is underftood, as fa.id by the
Prince whofe charafter he bears, this gave the
States a right to make ufe of all advantages, that
might offer themfelves. But they had yet better
grounds to juftify their proceedings, as will ap-
pear in the fequel.
When the Embaflador faw that his remonftran-
ces to the Cardinal Patron were inefFedtuaVj he de-
manded an audience of the Pope. And there he
lamented, that fo little regard was had to two fuch
great Kings. He reflefted on the Pope, as (hew-
ing more zeal -about temporal concerns than the
fpiritual ; which, he faid, gave fcandal to all
Chriftendom. He concluded, that, fince he faw
interceffions made in his matter's name were fo lit-
tle confidered, he would make hafte home : To
which the Pope made no other anfwer, but " lei
c padrone," he might do as he pleafed. But he
fent one after the Embaflador, as he withdrew
'from the audience, to let him know, how much
'he was offended witti his djfcourfes, that he re-
ceived
The H I s T o RY of the Reign
ceived no fuch treatment from any pcrfon, and
that the Embaffador was to expect no other pri-
vate audience. Cardinal Howard did what he
could to foften matters. But the Embaffador was
{q entirely in the hands of the Jefuits, that he had
little regard to any thing that the Cardinal fug-
gefted. And fo he left Rome after a very expen-
five, but infigniiicant EmbaiTy.
Pope In- The Pope fent in return a Nuntio, Dada, now a
nocent's Cardinal. He was highly civil in all his deportment.
charader. By|- [^ ^[^^ j^qj- appear that he was a man of great
depth, nor had he power to do much. The Pope
was a jealous and fearful man, who had no know-
ledge of any fort, but in the matters of the reve-
nue, and of money : For he was defcended from
a family, that was become rich by dealing in
banks. And, in that refpedt, it was a happinef^
to the Papacy that he was advanced : For it was
fo involved in vaft debts, by a fucceffion of many
wafleful Pontificates, that his frugal management
came in good time to fet thofe matters in better
order. It was known, that he did not fo much as.
underlland Latin. I was told at Rome, that when
Jie was made Cardinal, he had a mafter to teacji
him to pronounce that little Latin, that he had
-occafion for at high Maffes. He underftood no-
thing of Pivinity. I remembered what a Jefuit
at Venice had faid to me, whom I met fometimes
at the French Embaffadores there, when we were
talking of the Pope's infallibility : He faid, that
being in Rome during Altieri's Pontificate, who
lived fome years in a perfect dotage, he confelled
it required a very ftrong faith to believe him in-
fallible : But he added pleafantly, the harder it
was to believe it, the a6t of faith was the more
meritorious. The fubmitting to Pope Innocent's
infallibility was a very implicit ad: of faith, when
all appearances were fo flrongly againft it. The
Pope hated the Jefuits, and exprefled a great
eileem for the Janfeniils ;. not that he underftood
the
of King J A M E s II.
the ground of the difference, but becaufe tliey
were enemies to the Jefuits, and were ill looked
on by the Court of France. He underftood the
bufinefs of the Regale a little better, it relating to
the temporalities of the Church. And therefore
he took all thole under his protedion, who refufed
to fubmit to it. Things feemed to go far towards
a breach between the two Courts : Efpecially af-
ter the articles, which were fet out by the Allem-
bly of the Clergy of France in the year 1682, in
favour of the Councils of Conftance and Baiile,
in oppofition to the Papal pretenfions. The King
of France, who was not accuftomed to be treated
in fuch a rnanner, fent many threatning meflages
to Rome, which alarmed the Cardinals fo much,
that they tried to mollify the Pope. But it was
reported at Rome, that he made a noble anfwer
to them, when they afked him, what he could do,
if fo great a King fhould fend an Army to fall up-
on him ? He faid, he could fuffer Martyrdom.
He was fo little terrified with all thofe threatnings, Dffputes
that he had fet on foot a difpute about the franchifes. about the
In Rome all thofe of a Nation put themfelves un- ^ranchiies,
der the protediion of their EmbafTador, and are
upon occafions of ceremony his Cortege. Thefe
were ufually lodged in his neighbourhood, pre-
tending that they belonged to him. So that they
exempted themfelves from the orders and juftice
of Rome, as a part of the Embaflador's family.
And that extent ^of houfes or ftreets in which
they lodged was called the franchifes ; for in it
they pretended they were not fubje<5l to the
government of Rome. This had made thefc
houfes to be well filled, not only with thofe of
that Nation, but with fuch Ronjans as defired co
be covered with that protection. Rome was now
much funk from what it had been : So that thefe
franchifes were become fo great a part of the City,
that the privileges of thofe that lived in them Were
giving every day new difturbances to the courfe
of
The History of the Reign
of juftice, and were the^ommon fanduaries of
criminals. So the Pope refolved to reduce the
privileges of Embafladors to their own families,
within their own palaces* He firft dealt with the
Emperor's, and the King of Spain's EmbaiTadors :
And brought them to quit their pretenfions to the
franchifes, but with this provifion, that, if the
French did not the fame, they would return to
them. So now the Pope was upon forcing the
French to fubmit to the fame methods. The Pope
faid, his Nuntio or Legate at Paris, had no pri-
vilege but for his family, and for thofe that lived
in his palace. The French rejedted this with
great fcorn. They faid, the Pope was not to pre-
tend to an equality with fo great a King. He was
the common Father of Chriflendom : So thofe
who came thither, as to the center of unity, were
not to be put on the level with the Embafladors
that pafled between Sovereign Princes. Upon
this the King of France pretended, that he would
maintain all the privileges and franchifes that his
Embafladors were poflfefled of. This was now
growing up to be the matter of a new quarrel,
a.nd of frefh difputes, between thofe Courts.
The Englifli Embafi!ador being fo entirely in
the French interefts, and in the confidence of the
Jefuits, he was much lefs confidered at Rome,
than he thought he ought to have been. The truth
is, the Romans, as they have very little fenfe of
religion, fo they confidered the redudlion of Eng-
land as a thing impradicable. They faw no profped
of any profits like to arife in any of their offices by
bulls or compofitions : And this was the notion
that they had of the converfion of Nations, chief-
ly as it brought wealth and advantages to them.
I will conclude all that I fhall fay in this place
Queen Qf ^\^Q affairs of Rome, with a lively faying of
na's'cha- 9^^^^ Chrifl:ina to myfelf at Rome. She faid,
raaerof it was certain that the Church was governed by
fome the immediate care and providence of God : For^
Popes^ 2 none,
of Kin^ James II. 415
none^ of the four Pop?! that fhe had known, fince 1687.
fhe came to Rome had common fenfe. She added, v^-v-^^rf
they were the firft and the laft of men. She had
given herfeif entirely for fome years to the ftudy
of Aflrology : And upon that fhe told me, the
King would live yet many years, but added that
he would have no fon.
I come, from the relation of this Embaflade
to Rome, to give an account of other negotiati-
ons. The King found Skelton managed his af-
fairs in Holland, with fo little fenfe, and gave
fuch an univerfal diltafte, that he refolvcd to
change him. But he had been fo fervilely addifl-
ed to all his interefts, that he would not difcou-
rage him. And, becaufe all his concerns with
the Court of France were managed with Barillon
the French EmbaiTador at London, he was fent
to Paris.
The King found out one White, an Irifhman, D'Albe-
who had been long a fpy of the Spaniards. And 1!^'"^ '^"^
when they did not pay his appointments well, he Holland?
accepted of the title of Marquis d'Albeville from
them in part of payment. And then he turned
to the French, who paid their tools more punctu-
ally. But, tho' he had learned the little arts of
corrupting Under-Seciretaries, and had found out
fome fecrecs by that way, which made him pafs
for a good fpy ; yet, when he came to negotiate
matters in a higher form, he proved a moft con-
temptible and ridiculous man, who had not the
con^mon appearaaces either of decency or ©f
truth.
He had orders, before he entred upon bufinefs^ ^l^ "P*
with the Prince or Princefs, to afk of them, not King's
only to forbid me the Court, but to promife to preffing
fee me no more. The King had writ two violent inftances
letters againft me to the Princefs. She trufted me [°e^the'^
fo far, that fhe fhewcd them to me i and was Prince
pleafed to anfwer them according to the hints that and Prin-
I fuggefted. But now it was put fo home, that ^'^^ °^
The History of the Reign
this was to be comphed with, or abreach was im-
mediately to follow upon it. So this was done.
And they were both fo true to their promile, that
I faw neither the one nor the other, till a few days
before the Prince let fail for England. The Prince
fent Dykvelt and Halewyn conltantly to me, with
all the advertifements that came from England.
So I had the whole fecret of Engiifh affairs ftill
brought me.
Dykvelt That which was lirft refolved on was, to fend
fenc to Dykvelt to England with diredtions how to talk
England, ^j^j^ ^]j ^Qj-j-g ^f people : To the King, to thofe
of the Church, and to the Diffenters. I was
ordered to draw his inftruftions, which he follow-
ed very clofely. He was ordered to expoftulate
decently, but firmly with the King, upon the me-
thods he was purfuing, both at home and abroad ;
and to fee, if it was poflible to bring him to a
. better underllanding with the Prince. He was
alfo to allure all the Church party, that the Prince
would ever be firm to the Church of England,
and to all our national interefts. The Clergy, by
the methods in v/hich they correfponded with him,
which I fuppofe was chiefly by the Bilhop of
London's means, had defired him to ufe all his
credit with the Diffenters, to keep them from go-
ing into the meafures of the Court ; and to fend
over very pofitive affurances, that, in cafe they
ftood firm now to the common intereft, they would
in a better time come into a comprehenfion of
fuch, as could be brought into a conjun6i:ion with
the Church, and to a toleration of the reft. They
had alfo defired him to fend over fome of the
preachers, whom the violence of the former years
had driven to Holland •, and to prevail effectually
with them to oppofe any falfe brethren, whom
the Court might gain to deceive the reft : Which
the Prince had done. And to many of. them he
gave fuch prefents, as enabled them to pay their
debts, and to undertake the joyrney. Dykvelt
had
of Kl-ng James II. 417
hud orders to prefs them all to (land off ; and not 1687.
to be drawn in by any promifes the Court might ^-^"V^^^
make them, to affift them in the elections of Par-
liament. He was alfo inftrufted to affure them of
a full toleration ; and hkewile of a comprehenfion,
if poffible, whenfoever the Cr^ov/n fhould devolve
on the Princefs. He was to try all forts of people,
and to remove the ill impreffions that had been
given them of the Prince : For the] Church
party was made believe, he was a Prefoyterian,
and the Diffenters were poffeiTed with a conceit of
his being arbitrary and imperious. Some had even
the impudence to give out, that he was a Papift.
But the ill terms in which the King and he lived
put an end to thofe reports at that time. Yet they
were afterv/ards taken up, and managed with
much malice to create a jealoufy of him. Dykvelt
Vv^as not gone off, when D'Albeville came to the
Hague. He did all he could to divert the journey :
For he knew well Dykvelt's way ot penetrating
into fecrets, he himfelf having been often employ-
ed by him, and well paid ior feveral difcoveries
made by his means.
D'Albeville affured the Prince and the States, The ne-
that the King was firmly refolved to maintain his gelations
alliance with them : That his naval preparations thg^^"
were only to enable him to preferve the peace of and the
Europe : For he fecmed much concerned to find. Prince,
that the States had fuch apprehenfions of thefe,
that they were putting themfelves in a condition
not to be furprized by them. In his fecret ne-
gotiations with the Prince and Prir.cefs, he began
widi very pofitive affurances, that the King intend-
ed never to wrong them in their right of fucceffion :
That all that the King was now engaged in was
only, to aflert the rights of the Crown, of which
they would reap the advantage in their turn : The
Tefb was a reftraint on the King's liberty, and there-
fore he was refolved to have it repealed : And he
was alfo refolved to lay afide all penal laws in mat-
VoL. II. E e ters
The Hist ory of the Reign
ters of religion : They faw too well the advantages
that Holland had, by the liberty of confcience
that was fettled among them, to oppofe him in
this particular : The King could not abandon
men, becaufe they were of his own religion, who
had ferved him well, and had fuffered only on his
account, and on the account of their confcience.
He told them, how much the King condemned the
proceedings in France ; and that he fpoke of that
King as a poor bigot, who was governed by the
Archbilhop of Paris and Madame de Maintenon,
whereas he knew Pere de la Chaife had oppofed
the perfecution as long as he could. ' But the King
hated thofe maxims : And therefore he received
the Refugees very kindly, and had given orders
for a collection of charity over the kingdom for
their relief.
This was. the fubftance, both of what D'Albe-
ville faid to the Prince and Princefs, and of what
the King himfelf faid to Dykvelt upon thofe fub-
jeds. At that time the King thought, he had
made a majority ot the Houfe of Commons fure :
And io he feemed refolved to have a feffion of
Parliament in April. And of this D'Albeville
gave the Prince pofitive affurances. But the King
had reckoned wrong : For many of thofe, who had
been with him in his clofet, were either filent, or
had anfwered him in fuch refpecStful v/ords, that he
Cook thcfe ior promifes. But, when they were
more ftriftly examined, the King faw his error :
- And fo the fitting ot the Parliament was put off.
To all chefe propofitions the Prince and Princefs,
- and Dykvelt in then- name, anfwered, that they
Were fixed in a principle againft perfecution in
■ matters of confcience : But they could not think
it reafonable to let Papifts in, to fit in Parliament,
: or to ferve in Publick trufts : The reftlefs fpirit
of fome of that religion, and of their Clergy in par-
■ ticular, fnewed they could not be at quiet till they
- were mailers : And the povyrer they had over the
King's
of King James II. 419
King's fpirit, in making him forget what he had 16S7.
promifed upon his coming to the Crown, gave but ^....-/-^
too juft a ground of jealoufy : It appeared, that
they could not bear any reilraints, nor remember
paft fervices longer, than thofe who did them could
comply in every thing, with that which was de-
fired of them : They thought, the prerogative as
limited by law was great enough : And they de-
fired no fuch exorbitant power as fhould break
thro' all laws : They feared, that fuch an attack
upon the coaftitution might rather drive the Na-
tion into a Commonwealth : They thought the
fureft, as v/ell as the beft way was, to govern ac-
cording to law : The Church of England had given
the King fignal proofs of their affedion and fide^
lity ; and had complied with him in every thing,
till he came to touch them in fo tender a point, as
the legal fecurity they had for their religion : Their
fticking to that was very natural : And the King's
taking that ill from them was liable to great cen-
fure : The King, if he pleafed to improve the ad-
vantages he had in his hand, might be both eafy
and great at home, and the arbiter of all affairs
abroad : But he was prevailed on by the importu-=
nities of fome reftlefs Priefts, to em.broil all his
affairs to ferve their ends : They could never con-
fent to aboiiili thofe laws, which were the beft, and
now the only fence of that religion, which they
themfelves believed true. This was the fubftance
of their anfwers to all the preffing meilages that
were often repeated by D'AlbeviHe. And upon
this occafion the Princefs fpoke fo often and with
fuch lirmnefs to him, that he faid, ilie was more
intradable on thofe matters than the Prince him-
felf. Dykvelt told me, he argued often with the
King on all thefe topicks : But he found him oh-
ftinately fixed in his refolution. He faid, he was
the head of the family, and the Prince ought to
comply with him •, but that he h^d always fet him.-
felt againft him, Dykvelt anfvvered, that the
Er e 2 prince
420 The History of the Reign
1687. Prince could not carry his compliance fo far, as to
*-^v' ■^- give up his religion to his pleafure •, but that in all
other things he had fliewed a very ready fubmiffion
to his will : The peace of Nimeguen, of which the
King was guarantee, was openly violated in the
article relating to the principality of Orange : Yet
jfince the King did not think fit to efpoufe his in-
terefts in that matter, he had been filent, and had
made no proteftations upon it : So the King faw,
that he was ready to be filent under fo great an
injury, and to facrifice his ov/n concerns, rather
than difturb the King's affairs. To this the King
made no anfwer. The Earl of Sunderland, and
the reft of the Miniftry, prefied Dykvelt mightily,
to endeavour to bring the Prince to concur Vv^ith
the King. And they engaged to him, that, if that
were once fettled, the King would go into clofe
meafures with him againft France. But he put ah
end to all thofe propofitions. He faid, the Prince
could never be brought to hearken to them.
A letter ^^ j.|^|g ^[^-^q ^ great difcovery was made of the
the Tefuits intentions of the Court by the Jefuits of Liege,
of Liege who in a letter that they wrote to their brethren
that dif- at Friburg in Switzerland, gave them a long ac-
covers the count of the Affairs of England. They told them,
that the King was received into a communication
of the merits of their Order : That he expreffed
great joy at his becom.ing a Ion of the fociety ;
and profefTed, he was as much concerned in all.
their interefts, as in his own ; He wiflied, they'
could furnifli him v/ith many Priefts to aflift him
in the converfion of the Nation, which he was
refolved to bring about, or to die a Martyr in en-
deavouring it \ and that he would rather fuffer
death for carrying on that, than live ever fo long
and happy without attempting it. He faid, he
muft make hafte in this work : Otherwife, if he
fhould die before he had compafied it, he would
leave them worfe than he found them. They
added, among many particulars, that, when one
of
King's
defigns
of King James II. 421
^f them kneeled down to kifs his hand, he took 1687.
him up, and faid, Cmcc he was a Prieft, he ought O^^NJ
rather to kneel to him, and to kifs his hand. And,
when one of them was lamendng that his next
heir was an heretick, he faid, God would provide
an iieir.
The Jefaits at Friburg fliewed this about. And
one of the Minifters, on whom they were taking
fome pains, and of whom they had fome hopes,
had got a fight of it. And he obtained leave to
take a copy of it, pretending that he would make
good ufe of it. He fent a copy of it to Heidegger,
the famous ProfefTor of Divinity at Zurich : And
from him I had it. Other copies of it were like-
wife fent, both from Geneva and Switzerland. One
of thofe was fent to Dykvelt •, who upon that told
the King, that his Priefls had other defigns, and
were full of thofe hopes, that gave jealoufies
which could not be cafily removed : And he
named the Leige letter, and gave the King a copy
of it. He promifed to him, he would read it ; and
he would loon fee, whether it was an impofture
framed to make them more odious, or not. But
he never fpoke of it to him afterwards. This
Dykvelt thought, was a confefTing that the letter
was no forgery. Thus Dykvelt's negotiation at
London, and D*Albeville's at the Hague, ended
without any effed: on either fide.
But, if his treating with the King was without Dyj^^rdt^s
fuccefs, his management of his inftru6lions wasconduain
more profperous. He defired, that thofe who England.
willied well to their religion and their country
would meet together, and concert fuch advices
and advertifements, as might be fit for the Prince
to know, that he might govern himfelf by them.
iiThe Marquis of Halifax, and the Earls of Slirewf-
ibury, Devonfhire, Danby, and Nottingham, the
Lords Mordaunt, and Lumley, Herbert and
Ruflel among the Admirals, and the Bifhop of
London, were the perfons chiefly trufted. And
E e 2 upon
42 2 The History of the Reign
1687. upon the advices that were fent over by them the
L/'VN- Prince governed all his motions. They met often
at the Earl of Shrewfbury's. And there they con-
certed matters, and drew the declaration on which
they advifed the Prince to engage.
A Procla- In this ftate things lay for fome months. But
niation of the King refolved to go on in his defign of break-
^■"'"^ " ins; thro' the laws. He fent a Proclamation of in-
pence lent ^
to Scot- dulgence to Scotland, in February. It fet forth
land, in the preamble, that the King had an abfolute
power vefted in him, fo that all his fubjed:s were
bound to obey him without referve : By virtue
of this power, the King repealed all the fevere
laws that were pad in his Grandfather's name du-
ring his infancy : He with that took off all dif-
abihties that were by any law laid on his Roman
Ca,tholick Subjefts, and made them capable of all
employments and benefices : He.alfo llackened all
the laws made againft the moderate Prefbyterians :
And promifed he would never force his fubjedls by
any invincible necefiity to change their religion :
And he repealed all laws impofing tells on thofe
who held any employments : Inftead of which he
fet up a new one, by which they fhould renounce
the principles of rebellion, and fhould oblige them-
ielves to maintain the King in this his abfolute
power againft all mortals.
Whic'i - This was publifhed in Scotland, to make way
was much for that which followed it fome months after in
cenfured. England. It was ilrangely drawn, and liable to
much juft cenfure. The King by this raifed his
power to a pitch, not only of lufpending, but of
repealing laws, and of enading new ones by his
own authority. His claiming an abfolute power,,
to which all men were bound to obey without re-
ferve, was on invafion of all that was either legal
or facred. The only precedent, that could be found
for fjch an extraordinary pretenlion, was in the
declaration that Philip the fecond of Spain fent by
the Duke of Alva into the NetherlandSj in which
he
of King J A M E s II.
he founded all the authority that he committed to
that bloody man, on the abfolute power that refted
in him. Yet in this the King went further than
Philip, who did not pretend that the lubjecls were
bound to obey without referve. Every Prince
that believes the truth of religion mull confefs,
that there are referves in the obedience of their fub-
jecls, in cafe their commands ihould be contrary
to the laws of God. The requiring all perfons
that ihould be capable of employments to fwear to
maintain this, was to make them feel their flavery
too fenfibly. The King's promifing to ufe " no in-
" vincible neceffity" to force his fubjefts to change
their religion, fhewed that he allowed himfelf a
ycFy large referve in this grace that he promifcd
his fubjeds ; tho' he allowed them none in their
obedience. The laws that had palTed during King
James's minority had been often ratified by himfelf
after he was of age. And they had received many
fubfequent confirmations in the fucceeding reigns ;
and one in the King's own reign. And the teil
that was now taken away was paft by the prefent
King, when he reprefented his brother. Some took
alfo notice of the word " moderate Prefbyterians,'*
as very ambiguous.
The Court finding that fo many objedions lay
agjinft this Proclamation, (as indeed it feemed
penned on purpofe to raife new jealoii^ies) let it fall ^
and fent down another fome months after, that was
more cautioufly worded ; only abfolute power was
fo dear to them, that it was ftill ^fferted in the
new one. By it, full liberty was granted to all
Prefoyterians to fet up Cenventicles in their ov/n
way. They did all accept of it v/ithout pretending
any fcruples. And they magnified this, as an ex-
traordinary ftroke of Providence, that a Prince,
from whom they expeded an encreafe of the fe-
verities under which the laws had brought them,
Hiould thus of a fudden allov7 them fuch an un-
conHned liberty. But they were not fo blind, as
E e 4 ' , LQ£
424 The PIiSTORY of the Reign
1687. not to fee what was aimed at by it. They made
v^'V^-' addrefTes upon it full of acknov/ledgm^nts, and of
proteftations of loyalty. Yet, when fome were
lent among them, preffing them to difpofe all their
party to concur with the King in taking away the
tefts and penal laws, they anfwered them only in
cold and general words.
A decla- In April the King fet out a declaration of to-
rationfor Jeration and liberty of confcience for England.
in Enel"" -^^"^ ^^ "^^^ drawn up in much more modeft terms,
land. than the Scotch Proclamation had been. In the
preamble, the King expreiicd his averfion to per-
lecution on the account of religion, and the ne-
cefTity that he found of allowing his fubjefts li-
berty of confcience, in which he did not doubt of
the concurrence of his Parliament : He renewed
his promife of maintaining the Church of England,
as it was by law eflablifhed : But with this he fuf-
pended all penal and fanguinary laws in matters of
religion : And, fince the fervice of all his fubjedls
was due to him by the laws of nat'Jre, he declared
them all equally capable of empioyrnents, and fup-
preffed all oaths c: tefls that limited this : In con-
clufion, he promifed he would maintain all his
fubjects in all their properties, and particularly in
the pofTeiTion of the Abbey lands.
This gave great offence to all true patriots, as
well as to the whole Church party. The King did
now alrj.me a power of repealing laws by his own
authority : For though he pretended only to fuf-
pend them, yet no limitation was fet to this fufpen-
fion : So it amounted to a repeal, the laws being
fufpended for all time to come. The preamble, that
pretended fo mAich love and charity, and that con-
demned perfecution, founded ftran^zely in the
mouth of a Fopifli Prince. I'he King's faying
that he did not doubt of the Parliamient's con-
curring with him in this matter feemed ridiculous :
For it was vifibls by all the prorogations, that
the King was but too well afTured, that the Par-
liament
of King James II. - 4«5
liament would not concur with him in it. And 1687.
the promife to maintain the fubjeds in their pof- «-nr»^ •
feffions of the Abbey laiKis, loolced as if the
defign of fetting up popery was thought very near
being effedled, fince otherwife there was no need
of mentioning any fuch thing.
Upon this a new fet of addrcfles went round the Addredes
Diffenters. And they, who had fo long reproached "^^4^ up-
the Church of England, as too courtly in their °" "'
fubmiflions and flatteries, feemed now to vie with
them in thofe abje6t ftrains. Some of them, be-
ing penned by perfons whom the Court had gained,
contained fevere reflexions on the Clergy, and on
their proceedings. They magnified the King's
mercy and favour, and made great protefliations of
fidelity and gratitude. Many promifed to endea-
vour, that fuch perfons fliould be chofen to ferve
in Parliament, as fhould concur with the King in
the enading what he now granted fo gracioufly.
Few concurred in thofe addreflTes : And the per-
fons that brought them up were mean and incon-
fiderable. Yet the Court was lifted up with this.
The King and his Priefl:s were delighted with
thefe addreflTes out of meafure : And they feemed
to think that they had gained the Nation, and. had
now conquered thofe who were hitherto their moil
irreconcilable ennemies. The King made the
cruelty of the Church of England the common
fubjecl of difcourfe. He reproached them for
fetting on fo often a violent perfecution of the
Diflenters. He faid, he had intended to have fet
on this toleration fooner ; but that he was reflirained
by fome of them, who had treated with him, and
had undertaken to fliew favour to thofe of his re-
ligion, provided they might be fl:ill fuffered to
vex the Diflenters. He named the perfons that
had made thofe propofltions to him. In which he
fullered much in his honour : For as the perfons
4enied the whole thing, fo the freedom of difcourfe
in
426 The History of the Reign
1687. in any fuch treaty, ought not to have been made
v-'-'V'^ vife ot to defame them.
The But, to carry this further, and to give a pub-
Kirg's in- lick and an odious proof of the rigour of the
dignanon^ Ecckfiaftical Courts, the King ordered an enquiry
Church ' ^o bs made into all the vexatious fuits into which
party. Difienters had been brought in thefe Courts, and
into all the compofitions that they had been forced
to make, to redeem themfelves from further
trouble : which, as was faid, would have brought
a fcandalous difcovery of ail the ill pradices of
thofe Courts. For the ufe that many that belong-
ed to them had made of the laws with relation to
the Diffenters, was, to draw prefents from fuch of
them as could make them -, threatning them with
a procefs in cafe they failed to do that, and upon
their doing it leaving them at full liberty, to neg-
Je6i: the laws as much as they pleafgd. It was hoped
at Court, that this fury againfl the Church would
have animated the Difienters, to turn upon the
Clergy with fome of that fiercenefs, with which
they themfelves had been lately treated. Some
few of the hotter of the Difienters anfwered their
expeftations. Angry fpeeches and virulent books
were pubiiflied. Yet thefe were difowned by the
wifer men among them : And the Clergy, by a
general agreement, made no anfwer to them. So
that the matter was let fall, to the great grief of
the Popifii party. Some of the Bilhops, that were
gained by the Court, carried their compliance to
"a Ihameful pitch : For they fet on addrefles of
thanks to the King for the promife he had made,
in the late declaration of maintaining the Church
of England : tho' it was vifible that the intent of
it was to defl:roy the Church. Some few were
drawn into this. But the Bilhop of Oxford had fo
ill fuccefs in his Diocefe, that he got but one
fingle Clergyman to concur with him in it. Some
foolilh men retained ftill their old peevifhnefs,
of King James U. 427
But the far greater part of the Clergy began to 1687.
open their eyes, and fee how they had been en- w'^v^
gaged by ill meaning men, who were now laying
by the mafe, into all the fury that had been
driven on for many years by a Popifh party. And
it was often faid, that, if ever God fliouid deliver
them out of the prefent diftrefs, they would keep
up their domeftick quarrels no more, v/hich were
fo vifibiy and fo artfully managed by our enemies
to make us devour one another, and fo in the end
to be confumed one of another. And when fcm-e
of thofe who had been always moderate told thefe,
who were putting on another temper, that they
would perhaps forget this as foon as the danger
was over, they promifed the contrary very fo-
lemnly. It Ihall be told afterwards, how well
they remembred this. Now the Bed-chamber and
Drawing-room v/ere as full of ifories to the pre-
judice of the Clergy, as they were form.erly to the
prejudice of the Diffenters. It was faid, they had
been loyal as long as the Court was in their in-
terefts, and was venturing all on their account ;
but as foon as this changed, they changed like-
wife.
The King, feeing no hope of prevailing on his ^he Par-
Parliament, diffolved it % but gave it out, that he liament
would have a new one before winter. And, the was dif-
Queen being advifed to go to the Bath for her '°^^^'^«
health, the King refolved on a great progrefs thro*
fome of the Weftern Counties.
Before he fet out, he refolved to give the Pope's The re-
Nuntio a folemn reception at Windfor. He ap- ception of
prehended iojoie diforder might have hapned, if tje Pope's
it had been done at London. He thought it be- ""^'°*
low both his own dignity and the Pope's, not to
give the Nuntio a pubiick audience. This was
a hard point for thofe, who were to a6t a part in
this ceremony , for all commerce with the See of
Rome being declared high treafon by law, this was
believed to fall within the ftatute. it was fo ap-
prehended
4^5 The History of the Reign
16S7. prehended by Qiieen Mary. Cardinal Pool was ob-
<-— v-w liged to flay in Flanders till all thofe laws were
repealed. But the King would not flay for that-
The Duke of Somerfet, being the Lord of the
Bed-chamber then in waiting, had advifed with his
lawyers : And they told him, he could not flifely
do the part that was expected of him in the au-
dience. So he told the King that he could not ferve
liim upon that cccailon ; for he was affured it was
againft the law. The King afked him, if he did
not know that he was above the law. The other
anfwered, that, whatever the King might be, he
himfelf was not above the law. The King ex-
prelfed a high difpleafure, and turned him out of
all employments. The ceremony paft very heavily :
And the com.plim.ent was pronounced with fo lov/
a voice, that no perfon could hear it j which was
believed done by concert.
When this was over, the King fet out for his
progrefs, and went from Salifbury all round as far
as to Chefter. In the places thro' which the King
paft, he law a vifible coldnefs both in the Nobility
and Gentry, which was not eafily born by a man
of his temper. In many places they pretended
occafions to go out of their countries. Som.e ftaid
at home. And thole who v/aited on the King
leemed to do it rather out of duty and refped,
than with any cordial affection. The King on his
part v/as very obliging to all that ca:me near him,
and moft particularly to the DiiTenters, and to thofe
who had pafTed long under the notion of Common-
wealth's men. He looked very graciouily on all
that had been of the Duke of Monmouth's party.
He addreffed his difcourfe generally to all forts of
people. He ran out on the point of liberty of con-
Icience : He faid, this was the true fecret of the
greatnefs and wealth of Holland. He was well
p leafed to hear all the ill-natured ftories that were
brought him of the violencies committed of
late, either by the Jultices of Peace, or by the
Clergy;
of King James IT. 429
Clergy. He everywhere recommended to them 1687.
the choofing fuch Parliament men, as would con- v.«nr««»
cur with him in letthng this liberty as firmly as
the Magna Charta had been : And to this he never
forgot to add the taking away the Tefts. But he
received fuch cold and general anfwers, that he
faw, he could not depend on them. The King had
defigned to go thro' many more places : But the
fmall fuccefs he had in thofe which he vifited made
him fhorten his progrefs. He went and vifited the
Queen at- the Bath, where he ftaid only a few
days, two or three at moft : And fhe continued on
in her courfe of bathifig. Many books were now
writ for liberty of confcience : And, fince all
people faw what fecurity the Tefbs gave, thefe
fpoke of an equivalent to be offered, that fhould
give a further fecurity, beyond what could be
pretended from the Tefcs. It was never explained
what was meant by this ; So it was thought an ar-
tificial method to lay men afleep with a high
founding word. Some talked of new laws to fe-
cure civil liberty, which had been fo much fhaken
by the praftices of thefe lafb years, ever fince the
Oxford Parliament. Upon this a very extrava-
gant thing was given out, that the King was re-
folved to fet up a fort of a Commonwealth : And
the Papiils began to talk every where very high for
publick liberty, trying by that to recommend them-
felve^ to the Nation.
When the King came back from his progrefs, a chsn^i
he refolved to change the Magiftracy in moft of of the
the cities of England. He began with London. J^^^giilra-
He not only changed the Court of Aldermen, but don" and"
the government of many of the Companies of the over
City : For great powers had been referved in the England,
new Charters that had been given, for the King to
put in and to put out at pleafure : Eutitwasfaid
at the granting them, that thefe claufes were put in
only to keep them in a due dependence on the Court,
but that they fiiould not be rr.,;de ufe of, unlefs
great
43 o The History of the Reign
1687. great provocation was given. Now all this was
v.-v'^ executed with great feverity and contempt. Thofe,
who had ftood up for the King during the debates
about the Exciufion, were now turned out with
difgrace : And thofe who had appeared mofc vio-
lently againft him were put in the Magiftracy, who
took liberties now in their turn to infult their
neighbours. All this turned upon the King, who
was fo given up to the humours of his Prielts,
that he facrificed both his honour and gratitude
as they dictated. The new men, who were brought
in, faw this too vifibly to be much wrought on
by it.
The King threw off his old party in too outra-
geous a manner ever to return to them again. But
he was miuch furprifed to find that the new Mayor
and Aldermen took the Teft, and ordered the ob-
fervation of Gunpowder-treafon day to be con-
tinued. When the Sheriffs came according to
cuftom, to invite the King to the Lord Mayor's
feaft, he commanded them to go and invite the
Nuntio ; which they did. And he went upon the
invitation, to the furprize of all who faw it. But
the Mayor and Aldermen difowned the invitation ;
and made an entry of it in their books, that the
Nuntio came without their knowledge. This the
King took very ill. And upon it he faid, he faw
the Diffenters were an ill-natured fort of people,
that could not be gained. The King fignified to
the Lord Mayor, that he might ufe what form of
worfhip he liked beft in Guildhall Chapel. The
defign in this was to engage the Diffenters to make
thefirit change from the eftabliflied worfliip : And,
if a Prelbyterian Mayor fhould do this in one year,
a Popiili Mayor might do it in another. But the
Mayor put the decifion of this, upon perfons
againft whom the Court could have no exception.
He fent to thofr, to whom the governing of the
Diocefe of London was committed during the fuf-
penfion, and aflve>i their opinion in it j which they
could
of King James II.
could not but give in behalf of the eftablifhed wor-
fhip : And they added, that the changing it was
againft law. So this projed mifcarried : And the
Mayor, tho' he went fometimes to the meetings of
the Diflenters, yet he came often to Church, and
-behaved himfelf more decently than was expeded
of him.
This change in the City not fucceeding as the
Court had expedled, did not difcourage them from
appointing a Committee to examine the Magiftra-
cy in the other Cities, and to put in or out as they
faw caufe for it. Some were putting the Nation
in hope, that the old Charters were to be reftored.
But the King was fo far from that, that he was
making every day a very arbitrary ufe of the
power of changing the Magiflracy, that was re-
ferved in the new Charters. Thefe Regulators,
who were for molt part DiiTenters gained by the
Court, went on very boldly ; and turned men out
upon every ftory that was made of them, and put
fuch men in their room as they confided in. And
in thefe they took their meafures often fo haftily,
that men were put in one week, and turned out
the other.
After this the King fent orders to the Lords Queftions
liieutenants of the Counties, to examine the pac about
Gentlemen and Freeholders upon three queftions. ^|5'^'o"s
The firft was, whether, in cafe they fhould be J^^m.^^^^g
chofen to ferve in Parliament, they would confent
to repeal the penal laws, and thofe for the Tefts.
The lecond was, whether they would give their
vote for choofino; fuch men as would ens;ag;e to do
that. And the third was, whether they would main-
tain the King's declaration. In moft of the Coun-
ties the Lord Lieutenants put thofe queftions in fo
carelefs a manner, that it was plain they did not
deflre .they fhould be anfwered in the affirmative.
Some went further, and declared themfeives againft
them. And a few of the more refoiute refufed to
put then?. They faid, this was the prelimiting
and
4^2 The History of the Relga
1687. and packing of a Parliament, which in its nature
K^-y-^w- was to be free, and under no previous engagement.
Many Counties anfwered very boJdJy in the ne-
gative : And others refufed to give any anfwer,
which was underftood to be equivalent to a ne-
gative. The Mayor and moll of the new Alder-
men of London refufed to anfwer. Upon this
many were turned out of all Commiflions.
This, as all the other artifices of the Priefts,
had an effeft quite contrary to what they promifed
themfelves from it : For thofe who had refolved to
oppofe the Court were more encouraged than ever,
by the difcovery now made of the fenfe of the
whole Nation in thofe matters. Yet fuch care was
taken in naming the Sheriffs and Mayors, that
■ were appointed for the next year, that it was be-
lieved that the King was refolved to hold a Par-
liament within that time, and to have fuch a
Houfe of Commons returned, whether regularly
chofen or not, as Ihould ferve his ends.
It v/as concluded, that the King would make
ufe both of his power and of his troops, either
to force elections, or to put the Parhament
under a force when it fhould meet : For it was fo
pofitively faid, that the King Vv^ould carry his point,
and there was fo little appearance of his being able
to do it in a fair and regular way, that it was ge-
nerally believed, fome very defperate refolution
was now taken up. His Minifbers v/ere nov/ fo
deeply engaged in illegal things, that they were
very uneafy, and were endeavouring either to carry
on his defisns with fuccefs, fo as to get all fettled
in a body, that Ihould carry the face and appear-
ance of a Parliament, or at leail to bring him to
let all fail, and to come into terms of agreement
with his people ; in which cafe, they reckoned,
one article would be an indemnity for all that had
been done.
