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Published for the John Rylands Library at 

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS (H. M. McKechnie, Secretary) 
















VOLUME 4 (( 

April, 1917— July, 1918 /n y^ lQ 




London, New York, Chicago, Bombay, Calcutta, Madras 




Library Notes and News 1,179,361 

Steps towards the Reconstruction of the Library of the University 

of Louvain 124 

Classified List of Additions to the Library . . . . 318, 467 

Buckie (D. P.). Biblical References in a Sahidic MS. in the John 

Ry lands Library . . .312 

Coptic Literature in the John Rylands Library . . .119 

Conway (R. S.). The Venetian Point of View in Roman History 369 

Herford (C. H.). The Poetry of Lucretius 263 

Mingana (A.). Some Early Judaeo-Christian Documents in the 

John Rylands Library 59 

Moulton (W. F.) and Pcake (A. S.). James Hope Moulton: 1863-1917 10 

Peake (A. S.). The Quintessence of Paulinism .... 285 

Perry (W. J.). War and Civilisation. Maps 411 

Poel (W.). A Chronological Table shewing what is proved and what 

is not proved about Shakespeare's Life and Works . . . 465 

Powicke (F. J.). A Puritan Idyll, or the Rev. Richard Baxter's 

Love Story 434 

Rivers (W. H. R.). Dreams and Primitive Culture . . .387 

Smith (G. Elliot). Incense and Libations. Illustrated . . . 191 

Tout (T. F.). Mediaeval Town Planning. Illustrated ... 26 






Sir ALFRED HOPKINSON, K.C., B.C.L., LL.D., etc. 









J.P., LL.D. 

Sir henry A. MIERS, D.Sc., F.RS.. 



The Rev. C. L. BEDALE, M.A. 


The Rev. J. T. MARSHALL, M.A., D.D. 
A. S. PEAKE. M.A., D.D. 

The Rev. F. J. POWICKE, M.A., Ph.D. 
The Rev. J. E. ROBERTS, M.A., B.D. 
The Rt. Rev. Bishop J. E. WELLDON, 



The Rt. Rev. The BISHOP OF LIN- 


Sir a. W. WARD, Litt.D., LL.D. 

Chairman of Council 

V ice-Chairman 

Hon. Treasurer 
Hon. Secretary 



Curator of Manuscripts 
Assistant-Librarian ... 
Assistant-Secretary. . . 







RENDEL HARRIS, M.A., D.Litt., etc. 



* The Representative and Co-optative Governors constitute the Council, 
i Honorary Oovemors are not Members of the Council. 


1. The use of the Library is restricted to purposes of research and re- 
ference, and under no pretence whatever must any Book, Manuscript, 
or Map be removed from the building. 

2. The Library is open to holders of Readers' Tickets daily, as follows : 
Mondays, Wednesdays, and Thursdays, from 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. 
Tuesdays and Fridays, from 10 a.m. to 9 p.m. Saturdays, from 10 
a.m. to 2 p.m. 

The Library will be closed on Sundays, Good Friday, Christmas Day, 
New Year's Day, Bank Holidays, and the whole of Whit-week. 

3. Persons desirous of being admitted to read in the Library must apply 
in writing to the Librarian, specifying their profession or business, 
their place of abode, and the particular purpose for which they seek 

4. Every such application must be made at least two clear days before 
admission is required, and must bear the signature and full address 
of a person of recognised position, whose address can be identified 
from the ordinary sources of reference, certifying from personal know- 
ledge of the applicant that he or she will make proper use of the Library. 

5. If such application or recommendation be unsatisfactory, the Librarian 
shall withhold admission and submit the case to the Council of 
Governors for their decision. 

6. The Tickets of Admission, which are available for twelve months, are 
not transferable, and must be produced when required. 

7. No person under eighteen years of age is admissible, except under a 
special order from the Council of Governors. 

8. Readers may not write upon, damage, turn down the leaves, or make 
any mark upon any Book, Manuscript, or Map belonging to the 
Library ; nor may they lay the paper on which they are writing upon 
any Book, Manuscript, or Map. 

9. The erasure of any mark or writing on any Book, Manuscript, or Map 
is strictly prohibited. 

10. No tracing shall be allowed to be made without express permission of 
the Librarian. 

11. Books in the Open Reference Shelves may be consulted without any 
formality, but after use they are to be left on the tables instead of 
being replaced on the shelves. 

12. Other books may be obtained by presenting to the Assistant at the 
counter one of the printed application slips properly filled up. 

* Forms of Application for Reader's Ticket may be had on application to the 


13 Readers before leaving the Library are required to return to the 
Assistant at the counter all Books, Manuscripts, or Maps for which 
they have given tickets, and must reclaim their tickets. Readers are 
held responsible for such Books, Manuscripts, or Maps so long as the 
tickets remain uncancelled. 

14. Books of great value and rarity may be consulted only in the presence 
of the Librarian or one of his Assistants. 

15. Readers before entering the Library must deposit all wraps, canes, 
umbrellas, parcels, etc., at the Porter's Lodge in the Vestibule, and 
receive a check for same. 

16. Conversation, loud talking, and smoking are strictly prohibited in every 
part of the building. 

17. Readers are not allowed in any other part of the building save the 
Library without a special permit. 

18. Readers and visitors to the Library are strictly forbidden to offer any 
fee or gratuity to any attendant or servant. 

19. Any infringement of these Rules will render the privilege of admission 
liable to forfeiture. 

20. The privilege of admission is granted upon the following conditions : — 

(a) That it may at any time be suspended by the Librarian. 

(b) That it may at any time be withdrawn by the Council of 

21. Complaints about the service of the Library should be made to the 
Librarian immediately after the occurrence of the cause for complaint, 
and if written must be signed with the writer's name and address. 

22. All communications respecting the use of the Library must be ad- 
dressed to the Librarian. 


N.B. — It is earnestly requested that any Reader observing a defect 
in or damasre to any Book, Manuscript, or Map will point out 
the same to the Librarian. 


The general public are admitted to view the Library on Tuesday 
and Friday afternoons between the hours of two and six, and 
on the second Wednesday of each month between the hours 
of seven and nine in the evening. Visitors to Manchester 
from a distance, at any other time when the Library is open, 
will be admitted for the same purpose upon application to 
the Librarian. 





Vol. 4 MAY-AUGUST, 1917 No. 1 


SINCE the publication of the last issue of the BULLETIN, the 
library, in common with the whole world of scholar- PROFESSOR 
ship, has sustained a loss which can only be hope 
regarded as irreparable, in the death, under grievous cir- MOULTON. 
cumstances, of Professor James Hope Moulton, who fell a victim to 
the pitiless barbarity of the Germans, on the 7th of April, in a war 
against which his whole being revolted, though he gave to it, and lost 
in it, a son of great promise, who was killed in action. 

Elsewhere in the present issue, through the kindness of the re- 
spective contributors, to whom we take this opportunity of expressing 
our grateful thanks for their ready response to our request for help, 
we are able to offer to our readers an authoritative " Biographical 
Sketch [of Professor Moulton], with some account of his literary 
legacies," from the pen of his brother, the Rev. W. Fiddian Moulton ; 
followed by "A Record of Professor Moulton's Work, with some 
Explanation of its Significance," by his friend and colleague, Professor 
A. S. Peake ; and accompanied by a reproduction of a recent portrait 
of the Professor. We also have the permission of Dr. Rendel Harris 
to reprint his letter to the Rev. W. F. Moulton, in which was com- 
municated the first news to reach this country, apart from the tele- 
gram, of the tragic death of his friend. 

It may appear almost like presumption on the part of the editor to 
attempt to add any further words to these tributes from other and abler 
pens, but we claim the privilege of adding our own modest tribute to 
the halo of appreciation which already surrounds the name of the great 
scholar, saint, and gentleman, with whom for many years it was our 
proud privilege to be on terms of the closest intimacy. 

When Milton in those pathetic lines sang : 

For Lycidas is dead ; dead ere his prime ! 
Young Lycidas, and hath not left his peer ! 


and again when Tennyson poured out his passionate yearning lamenta- 
tion for ** the sweetest soul that ever looked through human eyes," 
there were those who deemed such words the fantasy and extravagance 
of grief. Yet, those of us who have seen closely and felt intimately 
the occult charm of a soul that is well beloved, especially if that soul 
be exceptionally pure, and lofty, and gifted, as was our friend, can 
appreciate the deep underlying significance of such splendid recognition. 

Of James Hope Moulton it is the simple truth to say, that he was 
a spirit so exceptional that everything with which he was brought into 
relation during his passage through this world, came to be, through that 
contact, glorified by a touch of the ideal. 

Among his contemporaries he stood supreme. Whether he pos- 
sessed the greatest genius we have ever known, is a question we v^U 
not undertake to determine. It is of the man we desire to speak, cuid 
genius of itself does not make the man. When we deal with men 
genius and character must be jointly taken into consideration, and the 
relation between the two, together with the effect upon the aggregate, 
is infinitely variable. 

Dr. Moulton was endowed v^th a capacity for tenacious, loyal, 
warm-hearted, and tender friendship, such as is rarely met with, and 
it is an interesting fact of human psychology, that there could be so 
genuine an attachment of hearts where the mental powers lay severed 
from the first by a distance really immeasurable. Perhaps it was, as 
in the case of sleep and food, which within certain limits are supposed 
occasionally to replace one another, that an unusual wealth in sympathy 
may be made to abate certain demands of intellect for correspondence 
which would otherwise be inexorable. 

What was said of Bishop Selwyn may be said wdth equal force of 
Dr. Moulton, that he was a man whose character is summed up from 
Alpha to Omega in the single word " noble ". His temper was as 
sweet as his manners were winsome, whilst his conduct was spotless. 
Indeed, he was that rare and beautiful and blessed personality " Anima 
naturaliter Christiana ". 

From the time of his coming to Manchester Dr. Moulton took an 
active interest in the affairs of the Library, being at once appointed to 
a seat on the Council of Governors, in succession to the Rev. Dr. 
Randies. His advice and assistance were constantly sought by the 
writer, and never without advantage to the institution and its readers. 


As a lecturer he was ever ready to place his stores of learning at the 
service of the public, in a form at once attractive and illuminating, 
and for many years in succession he was a valued contributor to the 
library series of lectures, and always attracted large and appreciative 

At a meeting of the Council of Governors, held at the library 
on the 23rd of April, the following resolution was passed : *' The 
governors desire to place on record the profound sorrow with which 
they learned of the tragic death of their beloved colleague, Dr. James 
Hope Moulton. The brilliant scholarship of Dr. Moulton, which had 
won for him more than European fame, was placed unreservedly at 
the service of the Library, and his loss can only be regarded as irre- 
parable. Associated with that scholarship was a personality of rare 
distinction and attractiveness, in which strength and gentleness, courage 
and modesty were amongst the most conspicuous of its attributes. The 
governors mourn his loss, not only as a colleague of outstanding ability, 
but also as one, who by his qualities of heart had won their highest 
personal esteem and affectionate regard. The governors extend their 
deepest sympathy to Dr. Moulton s only brother, the Rev. W. Fiddian 
Moulton, and to the son and daughter of their late colleague, Harold 
and Helen, who thus in twenty months have lost mother, brother and 

We cannot refrain from adding a word of congratulation to Dr. 
Rendel Harris upon his escape from the dreadful death ^^ 
from exposure to which Dr. Moulton succumbed. RENDEL 


Twice within the space of a few months were the 
vessels, upon which Dr. Harris travelled, torpedoed and sunk, by the 
self-constituted ** apostles of culture,** and on each occasion he was 
snatched, as it were, from the very jaws of death. Dr. Harris was 
on his way to India to join his friend, when he suffered the first shock, 
through the sinking of the *' City of Birmingham **. His health suffered 
in consequence of exposure in an open boat, and he decided not to 
continue his journey, but to remain in Egypt, there to await the return 
of Dr. Moulton, so as to make the journey back to England in com- 
pany with him. Together they sailed for home from Port Said on 
the "City of Paris,*' and the few days preceding the sinking of the ill- 
fated vessel, which they spent together, were for them days of pure, 
unalloyed happiness, during which there was an uninterrupted com- 


munion of spirit, and flow of soul. We must refer readers to Dr. 
Harris's letter for the sequel of events, during which these two scholars 
together faced death, the one to survive, whilst the other succumbed. 

We are profoundly grateful for the life that has been spared, and 
we are glad to be able to announce that Dr. Harris, who has recovered 
from this series of shocks, and is back again at work, has promised to 
come to Manchester on Tuesday, the 23rd of October, to resume his 
lectures on the origin of the Greek cults, when he will deal with " The 
Origin and Meaning of Apple Cults '*. 

It may not be out of place to add that during his stay in Egypt 
Dr. Harris was actively engaged in hunting for papyri for this Library, 
and that he succeeded in making what may prove to be some very 
important finds. Fortunately he did not attempt to bring these finds 
with him, but left them in safe custody in Egypt, until such time as 
they can be transported to England without risk. 

Amongst the recent accessions to the library is the sixth volume of 
the work entitled " Mythology of all Races," the some- j^dian 
what ambitious aim of which is a complete mythology of {^^^.an 
the world in thirteen volumes. The present volume, MYTHO- 
dealing with Indian and Iranian mythologies, is furnished 
with a fairly full bibliography, a profusion of excellent plates, but no 
index. The Indian section is dealt with by Professor Keith, a recog- 
nized authority, whilst the Iranian section has been entrusted to Dr. 
Albert J. Carnoy, the Professor of Zend, in the exiled University of 

This reference to Iranian mythology reminds us that Professor J. 
H. Moulton, just before leaving India, completed the prqfessor 
manuscript of what unfortunately proved to be his last I^O^^T^^^ 
contribution to the studies he loved so well, which is to OF THE 
be published under the title " The Treasure of the 
Magi '*. Dr. Moulton very wisely, as events have proved, took the 
precaution of having three typed copies of his manuscript made, one 
of which he left behind him in India, the second was sent home to his 
brother the Rev. W. Fiddian Moulton, whilst the third copy went 
down with many other papers in the ill-fated " City of Paris *'. 

Sir Rabindranath Tagore's books continue to fall, as one of our 
contemporaries describe them, like the leaves of Vallombrosa, and 
whatever may be said of him otherwise, no one can dispute his in- 


dustry. One of the latest volumes entitled '* My Reminiscences" con- 
tains an account of the author's early life written in his rabindrA- 
(iftieth year, before he started on his trip to Europe and y^JoRE'S 
An^erica in 1912. The book presents an interesting pic- REMINIS- 
ture of a boy's life in a large household before European 
customs had encroached on the native manner. It permits one to 
understand the sort of intellectual and moral atmosphere that enveloped 
the budding poet. Some of Tagore's comments on the influence of 
English literature are particularly enlightening. The literary gods of 
the young Hindu were Shakespeare, Milton, and Byron, and it was 
the passion of these authors that most stirred him. Readers will be 
glad to know that a complete set, at least, of this author's latest works 
are to be found on the shelves of the library. 

It may interest our readers to know that the war, according to a 
statement of Sir Alfred Mond, has produced a library of i jj^j^^ 

between thirty and forty thousand volumes. The war has TURE OF 

1111 II 1 • vtc J THE WAR. 

already lasted nearly three years, and it seems difhcult 

to realize that on an average between thirty and forty volumes relating 
to it have been published every day, including Sundays, throughout that 
period. The National War Museum, which is now in course of 
formation, will require a vast amount of space to accommodate the books 
alone, to say nothing of engravings. It is computed that there are at 
least eighty thousand portraits of Napoleon and engravings illustrating 
his career, but the pictorial chronicles of this war seem likely to run into 
millions by the time peace is signed. We do not profess to make any- 
thing like an exhaustive collection of this material, indeed much of it is of 
a purely ephemeral character, and one or two collections in the country 
will serve all purposes, but we are careful to add to our shelves the works 
of outstanding importance, which are likely to be of service to students 
of the future, who undertake research upon this period of upheaval. 

In a recent issue of *'The Manchester Guardian " (June 16th) 
there appeared an illuminating and timely article from the AIMS 
the pen of our colleague, Dr. Mingana, on the ** Aims of OF TURKEY. 
Turkey," in which he has described for us the deep and subtle methods 
employed by the perfidious Young Turks, not only to debar Christians 
of all denominations in the Ottoman Empire from acquiring landed 
property, and in case they already held any to dispossess them of it ; 
but to make Constantinople the nerve centre of a vastly extended 


empire, in which the Islamic 'cloak should be spread over all races and 
creeds within its extended borders. The significance of this Pan- 
Islamic policy will be. better understood when it is realized that the 
empire assigned to the Turks is most un- Turkish, in other words that 
the vast majority of the inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire are not 
Turks, and that in some districts they are outnumbered by at least 
twenty to one. One barrier in the way to the realization of this plan 
was Armenia, so it was decided to eliminate that little country from 
the map, and if we do not already know how ruthlessly they set to 
work to remove not only that obstacle but any other that stood in their 
way, the extracts which Dr. Mingana has given from the " Holy 
War** proclamation, circulated by the Turks, will at once dispel any 
doubts we may have had in our minds upon the subject. 

We cannot do better than reproduce the translated passages of the 
proclamation for the benefit of those of our readers who may not have 
access to the " Manchester Guardian ". 

"How often have the savage Russians, the traitorous English, the 
Frenchmen, born of impure parentage, yet proud of their baseness, 
planted their unclean flags upon your pure and holy mountains ? How 
often have they seized you by your lifeless, spiritless feet and hands 
and rolled you in the mire ? Oh, you poor, helpless people of India 
and of the Oxus, and you wretched tribes of Turkey ! Oh, Bokhara 
and Turkistan, dying under the bloody hand of Russia ! . . . Go 
forth, ye Moslems, into the places of blood and groans ; there see the 
ruined countries of Islam, and learn a lesson. . . . Read your history ! 
Look at the despised graves of your kings ! If you desire honour and 
glory, houris and damsels, behold all are waiting for you. Eternal 
joys, the shade of green trees, houris, angels are in the grasp of your 
sword. . . . Cause the minarets and mountains to resound once more 
the cry, * Allah ! Allah ! Holy War ! * Oh, Moslems, blow the 
trumpet everywhere ! *' 

This religious document written by the " religious ** Young Turks, 
speaks for itself. 

An appeal was made a few weeks ago by a correspondent of the 
New York " Nation " on behalf of the Societe de Lin- la SOCI^T^ 
guistique de Paris, a body which has always had amongst guistk^UE 
its members a number of scholars of real eminence. In ^^ PARIS, 
spite of the war, it has bravely kept up the publications of its " Me- 


moires," a collection of original investigations in nearly every field of 
linguistics, and its *' Bulletin," or record of proceedings ; but, owing 
to military necessities, the treasury of this little devoted band of scholars 
is well-nigh depleted, whereas an abundance of excellent studies is 
clamouring for print. We pass on this appeal in case there may be 
amongst those of our readers who are interested in the scientific study 
of language, some who will regard it as a privilege to assist this 
struggling society to keep alight the fire upon the altar of scholar- 
ship. The annual subscription is twenty francs, payable to the Trea- 
surer, Monsieur Le Mertz, 1 6 Rue de Birague, Paris, IV^. The 
publications of the Society may be seen in the John Rylands Library. 

In America a National Board of Historical Service has been 
formed, composed of Gaillard Hunt, Charles D. Hazen, j^^ MOBI- 
Victor S. James, T. Shotwell, F. J. Turner, and others, y^'^.i^i^ 
lor the purpose or directmg historical energies m the RIANS FOR 
sanest directions. Professor A. C. McLaughlin, writing 
on behalf of the board, points out that historical writers will be needed 
to keep the people informed and to aid in creating what they believe 
is a sound and wholesome public opinion ; to satisfy the demand for 
correct interpretative information upon special European problems, and 
to help historians of the future to understand the activity and psy- 
chology of the American nation during these days. There are those 
who believe that a similar board possessing plenary powers might render 
useful service in this country. 

In the present issue we commence the publication of a series of 
articles dealing with the J udaeo- Christian documents in jud/eq- 
the John Rylands Library, to be continued, from time ^qcu^^^^ 

to time, as the demands upon our space will allow. MENTS IN 
T^i 1 . .,. , ^ f -in THE JOHN 

Ihese documents compose inedited texts or considerable RYLANDS 

importance, dealing with history, theology, mysticism, ^ ' 

and patrology of early Christianity and contemporary Judaism. The 
texts will be edited by Dr. Mingana, and will be furnished with a 
translation and critical apparatus. The present instalment contains a 
document on Clement of Rome, which sheds new light on the com- 
plicated Clementine literature of the first centuries of our era. This is 
followed by a new apocryphal writing, attributed to Shem, the son of 
Noah, the main interest of which centres in an agricultural horoscope, 
which is ascribed to this Biblical patriarch. The third document is a 


quotation from Andronicus, the philosopher {circa 1 00 B.C.) and Asaph, 
the historian of the Hebrews, which gives first-hand information of the 
nomenclature of the twelve signs of the zodiac, and their supposed in- 
fluence on the destinies of mankind. 

The following series of public lectures has been arranged for the 
ensuing session. It should be noticed that the first lecture fortH- 
will be given towards the end of September, and not on SERIES OF 
the second Wednesday in October, 'as is usually the LECTURES 

EVENING LECTURES (7.30 p.m.). 

Wednesday, 26th September, 1917. " The Work of Professor 
James Hope Moulton." By A. S. Peake, M.A., D.D., Professor 
of Biblical Exegesis in the Victoria University of Manchester. 

Wednesday, 1 0th October, 1917. "The Venetian point of 
View in Roman History.'* By R. S. Conway, Litt.D., Hulme 
Professor of Latin in the Victoria University of Manchester. 

Wednesday, 1 4th November, 1917. " The Birth of Aphrodite.*' 
(Illustrated with Lantern Pictures.) By G. Elliot Smith, M.A., 
M.D., F.R.S., Professor of Anatomy in the Victoria University of 

Wednesday, 12th December, 1917. *' Mediaeval and Modem 
Warfare." (Illustrated with Lantern Pictures.) By T. F. Tout, 
M.A., F.B.A., Bishop Eraser Professor of Mediaeval and Ecclesi- 
astical History in the Victoria University of Manchester. 

Wednesday, 9th January, 1918. "Shakespearean Stage 
Costumes." (Illustrated with Lantern Pictures.) By William 
Poel, Founder and Director of the Elizabethan Stage Society. 

Wednesday, 13th February, 1918. "War and Civilization." 
(Illustrated with Diagrams.) By W. J. Perry, B.A. On this 
occasion the chair will be taken by Professor Elliot Smith. 

Wednesday, 13th March, 1918. "Norse Myth in English 
Poetry." By C. H. Herford, M.A., D.Litt, Professor of English 
Literature in the Victoria University of Manchester. 

Sometime in April Professor Richard G. Moulton has promised 
to give the two lectures " Shakespeare's * Lear ' : a Moral Problem 
Dramatized," and " Fiction as the Experimental Side of Human 
Philosophy," which were unavoidably postponed last year, if con- 


ditions of transatlantic travel render the crossing from America possible. 
The dates of the lectures will be announced later. 


Tuesday, 23rd October, 1917. **The Origin and Meaning of 
Apple Cults." By J. Rendel Harris, M.A., Litt.D., D.Theol., etc., 
Hon. Fellow of Clare College, Cambridge. 

Evidence of the unabated interest in our scheme of reconstruction 
of the library of the exiled University of Louvain, is to louvain 
be found in the sixth Hst of contributions, which we print recoN- 
elsewhere in the present issue (pp. 1 24- 1 78). Even this STRUCTION. 
list does not by any means complete the record of gifts to date, but we 
are again compelled, for considerations of space, to hold over a list of 
much greater length of the most recent contributions until our next 

As we have pointed out, more at length, on another page, con- 
siderable impetus was given to the progress of the scheme by Miss 
Dixon, of Cambridge, through her advocacy in the press of the 
purchase of certain sections of the library of the late Professor Gwatkin, 
which was in the market. 

In thanking the various donors for their generous co-operation, we 
take the opportunity of renewing and emphasizing our appeal for offers 
of suitable books, or contributions of money, to assist us in this en- 
deavour to restore, at least in some measure, the resources of the 
crippled University. 

From considerations of space we have been compelled to hold 
over the customary " List of Recent Accessions to the NEXT 
Library '* for publication in our next issue, which will ^S^^^* 
also include an illustrated amplification of Professor Elliot Smith's 
lecture, '* The Relationship of the Egyptian practice of Mummifica- 
tion to the Development of Civilization, with special reference to 
Incense and Libations"; Professor C. H. Herford's lecture, **The 
Poetry of Lucretius '* ; and Professor Peake's lecture, " The Quint- 
essence of Paulinism". 





THE sad tragedy of 7th April has appealed with force to very 
many, very varied, and very scattered communities. Even those 
who are most disposed to condone anything that is German 
cannot escape the feeling that there is something here which it is not easy 
to defend — witness Deissmann's plea concerning " crossing the for- 
bidden zone " : while to those who are English in spirit as well as in 
nationality the whole proceeding stands out as conspicuously criminal, 
and pathetically wasteful. Scholarship, religion, politics, friendship — 
these and other spheres are left sadly poorer ; and from all parts of 
the world and from all classes of the community have poured in ex- 
pressions of affection and esteem. 

It is doubtless because of Dr. J. H. Moulton's close connection 
with the mission of the John Rylands Library that Mr. Guppy de- 
sired to place on the permanent records of the Library some reference 
to him : and I suppose it was because I had known him longest that 
Mr. Guppy turned to me ! I take up the melancholy service without 
any reluctance, for I know full well how near the Library was to my 
brother's heart. He frequented it both as reader and as Governor ; 
and it was probably because he was the former that he took so seriously 
his duties and privileges as the latter. To him it would seem no ex- 
aggeration or misuse of terms to speak of the mission of the John 
Rylands Library ; for to him the Library was a personality clearly 
marked, and entrusted with no ordinary responsibilities and oppor- 
tunities in respect of the world of scholarship. 

There are certain legends current that my gifted brother lisped 


Greek at three and passed from accidence to syntax before he was 
five : and although no one is asked to accept these as sober statements 
of fact, they are at any rate suggestive of the truth. He was no infant 
prodigy, but the instinct for studiousness and the acquisition of learning 
manifested itself unusually early, and became richly fruitful at an age 
when the majority of boys have found no time to be serious, except 
concerning sport. At sixteen he took high Honours in the London 
Matriculation Examination ; at eighteen he took an Entrance Scholar- 
ship of £70 in Classics at King's College, Cambridge ; and before he 
was twenty-three he had taken a First both in Part I of the Classical 
Tripos and in E of Part II, that field of philological study which after- 
wards he made so conspicuously his own. All these were achieve- 
ments which would have been impossible for anyone who viewed life 
lightly and took things easily. He only accomplished these things by 
strenuous and unremitting application ; and therein he laid the only 
possible foundation for the abounding service of later years. There 
comes to my mind a striking indication of the trend of his disposition, 
all the more significant because it was so largely unconscious. When 
he was fifteen he sent his first contributions to the " Leys Fortnightly," 
the magazine of his school. It does not matter much that the subject 
was *' Milton's Minor Poems " — rather an unusual type of subject for a 
first effort in print : but what does matter is that they, like all his later 
contributions to that magazine, bore the signature AFAN. At that 
early age when to most the world is a playground and life a game, he 
intuitively dropped upon a noin-de-pltime betokening strenuousness of 
effort : and he remained AFAN to the end. On the football field 
and on the track he ran fast, very fast ; on the cricket field he bowled 
very fast, v^th a curious action which made him very awkward on a 
bad wicket — and with a hostile umpire ; at La Crosse, of which he 
was very fond, he could race round most of the men in the field, and 
perhaps used his speed sometimes when it would have been better to 
pass the ball. But wherever he was and whatever he was doing he 
was intense and strenuous about it all : he played many things — very 
many, anything indeed that was going — but he never played at any- 
thing, and this note remained with him to the very end. Indeed, one 
kind and appreciative friend, a seasoned Anglo-Indian, who entertained 
him several times in India, considers that, had there been less pace, 
and more deference to the trying nature of the Indian climate, he might 


have lived through the strain of one more day in that open boat, and 
have landed at Calvi with his dearly-loved friend, so much his senior. 
There had never been any doubt in his mind from the first as to 
what direction he would look to for his life-work. The son, grand- 
son, great-grandson, great- great- grandson of Wesleyan preachers it 
was natural that he should have that bias within his nature ; and 
he was still a boy at school when he preached his first sermon one 
Sunday afternoon in the little Wesleyan Chapel at Waterbeach, the 
village which will always be remembered as the sphere of C. H. 
Spurgeon's first pastorate. He was accepted as a candidate for the 
Wesleyan Methodist ministry in 1 886, and succeeded the Rev. Ed- 
ward Brentnall as Chaplain at The Leys, and ministerial assistant to 
Dr. Moulton. This " composite post '* — ministerial, educational, and 
quasi-academic — was a magnificent opening for him ; and, it may be 
added, for others as well, seeing that James Hope Moulton always 
gave what he got, and only got in order that he might give, of the 
riches of learning. The sixteen years thus spent were of the highest 
value from the point of view of his later service. They were the 
formative period of his life ; and if there were drawbacks — he always 
found the disciplinary and administrative side of a master's life some- 
what irksome — there were abundant compensations. He was in 
Cambridge ; and no one who knows the two ancient University 
centres will need to be told that there is something unique about life 
there. During those years he was in close touch wdth the life of the 
University and particularly of his own college, of which he was made 
a Fellow, at a time, moreover, when two of the most outstanding men 
in the college life were Professor Westcott and Professor H. E. Ryle. 
Further, it is not probably claiming a whit too much to say that colla- 
boration v^th his own father was in itself a liberal education. It is 
easy to see that his yearning for Christian service, his deepening 
interest in Greek Testament study, his convictions as to Foreign Mis- 
sions — these and many other factors in his spiritual and mental make- 
up are distinctly traceable to the fact of his having enjoyed peculiarly 
close association with his father at just the most susceptible and forma- 
tive period of life. Sometimes he looked out a little v^stfully at wider 
fields, wondering whether he was doing his best with his life by stay- 
ing at The Leys. " Here I am," he once said to me, *' nearly forty, 
and have not done a thing ! Why, father was on the New Testa- 


ment Revision Company before he was thirty-six ! " Yes, but it is 
easy to see now — especially so for him — that that formative period 
was of priceless value, and that the rich and brilliant usefulness of his 
later career was conditioned by it. And mention must be made of 
two acquisitions in the sphere of friendship which belong to that period. 
One was Professor E. B. Cowell, with whom he came into close contact 
when working for Part II of the Classical Tripos, and who gave him 
his introduction to Sanskrit lore, and cognate studies, which, together 
with Hellenistic Greek, have been the field in which he made his 
mark as a scholar. The other was one about which little must be 
said because so much might be said. Suffice it to say that during his 
time of residence at Kings the Rev. G. R. Osborn, son of Dr. George 
Osborn, who was colleague of Dr. Moulton's in the old Richmond 
days, came as Superintendent Minister to Cambridge. The friendship 
between the brilliant young classic and Mr. Osborn's elder daughter 
ripened into a union of uninterrupted blessedness and joy — shadowed 
yet sanctified by bereavements — which lasted for close on twenty-five 
years : and Dr. Rendel Harris was probably right when he referred 
to " superior spiritual attractions " — wife and two children having 
passed over in front — as lessening his power of resistance at the last. 

Manchester gave my brother his chance, for it gave him the call 
to one field without having to give up the other. While at The Leys 
Dr. Welldon had pressed him to take a Mastership at Harrow, which 
was an offer full of attractiveness. But it would have involved his 
surrendering the Wesleyan Ministry, so far as any active participation 
was concerned ; and that he could not and would not do, for all the 
educational prizes of the country — the " Apostolic Succession *' to 
which he was proud to belong, forbade that. Manchester gave him 
the chance of association with the rapidly developing activities of a 
modern University while making his contribution to the educational 
and pastoral work of his own Church. And he took it with joy and 
thankfulness. How he took it, needs not to be told here, for in the 
constituency of the John Rylands Library he is sufficiently well known. 
But it may be pointed out that the different sides of his nature found 
adequate and congenial fields of expression in Manchester. His 
scholarly instincts, his evangelistic passion, his social sympathies — they 
all had free play through the University, Didsbury College, the Man- 
chester and Salford Mission, the pulpits of the city, the platforms of 


the neighbourhood and the columns of the " Manchester Guardian *'. 
These many activities made his life a very full one : and there were 
some who maintained that he ought to give up his outside public work, 
his temperance and political advocacy, and give himself entirely to 
scholarship. They did not know him, or they would never have sug- 
gested what would have been a negation of his very personality. He 
could not take his citizenship ** lying down," any more than he could 
his religion. Both were extremely practical and serious things with 
him — practical because serious — and it was needful for him to be in 
the fight. 

While he was thus engaged honours poured upon him. Five Uni- 
versities conferred upon him various Doctorates — London, Durham, 
Edinburgh, Berlin, and Groningen — and had he been a member of 
the Church of England doubtless Cambridge would have followed 
suit ; but the fact of his being a Nonconformist constituted a statutory 
bar to his receiving a Divinity Degree from his own University — a 
disability recently removed, in the teeth of much bitter clerical opposi- 
tion. He gave the Hibbert Lectures on *' Early Zoroastrianism '* ; 
the invitation to give the Schweich Lectures was forwarded to him so 
as to reach him on his way home : he gave the Fernley Lecture on 
" Religion and Religions " in connection with his own Church ; and 
numberless Summer Schools, Conferences, etc., in England, Ireland, 
and America secured his services for lectures and speeches — all on the 
top of his normal work. But he loved work, and was never so happy 
as when pouring out his stores of learning in the interests of those less 
fortunately situated than himself. 

When his great sorrow came in June, 1915, we could not help 
feeling that the call to India, which reached him within a few days, 
was providential. He had longed to see the Mission field ; the 
particular sphere he was asked to visit particularly — the Parsi com- 
munities — was one in which he had long-standing interest, and a 
unique chance, as being a recognized authority on their religion ; the 
depletion of the Colleges made it easy for him to be spared ; and the 
void in his own heart called for work — and, if possible, work on new 
ground — as a necessary condition of well-being. So he went, in 
October, 1915 : and the rest is only two well known. 

Three characteristics seem to have struck those who came in con- 
tact with him ; and with a brief mention of them I must bring my 


tribute to a close. Firstly, he had the rare gift of popularizing scholar- 
ship, and of presenting profound things in such a way that people lost 
sight of the profundity in the interest of the subject. His * * Prolegomena " 
was a noticeable example. Secondly, his scholarship sat so lightly 
upon him that in ordinary intercourse the man took precedence of the 
scholar, and " common people heard him gladly ". Thirdly, he was 
the very soul of chivalry — whether towards a downtrodden nationality, 
or a weak country church, or men and women fallen on evil days — 
and the life of the study never cut him off from the street. And 
while his reputation down here is to be traced to the study, it is more 
than possible that Another may be praising him most for what He 
saw in the street. Be that as it may, his career gives some clue to 
the problem as to how classical learning came to be styled Humanity. 

The widespread dismay and sympathy evoked by his tragic death 
has been accompanied by much inquiry and speculation as to his 
literary commitments, and the chance of salving, at any rate, a part 
of the cargo of his life's work ; and, in view of various rumours and 
reports — partly incomplete and partly inaccurate — which are going 
about, it may be interesting to readers of the BULLETIN of the John 
Rylands Library to know how the matter stands. 

Firstly, as to the " Grammar of New Testament Greek ". It will 
be remembered that the first volume, the ** Prolegomena," was issued 
several years ago, and has reached its fourth edition. When Dr. 
Moulton left for India he left behind him the second volume, on Ac- 
cidence, practically complete, and secure in the publisher's safe at 
Edinburgh. The last chapter, gathering up the main issues, remained 
yet to be written, as also an Appendix on Semitisms which Professor 
Bedale had kindly consented to write. The introductory chapter, 
which came to hand after he left, may require some additions, and 
there are about a dozen paragraphs, dotted about the work, which are 
not forthcoming. They may be found among the piles of papers, as 
yet unsorted, at Didsbury ; possibly the numbering of the sections was 
done at different times, and there may prove to be no real gap in sub- 
ject matter, but only in numbers. At any rate, the gaps in the work 
are not serious. But, on the other hand, it will not be an easy book 
lo see through the press. The mere proof-reading and verification of 
references will be no light task, and then there is the obligation resting 
upon the one who sees it through to keep in close and sympathetic 


touch with all the new " light from the East," which will illustrate, 
elucidate, and in some details possibly correct the exegesis which it has 
so largely called into being. Dr. George Milligan had collaborated 
with Dr. Moulton in that branch of study, just as their fathers colla- 
borated in the interpretation of the Fourth Gospel thirty years ago ; 
but other private work rendered it impossible to look to him to do more 
than assist in this matter as adviser and referee. It was, therefore, 
thought best to turn to one of Dr. Moulton*s own students, accustomed 
to his methods and devoted to his memory, as being the most likely 
to do this particular piece of work. The Rev. Wilbert F. Howard, 
B.D., was a post-graduate student of Dr. Moulton*s in Hellenistic 
Greek at Manchester University, as well as being a student of his at 
Didsbury, and those who are interested in the perpetuation of Dr. 
Moulton's work will be very thankful that one so capable should have 
consented to shoulder the burden, with the kindly and learned Scottish 
scholar as colleague. Mr. Howard has three points of contact with 
the work before starting upon his task, although the decision to ask for 
his aid was arrived at in absolute ignorance of all three of them. He 
is brother-in-law to Mr. Bedale, who already has his share in the book. 
Further, when Dr. Moulton left for India he stored his papyri and 
apparatus in Mr. Bedale's house — which we knew — in order that 
Mr. Howard might have access to the books — which we did not 
know. Thirdly, Mr. Howard's thesis for his B.D. Degree was upon 
a " papyri topic," and the examiner was Dr. Milligan, who was so 
favourably impressed with it that he wrote to Mr. Howard suggesting 
publication, but then completely forgot the name in the intervening 
years, and did not recognize who it was that was suggested as his 
colleague ! This really suggests Providential guidance ! Of course 
it will be impossible to proceed with the work at once, owing to the 
shortage of skilled men in the printing trade at present, and also the 
shortage of paper. A work with such an infinitude of detail would 
make great demands upon printers at the best of times, and to-day no 
firm would look at it ; while its size would demand a large supply of 
paper of a quality suitable for taking the impression of the minutiae of 
Greek characters. Nothing has been finally decided upon, but Sir 
John Clark is disposed to consider the feasibility of issuing the book 
in four parts, which will spread out over a longer period both the task 
of setting-up and the consumption of paper. 


With reference to the " Vocabulary of New Testament Greek," 
which is entirely concerned with the contributions made to exegesis by 
the papyri and other non-literary sources, this had from the first been 
a joint enterprise of the two friends, and Dr. Milligan will have now 
to plough his lonely furrow, with whatever assistance he can obtain 
from any who have caught his inspiration at Glasgow, and are thank- 
ful thus to repay some portion of their debt. 

A pathetic interest attaches to the last of Dr. Moulton*s literary 
legacies, " The Treasure of the Magi," in that it was written entirely 
in India, and completed just before he sailed. There seems to have 
been in his mind some haunting sense of uncertainty as to his future ; 
else why did he have three copies of the book - typed and sent on 
different courses ? One remained in India in the hands of Dr. Griswold, 
the joint editor — with Dr. Farquhar of Oxford — of the series in which 
the book appears ; one reached Derby just before the news of the 
tragedy ; and one is at the bottom of the Mediterranean. Here, again, 
the task of preparation for the press was one that demanded expert 
knowledge of the very highest order in a field of learning greatly 
neglected in this country. Indeed, probably only two men could be 
said to fulfil the conditions, and one of them was out of the question 
owing to his advanced age, but the other, when approached replied at 
once that it would be a privilege to be allowed to do it. To the;; 
Right Rev. Dr. Casartelli, Bishop of Sal ford, we owe a great debt of 
gratitude. The Oxford Press is publishing. 

Will there be any Memoir of Dr. Moulton ? That is a question 
which has been repeatedly asked of late, and the answer is both Yes 
and No. If by a Memoir is meant a set Biography, laid out chrono- 
logically and in great detail, the answer is No, partly because the 
interest of his life did not centre in incident, but in influence, and 
partly because certain material which would be indispensable for 
such a purpose cannot be found anywhere, probably because it is 
with the third copy of " The Treasure of the Magi" ! But certainly 
some account of Dr. Moulton's career will be forthcoming before next 
spring, all being well, and some attempt will be made to outline the 
activities, to focus the interests, to estimate the influence of one concern- 
ing whom so many have written with warm and grateful admiration 
from all over the world. But, when everything is done that can be 
done with the printed page, the only adequate memoir is that which 


is enshrined in the collective experience of the many whom he taught, 
and cheered, and strengthened. 


By Professor A. S. PEAKE, M.A., D.D. 

The tragic death of Professor James Hope Moulton touches the 
John Rylands Library very nearly. He had been for several years a 
greatly valued member of the Council and Book Committee, and it is 
fitting that one who was closely associated with him in this work, who 
was his colleague at the University of Manchester and had the privi- 
lege of long and intimate friendship, should give some estimate of his 
work in the pages of our BULLETIN. 

Dr. Moulton was chiefly famous for his contributions to the study 
of New Testament Greek, but he gained distinction also as an expon- 
ent of Zoroastrianism. The two fields of research seem remote from 
each other, but it is easy to see how he reached them both from a 
common starting-point. He took the Classical Tripos at Cambridge, 
he won the Gold Medal in Classics at the University of London and 
received from it his Doctorate of Literature. He took a First Class at 
Cambridge with distinction in Philology. His study of Comparative 
Philology led him from Latin and Greek to Sanscrit and Iranian. 
From the Iranian language he was naturally led to the literature and 
the religion, and thus he became one of our very few experts in Zoro- 
astrianism. His preoccupation with the language of the New Testa- 
ment was due in part to his father's conspicuous services to this sub- 
ject. He had translated Winer's " Grammar of New Testament 
Greek " into English, making many additions and improvements, and 
regret was expressed that so much labour should have been spent on 
the' work of another man by one who had it in his power to vmte a much 
better book of his own. The ** Grammar " by no means exhausted 
Dr. W. F. Moulton s contribution to the interpretation of the New 
Testament. He was one of the New Testament Revisers and he 
undertook very heavy labours for the edition of the Revised New 
Testament with fuller references. In this connection it may be added 
that he co-operated with Hort and Westcott in the revision of the 


Book of Wisdom and the Second Book of Maccabees for the Revised 
Version of the Apocrypha. The important concordance to the Greek 
Testament, known as Moulton and Geden, owes most to the latter 
scholar, since Dr. Moulton through pressure of other duties was un- 
able to participate to any great extent in the task. It was his hope in 
collaboration with his son to prepare a thoroughly revised edition of 
the " Grammar," but his death forbade the realization of this scheme. 
It was accordingly natural that Dr. James Moulton should, on his 
father's death, take up the project which had been left unfulfilled. 
But this would have been impossible if his equipment had not emin- 
ently qualified him for it. His classical training had given him the 
indispensable preparation, 'and his expert knowledge of the Compara- 
tive Philology of the Indo-European language proved of especial 
value. It is regrettable that he published very little on Comparative 
Philology. Apart from articles I can only refer to an admirable little 
volume entitled " Two Lectures on the Science of Language ". They 
are popular lectures, the former of them dealing strictly with Com- 
parative Philology, the latter with the evidence afforded by a study 
of language for the reconstruction of primitive, history. 

What we should have had a right to expect from him would have 
been a Grammar of the New Testament, accurate and complete, a 
monument of finished scholarship and lucid exposition. That would 
have been of great value, but its publication, while it would have won 
for the author wide and deserved recognition, would not have attracted 
the attention that was at once directed to the first volume of " A 
Grammar of New Testament Greek," published in 1906 and contain- 
ing the " Prolegomena ". The discovery of new material had brought 
with it a revolution. The great scholars of the nineteenth century 
had written their grammars and commentaries from a standpoint which 
the new discoveries did much to antiquate. The New Testament 
was approached from Classical Greek, and the same grammatical rules 
were supposed to apply in one as in the other, and the senses of 
words in the New Testament were fixed by their significance in clas- 
sical wnting. A great number of papyri had, however, been discovered 
in Egypt. Some of these were valuable to the Greek scholar as re- 
storing lost works of Greek literature or supplying us with new texts 
of works which we already possessed. But along with these there 
were very many papyri with no pretention to literary character. 


Business documents, leases, wills, and in particular private letters, 
came to light in great numbers. The credit for realizing the bearing 
of these documents on the study of New Testament Greek does not 
indeed belong to Dr. Moulton. It was a young German scholar. 
Dr. Deissmann, who first saw the bearing of the new discoveries on 
the Greek of the New Testament. In his " Bible Studies '* he stated 
and defended the thesis that a large number of words hitherto sup- 
posed to be Biblical were really current in the spoken Greek of the 
first century. Deissmann's researches were chiefly occupied with the 
vocabulary, though of course the grammar received occasional notice. 
Dr. Moulton was quite convinced by Deissmann's arguments, and his 
own researches into the vocabulary gave independent confirmation. 
But the new thesis had to be thoroughly tested in the domain of 
grammar, and the very extended researches which Dr. Moulton carried 
through convinced him that alike in vocabulary and grammar Biblical 
Greek, except where it was translation Greek, was simply the verna- 
cular of daily life. The language of the Holy Ghost was just the 
language of the common people. The theory met of course with 
hostile criticism, in particular this centred on the question of Semitism 
in the New Testament. It had long been held that the Greek of the 
New Testament was Hebraic Greek, and this position seemed to be 
established by the presence of Semitic constructions in it. But the 
case was altered when these constructions were found in papyri written 
by Gentiles. It was contended in reply that the constructions might 
have come into the colloquial Greek under Jewish influence. But 
this seemed improbable, inasmuch as examples were found in districts 
where Jewish influence could hardly if at all be traced. Dr. Moulton 
also considered that survival of such constructions in modern Greek 
excluded the hypothesis of Semitic origin. 

In spite, however, of dissent the book was recognized as inaugurating 
a new epoch in the study of New Testament Greek on its grammatical 
side. Deissmann was of course delighted that a scholar so magnifi- 
cently equipped should range himself at his side and do for the 
grammar what he had done for the vocabulary. Harnack spoke of 
him as " the foremost expert in New Testament Greek ". All who 
are familiar with grammatical and exegetical literature on the New 
Testament v^ll be well aware how deep an impress it has left on the 
books published within the last ten years. It was translated into 


German from the third edition with considerable additions, and the 
translation was dedicated by Professor Moulton to the University 
of Berlin, which had given him his Doctorate in Theology on the 
occasion of its centenary. 

It is deplorable that the author's untimely death has left his task 
incomplete. The second volume was largely finished before he left 
for India, but for the third volume, which, as containing the syntax, 
would have been the largest and most important, I fear little, if any, 
material has been left. A cognate work wall also suffer seriously. In 
collaboration with Professor George Milligan he wrote for " The 
Expositor " a series of lexical notes on the papyri. These form the 
basis of an elaborate work entitled " The Vocabulary of the Greek 
Testament Illustrated from the Papyri and other Non-literary 
Sources ". I hope that the original intention will be carried to its 
completion in spite of Dr. Moulton's death. Of the six parts of 
which it was designed to consist two have already appeared ; a large 
amount of material has, I understand, been already collected for the 
third ; and I trust that Dr. Milligan may find it possible to bring the 
great enterprise to a triumphant close. 

I must touch but briefly on other sides of his New Testament 
work. He published an " Introduction to the Study of New Testa- 
ment Greek," which serves its purpose as a beginner's book admirably. 
He developed, defended, and popularized his views on this subject in 
numerous articles. A series of popular lectures delivered at Northfield 
was published while he was in India entitled ** From Egyptian 
Rubbish Heaps ". It is full of interesting facts, brightly presented, 
and lighting up many passages in the New Testament. Alongside 
of the facts there are several suggestions, some of them too speculative 
in character, I fear, to secure acceptance from New Testament scholars. 

I turn now to speak with diffidence of his work on Zoroastrianism. 
Apart from important articles of which I mention that entitled ** It is 
his Angel " in " The Journal of Theological Studies," and that on 
** Zoroastrianism " in Hastings' " Dictionary of the Bible," his publi- 
cations consist at present of his Cambridge manual " Early Rehgious 
Poetry of Persia" and his " Hibbert Lectures". I believe that a 
volume of lectures to the Parsees has been published in India, and I 
understand that the volume on " Parsism " in *' The Religious Quest 
of India" series is ready for the press. The little volume in the 


•series of Cambridge manuals forms an excellent introduction to the 
subject. The '* Hibbert Lectures," on the other hand, presuppose 
the student's acquaintance with the groundwork and are occupied 
with an examination of selected features of the religion, and those the 
most important. The work is marked not only by great erudition 
but by much originality. I am afraid that it would take far too much 
space even to sketch briefly the questions at issue. The paradoxical 
view put forward by Darmsteter that Zarathushtra never existed and 
that the Gathas are no earlier than the first century of our era is con- 
vincingly refuted. It has found practically no favour among experts, 
but the question is so vital that Professor Moulton deals with it at 
length. As to the date of Zarathushtra he regards him as certainly 
not later than 660-583 B.C., to which tradition assigns him, but he is 
impressed by the strength of the argument for regarding him as some 
generations earlier. But for several centuries he supposes that the 
more esoteric elements in his teaching did not pass beyond Bactria 
where the prophet had taught. The doctrine moved westward, not 
in its pure form but in the form given it by the Magi. His view of 
the Magi and their relation to Zoroastrianism is fundamental for the 
whole discussion and the most original part of his work. He believes 
that the Magi were non-Aryans, a priestly tribe, with primitive 
practices, who claimed, though wrongly, that the prophet was one of 
themselves and, adapting such elements of his teaching as they could 
accept, popularized it as thus transformed. It is important then to 
detect the elements in the " Avesta " which are due to them, and 
he uses as his test a comparison between Magianism and Parsism. 
Such elements of Magianism as are absent from Parsism he regards 
as non-Zoroastrian and with this clue seeks to determine the Magian 
element in the '* Avesta ". He argues against Eduard Meyer that 
Cyrus was not a Zoroastrian, Darius being the first of the Achae- 
menian kings who was a true Zoroastrian, though the religion as he 
knew it had lost its original purity. Most students no doubt will feel 
that the subject lies outside their beat, but not a few may be glad to 
know that at several points it deals with problems of interest to 
Biblical scholars, notably in the chapter entitled " Zarathushtra and 
Israel ". 

But Professor Moulton was not simply a great scholar. He was 
deeply interested in practical problems, especially those of social 


amelioration. Religion always claimed the first place. He was an* 
enthusiast for missions. His wide acquaintance with other religions, 
and his expert familiarity with some of them, in no way shook his con- 
viction as to the supremacy of his own. He saw in it the satisfaction 
of all those lofty aspirations which found imperfect expression in other 
religions^ To these lower forms of faith he desired to give the fullest 
sympathy. For Zoroastrianism, in particular, he had a genuine en- 
thusiasm, regarding it as the purest form of non- Biblical religion. 
Hence when it fell to his lot to deliver the Fernley Lecture in the 
centenary year of the Wesley an Missionary Society he chose as his 
subject " Religions and Religion ". In this work I call special attention 
to the discussions in the second and third chapters. In the latter of 
these he works out the thesis that Christianity is the crown of all re- 
ligions, it takes the better elements in them and carries them to a higher 
power. I do not of course place this volume in the same category as 
his ** Grammar," his " Hibbert Lectures" or the " Vocabulary of the 
Greek Testament ". The quality of his work rose the more rigidly 
scientific it was, but the selection of such a theme for his Fernley 
Lecture and the sympathetic temper in which it was handled are very 
significant indications of the principles and convictions which dominated 
his attitude to life. The loss of such a man is irreparable. Had he 
been spared to complete his grammar and the vocabulary his friends 
would still have grieved deeply for one whom no one can replace in 
their affections ; and learning would have been impoverished by his 
inability to accomplish other tasks for which he was singularly qualified. 
But he has been taken from us with great tasks only partially ac- 
complished and leaving no one with his peculiar combination of 
qualities. And none of us can miss the tragic irony in his death that 
he who loved peace and had laboured for it, who had desired friend- 
ship with Germany and whose work was appreciated by none more 
highly than by German scholars, should have been sent to his prema- 
ture death by an enemy submarine. 



Grand Hotel, 

Ajaccio Corsica. 

14^/1 April, 1917. 

My dear Friend, 

You will have received the sad news of my first telegram, 
and will have been waiting and watching for the further information 
with regard to the passing over of your beloved. 

I am not able to write a great deal and much of what I would 
say must wait until I return, first of all because we were strongly ad- 
vised not to communicate any details as to the passage of our un- 
fortunate vessel, and second because it is too painful to recall in detail 
the horrors of the days of exposure and collapse. I think that what 
operated in his case to diminish his power of resistance was, first of 
all, physical weakness, which had shown itself on the way home from 
India in a violent outbreak of boils on the face and neck causing him 
much pain and inconvenience, — but on the other side he succumbed 
to superior spiritual attractions which he felt a long time before the 
ship was struck. He talked about his dear ones in Johannine lan- 
guage as going over to prepare places for one another, and the spiritual 
tension was evidently stronger than even strong language expressed. 
Those on the other side stood to him Christ-wise, saying Christ's 
words and doing Christ's deeds to him as they had done to one 
another. Under these circumstances it is not strange that he should 
have collapsed, but he played a hero's part in the boat. 

He toiled at the oar till sickness overcame him : he assisted to 
bale out the boat and to bury (is that the right word ?) the bodies of 
those who fell. He said words of prayer over poor Indian sailors, 
and never never complained or lost heart for a moment through the 
whole of the three days and more of his patience, though the waves 
were often breaking over him and the water must have often been up 
to his middle. He passed away very rapidly at the end and was 
gone before I could get to him. His body was lying on the edge of 
the boat, and I kissed him for you all and said some words of love 
which he was past hearing outwardly. There was no opportunity to 
take from his body anything except his gold watch, and one or two 
trifles which are in my keeping. I could not search him for papers, 
indeed I doubt if he had brought any with him from the ship. 


During the whole of the voyage his mind was marvellously alert 
and active. He talked, and read and wrote incessantly, — and 
preached on the Sundays. On the way home he had read the whole 
of the " Odyssey " in the small Pickering edition ; and amongst his first 
remarks to me was his opinion as to the disparity of the 23rd book 
with the rest of the poem. 

One strange and beautiful experience we shared together with 

Major of the Abyssinian Embassy who was returning to 

England. We developed literary sympathies, and one day the con- 
versation turned on " Lycidas ". The Major knew it by heart — so 
did J. H. M., or almost by heart. I was a bad third in the recitation, 
and when we halted for a passage J. H. M. ran to his cabin and 
brought his pocket copy of Milton to verify doubtful words with. 
How little we suspected what was the meaning of our exercise. 
They laughed at my delight over the sounding sentences and I had 
to explain that it made my blood tingle : but we did not know that 
the amber flow of that Elysian speech had become once more sacra- 
mental and that we were really reciting the liturgy of the dead, that 
** Lycidas, your sorrow is not dead, sunk though he be beneath the 
ocean floor ". He had his own " solemn troop '* and his own ** sweet 
society '* to make him welcome. 

It is one of our Lord's sayings that one shall be taken and another 
shall be left, and the words lie dormant in meaning long spaces of 
time, — then rise up and smite us in the face. Why was one taken 
and the other left ? Why did that fatal, that " perfidious bark " dis- 
criminate between the ** sacred head that it sunk low " and the one 
which was so much whiter to the harvest ? But for questions like 
these there is no answer yet. I would tell you more if I could, but 
this is all I can say at this present. 

With deep sympathy. 

Your friend and his, 

p.p. Rendel Harris, 

G. O. Innes. 

P.S. — Manu mea : I am so glad to have been with him these 
days : to have had him to myself, at his very best. So Johannine, 
and so Pauline. How Pauline we have become, he said to me ; 
and twice over he quoted some great lines from Myers' " St. Paul," 
to add to the ordinary Corinthian quotations. 

By T. F. tout, M.A., F.BA. 


NOWADAYS the phrase town planning is dinned repeatedly 
into our ears. A generation, tending more and more to 
concentrate itself into great cities, is constantly told that 
town planning is the remedy for many of the most obvious evils of 
existence in the towns we are familiar with. An eminent architect 
told a Manchester audience some five years ago, that town planning 
means " the application to a town of that process of ordered forethought 
which we habitually apply to individual buildings ".^ It is because we 
have neglected to apply to our towns as wholes that process of looking 
ahead, which self-interest imposes on us when we build a house for 
ourselves, that our cities have grown up anyhow, and have in too many 
cases become mere rabbit warrens of disorderly alleys and over* 
crowded houses. And this state of things, barely tolerable in his- 
torical towns of moderate size, becomes absolutely unendurable in the 
overgrown cities which are the special feature of our modern civilization. 
It cannot be denied that our town planning enthusiasts have much 
reason on their side. They are never more right than when they 
reprobate the haphazard way in which our modern British cities have 
grown up. We of the north have very special reasons for lamenting 
the want of imagination shown by the builders of the great towns of 
Lancashire and Yorkshire. Perhaps it would be truer to say that 
there have been few builders of towns, but an infinite number of 
builders of individual houses and streets. What we most suffer from 
is the lack of adequate control on the part of some general authority, so 

^ An elaboration of the lecture delivered in the John Rylands Library, 
13 December, 1916. 

^ Paul Waterhouse, Old Towns and New Needs ^ the Warburton 
lecture for 1912 (Manchester University Press, 1912), pp. 1-2. 



that each individual has been left to pursue his own interest wherever 
he conceived it to lie. The reasons for this neglect are written large in 
the political and social history of Britain, though we might also perhaps 
plead that there have been more numerous exceptions to this rule than 
modern architects and up-to-date social reformers sometimes imagine. 
But neither architects nor social reformers are as a rule historians, and 
they seldom know accurately either the historical conditions, which made 
town planning so difficult, or the extent to which these difficulties have 
been overcome. Even the dark days of the late eighteenth and early 
nineteenth centuries show notable schemes of town planning, of which 
the best is doubtless the " new town '* of Edinburgh. But faint 
suggestions of similar motives can surely be seen in the regular align- 
ments and straight-cut streets which mark the early procession of 
modern Manchester southward from the original nucleus, and the first 
climbings of modern Liverpool eastward up the hillside outside the 
narrow limits of the mediaeval town. Again old new quarters of 
London, such as the Duke of Bedford's Bloomsbury Estate, with its 
straight streets and leafy squares, are distinct evidences of the applica- 
tion by a great landlord of prudent forethought in directing the 
development of a town quarter springing up on the soil which he 
owns. Gower Street, which to Ruskin was the abomination of 
aesthetic desolation, the redudio ad absui^dum of the hideous pro- 
cess that began with the Renascence, suggests to the town planner the 
bright promise of a future of well-ordered cities in which men may 
live in comfort and health. I would not like to say that either Ruskin 
or the town planner were wholly right or wholly wrong. I simply 
indicate in passing two rather different points of view. 

We must refuse to traverse insidious bypaths, and get back to 
real business. My task to-night is not with the town of the future, 
or even with the town of the present, or the town of the recent past* 
Dryasdust, as is well known, is content to pursue his hobbies with a 
minimum amount of concern for the world he lives in, or for the world 
in which his descendants may live in. Yet even Dryasdust may find 
some pleasure in approaching his remote studies with some reference to 
the fashion in which the men of the period which he delights to study 
have overcome problems not dissimilar to those which vex the souls 
of his own age. When all the world is talking of town planning, 
the historic aspects of that problem may well occupy the attention of 


the historian. It is natural nowadays for a mediaevalist to interest 
himself in mediaeval town planning. I cannot flatter myself that what 
I have to tell you to-night will give much practical guidance to those 
who are anxious to make the Manchester of the future better ordered 
and more wisely planned than the Manchester of the past. But it is 
not altogether unpractical to realize that remote ages had to grapple 
with the same problems as those which we ourselves are trying to 
meet, and it is eminently practical, if we are able, as I think we shall 
be able, to draw the moral that the methodical organization of town 
construction can only be attained when the impulses of the individual 
are adequately controlled by the corporate will of the community, and 
when the immediate advantage of the moment is subordinated to the 
ultimate welfare of the future. 

Normal mediaeval conditions were not particularly favourable to 
town planning. Both the small size of the ordinary mediaeval state 
and the limited control which mediaeval man had over material resources 
made it more difficult in those days to plan out a great town than it is 
for the great nations of the modern world with their almost unbounded 
power of harnessing nature to their service. In some ways we ap- 
proach modern conditions more nearly if we go back to a more remote 
period, and particularly if we go back to the great days when the 
whole civilized west was ruled by the Roman Empire, or if we revert 
to the still more distant time when the kingdoms of Alexander and his 
successors compelled the near east to submit to a veneer of western 
civilization, and by so doing made the Roman Empire possible. 
What history teaches us as to ancient town planning is admirably set 
forth in a little book which Prof. Haverfield of Oxford published 
some four years ago.^ I cannot do better than refer those of you, 
who would wish to go back even farther than I can do to-night, to 
Mr. Haverfield's lucid and orderly marshalling of the facts of this 
subject so far as illustrated by the Graeco- Roman world. 

Into the origins of town planning we have no need to follow 
him, for they have no conceivable relation to later times. Yet it is 
interesting to know that scholars have seen suggestions of town 
planning in the remote antiquity of the bronze age, and that Babylon 

^F. Haverfield, Ancient Town Planning (Oxford University Press, 


as described, perhaps wrongly described, by Herodotus, was laid out 
with straight streets running parallel to or at right angles with each 
other. Town planning of a more modern sort begins in the fifth cen- 
tury B.C., when Hippodamus of Miletus laid out Piraeus, the port 
of Athens, in a form as rectangular as the irregularity of the ground 
allowed. But the ordinary Greek city had no plan at all, and Athens 
itself was in striking contrast to its port. Its glory was in its wonder- 
ful public buildings, its temples, and its colonnades ; its shame was 
in its fortuitous congestion of rude hovels, separated by tortuous lanes, 
which rivalled the squalor and disorder of a modern oriental city. 
But the cities of Greece grew and were not made. It was only when 
colonies were founded, or cities, like Piraeus, were made all of a piece, 
that the town planner has his chance. 

The town planner's opportunity came when Alexander and his 
successors plastered the near east with Alexandrias, Antiochs, 
Seleucias and Pergamons, destined from their foundation to be leading 
cities of a great empire, capitals of highly centralized despotisms. 
Yet the cities of the Hellenistic and Macedonian ages have no lesson 
for us, since such as are still great cities now represent not the regular 
proportions of their founders' designs but the picturesque confusion of 
a modern Turkish town, which has forgotten its origin under the long 
pressure of its fierce barbarian masters. 

It was otherwise when the Roman Empire began to follow the 
example of the Macedonians by setting up, first in Italy, and afterwards 
in the conquered provinces of the west, colonies and municipalities whose 
sites have often been continuously inhabited ever since by civilized man. 
Their rectangular proportions, their straight, narrow streets, their regular 
blocks of building testify to the symmetry and method of their designers, 
and approach the simplicity of the Roman camp from which many of 
them arose. What Roman town planning was like can perhaps best 
be realized by him who wanders through the straight and narrow 
streets of the excavated portions of Pompeii, the more so when he 
realizes that exceptional circumstances made Pompeii one of the more 
irregular of the towns of ancient Italy. But what Vesuvius did for 
Pompeii, the Teutonic invasions did more effectively for most of the 
cities of the old Roman world. The barbarians from the north utterly 
broke down the continuity of Roman town life. Very few scholars 
nowadays believe that there was any organic connexion between 


Roman municipal institutions and those of the middle ages and modern 
times. It is almost the same with sites as with institutions. Prof. 
Haverfield demonstrates to us that in our island of Britain the well- 
thought-out Roman scheme which made little Silchester, not only a 
well-planned town but a garden city on a small scale, did not sur- 
vive the coming of the Angles and Saxons. Even when the barbarian 
conquerors crouched for shelter behind the old Roman walls of a derelict 
city, they reconstructed the interior of the town after their own fashion. 
Prof. Haverfield will not even allow that the apparently Roman 
plan of Chester and Gloucester, where four straight streets, running 
from four chief gates, meet together at a centre, has anything Roman 
about it. The main streets of Chester and Gloucester, London and 
Colchester are mediaeval, not Roman, in their direction and alignment. 
At Colchester this is particularly clear, not only in the town area, but 
in its approaches. To the west, as Mr. Round tells us, the English 
settlers mapped out the open fields of the urban agricultural community 
which replaced the Roman city, and covered up with their crops the 
great Roman cemetery and the abandoned Roman road to London, 
while to its north a new highway led direct to the gates of the med- 
iaeval town.^ Though a Roman gate still affords access to Lincoln 
from the north, the survival of a Roman line of road in continuation 
of it, through the city itself, is as likely to be the result of the topo- 
graphical limitations of a narrow hill site as it is of historical 
survival. Whatever town planning the Romans brought to Britain, 
none of it has survived to afford any lesson to us. Its very existence 
has only been revealed by modern archaeological research. 

The case is the same, Mr. Haverfield tells us, in the great Roman 
towns of Southern France. Buildings have survived, but never the 
plan of the town. It is only in Italy that our authority can see any 
continuous survivals of Roman town planning in such instances as the 
Roman quarter of Turin. Yet even here the modern historian is tempted 
to ascribe the admirable regularity of the plan of that best planned of 
the historical cities of the peninsula not so much to the Romans as to 
the fostering care of the house of Savoy, ever anxious to embellish its 

^ See Mr. J. H. Round's remarkable inaugural presidential address to 
the Essex Archaeological Society, "On the Sphere of an Archaeological 
Society," reprinted from the Transactions of that Society, XIV. 4, and 
especially the map and the remarks on p. II. 


capital in comparatively recent times. Be this as it may, it remains 
that whatever Roman town planning has survived has come to us 
through the long centuries of the middle ages. 

We have at last got to our real subject, but it was necessary for 
our purpose to appreciate the deep gulf that history has dug between 
the town planning of antiquity and later ages. With the middle ages 
we have to start afresh, and for many centuries we see conditions very 
inimical to town life in all its forms. While the Greek and Roman 
thought that the happy life could only be lived in the city, the nascent 
civilization of the middle ages was of the country not of the town. Its 
unit was the court and manor of the feudal landlord, the homesteads 
and farm buildings of his humbler tenants. There was neither the 
good government necessary for ordered town life, nor the commerce 
which made it economically possible for great hordes of men to dwell 
together in an urban area. When men still gathered together in little 
town communities, it was not by reason of any sentimental preference 
for civic life, but because the needs of protection and defence forced 
them to dwell side by side on some fortified hilltop, where they might 
save themselves from pirates and plunderers. But for that every man 
would have dwelt hard by the fields and meadows which assured him 
his subsistence. 

It follows that as there were few towns there was no town planning 
in those dark ages which lay between the fall of the Roman world and 
the development of that well-marked type of civilization which we 
call mediaeval. In those ages we must go to the great monarchies of 
the east if we would seek for new examples of town planning, as for 
instance at Baghdad, planned so well by one of the greatest of the 
Khalifs that it became the greatest commercial centre of the world of 
Islam. But it is even more improbable that these oriental town planners 
were imitated by westerns in later ages than that mediaeval statesmen 
and architects consciously followed the town plans of Roman days.' 

By the eleventh century the dark ages were drawing to a close. 
Strong kings and princes arose who ruled roughly but effectively over 

^ See on this subject a summary of Prof. Un win's interesting lecture 
on ** Eastern Factors in the Growth of Modern Cities ; Baghdad and Saint 
Nicholas," \w Journal of the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society, 
1915-16, pp. 13-17. I appreciate the learning and admire the ingenuity 
and imagination of my colleague, but I cannot feel quite convinced as to the 
soundness of his general thesis. 


large dominions. With comparatively settled order a relatively high 
standard of well-being w^as insured. The result was the wonderful 
progress and prosperity of the twelfth century. And with this revival 
of strong rule came two results that boded well for towns. The 
successful emperor, king, or duke wished to hold down his conquered 
enemies, and promote among them his own ideals of civilization. The 
improved material prosperity gave once more a chance for trade and 
industry. And from conquest and commerce alike, there necessarily 
arose a new need for towns. 

Some towns, including most of the great cities of history, grow ; 
others on the other hand are made. And the process of town making 
is as legitimate as the process of constitution making. Prof. Pollard 
in a paradoxical moment has lately told us that constitutions that 
develop are better than constitutions that spring from the brain of the 
legislator.^ The answer is that it all depends on the constitutions. 
This is the case with towns as well as constitutions. Under certain 
conditions both alike must be made, or they do not come into existence 
at all. We have now got to one of those periods of history in which, 
as in the Macedonian age, the conscious creation of towns on a large 
scale was both a political and economic necessity. With the ** fever 
for founding towns '* that marked the twelfth and thirteenth centuries 
the golden age of mediaeval town planning set in. It is to this 
period that we have chiefly to address ourselves. 

The political necessity for town making arose earlier than the 
economic need. In the humble beginnings of the new towns of the 
middle ages military considerations were always paramount. A 
strong ruler conquered a district adjacent to his old dominions, or 
wished to defend his frontier against a neighbouring enemy. He built 
rude fortresses and encouraged his subjects to live in them, so that they 
might undertake the responsibility of their permanent defence. Thus 
arose the "boroughs" which the successors of Alfred the Great 
*' timbered " along the boundaiy line between their West Saxon inherit- 
ance and the Danelaw. Thus began the towns which the Carolingian 
conquerors set up in Saxony, and, later on, the fortresses of the same type 
which were erected by the Saxon emperors beyond the Elbe in the 

^ See his *' Growth of an Imperial Parliament " in History, I. 129 et seq.^ 
and the criticisms on it in the same periodical by Prof. Ramsay Muir and 
Mr. D. O. Malcolm, ibid, 1. 193-214. 


-*v-^ y^ 




Slavonic districts which they were initiating into the priceless blessings 
of an early form of German Kulhtr, This primitive Drangnach Osten 
came to a head in the thirteenth century, when it had not only teuton- 
ized the lands between the Elbe and the Oder, but planted German 
colonies all through the East Baltic lands, through Poland and its sub- 
ject states. For us the chief result was the setting up of new towns, 
military outposts of the Teutonic power, whose soldier-burgesses were 
to keep the Slavs and Letts in their places. In the new Teutonic 
towns in Slavonic lands, we have one great group of artificially-made 
towns, which, as the impulse became stronger, grew into something 
beyond mere fortresses. Their clergy and monks dragooned the rude 
natives into adopting the teachings of the church. The traders, who 
followed the soldiers and priests, found a profitable occupation in 
exploiting their economic necessities. The result was towns of sufficient 
size to demand some sort of planning on the part of their founders. 
Particulars of this process are very little known, or at any rate are 
little accessible to a lecturer writing in war-time in Manchester. But 
it is certain that not only were the older cities of Prussia, of Silesia^ 
of Poland, and of Lithuania the result of such methods, but that the 
laying out of the oldest parts of many of these towns bears witness ta 
this day of the rectilineal alignments and the rectangular blocks of 
allotments common to the town planners of every age. Thus Breslau^ 
now for centuries a thoroughly Germanized town, was in its origin a 
Teutonic outpost among the Slavs of Silesia, and shows in its plan the 
marks of its origin. It is the same with the towns of Prussia, 
Livonia, and Poland. We see it, for instance, in the disposition of 
Breslau, and repeated in Cracow, the old capital of Poland. These 
influences perhaps went even farther east. Lithuania long resisted all 
Teutonic and Christian influences, and at last only took them filtered 
through Polish channels. Yet in Vilna, the chief city of Lithuania, 
the orderly ground plan of the central parts, stands in such contrast 
to the oriental disorder of its suburbs, that I feel constrained to show 
it to you along with the plan of Breslau. It is fair to add that 
both the Breslau and Vilna plans come from a seventeenth century 
book of town plans, which may owe something to the imagination of 
the map maker, who gave more and more flight to his fancy the farther 
he got eastwards. When he arrived as far east as Russia imagination 
exhausted itself with Moscow, and his plans of other Russian towns 



are more or less pretty pictures which give no guidance to the topo- 

Let us turn to other aspects of our subject which are easier to 
trace and which have more direct relation to ourselves and our own 
history. The process, which pushed forward the Teutonic cause from 
the Elbe to the Oder and from the Oder to the Vistula and 
Dvina, was repeated whenever a conqueror came to a new country 
with followers eager for land-grabbing. We see it in England after 
the Norman Conquest when the French-speaking king and his French 
barons set up numerous little towns in their demesne lands and at- 
tracted settlers to them by the promise of liberties, such as towns in 
their own lands beyond the Channel had long enjoyed. Such new 
towns were specially numerous in the north and west, where the Celts 
of Wales and Cumbria had as little power of resistance to the mail- 
clad knights as the Slavs of Silesia or the Letts of Livonia had to the 
chivalry of Germany. Thus it was that numerous boroughs were 
called into being to receive the laws of Breteuil, an obscure tovm on 
the Norman-French border, just as the outposts of Germany in the east 
had been granted the laws of Magdeburg. The western towns, the 
oldest Welsh towns, and many Irish towns arose in this manner. But 
few of the Noi man foundations of this type attained much success, and 
none, so far as I know, give evidence of mediaeval town planning. We 
must wait for the thirteenth century before we get that in England. 
But before we deal with thirteenth century examples in our own land, 
let us turn to France, the one continental country that was in intimate 
connexion with ourselves all through the middle ages, and which, 
both as friend and foe, profoundly modified the course of our national 

During the twelfth century the French monarchy became as 
powerful as the German kingdom under the Saxons and Salian rulers 
had ever been. It remained surrounded by a ring of vassal states, whose 
lords were powerful magnates, like the Duke of Normandy, the Duke 
of Aquitaine or the Count of Toulouse. Each of these was as com- 
petent, within his sphere, to maintain order and uphold good-peace as 
the King of Paris himself. Between the overlord and the great feuda- 
tories there was natural enmity and a constant struggle for supremacy. 
In the long run the Crown prevailed, and even in the south, where 
men spoke a different tongue and thought different thoughts from the 


Frenchmen of the north, the Crown uUimately acquired ascendancy. 
The conquest of the south by the northern kings was facilitated by 
the fact that the south, especially the district of which Toulouse was 
the capital, had adopted the outspoken . heresies of the Albigensians. 
This enabled a crusade to be preached against the Languedocian 
heretics, and the conquest of the south was made possible by the 
crusaders from the north who came to fight, alike for the faith and 
for themselves. When the south was subdued after a bloody struggle, 
it lay open to northern exploitation. Thus, ere the thirteenth century 
was very old, a land depopulated and exhausted by war, rich in re- 
sources, and sullenly hostile to its conquerors, was ready for the victor 
to work his will on. 

There were towns of great antiquity, populous and wealthy, in the 
conquered south, but these had for the most part won for themselves 
a municipal independence which still survived the conquest and made 
them as hostile as, and more effective than, the beaten nobles to resist 
the newcomers. Here we have the conditions of the Slavonic lands 
after the German Conquest, or of Britain after the Norman Conquest 
essentially repeated, save only that here the conqueror was not only 
stronger but ruder than his victims, and that the vanquished land was 
full of flourishing and populous cities. The remedy was the same as on 
the eastern marches of Germany. From the wholesale and long-con- 
tinued application of this remedy arose the villeneuves and bastides of 
Southern France, the best examples of town planning known to the 
middle ages. 

The word bastide, which in Northern France takes the form of 
bastille, means simply a fortress. Here, as in the far east and in the 
lar north, the primary motive for the new foundation was military. 
Some bastides were set upon the frontiers as barrier fortresses. 
Others were erected over against an old town likely to give the 
new lords trouble. All were possible refuges to the countryside, 
when invasion or civil war came. But the economic motive loomed 
large from the first. It paid a lord to attract settlers and traders 
to his own town, and to divert commerce from the towns which 
were self-governing or subject to his rivals. Though bastides were 
strewn so thickly over the map that only a small proportion be- 
came real towns, yet the rarity of success mattered the less since 


the profits of success were great, and the risks of failure were incon- 

The origin of the bastides of Languedoc is to be found in the 
days before the northern conquest when monasteries, possessing large 
tracts of lands and no tenants to till them, attracted settlers to their 
estates by setting up little fortresses for them to live in and investing 
the inhabitants v^th modest immunities. The greatest princes of the 
south, the Counts of Toulouse, followed this policy on a larger scale, 
and thus everything was easy when St. Louis, King of France and his 
brother Alfonse, Count of Poitiers, the inheritors of the results of the 
northern conquest of Languedoc, became the pioneers of a more 
conscious movement towards town plantation. On that part of the 
spoils of Languedoc which fell to the king himself, St. Louis set up 
new towns of his own. The rest of the country of Toulouse went 
to Alfonse of Poitiers, the son-in-law and successor of the last native 
Count of Toulouse, and in this region he worked on the same lines as 
his brother as a founder of bastides. If the great king's basttdes 
were the more enduring and important, those of Alfonse were by far 
the more numerous. In a later generation, subsequent kings of France 
inherited both brothers' work, and carried on their policy of town 
making. Their example was followed by all the remaining feudal 
potentates of the south, notably by our Edward I, who in early man- 
hood received from Henry III the Duchy of Gascony to support his 
state, and who, even before he was King of England, stepped into the 
place left vacant by Alfonse's death in 1270, as the most active 
founder of bastides of his age. 

Whoever was the builder, the bastides were devised after the same 
fashion. A site was procured, either on the founder's own lands, or 
more often by arrangement with some local lord or prelate, who 
would gladly surrender some of his nominal rights over an unprofit- 
able estate on the chance of its being protected and developed by co- 
operation between him and his powerful suzerain. When the site 
was got, a name was chosen. Sometimes it suggested the novelty 
of the experiment, ^ sometimes the liberties promised to the colonists,"' 
sometimes the security it offered,^ sometimes a special feature of its 

^ Villeneuve. ^ Villefranche. 

^ Sauveterre, Salvatierra, La Sauve, Le Salvetat, Monsegur, La Garde. 

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site,^ sometimes the name of its founder, ^ sometimes a famous town of 
a distant region that made some special appeal to the projector/ al- 
ways something either rather conventional or slightly bizarre. Then 
the founder or his agent set up a pale ^ to mark the central point of 
the new settlement. 

Then the town planning began. When the ground allowed it, a 
rectangular or square site was selected as the easiest to arrange. ' But 
though this was the normal shape, we have bastides of all sorts of 
eccentric outlines, as for example the exceedingly irregular Sauveterre 
de Guienne, shaped almost like a pear.^ In any case the new town 
was protected always by a wall and ditch, rarely by a citadel or 
castle in addition. Any such defensive works were commonly erected at 
the charge of the founder. The fortifications and the site were in fact 
the chief contributions of the founder to the making of the town. 
Whatever the general outline of the bastide, the internal dispositions 
were always on the same principles.^ Each new town was plotted out 
in squares or oblongs, by straight streets, crossing each other at right 
angles, the main thoroughfares leading direct from the chief gates to 
the centre of the town. Here the important arteries of traffic, the 
carneres, or carriage ways, met together in a central square, the 
streets themselves being often carried across each side of the square 
under arcades formed by a projection of the first Hoors of the surround- 
ing houses, though in other cases the covered arcades which were a 

^ Mirande, Miranda, Beaumont, Mirabel, Miramont, Montjoie, Aigues 

^ Libourne (Roger of Leybourne), Nicole (Henry of Lacy, Earl of Lin- 
coln), La Bastide de Baa (Bishop Burnell of Bath), Beaumarches (Eustace 
of Beaumarchais, seneschal of Philip III). 

^ Cordes, Grenade, Hastingues, Pampelonne, Cologne, Plaisance, 
Fleurance, Barcelonne, Boulogne. 

^ Hence the *' new town ** of Pau (le pal) which became later the capital 
of Beam. 

^ This is best illustrated at Montpazier, see the plan and description in 
Didron, Annales Archeologiques, reproduced in plate III. See also plate 
IV of Cadillac (Gironde). 

*• See its plan in Haverfield, Ande?tt Town Planning^ p. 144. 

' This is well seen in the plan of Beaumont in Perigord (Dep. Dor- 
dogne), figured in Didron, Annales Archeologiques, VI. 78, where the re- 
stricted dimensions of the low plateau on which the little bastide was 
erected compelled all the blocks of houses to be arranged askew. For 
other analogous irregularities see the plan of Ste. Foy in ibid, X. 270. 


general feature of the central piazza were of more restrained propor- 
tions. In the area of the square the chief public building, the town 
hall, was commonly placed, the ground floor, open at the sides, being 
used as a covered market place, while business was transacted in 
rooms raised above it on pillars. This plan is still to be seen in the 
few surviving ancient town halls of smaller boroughs in our own 
country, notably in the west of England. Round about the square 
the principal inhabitants erected their houses in the most convenient 
and open sites available for them. Hard by the chief square was a 
smaller square wherein the parish church was placed. Lesser 
churches and minor public buildings were scattered through the town 
according to accident. 

Each settler received a block of land, wherein to erect his 
dwelling. Behind it was generally ample space for a garden. 
The obligation to build a house at his own expense was the chief 
pledge of the good faith and financial stability of the settler. In 
new societies, where there was little social disparity, each house- 
allotment was of similar size, as rectilineal in shape as everything else 
in the bastide. But it looks as if important people often got several 
allotments assigned to them, as was certainly the case in the English 
and Welsh towns formed after this model. It was carefully stipu- 
lated by the founder that the settlers' houses should be run up within a 
reasonable period. Thus in one group of bastide charters ^ one- third 
of the house was to be finished within the first year, and two- 
thirds within the second year. If this were done, the structure could 
be completed at the proprietor's discretion. But every householder 
was bound to build over the whole street-front of his allotment, and 
sometimes also a minimum breadth of the house, backwards from street 
to garden, was also stipulated. As the normal townsman was still 
primarily a cultivator, every settler received a grant of arable and pas- 
ture land, sometimes too an orchard or vineyard, in the neighbourhood of 
the town. These had been waste lands in many cases, and were now to 
be brought into cultivation by the labour of the new population thus at- 
tracted to the soil. As an inducement towards cutting down wood- 
land and turning it into agricultural land, bastide builders were allowed 

^ See the Charter of Saint Osbert in the diocese of Bazas in Roles 
Gascons, \\. 13 (1276). This clause was repeated in the Charter of 
Sauveterre, Gironde, ibid. \\, 200. 



D u 

s > 
c5 ? 


to take from the lord's forest the timber from which their houses were 
mainly constructed.^ 

The whole scheme was on a small scale. The main roads are 
to us excessively narrow, but the middle ages seldom used carts and 
carriages, and there was no problem of traffic congestion to be faced. 
Moreover in a southern climate narrow streets shaded the burgesses 
from the sun and protected them from the icy winds which are the 
least pleasant form of the southern winter. The side streets were 
mere lanes, accessible at the best to a pack-horse or mule ; at the 
worst only traversable by the pedestrian. 

The b as tide, even nowadays, is a picturesque place with a local 
colour and atmosphere of its own. It is nearly always small ; partly 
because mediaeval conditions made large towns almost impossible, and 
partly because ^^^/^z^i^-founding was so easy that so many were set 
up as to make it out of the question for as many as one in ten to be- 
come even a modest success. Some bastides have disappeared alto- 
gether. We are ignorant even of the sites of several of the ring of 
bashdes, of which the bastide of Bath was one, which surrounded 
Bordeaux, doubtless with the object of destroying the commerce and 
humbling the pride of the self-governing and rebellious capital. When 
it has continued its existence till now, the ordinary successful bastide 
remains a sleepy little place for all its old-world charm. You can bicycle 
or motor along the excellent roads of South- Western France, and see 
them by the score ; but when you have sampled half a dozen or so, you 
have no real need to pursue your travels any farther, since all are very 
much alike. The typical modern bastide is at the best a " chef lieu dc 
canton," a little market town of perhaps a couple of thousand or less 
inhabitants. The larger agglomeration which has sprung from bastides 
is represented by the *' chef lieu d'arrondissement," a place running 
perhaps up to a population of ten thousand. Such is Edward Ts 
foundation of Libourne, a flourishing borough owing its prosperity to 
its magnificent site of the confluence of the Isle vydth the Dordogne, up 
which the small ships of the middle ages came, laden with corn or wool 
from England, to receive their return cargo of wine for the island 

^ A convenient general treatise on bastides is that of A. Curie- Seimbres, 
Essai sur les Bastides (Toulouse: Privat, 1880). It may be brought up 
to date by the excellent article on bastides by A. Giry in La Grande 


market. Such too is Alfonse of Poitiers' most successful das tide ^ 
Villefranche de Rouergue. Of the two great foundations of St. Louis 
Aigues Mortes is a bustling little place enough, much more active than 
the sleepy das tides farther west, but it never succeeded in being the 
great Mediterranean port that its founder designed it to be, and there- 
fore its massive walls and magnificent castle have been suffered to re- 
main to this day, the finest specimen of a mediaeval walled town in 
the world, its beauty enhanced by the dreary waste of sand, marsh, flat 
meadow and stagnant waters that encompass it. A more prosperous 
history has attended the " new town " of Carcassonne, which St. 
Louis also established as a commercial borough, leaving the old " city" 
of Carcassonne on its fortified height beyond the Aude as the abode of 
the clergy serving its churches and the soldiers guarding the noble ring 
of fortifications that make the cit^ of Carcassonne as unique among 
the fortified cities set on hills as Aigues Mortes is among the towns 
established in the plain. Yet from the thirteenth to the twentieth 
century the '* ville" of Carcassonne attracted to itself all the life of the 
cite. In the middle ages the " new town '* owed its size and pros- 
perity to its cloth industry ; in our own days it is the flourishing 
capital of the department of the Aude. But it still retains the town plan 
designed for it by the officers of St. Louis when they first measui'ed 
out its streets and staked off its building lots in the years immediately 
succeeding 1248. 

I have mentioned Edward I as an active founder of bastides in 
France, and it would seem natural now to turn from foreign instances 
and ask how far town planning was extended by him or others into 
the England which he was soon called upon to rule. I have already 
shown that after the Norman Conquest there was a good deal of town 
founding, and probably town planning, on a modest scale in Britain. 
But with the establishment of the strong centralized monarchy, which 
resulted from the Conquest, the chief need for this passed away. 
The reign of law was real enough to make it unnecessary for the 
cultivator to seek, like his foreign counterpart, for a home within the 
walls of a privileged borough, and there were no wildernesses, desolated 
by war, crying aloud for new towns to protect the farmers enticed to 
till the neighbouring lands. There were few frontiers to defend or 
invaders to drive out. There were, moreover, no English towns, 
not even London, with privileges so strong that, like the cities of 





(From Didron : " Annales archdologiques ". X. Paris, 1856) 


Gascony and Languedoc, they could tempt kings and princes to set 
up rivals over against them. It was enough then for England that from 
time to time villages should receive the modest privileges of a country 
borough from the king or their immediate lords. But neither the 
process v/hich in our own neighbourhood gave charters to Salford, 
Manchester, and Stockport, nor the extension by charter of wider priv- 
ileges to the greater cities involved much town founding or any town 
planning. Towns, " Newtowns," as they were often called, were set 
up, and one of these was Liverpool, which started on its career as 
a foundation of King John, who, when still only Count of Mortain, set 
it up as a port for the lands between the Ribble and Mersey of which 
he was then the lord. But there is no evidence of town planning, 
and it is unlikely that any systematic laying out was attempted. It 
required something exceptional for mediaeval England to witness a town 
deliberately planned. Such exceptions occurred now and then in the 
case of an individual town ; they once arose in relation to a great 
district. We can, therefore, illustrate the accidental foundation of 
an exceptional town from the case of the foundation of new Salisbury 
early in the reign of Henry III, and the comparatively wholesale founda- 
tion of towns by the real bastides in North Wales, set up when the 
fall of the last native Welsh prince secured direct possession of his 
dominions by Edward I, under circumstances that tempted the monarch 
to establish in Wales bastides with a hand only less lavish than that 
which had scattered new towns over Gascony. Later in his reign 
Edward also set up two new towns in England itself. From these 
thirteenth century examples, all involving town planning as well as 
town foundation, we can illustrate the extent which our own land took 
part in the systematic laying out of new towns during our period. 
New Salisbury, the bastides of North Wales, the English bastides of 
Hull and New Winchelsea must now engage our attention. 

Old Salisbury, or Old Sarum, as it is generally called, was a 
typical hill town, wherein a castle, a cathedral, and the houses of the 
inhabitants were crowded within the narrow compass of the flat 
summit of a steep mount. By the thirteenth century the cramped site 
was too small for its motley population, which complained, moreover, 
that there was no water and too much wind on its bleak height. 
Two miles to the south the bishops possessed a rich stretch of meadow 
land watered by the Avon. Already many citizens had sought more 


commodious quarters in the plain, when in 1 220 Bishop Richard le 
Poer resolved to transfer his cathedral there. The first stone of the 
new church was laid, and ample space was left round it for the green 
close which is still one of the glories of the new Salisbury of the 
plain. To the south the bishop's palace was also set in great gardens 
while to the north the bishop planned a new city, big enough to en- 
tice the men of Old Sarum to desert their overcrowded upland, and 
attractive enough to tempt traders and settlers from every side, and in 
particular to take away the trade of the flourishing borough of Wilton 
some three miles to the west. The same large ideas that inspired the 
erection of cathedral, close, and palace, induced the bishop to lay out 
his new city on an ample scale. Its straight-cut roads and chess-board 
plan of allotments showed that as early as 1 220 the bastide type was 
quite well recognized and v^Uingly adopted, though we must not sup- 
pose conscious imitation of either ancient or foreign models. In- 
deed the streets were wider than most ancient or mediaeval towns, 
notably more spacious than the lower town of Carcassonne, built thirty 
years later, and its nearest continental counterpart. But in England 
there was no great need for fortifications. A "deep and strong'* 
ditch, diverted from the Avon, afforded such sufficient protection on 
the north and east sides that the citizens never troubled themselves to 
build the wall they were authorized to construct. On other sides 
the Avon itself was a sufficient bulwark. Within, the "fair streets" 
excited the admiration of the traveller Leland ^ when he visited the 
place over three centuries later ; and in particular he was pleased at 
the " little streamlets " running down every street, which are still a 
frequent feature of the modern city. Leland admired too the market 
place, set out after the bastide fashion in the centre of the city, " very 
fair and large and well watered with a running streamlet," having in 
one corner the town hall " strongly builded of stone " and in another 
the chief parish church. By 1 227 new Salisbury had arisen so far that a 
royal charter gave all the liberties of Winchester and the privileges of 
a " free city " to the bishop's new venture. Ere long Old Sarum was 
deserted save by the castle garrison, and Edward III allowed the 
dean and canons to use the Norman cathedral on the height as a 
quarry for stones to repair the most homogeneous and best planned of 
English cathedrals, which lay beyond the greatest triumph of town 

^ Leland, Itinerary, I. 258-9, ed. L. T. Smith. 



r^ ii'-J i'^-^ 7s!i^f- J*^c I ^1 l',M ' ' n - 

^% % t 



VII. Salisbury (Modern) 
(From '* The Ordnance Survey of England and Wales ") 

VIII. Flint (Seventeenth Century) 
(From Speed: ''Theatre of , . . Great Britaine ". London, 1676) 


planning that mediaeval England saw. Before long the great western 
road was diverted from its steep course up and down Old Sarum 
hill, and conducted through the bishop's new city. This drove away 
traffic from Wilton and soon transferred the commerce of the epony- 
mous borough of the Wilsaetas to its modern rival. Irritated at the 
loss of customers, the men of Wilton strove to force traders of the dis- 
trict to attend their markets and there, and there only, expose their 
goods for sale. But beating and bullying merchants is not in the long 
run a good way of attracting trade. In a few generations Wilton 
became the tiny townlet that it still remains, its life blood having 
been almost as much absorbed into Salisbury as that of Old Sarum 

The foundation of new Salisbury was based on purely ecclesias- 
tical and economic motives. It was necessary to find room and com- 
fort for clergy and traders in a well -planned city of the plain. The 
unimportant castle could safely remain on the hill. It was otherv^se 
with the new towns which Edward I established in North Wales after 
the fall of Llewelyn ap Gruffydd. In each case alike continental 
parallels force themselves upon our attention. If Salisbury anticipates 
Carcassonne, the Edwardian towns in Wales exactly reproduce the 
conditions of the many bastides that Edward I had delighted to set 
up in Gascony. Here, as in Aquitaine, the military motive was 
supreme, and second to it was the economic motive emphasized by the 
desire of the Englishman, already rather a " superior person," to teach 
*' civility" to the "wild Welsh" by the stimulating example of the 
English soldiers, traders, and clergy whose business was to direct them, 
not necessarily too gently, in the right way. No Welshman need apply 
for burgess-ship of tovms which were meant for " good Englishmen " 
only. These latter were attracted into exile just as in Gascony, by town 
lots, large grants of lands to till outside the walls, a monopoly of the 
commerce of the district, and as many economic and social privileges 
as were compatible with the military unity of the borough. There 
was always a castle with a permanent garrison. The constable of 
this castle was ex officio mayor of the little borough to which it stood 
as its citadel. As there was nothing, either then or later, to make 
such towns very large, the tourist can still study their plan, walls, and 
castles, much as they were devised by their town planners. 

Let us begin at Flint, a place which had not even a name in 


1277/ but which a few years later was a flourishing basttde, the 
shire town of the new dependent county of Flint, which became 
a sort of Welsh extension of Edward's own Cheshire palatinate. 
Though modem industrialism has reared its hideous head all around, 
we can still make out the line of the streets, drawn at right angles 
from each other and leading up to the castle, majestic even in its 
ruin. A few miles farther west, Rhuddlan shows its castle, but there 
is little town planning now visible in the village that Edward wished 
to make a real town, and to which he desired that the Bishop of St. 
Asaph should transfer his see. But we must cross the Conway to see 
Edward's Welsh bas tides at their best, to Conway itself with its 
glorious castle dominating both river and town. The triangular shape 
of the borough — the form of a Welsh harp is the ** right way ** of de- 
scribing it — has not prevented the geometrical planning of the streets 
and plots in rectilinear lines. Still better does the bastide plan come 
out in Carnarvon, a tovm that had more of a future before it, as the 
capital of North Wales, than its eastern sisters. These are the 
successes of the Edwardian policy ; the failures as in Gascony were 
even more numerous. Later than 1284 Edward set up a new 
castellated borough at Beaumaris, others were made by his son, as 
prince and king ; and still others by the Black Prince. Then in 
England as in Gascony town planning ceased by the middle of the 
fourteenth century. The king was not the only town founder in 
Wales. In Southern and Western Wales, the lords marcher con- 
tinued the policy which had begun in Norman days. Llewelyn 
himself strove as late as 1 273 to set up at Abermule a castle, town 
and market in rivalry to the castle, town and market of the king at 

We are lucky in having more details as to the process by which 
these Welsh towns were made than we have of many of their continental 
elder brethren. Nearly every point that I have mentioned already 
as regards the Gascon group was reproduced in the North Welsh 
variety of the same type. The similarity of plan applied not only to 
the general outline but to the detailed plots assigned to the individual 
settlers. The *' placeae " of Gascony are reproduced, even in name, 

^ See for this J. G. Edwards, '* The Name of Flint Castle " in Efiglisk 
Historical Review, XXIX. 315 (1914). 
- Cal. Close Rolls, 1272-9, p. 51 . 






.__ — '1-H iT ^'Z '^ 


in the little borough of Newborough in Anglesea, a foundation of 
Edward II, but they are more generally known as ** burgages ". A 
comparison between the two groups will show that, while at Carnarvon 
and Criccieth the individual '* burgage " was 80 x 60 feet, at Beaumaris 
there was the same length but only half the breadth, namely 40 feet. 
The charters of a group of Gascon towns of which that of Sauveterre 
de Guienne is first, assigned the settlers " places " of 24 x 72 feet,^ 
while at Valence d'Agen the places were either 24 x 60 or 36 
X 60." It is not likely that a ** foot" of exactly the same length was 
used in Gascony and England, but even allowing for this it is clear 
that the Gascon ** place " was a smaller allotment than the north 
Welsh ** burgage ". It naturally, therefore, paid a much lower rent. 
But the mass of the bastides were not likely to become more than 
agricultural villages, and the north Welsh towns were to be peopled 
by a dominant race, drawn from a distance and needing more induce- 
ment to accept the painful, if sometimes profitable, role of posing as 
pioneers of an alien civilization. In the same way any reputable 
person, serfs included, were welcomed in a bastide, while the Welsh 
borough was limited to free Englishmen, Jews, like Welshmen, being 
forbidden all entrance. 

An essential element in town planning is the selection of a good 
site on which a new foundation has a chance of attaining greatness. 
The Gascon bastides were scattered too thickly to make their positions 
anything but matters of accident, though sometimes, as in the case of 
Libourne, Edward or his agents showed a real eye for a site, marked 
out by nature for an important town. The maturer work of Edward 
in North Wales may well claim to have been distinguished by insight 
in the selection of good localities for potential towns. The nameless 
rock, or " the Flint," where Edward's earliest foundation arose, 
commanded the estuary of the lower Dee. Rhuddlan was the head of 
the navigation of the Clwyd. It prospered greatly until the increase 
in the size of ships, and the silting up of the river left the borough 
high and dry, so that the suggestion that the deserted village was 
ever a seaport seems to modern visitors ridiculous. The advantage 
of the site of Conway, dominating the passage of a broad river and 
providing access from the further bank to the mountain of Snowdonia, 
and the attractions of Carnarvon and Beaumaris, protecting the two 
^ Roles Gascofi, ii. 13, 201. ^ Ibid. ii. 209. 


banks of the Menai Straits, are obvious on the face of things. And that 
Edward took pains with his choice of sites is clear from the trouble 
lavished and the misunderstandings faced when he chose as the site of 
Conway the hallowed Cistercian monastery which was the favourite 
foundation of the Welsh princes, with the result that he was com- 
pelled to provide a new home for the monks higher up the stream in a 
position of less military and economic importance. When a bad site was 
chosen, such as that of Bere amidst a wilderness of hills in Merioneth, 
the town simply never came into existence. We may perhaps claim 
for Edward a touch of that instinct in choosing town sites which is a 
rarer gift for the town planner that the mechanical measuring out of 
straight lines and right angles in plotting the roads and " burgages " within 
the walls. To see this gift in perfection we must go back to the two 
great town planners of antiquity who have left their names in the 
Egyptian Alexandria and in Constantinople. 

The same insight marked Edward Ts work on the rare occasions 
when, after the conquest of Gwynedd, he had an opportunity to 
plan new towns in his own English realm. Among his claims to 
fame is his foundation of Hull, or to give it its full title the Kingstown 
on the Hull, with Liverpool one of the very few of the greater historic 
towns of England that can boast, or lament, a founder. Two events had 
drawn Edward to the North. There was the Scottish trouble, which 
demanded his best efforts after 1 290 and brought him and the whole 
machinery of state to York for years on end. There was also the lapse 
to the Crown of the inheritance of the earls of Albemarle, whose great 
lordship of Holderness was thus made royal domain. Now the old 
port of Holderness was Ravenser, now buried beneath the sea, and 
already dropping by degrees into the muddy H umber. With the view 
of providing a successor to Ravenser, and a port more accessible from 
York and the interior, Edward chose a site where thelitUe river Hull 
pours its waters into the Humber. The angle between the two 
rivers, just west of the Hull and north of the Humber, belonged to 
the monks of the neighbouring monastery of Meaux, and its advantages 
had already brought a few houses, ships and traders to the spot.^ But 

1 Cal Patent Rolls, 1281-92, pp. 270, 278, 354, and Cal. Close Rolls, 
1288-96, pp. 9, 101, 261, show that there was some population and trade 
at Wyke before 1290 and that it was sometimes called Hull. In 1279 the 
monks of Meaux had a charter permitting a weekly market at Wyke {Cal. 
Charter Rolls, II. 214). 


t-l \ i I I ; I ! 