The King was every day faying, that he was
Kiogs and he would be obeyed, . and would make
thofe
of King James II.
thofe who oppofed him feel that he was their King :
. And he had both Priefts and flatterers about him,
that were ftill pufhing him forward. All men grew
mejancholly with this fad profped. The hope of
the true Proteftants was in the King's two daugh-
ters ; chiefly on the eldeft:, who was out of his
reach, and was known to be well inftruded, and
very zealous in matters of religion. The Princefs
Anne was ftill very ftedfaft and regular in her de-
votions, and was very exemplary in the courfe of her
life. But, as care had been taken to put very ordi-
nary Divines about her for her Chaplains, fo fhe had
never purfued any ftudy in thofe points with much
application. And, all her Court being put about
her by the King and Qiieen, Die was befet with
fpies. It was therefore much apprehended, that fhe
would be ftrongly affaulted, when all other defigns
Ihould fo far fucceed as to make that feafonable.
In the mean while fhe was let alone by the King,
who was indeed a very kind and indulgent Father
to her. Now he refolved to make his firft attack The King
on the Princefs of Orange. D'Albeville went over Y°p -^^
to England in the fummer, and did not come back ^efs oT'
before the twenty fourth of December, Chriftmas Orange
Eve. And then he gave the Princefs a letter from '^^^^^ ^e-
tbe King, bearing date the fourth of November. S'^"-
He was to carry this letter : And his difpatches
being pur off longer than was intended, that made
this letter come fo late to her.
The King took the rife of his letter from a
queftion flie had put to D'Albeville, defiring to
know what were the grounds upon which the King
himfelf had changed his religion. The King told
her, he was bred up in the dodrine of the Church
of England by Dr. Stewart, whom the King his
father had put about him ; in which he v/as fo
zealous, that when he perceived the Queen his
Mother had a defign upon the Duke of Glocefter,
tho' he preferved ftill the refped that he owed her,
yet he took care to prevent it. All she while that
Vol. I[. F f he
The History of the Reign
he was beyond fea, no Catholick, but one Nun,
had ever fpoken one word to perfuade him to
change his religion : And he continued for the
moft part of that time firm to the dodrine of the
<Church of England. He did not then mind thofe
matters much : And, as all young people are apt
to do, he thought it a point ot honour not to
change his religion. The firft thing that raifed
fcruples in him was, the great devotion that he had
obferved among Cathoiicks : He faw they had
great helps for it : They had their Churches better
•adorned, and did greater adts of charity, than he
had ever feen among Proteftants. Fie alio obferv-
ed, that many of them changed their courfe of
lite, and becam.e good Chriilians, even tho' they
continued to live ftill in the world. This made
him firft begin to examine both religions. He
could fee nothing in the three reigns m which re-
ligion was changed in England, to incline him to
believe that they who did it were lent of God. He
read the hiftory of that time, as it was writ in the
Chronicle. He read both Dr. rleylin, and Hook-
er's preface to his Ecclefiaftical Policy, which con-
firmed him in the fame opinion. He faw clearly,
that Chrift had left an iniallibility in his Church,
againft which " the gates of Elell cannot prevail :'*
And it appeared that this was lodged with St.
Peter from our Saviour's words to him, St. Mat.
xvi. ver. i8. Upon this the certainty of the Scrip-
tures, and evenof Chriftianity itfelf, was founded.
The Apofties acknov^ledged this to be in St. Peter,
A6ts XV. when they faid, " It itemed good to the
^' Holy Ghoii: and to us." It was the Authority of
the Church that declared the Scriptures to be Ca-
nonical: And certainly they who declared them
could only interpret them : And where ever this
infallibility was, there mull be a clear fuccelTion.
The point of the infallibility being once fettled, all
other controverfies muft needs fall. Now the Ro-
man Church was the only Church that either has
2 infalii-
of King James II. -4^5
infallibility, or that pretended' to it. And they 1687,
who threw off this authority did open a door to
Atheifm and Infidelity, and took people off from
true devotion, and fet even Chriftianity itfelf loofe
to all that would queftion it, and to Socinians a:nd.
Latitudinarians who doubted ot every thing. He
had difcourfed of thefe things with fome Divines
of the Church of England j but had received no
fatisfadtion from them. The Chrillian Religion
gained its credit by the miracles v/hich the Apoftles
wrought, and, by the holy lives and fufferings of
the Martyrs, whofe blood was the feed of ^the
Church. Whereas Luther and Calvin, and thofe
who had fet up the Church of England, had their
heads fuller of temporal matters than of fpiritual,
and had let the world loofe to great diforders. Sub;^
million was neceflary to the peace of the Church .
And v/hen every man will expound the Scriptures,
this makes way to all fe6ls, who pretend to build
upon it. It was alfo plain, that the Church of
England did not pretend to infallibility : Yet fhe
adted as if fhe did : For ever fmce the Reforma-
tion fhe had perfecuted thofe who differed from her,
Piffenters as well as Papifts, more than was ge-
nerally known. And he could not fee why Dif-
fenters might not feparate from the Church of
England, as well as ilie had done from the Church
of Rome. Nor could the Church of Eneland fe~
parate herfelf from the Catholick Church, any
more than a County of England could feparate it
felf from the reft of the Kingdom. This, he faid,
was all that his leifure allowed him to write. But
he thought that thefe things, together with the
King his brother's papers, and the Dutchefs's pa-
pers, might ferve, if not to juftify the Catholick
Religion to an unbiafied judgment, yet at leaft to
create a favourable opinion of it,
I read this letter in the original : For the Prince
fent it to me t09:ether with the Princeft's anfwer,
but with a charge not to tal^e a copy of either, but
f f 2 to
4^6 The HistORY of the Reign
1687. to read them over as often as I pleafed ; which I
w-v-w did till I had fixed both pr«tty well in my me-
mory. And, as foon as I had fent them back, I
fat down immediately to write out all that I re-
membred, which the Frincefs owned to me after-
wards, when fhe read the abftrafts I made, were
punftual almoft to a tittle. It was eafy for me to
believe that this letter was ail the King's enditing -,
for 1 had heard it almoft in the very fame words from
his own mouth. The letter was writ very decent-
ly, and concluded very modeftly. The Princefs
received this letter, as was told me, on the twenty
fourth of December at night. Next day being
Chriftmas day, llie received the Sacrament, and
was during the greateft part of the day in publick
devotions : Yet fhe found time to draw firft an
anfwer, and then to writ it out fair : And fhe fent
it by the pofl on the twenty fixth of December.
Her draught, which the Prince fent me, was very
Jittle blotted or altered. It was long, about two
fheets of paper : For as an anfwer runs generally
but into more length than the paper that is to be
anfwered, fo the ftrains of refpe(5t, with which her
letter was full, drew it out to a greater length.
Which 5j^^ began with anfwering another letter that fhe
iwercd. ^^^ received by the poft -, in which the King had
made an excufe for failing to write the former
poft day. She was very fenfible of the happinefs
of hearing fo conftantly from him : For no dif-
ference in religion could hinder her from defiring
both his blefTmg and his prayers, tho' fhe was
ever fo far from him. As for the paper that M.
Albeville delivered her, he told her, that his Ma-
jefty would not be offended, if flie wrote her
thoughts freely to him upon it.
She hoped, he would not look on that as want
of refpe6t in her. She was far from fticking to the
religion in which fhe was bred out of a point of
honour : for flie had taken much pains to be fettled
in it upon better grounds, Thofe of the Church
of
of King James II. , 437
of England who had inftruaed her, had freely Jaid 1 68 7.
before her that which was good in the Romifh Re- -'^ry^
ligion, that fo, feeing the good and the bad of both,
Ihe might judge impartially, according to the
Apoftle's rule of " proving all things, and holding
" faft that which was good." Tho'' flie had come
ypLing out of England, yet ihe had not lett be-
hind her either the defire of being well informed,
or the means for it. She had furnifhed herfelf
with books, and had thofe about her who might
clear any doubts to her. She faw clearly in the
Scriptures, that (he muft work her own falvation
with fear and trembling, and that Ihe muft not
believe by the faith of another, but according as
things appeared to herfelf. It ought to be no pre-
judice againft the Reformation, if many of thofe
who profeffed it led ill lives. If any of them lived
ill, none of the principles of their religion al-
lowed them in it. Many of them led good lives,
and more might do it by the grace of God. But
there were many devotions in the Church of Rome,
on which the Reformed could fet no value.
She acknowledged, that, if there was an in-
fallibility in the Church, ail other controverfies
muft fall to the ground. But ftie could never
yet be informed where that infallibility was lodged :
Whether in the Pope alone, or in a General Coun-
cil, or in both. And fhe defired to know in whom
the infallibility refted, when there were two or
three Popes at a time, ading one againft another,
with the affiftance of Councils, which they called
General : And at leaft the fucceffion was then
much difordered. As for the authority that is
pretended to have been given to St. Peter over th^
reft, that place which was chiefly alledged for it
was otherwife interpreted by thofe of the Church
of England, as importing only the confirmation
of him in the office of an Apoftle, when in an-
fwer to that queftion, " Simon, fon of Jonas,
" loveft thou me," he had by a triple confelTion
jr f o v/aftied .
43^ The History of the Reign
1687. waflied off his triple denial. The words that the
ly^YSJi King had cited were fpoken to the other Apoftles,
as well as to him. It was agreed by all, that the
Apoftles were infallible, who were guided by God's
holy Spirit. But that gift, as well as many others,
had ceafed long ago. Yet in that St. Peter had
no authority over the other Apoftles: Otherwife
St. Paul underftood our Saviour's words ill, who
" v/ithftood him to his face, becaufe he was to
" be blamed." And if St. Peter himfelf could not
maintain that authority, fhe could not fee how it
could be given to his fuccelibrs, whofe bad lives
agreed ill with his doctrine.
Nor did flie fee, why the ill ufe that fome made
of the Scriptures ought to deprive others of them.
It is true, all feds made ufe of them, and find
fomewhat in them that they draw in to fupport
their opinions: Yet for all this our Saviour faid
to the Jews, " fearch the Scriptures-," and St.
Paul ordered his epiftles to be read to all the Saints
in the Churches ; and he fays in one place, " I
write as to wifemen, judge what I fay." And if
they might judge an Apoftle, much more any
other teacher. Under the law of Mofes, the Old
Teft-ament was to be read, not only in the hearing
of the Scribes and the Docflbrs of the lav/; but
likewife in the hearing of the women and children.
And fmce God had made us reafonable creatures,
it feemed neceffary to employ our reafon chiefly
in the matters of the greateft concern. Tho' faith
was above our reafon, yet it propofed nothing to
us that was contradiftory to it. Every one ought
to fatisfy himfelf in thefe things : As our Saviour
convinced Thomas, by making him to thruft his
own hand into the print of the nails, not leaving
him to the teftimony of the other Apoftles^ who
were already convinced. She was confident, that,
if the King would hear m.any of his own fubjedls,
they would fully fatisfy him as to all thofe preju-
dices, that he had at the Reformation j in which
■ nothing
of King J A M E s II.
nothing was afted tumultuoufly, but all was don?
according to law. The defign of it was onJy, to
feparate from the Pwoman Church, in fo far as it
had feparated from the pfimirive Church: In
which they had brought things to as great a de-
gree of perfecflion, as ihofe corrupt ages were cap-
able of. She did not fee, how the Church of
England could be blamed for the perfecution of the
Dilienters : For the laws made againft them were
made by the State, and not by the Church : And
they were made for crimes againft the State. Their
enemies had taken great care to foment the divi-
lion, in which they had been but too fuccefsful.
But, if he would refieft on the grounds upon
which the Church of England had feparated from
the Church of Rome, he would find them to be
ot a very different nature from thofe, for which
the Diffenters had left it.
Thus, Ihe concluded, fhe gave him the trouble
of a long account of the grounds upon which fhe
was perfuaded of the truth of her religion: In
which ilie was fo fully farisfied, that fhe crufted by
the grace of God that fhe fhould fpend the reft of
her days in it : And ftie was fo well affured of
the truth of our Saviour's words, that fhe was con-
fident the gates of hell ftiould not prevail againft
it, but that he would be Vv'ith it to the end of the
world. All ended thus, that the religion which
fhe profefTed taught her her duty to him, fo that
fhe fhould ever be his moft obedient daughter and
fervant.
To this the next returji of the poft brought an
anfwer from the King, which I faw not. But the
account that was fent me of it v/as : The King took
notice of the great progrefs he faw the Princefs had
made in her enquiries after thofe matters: The King's
'bufinefs did not allow him the time that was necef-
fary to enter into the detail of her letter: He defir-
ed, fhe would read thofe books that he had men-
tioned to her in his former letters, and fome others
F f 4 that
440 The History of the Reign
1687. that he intended to fend her : And, if fhe delired
N^V*^ to be more fully fatisfied, he propofed to her to dif-
courfe about them with F. Morgan, an Englifh Je-
fuit then at the Hague.
Reflefli- J have fet down very minutely every particular
thefe let- *-^^^ ^^^ ^" thofe letters, and very near in the fame
:ers. words. It muft be confefied, that perfons of this
QuaHty feldom enter into fuch a difcuffion. The
King's letter contained a ftudied account of the
change of his religion, which he had repeated of-
ten : And it was perhaps prepared for him by fome
others. There were fome things in it, which, if
he had made a little more refieftion on them, it
may be fuppofed he would not have mentioned.
The courfe of his own life was not fo ftrid, as to
make it likely that the good lives of fome Papifts
had made fuch impreffions upon him. The eafy ab-
folutions that are granted in that Church are a much
jufter prejudice in this refpeft againft it, than the
good lives of a few can be fuppofed to be an argu-
ment for it. The adorning their Churches, was a
refieftion that did no great honour to him that
.made it. The feverities ufed by the Church of
England, againft the Diffenters, were urged with a
very ill grace by one of the Church of Rome, that
has delighted herfelf fo often by being, as it were,
bathed with the blood of thofe they call hereticks:
And, if it had not been for the refpeft that a
daughter paid her father, here greater advantages
might have been taken. I had a high opinion of
the Princefs's good underftanding, and of her know-
ledge in rhofe matters, before! law this letter: But
this furprized me. It gave me an aftonifliing joy,
to fee fo young a perfon all on the fudden, without
confulting any one perfon, to be able to wri.e fo fo-
lid and learned a letter, in which fhe mixed with
the refpeft that fhe paid a father fo great a firmnefs,
that by it fhe cut off all further treaty. And her
repuUing the attack, that the King made upon her,
with fo much refolution and force, did let the Po-
pifh
of King J A M E s II. 441
pifh party fee, that fhe underftood her religion as 1687,
well as fhe loved it. <<V^
But now I muft fay fomewhat of myfelf : After ^ profe-
i had ftaid a year in Holland, I heard from many !;"^'^" -^^
hands, that the King leemed to torget his own m*.
greatnefs when he fpoke of me, which he took oc-
cafion to do very often. I had publilhed fome ac-
count of the fhort Tour I had made, in feveral let^
tersj in which my chief dfsfign was to expofe both
Popefy and Tyranny. The book was well receivrf
ed, and was much read : And it railed the King'$
difpleafure very high.
My continuing at the Hague made him conclude,
that I was managing defigns againft him. And
fome papers in fingle Iheets came out, refledling on
the procedings of England, which feemed to have
a confiderable efFe6l on thofe who read them. Thefe
were printed in Holland : And many copies of theni
were fent into all the parts of England. All whicl^
inflamed the King the more againft me ; for he ber
lieved they were writ by me, as indeed moll of
them were. But that which gave the crifis to the
King's anger was, that he heard I was to be marri-
ed to a confiderable fortune at the Hague, Sp a,
projeft was formed to break this, by charging me ,
with high treafon for correfponding with Lord Ar--
gile, and for converfing with fome that were out-:
lawed for high treafon.
The King ordered a letter to be writ in his name
to his Advocate in Scotland, to profecute me for^
fonie probable thing or other ; which was intended
only to make a noife, not doubting but this would
break the intended marriage. A Ihip coming from
Scotland the day in which this profccution was or-
dered, that had a quick paflage, brought me the
•firft news of it, long before it was fent to D* Albe--
ville. So I petitioBed the States, who. were then
fitting, to be naturalized in order to my intended
marriage. And this paft of courfe, without thq
kaft difficulty^ which perhaps might have been
made.
The History ef the Reign
made, if this profecution, now begun in Scotland,
had been known. Now I was legally under the
protedion of the States ' of Holland. Yet I writ a
full jiiftification of myfelf, ^s to all "particulars laid
to my charge, in fome letters that 1 fent to the
Earl of Middleton. But in one of thefe I faid, that,
being now naturalized in Holland, my allegiance
was, during my ftay in thefe parts, transferred from
his Majefty to the States. I alfo faid in another
letter, that, if upon my non-appearance a fentence
fhould pafs againfl me, I might be perhaps forced
to juftify myfelf, and to give an account of the
fhare that I had in affairs thefe twenty years paft :
In which I might be led to mention fome things,
that I was afraid would difpleafe the King: And
therefore I fhould be forry, if I were driven to it.
-'-Now "the Court thought they had fomewhat
^airift me i For' they knew they had nothing be-
fore. So the firft citation was let fall, and a new
one was orderbd on thefe two" accounts; It was pre-
tended to be high treafon, to fay my allegiance was
jhb'^ trransferred : And it was let forth, 'as a high
i'ndignity to the King, to threaten him with writing
a'hiftory of the tranfactidns paft thefe laft twenty
years. The firft 'of thefe ftruck at a great point,
which was a part of the la\^,,of 'Nations. EVery
man' that was natnraKzed took an bath of allegiance
to the Prince or State that naturalized him. ' And,
flnce no man can ferve two mafters, or be' under a
double allegiance, it is certain, that there muft be
a transfer of allegiance, at leaft during the ftay in
the country where one is fo naturalized.
■ This matter . wa's " kept up againft me for fome
time, the Court delaying proceeding to any fentence
for feveral months; At laft a fentence of outlawry
was given: And upon that Albeville laid, that, if
the States Would not deliver nie up, he would find
fuch inftruments as ftiould feize on me, and carry
me away forcibly. The methods he named of .do-
ing this were very ridiculous. And he fpoke of it
to
K
of King J A M E s IL
to fo many perfons, that I believed his defign was
rather to frighten me, than that he could think to
effed: them. Many overtures were made to fome
of my friends in London, not only to let this pro-
fecution fall, but to promote me, if I would makei
myfelf capable of it. I entertained none of thefe.~
I had many ftories brought me of the difcourfes
among fome of the brutal Irifh, then in the Dutch
iervice. But, I thank God, 1 was not moved with~
them. I refolved to go on^ and to do my duty,:*.
and to do what fervice I could to the publick, and
to my Country : And refigned myfelf up entirely
ro that Providence, that had watched over me tos'
that time with an indulgent care, and had made all
the defigns of my enemies againft me.turn to my
great advantage. ■ rii' 3t/ff '.^ t.-iii ecv'
I come now to the year 1688, which proved me-
morable, and produced an extraordinary and un.-j
heard-of Revolution. The year in this Century
made 111 people refle6l on the fame year in the for-
mer Century, in which the power of Spain received-
lb great a check, that the decline of that Monarchy
began then ; and England was faved from an inva^.
fion, that, if it had fucceeded' as happily as; it'
was well laid,' muft have ended in the abfolute
conqueft and utter ruin of the Nation. Our books
are'fo full of all that related to that Armada, boaft-
ed to be invincible, that I need add no more to fo
known and fo remarkable a piece of our hiftory.
A 'new eighty: eight raifed new expectations, in'
which the furprifing events did far exceed all that
could have been looked for.
I begin the year with Albeville's negotiation af- Albevll-
t-er his coming to the Hague. He had before his^*^" "^^-
going over given in a threatning memorial upon ^^Tutes.
the bufmefs of Bantam, that looked like a pre-
lude to a decliaration of war ; for he demanded
a prefent anfwer, fmce the King could no longer
bear the injuftice done him in that matter, which
-- was
444 ' The History of the Reign
i688. was fet forth in very high words. He fent this me-*
1,.^-v^o morial to be printed at Amfterdam, before he had
communicated it to the States. The chief effe6t
that this had was, that the Anions of the Compa-
ny did fink for fome days. But they rofe foon
again : And by this k was faid, that Albeville him-
felf made the greateft gain. The Eaft-India fleet
was then expected home every day. So the Mer-
chants, who remembred well the bufinefs of the
Smirna fleet in the year feventy two, did apprehend
that the King had fent a fleet to intercept them, and
that this memorial was intended only to prepare an
apology for that breach, when it fhould happen :
But nothing of that fort followed upon it. The
States did anfwer this memorial with another, that
was firm, but more deceatly exprefTed: By their
lafl treaty with England it was provided, that, in
cafe any difputes fhould arife between the Merchants
of eidier fide, CommifTioners fhould be named on
both fides to hear and judge the matter : The King
had not yet named any of his fide,: So that the de-
lay lay at his door: They were therefore amazed
to receive a.memorial in fo high a ftrain, fmce they
had done all that by the treaty was incumbent on
them . AlbeviJle after this gave in another memorial,
in which he defired them to fend over Commif-
fioners for ending that difpute. But, tho' this was
a great fall from the height in which the former me-
morial was conceived, yet in this the thing was fo-
ill apprehended,, that the Dutch had reafon to believe
that the King's Minifters did not know the treaty,
or were not at leifure to read it : For, according to
the treaty, and the prefent pollure of that bufinefsy
the King was obliged to fend Over Commiflioners to
the Hague to judge of that affair. When this me-
morial was anfwered, and the treaty was examined,
the matter was let fall.
Albeville's next negotiation related to myfelf. I
had printed a paper in juflification of myfelf, toge-
ther with my letters to the Earl of Middleton. And
he
__^ of King J A M E s II. 445
he in a memorial complained of two paflages in chat i6S8,
paper. One was, that I faid it was yet too early to wy"v^
perfecutc men for religion, and therefore crimes
againft the State were pretended by my enemies:
This, he faid, did infinuate, that the King did in
time intend to perfecute for religion. The other
was, that I had put in it an intimation, that I was
in danger by fome of the Irifli Papifts. This, he
faid, was a refiedtion on the King, who hated all
fuch pra6lices. And to this he added, that by the
laws of England all the King's fubjeds were bound
to feize on any perfon, that was condemned in his
Courts, in what manner foever they could: And i
therefore he defired, that both I and the printer of
that paper might be punillied. But now upon his
return to the Hague, I being outlawed by that
time, he demanded, that, in purfuance of an article
of the treaty that related to rebels or fugitives, I
might be banilhed the Provinces. And to this he
craved once and again a fpeedy anfwer.
I was called before the Deputies of the States of \
Holland, that I might anfwer the two memorials
that lay before them relating to myfelf I obferved
the difference between them. The one defired, that
the States would punifh me, which did acknowledge
me to be their Subjedl. The other, in contradiction
to that, laid claim to me as the King's rebel. As
to the particulars complained of, I had made no re-
fleftion on the King-, but to the contrary. I faid,
my enemies found it was not yet time to perfecute
for religion. This infmuated, that the King could
not be brought to it. And no perfon could be of-
fended with this, but he who thought it was now
not too early to perfecute. As to that of the dan-
ger in which I apprehended myfelf to be in, I had
now more rcafon than before to complain of it, fince
the Envoy had fo publickly affirmed, that every one
of the King's fubjeds might feize on any one that
was condemned, in what manner foever they could,
which was either dead or alive, I was now the fob-
44^ The History of the ^Reign
1688, je6l of the States of Holland, naturalized in order
W'-^Z-N-' to a marriage among them, as they all knew ; And
therefore I claimed their proteclion. So, if I was
charged with any thing that was not according to
law, 1 fubmitted myfelf to their juftice. I fhould
, decline no trial, nor the utmofl; feverity, if I had
offended in any thing. As for the two memorials
that claimed me as a fugitive and a rebel, I could
not be looked on as a tugitive from Scotland. It
was now fourteen y^ears fmce 1 had left that King-
dom, and three fmce I came out of England with
the King's leave. I had lived a year in the Hague
openly; and nothing was laid to my charge. As
for the fentence that was pretended to be pa ft againft
me, I could fay nothing to it, till I law a copy of
it.
The - The States were fully fatisfied with my anfwers •;
States an- and ordered a memorial to be drawn according to
fwer to thgjyj^ . They alfo ordered their Embalfador to re-
lated to' prcfent to the King that he himfelf knew how facred a
jne thing naturalization was. The faith and honour
of every State was: concerned in it. I had been na-
turahzed upon marrying one of their fubjefts, which
was the jufteft of all reafons. if the King had any
thing to lay to my charge, juftice fhould be done in
their Courts. The King took the matter very ill.i
and laid, it was an affront offered him, and a juft
caufe of war. Yet, after much paifion, he faid, he
did not intend to make war upon it; tor he was not
then in a condition to do it. But he knew there
were defigns againft him, to make war on him,
againft which he fhould take care to fecure himfelf:
And he fhould be on his guard. The Embaflador
afked him, of whom he meant that. But he did
not think fit to explain himfelf further. He order-
ed a third memorial to be put in againft me, in
which the article of the treaty was fet forth : But
no notice was taken of the anfwers made to that by
the States : But it was infifted on, that,^ fmce the
States were bound not to give fanftuary to fugitives
and
me.
of King James U* .^.-t' - 447
and rebels, they ought not to examine the grounds 1688.
on which fuch judgments were given, but were
bound to execute the treaty. Upon this it was ob-
ferved, that the words in treaties ought to be ex-
plained according to their common acceptation, or
the fenfe given them in the civil lawj and not ac-
cording to any particular forms of Courts, where
for non-appearance a writ of outlawry or rebellion
might lie: The fenfe of the word Rebel in com-
mon ufe was, a man that had born arms, or had
plotted againft his Prince; And a fugitive was a
man that fled from juffice. ' The heat with which
the King feemed inflamed againft me, carried him
•to fay and do many things that were very little to
his honour.
" I had advertifements fent me of a further pro- other
grefs in his defigns againft me. He had it fuggeft- f'g»s
ed to him, that, fmce a fentence was paft againft ^_f^"^
me for non-appearance, and the States refufed to
deliver me up, he might order private perfons to
execute the fentence as they could: And it was
writ over very pofitively, that 5000 1. would be
given to any one that Ihould murder me. A Gentle-
man of an unblemiftied reputatioa writ me word,
that he himfelf by accident faw an order drawn in
the Secretaries Office, but not yet figned, for 3000 1.
to a blank perfon that was to feize or deftroy me.
And he alfo affirmed, that Prince George had heard
of the fame thing, and had defired the perfon to
whom he trufted it to convey the notice of it to
me : And my author was employed by that perfon
to fend the notice to me. The King afked Jefife-
ries, what he might do againft me in a private way,
now thai: he could not get me into his hands. Jcf-
feries anfv/ered, he did not fee how the King
could do any more than he had done. He told
this to Mr. Kirk to fend it to me : For he con-
cluded, the King was refolved to proceed to extre-
mities, and only wanted the opinion of a man
of th^ jaw to juftify a more violent method. I
had
44-5 The H IS 1 6 R V of the Reiga
i6S8. had fo many different advertifements fent me of
W-w""-^ this, that I concluded a whifper of fuch a defign
might have been fet about, on defign to frighten
me into fome mean fubmiffion, or into filence at
leaft. But it had no other effedt on me, but that
1 thought fit to ftay more within doors, and to
ufe a little more than ordinary caution. I thank
God, I was very little concerned at it. I refigned
up my life very freely to' God. I knew my own
innocence, and the root of all the malice that was
againft me. And I never poffeffed my own foul
in a more perfect calm, and in a clearer cheerful-
nefs of fpirit, than I did during all thofe threat-
liings, and the apprehenfions that others were in
concerning me.
Penfioner Soon after this a letter writ by Fagel the Pen-
Fagel's fioner of Holland was printed : Which leads mc
^^^"" to look back a little into a tranfaftion that pafled
the former year. There was one Steward, a law-
yer of Scotland, a man of great parts, and of as
great ambition . He had given over the pradice
of the law, beCaufe all that were admitted to the
bar in Scotland were required to renounce the Co-
venant, which he would not do. This recom-
mended him to the confidence of that whole party.
They had made great ufe of him, and trufled him
entirely. Pen had engaged him, who had been
long confidtred by the King, as the chief mana-
ger of all the rebellions and plots, that had been
on foot thefe twenty years paft, more particularly
of Argile's, to come over : And he undertook,
that he fhould not only be received into favour,
but into confidence. He came, before he crofTed
the Seas, to the Prince, and promifed an inviola-
ble fidelity to him, and to the common interefts
of religion and liberty. He had been oft with the
Penfioner, and had a great meafure of his confi-
dence. Upon his coming to Court, he was ca-
reffed to a degree that amazed all who knew him.
He either believed, that the King was fincere in
the
df Kiiig James II.
the profcffions he in^de, and that his defigns went
no furcher, "than to fettle a tall liberty of conlci-
ence : Or he thought, that it became a man who
had been fo long in difgrace, not to fhew any jea^
ioufies at firft, when the King was fo gracious to
him. He undertook to do all that lay in his
power to advance his defigns in Scotland, and to
reprefent his intentions fo at the Hague^ as might
incline the Prince to a better opinion of them^
He opened all this in feveral letters to the Pen-
lioner. And in thefe he prelfed him vehemently^
in the King's name, and by his diredtion, to per^
fuade the Prince to concur with the King in pro-
curing the laws to be repealed. He laid before
him the inconfiderable number of the Papiils : So
that there was no reafon to apprehend much from
them. He alfo enlarged on the feverities that the
penal laws had brought on the DiiTenters. The
King was refolved not to confent to the repealing
them, unlefs the Tefts were taken away with them •
So that the refufing to confent to this might at
another time bring them under another fevere pro^
fecution. Steward, after he had writ many let-
ters to this purpoie without receiving any an-
fwers, tried if he could ferve the Kino- in Scot-
land with more fuccefs, than it feemed he was
like to have at the Hague* But he found there,
that his old friends were novv much alienated
from him, looking on him as a perfon entirely
gained by the Court.
The Penfioner laid all his letters before the
Prince. They were alfo brought to me. The
Prince upon this thought, that a full anf,ver made
by Fagel, in fuch a manner as that it might be
publifhed as a declaration of his intentions, might
be of fervice to him in many refpeds 5 chiefly in
Popiih Courts, that were on civil accounts inciin-^
ed to Sn alliance againft France, but were now
poflelTed with an opinion of the Prince, and of
his party in England, as defigning nothing but
, Vol. LI, G g the
450v The History of the Reign
1688. the rain and extirpation of all the Papifts in thole
««*-r"*^ Kingdoms. So the Peniioner wrote a long an-
fwer to Steward, which was put in Enghfh by
me.
He began it with great afTurances of the Prince
and Princefs's duty to the King. They were both
of them much againft all perfecution on the ac-
count of religion. They freely confented to the
covering Papifts from the feverities of the laws
made againft them, on the account of their re-
ligion, and alfo that rhey might have the free ex-
ercife of it in private. They alfo confented to
grant a full liberty to Diflenters. But they could
not confent to the repeal of thofe laws, that tend-
ed only to the fecurii'g the Proteftant religion ;
fuch as thofe concerning the Tefts, which import-
ed no punifhment, but only an incapacity of be-
ing in publick employments, which could not be
complained of as great feverities. This was a
caution obferved in all Nations, and was now ne-
ceftary, both for fecuring the publick peace and
the eftabliflied religion. If the numbers of the
Papifts were fo fmall as to make them inconfidera-
ble, then i't w^as not reafcnable to make fuch a
change for the fake of a few. And if thofe few,
that pretended to publick employments, would do
all their own party fo great a prejudice, as not to
foffer the King to be content with the repeal of
the penal laws, unlefs they could get into the of-
fices of truft, then their ambition was only to be
blamed, if the offers now made were not accepted.
The matter was very ftrongly argued thro' the
whole letter : And the Prince and Princefs's zeal
for the. Proteftant Religion was fet out in terms,
that could not be very acceptable to the King.
I'lie letter was carried by Stewai'd to the King, and
was brought by him into the Cabinet Council.
But nothing followed then upon it. The King
ordered Steward to write back, that he would ei-
tln,-{- have all or nodung. All the Lay-Papifts of
England^
of King James II. 451'
England, who were not engaged in the intrigues 1688.
of the Prietts, preffed earneilly that the King \— v-— -"
would accept of the repeal of the penal lav/s i
which was offered, and would have made them
both eafy and fafe for the future. The Emperor
was fully fatisfied with what was offered ; and pro-
mifed to ufe his intereft at Rome, to get the Pope
to write to the King to accept of this, as a flep to
the other : But I could not learn whether he did
it, or not. It he did, it had no effeft. The
King was in all points governed by the JefuitSj
and the French Embaflador.
Father Petre, as he had been long in the conB- Father
dence, was now brought to the Council board, ^^'^^
and made a Privy Counfellor : And it was given p^j^,^
out, that the King was refoived to get a Cardi- Counfel-
nal's Cap for him, and to make him Archbiiliop 5oj-«
of York. The Pope was ilill firm to his refolu-
tion againft it. But it was hoped, that the King
would conquer it, it not in the prefent, yet at fur-
theft in the next Pontificate. The King refolved
at the fame time not to difguft the Secular Priefts :
So Bilhop Leyburn, whom Cardinal Howard had
fent over with tlie Epifcopal character, was miade
much ufe of in appearance, tho' he ,had no great
iliare in the counfels. There was a fadion formed
between the Seculars and the Jefuits, v/hich was
fometimes near breaki-ng out into an open rupture.
But tiie King was fo partial to the Jefuits, that
the others found they were not on equal terms v/itli
them There were three other Bifhops confecra-
tcd for England. And thefe four were ordered to
make a progrefs and circuit over England, con-
firming, and doing other Epifcopal offices, in all
the parts- of England. Great numbers gathered
about them, wherefoever they went.
The jefuits thouo;ht all was fure, and that their- ^^^^^ ^f^"-
fcheme was fo well laid that it could not mafcarry. ""'^^*^^,'^*^
And they had fo poiTeffed that contemptible tool its.
of theirgj Aibeville, with this, that he ieemed up-
G g 2 Qil
452 The History of the Reign
on his return to the Hague to be fo fanguine, that
he did not (tick to fpeak out, what a wifer man
would have fuppreffed tho' he had believed it.
One day, when the Prince was Ipeaking of the
promifes the King had, made, and the oath that he
had Iworn to maintain the laws and the eftablifhed
- Church, he, initead of pretending that the King
flill kept his word, faid, upon fome occafions
Princes mud forget their promifes. And, when
the Prince faid, that the King ought to have more
regard to the Church of England, which was the
main body of the Nation, Albeville anfwered,
that the body which he called the Church of Eng-
land would not have a being two years to an end.
Thus he fpoke out the defigns of the Court, both
too early and too openly. But at the fame time
he behaved himfclf in all other refpedts fo poorly,
that he became the jeft of the Hague. The fo-
reign Minifters, Mr. D'Avaux the French Em-
ballador not excepted, did not know how to ex-
cufe or bear with his weaknefs, which appeared
on all occafions and in all companies.
The Pen- What he wrote to England upon his firfl au-
fioner's diences was not known. But it was foon after
letter was fpread up and down the Kingdom, very artificially
printed. ^^^ ^-j.^^ much induftry, that the Prince and Prin-
cefs had now confented to the repeal of the Tells,
as well as of the penal laws. This was writ over
by many hands to the Hague. The Prince, to
prevent the ill effefts that might follow on fuch
reports, gave orders to print the Penfioner's let-
ter to Steward -, which was fent to all the parts of
England, and was received with an univerfai joy.
The DilTcnters faw them.felves now fafe in his m-
tentions towards them. The Church party v/as
confirmed in their zeal for maintaining the Tefts.
And the Lay-Papifts feemed likewife to be fo well
pleafed with it, that they complained or tJioie am-
bitious Prieils, and hungry Courtiers, who v/ere
refolved,
of King J A ?.!?=: if, 45 J
refoU-ed, ratlier than lay down their afpirings and 1688.
other proje(51s, to leave them ftill expofed to the u^^/Nj
feverities of the laws, tho* a freedom from thefe
was now offered to them. But it was not eafy to
judge, whether this was fincerely meant by them,
or if it was only a popular art, to recommend
-themfelves under fuch a moderate appearance.
The Court faw the hurt that this letter did them.
At firll they hoped to have ftifled it by calling in
an impoflrure. But when they were driven from
that, the King began to fpeak feverely and inde-
cently of the Prince, not only to all about him,
but even to foreign Minifters : And refolved to
put fuch marks of his indignation upon him, as
fhould let all the world fee how deep jt was.
There were fix Regiments of the King's fub- '^'^^ Kmg
jedls, three Engl ifh and three Scotch, in the fer-^g^_''^
vice of the States. Some of them were old Re- rreots of
giments, that had continued in their fervice dur- his fub-
inp; the two wars in the late King's rei^n. Others J,:*^"^^ \" '^^
were raifed fince the peace in feventy three. But fervice
thefe came not into their fervice under any capi-
tulation, that had referved an authority to the
King to call for them at his pleafure. When Ar-
gile and Monmouth made their invafion, the King
defired that the States would lend them to him.
Some of the towns of Holland were fo jealous of
the King, and wifhed Monmouth's fuccefs fo
much, that the Prince found fome difficulty in
obtaining the confent of the States to fend them
over. There was no diftindlion made among them
between Papifts and Proteftants, according to a
maxim of the States with relation to their armies :
So there were feveral Papifts in thofe Regiments.
And the King had fhewed fuch particular kindnefs
to thefe, while they were in England, that at their
return they formed a faction which was breeding
great dillra6lions am^ong them. This was very
uneafy to the Prince, who began to fee that he
jr/ight have oecafion to make ufe of thofe bodies,
G s 2 i
454 '^^^ History of the Reign
1 68 8. if things fliould be carried to a rupture betweea
vW"^ the King and him : And yet he did not know how
he could trufb them, while fuch Officers were in
command. He did not fee neither, how he could
get rid of them well. But the King helped him
out of that difficulty : He wrote to the States,
th^t he had occafion for the fix Regiments of his
fubjecls that were in their fervice, and defired
that they Ihould be fent over to him.
Which This demand was made all of the fudden, with^,
was refu- ©ut any previous application to any of the States,
, Vx^"^ to difpofe them to arant it, or to many of the Of-
cers had hcers to periuaue them to aik tneu' Conge to go
leave ra ovcr. The States pretended the Regiments were
^' theirs : They had paid levy money for them, and
had them under no capitulation i So they excufed
tbemielvcs, that they could not part with them.
But they gave orders, that all the Officers that
fhould all; their Conge, lliould have it. Thirty
or forty came and aiked, and had their Conge.