■i ' z s ■ i z i z I i ■ 

- -^ - - - ; 4 ' i = > -5 


about February, 1 293, Wyke, as it was then called, was a humble 
enough place, and it was therefore not hard for Edward to negotiate 
its exchange for other lands.^ Once secure of the coveted position, 
he immediately set forth to found a new town upon it. Four months 
after the transfer, he gave Wyke the new name of the Kingstown on 
the Hull, and proclaimed two weekly markets there. A deviation 
of the HulP gave it water protection on all sides, and provided for 
our own age a complete ring of docks, round the nucleus of the modern 
city. It was a new Libourne in a colder and flatter land. The site 
was laid out with Aquitanian regularity and the vast offices and 
warehouses that in the modern town now take up the narrow space 
between the docks and the H umber, and are still grouped round 
Edward's great church of the Holy Trinity, cannot altogether conceal 
from the historic tourist the fact that the oldest part of the modern 
town still follows the lines of a normal bastide, with its chess-board 
pattern, and its central market square on which abuts its chief church. 
A feature in the construction was that it was the first English town in 
which brick was the chief building material, much of Trinity Church, 
all the town gates, and many of the houses being, then or later, built 
of bricks.^ By 1 299 the time was ripe for a royal charter constituting 
Kingston a " free borough *' with extensive franchises.^ So thoroughly 
did Edward provide for the needs of the new port that, like the bishops 
of Salisbury, he diverted and constructed high roads to give access to 
it.^ By a master-stroke of policy he enticed the chief merchant of 
Ravenser, William de la Pole, to throw his interest into Kingston 
by granting him the manor of Myton, included in the King's purchase 

]Chron. de Melsa, \\. 186-92, tells the story from the Meaux point 
of view. 

•' CaL Close Rolls, 1 288-96, p. 292. This order of 1 July, 1 293, to pro- 
claim throughout Yorkshire the holding of two markets a week in the " King's 
town of Kingston-on-Hull " is the first evidence of the new name that I have 
come across. 

'' Leland, Itinerary, \. 49-50, ed. L. T. Smith. 

' It is in Cal. Charter Rolls, II. 475-6, dated 1 April, 1299. Ravenser 
was compensated by a duplicate charter, issued the same day (ibid d 

476). y \ V- 

^See CaL Patent Rolls, 1301-7, p. 191, instruction of 16 May, 1303, 
to royal officers, appointed to survey and arrange the roads to the new town 
of Kingston-on-Hull, to inquire where it will most benefit the town and mer- 
chants for roads to be made, and whether on the king's land or on that of 


from Meaux. There Pole erected a stately mansion which, until 
their migration to London in the next generation, became the head- 
quarters of the first great house of merchant princes known to mediaeval 
England. Pole's son, another William, became first Mayor of Hull in 
1 322. The identification of the Pole family with the royal foundation 
secured the thorough exploitation of the King's favour and the natural 
advantages of its position. When a century later Ravenser was 
swallowed up by the sea, Hull stood without a rival among the ports 
between Newcastle and Lynn. 

In southern England another famous port was already enduring 
the fate that was soon to be meted out to Ravenser. This was 
Winchelsea, or more precisely Old Winchelsea, a town then situated 
on a low cliff off the East Sussex coast, which had long been crumb- 
ling into the sea, and over whose site nowadays the German submarine 
may perchance have torpedoed many a harmless merchant- ship. 
After vain efforts to prop up the old town,^ Edward encouraged its 
still prosperous inhabitants to change bodily the site of their borough. 
He chose for their new home the wooded hill of Iham. This emi- 
nence rose steeply above the broad estuary then formed by the river 
Brede so that the site, though raised above all danger of flood, was ac- 
cessible for sea-going craft and easily defensible. It lay some three 
miles north-west of Old Winchelsea. As early as 1 280 Edward di- 
rected his steward to obtain by purchase or exchange land at Iham 
suitable for the new town.' In 1281 he nominated Stephen of Pen- 
chester, Itier of Angouleme and Henry le Waleys to assess certain 
"places," that is "burgages" or building sites, and to let them for 
building at a fixed rent to the " barons and good men " of Winchelsea.^ 
Penchester, more properly called Penshurst,* was warden of the 
Cinque Ports, and it is significant that the second commissioner, Itier, 
was a Gascon of wide experience in b as tide building, while the third, 
Henry le Waleys, was a great London merchant with close Gascon 
connexions, who had been mayor of Bordeaux as well as of London. 

^ For instance, Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1272-81, p. 151. 

*-' Ibid. p. 1 44. '' Ibid. 1 28 1 -92, p. 3. 

^ Stephen was called Penchester by contemporaries, but so was the 
place now called Penshurst in Kent, which gave him his name, where he 
lived and was buried. It is better therefore to call him by the modern form 
of the place name. 


Yet all these efforts remained for two or three years fruitless. 
It looks as if the king tried to drive too hard a bargain with the men 
of Old Winchelsea, and that they were too wary to accept his first 
offers. Anyhow in 1 284 a fuller commission was appointed with 
greater powers and discretion. In this Penshurst and Waleys were 
associated with Gregory of Rokesley, the actual mayor of London, to 
*' plan and assess the new town of Iham which the king is order- 
ing to be built there for the barons of Winchelsea, as that town is al- 
ready in great part submerged by the sea and is in danger of total 
submersion ". The commissioners were to *' plan and give directions 
for the necessary streets and lanes, for places suitable for a market, and 
for two churches to be dedicated to St. Thomas of Canterbury and 
St. Giles, the patron saints of the two parishes in the old town. They 
were also to assign and deliver to the said " barons " of Winchelsea com- 
petent " places," or building sites, according to their requirements.^ In 
these minute directions we have the most detailed evidence of con- 
scious town planning by royal authority that the age was to witness. 
Note also that the king still kept the site in his own hands. 

How far Penshurst and the two Londoners discharged their mis- 
sion is not known. But it looks as if the "barons " clung as long as 
they could to their old abodes, the more so as they may still have 
been afraid of entrusting themselves to the absolute control of the royal 
lord of the new borough. However in 1 287, when Edward was in 
Gascony, a mighty inundation threatened to sweep away the water- 
logged remnants of Old Winchelsea, and after that no more delay 
was possible. One of Edward's strongest ministers, John Kirkby, 
Bishop of Ely, the treasurer, was, either now or earlier, assigned to the 
** ordering ** of the new town.'^ But he seems to have thought that the 
best way of getting the thing done was to let the persons chiefly con- 
cerned have a preponderating share in the management of the new ven- 
ture. Accordingly in 1 288 the regency, of which Kirkby was perhaps 
the leading spirit, handed over Iham hill to the " barons of Winchelsea," 
save some ten acres reserved for the king's use. On their taking up 
their abodes in the new town, they were to enjoy the same liberties that 
they had had before at Old Winchelsea.^ The effect of this was that the 

1 Cal. Patent Rolls, 1281-92, pp. 81-2. ^ /^^-^ 1301-7, p. 185. 

'Cal. Fine Rolls, I. 249 (23 June, 1288). An earlier cancelled 
order of 21 June is in Cal. Close Rolls, 1279-88, pp. 509-10. 



washed-out burgesses were to be secure of their old franchises and to 
participate in the laying out of the town. From this point onwards the 
greater liberality of the administration and the growing cruelty of the sea 
combined to accelerate the progress of the new venture. Iham, now 
New Winchelsea, was duly laid out into thirty-nine chequers or squares 
after the fashion of Gascony and Gwynedd. But certain deviations 
from the normal bastide plan, noted by local historians, may perhaps 
be due to the irregularity of the site and the prejudices of the bur- 
gesses, though they are more likely the result of the king's wish to lay 
out the new nest as much like the old one as possible, to tempt the 
timid fledglings to take up their quarters in it. Power to wall the 
town was given to the burgesses.^ Along the western and only exposed 
side a moat was drawn. Strong gates, soon to be supplemented by a 
wall, barred access to the borough. Magnificent churches, friaries, and 
public buildings arose under the king's own eye. By 1 297 New Win- 
chelsea had so far come into being that it could afford accommodation 
for the embarkation of the great host which Edward led from its 
harbour to Flanders. As in Hull, Edward made terms with the most 
active of the local magnates. The house of Alard, who stood to 
Winchelsea as the Pole family stood to Hull, had already fought in 
his wars and soon had custody of the town for life. A prosperous 
future seemed assured, but before very long the sea played almost as 
cruel a trick on New Winchelsea as it had played on its predecessor. 
The harbour silted up ; the waters retreated leaving the town high 
and dry on its hill, and looking towards its neighbour Rye over the 
marshes that now fill up the site of the harbour where ships had once 
sailed and anchored. New Winchelsea, therefore, ceased to be a 
port and soon also it ceased to be a town. In the magnificent fragment 
of St. Thomas' Church, with its matchless series of Alard tombs ; 
in the remaining gates, one standing forlorn in the fields far from 
human habitation, and above all in the signs of town plots that can 
still be discerned in land now given over to husbandry — the traveller 
can still see suggestions of the sometime greatness of the most elaborate 
scheme of town planning ever devised even by Edward I. 

There is another town planning scheme of Edward I, which 
was perhaps never fully realized, but which nevertheless had some 
permanent importance in history. As a result of Edward's first con- 

^ Cal, Patent Rolls, 1292-1301, p. 147 (1295). 



quest of Scotland in 1 296, Berwick- on-Tweed, up to that date the 
chief commercial centre of southern Scotland, fell into his hands. The 
king had prescience enough to foresee future troubles with Scotland, 
and we may feel sure that the strategic and commercial advantages of 
the peninsula site of Berwick, on the tongue of land between the 
Tweed and the sea, made its appeal to the founder of Libourne, 
Hull, and Winchelsea. Accordingly he resolved to make it an 
English town and outpost of English influence. This involved the 
displacement of the Scottish population and the assignment of their 
homes to English settlers, to attract whom a new constitution for the 
town was clearly necessary. For all these objects a wise king thought 
it prudent to take the best advice he could procure. Accordingly, 
while on his way south back from his recent conquest, Edward issued 
writs ordering representatives of the chief towns in England to meet 
him at Bury St. Edmunds, to which place also a general parliament 
was summoned for 3 November, 1 296. Though many of the towns 
sent their citizens and burgesses to this assembly, Edward's con- 
sultative council, though meeting at the same time and place, was 
constituted by other persons than those sent to represent the same 
Constituencies in the Parliament. By a writ of privy seal of 21 
September, London was ordered to elect " four wise men of the 
most knov^ng and most sufficient who know best how to devise, 
order and array a new town to the most profit of the king and of 
merchants'*. These were to attend at Bury St. Edmunds on the 
appointed date, and be ready to proceed elsewhere on this business 
wherever the king may enjoin them to go. We knew exactly how 
the Londoners carried out the order. There were summoned on 22 
October the aldermen and four good men of each ward of the city, 
and these unanimously selected the four experts in planning new towns 
who were to help the king in his mysterious and unnamed new 
venture in town making.^ Yet this was not all, for three days later 
more normal writs of summons '^ were issued to twenty-three other cities 
and boroughs to send to Bury two representatives each, whose 

^The writ and its return are printed in Palgrave, Parliamentary 
Writs, I. 49; and in Munimenta Gildhallce Londoniensis. Liber 
Casiumaruin, II. i. 77-8 (Rolls Ser.). 

2 See Pari, Writs, I. 49. These were letters close under the great 
seal after the usual fashion. 


qualifications were described in exactly the same language as in the 
London writ. We may pause to meirvel on the stir it would make 
nowadays for twenty- four towns, ranging in importance from London 
to Dunwich, being called upon to produce at a few weeks' notice fifty 
experts in town planning to help the king to plan a new town ! It 
shows how town planning was in the air, though few of the persons 
selected had any personal experience in the business save perhaps the 
two citizens of New Salisbury, who when at home had always before 
them the great town planning experiment of their grandfathers' days. 

Unluckily little came of the deliberations at Bury St. Edmunds. 
The experts doubtless met, but they settled nothing. Further provisions 
for advising the king had consequently to be devised. On 1 5 Novem- 
ber Edward summoned from Bury a new assembly to meet him on 2 
January, 1297, at whatsoever place in England he might then happen 
to be.^ This time the king tore asunder the transparent veil of 
secrecy which, then as now, seems to be worshipped by statesmen 
almost for its own sake. The business for this assembly was to advise 
the king as to a certain ordinance for his town of Berwick- on-T weed. 
Moreover the list of towns, called upon to send representatives, was 
very different, Winchelsea and eight fresh boroughs coming in while 
Salisbury and twelve others dropped out. Also the selection of ex- 
perts by public meeting seems not to have been a success — even 
nowadays it might be a risky method ! On this occasion the king 
nominated the persons he wanted and addressed special writs to them. 
By this device he at least procured the services of some experts, for he 
summoned Henry le Waleys, the sometime joint-planner of Winchel- 
sea, now again Mayor of London, and Thomas Alard, Warden of 
Winchelsea for life, and its leading citizen. 

Edward made the business easy by promising that he would not 
keep the assembly longer from its homes than he could help. It was 
now summoned to Harwich, whither the king had removed. But when 
the town planners came on 2 January, if they did come, to Harwich, they 
seem to have soon shuffled out of their responsibilities, for a fortnight 
later Edward issued a third set of summonses for another assembly, this 
time to be held at Berwick itself in April, to which specified represen- 
tatives of selected towns on the north-east coast from Newcastle to 
Lynn, with Oxford thrown in rather inexplicably, were to be summoned 

^ParL Writs, 1.49-50. 


through the sheriffs of their respective shires.^ The only outcome was 
the resettling of Berwick by Englishmen and the new charter of 1 302 
which made Berwick a " free borough ",^ I cannot find that any real 
town planning was attempted, and there is little in the alignments of 
the modern town to suggest that it was. The important result was 
the permanent detachment of Berwick from Scotland. Its formal 
inclusion in England is a thing of our own day. 

After the conquest of Calais in 1347, Edward III, following his 
grandfather's Berwick plans, displaced the French burgesses by English 
settlers. Here there was real town planning, as the still abiding 
streets of the old town of Calais, between the railway- station and the 
sea, continue to testify. But we have now got at the very verge of the 
golden age of mediaeval town planning, whose extreme limits we may put 
roughly between 1 220 and 1 350. In the declining middle ages town 
destruction is more conspicuous than town making ; yet enough of the 
tradition lingered on to survive in some well -planned towns of the 
sixteenth century, such as Leghorn, and to inspire the Dutch to repeat 
at Batavia in Java and the English Colonists to revive in North 
America the rectilineal plans of the middle ages. But, as experts tell 
us, the first European adventurers found towns planned like chess- 
boards in Mexico, as they had previously been found in China. You 
may decide as you will as to how far there was any merit in their 
doing the obvious thing for sensible men under the circumstances in 
which they were placed. ** Post hoc " is not necessarily " propter 
hoc," and, just as we must not affiliate the planned towns of the 
middle ages too meticulously to the planned towns of antiquity, so 
we must not lay excessive stress on the continuation of the mediaeval 
tradition in modern times. But there is this to be said for the 
later case of continuity, that there is a continuous history between the 
mediaeval and the modern town which makes us, whether we like it 
or not, the necessary children of the middle ages. Between the towns 
of the Romano- Greek world and ourselves, the barbarian invasions have 
drawn a deep gulf. 

Such was mediaeval town planning. When we have said about 
it all that we can, it remains the exception rather than the rule. 
Only in a few special districts, and under specially favourable condi- 
tions did the "new towns," artificially created, become important 
^Parl. Writs, I. 51. '^ Cal. Charter Rolls, III. 27-8. 


enough to bulk large in history. Even then the successful " new 
town " was generally something that replaced a former town rather 
than an entirely new creation, a new Carcassonne on the plain ab- 
sorbing the business of the old Carcassonne on the hill, a new Win- 
chelsea sedulously following the traditions of the old Winchelsea, 
swallowed up by the sea, a Kingston-on-HuU carrying on the trade of 
Ravenser engulphed in the waters of the Humber, an English Berwick 
and an English Calais continuing the activities of the Scottish Ber- 
wick and French Calais. Perhaps we could claim more for the 
mediaeval town planner if we extended our categories and included in 
our lists new quarters of old towns, planned after approved models, 
the mediaeval equivalents, let us say, of the new town of Edinburgh. 
Such were the older parts of the lower town of Boulogne- sur-mer, called 
the quartier des carreaux by reason of the mathematical regularity 
of its rectangular streets and building blocks, a regularity only departed 
from when the prudent town planner introduced here and there a ** lying 
corner," a coin menteur^ an artificially devised irregular twist to protect 
those using its streets from the full force of the wand. Such too was the 
new quarter of the city of Amiens, to the south of its great cathedral. 
This district was planned in the fifteenth century on the site of the ancient 
ramparts demolished at that period in order to extend the circumfer- 
ence of the city.^ So well was the work done that the chief street 
of this quarter, the Rue des Trois Cailloux, remains to this day the 
chief artery of traffic in Amiens, and with the neighbouring streets still 
retains substantial traces of the town planning activity of its fifteenth 
century founders. Further examples could easily be given, but these 
perhaps are enough to illustrate a subsidiary point. Perhaps also the 
reconstruction of an old town after its destruction by warfare or some 
natural conversion may well have proceeded on similar lines. We 
know that after the burning of the lower city of Carcassonne by the 
Black Prince in 1 355, it was rebuilt exactly on the plan laid down 
by St. Louis. Whether the same happened after Milan was rebuilt 
when laid waste by Frederick Barbarossa, we have probably no data 

^For Boulogne and Amiens see C. Elnlart, Manuel d' archeolegie 

frangaise, II. Architecture civile et militaire, pp. 238-40. M. Enlart's 

section, § II., "fondation et plan de villas," etc., pp. 237-48, contains an 

excellent summary of the effects of mediaeval town planning with interesting 



to determine. While any such reconstruction would give a good 
chance for co-operative effort, we must set against it the intense in- 
dividuahsm of the mediaeval town owner and the comparative ineffec- 
tiveness alike of a mediaeval army to destroy a solidly built structure 
and of a mediaeval political authority to compel general acceptance of 
a prearranged plan. 

Allowing for all these things, it still, I think, remains the case 
that the greater mediaeval towns grew by a natural process rather than 
were made by a town planner. When that admirable scholar Miss 
Mary Bateson told us that mediaeval towns did not grow but were 
made, she had in her mind not the urban agglomeration but the legal 
corporation. The houses and the population grew ; they only became 
a technical " borough " when they had received their charter of 
liberties or incorporation. For us whose concern is with the mass of 
streets and houses and not with the legal relations of the inhabitants 
to the state in which they were included, the point has only a re- 
stricted and limited application to the new towns and quarters of 
towns of which we have already spoken. 

The towns which developed by natural growth naturally extended 
themselves in all sorts of different ways. We have seen this even in 
the case of das tides and "new towns" : their general shape varied 
according to local conditions. But, if any generalization may be per- 
mitted at all, it may be lawful to say that the town which was made 
was normally rectilineal in outline, the town which grew tended 
to assume a circular or elliptical shape and to extend itself in succes- 
sive portions which often assumed a concentric pattern. Now and 
then a made town may have been devised like this. But this type of 
expansion seems to me more characteristic of the town which grew of 
itself ^ than of a town which owes its origin to an act of creation. 

^ Prof. Unwin in the able lecture already referred to gives numerous 
instances of the concentric type of mediaeval city formation, and has per- 
formed a valuable service in calling attention to them. Baghdad, the eastern 
prototype of the class, was originally planned as an almost perfect circle at 
the centre of which was the Khalifs palace, round which were public offices 
and open spaces, all this Governmental quarter being enclosed by a thin 
residential district on the inner side of the circular wall. The commercial 
quarters arose later by concentric rings outside the original enceinte. See the 
plan in G. Le Strange, Bagdad during the Abbasid Caliphate^ and an 
adaptation from it published in the Manchester Guardian of 12 March, 


Even the obvious military advantages of a shape approaching the circle 
did not outweigh the comparative simplicity of the simpler rectangular 
shape. And, however you plan your original town, the town planner 
never can tell how or where it will grow. Even the mediaeval town 
planner was often baffled by the capricious and unexpected forces that 
controlled the building activities of the next generations. The town 
planner under the modem conditions of vast agglomerations, capable 
of indefinite expansion, will still find this rock ahead of him. 

We have seen that town planning was the exception in the middle 
ages. It was also limited in its scope as well as in its extent. Here 
the town planners of the ancient and the mediaeval worlds were both in 
the same predicament. They confined their efforts to devising straight 
streets of width adequate for their purpose, to providing building sites, 
squares and open places, similar in type and regular in outline, to 
planning the town defences on lines corresponding to its interior 
arrangements. The modern town planner does all these things, except 
the last, and he has only desisted from this since modern military 
science has made the town fortifications of a Brialmont as obsolete 
as those of a Vauban or of a St. Louis. 

And he does these things on a larger scale and with greater re- 
sources. He is not hampered by the need of crowding his population 
together within the smallest possible area so as to make its defence 
practicable by a limited armed force. If he has to deal with 
hundreds of thousands while his predecessor had to deal wath a score 
of hundreds, he has infinitely greater control over the material v^th 
which he is working, and by far greater authority at his back. Yet 
there is a tendency for even the modern town planner to limit him- 
self in practice to the same categories followed by his predecessors. 
A simple-minded Lancastrian might well, before August, 1914, have 
come back from Diisseldorf or Berlin, thinking that in fol loving the 
model of the broad avenues, the leafy gardens, and the vast and 
monumental tenements of even the poorest quarters of the modern 
planned German city, he had found the remedy for all the 
dreariness and irregularity, for all the mean streets and festering 
slums of the British manufacturing town. No doubt we should have 

1917. I am not altogether convinced by Mr. Unwin*s explanation of the 
type arising in the west by reason of the deliberate adoption of eastern 


done well had we had a quarter of the method and training, the fore- 
sight and the imagination that have characterized the German town 
planner. But the philanthropist should not forget that the vast tene- 
ments of Germany may hide away overcrowding more hideous, and 
homes more cut off from life and air than we find even on the Tees, 
Tyne, or Clyde. If town planning is to realize the ideal of its pro- 
moters, it must have a wider vision than vouchsafed to the Germans 
of to-day, or to the city builders of the thirteenth century. For the 
problems which most vex the soul of the British social reformer made 
little appeal to the men of the middle ages. The mediaeval town planner 
had a limited sanitary outlook. If he provided access to sources of 
water supply and gutters to carry away the rain water, he gave his 
burgesses all that he wanted. If, too, he made modest provision for 
the cleansing of the streets and prohibited pigs from haunting the 
public ways, he thought that everything necessary had been done to 
secure public health. The men of the middle ages were charitable to 
excess, but they were so accustomed to dwell in squalor and discomfort, 
and to witnessing the hideous sufferings of the poor surrounding them, 
that they accepted all the ills of life as inevitable. Piously regarding 
these horrors as the visitation of Providence, devised perhaps to punish 
them for their sins, they never conceived it was within their capacity to 
remedy existing conditions in any radical sense. The philanthropic or 
humanitarian motive underlying much of modern town planning was 
far in the background of the mediaeval mind. The problem of over- 
crowding, the need of housing under healthy conditions were seldom, if 
ever, present to him. For these reasons alone the modern social re- 
former cannot expect to find much practical guidance from the town 
planner of the middle ages. For those less severely practical it should 
ever be interesting to see how the same problems present themselves, 
though under different conditions, throughout all the ages. 


It is impossible as a rule to reproduce the precise plan of a mediaeval 
town. We can only study them in modern survivals or in maps which are 
sufficiently old to represent substantially mediaeval conditions. For this 
purpose the great contributions to cartography made in the early seventeenth 
century mainly by Dutch map makers and their German and English imitators 
are of great value. Luckily the conditions of town life were so stable in 


the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries that there is every reason to believe that 
such maps in many cases reproduce essentially the plan of the mediaeval 
town. Whether the map drawer always took the trouble to be accurate is 
of course another matter, but even his imaginations are instructive to those 
who are seeking the general type rather than the exact topographical features 
of a given town. Moreover, the planned towTis of the middle ages were so 
seldom prosperous and growing in modern centuries that the modern maps» 
whose precision is beyond question, can often confirm the accuracy of the 
old maps or suggest criticisms of them. For this reason some modern town 
plans have been figured, either as in the case of Salisbury for purposes of 
comparison, or as in the case of Winchelsea, because no really early maps 
are accessible. In some of the French bastiaes the dispositions are so 
well defined that a theoretical plan might almost be devised. A list of 
illustrations with a few notes on them is now appended. 

I. Breslau in the Elarly Seventeenth Century. [From Braun and Hohen- 
berg: Civitates orbis terrarum. Cologne, 1612-17.] 

II. Vilna in the Elarly Seventeenth Century. [From Braun and Hohen- 
berg : Civitates orbis terrarum, Cologne^ 1612-17.] 

III. Montpazier (Dordogne). [From Didron : Annales Arch^ologiques^ 
xii. (1852).] 

IV. Cadillac (Gironde). [From Braun and Hohenberg : Civitates orbis 
terrarum. Cologne, 1612-17.] The early seventeenth century 
ducal palace and the town enceinte of the same date take away 
part of the effect of the original plan. A visit to the place 
rather suggests the impression that the elaborate defences are 
due at least in part to the cartographer's imagination. 

V. Aigues Mortes (Western half) (Card). [From Didron : Annates 
Archcologiques, x. (1850). Here the modern conditions repro- 
duce with absolute precision the line of the ancient walls and in 
all probability those of the original streets. The fortifications 
are of the reign of PhiHppe le Hardi (1270-85).] 

VI. Salisbury in the Seventeenth Century. [From Speed : Theatre of 
. . . Great Britaine. London, 1676. Fol. 25.] 

VII. Modem Salisbury. [From The Ordnance Survey of England and 

VIII. Flint in the Seventeenth Century. [From Speed : Theatre of . . . 
Great Britaine, London, 1676. Fol. 122.] 

IX. Carnarvon in the Seventeenth Century. [From Speed : Theatre of 
. . . Great Britaine. London, 1676. Fol. 123.] 

X. Hull in the Seventeenth Century. [From an engraving by Wenceslaus 

Hollar, r. 1665.] 

XI. Modern Winchelsea. [From The Ordnance Survey of England 

and Wales.] 


Edited with Translations by ALPHONSE MINGANA, D.D. 



UNDER the above title we present a new life of Clement of 
Rome, or Clement the Doctor, the original manuscript of 
which is preserved in the library of the monastery of 
Za'faran, the ordinary residence of the monophysite Patriarch of 
Antioch. It is written on parchment in Estrangelo characters which 
can hardly be later than the eleventh century, but being truncated at 
the end, the colophon which might have revealed something about its 
provenance, is consequently missing. It contains a precious collection 
of hagiographical pieces, under the general title of Book of Lives of 

The text here printed has been carefully copied for me by Fr. 
Ephraim Barsom, the head of the West-Syrian press at Mardin. I 
examined myself the original, but was unable to fill the lacunae of the 
few words which here and there could not be deciphered. These 
words have almost completely faded away, and for their restoration 
we are reduced to a surmise. In the text of the present edition when 
this restoration did not lack probability, we have placed the restored 
word between brackets ; but when such a restoration would, in our 
judgment, have involved a mere conjecture, we have deemed it wiser 
to refer to it by the word ** illegible,** in the translation, and by three 
dots in the text. 

The copy transcribed from the unique manuscript at Mardin is 
now preserved in the John Ry lands Library, where it is placed at the 
end of some chapters of the works of Gregory of Cyprus (fourth 
century) on Christian monachism. In 1914 I published an English 
translation of this document {Expositor, p. 227 sq,) with a short 



Foreword containing the principal points of comparison with some 
early Christian compositions. But as no serious judgment can be 
formed of a writing in the absence of its original text, I present here 
to the students of Christian antiquities the Syriac text from which the 
English translation was derived. 

In his interesting Introduction to the Acts of Euphemia/ F. C. 
Burkitt has made the happy remark that the East has always been 
famous for the telling of tales. If this remark is given the full credit 
which it deserves, very few apocryphal stories would afford insoluble 
problems to hagiologists. To cast into the mould of a mere tale the 
history of saints and of popular heroes is the favourite art of the 
S)rrians, who count in their martyrologium scores of lives of saints 
which in later generations have been made accessible to Western 
Christendom. In this category are to be included the Acts of 
Judas Thomas, of Peter and Paul and of all the ancient productions 
of Edessene literature. So far as our knowledge goes this kind of 
hagiology flourished from the third to the fifth century. If the psycho- 
logical mind of the actual inhabitants of the country be of any value 
for our investigations of the early centuries of our era, and if the 
present art of telling a tale in Syria can have certain resemblance with 
its prototype of the heroic age of Christianity, the process of its 
evolution would be as follows : — 

After the death of a hero, his history was transmitted orally from 
father to son among certain literary circles. Several years later some 
other circles wished to know something about the hero on whom 
praise was so skilfully lavished by his first admirers. The duty of 
enlightening such people and of writing down on parchment the 
hero's exploits was naturally incumbent on the persons belonging to 
the first group of men, and preferably on a man who by reason of 
social standing or intellectual proficiency was in a more favourable 
position to perform the task. The accuracy of the history written in 
this way depended on the man who wrote it, on the distance which 
separated him from the hero, and on the personal authority of 
people who constituted the intermediary links separating him from the 
hero. This method proved very successful and was adopted in the 
eighth century by the Muslim Syrians as a basis for the more 
recent history of the founder of Islam and his first disciples. The only 

^ Euphemia and the Goth, p. 50. 


difference which distinguishes the Christian from the Mohammedan 
oral tradition, is the mention, in the latter, of the intermediary tradi- 
tionists. This difference arose from the sceptical attitude of Chris- 
tians and Jews towards the new heroes of Southern and Central 
Arabia. The Muslim writers were obliged to give greater precision 
and more actuality to their traditionists in face of people naturally 
indifferent and even hostile. The Muslim was obliged to say : Peter 
told Paul, Paul told James, James told John, John told my father, and 
my father told me ; the Christian his predecessor, speaking to Chris- 
tians, could only say : it has been told, or I heard from some friends, 
or Paul said so, and could even sometimes dispense with all formali- 
ties and approach without compromise the subject he wanted to trans- 
mit to posterity. 

In the development of this method certain bold writers could even 
find their way for putting in the mouth of their hero v^hdX post factuvt 
they wanted him to have said in some circumstances of his life, or for 
making him tell his own story from beginning to end. In the Clemen- 
tine Homilies^ Clement is made to say 'Eyw K\rjfxr)<5, FajfiaCwj/ 
ttoXltt)^ a)v, and in the Recognitions the narrator wants him 
to begin with Ego Clemens in ui^be Roma natus, ex prima 
cBtate pudiciticB studium gessi. All these methods of narration 
are simple ramifications of the art of story telling, and constitute 
an embellishment and an amplification of the fact that the narrator 
had not seen the hero whose life he was preserving for future 

The present life of Clement of Rome is to be classed in this 
category of tales. What enhances its value are the similarities and 
dissimilarities which it offers when compared with the Clementine 
literature of the third century. Our document is more sober in detail 
than both the Homilies and the Recognitions, lacking as it does 
scores of incidents which if not identical with the fantastic fairies of 
the Arabian Nights, or the allegorical allusions and genealogical 
trees of animals of the Acta Thomce, yet by their curious mise en 
scene, have many points of resemblance with the life and adventures 
of the Twin of our Lord. 

The main points of difference between the already known Clemen- 
tine literature and our document may be summarized as follows : — 

1 . Our document nowhere makes mention of Simon Magus who 


plays such an important role in Clement's life. Lipsius ^ has since 
1872 believed that the magician Simon was to be regarded as a 
mythical person who has never existed, Simon being simply a pseudo- 
nym of the Apostle Paul. Hort ~ has tried to refute Lipsius* view 
with appcirently good reasons. The document here printed supports 
the theory of the absence of the magician's intercourse with Peter and 
Clement in the original form of the story, and this induces us to suppose 
that Simon s introduction in the scene might have been a late embellish- 
ment of the narrative. 

2. In the Clementine literature {Patr. GrcBCO-Lat, I, 1359 
and II, 330) Clement's mother is called Mattidia ; the present docu- 
ment calls her Mitrodora. Both names sound well, and it is impossible 
to decide which of them she actually bore, although Mitrodora, by its 
relation to fiirpa or MiOpas, would seem to be more likely. There 
is also a difference in the names of the other members of the family, 
for whereas the Homilies {ibid. II, 330) call his father Faustinus, 
and his two brothers Faustinianus and Faustus, the Recognitions 
{ibid, I, 1 359) give Faustinianus as the name of the father. This 
small variant might be due to a slip of the pen on the part of 
the scribes, and much must not be built on it, but it is worth while to 
remark that our document is in harmony with the Recognitions against 
the Homilies, 

3. In the Clementine writings, the father is said to have left at 
home Clement, his youngest son, when he set sail in search of his wife 
and his two other children. The present document informs us that he 
took Clement with him. 

4. The manner in which Clement and his relations became 
acquainted with Simon Peter, and met with one another after their 
previous separation is told in a form very different from that vsdth which 
we are familiar in the Clementine literature. Generally speaking the 
details of the narrative of the new document are more naturally handled 
and explained, and no resort is made to the elaborate incidents of 
the Greek Homilies and the Latin Recognitions, Our document 
might, therefore, have preserved a more ancient form of the tale. 
Towards the middle of the third century, a Syrian or a Palestinian 

^ In his Quell en d. rd^n. Petrussage. 

^ Notes Introductory to the Study of the Clementine Recognitions^ 
p. 1 27 sq. 


writer would have brooded over a sober tradition and cast it into the 
mould of a detailed tale. A sober story, unless it be an abridgment 
of a longer one, is generally considered as a more primitive form of 
an oral tradition, and until it is proved, through other channels, 
that our document is m facto an abridgment of both Homilies and 
Recognitions combined, which in view of the deep changes involved 
it would be difficult to prove, we might safely assume that it preserves 
a more authentic exposition of facts than the corresponding Graeco- 
Latin productions of the third or fourth century. 

Another interesting point of comparison may be drawn from the 
Acta Eustachii (in Acta Sancto7'uin, Vol. VI, pp. 123-135). 
These spurious Acts tell us that a certain Placidus, who at his baptism 
received the name of Eustachius, was martyred under the reign of 
Hadrian with his wife Theopistis and his two sons Agapius and 
Theopistus. The manner of losing his wife and his children and of 
meeting them again, and the way the mother recognizes her children 
after a long absence, offer unmistakable parallels with the adventures 
of Clement and his relatives. These coincidences, we have said in 
our study referred to above, will perhaps establish the assumption that 
the tale of a man losing his wife and two children, and recovering 
them afterwards through the good fortune of having adopted some 
Christian beliefs, was the outcome of a folk-lore which seems to have 
formed the staple of the evening conversation of many a Christian in 
the first centuries of our era. 

The epoch of the appearance of such a legend is difficult to de- 
termine. As far as the tale of Eustachius is concerned the Bollandists 
who edited it remark naively : " Quamquam hoc anonymi scriptoris 
testimonium, non magni ponderis esse posset apud criticos magis 
severos ". The most ancient mention of the tale in the writings of 
Christian fathers, is, according to the Bollandists, made by Joannes 
Damascenus {ibid. p. 1 08). This being the case, one is tempted to 
believe that the final redaction of the Acts can scarcely go back to a 
time preceding the fifth century. In the case of a contrary assumption 
one would have thought that the tale would have been represented in 
Syriac literature, either in a translation or in a modified form of new 
recension. Since, in the editor's opinion, Palestine is given as the 
country of the hero's adventures and the Jordan as the sacred river 
where he lost his children, it would be unreasonable to suppose that 


the beautiful tale would have escaped the attention of Syrian hagio- 

The question of the date of the Clementine literature seems, on 
the other hand, to be more complicated. Hort [ibid, p. 24 sq^ has 
referred to two passages of Origen which seem to suggest that their 
writer was acquainted with an older form of the Recognitions, The 
first passage is important because it alludes to astrological computations 
found in both Recognitions and Origen, and Hort adds ingeniously : 
" As a matter of fact these chapters coincide pretty closely with the 
Book of the Laws of Countries extant in Syriac and in part in Greek, 
written by an early Bardesanist ; and comparison shows that the Re- 
cognitions borrowed from the Bardesanist Book, not vice versd^\ 
Here we are in the school of the Edessene Bardesanes. Hort's view 
is clearly borne out by the close relation which exists between the 
method of telling a tale used in Acts of Judas Thomas ^ and the 
Clementine Recognitions and Homilies, The Acts of Judas 
Thomas are certainly the work of a pupil or grand pupil of Bardes- 
anes, and if the astrological chapters found in the Recognitions are 
as Hort rightly asserts derived from Bardesanes, there should not be 
much difficulty in finding the country of the Recognitio7ts, nor the 
probable date of their composition. The country would be a town 
in North-Eastern Syria, and the probable date of their composition 

The information given by Eusebius, in the chapter devoted to 
Clement (III, 38, 5), is also important. After mentioning his Epistles 
to the Corinthians, he proceeds : " Nay, moreover, certain men have 
yesterday and quite lately (x^^? '<^cli npcorjp) brought forward as 
written by him other verbose and lengthy writings, said to contain 
dialogues of Peter and Appion of which not the slightest mention is 
to be found among the ancients, for they do not even preserve in purity 
the stamp of the apostolic orthodoxy". The expressions ** yesterday 
and quite lately '* used by Eusebius seem to corroborate the above 
date 225-245. The historian had chiefly in view the refutation of 
those who ascribed the pseudo- Clementine writings to the apostolic 
age, and the vehement x^^5 '^ct^ 7rp(or)v are simply an accentuation 
of this idea, v^thout any attempt to determine the year or day. 

Coming to our new Syriac document, we notice that it certainly 
belongs to the group of hagiographical pieces represented by the Acts 


of Judas Thomas, and by several other pious compositions. A de- 
finite date will probably never be given to these pieces, but I think 
that we should not be far from truth if we tried to ascribe them to the 
second half of the third century of our era. 

In the above lines we have taken into account only the older form 
of the romance, which, in the opinion of some critics, the Clementines 
exhibited before they came to be fixed in their present order. As 
they stand in Greek and Latin MSS., Waitz ^ and Bohmer- 
Romundt,^ have dated the Recognitions after 350, on the ground of 
their Eunomian Arianism (cf. Recog. Ill, 2-11). Harnack ^ believes 
that this Arianism may be explained by the Lucianic school, and 
consequently dates them between 290 and 360. Quite recently 
Chapman * has dated as follows the different parts which compose the 
Clementine Recognitions and Honiihes : — 

"(1) Dialogues of Peter and Appion c, 320. (2) The first 
edition of the completed romance c. 330. It was perhaps retouched 
(3) by its author some years later. One of these versions was abridged 
and dislocated in (4) the Homilies c. 350-400. Another version 
was interpolated and altered (5) by a Eunomian c, 365-370 ; 
this was abridged further (6) c. 370-390 ; the last two, (5) and" 
(6), were known to Rufinus ; he translated the shorter of them (7) 
c. 400. A somewhat expurgated edition (8) was apparently cun'ent 
among the Byzantines, according to the testimony of Nicephorus, and 
was used by Maximus and others." 

The grounds for ascribing the whole of the Clementine literature 
in their present form to such a late date are mainly : — 

1. The occurrence in Recognitions, I, 73 of the word Arckie- 
piscopus which is unknown before the fourth century. 

2. Some striking parallels between the doctrine of the Recog- 
nitions and that of Eunomius's Liber Apolegeticus wiitten about 

These two objections fall to the ground in the light of the new 
document, in which there is no suggestion of the doctrinal develop- 
ments of the fourth century, and no intention on the part of the writer 
to dogmatize either in an orthodox or in an Arian sense. 

^ Die Pseudo-Ctementinen, 1904, p. 371. 
- Zeitschr. Wiss. Theol. 1903, p. 374. 

'''Chron. II, 534-535. ' Zeitsch, Neut, Wiss, 1908, p. 32. 



We conclude this short preface by the following lines taken from 
the number of the Expositor referred to above : Critics will doubt- 
less remark that this document is cast in a mould far more Jewish than 
the Pseudo-Clementine Recognitions and Ho7nilies can claim. This 
characteristic is a criterion not always to be despised in ascribing 
historical lucubrations to a determined epoch. In this respect the 
reader will surely notice that Peter is always called Simon or Simon 
Cephas, and never Peter or Simon Peter. Syriac scholars who are 
not accustomed to find very often in Syriac literature this old name 
applied to the head of the Apostles in such an exclusive manner vnll 
no doubt bear a certain testimony to the archaism of the narration. 
Its illustrations are generally drawn from the Old Testament, and 
everything in it suggests that it might have seen the light before the 
fourth century which saw the beginning of the doctrinal hellenization 
of Edessa and the neighbouring districts. 

The Syriac style of the document is pure, and free from that ex- 
uberance of incorrectness and stiffness which characterize some Syriac 
translations of Greek originals, and the critic who would maintain that 
it has been originally written in Syriac will have powerful weapons in 
hand to defend his opinion. 


Again a story about Clement, the disciple of Simon Cephas, and 
about his parents and his brothers, how they also have been evangel- 

There was in the city of Rome a rich man called Faustinianus, 
and the name of his wife was Mitrodora. They openly worshipped 
idols, and though they did not know God, they served Him truly and 
justly. They gave alms to the poor from their riches, like Job, and 
received the strangers and the poor like Abraham. The word of the 
Scripture was fulfilled in them, which says : "He who fears God 
behaves justly," and " Abraham believed in God, when still pagan, 
and He gave him the reward of his justice ".^ And this just Faus- 
tinianus received the reward of his' justice at the end of his life. And 
as Abraham and Sarah have been tested through Isaac, so (Faustini- 
anus and Mitrodora) were without an heir, in order that justice 

' Cf. Gen. XV. 6 ; Rom. IV. 3 ; Gal. III. 6. 


might be performed in them, and righteousness might increase through 

If the hired man does not work, he cannot claim his salary, because 
it is not written that just people received any reward except after 
they had worked, and wicked people any chastisement till they had 
sinned. If Adam had not transgressed, he would not have been 
driven out of Paradise ; and if Cain had not committed murder, 
trepidation would not have dwelt in his limbs ; and the robber did 
not enter into Paradise till he confessed. So is the case with these 
just people, Faustinianus and his wife, whose rewards are according 
to their toil ; and since I have narrated the nature of their work, I 
will now relate their exploits. He who has the clean ears of the 
words of love, let him approach and hear a pleasant account and 
delight in it. 

These righteous people were deprived of posterity, and for a long 
time they were distressed. After a certain time, God wished to com- 
fort them and to show them that He had not kept back their reward 
from them. Mitrodora, then, had two babes in her womb, as Rebecca 
had Esau and Jacob. She gave them names, to the elder Faustinus 
and to the younger Faustus. She brought forth also another child, 
and she called him Clement. 

Then the Evil One, the enemy of justice, wished to make them 
stumble by his craftiness, and to insinuate himself to these good people. 
The Lord promised to Eve and Adam the paradise of Eden, and the 
Evil One degraded them from their ranks, and God sent His Only 
Begotten, and saved them and made them go up to a place higher 
than the first. The Devil suggested to the brothers of Joseph to sell 
him, and God made him a redeemer to them, in the day of distress. 
(The Devil) wished, too, to dishonour Mitrodora by a detestable 
adultery, and this motive distracted her, and she returned to. God. 

Faustinianus had a brother, and the Evil One insinuated to him 
to conceive a passion for the wife of his brother ; and though he re- 
peatedly solicited her, the faithful (woman) never wronged her hus- 
band, and she thought of a means to vanquish the Evil One. She 
made a false pretence, as if she had dreamt it, to take her boys and to 
go away from her husband, in order that by her absence the fire sur- 
rounding that violent man might be extinguished. 

Now, one day Faustinianus came home according to his custom. 


and noticing that his wife was sad, he asked her : " What is the cause 
of thy sadness ? " She said to him : ** I am sad, my lord, because I 
shall go away from thee and far from thy company ". Then Faus- 
tinianus became angry, and began to threaten and to say : " Who is 
it that has designed to sever thee from thy spouse ? I swear by the 
mighty gods of all Rome to deliver to terrible punishment him who 
designed this against me, and also to plunder his substance, in order 
that he may not speak behind the back of a man stronger than he/* 
Mitrodora said to him : " Let thy wrath be not kindled, because he 
who will separate us one from each other is stronger than thou. Listen 
to me, my lord, and I shall tell thee the dream that I dreamt. I saw 
a man of fire seizing in his hand a sword of fire, and his lips sprinkling 
dew. He appeared to me like a furnace, and said to me and earnestly 
ordered me * To-morrow take thy two boys, Faustinus and Faustus, 
and go away from Rome ; leave thy youngest son and thy husband 
in Rome, and do not come back to thy spouse till I warn thee \ The 
man that I saw told me all these things (and added) ' If thou dost 
not listen to everything I have told thee, I shall destroy thee with thy 
sons and thy husband \ I am very sorry that he whom I saw did not 
explain to me how long we shall be separated. Lo, the dream is 
unveiled ; interpret it thyself, since thou art v^se." 

When Faustinianus heard that, he was amazed ; he wondered, 
feared, and said : " This is hard to be explained by wise men ; even 
the mighty gods of Rome do not know what this vision means. I 
heard that there was one God in the earth . . . {illegible word) \ 
perhaps this dream . . . {illegible word) is by means of dreams . . . 
{illegible woi'd) showed himself this year. Because those who know 
science say that it is the true God who created heaven and earth who 
wrought a wonderful miracle in every country, and that this is one of 
His disciples. Take then thy two boys, as He told thee, and go away 
from Rome, so that He may not be angry ; because if He is angry 
the earth will shake ; and the sea will dry up if He rebukes it, be- 
cause He is its Lord. Lo, our fellow-kinsmen are in Athens, the 
Great . . . {illegible word) to them, as the man of dreams told thee. 
Take provisions for one year or two, and slaves and maids will come 
afterwards and serve thee. Take care of thyself and of thy children ; 
become like a mild dove which diligently attends to its nestlings, and 
feeds them by the pecking of its mouth ; become like a sparrow which i 


hides its nest from the spectators, and protects its nesthngs horn the 
hunters by its shrewdness ; become like a turtle-dove which loves its 
male, and keeps jealously the love of its consort/* With such words 
Faustinianus warned his wife, and both spoke to each other in the 
grief of their separation. Faustinianus was very distressed, but Mitro- 
dora did not wish to disclose a hidden secret ; God prompted them 
to this deed in order that their righteousness might be revealed to 

And when Faustinianus agreed to send his wife, he endowed her 
with provisions, gold, slaves, and maids, and gave her her two children. 
When parting from her husband, she said to him : '* Good-bye,^ O 
man of my childhood and keeper of my youth. Who can know if we 
see one another again ; like a father . . . [illegible word) my lord, 
to the youngest son . . ." {illegible word). 

She put to sea with her two boys, and when the ship moved two 
days in the sea, in the morning of the third day the sea grew rough, 
and began to roar as a (thirsty) lion for a well (of water), ^ and the 
waves began to be vehemently wild . . . {illegible word), and from 
everywhere violent winds and tempests tosseth (it ?). Then Mitrodora 
cried, bewailed, and said : '* They say that Thou art God, O Son of 
Mary ; if Thou art God, come to our help and rescue us ; if height, 
depth, sea and land are under Thy command, the slave obeys his master 
and does not revolt against him ". And she said with great distress : 
'* Woe is me, I wished to be drawn from a coiTupted pond of sins, 
and lo, I am sinking in a sea of water, and there is no one to rescue. 
Woe is me, I proved an evil stumbling block to my two children." 
And when waves tossed her about on every side, she cried in the 
name of Jesus the Nazarene, and stretched her hands and embraced 
her boys. And she began to complain (in the presence of) her beloved 
ones : *' (Cursed be) the hour in which I have separated my boys from 
their father, and this death which has surrounded me from every side. 
If Thou (Jesus) rescue me with my children. Heaven forbid that I 
worship or sacrifice except to Thy name.*' 

When, in a prostration, she was praying before God with sobbing, 
the waves struck the ship from every side and it broke up, and those 
who were in it floated upon water like bits of grass ; and mother and 

^ Lit. remain in peace. ^ We read bcra instead of bra. 


children were hidden from one another on the sea. And God made 
a sign to the sea not to destroy them, as He has commanded it for 
Jonas, and it listened to Him. He, therefore, bade the sea to keep 
them and not to harm them without His order ; because God can 
keep (a man) in the sea as if he were on land, since sea and land are 
under His command. 

While they were tossed in the sea during all the night, salvation 
dawned on them in the morning. The right hand that has been 
stretched to Simon, and he was drawn up, has been stretched to the 
help of the woman and her sons ; and as God willed in His mercy, 
He made them reach the port of Tripoli. 

Seamen went out in the morning and saw them weeping by the 
sea-shore. A widow took them, honoured them, and brought them 
up with great honour. She gave them names : she called the one 
Anicetus and the other Aquilas. 

As to their mother, God willed and made her reach the town of 
Arad. She began to weep for her boys, saying : " Where shall I go 
to seek your corpses, O my beloved sons who are drowned in the sea ? 
Behold, I am deprived of my beloved and of my acquaintances. 
Woe is me, I was like a ship bearing riches, and the waves of the sea 
scattered my riches and threw my treasures to the wind, and lo, I am 
like a vine whose beauty hail has destroyed. Would that I had swift 
wings like those of young eagles, to go and see thee, O Faustinianus, 
when wandering after us ; when sending slaves bearing provisions, 
and these (slaves) returning back to thee, bearing bad news ; when 
sending (letters) to the inhabitants of Athens about us, and these 
answering thee with bitter letters ; when caught by the day of weeping 
and grief, and encircled by all pains and severe tribulations ! " 

While Mitrodora was afflicted by these and similar things, the 
chiefs of the town of Arad heard, and gathered round her and asked 
her, saying : " What is thy story, O woman ? and which is thy 
country ? Behold ! thy voice has shaken all our town." And she 
told them truly all her story. And they began to console her, but 
she afflicted herself with cries and lamentations. 

Then a widow came to her, and began to comfort her, saying : 
"I am a widow like thee, and deprived of husband and children. 
Come to my house, and we will live together in bereavement and 
spend our life in bitterness." And Mitrodora went to her, and was. 


out of necessity, begging her bread. When she noticed that her 
strength was failing, she went and sat at the gate of the town, so that 
she might take alms from the people. But where she most suffered, 
there deliverance dawned on her through Simon, the head of the 

After Mitrodora had spent two years in this great hardship, 
Faustinianus got together provisions, and sent them through his slaves. 
When the messengers reached Athens and asked the kinsmen of 
Faustinianus about Mitrodora, they answered them : " We have not 
seen here this woman and we have not heard her story ". The mes- 
sengers went back weeping and bearing letters full of sorrow and 
news of anguish. When they called on Faustinianus and he read 
these letters, he was pained, and he wailed and wept bitterly. He 
wrote letters to all quarters, countries, and villages. Messengers 
scoured all countries and flew to all quarters, but returned with weep- 
ing. Faustinianus began then to wear deep mourning, took his 
youngest son, and went out wandering about and asking everybody : 
" Have you seen my wife and her sons drowned, or roving along the 
roads ? " When he was walking and asking, he lost sight of the 
young boy, and from deep grief he did not notice that. 

When the boy Clement was straying, a seaman took him and got 
him into a ship, and in that very night they sailed for the country of 
Syria. And when Simon was teaching by the seashore, in towns, the 
seaman took the boy, and gave him to Simon, and he became his 
disciple. He was the first disciple that Simon Cephas had. And 
Simon took the boy Clement and went to Tripoli, in order to evan- 
gelize there. 

While he was teaching, the woman who had brought up his 
brothers came and gave them up to become the disciples of Simon 
Cephas ; and the grace of God thus gathered together the three 
brothers. The head of the Apostles and they three ate and drank 
together, and they did not know one another. 

And Simon went away to Arad, to preach there the true faith ; 
for the grace of God called him to comfort the weak woman by means 
of her three beloved ones. 

When Simon and Clement were in their way, Simon said to 
Clement : " My brother, behold ! thou hast been twenty years with 
me, and I did not ask thee what was thy country, or where thou 


earnest from, or if thou knewest whether thou hadst parents or kins- 
men ". When Clement heard that he began to weep bitterly, and 
said to him : " Listen, my lord, and I shall speak before thee : I am 
from a great family of the city of Rome, from the royal family, the son 
of Faustinianus the great ; the name of my mother was Mitrodora ; 
and besides, thy servant had two brothers, the name of the elder was 
Faustinus, and of the other Faustus. My mother dreamt a dream, 
which became the cause of her death ; she saw a man of fire riding 
on horses of fire and he said to her, ' Arise, take thy children and go 
away from Rome '. My father had kinsmen in Athens ; he gave her 
provisions and the brothers elder than I, and he sent her to Athens ; 
and since they left us we have not heard any news about her ; my 
father sent messages to all countries, and no one said that he had seen 
them ; then my father took me and went away wandering and asking 
everybody about them. When walking, I and my father, on the sea- 
shore, I have been out of his sight, and through the pain of his heart, 
he did not notice me in that moment. As to me, when a seaman 
noticed me, he took me, put me on board and brought me to thee ; 
such a pain, and such trials befell me ! Now God knows if my 
parents survive or not." 

And Simon was amazed, and glorified God and began to cry in 
sorrow and to say to the child in grief : "I have hope in God, that if 
thy parents are alive, thou wilt soon see them '*. 

When Simon and Clement reached the gate of Arad, Simon saw 
Mitrodora sitting, and said to her : " Woman thou art young in thy 
age, — and thou chosest this ignominious business for thee ; why likest 
thou not to . . . ? {illegible zvo7'd), and thou wilt live ". She said 
to Simon : *' My lord, if thou knewest the hardships that I have borne, 
and the pains that my eyes have seen, even if thou hadst a remedy of 
death, thou wouldst have given it to me, so that I should drink it and 
be delivered from this pain ". 

The divine Apostle said to her : " O woman, reveal thy story to 
me, and I have a remedy of life that I shall give thee ; drink of it and 
be saved from thy pain ''. 

And the woman began to tell successively all her story. When 
the divine Apostle heard it, his mind rejoiced, and he glorified God 
for having soon answered his prayers. When the woman was telling 
all this, Clement was in the town with his friends. And Simon 


Cephas said to her : *' Woman, thy pains are bitter, and thy ailment 
is great, but I have hope in God that He will comfort thee in thy 
pains ". 

When Simon was still speaking to her, the young Clement re- 
turned back to him. Simon then said to him : " Tell me, my son, all 
that thou toldest me on the way ". 

And the young man began to tell all that he had endured. And 
Simon said to Mitrodora : ** Listen to what this young man is telling ". 
When she listened, her heart glowed towards this young man, her son, 
and she recognized him. The young man, too, recognized his mother. 

And the mother began to say to her son : " Come in peace thou 
who takest away my pains and wipest the tears off my eyes ; come in 
peace, O slain man who lived again, O dead man who comforted his 
parents by his resurrection ! I worship the God who made me worthy 
to see thee ; I confess Him, because those who trust in Him will 
not be confounded. I am Mitrodora, thy mother. I hope that 
He who has counted us as worthy to meet each other will count us 
also as worthy to see thy brothers." 

And Simon took Clement and his mother and went to the young 
men, his brothers. Before they reached them, they looked at Clement 
and his mother with him, and they began to grumble, saying : " Who 
is this woman who speaks to Clement and walks with him ? Behold, 
we have been fellow-disciples for twenty years, and we have not seen 
him either speaking to a woman or looking at a woman ; can she be 
his mother ? " 

When Clement reached them, his brothers asked him without 
knowing that he was their brother : " Tell us, our brother, who is this 
woman who is with thee ? " What great marvel, my brothers ! How 
great is the Providence of God — to whom be glory ! Who will not 
wonder ! Who will not glorify God for His mercy and for His 
great compassion towards His creature ! ^ Three beautiful branches 
were cut off from their vine, and April came in its season and made 
them blossom in their vine ! How beautiful are three mild doves 
which flew from their nest, and when they escaped the sparrow- 
hawk, they gathered at the voice of their mother ! How beautiful 
are three young eagles which grew up without their parents, and 
when their wings were sufficiently strong, they came and caused their 

^ Lit, clay. 


parents to rejoice ! A poor woman who during twenty years has 
been deprived of her children, the grace of God gathered them in one 
hour, and they came to her ! Then Clement answered his brothers, 
not knowing that they were his brothers : " My brothers, this is my 
mother ! ** 

His brothers began then to ask him : ** Tell us, our brother ; 
behold we have lived together for twenty years, and we did not ask 
thee where thou camest from, and what thy family was in the world ; 
tell us that now, and we will tell thee from whence we are '*. And 
Clement began to tell to his brothers, none knov^ng that all were 
brothers the one to the other. Their mother was standing far from 
there and hearing the words of their mouths. *' As to me, O my 
brothers, I am from the city of Rome ; my father was called Faus- 
tinianus, and my mother Mitrodora ; I had two brothers, and their 
names, for one, was Faustinus, and for the other, Faustus ; and 
through a dream that my mother dreamt, we have been scattered 
among the nations ; and now, by the will of God, I have found my 
mother, and have recognized her.*' 

His brothers said with tears in their eyes : " Our brother, from 
thy words, if they are true, thou art our brother, and we are thy 
brothers ; I am Faustinus, and this is our brother Faustus. When we 
went out (of Rome) and sailed for two days in the sea, our ship 
broke up . . . {illegible word)^ and we have been scattered among 
the nations.*' 

Their mother heard these things, and her arms were restored, for 
they had been for a long time withered. She embraced them in 
weeping and in saying to them : "Be sure that I am your mother 
Mitrodora, who was sent to Athens v^th you, by your father". 
And together they glorified God who had gathered them into His 

Then the three brothers asked Simon, their master, to baptize 
their mother. And when they found a place fit for baptism, they 
showed it to their holy master, and he baptized Mitrodora ; then he 
sent the three brothers with their mother to Laodicea. And he 
stood up to pray, and then to follow them ; when he prayed, he 
said : *' O God, in the hands of whom all the ends (of the earth) 
are ; O God, rich in mercy, as Thou hast gathered these by Thy 
mercy, answer me my prayer from Thy treasure ; if the husband of 


Thy handmaid Mitrodora be alive, make him present to see his wife 
and his sons ; if he be kept in life may a sign from Thee make him 
present, in order that he may come and receive Thy yoke, and work 
with us in Thy vineyard *\ And God heard quickly the voice of the 
Apostle, and a (divine) sign caught away Faustinianus from Rome 
and brought him to Simon, the Apostle. 

And when Simon was walking in the way, behold, an aged man 
stood before him, dressed in old patches and in worn-out clothes, and 
with much dust on him, like a poor man. Simon asked him : ** Who 
art thou, man, that thou wanderest in the hills ? Art thou a thief, a 
robber, or a shedder of men's blood ? " 

The old man answered Simon with great grief, and said, " I am 
neither a thief nor a robber ; but thy servant is from the city of Rome. 
I had a wife and three sons, and when she was asleep she dreamt a 
bad dream, and through it we have been scattered among the nations. 
This happened twenty years ago, and behold, I am wandering after 
them, and I cannot find them ; and to-day when I was in the country 
of Rome, something like a right hand caught me and flung me into 
this country. Behold, I am under some phantasms and agitated, 
since I do not know where I am." 

Simon said : ** If somebody comes now and shows thee thy wife 
and thy sons, what wilt thou give him ? " The old man said : ** God 
is witness that I have no other thing than that I shall become a slave 
before him for ever". 

And Simon took him and went to his encampment ; and Simon 
raised his voice saying : " Come, Mitrodora, and see Faustinianus, 
thy husband ; take thy beloved ones, and come to meet him ; like an 
eagle he has crossed sea and land for thy sake **. And all at once 
she flew like a dove, and took her nestlings with her ; but when she saw 
Faustinianus dressed in patches and surrounded by poverty, she asked 
him with great grief : " Tell me, O man, what is thy country ? It 
seems to me that thy limbs have borne many pains. I craved long to 
see my spouse, but the figure that I notice in thee is not his." 

The old man, then, said to her : " If thou art Mitrodora, I am 
Faustinianus ". 

And Mitrodora said to him : " Where are the glory and the 
beauty that thou didst put on and the gorgeous raiment in which 
thou wast dressed ? " 


The old man said to her in grief : ** Since the day when thou and 
thy children were separated from me, I have been in pain and wander- 
ing for your sake ; sea, I crossed ; land, I scoured ; height, I trod ; 
and depth, my soul sounded ; thirst overpowered me, hunger tormented 
me, bareness of feet made me suffer, heat burned me, and cold dried 
me, so that I might find you ; and I did not find quietness till now ". 

And Mitrodora said to him : ** Come, O tree, and see the branches 
which had been separated from thee ; they have become staves, and 
behold, they are sustaining us ". The old man, then, approached, and 
kissed his sons tenderly ; and began to weep upon them as if they 
were departed people rising (from the dead), and said : " Come in 
peace, O slain ones, who have returned (to life) ! O departed ones, 
who have been resuscitated ! Blessed are my eyes, for I have seen 
you to-day ! I glorify God, because He gave you to me to sustain 
my old age, to take away my pains, and to console my affliction." 

And Simon Cephas baptized also the old man, their father ; and 
all, mother, sons, and father, became pure sanctuaries and dwellings 
to the Holy Spirit, reached a high rank, and were much renowned in 

And we all, let us glorify God who comforts distressed people, 
and takes away the pains of those who trust in His name. Glory be 
to Him for ever and ever. Amen. 



The curious treatise here printed will add something to our know- 
ledge of Biblical Apocrypha. The field of extension of these spurious 
productions is already very wide, but, if we mistake not, none of them 
purports in a similar way to predict events dealing with agriculture. 
Our work is a kind of agricultural horoscopy ascribed to Shem son of 
Noah. In the Book of Jubilees X. 1 2 ; XXI. 70, mention is made 
of certain books of Noah. " And he gave all that he had written to 
Shem, his eldest son ; for he loved him exceedingly above all his 
sons " (R. H. Charles' Apoajpha and Pseudopigrapha, II, 28). 
" For thus I (Abraham) have found it written in the books of my 
forefathers, and in the words of Enoch, and in the words of Noah * 
{ibid, p. 44). " For so my father Abraham commanded me ; for so 


he found it in the writing of the Book of Noah concerning the blood ** 
(Testament of Levi, ibid. p. 365). In the Book of Enoch there 
are also traces of a certain apocalyptic work attributed to him (1 En. 
6-11; 54, 7 ; 55, 2 ; 65-69, etc., of Charles* edition). Ephiphanius 
(Adv, Hcsr. XXVI. 1) tells us that among some Gnostic sects a book 
was current bearing the name of Nuria, Noah*s wife. 

In the text of Jubilees quoted above it is only said that Shem 
transmitted to posterity his father's works, and no specified book is 
directly attributed to him. From The Jewish Encyclopcedia (xi. 
262) we learn ** that Shem is supposed by the Rabbis to have estab- 
lished a school in which the Torah was studied, and among the pupils 
of which was Jacob. Later Shem was joined by Eber, — and the 
school was called after both of them. Besides, the school was the 
seat of a regular bet -din which promulgated the laws current in those 
times. The bet -din of Shem proclaimed the prohibition of and the 
punishment for adultery." This last feature must not be overlooked 
in reading the present apocryphon in which there is frequent mention 
of adultery. 

Many public libraries contain physician Asaph's medical treatise 
described by Steinschneider {Hebr, BibL XIX. 35, 64, 84, 105). The 
introduction to this treatise registers a tradition to the effect that Shem 
son of Noah was the inventor of medicine which had been revealed to 
him by the Angels. This information would also tend to explain why 
a treatise on astromancy or horoscopy could have been written under 
the name of Shem. In ancient times no good physician was able to 
dispense with astromancy, and after all the herbal drugs had failed, it 
was the handiest recipe to produce effects that no other medicine could 
produce. It was on many occasions a safe panacea admitting of scarcely 
any exceptions. 

The Book of Shem, son of Noah, has been mainly written for 
people interested in agriculture. It tells which is the good year for 
cultivation, and which is the best month in which to sow. Shem 
draws his knowledge of these questions from the twelve signs of the 
zodiac. From the same source he can foretell the dearness or cheap- 
ness of the most necessary articles of food : wheat, barley, watered 
cereals, oil, wine ; and is able also to prognosticate the health of the 
most useful domestic animals such as sheep and cattle. 

The country in which the Book of Shem was written is easy to 


determine. The author lays stress continually on events dealing with 
Egypt and Palestine. As far as Egypt is concerned the inundation 
of the Nile takes a prominent place, and is mentioned in every section. 
Of the Egyptian towns Alexandria is the only one which has deserved 
special record. As far as Palestine is concerned, the holy city has 
no place in the mind of Shem, and curiously enough, his mind was 
not interested in any other Biblical town. Probably Damascus and 
the district of Hauran which are frequently mentioned by name con- 
stituted an integral part of Palestine in the geography of the treatise. 
From these precise data, it is safe to infer that the work was written 
somewhere in Egypt for people who had great interest in Palestine, 
or somewhere in Palestine for people who had great interest in Egypt. 

Unfortunately we cannot be so categorical as to the question of 
the epoch of the appearance of the work. On the one hand it does 
not contain any precise historical details entitling us to fix on a de- 
termined date, and on the other hand the frequent mention of the 
Romans and of their kings induces us to suppose that it saw the light 
in the period of the Roman domination of Egypt and Palestine. 
Further, the writer seems to have certain interest in the matter of 
Jewish emigration from Palestine, because he distinctly mentions the 
propitious and unpropitious years for emigration. If any argument 
can be built on this information, we should be tempted to say that 
the treatise was written in a time of national distress in Palestine, and 
this would naturally suggest a time not very remote from the catas- 
trophe which befell the Jewish nation under Vespasian and Hadrian. 
It is, however, precarious to make a categorical pronouncement on 
this subject ; we shall presently see that the outer form of the work 
actually postulates a much later date. 

Another puzzling question is the religious belief of the proble- 
matic Shem. Having found nothing in his work which would vouch 
for his Christian tendencies, we have ventured to suppose that he was 
a Jew. Indeed some details which characterize his work seem to 
point to a Jewish authorship ; such is the question of emigration, 
Passover, continual distress, and persecution. Strictly speaking the 
argument taken from the word Passover would vanish if, through 
other channels, it were proved that the document was Christian ; in 
this case Passover would simply have to be changed into Easter. 
The same may be said of the topics of emigration, distress, and per- 



secution. Some words which have disappeared from the manuscript 
would perhaps have solved the problem, but as the work stands, it 
has certainly more Jewish than Christian colour. 

The question of the original language of the document is even 
more difficult to settle. We have before us in a relatively recent 
manuscript a text with numerous lacunae and several corrupted pas- 
sages. Until some other manuscripts are, therefore, found, or some 
exact quotations by subsequent writers are given, it is more prudent to 
suspend our judgment. The Syriac style, however, contains vocables 
which reflect a certain influence of the Arabic language. It is through 
this language that we understand some new Syriac words which are 
missing in the most recent dictionaries. The argument must not be 
considered as decisive, and it is even probable that such words might 
have been in use before the ninth century of the Christian era in 
which the Arabic could reasonably exercise an influence on the 
Syriac. Syriac dictionaries are still in somewhat embryonic state, and 
the reading of any book reveals words which are to be catalogued in 
a final Thesaurus of the language, which has still to see the light in 
a contingent future. 

In the prognostication of the events which take place if the year 
begins in Cancer the author uses the words Krayatha and rsa'a. 
If we do not call to our help the Arabic language for the deter- 
mination of these words, the phrase will not give any reasonable 
meaning. As far as the first word is concerned the Arabic verb akra 
which means " he had a backache " suits best the context, and so we 
have supposed that the word is a noun of action of a corresponding 
Syriac ah'i. As far as rsa'a is concerned we have also resorted, in 
order to find an appropriate sense, to the Arabic rasa' *' soreness of 
the eyes ". 

In the next section, it is said of locusts wankhowzun. No mean- 
ing given to this verb by the lexicographers can satisfy the context. 
So we have tried to explain it through the Arabic Kaza meaning 
" he gathered ". 

There is also a sentence which in our judgment can yield no mean- 
ing, and the Syriac scholar who could find a good sense for it would 
be very fortunate. In the section of Scorpio, after having foretold that 
the Nile will overflow half of its normal rate, the author or the trans- 
lator adds immediately the incomprehensible Goghd dkatfinta. The 


use of the words Kattinutha and Katthia in the sense of " distress" 
and " distressed ** respectively deserves also special notice. 

We conclude the above survey with a great margin of uncertainty. 

The manuscript in w^hich the work is found is not very ancient. 
It cannot be placed earlier than the fifteenth century. It contains many 
treatises on astrology by different writers, and among these treatises is 
included the Testament of Adam, which is printed in the second vol- 
ume of the Patrologia Syriaca (pp. 1 309- 1 360). The copyist of 
the book was an extremely bad Syriac scholar, and his transcription is 
frequently ungrammatical and corrupt owing to the omission of prefixes 
and suffixes, and to the awkward confusion between graphically similar 
letters, such as D and R ; occasionally also one notices in the text the 
omission of complete words and a false conjugation of verbs. The 
manuscript which formerly belonged to J. Rendel Harris's precious 
collection and was numbered " Cod. Syr. 165 " is now the property of 
The John Ry lands Library where it stands as Cod. Syr. 44. It is the 
most unsatisfactory Syriac MS. which I have ever seen. Its contents 
are sometimes similar to those of the ** Syrian Anatomy " or ** Book 
of Medicines" so ably edited and translated in 1913 by E. A. Wallis 
Budge (pp. 520-656). 

Such is the outer form of this fantastic apocryphon. If it cannot 
claim the honour of being counted among the books which have excited 
so keen an interest among some theologians, its supposed paternity 
will always give it a place in the shelf of writings bearing the sacred 
name of Biblical Patriarchs. 


Discourse vsritten by Shem son of Noah about the beginning of the 
year and all that happens in it. 

If the year begins in Aries : — 

The year will be hard. The quadrupeds will die. There will 
not be many clouds. The standing corn will not have good size, but 
it will have fat grains. The river Nile will overflow well. The king 
of the Romans will not remain in one place. The stars of heaven 
will be scattered like rays of fire. The moon will suffer eclipse. The 
first crops will perish, and the second will be ingathered. From 
Passover . . . ^ corn will be mildewed. The year will be bad, with 

^ A hole in the MS. with the disappearance of about four words. 


severe war and distress over all the earth, especially over the land of 
Egypt. Many ships will break up when the sea is rough. Oil will 
be at a moderate price in Africa, and wheat will be at a low price ; 
in Damascus, Hauran, and Palestine it will be at a moderate price. 
(Palestine) will have different kinds of diseases, plagues, and war/ 
but it will be delivered from them and saved. 

If the year begins in Taurus : — 

Anyone having in his name (the letters) Beith, Yodh, or Koph 
will be ill, or will be killed with iron weapons. There will be earth- 
quake. A wind will start from Egypt and spread over all the earth. 
The year will be rich in wheat and abundant rains, but the chiefs of 
the land and of the surrounding places will destroy that (wheat). The 
yearly rain^ will fail during three months, and then corn will be very 
dear during thirty- six days ; many people will die from diseases of the 
throat, and then tribulation will cease. The first crops (of wheat) will 
perish, but as (above), the second crops will be ingathered, and barley 
with the watered cereals will be ingathered also. The devils will attack 
the sons of men, but they will not harm them in anything. Two kings 
will rise against each other. The great river Nile will overflow above 
its normal rate. Those who are on board a ship in the sea, and those 
who are on the sea will be in great distress. At the end of the year 
there will be great blessing. 

If the year begins in Gemini : — 

The moon will be good. A South wind will blow, from which 
rain will come. Anyone having in his name the letters Taw, Heth, 
or Mim will have tumours and boils in his face. At the beginning of 
the year there will be a severe war. There will be early rains, and 
the standing corn will be good, especially in the watered places. Mice 
will abound in the earth. The Romans (and the Persians ?) ^ will 
wage a severe war against one another, and the Romans will come 
forth by ships on the sea, will fight and destroy them. Malicious 
people will rise in the world, who will do mischief, and there will be 
great anxiety and distress. Good will come at the end of the year 
and the river Nile will overflow well. 

^ The word zaina may be a mistake for zaw'a, ** earthquake **. 

•^ The word is written on the margin. 

" Hole in the MS. with the disappearance of a word. 


If the year begins in Cancer : — 

At the beginning of the year corn will be at a moderate price, 
and people will be comfortable. The Nile will overflow at half its 
normal rate. Alexandria will be besieged, and distress will be in it 
from pest Stars will shine very brightly, and the moon will suffer 
eclipse. At the beginning of the year wheat and barley will be 
dear.^ Winds will abound, and many people will suffer from back 
aches, coughs, and soreness of the eyes. Wine will be abundant. 
Oxen, sheep, and small cattle will perish ; and cereals will also 
perish, but oil will make up for them. At the end of the year com 
will be dear for nine days, and then there v^ll be rain, and (the year) 
will have much blessing. 

If the year begins in Leo : — 

There will be early rains, but the soil will be scorched by North 
winds ; com will not be injured and the food of mankind will be 
good. Wheat, rice, and cereals v^U be dear, and wheat will have to 
be watered. Oil and dates will be dear. There will be diseases in 
sons of men and the pregnant animals will perish as well as small 
cattle. A king will fight against a king. A considerable number of 
locusts will make their appearance and their number will decrease but 
slightly ..." they will tum from one place to another and they will 
be gathered together. The river Nile will overflow at its highest 
rate. People will suffer from headaches. At the end of the year 
there will be much rain. 

If the year begins in Virgo : — 

Anyone having in his name (the letters) Yodhs, or Semkath, and 
Beith and Nun will be ill, will be plundered, and will flee from his 
house. And there will be at the beginning of the year [ . . .^] There 
will be shortage of water in some places. The first crops will not 
flourish. People will be in distress and sickness. Summer and Winter. 
The second crops will be ingathered, and will be good. Corn will 
be dear in Hauran and in Bithynia, (?) but at the end of the year their 
price will be moderate. Wine will be cheap and delicious. Dates 
will be abundant. Oil will be dear. Wheat and barley will be at a 
moderate price, and cereals will be cheap. Rain v/ill be late and will 

^ These words are written on the margin by a later hand. 
^ A hole in the MS. with the disappearance of a word. 
^ There are evidently some words missing here. 


not fall upon the earth during thirty days down to the time of Pass- 
over. . . . ^ The king will fight against another king and will kill 
him. Living in Alexandria will be dear. The (Nile) v^ll not over- 
flow well. Many ships will break up. At the end of the year there 
will be moderation in everything. 

If the year begins in Libra : — 

There will be early rains, and the (order of the) year will be in- 
terverted. People will be secure from the East wind. Fig-trees 
will not bear fruit. Dates and oil will abound. Wine will be dear. 
Wheat will be at a very moderate price. Locusts will appear. In 
Africa there will be a great and severe war. People will have acute 
diseases. In the middle of the year rain will fail during twenty days. 
The (kind of) wheat (called) armo*yatha (?) will not be fat enough. 
All fields will be good. Anyone having in his name (the letters) 
Yodh or Beith will be ill, will have anxiety, and will emigrate from 
his country. Wine will be spoiled, and adultery will increase with 
the increase of foul desires. The king will remain in one place, and 
power will cease in the earth, and high officials will flee into the sea, 
and there will be between (them) a severe war. In Galilee there will 
be a violent earthquake. Marauders will appear in Hauran and in 
Damascus. The river Nile will overflow to its highest rate. In 
Egypt there wdll be a cruel pest, which will be in ... ^ that is to 
say mules. People will be in distress because of the shortage of rain. 

If the year begins in Scorpio : — 

A North wind will blow at the beginning of the year, and there 
will be many early rains. At the end of the year everything will 
be dear, and rain will be so scarce that people will address prayers 
and supplications to the living God, for the sake of food. Pregnant 
women will have diseases. Many people will emigrate ^ from their 
countries out of distress. Wheat and barley will be ingathered, but 
only in small quantity ; cereals will be ingathered. There will be 
wine and oil. Boils will spring forth in the bodies of people but they 
will do no harm. The Nile will overflow half of its normal rate.* 

^ A hole has caused a word to disappear. 
^ A hole with the disappearance of a word. 
^ The verb is written on the margin. 

* There is here a Syriac sentence for which I cannot find any satis- 
factory meaning. 


Anyone having in his name (the letters) Taw, or Yodh, will be ill, 
but will recover. Anyone bom in Scorpio will live, but will be 
killed at the end of the year. 

If the year begins in Sagittarius : — 

Anyone having in his name (the letters) Beith, or Pe, will have 
severe illness and distress, which will be aggravated at the beginning 
of the year. People will be in distress in many places. Little will 
be sown in the land of Egypt. In the middle of the year there will 
be much rain. People will store corn in the bams because of the 
shortage of rain. Crops will not be good, so also will be the case at 
the end of the year. Wine and oil will be at a very moderate price. 
Adultery will increase, and small cattle will perish. 

If the year begins in Capricornus : — 

Anyone having in his name (the letters) Koph will be ill, will 
be plundered, and will be struck with sword. An East wind will 
dominate the year. Every one should sow earHer ; the last in sowing 
will not succeed. At the beginning of the year . . .^ will be dear. 
Waves and billows will increase. [ . • . ] ^ will perish. In the 
middle of the year corn will be dear. Thieves will increase. TTie 
officials of the state will be bad. Wasps and reptiles of the earth 
v^U multiply and injure many people. Many people (will move) ^ 
from one place to another because of the war which will take place. 
Wars will increase in the earth. At the end of the year rain will be 
scarce. In some places the standing com will yield something, and 
in others it will perish. There will be pest in Damascus and in 
Hauran, and faunine in the littoral of the sea. Adultery will increase. 
People will offer prayers and supplications, will fast and give alms for 
the sake of rain. The watered cereals will be normal. 

If the year begins in Pisces : — 

Anyone having in his name (the letters) Koph, or Mim, will be 
ill, and will be plundered. The year will be good and the standing 
com will also be good and beautiful. There will be early rains. 
The game of the sea will increase,^ and when the sea is rough ships 
will break up. The [...]* will be ill. Wine, oil, and wheat 

^ The copyist has omitted here the subject of the verb. 

^ This verb (or one similar to it) has been omitted by the copyist. 

^ Owing to a hole, the first and the two last letters of the verb appear. 

* The subject has been omitted by the copyist. 


will, all of them, be good. Crops will also be good. There will be 
strife and much devastation in towns ; as to the villages, their 
site will change from one place to another.^ Marauders will come 
forth from Palestine, and . . .'^ will wage a great war against three 
towns ; and the Romans will sometimes be victorious, and sometimes 
defeated. A great disease will affect the sons of men. A black 
man will come forth seeking power, and the royal family will perish. 
The king will endeavour to hear what people would say, and will 
destroy many towns, and no one will be able to check him, and the 
fear of God and His mercy will be far from him. At the end of the 
year there will be peace and security for the sons of men, and union 
and concord between all the kings of all the earth. 

If the year begins in Aquarius ^ : — 

Anyone having in his name (the letters) Lamadh or Pe will be 
ill, or plundered.* At the beginning of the year rain will increase, 
and the Nile will overflow at its highest rate, and Egypt will [ . . .] ^ 
over Palestine. [ . . .] ^ will produce. Lambs and sheep will 
flourish. A West wind will dominate the year. A king will fight 
against a king. The first crops will be good. The (watered) cereals 
will not grow much, but they will yield (something). The merchants 
will ask for helpers from the Living God. 



The short extract here printed is a genuine quotation from a Greek 
v^iter called "Andronicus the Wise, the Philosopher, and the 
Learned **. These epithets can hardly lead us to determine the 
author's identity. In examining all the writers with the name of An- 

^ The Syriac wording of this sentence is very ungrammatical. Possibly 
the copyist did not understand the text he was transcribing. 

'^ A hole with the disappearance of a word. 

^ The copyist is raising here an objection against the text he was tran- 
scribing, because in it Pisces were put before Antiquarius, while Antiquarius 
must have been spoken of before Pisces. 

* The sentence ^akar viin is difficult to understand. 

^ The verb is omitted by the copyist. 

'^ The subject is apparently omitted by the copyist. 


dronicus to whom might be assigned the authorship of the fragment we 
were able to find only three whose claim could be regarded as worthy 
of consideration : ( I ) the astronomer Andronicus Cyrrhestes who ac- 
cording to Vitruvius (I, 6, 4) set up at Athens the octagonal tower of 
Marble, which is seen in our days ; his death is generally placed at 
about 1 00 B.C. (2) Andronicus of Rhodes, the peripatetic philosopher 
who arranged Aristotle's writings in the form with which we have 
become familiar ; his death is placed by some Greek scholars at about 
50 B.C. (3) The Christian Andronicus of Hermopolis in Egypt, whose 
poems according to Libanius (Epist. 75) were much esteemed in Egypt 
and in Ethiopia. In A.D. 359 he was suspected of pagan practice, 
according to Amm. Marc. (XIX, 1 2), but was acquitted by Paulus, 
the envoy of the emperor Constantius. 

Of these three writers the one who possesses stronger claims is 
Andronicus Cyrrhestes mentioned by Eusebius of Caesarea in his work 
on the **Star".^ In the Syrian Anatomy, Pathology, and Thera- 
peutics of E. A. Wallis Budge,^ this Andronicus is mentioned three 
times (pp. 237, 521, 654 of the translation). 

Perhaps some other Andronicus whom we do not know might be 
set forth as the author of the present fragment, but the main point of 
interest which it contains concerning the Jewish writer Asaph will 
hardly be affected. The impression that one gathers from the word- 
ing of the translation, is, however, that Andronicus was a Christian 
writer speaking of olden Pagan times of Greece. He relates how 
before his time a certain literary man called Asaph, a Jew and an 
"historian of the Hebrews,'* had given to the twelve signs of the 
Zodiac the names of the twelve tribes of Israel. Now who was this 
Asaph ? 

Prima facia one might think of Josephus as the real " historian 
of the Jews". The quotation, however, is not found in Josephus, 
and probably Josephus did not write in Aramaic. Further, Syriac 
writers transcribe rightly Josephus' well-known name as Yiisiphus, 
The problem is therefore to be approached from another side. In the 
Jewish EncyclopcBciia we are informed that Asaph Ben Berechiah, 
one of the captive Levites carried off to Assyria (I Chron. VI. 39), is 
given in later Jewish legends as a vizier to Solomon. The article 

^ W. Wright m Journal of Sacred Literature, 1866, p. 521. 
2 Leipzig-Oxford, 1913. 


which is written by Gottheil refers to the Fihrist (I, 1 9) as embody- 
ing the same information as that found in Jellinek, B, H, V. 23. 
I was, however, unable to find the name of Asaph in the Fihrist, 
If Gottheil is right in his opinion that in the Jewish tradition Asaph is 
a vizier of Solomon, we might perhaps find in him a certain similarity 
with Ahikar. Ahikar was the vizier of Sennacherib, and Asaph the 
vizier of Solomon. 

The fragment here printed, which can hardly be later than the 
fourth century of the Christian era, presents Asaph as a Jewish 
writer and a Jewish historian, and adds that he wrote in Aramaic and 
not in Greek. There were evidently at the beginning of the Christian 
era, or in some unknown period preceding or following the Christian 
era, books written in Aramaic by a certain Asaph. In lapse of time 
mediaeval tradition brooded over his name and made him the vizier of 

In many public libraries there is a Jewish medical treatise attri- 
buted to a certain Asaph. The manuscript preserved in Paris 
(No. 1197, 7) calls him Asaph ha-Yarhoni, that is to say, 
"the astronomer". In the historical introduction to the treatise 
Asaph is placed between Hippocrates and Dioscorides. The style, 
however, of the treatise does not bear out such an antiquity, and 
Steinschneider has even thought that it was translated into Hebrew 
from some Syriac original. 

The previous lines induce us to suppose that there might have been 
a Jewish astronomer, historian, and physician called Asaph living in 
the centuries immediately preceding or following the Christian era. 
His works having been lost, his surviving name might have been pre- 
fixed to some later literary productions, in order to enhance their credit. 
On this point our fragment is important and deserves careful considera- 
tion. It is possible that the author of the medical treatise referred 
to above was a person distinct from the one quoted in this fragment ; in 
this hypothesis the Asaph who wrote the medical treatise would 
have lived somewhere in the eighth to the tenth century and the 
Asaph of our fragment would have lived at a much earlier date. For 
the sake of further researches it is also useful to state, that in the 
Ckro7ticles of Jerakmeel{^i\\., M. Gaster, p. 230), there is reference 
to a certain Asaph, governor of the garden of Lebanon, and contem- 
porary of Darius King of Media, Cyrus King of Persia, and Zorob- 


babel, and living, therefore, in a period immediately following the 
Jewish deportation to Babylonia. We learn from the Jewish 
EncyclopcBdia (XII, 688) that the duodecimal division of the Zodiac 
is first mentioned in the Jewish literature in the " Sefer Yezirah ** 
which is of unknown antiquity (possibly sixth century). In Yalkut 
(n. 418) an attempt is made to apply the twelve signs of the Zodiac 
to the twelve tribes of Israel ; the following lines will attribute this 
attempt to hebraicize the Zodiac to a much earlier date. The manu- 
script which contains the text is the same as the one described above 
under the section *' Book of Shem son of Noah ". 


Again a discourse upon the twelve o-TOLxeia of the sun, written by 
Andronicus the Wise, the Philosopher and the learned. 

Because the lovers of truth must always remember and understand 
the good and prominent things which enlighten the mind of those who 
seek after them, I have been anxious, my brethren, to lay down before 
you the prominent question of the evolution of the course of (the sun), 
that is to say the limits, the times and all the course of its succession 
with the days of the moon and the influence of the twelve o-rot^^eta 
which gravitate circuitously in the number of the twelve months of the 
year, and which foretell events which happen to us by order of God, 
creator of everything. 

In investigating ^ these crrot^^eta the Greeks have defined and 
shown their names and their entities. They have called them by the 
names of their gods, and they follow one another in the order of the 
Kav6p€<; of the numbers of the days of the months, that is to say 
according to the lunar computation. 

They begin with Dio son of Cronus, and they call him Aries. 
After him comes Poseidon his brother whom they call Pisces. After 
him comes Apollo, whom they call Aquarius. After this they put 
Ares, whom they call " Dog of Water," but with us it is Capricornus. 
After him they say Hermes, whom they call " Kerwan " " (Sagittarius). 
After this they say Pluto, whom they call Scorpio. After this they 
say Athena, whom they call Libra. After this they put Aphrodite, 
whom they call " Virgo " who is Spica. After this they say Artemis, 

^ The text here is ungrammatical and somewhat corrupt. 
^ Is it Crotus ? 


whom they call Leo. After this they say Dionysus, whom they call 
Cancer. After this come the Dioscuri, called Castor and Pollux, sons 
of Zeus by Leda, and they call them Gemini. After them comes 
Hercules, whom they call Taurus. 

Asaph the writer and the historian of the Hebrews explains and 
teaches clearly the history of all these, but does not write and show 
them with Greek names, but according to the names of the sons of 
Jacob. As to the effects and influences of these crTOLx^ia he, too, 
enumerates them fully without adding or diminishing anything, but in 
simply changing in a clear language their names into those of the 
Patriarchs. He begins them in the Aramaic language and puts at 
the head Taurus, which he calls *' Reuben ". After it comes Aries, 
which they ^ call " Simeon ". After it comes Pisces, which they 
call " Levi ". After it comes Aquarius, which they call " Issachar ". 
After it comes Capricornus, which they call '* Naphtali ". After it 
he sketches a rider while shooting, and calls him " Gad," and he is 
analogous with the Kirek ?^ of the Greeks. After it comes Scorpio, 
which he calls " Dan ". After it he mentions Libra, which he calls 
"Asher". After it he mentions Virgo, whom he calls "Dinah". 
After it (comes) Leo, which he calls " Judah ". Then he sketches 
Cancer, which he calls " Zebulun ". After it he mentions Gemini, 
whom he calls " Ephraim " and ** Manasseh ". 

As lovers of truth you will see and understand that these (o-rotx^ta) 
have been named according to the number of days (of lunar computa- 
tion). I say this, even if it happens that the peal of thunder is heard 
(in them). At each month of the year, each one of the a-roixeia 
turns circuitously according to the Kav6ve<; of the months and gravi- 
tates according to the number of the moons, each one of them having 
been brought about by the three Kavove^ of the evolution of the moon. 
This is their exposition, their order, and all their influence of which 
we are aware. ^ 

^ The copyist has used many verbs in plural which must have been 
in singular. 

'^ Is not this a mistake for Crotus ? 

^ The Syriac translation of all this last passage is corrupt and ungreun- 
matical. The translator does not seem to have understood the Greek 



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2oa7 i^2o ouk^^ 2A'Iv>\a^ ^2 jLia ^ixo 
2')Vi \ ^2 OuJL^^ 7 \iN^ n 7 v>\y n oA 

^2 sjo»QAito 2A^aiucA 2ox\jtAo t-^u^oub 
jUzbAtoo ^Aoausb^^ 7iSv>Q^y> wi ^^£^au^ 
ooA oT^:^ax2o « wAo\ji2ak JjlI^jsoo wAjcLxa^ 
ooaro ^o70l32 jbLfis 6ax\ Z^jL^ ^ x^vxx 

2A^OLX^oui Ou\^a2d JbuauD Z^^'Oiii j^dio 

i a -Xtoo ju^jl!^ JLji^a^ 2aii^jt\ jLaax ^xifiai 

ojl^ 2AiAxA AyAx ::^i^2 ^^yi>\\ ti\\\ 

v^arouM2o ^aroaiL32o ^Qi > y> >\ n 


. Ota loof^ 7vTi\^Q 2ajlx^ 2')\oyi 

2AXb\^ 2ajlx «2/x£x 2:A^A^ 2itejLi ^ 
2a21\q^ ^julxo AOl^A dxA\2k AJai2o 2oarA 
^ 2a^ojd ^ifO ^oou >L!io ^^Ai iS 
2iauo ^^oxAo 2oorA ^^ orAa^i^o ov\ Z^oo; 
^jaX^o • OO.Q3LJ ^i^y 7 n. On to ^SboX^^ 
^„^Q.^o 2a^o:i 2xii^ iAski JL!^ ^1^067^^ 
2iaifi30 2ioji9k 7nV\y ^2 ^ixiAi U^qjc^ 
« AoAi Z^i^^2 Z^ifO ^]!i ^aucj JLxifO iA.91 
2Ajlxo « a)\ loaf Jxa^ ILaas. . . ^ l^yS^ ^ 
jLxi2 at^SkS Za.>iTQ Jbi ^ioa^ auAik2 2ax^ 
jL^2 ,^AA^o ^ij^^ ^i^a A^2i^A^o 
2olju jL^jLtoo «^ ^ TtiT^ Z^ 2a7V\c^ 
^QLiy:30 ooaQjLtoiyj s^t^ J'\^o w£3^iSkJb 
7<^\liyto ^or^ka^o « ^oju vii i\yQn\Qvno 
(sic)attto f\^S.<xA.\^f% otaioati jbu^o 2A0ultoo 
01& 2ioA3 2axx 2^^Ato ^o ttOfOAxAo 
oriskAi ^Si9k o2 ^cu o2 A^^a o^ox v^aroA^2:i 

vjc9a3Ao ^Zxoy 2oauo ^Z^^i^^ v\\^i o2 

Ijofkoio Z^2koi 2S\yy»Q 7\^>i 6ua ^oauo 
(sic) ^ai2 ^:i30li ^oaui^:^ iiAi^^o Zxi^^ 
^o ^ii^^sL 2a\a 5^x^3u^ 2ajlx^ 2\\^v>q 
^A^A 2A^du 2Ao7i\Qn ijDJti iioiaux ^i/\3 

X^j^:^ Ixiyo «aL32A 2aoju^^o 2Ai2^\^ 
la:^o 22Lxfi30 AjlA. 2*iiJ! Zxi^o jLu^or xsjti 
X^ "P^o ^\<^i |y,xl.M ^\x 2flu:io ^a\\h 
\x yO^oucu ^iA 7^\vio «^^2 ^ifi^uia 
^ OjA sja,oij Zai 2iou ^XboNiio ♦Hiw 
Is^^a ^^ouA^is^ (sic) ^ai2 ^Aor « aT/X*4ax^ 
^,>>»a yOoau jLvjuJ A^^a^ 2-^2o jEjou oA^ 
2A7i\Qi iA^ioj iAJuxSk oyAl^uJio JLjua 
2aJlx 2A^Ak> 2^o\^ ^iAj3 ^o ::2oarA 
2^b^i\33i^ 2-iiftOi OLxAo ^t<^y iiotXb 2oau 
DA coax ^oroA^i^ O^O ^^\ ^ 2oGru cfu^^O 
o2 JL3i\ cr^Oj^iSia 2oau ts^j^ o2 Ai^ o2 
%tju3 ZaijD 2ajlx^ ouioxj 2oouo « 2a2 
i.^juo . . JLxiyo ^OOU jLjU^2k K\ w% ^ 
(sic) ^Jk^fiay> 2iauDOj^o Z^jtu^ l^^^ A^2i^A^a 

y^ » Cod. JLjUj » Cod. repeats. 



2axx^ cH^q^qjoo jLxjD jLcLftUco jLii 2oauo 
::oL^ ocxfisa 2icu sQ^rfcVio i!Aa\^ 2oorA 
ouioxa loaf A IAjlx 2:A*^\bo 7t\;^OTi^ «^o 
CuJaS^ txil ^oauo liasLX^ 2aouOjc liKxx^ 
at n Qr\ \o:^ at \\^ v n Pn i ^,gbo \ i lo 
^ la.m^r cn-3 2oatio j^2aa Li\io*a>^\2e 
ILaisoo ^^ioi jtfi^a^ ^Oi^^j^o ?\yO\ix 
cfuiojoo jE^ouJi ^A/\i 2a7>\q^ 2^2o ix^i 
^^p\qm ^o2kO .Vissoo J^i^ ^^U Iajljl^ 
^o 2^X^X0 Y^ ^ori^Au 27i\ft> JLxjr2c 
ZiAo 22koAo 7\Qni 2i.^a^Q ^jLxfidio jL\xx 
2oja U^ji^oo ^^yaji jLb^o %^9^^ 2Ai>N^nQ 
IxxA Ia\\\ ^inlUk llSjLx:^ ox^o^oucso «^ai2 
€7t3 2oc7Ao « 2\\^v> 2oau ^iA^o 2a^qL 
2ajlx 2;XbA^ U^h %lo ::2ajL\A3 2A^iQL3 
^oi ^ ^2a Zxi2o 7i\ini 2^\^y> 2oou 
^11 2A\a&jEte v^2o *73^iAA jLxiyo jLsi\9b 
^jLoa^o 29oio ^L^;^ ^ho oZ^A 7¥iVna 

' God. ^\Ol1 ' Cod. ^j!i ' God. XI 2 A 

^LnU l±^(^o jL^-xJoo « ?\p >i ^^ i n ti q 

^^&au 099^ ^^*\n j!\2 ifisua Ao 2a^ 
U^l^ ioouo JLXx. ayjg,.03L^o 2iau ^Sbo^iii 
^ \^ 2Aix Z^!ikA^ lUtSsLxa ^o :: 27i\Qi 

ixski jL^ JLbo^ Z-xifO jL^o^ Z^^o^ ioorA 
jL^^,.ijc3JJo io^Qxa « ^ooLi 7n,>iy,,a JJukla 
^jjL^^o AouX^ jLi-iyTi Z-xifO ^ari^Aa 

iouXf 2oau iij^ouftO vVSn (sic) ^aiu 2axx^ 
2^;^o ijDJU jLx^o ^^i\QSi 2^Ao « ^pufiaao 
lofA^KA IW^soo ix^ JLjD^o ^oju l±xsoo 
Uo^ ^<L ^A^A tJ^ii \x Ao-^i^ JL^o 
.y^N^o "73^ olA^A^ /^\v>o . . . > ^^^. cxV 
[^Qio\ii]o ^2a JLi^iPn^Nio w^araA^^^Aio 
iA^j;^ 2^2 ^xaAA^o A.M7 ^OAU Z^ 

^ Cod. OOOL^OJCS:! 


jLftOi ^ Ijukl ^Ouao s^ajAOk 2ajlxo ^oou 
2ii^Ao lat^ ^00 2oau 2!^ 2i2ao ZiaSk^^ 
^oju 7V -^ auD2^ 2i^aMO ^a\fisa U'ji^o 
da 2oou wA*i^2o « 2^^^ 2^i>toJoo ^^,\,o^ 
^^ou IxxMs 2^jcjD 2^oria^o 2iJUj Z^io 

^ItoO^ 2^\^V> l\skAJl 2AjLxa^ d7/\JLj(k.^OL90 

^li^Ja\ 2^\aa^2k2 2^^ '^jl^oxi 2^o ^ifiaux 
waroA^2^ \:^o « ^2^^ ^axX^ 2AA'i2o 
2*ii cii^ 2oouo ofi^Cii Hi^ o2 ^o* coax 
N^iAX&i lia^o^o mx^l ^ 2aa\\i ^^210 
iA^ki 2^\v>o ♦ 2\Qni 2a 2a^ ^IIl^so^ 2ia\c 
2Ai2 ^ 2 i^\\a y ^^2^0 «2a^o^ l:^,,^^ 
lain ... djua loatio Jy^^ ^ojaixi JjaHoLo 

^^kboa 2oauo « oTJo.Piy» ou^ otxfisii 2iau 
2i10^2l3 /9ujako2 . . . 2oouo J^m n J\f\ \\r 
Jb\n\^ ^o ::2^\^y> v\\^v> 2xi2 ^ntiAwie 
eruioxa U^i\^ 2^oi olxA 2Aix 29^A:^ 
1 ^ ^^*< IJ . VJo^ 2S\yV> ^oouo 2AjLxa. 

' Cod. ^A^ajLi * Cod. ^au^ ^ 


Jao\^o lAQJa Jjuki (sic) ,^01331^ ho^ iA.ti 

UJUJL3 ^ 2Z:2^^o ♦^Ji^^^ Ujl3 2oau 
jLA^o «ZijkAo2 ^ ^arA02kA2 ^ ^ojLxa 
2iyx^o « AoAi jLd:io \t\n ^jLk. liLxsoo 
l^oJfn\i ^n^i jLuloLxo « 2oeru 7>iTV>Q 
^-gboSiiQ «,^2 (sic) ^ Qm >i 1 l\o /y I i i^nii 
♦ JAiiN^n^ ^^^ ♦7nQnv>^ ay\\^ snOni 
cri-a^Aa ^Oa o2 oA ouolx ^oroAiii^ \^o 

7\^^^"* ^o :: v\\^nAAo 2axx^ ooo^oucao 

ol AiJa a};^ax ^oroAikZ^b Oo^ ItSix 2^^Abo 

« 7 i y n 2-i^^OuAO 7 n ^ y ojX 2ooui JL& 

jbLXJJia ^ojta^Ajcio JjuaAi iliSx^ ouiojLao 

^oAiyi j!!i ^ij^ii Ixila 2A7i'\o^ iAljio^ 

AAjgk^aao (sic)'p^ ^ \i\n ^2 Ta^ 6a 

IxxJa ^Nvi^iio 27i\oi 2\\yy> 2oau 2Aix 

2^\^v^ AoioLXf \\^y> 22kyo2 A.ju 2iaaLX 

jL^ lAxxy ouo^olxo Lajc 2oau Z^^ Zxi^o 

ai^ (sic) ^^2 2olx4 7»y v>Q 2i.^oL^o ^a^^^ 

^^\3 v^o :;^2a 2Aii\^no 7\Qni 2ia\o 

&OUD cuoLX ^aTOA^2^ oo^ 2ajlx l^^O^:^ 



' • • • # 

...^a^ti . l^ f\ t 1 ;v> q 7\\\ ^\»tia 
^\qiiq 2iaj3LX iuZii iAJLx^^ orAAjgiAxao 

Xsiia ^ jL^oiA Z^oi^ ^ 27V\Qi JLxa2o 
oucAolx^o jLxita jLsskJD ^oA^fisao ... 26o7^ 
JLxi^ ^kJa 2a1::^o^o ♦ 2^\^v> ix^ 2ajlx;i 

2ioL\o « [jL^ou]i^fi3L3 Jx^'\o ^oui^jo 2oou 
2Aa!ij^o iAouXJs '^^ouoLfixi jLxa2o / \cm 1 
^AifO ♦i^N^vi [\\^v>] JIAjd^^o jLjoOyO 
2^\^A^ JLioJLa y2o Ij:: loaui oi^ jLuo-x^ 
TXiJo o2 ^Si^ ou^olx v^a70A^2^ OLSk 2aJLx 
ZxifO 2oarA Z/Na^ 2ajlx ^^pA^o oriikAbo 

JL^^i ^ Tiil^ Z-^O « OTl^jB^ (sic) ^[A^ il ]■! 
7\^>iQ ^^mJL^O ii^OuftO «^iis^Aio ... ^AAi 

(sic) ^ n\^1 OL^ Z->.2ijO ♦^ ^QkTI ^Ot\^ 

Z^i^o Z-3^Ljd (sic) ^ooua 2doui 2 A 1 V')y»o 

Cod. ^On^ ^ Cod. ^ ^ Ato O (sic !). 


^ ^OJULIO (sic!)vA^2A 2^2LOuOO (sic)27i\Q^ r^ 

Ixa^ Z^a^o2 lia\ uoaSiio ♦ ^xjujina 2oau 
7^\v>Q s^JLi 2ao^\v>^ 2^x.iM30 ♦ 2ao ^\v> 
oii^teo jyjLJLJ ^ijo2 ajLto a^qjli^ JJia 
s>i^ ¥y>a^ oLu2 A^o iAJLL^fiD 2AjLl*xto 
^aro-yx^io 2a)ui2:i 2A\iift^o — ^^ A^%'^ 
^XiJt 2oou 2Ajlx^ cn:^aJiaa3Q « ou^ ^^w^'vQi 
AJU3 2oa7A 2Aa*o2o ^eu^o Jtjuxi:^ jE^o^o 
Z^odk :: txi^ oi\&3 /\^2^ 7H\y> ^ox\^ 
w^j^OlV^ ^ 'pi^ tioa ^oajD ^ ^a70i\^2 
i^o:p Iajlx l^^6^^ v^A^2 «^a7 oA^a2 
o2 o7i&Abojl2k o2 ^ksui av^ax >^oio^l^ ^ 
/Xp^ Zaax^ oiuiojuo * LfOp ^ (sic) ijoA 
o T ia. fti .ao o]l\& ^n.Qaj .t>^/s\ ^^ K\ o,. 

ZiiSXte w,of 2^\.<j i .x>o jLkOio « ^^ * ^ « 

JLxi^o . KNv) ^blx oijEu JLA^o ^07 2Aijc\ 

AZi i^l y, \cn s.««Oixi ^ to^o ixaa 'tsu^ 

*jL..2oi^2 ^ 2»iiaJ>^ ^Jb 2x\Ao 

> Cod. ;i\^fr>\ « Cod. ttor^OAO 


f—— . ^ , ^ ^ 

^^iV^yj QuQ^i vA >^L^l ^ o^\^a2 ^ax\ 
JL^ori^ iAi^^i^bo 2a\ji ofu^^2^ is^or s^2 

woro^ou ^oy\^n iiotfbo ♦ ouiaou^ orXi^ 
yOuioT JLlsk o^^^^Sb i-fisuxiA^ 2Aaji 

«^^ 2:iaaux 2ax^2 yi^jDoao ^a!i ioox^oui 

A^ 7lSo\^Q'> ^^OLiOl^ ^ (sic) ^^^2^^ 9 

2m2L^ 2A^cLai ^^ 2Ali^a^vXbOLiQju9 ^^ora^ 

' Cod. 2l*0JUi ' Cod. *73.fi30 73^^ A 


ori^\30 t^o^ oriA^jo ^a^2 ^i^l tiaj^ 
J^^ 7"f\^ oY^ ^ijDO >.fi3ui2 ^i^ouXb Zior^ 
^i.te2 oriAji ^o cor Z^^ ^:^ t^^ 

2^07 iA^o iAjtfiSL^o a)[\ ^ijDO U^i ^i^2 
o2 2a^oA:i oy^ ^ijDO w^^^oi^2 ^^jouOd 
oY^o vQnM>yT>\yi2 ^i^2 oriAa ^o « 2A^iaLx 

JjiolA ^aii\ ^ijDO 2^^2 ^ sSoo^ slxa 

s^2 oa,.,x A .!o A^2i^au ^Aoydb ^ay^> ,\yA 
j!!i ii:^ Z^iiaux^ U^atX^ li^so v3fi32 ^^^ 
\x ^2 2ou*^o T3jlL jLliou^ lchsojL3 loot 
2AoioLXfi3 . oouDJu Ujl3^ 2auoLx:^ 7i^xbo 

JL^ TsSLto 11::^ OCT ^2 ijo2 ^X^^Olx ^^C7 


IkoA IxLa TijLfiDO ^Z^i2 oar ^2 li 
n\ ^Lao IL^l oriAao Ouaoi ouojc^o 

oriA^o \^Qr\ A m^ ^ixjo JL\o^ oriA^o 
oriAs ^o wiA^i ^ijD ai^o U^\ v^so 
(sic)^aiar ^ at^ lino v.\^y^ :i^ jbi^i 'pixi 
aCko ^ijoA oriAa ^o ^Ou^ (sic)^i,^ ^^ 
cju^ ZijDO ZAJlfiSLto i^2 oriAa ^ ^ lin 
Ix^^ cr^ 2ijDO 2a^oAj i^2 ooAo 1^x2 
*pjci ooAo l:^Qau o%^ lino jLi2 crriAao 
i^l Uof iCao ^o^oa^ a^ 2ijDO 7<\y^^ 
<y^^af ^ (^jbuboo Ti^i^l ^o%^ lino J:i6lA 

ito2 2iix ^.i^a^ii ^2 ^a\^AXbAo ^Ou^SkxA 
X^OLXi^ ^^00 OL3JoA^Q3Li >J3ilo oaui2^ 2-i2 
^ Xfe* A^n 2ajlx wiifti^ v\^i ^Ol^Aju 
^oou*^ >sooioxn o\"i ^i^^^ iick /iSo\yO^ 
^ijt^Axtoo 2iaxfi39k ayjLJLy>n ^J^ario ^2^9^ 

^. ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ • 

\lQf ^ailSoio^XSo cryNmo ^ooy 0> ^Ql^q 



By the Rev. D. P. BUCKLE. M.A. 

ONE of the outstanding features of the John Rylands Library is 
its interesting collection of Coptic manuscripts. The import- 
ance of this collection may be judged from the fact that it has 
been examined by Monsignor Hebbelynck, Honorary Rector of the 
University of Louvain, for the purpose of tracing scattered leaves of 
the same manuscript, and also from the recent transcription of certain 
fragments in order to supply what is regarded as essential material for 
a new Coptic lexicon. As these manuscripts have been carefully 
catalogued by Mr. W. E. Crum, it is not necessary to reproduce the 
information given in his well-arranged and most useful catalogue about 
their date, contents, provenance, etc. 

The object of this article is to give a general account of printed 
Coptic texts and of aids to the study of the language contained in the 

It is remarkable that in Manchester it is possible to trace the history 
of the interest taken by students of Coptic in Europe, from its earliest 
beginnings in the works of Kircher to the latest critical estimates of the 
most recent works in ** The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology ". 

In view of the present relations between England and Egypt, and 
of the possibilities of the future, it is interesting to note that there has 
been a continuous encouragement of the collection of Coptic manu- 
scripts, and of the editing of texts in this country, so that continental 
scholars have been indebted to English support both for research and 

The best account of the early history of Coptic studies in Europe 
is given by E. Quatremere in his ** Recherches sur la Langue et la 
Litterature de TEgypte'* (Paris, 1808). This work is well worth 
the attention of students of literary history, as it traces, in a most in- 
teresting way, the progress of nearly two centuries of research, with 



minute care, and with a wonderful wealth of references to original 
authorities. The first European collector of Coptic manuscripts noted 
by Quatremere is that of N. C. F. de Peiresc, whose life by P. 
Gassendi, the well-known philosopher and mathematician, is to 
be found in the Library in a contemporary binding. About the 
same time Pietro della Valle made a tour in the East, and himself 
brought back several Coptic manuscripts. His life also may be 
studied in the Library in four different editions. 

But the most important pioneer work was done by Kircher, whose 
** Prodromus Coptus'* (Rome, 1636), and "Lingua Aegyptiaca 
restituta *' (Rome, 1643), are in the Library, bound together in one 
volume. The first of these works contains a chapter on the utility of 
the Coptic language, and concludes with a grammar, which is prob- 
ably the earliest printed in Europe. The second reproduces gram- 
mars of previous Egyptian authors and adds the " Scala magna, or 
vocabulary," being the first attempt at Coptic lexicography. The 
John Rylands Library also possesses a copy of the life of Robert 
Huntington (1637-1701), the first English collector of Coptic manu- 
scripts, who lived in Syria and brought home a collection which passed 
to the Bodleian. Thomas Marshall ( 1 62 1 - 1 685), Rector of Lincoln 
College, Oxford, commenced an edition of the Coptic ** New Testa- 
ment" with type provided by Dr. Fell, Bishop of Oxford, but only 
one sheet (Matt i.-iii.) was actually printed. This scheme is men tioned 
in Marshall's preface to a curious little duodecimo volume, by Josephus 
Abudacnus, " Historia Jacobitarum seu Coptorum," published at the 
Sheldonian Theatre, Oxford, in 1675. 

After Marshall's death in 1685 encouragement and interest seem 
to have ceased for a time, but the early part of the eighteenth century 
is marked by the publication of three Coptic Liturgies in a translation 
by Renaudot (Paris, 1716), and his dissertation on the language. 
Renaudot apparently was not in a position to secure Coptic type* 
Contemporaneously we find the editions by Wilkins of '* The Lord's 
Prayer" in the Chamberlayne collection (1715), and of the **New 
Testament" at the expense of the University of Oxford (1 716). 
Fifteen years later (1 731) he published the " Pentateuch ". On the 
relation of the text of Wilkins and that given by subsequent editors to 
the manuscripts, reference should be made to an important article by 
Professor Brooke in " The Journal of Theological Studies," III. 258-78. 


Wilkins was a Prussian whose original name Wilke (latinized as 
Wilkius) was changed to that by which he is best known, as a com- 
pliment to the Bishop of Chester. His " New Testament " is severely 
criticized by Lacroze both for its text and translation. Lacroze ac- 
cused Wilkins of profound ignorance of Coptic, and went so far as 
to place him below Kircher in that matter. In the edition of the 
** Pentateuch," however, Quatremere considers that Wilkins surpassed 
himself. According to the same authority the receipt of a copy of the 
" New Testament," by Richard Cumberland, Bishop of Peterborough* 
greatly interested that aged prelate, who, though eighty-four years of 
age, gave the rest of his life to the study of the language. 

The middle of the eighteenth century reveals a revival of Coptic 
study in Italy. Tuki, a Copt by birth, and Bishop of Arsinoe, began 
to publish at Rome, exactly 100 years after the appearance of 
Kircher's " Prodromus," a series of works of which Quatremere gives 
the following list: "Missal" (1736), "Psalter" (1744), " Di^ 
urnal" (1750), " Pontifical" (1761, and 1762), " Ritual " (1763), 
" Grammar " (1 778). Of these the John Rylands Library possesses 
the "Psalter" and the "Grammar". Tuki*s "Grammar" was 
largely used by Peyron in his " Lexicon " for illustration of Coptic 

We now come to Lacroze, who, according to Quatremere, sur- 
passed all his predecessors in the study of Coptic. His life by C. E. 
Jordan, " Histoire de la Vie et des Ouvrages de Mr. Lacroze " 
(Amsterdam, 1 74 1 ), is also in the Library. With the name of Lacroze 
must be connected those of Scholz, Royal Preacher at Berlin, and 
Woide, a Pole by origin, all of whom were ultimately indebted to 
the University of Oxford for the publication of their researches. The 
" Lexicon " of Lacroze (1775) arranged by Scholz, annotated and 
indexed by Woide, is bound with the " Grammar " of Scholz, edited 
by Woide (1778), in the John Rylands copy. 

The end of the eighteenth century shows a noteworthy activity in 
Italy, both on the part of native and foreign students, which was partly 
due to the interest of Cardinal Stephen Borgia, Secretary, and after- 
wards Prefect of the Propaganda. The presses of Parma and Bologna 
give us the " Grammar" of Valperga [Didymus Taurimensis, q.v. in 
John Rylands Catalogue], and Mingarelli's "Reliquiae" (1785). 
Valperga's "Grammar" displays a remarkable advance on Tuki's 


already mentioned, both in the clearness of its type and in its improved 
arrangement. This improvement is an indication that we have reached 
the time when the accumulation of evidence and the advance of know- 
ledge are beginning to give better editing of text and grammar, with 
improved presentation and estimates of textual material. We find 
this in Georgi, represented in the Library by his ** Fragments of the 
Gospel according to St. John " (Rome, 1 789), a fine copy in olive 
morocco with the arms of Pius VI ; in Ford's edition of Woide's 
** Sahidic Fragments of the New Testament,** also a magnificent vol- 
ume, and in Zoega*s Catalogue of the Borgian Museum Coptic 
Manuscripts. Georgi and Woide both give facsimiles of manuscripts, 
and Zoega classifies the script by a method which is still regarded as 
a standard, and thus prepared the way for the development of Coptic 

When Quatremere's book was published Zoega*s *' Catalogus ** was 
already printed, but its publication was deferred by a lawsuit between 
Cardinal Borgia*s heirs and the Congregation of the Propaganda. It 
was actually published in 1810. The Library possesses a copy of 
the Leipzig reprint of 1903. Much information about Biblical texts, 
after Quatremere*s account ceases, will be found in Hyvemat*s " Studies 
on the Coptic Versions,** reprinted from the " Revue Biblique ** (1896 
and 1897). 

After Zoega the next important name is that of H. Tattam 
(1789-1868), whose manuscripts formed the nucleus of the Crawford 
Collection now in the John Rylands Library. His own published 
works include: "The Gospels** (1829); "Grammar,** 1st ed. 
(1830); "Lexicon** (1835); "Minor Prophets **( 1 836) ; "Book 
of Job** (1846); "Apostolic Constitutions** (1848); "Greater 
Prophets** (1852) ; "Grammar,** 2nd ed. (1853). "The Book of 
Job," the " Apostolic Constitutions,** and both editions of the " Gram- 
mar ** are in the Library. 

Meanwhile, Lagarde (1827-1891) [formerly Boetticher, q.v. in 
the John Rylands Catalogue] had commenced his textual labours and 
in 1852 published at Halle editions of the "Acts of the Apostles" 
and of the " Epistles,** both of which are in the Library, in copies 
which belonged to Bishop Westcott. The Library also possesses his 
**Orientalia** (1879), which describes the manuscripts bought from 
Brugsch by the Gottingen Library, reprints Old Testament fragments. 


and intimates his desire to investigate scattered material in England. 
In the years 1881 and 1882 Lagarde received £200 from Bishop 
Lightfoot and other English promoters of learning, to enable him to 
examine manuscripts at Rome, Florence, and Turin. One result of 
these investigations was the publication of ** Aegyptiaca*' in 1883. 
A translation of the text of " Wisdom" in this work was presented to 
the Library by the late Dr, J. H. Moulton. 

In 1898, Dr. E. A. Wallis Budge published " The Earliest Known 
Coptic Psalter from * Codex 5000 ' in the British Museum ". Other 
texts from the same source were published by Sir Herbert Thompson, 
(1) "The Coptic (Sahidic) Version of Certain Books of the Old 
Testament" (1908), and (2) "A Coptic Palimpsest containing 
Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Judith, and Esther" (1911); and by Mr. 
E. O. Winstedt in " The Journal of Theological Studies," X. 233-54. 
The Library possesses the Ciasca-Balestri edition of the Roman 
fragments of the ** Old Testament," and Horner's " New Testament," 
the whole in Bohairic, as well as the *' Gospels " in Sahidic. Texts 
edited by Budge, Crum, Delaporte, and Winstedt will be found in the 
Catalogue of Additions. The Grammars of Stern, Steindorff, and 
Mall on, and the Berlin reprint of Peyron's '* Lexicon " may be 
consulted. The collection of material for Mr. Crum's new Lexicon, 
which will be twice the size of Peyron's book, has been interrupted 
by the war, but nevertheless continues to advance steadily. 

Having traced in a very general and confessedly imperfect way 
the light which the Library throws upon the history of Coptic study, 
and having indicated some of the useful assistance which it provides, 
I may conclude with the hope that its treasures will continue to enable 
students and investigators to gain a better knowledge of the life and 
history of early Christian Egypt, and especially of the valuable con- 
tribution which the Coptic Versions and homiletic literature make to 
the textual criticism and interpretation of the Bible. 


In the following pages we print the sixth list of contributions to 
the new library for the exiled University of Louvain, and we take 
this opportunity of again thanking the respective donors for their wel- 
come response to our appeal. 

This list does not complete the record of gifts which have been 
received to date, for such is the pressure upon our space in the present 
issue that we have been compelled to hold over a further list of the 
most recent of those gifts for publication in our next number. 

In previous appeals we have ventured to suggest the titles of a 
number of important works of reference, which are considered to be 
indispensable to the efficiency of a reference and research library suck 
as the one we have in contemplation, in the belief that there were 
amongst our readers and their circle of friends many who would gladly 
participate in our scheme of replacement, did they know what works 
would be acceptable. These appeals have met with an encouraging 
response, and many very useful sets of works have been added to the 
collection as a result, notably a set of the " Dictionary of National 
Biography," presented by Messrs. Heffer & Sons, of Cambridge. We 
should welcome further offers of such sets as the following : Godefroy's 
** Dictionnaire de Tancienne langue frangaise" ; the Benedictins " His- 
toire litteraire de la France " ; the ** Acta Sanctorum " of the BoUand- 
ists ; the ** Victoria History of the Counties of England " ; the two 
series of the Abbe Migne's " Patrologia," and his collection of Encyclo- 
paedias ; Perrot and Chipiez's ** Histoire de Tart dans Tantiquite ** ; 
Chevalier's " Repertoire des sources historiques du moyen age " ; 
Brunet*s *' Manuel du libraire et de I'amateur de livres " ; " Notices 
et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale '* ; facsimiles 
of the great Biblical and other manuscripts, such as the '* Codex 
Vaticanus," " Codex Sinaiticus," ** Codex Alexandrinus," and the 
series of facsimiles edited by M. de Vries ; " Bibliotheque de TEcole 

des Hautes Etudes,'* to mention only a few titles which occur to us 



as we write, and which we mention as an indication to would-be 
benefactors of the character of the works we are anxious to obtain. 

Since the publication of our last report, a new impetus has been 
given to our scheme by Miss E. Dixon, of Cambridge (to whom we 
are indebted already for much practical help), by her advocacy in 
the press of the purchase of selections from the library of the late Dr. 
Gwatkin, Dixie Professor of Ecclesiastical History in the University 
of Cambridge, which was listed for sale in May last by Messrs. Heffer 
& Sons. In cataloguing the library Messrs. Heffer wisely grouped 
together the works on " Early European Church History " and 
** Mediaeval History," comprising together 523 items, which were 
offered ** en bloc " for the sum of £60 and £90 respectively. Miss 
Dixon in her letter to ** The Times " (1 7th May) pointed out that it 
would be a thousand pities for such valuable specialist collections, 
which it had taken Prof. Gwatkin a lifetime to get together, to be 
dispersed, and suggested that here was a unique opportunity for some 
generous benefactor to give practical expression to his sympathy with 
this movement by making, at the comparatively trifling cost of £ 1 50, 
a most welcome and valuable contribution to the new library, which 
is already taking very definite shape in the John Rylands Library. 

The response to this appeal was as prompt as it was encouraging, 
and during the morning of the day in which the letter appeared in 
print several offers to purchase the collections were received. The 
first was from the Master of Emmanuel College (Dr. Giles) on behalf 
of the College, of which Prof. Gwatkin was a Fellow, and which is 
the headquarters of the exiled Belgian Professors in Cambridge. Dr. 
Giles proposes for the present to arrange the works comprised in this 
gift in the set of rooms which have been placed at the service of the 
Belgian scholars, so that their own Professor of Divinity, Canon Van 
Hoonacker, may have easy access to them whenever he pleases. The 
copy of the first edition of the " Dictionary of National Biography," 
already referred to as having been presented by Mr. Heffer, is also 
housed in Emmanuel College, and will in time take the place of the 
copy which used to stand in the vestibule of the library of Louvain. 

We think it is only due to those who so kindly expressed their 
willingness to take part in Miss Dixon's plan, that their names should 
be placed on record. In the order in which their offers were received 
they are as follows : Mr. A. B. Bumey, of London ; Miss Agnes 


Fry, of Failand ; Miss Kemp, of London ; Lord Muir Mackenzie ; 
Sir George Macalpine ; and Miss F. M. Bruce, of London. Al- 
though by the prompt action of Dr. Giles they were deprived of the 
privilege of presenting the collections referred to, they very graciously 
allowed us to select other suitable works from the same library to a 
given amount, or promised to come to our assistance whenever another 
advantageous opportunity should occur. 

We must also gratefully acknowledge the generous action of the 
Librarian of Ann Arbor University, Michigan, U.S.A., in renouncing 
his claim as " first come first served " to the two collections, in favour 
of Louvain. Mr. Bishop's order was the first to reach Cambridge, 
but in reply to a cablegram asking him to waive his claim in favour of 
Louvain, he promptly and generously consented to do so. 

The following circular letter, issued by Lord Muir Mackenzie, as 
Chairman of the Executive Committee, has attracted many offers of 
assistance, the details of which we hope to be in a position to print in 
our next issue : — 

" The Executive Committee (appointed early in 1916 at a large 
representative meeting with Viscount Bryce, O.M., in the Chair) for 
promoting the resuscitation of the Library at the University of Louvain 
after the War made an appeal through the Press, to which a satis- 
factory response was made, and they now think that the time has come 
for making a more personal appeal. 

**The Conunittee have already received the promise of a con- 
siderable number of valuable books, and their experience, as well as 
that of the John Rylands Library at Manchester, where several 
thousands of volumes have already been collected, so as to be ready 
for sending to Louvain when the time comes, shows that there are 
many people both able and willing to help by their gifts. Mr. 
Henry Guppy, the John Rylands Librarian, is a member of the 
Committee, and there is complete co-operation between the Com- 
mittee and the John Rylands Library, with the kind consent of its 

" The Committee, as they stated in their former appeal, suggest 
that sympathisers should send lists or descriptions of books, which they 
may be willing to give, to their Honorary Secretary (Mr. Hugh 
Butler, Librarian of the House of Lords), [or to Mr. Guppy], who, 
after such lists have been collated with the lists of the books already 


presented, will write as to the acceptance of any volumes which may 
be kindly offered, and as to the place to which they should eventually 
be sent. 

" It is well to insist on the fact that the Louvain Library was a 
line general library and by no means confined or mainly confined to 
ecclesiastical or theological literature. Books therefore of all kinds 
and on all subjects suitable for the shelves of a University Library 
will be welcomed. 

'* It should be added that Ksts of the gifts and donors will be 
published from time to time in the BULLETIN — the periodical publi- 
cation of the John Rylands Library." 

In our last issue reference was made to the spontaneous offer of 
Messrs. King & Co., of Westminster, of a collection of 1 79 volumes 
published by them, and we expressed the hope that other publishers 
would follow their example. Mr. Fisher Unwin has been good 
enough to submit a list of works of his own publishing, which he was 
willing to contribute, and from which we were able to make a very 
liberal selection. For this help we are grateful, and again express 
the hope that it may stimulate other publishing houses to do likewise. 

We are glad to be able to give fresh proof of the widely repre- 
sentative character of the offers of assistance which reach us almost 
daily. One of the latest is from the Town Clerk of Auckland, New 
Zealand, intimating the desire of the Council, at the suggestion of 
Mr. H. Shaw, a local benefactor to the local Public Library, to 
donate to the University of Louvain a duplicate copy of ** Biblia 
Latina cum glossa ordinaris Walfridi Strabonis et interlineari 
Anselmi. ..." It is needless to say the offer has been gratefully 
accepted, and we hasten to place this enlightened action of the Auck- 
land Town Council on record, in the hope that it may stimulate the 
librarians and committees of other libraries in the possession of duplicates 
to make similar use of them. 

We have received intimation from the Secretaries of the Egypt 
Exploration Fund and the Royal Meteorological Society that complete 
sets of their respective publications are to be forwarded as soon as they 
can be accumulated. This leads us to say that we are assured by 
several of the Louvain Professors that sets of the transactions of the 
learned societies and of the learned periodicals will be most acceptable 
contributions to the new library. 


In these hurriedly written paragraphs, and the accompanying lists, 
we have evidence of the unabated interest which is being evinced in 
our scheme for replacing the devastated library, but much remains to 
be done if the gift library which we have in contemplation is to repre- 
sent anything approaching the equivalent of the library so wantonly 
destroyed by the vandals of Germany, and for that reason we renew 
and emphasize our appeal for assistance. 

In order to obviate any needless duplication of gifts, the Librarian 
will regard it as a favour if those who may wish to participate in the 
scheme will, in the first instance, send to him a list of the works they 
are willing to contribute, so that the register may be examined, with 
a view of ascertaining whether any of the titles already figure therein. 

In our last list of contributions at pages 437-40 we have inad- 
vertently acknowledged the gift of a long list of books as from the 
** Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts ". The 
acknowledgment should have been made in the name of **The 
Associates of Dr. Bray " through the Society for the Propagation of 
the Gospel in Foreign Parts, and we offer our apologies to the Secretary 
for our mistake. 

DUDLEY BAXTER, Esq., B.A., of Geneva. 

Baxter (Dudley) England's cardinals. With an appendix showing the 
reception of the sacred pallium by the archbishops of Canterbury and 
Westminster. London, 1903. 8vo. 


Bruce (Thomas) Earl of Elgin and Ailesbury. Memoirs of Thomas, 
Earl of Ailesbury, written by himself. [Edited by W. E Buckley.] 
[Roxburghe Club.] Westminster, \^^. 2 vols. 4to. 

GUILLAUME ; de Degulleville, The pilgrimage of the life of man, englished 
by John Lydgate ... the text edited by F. J. Furnivall . . . with in- 
troduction, notes glossary and indexes by Katharine B. Locock. [Rox- 
burghe Club.] London, 1905. 4to. 

Holme (Randle) The academy of armory, or, a storehouse of armory and 
blazon. Second volume. Edited by I. H. Jeayes. [Roxburghe Club.] 
London, 1905. 4to. 

MaNDEVILLE {^Sir John) The buke of John Maundeuill, being the travels 
of Sir John MandeviUe. Knight (1322-56). Edited . . . by G. F. 
Warner. [Roxburghe Club.] Westminster, 1889. Fol. 


Titus FlAVIUS SaBINUS Vespasian us, Emperor of Rome. Titus and 
Vespasian, or the destruction of Jerusalem in rhymed couplets. Edited 
from the London and Oxford MSS. by J. A. Herbert. [Roxburghe 
Club.] London, 1905. 4to. 

MISS K. F. BROTHERS, of Haverthwaite. 

Roberts (Isaac) A selection of photographs of stars, star-clusters and 
nebulae, together with information concerning the instruments and the 
methods employed in the pursuit of celestial photography. London^ 
11893]. 4to. 

SacCHI (Angelo) Catalogo di 1321 stelle doppie misurate col grande 
equatoriale di Merz all' osservatorio del Collegio Romano a confrontate 
colle misure anteriori. Roma, 1 860. 4to. 

THE REV. D. P. BUCKLE, M.A., of Manchester. 

Buckle (David Purdey) Bohairic lections of Wisdom from a Rylands Lib- 
rary MS. [Extract from the Journal of Theological Studies, Oct. 1915, 
Vol. XVII, No. 65.] {London, 1915.] 8vo. 


AlcOCK (A.) An account of the deep-sea Brachyura collected by the 
Royal Indian Marine Survey Ship Investigator. Calcutta, 1899. 4to. 

An account of the deep-sea Madreporaria collected by the Royal 

Indian Marine Survey Ship Investigator. Calcutta, 1898. 4to. 

Catalogue of the Indian Decapod Crustacea in the collection of the 

Indian Museum. [Part i, Fasc. 1 -2 ; Part ii, Fasc. 1 ; Part iii, Fasc. 1 .] 
Calcutta, \^\A^. 4pts. 4to. 

A descriptive catalogue of the Indian deep-sea Crustacea Decapod 

Macrura and Anomala, in the Indian Museum. Being a revised account 
of the deep-sea species collected by the Royal Indian Marine Survey 
Ship Investigator. Calcutta, 1 901 . 4to. 

A descriptive catalogue of the Indian deep-sea fishes in the Indian 

Museum. Being a revised account of the deep-sea fishes collected by 
the Royal Indian Marine Survey Ship Investigator. Calcutta, 1899. 

A guide to the zoological collections exhibited in the Fish Gallery 

of the Indian Museum. Calcutta, 1 899. 8vo. 

Anderson Qohn) Catalogue of mammalia in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. 
[Vol. 1, by J. Anderson: Vol. 2, by W. L. Sclater.] Calcutta, 1881- 
91. 2 vols. 8vo. 

Bentham (T) An illustrated catalogue of the Asiatic horns and antlers 
in the collection of the Indian Museum. Calcutta, 1908. 8vo. 



Calcutta : Indian Museum. Annotated list of the Asiatic beetles in 
the collection of the Indian Museum. Edited by the Superintendent, 
natural history section. Part 1. Family Carabidae, subfamily Cicin- 
delinae. By N. Annandale, and W. Horn. Calcutta, 1909. 8vo. 

Memoirs. Edited by the Superintendent, Indian Museum, natural 

history section. Calcutta, \^lAb. Vols. 1-5. 4to. 

Records. (A journal of Indian zoology.) Edited by the Super- 
intendent, Indian Museum, natural history section. Calcutta, 1907-15. 
Vols. 1-11. 8vo. 

Clark (Austin Hobart) The Crinoids of the Indian Ocean. [Echinoderma 
of the Indian Museum, Part 7.] Calcutta, 1912. 4to. 

Cotes (E. C.) and SwiNHOE (C.) A catalogue of the moths of India. 
Calcutta, 1887-89. 7 pts. 8vo. 

Distant (W. L.) A monograph of Oriental Cicadidae. Calcutta^ 
1889-92. 7 pts. 4to. 

Finn (F.) A guide to the zoological collections exhibited in the Bird 
Gallery of the Indian Museum. Calcutta^ 1900. 8vo. 

List of the birds in the Indian Museum. Part I. Fsunilies 

Corvidae, Paradiseidae, Ptilonorhynchidae and Crateropodidae. Cal- 
cutta, 1901. 8vo. 

HOSSACK (W. C.) Aids to the identification of rats connected with 
plague in India, with suggestions as to the collection of specimens. 
Second edition. Allahabad, 1907. 8vo. 

Investigator. Illustrations of the zoology of H.M. Indian Marine Sur- 
veying Steamer Investigator, under the command of Commander A. 
Carpenter and of Commander R. F. Hoskyn [and others.] Calcutta^ 
1892-1909. 16 pts. 4to. 

KoeHLER (Rene) An account of the deep-sea Asteroidea collected by 
the Royal Indian Marine Survey Ship Investigator. [Echinoderma of the 
Indian Museum, part 5.] Calcutta, 1909. 4to. 

An account of the deep-sea Ophiuroidea collected by the Royal 

Indian Marine Survey Ship Investigator. [Echinoderma of the Indian 
Museum, part 1 .] Calcutta, 1 899. 4to. 

An account of the Echinoidea. [Echinoderma of the Indian 

Museum, part 8.] Calcutta, \^\^, 4to. 

An account of the shallow-water Asteroidea. [Echinoderma of the 

Indian Museum, part 6.] Calcutta, 1910. 4to. 

Illustrations of the shallow-water Ophiuroidea collected by the 

Royal Indian Marine Survey Ship Investigator. [Echinoderma of the 
Indian Museum, part 2.] Calcutta, 1900. 4to. 



KOEHLER (Rene) and VaNEY (C.) An account of the deep-sea 
Holothurioidea collected by the Royal Indian Marine Survey Ship In- 
vestigator. [Echinoderma of the Indian Museum, part 3.) Calcutta^ 
1905. 4to. 

An account of the littoral Holothurioidea collected by the Royal 

Indian Marine Survey Ship Investigator. [Echinoderma of the Indian 
Museum, part 4.] Calcutta, 1908. 4to. 

Mason (James Wood) A catalogue of the Mantodea, with descriptions 
of new genera and species, and an enumeration of the specimens, in the 
collection of the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Calcutta, 1889-91. 2 pts. 

Figures and descriptions of nine species of Squillidae from the col- 
lection in the Indian Museum. Calcutta, 1895. 4to. 

NeviLL (Geoffrey) Catalogue of mollusca in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. 
Fasciculus E. Calcutta, 1877. 8vo. 

Hand list of mollusca in the Indieui Museum, Calcutta. Calcutta^ 

1878-84. 2 vols. 8vo. 

SCHULZE (Franz Elilhard) An account of the Indian Triaixonia collected 
by the Royal Indian Marine Survey Ship Investigator. The German 
original translated into English by Robert von Lendenfeld. Calcutta, 
1902. 4to. 

SCLATER (William Lutley) List of snakes in the Indian Museum. 
Calcutta, 1891. 8vo. 

List of the Batrachia in the Indian Museum. London, 1892. 8vo. 

SeweLL (R. B. Seymour) and ChaUDHURI (B. L.) Indian fish of 
proved utility as mosquito-destroyers. Calcutta, 1912. 8vo. 

Thomson (John Arthur) and Henderson (W. D.) An account of 

the Alcyonarians collected by the Royal Indian Marine Survey Ship 
Investigator in the Indian Ocean. [Part 1 . By J. A. Thomson and 
W. D. Henderson. Part 2. By J. A. Thomson and J. J. Simpson.] Cal- 
cutta, 1906-09. 2 pts. 4to. 

MONSIGNOR CARTON DE WIART, of Archbishop s House, West- 

Orders. Ordines Anglicani. Expositio historica et theologica cura et 
studio commissionis ab . . . Herberto Cardinali Vaughan. ... ad hoc 
institutae. Londini, 1896. 4to. 

Philip, of Bourbon Sicily, Pr/^c^. Mariagede . . . le prince Philippe de 
Bourbon-Siciles ... la princesse Marie-Louise de Bourbon-Orleans. 
(Discours de . . . le cardinal Amette archeveque de Paris prononce le 
12 du mois de Janvier 1916, etc.) (Discours du . . . G. Bertrand 
. . . prononce le 11 du mois de Janvier 1916, etc.) Neuilly, 1916. 


THE REV. ARTHUR DIXON, M.A., of Haughton Green, Denton. 

Apostolic Fathers. The Apostolic Fathers. Part 2. S. Ignatius. 
S. Polycarp. Revised texts with introductions, notes, dissertations, and 
translations. By J. B. Lightfoot. London, 1885. 2 vols, in 3. 8vo. 

Bible — English. The Gospel according to St. John. With introduc- 
tion and notes by B. F. Westcott. [Reprinted from the " Speaker's Com- 
mentary**.] London, 1882. 8vo. 

The Epistle to the Hebrews : the Greek text with notes and essays 

by B. F. Westcott. Lofidon, 1889. 8to. 

The Epistles of St. John : the Greek text with notes amd essays by 

B. F. Westcott. London, 1883. 8vo. 

St. Paul's Epistle to the GcJatians. A revised text, with introduc- 
tion, notes, and dissertations. By J. B. Lightfoot. Sixth edition. 
London, 1880. 8vo. 

Saint PauFs Epistle to the Philippians. A revised text, with in- 
troduction, notes, and dissertations. By J. B. Lightfoot. Sixth edition. 
London, 1881. 8vo. 

Saint Paul's Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon. A revised 

text, with introductions, notes and dissertations. By J. B. Lightfoot. 
Fifth edition. London, 1880. 8vo. 

Lightfoot (Joseph Barber) Leaders in the Northern Church. Sermons 
preached in the Diocese of Durheun. London^ 1890. 8vo. 

Notes on Epistles of St. Paul, from unpublished commentaries. 

London, 1895. 8vo. 

Murray (James Augustus Henry) A new English dictionary on historical 
principles, founded mainly on the materials collected by the Philological 
Society. Edited by J. A. H. Murray [and others]. Oxford, 1888, etc. 
4to. fn progress, 

Westcott (Brooke Foss) Bishop of Durham. The Bible in the Church. 
A popular account of the collection and reception of the Holy Scriptures 
in the Christian Churches. New edition. London^ \bl9. 16mo. 

Christian aspects of life. London, 1 897. 8vo. 

Christus Consummator : some aspects of the work and person of 

Christ in relation to modern thought. London, 1886. 8vo. 

Essays in the history of religious thought in the west. London, 

1891. 8vo. 

The Gospel of the Resurrection : thoughts on its relation to reason 

and history. Third edition. London, 1874. 8vo. 

The Incarnation and common life. London, 1893. 8vo. 

An introduction to the study of the Gospels. Sixth edition. 

Cambridge and London, 1 88 1 . 8vo. 


WesTCOTT (Brooke Foss) Bishop of Durham. The revelation of the 
Father : short lectures, on the titles of the Lord in the Gospel of St. 
John. London and Cambridge, \^M. 8vo. 

The revelation of the risen Lord. Second edition. London and 

Cambridge, 1882. 8vo. 
Social aspects of Christianity. London and Cambridge, 1887. 

Thoughts on revelation and life, being selections from the vyrritings 

of B. F. Westcott. Arranged and edited by Stephen Phillips. London, 

1891. 8vo. 

COLONEL 0. E. ELIOT, of Islip, Oxon. 
MaccHIAVELLI (Niccolo) Opere. Italia [Florence], 1826. 10 vols, in 5. 


Burns (Edward) The coinage of Scotland illustrated from the cabinet of 
Thomas Coats, Esq., of Ferguslie amd other collections. Edinburgh, 
1887. 3 vols. 4to. 

PROFESSOR FINLAY, M.D., LL.D., of Glasgow. 

BasTIAT (Frederic) Fallacies of protection being the Sophismes economi- 
ques of F. Bastiat, translated from the fifth edition of the French by P. 
J. Stirling. London, 1909. 8vo. 

Bedford (Charles H.) A clinical handbook of urine analysis. Second 
edition. Edinburgh, 1904. 8vo. 

BlaNDFORD (G. Fielding) Insanity and its treatment : lectures on the 
treatment, medical and legal, of insane patients. Second edition. 
Edinburgh, 1877. 8vo. 

Bouchard (Charles Jacques) Lectures on auto-intoxication in disease, or 
self-poisoning of the individual. Translated, with a preface, by T. 
Oliver. Philadelphia and London, 1 894. 8vo. 

Clinical Society of London. Transactions. [With supplementary 
volumes and indexes.] Vol. 1 (-40). London, 1868-1909. 45 vols. 

FerRIER (David) The Croonian Lectures on cerebral localisation. De- 
livered before the Royal College of Physicians, June, 1890. London^ 
1890. 8vo. 

On tabes dorsalis. The Lumleian Lectures delivered before the 

Royal College of Physicians, London, March, 1906. London, 1906. 

FiNLAYSON (Thomas Campbell) Biological religion : an essay in criticism 
of Professor Henry Drummond's ** Natural law in the spiritual world **. 
Third edition. London, 1895. 8vo. 


GreENHOW (Edward Headlam) On Addison's disease being the Croon- 
ian Lectures for 1875, delivered before the Royal College of Physicians, 
revised and illustrated. London^ 1875. 8vo. 

Haig (Alexander) Uric acid as a factor in the causation of disease ; a 
contribution to the pathology of high arterial tension, headache, epilepsy, 
mental depression, . . . and other disorders. Second edition. London^ 
1894. 8vo. 

Harris (Thomas) Post-mortem handbook, or how to conduct post-mortem 
examinations for clinical and for medico-legal purposes. London^ 1887. 

HORSLEY {Sir Victor Alexander Hayden) and StURGE (Mary D.) 
Alcohol and the human body ; an introduction to the study of the subject. 
With a chapter by A. Newsholme. London^ 1907. 8vo. 

Kerr (Norman) Inebriety, its etiology, pathology, treatment and juris- 
prudence. Second edition. London^ 1889. 8vo. 

NeaLE (Richard) The medical digest, or busy practitioner's vade-mecum. 
Third edition. (Appendix including the years 1891 to March, 1899.) 
London, \%^\-^. 2 vols. 8vo. 

Newman (David) The diagnosis of diseases of the kidney amenable to 
surgical treatment. Glasgow, 1 902. 8vo. 

Parker (Robert William) Diphtheria : its nature and treatment. With 
special reference to the operation, after-treatment, and complications of 
tracheotomy. Hiird edition, largely re- written. London, 1891. 8to. 

PaVY (Frederick William) The physiology of the carbohydrates. An 
epicriticism. London, 1895. 8vo. 

PekELHARING (Cornelis Adrianus) and WiNKLER (Comelis) Beri-beri. 
Researches concerning its nature and cause and the means of its arrest. 
Translated by J. Cantlie. Edinburgh and London, 1893. 8vo. 

Ringer (Sydney) A handbook of therapeutics. Fourth edition. London, 
1874. 8vo. 

ROYCE (Josiah) The world and the individual. Gifford Lectures delivered 
before the University of Aberdeen. Second series. Nature, man and 
the moral order. New York, 1901. 8vo. 

Smith (Philip Henry Pye) The Lumleizui Lectures on certain points in 
the aetiology of disease, delivered before the Royal College of Physicians, 
1892 ; to which is added the Harveian Oration delivered before the 
College in 1893. London, \^^b, 8vo. 

Sutton (J. Bland) Gall-stones and diseases of the bile-ducts. London, 
1907. 8vo. 

Thomson (John Arthur) Heredity. London, 1908. 8vo. 



Bancroft (George) History of the United States of America, from the 

discovery of the continent. Thoroughly revised edition. London^ 1876. 

6 vols. 8vo. 
Buckley (Robert Burton) Irrigation works in India and Egypt. London, 

1893. 4to. 
Green (John Richard) History of the English people. London, 1881-85. 

4 vols. 8vo. 

MISS AGNES FRY, of Failand, Bristol. 

MaSSART (Jean) Esquisse de la geographie botanique de la Belgique 
avec une annexe. Briixelles, 1910. 2 vols. 8vo. 

MR. and MRS. F. E. GARSIDE, of Hampstead, London. 

BaSSELIN (Olivier) Vaux-de-Vire d'O. Basselin et de Jean Le Houx 
suivis d'un choix d*anciens Vaux-de-Vire et d'anciennes chansons 
normandes. Nouvelle edition, revue et publiee par P. L. Jacob. 
Paris, 1858. 8vo. 

CaRr£ (Paul) A mi-c6te : poemes dramatiques poesies diverses recits et 
comedies en prose. Paris, [1888]. 8vo. 

Herbert (George) The poetical works, illustrated. London, \bb5. 8vo. 

MiGNET (Francois Auguste Marie) Histoire de la revolution frangaise, 
depuis 1789 jusqu'en 1814. Septieme edition. Bruxelles, 1838. 
2 vols in 1 . 8vo. 

StaEL-HoLSTEI N (Anne Louise Germaine de) Baroness. Del' Allemagne. 
Paris, 1845. 8vo. 

Voltaire (Francois Marie Arouet de) Precis du siecle de Louis XV et 
histoire du parlement de Paris. Nouvelle edition revue collationnee sur 
Tedition Beuchot et soigneusement annotee. Paris, 1880. 8vo. 

ALBERT B. GHEWY, Esq., of Buckfastleigh, Devon. 

Addison {Right Hon. Joseph) The works. With notes by Richard 
Hurd. London, \ 854-56. 6 vols. 8vo. 

Baker {Sir Samuel White) Ismailia. A narrative of the expedition to 
Central Africa for the suppression of the slave trade, organized by Ismail, 
Khedive of Egypt. London, 1874. 2 vols. 8vo. 

CobDEN (Richard) Speeches on questions of public policy. Edited by J. 
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Collected studies in Greek and Latin scholarship. Edited by M. 

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Euripides the Rationalist : a study in the history of art suid religion. 

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Adams (William) The Declaration of London. London, 191 1. 8vo. 

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AldERSON (Albert William) The causes and cure of armaments and war. 
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The extinction in perpetuity of armaments and war. London, 

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Urban land, traffic and housing problems. An attempted solution. 

True land monopoly and its advantages. London, 1912. 8vo. 

Why the war cannot be final. London, 1915. 8vo. 

AnDREADES (A.) History of the Bank of England, 1640-1903. Trans- 
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Arias (Harmodis) The Panama Canal, a study in international law and 
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Ashley (William James) The tariff problem. Third edition. London, 
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Baker (C. Ashmore) Rates ; being the revenue and expenditure of 
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BanNINGTON (B. G.) English public health administration. Introduction 
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Benson (Godfrey Rathbone) Baron Charnwood. Legislation for the pro- 
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BeRESFORD {Sh- Charles William de la Poer) 1st Baron. The betrayal ; 
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Best (Robert H.) Brassworkers of Berlin and of Birmingham: a com- 
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Best (Robert H.) a7id OgDEN (C. K.) The problem of the continuation 
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BowLEY (Arthur Lyon) Elements of statistics. Third edition. London, 
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The nature and purpose of the measurement of social phenomena. 

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BrasSEY (Thomas Allnutt) Viscount Hythe, The case for devolution and 
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Bright (Charles) Imperial telegraphic communication. London, 1911. 

The locomotion problem. London, 1905. 8vo. 

CaNNAN (Edw^in) The history of local rates in England in relation to the 
proper distribution of the burden of taxation. Second edition much 
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A history of the theories of production and distribution in English 

political economy from 1776 to 1848. Second edition. London, 1903. 

Wealth ; a brief explanation of the causes of economic welfare. 

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Collins (E. A.) Leasehold enfranchisement. The case for and against, 
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CORNFORD (L. Cope) London pride and London shame. London, 1910. 

The price of home rule. London, 1910. 8vo. 



Dawson (William Harbutt) The German workman. A study in national 
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Protection in Germany. A history of German fiscal policy during 

the nineteenth century. Londoyi^ 1904. 8vo. 

The vagrancy problem. The case for measures of restraint for 

traunps, loafers, and unemployables : with a study of continental detention 
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Deaf. The deaf. Handbook containing information relating to statistics, 
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DeaRLE (Norman B.) Industrial training, with special reference to the 
conditions prevailing in London. London, 1914. 8vo. 

DepTFORD. Fourth report of the Deptford Health Centre. London, 
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Destitution. Report of the proceedings of the national conference on 
the prevention of destitution, held at the Caxton Hall, Westminster, on 
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EgVILLE (Howard d') Imperial defence and closer union. A short record 
of the life-work of the late Sir John Colomb, in connection with the 
movement towards imperial organisation. London, \9\3. 8vo. 

ENGLAND: PARLIAMENT. Catalogue of parliamentary papers, 1801 
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ElSTEY (J. A.) Revolutionary syndicalism, an exposition and a criticism. 
With an introduction by L L. Price. London, 1913. 8vo. 

Fabian Society. What to read on social and economic subjects. An 
interleaved bibliography, compiled by the Fabian' Society. Fifth edition. 
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Fay (Charles Ryle) Co-operation at home and abroad ; a description and 
analysis. London, 1908. 8vo. 

Feeble-minded. The problem of the feeble-minded. An abstract of 
the report of the Royal Commission on the care and control of the feeble- 
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Fletcher (Margaret) Christian feminism, a charter of rights and duties. 
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Fowler (Gilbert J.) Some principles underlying the design of small sewage 
installations. A lecture delivered before the Edinburgh Architectural 
Association on 27 March, 1907. Edinburgh, [1907]. 8vo. 

Freeman (Arnold) Boy life and labour, the manufacture of inefficiency. 
Preface by Dr. M. E. Sadler. London, 1914. 8vo. 


Fust (Herbert Jenner) Poor law orders arranged and annotated by H. J. 
Fust. London, 1907-12. 2 vols. 8yo. 

GaLTON (Frank W.) Select documents illustrating the history of trade 
unionism. 1. The tailoring trade. Edited by F. W. Galton, with a 
preface by S. Webb. London, 1896. 8vo. 

GaSKELL (Thomas Penn) Protection paves the path of prosperity. An 
exposure of free food folly and fiction. L^ondon, 1913. 8vo. 

George (Eric) National service and national education. With an intro- 
duction by Lord Henry Cavendish-Bentinck. London^ \9\3. 8vo. 

Germany. Some of Germany's troubles ; her blockaded merchantmen 
and the stoppage of her cotton supply. London, [1916]. 8vo. 

Gibbon (I. G.) Medical benefit ; a study of the experience of Germany 
and Denmark. London, 1912. 8vo. 

Unemployment insurance ; a study of schemes of assisted insurance. 

With a preface by L. T. Hobhouse. London, 191 1. 8vo. 

Giles (F. W.) The campaign against syphilis (based on the evidence given 
before the Royal Commission on venereal disease). London, 1915. 

Graham Qohn Cameron) Taxation (local and imperial) and local gov- 
ernment. Revised by M. D. Warmington. Fourth edition. London^ 
1906. 8vo. 

Greenwood (Arthur) Juvenile labour exchanges and after-care. With 
an introduction by S. Webb. London, 1911. 8vo. 

GRICE (J. Watson) National and local finance. A review of the relations 
between the central and local authorities in England, France, Belgium, 
and Prussia, during the nineteenth century. With a preface by S. Webb. 
London, 1910. 8vo. 

Hall (Hubert) A select bibliography for the study, sources, and literature 
of Elnglish mediaeval economic history. Compiled by a seminar of the 
London School of Economics under the supervision of H. Hall. London, 
1914. 8vo. 

Hamilton {General Sir Ian Standish Monteith) National life and 
national training. London, 1913. 8vo. 

HaRLEY (J. H.) The new social democracy: a study for the times. 
London, 191 1. 8vo. 

Harris (J. Theodore) An example of communal currency : the facts about 
the Guernsey Market House. With a preface by S. Webb. London, 
1911. 8vo. 

Hart (Heber) Woman suffrage : a national danger. With a preface by 
the Rt. Hon. Lewis Harcourt. Second edition. London, \9\2. 8vo. 



HaSBACH (Wilhelm) A history of the English agricultural labourer. 
Newly edited by the author and translated by R. Kenyon. With a 
preface by S. Webb. Lo7idon, 1908. 8vo. 

Heath (Francis George) British rural life and labour. London, 1911. 

Hey KING (Alphonse) Baron. A practical guide for Russian consular 
officers and all persons having relations with Russia. Second edition 
revised and amplified. London, \^\b. 8vo. 

HiGGINS (Alexander Pearce) War and the private citizen : studies in in- 
ternational law. With introductory note by the Rt. Hon. A. Cohen. 
London, 1912. 8vo. 

HlGGINSON Oohn Hedley) Tariffs at work. An outline of practical tariff 
administration, with special reference to the United States and Canada. 
London, 1913. 8vo. 

HiGGS (Mary) Glimpses into the abyss. London, 1906. 8vo. 

How to start a women's lodging home. L^ondon, 1912. 8vo. 

HiGGS (Mary) and HaYWARD (Edward E.) Where shall she live? 
The homelessness of the woman worker. London, \^\^. 8vo. 

HiNCKES (Ralph Tichborne) Seven years of the sugar convention, 1903- 
1910. A vindication of Mr. Chamberlain's imperial and commercial 
policy. London, 1910. 8vo. 

HOARE (H. J.) Old age pensions : their actual working and ascertained 
results in the United Kingdom. With an introduction by Sir L. 
Gomme. London, 1915. 8vo. 

Hopkins (J. Ellice) The early training of girls and boys. An appeal \G 
working women. London, [n.d.]. 8vo. 

Houghton (Bernard) Bureaucratic government: a study in Indian 
polity. L^ondon, 1913. 8vo. 

HUMBERSTONE (Thomas Lloyd) A short history of national education in 
Great Britain and Ireland. London, 1908. 8vo. 

Humphrey (A. W.) International socialism and the war. London, 1915. 

HUSKINSON (Thomas W.) The Bank of England's charters the cause of 
our social distress. London, 1912. 8vo. 

HUTCHINS (B. L.) and HARRISON (A.) A history of factory legislation, 
with a preface by S. Webb. Second edition revised. I^ondon, 1911. 

HUTT (C. W.) Hygiene for health visitors, school nurses and social 
workers. London, 1912. 8vo. 

Hyde (H. E.) The two roads : international government or militarism. 
Will England lead the way ? Lo7idon,\[iA\. 8vo. 



Infant Mortality. Report of the proceedings of the national confer- 
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13th and 14th June, 1906. [Second edition.] (And on the 23rd, 24th. 
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industrial unrest and the living wage given at the Inter-Denominational 
Summer School, held at Swanwick, Derbyshire, June 28th-July 5th, 

1913. [Converging views of social reform. 2.] Londo7i, [1913]. 

International Association for Labour Legislation. Report 

of the sixth general meeting . . . held at Lugano, Sept. 26th-28th, 1910. 
(Report of the seventh general meeting held at Zurich, Sept. 1 0th- 1 2th, 
1912). Together with the annual reports of the International Associa- 
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Ireland. Home Rule in the making. London, 1912-13. 1 vol. in 2. 

Home rule problems . . . edited by Basil Williams, with a preface 

by Viscount Haldane. London, \^\\. 8vo. 

Jack (A. Fingland) Fire insurance and the municipalities. London, 1914. 

An introduction to the history of life assurance. London, 1912. 


JellinEK (Georg) The rights of minorities. Translated from the German 
by A. M. Baty and T. Baty. London, 1912. 8vo. 

Johnston (J. H. Clifford) A national agricultural policy : the finance of 
occupying owTiership and co-operative credit. London, 1915. 8vo. 

Jones (J. H.) The economics of war and conquest : an examination of Mr. 
Norman Angell's economic doctrines. London, 1915. 8vo. 

The tinplate industry, with special reference to its relations with the 

iron and steel industries. A study in economic organisation. London, 

1914. 8vo. 

Jones (Robert) The nature and first principle of taxation. With a preface 
by S. Webb. London, 1914. 8vo. 

Judge (Mark Hayler) Political socialism, a remonstrance. A collection 
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by M. H. Judge. [Constitution issues.— 2.] Lojidon, 1 908. 8vo. 

KelYNACK (Theo. N.) Medical examination of schools and scholars. 
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Kershaw (G. Bertram) Guide to the reports, evidence and appendices of 
the Royal Commission on sewage disposal. London, 1915. 8vo. 

LanDA (M. J.) The alien problem and its remedy. London, 1911. 8vo. 



Lauder (Albert E.) The municipal manual : a description of the con- 
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LeeSON (Cecil) The probation system. With an introduction by J. H. 
Muirhead. Loyidon, 1914. 8vo. 

LetH BRIDGE {^ir Roper) The Indian offer of imperial preference, with 
an introduction by the Right Hon. A. Chamberlain. London, 1913. 

London : District Nursing. Report on district nursing in relation to 
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etc.) London, \^\b-\^. 3 pts. Fol. 

Low (A. Maurice) Protection in the United States. A study of the origin 
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LytTON (Victor Alexander George Robert Bulwer) 2nd Earl, The House 
of Lords and women's suffrage. Speech ... in the debate in the 
House of Lords, May 6th, 1914. London, 1914. 8vo. 

Macartney (Douglas Halliday) Naval and military cadet training. 
London, 1915. 8vo. 

McClearY (G. F.) Infantile mortality and infants' milk depots. London, 
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BetSON (Thomas) A ryght profytable treatyse compendiously drawen out 
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Book. The book of curtesye. Printed at Westminster by William Caxton 
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Gregory (John) Gregorii Posthuma : or, certain learned tracts : written 
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HaRINGTON {Sir John) A tract on the Succession to the Crown (A.D. 
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HaRRISSE (Henry) The diplomatic history of America ; its first chapter, 
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HayCRAFT Oohn Berry) Darwinism and race progress. London, 1895. 

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Hurst Goseph) ^W Cecil (Lord Edgar Algernon Robert) The principles 
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Ireland : The Statutes of Ireland, beginning the third yere of K. Edward 
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Maurice, Prince of Orange, The triumphs of Nassau : or, a descrifK 
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Scotland. A collection of the laws in favour of the Reformation in 
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Sergeant G<^^") Solid philosophy asserted against the fancies of the 
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Shepherd (William) Paris in eighteen hundred and two, and eighteen 
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Smith (John Russell) Bibliotheca Cantiana : a bibliographical account of 
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Staunton {Sir George Leonard) Bart. An authentic account of an 
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Warren (William Fairfield) Paradise found ; the cradle of the human 
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Zeiller (Franz Edlen von) Das natiirliche Privat-Recht. Dritte verbes- 
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MISS C. M. SULLIVAN, of Regents Park, London. 

Bible. The Holy Bible, translated from the Latin vuleate. Edinburgh, 
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Blair (Hugh) Essays on rhetoric, abridged chieHy from Dr. Blair's 
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Lectures on rhetoric and belles lettres. The third edition. 

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BOILEAU DesPR^UX (Nicolas) Oeuvres. Nouvelle edition revue, cor- 
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Chateaubriand (Francois Rene de) Viscount. Genie du christianisme, 
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Clark (Hugh) A short and easy introduction to heraldry. The eighth 
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GOLDONI (Carlo) Scelta completa di tutte le migliori commedie . . . con 
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HUSENBETH (Frederick Charles) Faberism exposed and refuted : and the 
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Johnson (Samuel) The history of Rasselas, Prince of Abyssinia. A tale. 
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The Rambler : with a biographical, historical, and critical preface 

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La BrUYERE (Jean de) Les caracteres. Paris, \ 759. 2 vols. 1 6mo. 

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PelLICO (Silvio) Dei doveri degli uomini : discorso ad un giovani. Parigi^ 
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Plutarch. Plutarch's lives, translated . . . with notes critical and 
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Pom FRET (John) The poetical works. Magnet edition. London, 1833. 

Preceptor. The Preceptor : containing a general course of education. 
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Racine Oean) Oeuvres. Paris, \^\^. 4 vols. 8vo. 

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revolutions in Asia and Africa. In a series of letters to a young noble- 
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The history of modern Europe : . . . A new edition, with a con- 
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in 1825. London, 1827. 6 vols. 8vo. 

SeviGNE (Marie de Rabutin Chantal) Marquise de. Recueil des lettres 
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Shakespeare (William) The plays. Edinburgh, 1804. 9 vols. 12mo. 

[Smith (Horace) and (James)] Rejected addresses : or the new theatrum 
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Sterne (Lawrence) A sentimental journey through France and Italy. 
Zadig ; or the book of fate : an oriental history, translated from the 
French of M. de Voltaire. London, 1839. 32mo. 

TaSSO (Torquato) La Gerusalemme liberata, publicata da A. Buttura. 
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TerENTIUS Afer (Publius) Comoediae sex ad fidem editionis Zeunianae 
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TOOKE (Andrew) The Pantheon, representing the fabulous histories of the 
heathen gods, and most illustrious heroes. The thirtieth edition. 
London, 1798. 8vo. 

Trent: Council of. Catechismus concilii Tridentini, Pii V. Pontif. 
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The catechism of the Council of Trent. Translated into English 

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WaTKINS (John) A biographical, historical, and chronological dictionary r 
containing ... the lives, characters, and actions of the most eminent 
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YalDEN (Thomas) The poetical works. Magnet edition. London^ 1833* 

ARTHUR SYKES, Esq., of Roundhay, Leeds. 

EpiSTOLAE. Epistolae obscurorum virorum: the Latin text with an 
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Hamilton (Antoine) Count. Memoirs of the Count de Gramont : con- 
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Scott {Sir Walter) Bart, The Waverley novels. Edinburgh, 1859-60. 
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Shakespeare (William) The works. With a' memoir, and essay of his 
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Wright Goseph) The English dialect dictionary. Edited by Joseph 
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ROBERT WARDLE, Esq., of Swinton, Manchester. 

Montaigne (Michel de) Essais avec des notes de tous les commentateurs. 
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MoraLISTES FraNQAIS. Pensees de Blaise Pascal. Reflexions et 
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AURELIUS Antoninus (Marcus) The meditations of Marcus Aurelius, 
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British Association for the advancement of science. Report of the 
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Howard (Henry) Earl of Surrey. Tottel's miscellany. Songes and 
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Howell (James) Instructions for forreine trayell, 1642. Collated with 
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Hume (David) The philosophy of Hume as contained in extracts from the 
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Locke (John) The philosophy of Locke in extracts from the Essay con- 
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More {^Sir Thomas) Utopia. Second and revised edition, 1556. Edited 
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PhiLOXENUS, Bishop of Mabug. The discourses of Philoxenus, Bishop 
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Spinoza (Benedictus de) The philosophy of Spinoza as contained in the 
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Watson (Thomas) Poems, [1582]-93. Edited by E. Arber. [English 
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WeBBE (Edward) His trauailes, 1590. Edited by E. Arber. [English 
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Zoological Society of London. Proceedings of the general meetings 
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JOHN WINDSOR, Esq., of Mickle Trafford, near Chester. 

AtENEO. El Ateneo periodico de literatura espanola, ciencias y bellas 
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BecHER (H. C. R.) a trip to Mexico, being notes of a journey from Lake 
Erie to Lake Tezcuco and back. With an appendix . . . about the 
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BrehM (Alfred Edmund) Brehms Tierleben. Kleine Ausgabe fiir Volk 
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DlEZ (Friedrich Christian) Etymologisches Worterbuch der romanischen 
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DURUY (Victor) Histoire des Romains depuis les temps les plus recules 
jusqu' a I'invasion des barbares. Nouvelle edition. Paris, 1879-85. 
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HaacKE (Wilhelm) Die Schopfung der Tierwelt. Leipzig und Wien, 
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Kerner (Anton) Pflanzenleben. Leipzig und Wien, 1890-91. 2 vols. 

LlAIS (ELmmanuel) L'espace celeste et la nature tropicale, description 
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MaRCOY (Paul) \pseud. i.e. Laurent Saint Cricq].^ A journey across 
South America, from the Pacific Ocean to the Atlantic Ocean. Illus- 
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Parks and Gardens. The famous parks and gardens of the world de- 
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RaNKE (Joannes) Der Mensch. Zweite, ganzlich neubearbeitete Auflage. 

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Schiller (Johann Christoph Friedrich von) Schillers sammtliche Werke. 
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SlEVERS (Wilhelm) Airika. Eline allgemeine Landeskunde. Leipzig 
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Amerika. Eline allgemeine Landeskunde. Leipzig und Wien^ 

1894. 8vo. 

Asien. Eline allgemeine Landeskunde. Leipzig und Wien, \^9'b. 


Turner (Thomas A.) Argentina zuid the Argentines. Notes and impres- 
sions of a five years* sojourn in the Argentine Republic, 1885-90. 
London, 1892. 8vo. 

UjFALVY (Marie) De Paris a Samarkand, le Ferghanah, le Kouldja et la 
Siberie Occidentale. Impressions de voyage d'une Parisienne. Paris, 
1880. 4to. 

Wells (James W.) Elxploring and travelling three thousand miles through 
Brazil from Rio de Janeiro to Maranhao. Second edition, revised. 
London, 1887. 2 vols. 8vo. 






MANCHESTER librarian 

Vol. 4 SEPTEMBER, 1917-JANUARY, 1918 No. 2 



E are glad to be able to report that interest in the scheme, 
which has for its object the reconstruction THE 
of the Library of the University of Louvain, LIBRARY 
and which was inaugurated in December, 1914, by the SCHEME. 
Governors of the John Rylands Library, has shown no signs of abate- 
ment during the past year, notwithstanding the increasing number of 
other projects which daily clamour for public support. 

As evidence of this sustained interest it needs only to be 
stated, that since the publication, in August last, of the sixth 
list of contributions to the new library, we have actually received 
further gifts, amounting in the aggregate to nearly two thousand 
volumes, whilst many other definite promises of help have still to 

Unfortunately, the demands upon our space in the present issue 
render it necessary for us to hold over the detailed lists of the works 
comprised in these gifts until next quarter ; but, in the meantime, we 
have much pleasure in recording the names of the donors, with the 
number of volumes contributed respectively by each. 

As we have already pointed out in previous reports on the pro- 
gress of the scheme, the generous response which our appeals have 
evoked has resulted in a collection of works which constitutes an ex- 
cellent beginning of the new library. Yet, when it is remembered 
that the collection of books so wantonly destroyed by the Germans 
numbered upwards of a quarter of a million of volumes, it is evident 
that if the work of replacement is to be accomplished, very much 
more remains to be done. 

It is, therefore, with the utmost confidence that we renew and 
emphasize our appeal for further offers of help, which may take the 
form, either of suitable books or of contributions of money, to assist 



us in this endeavour to restore the library resources of the crippled 
and exiled University. 

In the light of recent events we are encouraged to believe that 
the time approaches when Belgium's wounds will heal, when her 
country will be evacuated by the enemy, and morally and materially 
greater than ever before she will pursue in peace her high destiny, 
strong in the memories of an heroic past, and in the affectionate es- 
teem of all who love liberty and admire valour. It is for that reason 
we solicit a prompt and generous response to this appeal, so that 
when the time arrives for the return of the exiled scholars to the scene 
of happy as well as of painful memories — a day which may be nearer 
than most of us suppose — we shall be in a position to provide them 
with a live up-to-date library, adequate in every respect to meet their 
requirements, and ready to be placed upon the shelves prepared for its 
reception for immediate use. 

In this way we shall be doing for the great little nation of Bel- 
gium that which she is at present powerless to do for herself. It is a 
present help she needs, and it is whilst she is still in exile that we 
want to demonstrate our determination to secure her restoration, and 
thus give to her noble Sovereign and his people tangible proof of the 
high regard in which we hold them, for their incomparable bravery, 
and for the heroic sacrifices which they have made in their honour- 
able determination to remain true to their pledges of neutrality by 
refusing to listen to Germany's infamous proposals. 

In order to obviate any needless duplication of gifts, those who 
may wish to participate in this scheme are requested to be good enough, 
in the first instance, to send to the writer, the Librarian of the John 
Rylands Library, Manchester, the titles of the works they are willing 
to contribute. He will be glad also to advise would-be donors as to 
the titles of suitable works. 
Aberdeen University. Per P. J. Anderson, Esq., M. A., Librarian. 

Second contribution of 377 vols. RECENT 

F. Harrington Ardley, Esq., of Teddington. 5 vols. GIFFSTO 
Mrs. Beard, late of Knutsford. 48 vols. 

The Right Hon. Earl Beauchamp, K.G. 5 vols. (Additional.) 
The Rev. H. P. Betts, M.A., of Petersfield. 24 vols. 
The Committee of the BoLTON Public Library. Per Archibald 
Sparke, Esq., Librarian. 1 vols. 


The British School at Rome. Per A. H. Smith, Esq., M.A., 

of the British Museum. 8 vols. 
Miss E. L. Broadbent, of Manchester. 7 vols. 
Miss F. N. Bruce, of Bethnal Green. 6 vols. 
The Right Rev. Dom Cabrol, The Abbey of St. Michael, Farn- 

borough. 105 vols. 
Senora Aurelia Castello de GoNZALEZ, of Habana, Cuba. 2 vols. 
Robert H. Clayton, Esq., of Didsbury. 3 vols. 
A. W. COATES, Esq., of Carlisle. 60 vols. 

The Rev. Arthur DiXON, M.A., of Denton. 5 vols. (Additional.) 
The Right Rev. the Abbot of DOWNSIDE Abbey, near Bath. 2 1 vols. 
Mr. and Mrs. Figarola-Caneda, Biblioteca Nacional, Habana, 

Cuba. 45 vols. 
Andrew Halkett, Esq., of Ottawa, Canada. 1 vol. 
Bernard Hall, Esq., of Manchester. 162 vols. 
Sir William HARTLEY, of Southport. Per Professor A. S. Peake, 

D.D. 231 vols. 
Mrs. Winstanley Haskins, of London. 1 vol. 
Messrs. Heffer & Sons, of Cambridge. 2 vols. 
The Rev. A. Du Boulay HiLL, of East Bridgford. 35 vols. 
Mrs. Charles HuGHES, of Manchester. 1 vol. 
The Misses HUMPHRY, of London. 5 vols. 
Dr. Jamieson B. HuRRY, M.A., of Reading. 13 vols. 
Mrs. Jameson, of Bowdon. In memory of the late John W. Jame- 
son, Esq. 1 6 vols. 
T. Jesson, Esq., of Cambridge. 5 vols. 
The Governors of the JoHN Rylands Library. (Additional.) 

In memory of their colleague, the late Professor James Hope 

Moulton, D.D., Litt.D., etc. 89 vols. 
Miss Kemp, of Regent's Park, London. 135 vols. 
Howard C. Levis, Esq., of London. 1 vol. (Additional.) 
The University Press of LIVERPOOL. Per D. Millett, Esq. 1 vol. 

Miss Lonsdale, of London. 1 vol. 
W. R. Macdonald, Esq., of Edinburgh. 3 vols. 
J. G. Milne, Esq., of Famham. 26 vols. 
The Daughters of the late Rev. T. O'Mahony, D.D., of Drum- 

condra. 20 vols. 


C. T. Owen, Esq., of Hampstead. 6 vols. 

Julius J. Price, Esq., of Toronto, Canada. 1 vol. 

The Rev. H. E. Salter, of Abingdon. 45 vols. 

Mrs. Sanderson, of Behurbet, Ireland. I vol. 

John Scott, Esq., of London. 12 vols. 

J. Day Thompson, Esq., of Cambridge. 10 vols. 

Torquay Natural History Society. 196 vols. 

T. Fisher Unwin, Esq., of London. 3 vols. (Additional.) 

The Library of the Surgeon-General's Office, WASHINGTON, U.S.A. 

1 vol. 
Mrs. Isaac Watts, of Altrincham. 3 vols. 

We take this opportunity of congratulating Sir Adolphus W. Ward, 
the Master of Peterhouse, Cambridge, upon the attain- o,d Anoi 
ment (on 2 December) of his eightieth birthday. Sir PHUS 
Adolphus was for many years closely and actively identi- 
fied with the development of the educational life of Manchester. For 
twenty-two years (commencing as long ago as 1866) he filled the 
Chair of History and English Poetry in the Owens College, and sub- 
sequently, for a period of seven years (1890-97), he occupied the 
Principalship of the College. From 1886 to 1890, and again from 
1894 to 1896 he was Vice-Chancellor of Victoria University, a 
period which was distinguished by the growing prestige and influence 
of the University. In 1 900, when Sir Adolphus migrated to Cam- 
bridge to take up the Mastership of Peterhouse, the Corporation of 
Manchester conferred upon him the honorary freedom of the City. 
He has filled the presidential chair of the British Academy, the Royal 
Historical, the Chetham and several other societies, and we are proud 
to number him amongst the Trustees of the John Ry lands Library, in 
which capacity he has rendered valuable service to the institution. 

The vacancy on the Council of Governors of the John Rylanda 
Library, caused by the lamented death of Professor appoi NT- 
James Hope Moulton, has been filled by the appoint- new^gov^ 
ment of the Rev. C. L. Bedale, M.A., Lecturer in As- ERNOR. 
syriology in the University of Manchester, and one of the late Dr. 
Moulton's colleagues on the staff of the Wesleyan Training College 
at Didsbury. Mr. Bedale is at present overseas, acting as one of 
H.M. Chaplains to the Forces. He was responsible for the trans- 
scription, transliteration, and translation of the Sumerian tablets,. 


which formed the subject of the volume published by the Library in 
1915, entitled : " Sumerian Tablets in the John Rylands Library". 

We take this, the first opportunity, of officially confirming the an- 
nouncement which has already been given wide publicity ^^ 
in the columns of the press, of the acceptance by Dr. RENDEL 
Rendel Harris, of the cordial invitation extended to him 
by the Governors of the John Rylands Library, on the occasion of 
his retirement from the Directorship of Studies at the Woodbrooke 
Settlement of the Society of Friends, at Birmingham, to settle in 
Manchester and become officially attached to the Library, where his 
ripe and varied scholarship will be of inestimable service in the de- 
velopment of its resources, and in the fuller realization of the aim of 
its Founder, which was to establish in Manchester a home of scholarly 
research, in other words, an institution devoted to the encouragement 
of learning. 

Dr. Harris is no stranger to Manchester. For many years he 
has been a valued contributor to the library series of lectures, and has 
always attracted large and appreciative audiences. In this and in 
many other ways he has been ever ready to place his stores of learn- 
ing at the service of the public, whether preachers, students, or the 
ordinary seekers after knowledge, in a form which was at once attract- 
tive and illuminating. It may be said, therefore, that not alone will 
the John Rylands Library benefit by his migration to the northern 
city, for those of us who know him best, and have felt the influence 
of the subtle charm of his personality, are convinced that his coming 
will mean a great accession of strength both to the intellectual and to 
the religious life of the city. 

Dr. Harris, we are glad to say, is making a splendid recovery 
from the effects of his trying ordeal of last spring, and is hoping 
to be able to take up his residence in Manchester at Easter. He 
will find a most cordial welcome awaiting him from all sections of the 
community, not only in the city proper, but in that wider area of 
which the city is rightly regarded as the metropolis. 

At the present time Dr. Harris is actively engaged, in colla- 
boration with Dr. Mingana, on the second volume of ** The Odes 
and Psalms of Solomon," the publication of which is eagerly awaited. 
The manuscript is practically ready for the printer, and the volume 
may be looked for in the course of the next few months. 


Mr. William Poel, the Founder and Director of the Elizabethan 
Stage Society, has compiled a most interesting Chrono- WILLIAM 
logical Table, showing what is proved and what is not SHAKE- 
proved about Shakespeare's ** Life and Work," in two L^pE^^Nt) 
sheets, the first of which deals with the Elizabethan WORK. 
Period, 1564-1603, the second with the Jacobean Period, 1603- 
1616. These sheets were printed in the October and November 
issues of the "Monthly Letter'* which is written and published by 
Mr. Poel, for the Shakespeare League. Such has been the interest 
which the publication of this " Table " has evoked, that a new edition is 
necessary if the demand for copies is to be satisfied. In these circum- 
stances, at the request, and with the permission, of Mr. Poel, it will 
be reprinted, in a revised form, in the next issue of the BULLETIN. 
It will also be published in a separate form as one of ** The John 
Rylands Library Reprints," in the usual binding, at one shilling per 
copy, by the Manchester University Press. 

Mr. Poel explains that the ** Table" is not written for the experts, 
though it seems to be useful to them, to some extent, for reference. 
I wrote it, says Mr. Poel, in the hope that some public curiosity 
might be aroused, to urge students to make fresh endeavours to search 
for evidence with which to make good the many blanks, and also to 
discredit if possible the " Tradions " which in my opinion are un- 
worthy of consideration. 

It may not be out of place to remind readers that a few copies 
remain of Mr. Poel's illustrated monograph, entitled : 
** Some Notes on Shakespeare's Stage and Plays," which poEL ON 
after appearing in the BULLETIN was published separ- SPEARE'S 
ately in January of last year. These may be obtained pT^ys ^^^ 
from the Manchester University Press, at the original 
price of one shilling each. 

It will interest readers to know that Professor Tout's article on 

" Mediaeval Town Planning," which appeared in our professor 

last issue, is regarded by experts as the most complete oweval^^ 

and authoritative monograph on the subject of town TOWN 

, . . I 1. 1 . 1 T 1 1 • PLANNING, 

plannmg m the mediaeval penod. Indeed, it represents 

such a real contribution to the history of the subject that permission has 

been sought and given for its republication in " The Town Planning 

Review," the periodical which is edited by Professor Abercrombie for 


the Department of Civic Design in the University of Liverpool. We 
are glad to know that in this way Professor Tout's work will obtain 
the wider publicity which it deserves. 

Copies of the separate edition of this monograph, in the John 
Rylands series of Reprints, may still be obtained hom the Manchester 
University Press, at the price of eighteen pence each. 

The subject of town planning is exciting a good deal of attention 
just now for reasons which are not far to seek, and it is mancheS- 
interesting to learn that the establishment of a School of J^HOOL OF 
Civic Design may be one of the next developments in the CIVIC 
work of the University of Manchester. At present 
only London and Liverpool have such departments, but there are 
special reasons why Manchester, as the centre of a great urban com- 
munity, should add to the activities of its University this important 
side of social teaching. 

With the return to peace conditions a new era in the development 
of town life will open up. There has been little building of residential 
areas for three or four years, and when the leeway comes to be made 
up there will be great need for foresight and skilled guidance in the 
preparation of broad schemes on town-planning lines. A School of 
Civic Design takes within its scope all questions of urban development. 
It covers social and economic aspects like civic law and building re- 
gulations, as well as more material aspects like the laying out of areas, 
and architectural types of buildings. It provides a training-ground 
for the surveyor and architect, as well as the municipal administrator. 

The architectural department of Manchester University, which is 
under the joint control of the University, the Manchester Education 
Committee, and the Manchester Society of Architects, is endeavouring 
to stimulate interest in the subject by the organization of public lectures, 
to prepare the way for the establishment of such a department, wdth 
its own chair and staff. Professor Tout's lecture, from which his 
monograph was elaborated, was therefore most timely. 

In our last issue we published an interesting article on " Coptic 
Literature in the John Rylands Library," from the pen SCRIPTUR- 
of the Rev. D. P. Buckle, in which the writer incident- j,q8o ?J^" 
ally referred to the valuable contribution which the Coptic COPTIC 
versions and homiletic literature make to the textual criti- "^^'^^^^• 
cism and interpretation of the Bible. 


In the present issue Mr. Buckle follows up this general statement 
by giving a list of quotations and allusions which he has drawn from 
one of the early Coptic manuscripts in the John Rylands Collection. 
He has commented upon certciin features of the passages cited, and 
has collated them with the readings to be found in the published texts 
of the Coptic versions, and in doing so has stumbled upon what he 
believes to be interesting evidence of the existence of two Sahidic 
versions, one independent and one related to the Bohairic 

Coptic students will be able, by the aid of the facsimile which 
accompanies the article, to follow Mr. Buckle in his argument. 

The death is announced, at Florence, at the ripe age of ninety 
years, of Senator Pasquale Villari, one of the most note- piFATw of 
worthy of Italy's modern historians. Villari was born in PASQUALE 
Naples in 1 827, and was thus one of the few Italians 
who saw the first and last war of liberation. In 1 847 his political 
opinions rendered him suspect to the Neapolitan Government, and he 
had to seek refuge in Florence, where except for three years spent in 
Pisa he lived down to the time of his death. For many years he led 
a very quiet life, earning a scanty living by teaching Italian to 
foreigners, but it was during those years that he commenced the his- 
torical studies which were to make him famous, not only in Italy, but 
wherever historical research is cultivated. It was during these years 
that he began to collect the materials which were to blossom into the 
** Life of Savonarola,** the work which at once made him famous, and 
by which he is perhaps best known. A few years later he published 
his " Life of Machiavelli **. Both of these works were quickly trans- 
lated into English, as well as other European languages. Villari 
was for a time Minister of Public Instruction, but it is as humanist 
and educator rather than as politician that he is best known. He 
published upwards of 400 volumes and pamphlets, and we are 
greatly indebted to Professor Bonacci for the volume of extracts which 
he has gathered from Villari*s works, dealing with the contributions 
that ancient, mediaeval, and modern Italy have made to civilization, 
and which was actually published on the historian's eighty-ninth 
birthday, as a tribute to his scholarship. One writer describes Villari 
as a man of short but dignified stature, whose innate modesty, intel- 
lectual brilliancy, and winning charm never failed to attract. 

Cambridge has lost a familiar figure, by the death of Dr. James 


Bass-MuUinger, after fifty-five years connection with the town, and 
nearly fifty years spent on his great history of the j^^^^^ 
University. He began with an essay on "Cambridge BASS-MUL- 
Characteristics in the Seventeenth Century/' which had 
a valuable chapter on the Cambridge Platonists, and then settled down 
to his great work. For some time he lectured on history at St. John's, 
acting the while as Librarian of the College, and wrote several essays 
subsidiary to his main work. But his " History" was his chief work, 
and after three large volumes had appeared in 1873, 1884, and 
1911 respectively, he received the honorary degree of LittD. He 
was still at work, when death claimed him, on the fourth volume, 
which was to have brought the history down to the middle of the 
eighteenth century. It is to be hoped that it will be taken up by 
some other hand and carried to a successful conclusion. 

It may interest our readers to know that Mr. Asquith has been 
appointed Romanes Lecturer at Oxford for the present MR. AS- 
year. The list of lecturers on this foundation began with romanes 
Mr. W. E. Gladstone, and has included Professor Hux- LECTURER. 
ley, Mr. A. J. Balfour, Lord Morley, and President Roosevelt. 
No appointment was made last year. 

It is not generally known that for some considerable time it was 
practically Lord Morley's intention to give the library of THE ACTON 
the late Lord Acton to Mansfield College, Oxford. LIBRARY. 
Eventually, after the most careful consideration, he decided to bestow 
this gift on Cambridge University. If the library had gone to Mans- 
field, very considerable additions to the buildings would have been 
necessitated, and that was one of the main reasons which decided the 

It is doubtful whether any publishing season within living memory 
has shown greater signs of activity than the year 1917, »,„^ , ,^^^ 
and that m spite of three years of war with all its at- ARY OUT 
tendant difficulties. The literary output includes some 
300 novels, some 200 war books, and very many volumes of poetry. 
But it is in serious books, especially biographical, that the season has 
been specially noteworthy. These include " The Life of Sir Charles 
Dilke"; Sir R. J. Godlee's "Lord Lister'*; Sir Sidney Colvin's 
" Life of John Keats'* ; Mrs. Creighton*s ** Life of Thomas Hodg- 
kin ** ; " Recollections of Seventy-two Years of the Hon. William 


Warren Vernon" ; "Selections from the Correspondence of Lord 
Acton" ; another volume of " Letters of John Henry Newman" ; 
"Some Hawarden Letters, 1878-1893, written to Mrs. Drew (Miss 
Mary Gladstone) before and after her marriage " ; L. P. Jack's 
** Life and Letters of Stopford Brooke" ; H. Noel Williams's " Life 
and Letters of Admiral Sir Charles Napier," a salt of the old school, 
and Lord Morley's " Recollections" ; to mention only the most note- 

Beyond all doubt the book of the year is Lord Morley's " Re- 
collections " which is the self-revelation of the moral stature of a great 
and distinguished personality, which will have a place among the great 
autobiographies. These recollections are interesting because of the 
man who writes, who tells us how he looks at the world and its great 
issues, but they are also interesting because he tells us what he thinks 
of the men with whom he has worked, of his friends, and of the pub- 
lic men of his day. One writer has remarked that the book comes at 
a curiously appropriate moment to show that a man may be a great 
politician and yet a gentleman ; that he need not always shout with 
the crowd ; and that a busy life spent in doing the world's immediate 
work need not prevent a man from keeping touch with the great 
realities of life, or from having a keen sense of the majesty of living 
and being. 

The volumes are full of pen portraits. Here is a group of famous 
statesmen at Althorp — Lord Spencer's Seat, the original home of the 
famous Spencer Collection, now one of the glories of this library and 
also of Manchester — in 1891. " After dinner we went into what I 
think was the most fascinating room I ever saw in a house — great or 
small — one of the libraries lined with well-bound books on white 
enamelled shelves, with a few but not too many nick-nacks lying about, 
and all illuminated with the soft radiance of many clusters of wax 
candles. A picture to remember : Spencer, wath his noble carriage, 
and fine red beard ; G[ladstone] seated on a low stool, discoursing 
as usual, playful, keen, versatile ; Rosebery, saying little, but now and 
then launching into a pleasant * mot ' ; Harcourt, cheery, expansive, 
witty. Like a scene of one of Dizzy's novels, and all the actors, men 
with parts to play. The rare books they unbent over, the treasures of 
Althorp, have now gone to a northern city. ..." *' The men are 
gone save two, and can meet no more." 


It is undoubtedly true to say that Lord Morley's reputation rests 
not so much upon his political as upon his literary work, of which he 
nowhere boasts. To him belongs the credit of having written the best 
biography of Rousseau, the best biography of Voltaire, and the best 
biography of Diderot, whilst his " Life of Gladstone " has already 
taken rank as one of the classical biographies in the English language. 
A high tribute to the place the writer of these recollections holds is 
paid by the press, in the great space which it has devoted to notices 
of the work. 

Another book (in the list) of no little charm and significance, every 
page and almost every line of which is alive with interest is, ** Some 
Hawarden Letters ". The place of honour in this volume is given to 
Ruskin, but other great names included amongst the correspondents 
are the Duke of Argyll, Sir Edward Burne- Jones, Robert Browning, 
Professor Stuart, Professor Sidgwick, Alfred Lyttleton, and A. J. Bal- 
four. It is a definite contribution to the history of a great generation. 
It seems that Mr. Gladstone left behind him forty volumes of 
diaries, and that Mrs. Drew raised the question of their MR. W. E. 
publication in whole or in part. Lord Gladstone how- sTONE'S 
ever discouraged the suggestion because, to quote his DIARIES, 
own words : " The diaries are a daily record of conscience, unique 
in their rigidity of self-examination and introspection. ... At pre- 
sent they are unknown to the public save for some extracts in Lord 
Morley*s * Life *. The justification of his public action lies not in the 
diaries but in his public statements. In the domain of moral principle 
it is, of course, very difficult, but his inmost soul cannot be laid bare 
as an answer to scurrility." It will be noticed that the possibility of 
the ultimate publication of the diaries is not disclaimed. 

Few books dedicated to one person have been awaited with 
greater eagerness by the public than Mr. Gerard's " My GERARD'S 
Four Years in Germany **. The volume is charmingly mentof 
dedicated "To my small but tactful family of one— my GERMANY, 
wife,'* a dedication which is only equalled by the no less felicitous 
words employed by Dr. Nansen in the dedication of " Farthest 
North" to his wife as : "To Her who christened the ship and had 
the courage to wait". 

Mr. Gerard's book is not only the greatest indictment of Germany 
and her perfidy, but is one of the heaviest blows which has been 


aimed at the Kaiser, and it has been felt. The Kaiser will be the 
first to admit that an ambassador who can hit back like Gerard is 
worthy of respect. 

In our next issue we hope to publish amplifications of the follow- 
ing three lectures, which have been delivered from time NEXT 
to time in the John Ry lands Library. *' The Venetian 
Point of View in Roman History,** by Professor R. S. Conway, 
Litt.D. ; ** Dragons and Rain Gods,** by Professor G. Elliot Smith, 
M. D., F.R.S. ; and " A Puritan Idyll : Richard Baxter ( 1 6 1 5- 1 69 1 ) 
and his Love Story,*' by the Rev. Frederick J. Powicke, M.A., 

Two of the articles appearing in the present issue : ** The Poetry 
of Lucretius,** by Professor Herford, and " The Quintes- Dcpr^.p^yq 
sence of Paulinism,** by Professor Peake, will be repub- OF 
lished almost immediately by the Manchester University 
Press, at the price of one shilling each. Professor Elliot Smith*s 
contribution on " Incense and Libations ** is to be expanded, by the 
inclusion of other important matter, dealt with by the author in his 
lecture on " Dragons and Rain Gods,** into a volume which will be 
issued shortly by the same publishers. The volume will be uniform 
with **The Ascent of Olympus,'* by Dr. Rendel Harris, which 
appeared last year, and will probably be published at the same price 
of five shillings. 


By G. Elliot Smith, M.A., M.D., F.R.S., 
Professor of Anatomy in the Victoria University of 


IT is commonly assumed that many of the elementary practices 
of civilization, such as the erection of rough stone buildings, 
whether houses, tombs, or temples, the crafts of the carpenter 
and the stonemason, the carving of statues, the customs of pouring out 
libations or burning incense, are such simple and obvious procedures 
that any people might adopt them without prompting or contact of 
any kind with other populations who do the same sort of things. But 
if such apparently commonplace acts be investigated they will be 
found to have a long and complex history. None of these things that 
seem so obvious to us was attempted until a multitude of diverse cir- 
cumstances became focussed in some particular community, and con- 
strained some individual to make the discovery. Nor did the quality 
of obviousness become apparent even when the enlightened discoverer 
had gathered up the threads of his predecessor's ideas and woven 
them into the fabric of a new invention. For he had then to begin 
the strenuous fight against the opposition of his fellows before he could 
induce them to accept his discovery. He had, in fact, to contend 
against their preconceived ideas and their lack of appreciation of the 
significance of the progress he had made before he could persuade 
them of its " obviousness ". That is the history of most inventions 
since the world began. But it is begging the question to pretend that 
because tradition has made such inventions seem simple and obvious 
to us it is unnecessary to inquire into their history or to assume that 
any people or any individual simply did these things without any in- 
struction when the spirit moved it or him so to do. 

^ An elaboration of a Lecture on the relationship of the Egyptian 
practice of mummification to the development of civilization delivered in 
the John Rylands Library, on 9 February, 1916. 



The customs of burning incense and making libations in religious 
ceremonies are so widespread and capable of being explained in such 
plausible, though infinitely diverse, ways that it has seemed unneces- 
sary to inquire more deeply into their real origin and significance. 
For example, Professor Toy ^ disposes of these questions in relation to 
incense in a summary fashion. He claims that *' when burnt before 
the deity " it is ** to be regarded as food, though in course of time, 
when the recollection of this primitive character was lost, a conven- 
tional significance was attached to the act of burning. A more refined 
period demanded more refined food for the gods, such as ambrosia and 
nectar, but these also were finally given up." 

This, of course, is a purely gratuitous assumption, or series of as- 
sumptions, for which there is no real evidence. Moreover, even if 
there were any really early literature to justify such statements, they 
explain nothing. Incense-burning is just as mysterious if Prof. Toy's 
claim be granted as it was before. But a bewildering variety of other 
explanations, for all of which the merit of being '* simple and obvious" 
is claimed, have been suggested. The reader who is curious about 
these things will find a luxurious crop of speculations by consulting a 
series of encyclopaedias." 

I shall content myself by quoting only one more. ** Frankincense 
and other spices were indispensable in temples where bloody sacrifices 
formed part of the reUgion. The atmosphere of Solomon's temple 
must have been that of a sickening slaughter-house, and the fumes of 
incense could alone enable the priests and worshippers to support it. 
This would apply to thousands of other temples through Asia, and 
doubtless the palaces of kings and nobles suffered from uncleanliness 
and insanitary arrangements and required an antidote to evil smells to 
make them endurable." ^ 

It is an altogether delightful anachronism to imagine that religious 
ritual in the ancient and aromatic East was inspired by such squeam- 
ishness as a British sanitary inspector of the twentieth century might 
experience ! 

^ *' Introduction to the History of Religions," p. 486. 

■"' He might start upon this journey of adventure by reading the article 
on "Incense" in Hastings' Encvclopcedia of Religion and Ethics. 

^ Samuel Laing, *' Human Origins," Revised by Edward Clodd, 1903, 
p. 38 


Fig. I. — The conventional Egyptian representation of the Burning of 
Incense and the Pouring of Libations 

(Period of the New Empire) — after Lepsius 


But if there are these many diverse and mutually destructive 
reasons in explanation of the origin of incense-burning, it follows that 
the meaning of the practice cannot be so '* simple and obvious". 
For scholars in the past have been unable to agree as to the sense in 
which these adjectives should be applied. 

But no useful purpose would be served by enumerating a collec- 
tion of learned fallacies and exposing their contradictions when the 
true explanation has been provided in the earliest body of literature 
that has come down from antiquity. I refer to the Egyptian 
*' Pyramid Texts". 

Before this ancient testimony is examined certain general principles 
involved in the discussion of such problems should be considered. 
In this connexion it is appropriate to quote the apt remarks made, in 
reference to the practice of totemism, by Professor Soil as. ^ "If it is 
difficult to conceive how such ideas . . . originated at all, it is still 
more difficult to understand how they should have arisen repeatedly 
and have developed in much the same way among races evolving 
independently in different environments. It is at least simpler to 
suppose that all [of them] have a common source . . . and may have 
been carried ... to remote parts of the world." 

1 do not think that anyone who conscientiously and without bias 
examines the evidence relating to incense-burning, the arbitrary details 
of the ritual and the peculiar circumstances under which it is practised 
in different countries, can refuse to admit that so artificial a custom 
must have been dispersed throughout the world from some one centre 
where it was devised. 

The remarkable fact that emerges from an examination of these 
so-called "obvious explanations" of ethnological phenomena is the 
failure on the part of those who are responsible for them to show any 
adequate appreciation of the nature of the problems to be solved. 
They know that incense has been in use for a vast period of time, and 
that the practice of burning it is very widespread. They have been 
so familiarized with the custom and certain more or less vague excuses 
for its perpetuation that they show no realization of how strangely 
irrational and devoid of obvious meaning the procedure is. The 
reasons usually given in explanation of its use are for the most part 
merely paraphrases of the traditional meanings that in the course of 

^ '* Ancient Hunters," 2nd Edition, pp, 234 and 235. 


history have come to be attached to the ritual act or the words used 
to designate it. Neither the ethnologist nor the priestly apologist will, 
as a rule, admit that he does not know why such ritual acts as pour- 
ing out water or burning incense are performed, and that they are 
wholly inexplicable and meaningless to him. Nor will they confess 
that the real inspiration to perform such rites is the fact of their pre- 
decessors having handed them down as sacred acts of devotion, the 
meaning of which has been entirely forgotten during the process of 
transmission from antiquity. Instead of this they simply pretend that 
the significance of such acts is obvious. Stripped of the glamour 
which religious emotion and sophistry have woven around them, such 
pretended explanations become transparent subterfuges, none the less 
real because the apologists are quite innocent of any conscious intention 
to deceive either themselves or their disciples. It should be sufficient 
for them that such ritual acts have been handed down by tradition 
as right and proper things to do. But in response to the instinctive 
impulse of all human beings, the mind seeks for reasons in justification 
of actions of which the real inspiration is unknown. 

It is a common fallacy to suppose that men's actions are inspired 
mainly by reason. The most elementary investigation of the psychology 
of everyday life is sufficient to reveal the truth that man is not, as a 
rule, the pre-eminently rational creature he is commonly supposed to 
be.^ He is impelled to most of his acts by his instincts, the circum- 
stances of his personal experience, and the conventions of the society 
in which he has grown up. But once he has acted or decided upon 
a course of procedure he is ready with excuses in explanation and 
attempted justification of his motives. In most cases these are not the 
real reasons, for few human beings attempt to analyse their motives or 
in fact are competent without help to understand their own feelings 
and the real significance of their actions. There is implanted in man 
the instinct to interpret for his own satisfaction his feelings and sensa- 
tions, i.e. the meaning of his experience. But of necessity this is 
mostly of the nature of rationalizing, i.e. providing satisfying interpreta- 
tions of thoughts and decisions the real meaning of which is hidden. 

Now it must be patent that the nature of this process of rationaliza- 
tion will depend largely upon the mental make-up of the individual — 

^ On this subject see Elliot Smith and Pear, ** Shell Shock and its 
Lessons,** Manchester University Press, 1917, p. 59. 


of the body of knowledge and traditions with which his mind has be- 
come stored in the course of his personal experience. The influences 
to which he has been exposed, daily and hourly, from the time of his 
birth onward, provide the specific determinants of most of his beliefs 
and views. Consciously and unconsciously he imbibes certain definite 
ideas, not merely of religion, morals, and politics, but of what is the 
correct and what is the incorrect attitude to assume in most of the 
circumstances of his daily life. These form the staple currency of 
his beliefs and his conversation. Reason plays a surprisingly small 
part in this process, for most human beings acquire from their fellows 
the traditions of their society which relieves them of the necessity of 
undue thought. The very words in which the accumulated traditions 
of his community are conveyed to each individual are themselves 
charged with the complex symbolism that has slowly developed during 
the ages, and tinges the whole of his thoughts with their subtle and, 
to most men, vaguely appreciated shades of meaning. During this 
process of acquiring the fruits of his community's beliefs and experiences 
every individual accepts without question a vast number of apparently 
simple customs and ideas. . He is apt to regard them as obvious, and 
to assume that reason led him to accept them or be guided by them, 
although when the specific question is put to him he is unable to give 
their real history. 

Before leaving these general considerations ^ I want to emphasize 
certain elementary facts of psychology which are often ignored by 
those who investigate the early history of civilization. 

First, the multitude and the complexity of the circumstances that 
are necessary to lead men to make even the simplest invention render 
the concatenation of all of these conditions wholly independendy on 
a second occasion in the highest degree improbable. Until very 
definite and conclusive evidence is forthcoming in any individual case 
it can safely be assumed that no ethnological ly significant innovation 
in customs or beliefs has ever been made twice. 

Those critics who have recently attempted to dispose of this claim 
by referring to the work of the Patent Office thereby display a singular 
lack of appreciation of the real point at issue. For the ethnological 

^ For a fuller discussion of certain phases of this matter see my address 
on •• Primitive Man," in the Proceedings of the British Academy, 1917, 
especially pp. 23-50. 



problem is concerned with different populations who are assumed not 
to share any common heritage of acquired knowledge, nor to have had 
any contact, direct or indirect, the one with the other. But the in- 
ventors who resort to the Patent Office are all of them persons sup- 
plied with information from the storehouse of our common civilization ; 
and the inventions which they seek to protect from imitation by others 
are merely developments of the heritage of all civilized peoples. Even 
when similar inventions are made apparently independently under 
such circumstances, in most cases they can be explained by the fact 
that two investigators have followed up a line of advance which has 
been determined by the development of the common body of know- 

This general discussion suggests another factor in the working of 
the human mind. 

When certain vital needs or the force of circumstances compel a 
man to embark upon a certain train of reasoning or invention the 
results to which his investigations lead depend upon a great many 
circumstances. Obviously the range of his knowledge and experience 
and the general ideas he has acquired from his fellows will play a 
large part in shaping his inferences. It is quite certain that even in 
the simplest problem of primitive physics or biology his attention will 
be directed only to some of, and not all, the factors involved, and that 
the limitations of his knowledge will permit him to form a wholly 
inadequate conception even of the few factors that have obtruded 
themselves upon his attention. But he may frame a working hypo- 
thesis in explanation of the factors he had appreciated, which may 
seem perfectly exhaustive and final, as well as logical and rational to 
him, but to those who come after him, with a wider knowledge of the 
properties of matter and the nature of living beings, and a wholly 
different attitude towards such problems, the primitive man's solution 
may seem merely a ludicrous travesty. 