So now the Prince v/as delivered from fome trou-
bleforae men by this management of the King's,
Upon thai, thefe bodies were lb modeled, that
the Prince knew, that he might depend entirely
on them : And he was no more difturbed by thofe
infolent Officers, who had for fome years behaued
thenifelves ratJier as enemies, than as perfons in
the States pay.
The difcourfe of a Parliament was otten taken
up, and as often let fall : And it was not eafy to
judge in what fuch fluctuating counfels would end,
Father Petre had gained fuch an afcendant, that
he was confidered as the firft Minifter of State.
The Nuntio had moved the King to interpofe, and
mediate a reconcihation between the Court of
Rome and France. But he anfwered, that fince
the Pope would not gratify him in the promotion
pf Father Petre, he would leave him, to free him-
felf of the ti"Ouble, into which he had involved
lliiiifelf the belt v/ay he coyld, And our Court
reckoned,
cf-.King James IL
reckoned, that as foon as the Pope felt himfelf
prefTed, he would fly to the King for protection,
and grant him every thing that he afked of him
in order to obtain it. That Jefuit gave daily new
proofs ©f a weak and ill governed palTion, and
difcovered all the ill qualities of one, that feemed
railed up to be the common incendiary, and to
drive the King and his party to the precipice.
Towards the end of April the King thought ^ new de-
fit to renew the declaration, that he had fet out ^'^^^•^J'^"
the former year tor liberty of confcience ; with an ^-^^^
addition, declaring that he vv^ould adhere firmly
to it, and that he would put none in any publick
employments, but fuch as would concur with him
in maintaining it. He alfo promifed, that he
would hold a Parliament in the November fol-
lowing. This promife of a Parliament fo long
beforehand was fomevdiat extraordinary. Both
Father Petre and Pen engaged the King to it, but
with a different profpedl. Pen, and all the tools
who were employed by him, had flill fome hopes
of carrying a Parliament tp agree with the King,
if too much time was not loft : W^hereas the de-
laying a Parliament raifed jealoufies, as if none
were intended, but that it was only talked of to
amufe the Nation till other defigns were ripe.
On the other hand, Father Petre and his cabal
faw that the King was kept off from many things
that they propofed, with the expeftation of the
concurrence of a Parliament : And the fear of
giving new difgufts, which might obftruft that,
had begot a caution that was very uneafy to them.
They thought that much time was already lofl,
and that they made- but a fmall progrefs. They,
began to apprehend, that the Regulators, who
were flill feeding them with hopes, and were afk-
ing more time and more anoney, did intend only
to amufe them, and to wear out the bufinefs into
more length, and to keep themfelves the longer
in credit and in pay ; but that they did not in
G g 4 theii"
45^ The History of the Reign
r68B. their hearts wifh well to the main defign, and
V^'"V therefore adted but an infincere part with the King.
Therefore they refolved to put that matter to the
laft trial, reckoning, that, if the King faw it was
in vain to hope for any thing in a Parliamentary
way, he might be more eafily carried to extream
and violent methods.
Which the The King was not fatisfied with the publifhing
Clergy his declaration : But he refolved to oblige the
"ccrcd^io ^^^^oV ^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^i ^^^^^ Churches in the time
read. pf divine fervice. And now it appeared, what
bad effeds were like to follow on that officious
rnotion that Sancroft had made, for obliging the
Clergy to read the declaration that King Charles
fet out in the year 1681, after the diflblution of
the Oxford Parliament. An order paft in Coun-
cil, requiring the Bilhops to fend copies of the
declaration to all their Clergy, and to order them
to read it on two feveral Sundays in time of di-
vine fervice.
This put the Clergy under great difficulties.
And they were at firft much divided about it.
Even many of the beft and worthieil of theirj
were under fome diftraftion of thought. They
had many m.eetings, and argued the point long
among theiiifelves, in and about London. Oa
the one hand it was faid, that if they retufed to
read it, the King would proceed againft them lor
(difpbedience. It did not feem reafonable to run
fo great a hazard upon fuch a point, that was not
ftrong enough to b(sar the confequences, that might
follow on a breach. Their reading it did not im"
port their approving it. But was only a publica-
tion of an ait of their King's. So it was proppied,
to fave the whole by making fome declaration,
that their reading it was a meer act of obedience,
^nd did not import any aiTent and approbation of
theirs. Others thought, that the publifhing this
in fuch manner was only impofed on them, to
make them odious and contemptible to the whol^
Nation,
of King J A M E s IL ' 457
Nation, for reading that which was intended for 1688.
their ruin. Jf they carried their compliance fo
far, that might provoke the Nobility -and Gentry
to carry theirs much further. If they once yielded
the point, that they were bound to read every
declaration, with this falvo that it did not import
their approving it, they would be then bound to
read every thing that fhould be fent to them :
The King might make declarations in favour of
all the points of Popery, and require them to read
them : And they could not fee where they mull
make their flops, if they did it not now. So it
feemed necelTary to fix on this, as a rule, that
they ought to publifli nothing in time of divine
fervice, but that which they approved of. The
point at prefent was not, whether a toleration was
a lawful or an expedient thing. The declaration
was founded on the claim of a difpenling power,
which the King did now alTume, that tended to
the total fubverfion of the government, and the
making it arbitrary ; whereas by the conflitution
it was a legal adminiftration. It alfo allowed fuch
an infinite liberty, with the fufpenfion of all penal
laws, and that without any limitation, that Pa-
ganifm itfelf might be now publickly profeffed.
It was vifible, that the defign in impofing the
reading of it on them, was only to make them ri-
diculous, and to make them contribute to their
own ruin. As for the danger that they might in-
cur, they faw their ruin was refolved on : And
nothing they could do was like to prevent it, un-
lefs they would bafely facrifice their religion to
their worldly intereils. It would be perhaps a
year fooner or later by any other management : It
was therefore fit, that they fhould prepare them-
felves tor fufiering •, and not endeavour to prevent
it by doing that, which v/ould draw on them the
hatred of their friends, and the fcorn of their
enemies.
■■ Thefe
ence.
458 The History of the Reign
1688. Thefe reafons prevailed : And they refolved not
K.yV"^ to read the declaration. They faw of what im-
To which pQi-tance it was, that they fhould be unanimous in
would ^^^^- Nothing could be of more fatal confequence
not give than their being divided in their pra6tice. For,
obedi- if any confiderable body of the Clergy, fuch as
could carry the name of the Church of England,
could have been prevailed on to give obedience,
and only fome number, how valuable foever the
men might be, fhould retufe to obey ; then the
Court might Hill pretend, that they would main-
tain the Church of England, and fingle out all
thofe who had not given obedience, and fall on
them, and fo break the Church within itfelf upon
this point, and then deftroy the one half by the
means of the reft. The moft eminent were re-
folved not to obey : And thofe who might be
prevailed on to comply would by that means fall
under fuch contempt, that they could not have
the credit or ftrength to fupport the eftablifhed
religion. The Court depended upon this, that
the greater part would obey : And fo they would
be furnifhed v/ith a point of State, to give a co-
lour for turning out the difobedient, who were like
to be the men that ftood moft in their way, and
crofted their defigns moft, both with their learn-
ing and credit.
Thofe few Biiliops that were engaged in the de-
fign of betraying the Church, were perfuaded that
this would be the event of the matter : And they
poffefted the King with the hope of it fo politive-
iy, that he feemed to depend upon it. The cor-
reipondence over England was managed with that
fecrecy, that thefe refolutions. were lb communi-
cated to the Clergy in the Country, that they were
generally engaged to agree in their conduft, be-
fore the Court came to apprehend that they would
be fo unanimous, as it proved in conclufion that
they were.
^ ThQ
of King James II.
The Archblfliop of Canterbury, Sancroft, re-
folved upon this occafion to a6t fuitably to his poft
and charadter. He wrote round his Province, The
and defired th^t fuch of the Bifhops as were ^^ \
able would come up, and conlult together in a n^ Bifliops
matter of this great concern : And he afked the petition
opinion of thofe, whom their age and infirmities ^*^^ ^"^'"S-
difabled from taking the journey. He found,
that eighteen of the Bifhops, and the main body
of the Clergy, concurred in the refolution againft
readino; the declaration. So he, with fix of the
Bifhops that came up to London, relolved in a
petition to the King, to lay before him the reafons
that determined them not to obey the order of
Council, that had been fent them : This fiowed
from no want of refpeft to his Majefty's autho-
rity, nor from any unwiliingnefs to Jet favour
be fhewed to DiiTenters ; in relation to whom they
were willing to come to fuch a temper, as fhould
be thought fit, when that matter fhould be confi-
dered and fettled in Parliament and Convocation : ,
But, this declaration being founded on fuch a dif-
penfing power, as had been often declared illegal
in Parliament, both in the year 1662 and in the
year 1672, and in the beginning of his own reign,
and was a matter of fo great confequence to the
whole Nation, both in Church and State -, they
could not in prudence, honour, and confcience,
make themfelvcs fo tar parties to it, as the publi-
cation of it once and again in God's houfe, and
in the time of divine fervice, muft amount to.
The Archbifhop was then in an ill State of
health. So he fent over the fix Bifnops with the
petition to the King, figned by himfelf and the
reft. The King was much furprifed with this, be-
ing flattered and deceived by his fpies. Cart-
wright, Bilhop of Chefter, was pofTeffed with a
ftory that was too eafily believed by him, and was
by him carried to the King, who was very apt to
believe every thing that fuited with his own defii-msir
The
'460 The HiSTOiiY of the Reign
1688. The {lory was, that the Biihops intended by a pe^
^.o/'^o tition to the King to Jet him underftand, that or-
ders of this kind, nfed to be addrefied to their
Chancellors, but not to themfelves ; and to pray
him to continue that method : And that by this
means they hoped to get out of this difficulty.
This was very acceptable to the Court, and pro-
cured the Bilhops a quick admittance. And they
had proceeded lb carefully that nothing concerted
among them had broken out ;, for they had been
very fecret and cautious. 1 he King, when he
heard their petition, and faw his miilake, fpoke
roughly to them. He faid, he was their King,
and he would be obeyed : And they fliould be
made to feel what it was to difobey him. The fix
Bilhops were St. Afaph, Ely, Bath and Wells,
Peterborough, Chichefter, and Briftol. The an-
fwer they made the King was in thefe words :
*' The will of God be done." And they came
from the Court in a fort of triumph. Now mat-
ters were brought to a crifis. The King was en-
gaged on his part, as the Bilhops were on theirs.
So all people looked on with great expe6lations,
reckoning that upon the ifllie of this bufinefs a
great decifion would be made, both of the defigns
of the Court, and of the temper of the Nation.
The King confulted for fome days with all that
were now employed by him, what he fl:iould do
upon this emergent ; and talked with people of
all perfuafions. Lob, an eminent man among
the Dilfenters, who was entirely gained to the
Court, advifed the King to fend the Bilhops to
the Tower. Father Petre feemed now as one
tranfported v/ith joy : For he thought the King
was engaged to break with the Church of Eng-
land. And it was reported, that he broke out
into that indecent expreffion upon it, that they
fhould be made to eat their own dung. The King
was long in doubt. Some of the Popifh Nobility
f reffed him earneftly to let the matter fall : For
now
of King James II.
new it appeared, that the body of the Clergy were
refolved not to read the declaration. Thole who
did obey, were few and inconfiderable. Only fe-
ven obeyed in the City of London, and not above
two hundred all England over : And of thefe
fome read it the firft Sunday, but changed their
minds before the fecond : Others declared in their
fermons, that tho' they obeyed the order, they did
not approve of the declaration : And one, more
pleafantly than gravely, told his people, that, tho'
he was obliged to read it, they were not obliged
to hear it ; and he ftopt till they all went out, and
then he read it to the walls : In many places, as
foon as the Minifter began to read it, all the peo-
ple rofe, and went out.
The King did what he could to encourage thofe
that did obey his order, Parker, Bifhop of Ox-
ford, died about this time. He wrote a book
againft the Tefts full of petulant fcurrility, of
which I fliall only give one inftance. He had re-
flefted much on the whole Popifli Plot, and on
Oates's evidence : And upon that he called the
Tell, the Sacrament of the Oatelian villainy. He
treated the Parliament that enacted the Tefts, with
a fcorn that no Popifh writer had yet ventured
on : And he faid much to excufe tranfubftantia-
tion, and to free the Church of Rome from the
charge of idolatry. This raifed fuch a difguft at
him, even in thofe that had been iormerly but too
much influenced by him, that, v/hen he could not
help feeing that, he funk upon it. I was defired
to anfwer his book with the feverity that he de-
ferved : And I did it with an acrimony of ilile,
that nothing but fuch a time, and fuch a man,
could in any fort excufe. It v/as faid, the King
fent him my papers, hearing that nobody elfe
durft put them in his hands, hoping that it v/ouid
raife his indignation, and engage him to anfwer
them. One Hall, a Conformift in London, who
was looked on as half a Prelbyterian, yet, becaufe
he
4^2 The History of the Reign
1688. he read the declaration, was made Bifhop of Ox-
^--^V^-w ford. One of the Popifh Bifhops, was upon the
King's Mandamus chofen, by the illegal Fellows
of Magdalen's College, their Prefident. The fenfe
of the Nation, as well as of the Clergy, had ap-
peared lb fignally on this occafion, that it was vifible,
that the King had not only the feven petitioning-
Bifhops to deal with, but the body of the whole
Nation, both Clergy and Laity.
The King The violent advices of Father Petre, and the
t^h'^'B^'^ Jefuit party, were fo fatally fuited to the King's
ftiops(obe ^^'^^ temper and paflion, that they prevailed over
profecut- the wifer counfels of almoft all that were advifed
ed for it. with. But the King, before he would bring the
matter to the Council, fecretly engaged all the
Privy Couniellors to concur with him : And, after
a fortnight's confultation, the Bifhops were cited
to appear before the Council. The petition vv^as
offered to them j and they v/ere afked, if they
owned it to be their petition. They anfwered, it
feemed they were to be proceeded againfb upon
that account; fo they hoped the King would not
prefs them to a confeffion, and then make ufe of
it againft them : After they had offered this, they
cv/ned the petition. They were next charged with
the publication of it -, for it was then printed. But
they abfolutely denied that was done by their means.
The Archbiihop had written the petition all in his
ovvn hand, without employing any perfon to copy
:it out : And tho' there was one draught written of
the petition, as it was agreed on, from which he
had written out the original which they had all
figned, yet he had kept that ftill in his own pof-
fellion, and had never fhewn it to any perfon : So
it was not publifhed by them : That mufb have
been done by fome of thofc to whom the King had
Ihewed it.
They They were in the next place required to enter
were fent -^^^^ bonds, to appear in the Court of the King's
Tower, bench, and anfwer to an information of mifde-
meanor.
of King J A M E s ir. 4^5
jiieanGr. They excepted to this-, and faid, that 16SH.
by their Peerage they were not bound to do it. {yy^\J
Upon their infifting on this, they were fent to
the Tower, by a warrant figned by the whole
board, except Father Petre, who w^as pad over
by the King's order. This let all the whole City
into the higheft fermentation, that was ever known
in memory of man. The Billiops were fent by
water to the Tower: And all along as they paft,
the banks of the river were full of people, who
kneeled down and aflced their bleffing, and with
loud Ihoiits expreffed their good wifhes for them,
and their concern in their prefervation. The foi-
diers, and other officers in the Tower, did the fame.
An univerfal confternation appeared in all peoples
looks. But the King was not moved with all this.
And, tho' two days after, upon the Qiieen's pre-
tended delivery,- the King had a fair occafion to
have granted a general pardon, to celebrate the
joy of that birth, (and it was given out by thofe
Papiits that had always affefted to pafs for mode-
rate men, that they had all prefTed this vehement-
ly,) the King was inflexible : He. faid,, his autho-
rity would become contemptible, if he fuffered
fuch an affront to pafs unpunifhed.
A week after their commitment, they were
brought upon a Habeas Corpus to the King's
bench bar, where their Counfel offered to make
it appear to be an illegal commitment : But the
Court allowed it good in law. They were requir-
ed to enter into bonds for fmall fums, to anfwer
to the information that day fortnight.
The Bifliops were difcharged of their imprifon- But foos
ment: And people of all forts ran to vifit them' after dii--
as Confefibrs, one company going in as another; ^"^''S^'
went out. The Appearance in Weftminfker-Hall
was very folemn : About thirty of the Nobility ac-
companying them. All the ftreets were full of
fhoutings the reft of the day, and with bonefires
at nighc.
2 * Whsa
4^4 The History of the Rsign
1688. When the day fixed for their trial came^ ther^
*— ^«.-w was a vaft concourfe. Weftminfter-Hall, and all
'^^^y . the places about, were full of people, who were
*"*^'" ftrangely affected with the matter. Even the Ar-
my, that was then encamped on Hounflow- Heath,
fhewed fuch a difpofition to mutiny, that it gave
the King no fmall uneafinefs. The trial came on,
which was chiefly managed againft the Bifliops by
Sir William Williams. He had been Speaker in
two fucceflive Parliaments, and was a zealous pro-
moter of th^ Exclufion : And he had continued
many years a bold pleader in all caufes againft the
Court : But hel was a corrupt and vicious man,
who had no "principles, but ioUowed his own in-
terefts. Sawyer the Attorney General, who had
for many years fervcd the ends of the Court in a
moft abjedt and obfequious manner, would not fup-
port the difpenfing power : So he was turned out,
Fowis being advanced to be Attorney General :
And Williams was made Solicitor General* Powis
adled his part in this trial as fairly as his poft could
admit of. But Williams took very indecent liber-
tics. And he had great advantages over Sawyer and
Finch, who were among the Bilhops Counfel, by
reflecting on the precedents and proceedings dur-
ing their being the King's Counfel. The King's
Counfel could not have full proof, that the Bifhops
hands were truly theirs, and were forced to have
Tecourfe to the confeflTion they had made at the
Council board •, which was thought very difhonour-
able, fince they had made that confeiTion in confi-
dence, trufl:ing to the King's honour, tho' it did
not appear that any promife was made, that no ad-
vantage fliould be taken of that confeiTion. No
proof was brought of their pubUihing it, which
was the main point. The prefenting it to the King,
and afterwards their owning it to be their petition,
when it was put to them at the Council board, was
all that the King's Counfel could oficr for proof of
this ; which was an apparent ftrain, in which even.
thofe
©f King JAMES IL 46$
thofe Judges, that were the fureft to the Court, 168 S.
did not feem to be fatisfied. It was much urged s-»-v-'»*^
againfl them, that this petition was a hbel, tend-
ing to the defaming the King's government.
But to this it was anfwered, that they having re-
ceived an order, to which they found they could
not give obedience, thought it was incumbent on
them, as Biihops and as fubjedts, to lay before the
King their reafons for it : All fubjeds had a right
to petition the King : They as Peers were of his
great Council, and fo had yet a better claim to that :
And that more particularly in matters of rehgion ;
for the aft of uniformity in Queen Elizabeth's
time had required them under a curfe to look care-
fully after thofe matters : The difpenfing power
had been often brought into debate in Parliament,
and was always voted to be againft law: And
the late King had yielded the point by recall-
ing his declaration: So they thought, they had a
right to reprefent thefe things to the King. And
occafion was often taken to refleft on the difpenfing
power. To this the King's Counfel replied, that
the votes of one or both Houfes were not laws,
till they were enafted by King and Parliament :
And the late King's paffing once from a point of
his prerogative did not give it up, but only waved
it for that time: They urged much the facrednefs
of the King's authority ; that a paper might be
true in fadt, and yet be a libel; that in Parliament
the two Houfes had a right to petition, but it was
fedition to do it in a point of government out of
Parliament.
The trial did laft long, above ten hours. The
crouds continued in expeftation all the while, and
expreffed fo great a concern for the Biihops, that
the witnefles who were brought againft them were
not only treated with much fcorn, and loud laugh-
ter upon every occafion, but feemed to be in fuch
danger, that they efcaped narrowly, going away
by a back palTage. Two of the Judges, Powel
Vol. IL H h and
4^6 The History of the Reign
lO'SS. and Halloway, deUvered their opinion, that there
v^~V^^ was no fedidous matter in the petition, and that it
was no hbel. "Wright was now brought into this
Court and made Chief Juftice-, and Herbert was
made Chief Juftice of the Common Pleas : Her-
bert w^as with the Court in the main of the King's
difpenfmg power, but was againft them^ in moft
particulars : So he could not ferve their ends in
this Court. Wright was the properer tool. He
in his charge called the petition a libel : But he did
not think the publication was proved.
And ac- • The Jury was fairly returned. When they were
quuttd. iQ-iyt; up^ they were foon agreed upon their verdidt,
to acquit the Bifhops. But it v^as thought to be
both the more Iblemn, and the fafer way, to conti-
'nuefhutup till the morning. The King ftill flat-
tered himfelf with the hope that the Bifhops would
■ be brought in guilty. He went that morning to
the camp : For the ill humour the Army was in,
the day before, m.ade him think it neceffary to go
and keep them in awe and order, by his own pre-
fence.
To the The Court fat again next day. And then the
%^'^t-J^^ Jury came in with their verdifl. Upon which there
Town and Vv^ere fuch fhoutings, fo long continued, and as it
Kaciun. were echoed into the City, that all people were
ftruck with it. Every man feemed tranfported with
joy. Bonefires were made all about the ftreets.
And the laews going over the Nation, produced
the like rejoycings and bonefires all England over.
- The King's prefence kept -the Army in fome order.
But he v/as no fooner gone .out of the camp, than
he was followed with an univcrfal lliouting, as if it
had been a vidlory obtained. And fo fatally vv'as
■ the King puflied on to his ruin, that he feemed not
' to be by all this, enough convinced of the folly of
' thofe violent Counfels. He intended ftill to purfue
them. It was therefore refolved on, to bring this
matter of the conternpt of the order of Council, in
not reading the declaration, before the Ecclefiaftical
Com-
bf king James If. ^.^f
CbrnmifTioners. They did not think fit to cite t\\6 1688;
Archbifhop and Bifhops before them : For they WV>d
"did not doubt they would plead to their jurifdifti-
on, and refufe to acknowledge their authority;
which they hoped their Chancellors, and the infe-
•rior Clergy, would not venture on.
•";■ Citations w^ere fent out requiring the Chancel- THeCle^J
lors, and Archdeacons to fend in the lifts of all the gy was
Clergy, both of fuch as had obeyed, and of thofe JJ J^^^^ ^J.
who had not obeyed the order of Council. Some painlt,
"of thefe were now fo much animated, with the
fenfe that the Nation had cxprelTed of the Bifhops
imprifonment and trial, that they declared they
would not obey this order : And others excufed
themfelves in fofter terms. When the day came
to which they were cited, the Bilhop of Rochefter^
tho' he himfelf had obeyed the order, and had hi- '
therto gone along, fitting with the other Com^
miffioners, but had" always voted on the mildet
fide, yet now, when he faw matters were running
fo faft to the ruin of the Church, he not only would
fit no longer with them, but wrote a letter to them 5
in which he faid, it was impofllble for him to go
on with them any longer, for tho* he himfelf had
obeyed the order of Council, which he protefted
he did, becaufe he thought he was bound in ron-
fcience to do it, yet he did not doubt but that thofe
who had not obeyed itj had gone upon the fame
principle of following their confcience, and he
v/ould much rather choofe to fuffer with them^
than to concur in making them fuffer. This
flopped proceedings for that day, and put the
Court to a ftand. So they adjourned themfelves
till December : And they never fat any more.
This was the progrefs of that tranfadion, which TheEf-
was confidered ail Europe over as the trial, whe- J^*^ '^^'^ ,
ther the King or the Church were like to prevail, ^^^j '^^^'^^
The decifion was as favourable as was pofTible.
The King did affume to himfelf a power to make
laws void) and to qualify men for employ mentsj
H h 2 whom
4^S The History of the Reign
i6§8. whom the law had put under fuch incapacities,
that all they did was null and void. The Sheriffs
and Mayors of towns were no legal Officers :
Judges, (one of them being a profefled Papifl, Ali-
bon,) who took not theTeft, were no Judges: So
that the government, and the legal adminiftration
of it, Wjas broken. A Parliament returned by fuch
men was no legal Parliament. All this was done
by virtue of the difpenfmg power, which changed
the whole frame of our government, and fubjedled
all the laws to the King's pleafure : For, upon the
fame pretence of that power, other declarations
might have come out, voiding any other laws that
the Court found flood in their way ; fmce we had
fcarce any law that was fortified with fuch claufes,
to force the execution of it, as thofe that were laid
afide had in them. And when the King pretended^
that this was fuch a facred point of government,
that a petition, offered in the modefteft terms, and
in the humbleft manner poffible, calling it in
quellion, was made fo great a crime, and carried
fo far againft men of fuch eminence ; this I con-
fefs fatisfied me, that here was a total deftrudion
of our conflitution, avowedly began, and violently
profecuted. Here was not jealoufies nor fears :
The thing was open and avowed. This was not
a fingle aft of illegal violence, but a declared de-
fign againft the whole of our conflitution. It was
not only the judgment of a Court of law : The
King had now by two publick adls of flate, re-
newed in two fucceffive years, openly publifhed
his defign. This appeared fuch a total fubverfion,
that, according to the principles, that fome of the
highefl affertors of fubmiffion and obedience,
Barklay and Grotius, had laid down, it was now
lawful for the Nation to look to itfelf, and fee to
its own prefervation. And, as foon as any man
w^as convinced that this was lawful, there remained
nothing but to look to the Prince of Orange, who
was the only perfon that either could fave them,
or
of King James II. 4^9
or had a right to it : Since by all the laws in the 1688,
world, even private as well as publick, he that has v-nrv
in him the reverfion of any eilate, has a right to
hinder the poffelTor, if he goes about to deftroy
that, which is to come to him after the poffelTor's
death.
Upon all this diforder that England was falling Rufiel
into. Admiral RuiTel came to the Hague. He had PJ^^'^'^
a good pretence for coming over to Holland, for prince
he had a fifter then living in it. He was defired
by many of great power and intereft in England to
fpeak very freely to the Prince, and to know pofi'
tively of him what might be expeded from him.
All people were now in a gaze : Thofe who had
little or no religion had no mind to turn Papifts,
if they could fee any probable way of refilling the
fury with which the Court was now driving : But
men of fortune, if they faw no vifible profpe6t,
would be governed by their prefent intereft : They
were at prefent united : But, if a breaking fhould
once happen, and fome men of figure Ihould be
prevailed on to change, that might go far ; efpe^
cially in a corrupt and diffolute Army, that was
as it were let loofe to commit crimes and violences
every where, in which they were rather encouraged
than punilhed j for it feemed to be fet up as a
maxim, that the Army by rendring it felf odious
to the Nation would become thereby entirely de^
voted to the Court : But after all, tho' foldiers
were bad Englifhmen and worfe Chriftians, yet the
Court found them too good Proteftants to truft
much to them. So RuiTel put the Prince to ex^
plain himfelf what he intended to do.
The Prince anfwered, that, if he was invited by The
fbme men of the beft intereft, and the moft valued Prince's
in the Nation, who fhould both in their own name, ^"^wer,.
and in the name of others who trufted them, in-'
vite him to come and refcue the Nation and the
Religion, he believed he could be ready by the end
^f September to come over. The main confidence
H h 3 -^se
The History of the Reign
we had was in the Eleftoral Prince of B-randen-
burg ; for the old Eledor was then dying. And;
I told Ruffel at parting, that, unlefs he died, there,
would be great difficulties, not eafily maftered, in
the defign of the Prince's expedition to England.
He was then ill of a dropfy, which, coming af-
ter a gout of a long continuance, feemed to threaten
a fpeedy end of his life. I had the honour to fee
him at Cleve •, and v/as admitted to two long au-
diences, in which he was pleafed to fpeak to me
with great freedom. He was a Prince of great
courage. He both underftood military matters
well, and loved them much. He had a very per-
fedl view of the ftate Europe had been in for fifty
years, i/i which he had born a great fhare in all
affairs, having dire6led his own counfels him-
felf. He had a wonderful memory, even in the
fmalleft matters ', for every thing pafb under his eye.
He had a quick apprehenfion, and a cholerick
temper. The heat of his fpirits was apt to kindle
too quick, till his intereft cooled him : And that
fetched him back, which brought him under the
cenfure of changing fides too loon and too often,
He was a very zealous man in all the concerns of
religion. His own life was regular and free of ail
blemifhes. He tried all that was poffible to bring
the Lutherans and Calvinifts to fome terms of re-
conciliation. He complained much of the rigidity
of the Lutherans, more particularly of thofe in
Pruffia : Nor was he well pleafed with the ftiffnefs
of the Calvinifts : And he inveighed againft the
Synod of Dort, as that which had fet all on fire,
and made matters almoft paft reconciling. He
thought, all pofitive decifions in thofe matters
ought to be laid afide by both parties, without
which nothing could bring them to a better temper.
He had a very fplendid Court : And to main-
tain that, and his great armies, his fubjeds were
preffed hard by many uneafy taxes. He feemed
not to have ajuft fenfe of the miferies of his people.
; IJis Minifters had great power over him in all leffer
mattersa
of King James II..
matters, while he di reded the greater : And he
fufFered them to enrich themfelves exceffively.
In the end of his life the Eledorefs had gained
great credit, and governed his counfels too much.
He had fet it up for a maxim, that the Eledoral
families in Germany had weakned themfelves fo
much, that they would not be able to maintain the
liberty of the Empire againft the Auftrian Family,
which was now rifing by their vidories in Hun-
gary : The Houfes of Saxe, and the Palatine, and
of Brunfwick, and Heffe, had done this fo much,
by the difmembring fome of their dominions to
their younger children, that they were mouldring
to nothing : He therefore refolved to keep all his
dominions entire in one hand : This would make
his Family the balance to the Houfe of Auftria,
on whom the reft of the Empire muft depend :
And he fuflfered his Eledorefs to provide for her
children, and to enrich herfelf by ail the ways fhe
could think on, fince he would not give them any
Ihare of his dominions. This ibe did not fail to do.
And the Eiedor, having juft caufe of complaint
for being abandoned by the Allies in the peace of
Nimeguen, and fo forced to reftore what he had
got from the Swedes, the French upon that gave
him a great penfion, and made the Eledorefs iuch
prefents, that he was prevailed on to enter into
their interefts : And in this he made fome ill fteps
in the decline of his life. But nothing could foften
him with relation to that Court, after they broke
the edid of Nantes, and began the perfecution of
the Proteftants. He took great care of all the Re-
fugees. He fet men on the frontier of France to
receive and defray them ; and gave them all the
marks of Chriftian compaffion, and of a bounty
becoming fo great a Prince. But his age and in-
firmities, he being crippled with the goat, and
the ill underftanding that was between the Princf
Eledoral and Eledorefs, had fo disjointed he
Courtj that little was to be expeded from him.
H h 4 D
4y'2 The History of the Reign
1688. Death came upon him quicker than was looke4
^-'-^^r-^ for. He received the intimations of it with the
lirmnefs that became both a Chriftian and a Hero.
He gave his lall advices to his fon, and to his Mi-
nifters, with a greatnefs and a tendernefs that both
fiirprifed and melted them all : And above all other
things he recommended to them the concerns of
the Proteftant Religion, then in fuch an iiniverfal
danger. His fon had not his genius. He had not
a ftrength of body nor a force of mind capable of
great matters. But he was filled with zeal for the
Reformed Religion : And he was at that time {o
entirely poffeffed with a confidence in the Prince of
Orange, and with a high efteem of him, as he was
his coufm german, that we had a much better
profpe(5t of all our affairs, by his fucceeding his
Father. A,nd this wasencreafed by the great credit
that Dankeiman, who had been his Governor,
continued to have with him : For he had true no-
tions of the affairs of Europe, and was a zealous
Proteftant, and was like to prove a very good Mi-
nifter, tho' he was too abfolute in his favour, and
was too much fet on raifmg his own family. Ail
at the Hague were looking with great concern on
the affairs of Europe ; thefe being, in many ref-
pefts, and in many different places, brought to a
very critical ftate.
Yhe 1 ^^ift now look back to England, where the
Queen Queen's delivery was the fubjed of all men's dif-
^h^^ft"^ courfe. And fmce fo much depends on this, I
was'wuh ^^^^ o^^^^ ^^ ^"^^ ^^^ as'diilind an account of all
child. that related to that matter, as I could gather up
either at that time or afterwards. The (^een had
been for fix or feven years in fuch an ill ftate of
health, that every winter brought her very near*
death. Thofe about her feemed well alfured that
ihe, who had buried all her children, foon after
they v/ere born, and had now for feveral years
xeafed bearing, would have no more children. Her
own Friefts apprehended it, and feemed to wilh for
hec
of King James II. 47^
her death. She had great and frequent diftempers, i68 8.
that returned often, which put all people out of
their hopes or fears of her having any children*
Her fpirits were now much on the fret. She was
eager in the profecution of all the King's defigns.
It was believed, that Ihe had a main hand in
driving him to them ail. And he, perhaps to
make her gentler to him in his vagrant amours,
was more eafy to her in every thing elfe. The La^
dy Dorchefler was come back from Ireland : And
the King went oft to her. But it was vifible, fhe
was not like to gain that credit in affairs, to which
fhe had afpired : And therefore this was lefs con-
fidered.
She had another mortification, when Fitz- James
the King's fon was made Duke of Berwick. He
was a foft and harmlefs young man, and was much
beloved by the King : But the Queen's diilike kept
him from making any great figure. He made two
campaigns in Hungary, that were little to his ho-
. nour : For, as his Governor diverted the allowance
that was given for keeping a table, and fent him
always to cat at other tables, fo, tho' in the fiege
of Buda there were many occafions given him to
have diilinguillied himfelf, yet he had appeared in
none of them. There was more care taken of his
perfon, than became his age and condition. Yet
his Governor's brother was a Jefuit, and in the fe-
cret : So every thing was ventured on by him, and
all was forgiven him.
In September, the former year, the Queen went
to the Bath, where, as was already told, the King
came and faw her, and llaid a few days with her.
She after that purfued a full courfe of bathing :
And, having refolved to return in the end of Sep-
tem.ber, an accident took her to which the fex is
fubjed : And that made her flay there a week lon-
ger. She came to Windfor on the fixth of 0(5to-
^)er. It was faid, that, at the very time of he^
Coming to the Jving, her mothers the Duchefs of
Modenas
4,74
The History of the Reign
1688. Modena, made a vow to the Lady Loretto, that
her daughter might by her means have a fon. And
it went current, that the Queen beUeved herfelf to
be with child in that very inftant, in which her
rnother made her vow : Of which, fome travellers
have affured me, there was a folemn record made
at Loretto. A concej)tio!:i faid to be thus begun
looked fufpicious. It was now fixed to the fixth
of 06lober : So the nine months were to run to
thefixth of July. She was in the progrefs of her big
belly let blood feveral times : And the moft aftrin-
gent things that could be propofed were ufed.
It was foon obferved, that all things about her
perfon were managed with a myfterious fecrecy,
into which none were admitted but a few Papifts.
She was not drelTed nor undrefled with the ufual
ceremony. Prince George told me, that the
Princefs went as far in defn'ing to be fatished by
feeling the motion, after fbe faid Ihe was quick,
as Ihe could go without breaking with her : And
fhe had fometimes llaid by her even indecently
long in mornings, to fee her rife, and to give her
Ker ihift : But flie nev^er did either. She never
offered any fatisfadion in that matter by letter to
the Princefs of Orange, nor to any of the Ladies
of quality, in whofe word the world would have
acquiefced. The thing upon this began to be fuf-
peded ; And fome libels were writ, treating the
whole as an impollure. The ufe the Queen made
of this was, to fay, that fmce fhe faw fome were
fufpeding her as capable of fo black a contrivance,
fhe fcorned to fatisfy thofe who could entertain
fuch thoughts of her. How jufl foever this might
be with relation to the libellers, yet certainly, if
ihe was truly with child, fhe owed it to the King
and herfelf, to the King's daughters, but moft of
all to the infant fhe carried in her belly, to give
fuch reafonable fatisfadion, as might put an end
to jealoufy. This, was in her power to do every
day;
of King James II. 475
d^y : And her not doing it gave jull grounds of 1688.
fulpicion.
Things went thus on till Monday in Eafter week.
On that day the King went to Rochefter, to fee
fome of the naval preparations ; but was loon fent
for by the Queen, who apprehended fhe was iii
danger of nnifcarrying. Dr. Scarborough was
come to Knights -bridge to fee Biihop V/ard, my
predeceflbr, who had been his antient friend, and
was then his patient : But the Queen's coach was
fent to call him in all hafte, fince fhe was near
mifcarrying. Dr. Windebank, who knew nothing
of this matter, ftaid long that morning upon an
appointment for Dr. Wallgrave, another of the
Queen's phyficians, who the next time he faw him
excufed himfelf, for the Queen, he faid, was then
under the moft apparent figns of mifcarrying. Of
this the Do6tor made oath : And it is yet extant.
On the fame day the Countefs of Clarendon, be-'
ing to go out of town for a few days, came to fee
the Queen before flie went, knowing nothing of
what had happen'd to her. And fhe, being a La-
dy of the Bed-chamber to Queen Dowager, did,
according to the rule of the Court, go into the
Queen's Bed-chamber without afking admittance.
She faw the Queen a bed, bemoaning herfelf in a
moft doleful manner, faying often. Undone, Un-
done : And one that belonged to her carried fome-
what out of the bed, which fhe believed was linen
taken from the Qiieen. She was upon this in fome
confufion : And the Countefs of Powis coming in,
went to her, and faid with fome fharpnefs, whac
do you here ? And carried her to the door. Be-
fore fhe had got out of the Court, one of the Bed-
chamber women followed her, and charged her
not to fpeak of any thing fhe had feen that day.
This matter, whatever was in it, was hufhed up :
And the Qiieen held on her courfe.
The Princefs had mifcarried in the fpring. So,
as foon as fhe had recovered her ftrength, the King
prefied
47^ Tne fj I s T o R y of the Reign
1688. prefled her to go to the Bath, fince that had fo
w*-v^^ good an efFed on the Queen, Some of her phyfi-
cians, and all her other friends^ were againft her
going. Lower/, one of her phyficians told me, he
was againft it : He thought, Ihe was not ftrong
enough for the Bath, tho' the King preffed it with
an unufual vehemence. Millington, another phy-
fician, told the Earl of Shrewsbury, from -whom
-I had it, that he was preffed to go to the Princefs,
and advife her to go to the Bath. The perfon that
fpoke to him told him, the King was much fet on
it, and that he expefted it of him, that he would
perfuade her to it. Millington anfwered, he would
not advife a patient according to direction, but ac-
cording to his own reafon : So he would not go.