But once a tentative explanation of one group of phenomena has 
been made it is the method of science no less than the common 
tendency of the human mind to buttress this theory with analogies and 
fancied homologies. In other words the isolated facts are built up 
into a generalisation. It is important to remember that in most cases 
this mental process begins very early ; so that the analogies play a veiy 
obtrusive part in the building up of theories. As a rule a multitude 


of such influences play a part consciously or unconsciously in shaping 
any belief. Hence the historian is faced with the difficulty, often 
quite insuperable, of ascertaining (among scores of factors that de- 
finitely played some part in the building up of a great generalization) 
the real foundation upon which the vast edifice has been erected. 
I refer to these elementary matters here for two reasons. First, 
because they are so often overlooked by ethnologists ; and secondly, 
because in these pages I shall have to discuss a series of historical 
events in which a bewildering number of factors played their part. 
In sifting out a certain number of them, I want to make it clear that 
I do not pretend to have discovered more than a small minority of the 
most conspicuous threads in the complex texture of the fabric of early 
human thought. 

Another fact that emerges from these elementary psychological 
considerations is the vital necessity of guarding against the misunder- 
standings necessarily involved in the use of words. In the course of 
long ages the originally simple connotation of the words used to denote 
many of our ideas has become enormously enriched with a meaning 
which in some degree reflects the chequered history of the expression 
of human aspirations. Many writers who in discussing ancient 
peoples make use of such terms, for example, as " soul,*' " religion," 
and " gods," without stripping them of the accretions of complex 
symbolism that have collected around them within more recent times, 
become involved in difficulty and misunderstanding. 

For example, the use of the terms " soul '* or " soul- substance " in 
much of the literature relating to early or relatively primitive people is 
fruitful of misunderstanding. For it is quite clear from the context 
that in many cases such people meant to imply nothing more than 
** life " or " vital principle," the absence of which from the body for 
any prolonged period means death. But to translate such a word 
simply as ** life " is inadequate because all of these people had some 
theoretical views as to its identity with the "breath "or to its being 
in the nature of a material substance or essence. It is naturally im- 
possible to find any one word or phrase in our own language to 
express the exact idea, for among every people there are varying 
shades of meaning which cannot adequately express the symbolism 
distinctive of each place and society. To meet this insuperable diffi- 
culty perhaps the term " vital essence" is open to least objection. 


In my last Rylands lecture ^ I sketched in rough outline a tenta- 
tive explanation of the world-wide dispersal of the elements of the 
civilization that is now the heritage of the world at large, and referred 
to the part played by Ancient Egypt in the development of certain 
arts, customs, and beliefs. On the present occasion I propose to ex- 
amine certain aspects of this process of development in greater detail, 
and to study the far-reaching influence exerted by the Egyptian prac- 
tice of mummification, and the ideas that were suggested by it, in 
starting new trains of thought, in stimulating the invention of arts and 
crafts that were unknown before then, and in shaping the complex 
body of customs and beliefs that were the outcome of these potent 
intellectual ferments. 

In speaking of the relationship of the practice of mummification to 
the development of civilization, however, I have in mind not merely 
the influence it exerted upon the moulding of culture, but also the part 
played by the trend of philosophy in the world at large in determining 
the Egyptian's conceptions of the wider significance of embalming, and 
the reaction of these effects upon the current doctrines of the meaning 
of natural phenomena. 

No doubt it will be asked at the outset, what possible connexion 
can there be between the practice of so fantastic and gruesome an art 
as the embalming of the dead and the building up of civilization ? Is 
it conceivable that the course of the development of the arts and crafts, 
the customs and beliefs, and the social and political organizations — in 
fact any of the essential elements of civilization — has been deflected 
a hair's breadth to the right or left as the outcome, directly or in- 
directly, of such a practice ? 

In previous essays and lectures ^ I have indicated how intimately 
this custom was related, not merely to the invention of the arts and 
crafts of the carpenter and stonemason and all that is implied in the 
building up of what Professor Lethaby has called the " matrix of civili- 
zation," but also to the shaping of religious beliefs and ritual practices, 

^ " The Influence of Ancient Egyptian Civilization in the East and in 
America,** The Bulletin of the John Rylands Library^ Jan. -March, 1916. 

^"The Migrations of Early Culture,** 1915, Manchester University 
Press : " The Evolution of the Rock-cut Tomb and the Dolmen,*' Essays 
and Studies Presented to William Ridgeway^ Cambridge, 1913, p. 493 : 
"Oriental Tombs and TemYAes'' Journal of the Manchester Egyptian 
and Oriental Societv, 1914-1915, p. 55. 


which developed in association with the evolution of the temple and the 
conception of a material resurrection. I have also suggested the far- 
reaching significance of an indirect influence of the practice of mummi- 
fication in the history of civilization. It was mainly responsible for 
prompting the earliest great maritime expeditions of which the history 
has been preserved.^ For many centuries the quest of resins and 
balsams for embalming and for use in temple ritual, and wood for 
coffin- making, continued to provide the chief motives which induced 
the Egyptians to undertake sea-trafficking in the Mediterranean and 
the Red Sea. The knowledge and experience thus acquired ulti- 
mately made it possible for the Egyptians and their pupils to push their 
adventures further afield. It is impossible adequately to estimate the 
vastness of the influence of such intercourse, not merely in spreading 
abroad throughout the world the germs of our common civilization, 
but also, by bringing into close contact peoples of varied histories and 
traditions, in stimulating progress. Even if the practice of mummifi- 
cation had exerted no other noteworthy effect in the history of the 
world, this fact alone would have given it a pre-eminent place. 

Another aspect of the influence of mummification I have already 
discussed, and do not intend to consider further in this lecture. I 
refer to the manifold ways in which it affected the history of medicine 
and pharmacy. By accustoming the Egyptians, through thirty cen- 
turies, to the idea of cutting the human corpse, it made it possible for 
Greek physicians of the Ptolemaic and later ages to initiate in Alex- 
andria the systematic dissection of the human body which popular 
prejudice forbade elsewhere, and especially in Greece itself. Upon 
this foundation the knowledge of anatomy and the science of medicine 
has been built up.^ But in many other ways the practice of mummi- 
fication exerted far-reaching effects, directly and indirectly, upon the 
development of medical and pharmaceutical knowledge and methods.^ 

^ •• Ships as Evidence of the Migrations of Early Culture,** Manchester 
University Press, 1917, p. 37. 

- •' Egyptian Mummies,*' Journal of Eoryptian Archceologry^ Vol. I. 
Partlll, July. 1914, p. 189. 

^ Such, for example, as its influence in the acquisition of the means of 
preserving the tissues of the body, which has played so large a part in the 
development of the sciences of anatomy, pathology, and in fact biology in 
general. The practice of mummification was largely responsible for the 
attainment of a knowledge of the properties of many drugs and especially 


There is then this prima-facie evidence that the Egyptian 
practice of mummification was closely related to the development of 
architecture, maritime trafficking, and medicine. But what I am 
chiefly concerned with in the present lecture is the discussion of the 
much vaster part it played in shaping the innermost beliefs of mankind 
and directing the course of the religious aspirations and the scientific 
opinions, not merely of the Egyptians themselves, but also of the 
world at large, for many centuries afterward. 

It had a profound influence upon the history of human thought. 
The vague and ill-defined ideas of physiology and psychology, which 
had probably been developing since Aurignacian times ^ in Europe, 
were suddenly crystallized into a coherent structure and definite form 
by the musings of the Egyptian embalmer. But at the same time the 
new philosophy found expression in the invention of the first deities, 
the establishment of the foundations upon which all religious ritual 
was subsequently built up, and the initiation of a priesthood to ad- 
minister the rites which were suggested by the practice of mummifica- 

The Beginning of Stone- Working. 

During the last few years I have repeatedly had occasion to point 
out the fundamental fallacy underlying much of the modern specula- 
tion in ethnology, and I have no intention of repeating these strictures 
here.^ But it is a significant fact that, when one leaves the writings 
of professed ethnologists and turns to the histories of their special sub- 
jects written by scholars in kindred fields of investigation, views such 

of those which restrain putrefactive changes. But it was not merely in the 
acquisition of a knowledge of material facts that mummification exerted its 
influence. The humoral theory of pathology and medicine, which prevailed 
for so many centuries and the effects of which are embalmed for all time in 
our common speech, was closely related in its inception to the ideas which 
I shall discuss in these pages. The Egyptians themselves did not profit to 
any appreciable extent from the remarkable opportunities which their practice 
of embalming provided for studying human anatomy. The sanctity of these 
ritual acts was fatal to the employment of such opportunities to gain know- 
ledge. Nor was the attitude of mind of the Egyptians such as to permit 
the acquisition of a real appreciation of the structure of the body. 

^ See my address, " Primitive Man," Proc. Brit. Academy, 191 7. 

^ See, however, op. cit. supra ; also " The Origin of the Pre-Columbian 
Civilization o^ America," Science, N.S, Vol. XLV, No. 1158, pp. 241- 
246, 9 March, 1917. 


as I have been setting forth will often be found to be accepted without 
question or comment as the obvious truth. 

There is an excellent little book entitled " Architecture," written 
by Professor W. R. Lethaby for the Home University Library, that 
affords an admirable illustration of this interesting fact. I refer to this 
particular work because it gives lucid expression to some of the ideas 
that I wish to submit for consideration. "Two arts have changed 
the surface of the world. Agriculture and Architecture *' (p. 1 ). "To 
a large degree architecture" [which he defines as "the matrix of 
civilization "] " is an Egyptian art " (p. 66) : for in Egypt " we shall 
best find the origins of architecture as a whole " (p. 2 1 ). 

Nevertheless Professor Lethaby bows the knee to current tradition 
when he makes the wholly unwarranted assumption that Egypt prob- 
ably learnt its art from Babylonia. He puts forward this remarkable 
claim in spite of his frank confession that " little or nothing is known 
of a primitive age in Mesopotamia. At a remote time the art of 
Babylonia was that of a civilized people. As has been said, there 
is a great similarity between this art and that of dynastic times in 
Egypt. Yet it appears that Egypt borrowed of Asia, rather than the 
reverse." [He gives no reasons for this opinion, for which there is 
no evidence, except possibly the invention of bricks for building.] " If 
the origins of art in Babylonia were as fully known as those in Egypt, 
the story of architecture might have to begin in Asia instead of Egypt " 

(p. 67). 

But later on he speaks in a more convincing manner of the known 
facts when he says (p. 82) : — 

When Greece entered on her period of high-strung life the time of 
first invention in the arts was over — the heroes of Craft, like Tubal Cain 
and Daedalus, necessarily belong to the infancy of culture. The pheno- 
menon of Egypt could not occur again ; the mission of Greece was rather 
to settle down to a task of gathering, interpreting, and bringing to perfec- 
tion Egypt's gifts. The arts of civilization were never developed in water- 
tight compartments, as is shown by the uniformity of custom over the modern 
world. Further, if any new nation enters into the circle of culture it seems 
that, like Japan, it must ' borrow the capital *. The art of Greece could 
hardly have been more self-originated than is the science of Japan. Ideas 
of the temple and of the fortified town must have spread from the East, the 
square- roomed house, columnar orders, fine masonry, were all Egyptian. 

Elsewhere ^ I have pointed out that it was the importance which 

^ Op. cit. supra. 


the Egyptian came to attach to the preservation of the dead and to 
the making of adequate provision for the deceased*s welfare that 
gradually led to the aggrandisement of the tomb. In course of time 
this impelled him to cut into the rock/ and, later still, suggested the 
substitution of stone for brick in erecting the chapel of offerings above 
ground. The Egyptian burial customs v^ere thus intimately related to 
the conceptions that grew up with the invention of embalming. The 
evidence in confirmation of this is so precise that every one who con- 
scientiously examines it must be forced to the conclusion that man did 
not instinctively select stone as a suitable material with which to erect 
temples and houses and forthwith begin to quarry and shape it for 
such purposes. 

There was an intimate connexion between the first use of stone 
for building and the practice of mummification. It was probably for 
this reason, and not from any abstract sense of " wonder at the magic 
of art,*' as Professor Lethaby claims, that '* ideas of sacredness, of 
ritual rightness, of magic stability and correspondence with the uni- 
verse, and of perfection of form and proportion " came to be associ- 
ated with stone buildings. 

At first stone was used only for such sacred purposes and the 
pharaoh alone was entitled to use it for his palaces in virtue of the 
fact that he was divine, the son and incarnation on earth of the Sun- 
god. It was only when these Egyptian practices were transplanted 
to other countries, where these restrictions did not obtain, that the 
rigid wall of convention was broken down. 

Even in Rome until well into the Christian era " the largest domes- 
tic and civil buildings were of plastered brick ". ** Wrought masonry 
seems to have been demanded only for the great monuments, triumphal 
arches, theatres, temples and above all for the Coliseum.** (Lethaby, 
op, cit. p. 1 20). 

Nevertheless Rome was mainly responsible for breaking down the 
hieratic tradition which forbade the use of stone for civil purposes. 
" In Roman architecture the engineering element became paramount. 
It was this which broke the moulds of tradition and recast construction 
into modern form, and made it free once more *' (p. 1 30). * 

^ For the earliest evidence of the cutting of stone for architectural pur- 
poses, see my statement in the Report of the British Association for 1914, 
p. 212. 


But Egypt was not only responsible for inaugurating the use of 
stone for building. For another forty centuries she continued to be 
the inventor of new devices in architecture. From time to time 
methods of building which developed in Egypt were adopted by her 
neighbours and spread far and wide. The shaft- tombs and mast abas 
of the Egyptian Pyramid Age were adopted in various localities 
in the region of the Eastern Mediterranean/ with certain modifications 
in each place, and in turn became the models which were roughly 
copied in later ages by the wandering dolmen-builders. The round 
tombs of Crete and Mycenae were clearly only local modifications of 
their square prototypes, the Egyptian Pyramids of the Middle King- 
dom. ** While this /Egean art gathered from, and perhaps gave to, 
Egypt, it passed on its ideals to the north and west of Europe, where 
the productions of the Bronze Age clearly show its influence" 
{Lethaby, p. 78) in the chambered mounds of the Iberian peninsula 
and Brittany, of New Grange in Ireland and of Maes Howe in the 
Orkneys.'' In the East the influence of these /Egean modifications 
may possibly be seen in the Indian stupas and the dagabas of Ceylon, 
just as the stone stepped pyramids there reveal the effects of contact 
with the civilizations of Babylonia and Egypt. 

Professor Lethaby sees the influence of Egypt in the orientation of 
Christian churches (p. 1 33), as well as in many of their structural de- 
tails (p. 1 42) ; in the domed roofs, the iconography, the symbolism, 
and the decoration of Byzantine architecture (p. 1 38) ; and in 
Mohammedan buildings wherever they are found. 

For it was not only the architecture of Greece, Rome, and 
Christendom that received its inspiration from Egypt, but that of Islam . 
also. These buildings were not, like the religion itself, in the main 
Arabic in origin. ** Primitive Arabian art itself is quite negligible. 
When the new strength of the followers of the Prophet was consoli- 

^ Especially in Crete, Palestine, Syria, Asia Minor, and the North 
African Littoral. 

- For an account of the evidence relating to these monuments, with full 
bibliographical references, see Dechelette, '* Manuel d'Archeologie pre- 
historique Celtique et Gallo-Romaine;' T. 1,1 91 2, pp. 390 et seq. ; also 
Sophus Miiller, " Urgeschichte Europas," 1905, pp. 74 and 75; and 
Louis Siret, ** Les Cassiterides et I'Empire Colonial des Pheniciens,** 
V Anthropologic, T. 20, 1909, p. 313. 


dated with great rapidity into a rich and powerful empire, it took over 
the arts and artists of the conquered lands, extending from North 
Africa to Persia " (p. 1 58) ; and it is known' how this influence 
spread as far west as Spain and as far east as Indonesia. "The 
Pharos at Alexandria, the great lighthouse built about 280 B.C., 
almost appears to have been the parent of all high and isolated towers. 
. . . Even on the coast of Britain, at Dover, we had a Pharos which 
was in some degree an imitation of the Alexandrian one." The 
Pharos at Boulogne, the round towers of Ravenna, and the imitations 
of it elsewhere in Europe, even as far as Ireland, are other examples 
of its influence. But in addition the Alexandrian Pharos had ** as 
great an effect as the prototype of Eastern minarets as it had for 
Western towers " (p. 1 1 5). 

I have quoted so extensively from Professor Lethaby's brilliant little 
book to give this independent testimony of the vastness of the influence 
exerted by Egypt during a span of nearly forty centuries in creating 
and developing the " matrix of civilization **. Most of this wider 
dispersal abroad was effected by alien peoples, who transformed their 
gifts from Egypt before they handed on the composite product to some 
more distant peoples. But the fact remains that the great centre of 
original inspiration in architecture was Egypt. 

The original incentive to the invention of this essentially Egyptian 
art was the desire to protect and secure the welfare of the dead. The 
importance attached to this aim was intimately associated with the 
development of the practice of mummification. 

With this tangible and persistent evidence of the general scheme 
of spread of the arts of building I can now turn to the consideration 
of some of the other, more vital, manifestations of human thought 
and aspirations, which also, like the ** matrix of civilization *' itself, 
grew up in intimate association with the practice of embalming the 

I have already mentioned Professor Lethaby's reference to architec- 
ture and agriculture as the two arts that have changed the surface of 
the world. It is interesting to note that the influence of these two in- 
gredients of civihzation was diffused abroad throughout the world in 
intimate association the one with the other. In most parts of the world 
the use of stone for building and Egyptian methods of architecture 
made their first appearance along with the peculiarly distinctive form 


ot agriculture and irrigation so intimately associated with early Baby- 
lonia and Egypt.^ 

But agriculture also exerted a most profound influence in shaping 
the early Egyptian body of beliefs. 

I shall now call attention to certain features of the earliest mummies, 
and then discuss how the ideas suggested by the practice of the art of 
embalming the dead were affected by the early theories of agriculture 
and the mutual influence they exerted one upon the other. 

The Origin of Embalming. 

I have already explained '^ how the increased importance that 
came to be attached to the corpse as the means of securing a continu- 
ance of existence led to the aggrandizement of the tomb. Special 
care was taken to protect the dead and this led to the invention of 
coffins, and to the making of a definite tomb, the size of which rapidly 
increased as more and more ample supplies of food and other offerings 
were made. But the very measures thus taken the more efficiently to 
protect and tend the dead defeated the primary object of all this care. 
For, when buried in such an elaborate tomb, the body no longer be- 
came desiccated and preserved by the forces of nature as so often 
happened when it was placed in a simple grave directly in the hot 
dry sand. 

It is of fundamental importance in the argument set forth here to 
remember that these factors came into operation before the time of 
the First Dynasty. They were responsible for impelling the Proto- 
Egyptians not only to invent the wooden coffin, the stone sarcophagus, 
the rock-cut tomb, and to begin building in stone, but also to devise 
measures for the artificial preservation of the body. 

But in addition to stimulating the development of the first real 
architecture and the art of mummification other equally far-reaching 
results in the region of ideas and beliefs grew out of these practices. 

From the outset the Egyptian embalmer was clearly inspired by 
two ideals : {a) to preserve the actual tissues of the body with a 
minimum disturbance of the integrity of the surface of the body ; and 
(b) to preserve a likeness of the deceased as he was in life. At first 

^ Perry, " The Geographical Distribution of Terraced Cultivation and 
Irrigation," Memoirs and P roc. Manch. Lit. and Phil. Soc.,Wo\. 60, 1916. 
" op. cit. supra. 


it was naturally attempted to make this simulacrum of the body itself 
if it were possible, or alternatively, when this ideal was found to be 
unattainable, from its wrappings or by means of a portrait statue. It 
was soon recognized that it was beyond the powers of the early em- 
balmer to succeed in mummifying the body itself so as to retain a 
recognizable likeness to the man when alive : although from time to 
time such attempts were repeatedly made,^ until the period of the 
XXI Dynasty, when the operator clearly was convinced that he 
had at last achieved what his predecessors, for perhaps twenty- five 
centuries, had been trying in vain to do. 

Early Mummies. 

In the earliest known (Second Dynasty) examples of Egyptian 
attempts at mummification ^ the corpse was swathed in a large series 
of bandages, which were moulded into shape to represent the form of 
the body. In a later (probably Fifth Dynasty) mummy, found in 
1 892 by Professor Flinders Petrie at Medum, the superficial bandages 
had been impregnated v^th a resinous paste, which while still plastic 
was moulded into the form of the body, special care being bestowed 
upon the modeUing of the face^ and the organs of reproduction, so as 
to leave no room for doubt as to the identity and the sex. Professor 
Junker has described ^ an interesting series of variations of these 
practices. In two graves the bodies were covered with a layer of 
stucco plaster. First the corpse was covered with a fine linen cloth : 
then the plaster was put on, and modelled into the form of the body 
(p. 252). But in two other cases it was not the whole body that was 

^ See my volume on '* The Royal Mummies," General Catalogue of 
the Cairo Museum. 

" G. Elliot Smith, •' The Elarliest Evidence of Attempts at Mummifica- 
tion in Egypt," i^^/^^r/ British Association, 1912, p. 612: compare also 
J. Garstang, " Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt," London, 1907, pp. 29 and 
30. Professor Garstang did not recognize that mummification had been 

^ G. Elliot Smith, •* The History of Mummification in Egypt," Proc. 
Royal Philosophical Society of Glasgow, 1910 : also ** Egyptian Mummies," 
Journal of Egyptian ArchcBology, Vol. I, Part III, July, 1914, Plate 


* ** Excavations of the Vienna Imperial Academy of Sciences at the 
Pyramids of Gizah, \^\^y Journal of Egyptian ArchcBology, Vol. I, Oct. 
1914, p. 250. 

O fc 

J c 

O K 

V a. 


Fig. 3. — A mould taken from a life-mask found in the Pyramid of Teta 

BY Mr. Quibell 


covered with this layer of stucco, but only the head. Professor Junker 
claims that this was done ** apparendy because the head was regarded 
as the most important part, as the organs of taste, sight, smell, and 
hearing were contained in it ". But surely there was the additional 
and more obtrusive reason that the face affords the means of identifying 
the individual ! For this modelling of the features was intended 
primarily as a restoration of the form of the body which had been 
altered, if not actually destroyed. In other cases, where no attempt 
was made to restore the features in such durable materials as resin or 
stucco, the linen-enveloped head was modelled, and a representation 
of the eyes painted upon it so as to enhance the life-like appearance 
of the face. 

These facts prove quite conclusively that the earliest attempts to 
reproduce the features of the deceased and so preserve his likeness, 
were made upon the wrapped mummy itself. Thus the mummy was 
intended to be the portrait as well as the actual bodily remains of the 
dead. In view of certain differences of opinion as to the original sig- 
nificance of the funerary ritual, which I shall have occasion to discuss 
later on (see p. 2 1 0), it is important to keep these facts clearly in mind. 

A discovery made by Mr. J. E. Quibell in the course of his ex- 
cavations at Sakkara ^ suggests that, as an outcome of these practices 
a new procedure may have been devised in the Pyramid Age — the 
making of a death-mask. For he discovered what seems to be the 
mask taken directly from the face of the Pharaoh Teta (Fig. 3). 

About this time also the practice originated of making a life-size 
portrait statue of the dead man's head and placing it along with the 
actual body in the burial chamber. These "reserve heads," as they 
have been called, were usually made of fine limestone, but Junker 
found one made of Nile mud.^ 

Junker believes that there was an intimate relationship between 
the plaster-covered heads and the reserve-heads. They were both 
expressions of the same idea, to preserve a simulacrum of the deceased 
when his actual body had lost all recognizable likeness to him as he 

I " Excavations at Saqqara," 1907-8, p. 113. 

" The great variety of experiments that were being made at the be- 
ginning of the Pyramid Age bears ample testimony to the fact that the 
o: iginal inventors of these devices were actually at work in Lower Egypt 
at that time. 


was when alive. The one method aimed at combining in the same 
object the actual body and the likeness ; the other at making a more 
life-like portrait apart from the corpse, which could take the place of 
the latter when it decayed. 

Junker states further that *'it is no chance that the substitute- 
heads . . . entirely, or at any rate chiefly, are found in the tombs that 
have no statue-chamber and probably possessed no statues. The 
statues [of the whole body] certainly were made, at any rate partly, 
with the intention that they should take the place of the decaying 
body, although later the idea was modified. The placing of the 
substitute-head in [the burial chamber of] the mastaba therefore be- 
came unnecessary at the moment when the complete figure of the dead 
[placed in a special chamber, now commonly called the serdad, above 
ground] was introduced." The ancient Egyptians themselves called 
the serdab ^^Qpr-twi or " statue-house," and the group of chambers, 
forming the tomb-chapel in the mastaba, was known to them as the 
" >fe^-house ".^ 

It is important to remember that, even when the custom of making 
a statue of the deceased became fully established, the original idea of 
restoring the form of the mummy itself or its wrappings was never lost 
sight of. The attempts made in the XVIII, and XXI and XXII 
Dynasties to pack the body of the mummy itself and by artificial means 
give it a life-like appearance afford evidence of this. In the New 
Empire and in Roman times the wrapped mummy was sometimes 
modelled into the form of a statue. But throughout Egyptian history 
it was a not uncommon practice to provide a painted mask for the 
wrapped mummy, or in early Christian times merely a portrait of the 

With this custom there also persisted a remembrance of its ori- 
ginal significance. Professor Garstang records the fact that in the XII 
Dynasty,^ when a painted mask was placed upon the wrapped 
mummy, no statue or statuette was found in the tomb. The under- 

^ Aylward M. Blackman, ** The A'^-House and the Sevda^^ Journal 
of Egyptian Archcuology, Vol. Ill, Part IV, Oct.. 1916. p. 250. The 
word serdab is merely the Arabic word used by the native workmen, which 
has been adopted and converted into a technical term by European archae- 

2 Of* rit n 17^ 



Fig. 4. — Portrait Statue of an Egyptian 
Lady of the Pyramid Age 


takers apparently realized that the mummy ^ which was provided with 
the life-like mask was therefore fulfilling the purposes for which statues 
were devised. So also in the New Empire the packing and model- 
ling of the actual mummy so as to restore its life-like appearance were 
regarded as obviating the need for a statue. 

I must now return to the further consideration of the Old Kingdom 
statues. All these varied experiments were inspired by the same 
desire, to preserve the likeness of the deceased. But when the 
sculptors attained their object, and created those marvellous life-like 
portraits, which must ever remain marvels of technical skill and artistic 
feeling (Fig. 4), the old ideas that surged through the minds of the 
Pre-dynastic Egyptians as they contemplated the desiccated remains 
of the dead were strongly reinforced. The earlier people's thoughts 
were turned more specifically than heretofore to the contemplation of 
the nature of life and death by seeing the bodies of their dead pre- 
served whole and incorruptible ; and, if their actions can be regarded 
as an expression of their ideas, they began to wonder what was 
lacking in these physically complete bodies to prevent them from 
feeling and acting like living beings. Such must have been the results 
of their puzzled contemplation of the great problems of life and death. 
Otherwise the impulse to make more certain the preservation of the 
body by the invention of mummification and to retain a life-like 
representation of the deceased by means of a sculptured statue re- 
mains inexplicable. But when the corpse had been rendered incor- 
ruptible and the deceased's portrait had been fashioned with realistic 
perfection the old ideas would recur with renewed strength. The 
belief then took more definite shape that if the missing elements of 
vitality could be restored to the statue, it might become animated and 
the dead man would live again in his vitalized statue. This prompted 
a more intense and searching investigation of the problems concerning 
the nature of the elements of vitality of which the corpse was deprived 
at the time of death. Out of these inquiries in course of time a 
highly complex system of philosophy developed.^ 

Mt is a remarkable fact that Professor Garstang, who brought to light 
perhaps the best, and certainly the best-preserved, collection of Middle 
Kingdom mummies ever discovered, failed to recognize the fact that they 
had really been embalmed (pp. cit. p. 171). 

" The reader who wishes for fuller information as to the reality of 
these beliefs and how seriously they were held will find them still in active 


But in the earlier tinies With which I am now concerned it f<iund 
practical expression in certain ritual procedures, invented to convey to 
the statue the breath of life, the vitalising fluids, and the odour and 
sweat of the living body. Apparently the seat of knowledge and of 
feeling was retained in the body when the heart was left in situ : so 
that the only thing needed to awaken consciousness and make it pos- 
sible for the dead man to take heed of his friends and to act volun- 
tarily was to present offerings of blood to stimulate the physiological 
functions of the heart. But the element of i vitality which left the 
body at death had to be restored to the statue, which represented the 
deceased in the /^^ -house. ^ 

In my earlier attempts " to interpret these problems, I adopted the 
view that the making of portrait statues was the direct outcome 
of the practice of mummification. But Dr. Alan Gardiner, whose 
intimate knowledge of the early literature enables him to look at 
such problems from the Egyptian's own point of view, has suggested 
a modification of this interpretation. Instead of regarding the custom 
of making statues as an outcome of the practice of mummification, 
he thinks that the two customs developed simultaneously in response 
to the twofold desire to preserve both the actual body and a repre- 
sentation of the features of the dead. But I think this suggestion 
does not give adequate recognition to the fact that the earliest at- 
tempts at funerary portraiture were made upon the wrappings of the 
actual mummies.^ This fact and the evidence which I have already 

operation in China. An admirable account of Chinese philosophy will be 
found in De Groot's ** Religious System of China,'* especially Vol. IV, 
Book II. It represents the fully developed (New Elmpire) system of Egyptian 
belief modified in various ways by Babylonian, Indian and Central Asiatic 
influences, as well as by accretions developed locally in China. 

^ A. M. Blackman, '* The A'^-House and the Serdab," The Journal 
of Egyptian ArchcBology, Vol. Ill, Part IV, Oct., 1916, p. 250. 

^ " Migrations of Early Culture,'* p. 37. 

^ Dr. Alan Gardiner (Davies and Gardiner, ** The Tomb of Amen- 
emhet,*' 1915, p. 83, footnote) has, I think, overlooked certain statements in 
my writings and underestimated the antiquity of the embalmer's art ; for 
he attributes to me the opinion that "mummification was a custom of rela- 
tively late growth '*. 

The presence in China of the characteristically Egyptian beliefs con- 
cerning the animation of statues (de Groot, op. cit. pp. 339-356), whereas 
the practice of mummification, though not wholly absent, is not obtrusive, 
might perhaps be interpreted by some scholars as evidence in favour of the 


quoted from Junker make it quite clear that from the beginning the 
embalmer*s aim was to preserve the body and to convert the mummy 
itself into a simulacrum of the deceased. When he realized that 
his technical skill was not adequate to enable him to accomplish this 
double aim, he fell back upon the device of making a more perfect 
and realistic portrait statue apart from the mummy. But, as I have 
already pointed out, he never completely renounced his ambition of 
transforming the mummy itself ; and in the time of the New Empire 
he actually attained the result which he had kept in view for nearly 
twenty centuries. 

In these remarks I have been referring only to funerary portrait 
statues. Centuries before the attempt was made to fashion them 
modellers had been making of clay and stone representations of cattle 
and human beings, which have been found not only in Predynastic 
graves in Egypt but also in so-called " Upper Palaeolithic*' deposits 
in Europe. 

But the fashioning of realistic and life-size human portrait- statues 
for funerary purposes was a new art, which gradually developed in 
the way I have tried to depict. No doubt the modellers made use 
of the skill they had acquired in the practice of the older art of rough 

Once the statue was made a stone-house (the serdad) was pro- 
vided for it above ground. As the dolmen is a crude copy of the 
serdab ^ it can be claimed as one of the ultimate results of the practice 

development of the custom of making statues independently of mummifica- 
tion. But such an inference is untenable. Not only is it the fact that in 
most parts of the world the practices of making statues and mummifying the 
dead are found in association the one with the other, but also in China the 
essential beliefs concerning the dead are based upon the supposition that 
the body is fully preserved (see de Groot, chap. XV.). It is quite evident 
that the Chinese customs have been derived directly or indirectly from 
some people who mummified their dead as a regular practice. There can 
be no doubt that the ultimate source of their inspiration to do these things 
was Egypt. 

I need mention only one of many identical peculiarities that makes 
this quite certain. De Groot says it is ** strange to see Chinese fancy 
depict the souls of the viscera as distinct individuals with animal forms " 
(p. 71). The same custom prevailed in Egypt, where the "souls "or 
protective deities were first given animal forms in the Nineteenth Dynasty 
(Reisner). ^ 

^ Op. cit. supra, Ridgeway Essays ; also Man, 1913, p. 193 



•of mummification. It is clear that the conception of the possibility of 
a life beyond the grave assumed a more concrete form when it was 
realized that the body itself could be rendered incorruptible and its 
distinctive traits could be kept alive by means of a portrait statue. 
There are reasons for supposing that primitive man did not realize or 
contemplate the possibility of his ov^n existence coming to an end.^ 
Even when he witnessed the death of his fellows he does not appear 
to have appreciated the fact that it was really the end of life and not 
merely a kind of sleep from which the dead might awake. But if 
the corpse were destroyed or underwent a process of natural dis- 
integration the fact was brought home to him that death had occurred. 
If these considerations, which early Egyptian literature seems to suggest, 
be borne in mind, the view that the preservation of the body from 
corruption implied a continuation of existence becomes intelligible. 
At first the subterranean chambers in which the actual body was 
housed were developed into a many-roomed house for the deceased, 
complete in every detail." But when the statue took over the function 
of representing the deceased, a dwelling was provided for it above 
ground. This developed into the temple where the relatives and 
friends of the dead came and made the offerings of food which were 
regarded as essential for the maintenance of existence. 

The evolution of the temple was thus the direct outcome of the 
ideas that grew up in connexion with the preservation of the dead. 
For at first it was nothing more than the dwelling place of the re- 
animated dead. But when, for reasons which I shall explain later 
(see p. 220), the dead king became deified, his temple of offerings 
became the building where food and drink were presented to the god, 
not merely to maintain his existence, but also to restore his conscious- 
ness and so afford an opportunity for his successor, the actual king, 
to consult him and obtain his advice and help. The presentation of 
offerings and the ritual procedures for animating and restoring con- 
sciousness to the dead king were at first directed solely to these ends. 
But in course of time, as their original purpose became obscured, these 
services in the temple altered in character, and their meaning became 

^ See Alan H. Gardiner, •'Life and Death (Egyptian)," Hastings* 
Encydopcedia of Religion and Ethics. 

^ See the quotation from Mr. Quibell's account in my statement in the 
Report of the British Association for 1914, p. 215. 


rationalized into acts of homage and worship, and of prayer and 
suppHcation, and in much later times, acquired an ethical and moral 
significance that was wholly absent from the original conception of 
the temple services. The earliest idea of the temple as a place of 
offering has not been lost sight of. Even in our times the offertory 
still finds a place in temple services. 

The Significance of Libations. 

The central idea of this lecture was suggested by Mr. Aylward 
M. Blackman's important discovery of the actual meaning of incense 
and libations to the Egyptians themselves.^ The earliest body of 
literature preserved from any of the peoples of antiquity is comprised 
in the texts inscribed in the subterranean chambers of the Sakkara 
Pyramids of the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties. These documents, written 
forty-five centuries ago, were first brought to light in modern times in 
1 880-8 1 ; and since the late Sir Gaston Maspero published the first 
translation of them, many scholars have helped in the task of elucidat- 
ing their meaning. But it remained for Blackman to discover the ex- 
planation they give of the origin and significance of the act of pouring 
out libations. " The general meaning of these passages is quite clear. 
The corpse of the deceased is dry and shrivelled. To revivify it the 
vital fluids that have exuded from it [in the process of mummification] 
must be restored, for not till then will life return and the heart beat 
again. This, so the texts show us, was believed to be accomplished 
by offering libations to the accompaniment of incantations * {pp, cit, 
p. 70). 

In the first three passages quoted by Blackman from the Pyramid 
Texts " the libations are said to be the actual fluids that have issued 
from the corpse ". In the next four quotations ** a different notion is 
introduced. It is not the deceased's own exudations that are to revive 
his shrunken frame but those of a divine body, the [god's fluid] ^ that 

^ ** The Significance of Incense and Libations in Funerary and Temple 
Ritual," Zeitschriftfiir Agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde, Bd. 50, 
1912. p. 69. 

- Mr. Blackman here quotes the actual word in hieroglyphics and adds 
the translation " god's fluid " and the following explanation in a footnote : 
** The Nile was supposed to be the fluid which issued from Osiris. The 
expression in the Pyramid texts may refer to this belief — the dead " [in the 
Pyramid Age it would have been more accurate if he had said the dead 


came from the corpse of Osiris himself, the juices that dissolved from 
his decaying flesh, which are communicated to the dead sacrament- 
wise under the form of these libations." 

This dragging-in of Osiris is especially significant. For the analogy 
of the life-giving power of water that is specially associated with Osiris 
played a dominant part in suggesting the ritual of libations. Just as 
water, when applied to the apparently dead seed, makes it germinate 
and come to life, so libations can reanimate the corpse. These general 
biological theories of the potency of water were current at the time, 
and, as I shall explain later (see p. 218), had possibly received specific 
application to man long before the idea of libations developed. For, 
in the development of the cult of Osiris ^ the general fertilizing power 

king, in whose Pyramid the inscriptions were foundl " being usually 
identified with Osiris — since the water used in the libations was Nile 

^ The voluminous literature relating to Osiris will be found summarized 
in the latest edition of *' The Golden Bough ** by Sir James Frazer. But 
in referring the reader to this remarkable compilation of evidence it is 
necessary to call particular attention to the fact that Sir James Frazer* s 
interpretation is permeated with speculations based upon the modern 
ethnological dogma of independent evolution of similar customs and beliefs 
without cultural contact between the different localities where such similar- 
ities make their appearance. 

The complexities of the motives that inspire and direct human activities 
are entirely fatal to such speculations, as I have attempted to indicate (see 
above, p. 1 95). But apart from this general warning, there are other ob- 
jections to Sir James Frazer*s theories. In his illuminating article upon 
Osiris and Horus, Dr. Alan Gardiner (in a criticism of Sir James Frazer*s 
"The Golden Bough: Adonis, Attis, Osiris; Studies in the History of 
Oriental Religion,** Journal of Egyptian Archceology^ Vol. II, 1915, p. 
122) insists upon the crucial fact that Osiris was primarily a king, and 
that " it is always as a dead king,** ** the role of the living king being invari- 
ably played by Horus, his son and heir '*. 

He states further : ** What Egyptologists wish to know about Osiris 
beyond anything else is how and by what means he became associated 
with the processes of vegetable life '*. An examination of the literature 
relating to Osiris and the large series of homologous deities in other countries 
(which Qj^^ii prima facie evidence of a conmion origin) suggests the idea 
that the king who first introduced the practice of systematic irrigation there- 
by laid the foundation of his reputation as a beneficent reformer. When, 
for reasons which I shall discuss later on (see p. 220), the dead king be- 
came deified, his fame as the controller of water and the fertilization of the 
earth became apotheosized also. I venture to put forward this suggestion 
only because none of the alternative hypotheses that have been propounded 


of water when applied to the soil found specific exemplification in the 
potency of the seminal fluid to fertilize human beings. Malinowski 
has pointed out that certain Papuan people, who are ignorant of the 
fact that women are fertilized by sexual connexion, believe that they 
can be rendered pregnant by rain falling upon them {op, cit. infra). 
The study of folk-lore and early beliefs makes it abundantly clear that 
in the distant past which I am now discussing no clear distinction was 
made between fertilization and vitalization, between bringing new life 
into being and reanimating the body which had once been alive. 
The process of fertilization of the female and animating a corpse or a 
statue were regarded as belonging to the same category of biological 
processes. The sculptor who carved the portrait- statues for the 
Egyptian's tomb was called sankk, "he who causes to live,** and 
** the word *to]fashion* {nis) a statue is to all appearances identical 
with ms, * to give birth * **.^ 

Thus the Egyptians themselves expressed in words the ideas which 
an independent study of the ethnological evidence showed many other 
peoples to entertain, both in ancient and modern times.^ 

The interpretation of ancient texts and the study of the beliefs of 
less cultured modern peoples indicate that our expressions : ** to give 
birth,** "to give life,'* "to maintain life,** "to ward off death,*' "to 
insure good luck,** "to prolong life,'* " to give life to the dead,*' "to 
animate a corpse or a representation of the dead,** " to give fertility,** 
" to impregnate,** "to create,** represent a series of specializations of 
meaning which were not clearly differentiated the one from the other 
in early times or among relatively primitive modern people. 

seem to be in acccordance with, or to offer an adequate explanation of, the 
body of known facts concerning Osiris. 

It is a remarkable fact that in his lectures on ** The Development of 
Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt,'* which are based upon his own 
studies of the Pyramid Texts, and are an invaluable storehouse of informa- 
tion, Professor J. H. Breasted should have accepted Sir James Frazer's views. 
These seem to me to be altogether at variance with the renderings of the 
actual Egyptian texts and to confuse the exposition. 

^ Dr. Alan Gardener, quoted in my ** Migrations of Early Culture," 
p. 42 : see also the same scholar's remarks in Davies and Gardiner, ** The 
Tomb of Amenemhet," 1915, p. 57, and *' A new Masterpiece of Egyptian 
Sculpture," The Journal of Egyptian Archceology, Vol. IV, Part I, 
Jan., 1917. 

'^ See J. Wilfrid Jackson, " Shells as Evidence of the Migrations of 
Early Culture," 1917, Manchester University Press. 


The evidence brought together in Jackson's work clearly suggests 
that at a very early period in human history, long before the ideas that 
found expression in the Osiris story had materialized, men entertained 
in all its literal crudity the belief that the external organ of reproduc- 
tion from which the child emerged at birth was the actual creator of 
the child, not merely the giver of birth but also the source of life. 

The widespread tendency of the human mind to identify similar 
objects and attribute to them the powers of the things they mimic led 
primitive men to assign to the cowry- shell all these life-giving amd 
birth-giving virtues. It became an amulet to give fertility, to assist at 
birth, to maintain life, to ward off danger, to ensure the life hereafter, 
to bring luck of any sort. Now, as the giver of birth, the cowry- 
shell also came to be identified with, or regarded as, the mother and 
creator of the human family ; and in course of time, as this belief 
became rationalized, the shell's maternity received visible expression 
and it became personified as an actual woman, the Great Mother, at 
first nameless and with ill-defined features. But at a later period, 
when the dead king Osiris gradually acquired his attributes of divinity, 
and a god emerged with the form of a man, the vagueness of the 
Great Mother who had been merely the personified cowry- shell soon 
disappeared and the amulet assumed, as Hathor, the form of a real 
woman, or, for reasons to be explained later, a cow. 

The influence of these developments reacted upon the nascent 
conception of the water-controlling god, Osiris ; and his powers of 
fertility were enlarged to include many of the life-giving attributes of 

Early Biological Theories. 

Before the full significance of these procedures can be appreciated 
it is essential to try to get at the back of the Proto- Egyptian's mind 
and to understand his general trend of thought. I specially want 
to make it clear that the ritual use of water for animating the corpse 
or the statue was merely a specific application of the general principles 
of biology which were then current. It was no mere childish make- 
believe or priestly subterfuge to regard the pouring out of water as a 
means of animating a block of stone. It was a conviction for which 
the Proto- Egyptians considered there was a substantial scientific basis ; 
and their faith in the efficacy of water to animate the dead is to be 


regarded in the same light as any scientific inference which is made 
at the present time to give a specific application of some general theory 
considered to be well founded. The Proto- Egyptians clearly be- 
lieved in the validity of the general biological theory of the life-giving 
properties of water. Many facts, no doubt quite convincing to them, 
testified to the soundness of their theory. They accepted the principle 
with the same confidence that modern people have adopted Newton's 
Law of Gravitation, and Darwin's theory of the Origin of 
Species, and applied it to explain many phenomena or to justify 
certain procedures, which in the light of fuller knowledge seem to 
modern people puerile and ludicrous. But the early people obviously 
took these procedures seriously and regarded their actions as rational. 
The fact that their early biological theory was inadequate ought not 
to mislead modern scholars and encourage them to fall into the error 
of supposing that the ritual of libations was not based upon a serious 
inference. Modern scientists do not accept the whole of Darwin's 
teaching, or possibly even Newton's ** Law," but this does not mean 
that in the past innumerable inferences have been honestly and con- 
fidently made in specific application of these general principles. 

It is important, then, that I should examine more closely the 
Proto- Egyptian body of doctrine to elucidate the mutual influence of 
it and the ideas suggested by the practice of mummification. It is 
not known where agriculture was first practised or the circumstances 
which led men to appreciate the fact that plants could be cultivated. 
In many parts of the world agriculture can be carried on without 
artificial irrigafion, and even without any adequate appreciation on the 
part of the farmer of the importance of water. But when it came to 
be practised under such conditions as prevail in Egypt and Mesopo- 
tamia the cultivator would soon be forced to realize that water was 
essential for the growth of plants, and that it was imperative to devise 
artificial means by which the soil might be irrigated. It is not known 
where or by whom this cardinal fact first came to be appreciated, 
whether by the Sumerians or the Egyptians or by any other people. 
But it is known that in the earliest records both of Egypt and Sumer 
the most significant manifestations of a ruler's wisdom were the making 
of irrigation canals and the controlling of water. Important as these 
facts are from their bearing upon the material prospects of the people, 
they had an infinitely more profound and far-reaching effect upon the 


beliefs of mankind. Groping after some explanation of the natural 
phenomenon that the earth became fertile when water was applied 
to it, and that seed burst into life under the same influence, the early 
biologist formulated the natural and not wholly illogical idea that 
water was the repository of life-giving powers. Water was equally 
necessary for the production of life and for the maintenance of life. 

At an early stage in the development of this biological theory 
man and other animals were brought within the scope of the 
generalization. For the drinking of water was a condition of existence 
in animals. The idea that water played a part in reproduction was 
co-related with this fact. 

Even at the present time many aboriginal peoples in Australia, 
New Guinea, and elsewhere, are not aware of the fact that in the 
process of animal reproduction the male exercises the physiological 
rAle of fertilization.^ 

There are widespread indications throughout the world that the 
appreciation of this elementary physiological knowledge was acquired 
at a relatively recent period in the history of mankind. It is difficult 
to believe that the fundamental facts of the physiology of fertilization 
in animals could long have remained unknown when men became 
breeders of cattle. The Egyptian hieroglyphs leave no doubt that 
the knowledge was fully appreciated at the period when the earliest 
picture-symbols were devised, for the verb *' to beget *' is represented 
by the male organs of generation. But, as the domestication of 
animals may have been earlier than the invention of agriculture, it is 
quite likely that the appreciation of the fertilizing powers of the male 
animal may have been, and probably was, definitely more ancient 
than the earliest biological theory of the fertilizing power of water. 

I have discussed this question to suggest that this earlier know- 
ledge that animals could be fertilized by the seminal fluid was 
certainly brought vnthin the scope of the wider generalisation that 
water itself was endowed with fertilizing properties. Just as water 
fertilized the earth so the semen fertilized the female. Water was 

^Baldwin Spencer and Gillen, "The Northern Tribes of Central 
Australia" ; "Across Australia" ; and Spencer's ** Native Tribes of the 
Northern Territory of Australia ". For a very important study of the 
whole problem with special reference to New Guinea, see B. Malinowski, 
" Baloma : the Spirits of the Dead," etc., Journal of the Royal Anthropo- 
logical Institute, 1916, p. 415. 


necessary for the maintenance of life in plants and was also essential 
in the form of drink for animals. As both the earth and women 
could be fertilized by water they were homologized one with the 
other. The earth came to be regarded as a woman, the Great 
Mother.^ When the fertilizing water came to be personified in the 
person of Osiris his consort Isis was identified with the earth which 
was fertilized by water." 

One of the earliest pictures of an Egyptian king represents him 
using the hoe to inaugurate the making of an iiTigation-canal.^ This 
was the typical act of benevolence on the part of a wise ruler. It is 
not unlikely that the earliest organization of a community under a 
definite leader may have been due to the need for some systematized 
control of irrigation. In any case the earliest rulers of Egypt and 
Sumer were essentially the controllers and regulators of the water 
supply and as such the givers of fertility and prosperity. 

Once men first consciously formulated the belief that death was 
not the end of all things,* that the body could be re-animated and 

' In places as far apart in space and time as Ancient Egypt and Modern 

- With reference to the assimilation of the conceptions of human fer- 
tilization and watering the soil and the widespread idea among the ancients 
of regarding the male as *' he who irrigates,*' Canon van Hoonacker gave 
M. Louis Siret the following note: — 

*• In Assyrian the cuneiform sign for water is also used, inter alia, to 
express the idea of begetting (banii). Compare with this the references 
from Hebrew and Arabic writings. In Isaiah xlviii. I , we read ' Hear ye 
this, O house of Jacob, which are called by the name of Israel, and are 
come forth out of the waters of Judah ' ; and in Numbers xxiv. 7, * Water 
shall flow from his buckets and his seed shall be in many waters '. 

** The Hebrew verb {shangat) which denotes sexual intercourse has, 
in Arabic (sadjald), the meaning * to spill water '. In the Koran, Sur. 36, 
V. 6, the word maun (water) is used to designate semen " (L. Siret, 
** Questions de Chronologic et d' Ethnographic Iberiques," Tome I, 1913, 
p. 250). 

'Quibell, "Hieraconpolis, Vol, I. 260, 4. 

^ In using this phrase I want to make a clear distinction between the 
phase of culture in which it had never occurred to man that, in his indi- 
vidual case, life would come to an end, and the more enlightened stage, 
in which he fully realized that death would inevitably be his fate, but that 
in spite of it his real existence would continue. 

It is clear that at quite an early stage in his history man appreciated 
the fact that he could kill an animal or his fellow-man. But for a long time 
he failed to realize that he himself, if he could avoid the process of me- 


consciousness and the will restored, it was natural that a wise ruler 
who, when alive, had rendered conspicuous services should after death 
continue to be consulted. The fame of such a man would grow with 
age ; his good deeds and his powers would become apotheosized ; 
he would become an oracle whose advice might be sought and whose 
help be obtained in grave crises. In other words the dead king would 
be *' deified," or at any rate credited with the ability to confer even 
greater boons than he was able to do when alive. 

It is no mere coincidence that the first " god ** should have been 
a dead king, Osiris, nor that he controlled the waters of irrigation and 
was specially interested in agriculture. Nor, for the reasons that I 
have already suggested, is it surprising that he should have had phallic 
attributes, and in himself have personified the virile powers of fer- 

In attempting to explain the origin of the ritual procedures of 
burning incense and offering libations it is essential to realize that the 
creation of the first deities was not primarily an expression of religious 
belief, but rather an application of science to national affairs. It was 
the logical interpretation of the dominant scientific theory of the time 
tor the practical benefit of the living ; or in other words, the means 
devised for securing the advice and the active help of wise rulers after 
their death. It was essentially a matter of practical politics and ap- 
plied science. It became religion only when the advancement of 
knowledge superseded these primitive scientific theories and left them 
as soothing traditions for the thoughts and aspirations of mankind to 
cultivate. For by the time the adequacy of these theories of know- 
ledge began to be questioned they had made an insistent appeal, and 
had come to be regarded as an essential prop to lend support to 
man's conviction of the reality of a life beyond the grave. A web of 
moral precept and the allurement of hcpe had been so woven around 
them that no force was able to strip away this body of consolatory 

chanical destruction by which he could kill an animal or a fellow-man, would 
not continue to exist. The dead are supposed by many people to be still 
in existence so long as the body is preserved. Once the body begins to 
disintegrate even the most unimaginative of men can entirely repress the 
idea of death. But to primitive people the preservation of the body is 
equally a token that existence has not come to an end. The corpse is 
merely sleeping. 

^ Breasted, op. cit., p. 28. 


beliefs ; and they have persisted for all time, although the reasoning by 
which they were originally built up has been demolished and forgotten 
several millennia ago. 

It is not known where Osiris was born. In other countries there 
are homologous deities, such as Ea, Tammuz, Adonis, and Attis, 
which are certainly manifestations of the same idea and sprung from 
the same source. Certain recent writers assume that the germ of the 
Osiris-conception was introduced into Egypt from abroad. But if so, 
nothing is known for certain of its place of origin. In any case there 
can be no doubt that the distinctive features of Osiris, his real person- 
ality and character, were developed in Egypt. 

For reasons which I have suggested already it is probable that the 
significance of water in cultivation was not realized until cereals were 
cultivated in some such place as Babylonia or Egypt. But there are 
very definite legends of the Babylonian Ea coming from abroad by 
way of the Persian Gulf.^ 

The early history of Tammuz is veiled in obscurity. Somewhere 
in South Western Asia or North Eastern Africa, probably within a 
few years of the development of the art of agriculture, some scientific 
theorist, interpreting the body of empirical knowledge acquired by 
cultivating cereals, propounded the view that water was the great 
life-giving element. This view eventually found expression in the 
Osiris-group of legends. 

This theory found specific application in the invention of libations 
and incense. These practices in turn reacted upon the general body 
of doctrine and gave it a more sharply defined form. The dead king 
also became more real when he was represented by an actual em- 
balmed body and a life-like statue, sitting in state upon his throne and 
holding in his hands the emblems of his high office. 

Thus while, in the present state of knowledge, it would be un- 
justifiable to claim that the Osiris- group of deities was invented in 
Egypt, and certainly erroneous to attribute the general theory of the 
fertilizing properties of water to the practice of embalming, it is true 
that the latter was responsible for giving Osiris a much more concrete 

^ The possibility, or even the probability, must be borne in mind that 
the legend of Ea arising from the waters may be merely another way of 
expressing his primary attribute as the personification of the fertilizing 
powers of water. 


and clearly-defined shape, of " making a god in the image of man/' 
and for giving to the water-theory a much richer and fuller significance 
than it had before. 

The symbolism so created has had a most profound influence 
upon the thoughts and aspirations of the human race. For Osiris 
was the prototype of all the gods ; his ritual was the basis of all 
religious ceremonial ; his priests who conducted the animating cere- 
monies were the pioneers of a long series of ministers who for more 
than fifty centuries, in spite of the endless variety of details of their 
ritual and the character of their temples, have continued to perform 
ceremonies that have undergone remarkably little essential change. 
Though the chief functions of the priest as the animator of the god 
and the restorer of his consciousness have now fallen into the back- 
ground in most religions, the ritual acts (the incense and libations, the 
offerings of food and blood and the rest) still persist in many countries : 
the priest still appeals by prayer and supplication for those benefits, 
which the Proto- Egyptian aimed at securing when he created Osiris 
as a god to give advice and help. The prayer for rain is the earliest 
form of religious appeal. 

In using the terms "god" and '* religion" with reference to the 
earliest form of Osiris and the beliefs that grew up with reference to 
him a potent element of confusion is introduced. 

During the last fifty centuries the meanings of those two words 
have become so complexly enriched with the glamour of a mystic 
symbolism that the Proto- Egyptian's conception of Osiris and the 
Osirian beliefs must have been vastly different from those implied 
in the words "god" and "religion" at the present time. Osiris 
was regarded as an actual king who had died and been reanimated. 
In other words he was a man who could bestow upon his former 
subjects the benefits of his advice and help, but also could display 
such human weaknesses as malice, envy, and all uncharitableness. 
Much modern discussion completely misses the mark by the failure 
to recognize that these so-called "gods" were really men, equally 
capable of acts of beneficence and of outbursts of hatred, and as one 
or the other aspect became accentuated the same deity could become 
a Vedic deva or an Avestan dceva, a deus or a devil, a god of kind- 
ness or a demon of wickedness. 

The acts which the earliest " gods " were supposed to perform 


were not at first regarded as supernatural. They were merely the 
boons which the mortal ruler was supposed to be able to confer, by 
controlling the waters of irrigation and rendering the land fertile. It 
was only when his powers became apotheosized with a halo of accum- 
ulated glory (and the growth of knowledge revealed the insecurity 
of the scientific basis upon which his fame was built up) that a priest- 
hood, reluctant to abandon any of the attributes which had captured 
the popular imagination, made it an obligation of belief to accept these 
supernatural powers of the gods for which the student of natural phen- 
omena refused any longer to be a sponsor. This was the parting of 
the ways between science and religion ; and thenceforth the attributes 
of the ** gods " became definitely and admittedly superhuman. 

As I have already stated (p. 2 1 3) the original object of the offering 
of libations was thus clearly for the purpose of animating the statue of 
the deceased and so enabling him to continue the existence which had 
merely been interrupted by the incident of death. In course of time, 
however, as definite gods gradually materialized and came to be re- 
presented by statues, they also had to be vitalized by offerings of 
water from time to time. Thus the pouring out of libations came to 
be an act of worship of the deity ; and in this form it has persisted 
until our own times in many civilized countries. 

But not only was water regarded as a means of animating the dead 
or statues representing the dead and an appropriate act of worship, in 
that it vitalized an idol and the god dwelling in it was thus able to 
hear and answer supplications. Water also became an essential part 
of any act of ritual rebirth.^ As a baptism it also symbolized the 
giving of life. The initiate was re-born into a new communion of faith. 
In scores of other ways the same conception of the life-giving properties 
of water was responsible for as many applications of the use of liba- 
tions in inaugurating new enterprises, such as ** christening ** ships and 
blessing buildings. It is important to remember that according to early 
Egyptian beliefs the continued existence of the dead was wholly de- 
pendent upon the attentions of the living. Unless this animating 
ceremony was performed not merely at the time of the funeral but also 
at stated periods afterwards, and unless the friends of the deceased 

^ This occurred at a later epoch when the attributes of the water-con- 
trolling deity of fertility became confused with those of the birth-giving 
mother goddess {vide injra, p. 230). 


periodically supplied food and drink, such a. continuation of existence 
was impossible. 

But the development of these beliefs had far-reaching effects in 
other directions. The idea that a stone statue could be animated 
ultimately became extended to mean that the dead man could enter 
into and dwell in a block of stone, which he could leave or return 
to at will. From this arose the beliefs, which spread far and wide, that 
the dead, ancestors, kings, or deified kings, dwelt in stones ; and that 
they could be consulted as oracles, who gave advice and counsel. 
But as any mortal at his death could thus enter into a stone, another 
crop of legends concerning the petrification of men and animals also 
developed. In other words the acts of dying and then entering into 
the stone were merged into one simultaneous process ; and the living 
man or creature at once became transformed into stone. 

All this rich crop of myths concerning men and animals dwelling 
in stones, as well as the petrifaction stories, which are to be found 
encircling the globe from Ireland to America, can be referred back to 
these early Egyptian attempts to solve the mysteries of death, and to 
acquire the means of circumventing fate.^ 

These beliefs at first may have concerned human beings only. 
But in course of time, as the duty of revictualling an increasingly large 
number of tombs and temples tended to tax the resources of the 
people the practice developed of substituting for the real things models, 
or even pictures, of food-animals, vegetables, and other requisites of 
the dead. And these objects and pictures were restored to life or 
reality by means of a ritual which was essentially identical with that 
used for animating the statue or the mummy of the deceased himself.^ 

It is well worth considering whether this may not be one of the 
basal factors in explanation of the phenomena which the late Sir 
Edward Tylor labelled "animism". 

So far from being a phase of culture through which many, if not 
all, peoples have passed in the course of their evolution, may it not 

^ For a large series of these stories see E. Sidney Hartland's ** Legend 
of Perseus ". But even more instructive, as revealing the intimate con- 
nexion of such ideas with the beliefs regarding the preservation of the body, 
see J. J. M. de Groot, " The Religious System of China," Vol. IV, Book 
:II. 1901. 

^ In this connexion see de Groot, op, cit, pp. 356 and 415 


have been merely an artificial conception of certain things, which was 
^ven so definite a form in Egypt, for the specific reasons at which I 
have just hinted, and from there spread far and wide ? 

Against this view may be urged the fact that our own children 
talk in an animistic fashion. But is not this due in some measure to 
the unconscious influence of their elders ? Or at most is it not a 
vague and ill-defined attitude of anthropomorphism necessarily in- 
volved in all spoken languages, which is vastly different from what 
the ethnologist understands by " animism" ? 

But whether this be so or not there can be no doubt that the 
*' animism '' of the early Egyptians assumed its precise and clear-cut 
distinctive features as the result of the growth of ideas suggested by 
the attempts to make mummies and statues of the dead and symbolic 
offerings of food and other funerary requisites. 

Thus incidentally there grew up a belief in a power of magic by 
means of which these make-believe offerings could be transformed into 
realities. But it is important to emphasize the fact that originally the 
conviction of the genuineness of this transubstantiation was a logical 
and not unnatural inference based upon the attempt to interpret 
natural phenomena, and then to influence them by imitating what 
were regarded as the determining factors.^ 

In China these ideas still retain much of their primitive influence 
and directness of expression. Referring to the Chinese ** belief in 
the identity of pictures or images with the beings they represent '* de 
Groot states that the kwan skuh or ** magic art " is a ** main branch 
of Chinese witchcraft *'. It consists essentially of " the infusion of a 
soul, life, and activity into likenesses of beings, to thus render them fit 
to work in some direction desired . . . this infusion is effected by 
blowing or breathing, or spurting water over the likeness : indeed 
breath or kki, or water from the mouth imbued with breath, is 
identical with yafig substance or life." - 

^ It became ** magical " in our sense of the term only when the 
growth of knowledge revealed the fact that the measures taken were inade- 
quate to attain the desired end ; while the '' magician " continued to make 
the pretence that he could attain that end by ultra-physical means. 

'^ De Groot, op. at. p. 356. 



So far I have referred in detail only to the offering of libations. 
But this was only one of several procedures for animating statues, 
mummies, and food- offerings. I have still to consider the ritual pro- 
cedures of incense-burning and ** opening the mouth ". 

From Mr. Blackman's translations of the Egyptian texts it is clear 
that the burning of incense was intended to restore to the statue (or 
the mummy) the odour of the living body and that this was part of 
the procedure considered necessary to animate the statue. He says 
** the belief about incense [which is explained by a later document, 
the Ritual of Amon\ apparently does not occur in the Old King- 
dom religious texts that are preserved to us, yet it may quite well be 
as ancient as that period. That is certainly Erman's view ** {pp. cit. 
p. 75). 

He gives the following translation of the relevant passage in the 
Ritual of Amon (xil, II): "The god comes with body adorned 
which he has fumigated with the eye of his body, the incense of the 
god which has issued from his flesh, the sweat of the god which has 
fallen to the ground, which he has given to all the gods. ... It is the 
Horus eye. If it lives, the people live, thy flesh lives, thy members are 
vigorous** {op, cit. p. 72). In his comments upon this passage Mr. 
Blackman states : "In the light of the Pyramid libation-formulae the 
expressions in this text are quite comprehensible. Like the libations 
the grains of incense are the exudations of a divinity,^ *the fluid 
which issued from his flesh,* the god*s sweat descending to the ground. 
. . . Here incense is not merely the 'odour of the god,* but the 
grains of resin are said to be the god*s sweat ** {op. at. p. 72). " Both 
rites, the pouring of libations and the burning of incense, are performed 
for the same purpose — to revivify the body [or the statue] of god 
and man by restoring to it its lost moisture** (p. 75). 

In attempting to reconstitute the circumstances which led to the 

^ As I shall explain later (see page 228), the idea of the divinity of the 
incense-tree was a result of, and not the reason for, the practice of incense- 
burning. As one of the means by which the resurrection was attained 
incense became a giver of divinity ; and by a simple process of rationaliza- 
tion the tree which produced this divine substance became a god. 

The reference to the *' eye of the body," I shall discuss later (see 
p. 242). 


invention of incense-burning as a ritual act, the nature of the problem 
to be solved must be recalled. Among the most obtrusive evidences 
of death were the coldness of the skin, the lack of perspiration and of 
the odour of the living. It is important to realize what the phrase 
** odour of the living ** would convey to the Proto- Egyptian. From 
the earliest Predynastic times in Egypt it had been the custom to 
make extensive use of resinous material as an essential ingredient 
(what a pharmacist would call the adhesive ** vehicle *') of their 
cosmetics. One of the results of this practice in a hot climate must 
have been the association of a strong aroma of resin or balsam with a 
living person.^ Whether or not it was the practice to burn incense 
to give pleasure to the living is not known. The fact that such a 
procedure was customary among their successors may mean that it 
was really archaic, or on the other hand the possibility must not be 
overlooked that it may be merely the later vulgarization of a practice 
which originally was devised for purely ritual purposes. The burning 
of incense before a corpse or statue was intended to convey to it the 
warmth, the sweat, and the odour of life. 

When the belief became well established that the burning of in- 
cense was potent as an animating force and especially a giver of life to 
the dead it naturally came to be regarded as a divine substance in the 
sense that it had the power of resurrection. As the grains of incense 
consisted of the exudation of trees, or, as the ancient texts express it, 
** their sweat," the divine power of animation in course of time became 
transferred to the trees. They were no longer merely the source of 
the life-giving incense but were themselves animated by the deity whose 
drops of sweat were the means of conveying life to the mummy. 

The reason why the deity which dwelt in these trees was usually 
identified with the Mother-Goddess will become clear in the course of 
the subsequent discussion (p. 228). It is probable that this was due 
mainly to the geographical circumstance that the chief source of incense 
was Southern Arabia, which was also the home of the primitive 
goddesses of fertility. For they were originally nothing more than 
personifications of the life-giving cowry amulets from the Red Sea. 

Thus Robertson Smith's statement that " the value of the gum of 
the acacia as an amulet is connected v^th the idea that it is a clot of 

^ It would lead me too far afield to enter into a discussion of the use of 
scents and unguents, which is closely related to this question. 



menstruous blood, Le., that the tree is a woman '* ^ is probably an 
inversion of cause and effect. It was the value attached to the gum 
that conferred animation upon the tree. The rest of the legend is 
merely a rationalization based upon the idea that the tree was identi- 
fied with the mother-goddess. The same criticism applies to his further 
contention (p. 427) with reference to *' the religious value of incense" 
which he claims to be due to the fact that *' like the gum of the 
samora (acacia) tree, ... it was an animate or divine plant ". 

Many factors played a part in the development of tree- worship, 
but it is probable the origin of the sacredness of trees must be assigned 
to the fact that it was acquired from the incense and the aromatic 
woods which were credited with the power of animating the dead. 
But at a very early epoch many other considerations helped to confirm 
and extend the conception of deification. When Osiris was buried, a 
sacred sycamore grew up as " the visible symbol of the imperishable 
life of Osiris "."^ But the sap of trees was brought into relationship 
with life-giving water and thus constituted another link v^th Osiris. 
The sap was also regarded as the blood of trees and the incense that 
exuded as the sweat. Just as the water of libation was regarded as 
the fluid of the body of Osiris, so also, by this process of rationaliza- 
tion, the incense came to possess a similar significance. 

For reasons precisely analogous to those already explained in the 
case of libations, the custom of burning incense, from being originally a 
ritual act for animating the funerary statue, ultimately developed into 
an act of homage to the deity. 

But it also acquired a special significance when the cult of sky- 
gods developed,^ for the smoke of the burning incense then came to 
be regarded as the vehicle which wafted the deceased's soul to the 
sky or conveyed there the requests of the dwellers upon earth.* 

"The soul of a human being is generally conceived [by the 

^ ** The Religion of the Semites," p. 133. ^ Breasted, p. 28. 

^ For reasons explained on a subsequent page (246). 

^ It is also worth considering whether the extension of this idea may 
not have been responsible for originating the practice of cremation — as a 
device for transferring not merely the animating incense and the supplica- 
tions of the living but also the body of the deceased to the sky- world. 
This, of course, did not happen in Egypt, but in some other country which 
adopted the Egyptian practice of incense- burning, but was not hampered by 
the religious conservatism that guarded the sacredness of the corpse. 


Chinese] as possessing the shape and characteristics of a human being, 
and occasionally those of an animal ; . . . the spirit of an animal is the 
shape of this animal or of some being with human attributes and speech. 
But plant spirits are never conceived as plant-shaped^ nor to have plant- 
characters . . . w^henever forms are given them, they are mostly 
represented as a man, a w^oman, or a child, and often also. as an animal, 
dwelling in or near the plant, and emerging from it at times to do 
harm, or to dispense blessings. ... Whether conceptions on the ani- 
mation of plants have never developed in Chinese thought and worship 
before ideas about human ghosts . . . had become predominant in 
mind and custom, we cannot say : but the matter seems probable " 
(De Groot, op. cit, pp. 272, 273). Tales of trees that shed blood 
and that cry out when hurt are common in Chinese literature (p. 274) 
[as also in Southern Arabia] ; also of trees that lodge or can change 
into maidens of transcendant beauty (p. 276). 

It is further significant that amongst the stories of souls of men 
taking up their residence in and animating trees and plants, the human 
being is usually a woman, accompanied by " a fox, a dog, an old 
raven or the like " (p. 276). 

Thus in China are found all the elements out of which Dr. Rendel 
Harris believes the Aphrodite cult was compounded in Cyprus,^ the 
animation of the anthropoid plant, its human cry, its association with 
a beautiful maiden and a dog.^ 

The immemorial custom of planting trees on graves in China is 
supposed by De Groot (p. 277) to be due to " the desire to strengthen 
the soul of the buried person, thus to save his body from corruption, 
for which reason trees such as pines and cypresses, deemed to be 
bearers of great vitality for being possessed of more shen than other 
trees, were used preferably for such purposes". But may not such 
beliefs also be an expression of the idea that a tree growing upon a 
grave is developed from and becomes the personification of the de- 
ceased ? The significance of the selection of pines and cypresses may 
be compared to that associated with the so-called " cedars " in Baby- 
lonia, Egypt, and Phoenicia, and the myrrh- and frankincense- pro- 
ducing trees in Arabia and East Africa. They have come to be 

^ " The Ascent of Olympus," 191 7. 

^ For a collection of stories relating to human beings, generally women, 
dwelling in trees, see Hartland's " Legend of Perseus ". 


accredited with " soul- substance,'* since their use in mummification, 
and as incense and for making coffins, has made them the means for 
attaining a future existence. Hence in course of time they came to be 
regarded as charged with the spirit of vitality, the shen or "soul- 
substance ". 

In China also it was because the woods of the pine or fir and the 
Cyprus were used for making coffins and grave-vaults and that pine- 
resin was regarded as a means of attaining immortality (De Groot, op. 
cit. pp. 296 and 297) that such veneration was bestowed upon these 
trees. *' At an early date, Taoist seekers after immortality transplanted 
that animation [of the hardy long-lived fir and cypress^] into them- 
selves by consuming the resin of those trees, which, apparently, they 
looked upon as coagulated soul-substance, the counterpart of the blood 
in men and animals " (p. 296). 

Thus in the Far East there are found ii) intimate association the 
one with the other all of the bizarre assortment of beliefs out of which 
the Cypriote Aphrodite is supposed by Dr. Rendel Harris to have 
been compounded, as well as those which the ritual of incense and 
libations was responsible for originating in Egypt 

Elsewhere in these pages it is explained how the vaguely defined 
Mother '* Goddess " and the more distinctly anthropoid Water " God," 
which originally developed quite independently the one of the other, 
ultimately came to exert a profound and mutual influence, so that many 
of the attributes which originally belonged to one of them came to be 
shared with the other. Many factors played a part in this process of 
blending and confusion of sex. As I shall explain later, when the 
moon came to be regarded as the dwelling or the impersonation 
of Hathor, the supposed influence of the moon over water led to a 
further assimilation of her attributes with those of Osiris as the controller 
of water, which received definite expression in a lunar form of Osiris. 

But the link that is most intimately related to the subject of this 
address is provided by the personification of the Mother-Goddess in 
incense-trees. For incense thus became the sweat or the tears of the 

^ The fact that the fir and cypress are *' hardy and long-lived " is 
not the reason for their being accredited with these life-prolonging qualities. 
But once the latter virtues had become attributed to them the fact that the 
trees were ** hardy and long-lived *' may have been used to bolster up the 
belief by a process of rationalization. 


Great Mother just as the water of libation was regarded as the fluid 
of Osiris. 

The Breath of Life. 

Ahhough the pouring of libations and the burning of incense 
played so prominent a part in the ritual of animating the statue or the 
mummy, the most important incident in the ceremony was the *' open- 
ing of the mouth,** which was regarded as giving it the breath of life. 

Elsewhere ^ I have suggested that the conception of the heart and 
blood as the vehicles of life, feeling, volition, and knowledge may have 
been extremely ancient. It is not known when or under what circum- 
stances the idea of the breath being the ** life'* was first entertained. 
The fact that in certain primitive systems of philosophy the breath was 
supposed to have something to do with the heart suggests that these 
beliefs may be a constituent element of the ancient heart-theory. In 
some of the rock- pictures in America, Australia, and elsewhere the 
air-passages are represented leading to the heart. But there can be 
little doubt that the practice of mummification gave greater definiteness 
to the ideas regarding the " heart ** and " breath,** which eventually 
led to a differentiation between their supposed functions.'^ As the 
heart and the blood were obviously present in the dead body they 
could no longer be regarded as the " life**. The breath was clearly 
the ** element** the lack of which rendered the body inanimate. It 
was therefore regarded as necessary to set the heart working. The 
heart then came to be looked upon as the seat of knowledge, the organ 
that feels and wills during waking life. All the pulsating motions of 
the body seem to have been regarded, like the act of respiration, 
as expressions of the vital principle or ** life,** which many ethnological 
writers refer to as " soul substance **. The neighbourhood of certain 
joints where the pulse can be felt most readily, and the top of the 
head, where pulsation can be felt in the infant*s fontanelle, were 
therefore regarded by some Asiatic peoples as the places where the 
substance of life could leave or enter the body. 

It is possible that in ancient times this belief was more widespread 

^ '* Primitive Man," Proceedings of the British Academy, 1917, p. 41. 

- The enormous complexity and intricacy of the interrelation between 
the functions of the ** heart,** and the ** breath ** is revealed in Chinese 
philosophy (see de Groot, op. cit. Chapter VII. inter alia). 


than it is now. It affords an explanation of the motive for trephining 
the skull among ancient peoples, to afford a more ready passage for 
the " vital essence ** to and from the skull. 

In his lecture on " The Socratic Doctrine of the Soul," ^ Professor 
John Burnet has expounded the meaning of early Greek conceptions 
of the soul with rare insight and lucidity. Originally, the word ^pv^rj 
meant "breath," but, by historical times, it had already been 
specialized in two distinct ways. It had come to mean courage in 
the first place, and secondly the bi'eath of life^ the presence or 
absence of which is the most obvious distinction between the animate 
and the inanimate, the "ghost" which a man ** gives up " at death. 
But it may also quit the body temporarily, which explains the pheno- 
menon of swooning (Xi7ro\//u;(ta). It seemed natural to suppose it 
was also the thing that can roam at large when the body is asleep, 
and even appear to another sleeping person in his dream. Moreover, 
since we can dream of the dead, what then appears to us must be 
just what leaves the body at the moment of death. These considera- 
tions explain the world-wide belief in the " soul " as a sort of double 
of the real bodily man, the Egyptian ka^^ the \\?X\^\i genius, and the 
Greek "^^xh- 

Now this double is not identical with whatever it is in us that 
feels and wills during our waking Ufe. That is generally supposed to 
be blood and not breath. 

What we feel and perceive have their seat in the heart : they 
belong to the body and perish with it. 

It is only when the shades have been allowed to drink blood that 
consciousness returns to them for a while. 

At one time the i|/ux^ ^^^ supposed to dwell with the body in 
the grave, where it had to be supported by the offerings of the sur- 
vivors, especially by libations (\oai). 

An Egyptian psychologist has carried the story back long before 
the times of which Professor Burnet writes. He has explained " his 
conception of the functions of the * heart (mind) and tongue '. * When 

^ Second Annual Philosophical Lecture, Henrietta Hertz Trust, Pro^ 
ceedings of the British Academy, Vol. VII, 26 Jan., 1916. 

^ The Egyptian ka^ however, was a more complex entity than this 
comparison suggests. 


the eyes see, the ears hear, and the nose breathes, they transmit to 
the heart. It is he (the heart) who brings forth every issue and it is 
the tongue which repeats the thought of the heart/ " ^ 

" There came the saying that Atum, who created the gods, stated 
concerning Ptah-Tatenen : ' He is the fashioner of the gods. . . . 
He made Hkenesses of their bodies to the satisfaction of their hearts. 
Then the gods entered into their bodies of every wood and every 
stone and every metal.* " ^ 

That these ideas are really ancient is shown by the fact that in 
the Pyramid Texts Isis is represented conveying the breath of life to 
Osiris by "causing a wind with her wings 'V The ceremony of 
** opening the mouth " which aimed at achieving this restoration of 
the breath of life was the principal part of the ritual procedure be- 
fore the statue or mummy. As I have already mentioned (p. 2 1 5), 
the sculptor who modelled the portrait statue was called *' he who 
causes to live," and the word " to fashion " a statue is identical with 
that which means "to give birth ". The god Ptah created man by 
modelling his form in clay. Similarly the life-giving sculptor made 
the portrait which was to be the means of securing a perpetuation of 
existence, when it was animated by the ** opening of the mouth," by 
libations and incense. 

As the outcome of this process of rationalization in Egypt a vast 
crop of creation-legends came into existence, which have persisted 
with remarkable completeness until the present day in India, Indonesia, 
China, America, and elsewhere. A statue of stone, wood, or clay is 
fashioned, and the ceremony of animation is performed to convey to it 
the breath of life, which in many places is supposed to be brought 
down from the sky.^ 

In the Egyptian beliefs, as well as in most of the world-vsade 
legends that were derived from them, the idea assumed a definite 
form that the vital principle (often referred to as the " soul," " soul- 
substance,*' or " double **) could exist apart from the body. Whatever 

^ Breasted, op. cit. pp. 44 and 45. 

^ Op. cit. pp. 45 and 46. "^ Ibid, p. 28. 

^ W. J. Perry has collected the evidence preserved in a remarkable 
series of Indonesian legends in his recent book, '*The Megalithic Cul- 
ture of Indonesia ". But the fullest exposition of the whole subject is 
provided in the Chinese literature summarized by de Groot iop, cit.). 


the explanation, it is clear that the possibility of the existence of the 
vital principle apart from the body was entertained. It was supposed 
that it could return to the body and temporarily reanimate it. It 
could enter into and dwell within the stone representation of the 
deceased. Sometimes this so-called " soul " was identified ^ with the 
breath of life, which could enter into the statue as the result of the 
ceremony of "opening the mouth". 

It has been commonly assumed by Sir Edward Tylor and those 
who accept his theory of animism that the idea of the " soul *' was 
based upon the attempts to interpret the phenomena of dreams and 
shadows, to which Burnet has referred in the passage quoted above. 
The fact that when a person is sleeping he may dream of seeing absent 
people and of having a variety of adventures is explained by many 
peoples by the hypothesis that these are real experiences which befell 
the "soul" when it wandered abroad during its owner's sleep. A 
man's shadow or his reflection in water or a mirror has been inter- 
preted as his double. But what these speculations leave out of 
account is the fact that these dream- and shadow-phenomena were 
probably merely the predisposing circumstances which helped in the 
development of (or the corroborative details which were added to and, 
by rationalization, incorporated in) the *' soul-theory," which other 
circumstances were responsible for creating." 

I have already called attention (p. 1 95) to the fact that in many 
of the psychological speculations in ethnology too little account is 
taken of the enormous complexity of the factors which determine even 
the simplest and apparently most obvious and rational actions of men. 
I must again remind the reader that a vast multitude of factors, many 
of them of a subconscious and emotional nature, influence men's deci- 
sions and opinions. But once some definite state of feeling inclines a 
man to a certain conclusion, he will call up a host of other circum- 
stances to buttress his decision, and weave them into a complex net of 
rationalization. Some such process undoubtedly took place in the 
development of " animism " ; and though it is not possible yet to 

^ See, however, the reservations in the subsequent pages. 

^ The thorough analysis of the beliefs of any people makes this 
abundantly clear. De Groot's monograph is an admirable illustration of 
this (pp. cit. Chapter VII.). Both in Egypt and China the conceptions of 
the significance of the shadow are later and altogether subsidiary. 


reconstruct the whole history of the growth of the idea, there can be 
no question that these early strivings after an understanding of the 
nature of life and death, and the attempts to put the theories into 
practice to reanimate the dead, provided the foundations upon which 
have been built up during the last fifty centuries a vast and com- 
plex theory of the soul. In the creation of this edifice the thoughts 
and the aspirations of countless millions of peoples have played a part, 
but the foundation was laid down when the Egyptian king or priest 
claimed that he could restore to the dead the "breath of life" and, 
by means of the wand which he called ** the great magician," ^ could 
enable the dead to be born again. The wand is supposed by some 
scholars to be a conventionalized representation of the uterus, so that 
its power of giving birth is expressed with literal directness. Such be- 
liefs and stories of the " magic wand * are found to-day in scattered 
localities from the Scottish Highlands to Indonesia and America. 

In this sketch I have referred merely to one or two aspects of a con- 
ception of vast complexity. But it must be remembered that, once the 
mind of man began to play with the idea of a vital essence capable 
of existing apart from the body and to identify it with the breath 
of life, an illimitable field was opened up for speculation. The vital 
principle could manifest itself in all the varied expressions of human 
personality, as well as in all the physiological indications of life. Ex- 
perience of dreams led men to believe that the " soul " could also leave 
the body temporarily and enjoy varied experiences. But the concrete- 
minded Egyptian demanded some physical evidence to buttress these 
intangible ideas of the wandering abroad of his vital essence. He 
made a statue for it to dwell in after his death ; but such a view was 
seriously entertained only because he had already convinced himself 
that the life- sub stance could exist apart from his body as a " double " 
or " twin " which reproduced the form of his real self. 

Searching for material evidence to support his faith primitive man 
not unnaturally turned to the contemplation of the circumstances of 
his birth. All his beliefs concerning the nature of life can ultimately 
be referred back to the story of his own origin, his birth or creation. 

When an infant is born it is accompanied by the after-birth or 
placenta to which it is linked by the umbilical cord. The full com- 
prehension of the significance of these structures is an achievement of 

^ Alan H. Gardiner, Davies and Gardiner, op. cit. p. 59. 


modern science. To primitive man they were an incomprehensible 
marvel. But once he began to play with the idea that he had a 
double, a vital essence in his own shape which could leave the sleeping 
body and lead a separate existence, the placenta obviously provided 
tangible evidence of its reality. The considerations set forth by 
Blackman,^ supplementing those of Moret, Murray and Seligman, 
and others, have been claimed as linking the placenta with the ka. 

Much controversy has waged around the interpretation of the 
Egyptian word ka^ especially during recent years. An excellent 
summary of the arguments brought forward by the various disputants 
up to 1912 will be found in Moret's '* Mysteres Egyptiens ". Since 
then more or less contradictory views have been put forward by Alan 
Gardiner, Breasted, and Blackman. it is not my intention to inter- 
vene in a dispute as to the meaning of certain phrases in ancient litera- 
ture ; but there are certain aspects of the problems at issue which are 
so intimately related to my main theme as to make some reference to 
them unavoidable. 

The development of the custom of making statues of the dead 
necessarily raised for solution the problem of explaining the deceased's 
two bodies, his actual mummy and his portrait statue. During life 
on earth his vital principle dwelt in the former, except on those 
occasions when the man was asleep. His actual body also gave ex- 
pression to all the varied attributes of his personality. But after death 
the statue became the dwelling place of these manifestations of the 
spirit of vitality. 

Whether or not the conception arose out of the necessities unavoid- 
ably created by the making of statues, it seems clear that this custom 
must have given more concrete shape to the belief that all of those 
elements of the dead man's individuality which left his body at the 
time of death could shift as a shadowy double into his statue. 

At the birth of a king he is accompanied by a comrade or twin 
exactly reproducing all his features. This double or ka is intimately 
associated throughout life and in the life to come with the king's wel- 
fare. In fact Breasted claims that the ka " was a kind of superior 

^ Aylward M. Blackman, *' Some Remarks on an Emblem upon the 
Head of an Ancient Egyptian Birth-Goddess," foiirnal of Egyptimi 
ArchcEohgy, Vol. Ill, Part 111, July, 1916, p. 199; and " The Pharaoh's 
Placenta and the Moon-God Khons," ibid. Part IV, Oct., 1916, p. 235. 


genius intended to guide the fortunes of the individual in the here-- 
after'' . . . there " he had his abode and awaited the coming of his 
earthly companion '" } 

At death the deceased "goes to his ka, to the sky". The ka 
controls and protects the deceased : he brings him food which they 
eat together. 

It is important clearly to keep in mind the different factors involved 
in this conception : — 

{a) The statue of the deceased is animated by restoring to it the 
breath of life and all the other vital attributes of which the early 
Egyptian physiologist took cognisance. 

{B) At the time of birth there came into being along with the 
child a " twin " whose destinies were closely linked with the child's. 

(c) As the result of animating the statue the deceased also has 
restored to him his character, *' the sum of his attributes," his indi- 
viduality, later raised to the position of a protecting genius or god, a 
Providence who watches over his well-being.^ 

The points that I want to call attention to are, first, that the 
breath of life, or animus, is not identical with .the ka, as Burnet sup- 
poses {op, cit, supra) ; secondly, that the adoption of the conception 
of the ka as a sort of guardian angel which finds its appropriate habita- 
tion in a statue that has been animated does not necessarily conflict 
with the view so concretely and unmistakably represented in the tomb- 
pictures that the ka is also a double who is born along with the indi- 

This material conception of the ka as a double who is born with 
and closely linked to the individual is, as Blackman has emphasized,* 
very suggestive of Baganda beliefs and rites connected with the placenta. 
At death the circumstances of the act of birth are reconstituted, and for 
this rebirth the placenta which played an essential part in the original 
process is restored to the deceased. May not the original meaning of 
the expression " he goes to his ka " be a literal description of this 
reunion with his placenta ? 

' " Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt," p. 52. Breasted denies 
that the ka was an element of the personality. 

" For an abstruse discussion of this problem see Alan H. Gardiner, 
** Personification (Egyptian)," Hastings* E7icydopcedia of Religion and 
Ethics, pp. 790 and 792. 

^ Op, cit. supra. 


Blackman makes the suggestion that " on the analogy of the beliefs 
entertained by the Hamitic ruling caste in Uganda/* according to 
Roscoe, " the placenta/ or rather its ghost, would have been supposed 
by the Ancient Egyptians to be closely connected with the individual's 
personality, as " he maintains was also the case with the god or pro- 
tecting genius of the Babylonians.'^ ** Unless united with his twin's 
{i.e. his placenta's] ghost the dead king was an imperfect deity, i.e. his 
directing intelligence was impaired or lacking." 

In China, as the quotations from de Groot {op, cit. p. 396) have 
shown, the placenta when placed under felicitous circumstances is able 
to ensure the child a long life and to control his mental and physical 
welfare. In view of the claims put forward by Blackman to associate 
the placenta with the ka^ it is of interest to note Moret*s suggestion 
concerning the fourteen forms of the ka, to which von Bissing assigns 

^ Mr. Blackman is puzzled to explain what ** possible connexion there 
could be between the Pharaoh's placenta and the moon beyond the fact that 
it is the custom in Uganda to expose the king's placenta each new moon 
and anoint it with butter. 

To those readers who follow my argument in the later pages of this 
discussion the reasoning at the back of this association should be plain 
enough. The moon was regarded as the controller of menstruation. The 
placenta (and also the child) was considered to be formed of menstrual 
blood. The welfare of the placenta was therefore considered to be under 
the control of the moon. 

The anointing with butter is an interesting illustration of the close con- 
nexion of these lunar and maternal phenomena with the cow. 

The placenta was associated with the moon also in China, as the fol- 
lowing quotation shows. 

According to de Groot (pp. cit, p. 396), *' in the Siao \h fang or 
Medicament for Babies, by the hand of Ts'ui Hing-kung [died 674 A.D.], 
it is said : * The placenta should be stored away in a felicitous spot under 
the salutary influences of the sky or the moon ... in order that the child 
may be ensured a long life ' **. He then goes on to explain how any inter- 
ference with the placenta will entail mental or physical trouble to the child. 

The placenta also is used as the ingredient of pills to increase fertility, 
facilitate parturition, to bring back life to people on the brink of death and 
it is the main ingredient *' in medicines for lunacy, convulsions, epilepsy, 
etc." (p. 397). •' It gives rest to the heart, nourishes the blood, increases 
the breath, and strengthens the tsing *' (p. 396). 

These attributes of the placenta indicate that the beliefs of the Baganda 
are not merely local eccentricities, but widespread and sharply defined in- 

"■Op.cit. p. 241. 


the general significance "nourishment or offerings". He puts the 
question whether they do not '* personify the elements of material and 
intellectual prosperity, all that is necessary for the health of body and 
spirit " {op, cit, p. 209). 

The placenta is credited with all the varieties of life-giving potency 
that are attributed to the Mother-Goddess. It therefore controls the 
welfare of the individual and, like all maternal amulets {vide supra), 
ensures his good fortune. But, probably by virtue of its supposed 
derivation from and intimate association with blood, it also ministered 
to his mental welfare. 

In my last Rylands Lecture I referred to the probability that the 
essential elements of Chinese civilization were derived from the West. 
I had hoped that before the present statement went to the printer I 
would have found time to set forth in detail the evidence in substantia- 
tion of the reality of that diffusion of culture. 

Briefly the chain of proof is composed of the following links : {a) 
the intimate cultural contact between Egypt, Southern Arabia, Sumer, 
and El am from a period at least as early as the First Egyptian 
Dynasty ; {B) the diffusion of Sumerian and Elamite culture in very 
early times at least as far north as Russian Turkestan and as far east 
as Baluchistan ; {c) at some later period the quest of gold, copper, 
turquoise, and jade led the Babylonians (and their neighbours) as far 
north as the Altai and as far east as Khotan and the Tarim Valley, 
where their pathways were blazed with the distinctive methods of 
cultivation and irrigation ; {d) at some subsequent period there was 
an easterly diffusion of culture from Turkestan into China proper ; and 
{e) at least as early as the seventh century B.C. there was also a spread 
of Western culture to China by sea. 

I have already referred to some of the distinctively Egyptian traits 
in Chinese beliefs concerning the dead. Mingled with them are other 
equally definitely Babylonian ideas concerning the liver. 

It must be apparent that in the course of the spread of a complex 
system of religious beliefs to so great a distance, only certain of their 
features would survive the journey. Handed on from people to 
people, each of whom would unavoidably transform them to some 
extent, the tenets of the Western beliefs would become shorn of many 
of their details and have many excrescences added to them before the 
Chinese received them. In the crucible of the local philosophy they 


would be assimilated with Chinese ideas until the resulting compound 
assumed a Chinese appearance. When these inevitable circumstances 
are recalled the value of any evidence of Western influence is strongly 

According to the ancient Chinese man has two souls, the kwei 
and the shen. The former, which according to de Groot is definitely 
the more ancient of the two (p. 8), is the material, substantial soul, 
which emanates from the tenestrial part of the Universe, and is formed 
of yin substance. In living man it operates under the name of p'oh^ 
and on his death it returns to the earth and abides with the deceased 
in his grave. 

The shen or immaterial soul emanates from the etherial celestial 
part of the cosmos and consists of yang substance. When operating 
actively in the living human body, it is called khi or "breath," and 
hwu7i ; when separated from it after death it li\res forth as a refulgent 
spirit, styled ming} 

But the shen also, in spite of its sky- affinities, hovers about the 
grave and may dwell in the inscribed grave-stone (p. 6). There may 
be a multitude of shen in one body and many "soul-tablets" may 
be provided for them (p. 74). 

Just as in Egypt the ka is said to " symbolize the force of life 
which resides in nourishment " (Moret, p. 2 1 2), so the Chinese refer 
to the ethereal part of the food diSiis khi, i.e. the "breath" of its 

The careful study of the mass of detailed evidence so lucidly set 
forth by de Groot in his great monograph reveals the fact that, in spite 
of many superficial differences and apparent contradictions, the early 
Chinese conceptions of the soul and its functions are essentially iden- 
tical with the Egyptian and must have been derived from the same 

From the quotations which I have already given in the foregoing 
pages it appears that the Chinese entertain views regarding the func- 
tions of the placenta which are identical v^th those of the Baganda, 
and a conception of the souls of man which presents unmistakable 
analogies with those of Egypt. Yet these Chinese beliefs do not 
shed any clearer light than Egyptian literature does upon the prob- 
lem of the possible relationship between the ka and the i>lacenta, 

^ De Groot, p. 5. 


In the Iranian domain, however, right on the overland route from 
the Persian Gulf to China, there seems to be a ray of light. Accord- 
ing to the late Professor Moulton, ** The later Parsi books tell us 
that the Fravashi is a part of a good man's identity, living in heaven 
and reuniting with the soul at death. It is not exactly a guardian 
angel, for it shares in the development or deterioration of the rest of 
the man." ^ 

In fact the Fravashi is not unlike the Egyptian ka on the one 
side and the Chinese shen on the other. " They are the Manes ^ 
* the good folk * '* (p. 144) : they are connected with the stars in their 
capacity as spirits of the dead (p. 143), and they "showed their 
paths to the sun, the moon, the sun, and the endless Hghts," just as the 
.kas guide the dead in the hereafter. 

The Fravashis play a part in the annual All Soul's feast (p. 144) 
precisely analogous to that depicted by Breasted in the case of an 
Egyptian of the Middle Kingdom.^ All the circumstances of the 
two ceremonies are essentially identical. 

Now Professor Moulton suggests that the word Fravashi may be 
derived from the Avestan root var^ ** to impregnate," and fravdsi 
mean ** birth- promotion " (p. 142). As he associates this with 
childbirth the possibility suggests itself whether the " birth- promoter " 
may not be simply the placenta. 

Loret (quoted by Moret, p. 202), however, derives the word 
ka from a root signifying " to beget," so that the Fravashi may be 
nothing more than the Iranian homologue of the Egyptian ka. 

The connecting link between the Iranian and Egyptian concep- 
tions may be the Sumerian instances given to Blackman^ by Dr. 

The whole idea seems to have originated out of the belief that 
the sum of the individual attributes or vital expressions of a man's 
personality could exist apart from the physical body. The contem- 
plation of the phenomena of sleep and death provided the evidence in 
<:orroboration of this. 

At birth the newcomer came into the world physically connected 
with the placenta, which was accredited with the attributes of the 
life-giving and birth-promoting Great Mother and intimately related 

^ Early Religious Poetry of Persia, p. 145. 
- Op. cit. p. 264. 3 ii,id^ p^ 240. 


to the moon and the earliest totem. It was obviously, also, closely 
concerned in the nutrition of the embryo, for was it not the stalk 
upon which the latter was growing like some fruit on its stem ? It 
was a not unnatural inference to suppose that, as the elements of the 
personality were not indissolubly connected with the body, they were 
brought into existence at the time of birth and that the placenta was 
their vehicle. 

The Egyptians' own terms of reference to the sculptor of a statue 
show that the ideas of birth were uppermost in their minds when the 
custom of statue-making was first devised. Moret has brought 
together (pp. at. stiprci) a good deal of evidence to suggest the far- 
reaching significance of the conception of ritual rebirth in early 
Egyptian religious ceremonial. With these ideas in his mind the 
Egyptian would naturally attach great importance to the placenta in 
any attempt to reconstruct the act of rebirth, which would be re- 
garded in a literal sense. The placenta which played an essential 
part in the original act would have an equally important role in the 
ritual of rebirth. 

The Power of the Eye. 

In attempting to understand the peculiar functions attributed to 
the eye it is essential that the inquirer should endeavour to look at 
the problem from the early Egyptian's point of view. After mould- 
ing into shape the wrappings of the mummy so as to restore as far as 
possible the form of the deceased the embalmer then painted eyes 
upon the face. So also when the sculptor had learned to make 
finished models in stone or wood, and by the addition of paint had 
enhanced the life-like appearance, the statue was still merely a dead 
thing. What were needed above all to enliven it, literally and actu- 
ally, in other words, to animate it, were the eyes ; and the Egyptian 
artist set to work and with truly marvellous skill reproduced the ap- 
pearance of living eyes (Fig. 5), How ample was the justification for 
this belief will be appreciated by anyone who glances at the remarkable 
photographs recently published by Dr. Alan H. Gardiner.^ The 
wonderful eyes will be seen to make the statue sparkle and live. 
To the concrete mind of the Egyptian this triumph of art was regarded 

^ •• A New Masterpiece of Egyptian Sculpture," The Journal of 
Egyptian Archceology, Vol. IV, Part I, Jan., 1917. 


Fig. 5.— Statue of an Egyptian Noble of the Pyramid Age to show the 



not as a mere technical success or aesthetic achievement. The artist 
was considered to have made the statue really live ; in fact, literally 
and actually converted it into a " living image ". The eyes them- 
selves were regarded as one of the chief sources of the vitality which 
had been conferred upon the statue. 

This is the explanation of all the elaborate care and skill bestowed 
upon the making of artificial eyes. No doubt also it was largely 
responsible for the development of the remarkable belief in the 
animating power of the eye. But so many other factors of most 
diverse kinds played a part in building up the complex theory of the 
eye's fertilizing potency that all the stages in the process of rationaliza- 
tion cannot yet be arranged in orderly sequence. 

I refer to the question here and suggest certain aspects of it that 
seem worthy of investigation merely for the purpose of stimulating 
some student of early Egyptian literature to look into the matter 

As death was regarded as a kind of sleep and the closing of the 
eyes was the distinctive sign of the latter condition the open eyes were 
not unnaturally regarded as clear evidence of wakefulness and life. 
In fact, to a matter-of-fact people the restoration of the eyes to the 
mummy or statue was equivalent to an awakening to life. 

At a time when a reflection in a mirror or in a sheet of water 
was supposed to afford quite positive evidence of the reality of each 
individual's "double," and when the "soul," or more concretely, 
" life," was imagined to be a minute image or homunculus, it is quite 
likely that the reflection in the eye may have been interpreted as the 
" soul " dwelling within it. The eye was certainly regarded as 
peculiarly rich in " soul substance ". It was not until Osiris received 
from Horus the eye which had been wrenched out in the latter's 
combat with Set that he " became a soul ".'" 

It is a remarkable fact that this belief in the animating power of 
the eye spread as far east as Polynesia and America, and as far west 
as the British Islands. 

^ In all probability the main factor that was responsible for conferring 
such definite life-giving powers upon the eye was the identification of the 
moon with the Great Mother. The moon was the eye of Re, the sky-god. 

"^ Breasted, "Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt," p. 59. The 
meaning of the phrase rendered ** a soul " here would be more accurately 
given by the word " reanimated ". 



Of course the obvious physiological functions of the eyes as means 
of communication between their possessor and the world around him ; 
the powerful influence of the eyes for expressing feeling and emotion 
without speech ; the analogy between the closing and opening of the 
eyes and the changes of day and night, are all hinted at in Egyptian 

But there were certain specific factors that seem to have helped to 
give definiteness to these general ideas of the physiology of the eyes. 
The tears, like all the body moisture, came to share the life-giving 
attributes of water in general. And when it is recalled that at 
funeral ceremonies, when natural emotion found expression in the 
shedding of tears, it is not unlikely that this came to be assimilated 
with all the other water-symbolism of the funerary ritual. The early 
literature of Egypt, in fact, refers to the part played by Isis and 
Nephthys in the reanimation of Osiris, when the tears they shed as 
mourners brought life back to the god. But the fertilizing tears of 
Isis were life-giving in the wider sense. They were said to cause the 
inundation which fertilized the soil of Egypt. 

There is the further possibility that the beliefs associated with the 
cowry may have played some part, if not in originating, at any rate 
in emphasizing the conception of the fertilizing powers of the eye. I 
have already mentioned the outstanding features of the symbolism of 
the cowry. In many places in Africa and elsewhere the similarity of 
the cowry to the half-closed eyelids led to the use of the shells as 
artificial " eyes ** in mummies. Thus the use of same shell to sym- 
bolize the female reproductive organs and the eyes may have played 
some part in transferring to the latter the fertility of the former. The 
gods were born of the eyes of Ptah. Might not the confusion of the 
eye with the genitalia have given a meaning to this statement ? There 
is evidence of this double symbolism of these shells. Cowry shells 
have also been employed, both in the Persian Gulf and the Pacific, 
to decorate the bows of boats, probably for the dual purpose of re- 
presenting eyes and conferring vitality upon the vessel. These facts 
suggest that the belief in the fertilizing power of the eyes may to 
some extent be due to this cov^-association. Even if it be admitted 
that all the known cases of the use of cov^ies as eyes of mummies are 
relatively late and that it is not known to have been employed for 
such a purpose in Egypt, the mere fact that the likeness to the eyelids 


so readily suggests itself may have linked together the attributes of 
the cowry and the eye even in Predynastic times, when cowries were 
placed with the dead in the grave. 

Hathor's identification with the *' Eye of Re" may possibly 
have been an expression of the same idea. But the role of the ** Eye 
of Re " was due primarily to her association with the moon {vide 
inf^-a, p. 246). 

The apparently hopeless tangle of contradictions involved in these 
conceptions of Hathor will have to be unravelled. For " no eye is to 
be feared more than thine (Re*s) when it attacketh in the form of 
Hathor*' (Maspero, op, cit. p. 165). Thus if it was the beneficent 
life-giving aspect of the eye which led to its identification vydth Hathor, 
in course of time, when the reason for this connexion was lost sight of, 
it became associated with the malevolent, death-dealing avatar of the 
goddess, and became the expression of the god's anger and hatred 
toward his enemies. It is not unlikely that such a confusion may 
have been responsible for giving concrete expression to the general 
psychological fact that the eyes are obviously among the chief means 
for expressing hatred for and intimidating and " brow-beating" one's 
fellows. [In my lecture on "The Birth of Aphrodite" I shall ex- 
plain the explicit circumstances that gave rise to these contradictions.] 

It is significant that, in addition to the widespread belief in the 
" evil eye " — which in itself embodies the same confusion, the expres- 
sion of admiration that works evil — in a multitude of legends it is the 
eye that produces petrifaction. The " stony stare" causes death and 
the dead become transformed into statues, which, however, usually 
lack their original attribute of animation. These stories have been 
collected by Mr. E. S. Hartland in bis " Legend of Perseus ". 

There is another possible link in the chain of associations between 
the eye and the idea of fertility. I have already referred to the 
development of the belief that incense, which plays so prominent a 
part in the ritual for conferring vitality upon the dead, is itself replete 
with animating properties. *' Glaser has already shown the anti 
incense of the Egyptian Punt Reliefs to be an Arabian word, a-a-nete, 
' tree-eyes ' {Punt unci die Sildarabischen Reiche, p. 7), and to 
refer to the large lumps ... as distinguished from the small round 
drops, which are supposed to be tree- tears or the tree-blood." ^ 

1 Wilfred H. Schoff, "The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea," 1912, 
p. 164. 


The Moon and the Sky- World. 

There are reasons for believing that the chief episodes in Aphro- 
dite's past point to the Red Sea for their inspiration, though many 
other factors, due partly to local circumstances and partly to contact 
with other civilizations, contributed to the determination of the traits 
of the Mediterranean goddess of love. In Babylonia and India there 
are very definite signs of borrowing from the same source. It is im- 
portant, therefore, to look for further evidence to Arabia as the obvious 
bond of union both with Phoenicia and Babylonia. 

The claim made in Roscher's Lexicon der Mythologie that the 
Assyrian Ishtar, the Phoenician Ashtoreth (Astarte), the Syrian 
Atargatis (Derketo), the Babylonian Belit (Mylitta) and the Arabian 
Hat (Al-ilat) were all moon- goddesses has given rise to much rather 
aimless discussion, for there can be no question of their essential hom- 
ology with Hathor and Aphrodite. Moreover, from the beginning, 
all goddesses — and especially this most primitive stratum of fertility 
deities — were for obvious reasons intimately associated with the moon.^ 
But the cyclical periodicity of the moon which suggested the analogy 
wjth the similar physiological periodicity of women merely explains 
the association of the moon with women. The influence of the moon 
upon dew and the tides, perhaps, suggested its controlling power over 
water and emphasized the life-giving function which its association 
with women had already suggested. For reasons which have been 
explained already, water was associated more especially with fertili- 
zation by the male. Hence the symbolism of the moon came to 
include the control of both the nlale and the female processes of re- 

The literature relating to the development of these ideas with refer- 

^ I am not concerned here with the explanation of the means by which 
their home became transferred to the planet Venus. 

■^ In his discussion of the functions of the Fravashis in the Iranian Yasht, 
the late Professor Moulton suggested the derivation of the word from the 
Avestan root var, "to impregnate," so that /mz^^i/ might mean ** birth- 
promotion **. But he was puzzled by a reference to water. ** Less easy to 
understand is their intimate connexion with the Waters*' (** Early Religious 
Poetry of Persia," pp. 142 and 143). But the Waters were regarded as 
fertilizing agents. This is seen in the Avestan Anahita, who was " the 
presiding genie of Fertility and more especially of the Waters ** (W. J- 
Phythian-Adams, '* Mithraism," 1915, p. 13). 


ence to the moon has been summarized by Professor Hutton Webster/ 
He shows that " there is good reason for believing that among many 
primitive peoples the moon, rather than the sun, the planets or any 
of the constellations, first excited the imagination and aroused feelings 
of superstitious awe or of religious veneration ". 

Special attention was first devoted to the moon when agricultural 
pursuits compelled men to measure time and determine the seasons. 
The influence of the moon on water, both the tides and dew, brought 
it within the scope of the then current biological theory of fertilization. 
This conception was powerfully corroborated by the parallelism of the 
moon's cycles and those of womankind, which was interpreted by re- 
garding the moon as the controlling power of the female reproductive 
functions. Thus all of the earliest goddesses who were personifications 
of the powers of fertility came to be associated, and in some cases 
identified, with the moon. 

In this way the animation and deification of the moon was brought 
about : and the first sky deity assumed not only all the attributes of 
the cowry, i.e. the female reproductive functions, but also, as the con- 
troller of water, many of those which afterwards were regarded as the 
role of Osiris. The confusion of the male fertilizing powers of Osiris 
with the female reproductive functions of Hathor and Isis may explain 
how in some places the moon became a masculine deity, who, how- 
ever, still retained his control over womankind and caused the phen- 
omena of menstruation by the exercise of his virile powers.^ But the 
moon-god was also a measurer of time and in this aspect was personi- 
fied in Thoth. 

The assimilation of the moon with these earth-deities was prob- 
ably responsible for the creation of the first sky-deity. For once the 
conception developed of identifying a deity with the moon, and the 
Osirian beliefs associated with the deification of a dead king grew up, 
the moon became the impersonation of the spirit of womankind, some 
mortal woman who by death had acquired divinity. 

After the idea had developed of regarding the moon as the spirit 

1 *• Rest Days," New York, 1916, pp. 124 et seq, 

- Wherever these deities of fertility are found, whether in Egypt, Baby- 
lonia, the Mediterranean Area, Elastern Asia, and America, illustrations of 
this confusion of sex are found. The explanation which Dr. Rendel Harris 
offers of this confusion in the case of Aphrodite, seems to me not to give due 
recognition to its great antiquity and world-wide distribution. 


of a dead person, it was only natural that, in course of time, the sun 
and stars should be brought within the scope of the same train of 
thought, and be regarded as the deified dead. When this happened, 
the sun not unnaturally soon leapt into a position of pre-eminence. 
As the moon represented the deified female principle the sun became 
the dominant male deity Re. The stars also became the spirits of the 

Once this new conception of a sky-world was adumbrated a 
luxuriant crop of beliefs grew up to assimilate the new beliefs with the 
old and to buttress the confused mixture of incompatible ideas with a 
complex scaffolding of rationalization. 

The sun-god Horus then became the son of Osiris. Osiris con- 
trolled not only the river and the irrigation canals, but also the rain- 
clouds. The fumes of incense conveyed to the sky-gods the supplica- 
tions of the worshippers on earth. Incense was not only '* the perfume 
that deifies," but also the means by which the deities and the dead 
could pass to their doubles in the newly invented sky-heaven. The 
sun-god Re was represented in his temple not by an anthropoid statue, 
but by an otelisk,^ the gilded apex of which pointed to heaven and 
" drew down " the dazzling rays of the sun, reflected from its polished 
surface, so that all the worshippers could see the manifestations of the 
god in his temple. 

These events are important, not only for creating the sky- gods and 
the sky-heaven, but possibly also for suggesting the idea that even a 
mere pillar of stone, whether carved or uncarved, upon which no at- 
tempt had been made to model the human form, could represent the 
deity, or rather could become the ** body '* to be animated by the 
god.^ For once it was admitted, even in the home of these ancient 
ideas concerning the animation of statues, that it was not essential for 
the idol to be shaped into human form, the way was opened for less 
cultured peoples, who had not acquired the technical skill to carve 
statues, simply to erect stone pillars or unshaped masses of stone or 

^ L. Borchardt, ** Das Re-heiligtum des Konigs Ne-woser-re ". 
For a good exposition of this matter see A. Moret, " Sanctu- 
aires de I'ancien Elmpire Egyp\ieny*'[ A nna/es du Musee Guimet, 1912, 
p. 265. 

" It is possible that the ceremony of erecting the dad columns may have 
played some part in the development of these beliefs. (On this see A. 
Moret. "Mysteres Egyptiens." 1913, pp. 13-17.) 


wood for their gods to enter, when the appropriate ritual of animation 
was performed.^ 

This conception of the possibility of gods, men, or animals dwelling 
in stones spread in course of time throughout the world, but in every 
place where it is found certain arbitrary details of the methods of 
animating the stone reveal the fact that all these legends must have 
been derived from the same source. 

The complementary belief in the possibility of the petrifaction of 
men and animals has a similarly extensive geographical distribution. 
It represents merely an abbreviated version of the original story. If a 
man after death could be reanimated and his ** life,'* or what most 
writers call his *' soul," could then take up its residence in a stone, it 
was merely short-circuiting this process to transform the man directly 
into a stone.^ 

The Worship of the Cow. 

Intimately linked with the subjects I have been discussing is the 
worship of the cow. It would lead me too far afield to enter into 

^ Many other factors played a part in the development of the stories of 
the birth of ancestors from stones. I have already referred to the origin 
of the idea of the cowry (or some other shell) as the parent of mankind. 
The place of the shell was often taken by roughly carved stones, which of 
course were accredited with the same power of being able to produce men, 
or of being a sort of egg from which human beings could be hatched. It 
is unlikely that the finding of fossilized animals played any leading role in 
the development of these beliefs, beyond affording corroborative evidence 
in support of them after other circumstances had been responsible for 
originating the stories. The more circumstantial Oriental stories of the 
splitting of stones giving birth to heroes and gods may have been suggested 
by the finding in pebbles of fossilized shells — themselves regarded already 
as the parents of mankind. But such interpretations were only possible be- 
cause all the predisposing circumstances had already prepared the way for 
the acceptance of these specific illustrations of a general theory. 

These beliefs may have developed before and quite independently of 
the ideas concerning the animation of statues ; but if so the latter event 
would have strengthened and in some places become merged with the other 

" For an extensive collection of these remarkable petrifaction legends 
in almost every part of the world, see E. Sidney Hartland's "The Legend 
of Perseus," especially Volumes I and III. These distinctive stories will be 
found to be complexly interwoven with all the matters discussed in this 


the details of the process by which the earliest Mother- Goddesses 
became so closely associated or even identified with the cow and why 
the cow's horns became associated with the moon among the emblems 
of Hathor. But it is essential that reference should be made to 
certain aspects of the subject. 

I do not think there is any evidence to justify the common theory 
that the likeness of the crescent moon to a cow's horns was the reason 
for the association. On the other hand it is clear that both the moon 
and the cow became identified with the Mother-Goddess quite inde- 
pendently the one of the other, and at a very remote period. 

It is probable that the fundamental factor in the development of 
this association of the cow and the Mother-Goddess was the fact of the 
use of milk as food for human beings. For if the cow could assume 
this maternal function she was in fact a sort of foster-mother of man- 
kind ; and in course of time she came to be regarded as the actual 
mother of the human race and to be identified with the Great Mother. 

Many other considerations helped in this process of assimilation. 
The use of cattle not merely as meat for the sustenance of the living 
but as the usual and most characteristic life-giving food for the dead 
naturally played a part in conferring divinity upon the cow, just as an 
analogous relationship made incense a holy substance and was re- 
sponsible for the personification of the incense- tree as a goddess. 
This influence was still further emphasized in the case of cattle 
because they also supplied the blood which was used for the ritual 
purpose of bestowing consciousness upon the dead, and in course of 
time upon the gods also, so that they might hear and attend to the 
prayers of supplicants. 

Other circumstances emphasize the significance attached to the 
cow, but it is difficult to decide whether they cpntributed in any way 
to the development of these beliefs or were merely some of the 
practices which were the result of the divination of the cow. The 
custom of placing butter in the mouths of the dead, in Egypt, Uganda, 
and India, the various ritual uses of milk, the employment of a cow's 
hide as a wrapping for the dead in the grave, and also in certain 
mysterious ceremonies,^ all indicate the intimate connexion between 
the cow and the means of attaining a rebirth in the life to come. 

I think there are definite reasons for believing that once the cow 

^ See A. Moret, op. at. p. 81 , inter alia. 


tecame identified with the Mother-Goddess as the parent of mankind 
the first step was taken in the development of the curious system of 
ideas now known as " totemism". 

This, however, is a complex problem which I cannot stay to 
discuss here. 

When the cow became identified with the Great Mother and the 
moon was regarded as the dwelling or the personification of the same 
goddess, the Divine Cow by a process of confused syncretism came to 
be regarded as the sky or the heavens, to which the dead were raised 
«p on the cow's back. When Re became the dominant deity, he 
was identified with the sky, and the sun and moon were then regarded 
as his eyes. Thus the moon, as the Great Mother as well as the eye 
of Re, was the bond of identification of the Great Mother with an 
■eye. This was probably how the eye acquired the animating powers 
of the Giver of Life. 

A whole volume might be written upon the almost world-wide 
diffusion of these beliefs regarding the cow, as far as Scotland and 
Ireland in the west, and in their easterly migration probably as far 
as America, to the confusion alike of its ancient artists and its modem 

As an illustration of the identification of the cow's attributes with 
those of the life-giving Great Mother, I might refer to the late Pro- 
fessor Moulton's commentary^ on the ancient Iranian Gathas, where 
cow's flesh is given to mortals by Yima to make them immortal. 
*' May we connect it with another legend whereby at the Regenera- 
tion Mithra is to make men immortal by giving them to eat the fat 
of the . . . primeval Cow from whose slain body, according to the 
Aryan legends adopted by Mithraism, mankind was first created ? " ^ 

^ See the Copan sculptured monuments described by Maudslay in 
Godman and Salvin's *' Biologia Centrali- Americana," Archaeology, 
Plate 46, representing '* Stela D," with two serpents in the places oc- 
cupied by the Indian elephants in Stela B — concerning which see Nature^ 
November 25, 1915. To one of these intertwined serpents is attached a 
cow-headed human daemon. Compare also the Chiriqui figure depicted by 
by MacCurdy, " A Study of Chiriquian Antiquities," Yale University Press, 
1911, fig. 361, p. 209. 

" " Early Religious Poetry of Persia," pp. 42 and 43. 
'^ Op. cit. p. 43. But I think these legends accredited to the Aryans 
owe their parentage to the same source as the Egyptian beliefs concerning 
the cow, and especially the remarkable mysteries uppn which Moret has 
been endeavouring to throw some light — ** Mysteres Egyptiens," p. 43. 


The Diffusion of Culture. 

In these pages I have made no attempt to deal with the far-reach- 
ing and intricate problems of the diffusion abroad of the practices and 
beliefs which I have been discussing. But the thoughts and the aspira- 
tions of every cultured people are permeated through and through 
with their influence. 

It is important to remember that in almost every stage of the de- 
velopment of these complex customs and ideas not merely the " finished 
product ** but also the ingredients out of which it was built up were 
being scattered abroad. 

I shall briefly refer to certain evidence from the East and America 
in illustration of this fact and in substantiation of the reality of the 
diffusion to the East of some of the beliefs I have been discussing. 

The unity of Egyptian and Babylonian ideas is nowhere more 
strikingly demonstrated than in the essential identity of the attributes 
of Osiris and Ea. It affords the most positive proof of the derivation 
of the beliefs from some common source, and reveals the fact that 
Egyptian and Sumerian civilizations must have been in intimate cultural 
contact at the beginning of their developmental history. " In Baby- 
lonia, as in Egypt, there were differences of opinion regarding the 
origin of life and the particular natural element which represented the 
vital principle." " One section of the people, who were represented 
by the worshippers of Ea, appear to have believed that the essence of 
life was contained in water. The god of Eridu was the source of the 
' water of life *.'* ^ 

*' Offerings of water and food were made to the dead," not, as 
Mr. Mackenzie states, so that they might be " prevented from troubling 
the living," ' but to supply them with the means of sustenance and to 

^ Donald A. Mackenzie, " Myths of Babylonia and Assyria,'* p. 44 
et seq. 

'^ Dr. Alan Gardiner has protested against the assertions of ** some 
Egyptologists, influenced more by anthropological theorists than by the un- 
ambiguous evidence of the Egyptian texts," to the effect that " the funerary 
rites and practices of the Egyptians were in the main precautionary measures 
senring to protect the living against the dead " (Article ** Life and Death 
(Egyptian),'* Hastings' E^icyclopcedia of Religion and Ethics). I should like 
to emphasize the fact that the *' anthropological theorists," who so frequently 
put forward these claims have little more justification for them than ** some 


reanimate them to help the suppliants. It is a common belief that 
these and other procedures were inspired by fear of the dead. But 
such a statement does not accurately represent the attitude of mind of 
the people who devised these funerary ceremonies. For it is not the 
enemies of the dead or those against whom he had a grudge that run 
a risk at funerals, but rather his friends ; and the more deeply he was 
attached to a particular person the greater the danger for the latter. 
For among many people the belief obtains that when a man dies he 
will endeavour to steal the ** soul -substance" of those who are dearest 
to him so that they may accompany him to the other world. But as 
stealing the ** soul-substance " ^ means death, it is easy to misunderstand 
such a display of affection. Hence most people who long for life and 
hate death do their utmost to evade such embarrassing tokens of love ; 
and most ethnologists, misjudging such actions, write about " appeasing 
the dead ". It was those whom the gods l(n)ed who died young. 

Ea was not only the god of the deep, but also " lord of life," king 
of the river and god of creation. Like Osiris "he fertilized parched 
and sunburnt wastes through rivers and irrigating canals, and conferred 
upon man the sustaining * food of life '. . . . The goddess of the dead 
commanded her servant to * sprinkle the Lady Ishtar with the water 
of life ' " {pp. cit. p. 44). 

In Chapter III. of Mr. Mackenzie's book, from which I have just 

Egyptologists ". Careful study of the best evidence from Babylonia, India,. 
Indonesia, and Japan, reveals the fact that anthropologists who make such 
claims have probably misinterpreted the facts. In an article on ** Ances- 
tor Worship " by Professor Nobushige Hozumi in A. Stead's ** Japan by the 
Japanese*' (1904) the true point of view is put very clearly : "The origin 
of ancestor-worship is ascribed by many eminent writers to the dread of 
ghosts and the sacrifices made to the souls of ancestors for the purpose 
of propitiating them. It appears to me more correct to attribute the origin 
of ancestor-worship to a contrary cause. It was the love of ancestors, not 
the dread of them" [Here he quotes the Chinese philosophers Shiu-ki 
and Confucius in corroboration] that impelled men to worship. '* We 
celebrate the anniversary of our ancestors, pay visits to their graves, offer 
flowers, food and drink, burn incense and bow before their tombs, entirely 
from a feeling of love and respect for their memory, and no question of 
* dread' enters our minds in doing so " (pp. 281 and 282). 

^ For, as I have already explained, the idea so commonly and mistakenly 
conveyed by the term "soul-substance" by writers on Indonesian and 
Chinese beliefs would be much more accurately rendered simply by the 
word " life," so that the stealing of it necessarily means death. 


quoted, there is an interesting collection of quotations clearly showing 
that the conception of the vitalizing properties of the body moisture of 
gods is not restricted to Egypt and Osiris, but is found also in Baby- 
lonia and India, in Western Asia and Greece, and also in Western 

It has been suggested that the name Ishtar has been derived from 
Semitic roots implying " she who waters," " she who makes fruitful ".^ 

** The beginnings of Semitic religion as they were conceived by the 
Semites themselves go back to sexual relations ... the Semitic con- 
ception of deity . . . embodies the truth — grossly indeed, but never- 
theless embodies it — that ' God is love * " (pp. cit. p. 1 07). 

Throughout the countries where Semitic- influence spread the 
primitive Mother-Goddesses or some of their specialized variants are 
found. But in every case the goddess is associated with many dis- 
tinctive traits which reveal her identity with her homologues in 
Cyprus, Babylonia, and Egypt. 

Among the Sumerians ** life comes on earth through the introduc- 
tion of water and irrigation**.^ **Man also results from a union 
between the water-gods.** 

The Akkadians held views which were almost the direct antithesis 
of these. To them " the watery deep is disorder, and the cosmos, 
the order of the world, is due to the victory of a god of light and 
spring over the monster of winter and water ; man is directly made 
by the gods **.* 

" The Sumerian account of Beginnings centres around the produc- 
tion by the gods of water, Enki and his consort Nin-ella (or Dangal), 
of a great number of canals bringing rain to the desolate fields of a dry 
continent. Life both of vegetables and animals follows the profusion 
of the vivifying waters. ... In the process of life*s production besides 
Enki, the personality of his consort is very conspicuous. She is called 

^ Barton, op. cit. p. 105. 

^ The evidence set forth in these pages makes it clear that such ideas 
are not restricted to the Semites : nor is there any reason to suppose that 
they originated amongst them. 

^Albert J. Carnoy, "Iranian Views of Origins in Connexion with 
Similar Babylonian Beliefs,*' Journal of the American Oriental Society ^ 
Vol. XXXVI, 1916, pp. 300-20. 

^ This is Professor Carney's summary of Professor Jastrow's views as 
expressed in his article ** Sumerian and Akkadian Views of Beginnings ". 


Nin-Ella, * the pure Lady,' Damgal-Nunna, the * great Lady of 
the Waters/ Nin- Tu, ' the Lady of Birth ' " (p. 30 1 ). The child of 
Enki and Nin-ella was the ancestor of mankind.^ 

*' In later traditions, the personality of that Great Lady seems to 
have been overshadowed by that of Ishtar, who absorbed several of 
her functions " (p. 30 1 ). 

Professor Carnoy fully demonstrates the derivation of certain early 
so-called "Aryan" beliefs from Chaldea. In the Iranian account of 
the creation ** the great spring Ardvi Sura Anahita is the life- increas- 
ing, the herd-increasing, the fold-increasing who makes prosperity for 
all countries (Yt. 5, 1) . . . that precious spring is worshipped as a 
goddess . . . and is personified as a handsome and stately woman. 
She is a fair maid, most strong, tall of form, high-girded. Her arms 
are white and thick as a horse's shoulder or still thicker. She is full 
of gracefulness" (Yt. 5, 7, 64, 78). " Professor Cumont thinks that 
Anahita is Ishtar . . . she is a goddess of fecundation and birth. 
Moreover in Achaemenian inscriptions Anahita is associated with Ahura 
Mazdah and Mithra, a triad corresponding to the Chaldean triad : 
Sin-Shamash- Ishtar. 'A^atri? in Strabo and other Greek writers is 
treated as ^A.^pohiTf) " (p. 302). 

But in Mesopotamia also the same views were entertained as in 
Egypt of the functions of statues. 

" The statues hidden in the recesses of the temples or erected on 
the summits of the *Ziggurats' became imbued, by virtue of their 
consecration, with the actual body of the god whom they repre- 
sented." Thus Marduk is said to "inhabit his image" (Maspero, 
op. cit. p. 64). 

This is precisely the idea which the Egyptians had. Even at the 
present day it survives among the Dravidian peoples of India." They 
make images of their village deities, which may be permanent or only 
temporary, but in any case they are regarded not as actual deities but 
as the " bodies " so to speak into which these deities can enter. They 
are sacred only when they are so animated by the goddess. The 

^ Jastrow's interpretation of a recently-discovered tablet published by 
Langdon under the title The Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood and 
the Fall of Man. 

'^ I have already (p. 233) mentioned the fact that it is still preserved in 
China also. 


ritual of animation is essentially identical with that found in Ancient 
Egypt. Libations are poured out ; incense is burnt ; the bleeding 
right fore-leg of a buffalo constitutes the blood-offering.^ When the 
deity is reanimated by these procedures and its consciousness restored 
by the blood-offering it can hear appeals and speak. 

The same attitude towards their idols was adopted by the Poly- 
nesians. " The priest usually addressed the image, into which it was 
imagined the god entered when anyone came to inquire his will.'* ^' 

But there are certain other aspects of these Indian customs that 
are of peculiar interest. In my Ridgeway essay {op. cit. supra) I 
referred to the means by which in Nubia the degradation of the 
oblong Egyptian viastaba gave rise to the simple stone circle. This 
type spread to the west along the North African littoral, and also to 
the Eastern desert and Palestine. At some subsequent time mariners 
from the Red Sea introduced this practice into India. 

[It is important to bear in mind that two other classes of stone 
circles were invented. One of them was derived, not from the 
7nastaba itself, but from the enclosing wall surrounding it (see my 
Ridgeway essay, Fig. 13, p. 53 1 , and compare with Figs. 3 and 4, 
p. 510, for illustrations of the transformed maslada-iype). This type 
of circle (enclosing a dolmen) is found both in the Caucasus- Caspian 
area as well as in India. A highly developed form of this encircling 
type of structure is seen in the famous rails surrounding the Buddhist 
stupas and dagabas. A third and later form of circle, of which 
Stonehenge is an example, was developed out of the much later New 
Empire Egyptian conception of a temple.] 

But at the same time, as in Nubia, and possibly in Libya, the 
mast aba was being degraded into the first of the three main varieties 
of stone circle, other, though less drastic, forms of simplification of the 

^ Henry Whitehead (Bishop of Madras), " The Village Deities of 
Southern India," Madras Government Museum, Bull., Vol. V, No. 3, 
1907; Wilber Theodore Elmore, " Dravidian Gods in Modern Hindu- 
ism: A Study of the Local and Village Deities of Southern India,'* 
University Studies: University of Nebraska, Vol. XV, No. I, Jan., 1915. 
Compare the sacrifice of the fore-leg of a livmg calf in Egypt — A. E. P. B. 
Weigall, •• An Ancient Egyptian Funeral QGV&axony,'* Journal of Egyptian 
Archeology ^ Vol. II, 1915, p. 10. Early literary references from Baby- 
lonia suggest that a similar method of offering blood was practised there. 

'^ William Ellis, ** Polynesian Researches,** 2nd edition, 1832, Vol. I, 
p. 373. 


mastaba were taking place, possibly in Egypt itself, but certainly 
upon the neighbouring Mediterranean coasts. In some respects the 
least altered copies of the mastaba are found in the so-called ** giant's 
graves'* of Sardinia and the "horned cairns" of the British Isles. 
But the real features of the Egyptian serdab, which was the essential 
part, the nucleus so to speak, of the mastaba, are best preserved in 
the so-called ** holed dolmens " of the Levant, the Caucasus, and 
India. [They also occur sporadically in the West, as in France and 

Such dolmens and more simplified forms are scattered in Palestine,^ 
but are seen to best advantage upon the Eastern Littoral of the 
Black Sea, the Caucasus, and the neighbourhood of the Caspian. 
They are found only in scattered localities between the Black and 
Caspian Seas. As de Morgan has pointed out,^ their distribution is 
explained by their association with ancient gold and copper mines. 
They were the tombs of immigrant mining colonies who had settled 
in these definite localities to exploit these minerals. 

Now the same types of dolmens, also associated with ancient 
mines, ^ are found in India. There is some evidence to suggest that 
these degraded types of Egyptian mastabas were introduced into 
India at some time after the adoption of the other, the Nubian 
modification of the mastaba which is represented by the first variety 
of stone circle.^ 

I have referred to these Indian dolmens for the specific purpose 
of illustrating the complexities of the processes of diffusion of culture. 
For not only have several variously specialized degradation- products 
of the same original type of Egyptian mastaba reached India, possibly 
by different routes and at different times, but also many of the ideas 

^ See H. Vincent, •* Canaan d'apres rexploration recente,** Paris, 1907, 
p. 395. 

* ** Les Premieres Civilizations,*' Paris, 1909, p. 404 : Memoires de la 
Delegation en Perse, Tome VIII, archeol. ; and Mission Scientifique au 
Caucase, Tome I. 

^ W. J. Perry, ** The Relationship between the Geographical Distri- 
bution of Megalithic Monuments and Ancient Mines,** Memoirs and Pro- 
ceedings of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, Vol. 60, 
Parti, 24th Nov., 1915. 

* The evidence for this is being prepared for publication by Captzun 
Leonard Munn, R.E., who has personally collected the data in Hydera- 


that developed out of the funerary ritual in Egypt — of which the 
mastaba was merely one of the manifestations — made their way to 
India at various times and became secondarily blended with other 
expressions of the same or associated ideas there. I have already 
referred to the essential elements of the Egyptian funerary ritual — the 
statues, incense, libations, and the rest — as still persisting among the 
Dravidian peoples. 

But in the Madras Presidency dolmens are found converted into 
Siva temples.^ Now in the inner chamber of the shrine — which 
represents the homologue of the serdab — in place of the statue or 
bas-relief of the deceased or of the deity, which is found in some of 
them (see Plate I), there is the stone linga-yoni emblem in the posi- 
tion corresponding to that in which, in the later temple in the same 
locality (Kambaduru), there is an image of Parvati, the consort of 

The earliest deities in Egypt, both Osiris and Hathor, were 
really expressions of the creative principle. In the case of Hathor, 
the goddess was, in fact, the personification of the female organs of 
reproduction. In these early Siva temples in India these principles of 
creation were given their literal interpretation, and represented frankly 
as the organs of reproduction of the two sexes. The gods of creation 
were symbolized by models in stone of the creating organs. Further 
illustrations of the same principle are witnessed in the Indonesian 
megalith ic monuments which Perry calls ** dissoliths "." 

The later Indian temples, both Buddhist and Hindu, were 
developed from these early dolmens, as Mr. Longhurst's reports so 
clearly demonstrate. But from time to time there was an influx of 
new ideas from the West which found expression in a series of modi- 
fications of the architecture. Thus India provides an admirable 
illustration of this principle of culture contact. A series of waves 
of megalithic culture introduced purely Western ideas. These were 
developed by the local people in their own way, constantly inter- 
mingling a variety of cultural influences to weave them into a dis- 

^ Annual Report of the Archaeological Department, Southern Circle, 
Madras, for the year 1915-1916. See for example Mr. A. H. Longhurst's 
photographs and plans (Plates I-IV) and especially that of the old Siva 
temple at Kambadum, Plate IV (p). 

* W. J, Perry, ** The Megalithic Culture of Indonesia**.. 


tinctive fabric, which was compounded partly of imported, partly of 
local threads, woven locally into a truly Indian pattern. In this pro- 
cess of development one can detect the effects of Mycenean accretions 
(see for example Longhurst's Plate XIII), probably modified during 
its indirect transmission by Phoenician and later influences ; and also 
the more intimate part played by Babylonian, Egyptian, and, later, 
Greek and Persian art and architecture in directing the course of 
development of Indian culture. 

The ideas which grew up in association with the practice of 
mummification were responsible for the development of the temple 
and its ritual and for a definite formulation of the conception of deities. 
But they were also responsible for originating a priesthood. For the 
resuscitation of the dead king, Osiris, and for the maintenance of his 
existence it was necessary for his successor, the reigning king, to per- 
form the ritual of animation and the provision of food and drink. 
The king, therefore, was the first priest, and his functions were not 
primarily acts of worship but merely the necessary preliminaries for 
restoring life and consciousness to the dead seer so that he could con- 
sult him and secure his advice and help. 

It was only when the number of temples became so great and 
their ritual so complex and elaborate as to make it a physical impossi- 
bility for the king to act in this capacity in all of them and on every 
occasion that he was compelled to delegate some of his priestly func- 
tions to others, either members of the royal family or high officials. 
In course of time certain individuals devoted themselves exclusively ta 
these duties and became professional priests ; but it is important to 
remember that at first it was the exclusive privilege of Horus, the 
reigning king, to intercede with Osiris, the dead king, on behalf of 
men, and that the earliest priesthood consisted of those individuals to 
whom he had delegated some of these duties. 

In the " Migrations of Early Culture " (p. 114) I called attention 
to the fact that among the Aztecs water was poured upon the head 
of the mummy. This ritual procedure was inspired by the Egyptian 
idea of libations, for, according to Brasseur de Bourbourg, the pour- 
ing out of the water was accompanied by the remark ** C est cette eau 
que tu as re^ue en venant au monde **. 

But incense-burning and blood-offering were also practised in 


America, In an interesting memoir ^ on the practice of blood-letting 
by piercing the ears and tongue, Mrs. Zelia Nuttall reproduces a re- 
markable picture from a ** partly unpublished MS. of Sahagun s work 
preserved in Florence **. ** The image of the sun is held up by a 
man whose body is partly hidden, and two men, seated opposite to 
each other in the foreground, are in the act of piercing the helices or 
external borders of their ears." But in addition to these blood-offer- 
ings to the sun, two priests are burning incense in remarkably Egyptian- 
like censers, and another pair are blowing conch-shell trumpets. 

But it was not merely the use of incense and libations and the 
identities in the wholly arbitrary attributes of the American pantheon 
that reveal the sources of their derivation in the Old World. When 
the Spaniards first visited Yucatan they found traces of a Maya bap- 
tismal rite which the natives called zihil^ signif)dng " to be born again ". 
At the ceremony also incense was burnt." 

The forehead, the face, the fingers and toes were moistened. 
** After they had been thus sprinkled with water, the priest arose and 
removed the cloths from the heads of the children, and then cut off 
with a stone knife a certain bead that was attached to the head from 

The same custom is found in Egypt at the present day. 

In the case of the girls, their mothers " divested them of a cord 
which was worn during their childhood, fastened round the loins, 
having a small shell that hung in front (* una conchuela asida que les 
venia a dar encima de la parte honesta * — Landa). The removal of 
this signified that they could marry." * 

This custom is found in the Soudan and East Africa at the 
present day.^ It is the prototype of the girdle of Hathor, Ishtar, 
Aphrodite, Kali and all the goddesses of fertility in the Old World. 
It is an admirable illustration of the fact that not only were the finished 
products, the goddesses and their fantastic repertory of attributes trans- 
mitted to the New World, but also the earliest and most primitive 
ingredients out of which the complexities of their traits were com- 

^ " A Penitential Rite of the Ancient Mexicans,** Archaeological and 
Ethnological Papers of the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Vol. I, 
No. 7, 1904. 

' Bancroft, op. cit. Vol. II, pp. 682 and 683. 

2 Op, cit, p. 684. ^ Ibid, ' See J. Wilfrid Jackson, op. cit. supra. 


Fig. 6. — Representation of the ancient Mexican worship of the Sun 

The image of the sun is held up by a man in front of his face ; two men blow conch-shell 
trumpets; another pair burn incense; and a third pair make blood-offerings by piercing 
their ears — after Zelia Nuttall. 



In these pages I have ranged over a very wide field of speculation, 
groping in the dim shadows of the early history of civilization. I have 
been attempting to pick up a few of the threads which ultimately be- 
came woven into the texture of human beliefs and aspirations, and to 
suggest that the practice of mummification was the woof around which 
the web of civilization was intimately intertwined. 

I have already explained how closely that practice was related to 
the origin and development of architecture, which Professor Lethaby 
has called the " matrix of civilization," and how nearly the ideas that 
grew up in explanation and in justification of the ritual of embalming 
were affected by the practice of agriculture, the second great pillar of 
support for the edifice of civilization. It has also been shown how 
far-reaching was the influence exerted by the needs of the embalmer, 
which impelled men, probably for the first time in history, to plan and 
carry out great expeditions by sea and land to obtain the necessary 
resins and the balsams, the wood and the spices. Incidentally also 
in course of time the practice of mummification came to exert a pro- 
found effect upon the means for the acquisition of a knowledge of 
medicine and all the sciences ancillary to it. 

But I have devoted chief attention to the bearing of the ideas 
which developed out of the practice and ritual of embalming upoii 
the spirit of man. It gave shape and substance to the belief in a 
future life ; it was perhaps the most important factor in the develop- 
ment of a definite conception of the gods : it laid the foundation of 
the ideas which subsequently were built up into a theory of the soul : 
in fact, it was intimately connected with the birth of all those ideals 
and aspirations which are now included in the conception of religious 
belief and ritual. A multitude of other trains of thought were started 
amidst the intellectual ferment of the formulation of the earliest con- 
crete system of biological theory. The idea of the properties and 
functions of water which had previously sprung up in connexion with 
the development of agriculture became crystallized into a more definite 
form as the result of the development of mummification, and this has 
played an obtrusive part in religion, in philosophy and in medicine 
ever since. Moreover its influence has become embalmed for all time 
in many languages and in the ritual of every religion. 


But it was a factor in the development not merely of religious be- 
liefs, temples and ritual, but it was also very closely related to the 
origin of much of the paraphernalia of the gods and of current popular 
beliefs. The swastika and the thunderbolt, dragons and demons, 
totemism and the sky-world are all of them conceptions that were 
more or less closely connected with the matters I have been discussing. 

In conclusion I should like to express in words what must be only 
too apparent to every reader of this statement. It claims to be noth- 
ing more than a contribution to the study of some of the most difficult 
problems in the history of human thought. For one so ill -equipped 
for a task of such a nature as I am to attempt it calls for a word of 
explanation. The clear light that recent research has shed upon the 
earliest literature in the world has done much to destroy the founda- 
tions upon which the theories propounded by scholars have been built 
up. It seemed to be worth while to attempt to read afresh the volu- 
minous mass of old documents with the illumination of this new in- 

The other reason for making such an attempt is that almost every 
modern scholar who has discussed the matters at issue has assumed 
that the fashionable doctrine of the independent development of human 
beliefs and practices was a safe basis upon which to construct his 
theories. At best it is an unproven and reckless speculation. I am 
convinced it is utterly false. Holding such views I have attempted ta 
read the evidence afresh. 


By C. H. HERFORD. M.A., Litt.D., 

Professor of English Literature and Language in the 
Victoria University of Manchester. 

Dedicated to the 

Rt. Hon. Viscount Morley, O.M. 

Chancellor of the University of Manchester, 

" Lucretius stands alone in the controversial force and energy with which the genius of negation 
inspires him, and transfoims into sublime reasons for firm act, so long as living breath is ours, 
the thought that the life of a man is no more than the dream of a shadow." 

— Lord Morley^s " Recollections ". 


THERE was a time when the title of this paper would have 
been received as a paradox if not as a contradiction in 
terms. Lessing, as is well known, declared roundly that 
Lucretius was ** a versifier, not a poet,'* and Lessing was one of the 
greatest of European critics. It is easy, indeed, to see the reason of 
Lessing*s trenchant condemnation. It reflects his implicit acceptance 
of Aristotle's Poetics, — which he said was for him as absolutely valid 
as Euclid, — and therefore of Aristotle's doctrine that poetry is imita- 
tion of human action. Lessing's insistence on this doctrine was 
extraordinarily salutary in his day, and definitely lowered the status 
of the dubious kinds known as descriptive, allegorical, satirical, and 
didactic poetry, in a century too much given to them all. That 
phrase of his about the imitation of human action marked out a 
correct, well-defined, and safe channel for the stream of poetry to pur- 
sue, and some of the slender poetic rills of his generation improved 
their chance of survival by falling into it and flowing between its 
banks. But Lessing did not reckon with the power of poetic genius 
to force its own way to the sea through no matter how tangled and 

^ An elaboration of the Lecture delivered in the John Rylands Library 
on 14 February, 1917. 

263 4 


tortuous a river-bed, — nay, to capture from the very obstructions it over- 
comes new splendours of foam and rainbow unknown perhaps to the 
well-regulated stream. In plain language, he did not reckon with the 
fact that a prima facie inferior form, such as satire or didactic, may 
not only have its inferiority outweighed by compensating beauties, but 
may actually elicit and provoke beauties not otherwise to be had, and 
thus become not an obstacle, but an instrument of poetry. Nor did 
he foresee that such a recovery of poetic genius, such an effacement of 
the old boundaries, such a withdrawal of the old taboos, was to come 
with the following century, nay, was actually impending when he 
wrote. Goethe, who read the Laokoon entranced, as a young student 
at Leipzig, honoured its teaching very much on this side of idolatry 
when he came to maturity. As a devoted investigator of Nature, who 
divined the inner continuity of the flower and the leaf with the same 
penetrating intuition which read the continuity of a man, or of a his- 
toric city, in all the phases of their growth, Goethe was not likely to 
confine poetry within the bounds either of humanity or of the drums 
and tramplings, the violence, passion, and sudden death, for which 
human action in poetic criticism has too commonly stood. He him- 
self wrote a poem of noble beauty on the ** Metamorphosis of Plants" 
(1797) — a poem which suffices to show that it is possible to be poeti- 
cally right while merely unfolding the inner truth of things in perfectly 
adequate speech.^ We cannot wonder, then, that Lucretius and the 
poem "On the Nature of Things** excited in the greatest of German 
poets the liveliest interest and admiration. On the score of subject 
alone he eagerly welcomed the great example of Lucretius. But he 
saw that Lucretius had supreme gifts as a poet, which would have 
given distinction to whatever he wrote, and which, far from being 
balked by the subject of his choice, found in it peculiarly large scope 
and play. " What sets our Lucretius so high," he wrote (1821) to 
his friend v. Knebel, author of the first German translation, " what 
sets him so high and assures him eternal renown, is a lofty faculty of 
sensuous intuition, which enables him to describe with power ; in 

^ Goethe probably never heard of a less fortunate adventure in that 
kind by his English contemporary Dr. Erasmus Darwin, the Loves of the 
Plants^ which had then been famous in England for ten years ; a poem 
which suffices to show that it is possible to exploit in the description of 
natural processes all the figures and personifications of poetry, and yet to 
go egregiously wrong. 


addition, he disposes of a powerful imagination, which enables him 
to pursue what he has seen beyond the reach of sense into the invisible 
depths of Nature and her most mysterious recesses.'* ^ But while 
Goethe thus led the way in endorsing without reserve the Lucretian 
conception of what the field of poetry might legitimately include, 
he contributed to the discussion nothing, so far as 1 know, so illu- 
minating or so profound as the great saying of Wordsworth : " poetry 
is the impassioned expression which is in the countenance of all sci- 
ence *\ For Wordsworth here sweeps peremptorily away the bound- 
ary marks set up, for better or worse, by ancient criticism — he knows 
nothing of a poetry purely of man or purely of action : he finds the 
differentia of poetry not in any particular choice of subject out of the 
field of real things, but in the impassioned handling of them whencc- 
soever drawn, and therefore including the impassioned handling of 
reality as such, or, in the Lucretian phrase, of the nature of things. 
What did he mean by impassioned ? Something more, certainly, 
than the enthusiasm of a writer possessed with his theme, or even of 
one eager, as Lucretius was, to effect by its means a glorious purgation 
in the clotted soul of a friend. We come nearer when we recall the 
profound emotion stirred in Wordsworth by ** earth's tears and mirth, 
her humblest mirth and tears," or the thought, " too deep for tears," 
given him by the lowliest flower of the field. Such passion as this 
is not easily analysed, but it implies something that we may call par- 
ticipation on the one side and response on the other. The poet finds 
himself in Nature, finds there something that answers to spiritual needs 
of his own. The measure of the poet's mind will be the measure of 
the value of the response he receives. A small poet will people 
Nature with fantastic shapes which reflect nothing but hb capricious 
fancy or his self-centred desires. That is not finding a response in 
Nature, but putting one into her mouth ; a procedure like that of the 
bustling conversationalist who, instead of listening to your explanation, 
cuts it short with a " You mean to say " — whatever it suits him to 
suppose. But the poet of finer genius wall neither seek nor be satisfied 
with such hollow response as this. If he finds himself in Nature, it 
will not be his shallow fancies or passing regrets that he finds, but his 
furthest reach, and loftiest appetency of soul. He will not properly 
be said to *' subdue things to the mind," as Bacon declared it to be 

^To Knebel. 14 February, 1821. 


the characteristic aim of poetry to do, instead of, like philosophy, 
subduing the mind to things. But he will feel after analogies to 
mind in the universe of things which mind contemplates and 

Such an analogy, for instance, is the sense of continuity underlying 
the changing show of the material world, corresponding to the con- 
tinuity of our own self-consciousness through the perpetual variations 
of our soul states. The doctrine of a permanent substance persisting 
through the multiplicity of Nature, and giving birth to all its passing 
modes, belongs as much to poetry as to philosophy, and owes as much 
to impassioned intuition as to a priori thought. Under the name of 
the " One and the Many *' the problem of Change and Permanence 
perplexed and fascinated every department of Greek thought : it pro- 
voked the opposite extravagances of Heracleitos, who declared change 
to be the only form of existence, and of the Eleatics, who denied 
that it existed at all , but it also inspired the ordered and symmetrical 
beauty of the Parthenon and the Pindaric ode. *' When we feel the 
poetic thrill," says Santayana, "it is when we find fulness in the 
concise, and depth in the clear ; and that seems to express with 
felicitous precision the genius of Hellenic art." 

A second such analogy is the discovery of infinity. Common 
sense observes measure and rule, complies with custom, and takes its 
ease when its day's work is done ; but we recognize a higher quality 
in the love that knows no measure, in the spiritual hunger and thirst 
which are never stilled. Therefore, at the height of our humanity, 
we find ourselves in the universe in proportion as it sustains and gives 
scope for an endlessly ranging and endlessly penetrating thought. 
The Stoics looked on the universe as a globe pervaded by what 
Munro unkindly calls a rotund and rotatory god ; at the circum- 
ference of which all existence, including that of space, simply 
stopped ; common sense revolts, but imagination is even more rudely 
balked, and we glory in the defiant description of Epicurus passing 
beyond the flaming walls of the world. Yet we are stirred with a 
far more potent intellectual sympathy when the idea is suggested, say 
by Spinoza, that space and time themselves are but particular modes 
of a universe which exists also in an infinite number of other ways ; 
or when, in the final cantos of Dante's Paradiso, after passing up 
from Earth, the centre, through the successive ever-widening spheres 


that circle round it, till we reach the Empyrean, the whole per- 
spective and structure of the universe are suddenly inverted, and we 
see the real centre, God, as a single point of dazzling intensity, 
irradiating existence ** through and through ". Then we realize that 
the space we have been laboriously traversing is only the illusive 
medium of our sense-existence, and without meaning for the Eternity 
and Infinity of divine reality. 

This example has led us to the verge of another class of poetic 
ideas, those in which poetry discovers in the world not merely 
analogies of mind, but mind itself. This is the commonest, and in 
some of its phases the cheapest and poorest, intellectually, of all poetic 
ideas. It touches at one pole the naive personation which peoples 
earth and air for primitive man with spirits whom he seeks by ritual 
and magic to propitiate or to circumvent. The brilliant and beautiful 
woof of myth is, if we will, poetry as well as religion ; the primi- 
tive and rudimentary poetry of a primitive and rudimentary religion. 
Yet it points, however crudely, to the subtler kinds of response which 
a riper poetic insight may discover. If the glorious anthropomorphism 
of Olympus and Asgard has faded for ever, the mystery of life, 
everywhere pulsing through Nature, and perpetually reborn ** in man 
and beast and earth and air and sea," cries to the poet in every 
moment of his experience with a voice which will not be put by, and 
the symbols from soul-life by which he seeks to convey his sense of 
it, if they often read human personality too definitely into the play of 
that elusive mystery, yet capture something in it which escapes the 
reasoned formulas of science, and justify the claim of poetic experience 
to be the source of an outlook upon the world, of a vision of life, with 
which, no less than with those reached through philosophy and 
religion, civilization has to reckon. 

The poetic consciousness of soul has thus left a deep impress upon 
the medium of ideas through which we currently regard both Nature 
and Man. It has imbued with a richer significance and a livelier 
appeal those analogies in Nature of which I spoke ; turning the sublime 
but bare conceptions of continuity and substance into Wordsworth's 
soinething more deeply interfused, or Shelley's Love . . . through 
the web of Being blindly wove ; turning the abstraction of infinity 
into limitless aspiration, or into that ** infinite passion " which Brown- 
ing felt across "the pain of finite hearts that yearn ". 


On the other hand, in its interpretation of Man, the f)oetic soul- 
consciousness, so extraordinarily intense on the emotional and imagina- 
tive side, has lifted these aspects of soul into prominence ; illuminating 
and sustaining everywhere the impassioned insight which carries men 
outside and beyond themselves, in heroism, in prophecy, in creation, 
in love ; which makes the past alive for them, and the future urgent ; 
which lifts them to a vision of good and evil beyond that of moral 
codes ; to the perception that danger is the true safety, and death, as 
Rupert Brooke said, " safest of all ** ; which in a word gives wing and 
scope and power to that in man which endures, as the stream endures 
though its water is ever gliding on, and makes us " feel that we are 
greater than we know '*. 

I have tried to sketch out some of the ways in which a scientific 
poetry is possible without disparagement to either element in the de- 
scription- Let me now proceed to apply some of these ideas to the 
great poet of science who is our immediate subject. 


In this assembly it is unnecessary to recall the little that is 
told, on dubious authority, of the life which began a little less than a 
hundred years before the Christian era, and ended when he was not 
much over forty, when Virgil was a very young man. All that is 
told of his life is the story that he went mad after receiving a love- 
philtre, composed the books of his great poem ** On the Nature of 
Things " in his lucid intervals, and finally died by his own hand. 
It is this tradition which Tennyson with great art has worked up 
into his noble poem. We need not here discuss the truth either of 
the tradition of madness or of that of suicide. What is certain is 
that no poem in the world bears a more powerful impress of coherent 
and continuous thought. While the poets of his own time and of the 
next generation, though deeply interested in his poetry and in his 
ideas, know nothing of the tragic story which first emerges in a testi- 
mony four centuries later. 

Lucretius called his poem by the bald title ** Of the Nature of 
Things". But no single term or phrase can describe the cdms which, 
distinct^but continually playing into and through one another, compose 
the intense animating purpose of the book. We may say that it is 
at once a scientific treatise, a gospel of salvation, and an epic of 


nature and man ; yet we are rarely conscious of any one of these 
aims to the exclusion of the rest. In none of these three aims was 
Lucretius wholly original. In each of them he had a great precursor 
among the speculative thinkers and poets of Greece. His science 
roughly speaking was the creation of Democritus ; his gospel of 
salvation was the work of Epicurus ; and the greatest example of a 
poem on the nature of things, before his, had been given by Ejnpe- 
docles, the poet- philosopher of Agrigentum whom Matthew Arnold 
made the mouthpiece of his grave and lofty hymn of nineteenth- 
century pessimism. In his own country his only predecessor in any 
sense was Ennius, the old national poet who had first cast the hexa- 
meter in the stubborn mould of Latin speech, to whom he pays char- 
acteristically generous homage. 

The atomic system of Democritus, which explained all things in 
the universe as combinations of different kinds of material particles, 
was a magnificent contribution to physical science, and the fertility of 
its essential idea is ^till unexhausted. It touched the problems of 
mind and life, of ethics and art, only indirectly, in so far as it resolved 
mind and all its activities into functions of matter and motion. 
Epicurus, on the other hand, a saintly recluse, bent only upon 
showing the way to a life of serene and cheerful virtue, took over 
the doctrine of the great physicist of Abdera, without any touch of 
dispassionate speculative interest, as that which promised most effectual 
relief from disturbing interests and cares, and especially from the dis- 
turbance generated by fear of the gods and of a life after death. He 
might have gone to the great Athenian idealists of the fourth century, 
the immortal masters not only of those who know, but of those who 
think and labour and create, whether in science or in poetry or in 
citizenship. But his aim was precisely to liberate from these distract- 
ing energies, and allure a weary generation from the forum and the 
workshop, even the studio of letters or of art, and the temples 
of the gods, into the choice seclusion of his gcwden — the garden of 
a soul at peace, fragrant with innocent and beautiful things. What 
Epicurus added of his own to Democritus* theory was an accom- 
modation not to truth but to convenience ; and the measure of his 
scientific ardour is given by his easy toleration of conflicting explana- 
tions of the same phenomenon, provided they dispense with the inter- 
vention of the gods. While the measure of his attachment to poetry 


is given by his counsel to his disciples to go past it with stopped 
ears, as by the siren's deadly song. 

It was this scientific doctrine, adopted by Epicurus in the interest 
not of science but of his gospel of deliverance from the cares of 
superstition, that Lucretius took over with the fervour of discipleship. 
He was not, like Pope in the ** Essay on Man," providing an 
elegant dress for philosophic ideas which he only half understood and 
abandoned in alarm when they threatened to be dangerous. He 
was the prophet of Epicureanism, and it is among the prophets of the 
faiths by which men live and die that we must seek a parallel to the 
passionate earnestness with which he proclaims to Memmius the 
saving gospel of Epicurus, — to that same Memmius who a few years 
later showed his piety to Epicurus' memory by destroying his house. 
It was the hope of pouring the light and joy of saving truth upon the 
mind of this rather obtuse Roman, his beloved friend, that Lucretius 
laboured, he tells us, through the silent watches of the night, seeking 
phrase and measure which might make deep and hidden things clear.^ 
But Lucretius felt and thought also as a poet and in the temper of 
poetry. He was not lending his pen to a good cause, nor turning 
Greek science into Latin hexameters in order that they might be more 
vividly grasped or more readily remembered. He was conquering a 
new way in poetry ; striking out a virgin path which no foot before 
his had trod. For Empedocles had had far narrower aims. And he 
calls on the Muses for aid with as devout a faith in his poetic mission 
in the great adventure as Milton had when he summoned Urania or 
some greater Muse to be his guide while he attempted " things un- 
attempted yet in prose or rhyme ". What we admire unreservedly 
in him, declares a great French poet who died only the other day, 
Sully- Prudhomme, is the breath of independence which sweeps through 
the entire work of this most robust and precise of poets. 

We see the temper of the poet at the outset, in the wonderful 
transfiguration which the gentle recluse Epicurus undergoes in the 
ardent brain of his Roman disciple. For it was of this enemy of dis- 
turbing emotion, this quietist of paganism, this timid and debonnaire 
humanitarian, that Lucretius drew the magnificent and astonishing 
portrait which immediately follows the prologue of the De Rerum 
Natura. The Lucretian Epicurus is a Prometheus, — the heroic 

M. 140 f. 


Greek who first of mortals dared to defy and withstand the monstrous 
tyrant Religion to her face. No fabled terror could appal him, no 
crashing thunder, nor the anger of heaven ; these only kindled the 
more the eager courage of his soul, to be the first to break the bars 
of Nature's gates. So the living might of his soul prevailed ; and he 
passed beyond the flaming walls of the world and traversed in mind 
and spirit the immeasurable universe ; returning thence in triumph to 
tell us what can, and what cannot, come into being ; having trampled 
under foot Religion who once crushed mankind, and lifted mankind 
in turn by his victory up to the height of heaven. 

One might well surmise that a philosophy which a poet could 
thus ardently proclaim was itself, after all, not without the seeds and 
springs of poetry ; and that Lucretius in choosing to expound it in 
verse was not staking everything on his power of making good radical 
defects of substance by telling surface decoration or brilliant digres- 
sions. He recognized, no doubt, a difference in popular appeal be- 
tween his substance and his form, and in a famous and delightful 
passage compares himself to the physician who touches the edge of 
the bitter cup with honey, ensnaring credulous childhood to its own 
good. So, he tells Memmius, he is spreading the honey of the Muses 
over his difficult matter, that he may hold him by the charm of verse 
until the nature of things have grown clear to his sight. But Lucretius 
is here putting himself at the point of view of the indifferent layman, 
and especially of the rather obtuse layman whose interest he was 
with almost pathetic eagerness seeking to capture. One guesses that 
Memmius, like the boy, was by no means reconciled to the worm- 
wood because it was prefaced with honey ; and modern critics who„ 
like Mommsen, condemn his choice of subject as a blunder, come 
near to adopting the resentful boy's point of view. But in the 
splendid lines which immediately precede, though they form part of 
the same apology to Memmius, the poet involuntarily betrays his own 
very different .conception of the matter. The hope of glory, he says, 
has kindled in his breast the love of the Muses, ** whereby inspired 
I am exploring a virgin soil of poetry hitherto untrodden by any foot. 
O the joy of approaching the unsullied bprings, and quaffing them, O 
the joy of culling flowers unknown, whence may be woven a splendid 
wreath for my head, such as the Muses have arrayed no man's brows 
withal before ; first because I am reporting on a great theme, and 


undoing the tight knot of superstition from the minds of men ; and 
then because 1 convey dark matters in such transparent verse, touching 
everything w^ith the Muses* charm." ^ 

Here, in spite of the last words, Lucretius clearly feels that his 
matter is something more than the wormwood which he overlays with 
honey ; it is a vast region of implicit poetry which he, first of poets, is 
going to discover and annex ; and he rests his claim to the poetic 
wreath he expects to win, in the first place upon this greatness of the 
subject matter itself, and secondly, not as the wormwood and honey 
theory would suggest, on the ingenious fancy which decorates or disguises 
it, but on the lucid style which allows it to shine in, as through a 
window, upon the ignorant mind. 


Let us then consider from this point of view the subject of 
Lucretius. This subject, as he conceives it, has two aspects. On 
the one side it is negative ; — an annihilating criticism of all the crude 
religion founded upon fear, — fear of the gods, fear of death and of 
something after death ; criticism delivered with remorseless power and 
culminating in the sinewy intensity of the terrible line 

* Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum,* 

which transfixes once for all the consecrated principle of tabii every- 
where dominant in the primitive faiths, the product of man's coward- 
ice, as magic is the product of his pride. 

The other aspect is constructive ; the building up of the intellec- 
tual and moral framework of a worthy human life, by setting forth the 
true nature of the universe, the history of life, and the development of 
man ; in other words, the story of his struggle through the ages, with 
the obstacles opposed to him by the power of untamed nature, by 
wild beasts, storms, inundations, by the rivalry and antagonism of 
other men, and by the wild unreason in his own breast. Lucretius saw 
as clearly as any modern thinker that man's conduct of his life, whether 
in the narrow circle of domestic happiness and personal duty, or in the 
larger sphere of civic polity, must be based upon a comprehension of 
the external world and of the past through which we have grown to 
what we are ; and making allowance for his more limited resources and 

^ I. 922 I 


Kis Viore confined point of view, he carried it out with magnificent 
power. So that if his poem remains in nominal intention a didactic 
treatise, in its inner substance and purport it might better be described 
as a colossal epic of the universe, with man for its protagonist and the 
spectres of the gods for its vanquished foes ; and wanting neither 
the heroic exultations nor the tragic dooms, neither the melancholy 
over what passes nor the triumph in what endures, which go to the 
making of the greatest poetry. 

These two aspects — criticism and construction — are thus most 
intimately bound together in the poem, but can yet be considered 
apart. And to each belongs its own peculiar and distinct vein of 
poetry. On the whole it is the former, at first sight so much less 
favourable to poetic purposes, which has most enthralled posterity. 
For the voice of Lucretius is here a distinctive, almost a solitary voice. 
The poets for the most part have been the weavers of the veil of 
dreams and visions in whose glamour the races of mankind have 
walked : but here came a poet, and one of the greatest, who rent the 
veil asunder and bade men gaze upon the nature of things naked and 
unadorned. And his austere chaunt of triumph as he pierces illusion 
and scatters superstition, has in it something more poignant and thril- 
ling than many a . song of voluptuous ecstacy or enchanted reverie. 
For after all, the passing of an old order of things and the coming of 
a new has always at least the interest of colossal drama, and cannot 
leave us unmoved, however baneful we may hold the old order to 
have been, however we may exult in the deliverance effected by the 
new. So Milton's celebration of the birth of Christ only reaches the 
heights of poetry when he is telling of the passing of the old pagan 
divinities : — 

The oracles are dumb. 

No voice or hideous hum 
Runs thro' the arched roof in words deceiving. 

Apollo from his shrine 

Can no more divine, 
With hollow shriek the sleep of Delphos leaving. 

No nightly trance, or breathed spell, 
Inspires the pale-eyed priest from the prophetic cell. 


The lonely mountains o*er • 

And the resounding shore, 
A voice of weeping heard and loud lament ; 

From haunted spring and dale, 

Edged with poplar pale. 
The parting genius is with sighing sent ; 

With flower-inwoven tresses torn 
The nymphs in twilight shade of tangled thicket mourn. 

Through the Christian's exultation there sounds, less consciously per- 
haps, but more clear, the Humanist scholar's sense of tragedy and 
pathos. In Hypei'ion, even more, we are made to feel the pathos of 
the passing of the fallen divinity of Saturn and his host ; and Hyperion 
himself, the sun-god of the old order of physical light, is more magnifi- 
cently presented than Apollo, the sun-god of the new order of radiant 
intelligence and song. Lucretius, as we shall see, brings back the old 
divinity in a sublime way of his own ; but he feels the beneficence of 
the new order of scientific vision and inviolable law too profoundly to 
have any sense of pathos at the passing of the reign of superstition and 
caprice. He is rather possessed with flaming v^ath as he recalls the 
towering evils of which that old regime had been guilty : the wrath 
of a prophet, more truly divine in spirit than the divinities he assailed, 
as Prometheus is more divine than Zeus. Again and again we are 
reminded, as we read his great invectives, not of the sceptics mocking 
all gods indiscriminately in the name of enlightened good sense, but of 
a Hebrew prophet, chastising those who sacrifice to the gods of the 
Gentiles, in the name of the God of righteousness who refuses to be 
worshipped with offerings of blood. There is surely a spirit not far 
remote from this in the indignant pity with which he tells, in a famous 
and splendid passage, the sacrifice of Iphigenia at the divine bidding, 
as the price of the liberation of the Grecian fleet on its way to Troy. 

How often has fear of the gods begotten impious and criminal acts! 
What else was it that led the chieftains of Greece, foremost of men, 
foully to stain the altar of Artemis with the blood of the maiden 
Iphigenia? Soon as the victim's band was bound about her virgin 
locks, and she saw her father grief- stricken before the altar, and at 
his side the priests concealing the knife, and the onlookers shedding 
tears at the sight, dumb with fear she sank on her knees to the 
ground. And it availed her nothing at that hour that she had been 
the first to call the king by the name of father ; for she was caught 
up by the hands of men, and borne trembling to the altar ; not to 


have a glad wedding hymn sung before her when these sacred rites 
were over, but to be piteously struck down, a victim, stained with 
her own stainless blood, by the hand of a father in the very flower 
of her bridal years ; and all in order to procure a happy deliver- 
ance might be granted to the captive fleet. So huge a mass of evils 
has fear of the gods brought forth ! [l. 84-101]. 

Thus the crucial proof of the badness of the old religions is de- 
rived from the hideous violence done in their name to the natural and 
beautiful pieties of the family. 

Yet, ynth all his fierce aversion for this baneful fear, Lucretius 
feels profoundly how natural it is. His intense imagination enters into 
the inmost recesses of the human heart, and runs counter, as it were, to 
the argument of his powerful reason ; riveting upon our senses with 
almost intolerable force the beliefs which he is himself seeking to dis- 
pel ; so that though there is no trace of doubt or obscurity in his own 
mind, his words need only to be set in a different context to become 
a plea for that which he is using them to refute. Thus his very de- 
rision of the Stoic doctrine of an all- pervading God is conveyed ia 
anguage of what one is again prompted to call Hebraic magnificence. 
** What power can rule the immeasurable All, or hold the reins of 
the great deep ? who can revolve the heavens and warm the earth 
with ethereal fires ? who can be everywhere present, making dark the 
sky and thrilling it with clashing sound . . . ? [v. 1 234 f.] " Do we 
not seem to listen to an echo of the ironical questions of the Jahveh 
of the Book of Job ? 

There he feels only scorn for the believer, in spite of his involun- 
tary imaginative hold upon the belief. But in another passage we see 
the poet himself shudder with the fear that his logic is in the act of 
plucking up by the roots : 

When we gaze upward at the great vault of heaven, and the empyrean 
inlaid with shining stars, and consider the paths of sun and moon, 
then the dread will start into life within us lest haply it be the 
immeasurable might of gods which moves the blazing stars along 
their diverse ways. For the poverty of our reason tempts us to 
wonder whether the world was not once begotten, and whether it 
be destined to perish when its ceaseless movements have worn it 
out, or endowed with immortal life glide on perpetually, defying 
all the might of time. And then what man is there whose heart 
does not shrink with terror of the gods, whose limbs do not creep 



with fear, when the parched earth trembles at the lightning stroke, 
and the roar of thunder rolls through the sky ! Do not the 
peoples shudder, and haughty kings quake with fear, lest for some 
foul deed or arrogant speech a dire penalty has been incurred 
and the hour be come when it must be paid ? For when the 
might of the hurricane sweeps the commander of a fleet before it 
along the seas, with all his force of legions and elephants, does 
he not approach the gods with prayers for their favour and helping 
winds ; and all in vain, for often enough none the less he is 
caught in the whirlpool and flung into the jaws of death ? So 
utterly does some hidden power seem to consume the works of 
man, and to trample and deride all the symbols of his glory and 
his wrath [V. 1194 f.]. 

But beyond the fear of what the gods may do to us on earth, 
lay another more insidious and ineluctable fear, — the dread of what 
may befall us after death. It was a main part of Lucretius*s purpose 
to meet this by showing that death meant dissolution, and dissolution 
unconsciousness ; but men continued to dread, and this is the reason- 
ing, equally inconclusive and brilliant, with which he confronts them : — 

Therefore since death annihilates, and bars out from being altogether 
him whom evils might befall, it is plain that in death there is nothing 
for us to fear, and that a man cannot be unhappy who does not 
exist at all, and that it matters not a jot whether a man has been 
born, when death the deathless has swallowed up life that dies. 

Therefore, when you see a man bewail himself that after death his body 
will rot, or perish in flames or in the jaws of beasts, his profession 
clearly does not ring true, and there lurks a secret sting in his 
heart, for all his denial that he believes there is any feeling in the 
dead. For, 1 take it, he does not fulfil his promise, nor follow out 
his principle, and sever himself out and out from life, but uncon- 
sciously makes something of himself survive. For when as a living 
man he imagines bis future fate, and sees himself devoured by birds 
and beasts, he pities himself ; for he does not distinguish between 
himself and the others, nor sever himself from the imagined body, 
but imagines himself to be it, and impregnates it with his own feel- 
ing. Hence he is indignant that he has been created mortal, nor 
sees that there will not in reality be after death another self, to 
grieve as a living being that he is dead, and feel pangs as he stands 
by, that he himself is lying there being mangled or consumed. 

Then he supposes the dying man's friends to condole with him : — 

Now no more thy glad home shall welcome thee, nor a beloved wife, 
nor sweet children run to snatch kisses, touching thy heart with 
secret delight. No more wilt thou be prosperous in thy doings, no 


more be a shelter to thy dear ones. A single, cruel day has taken 
from thee, hapless man, all the need of life. So they tell you, but 
they forget to add that neither for any one of these things wilt thou 
any longer feel desire [ill. 863]. 


So much then for the first aspect of Lucretius's poem, — the 
criticism of the old religions. Most of the recognized and famous 
** poetry " of the book is connected, like the passages I have quoted, with 
this negative side of his creed. But I am more concerned to show that 
a different and not less noble vein of poetry was rooted in the rich 
positive appetencies of his nature ; in his acute and exquisite senses ; 
in the vast and sublime ideas which underlay his doctrine of the 
world ; in his intense apprehension of the zest of life ; and, on the 
other hand, penetrating, like an invisible but potent spirit the texture of 
his reasoned unconcern, his profound, unconfessed sense of the pathos 
of death, his melancholy in the presence of the doom of universal dis- 
solution which he foresaw for the world and for mankind. 

Let us look first at the main constructive idea ; the atomic theory 
of Democritus, taken over by Epicurus and expounded by Lucretius. 

For this theory was in effect, and probably in intention, a device 
for overcoming that antithesis of the One and the Many, of Perman- 
ence and Change, of which I have spoken. The Eleatics had declared 
that pure Being was alone real, and denied Change and Motion ; 
Heracleitus declared that nothing was real but Change, and the only 
perpetuity "flux". His rival Democritus showed that it was pos- 
sible to hold, in the phrase of Browning's philosophic Don Juan, that 
there is in " all things change, and permanence as well," by supposing 
that shifting and unstable world of the senses, where all things die and 
are born, to be composed of uncreated and indestructible elements. 
Underlying the ceaseless fluctuations of Nature, and life as we see 
them, lay a continuity of eternal substance, of which they were the 
passing modes ; — one of the greatest of philosophical conceptions, Mr. 
Santayana has called it, but one also appealing profoundly to the speci- 
fically poetic intuition which I have described. Whether the permanent 
apprehended through the flux of sense be a spiritual substance like 
Plato's ideas, or Shelley's " white radiance of eternity," or whether 
it be the constant form and function of the flowing river, as in Words- 
worth's Duddon sonnet ; or whether, as here, it be a background 


of material particles perpetually combining and resolved, we have the 
kind of intuition which gives the thrill of poetry ; we discover ** sweep 
in the concise, and depth in the clear," infinite perspectives open out in 
the moment and in the point, and however remote the temper of 
Spinozan mysticism may be, we yet in some sort see things ** in the 
light of eternity ". 

In Lucretius this conception found a mind capable of being 
ravished by its imaginative grandeur, as well as of pursuing it indefatig- 
ably through the thorniest mazes of mechanical proof. The contagious 
fervour which breathes through his poem is no mere ardour of the 
disciple bent on wanning converts, or the joy of the literary craftsman 
as his hexameters leap forth glowing on the anvil ; it is the sacred 
passion of one who has had a sublime vision of life and nature, and 
who bears about the radiance of it into all the work to which he has 
set his hand. It is not because of anything that Lucretius adds to 
Epicurus — in theory he really adds nothing at all — that the im- 
pression produced by his poem differs so greatly from that of all we 
know — in fragments and at second hand, it is true — of Epicurus 's 
own writings. The ultimate principles are the same, but the accent 
is laid at a different point. The parochial timidities of Epicurus have 
left their traces on the Roman's page, but they appear as hardly more 
than rudimentary survivals among the native inspirations of a man of 
heroic mettle and valour, Roman tenacity, and native sweep of mind. 
He cannot quite break free from some speculative foibles which 
show the Master's shallow opportunism at its worst, — such as the 
dictum that the sun is about as large as it looks, a lamp hung a little 
above the earth, and daily lighted and put out ; but he becomes 
himself when he lets his imagination soar into the infinities of time and 
space which his faith opens out or leaves room for. It is a triumph 
of poetry as well as of common sense when he scoffs at the Stoic 
dogma of a Space which abruptly comes to an end ; when he stations 
an archer at the barrier and ironically bids him shoot his arrow 
into the nothingness beyond. Or in more sombre mood, how grave 
an intensity he puts into a common thought, like that of the end of 
life, by the sublimely terrible epithet immortal which he applies to 
death : — 

Mortalem vitam Mors cum immortalis ademit [ill. 869]. 

or into a mere reminder that birth and death are always with us, by^ 


making us feel the endless concomitant succession through the ages of 
funeral wailings, and the cry of the new-born child [ll. 578], He ac- 
cepts without question the swerving of the atoms, devised by Epicurus 
— child and man of genius at once — to refute the Stoic dogma of 
necessity ; but what possesses his mind and imagination is not these 
intrusions of caprice but the great continuities and uniformities of 
existence, which follow from the perpetual dissolution and remaking 
of life. " Rains die, when father ether has tumbled them into the 
lap of mother earth ; but then goodly crops spring up and trees 
laden with fruit ; and by them we and the beasts are fed, and joyous 
cities teem with children and the woods ring with the song of young 
birds" [I. 250 f.]. 

Only, as such passages show, Lucretius grasps these uniformities 
and continuities not as theoretic abstractions, but as underlying con- 
ditions of the teeming multiplicity and joyous profusion of living Nature. 
His senses, imagination, and philosophic intellect, all phenomenally 
acute and alert, wrought intimately together ; and he enters into and 
exposes the life of the individual thing with an intensity of insight and 
a realistic precision and power which quicken us with its warm pulse, 
and burn its image upon our brain, without ever relaxing our con- 
sciousness that it is part of an endless process, and the incidental 
expression of an unalterable law. For him, indeed, as for Dante, 
individuality is an intrinsic part of law, and law of individuality. 
Every being has its place and function, its ** deep fixed boundaries" 
{terminus alte kaerens). The very stone, for Dante, cleaves to the 
spot where it lies. And the Roman as well as the philosopher in 
Lucretius scornfully contrasts with this Nature of minute and ubiquit- 
ous law the fluid and chaotic world of myth, where anything might 
become anything [cf. V. 126 f.]. 


None the less, his conception of the nature of the process itself does 
insensibly undergo a change. In the mind of an exponent so richly 
endowed and so transparently sincere, the hidden flaw in his system 
could not but at some point disturb its imposing coherence. Atomism 
could not at bottom explain life, and life poured with too abounding a 
tide through the heart and brain of Lucretius not to sap in some de- 
gree the authority of his mechanical calculus, and to lend a surreptitious 


persuasiveness to inconsistent analogies derived from the animated souL 
Without ostensibly disturbing the integrity of his Epicurean creed, such 
analogies have, in two ways, infused an alien colour into his poetry 
and alien implications into his thought. In the first place, he feels, as 
such abounding natures wall, that life — '* the mere living" — is some- 
how very good, in spite of all the evils it brings in its train, and death 
pathetic in spite of all the evils from which it sets us free. When he 
is demonstrating that the world cannot have been made by gods, he 
set forth its grave inherent flaws of structure and arrangement with 
merciless trenchancy — tantd stat praedita culpa [v. 1 99] ; and like 
Lear, he makes the new-born child wail because he is come into a 
world where so many griefs await him. And no one ever urged with 
more passionate eloquence that it is unreasonable to fear to die. None 
the less, phrases charged with a different feeling about life continually 
escape him. He speaks of ^^ praeclara mundi natura [v. 157], 
To begin to live is to ** rise up into the divine borders of light " [l. 20]. 
And secondly, despite his philosophical assurance, incessantly repeated, 
that birth and death are merely different aspects of the same continu- 
ous mechanical process, and that nothing receives life except by the 
death of something else, ** Alid ex alio reficit natura, nee ullam Rem 
gigni patitur, nisi morte adiuta aliena *' [l. 264, etc.], he cannot sup- 
press suggestions that the creative energy of the world is akin to that 
which with conscious desire and will bring forth the successive genera- 
tions of Man. And so, in the astonishing and magnificent opening 
address, the poet who was about to demonstrate that the gods lived 
eternally remote from the life of men, calls upon Venus, the legend- 
ary mother of his own race, as the divine power ever at work in this 
teeming universe, the giver of increase, bringing all things to birth, from 
the simplest corn blade to the might and glory of the Roman Empire : 

Mother of the Roman race, delight of gods and men, benign Venus, 
who under the gliding constellations of heaven fillest with thy pres- 
ence the sea with its ships and the earth with its fruits, seeing that 
by thy power all the races of living things are conceived and come 
to being in the light of day, before thee O goddess the winds take 
flight, and the clouds of heaven at thy coming, at thy feet the brown 
earth sheds her flowers of a thousand hues, before thee the sea 
breaks into rippling laughter, and the untroubled sky glows with 
radiant light [l. 1 f.]. 

So grave and impassioned an appeal cannot be treated as mere 


rhetorical ornament. If we call it figure, it is figure of the kind 
which is not a " poetical *' substitute for prose, but conveys something 
for which no other terms are adequate. Lucretius, the exponent 
of Epicurus, doubtless intended no heresy against the Epicurean 
theology ; but Lucretius, the poet, was carried by his vehement 
imagination to an apprehension of the creative energies of the world 
so intense and acute that the great symbol of Venus rendered it with 
more veracity than all that calculus of atomic movements which he 
was about to expound, and by which his logical intellect v^th perfect 
sincerity believed it to be adequately explained. 

Far less astonishing than his bold rehabilitation of the goddess 
of Love is his fetishistic feeling for the Earth, the legendary mother 
of men. For him too, as for primeval myth, she is the " uni- 
versal mother, ' who in her fresh youth brought forth flower and 
tree, and bird and beast ; from whose body sprang finally the race 
of man itself ; nay, he tells us how the infants crept forth, " from 
wombs rooted in the soil," and how, wherever this happened, earth 
yielded naturally through her pores a liquor most like to milk, ** even 
as nowadays every woman when she has given birth is filled with 
sweet milk, because all that current of nutriment streams towards the 
breast" [v. 788 f.]. 

It is true that elsewhere Lucretius speaks with rationalistic con- 
descension of the usage which calls the Earth a mother and divine, as 
a phrase like Bacchus for wine or Ceres for corn, permissible so 
long as no superstitious fear is annexed to it [ll. 652 f.]. But it is 
plain that the Earth's motherhood had a grip upon his poet's imagina- 
tion quite other than could be exerted by any such tag of poetic 
diction. Doubtless the fervour with which he insists on it — " There- 
fore again and again Earth is rightly called Mother seeing that she 
brought forth the race of men. and every beast and bird in its due 
season," — is not wholly due to poetic motives. He is eager to refute 
the Stoic doctrine that men were sprung from heaven. But the poet 
in him is, all the same, entranced by the sublimity of the conception 
he is urging, and he describes it with an afflatus which dwarfs that 
Stoic doctrine, and makes the splendid legend of Cybele the Earth 
Mother, elaborated by the Greek poets, seem puerile with all its 
beauty. '* In the beginning Earth hath in herself the elements whence 
watersprings pouring forth their coolness perpetually renew the bound- 


less Sea, and whence fires arise, making the ground in many places 
hot, and belching forth the surpassing flames of /Etna. Then she 
bears shining corn and glad woodlands for the support of men, and 
rivers and leaves and shining pastures for the beasts that haunt the 
hills. Wherefore she is called the mother of the gods and mother of 
beasts and men." [ll. 589 f.]. 

This all-creating Earth is far enough no doubt from the benign 
Nature of Wordsworth, who moulds her children by silent sympathy. 
But it is not so remote from the Earth of Meredith, the Mother who 
brings Man ** her great venture " forth, bears him on her breast and 
nourishes him there, but " more than that embrace, that nourishment, 
she cannot give '*. 

He may entreat, aspire. 
He may despair, and she has never heed. 
She drinking his warm sweat will soothe his need. 
Not his desire. 

Meredith too sees man, in dread of her, clutching at invisible powers, 
as Lucretius*s sea-captain in the storm makes vows to the gods. And 
Meredith's thought that man rises by " spelling at " her laws is no less 
Lucretian. But Meredith's story of Earth is full of hope, like his 
story of man. It is perpetual advance. With Lucretius it is otherwise. 
For the Earth is not only our Mother ; she is our tomb [ll. 1 1 48 f.]. 
And the eternal energy of creation is not only matched by the eternal 
energy of dissolution, but here and now is actually yielding ground to 
it. The Earth, so prolific in her joyous youth, is now like a woman 
who has ceased to bear, ** worn out by length of days " [v. 820 f.] 
In the whole universe birth and death absolutely balance, the equation 
of mechanical values is never infringed ; the universe has no history, 
only a continuous substitution of terms. But each living thing has a 
history, it knows the exultation of onset and the melancholy of decline ; 
and its fear of death is not cancelled by the knowledge that in that 
very moment and in consequence of that very fact, some other living 
thing will be bom. And thus Lucretius, feeling for our Earth as a 
being very near to us, and with which the issues of our existence are 
involved, applies the doctrine to her without shrinking indeed, but not 
without a human shudder. The Earth had a beginning, and ineluct- 
able reason forces us to conclude that she will have an end, and that 
not by a gradual evanescence or dispersion, but by a sudden, terrific 
catastrophe, as in a great earthquake, or world conflagration [v. 95 f.]. 


And he feels this abrupt extinction of the Earth and its in- 
habitants to be tragic, notwithstanding that extinction is, by his 
doctrine, only the condition of creation, and that at the very 
moment of her ruin, some other earth will be celebrating its glorious 
birth. Earth has for him a life-history, a biography, and he forgets 
that she is strictly but a point at which the eternal drift of atoms 
thickened for a time to a cluster, to be dispersed again. Thus we 
see how this mechanical system, ardently embraced by a poet, work- 
ing freely upon him, and itself coloured and transformed by bis mind, 
stirred in him two seemingly opposed kinds of poetic emotion at once : 
— the sublime sense of eternal existence, and the tragic pathos of sudden 
doom and inexorable passing away. 

Hence the melancholy that in Lucretius goes along with an 
enormous sense of life. To say that he puts the ** Nevermore " of 
romantic sentimentality in the place of that dispassionate " give and take " 
of mechanics would do wrong to the immense virility which animates 
every line of this athlete among poets. Of the cheap melancholy of 
discontent he knows as little as of the cheap satisfaction of complac- 
ency, or of that literary melancholy, where the sigh of Horace, or 
Ronsard, or Herrick, over the passing of roses and all other beautiful 
things covers a sly diplomatic appeal to the human rosebud to be 
gathered while still there is time. No, the melancholy of Lucretius 
is like that of Diirer's " Melancholia," the sadness of strong intellect and 
far-reaching vision as it contemplates the setting of the sun of time 
and the ebbing of the tides of mortality ; or like Wordsworth's 
mournful music of dissolution, only to be heard by an ear emancipated 
from vulgar joys and fears ; or like the melancholy of Keats, — the 
veiled goddess who hath her shrine in the very temple of delight, — 
the amari aliquid^ in Lucretius*s own yet more pregnant words, 
which lurks in the very sweetness of the flower. 

Thus our " scientific poet " appears in an extraordinary if not 
unique way to have united the functions and temper and achievement 
of 'science and poetry. He "knew the causes of things," and could 
set them forth with marvellous precision and resource ; and the know- 
ledge filled him with lofty joy as of one standing secure above the 
welter of doubt and fear in which the mass of men pass their lives. 
To have reached this serene pinnacle of intellectual security seemed 
to his greatest follower Virgil a happiness beyond the reach of his 


own more tender and devout genius, and he commemorated it in 
splendid verses which Matthew Arnold in our own day applied to 
Goethe : — 

And he was happy, if to know 

Causes of things, and far below 

His feet to see the lurid flow 

Of terror and insane distress 

And headlong fate, be happiness. 

There is, it may be, something that repels us, something slightly 
inhuman, in this kind of lonely happiness, and Lucretius does little to 
counteract that impression when he himself compares it, in another 
famous passage, to the satisfaction of one who watches the struggle of 
a storm-tost ship from the safe vantage-ground of the shore. Yet 
Lucretius is far from being the lonely egoist that such a passage might 
suggest ; his poem itself was meant as a helping hand to lift mankind 
to his own security : he knew what devoted friendship was, and we 
have pleasant glimpses of him wandering v/ith companions among the 
mountains,^ or sharing a rustic meal stretched at ease on the grass by 
a running brook." Lucretius like his master had no social philosophy, 
and it is his greatest deficiency as a thinker ; but he was not poor in 
social feeling. His heart went out to men, as a physician, not coldly 
diagnosing theii' disease, but eager to cure them. 

And so his feeling for Nature, for the universe of things, though 
rooted in his scientific apprehension, is not bounded by it. He seizes 
upon the sublime conceptions which his science brought to his view, — 
the permanent substance amid perennial change, the infinity of space 
and time, — and his vivid mind turns these abstractions into the radiant 
vision of a universe to which the heaven of heavens, as the old poets 
had conceived it, " was but a veil ". But he went further, and 
shadowed forth, if half-consciously and in spite of himself, the yet 
greater poetic thought, of a living power pervading the whole, draw- 
ing the elements of being together by the might of an all -permeating 
Love. And thus Lucretius, the culminating expression of the scien- 
tific thinking of Democritus and of the gospel of Epicurus, foreshadows 
Virgil, whom he so deeply influenced, and prophesies faintly but 
perceptibly of Dante and of Shelley ; as his annihilating exposure of 
the religions founded upon fear insensibly prepared the way for the 
religions of hope and love. 

' IV. 575. '' II. 29. 



Rylands Professor of Biblical Exegesis in the Victoria 
University of Manchester. 

WHEN we speak of Paulinism we imply, first that Paul had 
a theology, and secondly that this theology was so distinctive 
that we are justified in using a specific name for it. Both 
contentions are exposed to criticism. Some would deem it a grave 
injustice to describe Paul as a theologian. He was [rather a prophet, 
or even a poet, who felt deeply and had a keen insight into religious 
experience but was careless of logical consistency and indifferent to the 
creation of a system. Now it is true that Paul was gifted with the 
mystic's vision, and that in moments of ecstasy his utterance glows with 
a lyrical rapture. But it is part of his greatness that his thought is set 
on fire by noble emotion, and that emotion is redeemed from vague- 
ness and incoherence by thought. Indeed the belief that Paul was 
a seer but no thinker, could hardly survive a careful study even of 
one of his more characteristic writings. But, it may be retorted, Paul 
was in a sense a thinker, the sense in which a debater must be a 
thinker. In other words he is master of the argumentative style, and 
shows great skill in marshalling objections to the position of his 
opponents. He is a pleader rather than a philosopher. For my 
own part I believe that this is a profound mistake. Paul was not a 
mere controversiaUst who took the arguments that might be convenient 
for disposing of one antagonist without reference to their consistency 
with those he had used against another. Behind his occasional utter- 
ances there lies a closely knit and carefully constructed system of 
thought. He moves in his attack with such speed and confidence 
because he is in possession of a standard to which he relates each new 

^ An elaboration of the lecture delivered in the John Rylands Library, 
11 October, 1916. 



issue as it confronts him. No series of hastily extemporized defences 
could have produced the same impression of unity and consistency 
unless they had belonged to a system. But in saying this I desire to 
disengage the word " system " from any unfortunate association. It 
would be a serious misapprehension were we to think of Paulinism as 
representing for its author a complete and exact reflection of the whole 
realm of religious reality. He was indeed so convinced of the truth 
of his Gospel that he did not shrink from hurling an anathema at any, 
though it might be an angel from heaven, who should dare to con- 
tradict it. But his certainty as to the truth of his central doctrine did 
not blind him to the imperfection of his knowledge, or quench the 
sense of mystery with which he confronted the ultimate realities. He 
was conscious that beyond all the regions which he had explored and 
charted there stretched an illimitable realm, the knowledge of which 
was not disclosed in time but was reserved for eternity. Here he 
could prophesy only in part, because he was aware that he knew 
only in part ; and though he soared, free and daring, in the rare 
atmosphere of speculative thought, he veiled his face in the presence 
of the ultimate mysteries. " O the depth of the riches both of the 
wisdom and the knowledge of God ! how unsearchable are His judg- 
ments, and His ways past finding out." 

Paul, then, believed himself to be in possession of a system of 
interdependent facts and ideas, arranged in due proportion and con- 
trolled from a centre. His epistles do not present us with a number 
of detached and independent ideas, still less with fluid opinions, 
fluctuating in response to changing conditions. He who builds on 
the Pauline theology, be that foundation false or true, ample or in- 
adequate, is building on firm granite, not on sinking and shifting sand. 
But some will challenge our right to use the term " Paulinism". It 
is, of course, true, they would say, that Paul had a coherent, self- 
consistent, and true system of thought. But this was just the same 
body of revealed truth as is present everywhere, explicitly or implicitly, 
in the New Testament, or even in the whole of Scripture. The 
traditional attitude to the Bible is that it everywhere says substantially 
the same thing on matters of doctrine, and that differences of expres- 
sion involve no material disagreement. Now it may be argued, and 
with some measure of success, that beneath the various types of 
theology we find in the New Testament there is a fundamental 


harmony. But the science of Biblical Theology has demonstrated 
that these various types exist. It is accordingly our duty to study 
and estimate each of them for itself before we try to work behind 
them to a more fundamental unity. There is no type more distinctive, 
there is none so fully worked out as Paulinism. 

The term ** Paulinism " might, of course, be used to cover the 
whole range of Paul's teaching ; but I am concerned specially with 
those elements in it which were Paul's peculiar contribution to the 
interpretation of the Gospel. That contribution had its source, I 
believe, in the experience through which Paul passed. But he owed 
much to other influences. These affected, however, the distinctive 
elements of his teaching much less than those which he shared with 
his fellow-Christians. On this part of the subject I will dwell briefly, 
since it is rather my purpose to disengage from Paul's teaching as a 
whole that which is most characteristically his own. Of the external 
influences which originated or fashioned his doctrines I think we should 
attribute more to Hebrew, Jewish, and Christian theology than to 
Gentile philosophy or religious mysteries. It was inevitable that he 
should be profoundly impressed by the Old Testament. Apart from 
it, indeed, his theology could not have come into existence. It is the 
basis on which it rests, it largely supplied the moulds in which it was 
cast, and the substance as well as the form of much in the teaching 
itself. He presupposes the Old Testament, and regards his own 
doctrine as in continuity with it. When he became a Christian, he 
did not abandon the religion of Israel, but he saw in the Gospel the 
fulfilment and expansion of it. Yet it is a mistake to over- emphasize 
the Old Testament factor in the origin or formulation of Paulinism. 
Indeed that theology in one of its leading features is, from the Old 
Testament standpoint, a startling paradox. The estimate of the Law 
in the Old Testament is strangely different from that given by Paul. 
The Law inspires the Old Testament saints with a passionate devo- 
tion, as we may see from the glowing panegyric in the latter part of 
the nineteenth psalm, or the prolix enthusiasm of the hundred and 
nineteenth psalm. The ideal of the righteous man is the student 
whose delight is in the law of the Lord and who meditates upon it 
day and night. It is the safeguard and guide of youth, the stay of 
manhood, the comfort of age. It commanded more than sober 
approval or quiet acceptance ; it drew to itself a passionate loyalty, 


M II . b- ' 

an enthusiastic love, which nerved martyrs to face the most exquisite 

torture for its]sake. But how different it is wath Paul, who had him- 
self in his earlier days experienced the same fervour as his countrymen, 
and indeed surpassed them in his zeal for it. It is true that even as 
a Christian he^admits the sanctity and righteousness of the Law and 
the excellence of its purpose. He recognizes in his philosophy of 
history a Divinely appointed function for it. But for him the Law 
is no fount of refreshment and joy, it is a yoke and a burden, from 
which the Christian rejoices to be set free. It brings with it not a 
blessing but a curse. It is the instrument of sin, from which indeed 
that fatal tyrant draws its strength. It breaks up the old life of 
innocence by creating the consciousness of sin ; it stimulates antagonism 
by its prohibitions, which -suggest the lines of opposition along which 
the rebellious flesh ;may express its hostility. It was interpolated 
between God's gracious promise and its glorious fulfilment, that by 
its harsh and servile discipline men might be educated for freedom. 
So foreign, indeed, is the attitude of Paul to that of the Old Testa- 
ment and Judaism, that one can easily understand how some Jewish 
scholars -feel it hard to admit that anyone who had known Judaism 
from the inside could ever have written the criticism of the Law, 
which we find in the Epistles to the Romans and the Galatians. I 
believe that this is not so difficult if the problem is approached from 
the right starting-point ; but it emphasizes the revolutionary character 
of the Pauline doctrine. Similarly I regard it as a serious error to 
interpret Paul's conception of the flesh by that which we find in the 
Old Testament. In the latter case it stands for human nature as a 
whole, the weak and perishable creature in contrast to the mighty 
immortals. The < contrast gains occasionally a moral significance, but 
this is wholly subordinate. In Paul, however, instead of a meta- 
physical we have an ethical contrast. The flesh is not the synonym 
for man in his creaturelyj infirmity, whose moral lapses are indulgently 
excused by God as simply what must be expected from a being so 
frail and evanescent. It stands for one side only of human nature, 
that is the lower. It is evil through and through. It is so irretriev- 
ably the slave and instrument of sin, it is entrenched in such deep 
and abiding hostility to God and His will, that no redemption or even 
improvement of it is possible, it must be put to death on the cross of 
Christ. To reduce Paul's doctrine to the Old Testament level is 


to miss its tragic intensity and eviscerate it of its bitter moral signific- 

If from the Old Testament we turn to the contemporary Judaism, 
there also we are constrained to admit a measure of influence on the 
apostle's thought. He had been a Pharisee, trained by Gamaliel. 
Naturally he did not break completely with the past when he be- 
came a Christian. He brought over current Jewish ideas and modes 
of argument. His Rabbinical interpretation of Scripture has been 
long familiar, but it is only within recent years that a fuller acquaint- 
ance with Jewish literature has revealed more fully the affinities he 
has with contemporary Jewish thought. Few things in the Epistles 
have been more richly illustrated from this source than his doctrine of 
angels and demons, which now stands before us in quite a new light. 
But I am less disposed than some scholars to rate the influence of con- 
temporary Judaism high, at least so far as PauFs central doctrines are 
concerned. We have all too slender a knowledge of Judaism in 
Paul's day. The literary sources for the study of Rabbinic theology 
are considerably later, and the question arises how far we may use 
them for the reconstruction of a considerably earlier stage of thought. 
It may be plausibly argued that we can confidently explain coinci- 
dences with Paulinism much more readily on the assumption that Paul 
was the debtor. It is unlikely that the Rabbis consciously adopted 
Christian ideas. But this by no means settles the question. The 
amazingly rapid spread of Christianity quickly created a Christian 
atmosphere, in which it would not be unreasonable to suppose that 
Judaism itself experienced some modification. We know that there 
was considerable controversy between Jews and Christians. And we 
may well believe that its inevitable result would be that where 
Christians fastened on the weak points of Judaism and demonstrated 
the superiority of the Christian view, the Jew would be naturally 
tempted to change his ground and persuade himself that really these 
views were his own. It is also possible that we have commonly over- 
estimated the hostility between the adherents of the two religions, and 
unduly underrated the extent to which friendly relations existed in the 
early period. In this way Christian influence may have filtered into 
contemporary Judaism. We have, however, a number of Jewish 
Apocalypses, earlier than Paul or roughly contemporary with him. 
These, it must be remembered, represent a peculiar tendency ; how 


far Paul stood under its influence we hardly know. But where we 
find coincidences, Paul's indebtedness can hardly be denied. In de- 
termining the extent to which we can rely on later Rabbinical docu- 
ments in reconstructing the Judaism of the first century, it must not 
be forgotten that the appalling catastrophes, which overwhelmed the 
Jewish race in the first and second centuries of our era, must have 
changed the conditions profoundly in the theological as well as the 
political world. The Judaism of the later centuries was hardly 
identical with the Judaism in which Paul was trained. 

At present it is fashionable to make much of Greek influence on 
Paul. Not so long ago one of the most eminent exponents of Paulin- 
ism explained it as a mixture of Rabbinical and Alexandrian Judaism, 
in which the incongruous elements were so badly blended that the 
theology contradicted itself on fundamental principles. Radical con- 
tradictions in the system of such a thinker as Paul are antecedently 
improbable and to be admitted only on cogent evidence. This verdict 
rests on no assumption as to Paul's inspiration, it is simply a tribute 
due to a thinker of the highest eminence. Alexandrian Judaism 
contained a large element of Greek philosophy. Nowadays it is 
specially in Stoicism and the Greek mysteries that the source of much 
in the Pauline theology is discovered. The presence of Greek ele- 
ments would not be in any way surprising. Paul was born and bred 
in a famous University city ; he mixed freely with Greeks, converted 
and unconverted, in his evangelistic work. It would not have been 
astonishing that one who became a Greek to the Greeks should have 
incorporated in his theology ideas derived from Greek philosophy. I 
am by no means concerned to deny points of contact, but I believe 
that it is here as with Jewish theology that these are to be found not 
so much in the centre as in the outlying regions of his theology. I 
may quote on this point the pronouncement of Harnack whose judg- 
ment is exceptionally weighty. He says, with reference to Paul : 
*' Criticism, which is to-day more than ever inclined to make him into 
a Hellenist (so e.g. Reitzenstein), would do well to gain at the out- 
set a more accurate knowledge of the Jew and the Christian Paul 
before it estimates the secondary elements which he took over from the 
Greek Mysteries. It would then see at once that these elements could 
have obtruded themselves on him only as uninvited guests, and that a 
deliberate acceptance is out of the question." I will illustrate this 


point from a notable instance in the last century. I choose this because 
it concerns the right interpretation of a crucial element in Paulinism. 
I have already explained why I cannot accept the view that Paul's 
doctrine of the flesh is to be interpreted through the Old Testament- 
Several scholars derived it from Greek philosophy, and among them 
the name of Holsten deserves special mention. He discovered in 
Paul's doctrine the Greek contrast between matter and spirit. The 
flesh he identified with the body, explaining that when the body was 
spoken of as '* flesh " the emphasis was on the material of which it 
was composed, and when the flesh was spoken of as " body *' the 
stress lay on the form into which it was organized. It is very dubious 
if this interpretation can be successfully sustained in detailed exegesis. 
But, apart from that, there are more general difficulties which appear 
to me to be insuperable. In the first place Paul's language varies 
very significantly when he is speaking of the flesh and when he is 
speaking of the body. The flesh is so thoroughly vicious and so 
utterly hostile to God that Christianity does not redeem but crucifies 
it. But while the flesh is crucified, the body of the Christian is the 
temple of the Holy Ghost and destined to share in the spirit's im- 
mortality. Further, when Paul enumerates the works of the flesh 
he includes sins which are not physical, especially sins of temper. 
Again, his doctrine would surely have taken a very different turn if 
he had regarded the body as the seat of sin. The way of salvatioa 
would have lain through asceticism, a starving and a crushing of the 
body under the rule of the spirit. And I am not sure that a rigorous 
logic would not go still further. If the body is the seat of sin then 
death is the means of redemption. And this would have had a two- 
fold consequence, that while men were in the body they could not be 
free from sin, and on the other hand, that complete redemption might 
be at once secured by suicide. Now Paul drew neither of these 
conclusions ; on the contrary it was a commonplace in his theology that 
while a man was in the body he might have ceased to be in the flesh. 
On these grounds I am compelled to reject the view that for Paul the 
flesh and the body were identical, and that his doctrine of the flesh 
embodies the antithesis of matter and spirit borrowed from Greek 
philosophy. And finally, as indicating how improbable it is that 
Paul should have derived his fundamental doctrines in general, and 
this in particular, from Greek philosophy, we have his whole treat- 



ment of the question of the resurrection. In discussing it he treats the 
resurrection of the body and the extinction of being as if they were 
the only two alternatives, and does not take into account the third 
possibility of the immortality of the disembodied spirit. The import- 
ance of this fact will be more clearly seen, when we remember that 
the Greek doctrine of immortality was closely connected with that 
view of matter as evil, and the antithesis of body and spirit which 
Paul is supposed to have derived from Greek philosophy. If he 
borrowed the one why should he be so unconscious of the other ? 