Scarborough and Witherly took it upon them to
advife it : So ihe went thither in the end of May.
Queen's "^^^ ''"°*^" ^^ ^'^ ^^^ go^ie, thofe about the Queen
reckoning ^^^ ^^^ ®^ ^^^ fudden change her reckoning, and
changed, began it from the King's being with her at Bath.
This came on fo quick, that, tho' the Queen had
fet the fourteenth of June for her going to Wind-
for, where fhe intended to lie in, and all the pre-
parations for the birth and for the child were or-
dered to be made ready by the end of June, yet
nov/ a refolution was taken for the Queen's lying
in at St. James's ; and dired:ions were given to
Jhave all things quickly ready. The Bathwater
either did not agree with the Princefs : Or the ad-
vices of her friends were fo preffmg, who thought
her abfence from the Court at that time of fuch
confequence, that in compliance v/ith them fhe gave
!t out, it did not, and that therefore fhe would re-
turn in a few days.
The day after the Court had this notice, the
-Queen faid, fhe would go to St. James's, and look;
for the good hour. She was often told, that it was
impoffible upon fo fhort a warning to have things
ready. But fhe was fo pofitive, that fhe faid, fhe
would lie there that night, tho' fhe fhould lie "po^
ih?
of King James IL 4yj^
the boards. And at night, tho' the fhorter and 1688/
quicker way was to go from Whitehall to St. «^noo
James's thro* the Park, and fhe always went that
way, yet now, by a fort of afFeffcation, Ihe would
be carried thither by Charing-Crofs thro' the Pail-
Mall. And it was given out by all her train, that
fhe was going to be delivered. Some faid, it would
be next morning : And the "Priefts faid very con-
fidently, that it would be a boy.
The next morning, about nine a clock, fhe fent The '
word to the King, that fhe was in labour. The Queen
Queen Dowager was next fent to. But no Ladies ^^^^ !°"^
were fent for : So that no women were in the room,
but two dreffers and one undrefTer, and the mid-
wife. The Earl of Arran fent notice to the Coun-
tefs of Sunderland : So Hie came. The Lady Bel-
lafis came alfo in time. The Proteftant Ladies
that belonged to the Court, were all gone to Church
before the news was let go abroad : For it hap-
pen'd on Trinity Sunday, it being that year on the
tenth of June. The King brought over with him
from Whitehall a great many Peers and Privy
Counfellors. And of thefe eighteen were let into
the Bed-chamber : But they ftood at the furtheft
end of the room. The Ladies ftood within the
alcove. The curtains of the bed were drawn clofe,
and none came within them, but the midwife, and
an under dreffer. The Queen lay all the while
a bed : And, in order to the warming one fide of ^
it, a warming-pan was brought. But it was noC
opened, that it might be feen that there was fire
and nothing elfe in it : So here was matter for fuf-
picion, with which all people were filled.
A little before ten, the Queen cried out as in 2l And dc
flrong pain, and immediately after the midwife 'ivered of
faid aloud, fhe was happily brought to bed. When *
the Lords all cried out of what, the midwife an-
fwered, the Queen muil not be furprifed : Only
fhe gave a fign to the Countefs of Sunderland, who
upon that touched her forehead, by whichj it being
the
%7^ "^^^ £i I s T o R Y of the Reign
1688. the fign before agreed on, the King faidhe knew it
VV^ was a boy. No cries were heard from the child 3
Nor was it fhewn to thofe-in the room. It was
pretended, more air was neceffary. The under
drefler went out with the child, or fomewhat elfe^
in her arms to a dreffing room, to which there was
a door near the Queen's bed: But there was ano-
ther entry to it from other apartments,
^'^^^d ^^^ "^^"^ continued with the Lords in the Bed-
feTloufy° chamber for fome minutes, which was either a fign
appeared. ^^ much phlegm upon fuch an occafion ; fof it was
not known whether the child was alive or dead :
Or it looked like the giving time for fome ma-
nagement. After a little while they went all into
-the dreffing room : And then the news was pub-
lifhed. In the mean while, no body was called to
lay their hands on the Qiieen's belly, in order to
a full fatisfadtion. When the Princefs came to
-town three days after, fhe had as little fatisfadion
given her. Chamberlain, the man midwife, who
was always ordered to attend her labour before,
and who brought the plaifters for putting back the
milk, wondered that he had not been fent to. He
went according to cuftom with the plaifters : But
:he was told they had no occafion for him. He
fancied, that fome other perfon was put in his
place : But he could not find that any had it. All
that concerned the milk, or the Queen's purga-
.tions, was managed ftiil in the dark. This made
all people inclined more and more to believe, there
was a bafe impofture now put on the Nation.
That ftill increafed. That night one Hemings, a
very worthy man, an Apothecary by his trade,
who lived in St. Martin's Lane, the very next door
to a family of an eminent Papift : (Brown, bro-
ther to the Vifcount Montacute, lived there :) The
wall between his parlour and theirs being fo thin,
that he could eafily hear any thing that was faid
with a louder voice, he (Hemings) was reading in
Jiis parlour late at night, when he heard one com-
ing
of King JamE'^ IL 479^
mg into the neighbouring parlour, and fay with a 1688.
doleful voice, the Prince of Wales is dead : Upon v-.'v^i^;
which a great many that lived in the houfe came
down ftairs very quick : Upon this confufiort he
could not hear any thing more ; but it was plain,
they were in a great confternation. He went with
the news next morning to the Bifhops in the Tow-
er. The Countefs of Clarendon came thither foon
after, and told them, fhe had been at the young
Prince's door, but was denied accefs : She was
amazed at it •, and afked, if they knew her : They
faid, they did ; but that the Queen had ordered,
that no perfon whatfoever fhould be fuffered to
come in to him. This gave credit to Heming's
ftory, and looked as if all was ordered to be kept
fhut up clofe, till another child was found. One,
that faw the child two days after, faid to me, that
he looked ftrong, and not like a child fo newly
born. Windebank met Walgrave the day after
this birth, and remembred him of what he had
told him eight weeks before. He acknowledged
what he had faid, but added, that God wrought
-iniracles : To which no reply could, or duril ht
made by the other : It needed none. So healthy
a child being fo little like any of thofe the Queen
had born, it was given out, that he had fits, and
could not live. But thofe who faw him every day
obferved no fuch thing. On the contrary the child
was in a very profperous ftate. ■ None of thofe fits
ever happened, when the Princefs was at Court ;
for fhe could not be denied admittance, tho' a:ll
others v^ere. So this was believed to be given out
to make the matter more credible. It is true, forne
weeks after that, the Court being gone to Wind-
for, and the child fent to Richmond, he fell into
- fuch fits, that four phyficians were fent for. Th^y The child,
all looked on him as a dying child. The King ^jg^^J
and Queen were fent for* The Phyficians went to died, and
a dinner prepared for them -, and were often won- another
dring that they were not called for. They took it Z^^ P"^ "^
'^ ' •' -- his room,
lor
4^^. The History of the Reio-il *
l68S. for gfanted, that the child was dead. But, whert
they went in after dinner to look on him, they faw
a found healthy child, that feemed to have had np
fort of illnefs on him. It was faid, that the child
was flrangely revived of a fudden. Some of the
phyficians told Lloyd, Bifhop of , St. Afaph, that
it was not poffibie for them to think it was. the
fame child. They looked on one another, but
jdurll not fpeak what they thought.
. Thus I have related fuch particulars as I could
gather of this birth : To which fome more fhall
Jdc added, when I give an account of the prooif
ihat the King brought afterwards to put this mat-
ter out of doubt i but by which it became indeed
iinore doubtful than ever. I took molt of thefe
from the informations that were fent over to the
Prince and Princefs of Orange, as I had many from
the vouchers themfelves. I do not mix with thefe
-the various reports that were, both then and after-
wards, fpread of this matter, of which Bilhop Lloyd
,has a great colkaion, moft of -them well attefted.
:.What truth foever may be in thefe, this is certain,
.that the method in which this matter was condudl-
ed from firft to laft wa? very unaccountable. If
nn impofture had been iritended, it could not have
been otherwife managed. The pretended excufc
that the Queen made, that fhe owed no fatisfadion
to thofe who could fufpeft her capable of fuch bafe
.forgery, was the only excufe that fhe could have
-made, if it had been really what it was commonly
faid to be. She feemed to be foon recovered, and
was fo little altered by her labour, either in her
looks or voice, that this helped not a little to en-
icreafe jealoufies. The rejoycings over England
upon this birth was very cold and forced. Bon-
fires were made in fome places, and a fet of con-
gratulatory addrefibs went round the Nation. None
durft oppofe them. But all was formal, and only
to make a Ihew.
Tiic
■t-
of King J A M E s II. 48 1
The Prince and Princefs of Orange received the 1688.
news of this birth very decently. The full letters *— -v-»^
gave not thofe grounds of fufpicion that V7ere fent ^^^
to them afterwards. So they fent over Zuylefiein f""^^^"^
^ xTiviCQiF or
to congratulate : And the Princefs ordered the Orange
Prince of Wales to be prayed for ih her Chapel, ient to
Upon this occafid^ yit may not be improper to fet -o^gratu-
down, what the Princefs faid to myfelf on thia^ ^^^'
fubjed two years before. I had afked her, in the
freedom of much difcourfe, if foe knev/ the tem-
per ot her own mind, and how flae could bear the
(^een's having a fon. She faid, fiie v/as fure it
would give her no concern at all on her own ac-
count : God knev/ heft what was fit for her ; And,
if it was not to ferve the great ends of providence,
Ihe was fure that, as to herfelf, flie would rather
wifli to live and die in the condition ilie was then
in. The advertifements formerly mentioned came
over from fo many hands, that it v/as impoffibie
not to be fhaken by them. It was alfo taken ill in
England, that the Princefs fhould have begun fo
early, to pray for the pretended Prince : Upon
v/hich the naming him difcontinued. But this was
fo highly refented by the Court of England, that
the Prince, fearing it might precipitate a rupture,
ordered him to be again named in the prayers.
The Prince fet himfelf with great application to The
prepare for the intended expedition : For Zuyle- Prince c?e-
ftein brought him fuch pofitive advices, and fuch ^S"-^ ^"
an affurance of the invitation he had defired, that ^-^ ^ ''
he was fully fixed in his purpofe. It was advifed Enoland.
from England, that the Prince could never hope
for a more favourable conjunfture, nor for better
grounds to break on, than he had at that time.
The whole Nation was in a high fermentation.
The proceedings againft the BilPiops, and thofe
that were ftill kept on foot againil the Clergy,
made all people think the ruin of the Church was
refolved on, and that on the firfl occafion it would
be executed, and that the Religion would be al-
VoL, II, i i terad.
The H I ST OR Y of the Reip-n
tereci. The pretended birth made them reckon
that Popery and Slavery would be entailed on the
Nation. And, if this heat went off, people would
loic heart. It was alfo viiible, that the Army con-
tinued A^^eil. affected. . They fpoke openly againft
Popery: They drank tir&-i|^lipDroachful healths
againft them that could be felted, and treated
the Tew Papills that were amongthem with fcorn
and averfion. The King fav/ this fo vifibly, that
he broke up the camp, and fent them to their quar-
ters : And it was believed, that he would brino-
them no m.ore together, till they v/ere modelled
more to his mind. The feamen lliewed the fame
inclinations. The Dutch had fet out a fleet of
twenty four men of war, on pretence to fecure their
trade : So the King refolved to fet out as ftrong a
fleet. Strickland, who was a Papifl:, had the com-
mand. He brought fome Priefts aboard with him,
who faid Mafs, or at leaft performed fuch offices of
their Religion as are allowed in fhips of war : And
the Chaplain, that was to ferve the Protefliants in
Strickland's fhip, was fent away upon a flight pre-
tence. This put the whole Fleet into fuch a dif-
order, that it was like to end in a mutiny. Strick-
land puniflied fome for this : And the King came
down to accommodate the matter. He fpoke very
Joftly to the Teamen : Yet this made no great im-
preffion ; For they hated Popery in general, and
^Strickland in particular. When fome gained per-
fons among the feamen tried their affeftions to the
Dutch, it appeared they had no inclinations to make
war on them. They laid aloud, they were their
friends and their brethren ; but they would very
willingly go againfl: the French. The King faw
all 4;his, and was refolved to take other more mo-
derate meafures.
hnd ad- ' ^hefe advices were fuggefl:ed by the Earl of Sun-
vifedmore derland, who faw the King was running violently
moderate to his own ruin. So, as foon as the Queen admit-
proceed. jcd -meii to avidiences, he had fome very lonR ones
nigs. of
of King James II.
of her. He reprefented to her, that the ftate of
her affah's was quite changed by her having a fon.
There was no need of driving things fait, noW'
they had a fucceffion fure : Time would bring all
about, if matters were but foftly managed. He
told h^r, it would become her to fct up ior the au-
thor of gentle counfels, that fhe might by anothei'
' adminiftration lay the liame that was now kindled.
By this fhe would gain the hearts of the Nation,
'- both to herlelf and to her ion : She might be de-
■ clared Regent, in cafe the King fhould die before
her fon came to be of ag-e. He found thefe ad-
vices began to be hearkned to. But, that he m.ight
have the more credit in preffing them, he, who
had but too flight notions of religion, refolved to
declare himfelf a Papift. And then, he being in
^'the fame intereft with her, and moft violently hated
• tor this ill ftep he had made, he gained fuch an af-
cendant over her fpirit, that things were like to be
put in another management.
He made the ftep to Popery all on the fudden. And be
without any previous inftrudlion or conference : '"''"^'i
So that the change he made looked too like a man ^f" '
who, having no religion, took up one, rather to
ferve a turn, than that he was truly changed from
one religion to another. He has been fince accuf-
ed, ;as if he had done all this to gain the more cre-
dit, that fo he might the more effeftually ruin the
King. There was a fufpicion of another nature,
that ftuck with fome in England, who thought
that Mr. Sidney, who had the fecret of all the cor-
refjx)ndence that was between the Prince and his
party in England, being in particular friendfhip
with the Earl of Sunderland, the Earl had got in-
to that fecret : And they fancied he would get in-
to the Prince's confidence by Sidney's means. So I
■ was writ to, and defired to put it home to the Prince,
whether he was in any confidence or correfpon-
dence with the Earl of Sunderland, ornot ? For,
till they were fatisfied in that matter, they wouH
I i 2 flot
4^4 The History of the Reign
1688. not goon ; fince they believed he would betray all,
«--%'--^ when things were ripe for it, and that many were
engaged in the defign. The Prince upon that did
fay very pofitively, that he was in no fort of cor-
refpondence with him. His counfcis lay then ano-
ther way. And, if time had been given him to
follow the fcheme then laid down by him, thincrs
might have turned fatally : And the Nation might
J^ave been fo laid afleep with new promifes, and a
idaffcrent conduct, that in a flow method they miaht
have gained that, which they were fo near lofino-,
by the violent proceedings in which they had gone
fo far. The Judges had orders in their circuits to
proceed very gejitly, and to give new promifes in
the King's name. But they were treated every
where with fach contempt, that the common de-
cencies were fcarce paid them, when they were on
the bench. And they now faw that the prefent-
ments of Grand Juries, and the verdids of other
Juries^ were no more under their diredion. Things
flept in England, as is ufual, during the long va-
cation. But the Court, had little quiet, havino-
every day frefh alarms from abroad, as well as greS
mortifications at home.
Hince of ^ muft now change the fcene, and give a large
Orange ' ^ccount of the affairs abroad, they having fuch a
treats connedion ^with all chat followed in England. Upon
withfome the Eie6lor of Brandenburg's death, the Prince
fhTEm-''^ ^"^^^ ^^' ^e"ti"- with the compliment to the new
pjre/ ' Eleclor : And he was ordered to lay before him the
ftate of affairs, and to communicate the Prince's
defign to him, and to afk him, how much he might
depend upon him for his affiflance. The anfwer
was full and frank. He offered all that was afk-
cd, and more. The Prince refolved to carry over
to England an Army of nine thoufand foot, and
^^aurthoufand horfe and dragoons. He intended
•to choofe thefe out of the whole Dutch Anny. But
for the fecurity of the States, under fuch a diminu-
tion of their force, it was irecelTary to have a
flrength
of King James II.
ftrength from fome other Princes. This w^s foon
concerted between the Prince and the new Elector,
with the Landgrave of HefTe, and the Duke of
Lunenburg and Zell, who had a particular af-
fedlion to the Prince, and v/as a cordial friend to
him on all occafions.
His brother, the Duke of Hannover, was at that
time in fome engagements with th-j Court of
France. Byt, fince he had married the Princefs
Sophia of the Palatine Houfe, I ventured to fend
a meflage to her by one of their Court, who was
then at the Hague. He was a French Refugee,
named Mr. Boucour. It was to acquaint her with
our defign with relation to England, and to let her
know, that, if we fucceeded, certainly a perpetual
exclufion of all Papifts from the fucceffion to the
Crown would be enacted : And, fmce fhe was the
next Proteftant heir after the two Princeffes, and
the Prince of Orange, of whom at that time there
was no iffue alive, I v/as very confident, that, if
the Duke of Hannover could be difengaged from
the interefts of France, fo that he came into our
interefts, the' fucceffion to the Crown would be
lodged in her perfon, and in her pofterity •, tho*
on the other hand, if he continued, as he ftood
then, engaged with France, I could not anfwer for
this. The Gentleman carried the meSTage, and de-
livered it. The Dutchefs entertained it with much
warmth : And brought him to the Duke to repeat
it to him. But at that time this made no great
impreffion on him. He looked on it as a remote
and a doubtful proje6t. Yet when he law our fuc-
cefs in England, he had other thoughts of it.
Some days after this Frenchman was gone, I told
. the Prince what I had done. He approved of it
heartily : But was particularly glad, that I had done
it, as ot myfelf, without communicating it to him,
or any way engaging him in it: For he laid, if it
lliould happen to be known that the propofition
was made by him, it might do us hurt in England,
I i 3 as
affairs of
Colocn.
4M The History of the Reign
1688. as if he had already reckoned himfelf fo far ma-
«.,--v--v^' fter, as to be forming projects concerning the fuc-
ceffioii to the Crown.
The ^ Sut while this was in a fecret management, the
Eie6lor of Cologn*s death came in very luckily to
give a, good colour to intrigues and preparations.
The old Elector was brother to Maximilian, Duke
pf Bavaria. He had been long Bifnop, both of
Cologn and Liege : He was alfo elefted Bifhop
•of Munfter : But the Pope would never grant
his Bulls for that See : But he had the temporal-
ties, and that was all he thought on. He had thus
a revenue ot near four millions of Guilders, and
four great Bifhopricks ; for he was likewife BiflTop
of Hiideiheim. He could arm and pay twenty
thoufand men, befides that his dominions lay quite
round the Netherlands. Munfter lay between them
and the Northern parts of Germany •, and from
thence their beft recruits came. Cologn command-
ed twenty leagues of the Rhine •, by which, as an
entrance was opened into Holland, which they
had felt fevercly in the year 1672, fo the Spanifh
Netherlands were entirely cut off, from all affift-
ance that might be fent them out of Germany :
And Liege was a country full both of people and
wealth, by which an entrance is open into Bra-
bant : And if Maftriecht was taken, the Maefe
was open down to Holland. So it was of great
importance to the States to take care who fhould
fuccecd him. The old man was a v/eak Prince,
much fet on chym.ical proceffes, in hopes of the
Philofopher's ftone. He had taken one of the
Princes of Furftenberg into his particular confi--
dence, and was entirely governed by him. He
made him one of the Canons of Cologn : And he
came to be Dean at laft. He made him not only
his chief Minifter, but left the nomination ot the
Canons that were preferred by him wholly to his
dioice. The Bifhop, and the Dean and Chapter,
name thofe by turns. So, what by thole the Elec-
tor
of King James II.
tor named on his mocion, v/hat by thofe he got to
be chofen, he reckoned he was fure of lucceeding
the Eledor : And nothing but ill management
could have prevented it. He had no hopes of fuc-
ceedingat Munller. But he had taken much pains
to fecure Liesre.
I need not enlarge further on this ftory, than to
remember that he got the Elector to deliver his
Country up to the French in year 1672, and that
the treaty opened at Cologn was broken up, on his
being feized by the Emperor's order. After he
was fet at liberty, he was, upon the recommenda-
tion of the Court, of France, made a Cardinal,
tho' with much difficulty. In the former winter,
the Emperor had been prevailed on by the Pala-
tine Family, to confent to the eleftion of a Co-
adjutor in Cologn. But this was an artifice of the
Cardinal's, who deceived that family, into the hopes
of carrying the election for one of their branches.
And they obtained the Emperor's confent to it,
without which it could not be done. But fo ill
grounded were the Palatine's hopes, that of twenty
live voices the Cardinal had nineteen, and they
had only fix voices.
The conteft at Rome about the Franchifes had
now occafioned fuch a rupture there, that France
and Rome feemed to be in a ilate of war. The
Count Lavardin was fent Embaffador to Rome.
But the Pope refufed to receive him, unlefs he
would renounce the pretenfion to the Franchifes.
So he entered Rome in a hoftile manner, with Ibme
troops of horfe, tho' not in form of troops : Bur
the torce was too great for the Pope. He kept
guards about his houfe, and in the Franchifes, and
affronted the Pope's authority on all occafions.
The Pope bore all filently ; but would never ad-
mit him to an audience, nor receive any melllige
nor interceffion from the Court of France ; and
kept off every thing, in which they concerned
themfelves : And therefore he would not confirm
I i 4 the
4S S The History of the Reign
1688. the eledion of a Coadjutor to Cologn. So, that
**nr^ not being done v/hen the Eledor died, the Canons
were to proceed to a new eleftion, the former be-
ing void, becaufe not confirmed : For if it had
been conhrmed, there would have been no va-
cancy.
The cabal againfb the Cardinal grew foftrong,
that he began to apprehend he might lofe it, if
he had not |eave from the Pope to refign the Bi^
Ihoprick of Strafburg, which the French had forc-
ed him to accept, only to ieffen the penfion that
they paid him by giving -him that Bifnoprick. By
the rules of the Empire, a man that is already a
Bifhop, cannot be cliofen to another See, but by
a poftulation : And to that it is neGef&ry to have
a concurrence of' two thirds of the Chapter. But
it was at the Pope's choice, whether he would ac-
cept of the refignation of Straiburg or not : And
therefore he refuled it. The King of France fent
a Gentleman to the Fope with a letter writ in
his own hand, defiring him to accept of that re-
fignation, and promifing him upon it all reafon-
able fatisfa6lion : But the Pope would not admit
the bearer, nor receive the letter. He faid, while
the French Embaflador lived at Rome like an ene-
my, that had invaded it, he would receive nothing
from that Court.
In the Bilhopricks of Munfler and Hildefheim,
the Deans were promoted, of whom both the States
and the Princes of the Empire were well affured.
But a new management was (et up at Cologn. The
ElecTtor of Bavaria had been difgufted at feme
things in the Emperor's Court. He complained,
that the honour of the fuccefs in Hungary wa^
given fp entirely "to the Duke of Eorrain, that he
had not the fhare which belonged to him. The
French inftruments that were then about him took
occafion to alienate him more from the Emperor,
by reprefenting to him, that, in the management
now at Cologny the Emperor fhewed more regard
"• ^"' ■ \' " ' ' "' ' ^ ?Q
of King James II. 489
10 the Palatine Family than to himfelf, after all 1688.
the fervice he had done him. The Emperor, ap- y^,f>r^>
prehending the ill confequences of a breach with.
him, fent and offered him the fupream command
of his Armies in Hungary for that year, the Duke
of Lorrain being taken ill of a fever, juft as they
were upon opening the Campaign. He likewife
offered him all the voices, that the Palatine had
made at Cologn, in favour of his brother Prince
Clement. Upon this they were again reconciled :
And the Ele6tor of Bavaria commanded the Em-
peror's Army in Hungary fo fuccefsfully, that he
took Belgrade by ftorm after a fhort fiege. Prince
Clement was then but feventeen, and was not of
the Chapter of Cologn. So he was not eligible ac-
cording to their rules, till he obtained a Bull from
the Pope difpenfing with thefe things. That was
eafily got. With it the Emperor fent one to ma-
nage the Eledlion in his name, with exprefs in-
ftruclions to offer the Chapter the whole revenue
and government of the temporalties tor five years,
jn cafe they would choofe Prince Clement, who
wanted all that time to be of age. If he could
make nine voices fure for him, he was to flick frnixx
to his interell. But, if he could not gain fo many,
he was to confent to any perfon that fliould be fet
up in oppofition to the Cardinal. He was ordered
to charge him feverely before the Chapter, as one
that had been' for many years, an etiemy and trai- •
tor to the Empire. Ibis was done with all pof-
fible aggravations, and in very injurious words.
The Chapter faw, chat this election was like to
be attended widi^ a war in their Country, and other
difmal confequences : For the Cardinal was chofen
by the Chapter Vicar, or Guardian of the tempo-
ralties: And he had put garrifons in all their for-
tified places, that were paid with French money :
And they knew, he would put them all in the
King of France's hands, if he was not eledled.
\f hey had promifed not to vote in favour of the
Bavarian
The HisTORy of the Reign
Bavarian Prince. So they offered to the Empe-
ror's agent to confent to any third perfon. But
ten voices were made fure to Prince Clement : So
he was fixed to his interefts. At the eleftion, the
Cardinal had fourteen voices, and Prince Clement
had ten. By this means the Cardinal's pollulation
was defeftive, fince he had not two thirds. And
upon that, Prince Clement's election was firft judg-
ed good by the Emperor, as to the temporalties ;
but was tranfmitted by him to Rome, where a con-
gregation of Cardinals examined it : And it was
judged in favour of Prince Clement. The Cardi-
nal iucceeded worfe at Liege,^' where the Dean was
without any difficulty chofen Bifhop : And nothing
but the Cardinal's. purple faved him from the vio-
lences of the people at Liege. He met with all
forts, of injurious ufage, being hated there, both
on the account of his depending fo much on the
proted:ioji of France, and for the effeds they had
felt of his violent and cruel Miniftry under the old
Eledor. I will add one circumfbance in honour
of fome of the Canons of Liege. They not only
would accept of no preients, from thofe whom the
States appointed, to affift in managing that felec-
tioji, before it was made -, but they refufed them
after the elc(5lion was over. This 1 law in the let-
ter that the States Deputy wrote to the Hague.
I have given a more particular account ot this
matter ; becaufe I was acquainted with all the fteps
that were made in it. And it had fuch an imme-
diate relation to the peace and fafety of Holland,
that, if they had mifcarried in it, the expedition
defigned for England would not have been fo fafe,
nor could it have been propofed eafily to the States.
By this it appeared, what an influence the Papacy,
low as it is, may ftill have in matters of the great-
eft confequence. The foolifh pride of the French
Court, which had affronted the Pope, in a point
in which, fince they allowed him to be the Prince
of Rome, he certainly could lay down fuch rules
as
of King James II.
aV lie thought fit, did now' defeat a defign that they
had been long driving at, and which could not
have mifcarried by any other means, than thofe
that they had found out. Such great eveuts may
and do often rife from fuch inconfiderable begin*
nings. Thefe things furnilhed thePrince with a good
JDlind for covering ail his preparations ; fince here " ,.
a War in their neighbourhood was unavoidable,
and it was neceifary to ftrengthen both their alli-
ances and their troops. For it was vifible to all
the world, that, if the' French could have fixed
themfelves in the territory of Cologn, the way was
open to enter Holland, or to feize on Flanders,
when that King pleafed ; and he would have the
four Eledors on the Rhine at mercy. It was ne-
'ceiTary to diflodge them, and this could not be
done without a war with France. The Prince got
the States to fettle a fund for nine thoufand feamjsn,
to be conftantly in their fervice. And orders were
■ given to put the naval preparations in fuch a cafe,
that they might be ready to put to fea upon or-
ders. Thus things went on in July and Auguft,
with fo much fecrecy and fo little fufpicion, that
neither the Court of England nor the Court of
France feemed to be alarmed at them.
In July, Admiral Herbert came over to Hoi- Herbert
land, and was received with a particular regard to came over
his pride and ill humour : For he was upon every f^ J^°^'
occafion fo fullen and peevifh, that it was plain he
fet a high value on himfelf, and expeded the fame
of all others. He had got his accounts pail, in
which he complained, that the King had ufed him
not only hardly but unjuftly. He was a man deli-
vered up to pride and luxury. Yet he had a good
underftanding : And he had gained fo great a re-
putation by his fteady behaviour in England, that
the Prince underflood that it was expefted, he
, fhould ufe him in the manner he himfelf fhould de-
fire i in which it was not very eafy for him to con-
ftrain himfelf fo far as that required. The ma-
naging him was in a great meafure put on me :
And
49? The History of the Reign
1 68 8. And it was no eafy thing. It made me often rtfit^
c-y..^ on the providence of God, that makes fome men
inftruments in great things^ to which they them-
felves have no fort of affedion or difpofition : For
his private quarrel with the Lord Dartmouth, who
he thought had more of the King's confidence than
himfelf, was believed the root of all the fullennefs
he fell into towards the King, and of all the firm-
nefs that grew out of that.
The ad- J ^qw return to England, to give an account of
vices from ^ f^^j-g^- management there. The Lord Mordaunt
The * was the firft of all the Englifh Nobility that came
Lord over openly, to fee the Prince of Orange. He
J^*''"", afked the King's leave to do it. He was a man of
charafter ."^"^^ heat, many notions, and full of difcourfe :
' He was brave and generous : But had not true
judgment: His thoughts were crude andindigeft-
ed : And his fecrets were foon known. He
was with the Prince in the year i686: And then
he preffed him to undertake the bufinefs of Eng-
land : And he reprefented the matter as fo eafy,
that this appeared too romantick to the Prince to
build upon it. He only promifed in general, that
he fhould have an eye on the affairs of England ;
and fhould endeavour to put the affairs of Hol-
land in fo good a pofture as to be ready to a6l
when it fhouid be necelTary : And he afTured him,
that, if the King fhould go about either to change
the ellablifhed religion, or to wrong the Princefs
in her right, or to raife forged plots to deflroy his
friends, that he would try what he could poflibly
do. Next year a man of a far different temper
came over to him :
The Earl xhe Earl of Shrewfbury. He had been bred a
ofShrews- papif]:^ but had forfaken that religion, upon a ve-
chara^er. ^"y critical and anxious enquiry into matters of con^
troverfy. Some thought, that, tho' he had for-
faken Popery, he was too fceptical, and too little
fixed in the points of religion. He feemed to be
.^.■j^n.^n of great probity, and to have a high fenfe
of
of King James II.
of honour i. He had no ordinary meafure of learn-
ing, a correi-t judgment, with a fweetnefs of tem-
per that charmed all who knew him. He had at
that time juft notions of government; and fo great
a command of himfelf, that, during all the time
that he continued in the Miniftry, I never heard
any one complaint of him, but for his filent and
: referved anfwers, with which his friends were not
always well pleafed.. His modeft deportment gave
him fuch an intereft in the Prince, that he never
feemed fo fond of any of his Minifters, as he was
of him. He had only in general laid the ftate of
affairs before the Prince, witiiout preffing him too
much.
But RuiTel coming over' in May brought the RuAel's
matter nearer a point. He was a coulin german to c^^rafter.
. the Lord Ruflel. He had been bred at fea, and
.was Bed-chamber- man to the King, when he was
/Dukeof Xork : But, upon .the Lord Ruliel's death,
he retired from the Court. He was a man of
much honour, and great courage. He had good
principles, and was firm to them. -The Prince
Ipoke more pofitively to him, than he had ever
done before. He faid, he mull fatisfy both his
; honour and confcience, before he could enter upon
fo great a defign, which, if it mifcarried, muft
bring ruin both on England and Holland : He
protefted, that no private ambition nor refentmeht
of his own could ever prevail fo far with him, as
to make him break with fo near a relation, or en-
gage in a war, of which the confequences mufl be
of the laft importance, both to the interefts of Eu-
rope and of the Proteftant Religion : Therefore he
expedled formal and - direct invitations. Rufiel
, laid before him the danger of trufting fuch a fecret ^i^^
to great numbers. The Prince faid, ifaconfider-
. able number of men, that might be fuppofed to
underftand the fenfe of the Nation belt, -^iould do
' it, he would acquiefce in it. : r :
3 RufTel
- 4-94 Th^ . H I s T o R Y . of the Reign
i6S8. Ruffel told me, that, upon his return to Eng-
v-.-^-^.*^ Jand, he communicated, the matter, firft to the
Earl of Shrewfbury, and then to the Lord Lumly,
who was a late convert from . Popery, and had
• flood out. very firmly all this reign. He was a
man, who. laid his intereft much to heart: And
he refolved-to embark deep in this defign.
^h'^"^ft^- ^^^ the man in whofe hands the condutl of the
'■ whole defign was chiefly depofited, by the Prince's
-lOwn order,, was, Mr. Sidney, brother ito' the Earl
of Leicefter and to Algernoon Sidney. He was a
graceful man, and had lived, long in the Court,
where he had fome adventures that became veiy
publick. He was a man of a fweet and careffing
temper, had no malice in his heart, but too great
a love of pleafure. He had been fent Envoy to
Holland in the year 1679, where he entred into
fuch particular confidences with the Prince, that he
had the higheft meafure of his truft and favour,
that any Englifhman ever had. This was well
known over England : So that all who defired to
recommend themfelves to the Prince did it thro'
- his hands. He was fo apprehenfive of the dangers
this might caft him in, that he travelled almoft a
year round Italy. But now matters ripened fafter :
So all centered in him. But, becaufe he was lazy,
and the bufinefs required an active man, who could
both run about, and v/rite over long and full ac-
counts of all matters, I recommended akinfmian
of my own, Johnftoun, whom I had formed, and
knew to be both faithful and diligent, and very fit
for the em.ployment he was now trufted with.
Many en- Sidney tried the Marquis of Elallifax, if he
gaged in -would advife the Prince's coming over. But, as
fien ^' ^^'^^ matter was opened to him at a great diftance,
he did not encourage a further freedom. He
looked on the thing as impracticable : It depended
on fo many accidents, that he thought it was a ralh
and defperate project, that ventured all upon fuch
a dangerous iffue, as might turn on feas and winds.
5 It
■ of King James II. 49^
It was next opened to the Earl of Danby : And he i688i
not only went . in heartily to it himfelf, but drew i/V>J
in the Bifliop of London to join in it. By their
advice it was propofed to the Earl of Nottingham,
v/ho had great credit with the whole Church party : '■
For he was a man poilefTed with their notions, and
was grave and virtuous in the courfe ot his life;
He had fome knovdedge of the law, and of the re-
cords of Parliament, and was a copious Speaker,
but too florid and tedious. He was much admired
by many. Ele had ftood at a great diftance from
the Court all this reig-n : For, tho' his name was
ftill among the Privy Counfellors, yet he never
went to the board. He upon the firft propofition
entertained it, and agreed to it. But at their next
meeting he faid, he had confidered better of that
matter : His confcience was fo refl:rained in thofe
points, that he could not go further with them in
it :' He faid, he had talked with fome Divines,
and named Tillotfon and Stillingfleet, in general
of the thing ; and they were not fatisfied with it :
(Tho' they protefted to me afterwards, that they
remembred no fuch thing:) He confeired, he
fhould not have fuffered them to go fo far with
him in fuch a fecret; till he had examined it better :
They had now, according to Italian notions, a
right to murder him: But, tho' his principles -re-
trained him, fo that he could not go on with
them, his afFedions would make him to wilh w.eli
to them, and be fo far a criminal as concealment
could make him one. The Ear] of Dev^oniliire
was fpoke to : And he went into it v/ith great re-
folution. It was next propofed to three of the
chief Officers of the ilrmy, Trelawny, Kirk,- and
the Lord Churchill. Thefe went all into it. And
Trelawny engaged his brother, the Bifliop ef
Briftol, into it, ■ ^^
But, having now named tlie Lord Churchill, 'ord
who is like to be mentioned oft by me in the fe- h^j."'^^!,'
quel of this work^ I will fay a little more 'of Hm. \^aer "^^
He ■
496 The History of the Reign
1688. He was a man of a noble and graceful appearance,
bred up in the Court with no literature : But he
had a folid and clear underftanding, with, a con-
ftant prefence of iiiind. He knew the arts of
living in a Court beyond any man in it. He ca-
reffed all people with a foft and obliging deport-
ment, and was always ready to do good offices.
He had no fortune to fet up on : This put him on
all the methods of acquiring one. And that went
fo far into him, that he did not Ihake it off, when
he was in a much higher elevation : Nor was his
expence fuited enough to his pofls. But, when
allowances are made tor that, it mufl be acknow-
ledged, that he is one of the greateil men the age
has produced. He was in high favour with the
-King. But his Lady was much more in Prmcefs
Anne's favour. She had an afcendant over her in
every thing. She was a woman of little know-
ledge, but of a clear apprehenfion, and a true
judgment, a warm and hearty friend, violent and
fudden in her refolutions, and impetuous in her
way of fpeaking. She was thought proud and in-
folent on her favour, tho' Ihe ufed none of the
common arts of a Court to maintain it: For fhe
did not befet the Princefs, nor flatter her. She
ftaid much at home, and looked very carefully af-
ter the education of her children. Having thus
opened both their characters, I will now give an
account of this Lord's engagements in this matter ;
for which he has been fo feverely cenfured, as
guilty both of ingratitude and treachery, to a very
kind and liberal mailer. He never difcovered any
of the King's fecrets ; nor did he ever pufii him on
to any violent proceedings. So that he was in no
contrivance to ruin or betray him. On the con-
trary, whenfoever he fpoke to the King of his af-
fairs, which he did but feldom, becaufe he could
not fail In with the King's notions, he always fug-
gefted moderate counfels. The Earl of Gallway
told me, that when he came over with the firlt
com-
of King J A M E s II.
compliment upon the King's coming to the Crown,
he faid then to him, that, if the King was ever
prevailed on to alter our religion, he would ferve
him no longer, but withdraw from him. So early
was this refolution fixed in him.. When he faw
how the King was fct, he could not be contented
to fee all ruined by him. He v/as alfo very doubt-
ful as to the pretended birth. So he refolved,
when the Prince iliould come over, to go in to
him i but to betray no poft, nor do any thing
more than the withdrav.ing himfelf, with fuch
Officers as he could truft with fuch a fecret. He
alfo undertook, that Prince George and the Prin-
cefs Anne would leave the Court, and come to the
Prince, as lOon 3. v/as poifible.