I pass on to the question of the relation of Paulinism to the teach- 
ing of Jesus. The view that Paul owed little to the teaching of Jesus 
was more fashionable at one time than ij is to-day, though it still 
finds advocates. We are told that the apostle had but little interest 
in the earthly life of Jesus. His attention was concentrated on the 
Pre-existence, the Incarnation, the Passion, the Resurrection, the 
Ascension, the Session at God's right hand. His thought and 
emotion were concentrated on these great theological facts ; to the 
details of His earthly career and to His teaching He was almost 
entirely indifferent. Although the remarkable silence of the Pauline 
Epistles on the life and teaching of Jesus renders such a view plaus- 
ible, I cannot believe that it will bear searching scrutiny. The 
extent of the silence may be exaggerated. Paul appeals to the 
sayings of Jesus as finally settling certain questions of conduct. His 
knowledge of the facts of Christ's career and the details of His 
teaching was probably more extensive than has often been admitted ; 
and his attachment to His person, the depth of His gratitude to 
Him, were too profound for such indifference to be at all natural. I 
do not institute any detailed comparison between the utterances of 
Jesus and the epistles of His apostle, but I remind you of the 
situation in which Paul was placed. There is unquestionably a 
change in the centre of gravity. Paul's emphasis is thrown much 
more fully on the great facts of redemption, the Death and the 
Resurrection. This indeed is not unnatural. Jesus was naturally 
reticent as to the theological significance of facts, the possibility of 
which His disciples were unwilling to contemplate. And the Cross 
itself inevitably put the teaching into a secondary place. The deed 
of Jesus was mightier than His word. At first an insuperable 
objection to the acceptance of Him as Messiah, it had become for 


Paul the Divine solution of his problem, his deliverance from con- 
demnation and from moral impotence. It contained a deeper revela- 
tion of God's nature and His love than the loftiest teaching of Jesus 
could convey. Here was the climax of God's slov/ self-disclosure, 
manifested not in words however sweet, tender, and uplifting, but in 
a mighty act, which filled that teaching with wholly new depth and 
intensity of meaning. And if it is true that the greatest contribution 
which Jesus made to religion was just the personality of Jesus Him- 
self and His supreme act of sacrifice, then Paul was right in placing 
the emphasis where he did, even though one might wish he had 
drawn more fully on the words of Jesus when writing his epistles. 
Those epistles, however, v^re written to Christian communities, the 
majority of them founded by Paul himself, and in any case in pos- 
session of a background of information as to Jesus. But the situation 
of Paul had a peculiarity which must never be overlooked in con- 
sidering this question. However content he may have been with his 
own experience, however deeply convinced of its evidential value, he 
could not forget that it was incommunicable, and that his own bare 
word was insufficient to substantiate the truth of his message. Through 
much of his career he was on his defence against those who stigmatized 
him as no genuine exponent of the Gospel. The other apostles 
looked coldly on his presentation of Christianity. He had to fight 
the battle of Christian freedom not only against them but even against 
his own trusted comrade, Barnabas. His enemies followed him from 
church to church, to poison the minds of his converts against him. 
Is it conceivable that, placed in this situation, Paul could have been 
indifferent to the life and teaching of the Founder ? Even if he had 
not needed the knowledge for his own satisfaction, it was a strategic 
necessity to him. How could he have afforded to insist on his right 
to be a genuine apostle of Jesus, a true herald of His Gospel, if all 
the time he was presenting his opponents in the Judaizing controversy 
with the opening given to them by such ignorance and indifference ? 
Often contrasted unfavourably with the other apostles, he could not 
have failed to diminish by diligent inquiry their advantage over him 
as companions and pupils of Jesus. We must infer therefore that he 
had an adequate knowledge of the historical facts and the Founder's 
teaching, whatever view we take as to the evidence of such knowledge 
afforded by the epistles. 


Something he must have owed to the apostles, notably to Peter. 
Much of his knowledge of the facts of Christ's Hfe, His Passion and 
His Resurrection would be derived from this source. He shared with 
them the belief in certain fundamental facts, but their agreement 
went beyond this point. There was an element of theological inter- 
pretation common to them. Paul explicitly mentions, not only the 
fact that Christ died, but the vital interpretation, which turned the 
fact into a Gospel, that Christ died for our sins. From them he 
derived the institutions of Baptism and the Lord's Supper and the 
expectation of Christ's speedy return. Yet Paul emphatically asserts 
that he did not receive his Gospel from man but that it came to 
him by revelation. His distinctive presentation of Christianity was 
accordingly original, not borrowed ; and the fullest recognition of 
that fact is not incompatible with the admission that there was not 
a little in his thought which he owed to others. That which he 
received from others by no means accounted for Paulinism. It is not 
so difficult to accumulate parallels to this detail and that ; what is 
not possible is to discover a parallel to the system as a whole. Views 
which Paul did not originate he treated in an original way, stamped 
them with his own genius, and fused them into harmony writh his 
general point of view. He was a speculative thinker of no mean 
order, not the second-rate eclectic whom some would make him out 
to be. 

Paul's original contribution to Christian theology grew directly 
out of his own experience. This will be most clearly seen if, so far 
as we can, we trace the development of that experience. He had 
been trained as a Pharisee in the most rigorous type of Judaism. He 
had sought for righteousness, for a right standing before God, with a 
burning passion and unflagging energy. The standard of righteous- 
ness had been laid down in the Law, and he sought to fashion his 
life in strict and punctilious conformity with it. He achieved such 
success that he could claim to have outstripped all his contemporaries 
in the pursuit of righteousness, and could describe himself as blame- 
less with reference to the Law. Yet his efforts, so strenuous and 
outwardly so successful, left him with a sense of desires unsatisfied 
and a goal always unreached. In the classic fragment of autobio- 
graphy that he has given us in Romans VII., he has sketched with 
inimitable insight and in graphic and telling language, his spiritual 


career while he was under the Law. It was the flesh that made him 
weak, sin had seized it and used it as a base of operations, had 
conquered and brought him into captivity. It had not always been 
so with him. He looked wistfully back to the time when he was 
alive in happy childish innocence, wholly unconscious of sin. From 
this he was roused by the coming of the Law into his life. Conscious 
now of the holy Law of God, he realized his own disharmony with 
it. Moreover he felt that the Law's prohibitions were turned by sin 
into suggestions of transgression. Such then was his bitter experience. 
He had lost his innocence, his happy unconsciousness of a moral 
order had given place to a sense of disunion with it ; he felt himself 
sold in helpless and hopeless captivity to sin, and the fact that the 
Law forbade a certain course of action became, in this perversion of 
liis moral nature, the very reason why he should follow it. But all 
this implied that a higher element was present within him ; otherwise 
he could never have felt the wretchedness of his condition or been 
sensible of the tragic schism in his soul. Looking more deeply into 
himself, he realized that within his own personality competing powers 
struggled for supremacy. On the one side there was his lower nature 
to which he gives the name "the flesh," wherein sin had lain in a 
sleep like that of death till the Law had come and provoked it into 
revolt. While the mind consented to the Law of God that it was 
good, it was overmatched by the flesh which constantly insisted on 
his disobedience to it. The utmost strain of effort never altered the 
inward conditions ; the sense of defeat remained. Now, as a pious 
Jew, this state of things must have seemed inexplicable to him. 
With a conscientiousness so acute, a nature so strenuous, and an 
ethical standard pitched so high, a moral tragedy was inevitable. 
The fault could not rest with the Law of God which could set forth 
no unattainable ideal, and therefore it must lie in himself. And yet 
how could he be at fault, since in his zeal for righteousness nothing 
had been left undone ? This experience became clear to him later 
and supplied him with a large section of his theology, but at this time 
it could only have been an insoluble puzzle. * 

Then he came into contact with the Christians, and was stirred to 
the depths by their proclamation of a crucified Messiah. Their preach- 
ing would fill him with abhorrence, for the curse of the Law rested 
on him who was hanged on a tree. It was not simply that the 


religious leaders of the nation bad decided against Jesus ; the decisive 
verdict had been given by God. . It was conceivable, however improb- 
able, that Gods Messiah should have been executed ; it was un- 
thinkable that he should have been executed by such a death. The 
doctrine of a crucified Messiah was a blasphemous paradox. But if 
he pressed the Christians with the dilemma their position seemed to 
involve, they must have escaped it by their confident assertion that 
God Himself had intervened in the resurrection of the Crucified to 
vindicate His character and establish the truth of His clEum. But 
they would not leave the death itself without attempt at explanation. 
It was not for them simply an ugly and unwelcome incident, an inex- 
plicable mystery, its burden lifted, but its obscurity unremoved, by the 
Resurrection. It was not an irrational accident violating the moral 
order ; it was a deed that testified to the sin and ignorance of man, 
but also a part of God's plan for human redemption. But they did 
not realize, as Paul did, how fundamental were the problems which 
their position involved, and to what radical solution they must be 
carried if they maintained their belief in Jesus. Hate sharpened Paul's 
insight into the instability of their position, and it was his interest as 
a controversialist to push the logical conclusions from it to an extreme. 
With the svsdft intuition of genius he realized that to accept the Cross 
was to bid farewell to the Law. His ruthlessness as a persecutor is 
not to be palliated by the plea that he had failed to understand the 
Gospel. We may excuse it on the ground that he understood it so 
well. To a certain extent we may even say that one side of Paulinism 
was a theoretical construction formed by Paul in the period before he 
became a Christian. For if Jesus was indeed the Messiah, how did 
it stand with the Law ? In condemning the Messiah, the Law con- 
demned itself. But not on this ground alone would the acceptance 
of Christianity carry with it a renunciation of the Law. So tremendous 
a fact as the Messiah's death, and a death in this form, must have an 
adequate explanation. Such an explanation was actually given in the 
theory that the death of Jesus was to atone for sin and establish a new 
righteousness. It was obvious that a new righteousness through Christ 
would supplant the righteousness of the Law, and thus the privilege 
of the Jew disappeared and he sank to the level of the Gentiles. 

Now, however strongly Paul pressed the Christians with the logic 
of their position, he could hardly help feeling as the controversy went 


on that his own position was not impregnable. He could not help 
being impressed by the constancy of ihe- Christians under persecution, 
and the serenity with which they met their fate. Nor could he deny 
the possibility that their case might be true, however he despised and 
disbelieved it. As a Pharisee he could not reject the possibility of 
the Resurrection, nor evade the inference that it would neutralize the 
curse of the Law. The assertion that the Messiah had died to atone 
for sin was not intrinsically incredible, and it met very well the need 
of which he was himself conscious. To deny the fact of the Resur- 
rection in face of the unwavering testimony of the Christian must have 
become always more difficult. Even while rejecting their belief as 
blasphemous, there was probably an undercurrent of uneasy ques- 
tioning whether they might not be right after all. And this was 
strengthened by his consciousness of dissatisfaction with his own 
life under the Law, his realization that the Law had not brought 
him happiness, or assured him of his standing with God. Subcon- 
sciously at least it would seem probable that the issue had narrowed 
itself to this. Had Jesus risen from the dead or not ? We may then 
sum up his position just before his conversion in this way : he pas- 
sionately held fast the Law as God*s appointed way of righteousness, 
but was conscious of inability on his own part to attain his ideal. For 
himself personally righteousness had not come through the Law. On 
the other hand he held Jesus to be a blasphemous pretender to Mes- 
siahship, cursed by the Law and therefore by God, but wath misgivings 
whether after all He might not be the true Messiah ; in which case 
His death was intended as an atonement for sin and to create that 
righteousness before God, which in Paul's own experience at least 
the Law had been unable to do. In which case again the Law was 
abolished, and Jew and Gentile were placed on the same level before 

There came to Paul in this state of mind the overwhelming experi- 
ence on the road to Damascus. The Nazarene, whom his countrymen 
had sent to the Cross and whose followers he had persecuted to the 
death, appeared to him in a blinding blaze of heavenly glory. In that 
experience the Pauline theology came to birth. The full and radiant 
conviction now and for ever possessed him, that the crucified Jesus had 
risen from the dead and now reigned in glory, and was therefore the 
Messiah whom He had proclaimed Himself to be. The inference* 


he had previously drawn in order to fortify himself in his rejection of 
Christianity and persecution of the Christians still held good. When 
he accepted Christianity, he accepted the conclusions which he had 
previously regarded as inevitable. Once for all he abandoned the 
belief that righteousness could come through the Law. He acquiesced 
in the abolition of the Law, which had pronounced its curse upon his 
Master, and he freely admitted the universality of salvation and the 
abolition of all distinction between Gentile and Jew. But theoretical 
inferences, drawn from the standpoint of Judaism, were wholly inade- 
quate to express the fulness of blessing which had come to him in his 
conversion. The splendour of illumination which had flooded his soul 
was miraculous to him, matching the marvel of the light which burst 
on the primaeval chaos, when God began to deliver the earth from 
darkness and disorder. It had brought to him the knowledge of God 
in the face of Jesus Christ. A description of his experience even more 
pregnant and suggestive is given in the Epistle to the Galatians : 
*' When it pleased God, who before my birth set me apart for His 
service and called me through His grace, to reveal His Son in me ". It 
would be vain to attempt a psychological analysis of the inmost fact 
in Paul's experience, and inquire in what way this revelation was im- 
parted. But the words are full of significance. The passage carries 
us a long way into the heart of the Pauline theology. It was God 
who had taken the initiative in this great act of revelation. Thus the 
Gospel was not a wholly new thing. It did not make an absolute 
breach with the past but stood in continuity with it ; it was the God 
of the Old Covenant who was also the God of the New. Thus Paul 
secured the inclusion of the Old Testament revelation in Christianity. 
His disciple Marcion at a later period rejected the God of the Jews 
and the Hebrew Sciiptures, and regarded Christianity as a sudden 
in'uption of the new order into the old without any preparation in 
history. For Paul the new religion proclaims the ancient God. And 
this God reveals His Son. Jesus is thus not merely a national Messiah. 
The Messianic category, true so far as it goes, is inadequate. Paul 
claims for Him a loftier title. Thus, while his monotheism remained, 
it was not a bare monotheism, but a monotheism which, while main- 
taining the unity of the Godhead, found room for distinctions within it. 
And this revelation was made within him. It is an inward revelation 
that the phrase is intended to express ; and we can hardly be wrong 


'^ ■ ( 

in finding here his deepest experience in conversion, the vital and 
mystical union of his spirit with Christ Himself. But out of this 
certain consequences inevitably flow. If he was one with Christ then 
Christ's experiences had become his own, and Christ's resources were 
in a sense placed at his disposal. Thus he was free from the Law, 
and in Christ he stood righteous before God. And v^th the Law he 
had died in Christ to the flesh ; and therefore to sin which, apart from 
the flesh, had no foothold in man. We may then summarize the 
positions held by Paul at his conversion or given in it as follows : 
Monotheism, qualified by the recognition of distinctions within the 
Godhead ; the choice of Israel and revelation to it, qualified by the 
inability of the Law to produce righteousness ; the reign of sin in the 
individual by means of the flesh, against which the struggles of the 
mind were quite ineffectual ; the recognition of righteousness as a free 
gift of God apart from the merit or effort of the recipient ; the union 
of the human spirit with Christ, the crucified and risen Lord ; and 
through this union the forgiveness of sins, victory over sin, and power 
for a new life. 

From this sketch of Paul's spiritual history we must now pass on 
to a more systematic and detailed exposition of his fundamental doc- 
trines. We must of course remember that his recognition of a Divine 
revelation already given to Israel compelled him to adjust to the Old 
Testament as best he could the theology derived from experience. His 
experience before conversion, interpreted in the light of the Gospel, 
shaped his doctrines of sin, the flesh, and the Law. Of the flesh I have 
spoken already when considering the alleged derivation of Paul's con- 
ception from the Old Testament and Greek philosophy. On it 
therefore I need add only a few words. In his experience the flesh 
had been the seat and the instrument of sin. Apart from the flesh 
there could be no sin in man. Flesh without sin was also unknown. 
Now the flesh, unlike the body, is not a morally indifferent thing, 
which may become the slave of sin or the temple of the Holy Ghost. 
It is completely antagonistic to God and righteousness. In it there 
dwells no good thing ; it has a will and intent which leads to death ; 
it lusts against the spirit ; cannot be subject to God's law. Its works 
are altogether evil, and exclude those who practise them from the 
kingdom of God. Those whose life is lived in accordance with it 
are inevitably on the way to death ; and those who sow to it will of 


it reap corruption. Those who are in the flesh cannot please God. 
This dark and lurid picture shows us clearly how irretrievably evil a 
thing Paul considered the flesh to be. 

But reflection on his own experience had taught him to find in the 
Law the stimulus which wakened this hateful impulse to its malign 
activity. In this he detected one of the darkest shades in the char- 
acter of sin. Nothing brought out its true heinousness more clearly 
than this that it perverted into an instrument of its baneful energy 
God's holy law itself. Thus the Law could not secure obedience be- 
cause it was weak through the flesh, while it proved in experience to 
be the strength of sin. So there emerges one of the most paradoxical 
features in the Pauline theology. It would have seemed as though 
there could be but one answer to the question, Why had the Law been 
given to Israel ? For what purpose could it have been given, save to 
teach man the way of righteousness, and guide and stimulate him as 
he sought to tread it ? But though such was its obvious design, Paul 
felt that in his own career it had failed to achieve it. It would not 
have been so strange had he simply said that the Law was given to 
convince man of his own sinfulness by setting before him a moral ideal 
of which he fell lamentably short. But he goes further than this and 
teaches that it was given for the sake of transgression, and came in 
besides that the trespass might abound. We must, it is true, main- 
tain the distinction between sin and trespass, and not understand him 
to mean that the Law was given in order that sin might be increased. 
It was in order that the sin already latent in man should reveal itself 
in its true colours through abundant manifestation in acts of trans- 
gression. Such he had found it to be. He says, ** I was alive apart 
from the Law once : but when the commandment came, sin sprang 
to life and I died ". In his innocent childhood, when he was just a 
creature of impulse and knew the restraint of no moral law, he lived 
his happy untroubled life, conscious of no schism within his own breast. 
But when he came to years of moral discernment, and realized that 
he was placed in a moral order, the flesh chafed at its pressure, and 
the sin which had been slumbering in it woke to life and disclosed its 
native antagonism to God. Thus the Law, holy, just, and good, so 
framed that obedience to it would have brought life and righteousness, 
had issued in condemnation and death. It had brought the con- 
sciousness of sin, it had become its strength and stronghold. Thus 


Paul is led to the paradoxical doctrine that the Law had not been in- 
tended to produce righteousness, but to produce the effects, which it 
had in fact achieved. God had meant it to give sin its opportunity, to 
prove an incentive to transgression. It is not strange that Jewish 
writers, for whom the Law is not an intolerable yoke and brings not 
a curse but a blessing, should criticize FauFs doctrine as utterly con- 
trary to the facts. Indeed we can hardly wonder that some should 
doubt whether anyone capable of formulating it could ever have known 
Judaism from the inside. Yet it is not difficult to see how Paul was 
driven to take up this position. It is one of those cases where the 
necessity of adjustment to the Old Testament has shaped the doctrine 
which yet it did not create. There is nothing to show that he ever 
contemplated the solution adopted by Marcion that Judaism with its 
Law and Old Testament Canon should be frankly abandoned. We 
cannot doubt that he would have utterly repudiated it. But, realizing 
that Christianity stood in continuity with Judaism, and that for it too 
the Old Testament was sacred Scripture, and that the Law had 
actually been given by God, though through angelic intermediaries, he 
had the difficult task of combining his conviction of its Divine origin 
with the fact that it had proved to be the strength of sin. He solved 
his difficulty by the bold contention that the Law had never been in- 
tended to bring righteousness, for God could not have adopted a 
means so ill designed to serve His end. Now it may be urged that 
this is just a piece of desperate apologetic, to which Paul would never 
have been driven but for a certain morbid strain in his own piety. 
With a conscience more robust, less scrupulous and sensitive, he might 
have had a happier life under the Law, more free from incessant 
strain and sense of failure. And no doubt it is true that Paul's case 
was quite exceptional. Yet the following considerations must be 
borne in mind. Paul as we know him in his epistles is remarkably 
sane and balanced in his handling of ethical questions. It is not easy 
to believe that the man who holds the scales so evenly between the 
strong and the weak, who shows himself so conscious of the merits 
and perils of both, should himself have been the victim of a too 
scrupulous, not to say diseased, conscience. Further it may be freely 
granted that in multitudes of instances legalism worked well. Judaism 
could point, and can point, to a noble roll of saints and martyrs. 
Yet legalism is not, I believe, the highest type of religious experience ; 


and the defects which Paul believed it had shown in his own case 
are such as might have been theoretically deduced. A legal religion 
may with shallower natures produce self-satisfaction on too low a level 
of attainment, while in the more strenuous and sensitive it may create 
a depressing sense of failure. With Paul this depression passed into 
despair. Are we unjust to others if we say that this was rooted in 
a wholly exceptional realization of the lofty standard which the Law 
challenged him to reach, and a keener sense of his own shortcomings ? 
Surely remembering that Paul is one of the greatest personalities in 
history, a religious genius who ranks among the foremost of his order, 
we may hesitate before we dismiss his judgment on the Law with the 
■cheap explanation that Paul was the victim of ethical nightmare. 

His doctrine of salvation and the new life is similarly an inter- 
pretation of his own experience. I have already expressed the opinion 
that when Paul uses the words " it pleased God to reveal His Son in 
me " he was speaking- of that mystical union with Christ, which was 
fundamental in his doctrine as it was central in his experience. This 
is not merely a moral union, that is a union of will and thought. 
Such a union of course is involved ; he wills the things which Christ 
wills and judges as He judges. But the union of which Paul speaks 
is deeper and more intimate ; it is a blending of personalities in which, 
while in a sense the personalities remain distinct, in another sense they 
are one. To express a merely moral union he must have chosen other 
language. The language he actually uses would be too extravagant. 
Christ is in the believer, the believer in Christ. He that is joined to 
the Lord is one spirit. Paul even says, " I have been crucified with 
Christ, and i^ is no longer I that live, but Christ liveth in me'\ He 
has transcended the narrow limits of his personality, and become one 
with a personality vaster and more universal. He has been lifted 
into a larger life, and in that life he has found an answer to the pro- 
blems which had been insoluble. As one with Christ he makes his 
own the experience through which Christ has passed. He suffers 
with Christ, he is nailed to His Cross, he dies and rises with Him, 
he sits with Him in the heavenly places. He shares Christ's status 
before God, His character, and His destiny. In Christ he is a new 
creature ; the old life with its claims and its sin, its guilt and its con- 
demnation, has passed away and all is new. The secret of this 
mystical union is hidden from us in the thick darkness where God 


dwells. It is an ultimate fact of experience which admits of no 
further analysis. 

In his life under the Law he had a passion for righteousness, that 
is for a right standing before God. But he was conscious that he fell 
short of what God required, and was not justified as he stood at God'*s 
bar. But having passed from the old life to the new he realized that 
because he was one with Christ, Christ's righteousness was his. He 
was justified or acquitted or pronounced righteous in Christ ; or to put 
the thought in its negative form, there was no condemnation for him. 
The verdict God utters on Christ, He utters on those who are identi- 
fied with Him. This doctrine of justification is of course important, but 
it is secondary rather than primary ; it is part of his larger doctrine of 
mystical union. And when we understand this we have the answer 
to the criticism that the doctrine involves a fiction and is therefore 
immoral. To pronounce the sinner righteous is apparently a fiction. 
But this does no justice to Paul's meaning. The act of trust creates 
the mystical union and it is the new man, who is one with Christ, on 
whom the verdict of justification is pronounced. Union with Christ 
creates the new character which requires the new status. Paul was 
conscious that the life in harmony with God's will, which he had 
sought to gain by the works of the Law, had become his possession 
v^thout effort of his own. And he shares also in Christ's blessed 
immortality. To these points I must return in connexion with the 
larger aspects of the theology. 

These larger aspects we may consider as Paul's philosophy of 
history. This also is intimately associated vydth his experience. He 
starts from the individual, from himself, and regards his own history 
as typical. As he had sinned and found salvation, so had others. 
But he was not content till, with the philosopher's instinct, he had 
pressed behind the multifariousness of phenomena to a principle of 
unity. The individual he generalizes into a racial experience. He 
explains sin and redemption through the acts of Adam and Christ. 
The moulds into which his thought is poured were given him by 
history, yet his doctrine is essentially a philosopher's generalization of 

I do not accept the view that Paul attached little importance to 
his doctrine of Adam, since he introduces it incidentally and as 
an illustration of the act of Christ. It was rather of fundamental 


importance. To do it justice we must detach ourselves completely from 
modern interpretations. We must not read Romans in the light of 
the story of Eden, nor yet the story of Eden in the light of Romans. 
The ideas are quite different in the two passages. Nor must we 
suppose that the validity of the Pauline doctrine depends on the 
historicity of the story in Genesis. Unquestionably Paul took that 
story to be literal history, nothing else could be reasonably expected 
from him. What I find remarkable, however, is that substantially 
his doctrine is so constructed as to be unaffected by our answer to the 
question whether the narrative of the Fall is history or myth. So far 
as Adam has any significance for Paul it is not Adam as a mere 
individual, but as one who is in a sense the race. It is surely im- 
probable that Paul could have been content to regard the whole of 
humanity as committed by the accidental act of one unit in its many 
millions. To assign such momentous significance to the arbitrary and 
the capricious, would be to take the control of history out of the hands 
of reason. For him Adam is typical of the race. He does not think 
of man's moral nature as damaged by the act of Adam, nor does 
he suppose that the moral status of humanity is fixed by what was 
nothing more than the act of an irresponsible individual. What 
alone could rightly make the act of Adam the act of the race, stamp- 
ing humanity as good or evil, would be an identity of Adam with the 
race, so that in his acts the whole quality of humanity is manifest. 
The act of Adam is crucial just because it is typical ; the nature of 
Adam is our common nature ; he is the natural man, moulded from 
the dust. The sin latent in us was latent also in him, and at the 
touch of the Law it was roused to life and activity. Only because 
Adam was truly representative, could the individual act be charged 
with universal significance. His act involved God's judgment of the 
race as sinful, and brought on all men the penalty of death. Such is 
the tragic history of the natural man left to himself. But it was not 
from the Old Testament in the first instance that Paul learnt this 
doctrine, as will be clear to anyone, if he does not read the third of 
Genesis through Pauline spectacles. Closer parallels may, it is true, 
be found in Jewish theology. But it was his own experience that 
was his starting-point. We should read the discussion of Adam and 
Christ in the light of the autobiographical fragment in the seventh of 
Romans. As he pondered on the conflict within his own nature, the 


struggle between the flesh and the mind, the victory of sin, the im- 
potence of the Law for righteousness, its capture by sin for its own evil 
ends, he sought the explanation at the fountain head of history. In 
his own heart he found the key to the long tragedy of man's sin and 
guilt. As he was so was mankind. His own breast was a tiny 
stage on which the vast elemental conflict of good and evil was re- 
enacted. So had it been with the first man, so from the very outset 
of the race's history at the touch of the Law the sin that slumbered in 
the flesh had sprung to consciousness and revolt. And all the genera- 
tions, as they came and went, had but vindicated by their universal 
transgression God's treatment of that first disobedience as a racial act. 
But before the second racial personality could come, and by his 
act reverse the verdict on humanity and release new streams of energy 
to cleanse and redeem it and lift it from the natural to the spiritual 
plane, a long interval had to elapse. Another pair of contrasted 
figures, Abraham and Moses, play a subordinate part in the drama. 
With the former is associated the promise of the Seed and the election 
of Israel, with the latter the Law. Against those who claimed that 
the Law was permanent and not abolished by the Gospel, that both 
it and circumcision were essential to justification, Paul urges the case 
of Abraham. Long before the Law was given, the promise of God 
had been made to Abraham, a promise of the Seed in whom all 
nations should be blest, a promise fulfilled in the Gospel. But the 
very principles of the Gospel were already in operation, for Abraham 
was justified by faith and not by works, and while he was still un- 
circumcised. And the promise by its very nature offered a contrast 
to the Law. For Law has within it an element of bargain, the per- 
formance of its demand implies a corresponding right to receive a 
reward. But the promise stands on the higher plane of free grace ; 
it guarantees a gift bestowed by God's bounty apart from any desert 
in the recipient. The promise then is not only more ancient than the 
Law and cannot be superseded by it, it belongs also to a loftier moral 
order. And with the promise there comes the election, the choice of 
Abraham's descendants. But not of all of them ; for the principle of 
election still works on, choosing Isaac and Jacob, passing by Ishmael 
and Esau. And in the chosen people itself it still works ; not all of 
Israel after the flesh constitutes the spiritual Israel. The Old Testa- 
ment more than once speaks of a remnant, and now the Israel of God 


is identical with the Christian Church. Yet the natural Israel is not 
ultimately rejected, for Paul looks forward to the time when it shall 
accept its Messiah, and form part of the elect people once more. 

But why, it may be asked, if already in Abraham the principles 
of the Gospel found expression, could not the Messiah have come at 
once, and why was there any need for the Law ? It was because a 
prolonged period of discipline was necessary to educate the chosen 
people and prepare for the coming of the Messiah. The weakness of 
human nature had to be revealed by its inability to fulfil the Law, so 
too, the ineradicable vice of the flesh and the exceeding sinfulness of 
sin. It was only the Law that could disclose the mutinous character 
of the flesh, or wake to evil activity the sin that was dormant within 
it. But while on the one hand the Law disclosed to man his true 
nature and exhibited sin in its true colours, it also served as moral 
discipline. It revealed man's duty, though it gave no power to fulfil 
it. It was a " paidagogos " to bring us to Christ. The paidagogos 
was charged with the moral supervision of children. By the use of 
this term Paul suggests the menial and temporary character of the 
Law. Israel was like a child in its tutelage under harsh and ungenial 
tutors. But with the coming of Christ the period of bondage is over, 
the heir achieves his freedom, and passes into that liberty for which 
Christ has set him free. The Law itself by its very imperfections 
pointed forward to Christ ; it set before man a moral ideal, and since 
it gave no power to fulfil its own commands and was the weak, un^ 
willing tool of sin, it pointed to a new revelation, in which the moral 
ideal should be united with the power of fulfilment. 

In the fulness of time the promise, so long obstructed by the Law, 
came to realization. God sent His Son into the world in the like- 
ness of sinful flesh, a member of the human race and of the Hebrew 
people. He did not begin to be with His human origin ; a heavenly- 
life lay behind His life of humiliation and suffering on earth. Image 
of the invisible God, firstborn of creation, sharing the Divine essence, 
God's agent in the formation of the universe, He did not clutch 
greedily at that equality with God, which was nevertheless His right, 
but emptied Himself and for our sake exchanged His heavenly riches 
for our earthly poverty. Stooping to our human estate He obediently 
accepted the Cross which God appointed Him, and has in recompense 
been highly exalted and received the name above every name. 


While the act of Adam had been critical and representative, 
since it expressed our common nature, the act of Christ was a critical 
and racial act in virtue of his self-identification with us. As Adam 
in this crucial act is the race, so also in His crucial act is Christ ; 
and as the act of one is valid for the race, so also the act of the 
other. Each of them is the fountain-head of humanity, the one of 
the natural, the other of the redeemed. Their significance is not 
merely individual, it is universal. The point of expression is in each 
case personal ; it is Adam who eats the forbidden fruit, it is Jesus of 
Nazareth who hangs upon the Cross. But when viewed not from 
the standpoint of historical incident but of eternal significance, Adam 
and Christ are co-extensive with humanity. 

Yet the question emerges whether we can rightly draw a parallel 
between the racial function of the first and the second Adam. Obvi- 
ously they do not seem to stand in the same relation to the body for 
which they act There is clearly no such hereditary connexion in the 
one case as obtains in the other. But it is not on the hereditary con- 
nexion that Paul's thought rests, but on the possession of a common 
nature. Yet is there not a difference here also ? The act of Adam 
was not in violation of his nature, it sprang spontaneously from it ; 
and it was a racial act because his nature and that of all other 
men were identical. There is, it is true, a higher element than the 
flesh within us, but it makes no successful stand against the lower. 
In Christ, on the contrary, the higher element is all powerful ; He is 
the spiritual man of heavenly origin. Here then, it might seem, that 
the parallel between the two Adams breaks dov^, since while a 
natural man might fitly represent the sinful race, a spiritual man could 
not do so. On this the following suggestions may be offered. In the 
first place Paul does 'hint at an essential relation subsisting between 
the pre-existent Christ and the human race. In the next place the 
element of spirit is not absent even from sinful humanity, so that what 
is needed is not so much the introduction of a new element as such a 
readjustment of the old as shall emancipate the higher nature from the 
dominion of the lower. And thirdly, if such a readjustment is not 
only realized in Christ but through Him becomes possible to the race 
and to individuals, He may be regarded as acting for the race with as 
much right as Adam. In fact the " much more ** which rings so 
loudly in Paul's great passage on Adam and Christ is perhaps the 



key to this difficulty. Christ acts for the race not simply because He 
shares its nature and its fortunes, but because there dwells within 
Him a spring of redemptive energy, which makes it possible for the 
achievements He accomplishes in His own case, to be repeated in the 
experience of the race and of individuals. We need to hold fast as 
our guiding clue not simply that Christ reverses all that Adam did, 
but that He much more than reverses it. 

But what was the significance of Christ's racial act ? Paul de- 
scribes it as an act of obedience. As such it reversed Adam's act of 
disobedience and the consequences that followed from it. These con- 
sequences Paul took to be the penalty of physical death and Divine 
condemnation of the race as guilty. Through the obedience of Christ, 
physical death is cancelled by the resurrection of the body, and God 
now passes a new judgment on the race as He sees it in Christ. The 
act of Christ stood also in a relation to the old order under which 
men had lived. That order had been under the control of inferior 
spiritual powers. There was a kingdom of evil with Satan the god 
of this world, the prince of the power of the air at its head. Still the 
Christian finds that his " wrestling is not against flesh and blood, but 
against the principalities, against the powers, against the world-rulers 
of this darkness, against the spiritual hosts of wickedness in the heavenly 
places ". Clad in the armour of God he may be able to withstand 
the wiles of the devil, and equipped with the shield of faith to quench 
all the fiery darts of the evil one. Behind the whole system of idol- 
atry Paul sees the baneful activity of the demons ; to them the heathen 
sacrifices are offered, and the Christian who feasts in the idol's temple 
enters into ruinous fellowship with demons. But there were also the 
angels. It is not easy for us to enter into Paul's thought here. Paul's 
conception of angels has been borrowed from Jewish theology, and it 
has little in common with our popular notions of angels. They are 
the elemental spirits who rule the present world. They are not sin- 
less, they have shared in the effects of Christ's redemption and there- 
fore need to be redeemed. They are to stand before the judgment 
bar of the saints. Women are in danger from them if they pray or 
prophesy in the Christian assemblies with uncovered head, and there- 
fore need the protection of the veil, to which a magical power is often 
assigned. In particular the angels had been concerned with the giving 
ck the Law. This was a tenet of Jevrish theology and references are 


made to it in the speech of Stephen and in the Epistle to the Hebrews ; 
while Paul accepts the belief in the Epistle to the Galatians, and it 
underlies much that is said in the Epistle to the Colossians. The 
angels, as the world-rulers, brought Christ to His Cross, for they are 
absorbed in their function and have no significance beyond it. If then 
there rests on Jesus the condemnation and the curse of the Law, when 
we pass from the abstract to the concrete, the responsibility rests with 
those who are the givers and administrators of the Law. And these 
are not primarily the Jewish or Roman authorities. Just as behind 
the Empires of Persia and Greece the Book of Daniel shows us their 
angelic princes, so angelic principalities and powers stand behind their 
human tools, the priest and the procurator. They act not in malevo- 
lence but in ignorance. Had they known the wisdom of God, they 
would not have crucified the Lord of glory. The ignorance of the 
angels is mentioned also in the Epistle to the Ephesians. Through 
the Church the variegated wisdom of God is to be divulged to the 
principalities and powers in the heavenly places. But their action in 
bringing Christ to His Cross recoiled upon themselves. The Law 
launched its curse against Christ, but in doing so its curse was ex- 
hausted and its tyranny was broken. In His death Christ spoiled the 
principalities and powers, exhibited them in their true position of in- 
feriority, and led them in triumph in His train. Foolishly then did 
the false teachers at Colossae worship these deposed potentates and 
look to them for help. For the fulness of Godhead is not distributed 
among a multitude of angels. It exists in its undivided totality in 
Christ, it dwells in Him as a body, that is as an organic whole. 

But while the Law has thus been abolished by being nailed to 
Christ's cross, sin and the flesh have also been brought to nought. 
For the crucifixion of the physical flesh carries with it the destruction 
of the carnal nature. And similarly the death of Christ broke the 
dominion of sin. For while the sinful flesh was crucified, the sin 
which dwelt within it was done away. Thus the death of Christ 
was a death to sin. And just as the physical death, so also the 
physical resurrection was the efficient symbol of a spiritual fact. The 
one broke with the past, the other inaugurated the future. The 
resurrection involved the resurrection to a new life. The negative 
death to sin is completed by the positive life unto God. And what 
Christ thus achieved, the race achieved in Him. It atoned for its 


sin, broke loose from its power, and was pronounced righteous as it 
stood before the bar of God. 

So far, then, I have spoken of the two great racial acts. I have 
pointed out already that Paul traces certain consequences to these 
acts, which automatically affect the whole race apart from any indivi- 
dual choice. But other consequences, and these more momentous, 
depend on such choice. As a matter of historical fact, all men have 
by personal choice endorsed the act of Adam and made it their own, 
and thus vindicated the treatment of it as a racial act. But all do 
not by a similar act of choice so endorse the racial act of Christ and 
make it their own. It lies within the option of the individual whether 
he will remain a natural man, and live in the flesh on the level of 
Adam, or whether he will take his stand with Christ and become 
a spiritual man. If he does so, then by an act of faith he becomes 
one with Christ. Faith is a very rich idea with Paul, it is that act 
of personal trust and self- surrender, the movement of man's whole 
soul in confidence towards Christ, which makes him one spirit with 
Him. And thus the great racial act of Calvary is repeated in the 
believer's experience. Because he is one with Christ he is dead to 
sin ; for the flesh in which it lived and through which it worked has 
been crucified on Christ's cross. He has also in death paid the 
penalty of his sin, and is thus free from its guilt and its claim. And 
since he is one spirit with Christ he has risen to the new life of holi- 
ness, and there works within him the power of Christ's resurrection 
life. No condemnation rests upon him before God's bar, he is 
justified in Christ. Thus not only sin and the flesh but the Law also 
has passed away. For where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is 
liberty ; and Christians have died to the Law in which they were 
holden. For they have escaped into the freedom of the Spirit and 
dwell with Christ at the right hand of God. Christ has taken the 
place of self as the deepest and inmost element in their personality ; 
they have been crucified with Christ and it is no longer they that live 
but Christ that liveth in them. Conduct thus ceases to be the studied 
and even painful adjustment to an external code of laws. It is the 
joyful, instinctive, spontaneous expression of the new personality. 
With the abolition of the Law the great barrier between Jew and 
Gentile has been broken down and Christianity stands revealed as a 
universal religion. 


At present, it is true, the Christian realizes that his redemption is 
incomplete. What is ideally concentrated in the ecstatic moment of 
vision and emancipation, may in actual experience be achieved only 
through a tedious process. And complete redemption is not possible 
till the consummation. At present we groan beneath our burden ; 
and all Nature moans also, looking eagerly for final redemption. At 
present we have but the earnest of the Spirit, but this is the pledge 
that all His fulness will be granted to us. For God, who did not 
spare His beloved Son but freely surrendered Him for our sakes, 
cannot withhold any good from us. If the status of Christ and His 
character become ours, we must share also His blessed immortality 
and His heavenly reign. 

The secret of the spell which the theology of Paul has cast on 
such multitudes is to be found in the illumination which it has 
brought to their own spiritual history. They have understood their 
bondage and their deliverance, their misery and their rapture, as they 
have entered into his despair or watched him as he passed from that 
strain of inward conflict and sense of failure to harmony of spirit and 
untroubled peace with God. A theology created by experience 
speaks with directness and power to those whose pilgrimage has taken 
them along the same way. The influence of Paul ebbs and flows 
across long stretches of history. It shrinks and seems as if it would 
vanish, and then all suddenly it gathers volume and velocity and the 
arid waste becomes a garden of God. 


By The Rev. D. P. BUCKLE, M.A. 

IN the last issue of this Bulletin (Vol. IV, p. 1 23), attention was 
called to the question of Scriptural citations in Coptic homilies 
as aids to the textual criticism of the Bible. Citations must, 
of course, be used with caution, especially when they occur in popu- 
lar discourses, such as the particular source now before us. They 
were made from memory, and in the case of those taken from the 
Synoptic Gospels, would probably amalgamate parallel passages and 
correctly represent none of them (v. Kenyon, "Textual Criticism 
of the New Testament," 2nd ed., p. 245). 

The object of the present article is to give a list of quotations and 
allusions in one fragment, and to note certain features of the passages 

Mr. Crum, in his " Catalogue of the Coptic MSS. in the John 
Rylands Library," gives lists of citations in his description of other 
homilies, but in the case of this manuscript he merely says that it con- 
tains many quotations from, and references to the Gospels. The list 
now given may be regarded as a supplement to this general statement 
It vsall also enlarge its area by including references to Genesis, Psalms, 
Isaiah, and the Epistles. 

In the third volume of the Oxford edition of " The Sahidic Ver- 
sion of the Gospels,'* Mr. Horner prints a list of references supplied 
by Leipoldt and de Zwaan. But the simple enumeration of quota- 
tions there printed, though quite excellent in its way, supplies no in- 
formation about parallel passages or peculiarities in the texts cited. 
As the use of particular gospels in quotation is a matter of some in- 
terest, an effort will be made in this list not only to indicate parallel 
passages but also to some extent to note the appearance of preference 

' Coptic, No. 70 (24a). 




iXj nrAV OL> c| H4LTM 

e M B CM oirr^ ruuL 
jLUM nr M cuxe rie?^ 




r^.l. ^^ 

O Vl.XB?JULrrr PeH 

^ a> nro c ' ii>i ft 

CJLuOC • -A-HT-S- 
Aoovee^pAjN I 


. rmrp e M u> cuAjli„ 
^^ce Aj'juLe i<juLo V 


T4eMerj"T-oA ri^ 

UjIni ^*T- ri CI f I oynp 
AViu e y Vi Ajccu 

H rl M O 6 exUTl ^ 

CXXQ G e MtliA>t 
JUL I.Vmil£AJV'AV<0 ^ JULB T-AJ^iO e I * 

xirniTtaco e I G cMAi^ ? liJT^cp e rre CI 



oviiOC|peTe * 

p O Nixrrp O Ccp6 
JuLrrM o Vi^Oe V^ 




Rylands Coptic MS. 70 [24a], fol, 86 


for one of the gospels in certain cases. Where no question of language 
or variant arises reference to the chapter and verse will be given. 

The Rylands Coptic MS. No. 70 [24a], is described in the 
Catalogue as a homily, probably by Shenoute, and a footnote indi- 
cates a marked resemblance between one section of it and Shenoute's 
" Didascalia" in Crum's " Coptic Ostraca," No. 13. 

In a review of Leipoldt's " Schenute" (** Texte und Untersuch- 
ungen N.F.," Vol. X), contributed by Mr. Crum to the "Journal of 
Theological Studies " (V, pp. 1 29-33), it is stated that students of 
the New Testament will find in Shenoute's endless quotations a highly 
valuable witness, as yet wholly unexplored, to the text of the most 
important of the Egyptian versions. Those who have the privilege 
of access to the John Rylands Library may now follow up this hint, 
and pursue the investigation in one MS., which contains over sixty 
references in sixteen pages. In this study they may be encouraged by 
the words of the late C. R. Gregory, who in his " Textkritik des 
Neues Testament " (2, p. 769) writes : — 

" Dass christliche Wissenschaft in Agypten gebliiht hat, weiss 
man. Wie viel noch aus koptischen Handschriften zu erlangen sein 
wird, bleibt noch festzustellen. Horner, Schmidt, von Lemm, Mas- 
pero, Ceugney, Bouriant, Amelineau, Rossi sind dabei, was gewonnern 
werden kann, zu gewinnen." 

When these words were published in the year 1 902, the Bohairic 
Gospels were available in Mr. Horner's Oxford edition (1898), which 
was completed by the issue in 1 905 of the rest of the New Testa- 
ment in that dialect, and duly noted in Gregory's 3rd vol. (1909), p. 
1305. The publication of the Sahidic Gospels followed in 1911, 
but the other books of the New Testament regarded as a whole in 
this dialect are only accessible in the fragments of Woide and Balestri. 
The Old Testament has not yet received complete treatment, but 
several important parts of it have been recently edited from texts in 
the British Museum, by Sir Herbert Thompson and Dr. Wallis 
Budge. The John Rylands Library has recently acquired a copy of 
Schwartzes " Memphitic Gospels" {^Leipzig, 1846-47), which 
formerly belonged to the Rev. J. M. Rodwell, who arranged and 
catalogued the Crawford Coptic MSS. Schwartze's edition includes 
a collation of the Greek New Testament of Tischendorf of 1 84 1 , and 
that of Lachmann of 1 842, as well as of Tischendorf 's edition of the 



"Codex Ephraemi," published in 1843. This edition marks the 
beginning of comparative textual criticism which has reached so high 
a standard of careful description of the peculiarities of manuscripts and 
complete apparatus criticus in the Oxford edition, through the un- 
tiring energy of Mr. Horner. 

In the notes added to the following list the MS. under notice will 
be quoted as R 70, whilst the other abbreviations employed will 

sa = sahidic. 
bo = bohairic. 
Budge = " The earliest Coptic Psalter ". 

Ciasca = '* Fragmenta Bibliorum Sacrorum copto-sahidica," Vols. I and II. 
Balestri = ib. Vol. III. 
om = omits. 

H = Oxford edition of Coptic New Testament, 
a, b = first and second columns of the MS. respectively. 



P. la. 

Is. xl. 22a. 23b, 22b. 15, 


P. 5a. 

I Cor. ii. 8. 

22c d. 


Luke ii 34. 


„ lb. 

Ps. CXXXV. 15. 17. 18. 



I Cor. i. 18. 


„ 2a. 

Ps. cxxxiv. 10. 


Is. liii. 2, 14, verse 2 


Ps. rxxxv. 13. 14. 

repeated, v. No. 17. 



Ps. cv. 39. 



I Cor. ii. 8 and Eph. iv. 



Ps. Ixxvii. 24, 25, 16. 

18, last clause. 


Ps. CT. 17. 



Matt, xxvii. 33; Mark 



John i. 3. 

XV. 22 ; Luke xxiii. 


,. 3a. 

Luke ii. 12. 

33; John xix. 17. 



Matt. ii. 13. 


Joelii. 13. 



John viii. 59 (also x. 



Matt. xxvi. 65, 64; 
Mark xiv. 63 ; Luke 


John vii. I (cf. V. 18). 

xxii. 71. 


John X. 20. 



Matt, xxvii. 41, 42; 


Matt, xxvii. 48; John 

Luke xxiii. 35. 

xix. 28, 29. 


„ 8a. 

Matt, xxvii. 35; Mark 


,. 4a. 

Matt, xxvii. 39; Mark 
XV. 29. 

XV. 24 ; Luke xxiii. 



John xix. 34, repeated 
V. No. 42. 



Matt, xxvii. 28; Mark 
xiv. 65 ; John xix. 2. 


Is. liii. 2, repeated v. 
No. 25. 



Matt, xxvii. 68 ; Mark 
xiv. 65 ; Luke xxii. 


,. 4b. 

Mark ix. 21. 



John xi. 34. 



Matt, xxvii. 29. 


Luke viii. 45. 



Matt. xxvi. 67. 


Matt. viii. 25; Markiv. 
38 ; Luke viii. 24. 



Matt, xxvii. 48; John 
xix. 2. 


37. P. 8b. 

38. ,. 9a. 

39. — 

40. „ 9b. 

41. — 

42. — 

43. „ 10a. 

44. — 

45. — 

46. .. 10b. 

47. „ 11a. 

48. — 

49. „ lib. 

50. — 

Matt, xxvii. 28, 29. 

Matt, xxvii. 43, 44 
(cf. Ps. xxi. 8 ; Wis- 
dom ii. 18). 

Matt, xxvii. 47, 46. 

John xix. 32, 33. 

Matt. xxvi. 47. 

John xviii. 8. 

Luke xxiii. 2. 

John xix. 34, repeated 
V. No. 16. 

Matt, xxviii. 13, 14. 

John xix. 5. 

John xviii. 5, 6. 

Luke xxii. 53. 

Matt, xxiii. 34. 

Matt, xxvii. 25 (cf. 
Acts V. 28). 


P. 12a. John xix. 37. 
John xix. 28. 


.. 12b. 

Matt. vii. 2; Mark iv. 
24; Luke vi. 38. 


1 Pet. i. 9, 8. 


.. 13b. 

Matt, xxvii. 57; Mark 
XV. 43 ; Luke xxiii. 
50 ; John xix. 38. 


,. 14b. 

Luke xxiv. 10. 


Mark xvi. 2-4. 


Luke xxiv. 5, 6. 


„ 15a. 

Luke xxiv. 1 3. 


„ 15b. 

John xiv. 18, 16. 


„ 16a. 

1 Thess. V. 17. 


., 16b. 

Gen. viii. 20, 21. 


Eph. V. 2. 


1 . Is. xl. 22c, &)9 fcafiavdv] not represented in R 70. 

Is. xl. 22d, ft)9 o-Kr)V7]v\ R 70 like a garment or a covering. 

2. Ps. cxxxv. 15, itcTLva^avTi] so Vulg. " excussit " and Budge sa. 
R 70 ** drowned **. 

3. Ps. cxxxiv. 10, 67rdra^€v] so Budge sa. R 70 '* destroyed *\ 

6. Ps. Ixxvii. 24, fidvva (f)a'^elv\ so Vulg. ** ad manducandum '*. R 70 
** instead of water '*. 

8. John i. 3, irdvra eVet/ero] R 70 the all (singular) vj. in sa. v. H. 
critical notes. 

9. Luke ii. 12, i(T7rapyavo)fiepov Kol K€ifi€vov] R 70 omits "and** 
with bo. 

10. Matt. ii. 13, after "Flee into Egypt" R 70 om. "and be thou 
there until I bring thee word '*. 

12. John vii. 1, il^rjTovv] H sa. ** sought after,** R 70 ** surrounded,** 
the S2une word as in John x. 24 for i/cuKXcoa-av. 

14. Matt, xxvii. 48, John xix. 28, I thirst] R 70 with John. Matt. om. 

1 8. Mark ix. 21, Lo, how long is it since this came unto him] R 70 
pr. ** lo *' vrith sa. and bo., Gr. om. ** Lo ** with a question is unusued, 
but it is found in Acts ii. 7. 

21. Luke viii. 24, ScBda-KaXe, BiSda-Koke] so R 70 Matt. Kvpie, Mark 
StBda-KaXe once only. 

18-21. These four questions with their context should be compared 
with Rylands 68 [33] where Nos. 1 8 and 19 occur (v. Crum*s " Catalogue **). 
They are used to illustrate the statement of the preacher that when the Lord 


of all condescended in humility He inquired about things like a man who 
does not know. 

26. 1 Cor. ii. 8 and Eph. iv. 18 (last clause). This passage though 
introduced by the usual formula of quotation, which may be seen with the 
context in Crum*s *' Catalogue/' does not correspond exactly with any Biblical 
text. It seems to paraphrase 1 Cor. ii. 8 already cited {z>. No. 22) and to 
add "through the bHndness of their heart" Eph. iv. 18 confirming the 
A.V. against the R.V. '* hardening**. On this interpretation of the word 
torn see my note on Wisdom ii. 21 in the "Journal of Theological Studies,** 
XVII,»92 ; Dean Armitage Robinson's " Ephesians** (additional notes on 
7r(wp&)o-i?), and Lagarde's " Gesammelte Abhandlungen," 101. 

29. Matt. xxvi. 65, 64, Mark xiv. 63, Luke xxii. 71, Ye have heard 
his blasphemy] R 70 inserts " all ** with G.N. and the Armenian Version. 

32. Matt, xxvii. 28, Mark xv. 24, purple robe] R 70 follows sa. Matt, 
in transliterating the Greek while sa. Mark has puristically expressed the 
phrase in Coptic. 

33. This passage illustrates the remark about citations quoted from 
Kenyon. R 70 begins by reproducing Mark " covered his face *' while 
Luke has " covered him,** then takes a clause from Matthew, " they struck 
him,*' and ends with the question, *' Who smote thee,*' which is omitted 
from the R.V. of Mark because though supported by some Greek mss. 
ynth the Ethiopic and Armenian Versions it is obviously inserted from the 
parallel passages. 

36 and 37. Both enlarged, a highly descriptive passage about the crown 
of thorns and the crucifixion. 

45. Matt, xxviii. 13, 14, H. sa. They gave great (pieces) of brass to 
the soldiers. R 70 " brass,** om. " great". H. bo. " suitable money '*. 

46. John xix. 5, Pilate said, behold your king] R 70 with one bo. ms. 
P. (Greek " Behold the man **), a confusion with verse 14. 

49. Matt, xxiii. 24, reference to the gnat and the camel, in this order. 
BLv\L^opT6<f is translated in sa. t/i/o = avolare facere, disperdere. 

54. 1 Pet. i. 9, 8 in this order : unfortunately not in Woide or Balestri, 
verse 8. %a/)a dvefcXaX/jro) koI ceho^aafjLevrj\ R 70 " joy hidden 

and glorified '*. Bo. " unspeakable and glorified ". 
verse 9. r6 reXo^ rrj^nriaTewf; vfjLwv\ R 70 om. v^oyv which Hort 
rejects as a very early interpolation. 

55. Joseph of Arimathaea. R 70 SUaco^ as in Luke only. 

57. Mark xvi. 2-4 is not in any fragment or ms. noted by Homer. 
Verse 3 is peculiar to Mark, and seems to show that in this case a reference 
to that Gospel was in the preacher* s mind. As the lack of evidence for 
the Sahidic text of this passage is a matter of remark by critics, the posses- 
sion of this text by the Rylands Library is specially noteworthy. 

62. Gen. viii. 20, 21. Textually this is the most interesting quotation 
in the homily. The facsimile of this page shows the end of the homily and 
enables the Coptic student to compare the text of the homilist with the 
readings of Ciasca and of Wilkins. In the 2 1 st verse R 70 agrees with 


Wilkins against Ciasca in the omission of Kvpto^, and in representing 
OLavo7)dei^ and Karapdo-aaOai rather than ^eravorjOei^ and Trard^ac, the 
last word having been apparently brought from the second clause of the 
verse into the first. 

This seems to illustrate the view of a second Sahidic related to the 
Bohairic, and different from the best known Sahidic text. 

In conclusion, the ms. is interesting as showing the large use made of 
scriptural quotations in Coptic homilies, and especially of the gospels with a 
leaning in this case to the narrative of Luke. 

On the question of two Sahidic versions, one independent and one 
related to the Bohairic, reference should be made to Stern's review of 
Lagarde's '* Aegyptiaca '* (Kuhn's ** Literaturblatt fiir Orientalische 
Philogie,'* i. 203) and to Crum*s remarks on Erman*s "Fragment of 
Wisdom " (Bodleian Hunt 5) in his notice of Sir Herbert Thompson's 
edition printed in the ** Journal of Theological Studies," XI, 301. 


The classification of the items in this list is in accordance with 
the main divisions of the "Dewey Decimal System,*' and J in the 
interest of those readers, who may not be familiar with the system, it 
may be advisable briefly to point out the advantages claimed for this 
method of arrangement. 

The principal advantage of a classified catalogue, as distinguished 
from an alphabetical one, is that it preserves the unity of the subject, 
and by so doing enables a student to follow its various ramifications 
with ease and certainty. Related matter is thus brought together, and 
the reader turns to one sub-division and round it he finds grouped 
others which are intimately connected with it. In this way new lines 
of research are often suggested. 

One of the great merits of the system employed is that it is easily 
capable of comprehension by persons previously unacquainted with it. 
Its distinctive feature is the employment of the ten digits, in their 
ordinary significance, to the exclusion of all other symbols — hence the 
name, decimal system. 

The sum of human knowledge and activity has been divided by 
Dr. Dewey into ten main classes — 0, 1 , 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9. These 
ten classes are each separated in a similar manner, thus making 100 
divisions. An extension of the process provides 1 000 sections, which 
can be still further sub-divided in accordance v^th the nature and 
requirements of the subject. Places for new subjects may be provided 
at any point of the scheme by the introduction of new decimal points. 
For the purpose of this list we have not thought it necessary to carry 
the classification beyond the hundred main divisions, the arrangement 
of which will be found in the " Order of Classification ** which 
follows : — 





General Works. 


Natural Science. 






Library Economy. 




General Cyclopedias. 




General Collections. 




General Periodicals. 




General Societies. 








Special Libraries. Polygraphy. 




Book Rarities. 






Useful Arts. 






Special Metaphysical Topics. 




Mind and Body. 




Philosophical Systems. 


Domestic Economy. 


Mental Faculties. Psychology. 


Communication and Commerce. 




Chemical Technology. 






Ancient Philosophers. 


Mechanic Trades. 


Modern Philosophers. 






Fine Arts. 


Natural Theology. 


Landscape Gardening. 






Doctrinal Theol. Dogmatics. 




Devotional and Practical. 


Drawing, Design, Decoration. 


HoMiLETic. Pastoral. Parochial. 




Church. Institutions. Work. 




Religious History. 




Christian Churches and Sects. 




Non-Christian Religions. 












Political Science. 




Political Economy. 












Associations and Institutions. 








Commerce and Communication. 




Customs. Costumes. Folk-lore. 


Minor Languages. 








Geography and, Description, 








Ancient History. 


















North America. 





South America. 


Minor Languages. 


'^Oceanica and Polar Regions. 


700 FINE ARTS: general. 

Eugene Piot. Tables des monuments et memoires, tomes I-XX, 1894- 
1913, dress6es par Leon Dorez. . . . Paris, 1916. 4to. R 21797 

Anderson (William) The pictorial arts of Japan. With a brief historical 
sketch of the associated arts, and some remarks upon the pictorial art of 
the Chinese and Koreans. [With plates and illustrations.] London, 
1886. Fol.. pp. xix, 276. R 39803 

Cook, Fajnily of. A catalogue of the paintings at Doughty House, Rich- 
mond & elsewhere in the collection of Sir Frederick Cook, Bt., Visconde 
de Monserrate. Edited by Herbert Cook. . . . [With plates.] iC^w- 
^^«, 1915. Fol. R 35294 

3. English, French, early Flemish, German and Spanish schools, and addenda. By M. 
W. Brockwell.— 1915. 

India. Dokumente der Indischen Kunst. Leipzig, 1913. 1 vol. 8vo. 

R 39231 

1 . Malerei. Das Citralakshana : nach dem libelischen Tanjur, herausgegeben und iibersetzt 
von B. Laufer. Mit einer Subvention der Koniglich bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 
aus der Hardy-Stiftung, 

Princeton University. Princeton monographs in art and archae- 
ology. [With illustrations.] Princeton, \^\b. 8vo. R 40606 

5. Ward (C. R.) Mediaeval church vaulting. 


Arnold (Hugh) Stained glass of the middle ages in England and France. 
Painted by Lawrence B. Saint. Described by H. Arnold. [With 
plates.] Londo7i, 1913. 4to, pp. xiv, 269. R 40923 

SWARBRICK (John) Robert Adam & his brothers : their lives, work & 
influence on English architecture, decoration and furniture. [With 
plates and illustrations.] London, [1916]. 4to, pp. viii, x, 316. 

R 40315 


BlaNCHET (Jules Adrien) and DiEUDONNE (Adolphe) Manuel de 

numismatique fran^aise. . . . [With plates and illustrations.] Paris, 

1916. 8vo. In progress. R 33088 

2. Monnaies royales fran5aises depuis Hugues Capel jusqu'a la Revolution. Par A. 
Dieudonne . . . — 1916. 

Fowler (Harold North). A history of sculpture. . . . Illustrated. 
LonAon, 1916. 8vo, pp. xxvi, 445. R 40755 

GaRBOE (Axel) Kulturhistoriske studier over aedelstene, med saerligt 
henblik paa det 17. aarhundrede. K^benhavn og Kristiania, 1915. 
8vo, pp. XV. 274 R 4025^ 



Italy. Corpus nummorum Italicorum. Primo tentative di un catalogo 
generale delle monete medievali e moderne coniate in Italia o da Italiani 
in altri paesi. . . . Roma, 1915. 4to. In progress. R 27086 

7. Veneto.— 1915. 

New York, City of. The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Greek, 
Etruscan and Roman bronzes. By Gisela M. A. Richter. . . . [With 
frontispiece and illustrations.] New York, 1915. 4to, pp. xli, 491. 

R 39838 

Panel (Alexandre Xavier) Alexandri Xaverii Panelii . . . de cisto- 
phoris. [With illustrations.] Lugduni, \13^. 4to, pp. 117. 

R 39739 

Preston (Thomas Jex) The bronze doors of the Abbey of Monte Cassino 
and of Saint Paul's, Rome. A dissertation presented to the Faculty of 
Princeton University in candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of 
Philosophy. . . . [With plates.] Princeton, 1915. 8vo, pp. 68. 

R 40210 


DUBOSE DE PeSQUIDOUX (Jean Clement Leonce) L'ecole anglaise, 1672- 
1851. Etudes biographiques et critiques: Thornhill — Hogarth — Rey- 
nolds — Wilson — Gainsborough — Lawrence — Wilkie — Turner — 
Constable. Paris, ^b^. 8vo, pp. 256. R 40983 

GOOL (Johan van) De nieuv^e schouburg der Nederlantsche kunstschilders 
en schilderessen : waer in de levens-en kunstbedryven der tans levende 
en reets overleedene schilders, die van Houbraken, noch eenig ander 
schryver, zyn aengeteekend, verhaelt worden. [With portraits.] 
'Sgrave?thage, 1 750-5 1 . 2 vols. 8vo. R 3981 2 

*^* There is also an engraved title. 

HOET (Gerard) Catalogus of naamlyst van schilderyen, met derzelver 
pryzen zedert een langen reeks van jaaren zoo in Holland als op andere 
plaatzen in het openbaar verkogt. Benevens een verzameling van 
lysten van verscheyden nog in wezen zynde cabinetten. 's Gravenhage, 
1752. 2 vols. 8vo. R 39813 

Houbraken (Arnold) De groote schouburgh der Nederlantsche konst- 
schilders en schilderessen. Waar van 'er vele met hunne beeltenissen 
ten tooneel verschynen, en hun levensgedrag en konstwerken beschreven 
worden : zynde een vervolg op het Schilderboek van K. v. Mander. 
Amsterdam, \1\^^1\. 3 vols. 8vo. R 39814 

*^^* There is also an engraved title page. 

Mander (Carel van) Het leven der doorluchtige Nederlandsche en 
eenige Hoogduitsche schilders . . . met verscheiden bygevoegde 
aanmerkingen ... en vollediger gemaakt, door . . . Jacobus de 
Jongh. . . . Versierd met de afbeeldingen der voornaamste schilders. 
Amsterdam, 1764. 2 vols. 8vo. R 3981 1 

*#* There is also an engraved title-page. 



Whitley (William Thomas) Thomas Gainsborough. . . . With illus- 
trations. London, 1915. 8to, pp. xviii, 417. R 41 1 1 1 


Boston : Museum of Fine Arts. The print- collector's quarterly. . . . 
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8vo. In progress. R 40046 

England. Title-pages of four early books in English relating to engrav- 
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book of an engraving instrument. [Compiled by H. C. Levis.] Lon- 
don : privately printed, 1916. 8vo. R 40376 

*,* 30 copies printed. This copy is No. 8. 


TaGORE (5z> Sourindro Mohun) Victoria Samrajyan, or Sanskrit stanzas, 
with a translation, on the various dependencies of the British Crovv^n, 
each composed and set to the respective national music, in commemora- 
tion of the assumption by her Most Gracious Majesty, the Queen 
Victoria, of the diadem — '* Indiae Imperatrix". Calcutta, 1876. 8vo, 
pp. xii, vi, 155. R 39258 


Douglas (Norman) London street games. London, [1916]. 8vo, pp. 
162. R 40753 

800 LITERATURE: general. 

Berg (Leopold) The superman in modem literature. . . . Translated 
from the German. [With portrait.] London, [1916]. 8vo, pp. 257. 

R 40222 

GUERBER (Helene Adeline) The book of the epic : the world's great 
epics told in story. [With plates.] London, 1916. 8vo, pp. 631. 

R 41345 

Jennings (James George) An essay on metaphor in poetry : w^ith an 
appendix on the use of metaphor in Tennyson's In memoriam. London, 
1915. 8vo, pp. 94. R 40302 


James (Henry) Portraits of places. London, \ 883. 8vo, pp. vi, 376. 

R 22668 

More (Paul Elmer) Shelbume essays. London, \^\b. 8vo. In progress. 

R 33685 

9. Aristocracy and justice. 



SaNTAYANA (George) Interpretations of poetry and religion. London, 
1900. 8vo, pp. xi, 290. R 26703 


GaLLETTI (Alfredo) Saggi e studi : Manzoni, Shakespeare e Bossuet. — 
D. G. Rossetti e il romanticismo preraffaellita. — A. C. Swinburne. — 
Rudyard Kipling. — La letteratura di un grande regno [i.e. that of 
Victoria]. Bologna, \\^\b\. 8vo, pp. vi, 385. R 40056 

Hogg (James) The poems of J. Hogg. . . . Selected and edited with 
an introduction by William Wallace. . . . [With portrait.] London, 
1903. 8vo, pp. vi, 273. R 40619 

KraPP (George Philip) The rise of English literary prose. New York, 
1915. 8vo, pp. xiii, 551. R 40602 

MacDoNAGH (Thomas) Literature in Ireland : studies Irish and Anglo- 
Irish. [With portrait.] London, \\^\i:i[. 8vo, pp. xiii, 248. 

R 40647 

Noble (James Ashcroft) The sonnet in England & other essays. London, 
1893. 8vo, pp. X, 211. R 40273 

WylIE (Laura Johnson) Studies in the evolution of Elnglish criticism : a 
thesis presented to the philosophical faculty of Yale University in candi- 
dacy for the degree of doctor of philosophy. Boston, U.S.A., 1894. 
8vo, pp. viii, 212. R 40327 


Ballad Society. [Publications.] [With illustrations.] London, and 
Hertford, 1868-72 [-99]. 18 vols. 8vo. R 17394 

I , 2. England. Ballads from manuscripts. . . . Edited by F. J. Furnivall . fVol. 2 
Edited . . . by W. R. Morfill. . . .)— 1868-72-73. 

4-6. 8, 9. 12, 13, 18, 19, 21-38. British Museum. The Roxburghe ballads : (illustrating 
he last years of the Stuarts) [preserved in the British Museum]. With short notes by W 
Chappell (Vols. 4-9. Edited ... by J. W. Ebsworth ) 9 vols.— [1 869-] 1871 [-99.]' 

7. Laneham (R.) Captain Cox, his ballads and books, or, R. Laneham's letter. . . . Re- 
edited ... by F. J. Furnivall. . . .— 1871. 

II. England. Love-poems and humourous ones. Written at the end of a volume of 
small printed books, A.D. 1614-1619, in the British Museum, labelled "Various poems,*' 

and markt ' ^' . Put forth by F. J. Furnivall.— 1874. 

14-17. British Museum. The Bagford ballads : illustrating the last years of the Stuarts, 
[now preserved in the British Museum]. Edited ... by J. W. Ebsworth. ... 2 vols.— 
[1876-] 1878. 

20. British Museum. The Amanda group of Bagford poems. Circa 1668. From the 
. . . origmals in British Museum, etc. Collected ... by J. W. Ebsworth. . . .—1880. 

British Museum. The Roxburghe ballads [now preserved in the British Museum]. 
Supplementary volume. Edited by F. J. Furnivall. . . . — [1873]. 

Copland (R.) Jyl of Breyntford's testament ... and other short pieces. Edited by F J 
Furnivall. [Presented by the editor to the members of the Ballad Society.]- 1871. 




Campion (Thomas) Campion's works. Edited by Percival Vivian. 
[With plates and illustrations.] Oxford, 1909. 8vo, pp. Ixv, 400. 

R 41 128 

ChESTRE (Thomas) Launfal, an ancient metrical romance. ... To which 
is appended the still older romance of Lybeaus Disconus. Edited by 
Joseph Ritson. Edinburgh, 1891. 8vo. pp. 98. R 40431 

Complaint. The complaint : or, night-thoughts on life, death, and im- 
mortality. . . . [By E. Young.] London, 1788. 8vo, pp. 251. 

R 39965 

DaVIES (William Henry) Child lovers and other poems. London, 1916. 
8vo, pp. 28. R 40939 

De VerE (Aubrey Thomas) Poems. London, 1855. 8vo, pp. xii, 319. 

R 40239 

Flecker (James Elroy) The collected poems of J. E. Flecker. Edited, 
with an introduction, by J. C. Squire. [With portradt.] London, [1916]. 
8vo, pp. xxxi, 248. R 40999 

Gardner (Charles) Vision & vesture : a study of William Blake in 
modern thought. London, 1916. 8vo, pp. xi, 226. R 41082 

Gay Qohn) Fable \si^ . . . [With .illustrations.] London, \ 788. 8vo, 
pp. viii, 232. R 39946 

Good Friday. Good Friday. [A play in verse. By John Masefield.] 
LMchworth: Garden City Press, 1916. 8vo, pp. 77. R 40571 

*»* 200 copies printed. 

Hope (Laurence) /j^^/^. [i.e. Violet Nicolson]. The garden of Kama 
and other love lyrics from India. Arranged in verse by L. Hope. 
[New impression.] London, []9\ 4]. 8vo, pp. vii, 173. R 40936 

Indian love. . . . With . . . portrait. . . . [New impression.] 

London, [1914]. 8vo, pp. 92. R 40935 

Stars of the desert. [New impression.] London, [19151. 8vo, 

pp. vii, 151. R 40934 

IpOTIS. Hitherto unprinted manuscripts of the Middle English Ipotis. 
By Josephine D. Sutton. Reprinted from the Publications of the Modem 
Language Association of America, xxxi, 1. \Baltimore\, 1916. 8vo, 
pp. 114-160. R 40286 

* ^ The title is taken from the wrapper. 

Jay (Harriett) Robert Buchanan : some account of his life, his life's work 
and his literary friendships. [With plates.] London, 1903. 8vo, pp. 
xii, 324. R 40997 

Masefield {^<ha) The locked chest. The sweeps of ninety-eight : two 
plays in prose. Lctchworth : Garden City Press, \9\b. 8vo, pp. 100. 

R 40568 

*»* 200 copies printed. 



MasEFIELD OoM Sonnets and poems. Letchworth : Garden City Press, 
1916. Svo.pp. 51. R 40569 

*^* 200 copies printed. 

Monro (Harold) Trees. [With illustrations.] \London\, [Temple 
Sheen Press] .1916. 4to, pp. 1 4. R 4 1 060 

*^* 400 copies printed. 

Moorman (Frederick William) Robert Herrick : a biographical & critical 
study. . . . With . . . illustrations. . . . London, 1910. 8vo, pp. 
xiii.343. R 41046 

Pom FRET {]o\iTi) Poems upon several occasions. By ... J. Pomfret. 
Viz. I. The choice. II. Love triumphant over reason. III. Cruelty 
and lust. IV. On the divine attributes. V. A prospect of death. 
VI. On the conflagration and last judgment. The sixth edition, cor- 
rected. With some account of his life and writings. To which are 
added his Remains. [With frontispiece.] London, 1 724. 2 pts. in 1 
vol. 12mo. R 39970 

Shelley (Harriet) Harriet Shelley's letters to Catherine Nugent. Lon- 
don: printed for private circulation, 1889. 8vo, pp. x, 64. R 40938 

Shelley (Percy Bysshe) Letters from P. B. Shelley to J. H. Leigh Hunt. 
Edited by Thomas J. Wise. [The Ashley Library.] London : privately 
printed, 1894. 2 vols. 8vo. R 40406 

* ^ This copy is one of six printed on veilum. 

Swinburne (Algernon Charles) A note on Charlotte Bronte. ... A 
new edition. London, 1894. 8vo, pp. 97. R 41008 

A study of Ben Jonson. Londori, 1 889. 8vo, pp. 1 8 1 . R 4 1 007 

— A study of Shakespeare. . . . Fifth impression. London, 1909. 
8vo, pp. 309. R 41009 

A study of Victor Hugo. . . . Second impression. London, 

1909. 8vo, pp. vi, 148. R 41006 

Synge (Edmund John Millington) J. M. Synge : a few personal recollec- 
tions with biographical notes. [By J. Masefield.] Letchworth : Garden 
City Press, 1916. 8vo, pp. 32. R 40570 

*»* 200 copies printed. 

Wise Man. How the wyse man taught hys sone. In drei Texten 
herausgegeben. Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwiirde 
der hohen philosophischen Fakultat der Friedrich-Alexanders-Universitat 
Erlangen vorgelegt von Rudolf Fischer. . . . Erlangen, 1889. 8vo, 
pp.49. R 401 74 

Wordsworth (William) The poems of W. Wordsworth. Edited 
with an introduction and notes by Nowell Charles Smith. . . . [With 
, . . frontispieces.] London, [1908]. 3 vols. 8vo. R 41047 



Yeats (William Butler) Reveries over childhood & youth. [With 
plates.] London, 1916. 8vo, pp. ix, 2 1 3. R 411 27 


Ford (John) The works of J. Ford, with notes critical and explanatory by 
William Gifford. ... A new edition, carefully revised, with additions 
to the text and to the notes by . . . Alexander Dyce. . . . London, 
1869. 3 vols. 8vo. R 40573 

Hunt, afterwards De VerE {Sir Aubrey) Julian the Apostate and the 
Duke of Mercia : historical dramas. London, 1 858. 8vo, pp. xx, 343. 

R 40240 

Marlowe (Christopher) The works of C. Marlowe. Edited by C. F. 
Tucker Brooke. Oxford, 1910. 8vo, pp. vi, 664. R 41050 

Shakespeare (William) The works of Shakespeare. Edited v^th in- 
troductions and notes by C. H. Herford. . . . (The Eversley edition.) 
London, \90\-\ 5. 10 vols. 8vo. R 40645 

Shakespearean extracts from " Edward Pudsey's booke,'* temp. Q. 

Elizabeth & K. James I., which include some from an unknown play 
by W. Shakespeare [or rather from G. Chapman's " Blind beggar of 
Alexandria '*]. Also a few unpublished records of the Shakespeares of 
Snitterfield and Wroxall preserved in the Public Record Office. Col- 
lected by Richard Savage. . . . [Stratford-upon-Avon Note Books, 
No. 1.] Stratford-on-Avon, [1888]. 8vo, pp. x, 83. R 38394 

Shakespeare in pictorial art. Text by Malcolm C. Salaman. 

Edited by Charles Holme. [With plates.] [The Studio.] London, 
1916. 4to. R 40735 

Shakespeare tercentenary commemoration, 1616-1916. Shake- 
speare's birthplace. Catalogue of an exhibition of original documents of 
the XVI^^ & XVlI^^i centuries preserved in Stratford-upon-Avon, 
illustrating Shakespeare's life in the town, with appended lists of facsi- 
miles belonging to the trustees of contemporary Shakespearean docu- 
ments which are preserved elsewhere. Compiled and arranged by 
Fredk. C. Wellstood. . . . With a preface by Sir Sidney Lee. . . . 
[With plates.] Stratford-upon-Avon, 1916. 4to, pp. 50. R 40409 

The National Library of Wales. Shakespeare tercentenary, 1916. 

Annotated catalogue of books, etc., exhibited at the University College 
of Wales, Aberystwyth, May,! 1916. Aberystwyth, 1916. 8vo, 
pp.19. R 40377 

*^ The title is taken from the wrapper. 

A catalogue of the Shakespeare exhibition held in the Bodleian 

Library to commemorate the death of Shakespeare, April 23, 1616. 
[With a preface by Sir Sidney Lee.] [With facsimiles.] Oxford, 1916. 
4to, pp. XV, 99. R 40542 



Shakespeare (William) Catalogue of the Shakespeare exhibition held in 
the Bodleian Library at Oxford to commemorate the tercentenary of the 
death of Shakespeare. With an illustration. [With a preface by Sir 
Sidney Lee.] Oxford, 1916. 8vo, pp. yiii, 72. R 32261 

Bolton Public Libraries. Shakespeare tercentenary, 1616-1916. 

Hand list of books in the Central Reference and Lending Libraries, on 
Shakespeare and his works. [With portrait.] [Bolton, 1916.] 8vo, 
pp. 20. R 40579 

*»* The title is taken from the wrapper. 

Borough of Southwark Public Libraries and Museums. ... A 

paper on Shakespeare and Southwark. By . . . Robt. W. Bowers. 
. . . Together with a catalogue of the exhibition held in connexion 
with the dedication to Shakespeare of a bay in the Reference Depart- 
ment of the Central Library, Walworth Road, on Thursday, May 1 1 th, 
1916 ... by H. B. Irving. . . . [With illustrations.] [Southwark, 
1916.] 8vo, pp. 33. R 40632 

Carter (Thomas) Shakespeare, puritan and recusant. . . . With 

a prefatory note by ... J. Oswald Dykes. . . . Edinburgh and 
London, 1897. 8vo, pp. 208. R 40590 

JagGARD (William) Stratford-upon-Avon from a student's stand- 
point. . . . With frontispiece. . . . Stratford-on-Avon, [1916]. 8vo, 
pp. vii. R 40654 

*^^*' The title is taken from the wrapper. 

MORLEY (Lacy Collison-) Shakespeare in Italy. [With plates.] 

Stratford-upon-Avon, 1916. 8vo, pp. 180. R 41081 

PeROTT (Joseph de) The probable source of the plot of Shake- 
speare's Tempest. [Publications of the Clark University Library, I, 8.) 

[Worcester, Mass., 1905.] 8vo, pp. (209)-216. 

*»*The title is taken fiom the caption. R 40628 

Richardson (William) A philosophical analysis and illustration 

of some of Shakespeare's remarkable characters. . . . The third edition, 
corrected. London, 1 784. 8vo, pp. 207. R 40393 

Roberts (William Wright) Shakespeare : a tercentenary lecture. 

. . . Delivered in the Borough Hall, Bolton, on May 6th, 1916. [Bol- 
ton, \9\b]. 8vo, pp. 16. R 40630 

Simpson (Richard) The religion of Shakespeare. Chiefly from 

the writings of ... R. Simpson. ... By Henry Sebastian Bowden. 
. . . London, 1899. 8vo, pp. xvi, 428. R 40595 

Stores (Charlotte Carmichael) Shakespeare's industry. . . . Lon- 
don, 1916. 8vo, pp. ix, 352. R 40575 

ThorNDIKE (Ashley Horace) Shakespeareis theater. . . . With 

illustrations. New York, 1916. 8vo, pp. xiv, 472. R 4061 1 



Straw O^ck) The life and death of Jack Straw. Ein Beitrag zur Ges- 
chichte des elisabethanischen Dramas von Hugo Schiitt. [Kieler Studien 
zur Elnglischen Philologie. Heft 2.] Heidelberg, \90\ , 8vo, pp. 160. 

R 40166 

Studies in the Religious Drama. [With facsimiles.] Oxford, 1915. 
1 vol. 8vo. 

Mary, the Blessed Virgin. The assumption of the Virgin. A miracle play from the 
N-lown cycle. Edited by W. W. Greg. ... f^ 40212 

Swinburne (Algernon Charles) The duke of Gandia. London, 1908. 
8vo, pp. 60. R 41010 

SYMONS (Arthur) Tragedies. London, 1916. 8vo, pp. 151. R 41001 


Bell (Currer) pseud, [i.e. Charlotte Bronte, afterwards Nicholls.] Poems. 
By Currer, Ellis, and Acton Bell [i.e. Charlotte, Elmily Jane, and Anne 
Bronte]. London, 184^. 8vo, pp. iv, 165. R 19414 

COVENT-GaRDEN Journal. The Covent-Garden Journal. By Sir 
Alexander Drawcansir, Knt. Censor of Great Britain (Henry Fielding). 
Edited by Gerard ELdward Jensen. [With plates.] New Haven 
[Conn.], \9]5, 2 vols. 8vo. R 41017 

*,* 500 copies printed. 

EdGEWORTH (Richard Lovell) Memoirs of R. L. Edgeworth ... be- 
gun by himself and concluded by his daughter, Maria Edgeworth. . . . 
[With plates.] London, 1820. 2 vols. 8vo. R 28615 

MeLEKARTHA. The temple of Melekartha. ... [A novel. By I. 
Taylor.] London, 1 83 1 . 3 vols. 8vo. R 401 1 1 

PanTHALIA. Panthalia : or the royal romance. A discourse stored with 
infinite variety in relation to state government and passages of matchless 
affection gracefully interveined, and presented on a theatre of tragical and 
comical state, in a successive continuation to these times. Faithfully and 
ingenuously rendred. . . . (To the living memory of Castalion Pomerano, 
author of Panthalia : or the royal romance.) [Attributed to R. Brathwait.] 
London, 1659. 8vo, pp. 303. R 41076 


Bee. The bee, a select collection of essays, on the most interesting and 
entertaining subjects, by . . . Goldsmith, a new edition. London, 
[n.d.]. 8vo, pp. 252. R 41053 

Busy Body. The busy body ; a collection of periodical essays, moral, 
whimsical, comic, and sentimental, by . . . Oulton. . . . London, 
[1789]. 2 vols. 8vo. R 41032 

Fe RRIAR Oo^'^) Illustrations of Sterne : with other essays and verses. . . . 
Second edition. London, \%\1. 2vols.ini. 8vo. R 40237 



Freeholder. The free-holder, or political essays, py J. Addison.] 
London, 1716. 8vo, pp. 3 1 1 . R 4 1 036 

GOSSE (Edmund William) Inter arma : being essays written in time of war. 
London, 1916. 8vo. pp. xv, 248. R 40565 

Hunt (James Henry Leigh) One hundred romances of real life ; selected 
and annotated by L. Hunt. Comprising remarkable historical and 
domestic facts, illustrative of human nature. London, 1846. 8vo, pp. 
132. R 40270 

The religion of the heart. A manual of faith and duty. London, 

1853. 8vo, pp. xxiv, 259. R 40271 

Lay Monk. The lay-monastery. Consisting of essays, discourse, etc. 
Publish'd singly under the title of the Lay-monk. Being the sequel of 
the Spectators. The second edition. [By Sir R. Blackmore and J. 
Hughes.] London, 1714. 8vo, pp. 239. R 4 1 034 

Pharos. The pharos. A collection of periodical essays. By the author 
of Constance. London, \1%1, 2 vols. 8vo. R 41031 


BrATHWAIT (Richard) Essaies Vpon The Five Senses, Revived by a 
new Supplement ; with a pithy one upon Detraction. Continued With 
sundry Christian Resolves, and divine Contemplations, full of passion and 
devotion ; purposely composed for the zealously-disposed. . . . The 
second Edition, revised and enlarged by the Author. . . . London, 
Printed by Anne Griffin, and are to bee sold by Henry Shephard in 
Chancery lane, at the signe of the Bible, 1635. 12mo, pp. [20], 312, 
[4]. R 41073 

* ^* There is also an engraved title-page by W. Marshall. 

Times Cvrtaine Dravvne, Or The Anatomic Of Vanitie. With 

Other Choice Poems, Entituled ; Health from Helicon. . . . London, 
Printed by John Dawson for lohn Bellamie, and are to be sould at the 
South entrance of the Roy all- Ex change. 1 62 1 . 8vo, ff. [1 08] . R 4 1 072 

Nature. Natvres Embassie : Or, The Wilde-Mans Measvres : Danced 
naked by twelue Satyres with sundry others continued in the next Section. 
. . . ([Sig. F 5 recto, title :] The Second Section Of Divine And Morall 
Satyres. . . . [Printer's device.] — [Sig. N 1 recto, caption:] [Ornament.] 
His Pastoralls Are Here Continved With Three Other Tales ; hauing 
relation to a former part, as yetobscured. . . . — [Sig. P 4 recto, title :] 
Omphale, Or, The Inconstant Shepheardesse. . . . [Printer's device.] — 
[Sig. Q 7 recto, title :] His Odes : Or, Philomels Teares. . . . 
[Printer's device]) [The ** Epistle Dedicatorie " is subscribed '* Richard 
Brathwayt ".] (London^, Printed [by R. Field\ for Richard Whitaker, 
1621. 8vo, pp. [8],263, [1]. R 41071 

*,* Title within woodcut border 



PORSON (Richard) pseud. A new catechism for the use of the swinish 
multitude necessary to be had in all sties. . . . To which is added, a 
dialogue between John Bull and President Yankee, on monarchies and 
republics. . . . London, [1840?]. 8vo. pp. 14. R 39914 


BEAUVOIS (Eugene) Histoire legendaire des Francs et des Burgondes aux 
Ille et IVe siecles. . . . Paris, Copenhague, 1867. 8vo, pp. viii, 547. 

R 40380 

GessNER (Salomon) The death of Abel : in five books, attempted from the 
German of . . . Gessner [by M. Collyer.] The twenty-eighth edition. 
London, [n.d.]. 8vo, pp. 143. R 39957 

LesSING (Gotthold Ephraim) Laokoon ; oder iiber die Grenzen der 
Mahlerey und Poesie . . . Dritte Auflage. Berlin, 1805. 8vo, pp. 
xii, 316. R 28200 

ZSCHOKKE (Johann Heinrich Daniel) Autobiography of H. Zschokke. . . . 
London, 1845. 8vo, pp. viii. 220. R 40968 

Fey DEL, Rabbi. Ein seltzam vnd wunderbarlichs Gesprach / Von zweyen 
ludischen Rabinen gehalten / Welches ein ehrlicher Mann ohn alle 
geferd bekommen / wie der Bericht hernach erfolgen wirdt. Rabi 
Feydel. Rabi Senderlein. [In verse.] [Woodcut beneath title.] 
[n.p.] Anno, M.D.LXXI. 8vo, ff. [30]. R 40501 


Apostles. Postola sogur. Legendariske fortaellinger om apostlernes liv 
deres kamp for kristendommens ubredelse samt deres martyrd^d. Efter 
gamle haandskrifter udgivne af C. R. Unger. Udgiven som Universitets- 
program for andet semester 1873. Christiania, 1874. 8vo, pp. xxx, 
936. R 38702 

EddA. Handskriftet Nr. 2365 4^° gl. kgl. Samling pa det store kgl. 
bibliothek i K^benhavn, Codex regius af den aeldre Edda, i fototypisk 
og diplomatisk gengivelse. Udgivet for Samfund til udgivelse af gammel 
nordisk litteratur ved Ludv. F. A. Wimmer og Finnur Jonsson. Kjfben- 
havn, 1891. 4to, pp. Ixxv, 193. R 38704 

Teutonic Races. Runic and heroic poems of the old Teutonic peoples, 
edited by Bruce Dickins. . . . Cambridge, 1915. 8vo, pp. vii, 91. 

R 40215 



France. Les grands ecrivains de la France : nouvelles editions publiees 
sous la direction de . . . Ad. Regnier. Paris, 1914-16. 8vo. In 


Bossuet (J. B.) successively Bishop of Condom arid of Meaux. Correspondance de 
Bossuet. Nouvelle edition augmentde de lettres in^dites et publi^e avec des notes et des ap- 
pendices . . . par Ch. Urbain et E. Levesque. Tome huiti^me (-neuvieme). . . . — 1914-15. 

R 16930 

Rouvroy (L. de) Due de SainLSimon Vermandois. M<f moires de Saint-Simon : 
nouvelle Edition collationn^e sur le manusciit autographe, augmentce des additions de Saint- 
Simon au journal de Dangeau et de notes et appendices par A, de Boislisle. . . . (Avec ia 
collaboration de L. Leceslre et de J. de Boislisle.) Tome vingt-septieme (-vingt-huiti^me.) — 

1915-16. R7913 

Les grands ecrivains de la France. Deuxieme serie. Dix-huitieme 

et dix-neuvieme siecles. Publiee sous la direction de Gustave Lanson. 
Pans, 1915. 8vo. In progress. 

Lamartine de Prat (M. L. A. de) Meditations po^tiques. Nouvelle edition public . . 
par G. Lanson. 2 vols.— 1915. R 39680 


BeraNGER (Pierre Jean de) Oeuvres completes de P. J. de Beranger. 
Edition unique revue par I'auteur, ornee de . . . vignettes en taille- 
douce, dessinees par les peintres les plus celebres. Paris, 1834. 
4 vols. 8vo. R 40293 

CaMMAERTS (Emile) New Belgian poems. Les trois rois et autres 
poemes. . . . English translations by Tita Brand- Cammaerts. With a 
portrait by H. G. Riviere. London, 1916. 8vo, pp. 123. R 23228 

Jean, de la Mote. Li regret Guillaume, comte de Hainaut. Poeme 
inedit du XIV^ siecle. . . . Public, d'apres le manuscrit unique de Lord 
Ashburham par Aug. Scheler. . . . [Academie Royale de Belgique.] 
Louvain, 1882. 8vo, pp. xvi. 220. R 40507 

Ll MUISIS (Gilles) Poesies de G. Li Muisis, publiees pour la premiere fois 
d'apres le manuscrit de Lord Ashburnham par . . . le baron Kervyn 
de Lettenhove. . . . [Academie Royale de Belgique.} Louvain, 1 882. 
2 vols. 8vo. R 40505 

RaoUL, de Houdenc. Raoul von Houdenc : samtliche Werke. Nach 
alien bekannten Handschriften herausgegeben von . . . Mathias Fried- 
w^agner. (Mit Unterstiitzung der Kaiserl. Akademie der Wissenschaften 
inWien.) //^//^, 1897-1909. 2 vols. 8vo. R 40054 

1 . Meraugis von Portlesguez : altfranzosischer Abenteuerroman. . . . — 1 897 

2. La vengeance Raguidel : altfranzcisischer Abenteuerroman. . . . — 1909. 

WaLCH (Gerard) Poetes d'hier et d'aujourd'hui. Morceaux choisis ac- 
compagnes de notices bio-et bibliographiques et de . . . autographes par 
G. Walch. Supplement a T Authologie des poetes fran^ais contemporains. 
[Collection Pallas.] Paris, [1916]. 8vo. pp. 514. R 38825 



France. Mysteres inedits du quinzieme siecle, publics pour la premiere 
fois . . . par Achille Jubinal. . . . Paris ^ 1837. 2 vols. 8vo. 

R 36303 


BARRfeS (Maurice) Le culte du moi. Nouvelle edition. P^m, 1910-12. 
3 vols. 12mo. R 40279 

1 . Sous I'oeil des barbares. 

2. Un homme libre. 

3. Le jardin de Berenice. 

BOUCHET (Guillaume) Les Serees De Gvillavme Bovchet Sievr De Bron- 
covrt, Divisees Eln Trois Livres. . . . Derniere Edition. Reueue & 
augmentee par I'Autheur. [Printer's device beneath title.] A Lyon^ 
Chez Pierre Rigaud^ rue Merciere^ au coing de rue Ferrandiere a 
fEnseigne de la Fortune, M. DC. XIIII. 3 vols, in 1 . 8vo. 

R 40489 

Burns (Mary) La langue d'Alphonse Daudet. Paris, 1916. 8vo, pp. 
384 [error for 374]. R 40930 

CaRLET de ChaMBLAIN DE MaRIVAUX (Pierre) Le paysan parvenu, 
ou les memoires de M***. A La Haye, 1734-35. 5 vols, in 1. 
8vo. R 40461 

Dumas Davy de La PaILLETERIE (Alexandre) the Elder, Alexandre 
Dumas illustre. Paris [n.d.] 25 vols. 8vo. R 40962 

La princesse de Monaco: vie et aventures. Paris, 1865. 2 vols. 

8vo. R 37283 

KOHLER (Pierre) Madame de Stael et la Suisse : etude biographique et 
litteraire. Avec . . . documents inedits. Lausanne, Paris, 1916. 
8vo, pp. X, 720. R 41058 

Pin VERT (Lucien) Un ami de Stendhal: le critique £. D. Forgues, 1813- 
1883. [With plates and illustrations.] Paris, 1915. 4to, pp. 84. 

R 40062 

Du VaIR (Guillaume) Bishop of Lisieux, Traite de la Constance et con- 
solation es calamitez publiques ecrit . . . pendant le siege de Paris de 
1590. Edite par Jacques Flach . . . et F. Funck-Brentano. . . . Orne dun 
portrait de G. du Vair. Paris, 1915. 8vo. pp. 255. R 40230 


CaNELLO (U. a.) Storia della letteratura italiana nel secolo XVI. 
[Storia Letteraria d'ltalia Scritta . . . sotto la Direzione di P. Villari, 4.] 
Milano, [1880]. 8vo, pp. xv, 327. R 39146 

NaTALI (Giulio) Idee, costumi, uomini del settecento : studii e saggi 
letterarii. Torino, 1916. . 8vo, pp. 356. R 40292 



PaRABOSCO (Girolamo) Gli Diporti Di . . . Girolamo Parabosco. 
Diuisi in III. Giornate. Di Novo Ristampati, 6c con ogni diligenza 
riueduti, & corretti. [Printer's device beneath title.] In Venetia, 
Appresso Gio, Battista Vgolino, MDLXXXVI. 8vo, ff. 120. 

R 40502 


BlONDOLILLO (Francesco) Con Dante e Leopardi. Palermo^ 1916. 
8to, pp. 101. R 40317 

CasTELVETRO (Lodovico) Sposizione ... a xxix canti dell* Inferno 
Dantesco ora per la prima volta data in luce da Giovanni Franciosi. 
[With facsimiles.] [Estratto dal Vol. iii., Serie ii., delle Memorie della 
R. Accademia di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti di Modena, Sezione di Scienze.] 
Modena, 1886. 4to, pp. xxxi, 410. R 40206 

Dante AliGHIERI. La Divina [within ornamental compartment] Comedia 
Di Dante, Di Nvovo Alia Sva Vera lettione ridotta con lo aiuto di molti 
antichissimi esemplari. Con Argomenti, Et Allegorie Per Ciascvn Canto, 
6c Apostille nel margine. Et Indice Copiosissimo Di tutti i Vocaboli 
piu importanti usati dal Poeta, con la sposition loro. . . . [Edited by L. 
Dolce.] [Printer's device beneath title.] [With woodcuts.] In 
Vinegia Appresso Gabriel Giolito De, Ferrari^ Et Fratelli. MDLV. 
12mo, pp. [36], 598 [2]. R 41055 

La divina comedia. Traduc. de M. Aranda Sanjuan. Ornato y 

direccion artistica por A. Salo. Barcelona^ [1916?]. 8vo, pp. 358. 

R 40932 

The Laurentian text, cod. Laurent, xxix, 8, of Dante*s letter to a 

friend in Florence, epist. ix., with emended text and translation. [By P. 
Toynbee.] (Reprinted from The modern language review, vol. xi., no. 
I, January, 1916.) {Cambridge, 1916.] 8vo, pp. 61-68. R 40202 
*«* The title is taken from the caption. 

Flam IN I (Francesco) II significato e il fine della Divina commedia. . . . 
Seconda edizione. . . . Livorno^ 1916. 8vo. In progress. 

R 39773 


CejADOR Y Frauca (Julio) Historia de la lengua y literatura castellana. 
.. [With plates.] Madrid, \^\b-\^. 8vo. In progress. 

R 38588 

2. |poca de Carlos V.— 1915 

3. Epoca de Felipe 11—1915. 

4. Epoca de Felipe III.— 1916 



NUEVA BIBLIOTECA de autores espanoles, fundada bajo la direccion del 
. . . Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo. Madrid, 1915. 8vo. In pro- 
gress, R 27408 

23. Cruz Cano y Olmedilla (R.F.I, de la) Sainetes de . . . R. de la Cruz en su mayoria 
ineditos. Coleccion ordenada por . . . E. Cotarelo y Mori, . . . 

Sanchez Galarraga (Gustavo) La fuente matinal. Poesias. Pro- 
logo de Jose Maria Chacon y Calvo. [With portrait.] La Habana, 
1915. 8vo, pp. 116. R 40201 

XenES (Nieves) Poesias. [With portrait.] [Academia Nacional de 
Artes y Letras.] Habana, 1915. 8vo, pp. xxiii. 224. R 40067 


LOEB Classical Library. The Loeb classical library. Edited by 
E. Capps . . . T. E. Page . . . W. H. D. Rouse. . . . [With 
plates.] London, 1916. 8vo. In progress. 

Aurelius Antoninus (M.), Emperor of Rome. The communings with himself of M. 
Aurelius Antoninus, Emperor of Rome, together with his speeches and sayings. A revised 
text and a translation into English by C. R. Haines. ... ^ 40551 

Ovidius Naso (P.) Ovid : Metamorphoses. With an English translation by F. J. Miller. 

..2 vols. R 40548 

Plautus (T. M.) Plautus. With an English translation by P. Nixon. ... 1 vol. 

R 40550 

Plutarch. Plutarch's lives. With an English translation by B. Perrin. . . . Vol. III. 

R 37652 

Vergilius Maro (P.) Virgil. With an English translation by H. R. Fairclough. . . . 

R 40549 

Walters (Henry Beauchamp) A classical dictionary of Greek and 
Roman antiquities, biography, geography, and mythology. Edited by 
H. B. Walters. . . . With . . . illustrations. Cambridge, 1916. 
8vo, pp. X, 1103. R 41040 


C/ESAR (Caius Julius) The commentaries of Caesar, translated into English. 
. . . The second edition. [With maps and plates.] London, 1 779. 8vo, 
pp.520. R 23813 

Erasmus (Desiderius) The colloqui[es] or familiar discourses . . . 
rendered into EngHsh . . . by H. M. Gent. London, 1671. 8vo, 
pp.555. R 21255 

Epitome Chiliadvm adagiorum Erasmi Roterodami, ad comodiorem 

studiosorum usum per Hadrianum Barlandu conscripta. Accesservnt 
his iam nunc adagia quaecunq^ nouissimae editioni chiliadum passim 
addidit Erasmus. Eucharius Ceruicor excudebat ([Colophon : sig. S3 
verso:] Colonice apud Eucharium Cervicornum [1523?] mense Septembri. 
Ivipensa & cere . . . Godefridi Hittorpij, . . .) 8vo, ff. 139 [13]. 

R 40498 

*^* Title within woodcut border. 



Erasmus (Desiderius) Parabolas Sive Similia D. Erasmi Roterodami 
postremum ab autore recognita, cum accessione nonnulla adiectis aliquot 
uocularum obscurarum interpretationibus. (Vocvlarvm Qvarvndam Ex- 
positio Per lodocvm Badivm.) [n.p.] Anno M. D. XXV. 8vo, ff. [92]. 

R 40499 

*^* Title within woodcut border. 

HeRCULANEUM. Poematis Latini rell : ex vol. Herculanensi evulgatas 
denuo recognovit, nova fragmenta edidit Joannes Ferrara. Adiectae 
sunt tabulae XIII. Papzae, 1908. 8vo, pp. 52. R 40153 

JUVENALIS (Decimus Junius) The satires of Juvenal and Persius, from the 
texts of Ruperti and Orellius : with English notes. . . . Second edition. 
By Charles William Stocker. . . . London, 1 839. 8vo, pp. xviii, 537. 

R 20615 

KORNMANN (Heinrich) Henrici Kornmanni opera curiosa in tractatus 
quatuor distributa, quorum I. Miracula vivorum ; II. Miracula mortuorum. 
. . . III. Templum naturae historicum, in qvo de natura & miraculis ele- 
mentorum ignis, aeris, aqvae & terras disseritur. IV. Quaestiones enucleatae 
de virginum statu ac jure : ex optimis tum sacris, turn prophanis authoribus 
juribusqve natur. divin. canonic, civil, desumpta. . . . Francofurti ad 
Moenum,]69A. 2 pts. in 1 vol. 8vo. R 39977 

*/ Wanting pts. 3-4. 

PlaUTUS (Titus Maccius) M. Accii Plavti Poetae Antiqvissimi Comoediae 
Omnes quae nunc extant exactissima diligentia recognitae, vna cum argu- 
mentis singularum comoediarum Nee Non Avctoris Vita Quibus accessit 
copiosissimus Index omnium quae notatu uisa sunt digna. [Edited by 
S. Charpentier.j [Printer's device beneath title.] Florentics M. D. LIIII. 
([Colophon :] Flor entice per hceredes Bernardi lunte, anno Domini. 
M. D. LIIII.) 8vo, ff. [8], 387 [error for 388], [1]. R 40468 

Sjogren (Hakan) Commentationes Tullianae : de Ciceronis epistulis ad 
Brutum, ad Quintum Fratrem, ad Atticum quaestiones. . . . Accedunt 
duae tabulae phototypice expressae. . . . [Vilhelm Ekmans Universi- 
tetfond, Uppsala. 8.] Uppsala, Leipzig, [1910]. 8vo, pp. 169. 

R 40154 

Tacitus (Publius Cornelius) C. Corn. Taciti Annalivm Et Historiarvm 
libri qui extant, * lusti Lipsij studio emendati & illustrati. jt' Eivsdem 
Taciti Liber de moribus Germanorum. lulij Agricolae vita. Incerti 
Scriptoris Dialogus de oratoribus sui temporis. Cum notis lusti Lipsij & 
Vertranij Mauri. Accesserunt huic editioni appelaciones nationum & 
prouinciarum Germaniae. [Printer's device beneath title.] Lvgdvni, 
ApvdAut. Gryphivm, M. D. LXXVI. 16mo, pp. 925, [47]. 

R 40545 

VerGILIO (Polydoro) [Ornament above title]. Polydori Vergilii Vrbi- 
natis De Rervm Inventoribvs Libri Octo. [Printer's device beneath 
title.] Rojnae, Apud Hceredes Antonij Bladij hnpressores Camerales, 
Anno. M.D. LXXVI. . . . 8vo, pp. [46], 478 [2]. R 40464 



Antoninus, Liberalis. Anlonini Liberalis Transformationum congeries. 
Phlegontis Tralliani de Mirabilibus & longaeuis Libellus. Elivsdem De 
Olympijs fragmentum. Apollonii Historiae mirabiles. Antigoni Mirabil. 
narrationu congeries. M. Antonini Philosophi Imp. Romani, de vita sua 
Libri XII. ab innumeris quibus antea scatebant mendis repurgali, & nunc 
demum vere editi. Graece Latineq ; omnia, Gvil. Xylandro August, 
interprete : cum Annotationibus & Indice. Basileae, per Tiiomam 
Guarinum, M. D. LXVIII. 2 pts. in 1 vol. 8vo. R 40457 

Herodotus. Herodotus, translated from the Greek, for the use of 
general readers ; with short explanatory notes. By Isaac Taylor. [With 
maps.] London, 1829. 8vo, pp. xxvi, 766. R 40115 

PerNOT (Hubert Octave) Etudes de litterature grecque modeme. Ouv- 
rage ome de . . . illustrations. Pans, 1916. 8vo, pp. ii, 284. 

R 40658 

ROSTAGNI (Augusto) Poeti alessandrini. [Piccola Biblioteca di Scienze 
Moderne. 242]. Torino, 1916. 8vo, pp. xiii, 398. R 40318 

ROUSSEL (Alfred) La religion dans Homere. Paris, 1914. 8vo, pp. 
370. R 40291 

NORVIN (William) Olympiodoros fra Alexandria og bans commentar til 
Platons Phaidon. Studier i deu graeske philosophis historie. K^ben- 
havn og Kristiania, 1915. 8vo, pp. 345. R 40252 

Richards (Herbert Paul) Aristotelica. London, 1915. 8vo, pp. ix, 
167. R 40263 

ShrEWSRURY : Royal School. Sabrinae corolla in hortulis Regiae 
Scholae Salopiensis contexuerunt tres viri [i.e. B. H. Kennedy, J. Rid- 
dell, and another], floribus legendis. . . . Londini, Cantabrigiae, \^'!>9. 
8vo, pp. xxxvi, 335. R 39629 


CaILLIN, Saint, Archbishop of Fenagh, The book of Fenagh in Irish and 
English, originally compiled by [or rather attributed to] St. Caillin, 
Archbishop, abbot, and founder of Fenagh. . . . With the contractions 
resolved, and, as far as possible, the original text restored. The whole 
. . . revised . . . and . . . annotated, by W. M. Hennessy . . . and 
done into English, by D. H. Kelly. . . . [With plates.] Dublin, \%lb. 
4to, pp. X, 439. R 40430 

0*HUIDHRIN (Giolla Na Naomh) The tribes and territories of ancient 
Ossory ; comprising the portions of 0*Heerin's and O'Dugan's topographi- 
cal poems which relate to the families of that district. Enlarged from the 
Transactions of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society for the year 1850. 
By John O'Donovan. . . . Dublin, 1851. 8vo, pp. 16. R 40456 



UlSNECH. OVbe 6loinne tJifhts. Fate of the children of Uisneach. 

With translation, notes, and a complete vocabulary. [Society 

for the Preservation of the Irish Language.] Dublin, 1898. 8vo, pp. 

viii, 150. R 40503 

WiNDISCH (Wilhelm Oscar Ernst) Irische Texte, mit Ubersetzungen und 
Worterbuch. Herausgegeben von Wh. Stokes und E. Windisch. Zweite 
Serie l(-2) Heft. [An interleaved copy, with manuscript notes by 
S. H. O'Grady.] Leipzig, 1884-87. 2 pts. in 1 vol. 8vo. R 40420 

DiNNSHENCHAS. The Bodleian Dinnshenchas. Edited by Whitley 
Stokes. . . . Reprinted from Folk-lore, vol. III., 1892. London, 
[1892?]. 8vo, pp. 50. R 40444 

The Edinburgh Dinnshenchas. Edited by Whitley Stokes. . . • 

Reprinted from Folk-lore, vol. IV., 1893. London, [1892?]. 8vo, 
pp.79. R 40441 

LeaBHAR NA FeiNNE. Vol. I. Gaelic texts. Heroic GaeHc ballads 
collected in Scotland chiefly from 1512 to 1871. Copied from . . . 
manuscripts . . . and from rare books ; and orally collected since 1 859 ; 
with lists of collections, and of their contents ; and with a short account 
of the documents quoted. Arranged by J. F. Campbell. . . . London, 
1872. Fol., pp. xxxvi, 224. R 40470 

MaCINTYRE (Duncan) Orain agus dana Gaidhealach. . . . Songs and 
poems in Gaelic. . . . Tenth edition. With an English translation of 
"Coire cheathaich" and "Ben Dorain". Edinburgh, 1887. 8vo, pp. 
233. R 40453 

MacPHERSON (Donald) An duanaire : a new collection of Gaelic songs 
and poems, never before printed. (An duanaire : co-thional ur de dh- 
orain, de dhuanagan, etc. . . .) Edinburgh, 1868. 24mo, pp. xii, 
202. R 40804 

ROLLESTON (Thomas William Hazen) Imagination and art in Gaelic 
literature, being notes upon some recent translations from the Gaelic. A 
lecture delivered before the National Literary Society of Ireland on 
February 16th, 1900. [Library of the Nore. 1.] Kilkenny, [1900]. 
8vo, pp. 32. R 40443 

Wales. Series of Welsh texts. Reproduced & edited by J. Gweno- 
gvryn Evans. Llanbedrog : [privately printed\, 1910-15. 8vo. In 
progress. R 10119 

9. Taliesin, the Bard. Facsimile & text of the Book of Taliesin. (Preserved in the 
National Library of Wales.] Reproduced & edited by J. G. Evans. . . . 2 vols. — 1910. 

*^* No. 38, on Japanese vellum. 

9B. Taliesin, the Bard. Poems from the Book of Taliesin. Edited, amended, 
translated by J. G. Evans. . . . — 1915. 



fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, herausgegeben von der Deutschen 
Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft unter der verantwortlichen Redaction des 
. . . Heraicinn Brockhaus ([Bd. 5 :] des . . . Ludolf Krehl). Leipzig^ 
1859. 8vo. In progress. R 39646 

I. i. Windischmann (F. H. H.) Mithra. Ein Beitragzur Mylhengeschichte des Orients. 

I. ii. Fluegel (G. L.) AI-Kindi. genannt "der Philosoph der Araber". Ein Vorbild 
seiner Zeit und seines Volkes. — 1857. 

I. iii., 2. ii. Avesta. Die fbnf GathS's, oder Sammlungen von Liedern und Spr'dchen 
Zarathustra's, seiner J linger und Nachfolger. Herausgegeben, iibersetzt und erklart von . . . 
M. Haug.— 1858-60. 

I. iv. Weber (A.) Ueber das (^atrunjaya MShatmyam [of Dhanesvara Siiri]. [With 
extracts fiom the original.] Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Jaina. — 1858. 

1 . V. Lipsius (R. A.) Ueber das Verhaltniss des Textes der drei syrischen Briefe des 
Ignatios zu den librigen Recensionen der ignatianischen Literatur. — 1859. 

2. i. Bible. — Apocrypha. Hermae pastor. Aethiopice primum edidit et Aethiopica 
Latine vertit A. d* Abbadie.— 1 860. 

2. ii. See supra 1 . iii. 

2. iii. Kasim ibn Kutlubugha. . . . Die Krone der Lebenbeschreibungen enthaltend die 
Classen der Hanefiten von Zein-ad-din Kasim Ibn Kutlubuga . . . herausgegeben und mit 
Anmerkungen und einem Index begleilet von G. Fliigel. — 1862. 

2. iv. Fluegel (G. L.) Die grammatischen Schulen der Araber. Nach den Quellen bear- 
beitet von G. Fliigel. Erste Abtheilung. Die Schulen von Basra und Kufa und die gemischte 
Schule.— 1862. 

2. V, 4. V. Somadeva, %on of Rama. Katha sarit sSgara. Die Marchensammlung des 
Somadeva. Buch VI. VII. VIII. (. . . IX -XVIII). Herausgegeben von H. Brockhaus.— 

3. i, ii. Sze Shoo. Sze-schu, Schu-king, Schi-king in mandschuscher Uebersetzung mit 
einem Mandschu-Deutschen Worterbuch herausgegeben von H. C. von der Gabelentz. — 

3. iii. Sprenger (A.) Die Post- und Reiserouten des Orients. Mit . . . Karten nach 
einheimischen Quellen. . . . Erstes Heft. — 1864. 

3. iv, 4. i. Asvalayana. . . . [Grihyasiitra] Indische Hansregeln. Sanskrit und Deutsch 
herausgegeben von A. F. Stenzler. (Anhang. Ueber die Sitte. Rede zur akademischen Feier 
des Geburtstages Sr. Majestat des konigs Wilhelm am 22 Marz 1863 in der Aula Leopoldina 
gehalten von . . . A. F. Stenzler. . . . — 1864-65. 

4. i. See supra 3. iv. 

4. ii. Santanava. . . . Cantanava's Phitsutra. Mit verschiedenen indischen Commentaren» 
Einleitung, Uebersetzung und Anmerkungen herausgegeben von F. Kielhorn. — 1866. 

4. iii. Kohut (A.) Ueber die jddische Angelologie und Daemonologie in ihrer Abhangigkeit 
vom Parsismus. — 1866. 

4. iv. Eshmunazar, King of Sidon. Die Grabschrift des sidonischen Konigs Eschmun-ezer 
iibersetzt und erklart von . . . E. Meier. Mit . . . Kupfertafeln. — 1866. 

4. V. See supra 2, v. 

5. i. Petermann (J. H.) Versuch einer hebraischen Formenlehre nach der Aussprache der 
heutigen Samaritaner nebst einer damach gebildeten Transscription der Genesis und einer 
Beilage enthaltend die von dem recipirten Texte des Pentateuchs abweichenden Lesarten der 
Samaritaner. — 1 868. 

5. ii. Blau (E. O. F. H.) Bosnisch-tGrkische Sprachdenkmaler gesammelt, gesichtet und 
hergausegeben von . . . O. Blau. . . . — 1868. 

5. iii. Weber (A.) Ueber das Saptacatakam des Hala. Ein Beitrag zur Kenntniss des 
PrSkrit.— 1870. 

5. iv. Kohn (S.) Zur Sprache, Literatur und Dogmatik der Samaritaner. Drei Abhand- 
lungen nebst zwei bisher unedirten samaritanischen Texten herausgegeben von . . . S. Kohn. — 

SOCIETE ASIATIQUE. Collection d*ouvrages orientaux. Publiee par la 
Societe asiatique. Paris, \^\ -11. 9 vols. 8vo. 

'All ibn iHusain, al-Mas 'udi. Les prairies d'or. Texte et traduction (tome 1-3) par C. 
Barbier de Meynard et Pavet de Courteille (tome 4-9 par C. Barbier de Meynard.) — 1861-77. 

R 40512 



KaLIDASA. Kalidasa : a complete collection of the various readings ot 
the Madras manuscripts. By ... T. Foulkes. . . . Madras, 1 904-07. 
4 vols. 8vo. R 41224 

I. Meghasandesha, Raghuvamsha, Kumarasambhava. — 1904. 

2-3. Sh4kuntala. . . .— 1904. 

4. Vikramoi-vashi, acts I.-V. — 1907. 

MaHANAMA. The first twenty chapters of the Mahawanso [with a 
translation] : and a prefatory essay on Pali Buddhistical literature. . . . 
By . . . George Tumour. . . . [CoUa], Ceylon, 1836. 8vo, pp. 
cxxvii, 139, xvii. R 39257 

CaLDERON (George) The maharani of Arakan : a romantic comedy in 
one act; founded on the story of Sir Rabindranath Tagore. ... Il- 
lustrated by Clarissa Miles. Photographs ... by Walter Benington. 
Together with a character sketch of Sir R. N. Tagore, compiled by 
K. N. Das Gupta. London, 1915. 8vo, pp. 64. R 40309 

KroPOTKIN (Petr Aleksyeevich) Prince. Russian literature : ideals and 
realities. [Second edition.] [Readers* Library.] London, [1916]. 
8vo, pp. XV, 376. R 40757 

MURRY (J. Middleton) Fyodor Dostoevsky : a critical study. [With 
portrait.] London, 1916. 8vo, pp. 263. R 40959 


BraTHWAIT (Richard) A Svrvey Of History: Or, A Nursery for 
Gentry. Contrived and Comprized in an Intermixt Discourse upon 
Historicall and Poeticall Relations. . . . Distinguished into several 
Heads for the Direction of the Reader, to all such Historical Mixtures, 
as be Comprehended in this Treatise. . . . Imprinted at London by 
L Okes,for lasper Emery at the Eagle and Child in Pauls Churchyard 
-next Watlin Street, 1638. 4to, pp. [26], 415, [1]. R 40622 

*»* Title within border of typographical ornaments. 

Chamberlain (Houston Stewart). Die Grundlagen des neunzehnten 
Jahrhunderts . . . iv Auflage. Munchen, 1903. 2 vols. 8vo. 

R 40382 
Oxford Historical and Literary Studies. Oxford historical 

and literary studies. Issued under the direction of C. H. Firth and 
Walter Raleigh. . . . [With maps and illustrations.] Oxford, 1916. 
8vo. In progress. R 34690 

7. Martin (C. B.) Lord Selkirk s work in Canada.— 1916. 

Young (George Frederick) East and west through fifteen centuries: 
being a general history from B.C. 44 to A.D. 1453. . . . With illustra- 
tions and maps. . . . London, 1916. 2 vols. 8vo. In progress. 

R 41088 




HakLUYT Society. Publications. Second Series. [With maps and 
plates.] London, ]9\3'\5. 8vo. In progress. R 1828 

33, 37, 38. China. Cathay and the way thither : being a collection of medieval notices 
of China. Translated and edited by . . . Sir H. Yule. . . . With a preliminary essay on the 
intercourse between China and the western nations previous to the discovery of the Cape route. 
J^Jew edition revised throughout in the light of recent discoveries. By H. Coidier. 3 vols. — 

36. Spain. The quest and occupation of Tahiti by emissaries of Spain during the years 
1772-1776. Told in despatches and other contemporary documents : translated into English 
and compiled, with notes and an introduction, by B. G. Comey . . . Volume 11. — 1915. 

39. Fryer GO A new account of East India and Persia, being nine years' travels, 
1672-1681. . . . Edited with notes and an introduction by W. Crooke. . . . Vol. III. — 

Handbooks to Ancient Civilizations Series. [With plates and 

illustrations.] London, 1916. 8vo. In progress. 

Joyce (T. A.) Central American and West Indian archaeology : being an introduction to 
the archaeology of the states of Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama and the West Indies. . . . 

R 40618 


Adams (Percy Walter Lewis) A history of the Adams family of North 
Staffordshire & of their connection with the development of the Potteries. 
With . . . pedigree charts & notes on allied families. London, 1914 
[1916]. 4to. pp. xix. 417. xliii. R 40744 

Campbell, Clan. The clan Campbell. . . . From the Campbell col- 
lections formed by . . . Sir Duncan Campbell of Barcaldine and 
Glenure, Baronet. . . . Edinburgh, 1916. 4to. In progress. 

R 33882 

4. Abstracts of entries relating to Campbells from vanous sources. Second series. — 

InGPEN, Fafnily of. An ancient family : a genealogical study showing 
the Saxon origin of the family of Ingpen. By Arthur Robert Ingpen. 
[With folding tables.] London, 1916. 8vo, pp. x, 208. R 41038 

O'Briens, Family of. Historical memoir of the O'Briens. With notes, 
appendix, and a genealogical table of their several branches. Compiled 
from the Irish annaUsts ; by John O'Donoghue. Dublin, 1860. 8vo, 
pp. xxxii, 551. R 40478 

PlLKlNGTON, Famiy of Genealogy of the Pilkingtons of Lancashire 
(Pilkington, Rivington, Durham, Sharpies, Preston, St. Helens, and 
Sutton). . . . By John Harlands. Edited by William E. A. Axon . . . 
[With frontispiece.] [Manchester] : printed for private circulation, 1 875. 
4to, pp. Ixv, 63. R 18427 

Saint LegER (Edward Frederick) Stemmata St. Leodegaria. [Com- 
piled by E. F. St. Leger.l \Scotton, 1862.] Folding sheet. 4to. 
^ ^ ' ' , R 39989 



Crisp (Frederick Arthur) Visitation of England and Wales. Edited by 
F. A. Crisp. Notes. Vol. 4 (-1 1) [With plates.] [London, S.E.] : 
privately printed, 1 902- 15. 8vo. In progress, R 5086*2 

* ^ 1 50 copies printed . 

HaRLEIAN Society. The publications of the Harleian Society. . . . 
Registers. . . . London, 1916. 8vo. In progress, R 1870 

46. The registers of St. Clave, Hart Street. London, 1563-1700. Edited by W. B. 
Bannerman. . . . 

Lancashire Parish Register Society. Lancashire Parish Register 

Society. [Publications.] [With plates.] Wigan, 1914. 8vo. In 
progress. R 6705 

51. Stalmine, Lancashire. The registers of the parish church of Stalmine, 1583-1724. 
Transcribed by Mrs. W. E. Robinson. . . . — 1914. 

Phillimore's Parish Register Series. Phillimore*s parish register 

series. (General editor: T. M. Blagg.) London, 1916. 8vo. In 
progress, R 5093 

223. Suffolk. Suffolk parish registers. Marriages. . . . Vol. III. Edited by A. J. 
Raven.— 1916. 

225. Norfolk. Norfolk parish registers. Marriages. . . . Vol. X. Edited by A. R. V 
Daubeney. . . . — 1916. 

226. Cambridgeshire. Cambridgeshire parish registers. Marriages. General editor : T. 
M. Blagg. . . . Vol. VII. Edited by E. Young. . . .— 1916. 

Phillimore's Parish Register Series. Index series. (General 

editor, T. M. Blagg. . . .) London, 1915. 8vo. In progress. 


*»* 1 00 copies printed. 

1 . Cornv/all. Cornwall parish registers. Marriages. Index to Vols. I. -IV. Compiled 
by A. T. Satterford.— 1915. 

Staffordshire Parish Register Society. [Publications.] Zd?«- 

don, etc., [\9\6]. 8vo. In progress. R 7329 

Deaneiy of Hanley, 

Burslem parish register. Part III., with index. — [1916.] 
Deanery of Newcastle. 

Betley parish register (1 538-1812). [Transcribed and edited by R. Thicknesse.]— 1916. 

ZacHRISSON (R. E.) A contribution to the study of Anglo-Norman in- 
fluence on English place-names. [Lunds Universitets Arsskrift. N.F. 
Afd. 1. Bd. 4, Nr. 3.] Lund, 1909. 8vo, pp. xt, 171. R 40625 


Bry (M. J.) Essai sur la vente dans les papyrus greco-egyptiens. Paris, 
1909. 8vo, pp. iT, 353. R 40843 

DOTTIN (Georges) Manuel pour servir a I'etude de Tantiquite celtique. 
[La Bretagne et les Pays Celtiques, 4.] Paris, 1906. 8vo, pp. vi, 
407. R 40452 



RaWLINSON (Hugh George) Intercourse between India and the western 
world from the earHest times to the fall of Rome. [With map and 
plates.] Cambridge, 1916. 8vo, pp. vi, 196. R 40567 

ReVILLOUT (Eugene Charles) Les obligations en droit egyptien compare 
aux autres droits de Tantiquite. Lemons professees a I'Ecole du Louvre. 
. . . Suivies d'un appendice sur le droit de la Chaldee au XXIII^ siecle 
et au Vie siecle avant J. C. par . . . Victor et Eugene Revillout. 
Paris, 1886. 8vo, pp. Ixxxiii, 530. R 40817 

SiNUHE. Notes on the story of Sinuhe. [With text and translation.] 
By Alan H. Gardiner. . . . [With plate.] Paris, 1916. 4to, pp. 
193. R 40750 


Cairo. Catalogue general des antiquites egyptiennes du Musee du Caire. 
[With plates.] [Service des Antiquites de I'Egypte.] Le Caire, \^\i>. 
4to. In progress. R 9699 

Nos. 9201-9304. Manuscrits copies. Par . . . H . Munier .— 1916. 

Knight (Alfred Ernest) Amentet : an account of the gods, amulets and 
scarabs of the auicient Egyptians. . . . With . . . plates, & . . . 
illustrations. . . . London, 1915. 8vo, pp. ix, 274. R 41 109 


SaRGON, King of Assyria. De inscriptione Sargonis, regis Assyriae, 
quae vocatur Annalium. Dissertatio inauguralis, quam ad summos in 
philosophia honores ab amplissimo philosophorum ordine in alma litter arum 
Universitate Berolinensi, rite impetrandos, scripsit Hugo Winckler. . . . 
Berolini, 1886. 8vo, pp. 62. R 40179 

TeLLO. Tablettes sumeriennes archaiques [fromTello]. Materiaux pour 
servir a Fhistoire de la societe sumerienne. Publics avec introduction, 
transcription, traduction et tables par H. de Genouillac. [With plates.} 
Paris, 1909. 4to. pp. Ixxi, 122. R 33699 


BoUCH^-LecLERCQ (Louis Auguste Thomas) Manuel des institutions 
romaines. Paris, 1886. 8vo, pp. xvi, 654. R 40839 

BURCKHARDT G^l^ob) Die Zeit Constantin's des Grossen . . . Zweite 
. . . vermehrte Auflage. Leipzig, 1 880. 8vo, pp. vi, 456. R 40450 

GreGOROVIUS (Ferdinand) Der Kaiser Hadrian. Gemalde der romisch- 
hellenischen Welt zu seiner Zeit . . . Dritte Auflage. Stuttgart, 
1884. 8vo. pp. X. 505. R 40436 



Henderson (Bernard William) The life and principate of the ELmperor 
Nero. . . . With . . . maps and . . . illustrations. New . . . 
issue. London, [1905]. 8vo, pp. xiv, 529. R 40596 

MiSPOULET 0^21^ Baptiste) Les institutions politiques des Romains ; ou 
expose historique des regies de la constitution et de 1* administration 
romaines depuis la fondation de Rome jusqu'au regne de Justinien. 
/^^m, 1882-83. 2 vols. 8vo. R 40759 

I . La constitution. 2. L'administration. 

Taylor (Thomas Marriss) A constitutional and political history of Rome 
from the earliest times to the reign of Domitian. . . . Third edition, 
London, [191 1]. 8vo, pp. ix, 507. R 22933 

WiLLEMS (Pierre Gaspard Hubert) Le droit public romain ; ou les in- 
stitutions politiques de Rome depuis I'origine de la ville jusqu*a Justinien. 
. . . Sixieme edition. Louvain, Paris, \ 888. 8vo, pp. 670. R 40852 


CiCCOTTI (Ettore) Le declin de Tesclavage antique. Edition frangaise 
revue et augmentee. Avec preface de I'auteur. Traduit par G. 
Platon. [Systemes et Faits Sociaux.] Paris, 1910. 8vo, pp. xix, 451. 

R 40796 

GloTZ (Gustave) La solidarite de la famille dans le droit criminel en 
Grece. . . . Paris 1904. 8vo, pp. xx, 621. R 40779 

Hermann (Carl Friedrich) K. F. Hermann's Lehrbuch der griechischen 
Antiquitaten. Unter Mitwirkung von . . . H. Droysen ... A. 
Miiller . . . Th. Thalheim . . . und ... V. Thumser . . . (A. Hug) 
neu herausgegeben von . . . H. Bliimner . . . und . . . W. Ditten- 
berger. . . . Freiburg i. B. und Tubingen, 1884-92. 2 vols. 8vo. 

R 40780 

1. Lehrbuch der griechischen Staatsaltertumer . . . Sechste . . . Auflage. Nach der 
fdnften, von J. C. F. Bahr und K. B. Stark besorgten Auflage umgearbeitet und herausgegeben 
von V. Thumser. . . —1889-92. 

2 i. Lehrbuch der griechischen Rechtsalterthumer . . . Dritte . . . Auflage. Nach der 
zweiten, von . . . K. B. Stark besorgten Auflage umgearbeitet und herausgegeben von T. 
Thalheim. . . .— 1884. 

Rider (Bertha Carr) The Greek house : its history and development from 
the Neolithic period to the Hellenistic age. . . . Thesis approved for 
the degree of Doctor of Literature in the University of London. [With 
illustrations.] Cambridge, 1916. 8vo, pp. xii. 272. R 40986 

WhiBLEY (Leonard) A companion to Greek studies. Eldited ... by 
L. Whibley. . . . Third edition, revised and enlarged. [With maps 
and illustrations.] Cambridge, 1916. 8vo, pp. xxxvi, 787. R 40295 



GeNEVOIX (Maurice) Sous Verdun, aout-octobre 1914. Preface d'Ernesl 
Lavisse. [Memoires et Recits de Guerre.] [Pan's], 1916. 8vo, pp. 
xxi. 269. R 40991 

GOULETTE (Leon) L* absinthe et Talcool dans la defense nationale : Russie» 
France, Grande- Bretagne. Preface de . . . Henri Schmidt. . . . 
[Bibliotheque de la Guerre.] Part's, Nancy, 1915. 8vo, pp. xii, 207. 

R 40060 

GUYOT (Ytcs) The causes and consequences of the war. . . . Translated 
by F. Appleby Holt. . . . London, 1916. 8vo, pp. xxxvi, 359. 

R 40943 

Hamilton (Lord Ernest William) The first seven divisions : being a de- 
tailed account of the fighting from Mons to Ypres. . . . Sixteenth edi- 
tion, revised and enlarged. With . . . maps. . . . London, 1916. 
8vo, pp. vi, 336. R 41410 

Manchester Guardian. The "Manchester Guardian*' history of 
the war. Manchester, \9\t. Fol. In progress, R 38863 

4. 1915-16. 

MaSEFIELD (John) Gallipoli. [With maps and plates.] London, 1916. 
8vo, pp. viii, 183. R 41000 

NaUMANN (Friedrich) Central Europe. . . . With an introduction by 
W. J.' Ashley. . . . Translated by Christabel M. Meredith. London, 
19l6.r 8vo, pp. xix, 354. R 41080 

Rose (John Holland) Nationality as a factor in modern history. London, 
1916. 8vo. pp. xvi, 208. R 40394 

SCHMITT (Bernadotte Everly) England and Germany. 1740-1914. [With 
maps.] \ I Princeton, 1 91 6. 8vo. pp. ix, 524. R 41110 

SeRVIA. The kingdom of Serbia. Report upon the atrocities committed 
by the Austro-Hungarian army during the first invasion of Serbia. Sub- 
mitted to the Serbian Government by R. A. Reiss. . . . Elnglish trans- 
lation by F. S. Copeland. [With plates.] London, [1916]. 8vo, pp. 
xii, 192. R 40925 

Times. The Times history of the war. Vol. III. (-VII.). [With maps 
and illustrations.] I^ondon, \9\bAb. 4to. In progress, R 38864 

Watson (Robert William Seton-) German, Slav, and Magyar : a study 
in the origins of the great war. [With maps.] London, 1916. 8vo, 
pp.198. R 40756 


Gregory (Donald) The history of the western Highlands and isles of 
Scotland from A.D. 1493 to A.D. 1625, with a brief, introductory sketch 
from A.D. 80 to A.D. 1493. . . . Second edition. London, 1881. 
8vo, pp. xxxix, viii, 453. R 40413 



Old Edinburgh Club. The book of the Old Edinburgh Club. 

[With plates and illustrations.] Edinburgh, \9\^. 4to. In progress, 

R 17788 

7. Liturgies. — Latin Rite. The Holyrood ordinale : a Scottish version of a directory of 
English Augustinian Canons, with n.anual and other liturgical forms. Transcribed and edited 
by F. C. Eeles. . . . 

Scotland. The acts of the Parliaments of Scotland. . . . A.D. 
M.C.XXIV.-A.D. M.CCCC.XXIII. (-A.D.M.DCCVIl.). [Edited by 
T. Thomson and C. Innes.] [Record Commission.] [n.p.], 1814-44. 
1 1 vols. Fol. R 40909 

The Scottish tourist, being a guide to the picturesque scenery and 

antiquities of Scotland. Ninth edition. Edited by William Rhind. . . . 
In which the geology and botany are largely introduced. Illustrated 
with . . . views . . . maps. . . . Edinburgh, [1845?]. 8vo, pp. 
xiii, 414. R 40972 

*^* There is also an engraved title-page. 

A. E. The national being : some thoughts on an Irish polity. By A. E. 
[i.e. G. W. Russell]. Dublin a?td London, 1916. 8vo, pp. 176. 

R 41 167 

Bagwell (Richard) Ireland under the Stuarts and during the interregnum. 
. . . [With maps.] London, 1909-16. 3 vols. 8vo. R 41327 

Derrick (John) The image of Irelande with A discouerie of Woodkarne 
. . . 1 581 . With the notes of Sir Walter Scott, Bart. Edited, with intro- 
duction, by John Small. . . . [With plates.] Edinburgh, 1883. 4to, 
pp. xxiv, 144. R 40432 

* ^* 286 copies printed. 

Frost (James) The history and topography of the county of Clare, from 
the earliest times to the beginning of the eighteenth century, with map 
and illustrations. Dublin, \^93. 8vo, pp. xxiii, 654. R 40451 

Mackenzie (William Cook) The races of Ireland and Scotland. Paisley, 
[1916]. 8vo, pp. xiii, 396. R 40740 

Norway (Mary Louisa) The Sinn Fein rebellion as I saw it. . . . With 
illustrations. . . . London, 1916. 8vo, pp. 111. R 41079 

Olden (Thomas) The oratory of Gallerus. ... A paper read before the 
Royal Irish Academy, April 22, 1895 ; and reprinted from the "Pro- 
ceedings," 3rd Ser., Vol. Ill, No. 4. Dublin, 1895. 8vo, pp. 564- 
569. R 40442 

*^j* 50 copies printed. 

GorMANSTON, Manor of. Calendar of the Gormanston register, from 
the original in the possession of . . . the Viscount of Gormanston. 
Prepared and edited by James Mills . . . and M. J. McEnery. . . . 
[Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland.] Dublin, 1916. 8vo, pp. 
xix, 252. R 41 149 



Camden Society. [Publications] continued from 1897 as the Camden 
series of the Royal Historical Society. London, 1915. 4to. In pro- 
gress, R4271 

26. England. The official papers of Sir Nathaniel Bacon, of Stiffkey, Norfolk, as justice 
of the Peace, 1 580- 1 620. Selected and edited . . . from original papers formerly in the col- 
lection of the Marquess Townshend, by H. W. Saunders. . . . — 1915. 

Catholic Record Society. [Publications.] [With facsimiles and 

plates.] London, 1916. 8vo. In progress. R 10892 

18. Recusant roll No, i., 1592-3. Exchequer : Lord Treasurer's Remembrancer : Pipe 
Office series. Contributed by M. M. C. Calthrop. — 1916. 

Cohen, afterwards PaLGFIAVE {Sir Francis) History of the Anglo- 
Saxons. . . . A new edition illustrated. London, \%l(i. 8vo, pp. xliii, 
332. R 40641 

England. The army lists of the Roundheads and Cavaliers, containing 
the names of the officers in the Royal and Parliamentary armies of 1642. 
(A catalogue of the names of the Dukes, Marquesses, Earles and Lords, 
that have absented themselves from the Parliament, and are now with His 
Majesty. ... As also, a Hst of the army of his excellency, Robert, 
Earle of Essex. ... A list of the Navie Royall, and merchant ships. 
. . . Moreover, the ncimes of orthodox divines, presented by the knights 
and burgesses as fit persons to be consulted by the Parliament. . . . 
Lastly the field officers chosen for the Irish expedition. . . .) Edited by 
Edward Peacock. . . . Loftdon, 1863. 4to, pp. xii, 67. R 39984 

Calendar of the charter rolls preserved in the Public Record Office. 

. . . Prepared under the superintendence of the deputy keeper of the 
records. . . . [Sir H. C. M. Lyte]. . . . London, 1916. 8vo. In 
progress. R 9856 

5. 15 Edward III..5 Henry V.. A.D. 1341-1417. [Edited by C. G. Crump and C 
H. Jenkinson.] 

Calendar of state papers. Colonial series. America and West 

Indies. . . . Preserved in the Public Record Office. . . . London, 

1916. 8vo. In progress. R 2826 
1706-1708 June . . . Edited by C. Headlam. . . .— 1916. 

Calendar of Treasury books, 1681-1685. Preserved in the Public 

Record Office. Vol. VII. part I.(-III.). Prepared by William A Shaw. 
. . . London, 1916. 8vo. In progress. R 2822 

A collection of all the publicke orders, ordinances and declarations 

of both Houses of Parliament, from the ninth of March 1 642 untill De- 
cember 1646. Together with severall of his Majesties proclamations 
and other papers printed at Oxford. . . . (An appendix of severall 
ordinances which were omitted in this book and the former book of col- 
lections.) [Compiled by E. Husband.] [With frontispiece.] London, 
1646. Fol.. pp. 943, 24. R 39985 



England. Close rolls of the reign of Henry III., preserved in the Public 

Record Oflice. Printed under the superintendence of the deputy keeper 

of the records. [Sir H. C. M. Lytej. . . . London, 1916. 8vo. In 

progress, R 3544 

A.D. MMMAl. (Edited by E. G. Atkinson.) 

The statutes of the realm. . . . From original records cmd authentic 

manuscripts. [a.D. 1101-1713.] [Edited by A. Luders, Sir T. E. 
Tomlins, J. France, Sir W. E. Taunton, and J. Raithby.J (The alpha- 
betical index. . . . [By J. Raithby.J — The chronological index. . . . 
[By J. Raithby. Edited by J. Caley and W. Elliott.]) [Record Com- 
mission.] \London\, \^\{)-l^, 11 vols, in 12. Fol. R 40908 

FlENNES (Celia) Through England on a side saddle in the time of William 
and Mary : being the diary of C. Fiennes. With an introduction by the 
Hon. Mrs. Griffiths. London, 1888. 8vo. pp. xi. 336. R 40554 

FORDHAM (Montague Edw^ard) A short history of Elnglish rural life from 
the Anglo-Saxon invasion to the present time. . . . With a preface by 
Charles Bathurst . . . euidaplan. London, [\ 9] 6]. 8vo, pp. xvi, 183. 

R 40741 

GlaDISH (Dorothy M.) The Tudor privy council. Retford, 1915. 4to, 
pp.148. R 40587 

HaRLEI AN Society. [Publications.] London, \9\'hAb. 4to. In pro- 
gress. R 1869 

64. Benait (T.) Pedigrees from the visitation of Hampshire made by T. Benolt, Clarenceulx, 
ao 1530 ; enlarged with the vissitation of the same county, made by R. Cooke, Clarenceulx, 
anno 1575 : both w*^li are continued wtli the vissitation made by J. Phillipott, Somersett, for 
W. Camden, Clarenceux, in a" 1 622, most part then don & finished in a^ 1 634. As collected 
by R. Mundy in Harleian ms. No. 1544. Edited by W. H. Rylands. . . .—1913. 

65. Mundy (R.) Middlesex pedigrees : as collected by R. Mundy in Harleian ms. No. 
1551. Edited by Sir G. J. Armytage, Bart. . . .—1914. 

66. England. Grantees of arms named in docquets and patents to the end of the seven- 
teenth century, in the manuscripts preserved in the Biitish Museum, the Bodleian Library, 
Oxford, Queen's College, Oxford, Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, and elsewhere, 
alphabetically arranged by . . .J. Foster . . . and contained in the additional MS. No. 37,147, 
in the British Museum. Edited by W. H. Rylands. . . .—1915. 

HaYNES (Edmund Sidney Pollock) The decline of liberty in England. 
London, 1916. 8vo, pp. 238. R 40924 

Heath (James) A new book of loyal Elnglish martyrs and confessors, who 
have endured the pains and terrou[rs] of death, arraignment, banishment, 
and imprisonment, for the maintenance of the just and legal government 
of these kingdoms, both in church and state. London, [1665 ?]. 12mo, 
pp. 465. R 39961 

LlEBERMANN (Felix) The national assembly in the Anglo-Saxon period. 
Halle a. S., 1913. 8vo. pp. vii, 90. R 33478 



Navy Records Society. [Publications.] [London printed\, 1915. 
8vo. In progress. R 12595 

49, Documents relating to law and custom of the sea. Edited by R. G. Marsden. Vol. 
1. A.D. 1205-1646. 

Oxford Studies. Oxford studies in social and legal history. Edited 
by Paul Vinogradoff. . . . Oxford, 1916. 8vo. In progress. 

R 20290 

5. The Black Death. By A. E. Levett and A. Ballard. Rural Northamptonshire under 
the Commonwealth. By R. Lennard. — 1916. 

Phillips (Georg) Englische Reichs- und Rechtsgeschichte seit der Ankunft 
der Normannen im Jahre 1066 nach Christi Geburt. [With folding 
tables.] i>Vr//«, 1827-28. 2 vols. 8vo. R 40758 

1. Einleitung : Geschichte der Normannen bis zum Jahre 1066. !. AllgemeineGeschichte 
von England von Wilhelm I., bis auf Heinrich 11., 1066-1 189. 11. Rechtsquellen.— 1827. 

2. iii. Geschichte des englischen Rechts, von Wilhelm I., bis auf Heinrich II., 1066-1 189. 
Tractatus de legibus et consuetudinibus regni Angiiae. — 1828. 

Political Aphorisms. Political aphorisms : or, the true maxims of 
government displayed. Wherein is likew^ise proved, that paternal 
authority is no absolute authority. . . . That there neither is or can be 
any absolute government de jure. . . . That the children of Israel did 
often resist their evil princes. . . . That the primitive Christians did 
often resist their tyrannical emperors. . . . That the Protestants in all 
ages did resist their evil and destructive princes. Together with a 
historical account of the depriving of kings for their evil government . . . 
By w^ay of challenge to . . . William Sherlock, and ten other new^ dis- 
senters, and reconmiended as proper to be read by all Protestant Jaco- 
bites. . . . [The preface is subscribed *• T. H. "]. London, 1690. 
4to. pp. 31. R 40272 

SOMERVILLE (Mary) Personal recollections, from early life to old age, of 
M. Somerville. With selections from her correspondence. By . . . 
Martha Somerville. Fourth thousand. [With portrait.] London^ 
1874. 8vo, pp. vi, 377. R 40561 

WestERFIELD (Ray Bert) Middlemen in English business, particularly 
between 1 660 and 1 760. [Extract from the Transactions of the Con- 
necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, vol. 19.] [With maps.} 
New Haven, Conn., 1915. 8vo, pp. 1 1 1 -445. R 39892 


cumberland and westmorland. — cumberland and 
Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society. 

[Publications.] Kendal, \9\b. 8vo. In progress, 

Chartulary series. 

3. Saint Bees. — Priory of Saint Bega. The register of the Priory of St. Bees. Edited 
with introduction and notes by J. Wilson. ... R 34699 



Tract series. 

10. Penrith. — Queen Elizabeth Grammar School. Records of Queen Elizabeth Grammar 
School, Penrith. By P. H. Reaney. . . . With a facsimile of the foundation charter. — 1915. 

R 31767 

DURHAM.— Andrews (William) Bygone Durham. Edited by W. 
Andrews. [With plates.] London, 1898. 8vo, pp. 297. R 40557 

SURTEES Society. [Publications]. Durham, \9\b. 8vo. In 

progress. R 3337 

127. Surtees Society. Miscellanea. Vol. II. Comprising i. Two thirteenth century assize 
rolls for the county of Durham. [Edited by K. E. Bayley.J — ii. North country deeds. (Edited 
by W. Brown.] — iii. Documents relating to visitations of the diocese and province of York, 
1407, 1423. [Edited by A. H. Thompson.]— 1916. 

GLOUCESTER.— Clifford (Harry) History of Bourton-on-the- Water, 
Gloucestershire. [With plates.] Stow-on- the- Wold, 1916. 4to, pp. 
145. R 40602 

SHIRE AND Cheshire. Hints on the best means of carrying out the 
objects of the society, with a list of queries for the systematic collection 
of information on the history, antiquities, etc., etc., of the district. Ry H. 
C. Pidgeon, one of the honorary secretaries of the society. Circulated by 
the Council of the Historic Society. Liverpool, 1849. 8vo, pp. 23. 

R 40615 

Record Society. The Record Society for the publication of 

original documents relating to Lancashire and Cheshire. [Manchester^, 
1916. 8vo. In progress. R 1838 

71. England. Lancashire and Cheshire cases in the Court of Star Chamber. Part I. 
Edited by R. S. Brown. . . . 

Dee Gohn) Diary, for the years 1595-1601, of ... J. Dee, 

Warden of Manchester from 1 595 to 1 608. Edited, from the original 
MSS. in the Bodleian Library, by John Eglington Bailey. . . . [With 
portrait and facsimile.] [London ?] Not published, j 880. 4to, pp. 97. 

R 39846 

Wilkinson (Henry Broadhurst) Old Hanging Ditch : its trades, 

its traders, and its renaissance. [With plates.] London, 1910. 8vo, 
pp. ix, 269. R 40562 

LINCOLN.— De La PryME (Abraham) The history of Winterton, in the 
county of Lincoln. . . . Communicated to the Society of Antiquaries, 
with an introduction, by Edward Peacock. . . . [Reprinted from the 
Archaeologia, vol. xl.] London, 1866. 4to, pp. 17. R 40335 

Lincoln Record Society. The publications of the Lincoln 

Record Society. Horncastle, \9\5. 8vo. In progress. R 25223 

1 2. Lincoln. — Cathedral. Chapter acts of the cathedral church of St. Mary of Lincoln, 
A.D. 1520-1536. Edited by R. E. G. Cole. . . . 



MIDDLESEX.— Committee FOR THE Survey of the Memorials 

OF Greater London. The survey of London. . . . Edited . . . 
from the material collected by members of the Survey Committee and 
printed under the auspices of the London County Council. (Issued by 
the joint publishing committee representing the London County Council 
and the Committee for the Survey of the Memorials of Greater London 
under the general editorship of Sir Laurence Gomme . . . Philip 
Norman . . . [James Bird]). [With plates and illustrations.] London^ 
1900-15. 4to. In progress, R 37358 

2. 4. The parish of Chelsea. By W. H. Godfrey. 2 vols.— 11909-) 1 3. 

3, 5. The parish of St. Giles-in-the-Fields . . . with drawings, illustrations and architec- 
tural descriptions by W. E. Riley. . . . Edited, with introduction and historical notes, by Sir 
L. Gomme. ... 2 vols.— 1912-14. 

6. The parish of Hammersmith. By the members of the London Survey Committee. — 

London. Records of the Worshipful Company of Carpenters. 

. . . Transcribed and edited by Bower Marsh. . . . Oxford, 1915. 
8vo. In progress. R 35878 

3. Court book, 1533-1573. 

London. London past and present. Text by Malcolm C. Sala- 

man. Edited by Charles Holme. [With plates.] [The Studio.] 
London, 1916. 4to. R 40209 

NORFOLK.— Bryant (Thomas Hugh) The churches of Norfolk. [With 
plates.] [Norfolk and Norwich Archaeological Society.] Norwich, 
1915. 8vo. R 40320 

Hundred of Diss.— 1915. 

Rye (Walter) (Rye's Norfolk hand lists.) Norwich, 1916. 8vo. 

In progress, R 40301 

*»* The title is taken from the wrapper. 
1 50 copies priiilsd. 

1. Scandinavian names in Norfolk. Hundred courts and more hills in Norfolk. — 1916. 

2. Roman camps & remains in Norfolk : with addenda to No. 1 as to Scandinavian names, 
hundred courts and mote hills. — 1916. 

oxford.— Oxford Historical Society. [Publications.] Oxford, 

1915. 8vo. In progress, R 1 048 

67. Heame (T.) Remarks and collections of T. Heame. . . . Vol. X. . . . Edited by 
. . . H.E.Salter. . . .—1915. 

68. Oxford. — Hospital of Saint John the Baptist. A cartulary of the hospital of St. John 
the Baptist. Edited by . . . H. E. Salter. . . . Vol. II. 

SOMERSET.— Somerset Record Society. [Publications] {Lon- 
don : printed] , 1 878- 1 9 1 4. 4to. In progress, R 1 9965 

1. Bath and Wells Diocese of. Calendar of the Register of John He Drokensford, 

Bishop of Bath and Wells. A.D. 1309-1329. Edited . . . by . . . Bishop Hobhouse — 


2. England. The survey and rental of the chantries, colleges and free chapels, guilds, 
fraternities, lamps, lights and obits in the county of Somerset as returned in the 2nd year of 
King Edward VI. A.D. 1548. With an introduction. By E. Green. . . .—1888. 



4. Croscombe. Church-warden'b accounts of Croscombe, Pilton, Yatton, TintinhuII, More- 
bath, and St. Michael's, Bath, ranging from A.D. 1349 to 1560. Edited by . . . Bishop 
Hobhouse. . . .— 1890. 

5. Glastonbury, — Abbey of Saint Mary. Renlalia et custumaria. Michaelis de Ambres- 
bury, 1235-1252, ei Rogeri de Ford, 1252-1261, abbatum monasterii Beatae Mariae Glastoniae. 
With an excursus on manorial land tenures, by C. J. Elton . . . and introductory historical 
notes by . . . Bishop Hobhouse and the Honorary Secretary [i.e. T. S. Holmes]. — 1891. 

6. 12, 17, 22. Somersetshire. Pedes finium, commonly called feet of fines, for ihe county 
of Somerset. . . . By E. Green. . . . 4 vols.— 1892-1906. 

7. Bdlh. — Abbey of Saint Peter and Saint Paul. Two chartularies of the priory of^St. 
Peter at Bath. 1. The chartulary in MS. No. cxi, in the library of Corpus Christi College, 
Cambridge. II. Calendar of the MS. register in the library of the Hon. Society of Lincoln's 
Inn. Edited by W. Hunt. .. .—1893. C? 

8. Bruton, Somersetshire. — Abbey of Saint Mary. Two cartularies of the Augustinian 
priory of Bruton and the Cluniac priory of Montacute in the county of Somerset. Edited by 
members of the council [i.e. T. S. Holmes, E. Hobhouse and H. C. Maxwell-Lyte. With a 
contribution by F. W. Weaver).— 1894. 

9- 1 0. Bath and Wells, Diocese of. The register of Ralph of Shrewsbury, Bishop of Bath 
and Wells, 1 329-1 363. From the original in the registry at Wells. Edited by T. S. Holmes. 
... 2 vols.— 1896. 

1 1 . England . Somersetshire pleas, civil and criminal, from the rolls of the itinerant justices : 
close of 12th century-41 Henry III. Edited by C. E. H. C. Healey. . . .—1897. 

1 3. Bath and Wells, Diocese of. The registers of W. Gifford, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 

1265-6, and of H. Bowett, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1401-7.— Edited by T. S. Holmes 


14. Muchelney. — Abbey of Saint Peter and Saint Paul. Two cartularies of the Benedic- 
tine Abbeys of Muchelney and Athelney iu the county of Somerset. Edited by . . . E. H. 
Bates. . . .—1899. 

15. Gerard (T.) The particular description of the County of Somerset. Drawn up 
by T. Gerard . . . 1633. Edited by . . . E. H. Bates. . . .— 1900. 

16. 19, 21, Somersetshire. Somerset medieval wills. . . . Edited by ... F. W. 
Weaver. . . . 3 vols.— 1901-05. 

18. Hopton (R.) Baron Hopton. Bellum civile. Hopton's narrative of his campaign 
in the west, 1642-1644, and other papers. Edited by C. E. H. C. Healey. . . .— 1902. 

20. England. Certificate of musters in the county of Somerset. Temp. Eliz. A.D. 
1569. Extracted, and with notes by E. Green. . . . — 1904. 

23, 24, 28. Somersetshire. — Commission of the Peace. Quarter sessions records for the 
county of Somerset. . . . Edited by . . . E. H. Bates. ... 3 vols.— 1907-12. 

25. Buckland Sororum. — Priory of Saint John the Baptist. A cartulary of Buckland 
Priory in the county of Somerset. Edited by ... F. W. Weaver. . . . — 1909. 

26. Glastonbury. — Abbey of Saint Mary. A feodary of Glastonbury Abbey. Edited 
by . . . F. W. Weaver. . . . With an introduction by . . . C. H. Mayo. . . . — 1910. 

27. England. Proceedings in the Court of the Star Chamber in the reigns of Henry VII. 
and Henry VIII. (Somerset Star Chamber cases, 1485-1547). Edited by ... G. Bradford. 

29, 30. Bath and Wells, Diocese of. The register of N. Bubwith, Bishop of Bath and 

Wells, 1407-1424. From the original in the Registry at Wells Edited by T. S. Holmes. 

. . . 2 vols.— 1914. 

SUSSEX.— Sussex Record Society. [Publications.] London, 1916. 

8vo. In progress, R 29682 

22. Cowfold, Sussex, The parish register of Cowfold. . . . Edited by P. S. Godman 
[Withfacsimile.]- 1916. 

YORKSHIRE.— Yorkshire. Early Yorkshire charters: being a col- 
lection of documents anterior to the thirteenth century made from the 
public records, monastic chartularies, Roger Dodsworth's manuscripts 
and other available sources. Edited by William Farrer. . . . Vol. III. 
Ed{?iburgh, \9\b. 8vo. In progress. R 37643 



DMOWSKI (R.) La question polonaise. Traduction du polonais par V. 
Gasztowtt revue et approuvee par I'auteur. Preface de Anatole Leroy- 
Beaulieu, . . . Carte hors texte. . . . Paris, 1909. 8vo, pp. xxiv, 
336. R 40061 

Germany. Die Geschichtschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit. Zweite 
Gesammtausgabe. Leipzig^ [1888-91]. 2 vols. 8vo. 

Neuntes Jahrhundert. 

5. Nithardus, S. Richarii Abbas. Nithard's vier Bucher Geschichlcn. Nach der 
Ausgabe der Monumenta Germaniae ubersetzt von. ... J. v. Jasmund Dritte, neubearbeitete 
AuSage von W. Wattenbach.— (1888.] R 40384*1 

Zehntes Jahrhundert. 

6. Wiltekindus, Monachus Corbeiensis. Widukinds sachsische Geschichlen. Nach 
der Ausgabe der Monumenta Germaniae ubersetzt von R. Schottin. Zweite Auflage. Neu 
bearbeitet von W. Waltenbach. Nebst der Schrift iiber die Herkunft der Schwaben und 
Abraham Jakobsens Bericht iiber die Slavenlander.— [I89I.J R 40384*2 

HanSE Towns. Hansisches Urkundenbuch. Herausgegeben vom Verein 
fiir Hansische Geschichte. Miinchemind Leipzig, \9\6. 4to. In pro- 
gress, R 33008 

11. I486 bis 1500. Bearbeitet von W. Stein. . . .— 1916. 

Holmes (Edmund Gore Alexander) The nemesis of docility : a study of 
German character. . . . London, 1916. 8vo, pp. vii, 264. R 40314 

Robertson Qohn Mackinnon) The Germans : I. The Teutonic gospel 
of race ; II. The old Germany and the newr. [With maps.] London, 
1916. 8vo, pp. viii, 291. R 40306 

Slesvig du Nord ; specialement pendant les annees de 1906 a 1914. 
Public par *' De samvirkende s^nderjydske Foreninger" . . . du 
Danemark. [With maps.] Copen/tague, \9\5. 8vo, pp. 166. 


Ward (.S/> Adolphus William) Germany, 1815-1890. [Cambridge 
Historical Series.] Cambridge, 1916. 8vo. /;/ progress. 

R 40608 

1. 1815-1852. 


AlX DE La Chaise (Francois d') Histoire du Pere La Chaize, jesuite et 
confesseur du roi Louis KIV. Oil Ton verra les intrigues secrettes 
qu'il a cues a la cour de France et dans toutes les cours de T Europe, et 
les particularitez les plus secrettes de sa vie. . . . [By P. le Noble.] 
[With portrait.] Briixellcs, 1884. 2 vols. 8vo. R 40282 

BonNARD (Louis) La navigation interieure de la Gaule a Tepoque gallo- 
romaine. . . . [With illustrations.] Paris. 1913. 8vo, pp. 267. 

R 40049 



BaRRES (Maurice) L'ame fran^aise et la guerre. Paris, 1915-16. 
4 vols. 8vo. R 40636 

1. L'union sacree. [Vingt et unieme edition.] — 1916 

2. Les saints de la France. — 1915. 

3. La croix de la guerre. [Deuxieme Edition.] — 1915. 

4. L'amitie des tranchees. [Septieme edition.] — 1916. 

France. An Epitome Of All the lives of the Kings of France. From 
Pharamond the first, to the now most Christian King Lewis the thirteenth. 
With a Relation of the Famous Battailes of the two Kings of England, 
who were the first victorious Princes that Conquered France. Tram- 
slated out of the French Coppy by R. B. Esq. [i.e. R. Brathwait ?] 
[With original and inserted portraits.] London : printed by I. Okes, 
and are to be sold by lames Becket, at his shop within the Inner Temple 
Gate 1639. 8vo, pp. [14], 344 [8]. R 41074 

* ^ There is also an engraved title-page. 

Guerre de 1914. Documents officiels : textes legislatifs et regle- 

mentaires. l^r Aout-15 Octobre 1915 (le^^ Janvier 1916). Publiee 
sous la direction de . . . Gaston Griolet . . . Charles Verge. . . . 
Avec la collaboration de . . . Henry Bourdeaux. . . . Paris, [1915- 
1 6] . 8vo. In progress. R 38528 

The national history of France. Edited by Fr. Funck-Brentano. 

. . . London, [1916]. 8vo. In progress. R 40135 

Stiyienski (C.) The eighteenth century. Crowned by the Academic des sciences morales 
et politiques. . . . Translated from the French by H. N. Dickinson. 

Madelin (L.) The French revolution. Crowned by the French Academy, Goberl prize. 
. . . Translated from the French. 

Rapport fait au nom de la Commission chargee de Texamen des 

papiers trouves chez Robespierre et ses complices, par E. B. Courtois 
. . . dans la seance du 16 nivose, an iii^ de la Republique francaise, 
une et indivisible. Imprime par ordre de la Convention nationale. 
Paris : Nivose an iii^ de la Republique [1795]. 8vo, pp. 408. 

R 38572 

LecOY de la MaRCHE (Richard Albert) Le roi Rene: sa vie, son 
administration, ses travaux artistiques et litteraires. D'apres les docu- 
ments inedites des archives de France et d'ltalie. Paris, 1875. 2 vols. 
8vo. R 40323 

MaUGIS (Edouard) Histoire du Parlement de Paris de Tavencinent des 
rois Valois a la mort d'Henri IV. . . . Paris, 1916. 8vo. In 
progress. R 34905 

3. Role de la cour par regnes, 1345-1610 : presidents, conseillers.igens du roi. 

ProYART (Lievain Bonaventure) Vie du Dauphin, pere de Louis XVI, 
ecrite sur les memoires de la cour. . . . Cinquieme edition, augmentee 
de plusieurs traits interessans, et de I'eloge du meme prince. A Lyon, 
1788. 8vo, pp. 378. R 40931 



San Francisco. Exposition universelle et internationale de San Fran- 
cisco. La science franqaise. . . . [With portraits.] Paris, 1915. 
2 vols. 8vo. R 40547 

SaROLEA (Charles) The French renascence. [With illustrations.] Lon- 
don, [1916]. 8vo, pp. 302. R 40278 

SOCI^T^ DE L'HiSTOIRE DE FRANCE. [Ouvrages publics par la Societe 
de THistoire de France.] Paris, 1907-14. 8vo. In progress. 


Du Plessis (Armand Jean) Cardinal, Diic de Richelieu. Rapports et notices sur 
Tedition des M^moires du cardinal de Richelieu prep>aree . . . sous la direction de . . . J. 
Lair et le baron de Courcel . . . Tome 11. . . . — 1907-14. 

SOCIETE DE L'HlSTOIRE DE PARIS (et de 1' lie- de- France) : [Publica- 
tions], /^^m, 1878-1913. 20 vols. 8vo. R 23690 

Baudot (F. N.) Seigneur du Buisson et d'Ambenay. Journal des guerres civiles . . . 
1648-1652. Public par G. Saige. 2 vols.— 1883-85. 

Dionysius, Saint, Bishop of Paris. L^gcnde de Saint Denis. Reproduction des 
miniatures du manuscrit original. . . . Introduction et notices des planches par H. Martin. 
. . .—1908. 

Feydeau de Marville (C. H.) Cotnte de Gien. Lettresde . . . De Marville, lieutenant 
ge^n^ral de police, au . . . Maurepas, 1742-1747. Publics . . . par A. de Boislisle. ... 3 vols. 

Fichetus (G.) Epitre adressee a R. Gaguin, le |er janvier, 1472, par G. Fichet, sur I'in- 
troduction de rimprimerie a Paris. . . . [By L. D., i.e. L. Delislc] — 1889. 

Louis IX, King of France, Saint. Documents Parisiens sur I'iconographie de S. Louis. 
Publics par A. Longnon d'apr^s un manuscrit de Peiresc. . . . — 1882. 

Paris. Les comediens du roi de la troupe fran^ise pendant les deux demiers liecles. 
Documents inedits recueillis aux Archives nationales par E. Campardon. — 1879. 

Paris. Documents parisiens du r^gne de Philippe VI. de Valois, 1328-1350. Extraits 
des registres dc la chancellerie de France, par J. Viard. ... 2 vols. — 1899-1900. 

Paris. Documents sur les imprimeurs, libraires, cartiers, graveurs, fondeurs de lettres, 
relieurs, doreurs de livres, faiseurs de fermoirs, en lumineurs, parcheminiers et papetiers ayant 
exerce a Paris de 1450 a 1600. Recueillis . . . par P. Renouard. — 1901. 

Paris. Documents sur les Juifs a Paris au xviii^ siecle : actes d'inhumation et scelles. 
Recueillis par P. Hildenfinger.— 1913. 

Paris. Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris [i.e. J. Chutfart ? ], 1405-1449. Publi<? . . . 
par A. Tuetey.— 1881. 

Paris. L'Hotel-Dieu de Paris au moyen Sge. Histoire et documents par E. Coyecque. 
2 vols.— 1889-91. 

Paris. Paris pendant la domination anglaise, 1 420- 1 436, Documents extraits des registres 
de la chancellerie de France par A. Longnon. — 1878. 

Paris. Polyptyque de Tabbaye de Saint-Germain-des-Pr^s ; redige au temps de I'abb^. 
Irminon et public par A. Longnon. 2 vols. — 1886-95. 

Paris. Recueil des chartes de I'abbaye de Saint-Germain-des-Pr^s des origines au debut 
du xiiie siecle. Public par R. Poupardin. Tome premier, 558-1 182. — 1909. 

VARAMUNDUS(Ernestus), /i'«^^. [i.e. Frangois Hotman?] De Fvroribvs 
Gallicis, horrenda & indigna Amirallij Castillionei, Nobilium atq ; il- 
lustrium virorum caede, scelerata ac inaudita piorum strage passim edita 
per complures Galliae ciuitates, sine vllo discrimine generis, sexus aetatis 
& conditionis hominum : Vera & simplex Narratio. . . . Edimburgi [?] . 
Anno salutis humanae. 1573. 8vo, pp. ccxii. R 41132 



ViLLENEUVE-BaRGEMONT (Louis Francois de) Marquis de Villeneuve- 
Trans, Histoire de Rene d'Anjou, roi de Naples, due de Lorraine et 
c^e. de Provence. . . . Ornee de portraits, de vues, de fac-simile et de 
musique. Paris, 1825. 3 vols. 8vo. R 40583 

ViOLLET (Paul Marie) Droit public : histoire des institutions politiques et 
administratives de la France. Le roi et ses ministres pendant les trois 
derniers siecles de la monarchie. Paris, 1912. 8vo. pp. x, 615. 

R 40835 


BURCKHARDT Qacob) Die Cultur der Renaissance in Italien. Elin 
Versuch . . . Zweite . . . Auflage. Leipzig, 1 869. 8vo, pp. 464. 

R 40433 

RavA (Beatrix) Venise dans la litterature frangaise depuis les origines 
jusqu*a la mort de Henri IV. Avec un recueil de textes dont plusieuri 
rares et inedits. [With frontispiece.] Paris, 1916. 8vo, pp. 612. 



DalGADO (D. G.) The climate of Portugal and notes on its health resorts. 
. . . With . . . maps . . . and . . . tables. Lisbon, 1914. 8vo, 
pp. xxiv, 479. R 40745 

OlivEIRA Sa Chaves (Francisco d*) Subsidios para a historia militar 
das nossas lutas civis, as campanhas de meu pai [i.e. Francisco Jose 
d'Oliveira Sa Chaves]. [With maps and portrait.] [Academia das 
Sciencias de Lisboa.] Coimbra,\9\^, 8vo. In progress. R 40746 

I . A campanha de 1623. 


Hru^EVSKYJ (Michael) Geschichte des ukrainischen (ruthenischen) Volkes 
. . . Autorisierte Ubersetzung aus der zweiten ukrainischen Ausgabe. 
[With map.] Leipzig, \9^. 8vo. In progress. R 40726 

I . Urgeschichte des Landes und des Volkes. Anfange des Kijever Staates. 

JarINTZOV (N.) Madame. The Russians and their language. . . . 
With an introduction discussing the problems of pronunciation and trans- 
literation ; and a preface by Nevill Forbes. . . . Oxford, 1916. 8vo, 
pp. xxxi, 222. R 41062 

KiRYEEVA. afterwards NOVIKOVA (Olga) Russian memories. . . . 
With an introduction by Stephen Graham and . . . illustrations. Lon- 
don, 1917[1916]. 8vo. pp. 310. R 41394 

Russian Year-Book, 1915. Compiled and edited by N. Peacock. 
London, []9\ 5]. 8vo. In progress, R 40649 




LUNGWITZ (Matthaeus) Alexander Magnus Redivivus, Dasist/ Dreyfachen 
Schwedischen Lorbeer-Kr2aitzes Vnd Triumphirender Siegskrone Erster 
Theil/ Von Des Durchleuchtigsten/ Groszmachtigsten Fursten vnd Herrn/ 
Herrn Gustav- Adolphi Der Schweden/ Gothen vnd Wenden Konigs : 
. . . Geschlecht . . . Regierung . . . Aus . . . Historien/ Vrkunden 
vnd Berichten . . . zusammen bracht Durch M. M. Lungvvitium. . . . 
(Appendix Des Dreyfachen Schwedischen Lorbeer-Krantzes tc. Ersten 
Theils. . . . — losua Redivivus, Das istt Dreyfachen Schwedischen Lorbeer- 
Krantzes vnd Triumphirender Siegs Crone Ander Theil. . . . Zum 
andern mal gedruckt /). [With portrait.] Leipzigi In V erlegung I ohan 
Groszetii Buchhhndlers, Anno 1632-33. ([Colophon to Appendix :] 
Zwickawi Gedruckt bey Melckior Gopnerttj im lahr Christi 1633.) 
3to1s. inl. 4to. R 40284 

*^* There is also an engraved title-page. 
Gothic letter. 


Belgium. German legislation for the occupied territories of Belgium. 
Edited by Charles Henry Huberich . . . and Alexander Nicol-Speyer. 
. . . Third (fourth and fifth) series. . . . The Hague, 1916. 8vo. In 
progress. R 38330 

Royaume de Belgique. Ministere de la justice et Ministere des 

affaires etrangeres. Guerre de 1914-1916. Reponse au livre blanc 
allemand du 10 Mai 1915, "Die volkerrechtswidrige Fiihrung des 
belgischen Volkskriegs." [With map.] Paris, 1916. Fol., pp. viii, 
517. R 40724 

Cram (Ralph Adams) Heart of Europe. . . . Illustrated. London, \9\b. 
8vo. pp. xii. 325. R 40261 

ElSSEN (Leon van der) A short history of Belgium. [With plates.] 
Chicago, [1916]. 8vo, pp. 168. R 40752 

ReYNTJES (Geerko Marten) Groningen en Ommelanden, van 1580 tot 
1 594. Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van Doctor in de Neder- 
landse Letterkunde, aan de Rijks-Universiteit te Groningen, op gezag 
van de Rector Magnificus . . . H. J. Hamburger, Hoogleraar in de 
Faculteit der Geneeskunde, tegen de Bedenkingen der Faculteit in het 
openbaar te verdedigen op Zaterdag 14 Maart 1914, des namiddags om 
4 uur. Groningen, 1914. 8vo, pp. xxv, 204, iv. R 41026 


GENERAL.— Ahmad ibn Muhammad, called Ibn 'Arabshah. . . . 

Ahmedis Arabsiadae vitae et rerum gestarum Timuri, qui vulgo Tamer- 
lanes dicitur, historia. Latine vertit, et adnotationes adjecit Samuel 
Hcnricus Manger. [With the Arabic text.] Leovardice, 1767-72. 
2 vols. 4to. R 40472 

*»* " Tomus II., pars posterior " is wanting. 



Asia. An official guide to eastern Asia. Trans- continental connections 
between Europe and Asia. [With maps and illustrations.) Tokyo, 
1915-1917. 8vo. In progress. R 37359 

4. China. 3. East Indies. 

Hubbard (G. E.) From the Gulf to Ararat : an expedition through 
Mesopotamia and Kurdistan. . . . With illustrations. Edinburgh and 
London, 1916. 8vo, pp. xv, 273. R 41037 

CHINA. — TCHOU (Louis Ngaosiang) Le regime des capitulations et la 
reforme constitutionnelle en Chine. These de doctorat presentee pour 
Tobtention du grade de docteur en sciences politiques et diploiriatiques. 
. . . [With portraits.] [Universite Catholique de Louvain. — Ecole des 
Sciences Politiques et Sociales.] Cambridge, 1915. 8vo, pp. viii, 230. 

R 40249 

JAPAN. — Abbott (James Francis) Japanese expansion and American 
policies. New York, 1916. 8vo, pp. viii. 267. R 41096 

MacLarEN (Walter Wallace) A political history of Japan during the Meiji 
era. 1867-1912. London, [1916]. 8vo. pp. 379. R 40736 

ARABIA. — Cart (Leon) Au Sinai et dans I'Arabie Petree. Extrait du 
tome XXIII du Bulletin de la Societe neuchateloise de geographie. 
[With plates and illustrations.] Neuchdtel, 1 91 5, [1 91 6] . 8vo, pp. 52 1 . 

R 40581 

JlRJIS IBN AL-*AmId. called AL-MaKIN. . . . Historia Saracenica, Qva 
Res Gestae Mvslimorvm. inde a Mvhammede primo Imperij & Re- 
ligionis Muslimicae auctore. usque ad initium Imperij Atabacaei. 
per XLIX Imperatorum successionem fidelissime explicantur. Insertis 
etiam passim Christianorum rebus in Orientis potissimum Ecclesijs eodem 
tempore gestis. Arabice olim exarata a Georgio Elmacino fil. Abvl- 
jaseri Elamidi f. Abvlmacaremi f. Abvltibi. Et Latine reddita opera ac 
studio Thomae Erpenii. [Arabic and Latin.] Accedit & Roderici 
Ximenez, Archiepiscopi Toletani, Historia Arabum longe accuratius, 
quam ante, e Manuscripto codice expressa. [Edited by J. Golius.] 
[Printer*s device beneath title.] Lugduni Batavorum, Ex Typographia 
Erpeniana IJnguarum Orientalium. 1625. Prostant apud loJiannem 
Maire, & Elzevirios. 2 pts. in 1 vol. Fol. R 40471 


Cochrane (Wilbur Willis) The Shans. . . . [With plates]. Rangoon, 
1915. 8vo, pp. XX. 227. R 40389 

England. A collection of statutes relating to India . . . Up to the end 
of 1887 (-1912). Calcutta, \9\3. 2 vols. .8vo. R 41 182 

Hutchinson (R. H. Sneyd) An account of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. 
[With plates.] Calcutta, 1906. 8vo. pp. 202, xxxix. R 41257 



India. Archaeological Survey of India. Annual report, 1 902-03 (-1912-1 3). 
[With plates and illustrations.] Ca/cuUa, \904-\6. 4to. In progress, 

R 39297 

Annual progress report of the Archaeological Survey Department, 

Southern Circle, for the year 1907-1908 (-1913-1914). Madras, 
1908-14. 6 vols. Fol. R 39459 

V Vols. 1911-12 and 1912-13 are wanting. 

Archaeological Survey of India. New Imperial series. Madras, 

1890-1913. 4to. In progress. R 33572 

9. 10. 29. India. South-Indian inscriptions. . . .— 1890-1913. 

Chiefs and leading families in Rajputana. [Compiled by C. S. 

Bayley.] Third edition. [With folding tables.] Calcutta, Fol., pp. 
xiii, 102. R 41200 

List of Europeans and others in the Elnglish factories in Bengal at 

the time of the siege of Calcutta in the year 1 756. With an appendix 
containing lists of European sufferers. S. Charles Hill. . . . Calcutta, 
1902. 4to, pp. 99. xiv. R 41 199 

Chronological tables of the Indian statutes. Compiled, under the 

orders of the Government of India, by F. G. Wigley. . . . (Vol. 2, 
Index to the Indian statutes in force.) Calcutta, 1909-1 1. 2 vols. 8vo. 

R 41 183 

Government of India. Legislative Department. The unrepealed 

general acts of the Governor General in Council : with chronological 
table of all unrepealed acts. . . . From 1834 to 1867. . . . (-1913). 
Calcutta, 1909-14. 7 vols. 8vo. R 41 181 

* * Vols. 1-6 are of the fourth edition. 

SiND. Portfolio of illustrations of Sind tiles. Prepared by Henry Cousens. 
. . . Superintendent, Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle. 
. . . [London], 1906. Fol. R 41 190 

StRACHEY {Sir John) Hastings and the Rohilla war. Oxford, 1892. 
8vo, pp. xxvi, 324, R 39885 


La CaILLE (Nicolas Louis de) Journal historique du voyage fait au cap de 
Bonne-Esperance, par . . . de la Caille. . . . Precede d'un discours 
sur la vie de Tauteur [by Claude Carlier], suivi de remarques & de re- 
flexions sur les coulumes des Hottentots & des habitans du cap. (Notes 
et reflexions critiques sur la description du cap de Bonne-esperance, 
par Pierre Kolbes) Avec figures. Paris, 1763. 12mo, pp. xxxvi, 
380. R 40984 

MARqAIS (Georges) Les Arabes en Berberie du XI^ au XIV^ siecle. 
[With map.) Constantine, Paris, 1913. 6vq, pp. 767. R 40289 



ACADEMIE DE LA HiSTORIA [Havana]. Elogio del . . . Ramon Meza 
y Suarez Inclan, individuo de numero, leido por. . . . Evelio Rodriguez 
Lendian, Presidente de la Academia, en la sesion solemne celebrada en la 
noche del 5 de diciembre de 1915. [With portrait.] [Academia de 
la Historia.] Habana, 1915. 4to, pp. 68. R 40250 

Chapman (Charles Edward) The founding of Spanish California : the 
northwestward expansion of New Spain, 1687-1783. [With an intro- 
duction by H. M. Stephens.] [With maps and plates.] New York, 
1916. 8vo, pp. xxxii. 485. R 41308 

DOSTER (William E.) Lincoln and episodes of the Civil War. New 
York and London, 1915. 8vo, pp. v, 282. R 41099 

ECKENRODE (Hamilton James) The revolution in Virginia. Boston and 
New York, 1916. 8vo. pp. 311. R 40742 

Gordon (Armistead Churchill) John Tyler : tenth President of the 
United States. An address ... at the dedication, October 12, 1915, 
of the monument erected by Congress in Hollywood Cemetery, Rich- 
mond, Va., in memory of President Tyler. [With plates.] [n.p.], 
1915. 8vo, pp. 44. R 40137 

Robinson (Albert Gardner) Cuba old and new. . . . Illustrated from 
photographs by the author. London, 1916. 8vo, pp. 264. R 41 1 14 

Sams (Conway Whittle) The conquest of Virginia : the forest primeval ; 
an account, based on original documents, of the Indians in that portion 
of the continent in which was established the first English colony in 
America. . . . With illustrations. New York and London, 1916. 
8vo, pp. xxiii, 432. R 41 100 

TUPPER {Sir Charles) Bart. The life and letters of . . . Sir C. Tupper, 
Bart. . . . Edited by E. M. Saunders. . . . With an introduction by 
... Sir R. L. Borden, K.C.M.G. . . . Plates. London, 1916. 2 
vols. 8vo. R^1122 

CUNDALL (Frank) Historic Jamaica. . . . With . . . illustrations. [In- 
stitute of Jamaica.] London, 1915. 8vo, pp. xxiii, 424. R 40066 


Argentine Republic. Antecedentes de politica economica en el Rio 
de La Plata. Documentos originates de los siglos XVI al XIX selec- 
cionados en el Archivo de Indias de Sevilla, coordenados y publicados 
por Roberto Levillier. [Estudios Editados por la Facultad de Derecho 
y Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad de Buenos Aires.] Madrid, 
1915. 2 vols. 8vo. In progress. R 3%76 

I. Rt^giraen fiscal. 2 vols.— 1915. 



Argentine Republic. Republica Argentina, Publicacion editada por 
la municipalidad de Buenos Aires. Correspondencia de la ciudad de 
Buenos Ayres con los ryes de Espana. Reunida en el Archive de 
Indias de Sevilla, coordenada y publicada por Roberto Levillier . . . 
1588-1615. Buenos Aires, \9\ 5. 8vo. In progress, R 3%78 

I . Cartas del cabildo : memoriales presentados en la corte por los procuradores, apoder- 
ados y enviados esf>eciales de la ciudad. 

BonARDELLI (Eugenio) Lo stato di S. Paolo del Brasile e I'emigrazione 
italiana. [With map and illustrations.] [Publicazione della " Italica 
Gens".] Torino, 1916. 8vo, pp. 164. R 40232 

Ross (Eldward Alsworth) South of Panama. . . . Illustrated. . . . Lon- 
don, [1915]. 8vo, pp. xvi, 396. R 41 103 


ChoLMONDELEY (Lionel Berners) The history of the Bonin Islands from 
the year 1827 to the year 1876, and of Nathaniel Savory one of the 
original settlers. To which is added a short supplement dealing with 
the islands after their occupation by the Japanese. . . . Illustrated. 
London, 1915. 8vo, pp. viii, 178. R 41087 

IjZERMAN (Jan Willem) Dwars door Sumatra. Tocht van Padang naar 
Siak. Onder leiding van den Hoofd-Ingenieur der Staats-Spoorwegen 
J. W. Ijzerman, beschreven door de leden der expeditie J. W. Ijzerman, 
J. F. van Bemmelen, S. H. Koorders en L. A. Bakhuis. Met . . . 
illustraties en een reiskaart. Haarlem, Batavia, 1895. 4to, pp. xvi, 
536. R 40626 






MANCHESTER librarian 

Vol. 4 FEBRUARY- JULY. 1918 Nos. 3 and 4 


AT the January meeting of the Council of Governors the librarian 
presented his eighteenth annual report, in which WORK OF 
the work of the library during the year 1917 rary DUR- 
was reviewed ; and following our usual custom we offer ^^^ '^'^• 
to our readers a brief summary of such portions of its contents as are 
likely to be of interest to them. 

As we looked forward at the commencement of the year it was not 
unnatural again to anticipate a decline in the Ubrary*s activities, and it 
is gratifying, therefore, to be able to report that in no sense have those 
fears been realized. From whatever point of view the work of the 
library is regarded, notwithstanding the inevitable difficulties and incon- 
veniences by which we have been confronted at every turn, consequent 
upon the exigencies of the war, there are unmistakable evidences of 

It is true that several important pieces of work, which we had in 
contemplation, have had to be set aside for the time being, in conse- 
quence of the absence on active military service of so many members of 
the staff, but that is not to be wondered at, for plans conceived in times 
of peace naturally change and shrink under the strain and stress of war. 
Much valuable work has been accomplished, however, and not only 
has the regular routine of the library been "carried on," but new 
avenues of service, wherever possible, have been opened out, thanks to 
the loyal co-operation and unflagging industry of the remaining members 
of the staff. 

The only difference to be noticed in the number of readers making 
regular use of the library, during the period covered by the report, was 
that there were fewer males, with, at least, a corresponding increase in 
the number of women readers. 

The most gratifying feature of the use made of the library is the 
steadily increasing amount of research, especially in history and literature, 



which is being conducted not only by students of our* own university, 
but by members of other universities including the older foundations, 
many of whom express their grateful appreciation of the facilities which 
the library offers for such work. 

The development of the resources of the library has been continued 
along the lines which hitherto have been productive of such GROWTH 
excellent results, and in this respect the officials renew their COLLEC- 
acknowledgments of the valuable assistance which they TIONS. 
have received from readers, who often in the course of their investigations 
have been able to call attention to the libraiy's lack of important author- 
ities in their special line of research. In every instance these helpful 
suggestions have received prompt and sympathetic attention. 

The additions to the library during the year numbered 364 1 volumes, 
including many rare and interesting items, a few of which, taken almost 
at random, may be mentioned as furnishing some idea of the character 
of the accessions which are constantly being obtained. The printed 
books include : Barnabe Barnes's " Foure bookes of Offices," 1606 ; 
the first edition of John Bunyan*s " Discourse on the Pharisee and the 
Publicane," 1685 ; the second edition of Richard Brathwaite*s ** Eng- 
lish Gentleman," 1633 ; Clement Cotton's *' Mirror of Martyrs," 1615; 
John Calvin's ** Abridgement of the Institution of Christian Religion," 
printed at Edinburgh by Vautrollier in 1 585 ; Simon Fish's " Suppli- 
cation of Beggars," 1 599, to which Sir Thomas More wrote a reply ; 
Thomas Norton's ** Treatise on the Nature of God," 1 599 ; D'Urfey's 
*' Pill to Purge State Melancholy," 1716 ; Bernardino Baldi's " Versi 
e Prose," 1590 ; Bernardo Capello's ** Rime," 1560 ; A. F. Doni's 
" I marmi," 1552 ; Bernardo Tasso's *' L'amadigi," 1531 ; Torquato 
Tasso's '* Discorsi dell arte Poetica," 1 587 ; ** Les Quatrains des Sieurs 
Pybrac, Favre, et Mathiou," 1667 ; J. Boschius's ** Symbolographia," 
1 701 ; Sadeler's " Symbola divina et humana pontificum imperatorum," 
1601 ; Surius' " Vitae sanctorum ex probatis auctoribus et MSS. 
codicibus . . .," 1617, 5 vols. ; Angelus a S. Francisco, '* Certamen 
seraphicum provinciae Angliae pro sancti Dei ecclesia," 1649 ; 
Steinschneider's " Catalogus librorum Hebraeorum in Biblotheca 
Bodleiana," 1852-60. 

Sets of the following important historical publications were also 
acquired : ** The Scots Magazine," from its commencement in I 739 to 
its termination in 1877, 97 vols. ; Didron's " Annales archlologiques," 


1844-81, 28 vols. ; The Smithsonian Institution's "Annual Reports 
of the Bureau of Ethnology," 1879-1912, 33 vols. ; " Les Archives 
historiques du Departement de la Gironde," 1869-1915, 52 vols. ; 
** Canada and its Provinces," 1914-17, 22 vols. ; together with sets 
of the transactions, proceedings, and other publications of the principal 
historical and archaeological societies of the United States of America, 
including those of : Alabama, Connecticut, Dover, Essex, Illinois, Iowa, 
Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Montana, New Jersey, 
Newport, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Texas, 
Vermont, Virginia, and Wisconsin. 

Furthermore, the library acquired a selection, numbering about 300 
volumes, from the library of the late Professor J. H. Moulton, consisting 
of works of comparative philology and religion, and including some im- 
portant authorities on Iranian language and literature ; also a collection 
of works, comprised in 1 50, on Roman Law, and Comparative 
Law, including many texts of, and commentaries upon, Justinian, from 
the libraries of Craigie Hall, and that of Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun. 

The manuscript purchases, though not numerous, were of consider- 
able importance. They comprise a collection of Greek papyri obtained 
by Dr. Rendel Harris during his stay in Egypt in the early part of the 
year, including a number of finds from the famous Oxyrhynchus site. 
The result of the examination of these documents is awaited with great 
interest, but it is unlikely that work upon them can be commenced until 
the close of the war. The Western Manuscripts consist of twelve 
Wardrobe and Household Expenses books which should prove of great 
interest to the historians of the period to which they belong. Three of 
them relate respectively to the 22nd, 28th, and 30th years of King 
Edward I ; one to the Household Expenses of Queen Joan of Navarre, 
widow of King Henry IV ; two to the Household Expenses of Queen 
Philippa [of Hainault], Consort of King Edward III ; one is the Ward- 
robe Book of Queen Katharine of Aragon for the year 1 530 ; another 
is the Account Book of Receipts and Expenses of the Officers, Bailiffs, 
etc., of King Edward III, at Calais, Guisnes, and Ardres, 1371-72. 

In the following list of donors, which contains 1 1 8 names, we have 

fresh proof of the ever-increasing interest in, and apprecia- Q.pyg 

tion of, the work of the library, and we take this oppor- TO THE 

tunity of renewing and emphasizing the thanks already 

expressed to each individually, in another form, for their generous gifts. 



assuring them that these expressions of goodwill are a most welcome 
source of encouragement to the Governors. 

The gifts, which number 5 1 3 volumes, include many works which 
it would have been difficult if not impossible to obtain through any other 
channel, notably a number of privately printed works, and of publica- 
tions relating to India, many of them printed in remote parts of our 
Eastern Empire, which by the instructions of the Secretary of State for 
India are regularly sent to us as they are published. 

The names of individual donors and institutions are as follows : — 

Admiralty Office. Director of the 

Intelligence Division. 
Editor of the Ampleforth Journal. 
" Aurel " [Mme. Alfred Mortier]. 
Charles Bailey, Esq. 
The Rev. H. J. Bardsley. 
Robert Bateman, Esq. 
The Rev. J. L. Bouch. 
Miss I. R. Broad. 
G. W. Cole, Esq. 
Dr. I. CoUijn. 
Lord Cottesloe. 
Frank Cundall, Esq. 
Professor T. Witton Davies. 
The Abbot of Downside. 
E. H. Dring, Esq. 
Mrs. Emmott. 
The Rev. G. Eyre Evans. 
Miss Helen Farquhar. 
Senor D. Figarola- Caneda. 
Mrs. Figarola- Caneda. 
Sam Gamble, Esq. 
J. C. Maxwell Garnett, Esq. 
Stephen Gaselee, Esq. 
A. P. Hacobian, Esq. 
T. Walter Hall, Esq. 
The Rev. J. Arnott Hamilton. 
Dr. J. Rendel Hams. 

I A. L. Hetherington, Esq. 
jThe Rev. A. Du Boulay HilL 
John Hodgkin, Esq. 
John Howell, Esq. 
The Rev. Canon J. Clare Hudson. 
Mrs. Charles Hughes. 
R. Jaeschke, Esq. 
Maurice Jones, Esq. 
Messrs. King & Co. 
C. Lang, Esq. 
! Howard C. Levis, Esq. 
The Librarian. 
; Mrs. L. S. Livingston. 
A. J. Macdonald, Esq. 
W. R. Macdonald, Esq. 
The Rev. H. W. Mackey, O.S.B. 
Dr. A. Mingana. 
W. D. Scott Moncrieff, Esq. 
Professor R. G. Moulton. 
The Rev. W. Fiddian Moulton. 
F. C. Norton, Esq. 
Hubert Ord, Esq. 
Hanson Ormerod, Esq. 
Sir William Osier, Bart.. 
A. Pallis, Esq. 
C. W. Pidduck, Esq. 
D'Arcy Power, Esq. 
Edgar Prestage, Esq. 


Publisher of " Publications sur la Sir Herbert Thompson, Esq. 

guerre/* 1914-15. W. Tomkinson, Esq. 

The Rev. H. L. Ramsay, O.S.B. Professor Francesco Torraca. 
H. L. Roth, Esq. Dr. Paget Toynbee. 

The Secretary of State for India. | Yusuke Tsurumi, Esq. 
W. B. Shaw, Esq. |D. B. Updike, Esq. 

Dr. C. F. Smith, and Professor i Colonel W. Hall Walker 

H. B. Smith. 
J. T. Spalding, Esq. 
H. M. Spielmann, Esq. 
The Lady Abbess of Stanbrook 

E. L. Stevenson, Esq. 
Stubbs* Publishing Co. 

Sir Adolphus W. Ward. 

H. Ward, Esq. 

Foster Watson, Esq. 

G. Parker Winship, Esq. 

T. J. Wise, Esq. 

The Hon. Margaret Wyndham. 

Aberystwyth. National Library of Wales. 

American Art Association. 

Boston, Mass. Museum of Fine Arts. 

British Columbia. Provincial Museum. 

British Museum. 

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. 

Carnegie Trust. 

Institut d'Estudis Catalans. 

Chicago. The John Crerar Library. 

Chicago. The Newberry Library. 

Chicago University. 

Clark University. 

Columbia University. 

Cornell University. 

Durham University. 

Edinburgh University Library. 

Glasgow University Library. 

Habana. Academia Nacional. 

Habana. Biblioteca Nacional. 

London. Dr. Williams's Library. 

London Institution. School of Oriental Studies. 

Manchester. Free Reference Libraiy. 

Manchester. Victoria University. 


Michigan University Library. 

New York Public Library. 

New Zealand. Government Statistician's Office. 

Norwich Public Library. 

Ontario. Provincial Museum. 

Pennsylvania. Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the U.S. 

Com. of Penn. 
Reading. University College Library. 
Research Defence Society. 
Rome. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. 
St. Andrews University Library. 
Springfield, 111., U.S.A. Insurance Department. 
Toronto University Library. 
Washington. Congressional Library. 
Washington. Department of Labour. 
Washington. Surgeon General's Office Library. 
Washington University Library, St. Louis, Mo. 

Amongst recent gifts to the library is one of exceptional interest to 
the student of the history of the modern drama^ consisting ^^uc- io.ol. 

t If 111- 1KI5H 

ol ten quarto volumes or newspaper and other literary NATIONAL 

cuttings which deal with the history of the Irish National 

Theatre from its inception in 1 903 to the present time. 

TTiis interesting collection of fugitive, but none the less valuable 
material, which has been presented to the library by Miss Horniman, 
would have been lost, because through accident of birth it is buried in 
the files of the various newspapers and periodicals in which it appeared, 
but for the praiseworthy energy displayed by the donor in collecting it, 
and with her own hands preserving it and making it available to students 
in its existing form. 

The Irish National Theatre is a natural outgrowth of the Celtic 
Revival ; and this in turn is but a phase of the Irish National Move- 
ment, which has met with a good deal of ridicule in this country merely 
because of certain extravagances and absurdities in which some of the 
more aggressive spirits have indulged, but amongst literary people who 
have looked upon it with unprejudiced eyes it has aroused a real sym- 
pathetic interest. 

The aim of the little band of Irish enthusiasts to whom belongs the 


credit of laying the foundation of the Irish National Theatre, was to 
render in dramatic form some of the best of the fascinating legendary 
tales and traditions which tell of the faith and life of the Irish people, 
of the deeds of their heroes, and of the glories of their kings, and in so 
doing to substitute a live national drama worthy of the name, for what 
Mr. Yeats describes as : " the machine made play of modern com- 
merce, that lifeless product of conventional cleverness, from which we 
come away knowing nothing new about ourselves, seeing life with no 
new eyes, and hearing it with no new ears '*. If it be true that the 
Irish are a hearing rather than a reading people, then this new move- 
ment is fraught with great possibilities, and is an event of far-reaching 
importance in the national history of Ireland. 

In the ultimate realization of their aim Miss Horniman played 
a very important part, by generously undertaking to provide these 
struggling enthusiasts with a permanent home in Dublin, where they 
could develop the literary and dramatic instinct of the Irish people. 
Until the advent of this fairy god-mother they had had to write their 
own plays, and with very limited resources to produce them, often under 
the most distressing circumstances and amidst the most inconvenient 

The new experiment was a complete breaking away from the modern 
stage development. For one thing it provided no accommodation for 
an orchestra, since no musical instruments were employed or needed to 
give an artificial swing to the entertainment ; neither was there any bar, 
for as Mr. Yeats would say : " People who are on a pilgrimage in quest 
for truth and beauty, have no call for such distractions ". Limelight, 
too, was banned and tabooed, whilst the scenic arrangements were of 
the simplest and every-day order, not only with a view of avoiding un- 
necessary expenditure, but because rightly understood the proper role 
of scenery and mounting is to suggest and not to realize. 

In this respect the Irish National Theatre is a return to the sim- 
plicity of the Elizabethan Stage, or of the Greek Drama, when the 
improvised stage was never cumbered, never tawdry as in those theatres 
where the actors and perhaps the audience are too little imaginative to 
trust to the work played for their effect. It is noteworthy that the Irish 
audience possesses that faculty of emotion, those easily aroused passions 
which distinguished the Elizabethan playgoers. Ireland was not 
hampered by either tradition or convention, for until the period to 


which these volumes refer, drama had been non-existent in that country, 
that is to say, drama of home-growth, racy of the soil ; it is true there 
were so-called Irish plays, but they were sheer burlesques. Most of 
the plays of the revival are of the country people, so that a few coloured 
shawls, an old hat or two, a market basket, and (in normal times) a 
pennyworth of apples are almost all the stage properties required. The 
fact is that the young men in this new movement have turned back to 
the old masters of the art, and a new spirit has been breathed into the 
Irish valley of dry bones. 

Since the publication of our last issue we have received a number 
of very important contributions to the new library for THE LOU- 
the University of Louvain, which, as most of our readers rary 
are aware, is in process of formation here in Manchester, SCHEME. 
and which already comprises upwards of ten thousand volumes. Up 
to the time of going to press it was our intention to include in the 
present issue a detailed report of these most recent contributions, but 
such have been the demands upon our space, that we have been com- 
pelled to postpone the publication of this report until October, when 
it is hoped that the succeeding number of the BULLETIN will make its 

The promised report will be accompanied by a complete list of 
the names of all who have in any way participated in this endeavour 
to restore the library resources of the crippled and exiled University, 
since its inauguration in December, 1914. 

In the meantime we renew our appeal for further offers of help, 
which may take the form either of suitable books or of contributions 
of money. In order to obviate any duplication of gifts, those who 
may wish to participate in this scheme of reconstruction are requested 
to be good enough, in the first instance, to send to the writer, the 
Librarian of the John Rylands Library, Manchester, the titles of the 
works they are willing to contribute. 



By R. S. CONWAY. Litt.D., 


IT is a common diversion of historical writers to trace in the work 
of some individual member of a given race the characteristics 
which mark the race as a whole. This is often profitable 
and in some degree necessary, if either the race or the individual are 
to be clearly understood. 

The name Venetian has for most English readers probably many 
associations ; the ideas of a courageous independence, of the triumph 
of sea-power, of the use of that power in defence of civilisation 
against oriental barbarism, are part of what Venice stands for in 
history ; but to most of us the name suggests also an architecture of 
unique beaut v ; and more than all a number of pictures that repre- 
sent, perhaps, the highest level of perfection which the art of painting 
lias ever reached. 

The present writer desires to claim nothing that can be called a 
tnowledge of that art, but only to be allowed to state simply the 
things which have given him especial delight in a few great pictures 
which he has visited many times. Probably there are many others 
like him who had never found themselves in the least excited about 
anything on canvas, until they saw the work of Titian and Giorgione 
or some others of the same school. These pictures seem to have the 
power to awaken, even in minds comparatively dull to such things, 
a certain humble eagerness and a strange sense of light and friendship, 
comparable to that which comes from hearing some great speech or 
poem or piece of music ; a sudden consciousness that there is before 
us in these pictures something which concerns us intimately, so in- 

^ An outline of this paper was delivered as a Lecture in the John 
Rylands Library on October 10, 1917. 



timately that their authors become henceforward friends who have 
made the whole of life deeper and richer. And the arresting quaHty, 
I think, in these great works of art is something that may be called 
dramatic. It represents some strong human feeling in a setting of cir- 
cumstance which is in some way vitally related to it, so that the whole 
seems not a picture, but a part, of life. Titian's Holy Family with 
the little St. John offering roses to the Christ, and the grey headed 
St. Antony standing beside ; or Santa Caterina devoting herself ta 
the same lovely child with St. John this time playing with a pet lamb ; 
or Giorgione's Conce^'to^ where the young harmonist, who, after some 
seeking, has just found or is just finding the right chord, looks up with 
a flash of insight and delight ; or the indescribable power of Titian's 
portrait of the armed warrior Giovanni De* Medici, — all these have 
a warmth of feeling, almost of passion, which till then we had never 
dreamt of seeing conveyed on canvas ; and yet this spiritual element 
is somehow fenced in and surrounded convincingly with the concrete 
conditions of daily life. In Venice, as I learn from Mr. E. V. 
Lucas,^ this warmth and vitality in the work of one of the painters of 
the school is called * the glow of Giorgione* * il fuoco Giorgionesco '. 
The feeling depicted is not merely intense but moral in the widest 
sense, springing from the most essential parts of human nature and so 
making universal appeal ; for example a great tenderness to women 
and children ; a great reverence for old age, — especially natural ta 
Venetians, who were long lived folk ; a genial interest in the details 
of daily life ; a sense of greatness in public relations ; these are some, 
though only some, of the things which seem to be most deeply felt 
in the pictures of the Venetian masters. 

Not long ago it happened to me in pursuing a rather obscure 
path of study among the monuments of the early languages of Italy^ 
to realise what I might have known before, that this Venetian race,, 
which to us is the glory of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, 
had played a part in the civilisation of an earlier epoch, had made 
in fact no small contribution to the humanising of Central and Western 
Europe from the very beginning of history. 

Few people in this country, and not very many in any other, 

^ A Wanderer in Venice (London, 1914), p. 293. To this delightful 
book I am much indebted, both for some points of Venetian history and 
for the choice of the typical lines from Shelley quoted below. 


have even heard of a language known as Venetic, of which the only- 
record is in a few score inscriptions dating from about 500 B.C. down 
to the Christian era. These scanty fragments are of considerable 
interest to students of Comparative Philology because they present to 
us a language in many ways intermediate to Greek and Latin ; and 
a few years ago I began to collect materials for a complete edition of 
its remains. In 1916 1 received from a friend who is a distinguished 
Italian scholar ^ a copy of some newly discovered inscriptions of con- 
siderable interest, which date from the third century B.C. They were 
found in the summer of 1 9 1 4, at Pieve di Cadore during the con- 
struction of the station for the first railway ever built there. Both 
inscriptions were on rather beautiful bronze vases {stttile, pails, as 
one might call them, if one regarded only their shape, not their 
ornament) ; and the Cadore valley has yielded so long a series of 
these and other objects of similar workmanship as to show that it 
must have been a centre of artistic manufacture and export from at 
least the fifth century B.C. At that date and later this valley was 
one of the regular tracks of communication between the head of the 
Adriatic and Central Europe. About twenty years ago there were 
discovered, on a hill which is known to-day as the Gurina, between 
the Gail and Drave valleys, in the Tyrol, almost north of the Alps, 
the remains of an important but hitherto nameless ancient city which 
must have been inhabited in the fifth and later centuries B.C., by 
people who spoke this same Venetic language ; and among these 
remains there are a number of bronze plates, fashioned in what we 
should call repousse style, which served, I believe,^ to adorn the 
panels of doors, and which, if so, show that this characteristic feature 
of the art of North Italy, the decoration of doors by bronze panels, 
goes back to the third or fourth century B.C. The other remains of 
this race of Veneti, especially numerous on the site of the modern 
city of Este, connect them closely with the culture of Hellas and 
Crete of the sixth century B.C. But in the valley of the Piave, 
which lies in the route from this nameless city over the mountains to 

^ For the latest discoveries in this Piave valley see Pellegrini, Atti 
e Menwrie R. Ace. Set. Lett. Art. in Padova, Vol. XXXII. (1916), pp. 
209ff., 215ff. 

,-The Venetic word ahsu's' occurs on the dedicatory inscription of 
two of them ; and it is best interpreted, I think, to mean *' door ** (cf. Or. 


Italy, lie the towns of Treviso, Feltre, and Belluno, well known to 
students of the Renaissance ; and Pieve di Cadore, where the two 
last inscriptions were found, was the birthplace of Titian. 

In view of such facts one naturally asks whether there was any 
link between this early art of the Veneti and the great Venetians of 
the Renaissance. To ask the question is to answer it. They are 
demonstrably the same people. From whence were the Lagoons of 
Venice peopled ? From all the district to the west of them when 
the barbarians overran it, — from Altinum, from Aquileia and especi- 
ally from Padua, which was in ancient times the chief seat of the 
Veneti and only 14 miles from the sea. At the Christian era 
Padua still celebrated ^ every year a regatta in commemoration of 
the victory of Paduan sailors who repelled the invasion of a Greek 
pirate in the year 302 B.C. ; and the point which historians choose as 
marking the real independence of the new Venice, is the year 584 
A.D. when the claim of Padua to control the whole district (a claim 
based on the old traffic from Padua down the river Brenta which 
then ran out into the sea along the north side of what is now the 
Giudecca) was finally defeated through the Pact with the Exarch 
Longinus. And Padua, like Venice, lies in what seems to a northerner 
a sea of summer light between the Alps and the Euganean Hills, 
which Shelley has described mjulian and Maddalo: — 

*. . ., the hoar 
And aery Alps, towards the north, appeared, 
Through mist, an heaven- sustaining bulwark, reared 
Between the east and west ; and half the sky 
Was roofed with clouds of rich emblazonry. 
Dark purple at the zenith, which still grew 
Down the steep west into a wondrous hue 
Brighter than burning gold, even to the rent 
Where the swift sun yet paused in his descent 
Among the many-folded hills — they were 
Those famous Euganean hills, which bear. 
As seen from Lido, through the harbour piles, 
The likeness of a clump of peaked isles — 
And then, as if the earth and sea had been 
Dissolved into one lake of fire, were seen 
Those mountains towering, as from waves of flame, 
Around the vaporous sun, from which there came 
The inmost purple spirit of light, and made 
Their very peaks transparent.* 

^ Livy, X. 2. 