Wich thefe invitations and letters the Earl of
Shrewsbury and Ruffel cam^e over in September :
And f:;on alter them came Sidney with Johnftoun.
And they brought over a full fcheme of advices,
tos;ether with the heads of a declaration, all which
were chiefly penned by Lord Danby. He and the
Earl of Dc'/onfnire, and the Lord Lumly under-
took for the North : And they all difperfed them-
felves into their feveral countries, and among their
friends. The thing was in the hands of many
thoufands, vv'ho yet were fo true to one another,
that none of them made any difcovery, no not by
their railinefs : Tho' they were fo confident, that
they did not ufe fo difcreet a condudl as was ne-
ceiiary. Matters went on in Holland with great
fecrecy till September. Then it was known, that
many arms were befpoke. And, tho' thofe were
bargained for in the name of the King of Sweden,
and of fome of the Princes of Germany, yet there
was ground enough for fufpicion. All thofe that
W-re truited proved both faithful and diicreet.
And here an emment difference appeared between
the hearty concurrence of thofe, who went into a
dciign upon .Uicipies of religion and honour, and
the ;ioiced compliance of mercenary Soldiers, or
^ Vol. II. K k corrupt
498 Tlie H I s I o R Y of the Reign
1688. corrupt Miniilers, which is neither cordial nor fecrer.
O'^V'Sj France took the aharm firft, and gave it to the
Court of Enghind.
D'Avaux, the Fiench Embaflador, could no
more give the Court of France thole advertile-
ments, that he was wont to lend of all that paft in
Holland. He had great allowances for entertaining
agents and fp;cs every where. But Louvoy, who-
hated him, lliggelled that there was no more need
of thefe : So they were flopped: And the Em-
baflador was not lorry, that the Court felt their
error lb fcnfibly. The King publilhed the adver-
tifements he had from France a httle too rafhly :
For all people were much animated, when they
heard it trom fuch a hand. I'he King foon faw his
error : And, to correc^t it, he laid on many occa-
fions, that whatever the deligns of the Dutch might
be, he was ilire they were not againft him.. It was
given out fometimes, that they were againft France,
and then that they were againil Denmark. Yet the
King Ihewed he w^as not without his fears : For he
ordered fourteen more fliips to be put to lea with
maiiy firelhii^'S. Fie recalled Strickland, and gave
the command to the Lord Dartmouth ; who was
indeed one ot the v.orthieft men of his Court : He
loved him, and had been long in his fervice, and
in his confidence : But he was much againft all the
conduct of his affairs : Yet he relolved to ftick to
him at all hazards. Ihe feamen came in llowly :
And a heavy backwardneis appeared in every
thing.
A new and unlooked for accident gave the King
a very fenfible trouble. It was relolved, as was
told belore, to model the Army, and to begin
Y-mh recruits trom Ireland. Upon which the
F^nglilh Army vv^ould have become infenfibly an
Irilh one. The King made the firft trial on the
Duke of Berwick's Regiment, which being al-
ready under an illegal Colonel, it might be fup-
pofed they Vv'crc ready to fubmit to every thing.
Five
of King James IT.
Five Iriflimen were ordered to be put into every
company of that Regiment, which then lay at
Portfmouth. But Beaumont, the Lieutenant Co-
lonel, and five of the Captains refufed to receive
them. They faid, they had raifed their men upon
the Duke of Monmouth's invafion, by which
their zeal for the King's fervice did evidently ap-
pear. If the King would order any recruits, they
doubted not, but that they fliould be able to make
them. But they found, it v/ould give fuch an
univerfal difcontent, if they fliould receive the
Irilh among them, that it would put them out of
a capacity of ferving the King any more. But as
the order was pofitive, fo the Duke of Berwick
was fent down to fee it obeyed. Upon which they
defired leave to lay down their commiffions. The
King was provoked by this to fuch a degree that
he could not govern his paffion. The Officers were
put in arreft, and brought before a Council of
war, where they were broken with reproach, and
declared incapable to ferve the King any more.
But upon this occafion, the whole Officers of the
Army, declared fo great an unwillingnefs to mix
with thofe of another Nation and Religion, that,
as no more attempts were made of this kind, fo it
was believed that this fixed the King in a point,
that was then under debate.
The King of France, when he o-ave the King Offers
the advertifements of the preparations in Holland, "^l^^" ^
ofi^ered him fuch a force as he ffiould call for. p.^p^^-v,.
Twelve or fifteen thoufand were named, or as
many more as he fhould defire. It was propofed,
that they fliould land at Portfmouth, and that
they fhouki have that place to keep the commu-
nication with France open, and in their hands.
All the Priefts were for this : So were moft of the
Popifh Lords. The Earl of Sunderland was the
only man in credit that oppofed it. He laid, the
ofi^er ot .■^in Army ot torty thoufand men might be
a real ilrength : But then it would depend on the
r^ K 2
orders
tcrt^if ed
at that
time.
^00 The HisTOP. Y of the Reign
1688. orders that came from France : They might per-
v.^v-*--' haps mailer England : But they would become
the King's mafters at the fame time : So that he
mud govern under fuch orders as they fhould give :
And thus he would quickly become only a Viceroy
to the King of France : Any Arm.y lefs than that
would lofe the King the affections of his people,
and drive his own Army to defertion, if not to
mutiny.
Not en- The King did not think matters were yet fo near
a crifis : So he did neither entertain the propo-
fition, nor let it fall quite to the ground. There
was a treaty fet on foot, and the King was to have
an hundred merchant fhips, ready tor the tranf-
portation of fuch forces as he ihould defire, which
it was promifed fhould be ready when called for.
It is certain, that the French Embaffador then at
London, who knew the Court better than he did
the Nation, did believe, that the King would have
been able to have made a greater divifion of the
Nation, than it proved afterwards he was able to
do. He believed, it would have gone to a civil
w^ar i and that then the King v/culd have been
forced to have taken affiftance from France on any
terms : And fo he encouraged the King of France
to go on with his defigns that winter, and he be-
lieved he might come in good time next year to
the King's affiftance. Thefe advices proved fatal
to the King, and to Barrillon himfelf : For, when
he was lent over to France, he w'as fo ill looked
on, that it was believed it had an ill effeft on his
health % for he died foon after.
Albeville came over fully perfuaded that the
Dutch df^Iigned the expedition againft England,
but plaid the Minifter lb, that he took pains to
infufe into all people that they defigned no fuch
thing •, which made him to be generally laughed
at. He was foon fent back : And, in a memorial
jie gave into the States, he afked, what was the
defign of thofe great and furprifing pfeparatioi>s
at
of King J A M E s II. 501
at fucli a feafon. The States, acco^di.^.^ ^o their 1688.
flow forms let this lie long beiore taea., v.'itliout '-"^"XJ
e;ivino; it an anfwer.
But the Court of France made a greater ftep. The
The French EmbalTador, in a memoi ial told the ^f^"^^*
States, that his mailer underftood their defign was ^J^an^
againft England, and in that cafe he figniiied to with the
them, that there was fuch a llrait alliance between King.
him and the King of England, that he would look'^
on eveiy thing done againft England, as an in-
vafion of his own Crown. This put the King and
his Minifters m^uch out of countenance : For, up-
on fome furmifes of an alliance with France, they
had very pofitively denied there was any fuch
thing. Aibeville did continue to deny it at the
Hague, even after the memorial was put in. The
King did likewife deny it to the Dutch EmbalTa-
dor at London. And the blame of the putting it
into the memorial was call on Shelton the King's
Envoy at Paris, who was difowned in it, and upon
his coming over was put in the Tower for it. This
was a fhort difgrace j for he was foon atter made
Lieutenant of the Tower. His rafh folly might
have procured the order from the Court of France,
to own this alliance : He thought it would terrify
the States : And fo he preffed this officiouQy,
which they eafily granted. That related only to
the owning it in fo publick a manner. But this
did clearly prove, that fuch an alliance was made :
Otherwife no inftances, how prelTing foever, v/ould
have prevailed with the Court of France to have
owned it in fo folemn a manner : For what Em-
baffadors fay in their matter's name, when they are
not immediately difowned, paffes for authentick.
So that it was a vain cavil that fome made after-
wards, when they afi<:ed, hov/ was this alliance
proved ? The memorial was a full proof of it: And
the Ihew of a difgrace on Shelton did not at ail
weaken that proof.
K k 2 But
502 The History of the Reign
1688. But I was more confirmed of this matter by
»-'nr*«-' what Sir Wilham TrumbalJ, then the EngHlh Em-
baffador at Conftantinople, told me at his return
to England. He was the eminenteft of all our
Civilians, and was by much the befl pleader in
thofe Courts, and was a learned, a diligent, and a
virtuous man. He was fent Envoy to Paris upon
the Lord Prefton's being recalled. He was there,
when the edicl that repealed the edidt of Nantes
was pail, and faw the violence of the-perfecution,
and atled a great and worthy part in harbouring
many, in covering their effedts, and in conveying
over their jewels and plate to England ; which dif-
gu (led the Court of France, and was not very ac-
ceptable to the Court ot England, tho' it was not
then thought fit to cUlown or recall him for it. He
had orders to put in m.emorials, complaining ot
the invafion of the Principality of Orange ; which
he did in fo high a ftrain, that the lait of them
was like a denunciation of war. From thence he
was fent to Turkey. And, about this time, he was
furprized one morning by a vifit that the French
Embaffador made him, without thole ceremonies
\ that pafs between Embaffadors. He told him, there
yas no ceremony to be between them any more j
for their mafters were now one. And he fiiewed
him Monficur de Croilly's letter, which was writ-
ten in cypher. The decyphering he read to him,
importing, that now an. alliance was concluded bcr
tween the two Kings. So, this matter was as evi-
dently proYCci, as a thing ot fuch a nature could
poffibly be. ■
The 'Y\^Q conduct of France at that tinie with relation
^lTI%-r.f^(^ the States was very unaccountable •, and proved
France, as favourable tq the I'rin.ce ot Orange's deiigns, as
if he had direiled \i, All the manufadure of
Holland both linen and y/oollen was prohibited in
.France, The importation ot herrings was -alio pro-
hibited, exccDC they were cured wirh French fal*:.
of King James II.
This was contrary to the treaty of commerce. The
manufadure began to fuffer much. And this was
fenfible to thofe who were concerned in the herring
trade. So the States prohibited the importing of
French wine or brandy, till the trade fhould be fet
free again of both fides. There was nothing that
the Prince had more reafon to apprehend, than that
the French fhould have given the States fome fatif-
faftion in the point ot trade, and offered fome afTu-
rances with relation to the territory of Cologn.
Many of the towns of Holland might have been
wrought on by fome temper in thefe things j great -
bodies being eafily deceived, and not eafily drawn
into wars, which interrupt that trade which they
fubfift by. But the height the Court of France
was then in, made them defpife all the world.
They feemed rather to wifli for a war, than to fear
it. This difpofed the States to an unanimous con-
currence in the great refolfltions that were now
agreed on, of raifing ten thoufand men more, and
of accepting thirteen thoufand Germans, for whom
the Prince had, as was formerly mentioned, agreed
with fome of the Princes of the Empire. Amfter-
dam was at firft cold in the matter : But they con-
fented with the reft. Reports were given out, that
the French would fettle a regulation of commerce,
and that they would abandon the Cardinal, and
leave the affairs of Cologn to be fettled by the
laws of the Empire. Expedients were alfo fpoke of
tor accommodating the matter, by Prince Clement's
being admitted Coadjutor, and by his having fome
of the ftrong places put in his hands. Hiis Was
only given out to amufe.
But while thefe things were difcourfed ot at the A Man'-
Hague, the world was furprized with a Mani^efto '^^'^o ^^
fet out, in the Kins of France's name, againft the ^^^''- ,, ,. „
T • 1- -11 1 ' • n. 3g unit the
Emperor. In it, the Emperor s ill dchgns agamft Empire.
France ^vere fet forth. It ailb complained of the
Elector Palatine's injuftice to the- Dutchcfs of
Orleans, in not giving her the fuccedion that iell
K k 4 to
c
The History of the Reign
to her by her brother's death, which confilled in
fome lands, cannon, furniture, snd other moveable
goods. It alfo charged him with the difturbances
in Cologn, he having intended firfl to gain thac to
one of his own fons, and then engaging the Ba-
varian Prince into it ; whofe elder brother having
no children, he hoped, by bringing him into an
EcciefiafS:ical State, to make the fuccefnon of Ba-
varia fall into his own family. It charged the Em-
peror likev/ife vvith a defign to force the Eleftors
to choofe his fon King of the Romans-, and that
the Elector Palatine was prelTing him to make
peace with the Turks, in order to the turning his
arms againfc Frarice. By their means a great al
liance v/as projected among many Proteftant
Princes to dillurb Cardinal Fiuilemberg in the
pofleffion of Cologn, to .which he was poftulated
by the majority of the Chapter,. And this might
turn to the prejudice of, the Catholick Religion in
that territory. Upon all thefe conriderations, the
King of France, feeing that his enemies could not
enter into France by any other way but by that of
Philipiburg, refolved to ppffefs himfelf of it, and
then to dernolifh it. He refolved alfo to take Kai-
farflauter from the Palatine, and to keep it, till the
Dutehefs of Orleans had juftice done her in her
pretenfions. And he alfo refolved to fupport the
Cardinal in his pofreffion of Cologn. But, to bal-
lance this, he offered to the Houfe of Bavaria,
that Prince Ckment fhouid be chofen Coadjutor.
He offered alfo to rafe Fribourg, and to reftore
KaifarOauter, ss foon as the Elector Palatine fhoiiJcl
pay the Duchefs of Orleans the jud value of her
pretenfions. He demanded, that tht truce between
him and the Empire ihould be turned into a peace.
He propofed, that the King of England and the
Repiiblick of Venice fhouid be the mediators of
this peace. And he concluded all, declaring that
he v/ould not bind himfelf to itand to the condi-
tions
of King James II. 505
tions now offered by him, unlefs they were accept- 1688.
ed of before January. «-— ^„-^
I have given a full abftraft of this Mani Reflec-
fefto : For upon it did the great war begin, which tions
lafted till the peace of Rvlwick. And, upon the '"'^'^^.
grounds laid down in this Manifc-fto, it will '
evidently appear, whether the war was a juft one,
or not. This declaration was much cenfured, both
for the matter and for the Itjle. It had not the air
of greatnefs, which became crowned heads. The
Dutchels of Orleans's pretenfions to old furniture,
was a ftrange rife to a war; efi^ecially when it was
not alledged, that thefe had been demanded in the
forms of law, and that juftice had been denied,
which was a courfe necefiarily to be obferved in
things of that nature. The judging of the fecret
intentions of the Eleftor Palatine with relation to
the Houfe of Bavaria was abfurd. And the com-
plaints of defigns to bring the Emperor to a peace
with the Turks, that fo he might make war on
France, and of the Emperor's defign to force an
ele6tion of a King of the Romans, was the entring
into the fecrets of thole thoughts, which were
only known to God. Such conjeftures, fo remote
and uncertain, and that could not be proved, were
a ftrange ground of war. If this was once ad*
mitted, all treaties of peace were vain things, and
were no more to be reckoned or relied on. The
reafon given of the intention to take Philipsbourg,
becaufe it v/as the propereft place by which France
could be invaded, was a throwing off all regards
. to the common decencies obferved by Princes. All
fortified places on frontiers are intended both for
refiftance and for magazines ; and are of both
fides conveniences for entring into the neighbour-
ing territory, as there is occafion for it. So here
was a pretence fet up, of beginning a war, that
puts an end to all the fecurities of peace.
The bufinefs of Cologn was judged by the Pope,
^according to the laws of the Empire : And his
fentence
■roS The History of the Reign
i68,S. Sentence was final : Nor could the pollulation of
V-y-'N*^ the majority of the Chapter be vahd, unlefs two
thirds joined in it. The Cardinal was commended
in tlie Manifefto, for his care in preferring the
peace of Europe. This was ridiculous to all, who
knew that he had been for many years the great
incendiary, who had betrayed the Empire, chiefly
in the year 1672. The charge that the Emperor's
agent had laid on him before the Chapter was alfo
complained of, as an infraftion of the Amnefty
ftipulated by the peace of Nimeguen. He was not
indeed to be called to an account, in order to be
, puniihed for any thing done before that peace.
But that did not bind up the Emperor from en-
deavouring to exclude him from fo great a dignity,
which was like to prove fatal to the Empire. Thefe
were fome of the cenfures that paft on this Mani-
fefto ; which was indeed looked on, by all who
had confidered the rights of peace and the laws of
war, as one of the moft avowed and folemn decla-
rations, that ever was made, of the perfidioufnefs
of that Court, And it was thought to be fome
, degrees beyond that in the year 1672, in which
that King's glory was pretended as the chief mo-
tive of that war. For, in that, particulars were not
reckoned up : So it might be fuppofed, he had met
v/ith affronts, which he did not think confiftent
with his greatnefs to be mentioned. But here all
that could be thought on, even the hangings of
Heidelberg, were enumerated : And all together
amounted to this, that the King of France thought
himfelf tied by no peace •, but that, when he fuf-
peCted his neighbours were intending to make war
upon him, he might upon fuch a fulpicion begin a
war on his part.
This Manifefto againft the Emperor was follow-
ed by another againll the Pope, writ in the form
of a letter to Cardinal D'Eftrees, to be given by
him to the Pope. In it, he reckoned all the par-
tiality that the Pope h?,d lliewed during his whole
■Pontificares
of King James II.
Pontificate, both againft France and in favour of
the Houfe of Aullria. He mentioned the bufinefs v-'-vr*^
of the Regale •, his refufing the Bulls to the Bifhops
nominated by him i the diljpute about the iranchifes,
of which his Embafladors had been long in pof-
feffion ; the denying audience, not only to his
EmbalTador, but to a Gentleman whom he had
fent to Rome without a charailer, and with a letter
writ in his own hand : In conclufion, he com-
plained of the Pope's breaking the Canons of the
Church, in granting Bulls in favour of Prince
Clement, and in denying juftice to Cardinal Fur-
ftemberg : For all thefe reafons the King was re-
folved to feparate the charader of the Moft Holy
Father, from that of a temporal Prince : And
therefore he intended to feize on Avignon, as like-
wife on Caftro, until the Pope fhould fatisfy the
pretenfions of the Duke of Parma. He complained
of the Pope's not concurring with him in the
concerns of the Church, for the extirpation of
herefy : In which the Pope's behaviour gave great :
fcandal both to the old Catholicks, and to the new
converts. It alfo gave the Prince of Orange the
boldnefs to go and invade the King of England,
under the pretence of fupporting the Proteitant
religion, but indeed to deilroy the Catholick re-
ligion, and to overturn the Government : Upon
which his emiffaries and the writers in Holland
gave out, that the birth of the Prince of Wales
was an impofture.
This was the firft publick mention that was Cenfures
made of the impofture of that birth : For the au- * '^ P'^
thor of a book writ to that purpofe was punifhed ^^°"
for it in Holland. It was ftrange to fee the dif-
putes about the Franchifes made a pretence for a
war : For certainly all fovereign Princes can make
fuch regulations as they think fit in thofe matters.
If they cut Embaffadors fliort in any privilege,
pheir Embaffadors are to expe6l the fame treatment
fjTom other Princes : And as long as the facredncfs
- of
The History of the Reign
of an EmbafTador's perfon, and of his family, was
ftill preferved, which was all that was a part of
the law of Nations, Princes may certainly limit
the extent of their other privileges, and may re-
fufe any Embafladors, who will not fubmit to
their regulation. The number of an Embafiador's
retinue is not a thing that can be well defined : But
if an Embaffador comes with an Army about him,
inftead of a retinue, he may be denied admittance.
And if he forces it, as Lavardin had done, it was
certainly an a6t of hoftility : And, inftead of
having a right to the charafter of an Embaffador,
he might well be confidered and treated as an
enemy.
The Pope had obferved the Canons in rejedling
Cardinal Furftemberg's defeftivepoftulation. And,
whatever might be brought from ancient Canons,
the pradice of that Church for many ages, allowed
of the difpenfations that the Pope granted to Prince
Clement. It was looked on by all people, as a
ftrange reverfe of things, to fee the King of France,
after all his cruelty to the Proteftants, now go to
make war on the Pope ; and on the other hand to
fee the whole Proteilant body concurring to fupport
the authority of the Pope's Bulls in the bufmefs of
Cologn % and to defend the two Houfes of Auftria
and Bavaria, by whom they were laid fo low but
threefcore years before this. The French, by the
war that they had now begun, had fent their troops
towards Germany and the upper Rhine ; and fo had
rendred their fending an Army over to England
impracticable : Nor could they fend fuch a force
into the Bifhoprick of Cologn, as could any ways
alarm the States. So that the invafion of Germany
made the defigns, that the Prince of Orange was
engaged in, both pra(3:icable and fafe.
Marfhal Schomberg came at this time into the
country of Cleve, He was a German by birth:
So v/hen the perfccution was begun in France, he
defired leave to return into his own Country,
That
of King James II. s^9
That was denied him. All the favour he could 1688.
obtain, was leave to go to Portugal. And fo cruel
is the fpirit of Popery, that, though he had pre-
ferved that Kingdom from falling under the yoke
of Caftille, yet now that he came thither for refuge,
the Inquifition reprefented that matter of giving
harbour to a heretick fo odioufly to the King,
that he was forced to fend him away. He came from
thence, firft to England : And then he pafTed thro*
Holland, where he entred into a particular confi-
dence with the Prince of Orange. And being in-
vited by the old Eledor of Brandenburg, he went
to Berlin : Where he was made Governor of
PrulTia, and fet at the head of all the Eledor's
armies. The fon treated him now v/ith the fame
regard that the father had for him : And fent him
to Cleve, to command the troops that were fent
from. the Empire to the defence of Cologn. The
Cardinal offered a neutrality to the Town of Cologn.
But they chofe rather to accept a garrifon that
Schomberg {tnt them : By which not only that
Town was fecured, but a (top was put to any pro-
grefs the French could m.ake, till they could get
that great Town into their hands. By thefe means
the States were fafe on all hands for this winter :
And this gave the Prince of Orange great quiet in
profecuting his defigns upon England. He had
often faid, that he v/ould never give occalion to
any of his enemies to fay, that he had carried
away the beft force of the States, and had left
them expofed to any imprelTions, that might be
made on them in his abfence. He had now reafon
to conclude, that he had no other rifk to run in
his intended expedition, but that of the feas and
the weather. The feas were then very boifterous :
And the leafon of the year was fo far fpent, that
he faw he was to have a campaign in winter. But
all other things were now well fecured by this un-
expected con dud of the French,
2 There
The History of the Reign
ITiere was a fleet now fet to lea of about fifty fail.
Moft of them were third or fourth rates, com-
manded by Dutch Officers. But Herbert, as re-
prefenting the Prince's perfon, was to command in
chief, as Lieutenant General Admiral. This was
not very eafy to the States,' nor indeed to the Prince
himfelf ; who thought it an abfurd thing, to fet a
ftranger at the head of their fleet. Nothing lefs
would content Herbert. And it was faid, that
nothing would probably make the Englifh fleet
come over, and join with the Prince, fo much as
the feeing one that had lately commanded them,
at the head of the Dutch fleet. There was a tranf-
port fleet hired for carrying over the army. And
this grew to be about five hundred veflTels : For,
tho' the horfe and dragoons in pay were not four
thoufand, yet the horfes for officers and volunteers,
and for artillery and baggage, were above (even
thoufand. There were arms provided for twenty
thoufand more.' And, as things were thus made
ready,
rhe The declaration that the Prince was to publifh
'nnce of came to be confidered. A great many draughts
pranges y^gj-g fgj-j^ from England by different hands. All
leclaru-
j^j, thefe were put in the Penfioner FagePs hands, who
upon that made a long and heavy draught, founded
on the grounds of the civil law, and ot the law of
Nations That was brought to me to be put in
Kna;Uffi. I law he was fond of his own draught:
And the prince left that matter wholly to him :'
Yet I got it to be much fhortned, tho' it was fl:iil
too long. It fet forth at firft a long recital of all
the violations of the laws of England, both witli
relation to religion, to the civil government, ' and
to the adminiilration of juftice, which have been
ail opened in the feries of the hiftory. It fet forth
next ail remedies that had been tried in a gentler
way, all v/hich had been inefl^edual. Petitioning
by the greateit perfons, and in the privateft man-
I '• ner,
of King James It*
ner, was made a crime. Endeavours were ufed to
pack a Parliament, and to pre-ingage botli the
votes of the eleftors, and the votes of fuch as upon
the election fhouJd be return'd to fit in Parliament.
The writs were to be addrefled to unlawful officers,
who were difabled by law to execute them : So
that no legal Parliament could now be brought to-
gether. In conclufion, the reafons of fufpefting
the QLiecn's pretended delivery were fet forth in
general terms. Upon thefe grounds the Prince,
feeing how little hope was left of fucceeding in any
other method, and being fenfible of the ruin both
of the Proteftant religion, and of the conftitution
of England and Ireland, that was imminent, and
being earneftly invited by men of all ranks, and
in particular by many of the Peers, both Spiritual
and Temporal, he refolved, according to the obli«
gation he lay under, both on the Princefs's ac-
count, and on his own, to go over into England,
•and to fee for proper and effedual remedies for re-
dreffing fuch growing evils, in a Parliament that
fhould be lav/fully chofen, and fhould fit in full
freedom, according to the ancient cuftom and con-
ftitution of England, with which he would con-
cur in all things that might tend to the peace and
happinefs of the Nation. And he promifed in par-
ticular, that he would preferve the Church and the
eftablifhed religion, and that he would endeavour
to unite all fuch as divided from the Church to it,
by the bed means that could be thought on, and
that he would fuffer fuch as would live peaceably,
to enjoy all due freedom in their confciences, and
that he would refer the enquiry into the Queen's
delivery to a Parliament, and acquiefce in its de-
cifion. This the Prince figned and fealed on the..
tenth of October. With this the Prince ordered
letters to be writ in his name, inviting both ths
foldiers, feamen, and others to come and join with
him, in order to the fecuring their religion, laws,
and liberties. Another fhort paper was drawn by
me
5 1 2 The H I s T 0 R y of the Reign
i6S8. .ilie canceming the ..meafures of obedience, jufli-
<^=.»r*«^ ^yi^'Q the defign, and anfwering the objections that
iTjightbe made to it. .Of all thefe many thoufand
copies v;ere printed, to be difperfed at our landing.
1 was de- 1'he Prince defired me to go along with him as
o'^'^'' \°h '^^^ Chaplain, to which I very readily agreed : For,
thePrince. being fully fatisfied in my confcience that the un-
dertaking was lawful and juft, and having had a
confiderable hand in advifing . the whole progrefs
of it, I thought it would have been an unbecom-
ing fear in me to have taken care of m.y ov/n per-
iba, when the. Prince was venturing his, and the
whole was now to be put to hazard. It is true, I
being a Scotchman by birth, had reafon to expe6t,
.,,that, if 1 had fallen into the enemies hands, I
iliould have been ient to Scotland, and put to the
torture there. And, having this in profpeft, I took
care to know no particulars of any of thofe who
correfponded with the Prince, So that knov/ing
nothing againft any, even torture itfelf could not
have drawn from me that, by which any perfon
could be hurt. There was another declaration pre-
pared for Scotland. But i had no other fhare in
that, but that Icorrefted it in feveral places, chiefly
in that which related to the Church : For the Scots
at the Hague, who were all Prefbyterians, had
drawn it fo, that, by many paiTages in it, the Prince
by an implication declared in favour or Prefby-
tery. He did not fee what the confequences of thofe
were, till I explained them. So he ordered them
to be altered. And by the declaration that matter
was flill entire.
Advices As Sidney brouo-ht over letters from the-perfons
from formerly mentioned, both invitmor^the rrince to
^ .come over to lave and relcue tne ivaticn irom ruin,
and affuring him that the^f wrote that which was
,the univerfal fenfe of all the wile .^nd good men
in the Nation : So they alfo. feet, oYer.wiD nim a
ichemje of advices. jThey advifed his.iiai?rn|;' a gpetJt
i-^leet, but a fmall Army ;. They thought', k fhdtjtd,
. ' . . DOC
of King J" aMes fti 513
Wot exceed fix or {tven thoufand men. They ap- 16880
prehended, that an ill ufe might be made of it^ v^-v^^
if he brought over too great an Army of foreign-
ers, to infufe into people a jealoufy that he de-
ligned a conquefl : They advifed his landing in
the North, either in Burlington bay^ or a little
below Hull : Yorklhire abounded in horfe t And
the Gentry were generally well afFefted, even to
zeal, for the defign : The country was plentiful^
and the roads were good till within fifty miles of
London. The Earl of Danby was earneft for
this, hoping to have had a fhare in the whole ma-
nagement^ by the intereft he believed he had in
that country. It was confefledi that the weftern'
counties were well affefted : But it was faid^ that
the mifcarriage of Monmouth's inVafion, and the
executions which followed it, had fo difpirited
them, that it could not be expeded they would be
forward to join the Prince : Above all things they"'
prefTed difpatch, and all poffible hafte : The King'
had then but eighteen ihips riding in the Downs :
But a much greater Fleet was almofl ready to
come out t They only wanted feamen, who came
in very flowly.
When thefe things were laid before the Prince^*
he faidi he could by no means refolve to comd
over with fo fmali a force : could not believe
what they fuggefted, concerning the King**
Army's being difpofed to come over to him:
Nor did he reckon, fo much as they did, on
the people of the country's comiing in to him :
He faid, he could truil to neither of thefe : He
could not undertake fo great a defign, the mifcar-
riage of which would he the ruin both of England
and Holland, without fuch a fore?, as he had resl-
fon to believe would be fuperior to the King^^'
own, tho' his whole Arrny lliould fbick to hirfi.
Some propofed, that the Prince would divide his
forcc^ and land him&lf with the greateft part in
the North, and fend a detachment to the Weft un*
Vol. IL L I 4er
514 T^"*^ History of the Reign
1688. der Marfhal Schomberg. They preffed the Prince
'^•V^-^ very earneitly to. bring him over with him, both
becaufe of the great reputation he was in, and be-
caufe they tliought it was a fecurity to the Prince's-
perfon, and to tiie whole defign, to have another
General with him, to whom all would fubmit in
cafe of any difmal accident : P""or it feemed too
much to have all depend on a fingle life : And.
they thought that would be the fafer, if their ene^:-
mies law another perfon capable of the command;v
in cafe they fliould have a defign upon the Prince's
perfon. With this the Prince complied eafily,
and .obtained the Ele6lor's confent to carry <him
over with him. But he rejected the motion of
dividing his Fleet and Army. He faid, fuch a
divided force might be iatal : For if the King
fhould fend his chief ftrength againfb the detach-,
ment, and have the advantage, it might lofe the
whole bufmefs i fince a mistortune in any one part
might be the ruin of the wdiole.
When thefe advices were propofed to Herbert,
and the other feamen, they oppofed the landing
in the North vehemently. They faid, no feamen
had been confulted in that : The North coaft was
not fit for a Fleet to ride in during an Fall wind,
which it was to be expedted in winter might blow
fo frefh, that it would not be pofilble to preferve
the Fleet : And if the Fleet was left there, the
Channel was open for fuch forces as might be
fent from France : The Channel was the lafer
lea for the Fleet to ride in, as well as to cut ofF^
the alTiilance from France. Yet the advices for
this were fo pofitive, and fo often repeated from
England, that the Prince was refolved to have
Iplit the matter, and to have landed in the North,
and then to have fent the Fleet to lie in the
Channel.
Artifices The Prince continued ilill to cover his defign,
f^ cover and to look towards Cologn. He ordered a re-
'^'^'^'^%"- view of his Army, and an encampment for two
.. .. months
of King James II. 515
months at Nimeguen. A train of artillery was 1688.
alfo ordered. By thefe orders the Officers faw a L/'V^'
neceffity of furnifhing themfelves for fo long a
time. The main point remained, how money
fhoiild be found for fo chargeable an expedition.
The French EmbalTador had his eye upon this j
and reckoned that, whenfoever any thing relating
to it fhoLild be moved, it would be then eafy to
raife an oppofition, or at leaft to create a delay.
But Fagel's great forefight did prevent this. In
the July before, it was reprefented to the States,
that now by reafon of the neighbourhood of Co-
logn, and the war that was like to arife there, it
was neceilary to repair their places, both on the
Rhine and the Ififel, which were in a very bad con-
dition. This was agreed to : And the charge was
eftimated at four millions of Guilders. So the
States created a fund for the intereft of that mo-
ney, and ordered it to be taken up by a loan. Ic
was all brought in in four days. About the end "
of September a meflage was delivered to the
States from the Eledor of Brandenburg, by
which he undertook to fend an Army into his
country of Cleve, and to fccure the States from
all danger on that fide for this winter.
Upon this, it was propofed, to lend the Prince
the four millions. And this paflTed eafily in the
States, without any oppofition, to the amazement
of all that faw it : For it had never been known,
that fo great and fo dangerous an expedition in
fuch a feafon had been fo eafily agreed to, without
fo much as one difagreeing vote, either at the
Hague, or in any of the Towns of Holland. Ail
people went fo cordially into it, that it was not
neceffary to employ much time in fatisfying them,
both of the lawfulnefs and of the neceffity of the
undertaking. Fagel had fent for all the eminent
Minifters of the chief Towns of Holland : And,
as he had a vehem.ence as well as a tei'^dernefs in -
fpeaking, he convinced them evidently, that both
L 1 2 theiii
5i6 The History of the Reigti
1688. their religion and their country were in fuch im-
•^^V*^ minent danger, that nothing but this expedition
could fave them : They faw the perfecution in
France : And in that they might fee what was to j
be expei£bed from that religion : They faw the
violence with v/hich the King of England was
driving matters in his country, which if not flop-
ped would foon prevail. He fcnt them thus full
of zeal, to difpofe the people to a hearty appro-
bation and concurrence in this defign. The^Mi-
nifters in Holland are fo watched over by the
States, that they have no more authority when
they meet in a body, in a Synod or in a Claffis,
than the States think fit to allow them. But I was
never in any place, where I thought the Clergy
had generally lb much credit with the people, as
they have there : And they employed it all upon
this occafion very diligently, and to good purpofe.
Thofe who had no regard to religion, yet faw a
war begun in the Empire by the French. And
the publication of the alliance between France and
England by the French EmbalTador, niade them
conclude that England would join with France.
They reckoned, they could not fland before fuch
an united force, and that therefore it was necefTary
to take England out of the hands of a Prince, who
was fuch a firm ally to France. All the Englilfi that
lived in Holland, efpecially the merchants that were
fettled in Amfterdam, where the oppofition was
like to beltrongefl:, had fuch pofitive advices of the
difpofitlon that the Nation, and even the Army were
in ; that, as this undertaking was confidered as
the only probable means of their prefervation, .it
feemed fo well concerted, that little doubt was
made of fuccefs, except what arofe from the fea-
fori" ; which was not only far fpent, but the winds
were both fo contrary and fo flormy for many
weeks, that a forcible ftop feemed put to it by the
hand of heaven.
llerber^^
of K ing J A M E S II. £ jy
tierberc went to fea with the Dutch ^leef : i68g.
^nd was ordered to ftand over to the Downs, and -^"v/~nj
to look on the Engli'lh Fleet, to try if any would T^^,
1^ A ■ r r 1 I- i-/UtCn put
come over, or which lome hopes were given -, or ^o lea
to engage them, while they were then not abov'e
eighteen or twenty fhips ftrong. But the contrary
winds made this not only imprafticable, but gave
great reafon to fear that a great part of the Fleet
would be either loft or difabled. Thefe continued
for abovse a fortnight, and gave us at the Hague
a melancholy profpeft. Herbert ajfo found, that
the Fleet was neither fo ftrong, nor fo well man-
ned, as he had expelled.
All the Englifti, that were fcattered about the -ome f^tc-
Provinces, or in Germany, came to the Hague. ^[°^^ "'°"
Among thefe there was one Wildman, who, from ^^-^^^ ^^
being an agitator in Cromwell's Army, had been Hao-ue.
a conftant meddler on all occafions in every thing
that looked like fedition, and feemed inclined to
oppofe every thing that was uppermoft. He
brought his ufual ill humour along with him, hav-
ing a peculiar talent in pofleffing others by a fort
of contagion with jealoufy and difcontent. To
thefe the Prince ordered his declaration to be
fhewed. "Wildman took great exceptions to it,
with which he poflefTed many to fuch a degree,
that they began to fay, they v/ould not engage
upon thofe grounds. Wildman had drawn one,
in which he had laid down a fcheme of the go-
vernment of England, and then had fet forth
many particulars in which it had been violated,
carrying thefe a great way into King Charles's'
reign -, all which he fupported by many authorities
from law books. He objeded to the Prince's in-
fifting fo much on the Difpenfing Power, and on
what had been done to the Biftiops. He faid,
there wa^ certainly a Difpenfing Power in the
Crown, pra6lifed for fome ages : Very few Pa-
tents pafTed in which there was not a " non ob-
ftante" to one or more afts or ParliamiCnt : This
L i 3 power
5 1 ^ The History of the Reign
l68S. power had been too far ftretched of late : But the
^-^'>J ftretching of a power that was in the Crown, could
not be a juft ground of war : The King had a
right to bring any man to a trial : The Eifhops
had a fair trial, and were acquitted, and difcharged
upon it : In all which there was nothing done
contrary to law. All this feemed myfterious, when
a known Republican was become an advocate for
Prerogative. His defign in this was deep and
fpitefui. He faw that, as the declaration was
drawn, the Church party would come in, and be
v/ell received by the Prince : So he, who defign-
cd to feparate the Prince and them at the greatett
diftance from one another, ftudied to make the
Prince declare againft thole grievances, in which
many of them were concerned, and which fome
among them had promoted. The Earl , of Mac-
clesfield, with the Lord Mordaunt, and many
others, joined with him in this. But the Earl of
Shrewfbury, together with Sidney, Ruflel, and
fome others, were as pofitive in their opinion,
that the Prince ought not to look fo far back as
into King Charles's reign : This would difguil
many of the Nobility and Gentry, and ahxioft all
the Clergy : So they thought the declaration was
to be fo conceived, as to draw in the body of the
whole Nation : They were all alarmed with the
Difpenfing Power: And it would feem very
ftrange to fee an invafion, in which this was not
fet out as the main ground of it : Every man
could diftinguifh between the difpenfing with a
fpecial aft in a particular cafe, and a total difpen-
fing with laws to fecure the Nation and the Reli-
gion • The ill defigns of the Court, as well as the
affeftions of the Nation, had appeared fo evi'
dently in the Bifliops trial, that if no notice was
taken of it, it would be made ufe of to pofTefs
3,11 people, with an opinion of the Prince's ill
will to them. RufTel faid, that any reflexions
made on King Charles's reign would not- only
■■ z carry
of King J A M E s II.
carry over all the high Church party, but all -tlie
Army^ eiatirely to the King. Wildman's decla-
ration was much obje6led to. The Prince could
not enter into a difcufllon of the law and govern-
ment of England : That was to be left to the
Parliament : The Prince could only fet forth the
prefent and publick grievances, as they were tranf-
mitted to him by thofe, upon whofe invitation he
was going over. This was not without fome dif-
ficulty overcome, by altering fome few exprelTions
in the firil draught, and leaving out fome circum-
ftances. So the declaration was printed over again,
with fome amendments.