Padua, as became a city so gloriously placed, was proverbially 
known in the ancient world as the home of simple living and high 
morals and an intense affection for freedom ; it became, as we all 
know, the seat of the greatest University of the Middle Ages, to 
which all our English Universities are deep in debt ; and its greatest 
ancient citizen was the historian Livy. And what I want to suggest 
here is that the truest way of judging and enjoying Livy's work 
is to regard him as taking essentially a Venetian point of view.^ 
That is, to realise that what gave him most pleasure, and what he 
counted his greatest object, was to paint a series of pictures, each 
embodying, in the fewest words, some clash of feeling and circum- 
stance, some struggle of rival passions, some triumph of wisdom or 
valour or devotion ; pictures instinct with dramatic imagination and 
coloured with lively human sympathy. The rest of his narration, 
though he dealt with it honestly and frankly in his own way, was to 
him only the setting for the true work of his art, the pictures of noble 

If this seems new doctrine, let us at least remember how Livy de- 
scribes his own design. He begins his Preface by an apology for 
attempting again a task undertaken by so many before him and 
acknowledges its enormous scope. But it will * divert his mind from 
the miseries of recent times,' to dwell on the earlier period. 

It is not my intention either to affirm or deny the truth of the stories 
which have gathered round the earliest beginnings of Rome. They are 
better fitted for the imagination of poets than the sober chronicles of history. 
Antiquity has the privilege of exalting the origin of great cities by interweav- 
ing the actions of gods and men ; and if it be reasonably granted to any 
people to hallow its beginnings and call the gods its founders, surely it 
is granted to the people of Rome. The glory which they have won in war 
is great enough for the world which acknowledges their supremacy to ac- 
knowledge also their claim to the son of Mars himself for their founder. 
But howsoever these stories and their like be judged or censured, will, I 
confess, trouble me but little. It is to other things that I would have my 
reader direct his best attention, the life, the character of the nation, the 

^ Some time after this lecture had been given, my friend Prof. W. B. 
Anderson, to whom the paper is indebted for other valuable help, called 
my attention to a note in Niebuhr*s Rom. Hist. (Eng. Tr. new ed. II. 544) 
in which among ' Livy's own peculiar excellencies ' he reckons ' that richness 
and warmth of colouring which many centuries after were the character- 
istics of the Venetian painters born under the same sky '. 


men and the conduct, at home and on the field, from which its power sprang 
and grew. Then he may trace how the ancient government broke down, 
and how the ancient character of the nation gave way too, until at length we 
have reached a point in our own day when both the abuses of our national 
life and their remedies are greater than we can bear. 

There you hear the free Venetian spirit, recognising, and yet 
lamenting, the necessity of the new Empire of the Caesars. And the 
next sentence has a no less characteristic Paduan touch : — 

Yet unless I am deceived by fondness for my task, there never was a 
nation whose history is richer in noble deeds, nor a community into which 
greed and luxury have made so late an entr2mce ; or in which plain and 
thrifty living have been so long or so highly honoured. It is just this which 
is so health-giving and fruitful in the study of history, that you can fix your 
gaze upon well-attested examples of every kind of conduct, blazoned upon 
a splendid record. 

From these words it is clear that what Livy first of all set before 
him was to paint these * great examples ' : great men, great institu- 
tions, great deeds, are the things on which the reader must * fix his 
gaze*. Take now as the first of a few such pictures from Livy's 
pages, a brief and to us not very exciting scene in a dilapidated 
temple in Rome, somewhere about 27 B.C. It is a footnote which 
Livy adds to the spirited story of a fight in the fifth century B.C. be- 
tween a Roman called Aulus Cossus and an Etruscan Chief, in which 
Cossus had won what was called royal spoil, spolia opinia^ by de- 
feating the enemy's leader in single combat (iv. 20. 5). 

I have followed all the authorities in relating that it was in the office 
of military tribune ^ that Cossus won these spoils and dedicated them in the 
Temple of Jupiter. But in the first place spoil is only properly called 
Royal when it is taken by a Roman commander from the commander of 
the enemy, and we recognise no one as commander unless he is actually the 
general in charge of an army. And secondly, the actual inscription written 
upon the spoil itself proves that both I and my authorities are wrong and 
that in truth Cossus took them when he was Consul. This fact I learnt from 
Augustus Caesar, the second founder of every temple in Rome, since I 
heard him say that when he entered the shrine of Jupiter Feretrius, which he 
restored from ^n almost ruinous state, he read with his own eyes this in- 
scription written on the linen corselet. And I feel that it would be almost 
a sacrilege to rob Cossus of such testimony to his achievement, the testi- 
mony of the Emperor himself, the second founder of the temple. But if 
the source of the confusion lie in certain ancient authorities . . . that is a 
point on which every reader is free to use his own conjecture. 

^ A rank corresponding to that of a modem colonel. 


Then after pointing out further difficulties in the traditional 
account Livy concludes : — 

But we may toss these matters of small importance, to and fro, accord- 
ing to every man's opinion ; and when all is done, the author of this battle 
his own self, having set up these fresh and new spoils in a holy place, in 
the sight of Jupiter himself standing thereby, to whom they were vowed, 
and Romulus also, two witnesses not to be despised nor abused with a 
false title, hath written himself, A. Cornelius Cossus Consul.^ 

This is quite typical of Livy's whole attitude to difficult points in 
tradition. His judgment on the evidence is quite sound. He sees 
that his usual authorities must be wrong ; but he leaves it to the 
reader to say so in so many words, because that, he felt, would cast 
doubt on the rest of his history, since he despairs altogether of ex- 
plaining their vagaries. But his despair does not weigh on his mind 
at all ; it did not even lead him to go to look at the inscription with 
his own eyes ; what interests him is the picture of the young, 
triumphant Emperor Augustus, in the course of his devout restoration 
of the ancient shrines of Rome, stopping to read the archaic letters 
written on a linen breast-plate torn from a dying Etruscan chief by 
his vanquisher the Consul Cossus, 400 years before. 

Let us turn to a few pictures on a larger canvas, putting first the 
familiar passage which led our own Turner to one of his most vivid 
paintings, HannibaFs crossing the Alps. Into the controversies that 
have sprung from the perennial interest of the story, we will not 
enter ; but it is well to observe that on every point the course of 
modern research (in which the investigations of Dr. G. E. Marindin, 
Capitaine Colin, and Prof. Spenser Wilkinson may be especially 
mentioned) has vindicated the good faith and sound judgment with 
which Livy has interpreted, so far as he could, a tradition well at- 
tested but almost wholly devoid of local names. It is unlucky that 
the gravest piece of carelessness which ever sulHed the high repute of 
Theodor Mommsen should have led him to impugn the truth of 
Livy's account on the ground of its divergence from the account 
given by Polybius ; whereas it is only necessary to read the whole of 
what Polybius says about Hannibal's point of descent — and not the 

^ The discerning reader will have scented in this concluding paragraph 
of the rendering a freshness hardly to be compassed in our own labouring 
day. It is from .Philemon Holland's version ; on which see below.. 


first part only, which is all that Mommsen heeded — to see that in 
every essential point the two stories are closely parallel, and wholly 
worthy of credence.^ 

This version and those that follow are either taken from, or 
largely based upon, the translation of Philemon Holland which was 
dedicated to Queen Elizabeth - and breathes everywhere the master- 
fulness and enthusiasm of her * spacious times \ Those which, like 
the Hannibal passage, are here taken over, I have modified where 
we have now better knowledge of Livy*s text or (which is rare) of 
his Latin ; where the English of the sixteenth century would be now 
misleading ; and where the richness of Holland's vocabulary and his 
manful resolve to discover in the Latin every atom of its meaning, 
have done less than justice to the pregnant gravity of Livy's style. 
Wherever Holland's English suggests a brilliant and voluble school- 
boy, that is the mark not of Livy, but of Holland and his century ; 
but where it flows in a strong tide of feeling, moving with speed and 
power, there he has exactly expressed his original. 

Let us begin at a point at which Hannibal, already in high alti- 
tudes, has had a sharp conflict with one Alpine tribe, and is ap- 
proached by delegates from another (XXI., C. 34, 4). 

First went in the van guard the Elephants, and the horsemen ; himself 
marched after with the flower of his infantry, looking all about him with 
an heedful eye. So soon as he was entered a narrow passage which 
on one side lay under a steep hill, the barbarous people rose out of their 
ambush from all parts at once, before and behind, and attacked him ; yea 

^ For the details of Mommsen*s error see C/ass. Rev., XXV. (1911), 
p. 1 56 ; Mr. F. E. A. Trayes gives an excellent comparison of the two 
narratives in the Appendix to his edition of Book XXI. (London, 1905, 
Bell & Co.). Prof. Spenser Wilkinson in a brilliant monograph (Hannzbafs 
March, Oxford, 1911) gives the results of his own exploration of the dis- 
trict and makes a strong case for the Col. Clapier. 

- A few sentences from this dedication I cannot withhold : — 
* Vouchsafe also, of your accustomed clemency showed to aliens ; of 
your fervent zeal to learning and good letters ... to reach forth your 
gracious hand to T. Livius ; who having arrived long since and conversed 
as a mere stranger in this your famous Island and now for love thereof 
learned in some sort the language, humbly craveth your Majesty's favour 
to be ranged with other free citizens of that kind, so long to live under 
your princely protection, as he shall duly keep his own allegiance and 
acquaint your liege subjects with religious devotion after his manner, with 
wisdom, policy, virtue, valour, loyalty ; and not otherwise.' 


and rolled down mighty stones upon them as they marched. But the 
greatest number came behind ; against whom he turned and made head with 
his infantry, and without all peradventure, if the tail of his army had not been 
strong and well fortified, they must needs have received an exceeding great 
overthrow in that valley. Even as it was, Hannibal spent one night cut 
off from his baggage and cavalry. After this the mountainers (fewer in 
number and in robbing wise rather than in warlike sort) attacked him only 
in small bands, one while upon the vaward, other while upon the rereward, 
as any of them could get the vantage of ground. . . . 

The Elephants though they were driven very slowly, because through 
these narrow straits they were ready ever and anon to run on their noses, 
yet what way soever they went, they kept the army safe and sure from the 
enemy, who being not used unto them, durst not once come near. The 
ninth day he won the very tops of the Alps, mostly through untrod paths : 
after he had wandered many times out of the way, either through the de- 
ceitfulness of their guides ; or because when they durst not trust them, they 
had adventured rashly themselves upon the valleys without knowing the tops 
thereof. There the soldiers wearied with travail and fight rested two 
days : certain also of the sumpter horses (which had slipt aside from the 
rocks) by followdng the tracks of the army as it marched, made their way to 
the camp. When they were thus overtoiled and wearied with these tedious 
travailes, a fall of snow (for now the star Vergiliae was setting) increased 
their fear exceedingly. For when at the break of day the ensigns were set 
forward, the army marched out slowly through deep snow all around them ; 
and there appeared in the countenance of them all heaviness and despair. 
Then Hannibal advanced before the standards and commanded his soldiers 
to halt upon a certain projecting spur of the mountains (from whence they 
had a goodly prospect and might see a great way all about them) ; and there 
displayed unto them Italy and the goodly champain fields about the Po, 
which lie hard under the foot of the Alps : saying That even now they had 
mounted the walls not only of Italy but also of the city of Rome ; all besides 
(saith he) will be plain and easy to be travelled : and after one or two 
battles at the most ye shall have at your command, the very castle and head 
city of Italy. 

Howbeit they had much more difficult travelling down hill, than in the 
climbing up ; for well nigh all the way was steep, narrow and slippery, so 
as neither they could hold themselves from sliding, nor if any tripped and 
stumbled never so little, could they possibly (they staggered so) recover 
themselves and keep sure footing, but one fell upon another and horses upon 
the men. After this they came to a much narrower path of rock with crags 
so steep downright that hardly even a nimble soldier without armour and 
baggage (do what he could to take hold with hands upon the twigs and 
plants that there about grew forth) was able to creep down. This place 
being before naturally steep and precipitous, now was cut right off by a new 
fall of earth, which had left a bank behind it of nearly a thousand feet depth. 
There the horsemen stood still as if they had been come to their ways end : 
and when Hannibal marvelled much what the matter might be that stayed 



them so, as they marched not on : word was brought him that the Rock was 
unpassable. Whereupon, he went himself in person to view the place and 
then he saw indeed without all doubt that he must fetch a compasse about, 
however far round, and conduct his army, to pass through the wild places 
around it such as before had never been trodden. And verily that (of all 
other ways) was such as it was impossible to pass through. For whereas 
there lay old snow untouched and not trodden on, and over it other snow 
newly fallen, of a moderate depth: in this soft and tender snow, and the 
ssrnie not very deep, their feet as they went, easily took hold ; but that snow, 
being once with the gait of so many people and beasts upon it, fretted and 
thawed, they were compelled to go upon the bare frozen surface underneath, 
and in the slabbery snow-broth, as it relented and melted about their heels. 
There they had foul ado and much struggling, for they could not tread sure 
upon the slippery ice : which betrayed their feet the sooner for the down- 
ward slope ; so that whether with hands or knees they strove to rise, down 
they fell again, when those their props and stays slipped from beneath them ; 
and there were here no stocks of trees nor roots about, whereupon a man 
might take hold, and stay himself, either by hand or foot ; so all they could 
do, was to tumble and wallow, upon the slippery and glassy ice, in the 
molten slabbie snow. Otherwhiles also the poor beasts cut through the 
surface of the lower snow, where they trod hard upon it : and when once 
they were fallen forward, with flinging out their heels, and beating with their 
hoofs more forcibly for to take hold, they brake the under surface quite 
through ; so as many of them, as if they had been caught fast and fettered, 
stuck still in the hard frozen and congealed ice. 

At last, when both man and beast were wearied and overtoiled, and 
all to no purpose, they encamped upon the top of an hill, having with very 
much ado cleansed the place aforehand for that purpose : such a deal of 
snow there was to be digged, and thrown out. This done, soldiers were 
brought to break that rock, through which was their only way : and 
against the time that it was to be hewed through, they felled and overthrew 
many huge trees that grew there about, and made a mighty heap and pile 
of wood : the wind served fitly for the time to kindle a fire and then they 
all set aburning. Now when the rock was on fire, and red hot, they 
poured thereon vinegar ^ for to calcine and dissolve it. When the rock 
was thus baked (as it were) with fire, they digged into it and opened it 
with pick-axes, and made the descent gentle and easy by means of 
moderate windings and turnings : so as not only the horses and other beasts 
but even the Elephants also might be able to go down. Four days Hanni- 
bal spent about the levelling of this rock : and the beasts were almost 
pined and lost for hunger. For the hill-tops for the most part are bare of 
grass, and look what forage there is, the snow conceals. But the lower 
grounds have valleys and some little banks lying to the sun and streams 
v^thall, near unto the woods, yea and places more meet and beseeming for 

^This device was practised in ancient times by Spaniards in their 
quarries (Pliny, 33. 96) and it was from Spain that Hannibal's best troops 
had been drawn. 


men to inhabit. There were the labouring beasts put out to grass and 
pasture ; and the soldiers that were wearied with making the ways had 
three days allowed to rest in. 

Turn now to two pictures^ of Roman character in an earlier 
century, of T. Manlius Torquatus the Consul and Q. Papirius the 
Dictator. The two are meant by Livy to stand as companion por- 
traits ; — their likeness, and their unlikeness, will appear. 

The story of Titus Manlius is an incident in the great Latin War 
of 340 B.C., which was almost a civil war, since the Latins who were 
now in revolt spoke the language of Rome and had long served in the 
Roman legions ; and many of the men in the rebel army were 
familiarly known to old comrades on the other side. To preclude 
the opportunities for treachery which these conditions offered, the Con- 
suls, of whom one was T. Manlius, forbade all irregular fighting {ne 
quis iniussu pugnarei). But the Consul's own son, who was a 
commander of a cavalry patrol, was challenged to single combat by a 
Latin noble and did not refuse. The young Roman unhorsed his 
challenger and slew him. This is the sequel (vill. 7. 1 2) : — 

Then the young Manlius returned with his spoil to his companions and 
rode back to camp amid their shouts of triumph. So he came into his father's 
presence in the praetorium, ignorant of what his destiny had in store, whether 
he had earned praise or penalty. *' So that all the world," said he, "my 
father, might truly report that 1 am sprung from your blood, when I was 
challenged by an enemy, I fought him horse to horse, and slew him, and 
took these spoils." But when the consul heard these words, he could not 
bear to look upon his son, but turned away and bade the trumpet sound for 
an assembly of the soldiers. 

The soldiers being assembled in great number, then said the elder 
Manlius to his son : *' Since you, Titus Manlius, have neither feared the 
authority of a consul nor revered the command of your father, but have dis- 
obeyed our edict by leaving the ranks to engage in single combat ; and 
since, so far as in you lay, you have broken the discipline of war on which 
the safety and the power of Rome have to this day depended ; and have 
brought me to a strait pass where I must choose either to forget the com- 
monweal, or to forget myself, you and I shall abide the smart for our mis- 
deeds rather than that our country, to her so great damage, should pay for 
our folly and transgression. We shall afford a fearful but a wholesome 
example to young men of future time. I acknowledge as I look upon you 
that I am touched not merely by natural affection for my son but by the 

^ Both passages come from a Book too little read in our schools, the 
Eighth, perhaps partly because of a grievous difficulty in the text of the 
eighth chapter, which recent study of the MSS. has now, I think, removed. 


deed of valour you have done, tempted by a false show of glory. But since 
the authority of the consuls must needs be either confirmed by your death, 
or if you escape the penalty of disobedience, be for ever annulled ; and since, 
if you have aught of my blood in your veins, even you yourself will not, I 
believe, refuse to vindicate by your punishment the discipline that has been 
overthrown by your fault** — then said he to the lictor — **go, lictor, I com- 
mand you, bind him to the block.** 

Vergirs comment on this scene is brief and famous, * Torquatus, 
that stern headsman ' {saeuumque securi Torqtcaturn). 

Twenty years later in the great Samnite War the Dictator Papirius, 
having to leave his army in order to discharge some ceremony at 
Rome, gave precise instructions to his Master of the Horse, who was 
left in command, not to engage the enemy until he, Papirius, should 
return. The instruction was disobeyed ; and Fabius having won a 
victory announced it in a dispatch which was read to the Senate in 
the presence of the Dictator himself, who at once left Rome for the 
front, making no secret of his intention to inflict summary punishment 
on Fabius. Arrived in camp he found the army and its superior 
officers unwilling to surrender Fabius to be scourged and beheaded, 
and a long altercation ended in Fabius' escape to Rome. The Dicta- 
tor hurried back after him. There followed a debate and resolution 
of the Senate, which had no effect upcn the Dictator's resolve. 

(Book VIII. 33. 7.) Then stept forth M. Fabius the father. * For as 
much,* said he, * neither the authority of the Senate, nor mine old age, whom 
you seek to make childless, nor yet the noble courage of the Master of 
Horse, by your own self chosen, can prevail ; nor any humble prayers, 
which are often able to appease the fury of an enemy, yea and to pacify 
the wrath of the Gods ; I implore the lawful help of the Tribunes, and to 
the whole body of the people I appeal * Then out of the Council- 
house they went straight to the common place of audience ; and when the 
Dictator, attended with some few, was ascended up to the rostra, and the 
Master of the Horse, accompanied by all the whole troop of the chief of 
the city, had followed him, Papirius commanded that Fabius should come 
down, or else be fetched, from the Rostra, unto the lower ground. His 
father followed after him. ' Well done,* quoth the father, *in commanding 
us to be brought hither, from whence we may be allowed to speak our 
minds, even if we were no better than private persons.* Then at the first 
there passed no continued speeches so much as wrangling and altercation. 
But afterwards, the voice and indignation of old Fabius surmounted the 
other noise ; who greatly cried out upon the pride and cruelty of Papirius. 
What, man? * quoth he, * I have been also a Dictator of Rome myself, and 
yet was there never so much as a poor commoner, no Centurion, nor soldier 
hardly entreated by me. But Papirius seeketh victory and triumph over a 


Roman General, as much as over the leaders and commanders of his 
enemies. See, what difference there is between the government of men in 
old time, and this new pride and cruelty of late days. Quintius Cincinnatus 
when he was Dictator, proceeded no farther in punishment against the 
Consul Minucius, when he had delivered him lying besieged within his own 
camp, but to leave him as a Lieutenant instead of Consul, in the army 

whereof he had charge Neither the people itself, whose power is 

sovereign, was ever more angry against those that through rashness and want 
of skill lost whole armies, than to fine them a sum of money. For the mis- 
carriage of any battle, that a General should be brought into question for his 
life, was never heard of to this day. But now, rods and axes, whipping and 
beheading, are prepared for the Commanders under the people of Rome, and 

those, who are conquerors and have deserved most justly triumphs 

What else (I pray you) should my son have endured, if he had suffered the 
field to be lost and his army likewise? If he had been discomfited, put to 
flight, and driven clean out of his camp, how far forth further would the 
Dictator's ire and violence have proceeded than to scourge and kill ? And 
see how fit and seemly a thing it is that the city for the victory of Q. Fabius, 
should be in joy, in processions to the gods, and thanksgivings, with con- 
gratulation and feasting one another ; and he himself by whose means the 
temples stand open, the altars smoke with incense and sacrifice, and are 
heaped up again with vows, oblations, and offerings, to be stripped naked, 
to be whipped and lashed to death in the sight of the people of Rome, look- 
ing up to the Capitol, lifting up his eyes to the gods, whom in two such 
noble battles he has invoked and not in vain ? With what heart will the 
army take this, which by his leading and under his fortune achieved victory ? 
What lamentation will there be in the Roman camp ? and what rejoicing 
amongst our enemies ? * Thus fared Fabius the good old father, calling upon 
God and man for help ; and withall embraced his son in his arms, and shed 
many a tear. On the one side, there made with young Fabius, the majesty 
of the Senate, the love of the people, the assistance of the Tribunes, and 
the remembrance of the army absent. On the other side were alleged 
against him by Papirius, the invincible command and government of the 
people of Rome ; the discipline of war ; the Dictator's orders (reverenced 
at all times, no less than an oracle of the gods) ; the severe edicts of Manlius, 
whose fatherly love and affection to his son was counted less than the service 
and common good of the state ; the same exemplary justice which L. Brutus, 
the first founder of Roman liberty, had executed in his two sons. And now, 
mild and kind fathers, fond old men, when other men's commandment have 
been contemned, gave liberty to youth, and pardoned as a small matter the 
overthrow of military discipline. Howbeit, he Papirius for his part would 
persist in his purpose till nor remit one jot of condign punishment to him 
who contrary to his commandment, and notwithstanding the disturbance of 
religion and the doubtful auspices, had given battle ; saying, that as it was 
not in his power to abridge any jot the eternal majesty of that State and Em- 
pire ; so neither, would he diminish aught of the authority thereof ; and he 
prayed that neither the Tribunes' puissance, sacred and inviolable itself, 
should, by their intervention violate the power of Rome ; nor that the people 


of Rome should in him above all others abolish and extinguish both Dictator 
and Dictatorship. Which if it did, the posterity hereafter should lay the 
weight and blsune (although in vain) not on L. Papirius, but on the Tribunes. 
For w^hen once the discipline of war was profaned, no private soldier would 
obey his centurion nor any man in any rank in any army him that is set over 
him. . . . ' With these crimes and inconveniences (o ye Tribunes) charged 
you must be to the world's end ; lay down you must, and gage your own 
lives for the audacious disobedience of Q. Fabius, for whom ye are now 

The Tribunes were astonished hereat, and for themselves now rather 
anxious and perplexed, than for him who had recourse unto them for succour. 
But the general consent of the people of Rome, turning to prayer and en- 
treaty, eased them of this heavy load ; and with one voice humbly besought 
the Dictator, to remit the punishment of the Master of Horse, for their sake. 
The Tribunes also, seeing that was the way, and all others, inclining cind 
growing to petition, followed after, and did the like ; earnestly beseeching the 
Dictator to forgive this human frailty, and youthful folly of Q. Fabius, saying 
that he had suffered chastisement enough. Then the young man himself, 
then his father M. Fabius, forgetting all strife, and laying aside debate, fell 
dowTi at the Dictator's feet, and besought him to appease his wrathful dis- 
pleasure. Hereupon the Dictator after silence made, * Yea marrie,* quoth 
he, ' o Quirites, this I Hke well, and thus it should be ; now hath military 
discipline got the victory ; now hath the majesty of the ELmpire prevailed 
indeed, which lay both a-bleeding, and were in hazard to be abolished for 
ever, after this day. Q. Fabius is not acquit of his offence, in that he fought 
against his Dictator's commandment ; but being thereof convicted and cast, is 
forgiven, nay is given to the people of Rome and the Tribunes' power, 
whose help was granted merely for his instant prayers, and not of right. 
Well, Rise up, Q. Fabius, and live, a more happy man for this agreement 
of the city in thy defence, than for that victory, upon which erewhile thou 
barest thyself so bravely. Live (1 say) thou that hast been so bold to com- 
mit that fact which thine own father here, if he had been in L. Papirius' 
place, would never have pardoned. And as for me, into my grace and 
favour thou mayest come again, at thine own will and pleasure. But to the 
people of Rome to whom thou art beholden for thy life, thou shalt perform 
no greater duty and service, than that the example of this day's work may 
be a warning to thee for ever, to obey, as well in war as in peace, all lawful 
bests of superior Magistrates.' 

We may glance finally at one or two examples of the high-minded 
tenderness towards women which is a marked feature of Livy's thought 
and which places his influence second only to Vergil's among such of 
the humanising factors of mediaeval Europe as were older than the 
Christian Church. Some of the stories, like those of Lucretia and 
Volumnia, the mother of Coriolanus, are too famous to quote ; perhaps 
the noblest of them is the story of Verginia's death by her father's 


hand. The power of Livy's brevity — which allows a bare ten lines 
to the final scene of the tragedy — will be newly appreciated if it be 
compared with the prolix though not unspirited Lay of Virginia by 
Macaulay, himself no mean orator, when he chose. Let me rather 
end by quoting two less familiar passages, both eminently characteristic 
of Livy, one of his gentle humour, the other of his chivalrous grace. 

The first is a picture of the rugged old Roman farmer and states- 
man, staunch Conservative and would-be Philistine, Cato the Censor ; 
who however gave way in his old age and learnt the Greek that he 
had for so many years defied and denounced. He is speaking on a 
question of women's rights. Twenty years earlier, at the darkest 
point of the struggle with Hannibal, a law called the Lex Oppia had 
forbidden women to possess more than half an oz. of gold or to wear 
brightly coloured dresses, the costly iridescent purple of Tyre being 
no doubt the chief luxury whose import was prohibited. Now that 
the danger was past and the sixteen years of war at last ended, the 
women and their lovers and husbands were eager to have the law 

The whole speech of Cato against the repeal and the reply of his 
opponents are well worth reading,^ though too long to quote here. 
But the opening passage will serve to show the humour with which 
Livy portrays the gruff old partisan : — 

(Book XXXIV. 1 . 5.) The dames of the city thi^'inselves could neither 
by persuasion nor advice nor authority of their husbands be kept within doors ; 
but do what men could, they bespread all the streets of the city, beset all 
the ways into the forum, entreating their husbands as they passed and went 
down thither, to give their consent, that seeing the good estate of the com- 
monweal now flourished, and the private wealth of every man increased 
daily, their wives also might be allowed to have their gay attire again. The 
concourse of the women increased daily and they ventured now to approach 
and solicit even the Consuls, the praetors, and other magistrates. 

But as for one of the Consuls, Marcus Porcius Cato by name, they 
could not with all their prayers, entreat him to incline unto their suit : who 
in the maintenance of the said lav/, and that it might not be revoked, spake 
to this effect : ** My masters and citizens of Rome, if every one of us had 
fully resolved with himself, to hold his own, and keep the rightful authority 
that he hath over his own wife, less ado and trouble we should have had 

^ A brilliant though perhaps sometimes too forcible a version has been 
recently published by Prof. Darney Naylor of Adelaide (*' More Latin and 
English Idiom," Cambridge, 1915). 


with them all together at this day. But now having given them the head at 
home so much, that the curstness and shrewdness of women hath conquered 
our freehold there ; behold, here also in public place it is trodden down 
and trampled under foot : and because we were not able every man to rule 
his own separately, now we stand in fear, and dread them all in general. 
Certes, I myself thought ever until now, that it was but a feigned fable and 
tale that went of a certain Island, wherein by a conspiracy of women all the 
men were murdered every one, and that sex utterly made away. But well 
I see now, be they creatures never so weak, let them once have their meet- 
ings, their conventicles and secret conferences, they will work mischief in the 
highest degree, and be as dangerous as any other." 

The rest of the speech is taken up with two arguments, the first 
one which, I believe, is known to suffragists as * the thin end of the 
wedge ' ; the second is a general, and quite sincere, plea for simplicity 
of living. The reply of Valerius is what one would expect from that 
noble house, dignified, liberal, and chivalrous ; and the end of the story 
is that the matter was settled by a little " peaceful picketing". 

After debate of words passed in this wise, in favour and disfavour of 
the law, the day following, the women flocked in greater multitudes into the 
open streets ; and banding themselves together, as it were, in one troop, 
they beset the doors and houses of the Bruti, the tribunes who were 
threatening to interpose their veto upon the bill preferred by their fellow- 
tribunes : and the women never gave over to keep this stir, until those 
tribunes slackened in their opposition ; which done, there was no doubt then, 
but all the tribes with one voice would abrogate and abolish the old law. 
Thus twenty years after the enacting thereof, it was repealed. 

Lastly, consider the picture of the young Scipio, a man whom 
Livy admired, but with some reserves.^ In the year 210 or 209 B.C. 
in the middle of the Hannibalic War, Scipio had just taken New 
Carthage, the chief stronghold of the Carthaginians in Spain. 

(Book XXVI. 50.) After this there was presented unto him by his 
soldiers, a maiden of ripe years, taken also prisoner : but so surpassing in 
beauty that wheresoever she went, every man's eye was upon her in ad- 
miration. Scipio having enquired in what country she was born and of 
what parents, among other things learned that she was affianced to a young 
Prince of the Celtiberians, whose name was Allucius. Forthwith he sent 
home to her parents and her betrothed to repair unto him : and in the 

^ ' We see ' (writes a distinguished Irish scholar. Prof. R. Mitchell 
Henry, in the Introduction to his recent edition of Book XXVI., p. 12) 'the 
lofty airs and self-approving virtue, the genuine kindliness and bonhomie of 
the young patrician, too kindly to be a prig and too young to know how 
near he is to being one.' 


meantime, he heard that her husband that should be was wonderfully 
enamoured of her, and ready to die for her love. So soon as Allucius 
was come Scipio entered into more careful speech with him, than he did 
either with the father or mother of the maiden, and in these terms he 
entertained him. "I am a young man," quoth he, ** as well as yourself. 
Come on therefore, let us, young men both, commune together more freely 
and be not too coy and bashful one to the other. When your espoused 
wife taken captive by our soldiers was brought unto me and when 1 heard 
of the exceeding affection that you cast unto her, I believed it full well ; 
for her singular beauty deserveth no less. Now, for as much as myself, 
if I might be allowed to use the pastimes of youth, — especially in an honest 
and lawful love, — and were not called away by the common-weal, and em- 
ployed wholly in affairs of state, I would think to be pardoned if I had an 
extraordinary liking to a betrothed of mine own ; I must therefore needs 
favour and tender your love, which is the thing I can, considering that 
I may not the other in any wise. Your sweetheart I have entertained 
as well and as respectfully as she should have been with your father and 
mother-in-law, her own parents. Safe kept she hath been for you alone, 
that you might receive her at my hands, a gift unspotted and untouched 
and beseeming me and you both. In recompense, therefore, of this boon, 
I require at your hands again this one promise and covenant, that you 
will be a friend and wellwisher to the people of Rome. And if you take 
me indeed to be a good and honest man, such as these nations here in 
Spain have known my father and uncle to have been before me ; know 
you thus much, that in the city of Rome there are many more like unto 
us ; and that there cannot at this day a nation in the world be named which 
you would wish less to be an enemy to you and yours, or desire more to 
entertain as your friend." 

The young gentleman being' abashed for very modesty and yet right 
joyful withal, held Scipio by the hand, called upon all the gods, and be- 
sought them in his behalf, to thank and recompense him therefor, since it 
lay not in his own proper power in any measure to make requital, either 
as himself could wish or as Scipio had deserved. Then were the parents 
and kinsfolk of the maid called for : who seeing the damsel, freely given 
them again, for whose ransom and redemption they had brought with them 
a good round sum of gold, fell to entreating Scipio, to vouchsafe to accept 
the same at their hands, as a gift ; assuring him, that in his so doing they 
should count themselves no less beholden unto him, than for the restoring 
and delivering of the maid. Scipio seeing them so earnest and importunate, 
promised to receive it, and withal, commanded that it should be laid down 
at his feet. Then calling Allucius unto him, " Here," quoth he, " over 
and besides your other dowry which your father-in-law must pay you, have 
from me thus much more money wherewith to mend your marriage ; take 
this gold therefore to yourself, and keep it for your own use." So after 
this rich reward given, and honour done unto him, Allucius was dismissed, 
and departed home wdth much joy and heart's content : where he filled the 
ears and minds of his country-men with right and just praises of Scipio ; 
saying, there was come into Spain, a young man most resembling the im- 


mortal gods ; who as well by bounty, and bestowing benefits, as by force 
of arms, is in the very way to conquer all. So when he had assembled 
and mustered all his vassals, he returned within few days, accompanied 
with a train of fourteen hundred of the best and most choice horsemen of 
his country.* 

* No historian,' said Quintilian ^ of Livy, * has ever represented 
feeling more perfectly, especially feelings of the gentler sort {^praeci- 
piteque eos qui sunt dulcioresY And in this too his spirit is 
proven kin to the great painters who made glorious the later days of 
his Venetian race. 

^X. 1.101. 


By W. H. R. rivers, M.A.. M.D., F.R.S., 
Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. 

THE influence of dreams upon the lives of savage and barbarous 
peoples is a theme which has often attracted the interest of 
students of human culture. These phantom visitations of 
the night have done much to determine human beliefs concerning 
the nature of the soul and of its continued existence after death, ^ 
and many peoples still trust greatly in the value of dreams as guides 
to the ordering of their daily conduct. 

It is not, however, with this aspect of the subject that I shall deal 
in this lecture. Its purpose is rather to compare the psychological 
characteristics of the dream with those of the ruder forms of human 
culture. I propose to consider the psychological mechanism by means 
of which the dream is produced, and then to compare this mechanism 
\\ith the psychological characters of the social behaviour of those 
rude peoples who are our nearest representatives of the early stages 
of human progress. 

This subject has recently been taken up with much enthusiasm by 
the psycho- analytical school of psychologists, Freud and Jung and 
their followers. These writers have paid especial attention to the 
myth^ and have tried to show, with a certain degree of success, that 
the product of the collective mind has much in common with the 
dream. They believe that the myth of a people comes into being 
through the action of laws very similar to those which produce the 
dream of the individual. 

I do not propose now to discuss the value of this work. In its 

^ Lecture delivered in the John Rylands Library, April 10, 1918. 

^ For instance, E. B. Tylor, ** Primitive Culture," London, 1871, vol. i., 
p. 397 ; H. Spencer, ** Principles of Sociology," London, 1885, vol. i., p. 1 32. 

'Cf, K. Abraham, '* Dreams and Myths," New York, 1912; F. 
Ricklin, " Wishfulfilment and Symbolism in Fairy Tales," New York, 1915 
(Nos. 15 and 21 of Nervous and Mental Diseases, Monograph Series). 



present form it is open to serious criticism from several points of view. 
My aim on the present occasion is to extend the field of comparison. 
The relation of the dream to the myth forms but one part of the far 
larger problem concerned with the psychological relations of the dream 
to human culture in general, and especially to those less developed 
of its forms which we are accustomed to regard as primitive. 

The wider problem has been approached by Freud himself in 
his book on "Totem und Tabu*'.^ This work does not deal ex- 
plicitly with the dream, but with the relation between certain mani- 
festations of primitive culture and the symptoms of neurosis. In it 
Freud compares a number of social customs and beliefs vrith the be- 
haviour and ideas of sufferers from different forms of functional nervous 
disorder. Only here and there does he refer to the dream. It is, 
however, a prominent feature of Freud's scheme of psychology that 
the processes which produce the dream are of the same kind as those 
which underlie the neuroses, so that a relation of totem and taboo to 
the dream is implied. 

It is perhaps because Freud has dealt explicitly with neuroses 
rather than with dreams that he seems to have overlooked a number 
of remarkable resemblances between the psychology of dreams and 
that of the ruder forms of human culture. A more important reason, 
however, is that Freud's interest has been absorbed by certain special 
features of his psychological scheme, such as the role of incest in the 
production of dreams and neuroses. He has consequently neglected 
a number of resemblances which are not only closer, but of greater 
importance, than those considered in " Totem und Tabu '*. Some 
of these resemblances, and especially those connected with the subject 
of symbolism, have frequently been mentioned by writers of the 
psycho-analytical school, but no one has hitherto treated them syste- 

Though I shall deal with my subject in a manner widely different 
from that of Freud, yet the scheme of dream- psychology which I adopt 
is in the main that which we owe to the genius of this worker. I can- 
not on this occasion attempt to justify my adherence to Freud in this 
respect. It must be enough to say that this adherence is based on 
an investigation of dreams during the last two years, of which I hope 

1 Leipzig u. Wien, 1913. 


to give a full account in the near future. This study has led me to 
accept, though with some important modifications, Freud's scheme of 
the processes by which the dream is produced. 

The first and most essential feature of Freud's theory is that ac- 
cording to which the dream as we remember it, and record or relate 
it, — the manifest content of the dream — is the product of a process of 
transformation. By means of this process the motives producing the 
dream, — the latent content of the dream, or the dream-thoughts,^ — often 
find expression in a form differing profoundly from that by which they 
would be expressed in the usage of the ordinary waking life. Freud 
is accustomed to speak of this process as one of distortion and in many 
ways the term is appropriate. It has come to stand, however, in a 
close relation to a feature of Freud's scheme according to which it is 
the function of the transformation to disguise the real nature of the dream, 
so that the sleeper shall not recognise the motives by which it has been 
prompted. Since for the present I do not wish to commit myself to 
this portion of Freud's scheme, I shall abstain from using a term with 
which it is so closely connected. I shall therefore speak of the pro- 
cess by which the latent content of the dream manifests itself as one of 
transformation. Those familiar with Freud's work will recognise that 
my " transformation " corresponds almost exactly to his " distortion ". 

I will begin by considering the various processes through which 
this transformation comes about, — the dream- work of Freud. Depart- 
ing slightly from Freud's own mode of exposition, I shall consider 
these under the headings of dramatisation, symbolisation, condensation, 
displacement, and secondary elaboration. 

The dream has a dramatic character in which its events unroll 
themselves before the sleeper and preserve this character even if the 
dreamer himself is one of the actors. The dramatic quality is a 
property of the dream itself. The process by which this character is 
acquired is one of those by which the latent is transformed into the 
manifest content of the dream, the dream-thoughts finding expression 
by means of a process of dramatisation. 

This dramatic character would hold good whatever view be held 
concerning the nature of the transformation, or indeed if no such trans- 
formation took place at all. The next process, that of symbolisation, 
implies a relation between the underlying motive of the dream and the 
form in which this motive is expressed, this relation being of such a kind 


that the image of the manifest dream is a concrete symbol of the 
thought, emotion, or sentiment which forms its latent motive. Thus, 
thoughts and anxiety about a person who is out of harmony with his 
surroundings may find expression in a game of billiards in which the 
place of one of the balls is taken by a cup and saucer, or motives con- 
nected with the dreamer's personal safety may be represented by a 
burglar's life-preserver. 

The process of condensation is one by means of which events 
which may range from those of the previous day back to the infancy 
of the dreamer, and thoughts and emotions connected with these events, 
find expression in the dream by some simple image or group of images. 
Thus, the life-preserver just mentioned may express a long story of the 
relations between a physician and a homicidal patient, while thoughts 
and anxieties concerning a suicidal patient may also contribute, the 
image of the dream being in this case the highly condensed product of 
two different sets of thoughts and emotions. 

This condensation necessarily involves some degree of displacement 
of interest. If several different thoughts find their expression in a single 
image, certain interests arising out of one part of the latent content may 
be represented by an image with which they seem to have no natural 
connection. If the dream contains a number of images, symbolising 
different dream- thoughts, the interests which would seem to find their 
natural expression in one of the images may be transferred to another. 
Freud attaches special importance to a form of displacement in which 
an affective or emotional state which forms the most prominent motive 
of a dream finds expression, not in the form which would seem to be 
its most natural symbol, but in some apparently insignificant image of 
the dream. A frequent example of displacement is that in which a 
v^sh or other affective state of the dreamer's mind finds expression in 
the word or act of some other person. 

Secondary elaboration is Freud's term for the process by which 
the dream attains such congruity and coherence as it possesses. He 
attaches especial importance to a process by which the phantasy of a 
day-dream is taken into the dream of the night, of which it comes to 
form part, preserving its relatively coherent structure. Freud's treat- 
ment of this process is closely bound up with his concept of the 
censor, a kind of personification of part of the unconscious which 
controls its more deeply lying elements. According to . Freud the 


censor exercises a power of selective choice by which only certain 
elements of unconscious experience are allowed to manifest themselves 
in the dream, and then only in such altered guise that their real nature is 
not recognised by the dreamer. Freud regards the processes which have 
been described, dramatisation, symboHsation, condensation, displace- 
ment and secondary elaboration, as designed to distort the real meaning 
of the dream so that this shall not disturb and awake the sleeper. 

Passing now from the processes of the dream-work to the dream- 
thoughts which thus find expression we come to the role of desire in 
the causation of the dream. 

According to Freud every dream expresses the fulfilment of a 
wish, the most prominent underlying motive of every dream being 
some wish on the part of the dreamer. That a vast number of 
dreams can be so explained stands beyond all doubt, the expression 
being sometimes direct and subject to no special transformation, 
especially in the case of children and uneducated persons. There 
are, however, many dreams which can only be so explained on these 
lines if the term " wish " be used in an indirect and unusual sense, 
whereas they receive a natural explanation if they be the expression 
of some other emotional state such as anxiety, fear or shame. Desire 
is only one, though probably the most frequent, of the affective states 
to which dreams are due. 

Another problem which will have to be considered is concerned 
with the part taken by sexual motives in the production of the dream. 
According to Freud, sexual motives form the predominant elements 
in the experience which is manifested in the dream. Freud uses the 
term " sexual " with a far wider connotation than that usually assigned 
to it in ordinary speech, but even if this be taken into account, there 
is no doubt that he has over-rated the frequency with which sexual 
elements enter into the production of the dream, while many of his 
disciples have far outrun in this respect the greater discretion of their 
master. Freud himself has provided us with abundant evidence in 
his " Traum-Deutung" that dreams may depend on such motives as 
professional jealousy, self-reproaches concerning patients, and other 
affective states incident upon the life and work of a physician. 

I must be content with this brief description of the chief characters 
of the dream. I can now turn to the special task of this paper and 
inquire how far these characters apply to rude culture in general. 


Dramatisation, — There is little question that dramatic represen- 
tation has appealed to mankind from an early stage of his develop- 
ment, not so much as a means of amusement and instruction as among 
ourselves, but rather because he has attached special significance to 
mimetic representation and has believed that such representation has 
effects similar to or identical with those of the acts represented 
Though we can have no direct evidence of such dramatic represen- 
tation in palaeolithic times, the rock-paintings and other forms of 
pictorial or plastic art of the Aurignacian and Magdalenian show 
clear evidence of ideas of a dramatic kind. The art of these peoples, 
and especially its situation in the darkest and most secluded parts of 
caves, receives its most natural explanation on the assumption that it 
was designed to bring success in the activities which it represented. 

Dramatic representation is very prominent in the rites of existing 
savage and barbarous peoples. It is a feature of the ritual of all early 
forms of religion, being definitely present, for instance, in the Mass of 
the early Christian Church, the details of which become most readily 
intelligible as elements of a dramatic representation of the life arid death 
of Christ. 

Among existing savage peoples, dramatic representation goes far 
more deeply into the texture of their lives than would appear if we at- 
tend only to its place in religious ritual. It shows itself in many of the 
practices of their every-day life. Thus, the rich and complicated cus- 
toms of avoidance between relatives which are practised by so many 
peoples may be regarded as a kind of dramatic representation, express- 
ing certain sentiments arising out of the relation between the sexes, or, 
as I have tried to show,^ out of those existing between migrant and 
indigenous peoples. Again, the large group of customs which were 
for long supposed to be relics of marriage by capture from hostile tribes 
receive a natural explanation as dramatic representations of sentiments 
formerly set up by relations between immigrant and indigenous peoples 
which made necessary the taking of women by force.^ 

The close resemblance between dreams and primitive culture in re- 
spect of the prominence in both of the dramatic quality becomes the 
more striking when we consider why dramatic representation should 

^W. H. R. Rivers, "History of Melanesian Society/* Cambridge, 
1914, vol. ii., p. 333. 
2/^/^., vol. ii.. p. 107. 


bulk more largely in the minds of savage and barbarous peoples than 
among ourselves. 

The dramatic quality of the dream is certainly due in large measure 
to the necessity for expression by means of sensory images. Thoughts 
may occur in dreams unaccompanied by such images, though even here 
images of some form of speech are probably more prominent than in 
the waking state. By far the larger part of the dream consists of 
definite images of sight and hearing, those of smell, taste, touch, 
temperature or pain, being, in the majority of persons, much less fre- 
quent. Often the images by which the dream-thoughts are expressed 
are more vivid than those of waking life, while persons in whom sensory 
imagery is almost or wholly absent when awake may see and hear the 
occurrences of a dream as definitely as if they formed a part of real 

Similarly, there is reason to believe that sensory imagery is more 
vivid and more necessary to the savage than to civilised persons, many 
of whom are able to conduct their lives so as to be indistinguishable 
from the rest though the power of expressing their thoughts by means 
of sensory imagery is very defective or even wholly absent. 

A difference in such a subjective character as the vividness of 
imagery among different peoples is not, of course, a theme on which it 
is possible to produce direct evidence, but the conclusion that imagery 
is especially vivid and necessary among savage peoples fully accords 
with their almost exclusive interest in the concrete, with the high degree 
of development of their powers of observation, and with the accuracy 
and fullness of memory of the more concrete events of their lives. This 
conclusion is supported by observation of their demeanour when de- 
scribing events they have witnessed. I well remember the first time on 
which I had the opportunity of observing this. On Murray Island, 
where I gained my first acquaintance with savage people, courts were 
held by a British official in collaboration with the native chiefs, at 
which disputes were settled and offences punished. On the first oc- 
casion on which I attended these courts an old woman gave a vigorous 
and animated account of her experience in relation to the case. As 
she gave her evidence she looked first in one direction and then in 
another with a keenness and directness which showed beyond doubt 
that every detail of the occurrences she was describing was being 

enacted before her eyes. I have never seen a European show by his 



or her demeanour with any approach to the behaviour of this old 
woman, how closely knowledge and memory depended on sensory 
imagery. I suggest, therefore, that as in the dream, the need for ex- 
pression by means of sensory imagery furnishes the chief motive for the 
prominence of the dramatic quality in primitive culture. People who 
have to rely on imagery in order to remember will necessarily put their 
experience into such concrete and imaged form as will enable it to be 
grasped and held. Such a dramatic quality will be perhaps even more 
necessary when sentiments, and the memory of occurrences on which 
the sentiments are based, are to pass with success from one generation 
to another. It is natural, for example, that such sentiments as those 
existing between an indigenous people and aliens settled among them 
vsath regard to marriage should pass from generation to generation in a 
dramatic form. It is natural that this form should persist when the 
original relations have entirely disappeared in the complete fusion of the 
two peoples, producing what we call a "survival" of the state of 
society in which the dramatic representation had its origin. 

Symbolisaiion. — The second special character of the dream is 
the expression of its deeper sense by means of symbols. Here again, 
the importance of this character in the culture of savage and barbarous 
peoples stands beyond all doubt. We cannot point to such clear 
evidence of its presence in palaeolithic times as in the case of drama- 
tisation, but there is much in the art of this period which will be- 
come easier to understand if we look for symbolic rather than direct 
meanings in many of its presentations. Even if we concede that the 
mangled hands of the Aurignacian caves are the direct reproduction 
of members from which digits have been severed, we are still left 
with the problem why these hands should be represented at all and 
why they should take so prominent a place in the pictorial art of this 

Among existing peoples of rude culture the importance of sym- 
bolic representation is evident. When beginning to vvrite this paper, 
I started to collect instances from the first volume of my ** History of 
Melanesian Society,** but gave it up because I found that I should 
have to cite nearly every page of the book which recorded any form 
of ceremonial. 

All varieties of symbolism occur in Melanesia, ranging from such 
obvious examples as the representation of clouds by smoke, thunder 


by beating the shell of a coconut, lightning by the rapid opening and 
shutting of clam-shells, and the rainbow by a bright orange-coloured 
fruit strung on a creeper,^ to such an indirect and apparently irrational 
symbol as the representation of an absent child by a coconut.^ A 
native of Mota in the Banks Islands who is marking out a plot of 
ground which is to be the .property of an unborn child carries a dried 
coconut under his left arm or on his left shoulder as a symbol of his 
purpose. These examples are taken from magic and social custom, 
and symbolic representation is even more frequent in religious ritual. 

This use of a concrete object as a symbol of abstract relations or 
vague sentiments difficult of expression by means of language is prob- 
ably to be connected with the great prominence of sensory imagery 
in the mental processes of savage and barbarous Man. The relations 
which should exist between a man and his wife's brother are kept in 
mind the better and their importance the more fully realised if they 
are represented by some kind of concrete imagery which comes to form 
a symbol of the relations in question. 

Moreover, to such people that which we call a symbol is much 
more than we understand when we use the term. To them there 
is an idea of community or identity of interest between an object and 
its symbol which is difficult for us to understand. The best known 
example of this community or identity of interest, which has over and 
over again aroused the interest of students of anthropology, occurs in 
the relation between a person and that special symbolic representation 
of him which we call his name. 

Condensation, — The two characters which I have just considered 
as common to the dream and primitive culture are such as could be 
demonstrated quite apart from any special mode of interpreting dreams 
such as that which I have made the basis of this lecture. The char- 
acter I have now to consider is one which is intimately connected with 
this question of interpretation. When we speak of condensation in 
relation to the dream, we mean that feature whereby the manifest 
content of the dream is the highly abbreviated and synthetic product 
of the life- long experience of the dreamer. The process of condensa- 
tion is one in which a vast body of experience finds expression in perhaps 

^ W. H. R. Rivers, ** History of Melanesian Society,'* Cambridge. 
1914, vol. i.. p. 157. 
- Ibid., vol. i., p. 56. 


only a single incident of a dream. According to this view any im- 
mediate and obvious interpretation of a dream is almost certain to be 
false or at least incomplete, while any attempt to interpret a dream in 
a vague general manner as the result of a natural tendency to personify 
or represent in some other concrete manner is wholly inadequate. 
Only when the Hfe-history of the dreamer has been thoroughly 
examined from every point of view which can possibly concern his 
dream is the investigator satisfied that he is getting somewhere near 
the truth. 

Those who are acquainted with the recent course of speculation 
among students of early culture, especially in this country, will see 
how nearly we are approaching the point of view adopted by those 
who are trying to explain this culture on historical lines. The descrip- 
tion which I have just given of the way in which Freud and his 
followers endeavour to interpret dreams might have been taken, with 
a few words changed, from a discussion of to-day concerning the 
Interpretation of some element of primitive culture. 

Wholly independently of one another, two gioups of students con- 
cerned v^th widely different aspects of human behaviour have been led 
by the facts to adopt an almost identical standpoint and closely similar 
methods of inquiry. Both agree in basing their studies upon a 
thorough-going determinism according to which it is held that every 
detail of the phenomena they study, whether it be the apparently 
phantastic and absurd incident of a dream, or to our eyes the equally 
phantastic and ridiculous rite or custom of the savage, has its definite 
historical antecedents and is only the final and highly-condensed pro- 
duct of a long and complex chain of events. In this matter of con- 
densation we meet a fundamental problem of those sciences which deal 
with human behaviour, whether individual or collective. 

Human culture abounds in examples of condensation. Thus, to 
return to an example already mentioned, I may cite the carrying of a 
coconut by a native of the Banks Islands as the symbol or representative 
of a child on whose behalf he is marking out a plot of ground. Here 
the observer from another country would see a man carrying a coconut 
as he marked out his land. On inquiry he would find that the man 
attached great importance to this simple object and regarded its use as 
essential to the proper performance of the social ceremony in which he 
was engaged. On investigation our observer would find that the 


coconut was used on other occasions as the representative of the human 
head and that the head was regarded as the representative of the body 
as a whole. If he were an anthropologist of the old school, he would 
point out how natural it is that the head with its eminently noble 
characteristics, the seat of the chief senses and of the more obvious 
organs of speech, should be chosen as the symbol of personality. If, 
instead of being content with this facile interpretation, he probed more 
deeply and extended the field of his inquiries, he would find that 
definite ideas were associated with the head in which sanctity and 
dangerousness were combined. He would learn that the heads, 
especially of certain persons, must not be touched, and that it is believed 
to be especially dangerous to pass above the heads of these persons. If 
the inquirer went further afield to Indonesia, a region which has cer- 
tainly had much influence on Melanesian culture, he would find that 
the head is regarded as the seat of an entity, called " soul- substance " 
by the Dutch ethnographers to whom we owe our chief knowledge of 
this region. This entity which, regarded from one point of view is a 
kind of vital principle or essence, and from another point of view is 
what we ordinarily understand as the soul, is believed to be capable of 
leaving the body, usually passing out by the anterior fontanelle.^ Our 
anthropologist would learn that the people ascribe death or disease to 
the loss of this soul and that there are definite ideas of danger in con- 
tact with the soul- substance of another person. The place of exit of 
the soul-substance on the top of the head almost certainly explains 
why it should elsewhere be regarded as so dangerous to pass above 
the head of another and why ideas of both danger and sanctity should 
attach to this part bf the body. 

The sketch I have just given may not wholly correspond with the 
ti'ue course of historical development of the Melanesian custom, but it 
illustrates a process which stands beyond all doubt, a process by which 
a long and highly complex chain of events finds expression in savage 
culture in some highly simple and concrete manner. Just as the dis- 
ciple of Freud is not content to regard the image of a dream as due 
to the incongruous and irrational nature of this manifestation of mind, 
but does not rest until he has traced it back to events in the life-history 
of the dreamer, back even to his early infancy, so the modern student 

^W. J. Perry, "The Megalithic Culture of Indonesia,*' Manchester, 
1918, p. 149. 


of human culture does not accept a simple, even if apparently obvious, 
explanation of a savage custom as the expression of a need to personify 
or symbolise. He is not content until he has traced out the history of 
the custom, and should not relax his vigilance until his search has led 
him back to the infancy of the human race. 

Just as a simple dream-image, described in a line of print, may re- 
quire a chapter to enable its full meaning to be recorded, so does 
such an object as the coconut of the Melanesian cultivator, seen at a 
glance and described in a phrase, require a whole chapter or even 
volume to record its complete history and trace out the various influences 
which have led to its choice as a symbol. 

Displacement. — The process of condensation which I have just 
considered is not limited to rude forms of culture. It is equally a 
feature of our own or any other advanced civilisation, just as, properly 
speaking, condensation is true of the waking as well as of the sleeping 
life. Every object we see, every word we utter, has a long and highly 
complex history behind it. It has been necessary, however, to consider 
the process of condensation at some length in order to understand how 
the concept of displacement derived from the study of the dream also 
applies to primitive human culture. As we have already seen, dis- 
placement in the dream signifies a process by which the interests as- 
sociated with one motive are transferred from that image by which they 
would naturally be expressed to some other. A process resembling 
this exists in all culture, but it is much less striking in civilised than in 
rude society. Thus, the historical process by which any object we use, 
such as the paper on which, or the pen with which I write, is the final 
result of a long series of transitions in the course of which there has 
been displacement from one kind of material to another and from one 
to another form of technical contrivance, but such displacements are 
slight and orderly beside those which have been exemplified in the 
history I have cited of the coconut of the Melanesian agriculturalist. 
It would be difficult to find in the history of any modern object or in- 
stitution such an extensive and apparently incongruous example of dis- 
placement as that by which a belief in a vital principle localised in the 
head has led to the use of a coconut as the representative of an unborn 
child. The Melanesian who believes in the sanctity and dangerous 
character of the human head is interested in the head for its own sake. 
So far as we know, he has no idea that this interest is derived from a 


belief in the presence of a vital essence in this part of the body, though 
the belief in a vital principle or soul is present among his people in 
another form, having perhaps suffered displacement in some other 

Once we know the history of the custom and the reasons for these 
displacements, the final form in which the process finds expression 
among the Melanesians or other savage people no longer appears 
grotesque or irrational. It is seen to be the logical and natural out- 
come of a definite chain of causation just as the equally grotesque and 
seemingly equally irrational image of a dream becomes intelligible and 
natural when we have traced it back to its source and discovered the 
reason for the displacements to which its motives have been subject. 
Both dream and savage custom appear senseless or absurd because in 
each case we are viewing the final and highly condensed product of a 
process leading back to times widely remote from our present stand- 
point, going back, it may be, in the one case to the infancy of the in- 
dividual ; in the other, to the infancy of the race. 

Secondary Elaboration, — As we have seen, this term is used by 
Freud for that part of the dream-work by means of which the mani- 
fest dream attains such sense and congruity as it may possess. With- 
out necessarily accepting Freud's special interpretation of this process 
which he supposes to assist in the disguise of the real meaning of the 
dream by the censor, we must acknowledge the existence of a process 
whereby the symbolic expressions of a long history are woven together 
to form a scene which, at any rate at the moment it is experienced, 
has a certain amount of coherence, though often of a peculiar kind. 
As we all know, dreams differ greatly in their degree of coherence and 
apparent rationality, and this is due to differences in the extent to 
which the process of sensory elaboration has been in action. 

We have here to do with a process which is less definite and less 
clearly worked out by Freud than the other features of the dream- work, 
and consequently there is an element of uncertainty in attempting to 
discover its counterpart in early culture. I will begin by pointing to 
the fact, obvious though it be, that just as we experience dreams differ- 
ing greatly in coherence and apparent rationality, so when we examine 
examples of human culture widely different from our own we find 
striking differences in the corresponding characters, while in any one 
people we find that different parts of their ritual or customary be- 


haviour show similar differences in intelligibility from our point of 

According to the general line of the argument followed in this 
lecture, we must suppose that this is due to different degiees in which 
a process corresponding to the secondary elaboration of the dream has 
been in action. If we examine the histories of customs which seem to 
us the more coherent and rational, we find that often they show the 
presence of the same elements, or elements which correspond very 
closely with those which have helped to produce the customs which 
seem to us absurd or meaningless. On inquiry we find that the dif- 
ference between the two kinds of custom is that in the one case these 
elements have undergone constructive development on lines approxi- 
mating to those of our own culture, while in the other there has either 
been no such development or it has proceeded along different lines. 

Thus, to return to the example I have used to illustrate other parts 
of my argument, the use of a coconut in the way I have described as 
the outcome of a belief in the localisation of the vital essence in the 
head is but one example of the need for concreteness and symbolic 
representation which I have supposed to be characteristic of early forms 
of mentality. 

Elsewhere, including other parts of Melanesia, the belief in the 
presence of the vital principle in the head has led to the development 
of a cult which, though strange to us, is yet in itself quite coherent and 
rational. Thus, in the Western Solomons, the head of a dead relative 
is presei'ved in a shrine, this shrine forming an abode to which the 
ghost may resort in order to receive the offerings of his descendants. 

In still other places, again including parts of Melanesia, the same 
belief has become the motive for a definite system of warfare, in itself 
coherent and rational, the main object of which is to obtain the heads 
of enemies in order that they shall act as representatives of the captured 
victims who were formerly sacrificed. Here the belief in the localisa- 
tion of the vital principle in the head has been elaborated to produce 
a special kind of warfare and in some places, as in the Solomon Islands, 
this mode of warfare has so developed that it has come to form a 
highly complex religious ritual, the performance of which may extend 
over years before and after a head-hunting expedition. 

This process of secondary elaboration is very prominent in the 
neuroses, and has consequently been commented upon by Freud in 


** Totem und Tabu '\^ Although the characteristics of the dream 
considered in this lecture are those first pointed out by Freud, secondary 
'elaboration is alone mentioned in this book. 

Disguise and Censor's hip. — The topics with which I have so 
fcir dealt are features of the dream-work, the reality of which I believe 
to be demonstrable. The subject now to be considered, though it 
takes a most prominent place in the scheme of Freud, is far more open 
to question. According to Freud the process of transformation of the 
latent into the manifest content, is definitely designed to disguise from 
the dreamer the real meaning of his dream. It is supposed that the 
distortion and disguise are effected by the action of an endopsychic 
agent which Freud calls the "censor'*. This censor is supposed 
carefully to scrutinise all which comes up from the unconscious, and 
only to allow that to pass which is so distorted that its real nature 
shall not be recognised by the dreamer. 

Leaving aside for the moment the validity of this concept, let us 
inquire how far any similar process can be discerned in social culture. 
It is obvious, of course, that such a parallel exists, for Freud's concept 
and terminology are directly derived from a social institution. His 
endopsychic censor performs just such functions as would be appropriate 
to an exceedingly unscrupulous censorship of the Press, which not 
merely stops certain news from passing but deliberately falsifies that 
which it allows to pass. In this lecture, however, I am not concerned 
with social parallels in general, but with the comparison of dreams 
with the ruder forms of human culture. Let us inquire, therefore, 
whether there is anything corresponding to Freud's concept of the 
censor in the culture of savage peoples. Such parallels are certainly 
present. The culture of rude peoples abounds in features whereby 
those in power, especially priests and sorcerers, deliberately mystify the 
general body of the population. This disguise and mystification reach 
their acme in the secret fraternities which are found in so many parts 
of the world. These are organisations possessing knowledge which is 
only allowed to reach the general body of the people in some distorted 
and misleading form, effectually disguising its real nature. The wide- 
spread distribution of such organisations suggests that there is a tendency 
in rude society to act and react in a manner not far removed from that 
ascribed by Freud to his endopsychic censor. 

^ Pp. 60 and 87. 


There is reason to believe that the knowledge thus inaccessible to 
the people at large has come from elsewhere/ having been derived from 
external cultures of which even those who act as its custodians have 
po tradition. The knowledge thus guarded is closely analogous to 
the unconscious experience of the individual in that it belongs to a re- 
mote past which has become inaccessible. In the secret societies we 
seem to have guardians of this unconscious experience who only allow 
its content to reach the general public in some disguised form. It is 
worthy of note that such esoteric knowledge is with especial frequency 
the motive of dramatic and symbolic representation. Of all the facts 
collected by me in Melanesia none show the dramatic quality and the 
use of symbolism more definitely than the ritual of the secret organisa- 
tion of the Banks Islands called the Sukwe} 

Before I leave this aspect of the subject, I must refer briefly to the 
function which Freud ascribes to his mechanism of censorship. He 
supposes that the sleeper is thereby protected from being disturbed and 
awakened by thoughts which would have this effect if they came up 
from the unconscious in their real guise. According to this view the 
nightmare is due to the failure of the censor who is helpless before the 
overpowering strength of some emotional stress calling for expression, 
and in some cases, as in many dreams of warfare, is forced to let the 
experience through without transformation of any kind. Here the 
social parallel is obvious. The ruler, priest, or sorcerer, who only 
allows knowledge to reach the people in distorted form does so because 
his own power and comfort depend upon it. The social counterpart 
of the nightmare is the revolution. In the case of the dream as in that 
of the social event, the upheaval wall be the greater, the more fully the 
controlling agencies have carried out their system of repression. 

Wish-fulfibnent, — I can now pass to an easier topic. Thus far 
I have been dealing with the nature of the processes by which the latent 
is transformed into the manifest content of the dream. I have now to 
consider the nature of the material which makes up the latent content 
of the dream. According to Freud this material consists wholly of 
wishes, or strivings actuated by desire. He believes every dream to be 
a wish- fulfilment. Here again, without criticising this view, let us in- 
quire how far a similar process holds good of rude culture. 

^ W. H. R. Rivers, op. cit., vol. ii., p. 210. 
2 C^A a/., vol. i., pp. 61-143. 


There is no question that the greater part of the rites and customary 
behaviour of savage, as of human culture in general, is actuated by de- 
sire. The rites of prayer and propitiation are in most cases obviously 
inspired by desire, while the mimetic acts by which the sorcerer attempts 
to induce rain, cause and cure disease, or stimulate the growth of ani- 
mals or plants, are all of a kind naturally explained as the expression 
of desire. 

It is one thing, however, to trace back the majority of savage rites 
and customs, on the one hand, or of dreams on the other, to wishes. 
It is quite another thing to say that desire is the only motive in either 
case. It is, of course, difficult to disentangle desire from other affective 
states, but there are many dreams which find their most natural motive 
as the expression of an emotional state in which the element of desire 
is far from obvious. Similarly, many savage rites and customs may be 
largely based on emotions such as fear or grief in which desire is far 
less obvious than in rites designed to bring benefits upon the individual 
or the community. 

One striking parallel between the dream and rude culture is clearly 
present. There is abundant evidence that clear and manifest dreams 
of wish- fulfilment are especially frequent among i children and uneducated 
persons. Similarly, the motive of desire is far more obvious and direct 
in the rites of savage peoples than among the more highly civilised. 
Though desire for benefits may have been the original motive of the 
rites of the more civilised, this in many cases is entirely overshadowed 
and transfigured by such emotional motives as adoration, thanksgiving, 
praise and love. 

The Role of Sex, — According to Freud and his followers, sex plays 
the predominant part in providing the motives for the dream. The 
wishes which thus find ideal fulfilment are believed to arise in the vast 
majority of cases out of the needs of the sexual life. This part of 
Freud*s scheme has aroused the liveliest opposition, and we seem now 
to be approaching a phase in the controversy in which the part taken 
by sexual motives will be underrated, the case thus obeying the law by 
which opinion swings alternately to one or other side of the truth. 

A precisely similar movement has taken place among students of 
primitive culture. During the last century there was an influential 
school which scented sex throughout the whole texture of early culture, 
all kinds of rite and custom being traced to a phallic origin. 


In anthropology we have now reached a stage in which no one 
argues for or against the influence of sexual motives in general. That 
motives of this kind take their part in the production of certain mani- 
festations of culture is acknowledged by all and each case is treated on 
its merits. 

Moreover, it is now widely recognised that we can only expect to 
assign its proper place to sex when we have traced out the history of 
each rite or custom and studied the various influences which have com- 
bined to give it its present form. The general trend of research goes 
to show that sexual motives are often present, and among some peoples 
occupy a very prominent place among the influences by which social 
behaviour has been moulded. There is little doubt, however, that 
among the majority of mankind emotions and sentiments based on the 
instinct of self- preservation take a far more important place as motives 
for rite or custom. There is reason to suppose that when sexual 
motives are found in apparently primitive culture, they are the result 
of an influence from without,^ a product perhaps of degeneration rather 
than a sign of infancy. 

It is noteworthy that in his comparison of primitive culture with 
the symptoms of neurosis, Freud himself has been led to see that sex 
does not take that prominent part as a motive for rite and custom which 
he believes it to have in the causation of neurosis. Freud explains ^ 
the difference between the two manifestations of mind which he is com- 
paring by supposing that one deals with society, the other with the 
individual. He holds that sex is a matter of the individual life, and 
therefore regards it as natural that it should not manifest itself so 
strikingly in the social sphere. This mode of explanation implies a 
difference between the individual and the social mind which I for 
one am loth to accept. It is far more likely that the difference be- 
tween the individual and the social put forward by Freud does not 
exist. A vrider survey will show that in the history of human society, 
as in the history of the individual, sex furnishes only some of the 
motives by which development has been stimulated and directed. If 
it should appear that sexual motives are more prominent in producing 
the dream of the civilised person than in the determination of early rite 
and custom, this need not indicate any difference between the psycho- 

' W. J. Perry, oj?. ciL, p. 108. ^ -Jotem und Tabu," p. 67. 



logy of the individual and that of the group. It would rather indicate 
the fact that in general the sexual instinct is far more often the subject 
of repression in the civilised community. 

I have now finished the comparison of the dream and of the psy- 
chological mechanism by which it is produced with the culture of rude 
peoples and the processes by which this culture has come to be what 
it is. I have now to inquire what we can learn from this comparison, 
what is the meaning of the remarkable series of resemblances shown 
by these two manifestations of the human mind. 

The scheme of the mechanism of the dream which I have taken 
with little modification from Freud is one which lies at the foundation 
of the psychology of this writer. It is not necessary here to dwell on 
the opposition that these views have aroused, except to say that they 
fonn the best possible witness to their originality and to the greatness 
of Freud's discovery if the future should prove him to be right. The 
fact that resemblances so close should have been found in another 
aspect of human thought and action might well be held to provide 
striking confirmation of the truth of Freud's interpretation of dreams. 
I do not lay any great stress on this argument, but if, as I hope to 
show later, his scheme in its main features affords the best interpreta- 
tion of the dream, then the fact that certain kinds of human culture 
show such close resemblances will add a corner-stone to the structure 
and thus contribute to its strength and stability. 

I may say at once, however, that all the resemblances I have 
shown do not, in my opinion, necessarily imply the truth of Freud's 
scheme. Thus, I have shown that even so disputable a part of Freud's 
scheme as his doctrine of the " censor " has its definite counterpart in 
savage culture, and yet I believe that both the individual and the 
social phenomena may be explained more naturally, and more in ac- 
cordance with our knowledge of other mental processes, by a different 

There is, however, another problem to the solution of which I 
believe the comparison of this paper supplies a definite contribution. It 
points strongly to the truth of the proposition that the dream is an ex- 
pression of infantile mentality. This conclusion would only be justified, 
however, if the examples of human culture with which I have compared 
it were themselves representative of a primitive or infantile stage of 
human progress, and I must therefore consider briefly how far we are 


justified in ascribing this character to the examples by which this lecture 
has been illustrated. 

It is now widely recognised that existing savage races are not merely 
peoples who have been left behind in the stream of progress. They 
are not simply examples of early stages in the development of human 
culture beyond which other peoples have progressed. It can be shown 
that each one of them has a highly complex history in which rites and 
customs introduced from elsewhere, perhaps from some highly advanced 
society, have blended v^th others of a really primitive or infantile kind. 
From one point of view we cannot regard any existing culture as really 
primitive. I have tried to show elsewhere,^ however, that introduced 
rites or customs only establish themselves by a process of modification 
or transformation which adapts them to their new home. By such a 
process of adaptation they necessarily come to acquire the primitive or 
infantile character of the culture which assimilates them. 

Though existing cultures may not be primitive in the sense that 
they represent simple and uncontaminated stages of social development, 
we can safely accept the primitive character of their mentality and take 
them as our guides to the history of 7nental development, though they 
are of very questionable value as guides to the order of social develop- 
ment. We are thus justified in regarding the striking resemblances 
considered in this paper as evidence that the dream of the civilised in- 
dividual represents a similar infantile stage of mental development. 

It is necessary here to point out that when we speak of the dream 
as infantile, two quite different meanings must be distinguished. The 
proposition may mean that the dream is actuated, mainly or altogether, 
by motives which go back to the infancy of the dreamer, or, on the 
other hand, it may mean that the process by which the motives of the 
dream find expression are such as are characteristic of an early stage of 
mental development. I cannot consider these two meanings here, but 
must be content to point out that the evidence provided in this 
lecture bears only on the second of . these two meanings. The interest 
that can be claimed for it is that it has shown the mechanism by which 
the dream-thoughts find expression to have the same general characters 
as those which have produced the rites and customs of savage man. 
One important feature of the dream in its relation to primitive culture 

^ "Medicine, Magic, and Religion,'* "The Lancet," 1917, vol. cxciii., 
p. 960. 


remains to be considered. It is an essential part, if not the most es- 
sential part, of Freud's scheme that the dream reveals the unconscious, 
that the thoughts which are manifested in the dream as we immediately 
experience it do not enter into consciousness in ordinary waking states. 
Freud's method of interpreting dreams depends on a process by which 
thoughts buried in the unconscious are brought to the surface. Many 
of the dream- thoughts which underlie the manifest content of the dream 
do not necessarily belong to the unconscious in this sense, but have oc- 
cupied the mind shortly before the occurrence of the dream. The more 
deeply one goes in dream- analysis, however, the more certain does it 
become that dreams are essentially expressions of the unconscious. 
Even in those cases in which the manifest content of a dream seems at 
first sight to be wholly explained by recent occurrences, further study 
shows the existence of deeper meanings and general trends of mentation 
belonging to levels which do not ordinarily enter into manifest conscious- 
ness. Here again, without further criticism, let us inquire how far the 
social behaviour of savage peoples has its roots in the unconscious. 

Anyone who has attempted to discover explanations of rude rites 
and customs from those who practise them will have no hesitation in 
accepting their origin in the unconscious. It is a striking feature of 
ethnographical investigation among peoples of lowly culture that it is 
quite impossible to obtain any rational explanation of rites and customs, 
even when such explanation would seem to us to be obvious. The 
people are content to follow without question their social customs, and 
to practise the often highly elaborate rites of their religion, merely be- 
cause it has been so ordained by their fathers. If explanations are 
forthcoming they are given by sophisticated members of the community 
who have usually been influenced by external culture. They are 
the wholly untrustworthy results of a recent process of rationalisation. 
Here, as in the case of condensation (see p. 398), we are not dealing 
with a process peculiar to primitive culture. The meaning of our own 
social customs is quite unknown to most of us and the same is true of 
the details of our religious rites. When the meaning of these observances 
becomes known, it is not through any direct psychological insight, but 
is the product of historical research and scientific reasoning. The de- 
termination of social behaviour by the unconscious is not confined to 
rude culture, but is only somewhat more obvious in it than among more 
highly civilised peoples. It may be noted, however, that much the 


same might be said of the dream as compared with the thoughts of the 
day. We have every reason to believe that our waking thoughts are 
largely deteimined by the unconscious. It is chiefly the greater obvious- 
ness of its determination by the unconscious which is characteristic of 
the dream. 

It is, however, the special object of this lecture to demonstrate 
similarities between the dream and the more primitive forms of human 
culture. Before I leave the subject I may therefore ask whether theie 
is any aspect of the relation of these two topics to the unconscious 
wherein they specially resemble one another. Such a resemblance ap- 
pears if we turn from the extent to which the dream and rude culture 
are determined by the unconscious to the form in which the unconscious 
is expressed. Among the civilised, knowledge of the past rests on two 
foundations. One, direct tradition which, as civilisation has advanced,, 
has come by means of writing to conespond more and more closely 
with the actual course of histoiy. We all know the possibilities of 
transformation and distortion even with our present means of recording 
events, but these have become far less than in the times when tradition 
was handed down solely by word of mouth. The other means by 
which we acquire a knowledge of the past is science, that is, a body 
of knowledge resting upon accurately recorded facts, interpreted by 
strict canons of reasoning. History and science are two products of 
civilisation which furnish knowledge concerning the unconscious past by 
means of processes belonging to fully conscious levels of the mind. The 
more highly they are developed, the more widely do they differ from 
that mode of revealing the unconscious which is proper to the dream. 

Among savage and barbarous peoples the place occupied by the 
histoiy and science of the civilised is taken by the myth. The myth 
is a means of recording knowledge of the unconscious past, and, at 
the same time, the means by which social behaviour having its roots in 
this past is explained. The myth reveals the unconscious history of 
the race just as the dream reveals the unconscious history of the indi- 
vidual. Both show the same kind of expression in concrete image 
and dramatic form. Both are highly condensed products in which 
displacements of interest are very great. Both have undergone exten- 
sive processes of secondary elaboration, which in the case of the myth 
have adapted knowledge so as to bring it into a form suited to a rude 
grade of intelligence. The similarity between the dream and primitive 


culture comes out strongly in the form in which the unconscious past 
is presented to consciousness. 

1 will conclude by considering two objections which might be 
brought against the argument of this paper. One is that I have been 
dealing with mere analogies. It may be accepted that for every feature 
and process of the dream I have found an analogy in primitive culture, 
and yet this, it may be said, does not prove any real community of 


I must be content to point to two lines on which this objection 
may be met. One is that the analogies I have considered, if they be 
only analogies, are so close and apply to so many aspects of the subject 
that their evidential value is raised far above that which would accrue 
to some two or three resemblances taken at random out of a large 
range of topics. 

It may be said that the cultures of existing savage and barbarous 
peoples are so infinitely varied that if you cast your net widely enough, 
resemblances are sure to be found for anything. This objection is one 
to which 1 am so much alive that I have left no scope whatever for its 
application. I am not one of those students of anthropology who range 
from China to Peru to find their instances. Every illustration I have 
used in this paper has been drawn from the Melanesian or Papuan 
cultures with which I am myself familiar. Nearly every example, 
•certainly all the more important, come from one tiny island only two 
miles in diameter, Mota of the Banks group. The examples I have 
used for comparison with the dream have been taken from as small and 
self-contained a social community as can be found anywhere on the earth. 

The other line on which the objection can be answered is that the 
value of analogy as evidence of community of real nature differs greatly 
according as the analogous objects belong to different departments of 
nature or to one department. In the case before us, the dream and 
the savage rite or custom are but different manifestations of the activity 
of the human mind. The resemblances on which I have dwelt do not 
occur between animate objects, on the one hand, and inanimate on the 
other, or between the physical and mental aspects of some department 
of biology, but the phenomena compared belong to the realm of mind, 
the one individual and the other collective. The similarities between 
the dream and primitive culture occur in a sphere in which community of 
nature is to be expected. 



The other objection I foresee is that the dream as I have considered 
it is only one out of many forms which consciousness may take in sleep. 
There are other kinds of dream in which experience is reproduced with 
complete fidelity, others in which there is but little difference between 
the latent and manifest contents, and others again which, in spite of a 
considerable amount of transformation, are yet transparent examples of 
wish-fulfilment with little if any displacement or disguise. The answer 
to the objection is that just as there are different kinds of dream, so are 
there different kinds of savage rite and custom. Each kind of dream 
that I have mentioned finds its definite counterpart in primitive culture. 
Lowly peoples often practise rites and customs in which they perform 
acts differing in no respect from those of some procedure which has 
come vsithin the range of their external experience, say, some custom 
shown by a visitor or learnt by men of influence among them who have 
visited other countries. It is only necessary that it shall be of a kind 
which their minds can appreciate in the form in which it reaches them. 
The amount of transformation of an introduced custom depends largely 
upon the extent to which it is capable of direct assimilation, and many 
customs which become part of savage cultures resemble closely the ex- 
perience from which they have been derived. Again, dreams of simple 
and direct wish- fulfilment find their counterpart in the prayer or in the 
simple offering of meat or drink by which the savage may express 
desire. The special aim of this lecture has been to find the social 
counterpart of those airy and phantastic structures of the sleeping life 
which seem to us peculiarly mysterious and unique. If I have shown 
that these appearances reveal the working of psychological laws identical 
with those producing the perhaps equally mysterious and phantastic 
rites and customs of the savage, I shall have succeeded in by far the 
most difficult portion of my task. 

On such an occasion as this, it is only possible to deal with the 
subject in the barest outline. Each feature of the psychology of the 1 
dream to which I have endeavoured to find a counterpart in the social ■ 
behaviour of savage peoples needs full and detailed consideration. The 
object of this lecture has been to make out a preliminary case for the 
essential similarity of two manifestations of the e^rly stages of mental de- 
velopment ; the dream as the expression of the infantile mentality of 
the individual ; savage rite and custom as the expression of the primitii^e 
or infantile mentality of the race. 


By W. J. PERRY. B.A. 

EACH of us is endowed with certain innate tendencies, termed 
instincts. These instincts, which have been acquired during 
the evolution of the human race, play a fundamental part in 
the lives of its members. In addition, each human being is sus- 
ceptible to the influence of his surroundings, and especially to that of 
his fellows ; his actions are moulded according to the circumstances 
in which he lives, into manifold forms. Cruelty, kindness, pride, 
deceit, honesty, diverse modes of conduct and thought are possible, 
and it depends upon the relative strength of inherited tendencies and 
educative influences whether this, that or the other form of behaviour 
will result in any given circumstances. The intricate form of society 
in the midst of which we live produces a great variety of type and 
behaviour. Institutions already in existence exert their pressure upon 
the unsuspecting child from his earliest days, until, when arrived at 
maturity, he finds that, if he thinks at all about the matter, he has 
unconsciously acquired most of his opinions and tendencies from his 

There is a profound distinction between the innate tendencies and 
those acquired during life. The first — the instincts — are possessed 
by the whole of mankind ; while the second are only found in those 
who have been subjected to the action of certain formative influences, 
who are living in the midst of particular forms of society. This is a 
truism. We expect to find the institution of marriage wherever we 
go in some form or other, but we should be surprised to find a savage 
of Central Africa behaving like a London clubman, or a working man 
voicing the sentiments of a duke. If, therefore, a certain form of be- 
haviour is widespread among men, if it exists in all ages and in such 
circumstances that its presence could not be due to purely social influ- 

^ A Lecture delivered in the John Rylands Library on 1 5 February, 1918. 



ences, we are entitled to say that this form of behaviour is instinctive^ 
that it is characteristic of each member of the human family. If, on 
the other hand, it is only displayed by certain people and in definite 
circumstances, its social origin is thereby made probable. 

With these general principles in mind, I v^ill ask you this evening 
to consider the problem of determining the part that war has played 
in the development of civilisation. It is necessary first to define what 
is meant by a warlike people. This term can surely only apply to 
those peoples who attack others, not to those who fight solely in self- 
defence ? Self-preservation wdll cause most human beings to defend 
themselves when attacked, and thus the act may be termed instinctive. 
But it is far otherwise in the case of acts of aggression. For a wide 
survey shows beyond doubt that aggressive warfare is not a common 
characteristic of all forms of human society. During the past half 
century our knowledge of the earliest stages of human society has in- 
creased enormously, and much of the handiwork of those times is known 
to us, so that it is possible to imagine with a certain degree of success 
what manner of men they were and how they lived in those days. 
An examination of the products of the earliest parts of the Stone Age 
has revealed nothing in the shape of a weapon, but merely imple- 
ments designed for domestic purposes. All through the later stages 
of the Stone Age tools for scraping, cutting, and boring, abound and 
but few weapons are made ( I ). Even the arrow-heads of the last 
stages of the Palaeolithic Age in Europe are incapable of killing any- 
thing much bigger than a rabbit (2). Men of the early Stone Age 
would have been quite equal to the task of designing weapons for 
combat : masters of their craft, they could easily have made pieces of 
jagged flint into formidable weapons. The complete absence of 
weapons on the early Stone Age thus constitutes strong evidence that 
fighting, even personal combat, was unknown at that period, or was 
so rare and innocuous as to be negligible. And the domestic note 
which is so prominent in the craft throughout the Stone Age is in- 
dicative of the main preoccupations of those times. 

This evidence alone would be satisfactory enough for the purpose. 
But fortunately there exist peoples who, so far as is known, represent 
the cultural stage of very early times. They lack, in their pure state, 
any form of civilisation. They are hunters. They make no houses, 
wear no clothes, do not work metals, do not dispose of their dead, but 



leave them where they die, and live in communities of relatives with- 
out social classes and holding their property in common. Such peoples 
are to be found in South India and Ceylon, Siberia, North America, 
South America, the East Indian Archipelago, Australia, and Africa, 
as well as in Northern Europe. These peoples are, one and all, 
when untouched by higher cultural influences, entirely peaceful. 
Wars between communities and combats between individuals do not 
happen (3). The existence of such peoples therefore makes it certain 
that a warlike form of behaviour is not a universal feature of mankind. 
It is not instinctive, and therefore must be due to certain causes, social 
or otherwise, which act upon some peoples and not on others. That 
being so, it is our task this evening to determine, if possible, what these 
causes are. 

The entire lack of weapons in the earliest stages of the Stone Age 
and the close association between peaceful behaviour and cultural 
status which is exhibited by the hunting peoples, suggest that all man- 
kind was once peaceful, and that certain peoples have emerged from 
the hunting stage and have somehow or other become warlike. 
Whether the advance in culture is a sign of innate superiority, or is 
the result of a process of natural selection, or of diffusion of culture 
or migration of peoples, is a matter to be studied, as is the relation- 
ship between the advance of culture and a warlike temper. The en- 
tire absence of any signs of warfare among the earliest peoples of the 
earth makes the problem historical in the sense that we can point to a 
time when, so far as we know, it did not exist, and it will be con- 
venient to endeavour to find out how the warlike nations of the earth 

A broad preliminary survey does not appear to offer much hope 
of disclosing the beginnings of warfare. For, from the earliest times 
of which we have historical knowledge, there have been warlike states 
such as Egypt, Babylon, and others, whose origins cannot be dis- 
covered as yet. These states may for convenience be called the 
** Ancient Empires ". The warlike nature of these ancient empires 
may be due to any of a number of causes, and to endeavour to dis- 
sect out from a consideration of the activities of these states the effective 
cause or causes would be a task of the greatest difficulty. I propose, 
therefore, to leave such states on one side for the present, and to ask 
you to consider those warlike peoples whose origins are known with 


some degree of exactness. When we have watched the genesis of 
such peoples, it will then be possible once more to return to the ex- 
amination of the ancient empires. 

I shall survey each continent in turn, beginning with Africa. 

Although the first Europeans found warlike peoples scattered 
practically all over Africa, there is ample evidence that formerly much 
of this continent was inhabited by peaceful Bushmen and Negritos, 
whose hunting grounds covered the whole of the region south of the 
Sudan and the Great Lakes. During the past thousand years or so 
negro races have migrated into this region. These peoples may be 
divided into two distinct groups. First there came tribes practising 
agriculture, who settled in certain spots and remained there in isolation, 
so that their languages became distinct. These first-comers were, and 
are still, quite peaceful. It therefore appears that warfare does not 
necessarily accompany an advance beyond the hunting stage of 

The second wave was of a very different constitution. The 
languages of the various tribes were all akin — whence they derive 
their generic name of Bantu — which shows that they are all intimately 
connected ; they are pastoral, except in the basin of the Congo where 
natural conditions prevent this occupation ; and they are all warlike 
(4). The similarity which exists between the warlike organisations of 
these Bantu peoples is emphasised by Ratzel. ** The distinction be- 
tween the settled agriculturalists in the West and in the interior and the 
restless cattle-breeders of the south, are far more sharply conspicuous 
than the dissolving boundaries between the dialects of Africa or be- 
tween the characteristics of their anatomical structure. . . . Going 
south from the sixth parallel of south latitude to the south-east point 
of Africa, we find members of the Bantu family maintaining the 
sharply-defined connection between the pastoral and the warrior life ; 
and from the same line to 5° North, three distinct groups of races live 
in comparatively narrow districts side by side, all keeping the same 
form of culture. ... It is a gradual and slow change from the Indian 
Ocean through the Arab colouring to brown and deepest brown, 
from the Caucasic to the negroid type the languages are far apart, 
and yet all these races are shepherds of one and the same stamp, and 
all alike maintain a similar military organisation." He speaks further 
of '* a military organisation which . . . shows striking points of agree- 


Sketch-map No. i, showing the areas of Africa occupied by warlike psoples 


ment from the most northerly Gallas to the most southerly Kaffirs/' 
and goes on to say that '* The development of a military aristocracy 
out of a race, rude and vigorous in itself, has been, from the point of 
view of politics and culture, the most important occurrence for the 
whole of East Africa. It has not stopped with the race from which 
it emanated, but has bound many, races from the Fish River to the 
Blue Nile, more firmly together for protection, conquest and plunder. 
We meet with it, essentially alike in character, throughout the whole 

region" (5). 

The source of this similarity of organisation, which Ratzel has 
noted, is known. The Bantu peoples are said to have spread from 
the region of the Great Lakes with a stereotyped form of culture 
which they have retained ever since. Traditions say that the great 
states round the Lakes were founded by light-skinned strangers who 
came from the north and imposed themselves upon the peaceful agri- 
culturalists whom they found there as military aristocracies. These 
strangers were cattle-breeders, and thus it is that the Bantu peoples 
who moved out from this region carried with them a culture received 
from elsewhere (6). 

The warfare of the Bantu peoples bears traces of its origin. For, 
as Stow tells us, '* their wars were more cattle forays on an extensive 
scale than determined invasions for the purpose of securing temtorial 
aggrandisement," and that ** the warlike renown of any particular 
tribe seems almost in every case to have been derived more from the 
personal daring and energy of the particular chief ruling over them 
at the time than from any other causes '* (7). Quarrels between 
chiefs or members of the aristocracy caused frequent wars, and the 
chiefs added slave-raiding to their activities (8). 

The warfare of the peoples of the southern part of Africa is thus 
apparently bound up with the existence of a military aristocracy or 
foreign origin. The relationship between warfare and a military 
aristocracy is shown by Sketch- Map No. I, from which it is evident 
that a similar relationship holds throughout the continent. In the 
Sudan, the Hausa, a peaceful agricultural and trading people, have 
been dominated by the Fulah, a pastoral people from Senegal. And 
other parts of the Sudan have been ruled by military aristocracies 
from North Africa and perhaps from Egypt (9). It is the essential 
problem of African warfare to discover the origin of these military 


aristocracies which have dominated the peaceful agricultural negroes. 
These aristocracies have come from three regions which are indicated 
on Sketch- Map No. 2 : North-east Africa, Senegal, and the interior 
of Morocco and Algiers. The consideration of any special features 
common to these regions will be deferred until the survey of the earth 
has been completed. 

Asia has been the scene of many struggles, and some of the 
greatest conquerors of history have emerged from various parts to 
work havoc and destruction over wide areas. Before examining the 
more warlike peoples, we will consider the peoples that inhabit the 
northerly parts of Siberia. Although these tribes are now spread 
over the inhospitable regions of the north, there is reason to believe 
that they have migrated comparatively recently from the south. The 
peaceful Lapps, Samoyedes, and tribes allied to the Finns are thought 
to have come from the region round the headwaters of the Obi and 
Yenisei. Further to the east a series of movements have taken place. 
The Chukchi, who now live on the coasts of the Behring Straits, 
have driven other tribes before them, and have in their turn been 
pushed on by Tunguse and others. The Yakut, probably driven 
out by the Buryat (who in the thirteenth century moved h:om the 
Amur to the Lake Baikal region), migrated up the Lena and intro- 
duced cattle-breeding there (10). The Siberian peoples have thus 
apparently spread from two regions ; one round the headwaters of 
the Yenisei, and the other round the headwaters of the Amur. 

It is possible to divide the warlike peoples of Asia east of the 
Oxus region into three main groups : those of Manchuria, Mongolia, 
and the peoples of Turki stock. Of the three groups, those of Mon- 
golia have undoubtedly played the most important part in history. 
The earliest Chinese annals tell of centuries of struggle with horse- 
riding nomads of Mongolia. Many gieat conquerors have arisen in 
this race, which has given several dynasties to China. The Turks 
have not always occupied the extended area over which they are 
now spread. They are supposed to have come either from the 
headwaters of the Yenisei, or from north-west Mongolia, or the 
region just east of Lake Baikal, in any case in close proximity to the 
Mongolians, to whom they are closely related. The accounts in the 
Chinese annals of wars with the peoples of Mongolia and Manchuria 
show that the various struggles were purely dynastic. The Huns 



Skktch-map No. 2, showing the centres of orioin of military 
aristocracies in africa 



and allied tribes were ruled over by hereditary military aristocracies, 
and their rulers were constantly struggling with each other and with 
the emperors of China. The peoples themselves played an entirely 
passive part in such contests. The boundaries of kingdoms were m 
a perpetual state of flux. After a successful battle the conqueror 
would kill the old men of the defeated side, appropriate the women 
and children, and enrol the young men under his banners. In this 
way the conquests of Asia were effected. An able warrior would 
arise and would overcome his neighbours, who thenceforth would 
fight for him. Other weaker peoples would attach themselves to him 
from motives of self-protection, and thus his empire would grow like 
a snowball until he died or was defeated, when it would break up 
and the process would recommence vnth a fresh grouping. The 
common people simply played the part of pawns in a game of dynastic 
chess, to be moved according to the changing fortunes of the contest 

These great conquerors were not men who had risen from the 
ranks. Professor E. H. Parker says that, during the ten centuries that 
the Chinese struggled with the Huns, there is no mention of the suc- 
cession ever having gone out of the direct line of descent in the royal 
family. Some of the Tartar emperors of China themselves recog- 
nised the supreme importance of royal blood, for they extirpated, if 
possible, the whole family of a defeated rival, including collateral 
branches. In some cases they did not succeed, with disastrous results 
to their descendants ( 1 2). 

The earliest inhabitants of India of which we have knowledge 
^ere tribes similar in physique and culture to the peaceful Veddas 
of Ceylon and hill tribes of southern Madras. The first known war- 
like kingdoms were built up by Dra vidians and Aryans. The origin 
of the Dravidians is not known. They founded kingdoms in the 
Deccan and further south. Their three kingdoms in the extreme 
south, those of Chola, Pandya and Chera, are said to have been 
founded by three brothers from Korkai, a place on the Gulf of 
Manaar between India and Ceylon. These kingdoms are, so far as 
is known, the earliest in the south of India, and the introduction of 
warfare cannot, so far as is known at present, be associated with any 
but the founders of these three kingdoms ( 1 3). 

The earliest warlike people of northern India of whom we have 


positive knowledge are the Aryans. They were ruled over, in the 
period when trustworthy historical knowledge concerning them is first 
available, by a military aristocracy. Before their spread over the 
valley of the Ganges and to places such as Java, they were confined 
to the Panjab ( 1 4). 

An important group of warlike peoples are those who have 
swarmed over Indo-China during the past two thousand years, the 
Tibeto-Burman group, who are said to have come from the region in 
Yunnan about the headwaters of the Yang-tse-kiang (15). 

The warlike or peaceful habits of Asiatic peoples correspond 
closely with the presence or absence of a military aristocracy. Sketch- 
Map No. 3 shows the general agreement — the peaceful democratic 
hunting peoples, and the warlike peoples with a military aristocracy. 
In the warlike area the variations in behaviour correspond closely with 
the fates of dynasties. The early history of China is one of constant 
struggles between their ruling families and those of the Tartars and 
others. All the Chinese dynasties of whom we have certain know- 
ledge are, moreover, of alien origin. The Chinese peoples are now, 
and must always have been, peaceful by nature, for how otherwise 
could a handful of Manchus have governed 300,000,000 people who 
hate them ? And now that they have finally rid themselves of this 
incubus, the Chinese are entirely peaceful. The people of Mongolia, 
once so warlike, are to-day peaceful. The former conquerors of the 
world, now that their aristocracies are extinct or emasculated, are de- 
scribed as being cowardly to a degree (16). The Hindu people of 
India, who were warlike when they had a military aristocracy, are 
now peaceful, and warrior aristocracies are extinct except among 
certain peoples such as the Rajputs and some warlike hill tribes. 

There are some remarkable contrasts in behaviour between Asiatic 
peoples who are closely related ; for example between the peaceful 
Tunguse and their warlike Manchu kinsmen ; the Japanese with their 
warrior aristocracy and martial spirit, and the closely-related peaceful 
people of the Lu Kiu islands (17); the warlike Turks of the west, 
and their peaceful relatives in the Lake Baikal region. 

The problem of Asiatic warfare is thus apparently to discover the 
origin of military aristocracies. Those of the Manchurian peoples 
sprang from the region indicated on Sketch- Map No. 4, those of the 
Turks and some of the Mongolian peoples from the region extending 


Sketch-map No. 3, showing the distribution of warlike and peaceful 
PEOPLES in Asia 


Sketch-map No. 4, showing the centres of origin of military 



Sketch-map No. 5, showing the distributions of warlike and peaceful 
PEOPLES in North America in pre-Columbian times 



from the headwaters of the Yenisei to those of the Amur ; the 
Aryans spread over India from the Panjab, and the Tibeto-Burman 
conquerors came from Yunnan. The problem is therefore similar to 
that presented by the warfare of Africa. It is necessary to explam 
why warrior aristocracies have emerged from certain definite areas 
in Manchuria, Mongolia, Southern Siberia, the Panjab, Korkai and 
Yunnan to found kingdoms in various parts of the continent ( 1 8). 

In North America, just before the arrival of Columbus, warlike 
tribes occupied the region between the St. Lawrence, the Mississippi 
and the Atlantic Ocean, a strip of land in the north-west, and the 
rest of the vast area, with the exception of Mexico (which may be 
included among the Ancient Empires) and its northern extension in the 
area of the Pueblo Indians, was either uninhabited or tenanted only 
by peaceful peoples. 

The warlike Indians of the first-named area differ profoundly from 
the peaceful tribes in that they practised agriculture and made pottery, 
both of them crafts unknown among the peaceful peoples. Their 
chief food was maize. Since this plant is indigenous in Mexico or 
Honduras, it follows that the North- American Indians must have de- 
rived it, directly or indirectly, from this region. Moreover, the cus- 
toms associated with its cultivation, the methods of cooking, for which 
pottery was always used, and the fact that during its cultivation the 
Indians lived, not in their usual tipis, but in rectangular houses such 
as are found in the south, all suggest that they have learned their 
agriculture from one ultimate common source, and that source must be 
in Mexico or Central America. 

After the arrival of the Europeans several tribes adopted the use 
of the horse and went into the Plains west of the Mississippi, and 
there forgot their agriculture. It is said that those tribes possessed 
military organisations so similar in type that they must have been de- 
rived from one source. Since these Plains Indians have come from 
places east of the Mississippi, ranging from Illinois to Louisiana, it is 
therefore evident that the military organisations of the peoples in- 
habiting the regions whence they came, must likewise have had a 
common origin. Little is known of the military organisations of these 
peoples, but the really warlike peoples had hereditary military aristo- 
cracies, or else their chiefs were chosen from certain clans ; and it is 
said that, if we knew their history, we should probably find that the 


great Indian leaders were all members of these aristocratic warrior 
clans. Certain warlike tribes of the South possessed organisations 
similar to that of the Mexicans in that they were ruled over by 
hereditary military aristocracies ; and the culture of the Iroquois, the 
most warlike of the northerly Indians, showed more signs of Mexican 
influence than that of any other people of the North, for they were 
the best agriculturists and pottery makers. So, putting these facts 
together it becomes probable that the North- American Indians derived 
their military organisations, directly or indirectly, from Mexico (19). 

The most warlike people of America were the Aztecs, who, de- 
scending from some region in the north not yet identified, imposed 
themselves upon the Maya peoples of Mexico. Their wars were 
unique in America, and far surpassed in magnitude and ferocity those 
of the comparatively peaceful peoples still further north. 

The great Empire of Peru, extending as it did from Quito to 30' 
South of the Equator, dominated the whole of South America. The 
Peruvians waged war to subjugate their neighbours and to extend 
their territory. They were ruled over by a military aristocracy. 
Since the origin of the empires of Mexico and Peru are not known, 
I shall include them among the Ancient Empires. 

Other warlike peoples exist in South America. They may be 
divided into four groups : Caribs, Tupis, Awawak and Patagonians. 
None of these peoples have occupied their present habitat for long. 
The Caribs are said to have lived originally at the headwaters of the 
Xingu, and the Paranatinga, a right tributary of the Amazon ; the 
Tupis originally came from the country round the northern affluents of 
the La Plata ; the Arawak spread from Eastern Bolivia, and the Pata- 
gonians probably formerly lived in Matto Grosso. So combining 
these facts, it is seen that these p