In the beginning ot October, the troops march- T^he Ar-
ed from Nimeguen were put on board in the Zuyder '"^ *^^
fea, where they lay above ten days before they ^'^^'^ '
could get out of the Texel. Never was fo great
a defign executed in fo fhort a time. A transport
fleet of five hundred veiTels was hired in three
days time. All things, as foon as they were or-
dered, were got to be fo quickly ready, that we
were amazed at the difpatch. It is true, fome
things were wanting, and fome things had been
forgot. But when the greatnefs of the ec^uipage
was confidered, together with the fecrecy with
which it was to be conducted, till the whole de-
fign was to be avowed, it feemed m.uch more
ftrange that fo little was wanting, or that fo few
things had been forgot. Benthink, Dykvelt,
Herbert, and Van Hulft, were for two months
conftantly at the Hague, giving all necelTary or-
ders, with fo little noife that nothing broke out
all that while. Even in leffer matters favourable
circumftances concurred to cover the defign. Ben-
think ufed to be conftantly with the Prince, being
the perfon that was mod entirely trufted and con-
ftantly employed by him : So that his abfence
from him, being fo extraordinary a thing, might
have given fome umbrage. But all the fummer
his Lady was fo very ill, that fhe was looked on
L 1 4 every
^20 The History of the Reign
J 68 8,. every day as one .that could not live three days to
^-•'''V**^ an end i So that this was a very juft excuie for
his attendance at the Hague.
The Prin- I waited On the Princefs a few days before we
cef>>renfe left the Hague. She feerned to have a great load
of thjn|s. pj^ Yicv fpirits, but to have no fcruple as to the
lawfulnefs of the defign. After much other dif-
courfe, I faid, that if we got fafe to England, I
jnade no, great doubt of our fuccefs in all other
things, I only begged her pardon to tell her,
that if there ihould happen to be at any time any
disjointing between the Prince and her, that wfeuld
ruin all. She anfwered me, that I needed fear np
fuch thing : If any perfon fhould attempt that,
ihe would treat them fo, as to difcourage all others
from venturing on it for the future. She was very
folemn and ferious, and prayed God earneftly to
blefs and direct us.
On the fixteenth of 06tober O, S. the wind that;
had flood fo long in the Weft, came into the Eaft.
So orders were fent to all to hafte to Helvoet-Sluys,
That morning the Prince went into the aflembly
of the States General, to take leave of them. He
faid to them, he was extream fenfible of the kind-
nefs they had all fliewed him upon many occafi-
ons : He took God to witnefs, he had ferved
them faithfully, ever fmce they had trufted him
with the government, and that he had never any
end before his eyes but the good of the country :
He had purfued it always : And if at any time
he erred in his judgment, yet his heart was evef
fet on procuring their fafety and profperity. He
took God to witnefsj he went to England with no
pther intentions, but thofe he had fet out in his
declaration : He did not know how God migh%^^
difpcfe of him : To his providence he commit-
ted himfelf: Whatfoever might become of himj
Be committed to them the care of their country,
and recommended the Princefs' to them in a moft
particular manner : He allured them, ilie loved
their
of King James II. 521
their Country perfed'ly, and equally with her 1688,
own : He hoped, that whatever might happen to V^'^NJ
him, they would ftill proted her, and u{q her as
Ihe well deferred : And fo he took leave. It waS
a fad, but • a kind parting. Some of every Pro-
vince offered at an anfwer to v/hat the Prince had
faid : But they all melted into tears and paflion :
So that their fpeeches were much broken, very
Ihort, and e:^tream tender. Only the Prince him-
felf continued firm in his ufual gravity and
phlesgm. When he came to Helvoet-Sluys, the
tranfport fleet had confumed fo much of their pro-
vifions, that three days of the good wind were
loft, before all were fupplied anew.
At iaft, on the nineteenth of 06cober, the Wefaile^J
Prince wen:t aijoard, and the whole Fleet failed "Jj^ °^ *^^®
out that night. But the next day the wind turn-
ed into the North, and fettled in the North-Weft.
At night a great ftorm rofe. We wrought againft
it all that night, and the next day. But it was
in vain to ftruggle any longer. And fo vaft a
Fleet run no fmall hazard, being obliged to keep
together, and yet not to come too near one ano-
ther. On the twenty firft in the afternoon the
fignal was given to go in again : And on the
twenty fecond the far greater part got fafe into
port. Many ftiips were at firft wanting, and were
believed to be loft. But after a few days all camaC
in. There was not one fhip loft 5 nor fo much as But were
any one man, except one that was blown from the forced
ihrouds into the fea. Some fhips were fo ftiat- ^^'^^•
tered, that as foon as they came in, and all was
taken out of them, they immediately funk down.
Only five hundred horfes died for want of air.
Men are upon fuch occafions apt to flatter them-
felves upon the points of providence. In France
and England, as it was believed that our iofs was
much greater than it proved to be, fo they tri-,
ymphcd not a little, as if God had fought againft
iis, and defeated the whole defign. We on our
parr.
522 The History of the Reign
1688. part, who found our felves delivered out of fo great
O^r^-' a ilorm and fo vaft a danger, looked on it as a mark
of God's great care of us, who, tho' he had not
changed the courfe of the winds and feas in our fa-
vour, yet had preferved us while we were in fuch
apparent danger, beyond what could have been ima-
gined. The States were not at all difcou raged with
this hard beginning, but gave the neceflary orders
for fupplying us with every thing that we needed.
The Princefs behaved herfelf at the Hague fuitably
to what was expected from her. She ordered pray-
ers four times a day, and affifted at them with great
devotion. She fpoke to no body of affairs, but was
calm and filent. The States ordered feme of their
body to give her an account of all their proceedings.
She indeed anfwered little : But in that little fhe
gave them caufe often to admire her judgment.
Conrulta. i^ England the Court faw now, that it was in
tions in vain to diflemble or difguife their fears any more.
England. Qf-gat confultations were held there. The Earl of
Melfort, and all the Papifts, propoled the feizing on
all fufpeded perlbns, and the fending them to Portf-
mouth. The Earl of Sunderland oppofed this
vehemently. He faid, it would not be polTible to
feize on many at the fame time: And the feizing
on a few would alarm all the reft: It would drive
them in to the Prince, and furnifh them with a pre-
tence for it: He propofcd rather, that the King
would do fuch popular things, as might give fbme
content, and lay that fermentation with which the
Nation was then, as it were, diftrafled. This was
at that time complied v/ith ; But all the Popifli par-
ty continued upon this to charge Lord Sunderland,
as one that was in the King's counfels only to betray
them ; that had before diverted the offer of afTift-
arice from France, and now the lecuring thofe who
were the moft likely to join and afTift the Prince.
By_ their importunities the King was at laft fo pre-
vailed on, that he turned him out of all his places:
And Lord Prel^on was made Secretary of State.
The
of King James II.
The Fleet was now put out, and was fo flrong,
that, if they had met the Dutch Fleet, probably
they would have been too hard for them, efpecial-
ly confidering the great traniport fleet that they
were to cover. All the forces that were in Scotland
were ordered into England: And that Kingdom
was left in the hands of their Militia. Several Re-
giments came likewife from Ireland. So t':at the
King's Army was then about thirty thoufand ftrong.
But, in order to lay the heat that was raifed in the
Nation, the King lent for the Bilhops •, and fet out
the injuftice of this unnatural invafion that the
Prince was defigning : He aiTured them of his af-
feftions to the Church of England; and protelfed,
he had never intended to carry things further than
to an equal liberty of confcience: He defired, they
.would declare their abhoirenceof this invafiooj and
-that they would offer him their advice, what was
fit for him to do. They declined the point of ab-
■horrence, and advifed the prefent fummonmg a
Parliament ; and that in the mean while the Ecde-
fiaftical Commiflion might be broken, the proceed-
ings againft the Bi (hop of London and Magcialen
College might be reverfed, and that the lav/ might
be again put in its channel. This they delivered
with great gravity, and with a courage that recom-
mended them to the whole Nation. There was an
order lent them from the King afterwards, requir-
ing them to compofe an oiHce for the prefent occa-
fion. The prayers v/ere fo well drawn, that even
thole who wifhed for the Prince might have joined
in them. The Church party did now fhew their
approbation of the Prince's expedition in fuch terms,
that many were furprized at it, both then, and lince
that time. They fpoke openly in favour of it.
They exprefTed their grief to fee the wind focrofs.
They wifhed for an Eaft wind, which on that oc-
cafion was called the Proteftant wind. They fpoke
with great fcorn of all t}>at the Court was then do-
ing to regain the hearts of the Nation. And in-
deed
5^4 The History of the Reign
1688. deed the proceedings of the Court that way were
*— V-*-' fo cold, and fo forced, that few were Hke to be de-
ceived by them, but thofe who had a mind to be
deceived. The writs for a Parliament were of-
ten ordered to be made ready for the Seal, and were
as often ftopt. Some were fealed, and given out:
But they were quickly called in again. The old
Charters were ordered to be reflored again. Jef-"
feries himfelf carried back the Charter of the City
of London, and put on the appearances of joy and
heartinefs when he gave it to them. All men faw
thro' that affedation: For he had raifed himfelf
chiefly upon the advifmg, or promoting, that mat-
ter of the lurrender, and the forfeiture of the Char-
ters. An order was alfo fent to the Bifhop of Win-
chefter, to put the Prefident of Magdalen College
again in pofieffion. Yet, that order not being exe-
cuted when the news was brought that the Princa
and his Fleet were blov/n back, it was countermand-
ed ; which plainly fliewed what it was that drove
the Court into fo much compliance, and how long
it was like to laft.
Proofs The matter of the greateft concern, and that could
brought riQt be dropt, but was to be fupported, was the
birth'^of ^^^'■^ ^^ ^^^ Prince of Wales. And therefore the
the Prince Court thought it necelTary, now in an after-game,
©f Wales, to offer fome fatisfa6lion in that point. So a greal'
meeting was called not only of all the Privy Coun- '
fellors and Judges, but of all the Nobility then in
Town. To thefe tht King complained of the great
injury that was done both him and the Queen by
the Prince of Orange, who accufed them of fo
black an impoiture : He faid, he believed there
were few Princes then alive, who had been born in
the prefence of more witnefTes than were at his fon's
birth : He had therefore called them together, that
they might hear the proof of that matter. It was
firft proved, that the Queen was delivered abed,
while^many were> in the room j a^d that they faw
of King James U* 525
the child foon after he was taken from the Quccn 1688.
by the midwife. But in this the midwife was the
fingle witnefs *, for none of the Ladies had felt the
child in the Queen's belly. The Countefs of Sun-
derland did indeed depofe, that the Queen called
to her to give her her hand, that Ihe might feel
how the child lay, to which Ihe added, " which I
did ;'* but did not fay, whether Ihe felt the child,
or not : And fhe told the Dutchefs of Hamilton,
from whom I had ii, that when fhe put her hand
into the bed, the Qiieen held it, and let it go no
lower than her breafts. So that really fhe felt no-
thing. And this depofition, brought to make a
fhew, was an evidence againft the matter, rather
than for it -, and was a violent preiumption of an
impofture, and of an artifice to cover it. Many
Ladies depofed, that they had often feen the marks
of milk on .the Queen's linen, near her breaftso
Two or three depofed, that they, law it running ^
out at the nipple. All thefe depofed, that they
faw milk before the pretended delivery. But none
of them depofed concerning milk after the delivery^ ,
tho* nature fends it then in greater abundance: And
the Queen had it always in fuch a plenty, that fome
weeks pajGfed after her delivery, before fhe was
quite freed from it. The Ladies did not name the
time in which they faw the milk, except one, who
named the month of May. But, if the par-;
ticulars mentioned before, that happen'd on Eafter
Monday, are reflefted on, and if it appears proba-
ble by thefe that the Queen milcarried at that time;
then all that the Ladies mentioned of milk in her
breaffs, particularly fhe that fixed it to the month
of May, might have followed upon that mifcar-
riage, and be no proof concerning the late birth.
Mrs. Pierce, the landrefs, depofed that (he took
linen from the Queen's body once, which carried
the marks of a delivery. But fhe fpoke only to
one time. That was a main circumftance. And,
if it had been true^ it mull have been often done,
and
526 The History of the Reign
1688. and was capable of a more copious proof, fince
^•V''**'. there is occafion for fuch things to be often looked
o]i, and well confidered. The Lady Wentworth
was the fingle witnefs that depofed, that fhe had,
felt the child move in the Qiieen's belly. She was
a Bed-chamber woman, as well as a fingle witnefs :
And fhe fixed it on no time. If it was very early,
flie ruflght have been miftaken: Or if it was be-
fore Eafter Monday, it might be true, and yet have
no relation to this birth. This was the fubftance
of this evidence, which v/as ordered to be enrolled
and printed. But when it was publifhed, it had a
quite contrary effed: to what the Court expected
from it. The prefumption of law before this was
all in favour of the birth, fince the parents owned
the child : So that the proof lay on the other fide,
and ought to be offered by thofe who called it in
queftion. But, now that this proof was brought,
which was fo apparently defedive, it did not h&n
but increafe the jealoufy with which the Nation
was pofiTefled : For all people concluded, that, if
the thing had been true, it muft have been eafy to
have brought a much more copious proof than was
now publiflicd to the world. It was much obferv-
ed, that Princefs Anne was not prefent. She in-
deed excufed herfelf. She thought Ihe was breed-
ing : And all motion was forbidden her. None
believed that to be the true reafon; for it was
thought, that the going from one apartment of the
Court to another could not hurt her. So it was
looked on as a colour that fhewed fhe did not be-,
lieve the thing ; and that therefore Ihe would not
by her being prefent feem to give any credit to it.
This was the ftate of affairs in England, while
we lay at Helvoet-Sluys, where we continued till
the firft of November. Here Wildman created a
new diflurbance. He plainly had a ihew of cou-
rage, but was, at leaft, then a coward. He poffeff-
ed lome of the Englifh with an opinion, that the de-
fign was now irrecoverably lod. This was entertained
bv
of King James II.
by many, who were willing to hearken to any pro-
pofition, that fet danger at a diflance from them-
felves. They were Itill magnifying the Englifh
Fleet, and undervaluing the Dutch. They went
fo far in this, that they propofed to the Prince, that
Herbert fhould be ordered to go over to the coaft
of England, and either fight the Englifh Fleet, or
force them in : And in that cafe the Tranfport Fleet
might venture over; which otherwife they thought
could not be fafely done. This fome urged with
fuch earneftnefs, that nothing but the Prince's au-
thority, and Schomberg's credit, could have with-
{food it. The Prince told them, the feafon was
now fo far fpcnt, that the lofing of more time was
the lofmg the whole defign : Fleets might lie long
in view of one another, before it could be pdffibie
for them to come to an engagement, tho' both fides
equally defired it; but much longer, if any one of
them avoided it : It was not pofTible to keep the
Army, efpecially the horfe, long at fea : And it was
no eafy matter to take them all out, and to fljip
them again : After the wind had flood fo long in
the Weit, there was reafon to hope it would turn
to the Eaft : And when that fhould come, no time
was to be loft : For it would fometimes blow fo
frefh in a few days as to freeze up the river; fb
that it would not be poflible to get out all the win-
ter long. With thefe things he rather filenced than
quieted them. All this while the men of war were
fiill riding at fea, it being a continued ftorm for fome
weeks. The Prince fent out feveral advice boats
with orders to them to come in. But they could
not come up to them. On the twenty feventh of
October there was for fix hours together a mofl
dreadful florm : So that there v/ere tew among us,
that did not conclude, that the beft part of the
Fleet, and by confequence that the whole defign,
was lofl. Many, that have part for Heroes, yet
fhewed then the agonies of fear in their looks, and
whole deportment. The Prince flill retained his
uiual
fecond
time.
528, The History of the Reign
i6S8. ufual calmnefs, and the Tame tranquillity of fpintj.
^itf^^ro^ that I had obferved in him in his happieft days. On
the twenty eighth it calmed a little, and our Fleet
came all in, to our great joy. The rudder of one
third rate was broken : And that was all the hurE
that the florm had done. At laft the much long-
ed for Eaft wind came. And fo hard a thing it
was to fet fo vafl a body in motion, that two days
of this wind were loft before all could be quite rca^
dy.
We failed On the firft of November O. S. we failed out
out more with the evening tide; but made little way thac"
happily a night* that fo our Fleet misjht come out, and move
in order. We tried next day till noon, li it was
poffible to fail Northward : But the Wind was fo
Itrong, and full in the Eaft, that we could not
move that way. About noon the fignal was given
to fteer Weftv/ard. This wind not only diverted
us from that unhappy courfe, but it kept the Eng-
iilh Fleet in the river : So that it was not poffible
for thera, to come out, tho' they were come down
as far as to the Gunfleet. By this means we had
the lea open to us, with a fair wind, and a fafe na-
vigation. On the third we paft between Dover and
Calais, and before night came in fight of the ifle of
Wight. The next day being the day in v;hich the
Prince was both born and married, he fancied, if he
could land that day, it would look aufpicious to
the Army, and animate the foldiers. But we all^
who confidered, that the day following, being Gun-
powder Treafon day, our landing that day might
have a good effedt on the minds of the Englifti Na*
tion, were better pleafed to fee that we could land
no fooner. Torbay was thought the beft place for
Oiur great Fleet to lie in : And it was refolved to
land the Army, where it could be beft done near it j
reckoning, that being at fuch a diftance from Lon^
don, we could provide ourfelves with horfes, and
put every thing iii order before the King could
march his Army towards us, and that we fliould lie
fome
of King J A M E s II, 529
fome time at Exeter for the refrefhing our men. I 1688.
was in the fhip, with the Prince's other domef- ^--vh^
ticks, that went in the van of the whole Fleet. At
noon on the fourth Ruffel came on board us, with
the beft of all the Englifh pilots that they had
brought over. He gave him the fteering of the
fliip •, and ordered him to be fure to fail fo, that
next morning v/e fhould be fhort of Dartmouth*:
For it was intended that fome of the Iliips fhould
land there, and that the reft fliould fail into Tor-
bay. The pilot thought, he could not be miftaken
in meafuring our courfe j and believed that he cer-
tainly kept within orders, till the morning Ihevved
us we were paft Torbay and Dartmouth. The v/ind,
tho' it had abated much of its firft violence, ytt
was ftill full in the Eaft. So now it feemed necef-
fary for us to fail on to Plymouth, which muft
have engaged us in a long and tedious campaign in
winter, thro' a very ill Country, Nor were we fure to
be received at Plymouth. The Earl of Bath, who
was Governor, had fent by RulTel a promife to the
Prince to come and join him : Yet it was not like-
ty, that he would be fo forv/ard as to receive us at
our firft coming. The delays he made afterwards,
pretending that he was managing the garrifon,
whereas he was indeed ftaying till he faw how the
matter was like to be decided, Ihewed us how fatal
it had proved, if we had becq forced to fail on to
Plymouth. But while Ruffel v/as in no fmall dif-
order, after he faw the pilot's error, (upon v/hich h,^
bid me go to my prayers, for all was Ipft) and as
he was ordering the boat to be cleared to go aboard
the Prince, on a fudden to all our wonder \i calm-
ed a httle. And then the wind turned into the
South: And a foft and happy gale of wind carri-
ed in the v^hole Flpet in four hours, time into Tor-
bay. Immediately as. many landed as conveniently We hni^
could. As foon as the Prince and Marftial Schorn- ^d at
berg got to fhore, they were furnifhed with fuch ^ ^'^^y-
horfes as the village of Broxholme could aliord;
Vol. II. M m and
530 The History of the Reign
1688. and rode up to view the grounds, which they found
— -\ ' as convenient as could be imagined for the foot in
that feafon. It was not a cold night : Otherwife
the foldiers, who had been kept warm aboard,
might have fuffered much by it. As foon as I
landed, I made what hade I could to the place
where the Prince was ; who took me heartily by the
hand, and aflced me, if I would not now believe
prcdeftination. 1 told him, I would never forget
that providence of God, which had appeared io fig-
nally on this occafion. He was cheerfulier than ordi-
nary. Yet he returned fbon to his ufual gravity.
The Prince lent for all the filhermen of the place ;
and aflced them, which was the propereft place for
landing his horfe, which all apprehended would
be a tedious bufinefs, and might hold fome days.
But next morning he was fhewed a place, a quarter
of a mile below the village, where the Ihips could
be brought very near the land, againft a good fhorc,
and the horfcs would not be put to fwim above twen-
ty yards. This proved to be lb happy for our land-
ing, tho' we came to it by meer accident, that, if
we had ordered the whole Ifland round to be found-
ed, we could not have found a properer place for it.
There v.^as a dead calm all that morning : And in
three hour's time all our horfe were laaded, with as
much baggage as was neceffary till we got to Exeter.
The artillery and heavy baggage were left aboard,
and ordered to Toplham the fea-port to Exeter.
..All that belonged to us was k> foon and lb happily
landed, that by the next day at noon we were in full
march, and marched four miles that night. We
. had Irani thence twenty miles to Exeter : And wc
. refolved to make hafte thither. But, as we were
now happily landed, and marching, we faw new and
unthought of charafters of a favourable providence
of God watching over us. We had no fooner got
thus difengaged from our Fleet, than a new and
great ftorm blew from the Weft ; rrom which our
Fleet, being covered by the land, could receive no
prejudice*.
of King J A M E s II. 531
prejudice : But the King's Fleet had got out as the 1688.
wind calmed, and in purfuit of us was come as tar ^—^v— ^
as the ifle of Wight, when this contrary wind turn-
ed upon them. They tried what they could to
purfue us : But they were fo fhattered by fome
days of this ftorm, that they were forced to go into
Portfmouth, and were no more fit for fervice that
year. This was a greater happinefs than we were
then aware of : For the Lord Dartmouth afUired
me fome time after, that, whatever ftories we had
heard and beHeved, either of Officers or feamen,
he was confident they would all have fought very
heartily. But now, by the immediate hand of
heaven, we were mailers of the fea without a bio\y.
I never found a difpofition to fuperil:ition in my
temper : I was rather inclined to be philofophical
upon all occafions. Yet I mull confefs, that this
Arrange ordering of the winds and feafons, jufi: to
change as our affairs required it, could not but
make deep impreffions on me, as well as on all that
obferved it. Thofe famous verfes of Claudian feem-
ed to be more applicable to the Prince, than to
him they were made on :
" O nimium dile6le Deo, cui militat sether,
" Et conjurati veniunt ad clafTica venti !"
Heaven's favourite, for whom the fkies do fight^
And all the winds confpire to guide thee right !
The Prince made hafte to Exeter, where he fiald
ten days, both for refrefhing his troops, and for
giving the Country time to Ihew their afteiStions.
Both the Clergy and Magiflrates of Exeter were
very fearful, and very backward. The Bifhop
and the Dean ran av/ay. And the Clergy flood
off, tho' they were lent for, and very gently fpoke
to by the Prince. The truth was, the doctrines
of Paffive Obedience and Non-refillance had be.ea
carried fo far, and preached lo muchj that Cler-
M m 2 gvmen
532 The History of the Reign
1688. gymen either could not all on the fudden get out
u.'v-*-' ot that entanglement, into which they had by long
thinking and fpeaking all one way involved them-
I'elves, or they were afhamed to make fo quick a
turn. Yet care was taken to proted them and
their houfes every where : So that no fort of vio-
lence nor rudenefs was offered to any of them.
The Prince gave me full authority to do this :
And I took fo particular a care of it, that we heard
of no complaints. The Army was kept under
fuch an exadl difcipline, that every thing was paid
for where it was demanded •, tho' the foldiers were
contented with fuch moderate entertainment, that
the people generally afl^ed but little for what they
did eat. We ftaid a week at Exeter, before any
of the Gentlemen of the country about came in
to the Prince. Every day fome perfons of con-
dition came from other parts. The firft were
the Lord Colchefter the eldeft fon of the Earl of
Rivers, and the Lord Wharton, Mr. Ruffel the
Lord Ruffel's brother, and the Earl of Abington.
The King came down to Salifbury, and fent his
troops twenty miles further. Of thefe, three Re-
giments of horfe and dragoons v/ere drawn on by
their Officers, the Lord Cornbury and Colonel
LangPcon, on defign to come over to the Prince.
Advice was fent to the Prince of this. But be-
caufe thefe Officers were not fure of their fubal-
terns, the Prince ordered a body of his men to ad-
vance, and affift them in cafe any refiftance was
made. They weie within twenty miles of Exeter,
and within two miles of the body that the Prince
had fent to ioin them, when a whifper ran about
among them that they were betrayed. Lord Corn-
bury had not the prefence of mind that fo critical
a thing required. So they fell in confufion, and
many rode back. Yet one Regiment came over
in a body, and with them about a hundred of th,e
other two. This gave us great courage j and
:-fliewed us, that we had not been deceived in what
was
of King James II.
was told us of the Inclinations of the King's Army.
Yet, on the other hand, thofe who ftudied to fup-
port the King's fpirit by flatteries told him, that
in this he faw that he might truft his Army, fmce
thefc who intended to carry over thofe Regiments,
were forced to manage it with fo much artifice,
and durft not difcover their defign either to Officers
or foldiers ; and that, as foon as they perceived it,
the greater part of them had turned back. The
King wanted fupport : For his fpirits funk ex-
treamly. His blood was in fuch fermentation,
that he was bleeding much at the nofe, which re-
turned often upon him every day. He fent many
fpies over to us. They all took his money, and
came and joined themfelves to the Prince, none
of them returning to him. So that he had no in-
telligence brought him, of what the Prince was
doing, but what common reports furnifhed, which
magnified our numbers, and made him think we
were coming near him, while we were ftill at
Exeter. He heard that the City of London was
very unquiet. News was brought him, that the
Earls of Devonlliire and Danby, and the Lord
Lumley, were drawing great bodies together, and
that both York and Nev/caftle had declared for
the Prince. The Lord Delamer had raifed a Re
giment in Chefhire. And the body of the Na-
tion did every where difcover their inclinations for
the Prince fo evidently, that the King faw he had
nothing to trull to, but his Army. And the ill
difpofition among them was fo apparent, that he
reckoned he could not depend on them. So that he
loft both heart and head at once. But that which
gave him the laft and moft confounding ftroke
was, that the Lord Churchill and the Duke of
Grafton left him, and came and joined the Prince
at Axminfter, twenty miles on that fide of Exeter.
After this he could not know on whom he could
depend. The Duke of Grafton was one of King
Charles's fons, by theDutchefs of Cleveland. He
M m 3 had
5^4. The History of the Reign
1688, had been feme time at fea, and was a gallant but
w-v-<^ rough man. He had more fpirit than any one of
the King's fons. He made an anfwer to the King
about this time, that was much talked of. The
King took notice of fomewhat in his behaviour
that looked factious : And he faid, he was fure
he could not pretend to ad upon principles of
confcience ; for he had been fo ill bred, that as he
knew little of religion, fo he regarded it lefs. But
he anfwered the King, that, tho* he had little con-
fcience, yet he was of a party that had a great deal.
^.QA after that. Prince George, the Duke of Or-
mond, and the Lord Drumlanerick the Duke of
Queenibury's eldefl-. fon, left him,, and came over
to the Prince, and joined him, when he was come
as far as the Earl of Brillol's lioufe at Sherburn.
When the nev/s came to London, the Princefs
was fo ftruck with the apprehenfions of the King's
difpleafure, and of the ill effefts that it might have,
that file faid to the Lady Churchill, that Ihe could
not bear the thoughts of it, and would leap out
at windpw, rather than venture on it. The Bifhop
of London was then lodged very fecretly in Suf-
folk flreet. So the Lady Churchill, who knew
where he was, went to him, and concerted with
him the method of the Princefs's withdrawing from
the Court. The Princefs went fooner to bed than
ordinary. And about midnight fhe went down a
back-ftairs from her clofet, attended only by the
Lady Churchill, in fuch hafte that they carri-
ed nothing v/ith them. They were waited tor
by the Biihop of London, who carried them to the
Earl of Dorfet's, whofe Lady furnifhed them with
every thing. And fo they went Northward, as far
as Northampton ; where that Earl attended on them
with all refpeft, and quickly brought a body of
horfe to f rve for a guard to the Princefs. And in
a little vv'hiie a fmall Army v/as formed about her,
who chofe to be commanded by the Biiliop of Lon-
don ; of which he too eafily accepted.
Thefe
of King James II.
Thefe things put the King in an inexprefllble
confufion. He faw himfelf now forfaken, not only
by thole whom he had trufted and favoured moft,
but even by his own children. And the Army
was in fuch diftraftion, that there was not any one
body that feemed entirely united and firm to him.
A foolifh ballad was made at that time, treating
the Papifts, and chiefly the Irifh, in a very ridicu-
lous manner, which had a burden, faid to be Irifh
words, " lero lero |ilibulero," that made an im^^
prefTion on the Army, that cannot be well ima-
gined by thofe who faw it not. The whole Army,
and at lail all people both in city and country, were
linging it perpetually. And perhaps never had fo
flight a thing fo great an effect.
While the Prince ftaid at Exeter, the rabble of -'^" .^^^-
the people came in to him in great numbers. So an^on"
that he could have raifed many Regiments of foot, rhofe who
if there had been any occafion for them. But came to
what he underftood of the temper the King's Army '^ePrmce.
was in, made him judge it was not necefTary to
arm greater numbers. After he had ftaid eight
days at Exeter, Seimour came in with feveral other
Gentlemen of quality and eflate. As foon as he
had been with the Prince, he fent to feek for me.
When I came to him, he afked me, why we had
not an AfTociation figned by all that came to us,
fince, till we had that done, we were as a rope
of fand : Men might leave us when they pleafed,
and we had them under no tie : Whereas, if they
figned an AfTociation, they would reckon them-
felves bound to flick to us. I anfwered, it was be-
caufe we had not a man of his authority and credit
to offer and fupport fuch an advice. I went from
.him to the Prince, who approved of the motion ;
as did alfo the Earl of Shrewfbury, and all that
were with us. So I was ordered to draw it. It
was, in few words, an engagement to flick toge-
ther in purfuing the ends of the Prince's declara-
tion i and that, if any attempt fliould be made on
M m 4 his
^^6 The History of the Reign
1.688. his perfon, it Ihould be revenged on ail by whom
v,*.-y-,^ or trom whom any fuch attempt fhould be made.
This was agreed to by all about the Prince. So
it was engroffed in parchment, and figned by all
thofe that came in to him. The Prince put Devon-
fhire and Exeter under Seimour's government, who
was Recorder of Exeter. And he advanced with
his Army, leaving a fmall garrifon there with his
heavy artillery under Col. Gibibn, whom he made
Deputy Governor as to the military part.
Y^Q At Crookhorn, Dr. Finch, fon of the Earl of
Heads In Wincheliea, and Warden of All- Souls College in
Oxford Oxford, was fent to the Prince from fome of the
him."^'^ -Heads of Colleges ; affuring him, that they would
declare for him, and inviting him to come thither,
telling him, that their plate fhould be at his fer-
vice, if he needed it. This was a fudden turn
from thofe principles that they had carried fo high
a fevv' years before. The Prince had defigned to
have fecured Brifiol and Gloucefter, and fo to have
gone to Oxford, the whole Weft being then in his
hands, it there had been any appearance of a ftand
to be made againft him by the King and his Army;
for, the King being fo much fuperior to him in horfe,
it was not advifable to march thro' the great plains
of Dorfetfhire and Wiltiliire. But the King's pre-
cip.tatG return to London put an end to this pre-
ciution. The Earl of Bath had prevailed with
the garrifon of Plymouth : And they declared for
the Prince. So now all behind him was fafe.
Vv'hen he came to Sherburn, all Dorfetfhire came
in a body, and joined him. He refolved to make
all the hafle he could to London, where things
were in a high ferm.entation.
Grrst e.\(. A bold nian ventured to draw and publifh ano-
orders in ther declaration in the Prince's name. It was pen-
orivion. j^g^ ^-^1^ gj,^^^ |-^-^.^ . And it had as - reat an ef-
feft. It fet forth the defperate defigns of the Pa-
pifts, and the extream danger the Nation was in
by their means, and rec^uired all perfons immedi-
ately
cf King James II.
ately to fall on fuch Papifts as were in any employ-
ments, and to turn them out, and to fecure all
Itrong places, and to do every .thing eife that was
in their power in order to execute the laws, and to
bring all things again into their proper channels.
This fet all men at work : For no doubt was made,
that it was truly the Prince's declaration. But
he knew nothing of it. And it was never known,
who was the author of fo bold a thing. No per-
fon ever claimed the merit of it : For, tho' it had
an amazing effedl, yet, it feems, he that contrived
it apprehended, that the Prince would not be well
pleafed with the author of fuch an impofture in his
Name. The King was under fuch a confternation,
that he neither knew what to refolve on, nor whom
to truft. This pretended declaration put the City
in fuch a flame, that it was carried to the Lord
Mayor, and he was required to execute it. The
apprentices got together, and were falling upon
all Mafs-houles, and committing many irregular
things. Yet their fury was fo well governed, and
fo little refilled, that no other mifchief was done :
No blood was fhed.
The King now fent for all the Lords in Town, A treaty
that were known to be firm Proteftants. And, ^^g^"
upon fpeaking to fome of them in private, they p'i''
advifed him to call a general meeting of all the
Privy Counfellors, and Peers, to afk their advice,
what was fit to be done. All agreed in one opi-
nion, that it was fit to fend Commillioners to the
Prince to treat with him. This went much againft
the King's own inclinations : Yet the dejeftion he
was in, and the defperate ftate of his affairs, forced
him to confent to it. So the Marquis of Halifax,
' the Earl of Nottingham, and the Lord Godolphin,
were ordered to go to the Prince, and to aflc him,
what it was that he demanded. The Earl of Cla-
rendon reflefted the mod, on the King's former
pondud, of any in that afTcmbly, not without fome
indecent and infolent words, which were generally
condemned.
5^8 The History of the Reign
1688. condemned. He expeded, as was faid, to be one
Vx^V^' of the Commiffioners : And, upon his not being
named, he came and met the Prince near Salifbury.
Yet he fuggefted fo many peevifli and peculiar
things, when he came, that fome fufpefted, all this
was but collufion, and that he was fent to raile a
facftion among thofe that were about the Prince.
The Lords fent to the Prince to know where they
fhould wait on him : And he named Hungerford.
When they came thither, and had delivered their
meffage, the Prince called all the Peers and others
of chief note about him, and advifed with them
what anfwer fhould be made. A day was taken
to confider of an anfwer. The Marquis of Hali-
fax fent for me. But the Prince faid, tho' he would
fufpeft nothing from our meeting, others might. So
I did not fpeak with him in private, but in the
hearing of others. Yet he took occafion to aflc
me, fo as no body obferved it, if we had a mind
to have the Kind in our hands ? I faid, by no
means ; for we would not hurt his perfon. He
afked next, what if he had a mind to go away ? I
faid, nothing was fo much to be wifhed for. This
I told the Prince. And he approved of both my
anfwers. The Prince ordered the Earls of Oxford,
Shrewsbury, and Clarendon to treat with the Lords
the King had fent. And they delivered the Prin-
ce's anfwer to them on Sunday the eighth of De-
cember.
He defired a Parliament might be prefently
called, that no men fhould continue in any em-
ployment, who were not qualified by law, and had
not takea the Tefls ; that the Tower of London
^ might be put in the keeping of the City ; that the
Fleet, and all the ftrong places of the Kingdom,
might be put in the hands of Protefi:ants j that a
proportion of the revenue might be fet off for the
pay of the Prince's Army -, and that during the
fitting of the Parliament, the Armies of both fides
might not come within twenty miles of London ;
but,
of King James II.
but, that the Prince might come on to London,
and have the fame number of his guards about him,
that the King kept about his perfon. The Lords
feemed to be very well fatisfied with this anfwer.
They fent it up by an exprefs, and went back next
day to London.
But now ftrange counfels were fuggefted to the The King
King and Qtieen. The Priefts, and all the vio- lefcthe
lent Papifts, law a treaty was now opened. They ^'"g^o™-
knew, that they mull be the facrifice. The whole
defign of Popery muft be given up, without any
hope of being able in an age to think of bringing
it on again. Severe laws would be made againlt
them. And all thofe who intended to ftick to the
King, and to preferve him, would go into thofe
laws with a particular zeal : So that they, and their
hopes, muft be now given up, and facrificed for
ever. They infufed all this into the Queen. They
faid, Ihe would certainly be impeached : And wit-
nefles would be fet up againft her, and her fon :
The King's Mother had been impeached in the
long Parliament : And fhe was to look for nothing
but violence. So the Queen took up a fudden re-
folution of going to France with the child. The
midwife, together with all who were affifling at
the birth, were alfo carried over, or fo difpofed of,
that it could never be learned what became of
them afterwards. The Queen prevailed with the
King, not only to confent to this, but to promife
to go quickly after her. He was only to flay a
day or two after her, in hope that the fhadow of
authority that was Hill left m him might keep
things fo quiet, that flie might have an undiilurb-
ed paffage. So Hie went to Portfmouth. And
from thence, in a man of war, Ihe went over to
France, the King refolving to follow her in dif-
guife. Care was alfo taken to fend all the Priefts
away. The King flaid long enough to get the
Prince's anfwer. And when he had read it, he
faid, he did no: exped fo good terms. He order-
ed
54® The History of the Reign
1688. ed the Lord Chancellor to come to him next morn-
v-^-V^ ing. But he had called fecretly for the Great Seal.
And the next morning, being the tenth of De-
cember, about three in the morning, he went away
in difguife with Sir Edward Hales, whofe fervant
he feemed to be. They pall the river, and flung
the Great Seal into it ; which was fome months
after found by a fiiherman near Fox-Hall. The
King went down to a miferable filher-boat, that
Hales had provided for carrying them over to
France.
He is Thus a great King, who had a good Army and
TenLed. ^ ^^^"^ ^^^^^' ^^^ ^hoofe rather to abandon all,
than either to expofe himfelf to any danger v/ith
that part of the Army that was ftill firm to him,
or to ftay and fee the ifliie of a Parliament. Some
attributed this mean and unaccountable refolution
to a want of courage. Others thought it was the
effecl of an ill confcience, and of fome black thing
under which he could not now fupport himfel?
And they who cenfured it the moft moderately,
faid, that it Ihewed, that his Priefts had more regard
to themfelves than to him -, and that he confidered
their intereft more than his own ; and that he
chofe rather to wander abroad with them, and to
try what he could do by a French force to fubdue
his people, than to ftay at home, and be fhut up
within the bounds of law, and be brought under
an incapacity of doing more mifchief j which they
faw was neceffary to quiet thofe fears and jealoufies,
for which his bad government had given fo much
occafion. It feemed very unaccountable, fince he
was refoived to go, that he did not choofe rather
to go in one of his Yatchs or Frigates, than to
expofe himfelf in fo dangerous and ignominious a
m.anner. It was not polTible to put a good con-
ftruftion on any part of the dilhonourable fcene
which he then adled.
With this his reign ended : For this was a plain
deferting his people, and the expofing the Nation
to
of King James II. 541
to the pillage of an Army, which he had ordered 1688.
the Earl of Feverfham to dilband. And the do- '— -v-*
ing this without paying them, was the letting To
many armed men loofe upon the Nation ^ who
might have done much mifchief, if the execution
of thofe orders that he left behind him had not
been ftopped. I fhall continue the recital of all
that paft in this Interregnum, till the Throne, which
he now left empty, was filled.
He was not gone far, when fome fifhermen of Bu is
Feverlliam, who were watching for fuch Priefls, ^'^"S^'
and other delinquents, as they fancied were mak-
ing their efcape, came up to him. And they,
knowing Sir Edward Hales, took both the King
and him, and brought them to Feverfham. The
King told them who he was. And that flying
about brought a vaft croud together, to look on
that aftonifhing inilance of the uncertainty of all
worldly greatnefs -, when he who had ruled three
Kingdoms, and might have been the arbiter of
all Europe, was now in fuch mean hands, and fo
low an equipage. The people of the town were
extremely dilordered with this unlooked for acci-
dent : And, tho' for a while they kept him as a
prifoner, yet they quickly changed that into as
much refpeft as they could poflibly pay him. Here
was an accident that feemed of no great confe-
quence. Yet all the ftrugglings which that party
have made ever fince that time to this day, which
from him were called afterwards the Jacobites, did
rife out of this : For, if he had got clear away, by
all that could be judged, he would not have had
a party left : All would have agreed, that here was
a defertion, and that therefore the Nation was free,
and at liberty to fecure itfelf. But what followed
upon this gave them a colour to fay, that he was
forced away, and driven out. Till now, he fcarcc
had a party, but among the Papiils. But from
this incident a party grew up, that has been long
very adivefoF his interefls. As fooa as it was
known
r^a The History of the Reign
1688. known at London that the King was gone, the ap-
K^/^Y'sj prentices and the rabble, who had been a little
quieted when they faw a treaty on foot between
the King and the Prince, now broke out again
upon all fufpefted houfes, where they believed there
was eitheir Priefts or Papifts. They made great
havock of many places, not fparlng the houfes of
Embaflfadors, But none were killed, no houfes
burnt, nor were any robberies committed. Never
was fo much fury feen under fo much management.
Jefferies, finding the King was gone, faw what
reafon he had to look to himfelf : And, apprehend-
ing that he was now expofed to the rage of the
people, whom he had provoked with fo particular
a brutality, he had difguifed himfelf to make his
efcape. But he fell into the hands of fome who
knew him. He was infulted by them with as much
fcorn and rudenefs as they could invent. And,
after many hours toffing him about, he was car-
ried to the Lord Mayor -, whom they charged to
commit him to the Tov/er, which the Lord Lucas
had then feized, and in it had declared for the
Prince. The Lord Mayor was fo ftruck with the
terror of this rude populace, and with the difgrace
of a man who had made all people tremble before
him, that he fell -into fits upon it, of which he
died foon after,
rpj^g To prevent the further growth of fuch difor-
Prince is ders, he called a meeting of the Privy Counfellors
defired to and Peers, who met at Guild-Hall. The Arch-
come ard bifi-iop of Canterbury was there. They gave a
coven- ^ ftrift charge for keeping the peace ; and agreed to
ment into fend an invitation to the Prince, defiring him to
his hands, come and take the government of the Nation into
his hands, till a Parliament fhould meet to bring
all matters to a juft and full fettlement. This they
all figned j and fent it to the Prince by the Earl
of Pembroke, the Vifcount Weymouth, the Bifhop
of Ely, and the Lord Culpepper. The Prince
went on from Hungerford to Newbury, and from
thence
of King James II. 543
thence to Abington, refolving to have gone to Ox- 1688.
ford to receive the compliments of the Univerfity, o.-v"v-;
and to meet the Princefs Anne who v/as coming
thither. At Abington he was furprized with the
news of the flrange cataftrophe of affairs now at
London, the King's defertion, and the diforders
which the City and neighbourhood of London v/ere
falhng into. One came from London, and brought
him the news, which he knew not well how to be-
lieve, till he had an exprefs fent him from the
Lords, who had been with him from the King.
Upon this the Prince faw, how necefTary it was to
make all poffible hafte to London. So he fent to
Oxford, to excufe his not coming thither, and to
offer the AfTociation to them, which was figned by
almoft all the heads, and the chief men of the Uni-
verfity -, even by thofe, who, being difappointed
in the preferments they afpired to, became after-
wards his moft implacable enemies.
Hitherto the expedition had been profperous,
beyond all that could have been expedled. There
had been but two fmall engagements, during this
vmfeafonabk campaign. One was at Winkington
in Dorfetfhire, where an advanced party of the
Prince's met one of the King's that was thrice their
number : Yet they drove them before them into a
much greater body, where they were overpowered
with numbers. Some were killed on both fides.
But there were more prifoners taken of the Prin-
ce's men. Yet, tho' the lofs was of his fide, the
courage that his men fhewed in lb great an ine-
quality as to number, made us reckon that we
gained more than we lofl on that occafion. Ano-
ther adlion happened at Reading, where the King
had a confiderabJe body, who, as fome of the Prin-
ce's men advanced, fell into a great diforder, and
ran away. One of the Prince's OfHcers was ihot.
He was a Papifl : And the Prince in confideration
of his religion was willing to leave him behind
him in Holland : But he very earneflly begged he
might
544 The History of the Reign
1688. might come over with his company : And he was
{y\r>^ the only Officer that was killed in the whole ex-
pedition.
Different Upon the news of the King's defertion, it was
advice propofed that the Prince fhould go on with all pof-
given to ^j^ig j^^^g ^Q London. But that was not advifable.
cohcem- ^^^ ^^^ King's Army lay fo fcattered thro' the
ir.g the road all the way to London, that it was not fit
King's for him to advance fafcer, than as his troops march-
perion. ^j before him : Otherwife, any refolute Officer
might have feized or killed him. Tho', if it had
not been for that danger, a great deal of mifchief,
that followed, would have been prevented by his
fpeedy advance : For now began that turn, to
which all the difficulties, that did afterwards dif-
order our affairs, may be juftly imputed. Two
Gentlemen of Kent came to Windfor the m.orning
after the Prince came thither. They were addreffed
to me. And they told m.e of the accident at Fe-
verffiam, and defired to know the Prince's pleafure
upon it. I was affected with this difmal reverfe of
the fortune of a great Prince, more than I think
fit to exprefs. I went immediately to Benthink,
and wakned him, aHd got him to go in to the
Prince, and let him know what had happen'd, that
fome order might be prefently given for thefecurity
of the King's perfon, and for taking him out of the
hands of a rude multitude, who faid, they would
obey no orders but fuch as came from the Prince.
The Prince orderec;! Zuyieftein to go immediately
to Feverlham, and to fee the King fafe, and at full
liberty to go whitherfoever he pleafed. But, as
foon as the news of the King's being at Feverfham
came to London, all the indignation that people
had formerly conceived againft him, was turned
to pity and compaffion. The Privy Council met
upon it. Some moved, that he fhould be fent for.
Others faid, he was King, and niight fend for his
guards and coaches, as he pleafed : But it became
-not them to fend for him. It was left to his Ge-
I , neral,
of King James IT. 545
nera), the Earl of Feverlham, to do what he thought 16SS.
belt. So he went for him with his coaches and ^-'v**/
gaards. And, as he came back thro' the City, he
v/as welcomed with expreiTions of joy by great
numbers : So flight and unliable a thing is a mul-
titude, and [o foon altered. At his coming to
Whitehall, he had a great Court about him. Even
the Papiils crept out of their lurking holes, and
appeared at Court with much aiTurance. The King
himfelf began to take heart. And both at Fever-
fham, and now at Whitehall, he talked in his or-
dinary high drain, juftilying all he had done :
Only he fpoke a little doubtfully of the bufmefs of
Magdalen College. But when he cam.e to reflect
on the ftate of his affairs, he faw it was fo broken,
that nothing was now left to deliberate upon. So
he lent the Earl of Feverfnam to Windfor, with-
out demanding any paiTport : And ordered him to
delire the Prince to come to St. James's, to con-
fult with him of the beil way tor fetding the
Nation.
When the news of what had pait at London
came to Windfor, the Prince thought the Pri\'y
Council had not ufed him v^eil, who, afcer they
had fent to him to take the government upon him,
had made this (rep without confuitinghim. Now
the fcene was altered, and new counfels were to
be taken. The Prince heard the opinions, not
only of thofe who had come along v/ith him, but
of fuch of the Nobility as were now com.e to him,
among whom the Marquis of Halifax was one.
All agreed, that it was not converiieni that the
Kino; iLould ftav at Whitehal}. Neither the Kins:,
nor the Prince, nor the City, could have bec^i
faie, if they had been both near one another. Tu-
mults would probably have arifen out ol ic. The
guards, and the officious flatterers of the two Courts,
would have been unauiet neighbours. It was
thought necelTary to ftick to the point of the King's
Vol. IL N n defertins
54^ The li I s T 0 R Y of the Rejcrn
o
1688. defertlng his people, and not to give up that, by
■^ ' •'entring upon any treaty with him. And fince the
Earl of Feverfham, who had commanded the Ar-
my againft the Prince, was come without a pafT-
port, he was for fome days put in arreil.
It was a tender point how to difpofe of the
King's perfon. Some propofed rougher methods :
The keeping him a prifoner, at leait till the Nati-
on was fettled, and till Ireland was fecured. It
was thought, his being kept in cuftody, would be
fuch a tie on all his party, as would oblige them
to fubmit, and be quiet. Ireland was m great
danger. And his reilraint might oblige the Earl
ofTirconnell to deliver up the government, and
to difarm the Papifts, which would preferve that
Kingdom, and the Protellants in it.^ But, becaufe
it might raife too much compaffion, and perhaps
fome diforder, if the King Ihould be kept in re-
ilraint within the Kingdom, therefore the fendincr
him to Breda was propofed. The Earl of Claren*^
don preffed this vehemently, on the account of the
Irifh Proteitants, as the King himfelf told me :
For thole that gave their opinions in this matter
did it fecretly, and in confidence to the Prince.
The Prince faid, he could not deny, but that this
might be good and wife advice : But it was that
to which he could not hearken : He was fo far fa-
tisfied with the grounds of this expedition, that
he could ad againft the King in a fair and open
war : But for his perfon, now that he had him in
his power, he could not put fuch a hardfhip on
him, as to make him a prifoner : And he knew
the Princefs's temper fo well, that he was fure fhe
would never bear it : Nor did he knov/ what dif-
putes it m.ight raife, or v/hat effed it might have
upon the Parliament that was to be called : Fie
was firmly refolved never to fuffer any thing to be
done againft his perfon : He faw it was necefTary
to fend him out of London ; And he would order
■a guard'
of King J A M E s II. 547
s guard to attend upon him, who fliould only de- 1688.
fend and proced his perfon, but not reftrain him <-'-y-s^
in any fort.
A refoiution was taken of fending the Lords
Halifax, Shrewfbury, and Delamer, to London,
who were firft to order the Engliili guards that
were about the Court to ba drawn off, and fent to
quarters out of town : And, when that was done,
the Count of Solms with the Dutch guards was to
come and take all the pofts about the Court. This
was obeyed without any refiflance or diforder, but
not without much murmuring. It was midnight
before all was fettled. And then thefe Lords fent
to the Earl of Middleton, to defire him to let the
King know, that they had a meffage to deliver to
him from the Prince. He went in to the King;
and fent them word from him, that they might
come with it immediately. They came, and found
him abed. They told him, the necefTity of affairs
required, that the Prince Hiould come prefently to
London : And he thought, it would conduce to
the fafety of the King's perfon, and the quiet of
the town, that be fiiould retire to fome houfe out
of town: And they propofed Flam. The King
feemed much dejefted •, and aflced, if it muft be
done immediately. They told him, he might
take his reft firft : And they added, that he fhould
be attended by a guard, who ftiould only guard his
perfon, but fhould give him no fort of difturbance.
Having faid this they withdrew. The Earl of
Middleton came quickly after them, and afked
them, if it would not do as well, if the King
fhould go to Rochefter -, for frnce the Prince was
not pleafed with his coming up from Kent, it
might be perhaps acceptable to him, if he fhould
go thither a.^ain. It was very vifible, that this
was propofed in order to afecond efcape.
They promifed to fend vvQi;d immediately to the
Prince of Orange, who lay ^hat nigh; at Sion.,
N n 2 wiihii>
54S The H is t o r y of die Reign
i6BS. within eight mii^s of London. He very readily
V^-Vs.^ confented to it. And the King went next day to
f ^^ Rochefter, having ordered ail that which is called
canirto ^^^ moving Wardrobe to be fent before him, th'e
London, Count of Solms ordering every thing to be done,
and the as the King defired. A guard went with him that
King went j^fj. ^:^^^ ^^ £^^lj liberty, and paid him rather more
cheikr. refpe^ than his own guards had done of late.
Moil of that body, as it happen'd, were Papifts.
So when he went to Mafs, they went in, and affift-
ed very reverently. And, when they were aflced,
how they could ferve in an expedition that was in-
tended to deflroy their own religion, one of them
anfwered, his foul was God's, but his fword was
the Prince of Orange's. The King was fo much
delighted with this anfwer, that he repeated it to
all that came about him. On the fame day the
Prince came to St. James's. It happen'd to be a
very rainy day. And yet great numbers came to
fee him. But, after they had flood long in the
wet, he difappointed them : For, he who neither
loved fhews nor fhoutings, went thro' the park.
And even this trifle helped to fet peoples fpirits on
the fret.
The Revolution was thus brought about, with
the univerfal applaufe of the whole Nation : Only
thefe lafl fleps began to raife a fermentation. It
was faid, here was an unnatural thing, to waken
the King out of his fleep, in his own Palace, and
to order him to go out of it, when he was ready
to fubmit to every thing. Some faid, he was now
a prifoner, and remembred the faying of King
Charles the firft, that the prifons and the graves
of Princes lay not far diilant from one another :
The perfon or the King was now ftruck at, as well
as his government : And this fpecious undertaking
would now appear to be only a difguifed and de-
figned ufurpation. Thefe. things began to work
on great, numbers. And the pofting the Dutch
guards.
qF King J A M E s I!, , 549 "
guards, where the Englifh guards had been, gave 1688.
a' general difguft to the whole Engiifli Army. v-«-v-«w
They indeed hated the Dutch befides, on the ac-
count of the good order and Itrid: difcipline they
were kept under -, which made them to be as much
beloved by the Nation, as they were hated by the
foldiery. The Nation had never known fuch an
inoffenfive march of an Army. And the peace
and order of the fuburbs, and the freedom of
rharkets in and about London, was fo carefully
maintained, that in no time tewer diforders had
been committed,, than were heard of this winter.
None of the Papifts or Jacobites were infulted
in any fort. The Prince had ordered me, as we
came along, to take care of the Papifts, and to fe-
cure them from all violence. When he came to
London, he renewed thefe orders, which I exe-
cuted with fo much zeal and care, that I favv all
the complaints that were brought me fully redrefled. .
When we came to London 1 procured pafTports
for all that defired to go beyond fea. Two of the
Popilh Bifhops were put in Newgate. I went thi-
ther in the Prince's name. I told them, the Prince '
would not take upon him yet to give orders about
prifoners : As foon as he did that, they ihould
feel the effefts of it. But in the mean while I or-
dered them them to be well ufed, and to be taken
care of, and that their friends might be admitted
to come t3 them. So truly did I purfue the prin-
ciple of moderation, even towards thofe from
whom nothing of that fort was to be expefted.
Now that the Prince was come, all the bodies The
about the town came to welcome him. The Bi- P^inc^
fhops came the next day. Only the Archbifhop pf ^o^^g^V
Canterbury, tho' he had once agreed to it, yet all forts o
would not come. The Clergy of London came people.
next. The City, and a great many other bodies,
came likewife, and exprelfed a great deal of joy
for the deliverance wrought for them by the-
« N n 3 Prince's
55^ The History of the Reign
1 68 S. Prince's means. Old Serjeant iVIaynard came with
v-'--/'^/ the men of the law. He was then near ninety,
and yet he faid the liveUeft thing that was heard
of on that occafion. The Prince took notice of
his great age, and faid, that he believed he had
outlived all the men of the law of his time : He
anfwered, he fhould have out-lived the law it felf,
if his jrlighnefs had not come over.
Confulta- The tirft thing to be done after the compHments
boat die ^^^^ °^'^^' ^"^^^ ^^ confider how the Nation was to
fetdemenc ^° fettled. The lawyers were generally of opini-
of the on, that the Prince ought to declare himfelf King,
Nation, as Henry the feventh had done. This, they faid,
would put an end to all difputes, which might
otherwife grow very perplexing and tedious : And,
they faid, he might call a Parliament which v/ould
be a legal afiembly, if fummoned by the King in
fa<5t, th6' his title was not yet recognized. This was
plainly contrary to his declaration, by which the
fettlement of the Nation was referred to a Parlia-
ment : Such a ftep would make all that the Prince
had hitherto done, pafs for an afpiring ambition,
only to raife himfelf: And it would difguft thofe
who had been hitherto the beft affected to his de-
Cgns-j and make them lefs concerned in the quar-
rel, if, inflead of Haying till the Nation fhould
offer him the Crown, he would affume it as a con-
quell. Thefe reafons determined the Prince againfl:
that proportion . He called all the Peers, and the
members of the three lafl Parliaments, that were
in town, together with fome of the Citizens of
London. When thefe met, it was told them, that,
in the prefent diftraction, the Prince *de{ired their
advice about the beft methods of fettling the Na-
tion. It was agreed in both thefe Houfes, fuch as
they were, to make an addrefs to the Prince, de-
firing him to take the adminiftration of the govern-
ment into his hands in the interim. The next
propofition pail not fo iinanimoufly : For, it being
movedi '
of King J A M E s II. '551
moved, 'that the Prince Ihouid be likewife defired i6S'3.
to write milTiv^e letters to the fame efFeil, and for o-y-*^
the fame perfons to whom writs were iffued out for
calling a Parliament, that lb there might be an af-
fembly of men in the form of a Parliament, tho'
without writs under the Great Seal, fuch as that
was that had called home King Charles tlie fecond:
The Earl of Nottingham objected to this, that
fuch a Convention of the States could be no legal
affembly, iinlefs fummoned by the King's writ.
Therefore he moved, that an addrefs might be
made to the King, to order the writs to be iffued
out. Few v/ere of his mind. The matter was
carried the other way : And orders vrere given for
thofe letters to be fent round the Nation.
The King continued a week at Rochefter. And The King
both he himielf, and every body elfe, faw that he :^^''^ "'•''^f
-^^was at full liberty, and that the guard about him pj.^,,^
' put him under no fort of reftraint. Many that
were zealous for his intereils went to him, and
prelTed him to ftay, and to fee the ifllie of things :
A party would appear for him : Good terms would
be got for him : And things would be brought to
a reafonable agreement. He was m,uch diftraftcd
between his own inclination?, and the im.portuni-
ties of his friends. The Queen, hearing what
had happen'd, writ a moft vehement letter to him,
preffing his coming over, remembring him of his
promife, which fke charged on him in a very ear-
reft, if not in an imperious ftrain. This letter
was intercepted. I had an account of it from one
that read it. The Prince ordered it to be convey-
ed to the King : And that determined him. So
he gave fecret orders to prepare a veflel lor him -,
and drew a paper, which he left on his table, re-
proaching the Nation for their torfaking him.
Pie declared, that tho' he was going to feek for
foreign aid, to reftore him to his Throne, yet he
would not make ufe of it to overthrow either the
N n 4 religio
'£^z The History of the Reign
1688. religion eftabliOied, or the laws of the land. And
IL/''V"sj fo he left Rochefler very fecretly, on the lail day:
of this memorable year, and got fafe over to
France.
But, before I enter into the next year, I will
give fome account of the affairs of Scotland.
There was no force left there, but a very fmall
one, fcarce able to defend the Caftle of Edin-
burgh, of which the Duke of Gordon was Go-
vernor. He was a Papift •, but had neither the
fpirit, nor the courage, which fuch a poll required
at that time. As foon as the news came to Scot-
land of the King's defertion, the rabble got toge-
ther there, as they had done in London. They
broke into all Popiih Chapels, and into the Church
of Holy Rood Houfe, which had been adorned
at a great charge to be a Royal Chapel, particu-
larly for the order of St. Andrew and the ThiftJe,
which the King had refolved to fet up in Scotland
in imitation of the order of the Garter in Eng-
land. They delaced it quite, and feized on fome
that were thought great delinquents, in particular
on the Earl of Perth, who had difguifed himfelfi
and had got aboard a fmall veiTel ; But he v/as
feized on, and put in prifon. The whole King-
dom, except only the Caftjc of Edinburgh, de-
clared for the Prince, and received his declaration
for that Kingdom with great joy. This was done
in the North very unanimoully, by the Epifcopal,
as well as by the Prefbyterian party. But in the
Weftern Counties, the Preibyterians, who had
fufFered much in a courfe of many years, thought
that the time was now come, not only to procure
themfelves eafe and liberty, but to revenge them-
felves upon others. They generally broke in up-
on the Epifcopal Clergy with great infolence and
much cruelty. They carried them about the pa-
riihes in a., mock proceffion : They tore their
gowns, and drove them from t;|aeir Churches an4
houfes.
of King James II. ^^^
fioufes. Kor did they treat thofe of thern. who 1688.
had appeared very zealoudy againil Popery, with ^^•v^
any diftindlion. The Bilhops of that Kingdom
had writ a very indecent letter to the King, upon
the news of the Prince's being blown back by the
ftorm, full of injurious expreffions towards the
Prince, exprefling their abhorrence of his defign :
And, in conclufion, they wifhed that the King
might have the necks of his enemies. This was
fent up as a pattern to the Englilh Bilhops, and
was printed in the Gazette. But they did not
think lit to copy after it in England. The Epis-
copal party in Scotland faw themfelves under a
great cloud : So they refolved all to adhere to the
Earl of Dundee, who had ferved fome years m
Holland, and was both an able Officer, and a
man of good parts, and of fome very valuable
virtues : But, as he was proud and ambitious,
fo he had taken up a moft violent hatred of the
whole Prefbyterian party, and had executed all the
fevereft orders againft them with great rigour;
even to the fhooting many on the highway, that
refufed the oath required of them. The Prefby-
terians looked on him, as their moft implacable
enemy : And the Epifcopal party trufted moft en--
tirely to him. Upon the Prince's coming to Lon-
don, the Duke of Hamilton called a meeting o£
all the men of Quality of the Scotch Nation then
in town : And thefe made an addrefs to the
Prince with relation to Scotland, almoft in the
fame terms in which the Englifti addrefs was con-
ceived. And now the adminiftration of the go-
vernment of the whole Iftc of Britain was put in
the Prince's hands.
The profpedl: from Ireland was more dreadful. Tli«= ^f-
Tyrconndl gave out new commiffions for levying j " ^
thirty thoufand men. And reports were fpread
about that IQand, that a general maffacre of the
froteftants v/as fixed to be in November. Upon
which
554 The History of the Reign
1688. which the Proteilants began to run together for
^^^^v>^ their common defence, both in Muniler and in
Uifter. They had no great ftrength in Munllcr.
They had been difarmed, and had no ftore of am-
munitibn for the few arms that were left them.
So they defpaired of being able to defend them-
fclves, and came over to England in great num-
bers, and full of difmal apprehenfions for thofe
they had left behind them. They miOved earneftly,
that a fpeedy affiftance might be fent to them. In
Uifter the Proteftants had more ftrength : But
they wanted a head. The Lords of Grenard and
Mountjoy, who were the chief military men among
them, in whom they confided moft, kept ftill fuch
meafures with Tyrconnell, that they would not
take the condud of them. Tv/o towns, that had
both very little defence about them, and a very
fmall ftore of provilions within them, were by the
raftmefs or boldnefs of fome brave young men fe-
cured : So that they refufed to receive a Popifh
garrifon, or to fubmit to Tyrconnell's orders.
'i hefe were London-Derry, and Iniflcilling. Both
ot them were advantageoufly fituated. Tyrcon-
nell fent troops into the North to reduce the coun-
try. Upon which great numbers fled into thofe
places, and brought in provifions to them. And
fo they refolved to defend themfelves, with a firm-
nefs of courage that cannot be enough admired :
For when they were abandoned, both by the Gen-
try and the military men, thofe two fmall unfurnifti-
cd and unfortified places, refolved to ftand to their
own defence, and at all perils to ftay till fupplies
ihould come to them from England. 1 will not
enlarge more upon the affairs of that Kingdom ;
both becaufe I had no occafion to be well in-
tormed of them, and becaufe Dr. King, now
Archbilhop of Dublin, wrote a copious hiftory of
the government of Ireland during this reign,
v/hich is fo well received, and fo univerfally ac--
knowiedged
of King James II. ^§j
knowledged to be as truly as it is finely written, 1688.
that I refer my reader to the account of thofe ^.*'-v>*^
matters, which is tuUy and faithfully given by
that learned and zealous Prelate.
And now I enter upon the year 1689. ^^ which 1689,
the two firft things to be confidered, before the ' — v-—
Convention could be brought together, were, the
fettling the Englifh Army, and the affairs of Ire-
land. As for the Army, fome of the bodies,
thofe chiefly that were full of Papifts, and of men
ill affeded, were to be broken. And, in order
to that, a loan was fet on foot in the City, for
raifing the money that was to pay their arrears at
their difbanding, and for carrying on the pay of
the Englifh and Dutch Armies till the Conven-
tion fhould meet, and fettle the Nation. This
was the great diflinftion of thofe who were well
afFecled to the Prince : For, whereas thofe who
were ill affeded to him refufed to join in the loan,
pretending there was no certainty of their being
repayed ; the others did not doubt but the Con-
vention would pay all, that was advanced in fo
great an exigence, and fo they fubfcribed liberally,
as the occafion required.
As for the afFajrs of Ireland, there was a great
variety of opinions among them. Some thought,
that Ireland would certainly follow the fate of
England. This was managed by an artifice of
Tyrconnell's, who, what by deceiving, what by
threatning the eminenteft Proteflants in Dublin,
got them to write over to London, and give af-
furances that he would deliver up Ireland, if he
might have good terms for himfelf, and for the
Irifh. The Earl of Clarendon was much depend-
ed on by the Proteflants of Ireland, who made all
their applications to the Prince by him. Thofe,
who were employed by Tyrconnell to deceive the
Prince, made their applications by Sir William
Temple-j
SS^"" The Hi ST oil •V' oLthe Reiga
1689. Temple, who had a long arid well eftabliflied ere-
w-y*w dit with him. They faid, Tyfconnell would ne-
ver lay down the government of Ireland, unlefs
he was fare that the Earl of Clarendon was not to -
fucceed : He knew his peevifhnefs and fpite, and
that he would take fevere revenges for what inju-
ries he thought had been done to himfelf, if he
had them in his power : And therefore he would
not Treat, till he was alTured of that. Upon this
the Prince did avoid the fpeaking to the Earl of
Clarendon of thofe matters. And then he, who
had poffeffed himfelf in his expectation of that
poft, feeing the Prince thus fiiut him out of the
hopes of it, became a moft violent oppofer of
the new fettlcment. He reconciled himfelf to
King James : And has been ever fince, one of
the hotteft promoters of his intereft of any in the
Nation. Temple entred into a management with
Tyrconnell's agents, who, it is very probable, if
things had not taken a great turn in England,
would have come to a compofition. Others
thought, that the leaving Ireland in that danger-
ous Hate, might be a mean to bring the Conven-
tion to a more fpeedy fettlement in England -, and
that therefore the Prince ought not to make too
much hafte to relieve Ireland. This advice was
generally believed to be given by the Marquis of
Halifax : And it was like him. The Prince did
not feem to apprehend enough the confequences of
the revolt of Ireland ; and v/as much blam«d for
his flownefs in not preventing it in time.
The truth was, he did not know whom to truft.
A general difcontent, next to mutiny, began to
fpread itfelf thro* the whole Englilh Army. The
turn, that they were now making from him, was
almoft as quick as that which they had made to
him. lie could not triift them. Probably, if
he had fent any of them over, they would have
joined with Tyrconneil. Nor could he well fend
over
of King James II. ^^y^.
over any of his Dutch troops. It was to them 1689.'
that he chiefly trufted, for maintaining the quiet v^'^v*^^.
of England. Probably the Englilh Army would
have become more infolent, if the Dutch force
had been confiderably diminilhed. And the King's
magazines were fo jpxhauiled, that till new ftores
were provided, there was very little ammunition
to fpare. The railing new troops was a work ot
time. There was no Ihip of war in thofe feas,
to fecure the tranfport. And to fend a fmall
company of Officers with feme ammunition, whi'h
was all that could be done on the fudden, feemed
to be an expofing them to the enemy. Thefe con-
iiderations made him more eafy to entertain a pro-
pofition that was made to him, as was believed,
by the Temples ; (for Sir William had both a
brother and a fon that made then a confiderable
figure :) v/hich was, to fend over Lieutenant Ge-
neral Hamilton, one of the OfRcers that belonged
to Ireland. He was a Papill, but was believed
to be a man of honour : And he had certainly
great credit with the Earl of Tyrconnell. He
had ferved in France with great reputation, and
had a great intereft in all the Iriih, and was now
in the Prince's hands •, and had been together with
a body of Irilli foidiers, whom the Prince kept
for fome time as prifoners in the lile of Wight ;
whom he gave afterwards to the Emperor, tho',
as they palled thro' Germany, they deferted in
great? numbers, and got into France. Flamiltort
was a fort of prifoner of war. So he undertook
to go over to Ireland, and to prevail with the
Earl of Tyrconnell to deliver up the government ;
and promifed, that he would either bring him to
it, or that he would come back, and give an ac-
count of his negotiation. This ftep had a very
ill effe6t : For before Hamilton came to Dublin,
the Earl of Tyrconnell was in fuch defpair, look-
ing on all as loll, that he feemed to be very .nea]^
a full
553- The History of the Reign
1689. a full refokition of encring on a treaty, to get the
-— V— «-» beft terms that he could. But Hamilton's coming
changed him quite. He reprefented to him, that
things were turning fail: in England irt favour
of the King : So that, if he flood firm, all would
come round again. He faw, that he mull fludy
to manage this fo dextroufly, as to gain as much
time as he could, that fo the Prince might not
make too much haile, before a Fleet and fupplies
might come fVom France. So feveral letters were
writ over by the fame management, giving affu-
rances that the Earl of Tyrconnell was fully re-
folved to treat and fubmit. And, to carry this
further, two CommifTioners were fent from the
Council-board to France. The one was a zealous
Protellant, the other was a Papift. Their in-
ftrudlions were, to reprefent to the King the ne-
ceffity of Ireland's fubmitting to England. The
Earl of Tyrconnell pretended, that in honour he
could do no lefs than difengage himfelf to his
mailer, before he laid down the government.
Yet he feemed refolved not to flay for an an-
fwer, or a confent ; but as foon as this melTage
was delivered, he would fubmit upon good con-
ditions : And for thefe, he knew, he would have
all that he afked. With this management he gained
his point, which was much time. And he now
fancied, that the honour of reftoring the King
would belong chiefly to himfelf. Thus Hamilton,
by breaking his own faith, fecured the Earl of
Tyrconnell to the King : And this gave the be-
, ginning to the war of Ireland. Mountjoy, the Pro-
tellant Lord that was fent to France, inftead of
being heard to deliver his meffage, was clapt up
in the Ballille •, which, fmce he was fent in the
name of a Kingdom, was thought a very dif-
honourable thing, and contrary to the law of Na-
tions. Thofe who had advifed the fending over
Hamilton were now much out of countenance:
And
of King James IT.
And the Earl of Clarendon was a loud declaimer
againft it. It was believed, that it had 'a terrible
ett'ed on Sir William Temple's fon, who had raifed
in the Prince a high opinion of Hamilton's honour.
Soon after that, he, who had no other vifible caufe
of melancholy befides this, went in a boat on the
Thames, near the Bridge, where the river runs
moil impetuoufly, and leaped into the river and
was drowned.
The fitting of the Convention was now very The Con-
near. And ail men were forming their fchemes, mention
and fortifying their party all they could. The ""^^'
elections were managed fairly all England over.
The Prince did in no fort interpofe in any reconv
mendation, diredly or indiredly. Three parties
were formed about the town. The one was for call-
ing back the King, and treating with him for fuch
fecurities to our religion and laws, as m.ight put them
out of the danger, tor the future of a Difpenfing
or Arbitrary Power. Thefe Vv^re all ol the high
Church party, who had carried the point of Sub-
jniffion and i\on refiftance fo far, that they thought
nothing lefs than this, could confifl: with their duty
and their oaihs. When it was objeded to them,
that, according to thofe notions that they had been
poffefled with, they ought to be for calling the
King back without conditions : When he came,
they might indeed offer him their petitions, which
he might grant or reje6l as he pleafed : But that
the oftering him conditions, before he was recalled,
was contrary to their former doctrine of uncon-
ditional allegiance. They were at fuch a ftand
upon this objeftion, that it was plain, they fpoke
of conditions, either in compliance with the hu-
mour of the Nation ; or that, with relation to their
particular intereft, nature was fo ftrong in them,
that it was too hard for their principle.
V/hen this notion was tolled and talked of about '^'^■f^'e are
the town, fo iew went into it, that the party which ^^^-^
upporced p^e4snt.
5^o The History of the Reign
iSSg. fupported it went over to the fcheme of a fecond
\^-V->w party, which was, that King James had by his ill
adminiftration of the government, brought him-
felf into an incapacity of holding the exercife of
the fovereign authority any more in his own hand r
But, as in the cafe of lunaticks, the right dill re-
mained in him : Only the guardianfhip,. or the,
exercife, of it was to be lodged with a Prince Re-
gent : So that the right of fovereignty fhould be
owned to remain itill in the King, and that the
exercife of it fhould be veiled in the Prince of
Orange as Prince Regent. A third party was for
fetting King James quite afide, and tor fetting tho-^
Prince on the Throne.
When the Convention was opened on the twenty
fourth of January, the Archbifliop came not to
take his place among them. He refolved neither
to a6t for nor againit the King's intereft j which,,
confidering his high poft, was thought very unbe-
coming. For if he thought, as by his behaviour
afterwards it feems he did, that the Nation was
running into treafon, rebellion, and perjury, it was
a ftrange thing to fee one, who was at the head of
the Church, fit filent all the while that this was in
debate; and not oncefo much as declare his opinion
by fpeaking, voting, or protefting, not to men-
tion the other Ecclefiaftical methods that certainly
became his character. Buthe was apoor fpirited,
and fearful man ; and a6ted a very mean part in all
this great tranfadlion. The Bifhop's Bench was very
full, as were alfo the Benches of the Temporal
Lords. The Earls of Nottingham, Clarendon, and
Rochefler,. were the men that managed the debates
in favour ,,of a Regent, in oppofition to thofe who
were for fetting up another King.
They thought this would lave the Nation, and
yet fecure the honour of the Church of England,
and the facrednefs of the Crown. It was urged,
that if, upon any pretence whatfoever, the Nation
might
of King James IL 5^1
might throw off their King.; then the Grawn muft 1689 J
become precarious, and the power of judging the '-^""V^^J"
King muft he in the peop'e. This muft end in a
Gomnidnwealth. A great deal was brought from
both the law's- and hvftory of Englar^d, to prove,
that not 'Only the perfon, but the authority of the
King was, ficred. The law had indeed provided a
remedy of a "Regency for the infancy of our Kings.
So, if va King' Ihouid' fall iwto fuch errors in his'
cond'adVi ..as Slewed that he was as little capctbleof
holding the government as an infant v/as, thdh the
Rftates of the Kingdoin mi-ght\, lipon this parity'
of checale, -feek to the I'eniedy provided for an
irifant, and lodge the power with a Regent. But the-
right vv^as to remain, ahd to go on in a linealfud- '
ceillon : For, if that was once put ever fo little out
of its order, the Crown woCrld in alitEk titi=^e-be^
come eledive I which' might- rend ' the ' Nation;'' in
pieces by a* diveriity of fele61:ioris, and by the dif*'
fere;n;t factions that would adhere to the ^eHori'
whom they had ele6led.' They did not deny,' but"
that great objedlions lay againft the riiithods. that
they propofed. ' But affairs were broi^it 'i.rtib fb'
defperate a ftate by King James's coiiduc^cV that'
it was not poffible to propofe a remedy, that might '
not be juftly excepted to.' ' Bat they thought, their
expedient v/ould take in the greatefl, as well as the
beff, part of the nation : Whereas all other ex-
pedients gratified a Republican partf,'' c^mpofed
of the Diffenters, and of men of no religion, who
hoped how to fee the Church ruined, and the go- ■
vernment [tt upon fuch- a' bottom, /iis that: ''^i? J, ^.^',
(hould have only a titular King ; who;, as he''h^a . .-:...>
his power from the people, fo fliould be accoufr^
table to ihem^ for the exercife of it, 'ahd flib'dld
forfeitat it their pleafure. The much greater' part
of the.Houfe of Lords was for this, and iiuci^
long to ic : And fo w4s abotit at' thiftl patt' bf the
Houfe' of Commons. ■> The greate^ 'p^f^ OF the
Clergyidiecl^rdd themft'l^r^es for it. ' "■ *'"'"* ^^'^' "
Vol. JL O q, Bu£ ^
562 The History of the Reign
1689. But of thofe who agreed in this expedient, it was
^-''V"^ vifible there were two different parties. Some in-
tended to bring King James back ; and went into
this, as the moft probable way for laying the Na-
tion alleep, and tor overcoming the prefent averfion
that all people had to him. That being once
done, they reckoned it would be no hard thing,
with the help of fome time, to compafs the other-
Others feemed to mean more fincerely. They faid,
they could not vote or argue but according to their
own principles, as long as the matter M^as yet en-
tire: But they owned that they had taken up ano-
ther principle, both from the law and from the
hiftory of England : which was, that they would
obey and pay allegiance to the King for the time
being : They thought a King thus de fa6lo had a
right to their obedience, and that they were bound
to adhere to him, and to defend him, even in
oppofition to him with whom they thought the^
right did flill remain. The Earl of Nottingham'
was the perfon that owned this doftrine the moft
during thefe debates. He faid to myfelf, that
tko* he could not argue nor vote, but according
to the fcheme and principles he had, concerning
our laws and conftitution, yet he fhould not be
forry to fee his fide out voted ; and that, tho' he
could not agree to the making a King as things
ftood, yet if he found one made, he would be more
faithful to him, than thofe that made him could
be according to their own principles.
The third party was made up of thofe, who
thought that there was an original contra6l between
the Kings and the people of England ; by which .
the Kings were bound to defend their people, and'
to govern them according to law, in lieu of which
the people were bound to obey and ferve the King.
The proof of this appeared in the ancient forms, of
Coronations ftill obferved : By which the people
were afked, if they would have that perfon before
%\mt to be their King: And, upoa their fhouts
of
of King J A M E s II. 563
of confcnt, the Coronation was gone about. But, 1689.
before the King was crowned, he was aiked, it he s^^^y-**/
would not defend and proted: his people, and go-
vern them according to law : And, upon his pro-
mifing and fwearing this, he was crowned : And
then hortiage was done him. And, tho' of late the
Coronation has been confidered rather as a folemn
inllalment, than that which gave tiie King his au-^ .
thority, fo that it was become a maxim in law
that the King never died, and that the new King
was crowned in the right of his fucceffion, yet thefe
forms, that were ftill continued, fliewed what the
government was originally. Many things were
brought to fupport this from the Britifh and Saxon
times. It was urged, that William the Conqueror
was received upon his promifing to keep the laws
of Edward the ConfeJGibr, which was plainly the
original contra6t betw en him and the Nation.
This was often renewed by his fuccefibrs. Edward
the fecond, and Richard the fecond, were depofed
for breaking thefe laws : And thefe depofitions were
ftill good in law, fince they were not reverfed, nor
was the right ot depofing them ever renounced or
difowned. Many things were alledged, from v/hat
had paft during the Barons wars, for confirming
all tins. Upon which I will add one particular cir-
cumilance, that the original of King John's Magna
Charta, v/ith his Great Seal to it, was then given to
me by a Gentleman that found it among his Fa- -
ther's papers, but did not know how he came by
it : And it is ftill in my hands. It was faid in this
argument, what did all the limitations of the
Regal Power fignify, if upon a King's breaking
thro' them all, the people had not a right to main-
tain their laws, and to preferve their conftitu don?
It was indeed confeffed, that this might have ill
confequences and might be carried too far. But the
denying this right in any cafe whatfoever, did
plainly deftroy all liberty, and eflablifh tyranny^
O o 2 The
The His to r y of the Reign
The prefent alteration propofed would be no pre-
cedent, but to the Hke cafe. And it was fit that
a precedent Ihould be made for fuch occafions •, if
thofe of Edvvardthe fecond, and Richard the fe-
cond, were not acknowledged to be good ones. It
was faid, that, if King James had only broken
fome laws, and done fome illegal afts, it might be
juilly ut-ged, that it was not reafonable on account
of thefe to carry feverities too far. But he had
broken thro' the laws in many publick and av^owed
inftances: He had fet up an open treaty with
Rome : He had fhaken the whole fettlement of
Ireland •, and had put that Illand, and the Englilh
and Proteilants that were there, in the power of
the Irilli : The Difpenfing Power took away not
only thofe laws to which it was applied, but all
other laws whatfoever by the precedent it had fet,
and by the confequences that followed upon it : By
the Ecclefiailical Commiffion he had invaded the
iit?erty of the Church, and fubjefted the Clergy
tomeer win and pleafure : And all was concluded
by his deferting his people, and flying to a foreign
power, rather than flay and fubmit to the deter-
minations of a free Parliament. Upon all which it
was inferred, that he had abdicated the government,
and had left the Throne vacant: Which therefore
oyght now to be filled, that To the Nation might
b^ preferved, and the Regal government continued
in. it.
vAs to tlie propofition for a Prince Regent, it
w^as argued, that this was as much againft Mo-
narchy, or rather more, than what they moved for.
If a King's ill government did give the people a
right in any cafe to take his power from him, and
tQ lodge it with another, owning that the right to
itiftill remained with him, this miQ;ht have every
whit as bad confcquences, as the other feemed to
have : For recourle might be had to this violent
r<^mcdy too oftenj and too ralhly. By this pro-
pofition
of King James II. ^6^
pofitlon of a Regent, here were to be upon the 1689.
matter two Kings at the fame time : One with the (•"VNi
title, and another with the power of a King. This
was both more illegal, and more iinfafe, than the
method they propoied. The law of England had
fettled the point of the fubje6ls fecurity in obey-
ing the King in poflefTion, in the ftatute made by
Henry the feventh. So every man knew he was
fafe under a King, and fo would ad; with zeal and
courage. But all fuch as fhould zd: under a Prince
Regent, created by this Convention, were upon a
bottom that had not the neceffary forms of law for
it. All that was done by them would be thought
null and void in law : So that no man could be
fafe that afted under it. If the oaths to King
James were thought to be flill binding, the fub-
je6ls were by thefe not only bound to maintain his
title to the Crown, but all his prerogatives and
powers. And therefore it feemed abfurd to con-
tinue a government in his name, and to take oaths
llill to him, vv'hen yet all the power was taken out
of his hands. This would be an odious thing, both
before God and the whole world, and would cad a
reproach on us at prefent, and bring certain ruin
for the future on any fuch mixed and unnatural
fort of government. Therefore, if the oaths were
flill binding, the Nation was ftill bound by them,
not by halves, but in the whole extent. It was
faid, that, if the government Hiould be carried on
in King James's name, but in other hands, the
body of tlie Nation would confider him as the per-
fon that was truly their King. And if any fhould
plot or a(5t for him, they could, not be proceeded
againft for high treafon, as confpiring againft the
King's perfon or government ; when it would be
vifible, that they were only defigning to.preferve
his perfon, and to reftore him to his government.
To proceed againft any, or to take their lives for
fuch practices, would be to add murder to per-
Q 0 3 ' jury,
5^^^ The History of the Reign
vf6%-.^j'-^^7- -^"d it was not to be fuppofed, that Jilries
■would find fuch men guilty of treafon. In the
weaknefs of infancy, a Prince Regent was' in law
the fame perfon with the King, who had nor yet a
will : And it v/as to be prefumed, the Prince Re-
gent's will was the King's will. But that could
not be applied to the prefent cafe ; where the King
and the Regent muft be prefumed to be in a per-
petual ftruggle, the one to recover his power, the
other to preferve his authority. Thefe Things
feemed to be fo plainly made out in the debate,
that it was generally thought that no inan could
refifc fuch force of argument, but thofe who in-
tended to bring back King James And it was
believed, that thofe of his party, who were looked
on as men of confcience, had fecret orders from
him to aft upon this pretence ; fince otherwife rhey
offered to aft clearly in contradiftion to their own
oaths and principles.
But thofe who were for continuing the govern-
ment, and only for changing the perfons, were not
at all of a mind. Some among them had very dif-
ferent views and ends from the reft. Thefe intend-
ed to take advantage from the prefent conjunfture,
to depreis the Crown, to render it as much pre-
carious and eleftive as they could, and to raife the
power of the people upon the ruin of Monarchy.
Among thofe fome went fo far as to fay, that the
whole government was diflblved. But this appear-
ed a bold and dangerous aflercion : For that might
have been carried fo far, as to infer from it, that
all m.en's properties, honours, rights, and franchifes,
WTre dilTolved. Therefore it was thought fafer to
fay, that King Jamxs had dilTolved the tie that was
between him and the Nation. Others avoided
going into new fpeculations, or fchemes of go-
vernment. They thought it was enough to fay, that
in extream cafes all obligations did ceafe ; and that
\n our prefent circumllances the extremity of affairs,
by
of King James II.
by feafon of the late ill government, and by King
James's flying over to the enemy of the nation,
rather than fubmit to reafonable terms, had put
the people of England on the necefTity of fecuring
themfelves upon a legal bottom. It was faid, that
tho' the vow of marriage was made for term of life,
and without conditions expreffed, yet a breach in
the tie itfelf lets the innocent party at liberty. So
a King, who had his power both given him and
defined by the law^ and was bound to govern by
law, when he fet himfelf to break all laws, and in
conclufion deferted his people, did, by fo doing,
fet them at liberty to put themfelves in a legal and
fafe ftate. There was no need of fearing ill con-
fequences from this. Houfes were pulled down or
blown up in a fire : And yet men found themfelves
fafe in their houfes. In extream dangers the com-
mon fenfe of mankind would juftify extream re-
medies ; tho' there was no fpecial provifion that
directed to them, or allowed of them. Therefore,
they faid, a Nation's fecuring itfelf againft a King,
who was fubverting the government, did not ex-
pofe Monarchy, nor raife a popular authority, as
fome did tragically reprefent the matter.
There were alfo great difputes about the original
contrail : Some denying there was any fuch thing,
and afking where it was kept, and how it could be
come at. To this others anfwered, that it was im-
plied in a legal government : Tho' in a long tradl
of time, and in dark ages, there was not fuch an
explicit proof of it to be found. Yet many hints
from law-books and hiftories were brought to Ihew,
that the Nation had always fubmittcd, and obeyed
in confideration of their laws, which were ftlU ftipu-
lated to them.
There were alfo many debates, on the word
" abdicate :" For the Commons came foon to a
refolution, that King James, by breaking the ori-
ginal contraft, and by withdrawing himfelf, had
O o 4 abdicated
568 The History of. the Reign
1689. abdicated the government ; and that the -Throne
VV^^ was thereby become va'ifant. They fent this vote to
''**-■ the Lords, and prayed their concurrence. Upon
which many debates and conferences arofe. Atlajt
it canie to a free conference, in which,' according
to the fenfe of the whole Nation, the Commoos
had clearly the advantage on their fide,, The Lords
had fome more colour for oppofing the word
'^ abdicate," fince that was often taken in a fenfe
that imported the full purpofe arid cpnfent of him
that abdicated j which could not be',pi-etended in
'this cafe. But there were good authorities broughtj
by which it appeared, that when a peiTon idid..^
thing upon which his leaving any office ought to
•follow, he v/as faid to abdicate. But this was a
critical difpute .• And it fcarce became the great-
nefs of that affemblV, or' ^ tfit im'poi;tance of the
rnatter;- ' ■ ■' ^''f-'- .-.;f^-. mn; ffr.
It was a more important debate, whether, fupr
• pofing-King James had abdicated, the Throne
^QUldbe ''declared vdeant. It was urged, that, by
the law, the King did never die •, but that With the
kft-breath of the dyin* King the Regal authority
' werit tb-the next heir. So it 'Was faid, that fuppofing
King James had abdicated, the Throne. was (ipfo
- fado) 'nlled in that inftant bj^ the next heir. This
feemed'-to Be proved'by tHg fieirs of the' King be-
ing fSvorn^ to in the oath of allegiance J which, oat ji
ivas ^hot -only made perfonally to the King, bijt
TikiewiCe to His heirs and fuccelTors. Thofe who irt-
M-edbn- the abdication, laid, that, if the King dif-
folved.the-tie betv/een him. anc3 his fubjeds to hini-
^felf,- Hc-dil3blved their tie' like wife to his pofterity.
An heir was one that came in the room of .a .pei--
^n that was dead •, it being a' maxim tha't no 'mail
pan be the heir of a Jiving man,.. _ If therefore the
King had fallen from ' his own ' rights as ,np: heir qf
his could pretend tp any inheritatice^.frbmJVini^k as
teg |«.h€^W2sa'}iv^. fo they/^guld fucceed'to noT
{.aUOihdft ^ t o O ^ B^
' of King James IL 569
thing, but to that which was A^fted in hini at the 1689.
time of his death. And, as in the cafe of attainder *s<r-v^.
every right that a, man was divefted of before his
r,death was, as it were, annihilated in him ; and by
'confequence could not pafs to his heirs by his death,
not being then in himfelf : So, if a King did fet
■ r^is .people free from any tie to himfelf they muft
jpJJDe fuppofed to be put in a ftate, in which they
• jnight fecure themfelves j and therefore could not
be bound to receive one, who they had reafon to
believe would ftudy to diflblve and revenge ail they
had done. If the principle of felf prefervation did
jullify a Nation in fecuring itfelf from a violent
invafion, and a total fubverfion, then it muft have
'■its full fcope, to give a real, and not a Teeming
and fraudulent, fecurity. They did acknowledge, "
that upon the grounds of natural equity, and for
fecuring the Nation in after times, it was fit to go
as near the lineal fucceffion as might be : Yet they
could not yield that point, that they were-ilfiddy
bound to it. ...;;!:
It was propofed, that the birth of the pretended Some
Prince migl^t be examined into. Some preffed mov'd to
this, not fo much from an opinion that they were '^?'^'?'"j\
bound to affert his right, if it fhouid appear that qc ^^e
lie was born of the Queen, as becaufe they thought Prince of
it would juftify the Nation, and more particularly Wales,
the Prince and the two PrincelTes, if an impofture
in that matter could have been proved. And it
would have gone far to fatisfy many of the weaker
fort» ^s to all the proceeding againll King James.
Upon which I was ordered to gather together ■ ali
the prefumptive proofs that wei'e formerly men-
tioned, which were all ready to have been made
out. It is true, thefe did not amount to a full and
legal proof : Yet they feemed to be fuch violent
jprefumptions, that, when they were all laid to-
gether, they were more. convincing than plain and
downright evidence : For that was liable to the
fufpicion
sy^ The History of the Reign
1689. fufpicion of fubornation : Whereas the other {eetn-
v-o/^-^ ed to carry on them very convincing charafters of
truth and certainty. But, when this matter was in
private- debated; fome obferved, that, as King
James' by going about to prove the truth of the
birth, and yet doing it fo defedively, had really
made it more fufpicious than it was before -, fo, if
there was no clear and pofitive proof made of an
impoflure, the pretending to examine into it, and
then the not being able to make it out, beyond the
poffibiiity of contradiflion, would really give more
credit to the thing, than it then had, and, inftead
of weakening it, would ftrengthen the pretenfion
of his birth. ■ '
But it When this debate was propofed in the Houfe of
was re-' Lords, it was rejected with indignation. He was
jeded. j^Q^ £g^j. Q^j. Qf England to be bred up in France,
.an enemy both to the Nation, and to the eftablifh-
ed religion: It was impofTible for the people of
England to know, whether he was the fame per-
fon that had been carried over, or not: If he
Ihould die, another might be put in his room, in
fuch a manner that the nation could not be affured
concerning him : The Englifh nation ought not to
fend into another country, for witnefles to prove
that he was their Prince ; much lefs receive one
upon the teftimony of fuch, as were not only aliens,
but ought to be prefumed enemies : It was alfo
known, that all the perfons, who had been the
confidents in that matter, were conveyed away :
So it was impoffibte to come at them, by whofe
means only the truth of that birth could be found
out. But while thefe things were fairly debated by
ibme, there were others who had deeper and darker
dcfigns in this matter.
'They thought, it would be a good fecurity for
the Nation, to have a dormant title to the Crown
iie as it were neglefted, to oblige our Princes to go-
; Vern well, while they would apprehend the danger
of
of King James II. sjt
of a revolt, to a pretender ftill in their eye. Wild- 1.689.
^•V'man thought, it was a deep piece of policy to let ^-^>r^
■t^his lie in the dark, and undecided. Nor did they
':ithink it an ill precedent, that they fhould fo negleft
^/Ithe right of fuccefTion, as not fo much as to en-
■quire into this matter. Upon all thefe confidera-
tions no further enquiry was made into it. It is
triie, this' put a plaufible objedion in the mouth of
all King James's party : Here, they laid, an in-
fant was condemned, and denied his right, without
■^'ieither proof or enquiry. This ftill takes with ma-
' ny in the prefent age. And, that it may not take
more in the next, I have ufed more than ordi-
nary care to gather together all the particulars, that
were then laid before me as to that matter.
The next thing in debate was, who fhould fill Some
the Throne. The Marquis of Halifax intended, were for
by his zeal for the Prince's intereft, to atone for ^^^'^p^^^.^
• his backwardnefs in not coming early into it: And, jrj^„^
that he might get before Lord Danby, who was in
great credit with the Prince, he moved, that the
Crown fhould be given to the Prince, and to the
two PrincefTes after him. Many of the Republi-
can party approved of this : For by it they gained
another point : The people in this cafe would plain-
ly eledt a King, without any critical regard to the or-
der of fucceflion. How far the Prince himfelf en-
tertained this, I cannot tell. But I faw it made a
great impreffion on Benthink. He fpoke of it to
me, as afking my opinion about it, but fo, that I
plainly faw what was his own : For he gave me all
■ the arguments that were offered for it ; as that it
was moft natural that the fovereign power fhould
• be only in one perfon •, that a man's wife ought
only to be his wife.-, that it was a fuitable return to
the Prince for what he had done for the Nation ;
that a divided fovcreignty was liable to great incon-
veniencies j and, tho' there was lefs to be apprehend-
ed
57.2 The -History of the Reign
^j6^9. ed from the jPrincefs of any thing of that kind than
,_^ „, from any. woman alive,, yet ail mortals were frail,
and might at fome timp; or other of their lives be
wrought on.
., -To all this 1 anfwered, with fome vehemence,
that this was a very ill return for the fteps the Prin-
cefs had made to the Prince three years ago: It
:.wouId be thought both uniuft and ungrateful : It
would meet with great oppofition, and give a gene-
ral ill imprellion of the Prince, as infatiable and
jealous in his ambition : There was an ill humour
already fpreading it lelf thro' the Nation, and thro*
the Clergy : It was not neceffary to encreafe this ;
which fuch a ftep, as was now propofed, would do
out of meafure : It would engage the one fex ge-
nerally againft the Prince : And in time they might
feel the effedls of that very fenfibly : And, for my
own part, 1 fhould think myfelf bound to oppofe
it all I could, confidering what had paiTed in Hol-
land on that head. We talked over the whole
. thing for many hours, till it was pretty far in the
^Wiorning. I fa\y he was well inilrudted in the argu-
^f^ent : And he himfelf was ppfleffed with it. So
;.next morning I came to him, and deiired my Conge.
. I. would oppofe nothing in which the Prince feemed
. to be concerned, as long as I was his fervant. And
'., therefore I defired to be difengaged, that I might
. be tree to oppofe this propofition, with all the
ftrength and, credit I had. Ple.anfwered me, that
.1 might defire that, when I fav/ a ftep made : But
jtill then he wiilied me to ilay where I was. I heard
^,?iQ more of^this; in which the Marquis of Hali-
jfax was fingle among the Peers: For I did not
^ find there was any, one of .them . of his mind; un-
, ,lefs it was: the Lord. CuJpepper, -who was a, vicious
. a,nd corrupt man, but made a figure in the debates
..that were nov/ in the Houfe of Lords, and died
,§bout -the -end of them.,: ..-^^^^^ moved, that the
f.l'.rincels'of Orange might be put in the Throne ;
and
., of King J A- M E s". II.
and that it might be left to her, to give the Prince
fuch a fhare either of dignity or power as fhe fhould
propofe, when fhe was declared Queen. The agentsr:
of Pfincefs Anne began to go about, and ta oppofe ■
any propofition for tlie Prince to her prejudice.
But ftie thought fit. to difown them. Dr. Dough-
ty, one of her Chaplains, fpoke to me in her room
on the fubjeft. But fhe faid to myfeif, that fhe
knew nothing of it.
The propofition, in which all that were for the
filling the Throne agreed at lafl, was, that both -the
Prince and Princefs fliould be made conjunct Sove^ •
reigns. But, for the preventing of any diftraftions,
that the adminiftration fhould be fingly in the Prince. .
The Princefs continued all the v/hilc in Hollandvi
being fhut in there, during the Eaft winds, by the
freezing of the rivers, and by contrary winds after-
the thaw came. So that fhe came not to Ena:land
till all the debates were over. The Prince's enemies '
gave it out, that Ihe was kept there by order, on.:~'
defignthat fhe might not come over to England
to claim her right. So parties began to be formed,'
Ibme for the Prince, and others for the Prlncefs^'i
Upon this the Earl of Danby fent one over to thisf?
Princefs, and gave her an account of the prefent"'
flate of that debate : And delired to know her owri-f
fenfe of the matter -, for, if fhe defired it, he did?''
not doubt but he fiiould be able to carry it, fori
letting her alone on the Throne. She made him a:^
very fharp anfwer: 'She faid, fhe was the Prince's
wife, and would never be other, than what fhe
fhould be in conjunction with him, and under him ; ;
and that fhe would take it" extreme unkindly, if any,
under a pretence of their care of her, would fet up^
\a divided interefl between her and the Prince. And,
nor content with this, flie lent both Lord Danby's
letter, and her anfwer, to the Prince. Her fending
it thus to him was the moft effeftual difcourage-
ifient poiTible, to any attempt for the future.to create
3 a
274 'T^^ History of the Reign
1^89. a mifunderftanding or jealoufy between them. The ^^
u«-v-<^ Prince bore this with his ufual phlegm : For he did '%
not expoftulate with the Earl of Danby upon it/^^
but continued flill to employ and to truft him;^
And afterwards he advanced him,- fipft to be £fe '
Marquis, and then to be a Duke. "■ n'j'^b^'
The During all thefe debates, and the great heat with^H
Prir.ce de- which they Were managed, the Prince's own beha- "
dared his yJQUj. y^^s very myfterious. He ftaid at St. James's :
jopg fi. He \Vent little abroad : Accefs to him was not very
lence. eafy. He heard all that was faid to him : But fel-
dom made any anfwers. He did not affeft to be af-
fable, or popular: Nor would he take any pains to
gain any one perfon over to his party. He faid,
he came over, being invited, to fave the Nation :
He had now brought together a free and true repre-
fcntative of the Kingdom : He left it therefore to
them to do what they thought beft for the good of
the Kingdom : And, when things were once fettled, '*-
he fhouid be v^rell fatisfied to go back to Holland"^
again. Thofe who did not know him well, and
who imagined that a Crown had charms, which
human nature was not ftrong enough to refill, look-
ed on all this as an affedlation, and as a difguifed
threatning, which imported, that he would leave
the Nation to perifh, unlefs his method of fettling
it was followed. After a refervednefs, that had con-
tinued fo dole for feveral weeks, that no body
could certainly tell what he defired, he called for the
Marquis of HaHifax, and the Earls of Shrewfbury
and Danby, and fome others, to explain himfelf
more diftinftly to them.
He told them, he had been till then filent, be-
caufe he would not fay or do. any thing, that might
feem in any fort to take from any perfon the full
freedom of deliberating and voting in matters of
fuch importance: He was refolved neither to'
court nor threaten any one : And therefore he had^ ^'
declined to give out his own thoughts : Some were^'
for
of King J A M E s II. 57i^-
for putting the government in the hands of a Re- 1689.
gent : He would lay nothing again ft it, if it was 'v^^v"^*'
thought the beft mean for fetthng their affairs:
Only he thought it neceffary to tell them, that he '
would not be the Regent: So, if they continued
in that defign, they muft look out for fome other
perfon to be put in that poft: He himfelf faw what
the confequences of it were like to prove : So he
would not accept of it : Others were for putting
the Princefs fingly on the Throne, and that he
fhould reign by her courtefy : He faid, no man
could efteem a woman more than he did the Prin-
cefs : But he was fo made, that he could not
think of holding any thing by apron-ftrings : Nor
could he think it reafonable to have any ihare in
the government, unlefs it was put in his perlbn,
and that for term of life : If they did think it fit
to fettle it otherwife, he would not oppofe them
in it: But he v/ould go back to Holland, and
meddle no more in their affairs : He affured them,
that whatfoever others might think of a Crown,
it was no fuch thing in his eyes, but that he could
Jive very well, and be well pleafed without it. In
the end he faid, that he could not refolve to ac-
cept of a dignity, fo as to hold it only for the life
of another : Yet he thought, that the iiTue of Prin*
cefs Anne fhould be preferred, in the fuccelHon,
to any iffue that he might have by any other wife
than the Princefs. All this he delivered to them
in fo cold and unconcerned a manner, that thoie,
who judged of others by the difpofitions that they
felt in themfelves, looked on it all as artifice and
contrivance.
This was prefently told about, as it was not it was re-
intended to be kept fecret. And it helped not a folved to
little to bring the debates a: Weftminfter to a ^"5 ^^^
fpeedy determination. Some were ftill in doubt andft^ia-
with relation to the Princefs. In fome it was con- cefs bodi
fcience : For they thought' the equitable: right '^ ^«
- ' „-„^ Throne*
5 svas
The HisyARfYTof the Reign
was in her. Otliers might be moved by intereft,
fmce if fhe Ihould think herfelf wronged, and ill ,
ufed in this matter, flie, who was like to outlivq'^
the Prmce, being fo much younger' and healthier
than he was, might have it in her power to take
her revenges, on all' that Ihould concur in fuch a
defign. . Upon this, I, who knew her fenfe of
the' matter- Very perfedjy by what had pafied in
Holland,' as was formerly told, was in a great difr
fiei^lty. ; I had promifed her never to fpeak of than.,
matter, but by Jier order. But I prefumed, in.
fuch a ciale r was' to take' orders from the Prince.
So I afked him, what he would order me to. do.
He laid, he would give, me no orders in that mat-
ter,' "but left rne tod^ asr. 1 pleafed. I looked on
this, as the allowing m"e to let the Princefs's refo-
lution in- that be known; by which many, who
flood formerly in fufpence, were fully fatisfied,
T hofe to whom 1 gave the account of that matter .
were indeed amazed at it ; and concluded, that th^
Princefs. was either" a very good, or a very weaj;^-;
woman. An indifferency for power and rule.:
feemed fo extraordinary a thing, that it was
thought a certain character of an excefs. of good-
nefs or fimpl.icity. At her coming to England,
Ihe not. only juftified me, but approved of my,
pubhlhing that matter j and fpoke particularly of
it to her filler Princefs' Anne. There were other
differences in the form of the fettlement. The.
Republican. party were at firft for depofing King:
James by a formal Ten tence, and for giving the
Crown to the Prince and Princefs by as formal an
eleilion. But that vvas over-ruled in the begin-
ning. I, have not purfued the relation of the de-
bates, dccording 'to the order in which they palTed,
/>yhichwill be found in the journal of both Houfes
iduring the Convention. But, having had a greac>
•Ihare myfelf in the private managing of thofe dq--
BateSj particularly with many of the Clergy, and
of King James II. ^77
with the men of the mod fcrupulous and tender 1689.
confciences, I have given a very full account of v-^-v-s^
all the reafonings on both fides, as that by which
the reader may form and guide his own judgment
of the whole affair. Many protefts pail in the
Houfe of Lords, in the progrefs of the debate.
The party for a Regency was tor fome time moR-
prevailing: And then the protefts were made by
the Lords that were for the new fetclement. The
Houfe was very full : About a hundred and twen-
ty were prefent. And things were fo near an:
equality, that it v/as at laft carried by a very Imall
majority, of two or three, to agree with the
Commons in voting the Abdication, and the Va-
cancy of the Throne : Againft which a great pro-
teft was made; as alfo againft the final vote, by
which the Prince and Princefs of Orange were de-
fired to accept of the Crown, and declared to be
King and Queen ; which went very hardly. The
poor Biftiop of Durham who had abfconded for
fome time, and was waiting for a ftiip to get beyond
fea, fearing publick affronts, and had offered to
compound by refigning his Biflioprick, was now
prevailed on to come, and by voting the new ftttle-
ment, to merit at leaft a pardon for all that he had
done: Which, all things go nfidered, v/as thought
very indecent in him, yet not unbecoming the
reft- of his life and chara6ter:
But, before matters were brought to a full con- Th?y
clufion, an enumeration was made of the chief heads '^'' ^ an
of King James's ill government. And in oppofiti- ^"''^^'^-
on to thefe, the rights and liberties of the people ^^j^uj^ i^^
of England were ftated. Some officious people
ftudied to hinder this at that time. They thought: •
they had already loft three v/eeks in their de-
"bates : And the doing this-, with the exafinefs
that was neceffary, would take up more time : Or it
would be dpne too much in a hurry, for mattiTs of.
(q nice a nature. And therefore it was moved., -that
Vol, IL F p - ',', this
5/3 The^Hi^TORy (jf the Reimi
X . . • o
1-6S9. this fhouM be done tnoFe-at Jeifure after the fettle-
ment. But that was not hearkncd to. It was
therefore thought necelTary to frame this Inftru-
-ment fo, that it fhould be.like a new Magna
Gharta. In the fbating thefe grievances and rights,
the Difpenfing Power came to be diicuffed. And
then the power of the Crown to grant a Non-ob-
ftante to fome ftatutes was objefted. Upon open-
ing this, the debate was found to be fo intricate,
that it was ht fall at that time only for difpacch.
But afterwards an a<5l pall condemning it fingly.
And the power of granting a Non-obftanre was
for the future taken away. Yet King- James's
party took great advantage from this -, and faid,
that tho' the main clamour of the Nation v/as
againft the Difpenfing Power, yet when the Con-
\^encion brought things to a fettlemeni that did
not appear to be fo clear a point as had been pre-
tended : And it was not fo much as mentioned
in this Inftrument of government: So that, by
the confefTion of his enemies, it appeared to be no
unlawful power : Nor was it declared contrary to
the liberties of the people of England. Whereas,'
its not being mentioned then, was only upon the
oppontion that was made, that fo more time
inight not be loft, nor this Inftrument be clogged
with difputable points.
The laft debate was, concerning the oaths that
fhould be taken to th^ King and Queen. Many
arguments were taken during the debate, from the
oaths in the form in which the allegiance was
fworn to the Crown, to fhew that in a new fettle-
mcnt thefe could not be taken. And to this it was
always anfwered, that care fhould be taken, when
other things were fettled, to adjuft thefe oaths, fo
that they Ihould agree to the new fettlement. In
the oaths, as they were formerly conceived, a pre-
vious title feemed to be aiferted, when the King
was
^'«?i'x>^«>f King James II. - .
' o •> ' 'V ■ft ■
was (tvovn to, " as rightful and lawful Klh'^. It
was therefore laid, that thefe words could not be
faid of a King who had not a precedent right, but
was fet up by the Nation. So it was moved, that
the oaths Ibould be reduced to the ancient fimpli-
city, of fwearing to bear faith and true allegiance
to the King and Queen. This was agreed to.
And upon this began the notion of a King de faclo,
but not de jure. It was faid, that according to
the commqn law, as well as the ftatute in King
Henry the feventh's reign, the fubjecls might fe-
curely obey any King that was in poflTefilon, whe-
ther .his title was good, or not. This feemed to
be a dodrine necelfary for the peace and quiet of
mankind, thatfo the fubjeets may be fafe i a every
Government, that bringeth them under a fuperior
force, and that will crufn them, if they do not
give a fecurity for the protedion that they enjoy
under it. The Lawyers had been always of that
opinion, that the people were not bound to exa-
mine the titles of their Princes, but were to fub-
mit to him that was in poirefBon. It was there-
fore judged juft and reafonable, in the beginning
of a new government, to make the oaths as gene-
ral and comprehenfive as might be : For it was
thought, that thofe who once took the oaths to the
government, would be after that faithful and true
to it. This tendernefs, which was (hewed at this
time, to a fort of people that had fhewed very
little tendernefs to men of weak or ill informed
conferences, was afterwards mucKabufed by a new
explanation, or rather a grofs equivocation, as ta
the fignification of the words in which the oath
v/as conceived. The true meaning of the words,
and the exprefs fenfe of the impofers was, that,
'whether men were fatisfied or not with the putting
the King and Queen on the Throne, yet, now
rhey wejce on it, they would be true to them, anH
P p i^ defend
^Ho The History of the Reign
.1689. ■'defend them. But the fenfe that many put on
vi>-v^ them was, that they were only to obey them as
ufurpers, during their ufurpation, and that there-
fore, as long as they continued in quiet poffeffion,
they were bound to bear them, and to fubmit to
. them : But that it was ftill lav/ful for them to afTift
King James, if he fhould come to recover his
Crown, and that they might ad and talk all they
could, or durft, in his favour, as being ftill their
King de iure. This was contrary to the plain
meaning of the words-, " faith, and true allegi-
ance •," and was contrary to theexprefs declaration
in the ad that enjoined them. Yet it became too
vifible, that many in the Nation, and particularly
among the Clergy; took the oath in this fenfe, to
'the great reproach of their profeffion. The pre-
varication of too many in fo facred a matter con-
tributed not a little to fortify the growing Atheifm
■'of the prefent age. The truth was, the greateft
part of the Clergy had entangled themfelves fo far,^
with thofe ftrange conceits of the divine right of
•Monarchy, and the unlawfulnefs of refiftance in
any cafe : And they had fo engaged themfelves,
by afferting thefe things fo often and fo pubHckly,
•that they did not know how to difengage them-
■fclves in honour or confcience.
'"■ A notion was ftarted, which by its agreement
'^'Vvith their other principles hada greateffed among^
them, and brought off the greateft number of
^ 'thofe who came in honeftly to the new government,
^his was chiefly managed by Dr. Lloyd, Bifliop
of St. Afaph, now tra^nflated to Worcefter. It
was laid thus : The Prince had a juft caufe of
making war on the King. In that moft of them
ap-recd. In a juft war, in which an appeal is made
to God, fuccefs is confidered as the decifion of
"heaven. So the Prince's fuccefs againft King
'James gave him the right of conqueft over him.
'■ *^ . And
of King J AM IS ir
And by it all his rights were transferred to the
Prince. His fuccefs was indeed no conqueft of
the Nation j which had neither wronged him, nor
refifted him. So that, with relation to the people
of England, the Prince was no conqueror, but a
preferver, and a deliverer, well received, and
gratefully acknowledged. Yet with relation to
King James, and all the right that was before
vefted in him, he was, as they thought, a con-
queror. By this notion they explained thofe paf-
fages of Scripture, that fpeak of God's difpofing
of Kingdoms, and of pulling down one and letting
up another ; and alfo our Saviour's arguing from
the infcription on the coin, that they ought to
render to Caefar the things that wereCsfar's; and
St. Paul's charging the Romans to ob^y the powers
that then were, who were the Emperors that were
originally the invaders ofpublick liberty which
they had fubdued, and had forced the people and
Senate of Rome by fubfequent ad:s to confirm an
authority that was fo ill begun. This might have
been made ufe of more juftly, if the Prince had
affumed the Kingfhip to himfelf, upon King
James's withdrawing ; but did not feem to belong
to the prefent cafe. Yet this had the moft univer-
fal effed on the far greater part of the Clergy.
And now I have ilated all the moll material
parts of thefe debates, with the fulnefs that I
thought became one of the moft important tranf-
adions that is in our v/hole Hiftory, and by much
the moft important of our time.
All things were now made ready for filling the The
Throne. And the very night before it was to be Princefs
done the Princefs arriv'd fafely. It had been given ^^^^ ^°
out, that Ihe was not well pleafed with the late ^"S'^nd.
tranfadion, both with relation to her father and to
the prefent fettlement. Upon v/hich the Prince
wrote to her, that it was necelTary fhe fhould ap-
3 pear
^Z2 - The HrsTOHY of the Reign
|6$9. pear 2tt firft To chearful, that no body might be
;^^P-y^ difcouraged by her Ipoks, or be led to apprehend
that Ihe was uneafy, by reafon of what had been
done. This made her put on a great air of gaiety
when fhe came to Whitehall, and, as may be ima-
gined, had great crouds of all forts coming to wait
on her. I confefs, I was one of thofe that ceq-
fured this in my thoughts. I thought a little more
ferioufnefs had done as well, when Ihe came into
her father's Palace, and was to be fct on his Throne
next day. I had never feen the leaft indecency in
any part of her deportment before : Which made
this appear to me fo extraordinary, that fome days
after 1 took the liberty to afk her, how it came
that what fhe faw in fo fad a revolution, as to her
father's perfon, made not a greater imprefiion on
her. She took this freedom with her ufual good-
nefs. And fhe aflured me, Ihe felt the fenfe of it
very lively upon her thoughts. But fhe told me,
that the letters which had been writ to her had
obliged her to put on a chearfulnefs, in which fhe
might perhaps go too far, becaufe fhe was obeying
diredlions, and ading a part which was not very
natural to her. This was on the 12th of February,
being Shrove-Tuefday. The thirteenth was the
day fet for the two Houfes to come with the offer
of the Crown. So here ends the Interregnum.
And thus I have given the fulieft and mod par-
ticular account that I could gather of all that
pafs'd during this weak, unaftive, violent, and fu-
perftitious reign ; in which all regard to the affairs
of Europe feem'd to be laid alide, and norhiiig
was thought on but the fpiteful humours of a re-
vengeful Italian Lady, and the ill laid, and worle
managed, projefls of fome hot meddling Priefls,
whofe learning and politicks were of a piece, the
one expofing them to contempt, and the other to
ruin ; involving in it a Prince, who, if it had not
been
of King James 11. ^S^j
been for his being delivered up to fuch counfels, 1689.
might have made a better figure in hiftory. But -•'v^ii'
they managed both themfelves and him fo ill, that
a reign, whofe rife was bright and profperous, -vvas
foon kt in darknefs and difgrace. But I break off
here, left 1 fhould feem to aggravate misfortunes,
and load the unfortunate too much.
The End of the Second Volume.
ud'// ^i,o-..C -:h
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